Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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NAVIGATIONS, VOY∣AGES, TRAFFIQVES, DISCO∣VERIES, OF THE ENGLISH NA∣TION IN THE EASTERNE PARTS OF THE WORLD: [ 20] Continuing the English-Indian Occurrents, and contay∣ning the English Affaires with the Great SAMORINE, in the Persian and Arabian Gulfes, and in other places of the Continent, and Ilands of and beyond the Indies: the Portugall Attempts, and Dutch Disasters, diuers Sea-fights with both; and many other remarkable [ 30] RELATIONS. THE FIFTH BOOKE. (Book 5)

CHAP. I. Memorialls taken out of the Iournall of ROGER HAWES, touching the pro∣ceedings [ 40] of the Factory at Cranganor vnder the Great Samorine.

THe Generall of this Fleet was Captaine William Keeling in the Dragon, Robert Boner Master: Captaine Christopher Harris in the Peppercorne: Captaine Walter Payton * 1.1 in the Expedition.

The fourth of March 1615. we chased a Portugall Frigat, which ranne into a creeke and escaped vs: and we making our way on towards Cape Comorine, there came a Tony aboord vs with Messengers from the Samorine to the Generall.

The next day the Gouernour sent a Present, and entreated [ 50] the Generall to go to Cranganor, which the day after we did, and the chiefe men sent from the Samorine: the Generall was desired to come ashoare to speake with him, but in the going, certaine Frigats came and anchored neare the shoare, and cau∣sed him to goe aboord the Expedition. Some shots passed, but little hurt.

On the eight, the Generall went ashoare with Master Barkley, Cape Merchant, and others, where they receiued kind vsage, and concluded to settle a Factory. The Articles agreed on, were these:

VNderecon Cheete, the Great Samorine, &c. To IAMES by the Grace of God, King of Great [ 60] Britaine, &c. Whereas your Seruant and Subiect William Keeling Esquire, arriued in my Kingdome in the moneth of March, Anno 1615. with three English ships at the Port of Cranga∣nor, in latitude ten degrees fifteene minutes, and at my earnest sollicitation came ashoare to see me: there was concluded by me for my part, and by him for the English Nation, as followeth.

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As I haue beene euer an enemie to the Portugals, so doe I purpose to continue for euer: I doe hereby faithfully promise to be and continue a friend to the English,* 1.2 and my Successors after mee: to endeauour the taking in of the Fort of Cranganor, and to possesse the English thereof, as their owne, with the Iland thereof, which is in length on the Sea-coast nine miles, and in breadth three.

Prouided, that I purpose to build therein a house for some of my owne people, to the number of one hun∣dred persons.

* 1.3I will also endeauour, with the ayde of the English, hereafter to take in the Fort and Towne of Co∣chin, belonging formerly to my Crowne and Kingdome, and then to deliuer it into the possession of the English, as their owne proper lands and possessions: Prouided, that the charge of the surprize be equally borne, the one halfe by my selfe, the other by the English Nation: and the benefit of the spoyles thereof, in whatsoeuer qualitie, the one halfe to belong to me, the other halfe to the English Nation. [ 10]

The Samorine to haue no right, title or interest in the aforesaid Towne, Precincts, or appurtenances of Cochin at all.

And the Samorine doth also couenant for himselfe, his Heires and Success••rs, that the whole Trade of the English, in whatsoeuer commodities brought in, or carryed out, shall pay, yeeld or allow no manner of custome, imposition, taxe, toll, or any other duty of whatsoeuer qualitie.

And to these Couenants, which the shortnesse of time did not permit to amplifie: I the Samorine haue religiously sworne by the great God I serue, to performe accordingly, and that not only for my selfe, but for my Successours after me: and in witnesse hereof, haue laid my hand vpon this writing.

And the said William Keeling doth promise to acquaint the Kings Maiestie with the premisses, and to endeauour his Maiesties vndertaking thereof accordingly. [ 20]

A Stocke was made, as the State present permitted, and three Factors appo••••ted, George Wool∣man chiefe, Peter Needham, one of the Generalls seruants, second; my selfe (Roger Hawes) third, Edward Peake, a Youth attendant, and to learne the language; and Iohn Stamford a Gunner, to assist the Samorine, if need required in his warres. On the tenth, the ships departed, leauing vs in a shrambe at the waters side, with our goods and a Present for the Samorine, where wee con∣tinued till the thirteenth, at which time the last of our goods were carryed to the Samorines Ca∣stle: whom thus possessed of our goods, we much suspected.

On the twentieth, hee would needs see Master Woollmans Trunke, supposing wee had store of money (Needham had told him wee had fiue hundred Ryalls of eight) and finding little aboue [ 30] fiftie Ryalls, he would needs borrow fifty, which wee could not deny him, and offered a pawne not worth halfe, which we refused to take, hoping after this money lent: hee would permit vs to depart for Calicut, but found delayes. He also vrged vs to giue his brother a Present.

On the eight and twentieth, he came vp into the Chamber where we were, and gaue Master Woollman two Gold-rings, and to euery of the rest one: and the next day called vs to the sight of his tumbling sports.* 1.4 The same night Stamford went out with his sword in his hand, telling the Boy hee would come againe presently, and the next newes we heard of him, was that hee was met with by the King of Cockins Nayros, hauing lost himselfe (being drunke) they demanded whither he would go, he said to the Samorines, whither they vndertooke to bring him, and hee knew not himselfe betrayed till he came at Cochin. This put vs in great feare, but the Samorine [ 40] gaue vs good words, saying, he had rather now find him a knaue, then when hee should haue put trust in him.

In Aprill, we got liberty to depart with our goods for Calicut, where the two and twentieth we arriued, and were kindly entertained: but were faine to stay in the Custome-house, till wee might get a more conuenient house, which was made ready for vs the sixt of May, with promise of a better after the Raines. Faine would we, according to the Generall his order, haue sent a messenger with his and our Letters to Surat, to acquaint our Countrimen with our being heere: but the Gouernour would not consent till wee had sold our goods, for their better en∣couragement.

On the eighteenth, one was sent. Part of the goods were sold by the Gouernours procure∣ment,* 1.5 [ 50] to the Merchants at Calicut, soone after on the six and twentieth, and faire promises of part of payment shortly; but it is not the custome of b••st or worst in this countrey, to be as good as their word, being certaine only in dissembling. Master Wo••llman was desirous to go to Nassapore to make sale▪ but the Gouernour put him off with diuers shifts from time to time.

* 1.6The third of Iuly, the messenger sent for Surat ret••rned with reports, that being well on∣ward on his way, hee was set vpon, beaten, his money and Letters taken from him: amongst which was a letter of Generall Keeling to the next Gener••ll, which grieued vs, suspecting yet he was robbed with his owne consent,* 1.7 and of his honesty only. A Broker of Nassapore told Ma∣ster Needham that they were sold to the Portugalls; the Gouernour hearing of it, and hanging downe his head, as guilty therein. We sold goods heere to Merchants of Nassapore. [ 60]

* 1.8The seuenteenth of August, Master Woollman dyed. Our promised money we could not get, and our Br••ker told vs, that some one of the debters would goe to the Gouernour, and with a bribe procure respite, the rest refusing till they paid all.

On the foure and twentieth, the Samorines sister sent vs word, shee would both cause them to

pay, and lend vs any money we needed: but we found her as the rest. The Queene Mother also made vs faire shewes. Diuers likewise promised to conuey letters to Surat for vs, but with words as diuers from the euent, and aduerse to all truth.

Master Needham thus wronged, further wronged himselfe by indiscretion, threatning hee would be gone to the King of Cochin, in presence of a Nayro appointed to attend vs, who dis∣couered the same; and he added yet further, to put him in feare with making shew of violent re∣uenge, as he did also to a Scriuano (which is as a Iustice with vs) taking him by the throate, and making as though he would haue striken him with his sword, for detaining money he had recei∣ued for vs. Our Broker also told him, it was not Merchant-like to go vp and downe the Towne with a sword and buckler: his carriage and habite resembling those, which here we call Roaring-boyes, [ 10] rather then Merchants, notwithstanding, my admonition, which was requited with ill language to my selfe, and accompanyed with abuses of his owne selfe and the Companyes affaires.

The three and twentieth of September, a Holland ship, which had traded at Mecca,* 1.9 came to this Port, with purpose of setling a Factory, which were by the Gouernour appointed to go to the King, and promised to carry vs a letter, but went without it. And heere dallying and delay∣ing continued. Whereupon the fourth of Nouember, Master Needham went to the Samorine, and returned the fiue and twentieth, hauing had a Gold-chaine bestowed on him, a Iewell and a Gold-ring to weare on his arme, with orders also from the King to effect our designes. But the performance halted.

[ 20] The twentieth of December, a Malabar Captaine had taken prize of the Portugals,* 1.10 and would haue traded with vs, but we could not get in our monies due long before. We heard also the same day of foure English ships at Surat. But the Gouernour and people continuing their wonted per∣fidiousnesse, the one more carefull of taking, the other of giuing, bribes, then paying our debts: we vsed a strange policie to get some of them:* 1.11 for when wee came to demand them at their houses, if they would pay vs none, we would threaten not to depart till they paid vs. And we had heard it reported that their custome is, neither to eat nor wash, whiles we are in their houses. By this meanes we sometimes got fiftie Fanos of one, one hundred of another; by no meanes would they endure vs to lie at their houses, except one, where we waited three daies and nights; with three or foure Nayros: they had for their watch of them, but we could g••t nothing. The [ 30] Nayro, whom the King had appointed to get in our debts, came to demand a gratuitie of vs, yet got in nothing: yea, he would go to the debters houses, and take three or foure Fanos of each, and then depart without the money.

The ninth of Ianuary, Master Needham going to demand a debt, a Nayro, as he said,* 1.12 would not suffer him to passe, and being put by with his hand stru••ke him; whereupon he gaue the Nay∣ro a dangerous wound in the head, which it was thought he would not r••couer; other Moores being hurt in taking his part. And word was presently brought to vs, to shut vp our doores, left the Nayros should assemble to doe vs some mischiefe (feuds or kindred-quarrels and murders be∣ing rife amongst them, without other law to right themselues.) Our Nayro with his kindred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 [ 40] guard him home, to the number of thirty, with pikes, and swords, and bucklers, in his d••fe••ce, whom he could not but gratifie. Our house was guarded three or foure nights and da••es, none of vs daring to go into the Towne for money or other businesse (wh••ch before we did very safe∣ly) for a weeke: and then our Broker willed vs not to goe without a Nayro, for that they had sworne the death of one of vs, in reuenge of him that was k••lled.

The twentieth, the Portugall Armada of foure and thirty saile passed by from the South,* 1.13 whereof fourteene ships, the rest Frigats: they put into the Harbour, where three Frigats lay at anchor; a hot fight followed, but the Portugals went away with disgrace, hauing onely ••ut one of the Frigats halfes, which droue ashoare and broke in pieces, belonging to the Gou••rnour, who was well serued, keeping in the countrey, and keeping foure or fiue great peeces, wh••ch were at his disposing, in the Towne, locked vp, all saue one: neither had they powder an•• shot [ 50] for aboue two shot. Before the fight was ended, some foure thousand Nayros were come downe; diuers were slaine on both sides. Nine or ten Portugals were driuen ashoare, and two or three of the chiefe presently hanged by the heeles two dayes, and then being taken downe, the night following were deuoured by wilde beasts.

The eight and twentieth, a Pattemar told that the Gouernour was friend to vs only in shew, wishing the Portugalls in our roome; for we did no good in the Countrey, but brought wares which they were forced to buy, whereas they caused good by trading.

The eight of February, we receiued Letters from Surat. The fourth of March, wee receiued Letters from the King, wishing vs, if our ships came, to come with them to Panean, and for our moneyes not to trouble our selues, for he would pay vs, though he sold his Rings.

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CHAP. II. Notes taken out of the Iournall of ALEXANDER CHILDE, from England to Surat, and thence to Iasques in Persia, and of the fight by the way with the Portugals, in which Generall IOSEPH was slaine.

* 1.14THe thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth of Iune 1616. after our arriuall at Solda∣nia, we made merry one with another, glad of our meeting there with Captaine [ 10] Newport, homewards bound. We found heere good watering, but little refreshing else, saue fresh-fish for our sicke men: the Blackes brought vs nothing.

* 1.15The first of August, we fell with the maine, the place called Boobam in sixteen degrees, fiue and thirty minutes South latitude: variation thirteene degrees, twelue minutes.

* 1.16The sixt, we descried a saile, the Admirall of the Carricks that went this yeere from Lisbone. The Globe sailing better then the rest of the Fleet, first came vp to her, and the Carrick present∣ly gaue her a whole broad side, shot diuers shoots thorow the ship, and hurt a man or two, which caused her to fall asterne, and stand in with the Generall and the rest of the Fleet, shewing vs of the Portugals discourtesie. When our Generall came vp with the Carrick, he sent his Shallop a∣boord [ 20] her to know of the Captaine, why hee shot at his friend, and to entreate him to come a∣boord to make satisfaction for the wrong done. But he sent the Boatswaine aboord the Generall, who told him directly that he would not come aboord, nor giue satisfaction: who thereupon ha∣uing sent his man aboord, began the fight, which continued an houre and halfe. But within lesse then an houre,* 1.17 an vnluckie shot came from the Carrick, and slew our worthy Generall. Then did the Admirall presently fall off, and put abroad a flagge of Councell, where comming aboord, wee found to our griefe his body mangled with a Culuerine shot, and himselfe suddenly departed.

* 1.18We kept company with the Carricke till sixe the next morning, and it proued vnder the I∣land Moyella, calme, that we were forced to anchor by meanes of a pretie strong current set∣ting [ 30] to the South, and passed the whole day in making our ships ready for fight. I tooke out my long Boat and Pinnasse out of my shippe, and mounted the rest of my Ordnance, and kept the Carricke company all the next night.

The eight, about seuen in the morning, our Generall, Captaine Pepwell, seeing hee could not fetch her vp so soone as he desired, called to me, whose ship went better, and gaue mee leaue to haue the first onset. I came vp and gaue him three or foure broad-sides: and in the meane time the Generall came vp, and I gaue place; the Vice-Admirall also and the Globe one after another; and thus we fought all day. Betweene three and foure in the afternoone, his maine mast fell o∣uer-boord, and presently his Foretop-mast followed: at fiue we gaue him ouer within lesse then a league of the shoare,* 1.19 being a Lee-shoare, and a great sea. The Ilands name is Comora, very [ 40] steepe to an hundred fathome, within lesse then a Cables length of the Rockes, and no ground: so we stood off and on all that night. The Generall was sorely wounded on the face with splin∣ters from a great shot in his halfe decke,* 1.20 and Richard Hounsell the Master, was hurt in his arme, another had his head shot away, and diuers others were hurt: I lost two men. The Generall in the euening sent Master Connock, Cape Merchant, to the Captaine of the Carricke, that if hee would yeeld, he should haue good quarter, and be sent to Goa in safetie: his answere was, he nei∣ther would nor could: but if we could winne him with the sword, hee must be contented, and hoped to find honorable warres with vs,* 1.21 if wee tooke him. At twelue in the night shee was a∣ground betweene two rockes very steepe, and set on fire, whether accidentally or wilfully wee cannot tell. [ 50]

The ninth, in the morning I sent Master Anthony Fugars, my mate, ashoare in my long Boat to see if any men were saued, and to take in some of them, to know how shee came on fire: but the Carricke was still burning, and not a Man of hers to bee seene. There were many Blackes of the Iland on the land against the Carrick, and they put out a flagge of truce for my men to come ashoare, but there was no landing in that place, nor within three leagues to the East or West, the rockes being steepe, and as high as our mayne Top-mast.

The tenth, we bare about the South-west part of the Iland, and anchored in two and twenty fathome water with one,* 1.22 and another I laid out in fourteene, against a Towne called Mattoma, the people promising Beeues and all that the Iland did afford; but we were frustrate of our hopes, till at last with much adoe we bought nine Beeues,* 1.23 some Goats, Hennes, Lemons, Plantans and [ 60] Coco-nuts: and I perswade my selfe they are very treacherous.

The foure and twentieth of September, wee plyed vp to Swally Road, there anchored, and brought the Merchants aboord the Generall, the principall Factours name was Thomas Kerridge.

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The Voyage to Iasques.

THe fifth of Nouember, I went ouer the Barre of Swally, bound for Iasques in Persia.* 1.24 The tenth, the Iland of Diu did beare North from vs three leagues distant. The eleuenth, latitude twentie degr. twelue min. I sent my long Boat and Pinnasse, thinking to haue spoken with a Fisher-man, and they found him a man of warre, and seuen or eight in the Pinnasse were hurt with their arrowes, the long Boat not able to succour them.

The two and twentieth, wee were in latitude foure and twenty degrees, ten minutes,* 1.25 varia∣tion [ 10] eighteene degrees from North to West. This day wee saw the Land of Goudel North and East, nine or ten leagues distant. When you are within fiue leagues of the shoare, you shall see the Cliffes whitish, like the Forland in most places.

The fiue and twentieth▪ in foure and twentie degrees, seuen and forty minutes, we were off a ragged mouldy Land, called by the Portugals Sete Setheayes, by vs the seuen Cities, shewing like seuen Castles, standing a league from each other, the highest like a walled City, and lyeth West North-west from Cape Goudel sixe and twentie leagues, you may see it fourteene or fif∣teene leagues off, like Ilands, and may runne within a league of the shoare, in ten or twentie fa∣thome, within a mile soft Ozie ground without danger: Variation eighteene degrees, I found no Current out or in.

On the seuen and twentieth, latititude fiue and twenty degrees, two minutes: variation [ 20] eighteene degrees, thirty minutes land, as before.

The first of December, we stood off with the Persian shoare,* 1.26 hauing been put ouer on the Coast of Arabia, with a North-west and North North-west wind, we had much raine diuers dayes: and on the second at night, we anchored fiue or sixe leagues to the West of Iasques, in two and twenty fathome Ozie ground.

The next I rode still, and sent the Pinnasse to see if they could speake with any people, but they could see no mention of any. At three of the clocke I set saile,* 1.27 and stood toward the Cape about a league, and anchored in eleuen fathome Ozie ground.

The fourth, I sent my chiefe Mate with the Frigat and Pinnasse, to see if hee could discouer the Road of Iasques; but before he came ashoare, the Gouernour of the place, seeing vs lye off [ 30] and in with the shoare, sent a Fisher-boat to them, and they returned aboord with her. After some conference, wee sent Master Bell ashoare to the Gouernour, with his man and a Guze∣rat, to his Castle, a little mile from the waters side, with a Present, to sound what welcome: I kept two of their men for a pawne.

The fift, I weighed and went two leagues neerer the shoare, and anchored within a league of it, in fiue fathome at low water, tough Ozie ground, and a faire Bay. There runs no streame, but it flowes a fathome in the spring, and three or foure foot otherwise: a South-east and by East Moone makes high water. The Eastermost low point hath a Pagod or Meskite on it, and the Fisher-towne did beare North-east, in latitude fiue and twentie degrees, fiue and thirtie mi∣nutes, [ 40] and longitude from the Cape of Diu ten degrees, fortie minutes West, and the Varia∣tion nineteene degrees, twen••y minutes, from North to West, M. Bell returned with two of the Gouernours Souldiers, commending his entertaynment, and promised welcome to vs.

The eight, M. Conock our Cape Merchant went ashoare, with M. Barker, and two other Fa∣ctors, and returned at night with like newes.

The seuenth, the Purser bought vs foure Beeues and Goates, not fat at that time of the yeere, but such as gaue vs content.

The tenth, our Merchants went ashoare with their baggage, for their iourney to Mogustan, and on the twelfth tooke their way thither.* 1.28

The thirteenth, I sent the Boat and P••nnasse to fetch water: the country-people that brought it downe, had after foure shillings English-money the tunne: it was raine-water (for they haue [ 50] no other) it raines but little in December, but in Ianuary it will raine sixe or seuen dayes toge∣ther, that it fils all their Cisternes and places of prouision for the whole yeere following.* 1.29 I take it not wholesome being full of small wormes, that we were faine to straine our beuerage.

The sixteenth, I sent my Mate about Ballast, wherein they found them vnreasonable. I sent the Pinnasse to the Eastermost low point, for stones for Ballast.* 1.30 It is the worthiest place for fish in all the Indies. They laded eighteene or twentie tunne of Ballast.

On the nineteenth, we receiued a Letter from M. Connock, halfe on-ward of his way to Mogustan, of their peaceable trauell.

The first of Ianuary I receiued a Letter from Iasques, which came from our Merchants,* 1.31 & made vs glad. On the fifth, M. Connock would haue had me gone with the ship to a place called Costake [ 60] within seuen leagues ouer against Ormus, whereto I was loath to yeeld, being out of season of the yeere. The next day they talked of Piloting the ship to Sireck; but I was the same man.* 1.32 The Mer∣chants reported that they hoped it would be a good place of Trade, and in time, as good as any in India. The Pilot confessed it was dangerous then to carry the ship to Sireck, it was so foule,

stormie, and a lee shoare, the sea high, anchorage vnsure, and Master Connock seeing the storme we there abode, so extreme, altered his mind, and speeded to land the goods at Iasques.

The twentieth, I set saile from the Road of Iasques: and the eight of Februarie, at ten of the clocke, wee anchored in Swally Road.

CHAP. III. A Letter of Master THOMAS SPVRWAY Merchant, touching the wrongs done at Banda to the English by the Hollanders (the former vnkind disgusts and brabling quarrels breaking now out into a furious, vnexpected, [ 10] iniurious warre) Written in a Letter to the Companie.

Laus Deo

in Bantam, the twentieth of Nouember, 1617.

Honourable and right worshipfull, my humble dutie alwayes remembred, And may it please you to vnderstand, &c.

* 1.33THE nineteenth of Nouember, 1616. wee arriued at Moccasor, the Swan and the Defence, where we stayed to take in one hundred quoynes of Rice. In the time [ 20] of our being there, and the fourth of December, we discried off at sea, a great ship, and comming at an anchor fiue leagues off. The fift dicto, they sent their skiffe ashoare, making directly to the English house, hauing eight men in her, which, as soone as wee perceiued, wee ran to the sea side, and before we could come to them, two of their men were landed; so wee acquainted them with the dan∣ger they were runne into,; for that the King of Moccasor, and all the Kings there-abou••s, were their mortall enemies, in regard of the many abuses their people the Hollanders had done vnto them, and that lately the Hollanders had carried away a principall Sabander, and others of Moc∣casor perforce, and therefore would be reuenged; also acquainted them, that if the King were not the more mercifull, they were all dead men: so they would presently haue gone into their [ 30] skiffe. But the Moccasors flocking about vs, layed hands on them; I presently, the Factor, and other English rode post vnto the King, acquainting him what had happened, wee hauing a Guard of English neere the: Hollanders for our better discharge, that the King might not con∣ceiue amisse of vs, and that we were not acces••arie to any treacherie that they might pretend. The King gaue vs thankes, and willed vs to take t••ese two men which were come on land, into the English house, and to learne of them their intent in comming thither, which we did. They said they were of the Fleet lately from Holland, hauing lost the rest of their consorts, and fell with the backside of Iaua: The one called Iohn Stanch vnder-Merchant, as hee reported; The other an English man a Sayler: who perceiuing the great danger they were in, desired vs most earnestly, that wee would stand their friends, and get them free againe, bewayling their hard [ 40] happe; we promised to doe our best for their good, and so to be gone. Presently comes the King of Moccasor, the King of Tallow, and diuers others, to the number of two thousand men pre∣sently leuied, and came by the sea side vpon the sands, and sate in counsell vpon these men: the King of Tallow would haue had them all killed, but wee vsed our best meanes for their free∣dome. At last command was giuen, they should into their boat and be gone, the King saying, they were too small a reuenge, he expecting a greater, so they departed into their ship. They had all beene presently killed, if wee had not beene.

The next day, wee perceiued another boat comming towards land from the same ship; the King hauing notice thereof by his people, presently commanded twentie Prawes and Corre∣corries to be manned, and to goe forth, which was on an instant effected, and made towards [ 50] the Hollanders boat, the Hollanders still rowing in for the shoare, and directly to the English house: the Prawes and the Correcorries still edging neere the boat, betweene the shoare and them. The Hollanders perceiuing their intent, turned their boat, and made toward their ship againe, being foure leagues off, but it was too late, for the Moccasors in short time had fecht them vp, and boorded their boat on each side, entred, and instantly killed euery man of the Hollanders, being in number sixteene, and brought away their boat: wee were that time com∣manded to keepe house. There were about that time neere fiue thousand people on the sea side. This Holland-ship called the Indrought, imagining vs bound for the Moluccas, or Banda, stayed off at sea.

Wee set sayle out of Moccasor Road the eighth of December, 1616. The said Holland-ship [ 60] seeing vs vnder sayle, they also weighed and kept vs companie: wee would gladly haue gone from them, but could not, in regard of the Defence her bad sayling. They sent their boat aboord of vs, desiring two quoynes of Rice, foure tunnes of water and hennes, all which wee spared

them, paying onely fortie Rials of eight for two quoynes of Rice: the rest wee gaue vnto them. Wee demanded of them why they would attempt to come to land at Moccasor, they said that their first boat was not then returned vnto their ship, so they thought their factorie had still beene there: but I verily beleeue, it was their obstinate boldnesse, and presuming that their first boat was denied onely vpon the instigation of vs the English, wherefore they would make triall againe, purposing to haue flattered the King, and to haue come there againe, and to haue setled a Factorie, and so to haue hindered the English: for it is a manifest token of such a pro∣iect, both of their boats comming by our ships, and within Musket shot, yet would not come aboord to inquire what newes on shoare, as they went on shoareward, which if they had, wee [ 10] could haue fore-warned them of that danger. So now their obstinacie and rash proceedings purchased them a iust reward, &c. They kept vs companie vntill wee came neere Ambina, and so stood in for that place, wee standing our course. Now,* 1.34 since wee vnderstand that they haue reported, that wee were the occasion that their men were killed at Moccasor, which is most false: for, I protest, wee vsed our best meanes to free them, the first eight men had else also died.

The thirteenth of December,* 1.35 1616. the Swan and Defence arriued in the Road of Pola∣roone. The fourteenth dicto, the people of the said Iland came aboord the ships with whom we had conference about the surrendring of their Iland of Polaroone. Also our Nation had many times beene at their Iland to our great charges, and partly vpon their requests, to settle a Facto∣rie, and to haue friendly trade with them, in bringing them commodities, as Rice, Cloth, and o∣ther [ 20] prouisions for their Spices, and that we desired not to vsurpe, and bring them in subiection, or bondage, as the Hollanders, and other Nations haue formerly; and that wee now came to settle a factorie, if they would surrender their Ilands of Polaroone, vnto our Kings Maiestie of England by writing: also by deliuering earth, with a tree and fruits of the said ••land, as true token of their fidelitie, and so euery yeare a nut-tree in remembrance, and in so doing, wee would furnish them with Rice, and Cloth, and other commodities, for present and also yeerly. And being setled on the said Iland of Polaroone, sufficient supplies should come euery yeere in better manner then now at present, and that we would to the vttermost of our powers, with our men and shippes, defend them against any their enemies, if they came to doe vs or them [ 30] wrong. Wee also demanded of them, whether they had made any contract with the Hollan∣ders, and giuen them any surrender; they all replied, they had not, nor neuer would: but held them as mortall enemies,* 1.36 confessing and auerring vnto vs (both Polaroone men and diuers of the principals, which once liued vpon Polaway and fled to Polaroone vpon the Hollanders com∣ming there, and getting it by force of Armes.) They doe all still auerre, and doe maintaine the Iland of Polaway to belong vnto our Kings Maiestie of England, by a lawfull surrender vnto Ri∣chard Hunt, before the Hollanders came into the Road, and caused the English Colours to be set vp in the Castle, which the Hollanders shot downe seuerall times, and vsed many disgracefull words of his Maiestie. This the Bandaneses doe still confirme, and that they did defend it, as long as possibly they could, to his Maiesties vse, vntill perforce they must leaue the said Iland, [ 40] and so fled to Polaroone, Lantor, and Serran.

This Councell continued all the day, and so concluded: the writings being drawne and con∣firmed by the principals of Polaroone and Polaway, and so deliuered by their owne hands vnto vs, viz. Nathaniel Corthop, Thomas Spurway, and Sophonie Cozocke, to his Maiesties vse. Also the same instant deliuered vs a Nutmeg-tree with the fruits thereon in the Earth, with other fruits, and a liuing Goat: and further, desired to haue the English Colours set vp vpon the Iland, and to haue Gunnes shot off. All which was presently effected, the Colours set vp, and sixe and thirtie peeces of Ordnance shot off: and so at night they parted in friendly manner, repay∣ring to the shoare.* 1.37

The fiue and twentieth of December being Christmas day, we discouered two great Holland ships edging neere Polaroone. They discouering our ships in the Road bore roome for Nero: and [ 50] the six and twentieth another did the like. The eight and twentieth, another Holland Pi••••asse standing right ouer for Polaroone, came brauing within shot of our Fort, hauing the Flemm••sh Colours on the poope, and presently tacked about, and taking them downe, sets vp in l••eu thereof a bloudie Ancient, and stands ouer for Nero. By this we expected their comming daily, according to their old custome of iniuring vs. On the thirtieth,* 1.38 we landed foure Peeces of Ord∣nance, besides two other on Christmas day, and went to worke to fortifie for our defence. And with the helpe of the Bandaneses we made two Forts, one called the Swan-Fort, the other the Defence-Fort, and mounted on each three Peeces. The Swans Fort is within Caliuer shot of the ships, commands the Road at pleasure to the Easterne side, where the principall Road is for the Westerly Monson.* 1.39

[ 60] The third of Ianuarie there came into the Road three Holland ships from Nero, the Horne, of eight hundred tunnes; the Starre, fiue hundred; the Yaugar, one hundred and sixtie: which came to anchor close by our ships; the Horne by the Swan, the Starre by the Defence, the Yaugar a head of all to cut off supplie from the shoare; all these sh••ps full of men, &c.

Now our commission directed vs that hauing receiued the Surrender, and setled at Polaroone, we should giue notice vnto the Hollanders thereof by writing, that they should not come there to molest vs, as formerly they were accustomed, pretending ignorance. A Letter to the same effect we had readie written, but could not tell how to conuey it to them, not daring to send English or Bandaneses for feare of detention. These ships therefore comming into the Read wee sent George Muschamp aboord their Admirall the Starre, and hee deliuered the Letter to the Commander, called Dedall, aduising them to depart the Road before sixe Glasses were run,* 1.40 for that the Ilanders would not haue them stay in the Road, nor come neere them; and would haue shot vnto them from the shore, had not we caused them to forbeare. Presently their Commander Dedall and their Predicant, came aboord the Swan to know the reason: wee told [ 10] them that their comming was to doe vs iniurie, as formerly they had done at Polaway, Cambella, and other places; and how they had turned the Glasse for Master Ball, hauing him in their pos∣session, and threatning to hang him presently if hee caused not the English to come from Land forthwith.* 1.41 Also we then shewed them the surrender of Polaroone, and our right and possession there for his Maiestie of England, which we would hold and maintayne to our vtmost power: and wished them to be well aduised what they did, and that they would be shortly called to an account for their disgracefull words and ab••ses done to the English: demanding also of them the Iland of Polaway, as in right due to his Maiestie by lawfull surrender: further, demanding of them if they had any surrender of the Iland of Polaroone. But they could not say of any they had; and when wee shewed the surrender wee had vnto them, the Predicant hauing the same in his [ 20] hand aboord the Swan, pervsing it, said with these words, This is a true Surrender.

All this time the Glasse running in the great Cabin before their faces, put them in mind of be∣ing gone. We also told them, that their comming was onely to betray vs, and to put vs from the Iland by their treacherie, which our Nation hath diuers times had experience of: wherefore we neither could nor would trust them any more; and so put them in mind of being gone, for the Glasse sixe times run, they must expect shot from the shore: and if in case they did reply and did shoote vnto the Land, or shewed any discourtesie or wrong vnto the people of Polaroone, we would take it as done to vs, and would defend them being now becomne our Kings s••biects. They would haue stayd vntill the next day, but wee would not grant it, doubting that more of their Ships might haue comne ouer. They then desired till mid-night, which wee granted if [ 30] wee might see them about to way their Anchors: and that wee would send vnto the shore and perswade the Bandaneses to forbeare. Also I demanded of Dedall the cause of their comming to molest vs, who answered, It had beene formerly a custome in passing by the Iland. I told him that was vntruth,* 1.42 for that the people of the Iland had reported vnto vs, that there was neuer a∣ny Christian ship in the Road till wee came, and that wee were the first. So hee was silent and would not mantayne his report. They came into the Road about three of the clocke in the after∣noone, and departed thence about eleuen at night. Wee haue beene since informed that they came purposely to betray vs, and to haue beaten vs out of the Road, or to haue taken our ships; and had giuen the attempt, but that they perceiued we were fortified on the Land. If they had then begun,* 1.43 wee doubted not but to haue made our parties good with them. For wee had both Forts readie, and our Gunners readie to giue fire vpon our watchword or signe from the ships. [ 40]

The tenth of Ianuarie, a Holland Ship and Pinnasse came forth from Nero: the Pinnasse came edging neere the small Iland or high sand adioyning to Polaroone, called Nylacka, belonging vnto Polaroone, and consequently to the English. There are no Inhabitants vpon the said Iland or sand, but it is full of Trees and Bushes, and Polaroone men resort thither daily to fish about the said small Iland.* 1.44 Now the said Pinnasse came neerer the said Iland and did sound the depth as shee went, which we perceiuing made foure shot at her from the Defences Fort, not intending to strike her, but shot wide, giuing them notice to forbeare and be gone. The Pinnasse at euery shot replyed with a Base, or some such like peece, vnto the small Iland amongst the Trees, where there were some English and some Bandaneses of Polaroone, which were in danger of their [ 50] shot. And seeing they braued vs in such manner, the Gunner was bid to doe his best, who then made a shot, which fell close ouer them at the Sterne of their Pinnasse or Frigat, which made them crie out and presently get off. They were Hollanders, and seemed men which came to sound the depth and where to land, purposing to come with their forces, and there to fortifie and so to put vs from the great Iland.

* 1.45Ianuarie the thirteenth, Master Dauey complayning he wanted water, and purposing to goe ouer for Wayre vpon Lantore side and there to water, we acquainted the people o•• Polaroone here∣with, who would by no meanes consent hee should goe out of the Road: neither would wee, doubting some iniurie from the Hollanders. And the people of Polaroone told vs, that they would rather fetch them water ouer vpon Lantore with their Prawes. I went presently aboord [ 60] and acquainted Master Dauey herewith, but He and the Companie would not yeeld hereunto, but spake all in generall against it, and said, that the Bandaneses wo••ld bring them raine water▪ or such as might bee vnholsome for his men to drinke: saying, it was but sixe or eight dayes time.

The same time there came ouer vnto vs from Wayre, a free Towne vpon Lantore, also from the Ile of Rosinging (an Iland of it selfe) the Principalls of both those places, to haue parly with vs, to surrender both the said Wayre and Rosinging vnto his Maiestie, as the people of Polaroone had lately done. Now, the surrender of both those places being drawne, and all concluded vp∣on at Polaroone,* 1.46 they desired that some English might goe ouer to receiue the same from all their hands, and to see all rights thereunto performed. Now, Master Daueys resolution being to goe ouer to water, we concluded that Master Sophonie Cozock, George Muschamp, Robert Fuller, and Thomas Hodges, should goe ouer for Wayre and Rosinging in the Swan, to performe the said busi∣nesse, [ 10] or see it done, and the Swan there to water; after which dispatched, it was ordered that Master Sophonie should returne againe in the Swan, and the other three should remayne vpon the Iland of Rosinging for possession, till further order. All businesse being there ended according to our expectation, diuers men of Wayre and Rosinging desired, to lade Nuts and Mace in the Swan, and passage for Polaroone, there to sell their Spices to vs for Rice and Cloth. All being granted, they shipped twelue of themselues with Nuts and Mace, a great quantitie.

The Swan set saile and went for Geulegola, being but a little way from Wayre, as I vnder∣stand, and there watered; after which they set saile and eight leagues off land, a Holland ship or two gaue them chase; which they in the Swan perceiuing, asked the Master what he meant to doe, thinking that hee purposed to fight with them. Master Dauey answered; they see my Colours and I see theirs, I know him to be a Hollander, they me to be an Englishman; I know no [ 20] hurt I haue done them, and I stand for my Port of Polaroone. And in short time, the Holland ship the ••tarre, being come within shot, neuer haled the Swan, nor said word of their intent, but let flie great shot and small in most violent manner; the Swan hauing receiued two or three great shot thorow and thorow, before shee euer replyed, and some of the men killed. The fight con∣tinued, as Master Dauey writes, one houre and halfe, wherein fiue men of the Swan were killed, viz. Sophonie Cozock, Merchant, beaten in pieces with a great shot; Robert Morten, quater-master and Drummer; Christoper Droope, Edward Murtkin, and a Bandanese of Wayre, a passen∣ger. Three others were mayned, hauing lost Legs and Armes, and almost all hope of life, if not dead alreadie: More, eight men wounded, most of their wounds deadly. And in this their crueltie, a villaine of the Starre standing vpon the Poope with a drawne Sword, braued with [ 30] these words, English Villaines and Rogues, we will kill you all (thus he spake in Dutch.) It seemeth that the Swans men were much discouraged, seeing many of their men lye dead, wounded, la∣menting; insomuch that none would stand by the sailes to trimme the ship for their best ad∣uantage: so that the Holland ship lay still in her quarter powring in small shot and great, and so tooke her, bording her both Souldiers and others; brake vp Cabbins and pillaged them,* 1.47 and the men also in most base manner, both of clothes and all things else, throwing ouer bord what they liked not. The Spaniard neuer vsed more crueltie in their professed Warre. The Starre had in her one hundred and three score men, most Souldiers, taken from Nero and Polaway Castle: the Swan hauing not aboue thirtie able men to fight, the rest sicke and lame: and the men somewhat wearied out in toilesome labour at Polaroone, in landing the Ordnance and making two Forts. [ 40] Ten also of their companie were left in Polaroone to defend the Forts, two of which were Gun∣ners, viz. Harman Hammon, and Iohn Day.

The Swan being taken they carried her presently vnder Nero Castle and all the men,* 1.48 shee be∣ing much battered and torne; they much glorying in their victorie, and shewing the Bandane∣ses their exploit, in the great disgrace of the English, what they could, saying, that the King of England might not compare with their great King of Holland, and that one Holland ship would take ten of the English ships, and that Saint George is now turned child, and that they care not for the King of England.

The Swan being brought to Nero, they presently sent our men on shore and keepe them all prisoners, many of them in yrons, neither Man nor Boy hauing libertie. The Swan set saile from [ 50] Polaroone the sixteenth of Ianuarie, 1616. wee expecting her returne in eight or ten dayes at furthest; but neuer heard of her till the fiue and twentieth of Februarie by Robert Fuller, who being at Rosinging and Wayre, heard of an English ship vnder Nero Castle, and came ouer to Pola∣roone to acquaint vs herewith.

Presently we dispeeded away Robert Hayes, Purser of the Defence, with some principall men of Polaroone, to land vpon Lantore side being our friends, so to goe as neere as might bee to the Holland ships, and to make signe to them by a white Flagge of Truce. Our Messenger stayd al∣most two houres. At last they came with their Boat to fetch him,* 1.49 but made him wade to the middle, and so carried him aboord one of the Holland ships. The Principall and Assistants of Nero meeting him aboord, our Messenger demanded, why they had taken the Swan, and what [ 60] was becomne of the men, the reason of detayning the Ship, men and goods. They answered, that Time should bring to light. Our Messenger still vrging to know, and therefore he was sent, they vsed many disgracefull words of the English,* 1.50 and that they would come ouer to Polaroone with their forces, and driue vs from the Iland and other places. Hayes replyed, they had alreadie done more then they could answere: and returned, without sight of any man of the Swans companie.

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The poore ship there lay rent and torne in view of the Countrey people. In short time after, they sent ouer vnto vs a Messenger with a Letter, which we answered, as we did others after sent, their Messenger still comming with a Flagge of Truce, all which said Letters and Surren∣ders I brought with me to Bantam and deliuered to Captayne Ball.

Now we were still threatned by their Letters, as also by word of mouth from their Messen∣ger,* 1.51 that as they had the Swan, so would they also come to fetch the Defence, and driue vs from the Iland. Wee still answered, that wee expected their comming in regard they had so often threatned vs, and that we would defend it as long as life lasted. Many brauado's they made, dai∣ly shooting at Nero and Polaway, fortie, fiftie and sixtie pieces of Ordnance, thinking to affright vs therewith. Also the people of Lantore brought vs word that they were fitting their ships, [ 10] and shipping Planke and Earth, which wee imagined was for Land seruice, hauing then seuen Ships, foure Gallies and Frigats, and many men: and that they pretended to come ouer to fight with vs.* 1.52 And that they had instigated their Blacks (which are Slaues) that if they could by a∣ny meanes goe ouer to Polaroone, and there set on fire the Defence, they should be Free-men, as also some other reward they should haue. Also the Hollanders reported, that wee should carry no Spices from the Iland,* 1.53 or any the Ilands of Banda. Hereupon wee considered, that hauing made a contract with the people of Polaroone, Wayre and Rosinging, and had trusted our goods vn∣to them: Also a good quantitie of Nuts and Mace being readie to dispatch away, lying readie vpon Polaroone: The Hollanders threatning to come ouer and force vs from the said Iland of Po∣laroone, and to take the Defence: Hereupon we resolued, to maintayne the Honour of our King, [ 20] and good of the honourable Companie our employers; to land all the gunnes out of the De∣fence,* 1.54 and all prouisions else, and to fortifie vpon the small Iland adioyning vnto Polaroone, there being no people on the small Iland, but full of Trees and Bushes. And there the Hollanders pur∣posed to haue landed and to haue fortified, which had they performed they would haue com∣manded the Road and done vs much iniurie; for that the people also of the Iland Polaroone, could not haue fished as they were acuustomed, neither could the English haue come into the Road, but that they on the small Iland would haue beaten them off. And to preuent all dan∣gers, we landed all the Defences Ordnance (onely foure great peeces, and some Bread and two Butts of Syder, also a Terce of wine) and were all fortifying vpon the said small Iland, with the helpe of the Bandaneses. [ 30]

The Master of the Defence, Master Hynsley, being also on the small Iland, and all men else at worke, and landing things, some men being left aboord the said Defence to keepe the Ship, a conspiracy was plotted,* 1.55 and the same night the twentieth of March, 1616. either they let the Ship driue, or cut the Cables, and so droue off in the night, which we perceiuing from the small Iland, presently sent a Boate after them; aduising them to returne with the said Ship: but those Villaines would not heare them, neither suffer the Boate to come neere them, but bent their pee∣ces against them, and discharged a Musket shot at them. They being not able to ouer-come them, forsooke the said Ship and came backe vnto vs at the small Iland, acquainting vs what had passed. The next day we perceiued they run into Nero Road, vnder saile, and vnder the command of Nero Castle; some of the men went presently, as we vnderstand, on shoare, and [ 40] mee••ing with the Hollanders, reported vnto them of their exploit, and contending amongst themselues who should be the best Pilot in conducting the Ship thither; one reporting it was I; and another, it was I: and as the Hollanders Messenger reported vnto vs, afterwards comming ouer vnto vs, that they brought a kan of Wine ashoare and dranke vnto the Hollanders, as soone as they came on shoare. Presently the Hollanders tooke possession of the said Ship the Defence, and had all the Villaines into their Castle, and examined them of all our proceedings at Pola∣roone; and they discouered all how we were fortified, and what passed amongst vs. These Vil∣laines tooke the course to cut all our throats vpon Polaroone;* 1.56 for the going away of the Ship bred a iealousie in the Bandaneses, that it was a pretended plot amongst vs to ioyne with the Hollanders, and so to betray them. Also their discouering our weaknesse vpon Polaroone might [ 50] haue encouraged the Hollanders to haue attempted, that in which else they perchance would haue doubted of victorie. And indeed, many sharpe threats wee had after the running away of these fellowes, and expected daily their comming ouer; which had they come it would haue cost many mans life. For their hauing taken the Swan, and killed our men, abusing them with imprisonment and fetters, and all the disgrace that might bee, hath much hardned the hearts of the English against them.

The three and twentieth of March, 1616. we dispeeded away a Letter vnto the Hollanders at Nero, by Robert Fuller, who being landed vpon Lantore, the people of Lantore being then in parley with the Hollanders, about a Factorie, that the Hollanders desired vpon Lantore, and also would build a Fort there,* 1.57 but the people of Lantore would not graunt it; This time our Mes∣senger [ 60] could not passe, but desired to stay three or foure dayes with kind words from the Lantore people, so our Messenger returned. The effect, to demand the Defence, Men and Goods.

The fiue and twentieth dicto, a Messenger came ouer vnto vs from Laurence Ryall, principall Generall, being newly come to Nero from the Moluccas, vnderstanding what had passed, des••∣ring

to haue parley with vs, and would haue Master Corthop and my selfe to come in a Praw,* 1.58 and two of his principall Merchants should doe the like, and so to meete each other halfe way be∣twixt Polaway and Polaroone, to parley. But we refused their demand, doubting the treacherie, for they might haue men lye secret, and so carry vs away perforce.

Also the same time, and by the Hollanders Messenger, we receiued a Letter from Master Da∣uey being prisoner at Nero. The effect, disliking of what we had done and still did maintayne,* 1.59 in keeping the said Iland of Polaroone, and that our commission could not warrant what we had done, and aduising vs to haue parley with the Generall, Laurence Ryall, and to come to some a∣greement [ 10] that no more blood might be spilt. All which he hath written, I conceiue, was by the instigation of the Hollanders, possessing him with many vntruths▪ as hereafter it plainly appea∣reth: the first and principall they had so wrought him in humouring him, and made him beleeue that they had our Kings Maiesties Letters to take any English ships, if they found them to the Eastward of the Selebes, which newes made vs much to maruaile: and that if any such things were, we must obey it.

Hereupon we did write a Letter vnto Laurence Ryall Generall, by his Messenger, that if he would send ouer vnto vs two of his principall Merchants, viz. Henrick de Watterfoord, and Peeter Younge, and to land them vpon the small Iland; and hauing receiued them into our charge, Master Corthop and one more to attend vpon him, would presently goe ouer, so their M••ssenger departed; and two dayes after, viz. the third of Aprill, returned with this answere, The [ 20] two Merchants, before named, which we desired for pledges could not come: the one gone to Sea in the Horne, the other his businesse such, being principall Booke-keeper, could not be spa∣red. The said Laurence Ryall propounding two others lately come ouer, and principall Mer∣chants, called Cornelius Neep and Hans Rogers. Wee returned the said Messenger, accepting them: And the sixt of Aprill their Galley came ouer vnto vs and brought these two men. Pre∣sently receiued them into our charge, and a Tent being set vp neere the place where they lan∣ded, there lodged them, because they should not come neere our Forts to take any view how we were fortified, and placed a Guard alwayes about the Tent, twelue English men with small shot, and that they might receiue no wrong of the Bandaneses.* 1.60 Presently Master Corthop went into their Galley and went ouer to Nero, and arriued there neere night and was receiued; no [ 30] words passed that night but referred vntill next day: so the next day did discourse▪ many Op∣positions on both sides, which I leaue to relate because of the Letter of Master Corthop, which I brought from Banda and deliuered vnto Captayne Ball, will certifie your Worships at large. Onely a little I will touch, Many threatning words they vsed, and spake of many abuses they had receiued by the English. Imprimus,* 1.61 that Sir Henrie Middleton did weare the Hollands co∣lours in the Red Sea, in the Trade, and gaue out they were Hollanders. Master Corthop replyed, that was an vntruth, for that hee came forth in the said Ship, and continued in her as long as shee raigned, and neuer knew her to weare Hollands colours; and replyed, That Sir Henrie was a Gentleman that much scorned to weare the Hollands colours. Also reported,* 1.62 That they had the King of Englands Letters to take any English to the Eastward of the Selebes. So Master [ 40] Corthop vrged them that he might see the same, and that if they could shew him that we would obey it and begone, but they could shew no such Letter. Diuers other things they alleaged, but no truth; and many perswasions to leaue the Iland of Polarcone, perswading him the great er∣ror we were run into in holding the same. All this while, Master Dauey, neither any the En∣glish were permitted to come neere Master Corthop. The Generall, Laurence Ryall, seeing hee could not peruaile and to haue his desire, grew much discontented, and threw his Hat on the ground, and pulled his Beard for anger: Master Corthop answering him, that hee could doe no∣thing of himselfe, but was ioyned to a counsaile being Assistants, and would relate what had passed when he came to Polaroone, and that we would consider of it, and so write our direct an∣swere. Thus I aduised him to say, that he might get the more freely away:* 1.63 Also Master Corthop [ 50] demanded the Defence, Men and Goods in their possession, but they would deliuer neither Ships nor Men except vpon composition. Thus being Laurence Ryalls demand, that we would permit him to come with his Ships and Gallies vnto the small Iland adioyning to Polaroone, where our Castle is and twelue peeces of Ordnance, and there to land his Men and his Ord∣nance, and being possessed, would deliuer vnto vs the Swan and Defence, and all our Men; and for the goods, he would make restitution to all to a penny. All this would not doe; then to conclude, Desired Master Corthop to set his hand vnto a Note which hee had drawne, The ef∣fect, That the said Laurence Ryall had made these proffers vnto vs; Master Corthop likewise re∣fused and would not put his hand hereunto.

Now, they had so wrought with Master Dauie, that they were perswaded that hee would [ 60] perswade somewhat: he was sent for by the Generall, and admitted into the roome with Ma∣ster Corthop. So Master Corthop and he had much discourse, speaking of the Letter which they should haue, and was perswaded that it was true, and that we continued in a great errour. Then Master Corthop acquainted him what had passed in discourse with Laurence Ryall,* 1.64 and what proffer we had made him, if he would shew vs the said Letters: which Master Dauie percei∣uing

so reasonable a proffer,* 1.65 which they could not, according as they had verified vnto him, make good: Master Dauie presently in great furie railed against them all, saying, they had done him great iniurie, in telling him and possessing him with so many falshoods: and further said, that they promised him and his men good quarter, but his men complained much of want of food, and clothing, and hard vsage; and that they had sate in Iudgement vpon him and his companie, and had giuen them all condemnation, there to remaine vntill they heard out of Hol∣land; and could be content to remaine, so as we could keepe them from the Iland of Polaroone, &c. So Master Corthop tooke his leaue and was brought ouer againe vnto vs, and being landed, we presently released their hostage, and so departed for Nero. Now the easterly Monson be∣ing come, we fitted a Bandan Praw to dispeed away from Bantam, to giue aduise what had pas∣sed. [ 10] It was concluded, my selfe, M^r Hynsley Master of the Defence, and others, to the number of foure English, and fourteene Bandaneses of Polaroone should goe. Wee had the greater num∣ber of men, doubting of the Hollanders laying wait for vs, whereby we might by rowing free our selues, and indeed the Principals of Polaroone desired it. These which wee brought, fiue of them are principall men, one is the Sabandors sonne, the principall of the Iland his father is; the other foure are Orencayas, and the rest their seruants: These also came to deliuer the Nut∣meg tree and earth of the said Iland, and to manifest their loues vnto the English.

Wee set sayle from Polaroone the seuenteenth of Aprill, 1617. and as wee fell with Bottone, standing our course for Moccasor,* 1.66 we discouered a great ship and pinnasse, they seeing vs, gaue vs chase baring a presse saile, so that wee had no way to escape them, onely wee must perforce stand in for Bottone, and did. Halfe a day they gaue vs chase, and had fetcht vs vp had we not [ 20] rowed hard, so we were neere the Towne of Bottone by night, thinking they would not haue come so farre into the riuer. Next morning wee perceiued this ship and pinnasse, almost within Musket shot of vs, presently we landed most of what we had in our Praw, and carried it into the Woods, and went presently vnto the King, and gaue him a Present (such things as we had) to the value of thirtie Rials, desiring his protection, which he promised vs in all kind manner, and sent his seruants to put all our things in house, and put vs into two seuerall houses to lodge, and to keepe in,* 1.67 that we were not seene abroad; so wee tooke our leaue. Wee were no sooner gone but presently comes the Hollanders, and giues a Present three times the value of what wee gaue, enquiring what we were that were landed: but the King replied, that he did not know. The King demanding them how long they meant to stay, they said, sixe dayes: hereupon the [ 30] King aduised vs to stay so long time, to see if they will goe or not, that wee might goe with the more securitie. The sixe dayes being expired, they would stay sixe dayes longer to mend their Mast, as they reported. So, seeing their intent, and our Praw lying in view of their ship and Pinnasse, that we could not goe about to fit our Praw, but they would haue taken notice there∣of. Wherefore I bought a Praw, and the King commanded all our things to bee carried by his slaues into the same,* 1.68 lying out of sight of the ship. And all things being fitted, sent his men out of the riuer, passing neere the Holland ship with the praw, and to carrie her about on the back∣side of the Iland, and sent fiftie men with vs, and conueighed vs ouer land vnto the said Praw, where we went presently aboord, and kept vnder the Iland vntill neere night, and so stood our course for Moccasor, heard no more of them. Wee were enformed that the Hollanders kept [ 40] watch euery night vpon the water neere our Bandan Praw at Bottone.

Wee arriued at Moccasor the seuenth of May, 1617. and there we found the Attendance pre∣tended for Banda, but could not beat it vp, the Easterly Monson being come. So we shipped in the Attendance, an hundred and eightie suckets of Mace which was bought at Moccasor, and sedt the Praw for Beniarmasin and Suckadania for aduice, and that a supplie of goods was not yet come to furnish those parts, as was pretended, for that the Salomon was not arriued yet at Bantam, being long expected.

The third of Iune wee arriued with the Attendance at Bantam, vnderstanding of the death of Captaine George Barkley.* 1.69 And Master Ball succeeding him Captaine of the house: vnto him I deliuered all things, viz. two Surrenders, the Hollanders Letters, and other Copies of [ 50] Letters to them written by vs, and all things else of our proceedings in Banda; all which, I doubt not, but your Worships shall receiue by the first conuayance.

Also, may it please your Worships to vnderstand, the Messenger that came ouer first vnto vs from the Hollanders, hauing beene with vs two seuerall times, with Letters from the Princi∣pals of the Hollanders at Banda; This Fellow called Christopher van Loare, as he reported, came ouer vnto vs in a Praw, and three Blackes with him, saying, that he was runne from the Hol∣landers vpon discontent, the Captaine of Nero hauing abused him, and that he loued the English, and would serue vs: also was exceeding earnest with vs, presently vpon his comming ouer, and importuned vs extraordinarily, that we should goe that night vpon the Iland of Polaway with [ 60] fiftie men, and he would warrant vs the Iland of Polaway, and would bring vs so that we should take the Castle, discouering vnto vs his plots. I could not beleeue him, but told him, that hee was sent to betray vs; This fellow hereupon protested, and swore most deeply to the contrarie, and that the Hollanders would presently hang him, if euer they did take him. Wee told him,

we would not seeke it by force of Armes, for wee had no commission so to doe: not doubting but they would be made to deliuer the said Iland, by right of Law and Iustice:* 1.70 the English ha∣uing the first possession and surrender of the said Iland, and were by force of Armes put from it. Vpon his protestations, Master Corthop accepted of him, and gaue him libertie, and went with him wheresoeuer he went vpon the Iland, so that he saw all our fortifications and occurrances of businesse (which much grieued me, for I counsailed him many times to lay him fast, at the first place where he was receiued, which was vpon the Defence-fort, and told him often my opinion, that he was a villaine, and was sent to betray vs; also it was the opinion of the Bandaneses:) yet all would not perswade Master Corthop: so I thought good to haue him with mee to Ban∣tam, [ 10] and that he might bee sent for England, for that hee knew of all wrongs the Hollanders haue done vnto vs. And he hath said vnto mee and others, that the three ships that were with vs at Polaroone, which before I noted, came purposely to fight with vs, and to haue beaten vs from the Iland; and that the Horne had plancke, bricke, and lime, and other prouision to for∣tifie vpon Polaroone, or the small Iland, but that wee were before hand. Also hee did manifest vnto vs of foure other great ships that were sent from Nero, which ships wee saw come forth, and plied for Polaroone: but they were by the strong currant put to leeward, and so forced for Amboyna. Also he told vs,* 1.71 that their condemned slaues were set to worke to fire the Defence at Polaroone; and if they could performe it, they should haue their libertie, and bee free-men. All this he manifested and auerred to be true. Within three dayes after our arriuall at Mocca∣sor, [ 20] this Fellow published that the Swan was taken by one of their Pinnasses, and other dis∣gracefull words tending to the disgrace of the English: which as soone as I heard thereof, I pre∣sently charged the Master of the Attendance with him, and so sent him aboord: hereupon hee vowed to haue my life. Shortly after we set sayle for Bantam, and comming neere, put him in the Bilboes, and searched him and his Chest for Letters which he might haue of aduice, to con∣uay vnto the Hollanders, and found a draught, which (hee said) was of Polaway Castle; also a Letter pretended vnto the principall of the Hollanders, or English at Bantam: all which I deli∣uered vnto Captaine Ball.* 1.72 This fellow reported he was a director in the building of the Forts at Polaway, and that he had experience therein: and when hee came ouer to vs, brought two hundred Rials of eight. So at my arriuall at Bantam, I did acquaint Captaine Ball of businesses, [ 30] and aduised that the fellow might be carefully looked to, and kept prisoner, that hee ranne not away, to doe vs hurt. He willed to haue him brought ashoare; My selfe and others went and fetched him and deliuered him prisoner in the house.* 1.73 Captayne Ball had some discourse with him, who it is likely gaue him good words, as formerly he had done, with many protestations of his loyaltie: and had his libertie in the house (neuer made fast with yrons, nor in any roome.) And many times I spake to Captayne Ball, to make him sure, and told him he would watch his time to run away: whose answere was, he should run if he would, little regarding it, it much greeuing me to harbour a Traytor in our bosomes. Hee hauing beene two moneths in the house, the second of August, 1617. got out, and ran into the Dutch house, whereas I had aduised to keep him sure, and send him in the first ship for England, so to haue witnessed against the Hollanders, [ 40] as he must haue acknowledged and spoken truth vpon oath; which would much haue aduanta∣ged your Worships in the prosequution in Law, touching the mayne businesse.

The foure and twentieth of August,* 1.74 1617. departed from Bantam an Holland ship of aduice directly for Holland: and two dayes after her departure, they reported here, that ten English∣men were sent in the said ship for Holland. What they are, we cannot learne, but imagine them the men that ranne away in the Defence, the Hollanders thinking to make them say any thing, by their instigation, which may make for them. And it may be, they will say, that the Defence was left as a Wracke, which is not so. The Master and Companie would haue gone away for Bantam, but we held it not good: for that the people of Polaway vnderstanding thereof were discontented, and said, that we had built a Fort for the Hollanders. The Master writing a note, that he would set saile that night, hauing no goods at all in the ship, Master Corthop was going [ 50] aboord to perswade the Master and Companie to the contrarie: which the Polaroone men vn∣derstanding, called presently a Councell, and shewed many reasons that it was not fitting the ship should goe away, and would not let Master Corthop goe aboord by any meanes, doubting of his going away. It was propounded, that I might goe aboord to perswade the Master, or to command him and the rest to stay; and to charge them, that if they went, if wee lost liues and goods, it should be laid to their charge. Long it was before the Bandaneses would permit mee, so iealous were they; but at last, through o••r earnest request granted it, and sent sixe men with me of Polaroone. I acquainted Master Hinsley the Master, and the Companie, of the many inconueniences and dangers, both of losse of go••ds and liues, and scandall to our Nation, and that if we should haue gone about to haue laden Spi••es, the Hollanders would presently haue [ 60] had notice thereof, and laid wait to haue taken the ship, and brought all into their hands:* 1.75 nei∣ther had wee men, munition, or victuall, to maintayne the Iland of Polaroone, nor the small Iland Nelaro adioyning. All the ships companie would haue gone away, be••ng vnruly and per∣uerse, saying, they came not to be souldiers, nor would they stay: so that we were faine to giue

way, and intreat them by faire meanes, like children, so little in their resolution regard they what may ensue, caring for nothing so they may get free. The people of Polaroone perceiuing a difference amongst vs, did murmure, taxing vs with our promises before mentioned: and that if the Defence and men went away, wee could not resist the Hollanders our mortall enemies, whom wee expected daily. And if they came and had the victorie, wee that should there re∣maine, must expect none other but rigour on both sides. The People of Polaroone would haue conceited that we betrayed them, and the Hollanders would haue had no remorse, setting their slaues a worke to murther, wherein themselues would not haue beene seene. And should they haue gayned either the great Iland, or the small (as they might and would haue done, had not the ship stayed) we had lost all, goods, debts, credit of our Nation, without hope euer to bee [ 10] there respected.* 1.76 All things considered, we resolued the Defence to stay and land all things: and to let her ride it out vntill further opportunities. But in the meane time, these villaines ranne away with the said Defence, endangering all, and therefore worthie of death.

At my comming from Polaroone, it was concluded by vs, that another Praw should bee sent for Bantam for aduice, twentie dayes after our departure, doubting the Hollanders might haue pursued and taken vs (as they did their best) and so all our proceedings had beene obscure. Ac∣cordingly a Praw was sent,* 1.77 and therein laden an hundred and seuentie suckles Mace (contay∣ning three thousand three hundred sixtie sixe Catees, at a Riall the Catee, each Catee sixe Eng∣lish and neere two ounces better) which if it might haue come safe, it would haue yeelded in England fiue thousand pound. In the said Praw were eight English, and thirtie Bandaneses: the [ 20] charge committed to one Walter Stacie, once Master Hinsleys Mate in the Defence. But it seemeth his knowledge and care answered not our expectation: for neere the Iland of Bottone, he ranne the Praw vpon the sholes, being rockie ground, and there bilged her, and lost all the Mace; the men got ashore. Stacie is put in fault by the rest of the companie, for that some of them told him they saw land on the lee bowe, but he being peeuish and headstrong, called them all fooles, not regarding it.

Also may it please your Worships to vnderstand, that the Hollanders hauing beene by some of our people, told of their vile abuses done vnto vs, and that it will lie heauie vpon them at home, being knowne; the better sort of them haue replied, that they can make as good friends in the Court of England as you (the Honourable Companie our Employers) can: and that this [ 30] which they haue done,* 1.78 will cause you, the Honourable Companie, and them to ioyne, and that a chaine of gold will recompence all, and that they haue Rials enough in Holland to pay for a ship or two, so as they may hinder vs from the trade at Banda.

All being considered, we hope, you the right Honourable and Worshipfull, our Employers, will so prize the bloud of your seruants, by them murthered, maymed, and wounded, the rest all prisoners: also all damages, interests, and hinderances in the returne of ships and goods; also poore mens percitular losses, as also Master Corthop, my selfe, Sophonie Cozocke, and George Muschampe; wee all presuming what we had in the Swan to be as sure as on the shoare, and now haue lost all: that they may better aduise themselues how they attempt the like againe. Likewise Master Dauie told me many times,* 1.79 that if it pleased GOD to send him well home, he would come forth no more, finding himselfe decayed and weake in bodie, and that hee had [ 40] sixe or seuen hundred Rials to employ, with which returne, and other his wages, hee should haue a competent liuing: all which money (as farre as I can learne) he had by him when hee was taken: now these crosses, I am perswaded, will kill him; or else, I doubt, they will make him away by poysoning him, that he shall neuer see England againe.

Now, for aduice as touching the trade at Banda, the Iland of Polaroone is reported to be the worst Iland, and is about eight English miles compasse: and the small Iland adioyning called Neluco, about one English mile compasse. There is prettie store of Mace and Nuts growing vp∣on Polaroone, and more would be if it were well husbanded. Lantore and Rosinging yeeld great store. Rosinging is a fine Iland, and yeeldeth the largest Nuts and Mace. Now, if we hold Po∣laroone,* 1.80 [ 50] we cannot want Spice: for the people of Lantore, Rosinging, and other places there∣abouts, will come ouer to vs, and bring their Spices, if we bring Rice, Cloth, Salt, Pepper, Mel∣lases, and other Necessaries for food, and some Moccasor gold, which will passe at Banda, as currant as Rials of eight, and at the same rate, being worth at Bantam but two shillings foure pence,* 1.81 or two shillings six pence the piece, called Masse. Our Cargason which we had was but small, hauing but one hundred quoynes of Rice, our Cloth at Moccasor much decayed, lying there two or three yeeres. If we had had three times as much Cloth and Spices, we could haue sold it all for Nuts and Mace at Polaroone,: and were intreated for Rice and Cloth by Lantore and Rosinging men, and others; but had it not for them: and some returned with part of their Spices home againe. They come ouer to Polaroone with Prawes and Correcorries in the night. [ 60] The Mace and Nuts were very good, but lying so long must needs decay, by the many molesta∣tions of the Hollanders; we hauing no time, nor lime to make wherewith to preserue the Nuts. The Trade will proue profitable, if we may quietly enioy the Iland, and we must buy Rice at a lower rate then at Moccasor, it being by report at Iap••n about halfe the price.

May it please your Worships to vnderstand, that after my arriuall at Bantam,* 1.82 the Steward of the House being at the Market to buy prouisions, the Hollanders Steward there present quarrel∣led with him, whereof (whiles they contended) notice was giuen at the Dutch House: and presently Tymon (the second Merchant) ran forth with twentie Iapons, and Hollanders,* 1.83 and Blacks, to the Basar or Market, running vpon our Steward with their drawne weapons, he ha∣uing but two English all disarmed, enforcing them to shift and giue way. Meane while Richard Hunt, chanced to come by and drew his sword, whom presently they assaulted and gaue him three wounds, whereof he dyed within fifteene dayes after on the foure and twentieth of Iuly, [ 10] 1617. Notice hereof being brought to the English house, we with our Iapons ran forth and met with them, before they could recouer their House, and wounded two Hollanders, whereof both dyed shortly after; also one of their Blacks then killed out-right, and one or two more of them were hurt; and so draue them home to their House. They gaue after that great words, that they would put vs all to the Sword, and did lye in wait for our people with their Pistolls and Peeces, whereof wee had notice by the Iauans, and stood vpon our Guard night and day to re∣ceiue them, if they had giuen any attempt on the House, or abroad.

Now concerning the Ilands of Banda, and especially Polaway, Captaine Castleton might haue made it sure vnto the English, as I haue heard reported by diuers:* 1.84 and the English haue still more right on that Iland, both by Law and Iustice, then the Hollander, although by force of Armes they put the English from it. The easie obtayning, and Captaine Castleton denying the right [ 20] and possession the English had there (as it is reported) emboldned the Hollanders to vse the vio∣lence at Polaroone. And except it bee supplied this yeere, and the possession maintayned, the name of English is vtterly disgraced, and little hope of being receiued there againe: which if we hold vntill your Worships haue resolued what to doe herein, wee shall in short time procure as much Nuts and Mace as they; which may in time prooue an entrance into the Moluccas for Cloues. The Hollanders pretend they haue right vnto the Moluccas and Banda by the King of Ternates * 1.85 sonne, hauing him prisoner. But the Bandaneses denie any right the King of Ternate hath in their Ilands, euery Iland being free of it selfe, and gouerned by Sabandors and Orencayas, generally appointed. Now it is meet that a supply be sent the Bandaneses and English, for Rice, Victuals and Cloth, and other necessaries, to hold the possession, and bring away the Nuts and [ 30] Mace there in readinesse, in Godownes. The Hollanders giue out that they will take your ships that shall goe into those parts and cut them off, so to famish both English and Bandaneses. So your Worships may charge them of all damage alreadie done, and may expect to heare of further abuses from them. Wherefore it requireth an earnest and speedie prosecution, that wee may quietly trade without molestation vnto those parts, that haue surrendred and desired Trade with vs: viz. Polaway, a Paradise by report (the Hollanders report it to bee as good vnto them, as Scotland to his Maiestie) Polaroone, Rosinging and Wayre, Wayre being a Towne vpon Lantore. And if in case of necessitie your Worships cannot agree for Polaway, yet if you may enioy the three last, we shall procure Nuts and Mace enough for England, as also to transport both thence and hence for Surat, and other places in the Indies. Now is the time or neuer vpon the vile [ 40] abuse of bloudshed and murther committed by the Hollanders. And for the Trade there, it will proue very profitable, I make no doubt. What hath passed formerly I doubt not, but Captaine Iordan hath certified at large; what since, my selfe. It is requisite that I should relate the parti∣culars of all Occurrences, in respect the businesse is of so great importance. Here is bound home for England the Charles and Hope, I pray God send them well at London. I haue sent your Wor∣ships a briefe abstract of our Cargason for Banda, and sales there made. If I seeme tedious, I humbly craue pardon: with my humble dutie I end, beseeching the Almightie to prosper and giue good successe to all your designes: humbly taking leaue.

[ 50] Your Worships most humble seruant in all dutie, THOMAS SPVRWAY,

Endorsed. To the Honorable and Right Worshipfull Companie of the Merchants of London, Trading to the East Indies, these be deliuered.

By Captaine Henrie Pepwell, whom God preserue.

[ 60]

CHAP. IIII. Relations and Remembrances, taken out of a large Iournall of a Voyage, set forth by the East Indian Societie, wherein were employed, the Iames, the Anne, the New-yeeres Gift, the Bull, and the Bee; written by IOHN HATCH, Ma∣ster of the Bee, and after in the New-yeeres Gift; and lastly, came home in the Iames.

THe fift of March, 1616. we set saile from the Downes. The seuen and twentieth [ 10] 1617. we saw the Canaries.* 1.86 Aprill the tenth, we met the Tornadas in sixe degr. From thence to the twentieth, wee obserued a Current setting to the North. The thirtieth, the Tornadas left vs, in latitude thirtie minutes North, longitude three hundred and fiftie degrees fifteene minutes, that night we crossed the Line. Iune the one and twentieth,* 1.87 we came to anchor in Soldania Bay, accompanyed with the Gift and the Bull, hauing lost our Admirall and Vice-Admirall the night before, by fogs and hazie weather.* 1.88 They came in the next day. There we found riding the Hound, where∣in was Master William Iourdaine. Here we could get no refreshing for our sicke men, wherefore on the first of Iuly, some were sent to march vp into the Countrey to get prouision, which they did (without losse of any, onely two hurt) in great abundance. The thirteenth, wee set saile [ 20] from the Bay.* 1.89 August the thirteenth, we anchored in the Road of Molala. The seuenteenth, we had both our Cables cut with the Rocks. The eighteenth, we set saile from thence.

The fiue and twentieth, in latitude at noone foure degrees fortie foure minutes, longitude fiftie three degrees fiue minutes by iudgement, we found our selues hindred by some Current: at sixe in the euening the water was changed white,* 1.90 and at seuen as white as any Whay, which made the Skie also white and hazie. This night we sounded often and had no ground: thus the water continued all night in the strangest manner that euer I saw,* 1.91 vntill the day light did alter it. It so continued together with the Current: the sixe and seuen and twentieth was but little whi∣tish, and the Current also forsooke vs. The fourth of September, we passed by Socatra, but came not within sight by reason of the Monson, lest it should be done before we came to Surat. Wee [ 30] found in the foure dayes before that,* 1.92 by helpe of a Current, the ship had passed three score leagues more then otherwise shee could haue run; which now left vs. The seuenth, a leake sprung in the Admirall (which Master Copeland, their Minister, hath with much feeling related how dange∣rous,* 1.93 either by villanie or negligence of the Sh••pwrights, as after appeared, when they came to careene her▪ being a great hole slightly stopped, and much hazarding ship, goods and men: they had none other meane there in deepe water to stop it, but by stitching a Bonet or piece of a saile full of Ockam or calking stuffe, which by force of the water running into the ship, being haled downe to the place, was sucked and forced in, and so stayed the leake till it selfe decayed in time, then the leake renewing, and againe stop∣ped: which in the careening was found and remedied.) On the eleuenth, it was stopped. The twelfth, we tooke a Portugall ship which came from Mosambeek, laden principally with Ele∣phants [ 40] teeth, and bound for Diu.

In the sixteenth, we saw two Iunks, one of them chased by two Ships, which were the Fran∣cis and the Lion, Ships set forth by () The Iunke they chased was the Grtat Mo∣gols Mothers, of the burthen of twelue or fourteene hundred Tunnes, hauing in her aboue a thousand persons, and nine and twentie Tunne of siluer (some report more a great deale) wee chased the Chasers, and in the euening came vp vnto them with the Bee and the Gift, and so sa∣ued the Iunke, with whom and her two Chasers, we anchored on the twentieth, betweene the Riuer of Surat and the Barre of Swally.* 1.94

The thirteenth of March, wee weighed: the fifteenth at night, wee anchored to the South west of Damon.* 1.95 The seuenteenth, the Anne departed from vs to the * 1.96 Red Sea. The seuen and [ 50] twentieth, 1618. wee espyed many sailes and fetched them vp with the Bee, being fiue and twentie saile (fourteene sa••le of Frigats men of Warre, eleuen of Merchants the Molucca fleet) and two great Gallies of Goa, which exchanged some shot with vs, but assoone as they could cleare themselues from vs, went away: and being so farre off at Sea, they all escaped vs, not without great trouble, in three Vessels, whence they heaued Chists and other things ouer-boord, to make roome for their Oares, and eight of them got into Cochin, the rest to Goa.

The nine and twentieth, came aboord a Boat with one Woman and foure Men from the King of Calecut. The Woman was interpreter and spake Portuguise. Aprill the first, we came to an∣chor two miles to the North of the Road of Bring Iohn.* 1.97 About two leagues to the North of Brim Iohn is a red Cliffe, and to the South of it a low sandie shore, and the next high Land or [ 60] Cliffe is within a mile of the Road of Brim Iohn, where on the second wee anchored. Master Coytmore and I agreed the next day with the Gouernour for fortie Rialls to water there, and se∣uentie men were landed to guard the watering place for feare of poysoning; for they are trea∣cherous people, which also came armed the next day very strong, and would not permit vs vn∣der twentie Rialls more.

The twelfth of Aprill, we had much adoe (the Current setting vs right on the Iland of Zelon, halfe a league from Cape de Galia) to double it with tacking off and on that night.* 1.98 The thir∣teenth, the Generall came aboord the Gift, and established mee Master of her. The fourteenth, the Bee departed from vs for the Coast of Coromandell. The sixe and twentieth, we were neere the Southerly Iland of Nicobar. The nine and twentieth, wee anchored on the Mayne of Su∣matra, the high Hill Lambre (by some called Pedire) bearing South South east halfe East from vs, and the East point of Achen Road West by North halfe North, foure leagues and hal••e off. The King his Courtiers with his Women were there on hunting, who the next day sent his Chop by the Sabander and William Nicholas, our chiefe Factor there: at whose parting wee gaue [ 10] twentie pieces of Ordnance to honour the Kings presence and his Women, which was well ta∣ken, and went the same night neerer to Achen: and anchored the first of May, a little to the West of the Court.

The tenth of Iune, wee weighed to goe for Teco, but with foule weather were put backe a∣gaine. The nineteenth, we againe set saile. The fourth of August, we came to an anchor in the Road of Teco. The first of September, we set saile for Bantam, where on the two and twentieth we anchored. On the fiue and twentieth, arriued there the French Pinnasse from Iambe, on the Coast of Sumatra. On the thirtieth, came in the Vnicorne from Musulpatan. The fourth of O∣ctober, we set faile for Iaquatra, and then anchored on the sixt; and thence againe on the twen∣tieth to Bantam, with the Iames, Vnicorne and Bee. The seuen and twentieth, the Iames had her leake brake out againe, which did increase by report two foot water in a glasse,* 1.99 and fiue foot in [ 20] hold before they knew of it. The eight and twentieth, they stitched a Bonnet with Ockam, and haled it vnder her, which hauing beene there a quarter of an houre, the leake stopped, so that the water increased not aboue halfe an inch in an houre. They resolued to careene her, and we hasted to get out our Ordnance and Prouisions. The twelfth o•• Nouember, shee was in like case, and men were sent from euery ship to pump her (and haling the Bonnet againe to her keele, shee was thight as before) at the Iland where shee was to be careened.

The fifteenth, the Rose anchored at Palamban point from Teco. The nineteenth, foure Ships out of England, the Moone, the Cloue, the Samson, and the Pepper-corne;* 1.100 Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Iourdaine being both in the Cloue; the Sunne being lost at the Iland of Inganio, and the Globe lost their companie betweene the Cape of Good Hope and Saint Laurence. They had most [ 30] of their men sicke at their arriuall. The eight and twentieth, they anchored by vs at the Iland, being in all thirteene saile, the Iames, Gift, Vnicorne, Cloue, Samson, Moone, Pepper-corne, Thomas,* 1.101 Bee, Aduise, Rose, little Francis, and the Prize. This afternoone the Sunnes Skiffe came aboord the Moone from Inganio with the Master and Cape Merchant, the Minister, and twentie men more, the Ship being split in pieces, and all her sicke men drowned, being eightie or ninetie of them. The Inhabitants of Inganio came downe on them which were gotten on land,* 1.102 and slue seuen or eight, hurt the Master and others, with wooden Darts. Then they made them another Boat of boords and broken pieces that came from the ship. So there came sixtie or seuentie men in the Skiffe and this Boat; and nineteene or twentie were left on the Iland sicke and hurt, [ 40] which were after taken in by Iowa Prawes and brought aboord the ships, being in miserable case, with want of clothes, bruses with the Rocks, and burning with the Sunne and salt Water. The nine and twentieth, the Globe arriued.

The third of December, the Bee set saile for Inganio, to see if they could haue any thing, but was forced backe with crosse windes. The fourth,* 1.103 the Blacke Lion of the Hollanders arriued from the Coast of China, Palatina, and other places; her lading, Pepper, Rice, Sugar, and some China commodities, by report, to the quantitie of sixe hundred tunnes. This night Sir Thomas Dale caused men to goe out of other ships aboord the Moone, the Cloue, the Samson, the Globe, being but weakly manned: which the next day anchored close by the Blacke Lion, which yeelded on composition. Shee was, by report, of eight hundred tunnes, had in her eightie men, and two or foure and twentie peeces of Ordnance. The nineteenth, Sir Thomas Dale in the Moone, [ 50] Captaine Pring in the Gift, with the Vnicorne, Cloue, Samson, Globe, Pepper-corne, Thomas, Bee, Rose and Blacke Lion, set saile for Iaquatra, where they found riding seuen saile of Hollanders, rea∣die to fight. The one and twentieth, came a Holland ship from Iambe, which sent their Boat for Iaquatra with twelue men, two great murtherers and eight small shot, with each man his sword: but we way-layed her and tooke her with the Barge, and the Ship put to Sea againe.

The two and twentieth, we thought to haue fought, and plyed to and againe as occasion of∣fered. The three and twentieth, we began the fight, and the Iambe ship got in amongst them. This fight continued about three houres,* 1.104 in which time wee receiued in the H••ll and Masts be∣tweene fiftie and sixtie great shot, most in the Hull, yet had but one hurt in the fight, and hee died of it. The Hollanders and wee came to an anchor all night close by each other. The next [ 60] morning wee set saile and plyed to windward: but the Hollanders seeing wee would get vp to them, waighed and fled betweene halfe way Iland and the other Iland to the East, and so bore a∣way to the East, betweene the Ilands and the Mayne. And when they came thwart of their I∣land, they saw a little English Pinnasse, which in flight from them had run on a ledge of Rocks,* 1.105

and was there cast away. They sent their Boates, which by our pursuit they were forced to re∣call; and we stood after them amayne and chased them (being now by addition of another from Iaquatra nine ships) three or foure miles to the East of Iaquatra, and night comming on, ancho∣red. The fiue and twentieth, came a China Iuncke on fire driuing thwart our halfe, but we per∣ceiued it betime, let slip and auoyded it, so that it did no harme at all. We made after them, but they were vnder sayle to the East, and the wind at South South-west. The same day we tooke out the Thomas Ordnance, beeing an old ship, and sunke her neere the Hollanders Iland. The eight and twentieth,* 1.106 they aboord the Blacke Lion, cryed out, fire, and shee was suddenly on a light fire, and nothing saued, but her company, which went into the Boat and Skiffe. This hap∣pened by some which had beene at Dice all night, and went and broke vp a Scuttle where there [ 10] was Rackupee,* 1.107 which so soone as they had broched, tooke fire with the light they had, as it is reported.

The third of Ianuary, Master Iackson, the Land Captaine of the Iames, dyed of a shot which had taken away his legge at Iaquatra. The seuenth, Shot and Powder were sent to the King of Iaquatra to take the Hollanders Castle. The ninth, we wayed from this place to the Westward. The twentieth, we espyed two sayles to whom we gaue chase in vaine, they sailing better then wee: the next day wee espyed foure, which wee chased as the wind would giue leaue till night. The fiue and twentieth, the Bee was sent to Marough for prouision; The one and thir∣tieth, we anchored in the Road of Bantam.

The three and twentieth of February, Sir Thomas Dale weighed to go for Iaquatra, with the [ 20] Moone, Cloue, Globe, Samson, Pepper-corne, Hound, Bee, Rose. The seuen and twentieth, the Great Iames, the Gift, the Vnicorne, and the little Iames weighed from Bantam leauing in the Road the Aduice and the Mosambeeke or Prize.

The first of March, the Flemmings saw vs and weighed, and we made all the sayle we could to get vp to them, and they keeping the weather of vs, their Admirall let flye two Peeces at the Great Iames first:* 1.108 and then we went to it on all hands. As wee fought, one of the Flemmings ranne aboord their Admirall by chance, and bore ouer-boord his owne Botspret and Beak-head, and the Admirals Ancient. The other two Flemmings seeing that, shooting a shot or two, ranne away and the rest after. We tacked and chased them, but they going better, went from vs ex∣ceedingly, and wee gaue ouer. The thirteenth, the Bee came to vs in Bantam Road, from Sir [ 30] Themas Dales Fleet at Iaquatra.

The seuen and twentieth of Aprill, 1619. there came a Iuncke amongst our Fleet from Pata∣nia with Flemmings goods and a Flemming in her, which we tooke. The eight and twentieth, the Dragons Clawe came to an anchor at Palambam from Surat.

* 1.109The twentieth of May, we set saile in the Road of Marough, to goe for the Coast of Coro∣mandel, being eleuen Sayle in company, the Great Iames, Moone, Gift, Vnicorne, Cloue, Globe, Pepper-corne, Bee, Rose, Aduise, and the Surat Pinnasse. At fiue in the afternoone wee anchored betwixt Besse and * 1.110 Cracatawe. The one and twentieth, a Councell was held aboord the Ad∣miral (the Moone) wherein Owen Bodman was condemned for burning the Blacke Lion and other trespasses, who was hanged the next day aboord the Moone at the Yards arme.

The thirtieth of Iune, we came to an anchor nine leagues East from Masulipatan. We stayed [ 40] in these parts till the tenth of December.

The nine and twentieth of Iuly, the Vnicornes Shallop was cast away at Penara, wherein M. Rice and Harris, and foure men more were drowned.

The fiue and twentieth, we anchored neere Teco, and saw three shippes, which the next day came to vs,* 1.111 being a new Fleet; the Palsgraue Admirall, the Elizabeth Vice-Admirall, the Mer∣chants Hope Rere-Admirall. We all wayed and went into the Road of Teco.

The fourth of March, we all set sayle in Teco. The fifth, the Iames met with a shoald, and they had much to doe to saue her from grounding. This shoald lyeth from the White Iland, South-east, two thirds East, three leagues within two Glasses, the Iames and Vnicorne met with ano∣ther [ 50] shoald,* 1.112 and stayed vpon it at fiue fathome water, and within a Cables length of fiftie fa∣thomes, and then the White Iland bore North-west by West eight miles and an halfe off. The ninth,* 1.113 we bore vp to goe to the South of Nimtan. This Iland is neere twentie leagues long, and lyeth South South-east, and North North-west. On the Wester-side is great shoalding, on the East deepe water hard by the shoare. The twentieth, at night wee had a great storme, and had many Corpo-Santos,* 1.114 viz, at the head of the Maine-top-mast, and on the Meson yard, the Fore-top-mast, and the Mezon Top-mast. The next morning, the storme beganne to breake vp, and we saw the high-land of Manning Cabo.

The fiue and twentieth of March, 1620. we anchored neere the point of Ballambin; where on the sixe and twentieth our Cable was cut a-sunder with a Rocke, which wee recouered the [ 60] the seuen and twentieth.

* 1.115At the South-west point of Sumatra lyeth the Iland Pola Tellore in fiue degrees fiftie seuen minutes of South latitude, South South-east from which is Ballambin, where is good refreshing

and watering, thence to the South point called Cape Bublathore, is two leagues South South-east three quarters East, and from thence to the next Easter point is three leagues, and in the second Bay from the said point is a Riuer where we watered, but the water not very good.

The sixth of Aprill, 1620. we weighed to goe for Bantam, with a full resolution to make an end with the Hollanders one way or other, they being eighteene Sayle, and wee ten, little and great. The eight, betweene two and three of the clocke in the morning, beeing short of San∣gang we met with the Bull and two Hollanders bound to looke vs to bring newes of the peace betwixt vs and them. The eleuenth,* 1.116 their Fleet being thirteene besides the former two came vnto vs from Iaquatra: and wee saluted each other with many Peeces of Ordnance. The [ 10] twelfth we went for Bantam where we found two Hollanders more. The seuen and twentieth, the Iames and the Vnicorne departed from vs for Iapan, to careene there. The thirtieth, we an∣chored in Iaquatra Road.

The one and twentieth of May, the Elizabeth, the Bull, and the Hope, set sayle with the Har∣lem, and the Dutch Hope. The Elizabeth and Harlem were bound for Leque Pequena,* 1.117 there to stay for the Bull and the Dutch Hope which were appointed to goe for Moccow, and the English Hope for Patania, and then to meete with the other foure at Leque Pequena, thence to goe all for Iapan, there to meete the rest of the Fleet for the Manillas. The thirtieth, peace was published at Iaquatra on shoare and aboord the ships.* 1.118

The fourth of Iune, the Moone, the Palsgraue, the Bantam and the Praw, set sayle from Ia∣quatra [ 20] for Iapan, and the Manilla's. The seuenteenth, wee set saile to goe to Cracatow to cut new Masts and Timber to sheath our ship, and beeing a league and halfe from the Roade, met with a shoald where we had but two fathomes water (being suddenly on ground) at the shippes head, and fiue at her sterne: but praysed be God, got o•••• without hurt.* 1.119 It is Rockes and Corall and lyeth halfe way betwixt Iaquatra Road, and the Sand to the East of Hectors Iland. If you keepe the Flemmish Castle and the top of the highest hill one right ouer the other; you shall goe cleere in or out. If you cannot see the hill keepe the Castle South South-east, but if you keepe it South by East, You will be neere it, or on it. On the neerest part of the next Iland to the East of Pola Lacka is a dangerous shoald two miles off, and seldome sheweth it selfe. The one and twentieth, we anchored and moored our ship a Cables length North-west of the little [ 30] round Iland, and rode till the one and twentieth of Iuly, in which time wee cut about seuentie pieces of square Timber for our decayed ship,* 1.120 and to pay the Hollanders two and twentie bor∣rowed, for their house at Iaquatra, by our Merchants. This place is so infectious that most of our men were taken with swolne legges, or bodies, some breaking out with Sores and Byles, others taken with dizzinesse and dimnesse of sight, almost euery one losing his stomacke, and giuen to vomiting with a strange costiuenesse: sixe dyed, and thirtie seuen were sicke and lame, all weake, vomiting, sacke, racke, beuerage; nothing stayed.

The seuen and twentieth, we anchored in Morough Road neere the shoare,* 1.121 which is no good Road, but we were forced, so to command the Towne wi••h our Ordnance in succour of our Boats, if the people should haue betrayed them, as they had done the Hollanders of whom they [ 40] slew eight men. We lost an Anchor there (they cut off the Boyes that we could not after finde it) and could get little refreshing, or none.

The nineteenth of August, we anchored at Iaquatra, hauing beene from thence two moneths, and in one moneth which we were returning from Cracatow, we lost with the former sixe, one and fortie men, besides fortie fiue sicke in the ship; nor had we aboue twentie of our owne Com∣pany that could goe vp and downe the ship. The eight and twentieth, the Hollanders surrendred the Starre againe to the English.* 1.122

The first of September came in a Flemming from Holland, which told vs of the Lion arriued at the Cape from Surat; and of sixe English ships with her in Soldania from England,* 1.123 two bound for Bantam, and foure to Surat, which were to stay in Soldania for foure Flemmings to goe to Su∣rat [ 50] with them. The one and twentieth, the Dragons Claw arriued from Achen with newes that the Charles, the Rubie, and the Diamond, were all at Sea comming for Iaquatra; and that the Bee saw a French-man of Warre on the Coast of Sumatra,* 1.124 which would by no meanes speake with her. They were in all foure ships, but she had lost her consorts.

The first of October, the Schedam arriued with newes of three English ships in the Straits of Sunda, the Royall Exchange, the Vnitie, and the Beare, the Bee also with them,* 1.125 which on the se∣cond, and the tenth arriued here. The foure and twentieth, the Dragons Claw departed hence for the Moluccas. The sixe and twentieth, one of our men suspected for stealing Cloues, was drowned. Hee had wished before mee a little afore, if hee knew of the Cloues, that hee were so farre vnder water that he might neuer rise againe; and going ouer the ships side, a step of the lad∣der [ 60] broke, and he fell ouer-boord, & neuer rose againe. The thirtieth, the Beare and Diamond were sent for Iambe in hope of Pepper. The eleuenth of Nouember, the Globe departed from Iaquatra for Iapara, to fetch sheathing boord and catt••ll: and the fifteenth, the Vnitie set saile for Achen.* 1.126

The second of December, the Roe-bucke arriued from Teco with Pepper. The third, the Samson arriued from Patania, and brought in her the Purser and three others of the Vnicorne,* 1.127

which was cast on the Coast of China. The fifteenth, the Globe arriued with boords and plankes from Iapara. The sixteenth, arriued a Iuncke which brought some of the Samsons men, some of the Vnicornes, and those which were left on shoare at Patania, when the Samson and the Hound were taken. The one and twentieth, the Rubie departed for the Moluccas. The sixe and twen∣tieth, the Cloue arriued from Iambe and Patania. The nine and twentieth, the Royall Exchange, the Starre and the Roe-bucke, set sayle for Amboino with a Holland ••hip in their company.

The second of Ianuary, the Bee went to Hectors Iland to careene. The same day the Hollan∣ders had foure ships that went for the Moluccas,* 1.128 the Dragon being one, and the next day the New Holland, and in her Iohn Peterson Coen Generall of all the Indies, for the Hollanders: who carryed a float with eight or ten Demicanons, and fortie great Prawes to land men, and a great [ 10] company of Souldiers.* 1.129 The eighteenth, the Iames Royall arriued in Iaquatra Road from Iapan, where she careened both sides to the keele. The one and twentieth, arriued the new Zeland from Masulipatan, and brought in her Captaine Ball, Thomas Iones, and Richard Thomas. The thirtieth, the Iames began to take in Pepper to goe for England. The one and thirtieth, the Bee returned from Hectors Iland, careened to the keele, and the Globe foure or fiue strakes on a side· In the Iames Royall bound for England. The sixe and twentieth of February we set saile.

* 1.130The nineteenth of May, we anchored in the Bay of Soldania: where we set sayle the second of Iune. We found there riding the Anue, wherein was Captaine Walter Bennet, and the For∣tune a Victualler, and three Hollanders bound for Bantam. The one and twentieth of Iune, wee saw the Iland of Saint Helena, bearing West by North sixteene leagues, and on the two and [ 20] twentieth anchored there.* 1.131 Here we tooke store of fresh fish by the shippes side. The nine and twentieth, wee set sayle, and the eighteenth of September anchored in the Downes:

CHAP. V. The Voyage of the Anne Royall from Surat to Moha, in the Red Sea, for setling an English Trade in those parts: Anno Dom. 1618. extracted out of Ma∣ster EDWARD HEYNES his Iournall, writ∣ten [ 30] thereof.

SIr Thomas Roe, Lord Embassadour for his Maiestie with the Mogoll, hauing giuen diuers Articles of instructions vnto Captaine Andrew Shilling, Master of the Anne Royall, together with Ioseph Salbanke, Edward Heynes, and Richard Barbar, Merchants; for Trade at Dabul, and after as they saw occasion in the Red Sea: it was thought meet by Captaine Martin Pring Generall, and Thomas Kerridge, and Thomas Rastell (the twelfth of March, aboord the Iames Royall, the time being too farre spent for Dabul) that the said ship should sayle directly for the Red Sea. Thus they sayled from the Road of Swally. [ 40]

* 1.132The tenth of Aprill, we had sight of Aden. The thirteenth, we past the Strait of the Bab or Babel Mandel (an Iland in the entrance or mouth of the Red Sea, which causeth the Strait) a∣bout seuen in the morning:* 1.133 and about fiue in the euening, wee had sight of Mocha fiue leagues off. Night comming on, we anchored, and a Canon came aboord vs from the Gouernour to know what we were and our intent, which we answered, and they hauing begged a few Bis∣kets departed.

The next morning wee anchored a league and halfe from the shoare, and saluted the Towne with nine Peeces. The Water-Bayly brought vs a Present from the Gouernour, a young Bul∣locke, two Goates, Mangoes, Limes, Cucumers, and Water Melons, welcommed vs, and desired to send one on shoare to acquaint the Gouernour with the cause of our comming. We answered, [ 50] we were English-men, which came to seeke Trade there, but durst not aduenture on shoare with∣out sufficient pledges. About three in the afternoone, came a Iew aboord (borne in Lisbone) together with an old Venetian turned Turke (one in good respect with the Gouernour) which from the Gouernour assured vs of all content.

The fifteenth, Allee Asgee, the Chiefe Scriuano sent a Present of Goates and Fruites to wel∣come vs, with two old men of good qualitie: sent from the Gouernour to remayne as pledges for such as went on shoare,* 1.134 with many protestations of good vsage. Hereupon Master Salbanke and I went with our two Linguists and one Attendant, with a Present for the Gouernour, viz. sixe yards of broad-cloth Stammell, sixe yards of greene, a Fowling Peece, and Looking-glasse. At our landing, a thousand people expected, and diuers Officers were readie to receiue and con∣duct [ 60] vs to the Gouernour. His house was faire and large, built of stone and bricke. At the en∣trance was a faire gate with a Porters lodge, and diuers seruants there attending. Within is a great Court,* 1.135 whence arise winding staires about thirtie steps to a square Tarris; out of which we were brought into a large roome, hauing at one end a great bay window opening to the Sea,

in which the Gouernour sate: on the sides others of like bignesse, looking vnto the Wharfe or landing place. The flore was couered with fine Mats, and neere the Gouernour, with faire Tur∣k••e Carpets and Persian Felts. That whereon himselfe sate was a partie coloured Sattin Quilt, with rich Damaske and Veluet Cushions. Hee was clothed in a Violet colour Sattin Vest, his vnd••r-coats fine India Linnen, hauing on a Sattin Cap wreathed about with a fine white Shash. He was accompanied with the Chiefe Scriuano, the Principall Customers, some Turkes of bet∣ter fashion, many Indian Merchants, and one hundred seruants. Hee is about fiftie yeeres old, and named Mahomet Aga.

When we came neere, he bowed himselfe and wee did reuerence: then bade vs sit downe, [ 10] and demanded our Nation and businesse. Wee answered, we were Englishmen, of London,* 1.136 Mer∣chants, who by command of the Ambassadour of His Maiestie of England, resident with the Great Mogoll (with whom we hold league and amitie) are comne to this Towne to treat for li∣cence of free Trade: That we were friends to the Grand Signior, and had traff••que at Constanti∣nople, Aleppo, and in other places of his Dominion, and ••oped the like here: that wee were come to desire his, and the Bashas Firman, for like liberties heere as is granted vs by the Grand Signior, both for present and future times, as intending to visit their Ports yearely with plentie of English and Indian goods: that we had likewise in command from the said Embassador (which had heard of diuers Pirats, English, Dutch, French, Portugals, Malabars, and others which in∣fested the quiet Trades of this Port, and principally the Guzerats, our friends) to take them, and free those Seas of such incombrances, protecting all honest Merchants ships and lunckes from [ 20] iniurie: and these were the true causes of our comming. Hee then rose vp and bad vs welcome;* 1.137 applaud••d our des••gne, and demanded why wee were so fearefull to come on shoare without pledge. We answered, that about sixe yeers since, some of our Countrymen were here with kind shewes and promises entised ashoare, and by the then Gouernour betrayed, emprisoned, and ma∣ny murthered: whose harmes made vs cautelous for our owne safetie. But that we were no o∣therwise then we professed, they should shortly know by the testimonie of two Guzerat Iuncks, one of which had not come this yeare, but for the passe and promise of the said Embassador that our ship should defend them home-ward bound from Men of Warre in these Seas, hauing esca∣ped rifling last yeere by men of our Nation, through our opportune comming to our rescue; who [ 30] deliuered her safe at her Port, and sent their chiefe Commanders into England to answere those wrongs to our Kings friends. Hee acknowledged our Nation good and friendly, promised that we should liue on shoare and negotiate as secure as in our owne Countrey, that hee would also procure the Basha to confirme the same, and would giue vs any content. That for the ill vsage forme••ly, the Gouernour then was an ill man, long since remoued, and now liuing in disgrace at Stambola: and sware by his Mahomet and by his Beard, that not one haire of vs should be dimini∣shed, nor any wrong offered:* 1.138 that he would therefore proclayme our liberties that none might pretend ignorance to discourtesie. Hee wished vs also to looke out a house in Towne fit for our persons and goods, commanded two of his principall Chanses to attend vs, and till wee could fit our selues better, recommended vs to the Iew-Merchant his entertainment, desiring him to assist [ 40] vs in all things.

Thus after our Present deliuered as from our Captaine and many kind thankes,* 1.139 wee went by the Iewes perswasion to visit the Scriuano, who is likewise chiefe Customer, whose seruants (himselfe not being then at home) entertayned vs with much ciuilitie, and brought vs into a faire roome, not much inferiour in building, or furniture to that of the Gouernour, where we had left him, and whence he soone returned and welcommed vs with much courtesie, assuring vs of whatsoeuer the Gouernour had promised, and that he himselfe would see all executed, who had power also to right vs. We were informed that this mans authoritie was no lesse in the Towne then the Gouernours, who was by him directed in matters of weight: hee seemed a heartie old man. After he had made vs Drinke Coho and Sherbet, we tooke our leaue and rested that night with our Iew.

[ 50] The next morning, wee spent an houre to view the Towne and obserue the countenances of the people toward vs, whom we found gentle and courteous,* 1.140 especially the Banians and Guze∣rats, of which here liues continually great store, as Merchants, Shop-keepers, and Mechanike Trades, their shops neatly built and cleanly kept. Their Market or Bazar appeared well furnished with all necessaries, besides fruits daily brought out of the Countrey. The Towne for the most part built with bricke and stone fairely playstered ouer with Playster of Paris: the building flat-roofed some two stories high, with Tarrises on the top, whereon they build Summer hou∣ses of Canes and Mats, in which they rest in the nights and passe the first quarter of the day, ha∣uing at that time a fresh breese from the Sea; all the rest of the day so hot,* 1.141 that men cannot well endure any clothes, not so much as a shirt. It lyeth leuell alongst the Sea-side, being about two [ 60] miles from North to South. There are many faire houses and three principall Moschees; the streets kept cleane, each mans doore euery morning and euening watered and swept, seeming liker sandie bowling allies then streets; no filth suffered to be cast abroad, but carryed to a place appointed scowred by the Sea: In fine, I haue not lightly seene, a sweeter, cleaner, better go∣uerned

Towne then this of Mocha. Betwixt the Gouernours and Scriuanoes is the Wharfe, a∣bout twelue score square, neere which adioyning to the Gouernours house is a platforme raysed, built with hewen stones, with Battlements towards the Sea, about fortie paces square, in which are mounted thirteene or fourteene small Peeces of little force. Against the landing-place are two faire Brasse Peeces about fiue foot in length; on the other end is the Alfandica, and a Brasse Peece of sixe foot, which carryeth a Bullet as bigge as a Canon. This is their strength for de∣fence of the Towne. Yet at the North end is a stone house in manner of a Fort, and in it some few Peeces, but they put small trust in their Ordnance, relying most on their Souldiers, of which two hundred reside continually in the Towne, the rest (beeing in all to the number of fiue hundred) liue within a day or two dayes iourney, and are in readinesse vpon any occasion.

Hoia Nassans sonne, the principall India Merchant of the Towne, professed and promised all [ 10] kindnesse (for wee went to his house) and after a cup of Coho and Tobacco (which is vsually a∣mongst these people) we went againe to visit the Gouernour before wee went aboord, who rose and met vs, caused vs to sit by him, welcommed vs, promised as free Trade heere, as in any o∣ther place of the Grand Signiors Dominion,* 1.142 nor would denie vs any thing reasonable: said that another Gouernour should shortly succeed him, but one as his brother, honester then himselfe, who should performe all the promises which he had now made; at our request, commanded the Water-Bayliffe to furnish vs with Boats at all times to carrie vs, or water from shoare for the ship aboord. After this we visited the Scriuano, and found him very courteous, promising to come aboord to see our ship, and bid our Captaine welcome, and after a health of Coho dismis∣sed [ 20] vs to returne to the ship, where our two pledges approued their kind vsages, whose depar∣ture was honoured with fiue Peeces.

* 1.143On the seuenteenth, the Scriuano, our pledges, the Iew, and twentie persons attending came aboord, brought a Bullocke, Bread, Quinces, and other Fruites, and a Cake of great roundnesse and thicknesse like puffe-past, wherein were baked Hennes and Chickens very well dressed, and pleasing enough to a daintie palate; we also with a Quince Pye, Crabs, Sacke and Strong-water, added our best welcome. He would needs bee sworne brother to the Captaine, which was so∣lemnized with a Cup of Sacke, and after much mirth and view of our ship, hee departed with great content.

We had water brought by poore people at reasonable rates. We also had giuen good reason to [ 30] the Gouernour and Scriuano (who approoued it) to make euery Iuncke that should arriue to an∣chor by vs, and there to ride till they had discharged their goods. The Gouernour was willing, we should examine and compell them hereto, because some Iunckes passed by their Towne to o∣ther Ports for Trade, to the losse of this.

* 1.144The one and twentieth, sixe at night, we had a storme of wind off the shoare with Thunder and Lightning very vehement, but no raine, which continued halfe an houre, the rest of the night extreame hot. This storme brought sand and dust aboord in abundance, notwithstanding, we roade a good league from shoare. The fiue and twentieth, we had a message from the Scriua∣no, that the Gouernour and himselfe had receiued Letters from the Basha of Sinan, commanding them to receiue and entertaine vs with all kindnesse, to permit vs to liue and Trade amongst [ 40] them freely and quietly.

* 1.145Ignorance of a new Gouernour must excuse vs of the charge of a new Present to him. His arriuall was on the seuen and twentieth, the Ordnance of the Towne, and Iunkes, and of our ship welcomming him. Hee sent our former Pledges aboord with thankes, and a Present of Plantans, Limes, Mangos, Melons, Bread, and one Bullocke, promising in the Bashas name like trade here, as at Constantinople. The two Pledges remained aboord all night, and went with vs on shoare the next day, where we found the new Gouernour, and the old sitting at the end of a large roome, adorned much what as at our first arriuall, or better. He is about foure yeares old, named Raiab Aga, was accompanied with diuers principall Turkes, and all chiefe Merchants now in trade of Surat, Diu, Dabul, Sindu, Calicut, and Cananor. At our approch he onely mo∣ued, [ 50] so did the Turkes: the Merchants rose, and saluted vs. He caused vs to sit downe by him, told vs that the Basha, the Vizier of the Prouince, informed of vs, had commanded to giue vs content: and besides his Lords command, he knew vs to be friends of the Grand Signior, and to haue. Trade at Constantinople, Aleppo, and other places of his Dominion, a Nation of friendly and honest disposition, and therefore we should find him our good friend, and readie to doe vs any courtesie, and giue vs as free Trade, as wee any where had vnder the Grand Signior, or Great Mogoll.* 1.146 We told him we were Merchants, and our ship Vice-admirall to a Fleet of fiue ships, one of which, was departed from Surat homewards, three from Bantam and other places to the South, and our ship by his Maiesties Embassador employed hither (with such circumstan∣ces as before are deliuered) that if our iust requests of free Trade be granted, wee purposed at [ 60] our next comming to settle a Factorie here, and yeerely to frequent this Port with shipping with English and Indian goods: signified our intents against Rouers, and what alreadie we had done in that case against our owne Countrymen:* 1.147 intimating that it was needlesse to presse with the inconueniences which might arise from denying vs Trade, who were able to force it, and

hinder others from comming; the feare of which had caused some alreadie to passe by this Towne to Gudda, the Port of Mecca, one hundred and fifty leagues farther vp, a Towne of great Trade, and others to other places. He replied, we should be as welcome as to any place in our owne Countrey, and vowed by GOD, Mahomet his head and beard, we should liue as secure from hurt as in our owne Land. We asked what securitie he would giue vs; besides his oath (he answered) his Firman vnder his Chop, and procure the like from the Basha. With this wee seemed content, and gaue him thankes: nor did euer people seeme more willing to giue content then they: which, I thinke, ariseth not from conscience, or loue, but feare, seeing vs able to in∣teruert their Trade. After some questions of our Embassador, now residing at Constantinople, [ 10] and touching the Portugals, and Spaniards, (which he said were proud and vnfaithfull Nations) some speech happened of Sir H. Middleton: we demanded the cause of that treacherie towards him: hee answered, the Vizier at that time was a bloudie, cruell,* 1.148 and ill-minded man of himselfe, and made worse by the instigation of others, Turkes, and Arabs of this Towne, who obseruing the vnciuill behauiour of our people, as pissing at the gates of their Churches; forcing into mens houses to their women; and being daily drunke in the streets, would fight and quarrell with the people; things hatefull in these parts: these things were in part, but the Gouernours coue∣tousnesse (hoping to get their ship and goods) was the maine cause of that ill dealing, for which and many other bad actions, he was not long after sent to Constantinople to answere it, and is either dead, or liues in disgrace to this day. Wee dined with the Scriuano, and hired a house of Hassana Ga, one of our Pledges, at seuentie Rials of eight the Monson, (which is all one with [ 20] the yeerely Rent.) The Scriuano would needs sweare himselfe our friend on his Alchoran: yet denied this Gouernour to be the man which captiued Sir H. Middleton, which was after found Turkish faith. We agreed for Custome three by the hundred, both inwards and outwards (which hee vowed all others paid fiue) and for siluer, and gold, and money, to pay none. Wee supped with him also, and gaue him a Present.

The nine and twentieth, wee had thought to haue had our Firman read before all the Mer∣chants, and proclaimed to the people;* 1.149 but the most part of the day was spent in a ceremonie by the Gouernour and Chiefe at their high Church for the death of the Grand Signior, and the establishing his brother in his roome. They came riding afront our house, we sitting in our win∣dow [ 30] open to the street: they seeing vs, bowed themselues, and we did reuerence: their horses were accommodated with rich furniture. At foure of the clocke, wee were sent for, but our Linguist had got to a Iewes house that sold Racke, and was drunken, and wee pretending Master Salbankes present in disposition, promised attendance the next day. On the one and thirtieth, the Gouernour sent for vs, and made knowne to all the Merchants our welcome, causing his Scriuano to draw a Firman as large as we could require, which he would signe with his Chop, and at his principall Scriuanoes, in the afternoone we should haue it. The Copie whereof is as fol∣loweth, translated out of the Arabicke.

[ 40] A Faithfull and perfect Firman giuen by the grace of GOD to the worthie Captaine of the English, Andrew Shilling, to the Merchants, and to all such as are come with him at this present; and to all the Nation of the English, which shall come to this Port hereafter: For their good vsage, and friendly entertainment by the grace of GOD, and by the Faith we haue in our holy Prophet Mahomet: with the licence of our Great Lord and King, to whom the Great GOD of the World giue long life: by the fidelitie, trueth, and authoritie of the great Vizier of Sinan, Mahomet Ba••ha;* 2.1 whom the Great GOD giue strength, and power in his Kingdome: and by the faithfulnesse, and true meaning, and com∣mand of me Raiab Aga, now Gouernour of the Towne of Mocha; to be giuen to the Great Nation of the English, with all faithfulnesse.

I The Gouernour Raiab Aga, doe giue libertie and licence to the English Nation, to come hither to [ 50] this Port, to receiue friendly entertainment, to bring ashoare their goods, to buy and sell with all free∣dome; to carrie such goods as they buy aboord, without let or hinderance: and haue made contract with them, that for all goods they land, they shall pay three by the hundred, not in readie money, but in goods; and for what they carrie away aboord so it be Merchandise, and not prouision for their ship, as Victuals, or such like, that they shall pay readie money at three by the hundred likewise, neither more nor lesse, but as it is contracted by our agreement. That no Inhabitants of this Towne, nor People of the Countrey, neither Turke nor Arab, shall iniure them; but they shall haue their libertie to their contents. And that this my Firman and Contract is giuen them with a good heart, and true meaning to see it perfor∣med, I witnesse the trueth before the most high GOD, and our holy Prophet. Signed with my Chop, the fourteenth * 2.2 day of May, in the yeare of our Prophet Mahomet 1027.

[ 60]

I haue thought good to adde the Basha of Sinan his Firman, translated as before.

IN the name of God. This Letter written with the word of trueth of the most high GOD: To all Nations, Gouernours and Officers ouer the people vnder my gouernment: GOD keepe you all.

Know yee, that we haue giuen our faithfull Firman vnto the hands of Signior Andrew Shilling Captaine of the English, Ioseph Salbanke his Companion, and to their friend Edward Heynes Mer∣chant, which are come to the Port of Mocha, for them to goe and come with their ships to the said Port, and there to buy and sell all manner of Merchandise freely, and with all content. And wee doe further giue them by vertue of this our Firman in the Faith of the Great GOD, and our holy Prophet Maho∣met; [ 10] in the Faith of our Great Lord, whom GOD preserue; and in the Faith of Our selfe, Gouernour of the Prouince and Citie of Sinan; free licence for to sell and buy there, heere, and in all other of our Ports, and Townes of Trade within our Gouernment, as freely and quietly, without iniurie, let, or mole∣station, as any of the Traders and Merchants which come to that Port of Mocha, or any other, of what Nation soeuer. And doe consent and agree with them, to pay for Custome of such goods as they bring, three by the hundred, and for what they buy and carrie forth, three by the hundred likewise. And doe promise and sweare, in the true way of an Oath, to keepe our word with them in this Agreement; and giue you all hereby to know that they shall pay neither more nor lesse. And further, that they shall receiue neither iniurie, hurt nor danger, nor any discontent giuen them, either to their persons or goods, but they and their Nation shall haue, as from their first ship that came to this Kingdome, now this, so euer to the [ 20] last ship that shall arriue hereafter, the like friendly entertainment, and good vsage, as we haue comman∣ded to be giuen them at this present. And that this is my faithfull meaning, This our Firman which comes to your hnnds shall be a witnesse of the trueth. Written and signed with my Royall Chop, from our Court of Sinan this eighteenth day of Iulie, in the yeere of our Prophet Mahomet 1027.

The Copie of the Gouernour of Moha his Firman, giuen to Master Salbank for good vsage in his way to Sinan, is this.

IN the Name of the great GOD. This Letter of commandment in the name of our great Lord (whom [ 30] GOD keep) to all people, Gouernors of Townes and Cities. Know yee that it is our will and comman∣dement, that when the Bearer hereof Ioseph Salbank, or any of his people, or any of the Nation of the English, come to your places of Gouernment, you vse them, him, and all whomsoeuer, friendly and with all courtesies: that you make them pay for victuall, or other necessaries, no more then ordinarie; but ra∣ther make prouision for them, and assist them. And for what goods they shall carrie away, or bring vp into the Citie of Sinan, you shall take no duites of them, as it the custome to other men, but let them passe free, doing them neither wrong nor iniurie. Wherefore, all you to whom this Letter or Command shall come, which I haue giuen into his hand, I command you all, in the name of the Basha, (whom GOD blesse) to see this performed with all diligence. Giuen at Mocha, the twentieth of Iune, A. 1027. of our Prophet Mahomet.

[ 40]

It was agreed betwixt vs, that Master Salbanke and I should follow the businesse on land, and M^r Barber should remaine aboord to prepare such things as should be sent for. The fift of May, wee went to the Scriuano to get leaue for Racke to be made for our sicke men:* 4.1 for by reason that our Linguist, and others of our companie had beene drunke in a Iewes house, we complai∣ned and desired the Iew might be prohibited to sell them any: whereupon the Gouernour for∣bade the Iewes and Turkes the selling of Wine or Racke in the Towne. The Gouernour, at our and the Scriuano's request, gaue leaue onely that a Iew by his appointment, should brew it in our house; but to preuent disorders, would permit none elsewhere. On the eight in the after∣noone, vnderstanding the Gouernour and principall men were set in the Custome house, ••••pe∣cting [ 50] the Surat Captaine then comming ashoare, he went also to see the manner of his enter∣tainment. At our comming, we found the Gouernour sitting at the vpper end of a long roome vpon a Bench of stone, on a Carpet: by him in a row, on the same Bench couered with fine mattes diuers Merchants, and men of qualitie about twentie; on the other side against him, were about as many set in Chaires: betweene them was made a lane reaching downe to a square place, three steps high from the floore railed in and matted, in which the Scriuano and Officers of the Custome house sate on Carpets. The Gouernour bade vs welcome, told vs hee had giuen the chiefe Broker order to come see our goods, and procure their sale; caused vs to sit downe,* 4.2 two Merchants offering vs their places, and called for Cohoh and Tobacco. After halfe an houre thus spent, the Captaine came ashoare, in his owne boat curiously painted, rowed by [ 60] twentie of his own seruants, all in white linnen, with a Tilt of red silke, many silk Streamers, his Saile of fine Callico, with diuers Drummes, Waits, and ill Trumpets, his owne Iunke, and the Towne-Chambers adding their reports to make vp the musicke (if such confused sounds may be so called) Attended by a few slaues trimmed vp with Silkes, and course Sattins, hee entred

the place where we sate, where the Gouernour rose and saluted him, and placed him next him: and many complements of welcome passed from him, and from the rest of the Merchants: only he in the height of his pride, neglected vs, and wee accordingly him, though wee thought, the Captaines courtesie to him, sending his long-boat and men to free his Iunke (being foure or fiue hundred tunnes, and aground) with his kind entertainment aboord our ship, had deserued bet∣ter respect. After a little time in complements, Cohoh was againe brought to all the company, and after it six Vests, two giuen to the Captaine, and foure to his foure Merchants, which being put on, and Salams giuen, they againe tooke their seats, sitting like so many painted Images, their Coats being of course Gold and Siluer Veluet. One thing wee obserued as the vsuall cu∣stome [ 10] of this Towne, at the arriuall of any Iunke, and the landing of the Captaine, there is free libertie to all the Mariners and Passengers of the same Iunke, to bring ashore as much of their goods as each man can carrie on his backe, free from paying any Custome: in which manner passed by at this present, three hundred persons of that Iunke, with their luggage, to their habi∣tation without molestation. On the ninth, our Landlord and the Scriuano told vs of three Iunkes of Diu, and foure Malabars that stayed at Aden, hearing of our ship,* 4.3 and would not come without our Passe, which they intreated vs to grant. The forme of our Passe subscribed by the Cap••aine and three Merchants, was this.

WHereas the Gouernour of the Towne of Mocha, vnderstanding that there are diuers Iunkes now riding before Aden, fearing to come to this Port, as doubting good vsage from vs the [ 20] English; hath intreated vs to giue vnto him, our Certificate or Passe, for the said Iunkes, or for any other that vsually trade to this Port, to come in freely, without any iniurie done vnto them, either in bodie or goods by vs, and to haue good and friendly quarter, as louing friends and Merchants amongst vs: Wee finding good vsage by the Gouernour himselfe, and forwardnesse by all men to giue vs free Trade and commerce, and as well out of our good disposition, and inclination to peace, as for the satis∣faction of the Gouernour, in his request; Wee, by these presents, doe promise and giue them all freedome to passe quietly, and assure them friendly vsage, to their content: so as they be not enemies to our dread Soueraigne, the Kings Maiestie of England, or his Subiects. In witnesse whereof, wee haue put to our Firmes, &c.

[ 30] A larger Passe at the Gouernours request, and more generall, for the quiet departure of all Iunkes, &c. was after made, which I forbeare to transcribe.

The tenth, the Captaine of the Dabull Iuncke inuited vs to his house to a Banquet, where we found the Gouernour with fiftie principall persons, besides Attendants;* 5.1 All rose and bade vs welcome: wee sate not long but Coho and Sherbet were brought, Tobacco, and diuersitie of Fruits, as Plummes, Apricockes and Mangos, we thinking these to bee our Feast, and readie soone after to depart. But the Gouernour and Captaine desired vs to stay, and eate Bread and Salt with them, which we did; at last, though late, our greatest cheere comming, being about sixtie Dishes of sundry sorts of meats, baked, rosted, boyled, stewed, and sodde, but all mingled with Rice, with diuers sorts of Sallets, in manner as in India.

[ 40] Our Cargason was of bad wares for the most part, which had lien in India, till they were neere spoyled, and so hang on our hands; wee therefore importuned the Gouernour,* 5.2 and hee charged the Broker to procure our sale with great earnestnesse: we obtayned leaue also, contrary to the common custome, to come and goe aboord and ashoare at our pleasure without deman∣ding any leaue, and charged the Water-Bayliffe not to molest vs. On the twentieth, it was obserued in generall that the Monson changed.

The foure and twentieth, The Scriuano told me that he vnderstood that our men of the Ship,* 5.3 at their comming ashoare, sold in the Bazar, Baftas and Sword blades: he said, the Gouernour had promised for the poore mens goods to demand no custome, and therefore they should not feare to bring it ashoare, but to sell it at the house; for at the Bazar, was a disgrace to vs and our Nation. On the one and thirtieth, the ship was in danger to haue beene burnt, one taking [ 50] Tobacco in the sprit-saile yard arme, and the cole falling in a fold of the saile,* 5.4 which there bur∣ned two or three breadths, and was long smelt before it could be found: and Tobacco taking was prohibited, except in the Cook-roome or Captaines Cabin. In regard of recouering our sicke men, discouering the cost, and procuring ballast in stead of Lead, taken out of the ship, it was concluded, that the ship should goe ouer to Assab on the Coast of Africa:* 5.5 and Master Baffen Ma∣sters Mate, was sent to sound and discouer before.

The tenth of Iune, we had speech with the Gouernour, and in other discourse learned of him, that hee was Gouernour of Aden when the Ascension came thither, where hee imprisoned the Captaine and Ios. Salbanke two dayes; as he said, doubting they were not Merchants, but a man of Warre: that he was Gouernour here at Sir H. Middletons apprehension, which he excused by [ 60] the ill rule of our people, and bad disposition of the Basha; that he was blamed for the fact; but the Basha, whose seruant he then was, commanded that and a great deale more. God knew his vnwillingnesse to it, and sorrow for it: but these things are past, feare you nothing. Here wee saw how farre he and the Scriuano were to be trusted.

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On the thirteenth, the Gouernour sent for vs, told vs that he had acquainted the Basha with our purpose, to send vp one to him for his Firman, who had promised his welcome whether wee came or sent; he thought it our best course that one should goe, and we should haue Horse, Ca∣mels and Seruants of his to attend vs; and he would write in our behalfe.

* 5.6The nineteenth, arriued a Iunke expected from Gudda, which brought Chamlets, bad Cor∣rall, Amber beads, much Siluer to invest in Spices and Indian Linnen, many passengers from Mecca. Shee brought newes of a Ship laden hence the last yeere for Grand Cairo, by losse of her Monson through contrarie windes, forced to stay a little aboue Gudda till next yeere. By this Iunke the Gouernour receiued letters, that the Gran Signior had sent diuers ornaments of State to the Basha of Synan, and had confirmed to him his gouernment for seuen yeeres longer, [ 10] and himselfe in this Towne of Mocha vnder him for the like time, whereof hee seemed not a little proud. In regard of my continuall indisposition, it was thought fit Master Salbank should goe, and a Present for the Basha to be prepared, with some merchandise also to carry with him. The Scriuano offered Master Salbank his Mule to ride vpon,* 5.7 which he accepted with thanks. He was furnished with two Camels, one Cooke, one Horse-keeper, three Seruants of the Gouer∣nours, whose wages he had compounded to pay, with Alberto a Linguist, and taking leaue and letters of the Gouernour. On the three and twentieth, he departed about sixe in the euening, the nights being the accustomed time of trauell. That morning wee receiued a Letter from our Captaine of his safe arriuall at Assab; of their good health, and finding ballast and other prouisions. [ 20]

On the sixe and twentieth, the Gouernour sent me a Horse by one of his Seruants, desiring mee to ride with him in companie of other Merchants to his banketting house, some halfe mile out of Towne, there to spend the day in mirth. About halfe an houre after came the chiefe Scri∣uano to call me, with whom I rid and met the Gouernour in the way, whom we accompanied to the place. It was in the midst of a groue of Date Trees, in which was a faire house, and with∣in it a large Tanke, and other roomes of pleasure to sit in. After a little while, He with diuers others went into the Tanke, and sported therein halfe an houre. Then was Cohoh brought and giuen the companie;* 5.8 after that, Grapes, Peaches, Muske, and water Melons, Almonds blan∣ched with others, Raisins in great abundance (for he had at least fiftie or sixtie Ghests, besides at∣tendants) and alwayes betweene whiles Coho and Tobacco. Thus with Musicke, indifferent [ 30] good, he spent the forenoone. After prayers he went againe into the Tanke with others, where∣in hee spent an houre in sport with his companie: after which, the rest of the time was spent, some at Cards, some at Chesse, himselfe beholding juggling tricks vntill foure at euening. Then were brought in at least a hundred dishes of diuers sorts,* 5.9 good meat, but cold and ill dressed. E∣uery dish might well haue serued foure men with good stomacks. Hee vsed me well, and was earnest to haue me into the Tanke, which I excused by my late sicknesse. He answered, if at any time I had a desire to wash, he would haue me come hither and take my pleasure, and the Keeper should permit me and vse me well.

The twelfth of Iuly, at euening was a great shew made by the Surat Captaine before the Go∣uernour, being the time of the New Moone: Many figures artificially made in fire-works, rare [ 40] and excellent.* 5.10 The Gouernour sent for me to see them, placed me in a Chaire by him, told mee of Letters that day receiued from Sinan of the Basha's Firman, granted before Master Salbanke came, who hearing of his comming staid it and made another, as he gaue instructions, and deliue∣red it him with his owne hand.

* 5.11On the thirteenth, passed by the Road of Gudda a Iunke of foure or fiue hundred tunnes, bound for Kitchine, a dayes saile within the entrance of the Red Sea; I suppose it not farre from Cape Guardefui on the Coast of Afrike. Shee is reported to be rich in gold, Royalls of plate, and many sorts of Merchandise: yeerly comes to Mocha, brings Myrrhe, Trunkes for Coho seeds, at the first beginning of the westerly Monson,* 5.12 and dispatching here, goes vp to Gudda or Aliam∣bo, and there sells her Coho and Indian goods which shee taketh in at Kitchine, brought thither by [ 50] Portugall Frigats from Diu,* 5.13 and other places. Her lading outward is Indico's, all manner of In∣dian Linnen, Gumme, Lac and Myrrhe; shee is fraighted by the Portugalls, and the Gouernour wished we might meet with her, which it is likely we had done, had not our ship beene absent, which returned into the Road on the one and twentieth. I went aboord, and was told, that the King of Assab with his brother and brothers sonne,* 5.14 had beene aboord and receiued good enter∣tainment, in requitall whereof, the King promised to send for store of Beeues and Goats: but in the euening, by signe of a light giuen, fled with all his people vp into the Mountaynes, pre∣tending a pursuit of his enemies, and neuer returned so much as thanks.

The seuen and twentieth, before day, Master Salbanke returned in perfect health and content with his Firmans.* 5.15 He related to me of his hard iourney, good respect giuen him by the way in [ 60] all places; being alway met before he entred any Towne of note, with Horse and Foot, to guard him to the Gouernours, and of them receiued with good welcome; his prouisions prouided by their Officers (but at his owne charge) the Gouernour of Moha•• seruant in the name of the Ba∣sha,* 5.16 procuring his good vsage. Before he came into Sinan he was met a mile without the Citie

by fortie or fiftie braue Turks well horsed, sent by the Basha to bring him in; which conueyed him to a house readie and richly furnished against his comming. He receiued friendly entertain∣ment of the principall Xeriffe and the Basha's chiefe Treasurer, which were both appointed to welcome him. And two dayes after, the Basha himselfe gaue him hearing, of whom he receiued courteous entertainment and two Firmans, both of one Tenor, but one written in a fairer Cha∣racter then the other, to shew to the Grand Signior, if occasion required.

I find, by his report, that the Citie of Sinan with the Countrey adioyning, will vent yeerly some quantitie of English cloth, those parts for three quarters of the yeere being cold; yea,* 5.17 in this Summer time a man might well haue endured a furred Gowne. Besides, there is a Court [ 10] kept, to which belong fortie or fiftie thousand gallant Turks, most of which wore garments of Venetian cloth of great prices. Also not farre from thence lyeth a Leskar of Souldiers, to the number of thirtie thousand,* 5.18 that continually are in the field against an Arab King not yet con∣quered, which liueth in the Mountaynes adioyning, all which, he saith, are reported to weare Coats quilted of Cotton made of India Pintado's, which is deare and little seruiceable, for want of cloth to keepe them from cold, which there is extreme. To this I may adde the Citie of Tyeis, and the Leskar of thirtie or fortie thousand Souldiers, gouerned by an Almaine turned Moore, subiect to the Basha of Sinan, where is much cloth worne, not aboue fiue dayes iourney from Mocha, yet very cold.

The second of August, the Gouernour sent our Captaine a vest, a rich one, by his chiefe Sha∣bander [ 20] with Drummes and Trumpets,* 5.19 his Boat bedecked with Flags and Streamers in great brauerie, which was deliuered with great reuerence, and receiued accordingly.

The eleuenth, the Captaine of Dabul Melic Maruet, and Nakada Rooswan the Chaul Cap∣taine, sent vs their Letters of recommendations to their Kings, according to our desire, certify∣ing of our friendly vsage here, and promise to defend them homewards bound from Pyrates, and therefore beseeching, in our behalfe, freedome of Trade and friendly vsage in their Kingdomes. The fourteenth, we gaue our Passes (as at other times to others) vnto two Captaines of the Ma∣labarres, Amet Ben Mahomet of Cannanor vnder Sultan Ala Raia, and to Abu Buker of Calicut vnder the Samorine.

This day came into the Road a small Galley from Cairo, with many passengers, Turks and [ 30] Iewes, rich in Royals, Chekines, Corall, Damaskes, Sattins, Chamlet, Opium, Veluets and Taffata's. Shee had beene in her voyage but thirtie dayes. I had conference with the Iewes, one of which had beene of my acquaintance in Barbarie. They report, that the Grand Signiors bro∣ther, being made Emperor, had imprisoned his two Nephewes, done to death some Grandes, and otherwise discontented the great Ones, and that he was deposed, imprisoned, and the el∣dest of his Nephewes created. That there were two hundred thousand Souldiers sent against the Persian, for the conquest of Gurgistan, with other things; whereof some proued true, others false, according to the fate of Merchants newes.* 5.20 Some Iewes and Turks desired passage for them and their goods in our ship to Surat; and it is likely when they know vs better, much profit may be made this way, their Iunkes being so pestered vsually with vnciuill people.

[ 40] Thus hauing sold and bartered our goods as well as we might, hope of such a Cargason, and dispatched our businesse, wee visited the Gouernour and desired his Letter testimoniall to the Lord Embassador, which he gaue vs; we tooke our leaue the nineteenth of him, the Scriuano and principall men of the Towne, from whom wee receiued protestations of much kindnesse al∣wayes, came aboord, intending the next day to set saile for India, in companie of the Surat Iunke, according to our instructions.

CHAP. VI. [ 50] Briefe Notes of two Voyages of Master MARTIN PRING into the East Indies; the first with Captaine NICHOL••S DOWNTON, Generall of foure ships, in which he went Master in the New-yeeres Gift Admirall.

FRom England to the Canaries, we vsed our Chanell Compasses,* 5.21 and from thence our Meridionall. Whiles we vsed our Chanell Compasses, we gaue not any al∣lowance for the variation; which afterwards we did in all our Courses. Wed∣nesday, the fifteenth of Iune, 1614. we anchored in the Road of Soldania, the latitude whereof is foure and thirtie degrees,* 5.22 the longitude from the Lizard [ 60] eight and twentie degrees, of a great circle East, the variation one degree, thir∣tie minutes, North westing.

The fourth of Iuly, we had the Cape of Good Hope East seuen leagues off. On Saturday,* 5.23 the sixt of August, we escried the Land of Saint Laurence. The Riuer of Saint Augustine hath in

latitude twentie three degrees, thirtie eight minutes, and longitude from the Cape of Good Hope twentie three degrees, of a great Circle. We left it on the twelfth: and the thirteenth wee had Westminster Hall (which is a flat Hill, lying North-east by North from the Road of Saint Au∣gustine) South-east by South nine leagues off,* 5.24 being in latitude three and twentie degrees, varia∣tion seuenteene degrees and twentie minutes, North westing. On the fourteenth and fifteenth, we found that the Current had set vs to the North, of our account, sixe leagues.

On the eighteenth, by obseruation of the Sunne at noone, wee found the eleuation of the South Pole to be seuenteene degrees and twentie sixe minutes. The three and twentieth, wee descried the land of Ioanna.* 5.25

The second of September, we passed the Line: the ninth, wee anchored in Delisha Road on the North side of Socotora, in twelue degrees and thirtie fiue minutes, variation eighteene degrees [ 10] and thirtie minutes, longitude eleuen degrees and twentie minutes, of a great Circle to the East of Saint Augustine.

Their anchoring, and what passed at Swally, yee had before in Captaine Downton. The second of March, we left the Road of Swally. On the fourth, we were as low as Damon, and saw the Vice-roy with his Paderosa Armada, which chased vs till the sixt at noone, and then left vs. The night before wee came in sight of Damon,* 5.26 wee had many Whirlewinds, the weather being cleere, as if the two Monsons had beene striuing for victorie. The sixteenth, Cochin bare three leagues off East halfe North. It stands in ten degrees close by the waters side; the Land so low that we could see nothing but Trees: but vp in the Countrey are Mountaynes: variation fifteen degrees North North-easting, this euening. [ 20]

* 5.27The nineteenth, at noone being Sunday, there was an Eclipse of the Sunne, the end whereof by my obseruation, continued till one in the afternoone and fortie fiue minutes. The distance of the Sunne from the Zenith, was twentie seuen degrees and thirtie minutes, iust as the Eclipse was ended. Munday, by obseruation of the Crosiers we were in sixe degrees, and by the Starres of the great Beare also.* 5.28 Tuesday, at fiue in the morning, we descried the Coast of Seyloan fiue leagues off, which neere the water side riseth full of small Hummocks, and vp in the Countrey are Mountaynes, whereof one like a Friers Cowle. Friday, Punta de Galia North-east halfe North eight leagues off, wee perceiued that the Current set westward. By obseruation of the Starre in the great Beares backe, we were in fiue degrees and thirtie minutes.

The fourth and fift of Aprill, we perceiued the Current had set vs fiue leagues and two third [ 30] parts to the North,* 5.29 being in one degree and fiftie minutes, when by our way wee should haue been in one degree thirtie three minutes. We found a like Current on the ninth. The two and twentieth, wee found that the Current had carried vs in foure dayes thirteene leagues to the South of our computation. The third of May, at noone, wee were in foure degrees and thirtie minutes, and found that since the former noone the Current had carried vs foure leagues South of our computation. We had sight of Sumatra. The like we found at noone the next day. Wee saw the Ile of Enganio, the North point bearing South-west eight leagues off. The sixt, at noon, we were in fiue degrees and thirtie seuen minutes, caried to the South of our accounts fiue leagues by the Current.* 5.30 We saw the South point of Sumatra East South-east low by the water.

On the seuenth, we were at noone in sixe degrees and ten minutes, the Current hauing set [ 40] vs sixe degrees and an halfe to the South of our accounts.

This morning we saw the Salt Ile, which is in the entrance of the Straights of Sunda, bea∣ring East, two third parts North. The tenth of May, the South-east winds began to blow fresh, onely now and then a gust which would sometimes alter it, and that about the change or full of the Moone, or else we had it alway betweene the South South-east, and the East South-east: but most commonly at South-east. On the tenth, the Generall (wee being able to doe no good the other way) thought best to beare vp to the North of the Salt Iles, where vn∣der the North end of the Northermost, wee anchored in twentie fadoms oaze, within three quarters of a mile of the shoare, finding the like depth all alongst the North end of this Iland in that distance. Betweene the high Salt-Ile and this, is Pumicestone-Ile, which alwaies burneth, [ 50] and casts forth Pumicestones like to Fuego. The Northermost we called Coco, of the fruit found there. These Pumicestones we cast into the water, which swam like Corke. The twelfth, the Pinnasse was sent to Pulo-Beced for water: it was brackish. On the sixteenth, our men found a Pond of fresh water, on the North end of the Salt Ile, in the flat ground by the waters side, and filled water there. We set saile thinking to haue gotten to the South of the Salt Ile, the winde being at North-east, but could not preuaile against the Currant. The nineteenth, we were in sixe degrees, fiue minutes of South latitude.

The twentieth, the Current North North-west and North-west, whereas before for ten de∣grees it had set directly West betweene those Ilands. [ 60]

After much contending with the weather and Current, hauing had very good water from Palmeto Ile, halfe a mile within the East point in a sandy Coue.

The first of I••ne, we set saile and stood to the South, making a South-west way by meanes of the Current that sets West South-west, alongst the shoare. On the three and twentieth of Iune,

Master Iordan came aboord: and the next our Generall sent a Present to the King of Bantam▪ Note, that while we rid in the Straits mouth, we found the Current from twelue at noone, till foure in the morning to runne very swift, and from thence till noone very easie. Sunday the sixth of August, our Generall departed this life.

The tenth of October, Captaine Iordan came in the Iuncke from Iacatra, and related his kind entertainment, the King being wholly deuoted to vs, and hating the Dutch.

The seuen and twentieth of Nouember, the Flemmings set vpon Kewee his house (he was our Merchant to buy Pepper for vs) with intent to keepe him Prisoner in their owne house: But [ 10] Captaine Iordan hauing notice thereof presently went and rescued him in despight of the Flemmings, and brought him to the English-house. The two and twentieth of December, hauing receiued our lading, we left the Road of Bantam.* 5.31

The seuenth of Ianuary, we were in seuen degrees fiue minutes of South latitude, wee found that the Current had set vs South South-east nine leagues in twentie houres, the variation this euening was three degrees fortie minutes North-westing. The two and twentieth, our Gene∣rall Master Thomas Elkington departed this life.

The first of March, we anchored in the Bay of Soldania,* 5.32 our Company most part in good health. The next day we set vp our Tents ashoare, landed our sicke men and our water caske. On Sunday the third, Cory came downe vnto vs, who told vs of one Captaine Crosse,* 5.33 which liued vpon Penguin Iland with eight men and a Boy: to whom Master Dodsworth had giuen a Boat. I [ 20] sent the Pinnasse which brought three, and left there other three. These reported, that on Sa∣turday last, Captaine Crosse with two others, their Boat being split in pieces,* 5.34 made a Gingada of Timber, and had gotten halfe way betwixt the Iland and the ship, when two Whales rose vp by them, one of them so neere, that they strooke him on the backe with a wooden spit; after which they sunke downe and left them. Captaine Crosse thus terrified with the Whales, and benummed with the water, returned to the Iland, and hauing shifted a shirt and refreshed him∣selfe, aduentured the second time, giuing charge to one of the Company, to haue an eye on him so long as he could see him. This fellow saith, he saw him a great way from the Iland, and on the sudden lost sight of him; which is the last newes of him.

The eight of March, (all things ready) we departed, hauing gotten good store of sheepe and [ 30] some Bullockes. From the Tropike till we were in one degree eighteene minutes of South la∣titude, we met alway with a Southerly Current, which set vs to the South about seuen or eight miles in foure and twentie houres. The reason I guesse to be, because we were alway to the East-wards of that Current, which sets towards the North-west from Saint Helena, so that wee went in the edge of the Eddy of the North-west Current. The fiue and twentieth of Iune, 1616. we arriued in the Downes.

CHAP. VII. The second Voyage of Captaine PRING into the East-Indies. Or a Rela∣tion [ 40] of the fifth Voyage for the Ioynt Stocke, set forth by the Honorable and Worshipfull of the East-Indie Societie: consisting of fiue Ships, viz. the Iames Royall, of burthen a thousand tunnes, ROWLAND COYT∣MORE Master: the Anne Royall, nine hundred tunnes; ANDREW SHILLING Master: the Gift, eight hundred tunnes; NATHA∣NIEL SALMON Master: the Bull, foure hundred tunnes; ROBERT ADAMS Master: the Bee, one hundred and [ 50] fiftie tunnes; IONH HATCH Master. All vnder the Gouernment of MAR∣TIN PRING.

§. I. Occurrents in the way, at Surat, Bantam, and Iacatra.

ANno 1616. The fourth of February, our Fleet departed from Grauesend. Thurs∣day [ 60] the sixth, Master Maurice Abbot, Deputie with diuers of the Commissio∣ners were aboord the ships, and mustered all our men and payd their Harborough wages. The next day they departed, and all our men were entred into whole pay. After much foule weather. The fift of March, wee departed from the Downes. March the seuenth, we had the Lizard North foure leagues off, which

lyeth in fiftie degrees ten minutes. From the Lizard we steered away by a Meridionall Com∣pa••se, giuing allowance in all our courses for the Variation. The seuen and twentieth, 1617. at noone we had in latitude twentie eight degrees ten minutes, the North-east point of the Gran Canaries West North-west fiue leagues off.

The two and twentieth of Iune, we had sight of Soldania point, and the same afternoone an∣chored in the Bay, whence we departed on the thirteenth of Iuly. On the three and twentieth, we descryed Terra de Natal.

The third of August, we descryed the land of Saint Laurence, in twentie two degrees fortie sixe minutes of latitude. On the eleuenth, we saw the Ile of Molalia. The Kings name is Fan∣no Mary O Fannad••ll: Paemon the name of the Port where we * 5.35 road: Commoro by the Inhabi∣tants is called Angazija. The next Iland to the East is Ioanna: and the next to the East-ward of [ 10] that is Mawotta.

The sixe of August, at night the Moone was totally eclipsed, when the foot of the Cro∣siers was nine aboue the Horizon: it began at eight, and continued til it was past eleuen, and was totally eclipsed for the space of an houre and halfe. The fiue and twentieth of August, at night be∣tweene seuen and eight a clocke in South latitude foure degrees twentie minutes. The water of the Sea seemed almost as white as Milke, and so continued till the next morning: and then as the day came on the water began to alter againe. The next night wee were in the same water a∣gaine, but not altogether so white. The thirtieth, before day we saw the fore-said white water againe: and likewise the next night, but could find no ground.

The eight of September, we mounted the rest of our Ordnance; this night at twelue of the [ 20] clocke we had six foote and an halfe water in hold, which in foure houres with both Pumps was freed, and after that the Pumps did sucke so much in the space of halfe an houre, that it would rise twelue inches water.

The ninth, in the morning, I caused the Chiefe Commanders of the Fleete to come aboord, where after that I had giuen them notice of the Accident, I willed them to send for their carpen∣ters to haue their aduice in searching for the Leake,* 5.36 and some of their Companies besides to helpe our men to pumpe; others to rummage in hold, and the rest to stitch our sprit-sayle with Ocom, wherewith we made tryall diuers times vnder the bildge of the shippe, but could not find the Leake, yet by diuers experiments within boord, we found that the Leake was before the Mast, and therefore the next morning being the tenth, wee fitted our sprit-sayle againe, as before, [ 30] and let it downe before the sterne of the ship, and so brought it afterwards on by degrees, vntill by our iudgement it was vnder the scarfe of the keele, and the sterne, and there (God bee pray∣sed) our Leake was partly stopped, for it rose not aboue sixe inches in a Glasse, where before it rose twelue inches. After this comfortable newes, we steered away our course, and within three Glasses after the Ocom was washed out, so that we came to our old stint againe; this night we sent for one of the Buls Pumpes to free our water from before, where there was alwayes till then a foot and an halfe water more then was in the Well.

The eleuenth▪ we fitted our sprit-saile with Ocom, and let it downe againe, in which action it pleased God so to fauour vs, that within an houre after, our shippe was thighter then at any time before, which I pray God long to continue. [ 40]

The twelfth, in the morning we descryed a sayle which the Gift did fetch vp in the after∣noone:* 5.37 this was a Portugall which came from Moç ambique, hauing about fif••ie Kintals of Ele∣phants teeth. In the morning, the Bee came to vs from Swally Road, and gaue vs intelligence of the rest of the Fleet, that they were all in safetie in the Road of Swally, which was no small ioy vnto vs. Likewise, we vnderstood that they had brought the Iuncke and the two shippes, which they chased the s••xteenth of this moneth, into the Road with them; the Iuncke beeing a great ship of Surat, belonging to the Mother Queene, the other two English shippes which had her in chase, the one of the ships was called the Francis, a ship of one hundred and sixtie tunnes, belonging to () the other the Lion of one hundred and twentie tuns, set forth by Philip Bernardy, an Italian Merchant in London. The Captaine in the Francis was Neuce, and of [ 50] the Lion Thomas Iones, who in former time had beene Boat-swaine of the Hector.

This euening (God be praysed) we arriued in Swally Road without the Sands, where wee found the rest of the Fleet; the fore-said Iuncke, and the two English-men of Warre; the Bull and the Lion being got in on the barre. The fiue and twentieth, I gaue order that the Francis should goe in also, that we might be more secure of her and her Consort; the same euening, the Bee and the Prize went in also.

The ninth of October, at night, I sent vp one and twentie chests of Corall to Surat, which was landed from the Anne two dayes before; at night I sent eight tunne, foure hundred of E∣lephants teeth to Surat from the Prize. In the morning, wee had a consultation aboord the [ 60] Iames, where it was determined that the Anne or Gift, should by Gods grace bee laden for Eng∣land.

This afternone, twentie sayle of Frigats from Goa, arriued at the barre of Surat, the Cap∣taine Maior, Don Pedro de Asadedo, from one of those Frigats, fiue of the Countrey people came

ashoare amongst our men, which being discouered, three of them fled and two were taken by our guard, who confessed that they came from Goa a moneth before, being commanded by the Vice-Regent to range the Coast, to discouer the English; which found, they were to returne a∣gaine, if not descryed, to proceed on for Cambaya to waste the Caffallo.

The fourteenth * 5.38 in the morning, I sent fourteene tunne of Elephants teeth to Surat, from the Prize, which were guarded vp with thirtie sixe men that went for the Conuoy of our mony to Amadauar. The seuenteenth, wee sent vp twelue tunne, and foure hundred teeth.

The seuenteene Frigats aforesaid returned againe faire by vs, and stood to the South-ward, we sent the rest of our teeth to Surat. On the two and twentieth, and this afternoone we lan∣ded [ 10] sixteene chests of Corall, and two of Mors teeth from the Bull.

The fourteenth of Nouember, being Friday, we dispeeded the Bee for Iasques, a monethes pay was giuen to all the Company in the Fleet, (the chiefe Commanders and the Merchants ex∣cepted) which amounted to three thousand three hundred and two Rials of eight. And after that, this afternoone we landed Cloth, Tinne, Cases of Wine, and strong Waters, with the rest of the Presents that were in the Cabbin.

The seuenteenth of Ianuary, being Saturday, the Bee returned from Persia: this day seuen Malla∣bar Iunckes Road in the offing, to whom I sent out the Francis, who brought in two of them, and the Bee other two.

Thursday, the twelfth of March, we departed from Swally Road, the same euening we ancho∣red [ 20] neere the Barre of Surat. The seuenteenth, in the morning, the wind veered vp Northerly, and in the afternoone the Anne departed from vs, bound for the Red Sea. Tuesday, the eigh∣teenth, I dispeeded the Bull. At noone wee had gone South-east by South twelue leagues, latitude, eleuen degrees twentie fiue minutes, the winds (as foure or fiue dayes before) at night a little breath off the shoare, by day in the afternoone a fresh gale from the Sea; this day in the fore-noone we saw eight sayle of ships to the South-wards of vs, and three betweene vs and the shoare; moreouer, two Gallies and ten Frigats, these were chased to the North-wards, by the Bee and the Francis, which I had sent the night before, to keepe faire the shoare. The eight and twentieth, in the afternoone the Francis and the Bee being neere the shoare,* 5.39 and thwart of Cal∣licut; the King sent off a Boat pretending to bee very desirous to speake with me, but I was too [ 30] farre shot to the South-wards before that I heard the newes.

The second of Aprill, 1618. in the morning, we got into the Bay of Brin Ian,* 5.40 where we an∣chored in fourteene fathome water, within halfe a league of the Towne, a high picked hill like vnto a Sugar-loafe, bearing North-east by East by the Compasse, which is the best marke if it be cleane, to know the place; here is good refreshing to bee had, Hennes and Coco Nuts in abun∣dance, Goates and great store of fish, also good fresh water springing from a Rocke; but wee were faine to pay seuentie Rials of eight, a Vest of Cloth, a small Peece, a Looking-glasse, and a Sword, and all too little to giue her content. For after the Gouernour had receiued the Present with the mony, and granted vs leaue, he came againe with seuen or eight hundred men,* 5.41 and de∣manded more money, and had we not kept a strong guard at the spring, hee would haue put vs [ 40] by it after our money was paid. Sunday, the fifth, at one of the clocke at night, the wind com∣ming off the shoare, we weighed anchor and departed. This euening we were thwart of a head∣land, which lyeth South-east by East fron Brin Ian eight leagues, from whence vnto the Cape East, two thirds South are seuen leagues. Neere vnto the first head-land lyeth two Rockes a good heighth aboue water and a mile without them, there is a most dangerous Rocke,* 5.42 which is euer with the surface of the water, but if you come not within twentie sixe fathome, you shall goe cleere enough.

On the seuenth, in the euening at sixe we had Cape Commorin North North-east one third, North fiue leagues off, being in thirtie fathome. The nineteenth of Iune,* 5.43 Captaine Ball and Master Pickham came aboord. This afternoone (God bee praysed) wee arriued in the Roade of [ 50] Bantam.

The foure and twentieth, I went to the Pangram,* 5.44 to compose the matter betweene Cap∣taine Ball and the Chineses, whose Iuncke Captaine Ball had arrested for certaine debts due by the Chineses; where (according to Captaine Balls desire) I made proffer of the re-deliuery of the Iuncke, conditionally, that the Pangram would doe vs Iustice; which he passed his word to per∣forme. Munday, the sixth of Iuly, in the afternoone, I went againe to the Pangram,* 5.45 Master George Ball, Master Rich, Master Pickham, and diuers other Merchants in company. His malice was so great against Master Ball, that he would not grant him accesse, whereupon I sent him word that Master Ball had brought the bils of debt, and was onely able to giue a reason of all passages betwixt the English and the Chineses, whereof I was vtterly ignorant, his Messenger [ 60] returned the second time, and told me that Master Ball might not be admitted, and so wee left the Court.

The first of September in the morning, the wind being off the shoare, we weighed, and stood towards Point Ayre, keeping along in seuen fathome vpon the maine,* 5.46 vntill wee were within three miles of the said Point, where we had seuen fathom wanting a quarter the one cast, and

the next but three fathom;* 5.47 some supposing that our ship did touch, but I could not perceiue it. Off this Point there lieth a flat shoald almost with the frame of the water, but you haue seuen fathom within two Cables length of it. This afternoone, as we stood in with the Dutch ships, which rode in the faire way betwixt the two Ilands, euen as wee came within a mile of the ships, our ship came aground, but (GOD be praysed) we got her off againe without any hurt at all, and so stood in the Bay, where againe wee came within two Cables length of another shoald, which lieth South-east by South from the Flemmish Iles, one league and an halfe off.

Wednesday, the second of September in the afternoone, it pleased GOD to bring vs into the Road of Iacatra in safety, hauing deliuered vs from three imminent dangers the day before, GOD grant we may alwaies remember it with praise and thankesgiuing to his holy Name.

The sixe and twentieth of September, being Saturday, early in the morning, I went to visite [ 10] the King the second time, remayning in his Parke; and finding him in a pleasant vaine, I moued him concerning of former businesse; and before I left him, we came to a finall conclusion, which was this: First, in consideration of our free importation and exportation of all manner of Com∣modities, to giue him seuen hundred Rials of eight per annum, and fifteene hundred Rials of eight, for a plat of ground to build on.

§. II. [ 20] Dutch wrongs, and the Fights betwixt Sir THOMAS DALE and them.

SVnday, the seuen and twentieth in the euening, Master Bishop arriued in this Road, in a Praw, which came from Iapparra, wherein was a Cogee which brought the Ma∣tran his Letter to Captaine Ball, wherefore I dispeeded him for Bantam the same night: he left two English behind him at Iapparra, one of them being fled from the Dutch,* 5.48 and had Letters from diuers of our People that are prisoners in the Moluccas, and amongst the rest, one was directed vnto me from Master Richard Tatten, wherein he complaineth very much of the boarish vsage of the Dutch, that will hardly allow them Rice to put in their bel∣lies, and that vpon euery idle newes of the comming of any ships, they are still put in Irons. [ 30]

The thirteenth of October in the euening, Cornelius Marthon, Commander of the French ship taken by the Dutch,* 5.49 came into the Road, and the same night came aboord of me, and after some discourse told me, that we had sixe ships comming for this place out of England, Sir Thomas Dale Admirall,* 5.50 for some speciall businesse at the Moluccas, and that hee was bound thither with the French ship, the Souldhailer, and the Neptune, to attend the comming of good friends. The seuen and twentieth in the euening, wee had foure foot and an halfe water in the Iames Royall, which wee freed in two houres with both our Pumpes, and afterward kept our Pumpe going vntill the next morning about ten of the clocke, at which time by letting downe of a sayle basted with Ocum, it pleased GOD to stop the leake againe. The one and thirtieth, I discouered a place for the careening of the Iames Royall,* 5.51 vpon the little Iland, that lieth next within Tanium point [ 40] in the Bay of Bantam, we made all things readie to repaire vnto the foresaid Iland.

The fifteenth of Nouember, the Rose arriued from Teco, bringing newes that the Hollanders had a Factorie there established soone after that ours was dissolued. The ninteenth, the Moone, the Cloue,* 5.52 the Samson, and the Pepper-corne, arriued from England, and anchored betweene Viun point, and Poolo-Paniang. This day I went aboord of them, taking with me such fresh victuals as our ship did affoord to congratulate their comming. Comming neere, I perceiued the Cloue to be Admirall, and therefore went first aboord of her, where I found Sir Thomas Dale the chiefe Commander, and Captaine Iordaine the President; I vnderstood by them, that they lost companie of the Globe to the Westward of the Cape, and (which was farre worse) that they left the Sunne (Admirall of the Fleet) in great danger of casting away,* 5.53 vpon the Ile of En∣gano: [ 50] they themselues hauing much adoe to double the Iland. Two dayes they rode still in this place expecting her comming, which was long before bildged vpon the Rockes, as afterwards we vnderstood to our great griefe. The two and twentieth in the morning, the foresaid ships stood in for Bantam Road, and as they passed by the Iland where our ship lay, wee saluted them with fifteene Peeces of Ordnance, which we had formerly planted on the shoare, and withall, tooke in our Flag, to shew our respect to Sir Thomas Dale, the Admirall of that Fleet.

The eight and twentieth of Nouember, came two boats from Engano, with sixtie eight of the Sunnes men, who brought lamentable newes of the losse of the said ship with many of the companie, vpon the foresaid Iland. The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Globe arriued; [ 60] this day our leake brake out againe,* 5.54 but was quickly stopped (GOD bee praised) by remoo∣uing of the Bonnet. The thirtieth, our ship being cleared from stemme to sterne, the Car∣penter went downe to search for the leake, and as they passed forward, still taking vp the see∣ling as they went, in the formost roome sauing one, they found the leake being an augur hole

left open in the middle of the keele; which was foure inches and three quarters about,* 5.55 which leake, if it had sprung vpon vs alone in the Sea, would haue tired all our companie in foure and twentie houres, herein the great mercie of GOD did manifestly appeare, in that it neuer brake out but when we had a Fleet about vs for our aide, GOD giue vs grace alwaies to remember it with praise and thanksgiuing to his holy Name.

The second of December being Saturday, Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Ball came aboord, because we had proclaimed a Fast through both the Fleets,* 5.56 and the Exercise to bee aboord the Iames the next day, which was the Sabbath: on which morning, the President and diuers Mer∣chants came aboord, bringing Master Wrenne in companie: the Preacher of the Sunne, who ex∣ercised [ 10] in the fore-noone, and Master Copeland our Minister, in the after-noone.* 5.57 This day the Bee set saile for Engano, being formerly ordained to goe thither, in hope to recouer some mo∣neys and goods they hold of the Sunne. The fourth in the after-noone, the Swart Leo arriued from Potania, and rode to the Westward of Poolo Paniang; Master Denton in regard of his ac∣quaintance amongst the Dutch, was sent aboord of her in the barge, to enquire from whence shee came: who when he came aboord, found one Hendricke Ianson his old acquaintance, a man that had beene chiefe Factor for the Dutch in Potania a long time. This man with another inferiour Factor came aboord the Moone with Master Denton, where they were well entertained, till Sir Thomas Dale came aboord, and soone after were set on shoare at Bantam the same night, before day we resolued to goe forth with foure ships, the Moone, the Cloue, the Globe, and the Samson, that we might the better incompasse her. At breake of day wee were faire by her, and after a [ 20] few exchange of Parles, they yeelded vp their ship,* 5.58 vpon condition that they might depart with all such goods, as did properly belong vnto them. On the sixt, we brought her in neere the Iland where we had left the rest of our Fleet.

The fourteenth, the Bee returned againe beaten back with foule weather, that she was not able to get out of the Straights. On the sixteenth in the after-noone, there came twentie Portuguezes aboord the Iames Royall, fled from the Dutch at Iacatra, which were freely receiued, and kind∣ly entertained. This euening, we were readie to set saile with eleuen ships great and small for Iacatra, in hope to beat away the Dutch ships from thence;* 5.59 The names of the ships were the Moone, in which Sir Thomas Dale went, the Gift, wherein I went my selfe, the Vnicorne, the Cloue, the Globe, the Samson, the Pepper-corne, the Thomas, the Bee, the Rose, and the Swart Leo; [ 30] leauing behind vs the Iames Royall, there to take in her prouisions, also the Prize, and the Aduice, because they had most of her prouision in them. The ninteenth in the morning, wee set saile with our Fleet aforesaid, and the same day wee anchored betweene Poolo Paniang, and Poolo Tunda. The twentieth in the euening, we anchored with all our Fleet about a league to the Northwards of Hector-Iland. This night we sent the barge to the Flemmish Ilands, where they found no people at all vpon the Souther Iland, there lay a Dutch Galley which they set on fire, and so returned aboord the same night. This euening, wee descried seuen roders in the Bay of Iacatra. The one and twentieth early in the morning, these seuen ships stood off with vs vn∣till they were somewhat neere the Ilands, and there they came to an anchor altogether. This [ 40] afternoone we stood in towards them, and anchored a mile to windward of their Fleet. This euening, we had a consultation aboord the Moone, where it was resolued,* 5.60 That the next mor∣ning we should assault the Holland Fleet in manner following: The Globe, and the Samson, for the Sunne; and the Thomas to passe in betweene them, fitted with combustible matter to set her on fire; the Moone, and the Cloue, for the Golden Lion; the Gift, and the Bee, for to attempt the Angell; the Vnicorne, and the Rose, for the Deuill of Delfe; the Pepper-corne was sent forth to surprise the burget boat come from Iambee; riding about three leagues off; whose boat with thirteene men, our barge had taken as shee was standing in with the Holland Fleet, about seuen of the clocke at night: this our determination being written downe, we departed aboord eue∣ry man to his charge, but after we were gone, Sir Thomas Dale sent his boat aboord the Thomas, for three Sakers, which held them in worke till eight the next morning, so that the Hollanders [ 50] were all away b••fore these Ordnance were aboord the Moone, which made vs all in a hurlibur∣ly to weigh, and get to seawards, that we might haue sea-roome, and the aduantage of the sea-turne; the which at length wee attained, getting without the Iles of Point Aire: the Holland Fleet passing betweene them and the maine of Iaua. So that the same night they anchored faire aboue the Coast of Iaua; and our Fleet in the offing without the Ilands.

On the three and twentieth, in the morning, the Holland Fleet stood off to the Westward close vnder Anti-Lackie. The Deuill of Delft borrowing so neere that shee came agroand, and sate fast for a quarter of an houre; which was no sooner perceiued by vs, but forthwith we made towards them with all our Fleet; yet before we drew any thing neere, she was slipt off againe;* 5.61 and shee with all the rest of the Fleet standing off to the Northwards: our Fleet hauing the [ 60] weather gadge, wee paid roome vpon them, till wee came within spot, and then the Moone, (wherein was Sir Thomas Dale the Admirall) beganne the fight with the headmost ship of the Dutch, named the Sunne; our fight continued the space of three houres, during which time wee spent some twelue hundred great shot amongst them, and so left them for that night; they

standing off so farre to the Northwards, that they got the Burger boat into their companie, and then anchored to the westwards of vs, about halfe a league: there they rode all night.

The foure and twentieth, both Fleets weighed anchor, ours plying to the westward to gaine the wind; and the Hollanders ranne in to the shoare, towards Point Aire: in the meane time wee descried three Saile comming from the westward afore the wind, which comming neere, we perceiued to be the little Iames, the Hound, and the Francois; and after they were come neere vs, we ioyned all together, and chased the Holland Fleet, through the Bay of Iacatra vnto the Easterne point of the same; where wee all came to an anchor in the euening. This night there was a Iunke sent from the Flemmings at Iacatra, filled with combustible matter, and set on a light fire, which came so neere vnto our Fleet, that we were faine to weigh o••r an∣chors [ 10] and be gone. The fiue and twentieth, being Christmas day, wee saw the Flemmish Fleet againe, standing to the Eastwards, and the same day, wee sent out our barge to follow them all night, and see what course they tooke, because we had left the Iames Royall in the Bay of Ban∣tam, with the Aduice, and the Prize, which ships they might haue surprised, if they should get Bantam before vs; for there was no ship of defence, but the Iames, and shee vnprepared, by ta∣king in of her goods.

The seuen and twentieth after midnight, the Blacke Lion was set on fire by the wretched carelesnesse of three wicked fellowes, and burnt downe to the water. The thirtieth in the mor∣ning,* 5.62 the President went ashoare to the King of Iacatra, with Master Iohn Iackson in companie, to view their fortifications, where an vnfortunate shot tooke away his leg, and so consequent∣ly [ 20] his life.

The first of Ianuarie, the Iames Royall, the Aduice, and the Prize, arriued from Bantam. The second, Sir Thomas Dale went a shoare to visite the King of Iacatra, and to vnderstand his re∣solution concerning the Dutch Fort: The King gaue both the President and him great content in words, promising to grant any reasonable request, if the English would assist him in surprising of the Dutch Castle. This morning before day, the Francois departed for Polaroone, with diuers prouisions for reliefe of that worshipfull Gentleman, Master Nathaniel Corthop, and his compa∣nie,* 5.63 GOD send her thither in safetie. The sixt day, we held a consultation aboord the Moone, where it was resolued, That out of our greater ships we should land six Peeces, three Culuerings, and three Demi-culuerings, with powder and shot, conuenient to assist the King of Iaccatra [ 30] against the Dutch, also that Sir Thomas Dale should remaine in the Road with eight Saile, to countenance the businesse, and my selfe with sixe ships to plie for the Straits of Sunda, to lie in wait for the Holland Fleet. The fiue and twentieth, being Munday, wee got into the Road of Becee, and anchored in fifteene fathoms oze, about two miles from the shoare, the South point of Becee, bearing South-west one quarter West, and the North point of Sabaioa: (the Wester Ile of Poolo Tiga, being shut in vpon it) did beare North by West three leagues off. The twentie seuen and twentie eight, we watered our ships, and cut wood; and my selfe with Master Coit∣more, and other Masters went ashoare twice, to view the Harbour; which wee found to bee an excellent place for refuge of a small Fleet against a greater force. The one and thirtieth, by or∣der from the President, we put into Bantam Road with our Fleet. [ 40]

The first of Februarie, Captaine Iohn Iourdan the President came aboord; who acquainted me with all the passages betwixt them and the Dutch, in the Castle of Iacatra, during the time of my absence;* 5.64 which was that the Dutch had condescended to deliuer ouer their Fort vnto the English, vpon condition they might depart with bag and baggage, and a ship for two thousand Rials of eight, to carrie them for Coromandell. On the fourth, Sir Thomas Dale with sixe ships, viz. the Moone, the Cloue, the Iames, the Peppercorne, the Hound, and the Aduice, arriued in Bantam Road. This afternoone, the rest of the ships came in. Here, after our arriuall vnder∣standing that the Pomgram of Bantam had dealt vnder-hand with the Dutch, to haue the Castle of Iaccatra deliuered into his hands (who before had vniustly disappointed vs of it) we thought it fitting, that the President, and the rest of the Principals should repaire aboord, and forthwith [ 50] to get all their goods and prouision from the shoare. The tenth, eleuenth, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth, we were imployed in getting the Honourable Companies moneys and goods aboord the ships: during this time, the Pangram sent diuers slight messen∣gers vnto the President, to demand (as from themselues) the reason of his departure, he (as he said) giuing them no other iust occasion, so to leaue his Countrey: whereupon the President drew certaine Articles of the seuerall wrongs and grieuances, that the English had receiued from time to time at his hands, which were to bee translated into the Iaua language, and sent vnto him.

The seuenteenth, Master Vfflet aduised from Iacatra, that the Flemmings were fortifying daily. And also, that when the Messengers of the Pangran demanded the surrender of their Fort, with [ 60] part of their Moneyes, Goods and Ordnances; They answered, That it was their Masters goods, and therefore not fit for them to giue them away. About noone, wee heard of the arriuall of two Dutch ships, in the Road of Iacatra. The same night, Sir Thomas Dale with eight ships, went for Iacatra, in quest of the said ships, and I remayned here with foure to attend vpon the Presi∣dent.

The sixe and twentieth, we had certaine intelligence that foure Holland ships were at an∣chor in the mouth of the streights of Sunda: this euening we went out with the Iames Royall, the Gift, the Vnicorne, and the little Iames; and the next morning anchored neere Poolo-Pen-Iang, to pridy vp our ships, and to take in water and planks that lay by our side.

The first of March in the morning, we weighed againe, and plyed towards the mouth of the Streights, where we descried the foure Dutch ships aforesaid at anchor, neere vnto the Iland called Tamporon, which lyeth about three leagues to the Westward of Viun or Pallambam point. So soone as we descried them we made towards them with all speed: and they in a carelesse fa∣shion [ 10] plyed it to and againe with their top sailes halfe mast downe,* 5.65 and at length as wee drew neere vnto them, the Admirall and the rest bore vp with our ship, being the winder most of our Fleet; and gaue vs two shot, one through the ships side vnder the halfe decke; and the other in the steeridge side.

This I declare, because men may the better vnderstand the insolencie,* 5.66 or rather vinivalencie of of this arrogant Nation, to come on with such a Spanish brauado, and so soone to run away. They had no sooner begun, but they were as quickly answered from our ship, in such a measure, that within the space of two houres (by the gracious assistance of Almightie God) wee made them as quiet as Lambs; the Admirall, that first gaue the on-set, being the first that ran away,* 5.67 and after him all his Fleet; whom we chased vntill night, and then finding them too light of foote, gaue ouer the chase. The night wee stood ouer towards Poolo Tunda. The second in the [ 20] afternoone, we anchored againe in the Road of Bantam; this day we had newes from Iacatra, that one of the two Dutch ships aforenamed, was fast on ground hard by their Castle, and that they themselues at sight of Sir Thomas Dales fleet, had set her on fire.* 5.68 The other ship which tooke in some rich goods out of the Castle, was likewise cast away vpon certaine Rocks, ten leagues to the Eastwards off Iacatra. The fourth dicto, we receiued the Letter from Io. Powell, residing in Iacatra, that Sir Tho. Dale departed from thence the first of March with the Moone, the Hound, the Rose, and the Bee, to search out the Flemming that was cast away. The fourteenth in the forenoone, we had newes from Sir Thomas Dale, that hee had gotten almost in shot of these foure ships; and then they were taken with a calme the space of twelue houres, and after this calme there did arise a tempest in the night, which scattered them so farre asunder, that the [ 30] next morning they were out of hope of their chase, and so returned to point Ayre againe,* 5.69 deter∣mining forthwith to come vnto vs with the Moone, and to leaue the rest of his Fleet to take in some prouisions from Iacatra.

The of March, we consulted aboord the Vnicorne, of our best course to bee taken with the Fleet, where it was resolued, that we should goe for the Coast of Coromandell, which (as we were informed) is a good Countrey for the health of men, and abounding with Rice, Wheat, Butter, Grauances, &c. which could not here be had for any money.

[ 40] §. III. Their departure for Coromandell: Occurrents there: Sir THOMAS DALES death. English ships taken by the Dutch. Consultation and prouisions at Teco, and departure thence.

APrill 19. 1619. being Munday, all our ships being together that were in this place, and the three Iunks at anchor amongst vs, wee resolued in counsell to put the honorable Companies Commission in execution, which was to appropriate the Chineses goods vn∣to them for former debts. On Tuesday, Kewee came aboord to the President, accom∣panyed with the three Nochadas or Captaines of the Iuncks, to know his intent; who answe∣red [ 50] them, That if the young King of Bantam would displace the Pangran, he would then come and Bich••r with him, and deliuer ouer the Iuncks againe. The eight and twentieth in the mor∣ning, all our Fleet being readie to set saile, intending to goe for Morrogh, there to take in water,* 5.70 and to discharge the Iuncks; we descried a saile comming in from the Westward about Pallam∣bam point, which we found to be a Portugall Frigat, taken at Iasques, and hauing twentie English men aboord of her, and was sent from Captaine Bonner, as an aduise to the President in Ban∣tam. These men gaue vs to vnderstand, that Sir Thomas Roe the Lord Embassador,* 5.71 was gone for England in the Anne Royall, hauing quitted the Countrey with great honour and reputation, both for himselfe and the honorable Companie our Employers. Bodman, who was the cause of setting the Black Lion on fire, was hanged. On the two and twentieth of May, this night wee [ 60] set saile from hence.

The thirtieth, we parted with Sir Thomas Dale, who haled in with his Fleet, vnder the I∣land: and we held on our course for Messulapatan, hauing in companie the Gift, the Vnicorne, and the Bee. The thirtieth of Iune in the morning, wee anchored in nine fathome about two leagues of the shoare on the Coast of Coromandell, here we road for the space of foure dayes, du∣ring

which time,* 5.72 we were hardly able to visit one another, by reason of the West South-west windes, and the continuall Currents setting to the East North-east. The breach also was so loftie on the shoare, that we durst not aduenture to put to shoare with any of our boats. At length when we met together, Master Roberts, Master of the Vnicorne, gaue me notice of a Bay, lying in seuenteene degrees vpon this Coast, about fiue leagues to the Eastwards of Nassapore, where there was good riding for a Westerly Monson, which was the onely thing I now desired, see∣ing there was no hope against Winde and Tyde to recouer Messulapatan. The fourth in the mor∣ning, we set saile and stood to the Eastward, the Coast lying West South-west, and East North-east, and hauing run about nine leagues by iudgement with the Wind and Current, wee found the Land to lye away North, and North and by West, which gaue mee some hope of a good Road: by this point of Land there commeth out a great Riuer, the streame whereof hath raised [ 10] a great Rise or Shoald of the sharpe of the Point, extending it selfe halfe a mile into the Sea, which maketh the smoother Road about the point, for you may bring the said sand South South-west, and ride in sixe degrees and an halfe fathome Oze, two miles off the neerest Land. Two leagues from the Northwards of this point (which for distinctions sake I call Cape Comfort) issueth out another branch of the former Riuer, which maketh the head-land itselfe an Iland, of the mouth of this Riuer lyeth likewise a long ridge of sand which is drie at low water; the Northermost point of this ridge beareth North-west halfe a degree West from vs, where we ride in sixe fathome and an halfe, three miles off; and the shoald of Cape Comfort beareth South South-west three miles from you, and the neerest land between them both about two miles off: The next point to the Northwards of Cape Comfort is three leagues & a third part distant from [ 20] it, and did beare from vs (whence we road) North North-west, halfe a degree West, two leagues and a third part off; to the Eastward of this point lyeth another sandie Shoald, the Eastermost part of it bearing North from vs about foure miles off: in the setting of all these Points and Shoalds, I haue allowed the variation, which in this place is twelue degrees neerest.

The fourth of Iuly, in the afternoone, we sent the Vnicornes Shallop into the second branch of the Riuer (which we call Mullet Sound) to see if they could discouer any Towne,* 5.73 where they might procure a Guide to conduct Robert Pickering and William Clarke vnto Messulapatan, by whom we had sent our Letter to Master Methwould. Tuesday the sixt in the morning, the Shal∣lop returned aboord, reporting that they had gotten a Guide to direct our Messengers at a little Village three leagues vp the Riuer; they brought aboord twentie Hennes which cost two shil∣lings. [ 30] Friday in the afternoone, the Barge returned aboord from Captaine Ball with one and se∣uentie Goates and Sheepe, and nine and thirtie Hennes, leauing Captaine Ball and the rest at a Towne called Narsapela, which is sixe leagues vp in the Countrey. The twelfth in the mor∣ning,* 5.74 Master Methwould came from Messulapatan in one of the Countrey Boats, and brought with him twentie Hogs, two great Iarres of Racke, sixe Goats, and two baskets of Bread; hee brought vs newes of a Dutch ship richly laden, in the Port of Messulapatan, and readie to de∣part for Holland.

The sixe and twentieth in the euening, I went in the Barge to seeke out some Barge which might lead vs vnto Vingeron,* 5.75 the chiefest Towne that is neerest the Sea side: The same night I passed in ouer the Barre of Coranga, and about two miles vp in the Riuer, I lodged in the town of [ 40] Coranga, where I found the chiefest of the town very readie to entertayne vs in the best manner they could, and gaue the Gouernour of Vingeron notice of my comming the same night. The next morning, hauing rowed vp about three miles in the mayne Riuer, and two miles in a little Creeke we had sight of Vingeron about twelue miles off. Here I landed and went towards the Towne; but before I came to the Townes end, the Gouernour sent his Horse for mee with all the musique that the place affoorded; amongst other instruments there were two huge brasse Hornes in stead of Trumpets: The Gouernour receiued mee very kindly, but more kindly my Present, which was two pieces China Veluets, and sixe pieces China Taffataes; our congratu∣lations ended, I tooke my leaue of him, who had then caused his Pallankeen to be made readie to conueigh me vnto my lodging, which was an house neere at hand, that he himselfe had alotted [ 50] for mee.

The first of August, I returned aboord the Iames, where to my griefe I vnderstood, that the Vnicornes shallop was cast away three dayes before,* 5.76 neere vnto Ponara. Master Harris being drowned with two of the Coxsons gang, and one Blacke; Captaine Spaulding, Master Yard, and the rest, very hardly escaping the danger. Saturday in the morning, the Gouernour of Vingeron came aboord to see our ship, in expectation of some great Present; on whom I bestowed a piece of China Damaske, and foure pieces of China Taffataes, which gaue him more content then the sight of a thousand ships, and so hee departed, when he saw that begging could no further preuaile. On Munday the three and twentieth, I caused our men to repaire aboord, intending to [ 60] ply vp towards Messulapatan: This euening wee got aboord two hundred and fiftie Goats for our prouisions at Sea.

Tuesday in the afternoone, here arriued a Ballegat from Nassapora▪ bringing in her twentie sixe Candees of Grauances,* 5.77 a Candee of Butter, and one hundred Gallons of Racke; this day I re∣ceiued

letters from Messulapatan, importing the dolefull newes of the death of Sir Tho. Dale,* 5.78 he departed out of this l••fe the ninth of August, 1619. in Messulapatan.

Munday, the sixt of September, in the morning, hauing road most part of the former night about three leagues South South-east from the Barre of Nassapore in nineteene fathome,* 5.79 finding the wind at North-west, we set saile againe and plyed it vp towards Messulapatan. This night we anchored foure leagues to the Eastwards of Messulapatan.

The seuenth in the morning, wee saw the English ships in the Road of Messulapatan foure leagues off. This afternoone, the Bee being farre southerly, wee stretcht it alongst the shoare, and in the euening arriued in the Road of Messulapatan; where we found the Moone, the Cloue, [ 10] the Globe, and the Aduice, which being found vnseruiceable was here cast off, and her prouisions put aboord the Moone and the Cloue. Wednesday, in the morning, Master Spaulding, Master Ball, and Master Methwould, came aboord the Iames, giuing mee notice of all matters that had passed in my absence, also of the state of the honorable Companies businesse at present. This af∣ternoone I accompanyed them ashoare, that we might the better consult and determine how to proceed in these weightie affaires; the first thing proposed, was the vnion of both Fleets, which was thought most necessarie, and therefore soone concluded, which businesse ended,* 5.80 they made choise of me to be Admirall and chiefe Commander of all these Ships and Men thus vni∣ted, according to the honorable Companies direction. The eighteenth of October, being Mun∣day, here arriued a ship from Mocha belonging to the Towne, who brought vs newes of the [ 20] Lion being at Mocha, and a small Frigat in her companie. The Bee arriued from Nassaporpete, with prouisions from the Fleet.

The nineteenth, the Dragons Claw came from Nassaporpete, almost laden with Rice and Pad∣die. Thursday, the ninth of December, in the afternoone, Master Ball, Master Methwould, and the rest of the Merchants, that were to remayne in this Countrey, went ashoare.

Friday, the tenth, in the morning, we left the Road of Messulepatan, and in the afternoone anchored of the head-land to stay for the Pepper-corne, which came out to vs in the euening, be∣tweene the Ile Engano and Messulepatan,* 5.81 I made nineteene degrees and thirtie minutes of great Circle in longitude, which although it giue not the true longitude in these parts neere the Equinoctiall, custome hath called it so, and so doe I, because I would not sauour of innouation. [ 30] The next morning very early, we descried the Land of Sumatra, the Hill of Passaman, bearing East North-east halfe North twelue leagues,* 5.82 and the high Land of Priaman East halfe South fourteene leagues off. Here we met with two Shoalds, the one within a mile to the Eastward of the other; the Gift came ouer the Eastermost, and had no lesse then foure fathom and a halfe: ouer the Wester Shoald I sent the Claw, who found foure fathom: in the first place shee crossed it, and had but two fathom as shee returned, which was a little more to the Northward. This morning before day, the wind began to duller againe, which was the onely meanes that pleased God to vse for our preseruation, his holy Name bee praised for the same. This morning about nine, the wind came vp South-east, and so continued vntill three in the afternoone, which brought vs to the Southward of all these Shoalds againe, and so with little wind we spent all the [ 40] next night betweene the foresaid Shoalds and the Ile of Battoo.* 5.83 A sagging Current setting to the Northwards, brought vs so neere vnto these Shoalds; for had the Current, as in former time set away to the South-east, our course would haue lead vs neere vnto Tecoo,* 5.84 but contrarie to our expectation, wee found that it had carried vs to the Northward, and this deceiued our iudgement.

The foure and twentieth of Ianuarie in the morning, the Hill of Passaman did beare East North-east one third part Northerly, and the high Land of Priaman East one third part South twelue leagues: here we saw a drie Shoald in forme of the Hull of a great Boat, lying South-west by West of the Hill of Passaman, about ten leagues from the shoare, and West North-west from this Shoald foure leagues, wee saw the breach of another Shoald, which by Gods gracious prouidence we happily escaped. This euening at sixe of the clocke, we had sight of the Iles of [ 50] Tecoo, and halfe an houre before eight, we anchored in fortie foure fathom streamie ground, the said Iles of Tecoo bearing East by North seuen leagues off. Tuesday, the fiue and twentieth in the afternoone, with the first of the Sea-turne, we weighed againe and steered in towards Tecoo. As we drew neere we descried three saile, standing to the Northwards of the Ile of Tecoo;* 5.85 which ships came to anchor faire by the shoare the same night; and we with all our fleet about a league without them. Thursday in the morning, they weighed anchor and came vp with vs, which were found to bee the Palsgraue, the Elizabeth, and the Hope; by these wee heard the dolefull newes of the taking of the Dragon, the Beare, the Expedition and Rose, by sixe Holland ships, as they were at anchor within the Iles of Tecoo;* 5.86 also of the losse of the Starre in the Streights of [ 60] Sunda, taken by the Dutch. Moreouer, how they had sent foure great ships, double manned, in quest of the Samson and Hound, of the safetie of which ships wee are very doubtfull; so that the English ships which they haue taken, doe almost equall the number of our three Fleets, now ioyned in one.

Munday, the one and thirtieth of Ianuarie, we held a consultation aboord the Iames Royall,

concerning our future proceeding,* 5.87 where it was with one consent agreed and concluded to goe to Achin, in hope to meet with our ships from Surat, that we might keepe our Forces together, according to the honorable Companies directions: The reasons mouing vs hereunto, were the want of Rice and other prouisions, which could not at this time bee procured at Bantam. Se∣condly, the consideration of the Hollanders forces, holding it no wisedome for vs to aduenture the whole estate, that the honorable Companie hath now in India, vpon such desperate termes; they hauing at this time foure ships for one of ours. And lastly (Causa sine qua non) the necessi∣tie of careening of three of our ships, which may no longer be differred without imminent dan∣ger of all three, viz. the Iames Royall, the Gift, and the Vnicorne. And therefore we haue resol∣ued, by the grace of God, to goe for Iapan, where we are giuen to vnderstand, that there are all [ 10] things necessarie for the careening of ships, and store of prouisions for the reliefe of our men.

The eleuenth, at night, Master Mills arriued in the Bee with three hundred sacks of very good Rice, and eleuen Hogsheads of Oile, giuing vs great encouragement to send thither againe. Saturday, the twelfth, at night, the Claw was dispeeded againe for Pedang and Cuttatinga, to procure Rice, &c.

Tuesday, in the night, we returned the Bee to Priaman to prouide more Rice and Oile. Sa∣turday,* 5.88 in the afternoone, the Claw returned with foure and thirtie bags of Rice, sixteene thou∣sand Coquer-nuts, ten Goats. This night, the Bee arriued from Priaman with nine hundred and eightie sacks of Rice, procured by the great labour and industrie of Master Mills, Merchant of the Elizabeth.* 5.89 [ 20]

Friday, the third of March, in the morning, we departed from the Road of Tecoo: intending by the grace of God,* 5.90 first to touch at Nimtam, for the dispatch of the Bee for England; and from thence, God willing, to goe for Achin, in hope to meete the Charles and the Ruby from Surat. This day afternoone, wee anchored in fiue and twentie fathom Ozie, the middle Ile of Tecoo bearing East South-east, about two leagues off. Saturday, in the morning, wee set saile againe and stood off West and West by South: This afternoone, we anchored againe in three and fortie fathom ground, the Iles of Tecoo being East from vs about eight leagues off, and the White Rocke West by North halfe North foure leagues off. This White Rocke lyeth West one third part North from the Iles of Tecoo,* 5.91 distant eleuen leagues. Sunday, in the morning, the wind at North, wee weighed anchor and steered away South-west, for that the Current (did then) set to the [ 30] Northwards: we had not gone aboue one league this Course, but the wind veered vp at South-west by West, so that we could lye but South by East, and before we had run three miles South South-east, our men from the sprit saile top descried Rocks vnder the ship, at sight whereof wee brought our ship astayes, and shot off a peece of Ordnance for a warning to the Fleet. Before our ship was come about, we had but three fathom and a halfe; yet, I thanke God, we neuer toucht. Our ships being tacket, we stood to the Northwards, thinking the safest course to returne the same way we came: but we had not made aboue two miles North and by West before we saw other Rocks againe vnder our ships head, vpon which we had but seuen fathom. The depth that we found all this day, when wee were free from these dangers, was fortie and two and fortie fathom: and therefore, seeing it had pleased our gracious God to free vs from both these dan∣gers, [ 40] we edged in againe a mile or little more within them, and there anchored againe vntill the next morning.

The thirtieth of March, 1620. we all anchored in the Bay of Samanca, about a mile off the shoare, where we tooke in water and wood, and other necessaries. The last of March, our shal∣lop was sent vnto the Bee at Ballambeen to call her away. The first of Aprill, wee sent the Vni∣cornes shallop for Anniar, to enquire of the Dutch forces, and how the Pangram stood affected towards vs. At eleuen, at night, two and twentie of our men run away with the Barge: In the morning, the shallop returned from Anniar, and brought newes of fifteene sailes of Hollanders at Bantam and Iacatra, whereupon we resolued to goe for Bantam, to treat with the Pangram, hoping that the Hollanders would not venture vpon vs. This afternoone also, the Bee arriued [ 50] with our shallop from Ballambeen. The sixt, we set saile for Bantam: The seuenth, wee came in betweene Crackataw and Becee, where we met with a Praw, with some of our people, come from Anniar.

§. IIII. Newes of the peace betwixt English and Dutch: the mutuall congratulation: Voyage to Iapan, returne thence and home.

[ 60]

SAturday the eight in the morning, at foure of the clocke, we met with the Bull come from England, with the ioyfull tydings of peace betweene the Dutch and vs; which God in his mercie long continue, shee had a small ship in her Company called the Flying Hart, which was sent out with her, hauing Letters from their Generall;

to aduise vs or any of their ships of the agreement and vniting of both the Honourable Com∣panies.

This afternoone we anchored all together neere the point of Pallambam. On the eleuenth of Aprill, in the morning wee descryed the Dutch Fleete, who came from Iacatra to meete vs, and to congratulate our arriuall: Generall Coen beeing there himselfe in person. So soone as the Hollanders Generall was come to anchor,* 5.92 we began to salute each other with our great Ordnan∣ces, to signifie vnto the Countrey people our great ioy, that we conceiue in this happy tydings.

The twelfth, we came into Bantam Road with both our Fleets; ours consisting of twelue [ 10] sailes, theirs of fifteene; besides, two of their ships, which wee found in that Road. This day Master Iohnson, Commander of the Dutch Fleet, came to visit mee with the Fiscall and diuers others: Master Brockendon, Master Spalding and my selfe were inuited aboord the Admirall shippe, where wee conferred with the Generall concerning our future businesse; and af∣ter we had compared the Articles and Letters, he was content that wee should proceed ioyntly according to the Honourable Companies instructions; but would not publish the same, vntill the arriuall of some ship from the Low Countries. Friday the fourteenth, in the morning, by a generall consent, we sent M. Beamont, and Philip Baduge, with one Dutch Merchant ashoare,* 5.93 to the Pangram, to make him partaker of our good newes; and that we being now vnited, de∣sired onely a good composition and reasonable agreement that wee might remayne in his Coun∣trey in peace, and enioy free Trade as we had in other parts of India. But the Pangram was so [ 20] impatient at the newes, that he would affoord no answere: but oftentimes demanded of them, why we would be friends with the Dutch, and so they were faine to returne without any an∣swere. Saturday, the fifteenth, we sent the same message againe vnto him, but then they were not suffered to come on land.

Wednesday, at foure in the morning, I departed from Bantam Road in the Iames Royall,* 5.94 hauing the Vnicorne in Company intending by the grace of God, to goe for Iapon, there to careene and trimme our ships: Master Brockendon the same time departing with six ships for Iacatra, hauing resolued about one moneth after our departure, to send fiue good English ships, and fiue good ships of the Dutch after vs to Iapon, * 5.95 that from thence wee might take the fittest time of the yeere to goe for the Manillas.

[ 30] We arriued into a Port of Ferando, called Cochee, which is about foure English myles and an halfe to South-wards of the Hauen Ferando. Tuesday, the fiue and twentieth of Iuly, Cap∣taine Cox sent good store of Funnies or toe Boates aboord of our ship to helpe vs. This day in the afternoone (God bee praysed) we arriued in the Port of Firando. This day, before wee got into Firando, the Elizabeth brought in a Frigat with her, wherein there were found certaine S••lkes, Hides, and some Sugar; the Mariners were Iaponeses with certaine Portugals, whereof some were Fryers: the Elizabeth came into Cochee also, Captaine Adams, Admirall of the V∣nited Fleet, arriued in the same place about three houres after me in the Moone; likewise Wil∣liam Iohnson in the Trow.

The sixe and twentieth, in the morning, a generall Councell of English and Dutch were assem∣bled [ 40] in the English house at Firando, where it was resolued that the shippes which lay neere the Coasts of Sashma, should be called in, because wee were certainly informed, that the Frigats of Macao were newly arriued in Nangasaque. Sunday, the thirtieth, the King of Crats came a∣boord the Iames Royall, and seemed much to reioyce to see such an English ship, demanding of the Iurabassa, if this were one of the English Frigats; whereby we supposed that the Dutch had giuen out, that we had none but small ships like vnto Frigats.

Tuesday, the first of August, a generall Councell was holden at the English house, concerning the choice of two men, the one English, the other Dutch, to carrie the Present to the Emperour, where (after it was considered, that I could not so long bee spared from the Royall Iames, nor Captaine Adams from his Fleet) at length we made choice of Master Charles Cleauengar Com∣mander [ 50] of the Palsgraue, and Ioseph Cockram Cape Merchant of the Fleet, to goe in the behalfe of the English, and Iasques le Febre of the Harlam, with Matthia de Brooke, for the Dutch. On the sixth, the Palsgraue arriued in the Road of Cochee. The seuenth, the Bull came into the Road of Cochee, hauing cut off all her Masts by the boord (as they say) to saue ship and goods; Captaine Adams and I did visit the King of Firando, carrying with vs a small Present which was very well esteemed, and wee of our selues very courteously entertayned. Wednesday, the ninth, the King inuited the English and the Dutch to Dinner, where to shew his respect vnto our Nation, he caused vs to sit downe on the right hand, and the Dutch on the left; and the first Dish of euery course, was presented vnto vs.* 5.96

Munday, the fourth of September, we had a great Tuffone with the wind Northerly, which [ 60] forced the Moone on shore, and ouer-set the Expedition, so that she sunke downe suddenly. The Trow had likewise beene ouer-set, had not the Master of her soone preuented it, by veering of her sterne ashoare. Tuesday, the fifth, I caused many of our men to come aboord the Moone, to helpe hale her off, where we all striued along time to no purpose. The thirteenth, the Moone was got off againe, to the great ioy of vs all, hauing receiued no hurt at all by her lying so long

on shoare. The nineteenth, the Iames Royall hauing all things taken out, but onely certaine bars of Lead, to helpe trimme her ouer was heaued downe almost halfe way to the keele. Thursday, the one and twentieth in the morning,* 5.97 the Iames Royall was brought downe so low, that wee saw part of her keele, and so began presently to sheath her. In foure dayes the Carpenters shea∣thed one side of the Iames, from the keele vp to the lower bend. Wednesday, the seuen and twentieth, I sent a Cooper, two quarter Masters, and a Butcher to Nangasaque; to kill and salt such meate as was prouided for vs.

Thursday, the twelfth of October, we had the Iames downe to keele againe on the other∣side, on this side we found foure dangerous places, where the maine planke was eaten thorow by the Wormes; in each of those places wee graued in a piece of planke, and in one of them we droue a trunnell, where there was neuer any before: also wee nailed a piece of Lead vpon [ 10] the end of the bolt, which was formerly driuen through the keele to stop our great leake; our ship was righted againe both sides, being finished vp to the lower Bends. Saturday, the one and twen∣tieth, the Moone was finished on both sides. Tuesday, the foure and twentieth, we had newes that Nangasaque was burnt,* 5.98 that a fire beginning in the Portugall street, consumed foure or fiue of the richest streets in the Citie.

* 5.99The seuenth of Dec. being Thursday, we departed from Firando: and the same euening wee an∣chored in the Bay of Cochee. Saturday, the sixteenth, Captain Cleauengar, and Captaine Le Febre arriued in Firando, from the Emperors Court, with the ioyfull tidings of good successe in their businesse. Sunday, the seuenteenth in the morning, I tooke my leaue of them, and about noone, [ 20] the wind being faire, and the weather cleere, we left the Road of Cochee.

Thursday, the sixteenth of Ianuary in the morning, seeing foure ships in Bantam Road, we weighed and stood in, a little within Pan-Iang, at length there came the Pepper-cornes boate a∣boord our ship with the Master,* 5.100 one Morton, he told me that there were two Dutch shippes in the Road, and one French ship; to whom the Pangram had granted Trade, and that the English and Dutch had consorted with him to share the Pepper in thirds amongst them. I also vnder∣stood by him, that the most part of our lading was readie for vs at Iacatra.

Wednesday, in the morning, I set saile for Iacatra, and the same euening anchored neere vnto Antilaky.* 5.101 Thursday, the eighteenth, at night, we arriued in the Bay of Iacatra, where we found the Charles, the Gift, and the Cloue, and two Dutch ships, viz. the Leyden, and the Sun, and at He∣ctor Iland, the Globe, and the Bee. Here I met with the Master of the Vnicorne, and diuers of [ 30] his Company, who came hither in a Iuncke: their ship being lost vpon the Coast of China. The Iames hauing discharged her lading, was readie to relade for England. Heere was at this time in the Charles, the Cloue, and the Gift, about six hundred tuns of Pepper, & the Beare daily expected from Iambee with two hundred tunnes more, which gaue vs good hope that wee should very neere make vp our ships lading with Pepper, Beniamin, Clou••s, and Silke.

Munday, the sixe and twentieth of February, in the morning, I departed from the Road of Iacatra in the Iames Royall, hauing taken in our whole lading of Pepper, sauing fiftie fiue Pe∣culs; also, certaine Sapetas of Silke and some Cloues. This businesse ended about ten of the clock this fore-noone,* 5.102 we set sayle for England. I pray God in his wonted mercie to conduct vs vnto [ 40] our Natiue Countrie in safetie, in his good time appointed.

* 5.103Sunday, the twentieth of May, 1621. in the afternoone, wee arriued in the Road of Solda∣nia, where we found the Anne Royall, and the Fortune, ships belonging to the Honourable Com∣pany of London, and three Dutch ships, viz. the Gawda, the blacke Beare and the Herring, all bound for Bantam and Iacatra. The one and twentieth, we romaged our ship. Tuesday the two & twentieth, we sent some Water-caskes on shoare, and set vp a Tent for our sicke men and Coo∣pers, and sent fiue and twentie men on land to guard them. This night, I ordayned sixtie men to goe in company with sixtie Dutch in quest of Cattle, who re••urned the same night in vaine.

The second of Iune, in the morning, we left the Road of Soldania, with the wind at South South-east, South-east from the twentieth at noone, vntill the one and twentieth at six in the [ 50] morning,* 5.104 West fifteen leagues at this instant (God be praysed) we descryed the Iland of S. Helena; the bodie of it (to our iudgement) bearing West, two third parts North, about fifteene leagues off. This euening, we got within fiue leagues of the Iland, and there plyed it off, and on vntill fiue the next morning, and then we did beare in about the North point of the Iland, and the same forenoone,* 5.105 about ten of the clocke we anchored thwart of the Chappell Bay, halfe a mile from the shoare in sixe and twentie fathomes. The North point of the Iland bearing North-east two third parts East, one league off, and the other point South-west by South one league and an halfe off: betweene which two points there are seuen Vallies, and the Southermost of the seuen, leadeth vpright to the Limon Trees. Munday, the fiue and twentieth, wee weighed anchor againe, and road off the Valley, about halfe a mile from the shoare, in twentie [ 60] seuen fathomes, blacke sand and small Corall, the Northermost picked point bearing North-east halfe East from vs two leagues off, and the Southermost point in sight South-west halfe South, two miles off, this is the best Valley for refreshing that I know in all the Iland.

At this Iland we remayned seuen dayes, during which time we filled our water, and got at

least fiftie Hogges and Goats, and aboue foure thousand Limons. Friday, the nine and twen∣tieth of Iune, in the morning, at nine of the clocke, hauing very well refreshed our selues,* 5.106 (through the good prouidence of Almightie God) we departed from hence, and the same Eue∣ning at sixe, we had the bodie of the Iland South-east by South eight leagues off, the wind at South-east, the weather ouer-cast.

The sixteenth of August, at noone we saw the high-land of Pico East North-east about fifteene leaagues off. The seuenteenth, at noone we had the top of Pico North sixe leagues off, being in the latitude of thirtie eight degrees, twelue minutes. Whereby I perceiue that the South-side of Pico lyeth in thirtie eight degrees thirtie minutes neerest.

[ 10] The fifteenth of September, wee had the Lands end of England eight leagues off. Tuesday, the eighteenth, we arriued in the Downes.

§. V. The Voyage from Bantam to Patania, and thence to Iapan, with his returne to Iacatra; set by it selfe for the vse of Mariners.

THe seuen and twentieth of Aprill, being Thursday, we tooke leaue of this Fleet, and [ 20] steered away to the North-wards, borrowing within halfe a league of the Easter point of Poolo Tunda, and in the euening, came to an anchor about a league off the North-east point of it in twentie three fathomes water ozie;* 5.107 where we roade vntill the Westerne streame beganne to returne to the East-ward againe, which was about tenne at night.

The eight and twentieth at night, we anchored in twentie eight fathoms ozie, Poolo Antekero bearing North-east three leagues off. Poolo Antekero lyeth from Poolo Tunda,* 5.108 North North-east halfe East about eight leagues off. The depth betweene them from sixteene fathomes to six and twentie, and so to twentie two, twentie, eighteene, sixteene, fourteene, and twelue fa∣thomes ozie. Poolo Antekero is the Wester-most of all the row of Ilands, which extend them∣selues [ 30] from the mouth of the Bay of Iacatra, to the West-ward.

Saturday, the nine and twentieth, to the euening, we were in fifteene fathome.* 5.109 Poolo Kero bearing North by East halfe East of vs, two leagues and an halfe off.* 5.110 Poolo Kero lyeth from Poolo Antekero North North-east neerest, distant sixe leagues from the time that wee had Ante∣kero, North-east three leagues off, we had twentie, eighteene, sixteene, fourteene, twelue fa∣thomes ozie.

Sunday at noon, we had the Poolo Kero, South halfe East six leagues off. Our depth continuing thirteene, twelue, and eleuen fathomes the same ground.

The first of May, at noone, we had Poolo Kero South halfe west, nine leagues off, beeing as much as we could see it at our top-mast-head, the depth twelue fathomes. Here by obseruati∣on [ 40] of the Sunne we were in South latitude foure degrees forty fiue minutes from noone,* 5.111 vntill fiue, North North-east foure leagues. Here we anchored againe in twelue fathomes ozie, hauing Poolo Kero, by estimation South by West from vs, thirteene leagues off. This night at nine, as we were at anchor in the same place, by obseruation of the Crosiers, I made the ship to bee in foure degrees, fortie minutes South latitude, allowing twentie nine, for the complement of the declination. Tuesday, the second in the morning, betweene foure and fiue of the clocke wee set sayle againe, and the same day at noone we had runne about six leagues North North-east. The depth continuing as before, thirteene, twelue, eleuen fathomes. From the second to the third, at noone we made an East by South way, fiue leagues, finding such depths as the day before. The ground from Bantam Road hitherto all ozie. From Bantam for the space of two dayes wee had Sea-turnes and Land-turnes. From thence, vntill the second of May in the afternoone, [ 50] the winds betweene the East and the South-east, and then the wind came vp Northerly, and so continued vntill the third at noone.* 5.112 From Poolo Peniang vnto Poolo Antekero the Current did set vs to the West-ward, for the most part some-what strong, but from thence vntill wee drew neere vnto the Streights of wee found but an easie Current, which did runne almost vpon all points of the Compasse, euery twentie foure houres. From the third at noone, vntill the fourth at noone North North-east eleuen leagues, the depth from twelue to ten, halfe a fa∣thome ozie. From noone, this day till seuen at night, North fiue leagues and a halfe, where we an∣chored in ten fathomes and an halfe lesse.

Friday, the fift in the morning, we weighed againe, hauing little wind and variable, vntill [ 60] halfe an houre after sixe, and then the wind came vp at South-west and blew fresh. From foure to nine we made North-east halfe Easterly three leagues: and from nine vntil noon North-west by North halfe a league, the depth ten fathom neerest. This day at noone, wee were in three degrees and thirtie minutes South latitude,* 5.113 where wee descried a little Iland North North-east halfe East foure leagues off, which appeared at first sight like a great Tree rising out of the Sea,

from noone to sixe North-west fiue leagues: here wee saw two or three Hummocks like Ilands North by West from seuen leagues off. From hence vntil three after mid-night, West six leagues: at sixe we had nineteene fathom, which as wee stood to the Westward in the night increased to ten, eleuen, and twelue fathom; and afterward it decreased vnto eight fathom, where wee came to an anchor, the streame by night set South-east, by day North-west.

Saturday in the morning, we weighed at sixe againe, and steered away West North-west one league and a third part: here we had sight of many Hummocks rising like Ilands, which at length we perceiued to be all one Land, as we drew neere to it: after wee had gone one league and a third part West North-west, as aforesaid, wee came into seuen fathom a halfe lesse, and therefore tackt about to the North-eastwards, making a North North-east way vntill noone, [ 10] about two leagues and a halfe; at which time by obseruation of the Sunne, wee were in three degrees and twentie minutes neerest South latitude, being gotten into eight fathom water a∣gaine; where we found the Current to set away North-west by West: here also about noone this day,* 5.114 a Iunck of Iore came vp with vs, which had beene at Cheribon vpon Iaua, and was now returning to Iore. This afternoone wee steered in with the Easterne part of this H••mmockie Land, and making our way as the Easterne Point did beare from vs, which was North North-east halfe North, in this our course we came againe to seuen fathom, and so increasing to foure and twentie fathom, and from thence decreasing to seuen fathom a quarter lesse, where we an∣chored againe the said Point of Land, bearing North North-east, one third part North foure leagues off. [ 20]

Sunday, the seuenth in the morning, we weighed and stood in neerer vnto the Point, in hope to haue passed through betweene this Point and an Iland, which lyeth three leagues to the Eastward of it, but as we stood in, we found the depth of the water first to increase from seuen fathom vnto seuenteene fathom; and from thence againe vnto sixe and foure fathom a quarter lesse. And about two miles of the Point in the faire way, we had but sixe foote water, which our shallop found as shee was sounding of the Chanell. To the Eastwards of this place there ap∣peared many small Ilands,* 5.115 and by the report of the people in the Iuncke, the Sea is full of Ilands betweene the South-east end of Banco, and the Ile of Burneo. Now this was the South-east end of Banco, which did beare North North-east, halfe North about two leagues off; and the Land from this Point vnto the entrance of the Streights of Banco,* 5.116 did lye West by South neerest a∣bout [ 30] thirteene leagues: there as wee were at anchor, the foresaid Point bearing North by East halfe East two leagues and a halfe, we found (by obseruation of the Sunne) the ship to bee in three degrees and eight minutes South latitude.

Munday in the morning, (hauing little hope to find a passage betweene the South-east end of Banco and the foresaid Ilands, by reason of the fearefull shoaldings which wee had alreadie found) we resolued by the helpe of God to goe through the Streights of Banco,* 5.117 and there with∣all presently came to saile, steering off as neere as we could iudge, the same course that we came in: in which course we found more dangerous shoalding in our standing off, then wee had done in our comming in before. After we had gotten about eight leagues off South South-west from the South-east point of Banco,* 5.118 we steered away South-west by West, the Current setting North west, which made a West by South way neerest; this course wee run fiue leagues, and anchored [ 40] in eight fathom Ozie, about nine at night.

* 5.119The ninth in the morning, we descried Lucepara North North-west seuen leagues off, and steered in neere with it vntill we had it North two leagues. In this course we came ouer a spit where wee had but foure fathom and a halfe and fiue fathom a quarter lesse, but drawing neerer vnto Lucepara, we had fiue fathom and a quarter, and when it was North two leagues off al Ozie ground. And so all the way before, now, and after that we had brought it North two leagues off, as I haue said, we steered North-west by North, vntill Lucepara was North-east of vs, and had fiue fathom the same ground: and then we went West North-west, hauing alwayes Ozie ground till we were within two leagues of Sumatra shoare in sixe fathom. Here we had our Ile [ 50] of Lucepara East South-east three leagues and a halfe off. And a Hill vpon Banco with a deepe swampe North by West neerest, being a sailes breadth open of the Point of Sumatra, which was then North by West halfe West from vs, about three leagues off: wee steered from hence away with the foresaid Point North by West, and had sixe and a halfe and seuen fathom, soft ground, vntill we came within a league of the Point, where edging too neere the same, we had but fiue fathom and a halfe, and foure and a halfe in the Boat hard by vs: but had we kept a little further off that Point, wee might haue gone away in seuen, eight, nine, and ten fathom, and so all the Streights alongst, borrowing carefully with our Lead vpon the Sumatra shoare; but hee that keepeth any thing neerer vnto Banco then vnto Sumatra, shall haue very vncertaine shoalding, sometimes deepe and otherwhiles shoald, and commonly soule ground, whereas on Sumatra side [ 60] if you should come into shoald water, yet the ground for the most part is soft, ozie, and the sounding farre more certaine; all which will more plainly appeare by my description of this place.

Friday, the twelfth in the euening, hauing brought the North-west Point of Banco North-east,

we opened two smooth Hills with a little Hummock betweene them, the Northermost of them being the Northermost Land of Banco, and bearing from the North-west Point aforesaid, North-east nine leagues off. This night we steered North North-east, to goe through the Cha∣nell betweene Linga and the North end of Banco, finding twentie three, twentie two, twentie,* 5.120 eighteene, and sixteene fathoms ozie, vntill we came neere the entrance, and afterwards fifteen, fourteene, thirteene fathoms, going through the passage. Linga riseth at first in three Ilands, the Northermost being bigger then both the other, rising full of Hummocks, being neere two leagues in length. The Iles of Linga haue certaine fragments of Iles intermixt amongst them, shewing like Hay-cocks, which is a good marke to know them. From the smooth Hill, which [ 10] is the South end of Banco, vntill the South Westermost Ile of Linga, North by West ten leagues, East North-east halfe North. From the middle of the greatest Ile of Linga (which is the North Eastermost of them) lyeth another smooth Iland nine leagues off, and about two leagues to the East North-east halfe North. From that there is another flat Iland, and off the North Point of the round smooth Iland, lyeth also a little fragment like a Rocke. In the way betweene this smooth Iland and Linga you haue fourteene and thirteene fathom water, also being in the mid∣way betweene them, your course is North, to passe alongst by the Easter-side of Bintam. This day at noone wee were in one degree South latitude, the greatest Ile of Linga South-west fiue leagues,* 5.121 whereby we gathered that the great Ile of Linga stood in one degree and ten minutes neerest. This afternoone we saw a little Iland to the Westward of vs, about eight leagues off, [ 20] which lyeth North North-west neerest from Linga.

Sunday, the fourteenth at noone, hauing made a North way foure and twentie leagues, by helpe of the Wind and Current, which did set North, we had sight of the high land of Bintam,* 5.122 rising with two Hills and a deepe swamp betwixt, being to our iudgement twelue leagues from vs. At this time also we had sight of three or foure Hummocks, rising like Ilands, South-west by West eight leagues: here we sounded and had ground in twentie fathom. From Linga vnto this place we had fourteene, fifteene, sixteene, seuenteene, eighteene, and twentie fathom, as wee supposed, streamy ground; for wee had not meanes at all times to trie it. From mid-day the fourteenth vnto the fifteenth at noone, North a third part West, seuen and twentie leagues. This foure and twentie houres, twentie one, twentie two, twentie three, and twentie foure fathom. [ 30] This day from twelue to three, three leagues and a halfe. Here wee saw Poolo Loar,* 5.123 bearing North-west halfe North from vs, by our iudgement about twelue leagues off, at this instant we had seuen and twentie fathom, the ground like vnto Fullers earth; this night Poolo Loar being North-west by West eight leagues off, we had nine and thirtie fathom ozie. From the fifteenth at noone, vnto eight the next morning, we made a North North-west halfe West way fifteene leagues. The sixteenth at eight, Poolo Loar did beare South-west by South off vs sixe leagues, distant the very body of the Iland Hermano de Layo,* 5.124 West South-west halfe West seuen leagues off: and Poolo Tymon the South end West halfe North ten leagues; and the North-east end West North-west halfe west ten leagues off. This euening wee anchored within foure miles off the North Point of Tymon in foure and twentie fathom, streamy ground, the Point it selfe bearing [ 40] West by South halfe South. This euening, I sent our shallop about the Point, where they des∣cried a Towne and a Iunke, riding close by the shoare, and diuers Praws a fishing, whereof one came to them to enquire what Nation they were, and told them, that at the Towne there was good fresh water, and Buffels, Goats, and Hennes.

Wednesday in the morning, about foure of the clocke, wee sent the Vnicornes long Boat with ours to the said Towne, who returned in the afternoone with foure Butts of water a piece, not willing to fill more because it was brackish. At the watering place they found a Iunck of Ior,* 5.125 which was set out for a man of Warre, and hauing twentie small shot besides Lances and Iaue∣lins; he reported to our people that he had taken a China Iuncke, and sold her on the Coast of Ior. And sent me word, that he would take my part against the Portugall, as long as his life did last. In the next Bay to the Southwards of the North Point of Poolo Temon, wee found very [ 50] good fresh water, but we could not conueniently take it in with our long Boat, for shee drew fiue foot water being loden. Thus hauing spent our day in this place to little purpose: I set saile the first of the night, directing our course for Patania, steering away due North with little wind all night.* 5.126

Thursday at noone, we were in three degrees and fortie minutes South latitude, hauing made a North halfe West way, by meanes of the Current, which did set a way North by West about a mile an houre. This afternoone at foure, hauing made a North halfe West way about eight leagues, we descried the Ile of Tingoran North North-west fifteene leagues off:* 5.127 This night wee passed along by Poolo Tingoran, about sixe leagues to the Easterward of it hauing twentie eight, [ 60] thirtie and thirtie two fathoms soft ground.

Friday, at sixe in the morning, we had Poolo Tingoran West South-west seuen leagues off: here we had sixe and thirtie fathom the same ground. This day at noone wee were in fiue degrees and thirtie minutes. Tingoran bearing South one third part East fourteene leagues off, whereby we conceiued that the Ile of Tingoran standeth in foure degrees and fiftie minutes. This day at

noone we had likewise the South-Ile of Poolo Rowdon, Nort-west by West seuen leagues off: and in the same night at eight of the clocke, I obserued the Crosiers, and made the ship to be in fiue degrees fortie eight minutes,* 5.128 the Eastermost (which is the greatest of the Iles of Poolo Rowdon, bearing West foure leagues off. From eight at night vntill noone the next day, our way was neerest North-west by West nine leagues; in this course the depth we had from twentie eight to seuenteene fathoms: then the Northermost Iland of Poolo Rowdon was South, one third part East, foure leagues off; being a round Hummocke much like to Pomo in the Gulph of Venice, but somewhat higher, and more compleat: these Iles of Rowdon are good high land, and a faire depth from the one end to the other, on all the Easter side, and as I am informed a faire Channell betweene them and the Maine, there are in all, thirteene or fourteene Ilands great and small. [ 10] Saturday from noone, vntill Sunday, eight in the morning, our way was West North-west nine leagues: here wee saw two hills by the water side, bearing West of vs fiue leagues off, rising like two Tortugas. From Poolo Tingoran vnto Potania, is very high land alongst vp in the Countrey; and low land by the waters side, with a sandie Strand at least twentie leagues to the Southward of the Point of Potania, and how much farther I know not; but so farre I haue seene. This Sa∣turday in the afternoone, as we stood in West North-west to the two hills aforesaid, wee came from seuenteene vnto fourteene and thirteene fathomes, hard ground; and as wee drew neerer the hills, the depth encreased againe to ninteene fathomes ozie, and thence to eighteene and se∣uenteene fathoms, the same ground.

Sunday the one and twentieth, from eight in the morning vnto seuen at night, our course was [ 20] North-west three quarters West thirteene leagues, keeping for the most part, within foure leagues of the low sandie shoare, the depth all the way fifteene, fourteene, and thirteene fa∣thoms: here at seuen wee anchored in thirteene fathoms and a quarter streamie ground, the Northermost point in sight (falling downe from a reasonable high land at the end of all the low land) did beare West North-west halfe North, neere three leagues and an halfe off. Sixe leagues South-east by South from this Point lieth a Rocke,* 5.129 as high aboue the water as the Hull of a small ship: we passed along about a league and an halfe to the Eastward of it, finding no alteration of our former depth:* 5.130 this point aforesaid I call, the Gurnets Head. From this Point, the land trendeth away West North-west, and West by North, vnto the entrance of Po∣tania Road, being all low land from the Gurnets Head vnto the very Point of the Road, and lowest of all at the same Point. From Gurnets Head vnto the said low Point, the distance is [ 30] sixe leagues; and all the way of faire depth, vntill you draw neere the low Point of the Road: but there you must giue a good birth, because there lieth a shoald from it halfe way ouer vnto the Wester shoare: therefore you must not borrow too neere it, before you haue the shoalding of the Wester shoare: and there you shall find the softest ground. From the low Point, as you range ouer the Bay vnto the Wester shoare, you shall not haue aboue fiue fathomes, and foure fa∣thoms and an halfe, when you are in the Road; where you shall haue the low Point East North-east one third part East, and the highest mountaine on the Wester side of the Bay will then beare South South-west one third part West.

* 5.131Thursday, we anchored in the Road of Potania, where we found the Samson, and a Dutch Pin∣nasse. The day before we came into the Road, I went ashoare to the English Factorie. Where I [ 40] found Master Adam Denton, and Master Richard Welding, lately come from Iambe in a Praw with diuers English of the Samsons companie, who were all glad men to see such English ships in that Port. At my comming to the English house, I acquainted Master Denton with the cause of my comming, which was, for Racke and fresh Victuals, whereof wee stood in great need; where∣upon he presently gaue order, to lay out for all things necessarie; that within six dayes we were furnished with sixteene Buts of Rack and Rack-apee,* 5.132 whereof three Buts of Rack-apee, we had from the Dutch; which curtesie they did vs, to hasten our dispatch: Beeues, Goats, and Hennes, we had here in plentifull manner. Here also we bought Dammar and Oyle for the trimming of our ships, because I vnderstood it was very deere in Iapan. Heere also I found a small Frigat, bought by the English, which being of no great vse in this place, by generall consent it was [ 50] thought fitting, that shee with most of the English Sailors should goe along to attend vpon the Iames Royall.

The last of May, we departed from Potania.

* 5.133The first of Iune, at seuen in the morning, wee descried a small Rocke, which appeared but little aboue water, lying very dangerous for ships that goe from Potania for the Head of Cam∣boia: when this Rocke did beare North North-east halfe East, a league off, then the high-land ouer Gurnets Head was South South-west halfe West, thirteene leagues off, and by computa∣tion, the low point of Potania Road was eighteene leagues off, West South-west halfe South from vs. After we were out of the Road of Potania, in seuen fathoms, the depth increased or∣derly [ 60] to eight, ten, twelue, fourteene, sixteene, eighteene, twentie, twentie two, and twentie foure fathoms, vntill we had sight of the Rocke; and about two leagues from the Rocke, fiue and twentie fathoms ozie: and such was all the ground from Potania to this place. This day at noone, this Rocke being West from vs about foure leagues off, we found the ship to bee in seuen degrees twentie minutes.

From hence vntill the third at noone, East halfe North fortie fiue leagues, here we saw Poolo Hube East North-east halfe North, eight leagues off, hauing fourteene fathoms ozie:* 5.134 all this eight and fortie houres we had ozie ground, the depth from twentie seuen to thirtie sixe fa∣thoms, and from thence decreasing againe to fourteene fathoms, which was the depth wee had when we saw this Iland. This Poolo Hube riseth first with one round hill, then as you come neerer, you shall see a shoulder of somewhat high land rising in hummockes: but not aboue two third parts as high as the round hill, being all one land with it, and then shall you see another lesser round Iland rise, which is neere about the highth of the hummockie land, and lieth close aboord the greater Iland. At the East end of this lesser round Iland, there are two little Ilands [ 10] very neere it, and a mile to the Eastward of them lieth a long Rocke like the Hull of a Galley.* 5.135 This night wee anchored in thirteene fathomes and an halfe ozie, about three leagues off the greatest Iland, which was also the highest. The next morning wee weighed againe, and stood away East by South, and East by East, hauing but little wind. This euening at sixe, wee had the bodie of Hube West by North, foure leagues off. From hence wee steered away East by South, and East, vntill sixe the next morning, but the Current checked vs to the Northward,* 5.136 by which meanes we made our way to the Northward of the East.

The fift, from sixe at night vntill sixe in the morning, we ranne fifteene leagues, the course afore-said, and here we had sight of a very little round Iland, bearing foure leagues off; and to the Southward of it about a mile distant, a long flat Rocke a good highth aboue water. From Poolo Hube vntill we came three leagues off this little round Iland, we had thirteene, fourteene, [ 20] fifteene fathoms, and fifteene, fourteene, and thirteene againe, all ozie ground. When we were within two leagues of this small Iland, we had thirteene fathoms sandie ground. Here we de∣scried Poolo Candor, the Norther end of it bearing East by North,* 5.137 from this Iland about seuen leagues off. This day at noone wee found the ship to bee in eight degrees fortie two minutes North latitude, the highest land on Poolo Candor being East from vs sixe leagues off: from Po∣tania vntill wee were in sight of Poolo Candor, the winds for the most part were at South South-west. This day at noone wee steered away North-east, North-east by North, and in the night North North-east; so that wee made North-east by North in all vntill the next day at noone, about foure and twentie leagues: In this course wee found thirteene and fourteene [ 30] fathoms ozie.

Tuesday, the sixt at noone, we had sight of two Hummockes vpon the Coast of Camboia,* 5.138 bearing North by East, and to the Westward of that low Land. From Poolo Candor vntill wee came in sight of this Coast, we found the Current setting East by North: here also when wee saw those Hummockes bearing North by East nine leagues off, wee had twelue fathoms strea∣mie ground. Wednesday the seuenth at noone, wee found the ship to bee in ten degrees fortie two minutes, hauing runne from the former noone vntill this present, North-east a quarter North fiue and twentie leagues: heereby wee found, that the Current setting East by North, had carried vs ten miles to the Northwards of our computation, our depths from twelue to six∣teene, twentie, and twentie foure fathoms; and so to twentie, eighteene, sixteene, fourteene, [ 40] againe, sandie ground. From the afore-said two Hummocks, as wee did coast it along within eight leagues off the shoare, and sometimes more, sometimes lesse, wee saw high Land all along vp in the Countrie, and in many places by the waters side, a smooth Land about the highth of the Lizard, with many plots of white sand vpon it, as well as by the waters side. The first white spots that we saw vpon the smooth Land, was vpon the very Point that is ten leagues to the Westward of the Cape Cessier,* 5.139 which at first seemed to bee a Towne with faire houses and white walls: this Cape did beare West North-west halfe West from vs, about sixe leagues off, this present day at noone, when we were in ten degrees fortie two minutes. Thursday at noone, we were in eleuen degrees thirtie minutes, hauing gone twentie leagues North-east halfe North, from the former noone. The night before, at eight of the clocke, we came to an anchor in twentie two fathome streamie ground, where the Current did set East halfe North, vntill [ 50] twelue; and then finding that it had recourse to the Westward, wee weighed anchor againe, and steered away North-east, and North-east by North, all the night; and so vntill the eight at noone afore-said: in which course we had from twentie two to twentie eight, thirtie two, thirtie sixe, fortie, fortie foure fathoms; and a little before noone, fortie seuen, and after that wee had no ground. The cause why wee anchored that night was, that wee found very vn∣certaine shoalding, hauing had eighteene, twentie, twentie two, and twentie foure fathomes: and after noone on the sodaine we came into sixteene, fourteene, twelue, and the Vnicorne be∣ing faire by vs had but nine fathoms and an halfe.

From the eight vntill the ninth at noone, wee steered alongst the shoare North North-east sixteene leagues, North by East six leagues, North six leagues, and North by West nine leagues; [ 60] which made in all a North by East one third part Easterly way, thirtie six leagues: here we had Cape Varrella West South-west eight leagues off,* 5.140 being in the latitude of thirteene degrees thir∣teene minutes: this Cape is called by the Chineses (Ientam) which in their language doth sig∣nifie a Chimney, because it hath a sharpe Hummocke on the top of the hill, much like vnto a

Chimney on the top of a house. From the ninth vntill the tenth at noone, North two third parts West twentie sixe leagues, the latitude fourteene degrees thirtie minutes: here we were about ten leagues off the land; and the day before, wee came not aboue sixe leagues off Cape Varrella, by which I gather, that the land trendeth away North by West from Cape Varrella. Sunday at noone, we were in sixteene degrees ten minutes, hauing runne from the former noone thirtie three leagues and one third part, due North. Munday at noone, twentie sixe leagues North North-east halfe North, latitude seuenteene degrees fortie minutes, the Current hauing set vs sixe miles to the Northwards.* 5.141 This euening at sixe, we descried the Ile of Aynam, the high land bearing North-west by North twelue leagues, wee hauing gone from noone seuen leagues North-east. From hence vntill noone the next day, North-east by East twentie two [ 10] leagues: here we were in eighteene degrees and an halfe. This morning, we chased a Portugall Frigat, but shee was of so light burthen that we could not come neere her.

The fourteenth day at noone, we were in ninteene degrees thirtie fiue minutes, our way from the former noone North-east twentie sixe leagues; whereby wee found that the Current had carried vs foure leagues to the Northwards of our account: and yet this day at noone, with our boats in seuentie three fathoms ozie,* 5.142 and found no Current at all. Here we saw many Rip∣plings like ouer-falls,* 5.143 as though there had gone some great Tide, but found none as yet. This afternoone at sixe, we anchored againe, with our boat in sixtie eight fathoms ozie sand, and found a small Current to the Southward. The fifteenth at noone, wee had runne seuenteene leagues North-east by North: here we were in twentie degrees thirtie minutes, the Current [ 20] hauing carried vs seuen leagues to the Northward, here we had fortie fiue fathoms sandie ozie. The sixteenth at noone in twentie one degrees and twentie minutes, we had sight of three I∣lands; the Eastermost bearing North North-east, the Westermost North-west, the neerest land nine leagues off: here we had twentie two fathomes ozie sand; we met with the wind here at East South-east, which blew very fresh: but from Cape Varrella vnto this place, wee had the wind alwayes, from the South South-east to the South-west. The next morning at eight of the clocke, we had twentie eight fathomes ozie, hauing runne from the former noone South-west eleuen leagues: where perceiuing the wind and weather to encrease, wee thought it better to anchor, then to runne backe the way that we came.

Sunday the eighteenth in the morning, the weather somewhat faire, we endeauored to weigh [ 30] our anchor; but euen as our anchor was apeeke, the cable brake in the halfe, being new, and ne∣uer wet before; by which accident we lost a good anchor. The Vnicorne, as wee were almost apeeke, shot off a Peece, whereupon I sent the Shallop speedily aboord her, to know what was amisse; who brought me word, that shee had sprung a great leake, which had almost tired all their men with baling: which as soone as I heard, I sent thirtie men aboord of her, to ease their men by spells, vntill it should please GOD to discouer the leake: this day the wind at South-east, which stood to the Eastward, making of a North-east way, vntill sixe at night, at which time we saw the former high Iland againe, North North-east one third part East, ten leagues off, hauing twentie three fathoms. This euening, our men returned from the Vnicorne, and brought vs newes, that the great leake was firmely stopt, whereat wee all reioyced. From sixe to twelue at night, we made a North-east way fourteene leagues, where we had twentie [ 40] fathoms ozie. From twelue to fiue in the morning, wee stood to the Southwards, making a South-west way three leagues and an halfe; here wee had twentie sixe fathoms againe, ozie ground.

The nineteenth, from fiue this morning, we cast about to the land, the wind at South-east, wherewith we made a North-east way: and at sixe of the clocke were within eight leagues of the aforesaid high Iland, bearing North by East from vs: and at eight this morning, Master Roberts,* 5.144 Master of the Vnicorne, came aboord of vs, and told mee that they had another great leake broke out, and that they must needs seeke out some smooth place to ride in, the better to search their leakes, and to fit their fore-mast better in the step: hereupon I resolued to beare vp [ 50] vnder the great Iland, which was now North by East from vs, in hope to find a smooth Road, the more speedily to effect their businesse. There were many more Ilands in sight, both to the Westward, and to the Eastward of vs; but this being the neerest to vs, and the likeliest, we steered with it, being within three leagues of it, the wind began to duller, and the night was at hand, therefore we plied it to and againe, vntill the twentieth in the morning, and then the wind was so farre Northerly, that wee could not cease the place. This day I went aboord againe of the Vnicorne, to know what they intended to doe; where I found them all very willing to stand it alongst, because the wind was faire; not doubting but that they should bee able to ouercome it. When I heard their resolution, I caused all my Laskayres to remaine aboord the Vnicorne, to as∣sist them as occasion should require, and so we stood away all that afternoone vntill midnight, [ 60] with a faire wind, and faire weather; but then it began to blow so much wind, that wee were inforced to lie here a trie with her maine course all night.

The one and twentieth in the morning, we saw the Vnicorne a league and an halfe asterne off vs, hauing a fore-saile and a sprit-saile out; which, as afterward I perceiued, was to flat her

about for the shoare againe: I presently caused our fore-course to be made readie to flat our ship after her, although wee had little hope to assist her in any thing, because the sea was so farre growne, as our men were a losing of their fore-course, there came such a violent gust that they were faine to furle it againe: it not, our saile would haue beene blowne away.* 5.145 After the gust was ouer, we set our fore-saile, and to make her weare the rounder, wee braled vp our maine course, part of it being blowne out of the boult-rope before they could furle it, after that the maine-saile was vp, we put the helme hard a weather, thinking that the ship would haue come round, but all in vaine; for shee would not weare aboue two or three points, and then come to [ 10] againe. Now the sea was so growne, that we durst not let fall our sprit-saile; and the wind so violent, that we could not loose our fore-top-saile: and this while the Vnicorne was out of sight, when we saw that our ship would not weare, we steered away, as neere as wee could lie South by East, vntill noone; hauing made our way South by East thirteene leagues from the Souther∣most Iland in sight ouer-night, which I called the Morocco Saddle,* 5.146 by reason of a deepe Swampe on the top thereof. This Saddle-Iland aforesaid lieth in twentie one degrees fortie fiue minutes North latitude, it hath on the Westerside foure or fiue very small Ilands close by it, and on the Easterne side three Ilands in sight, lying all three next hand East North-east from it. From Saddle-Ile to the Westward, there are many Ilands; some North-west from it, others West North-west, West by North; and the Southermost of all those Ilands in sight did beare from this West, about fifteene leagues off. This afternoone, our ship waxed very leake, hauing on the [ 20] sodaine foure foot and an halfe water in hold, which imployed both our Pumpes going a long time before we could free her. Towards the euening, it pleased GOD to discouer three or foure great leakes betweene wind and water, which when our Carpenters had stopped:* 5.147 wee found great ease and comfort, for then we could let the Pumpe stand still halfe an houre, and free her againe with one Pumpe in little more then a quarter of an houre. From this day noone, vntill the two and twentieth at noone, fiue leagues South South-west, with a paire of Coursers; and nine leagues South-west by West a Hull: here we had twentie seuen fathoms and an halfe ozie. The two and twentieth in the afternoone, the violence of the wind began to decrease, and con∣sequently, the furie of the waues allayed, which caused our ship to grow the thighter, where∣by we plainely perceiued, that the most part of our leakes were betwixt wind and water, and [ 30] therefore the first faire weather I caused our Carpenters to search the ships sides, where they found and stopped many bad places, some of a yard in length, where the Ocum was all rotten in the seame.

The foure and twentieth day, we had sight of a great Iland, bearing North from vs, about seauen Leagues off, hauing a high Hill on the Easterne end of it, which was the same Iland that did beare West from Morocco Saddle, fifteene leagues off or thereabouts. From hence vntill the six and twentieth in the euening, our way was South by West twentie foure leagues, the depth increasing from nineteene vnto six and thirty fathoms ozie ground: Here we had a little round Iland South-west by West two leagues off, which lyeth in twenty degrees and twenty minutes neerest. This Iland hath foure small Ilands in the South-west side of it, but none of them e∣quall [ 40] in height with this, wee saw it at least ten leagues off, rising like a Chineses hat. From hence vntill the seuen and twentieth at noone East by North, two third parts North, twelue leagues: Here we had one and forty fathoms, ozie ground. This morning at two of the clocke the winde veered vp at South South-east and about noone at South.

From twelue the twentie seuen, vnto twelue the twentie eight, East North-east eighteene leagues, here we had almost one and forty fathoms ozie ground. This morning at two of the clock the wind veered back againe at South South-east. From the eight and twentieth vntill noone the nine and twentieth, East North-east eighteen leagues: Here we were in one and twenty degrees and ten minutes depth, one and forty fathoms ozie. The wind, this twenty foure houres, from South to South-east by South, and very faire weather euer since the storme. From the nine and [ 50] twentieth vntill the thirtieth at noone, East North-east eighteene leagues latitude, one and twenty degrees and thirty minutes depth, six and fifty fathoms ozie, the winde South-east by South, somewhat gustie weather.

From the last of Iune vntill the first of Iuly at noone, East North-east halfe North, two and twenty leagues latitude, two and twenty degrees and ten minutes, the depth fiue and twenty fathoms black sandy ozie: Here from the top-mast-head we saw land North North-west halfe North, the winde in the night South South-east, by day South-east. This day from noone to seuen at night North-east by North, sixe leagues, twentie foure fathoms black and white sand with shels. From thence vntill two at noone South-west halfe South, nine leagues and a halfe, foure and twenty fathoms sandy ozie. The first of Iuly, at sixe in the afternoone when we were [ 60] in foure and twenty fathoms sand and shels, wee saw three China Fisher-boates. The winde came vp this euening at East South-east, with which we stood off to the Southwards, and hauing crackt our maine top-mast but a little before, which was the cause that wee could beare but course and bonnet of each, and therefore made our way of no better then South-west, as I said before. From this second day at noone vntill eight at night, our way was South foure leagues,

depth seuen and twenty fathoms ozie ground. From eight at night vntill noone the next day North North-west a quarter West, seuen leagues fiue and twenty fathoms blacke ozie sand, like the former, the winde at East by North and East North-east; here wee saw the land from the North to the North-east about twelue leagues off, rising in certaine Hummocks, by which I coniecture that this land lyeth in two and twenty degrees and fiue and forty minutes neerest. From twelue this day to foure, North North-west three leagues fiue and twenty fathoms black sand. From foure to twelue the next day South-east by South, ten leagues fiue and forty fa∣thoms black sandy ozie. From the fourth vntll the fifth at noone South-East by South six leagues no ground in eightie fathoms. This foure and twentie houres very little wind, for the most part at East North-east. From the fift to the sixt at noone North by East foure leagues, here we had no ground in eightie fathoms. This foure and twenty houres, it was for the most part calme, [ 10] that lirtle winde that blew was at East and East North-east, when it was flat calme wee made diuers trialls with our Lead, and sometimes wee should haue sixty fathoms, otherwhiles fifty sixe fathoms, and then we perceiued that the ship was carryed to the South Westward with a sagging Current, and when the calme continued three or foure houres, then no ground in eighty fathoms, as aforesaid. This afternoone, it rained a downe-right showre, and after that, the wind came vp at South and South South-west an easie gale with fair weather. From the sixt vnto the seuenth at noone, North-east halfe North nine leagues; here we had twenty sixe fathoms black ozie ground: the winde continued at South South-west with faire weather. From the seuenth at noone vntill the eight at night, North-east by North three leagues and a halfe, twenty fa∣thoms gray ozie sand, here by the Scorpians heart I found the ship to be in two and twenty de∣grees [ 20] and fiue and thirty minutes. From eight to twelue, the eight North-east by North fif∣teene leagues,* 5.148 here the Sunne made vs in three and twenty degrees and sixe minutes. At this present we had sight of the high land of Logosse North-west by North eleuen leagues off, hauing nineteen fathoms, a grosse white sand with smal shels, the wind stil continuing at South-west & West South-west. This morning, we saw eight or nine Fisher-boats, whereof one came with∣in hayling of vs, but we could not perswade them to come aboord. This morning, we came o∣uer a banke where we had but fifteene fathoms grosse ground,* 5.149 this afternoone, from twelue to foure North North-east halfe North fiue leagues, twenty fathoms sandy grauell and shels, the high land of Logosse bearing North-west by West nine leagues off. From foure to eight, North-east by North fiue leagues, two and twenty fathoms sandy grauell. From eight to twelue, fiue [ 30] leagues thirty fathoms sandy ozie. From twelue to twelue the ninth, North-east twelue leagues thirtie foure fathome, blacke sandie ozie, the wind at South-west, faire weather, latitude twentie foure degrees, twentie minutes.

From the ninth at noone, vntill the tenth, North-east one quarter East, twelue leagues thirty fiue fathomes ozie, this night the skie was all ouer-cast, and the wind ouer-cast with raine. This forenoone it was calme,* 5.150 and we making tryall with the Lead, found that the Current did set vs North North-east.* 5.151 Here we had sight of certaine small Ilands, one of them rising in forme of a Sugar-loafe, and did beare West North-west from vs at noone about eight leagues off. This after∣noone we hoysed out our little Boat, which the Carpenters built vpon our fore-Castle: by her wee made tryall of the Current againe, and found it to set East North-east. This Euening, at [ 40] eight we anchored in twentie eight fathomes, hauing made no way all this after-noone, but as the Current set vs, which was North-east about a mile an houre. Tuesday, the eleuenth in the morning, we set saile againe, and so droue away to the North-east-ward, by means of the former Current,* 5.152 hauing no wind at all: this day at noone, wee had sight of the top of Formosa aboue the clouds, the highest part of it bearing South-east by East, about eighteene leagues off, and the neerest Iland vnto vs on the Coast of China,* 5.153 was at the same time North-west from vs seuen leagues: heere wee had sight of many great Fisher-boates almost round about vs, who sent certaine little Boats aboord vs with fish, for which we paid them double, the value at the first to encourage them to come againe. This Euening, at sixe, the wind came vp at North North-east, by meanes whereof, and a little helpe of the Current setting towards the North-east [ 50] by East, which made an East way nine leagues to the twelfth at noone. Heere we had the highest Land of Formosa, South-east, the neerest land about eight leagues off, the neather point of it East by North ten leagues off our depth, fortie sixe fathomes ozie: the latitude twentie fiue degrees twentie minutes. From the high Land of Formosa, stretcheth out a lower Land to the water-side, being a white sandy shoare, and smooth sand Hils farther vp the Countrey, much like to the Coast of Barbary.

Wednesday, the twelfth, from twelue to three East two leagues, here we were in the same depths, that wee had at noone, viz. forty sixe fathomes, beeing foure leagu••s off the foresaid sandy shoare, and seeing wee could lye no slent this way, wee tackt and stood off againe, stem∣ming [ 60] North-west and North-west by North, and North by West, making North-west eight leagues, where we had forty fathomes. From hence we stood in againe vntill twelue, the next day our way East by East sixe leagues, here we had the Norther point of Formosa, East South-east ten leagues off, being in the latitude of twenty fiue degrees, fortie minutes, the depth fiftie

six fathoms ozie: by this we perceiued that the Current had carryed vs towards the East North-east. The thirteenth, from noone vntill six, we stood in East by South, and East South-east vn∣till we had the foresaid point East South-east halfe East, sixe leagues off forty two fathomes. Here we tackt about the North-ward, lying North North-west and North-west by North, which made a North-west by West way, till two at night about one halfe league, then the wind came vp at North-west by West, vntill sixe in the morning, with which halfe a league North-east by North, heere the foresaid point was East South-east halfe South. From sixe to twelue, it was calme with a cockling Sea, setting in vpon the shoare, and yet by meanes of the Current [ 10] setting towards the East North-east, we had by noone brought the said point South-east of vs, about fiue leagues off, hauing forty foure fathomes ozie, the latitude twentie fiue degrees fortie fiue minutes.

Friday, the fourteenth in the afternoone, we perceiued that the former Current was done, and that our ship was driuing to the South-west-wards with a contrary Current, wherefore we anchored, hauing fortie two fathomes, a browne glistering sand, here wee rode vntill eight at night, at which time finding the Current to set towards the East North-east:* 5.154 againe wee weighed with a little breath of wind Southerly, and within an houre after, the wind veered vp at West South-west, and began to blow fresh. At eight at night, the fourteenth vnto the fifteenth at noone, North-east by North halfe East, nineteene leagues, twentie sixe degrees thirtie minutes, the wind West and West by North. From the fifteenth at noone, vntill the [ 20] twelfth, the sixteenth, North-east by North, twentie foure leagues, latitude twentie foure de∣grees thirtie minutes, depth fifty fiue fathomes, black, sandie, ozie, the wind at West by North. From the twelfth, the sixteenth, vntill the twelfth, the seuenteenth, North-east by North, seuen leagues, latitude twentie eight degrees eight minutes, by this I perceiued, that the Cur∣rent had set vs North-east foure halfe leagues, the wind West South-west, depth fiftie fathoms, blacke, sandy, ozie. From the seuenteenth, vntill the eighteenth at noone, our way through the water, East North-east, ten halfe leagues, by the Current North-east one quarter East, fiue leagues latitude twentie eight degrees thirtie minutes, the wind North by West, and North North-west faire weather. From the eighteenth, vntill the nineteenth at noone, our way through the water North-east by North thirty foure leagues, latitude twentie nine degrees [ 30] forty fiue minutes, depth sixty fathomes, sandie, ozie. The wind at first North North-west, and North North-west vntill mid-night with faire weather. From thence vntill noone, the next day West South-west and South-west very foule weather with much raine. From the nine∣teenth vntill the twentieth at noone, North-east twentie eight leagues, latitude thirtie de∣grees thirtie fiue minutes, depth fiftie fiue fathomes, sandy, ozie, the wind for the most part South-west and West South-west, the weather showrie.

Thursday, the twentieth, from three to six North-east two leagues & a half, depth thirty seuen fathomes, blacke sand. From sixe to fiue, next morning, North-east by East nine leagues, eigh∣tie sixe fathomes, grosse, gray sand with some shels. From fiue to twelue, the one and twen∣tieth, North-east nine leagues & a halfe, no ground in ninetie fathomes, here we were in one and [ 40] thirtie degrees twentie fiue minutes, South South-west South, and South South-east, here I found that the Current had carryed vs tenne miles to the North-wards of our computation in twentie foure houres. From twelue, the one and twentieth vnto twelue,* 5.155 the two and twen∣tieth, North-east two third parts North, twentie fiue leagues, latitude thirtie two degrees fortie minutes, here the great sound of Langasaque, was East about nine leagues off,* 5.156 and the South 〈…〉〈…〉 Goto West by North ten leagues off.

The three and 〈…〉〈…〉, we arriued in a Port of Firando, called Cochee,* 5.157 which is about foure halfe English miles to the 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Hauen of Firando.

THEIR RET••••NE.

[ 50]

THe eighteenth of December, Munday at noone,* 5.158 the Iles of Mexuma 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beare North-west from vs foure leaugues off. Our course from Pomo being South South-west twentie fiue leagues, the wind North-west. From the eighteenth, at noone to the nineteenth, sixe leagues South-west, little wind & variable, yet faire weather (as before) here we had the Iles of Mexuma, North-east by North nine leagues off, the latitude one and thirtie degrees thirtie two minutes, here we had seuentie eight fathomes, streamy ground betwixt with a peppery sand and small shels. From the nineteenth to the twentieth at noone South-west fourteene leagues, latitude one and thirtie degrees two minutes, the wind from the West North-west to the North North-east, the weather very faire. From the twentieth, to the one and twentieth, South-west by West thirtie leagues, latitude thirtie degrees twentie three minutes, by this we found that the [ 60] Current had set vs thirteene miles to the North-wards of our account, the wind at North North-east, the weather faire. Friday, the two and twentieth, (from the former midday) we had made a South-west by West way twentie seuen leagues, latitude twentie nine degrees fortie minutes, here our latitude course & distance agreed wel together. This day at noon we had thirtie fiue fathoms, smal sand & ozie, the wind North North-east and North-east faire weath••••▪

From Friday, to Saturday at noone, South South-west thirteene leagues. This morning, we came vp with a Iuncke of Nangasack, belonging to Ian lowlson a Dutchman, and bound for Cambaya. I caused the Captaine of her to bring his Pasport aboord, which I perceiued to bee a Goshon from the Emperour of Iapan; I thereupon gaue him leaue to depart. This day, about noone, we had one and fortie fathomes ozie. This twentie foure houres the wind was very va∣riable, the weather close and some-what hazie: at foure in the afternoone, fortie seuen fathomes ozie. From Saturday to Sunday noone, South-west halfe South, forty leagues, the wind at North and North North-west, close weather.

From Sunday noone, vntill Munday noone, being Christmasse day, South-west halfe South fiftie two leagues, here we had sight of certaine Ilands, which lye off the Coast of China, the [ 10] neerest vnto vs was a small Iland bearing West by South from vs, about three leagues off, and did rise in the forme of a Cayman, the wind North North-east, and North-east, the depth in this place about thirty three fathomes ozie. This forenone, wee came vp with a Iuncke that kept the same course as we did, she had the Hollands Colours on her Poope, whereby we concei∣ued that she had a Passe from them, but had shee beene good purchas, wee could not haue dealt with her, because there was much wind, a loftie Sea.

From Munday noone to Tuesday noone, South-west by South, fiftie three leagues, here we had sight of certaine Ilands, which lye off Logoseo, bearing North-west by West nine leagues off, here wee had one and thirty fathomes, blacke peppery sand. From hence wee steered in West South-west ten leagues, vntill sixe at night. At which time wee had the Rockes of the [ 20] point of Loamb West fortie leagues off, our depth twentie two fathomes, and white sand mixt. From sixe to twelue South-west by South, eleuen leagues, twentie fiue fathomes ozie.

From twelue to twelue, the seuen and twentieth, South-west halfe West, one and twentie leagues. This seuen and twentieth, it blew a faire gale at North-east as before, and the wea∣ther cleered vp, that we had sight of the Sunne, which we had not of a long time seene before. From noone vntill mid-night South-west halfe West nineteene leagues: here by the North-star and Canopus,* 5.159 we were in one & twentie degrees thirtie minutes, the depth fiftie fiue, sandy, ozie. From mid-night the seuen and twentieth, vnto mid-night the eight and twentieth, South-west nineteene leagues: heere by the Sunne, we were North twentie degrees, forty fiue minutes, the wind still at North-east, the weather faire. From the eight and twentieth, vntill the nine and [ 30] twentieth at noone, South-west thirtie eight leagues, latitude nineteene degrees fiftie three minutes, the depth seuentie fiue fathomes, sandy, ozie, the wind North-east, the weather faire•• by this we gathered, that we had made our way to the West-ward of the South-west by West, by meanes of some Current setting to the West-ward. From the nine and twentieth, vntill the thirtieth, South-west halfe South, thirtie eight leagues, latitude eighteene degrees thirtie minutes, the wind at East North-east and East by North, the weather very faire, no ground in one hundred and twentie fathomes. From Saturday vntill Sunday at noone, which was the last of December, South-west by South, twentie seuen leagues and a halfe, latitude seuenteene degrees twentie minutes, wind East North-east, weather faire.

The first of Ianuary, from the last of December vntill New-yeeres day at noone, South-west [ 40] by South twentie eight leagues, latitude sixteene degrees ten minutes. Here the wind came vp at North-east by North, the weather faire. From the first of Ianuary, vntill the second at noone South halfe West, twentie eight leagues, the weather ouer-cast the wind at North-east by North. From this day noone, vntill two of the clocke in the afternoone, South South-west halfe South three leagues, here wee had sight of a point of Land, bearing West from vs eight leagues off.

From two in the afternoone, vntill twelue•• the next day, South halfe East, fortie leagues, here we had Cape Varella North-west by North eight leagues off. This twentie foure houres we had much raine and dirtie weather. From the third at noone, vntill the fourth at sixe in the morning, our way one with another vpon a straight Line South South-west halfe West, thirtie [ 50] leagues, here we were in eleuen degrees, North latitude, of our depth twentie foure fathomes, as neere as I could ghesse. Here also wee had sight of Poolo Cecir, bearing South by East seuen leagues off,* 5.160 and the Cape Cecir North by West sixe leagues from vs. From sixe vntill noone, West South-west thirteene leagues. From the fourth at noone, vntill the fifth at noone, first South-west by West twentie two leagues, then South-west halfe West sixe leagues, and then South South-west halfe South one and twentie leagues, here wee were in nine degrees. The body of Poolo Candor, bearing South South-west about seuen leagues from vs. Our depths from the fourth at noone,* 5.161 were from eighteene to fourteene fathomes: from sixteene to eleuen, wee felt a Current setting our ship to the South-ward beyond our computation, this same night at Sun-setting, we found the variation to be one degree North-westing. This euening, at sixe of [ 60] the clocke we had the South-east end of Poolo Candor, North-west foure leagues off, the wind North-east.* 5.162 From six this euening, vntill twelue, the next South South-west thirtie leagues, latitude seuen degrees ten minutes, the wind at North-east, the weather very fa••re. From the sixt vntill the seuenth at noone, South South-west thirtie six leagues & a half, latitude

fiue degrees thirtie minutes, the wind at North-east, the weather faire. From Sunday the se∣uenth, vntill Munday the eighth at noone South South-west halfe South fortie two leagues, la∣titude three degrees thirtie minutes, the wind at North-east by East and East North-east, the weather faire. This day at foure in the afternoone, we had the North point of Poolo Timon,* 5.163 South-west by South about seuen leagues off, we hauing runne from noone seuen leagues South South-west. From Munday to Tuesday at noone, South South-west seuen leagues, South-east sixteene leagues, and South seuenteene leagues; the latitude one degree twentie fiue minutes; by this we perceiued the Current had carryed vs sixteene minutes to the South-wards of our computation.

[ 10] From this twelfth day vntill foure in the afternoone South sixe leagues, our depth twentie foure fathomes streamy ground: here we saw Poolo Pengran South-west by South sixe leagues, and the head-land of Iore West South-west eight leagues off. From hence vntill foure leagues off South South-east fourteene leagues off, eighteene fathomes, the same ground: from hence till noone, the tenth, South twelue degrees, here wee had seuenteene fathomes. The tenth at noone, we had sight of Land. The Northermost high hummocke bearing West from vs about sixe leagues off. This day at noone by our iudgement, we were ten minutes to the South-ward of the Line.

Thursday, the eleuenth at noone, we were in one degree sixteene minutes South latitude, our course from the tenth at noone, South halfe West twentie two leagues. Here the Souther Ile of [ 20] Poolo Tayro, was due East from vs three leagues off: our depth fourteene fathomes, ozie. This Poolo Tayro consisteth of seuen or eight Ilands and Rockes mixt together,* 5.164 the longest tract of them is North North-west, and South South-east, the Northermost Ile is farre longer and larger then any of the rest. From this Norther-most Ile vnto Poolo Pan,* 5.165 North-west halfe West nine leagues, the depth from the tenth at noone vnto this present, was from seuenteene to fourteene fathomes all alongst Poolo Tayro: when the Norther-most Ile of Poolo Tayro, East North-east halfe East three leagues from vs, then the three hummocks on the North end of Banco did beare South-east ten leagues off;* 5.166 And the high Land of Mannapin South by East halfe East. From this day noone vntill mid-night, South South-west halfe South tenne leagues: here we anchored seuenteene fathomes soft ground, where we rid all night. The next [ 30] morning, we had the Hill of Mannapin, South South-east halfe East, the low Land by the wa∣ter side three leagues off, the next head-land to the North-wards, which riseth in three hum∣mockes, when you are to the North-wards of it East North-east halfe North. About six leagues off, the twelfth at noone being at anchor in the same place, by our obseruation wee were in one degree one and fiftie minutes neerest, the wind at West North-west, weather faire. This afternoone we weighed and stood in towards the Coast of Sumatra, and at mid-night anchored in twelue fathomes of the Riuer of Pallimbam, finding nine, ten, and twelue fathomes ozie,* 5.167 as we ranged along.

Saturday, the thirteenth in the morning, we weighed againe (the wind Northerly) and stee∣red along by the Sumatra shoare, through the Streights of Banco, vntill wee came betweene [ 40] the first and second point, which was at eight at night, where we anchored in sixteene fathoms about two leagues off the Sumatra shoare. From the Riuer of Pallimbam vnto this place,* 5.168 we had nine, ten, eleuen, twelue fathomes within two halfe leagues off the Sumatra side, all alongst vntil we came vp neer the second point (which maketh the narrowest of the Streights) & there we found about twentie fathomes water. Sunday, the fourteenth, we set saile againe and bor∣rowed faire aboord the Sumatra side in eight, seuen and sixe fathomes vntill wee had Lucepara, South-east by East, and then we haled away South South-east, South-east by South and South-east finding all the way fiue fathomes ozie, vntill wee had brought Lucepara North by West a∣bout seuen leagues off, and then the water began to deepen, hauing fiue fathomes & a halfe, sixe fathomes. Munday, the fifteenth, wee were in foure degrees fiftie eight minutes, wee being di∣stant [ 50] from Lucepara, thirtie sixe leagues South by East from it. From hence vntill foure in the afternoone South South-west foure leagues. Here we saw a shoald aboue the water, about foure miles from vs, West South-west. The two Ilands on the Coast of Sumatra, bearing vpon the same point seuen leagues off. Also Poolo Keero did beare East South-east halfe South. From this shoald fiue leagues off,* 5.169 and the high Land of Marrough was South-west from the shoald afore∣said. This Euening, the wind did hearten in at North-west: by which meanes we got in neere vnto Poolo Peniang after mid-night, and there came to anchor vntill the next day.

[ 60]

CHAP. VIII. WILLIAM HORES Discourse of his Voyage in the Dragon and Expedition, from Surat to Achen, Teco and Bantam; and of the surprising the Dragon, Beare, Expedition, &c. in a Letter to the Companie.

To the Honorable Gouernour and Right Worshipfull Committees of the Companie of the English trading in the [ 10] EAST INDIA, &c.

Honorable and Right Worshipfull Sirs.

THe passages of your businesse, in Captaine Bonners Voyage, to and at Surat (till then and long after very hopefull) you haue by ma•••• aduises from themselues, and seuerall relations from others, largely and particularly vnderstood. Where∣fore I shall therein be purposely silent, intending according to my poore meanes and abilitie, (the one being lost with your ships, and the other hauing alwayes beene very small) to acquaint you onely with such accidents as vntill the said [ 20] ships taking hapned. Wherein I shall humbly beseech, that you would be pleased to pardon my presumption, in offering to your view these imperfect and vnworthy Lines, not doubting but others better able, will more accurately performe (what is by me omitted requisite your know∣ledge) then my insufficiency (especially at this time) is able to expresse, and poore imployment in your seruice affoorded not to be made partaker of.

* 5.170The Dragon and other ships of that Fleet parting with the Anne, the seuenteenth of Februa∣rie, 1618. the one and twentieth following, anchored before the Road and Towne of Dabull, (it being formerly ordered by consultation to touch there) and not long after came a Boat from the Gouernour-Deputie, to learne what and whence we were; whereof being certified, hee a∣gaine returned ashoare: and toward night, a graue man, Captaine of a Iuncke, then in the Road, [ 30] laden and bound for the Red Sea, with his sonne came aboord, bringing ten Oxen, ten Goats, three hundred Hennes, with great store of Rice, Fruits, &c. for a Present, to conferre with our Captaine about such things as should be propounded; and that night they lodged aboord. The morrow after (they remayning for pledges) Master Salbanke and Master Fursland went ashoare to the Deputie (the Gouernour himselfe being then at Court, eight dayes iourney distant) The Chiefes of the Towne,* 5.171 as they affirmed, entertayned them very kindly, professing likewise that they were much contented with the English arriuall, and had long desired to haue commerce with them, and to that end intreated to haue a Factorie left, or the ships to ride, till notice there∣of might be giuen to the Gouernour, because without his approbation they could not conclude of any thing. We had at this place great store of very good refreshing, indifferently cheape, large Beeues for sixe Rialls a piece, and Fruits, &c. great plentie for small prices: but none of the old [ 40] remnants in the Lion could vend, yet vpon future hopes, they promising fairely to deale hereaf∣ter for large quantities of broad Cloth, Lead, and other English commodities, Captaine Bonner deferred inforcing, aduising thereof to Surat, that the next yeeres Fleet might doe to them as oc∣casion required. The sixe and twentieth, the aforesaid Noghoda landed, to whom was giuen a faire in-laid Musket with the furniture thereof: He also earnestly desired an English Bible, which being giuen, he said, he would carefully keepe till some English were there resident, and then with their helpe would haue it translated into Arabeck for his owne vse.

It hath beene, I presume, long since related vnto your Worships, how that during your Fleets aboad at Swally, two Mallabar Frigots put themselues vnder command of your ships, affirming [ 50] themselues subiects to a Ragia of Echaree neere Goa, and pretending to be sent by the King their Master, to capitulate with the English about establishing a Trade with him for Pepper, his Coun∣trey, by their report, yeelding yeerly sufficient to lade two great ships, the triall whereof being by consultation assented vnto, they both attended the Fleet to this place: and here one of them desired leaue to depart before to the King to aduize of our comming, that his Pepper might bee in more readinesse against our arriuall, and that an English Merchant might accompanie him to view the commodities, and cut price with the King, for whom sufficient Hostage should be left abo••rd the Dragon. Which was likewise agreed vpon, Master Wight, Merchant, and I••o Tucker with him for Linguist,* 5.172 were dispeeded with him, and eight of the Prime men in both 〈◊〉〈◊〉 left for pledges. [ 60]

The Lion being formerly disposed of for the Red Sea, it was ordered that thee should keepe the other ships companie to Dabull, there to vent, if possible, part or all those remnants brought from the R••d Sea, for readie money▪ or to force them Trade, and the proceeding thereof to bee toward lading the Expedition with Pepper at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but the vnfitnesse of th••se commoditie••

for the Dabulleers, their faire promises and kind vsage, procure their quiet this yeere,* 5.173 for which cause the Lions companie being iudged needlesse any further. The seuen and twentieth, shee was dispeeded vpon her voyage: but before her departure, sixe hundred pounds sterling intended to be transported to Surat, was detayned for speedier lading the Expedition: hauing left Letters to to be sent to Surat: toward night the Dragen, &c. set saile, intending next for Batachala. At Dabull enquirie was made for Tho. Sprage, who was sent from Brampoore into Gulcandawe, to recouer a debt due by a Persian in that place, and at Surat it was reported, that the said Persian was forceably taken from him at this Towne, and Sprage also very much abused. But they de∣nie euer to haue seene or knowne any such men,* 5.174 but tooke notice from vs to apprehend both or [ 10] either if they should at any time happen on them.

The fift of March, we anchored at Batachala, shooting three Peeces to giue notice of our arri∣uall: and the next day about noone, Master Wight with the other Mallabar Frigat came aboord, by whom we vnderstood, that at the Kings Towne, some three dayes iourney thence, was Pep∣per to the quantitie of one hundred and fiftie Tunnes or vpward, but the price was held hard at fiftie Rialls of eight the Candee, and would not be brought lower then fortie seuen;* 5.175 the Pep∣per worse then that of Tercoo, and in all likelihood he had no intent for to sell it, but to keepe it for the Portugalls, with whom he hath continuall Trading, and this to bee but a deuice of those Rowers to free themselues from command of the English. The Candee at this place contayneth neere fiue hundred pounds.

Our hopes of this place prouing no better: the third present, we set saile thence. Running [ 20] along this Coast, we saw and met with many Iuncks of the Mallabars, and not finding ought in them, saue Coco-nuts and such trash, presently dismissed them, one excepted,* 5.176 belonging to the Samorine, which Captaine Bonner caused to returne with him, the sooner to procure satisfaction for goods and debts, left there by Peter Needham, &c. which Iuncke certified of another of the Samorines laden with Pepper, riding at Panana, some twelue leagues to the Southward of Cali∣cut, and bound for the Red Sea, at which place also the Samorine then kept his Court,* 5.177 where ar∣riuing the tenth dicto, a Messenger was sent to aduertise the ships arriuall, to require satisfaction for his debts, &c. and to renew a Trade with vs; all which motions hee seemed willing to en∣tertaine, promising the twelfth following to meet and confer with Captaine Bonner vpon the [ 30] shoare neere the Sea-side, and after an end made of the old, to begin a new businesse. The King came at the time prefixed, hauing the day before drawne ashoare and vnladen his Iuncke, she ri∣ding within a Riuer, at the mouth whereof was a great Barre, hindring our seizing her, whom Captaine Bonner (attended with a Guard of fiftie small shot, &c.) met, deliuered our Kings Maie∣sties Letter with a Present to him; and after long debating, it was concluded, that in regard we knew not the summe due by goods left with him and others, not hauing any notice thereof; the payment should be deferred till information from Needham might be procured, and with aduice of his Merchant consented to sell vs Pepper: at present, seuen or eight hundred Candees or more, at thirtie Rialls of eight, free of all charges. The Candee we found by triall thereof, with our English weights, to contayne fiue hundred and two pounds nete; whereupon resoluing, it was [ 40] concluded that the next day Master Wight and my selfe should view the quantitie and qualitie of the commoditie, which wee were to certifie Captaine Bonner (then aboord the small Pin∣nasse neere the shoare) who would thereupon haue landed, money, &c. and gone to weighing.

But that night the Kings mind changed, and we landing early next morning, were refused sight thereof vnlesse the King gaue expresse order thereto, to whom also going, hee demanded when our Captaine would land,* 5.178 which wee certified him would not bee till wee had seene the Pepper, and could iudge of the quantitie, and that then we should make signe for his comming. He then sent vs backe with one of his Kinsmen to the Merchants house, willing vs there to stay till he either came himselfe, or sent order for dipatch: but there we attended while past noone, and then not hearing ought returned to the King, who by his Iurabassa fell to discoursing of our Countrey manners, had Tumblers playing before him, and with such trifling delayes put off the [ 50] time till neere foure after noone, when we entreated him to giue vs an answere, that we might returne to the Captaine, who all this while expected our comming. Whereupon taking vs a∣side into a roome from sight of his people, he told vs, that he had many matters of import wher∣of to conferre with the Captaine, which he would not haue his owne people to take notice off, and to that end had appointed a priuate house to be prepared for his entertainment not far from his Court, and therefore willed that Master Wight should tarrie and accompanie him presently thither, and that I should returne to the Captaine and bring him to the place assigned. I desired to see it, but he refused, appointing one of his attendants to goe with me to the Sea-side, there to tarrie Captaine Bonners landing, and conduct him to the foresaid house. But by the way con∣sidering, how indiscreet it would seeme, to motion his going to a place I had neither seene nor [ 60] knew, especially in such a treacherous place, I told my Companion, that vnlesse I might first see where the King intended to meet, I would not aduise the Captaines landing; he perceiuing me resolute, left me, and directed one of his Slaues to shew it me; who lead me neere two English miles vp into the Countrey, and at length brought mee to a little house (but handsome enough)

sited in the midst of a small Wood, about which was a faire plaine a quarter of a mile euery way, and without that, round enuironed with thicke and high Woods: which place ministring iustly great cause of suspition. I returned to the King, whom I met vpon the way with fortie or fif∣tie attendants comming thither, with him also Master Wight; to whom I shewed my opinion of the place, and that it now grew late, and therefore nothing to be done that night.

Comming to the house, the King sate a good while musing without speaking, when we desi∣red leaue to depart, it being now neere night and past time for the Captaines landing, and that if he pleased we should againe returne on the morrow, as also to certifie his desire of priuate confe∣rence with the Captaine, but withall intreated, that we might lose no more dayes, but that ac∣cording to his former conclusion, we might dispatch our businesse. After a little pause, he com∣manded [ 10] all his owne people out of the roome, leauing none but Master Wight, In^o. Tucker Lin∣guist,* 5.179 and my selfe. The doores being shut, hee beckned vs, and then readily finding his Porte∣guise tongue (till then concealed) told vs resolutely, that he could not performe at the price con∣tracted for; the Pepper being none of his but the Merchants of the Towne, and that vnder fortie Rialls of eight the Candee he could not accomplish; and if they or any other would sell cheaper, he gaue licence thereto, but if none, then at that price himselfe would furnish, and that he would satisfie his debt when we could certifie how much and wherefore it was due: Also, that he had other businesse to confer with the Captaine, which he said should not be mentioned, vn∣lesse himselfe were present:* 5.180 with which answere we returned aboord to Captaine Bonner, who sent him word ashoare by one of his seruants who came with vs, that the English should largely [ 20] pay themselues vpon his Iuncks, both for the goods he detayned, and for this abuse also.

The fourteenth of March we departed thence, the nineteenth anchored at Brimion; where failing of refreshing or water, the people by the Portugalls instigation, refusing to let our Caskes be filled vnder eightie Rialls of eight: the twentieth, altogether that night set saile, and that night doubled Cape Comorine.

The two and twentieth of March, a consultation was held aboord the Dragon, wherein was propounded and concluded,* 5.181 sending the Portugall Pinnasse for Bantam: and by the way to touch at Teco, to learne the estate of that Factorie (if any were) to stay there foure dayes, and at Ban∣tam ten, and then vnlesse by Captaine Iordaine detayned longer, to make all haste possible backe to Teco, there to attend the Dragons arriuall from Argin, to informe the Companies affaires at [ 30] Bantam. In her was appointed William Rickes Master, with twentie other, and my vnhappy selfe also, that Factorie being likeliest to want attendance, and I willing to my best seruice, though in so meane a condition, as it hath pleased your Worships to dispose me.

The foure and twentieth dicto, about foure after noone we parted with the ships, they stan∣ding away for Achen, and we for Teco, of whose proceedings there I am altogether ignorant, and shall therefore presume to referre your Worships to Master Nichols his aduice (if as I much feare hath hapned) the rest from the Factors there haue with your ships miscarried.

The sixt of Aprill, 1619. wee arriued at Teco, and hearing nothing at this place, saue what your Worsh••ps haue long since beene acquainted with, hauing watered and sent aduice to Cap∣taine Bonner, of our arriuall, &c. The eleuenth following, we set saile for Bantam. Hauing had diuers dayes calme, and sometimes the wind contrarie: the three and twentieth dicto, wee an∣chored [ 40] twixt the salt H••ls in the Streights of Sunda: and the seuen and twentieth toward night, a small gale blowing, we weighed and intended to haue put into Bantam Road before day, but the vsuall calme forced our anchoring some foure miles short of Poolo-Paniang: and in the mor∣ning,* 5.182 readie to set saile, we descried ten ships and foure Iuncks, riding vnder the foresaid Iland, who with that breath weighed and stood toward v••, we knew not what to conceiue of them, little expecting to haue found so many English, especially those ships in that place; the better to make them, we hoysed out our Praw and in her three men, to row vntill they could make their Colours; and if Dutch, to repaire backe to vs; if English, to goe aboord them, the latter where∣of they did. Ere long the Admirall was thwart of vs, whom Master Rickes saluted with three [ 50] Peeces, he answered with one, and sending his Skiffe aboord, willed our Master to weigh and stand after him to Morrogh, and me to come aboord his ship, and bring such Letters as I had with me, which I presently did, where I haue related all those miserable and lamentable accidents, which, I presume, your Worships long since vnderstood by the Iames, safely arriued home.

The nine and twentieth Dicto, the Fleet anchored Morrogh, and the next day Sir Thomas Dale, Captaine Pring, &c. came aboord our Pinnasse, and dispeeded her for Bantam, if possible to get som•• prouision for the shippes, as also to learne if any Flemmish shippes were at Iacatra or thereabouts: but speeding of neither, we returned to the Fleete the second of May. The ten ships then at Morrogh,* 5.183 were the Moone, Cloue, Globe, Pepper-corne, the Iames Royall, Gift, Vnicorne, Aduice, Rose and Bee: Captaine Iourdaine being some foureteene dayes before our [ 60] comming gone with the Samson and Hound, for Iambee, Patania, Syam, and other places, besides the foure Iuncks, three whereof were from China, the other from Patania, and our Pinnasse new∣ly also by Sir Thomas Dale ordered for to attend his Fleete.

The first of May, the China Iuncks began to be Romidged, and their goods taken into your

ships, for debts owing by the Chineses to your Worships. After which,* 5.184 cutting downe their masts, yards and sayles, to preuent their lading the Pepper at Bantam, left them there ryding: the quantitie and qualitie of those goods exceedes my knowledge to aduize, I being both a stranger, and by your Worships order not to meddle in businesse of that nature.

The foure and twentieth of May, Owen Bodman was executed at the yard arme in the Moone. This day the Fleete fitted to sayle, and the Rose in stead of the Pinnasse, was intended for Teco and Achen, to aduize Captaine Bonner of proceedings there with a Cargazon of Rice, Steele, &c. Confined to Master Fursland at Achen; In which ship also it pleased Sir Thomas to appoint my [ 10] returne. One of the foresaid Iuncks being of Patania, and most of her lading Rice, belonging to the Plemmings: so much thereof as was thought fitting, each ships prouision was taken out, and she this day dismissed. The fiue and twentieth Dicto the Fleete set sayle, Sir Thomas Dale with the Moone, Cloue, Globe, Pepper-corne, Aduice and Pinnasse, standing for Ingano, to recouer (if possible) part of the Monies lost, in the Sunne, and to releeue those men left there, if any were aliue; and Captaine Pring with the Iames Royall, Gift, Vnicorne and Bee for the Coast: intending there all to meete, and to come with their ioynt strength to Priaman, there to meete with the ships from England, and also Captaine Bonners, and altogether to goe to Bantam.

The fifteenth of Iune we arriued at Teco, where we made little stay, but hauing watered, &c. and left letters for Captaine Bonner, of the past proceedings at Bantam, and future purposes [ 20] for this place, departed thence the nineteenth Dicto from Achen, going betwixt the Mayne of Sumatra and the Shoalds, which from Teco lye foure degrees or more of North latitude, and stopping euery night: The ninth of Iuly, about sixe in the euening, a storme began at North-west (we being then anchored some fifteene leagues to the Northward of Barrous) which in∣creased in great extremitie till about mid-night with very fearefull Thunder, Lightning, and terrible Raine, we had but one anchor aground, hauing the Shoalds and the Mayne on euery side of vs within two leagues. In this extremitie, not knowing what course to take, but onely to attend Gods mercy in our deliuerance, our Cable brake, and we bare roome backe ouer these Shoalds in an exceeding darke night, with which formerly we durst scarse deale at noone-day; yet the neuer forsaking mercy of the Almightie preserued vs from all those dangers, and with [ 30] day-light also sent vs faire weather, when necessitie enforced determination to beare backe a∣gaine for Teco: it is said we were the first ship that euer went this way, and I thinke no man that dare depend vpon his skill, to aduenture without sight of land, will euer saile that way againe.

The one and twentieth dicto, we had another great storm, which began about two after noone, with very much Wind, Thunder and Raine, which lasted aboue foure houres, split our maine saile, and blue away our sprit-saile; Rich. Crane, one of our companie, being then vpon the yard arme, the braces, lifts, and all the rigging of the sprit-saile yard at once broke, and hee with his head downewards hung (at euery set of the ship couered with the Sea) aboue a glasse space, no man being able by any meanes to succour him, till at last, faintnes & wearines made him let goe, [ 40] and as he droue by the ships side tooke hold of a Rope, by which meanes, next to the Almighties mercy, his life was beyond expectation miraculously preserued; another, named Price Hawks, standing in the waste, was by a flash of Lightning strooke dumbe and lame ouer all his body, lying in most lamentable plight for many dayes, yet, God be thanked, his speech is a little re∣turned, but a kind of dead numbnesse in both his legs and armes, maketh him still continue a ve∣ry miserable man, distressed as aforesaid.

The three and twentieth dicto, we returned to Teco, and by reason of our wants, both of Cor∣dage, Sailes, and Ground-tacke, of which there was no more in the ship then was at that time in vse, no more then one Hogshead of flesh, no bread but Rice and that not sweet, no other drinke for sicke men, &c. but water; but nineteene men in the ship, whereof fiue very sicke, [ 50] and diuers others lame: It was resolued through importunitie of the companie thereto, to remayne there and attend reliefe from the Dragon, or other English; but in the interim, a ru∣mour of Flemmish ships comming from Bantam, forced vs change resolution: and the sixt dicto, with our weake crew put to Sea, in hope either to meet the ships from Achen, or to get our in∣tended parke, and by that meanes to ease our selues of some of those miseries.* 5.185 Hauing had since our departure from Teco a very faire gale: The tenth dicto, to our great comforts we met the Dra∣gon and Expedition, betwixt the Ilands N••mtam and Batta: so soone as we came neere, Captaine Bonner sent his Skiffe aboord, to whom I went and deliuered his Letters from Master Spalding, Master Ball, &c. Sir Tho. Dale by reason of his sicknesse hauing also referred him to them for ad∣uise. The next morning at a Consultation it was concluded,* 5.186 that the Rose should returne backe [ 60] to Teco, in regard of her vnfitnesse for any Voyage, as also for that the goods in her would vend so well here, or better then at Achen, the Invoice whereof was inclosed in a Letter, sealed and directed to Master Rich. Fursland, which I then likewise deliuered: By Captaine Bonner I vn∣derstood of two moneths Trade granted at Teco, of aboue one thousand and three hundred Ba∣hars of Pepper, then in the Dragon, and of more then one thousand and fiue hundred remayning

at Achen vnbought, for lacke of meanes. To the end that so little as might be of our short time should be lost; the fifteenth in the night, Captaine Bonner sent off his barge with Master Ni∣chols and my selfe, to goe ashoare, and acquaint the King &c. with our licence for Trade; as also to take an house, and so much as might be, to set each thing in a forwardnesse. The King see∣med very willing; appointing, as we desired, a very conuenient house close by the sea side, next to the Custome-house, and promised so soone as he saw the Kings Letter, musters of our goods, and had concluded of the price; order should be giuen for present weighing.

The nineteenth, Master Nichols went aboord the Dragon, riding two leagues without the Road, and brought the Kings Letter ashoare with him, which seene and read, Proclamation thereof was presently sent into the Countrey, and many in the Towne had good quantities of Pepper, which they would not sell till the King had first begunne. The one and twentieth, the [ 10] Dragon &c. came into the Road,* 5.187 and musters of goods landed, the greatest part whereof was Cainkeenes, blue Selas; and the price was concluded, fiftie Selas, thirtie fiue Cainkeenes, sixteene blue Byronnes,* 5.188 red Selas thirtie two, and of Baftaes according to the goodnesse, eight, ten, and twelue Pieces for a Bahar, which valued according to the rates worth in readie money, twentie Rials the Bahar; and it was agreed, that the next morning the King should beginne to weigh (the Custome of goods not to be payed in kind; but to land whatsoeuer wee would, and to pay fourteene the hundred Custome,* 5.189 in Rials of eight: for all the Pepper should be payed, either with goods, or money; a very hard condition and wondrous vnaduisedly consented to, by those formerly there employed; but now it is continued, and little hope to get it euer reclaymed. Some goods were this day landed, being first opened aboue, and sent ashoare in bags, to preuent [ 20] wetting; and small quantities at once, for feare of fire and treacherie, both which are very vsuall here (but especially the latter) more then in any part of India.

The two and twentieth dicto, the King &c. returned to the Balley, refusing their former Con∣tract, and would not himselfe sell vnder fortie Cainkeenes, and sixtie blue Selas the Bahar; but gaue free leaue to any other that would; which was nothing: for till he began, none would sell a Catee, so that necessitie inforced our assenting. The sixe and twentieth our trade began, and this day weighed the first Pepper, the contents whereof, and of the succeeding dayes, I forbeare to recite, hauing collected it together in a note herewith vnto your Worships. Master Nichols &c. being aboord the Dragon, this day Captaine Bonner discoursing of the businesse past at Ban∣tam, and his owne at present in the Dragon, fearing lest at the Fleets arriuall, the Pepper in her [ 30] should be taken out, and sent home vpon some other ship that had beene long in the Countrey, as also dreading the Flemmings arriuall (of whom hee was alwayes wondrous suspicious) affir∣med,* 5.190 he had no intent to lade more Pepper in the Dragon, till he knew certainly how he should be disposed of; but would take it into the Expedition, whereto he said shee should be presently fitted, and the Dragon kept cleere and prettie for a Man of Warre, in case the Flemmings should come: his reason was, that he could not at any time after take it into his ship, of which if he could dispose, hee could likewise by the same power command the Expedition, and goods there∣in: in which determination he seemed to be firme; and gaue order for the Expeditions fitting roomes.* 5.191 But the next day after, arriued Henry Bate Merchant, from the ship Beare; who the day before anchored at Priaman; and the eight and twentieth of August aforesaid, arriued at [ 40] Tecoo: at instant of whose comming, but vpon what presumption or reports I cannot certain∣ly determine, Captaine Bonner changed resolution, and proceeds to lade the Dragon, filling each place with lumber, romaging her bread-roomes, and so cloying her deckes, as was not poss••ble to vse her Peeces in greatest extremitie; by which vnhappie accident, Wee your poore Seruants haue with losse of liues, or goods, or both, indured excesse of most base, and past compare, con∣temptible vsage, from an ingratefull and vnciuill Nation, with many other neuer to be satis∣fied or forgotten iniuries.

The seuen and twentieth, all night being very tempestuous, fearefull thunder and lightning, and abundance of raine, we had vnder our house, in a roome for that purpose, some small store of steele Bettle boxes, and such like; where also lay two men, appointed by Capt. Bonner to watch [ 50] the house,* 5.192 the boat being left behind them ashoare. That night Iohn Cocket (alias Tucker) a youth, who had long liued at Surat, and he also lodged there: about midnight came theeues to open the doore, which one within perceiuing, with crying out scarred them away; two houres after, they returned; and one of them putting in his arme, was strucke at with a sword, but missed, fled away the second time; and they within made the doore so fast as they could (which was but hurdles.) About foure in the morning, comming againe, & opening the doore, one went in, taking some Brasse Bettle boxes, our men being all fast asleepe; and in returning, rubbed against Tuc∣kers legs,* 5.193 who starting vp, caught hold of him, and cried, A theefe, I haue him; which scarce pronounced, with a pitifull accent, cried out againe, Oh, hee is gone, and hath stabd mee with his [ 60] Creeze: which was so sodainely done, as those who lay by him had not time to rescue him. There was at that time aloft the Surgeon of the Dragon &c. who presently ran downe with a light, but too late; the villaine hauing with a knife giuen him two wounds, one whereof to the heart, who without speaking more words then, Lord haue mercie vpon me, presently died.

Wee in vaine searched each bush and place about our house, and I went to call the Cowals (or Waiters) who euery night till this, kept watch in a Balley within twentie paces of our house; miss••ng whom, I went instantly to the Pongolo Cowallas house, and calling him, asked him where was the Watch; he said, at the Balley; which I denying, he affirmed to haue charged one that night. Then I told him we had a man slaine, and willed him to search narrowly, if any suspicious person could be apprehended, he forthwith went and acquainted the King therewith, who presently came downe with the Chiefe there-abouts, saw the dead bodie, and affirmed, he would doe what might be, to find the murtherer: Master Nichols charged the Cowals to bee actors, or authors hereof, and required to haue them all sent for, and one after another to touch [ 10] the Corps, whereto the King gaue order: and when each one had taken him by the hand, and no cause to suspect any appeared; Master Nichols demanded if there were no more Cowals; it was answered, no more saue one, who was sicke, and kept his bed; him the King commanded to be sent for, whose very lookes and demeanour condemned him in the opinion of all, to bee the villaine sought for, the King commanded to take the dead man by the hand, which with extreme quaking, and many distracted gestures and answeres he did, but would not hold it any time. Master Nichols vrged this to be the man, and required Iustice.* 5.194 The King caused him to be bound, and professed in his conscience that was the man who kild him, but that hee must be tried by their Law also, whereto the fellow assented.

And while preparation was made thereto, wee sent word to Captaine Bonner, who came ashoare to see the euent hereof: presently after whose comming, a fire was made, and an iron [ 20] pan with a gallon of oyle set thereon; which leasurely boyled till it came to such a degree of heat, that a greene leafe but dipped therein was sodden and shiuered. The prisoner then cal∣led, and persisting in deniall of the fact, was in testimonie of his innocencie, to take out of the said oyle a small ball of brasse, little bigger then a Musket shot, with his naked hand; and that if any burning or scalding appeared thereon, hee was contented to die: which hee addressed himselfe to performe; stripping vp his sleeue aboue the elbow, and taking a kind of protesta∣tion, desiring that as he was cleere thereof, so he might prosper in this act; dipped his hand to the wrist in the burning oyle, tooke out the ball, held it fast, and crying, Olla Basar, or,* 5.195 great is the Lord, tost it vp, caught it againe, and then cast it on the ground; shewing his hand vnto all [ 30] that would, which had no more signe of hurt, then if hee had experimented the same in cold water. The Deuill, it seemes, being loth at that time to lose his credit. The fellow was instant∣ly released, and within an houre after returned in his holiday apparell, and none so lustie as hee, though but a little before he had beene sicke, and so weake, as he was faine to be brought vpon mens shoulders to his triall: and this was all the iustice we could haue, for our murdered man; though in all likelihood, and their iudgements also, he was the actor.

This businesse ended, the King propounded to Captaine Bonner, that our time of Trade be∣gan now to be short, and that there was great store of Pepper yet to be had, which might spee∣dily be bought for readie money: the people being vnwilling to deale for any more Cloth, in regard the Iunkes from Argin were daily expected with great store from the King, who would [ 40] force their taking thereof; and that hauing sold before for readie money, they would make the better shift: which he said was alike to vs, our commodities being as vendible in other places; and the new ship (the Beare) hauing brought good store of mony, which might be wel imployed: whereto consent being giuen, the price was cut, twentie two Rials the Bahar, and the assemblie dismissed. That night good store of Pepper was brought downe to be weighed the next day, many of the Chiefes affirming, that there was in and about Tecoo, aboue a thousand Bahars Pepper, which so fast as could be weighed, would be brought in. The King gaue vs leaue, that if in the night we saw any about the house, we should detaine them prisoners till the next day; and in case they refused to come vnto vs, being called, we should shoot them, and the perill to lie vpon their owne heads. The nine and twentieth dicto, Captaine Bonner perceiuing the Dra∣gon to bee alreadie deepe, and hoping ere long to haue her full lading, weighed out of the Road, [ 50] by the Iland, and anchored without, attending a wind to goe to the Southward of those Ilands, there to ride, and take the rest of her lading.

The first of October, about foure in the morning, the Dragon weighed, and neere eight, with the Breeze set saile, and came into the foresaid Road; not long after, all the boats and Skiffes of the Dragon, Expedition, and Rose, came ashoare to fetch Pepper, who laded so fast as they could; but before all were laden, sixe Saile were descried, standing with a fresh gale at South, toward the Road of our ships. The Boats forthwith put off, and had very much labour to row to wind∣ward, the men being much wearied before, with mooring the ships, and carrying the bags of Pepper: Captaine Bonner iudged them to be Sir Thomas Dales Fleet, who had determined to arriue there, by the fine of September; and therefore, till they came within lesse then a league, [ 60] that their Hulls shewed who they were, no Colours being abroad, not suspecting them: and then before any prouision could be made for defence, the Admirall and Vice-Admirall layed the Dragon aboord, all the other as they went, by shooting so many Peeces as could be brought to beare vpon her, who had that day taken in aboue an hundred Bahars of Pepper, had all her men

euen spent with labour,* 5.196 and was at that time so cloyed as was neuer poore, all emptie and full of caske, bread, and other prouisions then vpon her deckes, and all her lower Gunnes so stow∣ed vp with lumber, as that in so little time, as was then to prouide, not more then one could be cleered, and that but once discharged; powder, and shot in that extremitie not to bee come by. With those Ordnance which were cleere, the Fight was maintained very hot about three glasse, or more; till Captaine Bonner (his worthie resolution approuing his zeale to doe your Worshippes his vttermost seruice) receiued a mortall wound, with a shot in the right side, which remained in his bodie, who being carried downe, the ship fired, in foure or fiue seue∣rall places most pitifully torne, and many men slaine, shee became a Prey, rather then a Prize vnto them.

The other foure Dutch ships stood in to the Beare, Expedition, and Rose, who seeing, as is said, [ 10] the Dragons disaster, yeelded also the two first without shooting a shot. Worthie Sirs, I was not at present an actor at this surprise, though I shall haue alwayes cause to bewayle what I then suf∣fered; and therefore must beseech your fauourable acceptance of this small recitall, till others therein employed, of farre better abilitie then my selfe, shall largely acquaint you with euery circumstance: neither dare I persist in this subiect, lest iust passion, caused by remembrance of so late felt, and (vnlesse by your Worships clemencie relieued) neuer to bee recouered miserie, should transport mee beyond those limits, wherein I must now willingly containe my selfe. But thus much I may truely professe, if (as is a common Maxim) contraries hold the same rea∣son of proportion in change of qualitie, they may be expected to be most kind friends, for al∣readie, [ 20] we haue found them most sterne insulters, and beyond compare cruell enemies: and had not more true compassion, pitie, and reliefe, beene extended to vs from Infidell Moores, then from these Dutch Christians, three hundred of your Seruants (vnhappie men) a great number of whom, would not, a few houres before, haue changed fortunes euen with the chiefest and vnworthiest of that Crew, had left their dead Carcases a prey to beasts and fowles, and sub∣iected their liuing bodies to miserable seruitude, if a greater chastisement for our sinnes had not beene inflicted.

Being possessed of our ships, they straight way sent the English aboord theirs, and for refre∣shing after so great labour, as they had that day sustayned, set them in Irons vpon the gratings, in such a night of wind, raine, thunder and lightning, as either before or since I neuer saw; with∣out [ 30] respect to either sicke or wounded: many of whose liues shortly after payd for that nights barbarous entertainment.

The next morning early, they turned all ashoare with such poore ragges, as they would suffer them to weare on their backes vpon the mayne at Tecoo, beeing the foresaid foure shippes Company, and fortie sixe of the Starres men; till then also kept Prisoners, there beeing then a shoare in the Factorie, William Nichols, Henry Bate, and my selfe; where so good order was ta∣ken for the sicke and wounded, as the times Confusion, and poore meanes then there would permit.

The third day following, Captaine Bonner was sent ashoare with a Gardian, attending him to the house sent by the Dutch Admirall, to carry backe euen the poore bed he lay vpon, which [ 40] for triple the value was redeemed, where Griefe and Anguish adding a violent Feuer and Spas∣ma, to his former deadly wound: hauing heretofore well deserued the repute of a Worthy, now shewing no lesse a Christian man, and with a resolution well sixt on the merits of our Re∣deemer; yeelded his soule into the hands of the Almightie, the ninth of October, leauing vs distressed iustly to lament his losse, who were before enough sorrowfull afflicted with remem∣brance of passed misery, and expectation of more and greater ensuing calamitie, whose bodie as he desired, was buried vpon the little Iland at Tecoo, so neere his Brother Thomas as could be ghessed.

Somewhat to comfort vs in this distresse, it pleased the Lord to giue vs fauour in those peo∣ples sights, who vsed vs fairely and well, as could haue beene expected in any Christian part of [ 50] the World. The King would diuers times visit Captaine Bonner, and each day present him with such Cates as were there esteemed fittest for so sicke a man, desiring him also to bee com∣forted, and that both they and Countrey should bee readie both to protect and relieue vs, which was well performed: for so long as the Flemmings rode there, one thousand men armed lay within a quarter of a mile of our house ready vpon any occasion; and a continuall Market for victuall was kept at our doore, wherein all prouisions sold cheaper then before our ships were taken.

The fifth dicto, the Hollanders hauing taken in their Pepper at Tecoo, set sayle with these ships following, viz. The Vapan van Sealand, Admirall in her; William Iohnson, Commander of the Fleet; the Huerlam, New Zeland, Neptunes, English Starre, Post-part, the Dragon, Beare, [ 60] and Expedition for Priaman, intending thence for Bantam, to the rest of their Fleet, there con∣sisting of thirtie fiue sayle besides them, and were then besieging Bantam. The Pangram and they Vying for dead mens heads, one for Hollanders and the other for Iauas, giuing Rewards; and in which deadly difference, it was vnhappie Diegoes destinie to bee a sufferer; who after his being

taken in the Starre and kept Prisoner, making an escape in a Prow from Iacatra, intending to haue secured himselfe in the English house at Bantam, was by the Iames apprehended and be∣headed instead of a Dutchman; leauing the Rose in the Road, hauing first taken out all her Ord∣nances, Powder, and Munition, and in her twelue Hogsheads salt flesh, two Buttes of Wine;* 5.197 and some few bagges of bread, and a very small proportion of water-caske, for the foresaid number of men, except such as in the interim ranne away into their seruice, to transport our selues whither soeuer we could.

About this time there arriued at Tecoo a man (as himselfe said) belonging to Monanchabo; who reported confidently (but whether by the Flemmings instigation, or his owne knowledge I can∣not [ 10] determin••) that at the place whence he came, two ships and a Pinnasse were said to be taken at Iambee by foure other ships, which is much to be doubted of Captaine Iordan, &c. The Eng∣lish on the Starre likewise, affirming they had heard of foure ships which were double manned, and maruellously well fitted, sent purposely to take them, which the Lord, I trust, in his mercy hath preuented. The foresaid Blacke was thirtie dayes from Monanchabo thither, and though not commonly yet sometimes aduice from Iambee, commeth hither ouer-land.

During our abode at Tecoo, before the Rose could be fitted to sayle, it pleased the Almightie to take compassion on our distresse, and to deliuer vs from the many ineuitable dangers, yea, e∣uen confusions, which were likely presently to light vpon vs, by sending in thither Captaine Charles Cliffingham with the Palsgraue, Elizabeth and Hope; who by consultation at the Cape, were intended for Priaman, and arriued at Tecoo, the three and twentieth of October, aboord [ 20] whom the men ashoare were forth-with dispersed. M. Nichols, and Henry Bate sent in a small Praw to Achin; and the Rose, in that poore and weake state shee then was, and no otherwise concluded, to be dispatched for England; to aduise of these accidents and proceedings. Concer∣ning the intendments of the three foresaid ships, as also the end of sending those mentioned to Achin, I am ignorant, and therefore shall humbly referre your Worships to their owne aduices. The fore-said ships with the Rose, set sayle all together from Tecoo, the tenth of Nouember, & at Nimtam parted the fourteenth dicto, & the Lord of his mercie vouchsafed vs so faire a passage, that with the losse of but one man, who also was sicke before we left Tecoo; (notwithstanding our hard allowance, most of our Bread, and much of our Rice beeing consumed and spoyled with Wormes and Vermine) was arriued at the Cape Bonae Spei, all in sound health, the eight and [ 30] twentieth of Ianuary 1619.

Going ashoare at Soldania, we found Letters left by Captain Adams, (the Copie whereof is herewith inclosed) also of two Dutch ships departed thence home-ward, left by an Englishman, passenger in one of them; the Copie whereof is herewith likewise inclosed. We had our Sayne ashoare to fish, and the Countrey people demeaned themselues as formerly they accustomed, but the next day returning againe ashoare to fish and water. The most tragicall and wofull accident befell vs, that euer happened to any English in these parts: eight of our men going to the Riuer by Land, carryed the Sayne with them to fish, and were all by the Saluages either miserably slaine or kept away from vs; we hauing found the dead bodies of but foure of them. The cause [ 40] which should excite them to such an horrid and vnheard of attempt I cannot conceiue, vnlesse (as is most probable) some wrong offered by the Dutch lately gone hence, haue moued them to practise and exercise this Treachery to vs now, and to bee doub••ed, will bee indeauoured to all that shall hereafter arriue.

Hauing watered our ship, buried so many of the slaine men as could bee found, and left Let∣ters for any that should arriue after vs, we set sayle from Soldania. The second of February, a∣bout noone, past the Equinoctiall, The fifth of March, and the of arriued at in England. The Almightie hauing of his inestimable clemencie protected and deliuered vs, from the exceeding many and eminent dangers of a most miserable Voyage, and vouchsafe vs safe returne into our Natiue Countrey, for which and all other gracious fauours from our beginnings to this day extended, his great and glorious Maiestie be extolled and mag∣nified, [ 50] both now and for euermore. Amen. Amen.

Your Worships poore Seruant in all dutie and seruice euer at your command, WILLIAM HOARE.

[ 60]

CHAP. IX. The Iournall of Master NATHANIEL COVRTHOP, his Voyage from Bantam to the Ilands of Banda, being chiefe Commander of the two Ships, the Swanne, Admirall; Master DAVIS, Master: and the Defence, Vice-Admirall; Master HINCHLEY, Master: together with his residence in Banda, and occurrents there; contayning the differences in those parts betwixt [ 10] the English and Hollanders contracted.

§. I. English kindnesses to the Dutch: the surrender of Poolaroone to His Maiestie, and the fortifying there by the English: Dutch Hostilitie, their taking the Swanne, Salomon and Attendance, and keeping the De∣fence [ 20] betrayed by Fugitiues, with o∣ther wrongs.

* 5.198WE set saile from Bantam the last day of October, 1616. and arriued at Maccassar, the seuenteenth of Nouember, with the Swanne: the Defence came in the nine∣teenth, where I went on shoare to get readie our prouision of goods and Rice, hauing no goods as then in Bantam, to serue those places; but had commission to take them here: where I found small store; the chiefest being one hundred Quians of Rice. [ 30]

The fift of December, I spyed a boate alongst the shoare, being a Skiffe of the Hollanders come from their ship (which was in the offing) thinking they had had a Factory here: but I soone certified them, it was dissolued, the people their enemies. Whereupon they intreated me to stand their friend: and I forthwith * 5.199 went to the King and intreated him to dismisse them in that they came ignorantly, who at my request let them goe, giuing them warning not to attempt the shoare a second time. So being night I wished them to goe aboord my ship to re∣fresh themselues, and to depart at their pleasure. That night their Pinnasse went out to Sea, but missed their ship which came the next day into the Road, and not vnderstanding the newes, sent their long Boat towards the shoare, which the King of Maccasser perceiuing, sent a number of Prowes which surprized her, and slue euery man of them being sixteene in number. [ 40]

The ninth of December, we set saile for Banda, with the Hollander in our Company, and being cleere of Maccasser, relieued them at their request with fresh water, and sold them two Quoines of Rice, with some few Hennes and racke, keeping company as farre as Amboyne. Hence we proceeded, and the three and twentieth of December, being neere Polaroone sent my Skiffe ashoare to vnderstand the state of the Ilanders, who were glad of our comming, as beeing not able to hold out longer against the Hollanders oppression, keeping them from reliefe of Victuals.

The same day we came to anchor at Polaroone, the Orankayes came aboord, and I enquired of them whether there had beene any former contract betweene them and the Hollanders: who certified me, there had beene none at all. Then according * 5.200 to my Commission, I required [ 50] them to surrender their Land to the Kings Maiestie of England, which they presently did: and drew Articles of Trade and Conditions to be obserued betwixt vs; which being agreed on, we spread Saint George vpon the Iland, and shot off most of our Ordnance.

The fiue and twentieth of December, we saw a Holland ship comming from the West-wards, and forthwith vpon Councell landed three Peeces of Ordnance out of the Swanne, and moun∣ted them on a Cliffe fittest for that purpose, and made what haste wee could to fit a platforme for them. We landed three other Peeces of Ordnance, and mounted them on a point of Land which commanded the Road: thus fitted, I landed most of the goods and setled a Factory.

Vpon the third of Ianuary, there came three Flemmish ships into the Road, flourishing with their Trumpets and came to anchor by vs. Wee fitted our shippes for fight, and I sent Master [ 60] Muschamp aboord the Admirall, to certifie them of the surrender, as also to demand if they could lay any clayme to the said Land. They answered, no. I further offered them water or any thing the Iland affoorded; but they plainly told me, they came for no such thing: whereupon I told them the Countrey people would not suffer them to ride there vnder their noses; and

that they had beene doing, but I caused them to forbeare:* 5.201 and perceiuing their intent to sur∣prize vs, and fearing they would lay vs aboord in the night, I told them I could not stay the Countrey people any longer, if they were not gone before two Glasses were runne. They there∣vpon weighed and departed. The fourth, there came a Holland Boat and sounded all alongst the little Iland, at whom Master Hinchley shot from the Land, but hit her not, and they departed.

The Swan being deliuered, Master Dauis would goe water at Wayre, obstinately contrarying my command. I being then very sicke came aboord the Defence, and sent Sophonie aboord the Swan, which departed Ian. 18. I after had vncertaine newes, that the Hollanders had taken her [ 10] and sent the Sewes ouer to Lantore to heare the newes, which brought word that the Swan was in Nero Road. On the seuen and twentieth of Februarie, I sent Robert Hayes to the Hollander with a flagge of Truce, to demand the reason of taking her. Their reason was, we came yeerly to make our voyage and lade our ships, and be gone; they had the brunt of the Warre, and wee came sneaking to doe them iniurie. And further, they said, that the States of Holland and the Lords of the Councell should conferre of this businesse: and being demanded the manner of her taking, they said, Time should bring it forth. And further, threatned to fetch the Defence out of the Road. They asked what men wee had at Wayre and Rosinging, and said, they would fetch them out of those places. They also sent a writing, the effect whereof was, that the wrongs we offered them could no longer be indured, and that they would haue one sent ouer to come to composition with them. Hereupon by councell it was agreed for the safetie of our ship, liues [ 20] and goods, to land all our prouisions on the small Iland, with most of the men to manage the Ordnance: which being subscribed by Corthop, Spurway, Hinchley, Hayes, Stacy, Helmore, and the second of March to be put in execution, none else of the ships companie would yeeld there∣to, but would keepe the ship to death. The seuenth of March, a Letter was brought from Nero, by a Hollander, with a flagge of Truce from Master Dauis, part whereof I haue transcribed: Master Corthop commendations, &c. The Admirall and the rest haue settled their resolutions to haue you off from Polaroone, according to their Commission, and I know, that vnlesse you doe talke together, there will be much slaughter about it. For they are all double manned from their Castles, and must fight it out as I haue proued alreadie. For they did shoote at me twice before I began, although I [ 30] was in the Sea eight leagues off when they chased me. We fought almost boord and boord for the space of one houre and an halfe, vntill they had killed fiue men, maymed three, and hurt eight. And when wee began we had not thirtie men able to doe any thing, nor no wind to worke withall, &c.

I answered by a Letter to them, that we doubted of their Message and Letter, except they would send an English man, one of the ships companie, to notifie things vnto vs: that we heard they had murthered our men in cold bloud: and as they pretended commission to beat vs off, we had commission to maintayne the Kings Maiesties right of England. We thus sought to pro∣long time for our better fortification: and the same night sent Ordnance and Munition to the little Iland of Neylackey which maketh the Road; and if they had planted there as they preten∣ded, they would haue beaten all our ships out of the Road, and haue kept all reliefe from the great [ 40] Iland, so that we must haue beene gone for want of food. The tenth of March came a Hollan∣der with Master Dauies Boy and a Letter from him, to signifie, that after the Flagge was furled not one man was meddled with: Sophonie was the first man was torne in pieces with a great shot, &c. This Letter came with other Dutch Letters: but we now being almost readie for them, wrote them an absolute answere, that if we should come into their subiection as they desire, we should shew our selues no true subiects to his Maiestie: and that our resolution was to stand to all hazards what∣soeuer, March 11.

On the fourteenth it was concluded by councell, to bring ashoare our Prouisions, and to bring the ship about, her Cables twice cut in two with the Rocks, and now hauing but two anchors to Sea-boord. But finding her leake and vnlikely to be brought about, wee agreed to bring her ashoare vnder the Defences Fort. Master Hi••chley, on the eighteenth came to an anchor neerer [ 50] into the Bay, leauing aboord Iohn King Boatson, with some twentie more. And on the twen∣tieth in the morning, the ship was driuen almost as farre as Lantore; which when they which were a sleepe in the ship perceiued, and asked the reason, the King answered; Tell the Master I had the Watch, and being asleepe, the ship droue▪ Thus some went into the long boate, the rest which were compacted stayed behinde, and when the long boate was come away, they set their fore-course and went into Nero Roade, and deliuered the ship to the Hollanders.

The first of Aprill 1617. the Flemmings sent ouer letters with a flagge of tr••ce; one from Master Dauis to vrge a composition, aduising very passionately, If I lose any more men by your arrogance, as here I haue lost by sicknesse already, their liues and blouds shall rest vpon your heads and your faction, and this I will write with dying hand, God giue me leaue: for what they doe or haue done, [ 60] their Commission will beare them out in: and are contented to let the Law decide betweene our Masters and theirs, or will come to any reasonable matter of friendship, that no more bloud may be spilt on either side: For I plainely see how you carry it. You haue caused the Master of the Defence, to land his pee∣ces ashoare from his ship and make wracke of her * 5.202 to driue vp and downe. Is it in our hands to defend

an army that haue order for what they doe? He proceedeth to an inuectiue, that they would defend trecherous Bandaneses, who are at Banda daily to make a peace with the Hollanders, that they may haue time to cut your throates, &c.

I made answer to the Hollanders, promising vpon such two stayes to come and conferre, with∣all redemanding the Defence with her men and goods. Those pledges came not, but two others; and on the sixt went to Nero. Where the next day the generall and Councell offered mee resti∣tution of ships, goods, men and all losses whatsoeuer, on condition that I should take off my Ordnance from Polaroon and Neylackey and leaue the Iland: to which I answered, I could not vnlesse I should turne Traitor vnto my King and Countrey, in giuing vp that right which I am able to hold; and also betray the Countrey people, who had surrendered vp their land to our Kings Maiestie; but promised to conferre with my Councell and send him an absolute answer. [ 10] I returned the eight, and sent him his pledges: The next day I called a Councell, shewed my Commission, where it was resolued to send word to Bantam, and a resolute answer to the Hol∣landers, that we could not giue away the Kings right without treason; and to betray the Ilan∣ders his subiects were both vnchristian falshood, and vnreasonable folly to incurre their fury. But if the Dutch would restore the Defence with men and goods,* 5.203 and helpe to conuay them to Bantam, giuing vnder their hands, that no attempt should be made against the two Ilands, till it be decided in England or Bantam, then &c. They returned the messenger to aduise mee by wri∣ting, to consider of it, and send my full resolution in three dayes, or else hee would bring all his forces and take vs perforce. He not comming, we fitted a Praw to send newes to Bantam, and demand ayde, wherein went Master Spurway, Master Hinchley, Christopher the Flemmish fugi∣tiue, [ 20] whom doubting, I gaue order to leaue at Maccasser. I wrote a letter of Occurrents to Ban∣tam; signifying also the Dutch brauadoes (which they had made Master Dauis beleeue) as that they had our Kings Letters to take any of vs to the East of Celebes: He offered, * 5.204 * 5.205 If they could shew such letters, he would giue vp all, or if they could shew any Surrender made to them by the Natiues, or if they would carry vs to Bantam, and not meddle till there, or in England, things bee decided: that the Hollanders are hated of all Nations in those parts: that they vaunt they haue the Copies of the Compa∣nies Commission before any ships come forth: that no English Generall hath the Kings Commission: that they bring Letters from petty Kings (which are reputed as their slaues) as of Amboyna and Hetto, with the like: that if the Bandaneses will haue their Countreyes in peace, they must submit themselues to the Hollanders, for that no Nation can compare with them: with request of supply the next winds: that he [ 30] could haue had all Lantore Ilands deliuered him, but did not thinke it fit, hauing no goods nor victualls for them; which if it come, in two dayes will bee done, the small league they enter with the Hollander, being but to sustayne their hunger; all of them being agreed to haue no other peace with them, &c.

The fift of Iune, the Holland Generall Laurence Ryall, in a small ship, came within shot of our Fort, vpon Neylackey, hauing heard by the Defence-fugitiues, that most of our men would runne away, if they had opportunity: but he expecting them in the Skiffe, was welcomed from me with foureteene shot, that a man was not seene to trimme the sailes, but they bore vp the helme and departed. I sent another Praw with aduice for Bantam, lest the former might mis∣carry by Master Stacy, which departed the eight of Iuly.

The foure and twentieth of December, we had newes that the men of Lantore had detayned [ 40] seuen Hollanders of their chiefe and their goods, killing one of them in the taking, the other ran∣somed for eighty fiue Bandaneses: and so the league was broken. The three and twentieth of February, I had newes that the Praw in which Master Stacy went, was cast away, and the King of Botton lent them another for Maccasser. The twelfth of March, we felt a terrible earthquake.

The fiue and twentieth of March, 1618. we saw two of our ships about some fiue leagues from Polaroon comming from the Westwards, with the very last of the westerly windes, and as then being taken with an Easterly winde, which brought the foure Holland ships (these we had seene looking out from the twentieth day) vp with them, the great Bantam, the Trow the Star and the Swanne: These fought with them from two of the clocke till nine at night. The fight was in sight of Polaroon some three leagues off. And at midnight came the Attendance Skiffe ashoare [ 50] at Polaroon with foure and twenty Bandaneses, who told vs of three ships, the Solomon, the Tho∣mas, and the Attendance; and how the Thomas had left them in the Streights of Desol••m, and neuer was seene after; and that the ships could no longer endure the fight, because the Salomon, could not vse her lower Teere, and their Powder was naught. The sixe and twentieth, we lost sight of all the ships, and in the nine and twentieth, all six came into Nero Road, where the Hol∣landers wore our Colours vnder their ships sternes in all disgracefull manner.

[ 60]

§, II. The manner of taking the Salomon and Attendance, in diuers Letters described, Dutch abusiue deuises by lyes to delude and dis-hearten our men: diuers Extracts of Letters of Master CORTHOP, * 5.206 with other Occurrents.

THe first of Aprill, Robert Fuller brought newes from Lantore, that the Bandaneses were most of them slaine by the Hollanders (in taking the ships) and that they fezed the [ 10] Hollanders twice ouer boord and slew many of them, but were oppressed with num∣ber. On the foureteenth, a Hollander with a flag of truce brought mee a letter from Master Cassarian Dauid, Commander of the three ships aforesaid, in these words.

Pooloway, the fourteenth of April, 1618.

MAster Corthop, my loue premised vnto your selfe, and the rest of your good companie, I wish you all health and prosperitie. Hauing at this time (through the Generalls permission) gotten opor∣tunitie [ 20] to write vnto you, I thought good to let you vnderstand of that, which I thinke, you doe alreadie know too well, that is, of our being surprized by the Hollanders. The Generall and his Councell doe al∣leage, that these Ilands Pooloway and Pooloroan with the rest, is their right,* 6.1 as you haue formerly heard them say, and that if any of the English came there for Trade, they haue a Commission to make lawfull prize of them, and so late experience hath taught vs here. For my part I cannot resolue the Ge∣nerall of any determinate course, for want of your adui••e, but I wish you were all safe from thence.

It rests that you doe aduise with the Merchants and the rest, residing with you, and (if you thinke good) write downe your determination, and send it me by this Bearer, that I may the better answere to the Ge∣neralls Propositions, which I cannot doe, till we vnderstand each others mind, as for my consent it shall be grounded vpon your knowledge and experience of the Iland, whether you bee able to keepe it, or bee willing [ 30] to leaue it.

Our ships, the Salomon and the Attendance, ride at Nero, and our men shared amongst the Dutch ships, being stripped out of all money and clothes. My selfe with one English Boy to attend me, remayne vpon Pooloway, where the Generall and his Councell doe abide, at whose hands I doe daily find much fauour and kind vsage, though watched and looked vnto as a prisoner. The Thomas, which was my Vice-Ad∣mirall, we lost in the Streights of Desalon, and by all iudgement; shee is there cast away, yet we haue no absolute certaintie thereof.

I would be glad to haue your presence here for our better proceeding in the businesse, and the Generall is willing to send to Pooloroan a man of fashion to stay there as a pledge in your absence, but alwayes [ 40] prouided, that you enter into a condition with the Countrey people, that the said pledge haue no wrong of∣fered him in your absence, but as you shall returne in safetie to Pooloroan, so hee may returne in safe∣tie to Pooloway againe, of this, I pray you, consider, &c. and conferre with the Orankayas, and send it me in writing by this Bearer, whether you may doe so or not: If you thinke good that it shall be so, faile not to aduise me thereof, and the Boat shall come for you againe, and bring the Generalls pledge. And so I commit you to the safe tuition of the Almightie: And rest

Your euer louing Friend, CASSARIAN DAVID.

[ 50]

Aboord the Trow in Nero Road, the twentie sixe of April, 1618.

MOst louing and kind friend, Master Nathaniel Corthop, I heartily salute you, and beseech God to send continuance of health vnto you all there: Your Letters, yesterday being of vs safely receiued here, ministred much ioy vnto vs all in middest of our lamentations for you, vnderstanding there∣by the Flemmings notorious lyes, who can doe little else,* 7.1 reporting you all to be in all manner of wants [ 60] and miserie by the Bandaneses, against whom they are speedily bent to make an assault vpon either Lan∣tore or otherwise Polaroon (but I hope you mistrust the worst) with fiue hundred Souldiers at least, now they hauing here e••ght saile of ships of their owne, and within two or three dayes expect them.

It pleased Master Geo. Barkley, the twentieth of Februarie, 1616. to send mee with Ric. Hunt, (who died at Bantam) vpon the attendant to your selfe, but the Monson being spent wee could but fetch Maccassar, where I stayed but eleuen moneths, in expectation of our Fleet for Banda, which was a hot one when it came (to incounter with such an Enemie) being but three ships, and the best of them run away afore-hand, I meane the Thomas, Master William Hakeridge leauing my selfe and his Mate Tatten▪ and Pu••ser, with fiue more of his companie aboord the Salomon, and God knoweth what is become of them, which had we beene together, doubtlesse we had gelded them of their great Bantam, but being as we were so deepe ships, hauing vpwards of two hundred quoynes of Rice, besides Arack six hun∣dred larres, thirtie foure bales of cloth with other prouisions, as neuer was Poolaroon so fitted, if it had pleased God, wee had all safely here arriued, for that wee were too too much ouer-matched by their [ 10] great Forces.

* 7.2There hath beene this yeare a great mortalitie in Bantam, the chiefe Factors there, with Generall Pepwell and the rest kept the ships there so long, that there dyed aboue two hundred of our men there before their departure from thence.

The Frenchmen that arriued at Bantam, these Flemmings tooke their Dutchmen out of them perforce,* 7.3 to the ouerthrow of their Voyage, and for any farther matter not worthy the writing thereof.

Now to come to our selues, and our taking the Bantam being neerest vs, of the Flemmings foure ships, yet some distance off, and the fiue and twentieth of March last past, about noone shot at vs, whom we soone answered againe with shot for shot all that afternoone, but our Powder was naught, and could not carrie the shot home, when theirs came euer vs, but neuer touched vs to the setting of the Sunne, [ 20] soone after the wind comming Easterly, we were in the middest of our foes, and being so much ouer∣matched, were by them surprized and taken, but the Bandanezes eight of them fought very valiantly, and killed the Flemmings, three men out-right, and hurt them three more: but the tall man of Poolo∣way, and another little man with him, played their parts excellently, for they droue the Flemmings ouer∣boord, by fortie at once; some vp into the foure shrouds, some one way, and some another, that they had scoured the Deckes of them all. I thinke if the Bandanezes had had them vpon plaine ground, they would haue put the Flemmings to the sword euery man of them,* 7.4 for that they were exceedingly feare∣full to deale 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them, but by their Boats and subtiltie, they killed the Bandanezes, and tooke seuen or eight Boyes prisoners, whereof one or two of them is runne away and escaped from hence out of their hands, and I hope got safely to you there by this time. Now, after that wee came to a parley with the [ 30] Flemmings,* 7.5 they killed vs three men basely, both against the Law of Armes and all good manners be∣sides, bringing vs afterwards to Nero, where they made pillage (by the Dutch Generall his order) of all that we had, keeping our men in Irons, these Flemmings being so close in all their doings, that their owne Skippers cannot know their determination; and yet then Generall is bound with them in companie, or else I thinke little would be by them performed, what I can I will aduise you, though I cannot perswade you, but I beseech God blesse you, and all with you.

Master Cassarian Dauid is kept by the Dutch Generall at Pooloway, being sent by the chiefe Factor and counsell at Bantam, Cape Merchant of the Fleet vpon the Salomon, and my selfe his se∣cond vpon the Thomas, consigned all by Commission vnto your selfe and is referred to your appointment. The first present I writ Master Cassarian at Pooloway, aduising him to acquaint you with all Occur∣rences [ 40] what hath passed, that you might not be ignorant of any thing, nor frustrate your hopes in expe∣ctation of what now cannot be, I say, the more to blame them at Bantam, so cares••y to keepe these ships there so long, vnto the eight of Ianuarie, last before, they sent them away from thence, which hath brought vpon vs all this miserie. The shippes arriued at Maccassar the second of February last, and through extremitie of foule weather it was the seuenth of March, before we could set saile from thence. I pray you returne my hearty commendations vnto Master Muschampe, Master Hayes, and Thomas Foord, with all the rest of our louing friends, there likewise Master Lane, Master Churchman, Ma∣ster Kellum, and Thomas Fowle, commend themselues heartily vnto you all, I cannot yet heare from Master Cassarian, I thinke hereafter we shall goe for Amboyna, where Master Dauis is and twentie men more, the rest are at Ternate, I pray you excuse my not formerly writing to you, because I doubted the [ 50] deliuerie, and thus much at present shall for this time suffice, and with my kindest commendations vnto your selfe, I beseech God to keepe you out of the hands of all your enemies, and make our meeting ioyfull to each other, and so in haste I rest,

Want of conueyance maketh a long passage.

Your euer louing friend here now Prisoners, Geo. Iackson, in the behalfe of Iacob Lane, Bartholomew Churchman and the rest.

These Flemmings report that the day after we were taken, their other three ships tooke vp the Attendants Skiffe, halfe full of bloudy water, and thinke those Bandanezes that went a∣way [ 60] in the Skiffe,* 7.6 killed one another; and got not to Poolaroone. Wherefore in your next, I pray you write the certaintie of it, likewise, they report that our men did not runne away with the Defence, but would haue carryed her for Ceyran, but that the Flemmings manned out two of their long Boats, and tooke the Defence, and brought her into Nero.

Pro idem GEO. IACKSON.

A Letter from Master Lane Master of the Salomon. From aboord the Trow of Amsterdam, in Nero Road the twelfth of Aprill.

LOuing Friend Master Nathaniell Corthop, I heartily salute, these are to certifie you, the seuenth of March we departed out of Macasser Road, with the Salomon, the Thomas and the Atten∣dance, Master Cassarian Dauis being our chiefe Commander of all the ships, the thirteenth of the same moneth, being neere the Streights of Saler, we lost company of the Thomas, which wee neuer heard of [ 10] since all of vs being bound directly for Poolaroone: the fiue and twentieth of the same moneth, beeing breake of the day, the Salomon and the Tendance beeing within foure or fiue leagues of Poolaroone, we saw foure sayles of Dutch ships, three of them being to the Easterne of vs, the other being their Ad∣mirall, was neere vnto the Iland of Poolaroone, that day beeing calme with little wind Easterly, wee towed with our Boats and made the best meanes we could to get the Iland, the Dutch ships hauing the wind of vs, bore with vs at two a clocke in the afternoone, the great Bantam Vice-Admirall got within shot of vs, and plyed her best to vs, and we requited her to our power at foure a clocke; the Starre which tooke the Swanne, and the Swanne likewise got within shot of vs, at eight a clocke at night. The Ad∣mirall got within a ships length of vs, and plyed their great Ordnance vpon vs, killing three men, and hurt thirteene or fourteene men, but would not boord vs, commanding the chiefe of vs to come aboord [ 20] their Admirall, and to strike downe our Sayles, and to take in our Flagge, which Master Cassarian caused to be done, and commanding the Skiffe to be manned to goe aboord of them, and likewise Master Iackson, in another Boat to goe aboord another of them, they being there, I could heare no answere from any of them, the Dutch hauing our two Boates aboord with our chiefe Commander, send their foure large Boats full of men, to the number of one hundred and fortie, or one hundred and fiftie men to keepe our ships, and to take the Bandaneses which they killed, the Arankayes to the number of twelue of them, the rest they saued aliue, and carry them ashoare to Nero, for Master Cassarian hee is and hath beene at Pooloway since we came in here, but for my part with my Mate Churchman, and Ma∣ster Iackson, with thirteene men more, are aboord of the Trow in Irons; but we three, for Master Vil∣les which was Master of the Attendance, he is aboord the Starre with many of his men, for the rest of [ 30] our men they are aboord the Bantam, and the Swanne not suffered to goe to one another,* 8.1 but lye and fare more like slaues then men, which I thinke will kill many of vs. For our things they haue taken a∣way all that euery man had to their clothes of their backes; Sir, I vnderstand, that your wants are great at the Iland, and that the Countrey people haue got the Castles from you,* 8.2 and that within short time they meane to send you all ouer here vnto the hands of the Dutch, which I wish you could rather get for Ma∣casser, then to come in their hands. The Dutch hath no ships at Buttone, three ships they haue now in the offing, or at Amboyna fiue ships, they haue heard if, the three ships get in here, they purpose to come all for Poolaroone, otherwise I thinke not this yeare, yet I heare within this seuen or eight dayes, the old Horne a ship of seuen or eight hundred tunnes, with the small Gally and other Boats are to come for Poolaroone, where they vnderstand that the small Castle shall be deliuered vp vnto the Dutch, for the [ 40] rest of their ships that be here, I heard within this three weekes they are to goe for Amboyna. Sir, I haue saued these two Letters which Captaine Ball deliuered me for you, which I vsed the best meanes I could to saue them for you, and to send them to you with the best meanes I could to saue them for you, and to send them to you with the best meanes I could vse, which I desire you may receiue, and to send me answere how all businesse standeth with you in this case, and I will be glad to pay the Coat off my backe to the bearer for an answere, other Letters we haue for you and the rest of your company on the Iland, which if I can shall be sent you.

Sir, the Salomon was deepe layd with Rice, the Thomas laded with Rice and Racke, and other pro∣uision, the Attendance laded with Rice, Fish and Racke and other prouision. Thus with my loue vnto you with the rest of your company, I cease, beseeching God to blesse you in your proceedings, and deliuer [ 50] vs out of the hands of these Tyrants, and send vs all a ioyfull meeting.

Your Friend to his poore power to command, IACOB LANE.

Sir, the Generall of the Dutch had giuen expresse authoritie vnto the Commanders of those ships, that if they meet vs, either to sinke or burne vs before wee should recouer the Iland, or else [ 60] he would hang them that should be the occasion.

Adie in the Prison of the Castle Pooloway, Iuly the fifteenth, 1618.

* 9.1HOwsoeuer William Hakeridge hath dealt with me, yet I rest much bound to your selfe for your loue to me, that thought so well on me, whose thankefulnesse should vndoubtedly haue turned to your credit, had it not beene by these arrogant theeuish Flemmings, and Master Hakeridge: otherwise preuented, which mischiefe grew from a Molajo Letter, written by a Flemming Whore in Maccasser, and sent in a Trunke to Amboyna, aduising of our comming: otherwise wee had beene at our Port be∣fore that the Flemmings had heard of vs. Hereupon the Flemmings layed waight for vs, with foure of [ 10] their best ships of Warre, and three more readie to second them if need required. Now the Thomas being lost out of our Company: we plyed our Voyage with the Salomon, and the Attendant sayling to the South-ward of the shoalds that are off a Buttone. And the fiue and twentieth of March last, by day breake we had sight of Polaroone, about fiue leagues off, presently vpon this we descryed three sayle of Flemmings to the North-ward, and one to the East-ward, to say, the Bantam, the Trow, the Swanne, and the Starre that tooke the Swanne, which of these shippes the Bantam came somewhat neere vs about noone, and had we here had the Thomas in our Company, wee had surely Gelded them of their great Bantam for that ship was some distance from her Consorts, and seeing our weaknesse, be∣gan fight and shot at vs, whom we soone answered againe with shot for shot, but our Powder was naught and could not carry the shot home, when the Flemmings shot ouer vs, thus wee continued but no hurt [ 20] done of eyther side to the setting of the Sunne, for that we were some distance off, and being sent to too late: the Monson fayles vs, the wind comming now Easterly, and in the night brought our ene∣mies round about vs, at which time of being sent by Master Cassarian aboord their Vice-Admirall. The Bantam to know their intent which was according to their protest made at Bantam against vs, then the Trow their Admirall very basely shot: the Salomon twice thorough and thorough, killed there foure men, and hurt vs ten men more, thus were we by the Flemmings surprized, taken Pri∣soners, and pillaged; who kept vs first in their ships at Nero, and now close Prisoners in Pooloway Castle ten of vs,* 9.2 the rest are carryed for Amboyna, and the Moluccas.

Now if our three ships had beene sent sooner, we had not onely arriued safely at Polaroone with two hundred and fiftie Quiens of Rice, for that I know there was no lesse prouided in Maccasser, but also [ 30] we had gained the whole commoditie of Nuts and Mace, with both Countrey of Banda, and people likewise; and the Flemmings could not haue bought two hundred Suckles of Mace whereas now they haue bought at least two hundred Tunnes. The neglect of which thus much importeth, though it proue not the losse of both commoditie and Countrey hereafter.

The fiue and twentieth of May last, the Flemmings marched with seuen hundred and fiftie Soul∣diers against Lantore, but the Bandanezes gaue them such a repulse, killing them foure men, and hurt them sixteene more, that the Flemmings came off againe, and neuer beate their Drumme. The Dutch Generall would not be intreated of vs to shew vs any kindnesse, neyther would he ransome vs for any money, it may be that he thinketh the English will take so many of his men, and so ransome one man for another. [ 40]

Thus not willing to be ouer tedious, I beseech you good Sir, to consider our misery, and doe what may be for our Releasement.

Your euer louing Friend to command, George Iackson.

Pooloway, the 18. of September.

I sent an answere offering vpon pledges to come ouer to Pooloway, in the Vessell which they should come in. [ 50]

The seuenteenth of Aprill, the Orrenkayes of Lantore came ouer to me to conferre about kee∣ping the Iland another yeare, which they promised to keepe out the Hollander from trading with them, onely relying vpon our Forces the next yeare. Wee agreed to hold it out till the next yeare. The eighteenth, by a Praw that went to Bottoone, I sent a Letter for Bantam, to be conueyed by that King to our Factorie at Maccasser,* 9.3 signifying the taking of these ships, the vnaduisednesse in sending them so vnseasonably (for one day sooner had brought them in) neither was there aboue halfe a day of Westerly winds to bring them to Nero) that many poore men were slaine, maymed, or held in slauerie worse then Turkish slaues; and had not foure or fiue Iaua Iunckes come in, for want of victuals we must also haue giuen vp, and still line on Rice only with a little fish, which in [ 60] foule weather is not to be had; daily expecting an assault from the Hollanders, and wish it not so much able to stand out, as willing to make them pay deare, &c. He sent another also for refreshment to the Factor at Maccasser.

The twentieth of Aprill, we were aduertized that within two dayes the Hollanders would

assaile vs, but they came not. The thirtieth, they trayned their men, about seuen hundred. I sent another Letter to Master Ball (where, in relating the fight these words are vsed.) The At∣tendance before they yeelded gaue the Bandanezes their small Boat; so they escaped to Poolaroone. But the Salomon was so belayd: that the Bandanezes could not goe out of her. Master Cassarian yeelded in that manner that if I had beene in his place, before I would haue done it, I would haue sunke downe * 9.4 right in the Sea. That was in this manner: After they had fought from two till nine at night, being almost boord and boord, the Dutch called vnto him to take in his Colours, strike his sayles and come himselfe aboord, which all hee did, they detayned him and his Boat. So our men in the ship played a good and wise part likewise: for they perceiuing their Commander kept aboord the Dutch shippes, went [ 10] and got the Bandanezes Swords, and hid them from them: only two of them kept their Swords pri∣uately: nineteene had no weapons, and stowed themselues in the ship, and some eight or ten of them with their Creezes and two Swords, at the Hollanders entring of our ship killed the Hollanders at least forty of them, and hurt diuers more of them; most of this slaughter being done by two of the Bandanezes only. For at their entring our men kept themselues in the fore-castle apart, whilest the Bandanezes fought; but at last being taken, the Hollanders killed some twelue, and saued seuen of the youngest. So farre as can I perceiue, they neither respect right or iustice, but stand altogether vpon force of Armes. I haue but thirtie eight men to withstand their force and tyranny, our wants extreme: neither haue wee victuals or drinke but only Rice and water, they haue at present eight ships here and two Gallies, and to my knowledge all fitted to come against vs. I looke daily and howerly for them, &c. He signified also [ 20] both to him and in a Letter to the Factor at Maccasser, that he had not, since first hee came into these Ilands, receiued one Letter or aduise from any English.

In a Letter from Master Lane to M. Courthop, is written that he had sent away the Bandane∣zes, but one Richard Tawton Masters Mate of the Thomas would not suffer it, for feare of the Dutch seueritie: and that they seeing no remedie, shot William Shoply, after Master, and cut the eare off of the Gunners Mate neere off; another they ranne thorow the backe. This is like to be the cause of taking away their Swords. The seuenth of May, the Salomon went from Ne∣ro laden. The fiue and twentieth, the Hollanders gaue an assault on Lantore landing eight com∣panies of Souldiers, contayning about fiue hundred men, but were repulsed with losse of foure of theirs and one Bandaneze. The two and twentieth, for further certaintie I sent another Let∣ter [ 30] to Master Ball.

The eight and twentieth of Iune, I had a Letter sent mee from Master Cassarian Dauid, wherein he signifieth the Dutch threats of perpetuall imprisonment, if I came not to better consideration: which I answered,* 9.5 refelling the Hollanders lyes touching the Attendants Boat ta∣ken vp by them with bloud; and another, that I shouid send the Generall a Letter to surrender the small Iland; and that I haue but ten English here: also that the Blackes had possession of my Or∣denance, &c.

The last of Iune, Master Balls Letter was sent me by Master Lane, which is as followeth.

[ 40]

MAster Courthop, my heartie commendations to you, and all the rest of your companie, with my prayers for your health, and happinesse, &c. Yours of the eleuenth of Aprill, by Master Tho∣mas Spurway, and the thirtieth of Iune, by Master Stacy, I receiued vnderstanding thereby of the Occurrences happened in Banda, which, albeit in many things contrary to our expectation, yet as now not to be auoyded, nor by any faire course hoped to haue it amended, was it to be doubted that surrender being made to his Maiestie of England, of those places, and his subiects in possession, that in so appa∣rant and iust cause; the Flemmings durst haue fallen out into open Hostilitie with vs, in taking the Swan, and making themselues Owners of the Defence, with the imprisonment of our men, but now we haue too manifest a proofe of their insolencie, and that they dare doe any thing, that is not aboue their [ 50] force, and make the best shew of a bad meaning.

They pretend contracts with the King of Ternate, for defence of his Countries, and with his subiects for their Epices, and all Trade whatsoeuer, euen to the exclusion of all other Nations, Iustice is too weake to deale with force, and consequently, no pleading with them without force, which I hoped wee should haue beene able this yeare to haue effected, albeit that it fals out to the contrary, but the next I doubt not, but we shall haue force to make them know, that free gift and possession is better then con∣tracts, and that they are not to conquer Countries to themselues, vnder pretence of defending the King of Ternate, being to them in nature of a Prisoner; that are in no command of him, in the meane time our indeauour must be: for the right of our King and honour of our Countrey, to make good what wee haue; Master Spurway in his returne was charged into Botone by the Flemmings, and so be∣laid [ 60] for, that had not the King of that place stood his very good friend, hee, and his companie had fallen into their hands: but by this meanes while the Flemmings waited before the mouth of the Riuer for their comming out, they were conueyed ouer a necke of Land, and so escaped for Maccasser, where

meeting the Attendance they tooke passage, and came hither, Stacie that Owle, blind in his selfe will, cast away his Praw vpon Botone, the goods all lost, the men only saued, where he left the Ban••a∣nezes, who chose to stay there, in hope to saue something for themselues: and by the Kings fauour got a Praw, and came thither by the way of Maccasser, all the Billes of exchange, only the hundred Rials of Peter van Loa••e: I payd also the Honourable our Imployers, lose one quarter thereby, the Cattee of Mac•• take•• there at a Riall, worth here not three quarters of a Riall, and for him the said van Loare, as he came to you an espie in that place, so at his best oportunitie hee left vs here; leauing, though very loth, his money behind him.

Captaine Iordane departed hence in the Cloue for England, Christmasse last a yeare, and Captaine Barkley our Chiefe, departed this life the first of March past: here arriued the Fleet of Captaine Ioseph, [ 10] but not himselfe, being slaine about the Ilands of Comora, in fight with a Carracke; who hauing no meanes to escape, ranne ashoare and fired, there was in her besides goods of diuers Fabriques, three and twentie hundred thousand pieces of eight, a prettie Cargazon, and would haue done well in our Factories, but it is fallen out, a lasse, to the Portugals, and no gaine vnto vs, neither in purse nor credit, as you may vnderstand by others.

It is giuen vs to vnderstand, by Letters from our Honourable Imployers of a second ioynt Stocke, subscribed for twentie hundred thousand pounds; It began the first of this yeare, the first ioynt Stocke ended in the Fleet of Captaine Pring, consisting of seuen shippes, whereof two, to say, the Hope, and Hound came directly hither, the other fiue went by, by off Surat, I pray God to blesse them, and that per∣forming effectually there, they may arriue hither in safety, the Gouernour of the Flemmings hath beene [ 20] here, but we conferred not together, the cause proceeding of pride in them, and no submission in me: but to be short, as they began, which you see they haue continued vnto vs in Hostile manner. The sixe and twentieth of Nouember, the Speed-well, Robert Iackson Master, bound for Iacatra, was taken, and the men all (but one that was slaine in the entring her, and one that is since dead) are in Chaines, the Gouernour after the taking of this Pinnasse came with sixteene ships into Bantam Road, to braue vs which we were content to suffer, in respect of their too much aduantage. And now you may vnder∣stand I haue dispeeded these two ships, the Salomon and Thomas for Maccasser, to lade Rice alreadie prouided for them, with a good Cargazon of goods, besides of cloth, of diuers sorts for Banda, accor∣ding to the Inuoyce here inclosed sent you, whereof not doubting your care and diligence for Sales and Returnes, I omit in that respect to insert to your memory. For other Newes and Occurrents here passed since your departure, I commend you vnto the Bearers hereof, and so for this time, I commit you to the [ 30] might and mercifull protection of the Almightie.

Bantam, the seuenth of Ianuary, 1617.

Your euer louing Friend, GEO. BALL.

The seuenth of Iuly, I sent Robert Hayes to Lantore, to view the Road, what conuenient [ 40] place our ships might ride in, free from shot of Nero Castle, and what place wee might plant Ordnance to defend our ships, and endamage the Hollanders, which returned with a draught of the Roads there, on the eighteenth. The two and twentieth, I wrote againe by a Iaua ••uncke to Master Ball (touching the taking of the ships, the Hollanders proud wearing our colours at their sterne, and a long time neuer ceasing shooting day nor night, as though they had taken halfe the goods in the World. The third of this present, the Generall with fiue ships set saile to the Westwards, sending me word some foure dayes before, that he would come by me, and send me some flying Messen∣gers to know how I did: but like a bragging, lying, &c.

The second of August, I sent Master Muschamp in a Banda Praw, with the Sabandar of Poo∣loway and Inche Tungull, to giue intelligence at Bantam: by whom I writ (touching the intolle∣rable [ 50] pride and tyrannie, that the Hollander vseth in these parts vpon vs both, in bodies, and name, and that with a good conscience we may proceed in regard of the great outrage and infamie they haue offered vs in these parts, both in disgracefull speeches to our King and Nation, and in their barbarous tyrannie they haue vsed to our weake forces, being captiuated by them: hauing written how we may offend them by planting Ordnance at Oretaton, &c.

The thirteenth of August, there came fifteene Portugals borne at Goa, which had beene sur∣prized by the Hollanders, from Nero in a Praw, and I gaue them entertaynment. The fifteenth, I receiued a Letter from Master Cassarian Dauid, in the name of the English at Pooloway, vrging to right what was amisse, * 10.1 and to call conscience to the Barre (words shewing what a hard im∣prisonment and faire glosses may doe with impotent and impatient spirits) which I answered [ 60] the next day, both with best reason, and sending them reliefe. I receiued also a Letter from Master Willes, as followeth.

From Pooloway, the fifteenth of August, 1618.

LOuing Friend, Master Courthop my loue remembred to you and to all the rest of our good friends, &c. Master Courthop, the vrgent occasion at this present is to let you vnderstand, about sen∣ding the Blackes ashore was this, first about ten of the clocke the same day, we being chased by three sayle, for my part I went aboord of the Salomon, to see what they were minded to doe. Master Cassarian willed me presently to goe aboord againe, and to be readie to defend our selues, and to keepe faire by him, which indeed I did, and also I could haue gone from them at first sight if I would, but I could not haue gotten [ 10] the Iland if I had gone at ten of the clocke at night, we were faire by the Flemmings, the Salomon beeing within call of vs. The Blackes that were in the Salomon, were got into the ships Boate for to goe ashoare, then was I called to to haue our Blacks, for to make themselues readie to goe with them, which I did, and looking when the Salomons Boate would come, thinking they had beene gone. I gaue them our small Boate to carry them: and for my part faine would I haue sent you a Letter or some other thing, but being at that time so employed, that I had not time to do as I would: Faine would I haue writ more at large, but that time will not permit. So I rest, praying to the Almightie to blesse you to in all your affaires. Yours to command, I pray commend mee to Master Iones. Vse to his power the Chirurgion,

Matthew Willes.

[ 20]

LOuing and kind Friend, Master Courthop, heartie commendations vnto you and the rest of your good company, with all health & prosperity to you in all Affaires: for to relate of our crosse Voyage and misfortunes, it is no newes. But I hope to see the proudest of them pulled down•• one day, although we indure the miserie of it in the mean time: I am glad to heare of your good prosperitie and wel-fare; the which, I much doubted, long since of your wants: but God will prouide for his Seruants, although he giues these Horse-turds leaue to domineere awhile, whosoeuer liues will see their Pride abated. I must needs say they doe vse vs well. For I doe not know to compare it neerer then to Ludgate, or Newgate: not an inch libertie nor allowance more, then the worst Prisoner they haue in keeping, which was commanded at the receite of your last Letter to the Generall, in the which case I wish you were able to doe vs any good: [ 30] but in the mean time I hope God will prouide for vs. There is this yeere to come to Bantam the best fleet of ships that euer came out of England, one Martine Friend is Generall. The Horse-turd that tooke vs was at the Cape with them, in all fiue ships: the Royall Iames a new ship Admirall, the Ball Vice-admirall, the Gift reare-Admirall, with two ships more which went to Surat: wee had the last yeare eleuen ships at Bantam, but the reason of no more comming this way, as I heare was by Master Lucas his com∣ming from the coast, and setting Captaine Ball and Captaine Pepwell together by the eares: because Lucas must haue a ship to goe home: for afore Lucas came Captaine Pepwell was minded to come this way, but time will not permit to write any more, so in haste I take my leaue.

I had a Box of stones of yours which I did imploy for your vse in Rice. Some of them, and the Re∣maynder I brought backe, but all is lost: for I had some necessaries for you, as linnen and some clothes, but [ 40] all is gone, and not able to helpe my selfe: you shall receiue a Letter from Captaine Ball, which I got out of the Salomon after she was taken, but it was opened. I pray commend mee to Master Muschampe, Mastrr Hayes, and Master Ford, Thomas Miller.

Yours to my power, Kellum Throgmorton.

The nineteenth, Master Dauid sent me a Letter from Master Ball, bearing date the sixe and twentieth of Ianuary, expressing his cares and endeuours for furthering the Banda businesse; that [ 50] it falleth out so late in the yeare before I send vnto you hath beene caused through discord betwixt Cap∣taine P. and my selfe, who of himselfe weake and extreame couetous,* 12.1 and instigated by his proud and insolent Masters, did obstinately insist to crosse our Designes, thinking to bring vs vnder his com∣mand. If this Captaine and his Masters had beene, they had this yeare come for Banda, to haue made further tryall of these Flemmings, that threaten fire and sword; but haue sent only two or three shippes that are worst able to hold out; which if not catched vp by the Flemming, will be sufficient. But if ta∣ken, the losse will be the lesse vnto vs. I shall not be able to send you Beefe, Porke, or Powder for your reliefe, because I can get none from these new-come ships, how much it doth grieue vs, that wee are able [ 60] to doe no better, &c.

The Commander Captaine Derickson vsed the English Prisoners with some kindnesse,* 12.2 and more would, but for Rials strict command: him therefore I did write vnto, with thankes, &c. who also passed on the three and twentieth of August, by the Iland of Neylackey, and strooke

his mayne top-sayle;* 12.3 and there was shot in kindnesse betwixt vs on either part some fiue or sixe Peeces; he going for the Moluccas. The six and twentieth, the Hollanders Frigat fetching wa∣ter at Salamon, were beset by Lantore men, one killed and diuers hurt, and had beene all taken but for discouery by Salamon men.

The tenth of September, I sent Will••am Newbegin with supply of two Goates twelue Hens, Mackerell,* 12.4 Oranges, and other trifles to the English at Pooloway. The Messenger returned with a Letter from Master Cassarian Dauid, commending the vsage of the Captaine since the departure of the Commander, in what he might be bold without offending orders prescribed vnto him, that the Salo∣mon and Thomas were sent away with goods and victuals, and one and twentie dayes after the Atten∣dance,* 12.5 wherein I was to shape my course directly for Poolaroone: but by reason the Salomon and Thomas as both ware their flagges in the mayne-top, and that in sight, in going out of the Road of Ban∣tam, [ 10] the President thinking it done in pride by the two Ship-masters, as also shaping a forbidden course for water at Pontang: therefore it was decreed that I should first goe to Maccas••er, there to take the gouernment of the three ships and dispose them after the order of a Fleet. If it had not beene for striuing for authoritie betweene Captaine P. and Captaine B. You should haue beene visited last yeare with the Charles and the Vnicorne, and other good ships. But multitude of Commanders maketh a confused go∣uernment, which is the only cause of ours, and your faring the worse this yeare, &c.

[ 20]

Here followeth also a Letter from the English at Amboyna, to Master Dauid.

CAptaine, I heartily commend me vnto you and to our Master and his Mate, and all the rest of the Companie, this is to let you vnderstand, that I am in good health, and all the rest of our Company, only Andrew Keele and Thomas Sweet is dead, but all the rest are in good health, but vsed very basely: for we are kept in Irons night and day, and if we haue not a Releasement the sooner, I thinke it will make an end of vs all. I maruell much we could not heare from you by the Frigat, which made me the more forgetfull to write vnto you. No more at this time, but the Lord haue you in his keeping. From Amboyna, this third of October, 1618.

[ 30]

Your Friend to command to his power, Richard Nash.

I receiued Copies of certaine notes, The first a petition of the English for shift of clothes and to be freed of Irons in the day time;* 13.1 which was in some sort granted. The second, that each man might come before the Generall to speake for his libertie, which would not be granted. The third, that the Dutch Generall might giue vs an old ship, Pinnasse or Praw to carrie vs to Bantam; or that hee would set a ransome on the English Prisoners, which he would neither grant nor heare of; but answe∣red, that he would keepe vs Prisoners so long as any English were vpon Poolaroone. The seuenth [ 40] of Iune we were sent for Pooloway. The fourth humble petition of the Prisoners in Nero Road. The fourth of Iune, 1618. Humbly shewing vnto your good Lordship, that whereas your Lordships poore Petitioners and Prisoners, being altogether doubtfull of any speedie Releasement, and desirous to auoyd the dangers of sicknesse and mortalitie, incident to all men in these vnwholsome Countries, do there∣fore beseech your Lordship, that it may stand with your Lordships pleasure to grant vnto your Lordships said Petitioners, license & fauour to go for Holland this yeare in your Lordships ships. And so your Lord∣ships poore Prisoners shall doe our best endeuours to doe your Lordships seruice in our passage, wishing there may be a good end of all these differences; and thus hoping of your Lordships fauourable charitie herein towards vs poore Prisoners; we will pray for the prosperous successe of your Lordships Affaires. The Petition would bee granted. The fifth, on the second of Iuly, Humbly showeth vnto your Lordship, that we poore Prisoners now in this Castle of Pooloway, doe petition vnto your Lordship, that [ 50] we may be allowed such victuals as may sustaine our bodies without famishment, and that your Lord∣ship will be pleased to spare vs money to buy such things as are needfull for vs: for our clothing at this time is but very bare. Wherefore we beseech your Lordship to take some course for vs before your Lord∣ships departure from hence. Likewise we beseech your Lordship, that we may be suffered to walke abroad at seuerall times, as your Lordship shall be pleased to giue order. And so your Lordships poore Prisoners shall pray for the good successe of your Lordships Affaires. Which would not be granted.

[ 60]

§ III. Other Acts of the Hollanders in diuers places of the Indies: Encouragements from Sir THOMAS DALE, Master IORDAN and others, and various euents in those parts till his death.

THe seuen and twentieth of September, I sent Robert Hayes with a white flagge to visit the English Prisoners, and to carrie such refreshment as Poolaroone affoordeth, [ 10] who being kindly vsed by the Hollanders, returned that night. The eight and twen∣tieth of October, I likewise sent Arthur Atkinson to Pooloway with refreshing. The tenth of Nouember, the Hollanders made an ambushment ashoare at Oretaton, but caught one slaue only whom they cut to pieces. The thirteenth of December,* 13.2 heere arriued a Keydupa Prow laden with Coco Nuts: she brought newes that the Thomas was gone for the Moluccas.

The fourteenth of Ianuary, I had prouisions from Lantore, with Abraham that went with Master Mustian for Maccasser, who by the vnskilfulnesse of the Pilot ••ell w••th Rosingang an I∣land sixe leagues to lee-wards to our great troubles, to fetch prouision in small Boats hither. He brought diuers Letters, one from Master Stauerton, in which is mention of the Hollanders,* 13.3 that through their brutish vsage and rapine, taking of Iunckes of all pl••ces, they haue excluded themselues [ 20] all Iaua, and the Rice Countries, except where they hold by force: for Bantam, Iacatra, and sapara, I referre you to the Presidents Letter.

The two and twentieth of Nouember last, here came three of their great ships brauing, to this place, and first came to an Anchor off Tennacooke Castle, without shewing any Colours. And at night, it bing faire Moone light, they came neerer into the Road: and one of them went and road vnder the Iland vnder point Iantaua. And in the morning, they commanded two Iaua Iunckes of Iacatra, hauing in them some fiftie Quoine of Rice, and by the Iaua No••hoda, sent a Letter ashoare to the King, and great men of Maccasser, pretending Debts and required satisfaction for their mens liues murthered two yeares since, which they would ballance with so many liues of men of qualitie at Maccasser. The King sent an answere, what I know not, and they writ againe, but hee answered not. They burnt [ 30] one of the Iaua Iunckes, and on the sixe and twentieth, set sayle as we coniecture for Amboyna.* 13.4 The last yeare I wrote what prouision I laded on the ship Salomon, one hundred and one Quoyne, three hundred seuentie seuen g. of Rice: on the Thomas seuentie fiue q. eightie foure g. On the Attendance sixteene q. fiue hundred seuentie sixe g. (one hundred ninetie three q. two hundred thirtie seuen g.) eight hun∣dred sixtie fiue Iarres of Aracke, most vpon the Thomas: also sundry other prouisions diuided vpon the ships, which with Racke and Rice amounted to three thousand nine hundred and sixteene Mas. What prouision was laden from Bantam and Iacatra, * 13.5 I know not, &c. The last year▪ hap••ened great mor∣talitie; there dyed out of the Hope, Captaine Newport that worthy Seaman and Commander, also Henry Rauens Master, and fortie more of that shippes company. Out of the Iames, Captaine [ 40] Childe, &c.

He sent to me Master Balls Letter to him (wherein is relation of Master Iacksons losse with Iuncke, goods and slaues, except three which saued themselues by swimming, as by writing from his Father appeareth. For wanting Rice and necessaries he put into Iortan to the number of three and twe••∣tie, vnder colour of bringing prouisions aboord, entred the Iuncke, and killed him and all his company but three which lept ouer-board, and carried the Iuncke away: the rest of the Port remayning ashoare are Prisoners to the King to answere for their fellowes. The Flemmings landed at Iapara by night, fired the Towne, and seuen or eight Iunckes in the roade. The people fled to the Mountaines, they haue forcibly built a Fort vpon the mayne at Iacatra, and another vpon the Ilands ouer against the watring place, which makes the Pangram of Bantam, looke about him.

The seuen and twentieth of Ianuary, here arriued a small Pinnasse called the Francis, with [ 50] aduice from the Fleet and reliefe, Master Robert Iackson, Master.

Sir Thomas Dales Letter, as followeth.

MAster Courthop, as vnknowne I remember my loue, which I will alwayes be readie to expresse, in respect of your worthy seruice, for the honour of our Countrey, and benefit of our Honourable Employers: and doe desire you ••o proceed in your good resolution, with the rest of your honest Companie; nothing doubting▪ but that the Company will recompe••ce your deserts to the full. I haue sent you by this [ 60] Beare•• only to supply your present wants; the particulars are enclosed in the Presidents Letter: and will, if God spare me life, 〈…〉〈…〉 foll••w•• my stay bei••g only, to reuenge in part the abuses receiued from them, hauing now an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tunitie by a differe••ce betwixt them & the King of Iacatra▪ to put them from thence, if God giue the blessing, which I intend forth-with to put in execution: If it shall please God to giue good suc∣cesse,

I shall leaue all safe behind me, and may proceed with the better resolution: if otherwise, yet I must aduenture forward to affront them there, although I leaue an ill Neighbour behind me. I haue already giuen them a taste of twelue hundred great shot from six of our ships within the space of foure houres, betweene Bantam and Iacatra: which they did so much mislike, that they left vs in the plaine field, and fled before vs to the East-wards thorow the Bay of Iacatra, in sight of their Castle Reall. For other newes I referre you to the Presidents Letter, not doubting but that he hath satisfied you at large. And thus with my best wishes for your health and safetie. I take my leaue vntill I come.

Remayning your assured Friend, THO. DALE. [ 10]

The PRESIDENTS Letters.

MAster Nathaniel Courthop, we heartily salute you with the rest, wee haue thought it good at present to send you this small Pinnasse, the Little Francis, as an Aduiser with such prouisions as she is able to carrie, thereby to comfort you and your Company in the interim, not doubting but as you haue begun, so you will continue with a constant resolution to defend the place: when you are also to incourage the Countrey people of Pooloway, Poolaroone and Lantore, and for the better satisfaction of the Coun∣trey [ 20] people we haue sent in the Pinnasse one or two of the Bandanezes; to relate vnto them the iust wars that we haue with the Dutch. For shortly after our arriuall at Bantam, the two and twentieth of Nouem∣ber, with fiue ships, wherein is Admirall for the Sea, Sir Thomas Dale Knight, wee vnderstanding so many iniuries and insolencies done to our Nation, aswell in those parts as in all other places of the In∣dia, we tooke one of their ships called the Red Lion, laden with Rice, Pepper, and other Commodities. Whereupon out of their great pride they imprisoned two of our Merchants at Iacatra, and chayned them in their Gate-house, to the view of all the Countrey people. And not content herewith, their house be∣ing strong fortified with much Ordnance in it, shot at our Goodoung, and set fire to it and burnt it to the ground: as also they shot into the Iaua quarter into the Kings house, and killed many Iauas, and razed the China quarter to the ground with their Ordnance, and with fire. And the King hath shot some [ 30] Ordnance against their house or Fort, and hath had many Skirmishes with them, so that of both sides there hath beene slaughter, but most of the Iauas. Now the King of Iacatra seeing himselfe in a straite, sent a Messenger to Bantam, desiring ayde of vs. And calling here a Councell, concluded to send a fleet of eleuen Sayle of ships, wherein goeth Sir Thomas Dale, and Captaine Pring Commanders, not only to surprize their ships, but also to destroy their Fort, if it please God to giue a blessing thereunto. Which be∣ing once effected, by Gods grace, we determine to proceed for Banda and the Moluccas, hoping in God that we shall be able to lay some part of their insolent pride. If not altogether this yeare, yet the next we expect a farre greater fleet thereby at once to finish all. And whereas the proud Laurence Reall (the Dutch Generall that was) hath falsly reported that he hath Letters Patents from his Maiestie of England to surprize vs in those parts of Banda, and the Moluccas, we take notice therof, and will put it [ 40] in print amongst the rest of their lyes, out of whose mouth there commeth not a true word. We like very well of your former proceedings, and of your large aduise concerning those parts, praying you to con∣tinue therein, and with a stedfast resolution, notwithstanding the Hollanders threatning, to defend the place vntill we send further ayde. And no doubt, but the Honorable Company will highly reward you and all those that faithfully and truly doe their endeuour in their affaires. Thus leauing further to in∣sert at present, referring all things to our next, in which God willing, we will write you more at large, praying God to prosper your proceedings to his glory, and your hearts desire.

Bantam, the three and twentieth of December, 1618. [ 50]

Your louing Friends,

• Iohn Iordan,
• Augustine Spaldwin,
• George Ball.

* 16.1THe Iames and the Bantam arriued at Bantam from Iambe, the one and twentieth dicto, by whom we vnderstand of the death of Master Richard Westly, murthered there by the Dutch, they in∣uiting him to their house, to giue him his soy, he being bound for Bantam in these ships, and there ended [ 60] his life. The three and twentieth dicto, I set saile in the Iames, Hound and Petty France from Ban∣tam, towards the Fleet, which lay about the Ilands of Iacatra neere the Holland fleet, hoping to haue beene with them before they had begunne any fight. But the very same day in the morning, the Fleets had a very hot incounter for the space of foure houres, our men valiantly fighting, and they no lesse defending

our Fic••ec, hauing shot about twelue hundred shot to the Hollanders; so that they haue had such a break∣fast that they will not abide a second, but flye before vs, as we suppose, only to draw vs to the East-wards from their Fort, supposing that wee shall not bee able to come vp this Monson. But wee haue not followed them further then the Easter point of Iacatra, whereas wee haue lost sight of them, and know not as yet which way they are gone either to the Eastward or to the Westward.

Your louing Friend, [ 10] Iohn Iordane.

The second of February, we by councell ordered that the Francis should ride vnder the Fort, to releeue such Iunckes as should come thither for reliefe: diuers of which with some Praw or Curracorra they had intercepted, so to starue the Inhabitants. The fift, came a Praw from Poo∣loway with Letters from the English Prisoners,* 16.2 deploring that lying in misery and irons many of them haue lost their liues, who if they had beene at libertie might haue beene aliue, and haue done their King and Countrey good seruice, and praying to supply their wants by that Praw with money and what else could be sent, not knowing whether they might bee suffered hereafter to send or no: which I answered with Certificate of the newes and prouision.

The thirteenth of February, there were three ships in Nero Road, one whereof had her beak [ 20] head shot off, and shot thorow in fortie places. I ghessed it one of the ships which were in the skirmish at Iacatra.

The eighteenth, I receiued a Letter by a Praw from Wayre, from Bartholomew Churchman, wherein with thankes for things sent, he certifieth that the Angell came from Amboyna that night, where they left their Generall to get all their forces together,* 16.3 which will bee fourteene or fifteene ships with the old Generall too, that commeth from Ternate: and shortly they looke for their Fleet from the Maneelos, which is ten ships. And they say they will goe all to Iaua together, and where they had the ouerthrow, there againe they will set vpon our ships to recouer their former losse and disgrace in sight of all the Iauas. But I thinke they will be hanged before they meet vpon equall tearmes. Three dayes after wee had receiued your Letter, they brought vs all to Nero, where they doe allow vs now more victuals [ 30] and libertie, then they did before (God be thanked therefore) and within two or three dayes we are to goe for Amboyna in the Angell &c.

The two and twentieth of Aprill, 1619. I did write to Master Stauerton at Maccasser, and also to Master President, certifying that at that time there was neither Holland ship nor Gally in Banda: and had the English ships comne as they promised, I verily thinke there would not at the end of this Monson beene left one Hollander, enemie to vs in Banda, by reason, I know, the World was neuer so hard with them: their wants being extreame, both for men and victuals: likely that few of their Souldiers but would haue fled to vs: wee hauing neither stocke nor vi∣ctuals, but bare incouragement of words, &c.

The eight of Iune, the Pinnasse set saile for Setran, and returned the fourteenth of Iuly, with [ 40] fiftie thousand Cakes of Sago.

The three and twentieth of August, I sent her thither againe. Shee returned the fiue and twentieth of Nouember, so full of leakes, that the third of December we haled her on shoare, and found her so rotten that we saued what we could, and set fire on the rest.

The fift of December, there came a Lantore Coracora, which brought newes that foure dayes before they had taken a Holland Praw rowing from Nero to Pooloway, there being foure Holland Prawes in company, bound for Pooloway, who came by Lantore daring the Banda men to come forth: who manned two Prawes, and followed them almost to Pooloway, and tooke one of them, and killed all the men, being twentie Blackes and nine Hollanders. The Lantore men are now in heart: and now I haue gotten the Banda men to repaire the Fort at the Iland, beeing [ 50] much out of reparations. The foure and twentieth of December, heere arriued a Iuncke from Maccasser, which brought vs some prouision, but no newes from the West. That day Master Iackson misse-behauing himselfe to the Captaine was censured.

The twelfth of Ianuary, an Holland Coracora which came from Amboyna with Letters to the Captaine of Nero, put off by a gust, was taken by the Ilanders. The Letters contayned their losing of Bachan to the Spaniards, and their troubles at Amboyna and Luho, but no newes from the West. The thirtieth, I sent ouer Robert Hayes with the Priest of Pooloway to Lantore,* 16.4 to conferre with the Orancaias there about the surrender of their Land to the Kings Maiestie of England; to which they all agreed, that the Sabandar of Lantore should be the man to come ouer and agree with me about that businesse. And that whatsoeuer he should agree vpon, the whole Countrey would affirme vnto. Also I sent to them concerning their making Islams of all such [ 60] Hollanders as came running from Nero, which caused so few to come. They promised it should be no more so: but hereafter, as they should see cause, they would either kill them or send them to mee.* 16.5

The eight and twentieth, went by a Holland ship, and neuer touched at Pooloway, nor Nero;

only a Boat came aboord her, and whither she went I know not. I ghessed, they brought no reliefe, and therefore would not stay for feare of Mutinies amongst the Souldiers, they beeing in great want and distresse for victuals. Whiles Master Hayes was ouer at Lantore, the Hollanders brake league with the Solamon men, taking three Prawes of theirs.

The thirteenth of February, came in a Iaua Iuncke, and a Praw of this Iland, with Sago from Buro.* 16.6 The Iauas could tell vs no certaine newes of our shipping, but they reported that thirtie foure Holland ships w••re at Bantam, and that fifteene English ships were gone thorow the Streights of Sunda: and thought that no English ship would be here this yeare: which was cold comfort to me, which had neither direction nor stockes. Many Iunckes arriued which could tell no other newes, one a Portugall Frigat, and in her Mattheus a Blacke whom I had sent the last Easterly winds to Maccasser, which brought Letters from thence, but Iuncke and Letters were [ 10] cast away. He came in this Frigat which was bound for the Moluccas, but hauing stricken on a Rocke and leake, was perswaded to come to Poolaroone. I tooke vp all his lading, God make mee able to pay him.

The twentieth of March, I receiued a Letter sent from Master Stauerton at Maccasser, da∣ted the seuenth of February, wherein is mentioned the report of the Hound and Samson, taken at Patania by the Dutch, the B••are, Rose, Hope, and Dragon at Tecoo; and at Bantam, a ship cal∣led the Starre,* 16.7 new come out of England: complayning also of wants there, by neglect at Ban∣tam. The two and twentieth, here arriued a Praw from Maccasser, with one Guilliam Gualtier a French-mans goods sent me to sell for him. The losse of the ships aforesaid, I thought good to adde out of a Letter of Master Muschamp, to Master Courthop. [ 20]

Laus Deo in Iacatra, this ninth of March, 1619.

WOrthy and respected friend heartie salutations: my hope was to haue beene my owne Mes∣senger, but there was an vnfortunate change, and time spent to little purpose, the manner I re∣ferre to future relation, not being desirous to censure my superiours, only to cleare my selfe of the trust you imposed vpon me, which I prosecuted with all: ••endeuours, and to performe my promise in returning, freed my selfe from the chiefe Merchants place in Bantam. After all hope was past of comming to you [ 30] I was appointed chiefe for Siam, and went with the President for Patania, where we fell in the hands of our Enemies, and in the defence of our ships and goods, performed what we were able: but the Elements fought against vs▪ for contrary to the common course, we had neither wind nor tyde to thwart the ship to bring our Ordnance to beare, and they breathed themselues to our great disaduantage, which wee might haue helped ouer-night, if the President had not stood too much vpon points of honour in the sight of the Countrey people, which in his owne person he endeuoured to maintaine, with as much resolution as euer did any Commander, and most part of vs seconded, with our best endeuours as long as we were able, vntill many of v•• were killed and hurt. Then the President sounded a parley, and in talking with Henrike Iohnson, receiued his death's wound with a Musket, and they presently surprized our ships, made pillage of all we had, but gaue most part of vs our libertie, by reason of our wounds, where I continued foure [ 40] monethes in miserable torture with the losse of my right legge, (shot off with a Canon) for want of Me∣dicines to apply to it. Afterwards we came to seeke our Fleet in three Prawes, and left two of them with Master Weldin, and fortie men for the defence of our Factorie at Iambe: the residue beeing sixe and twentie with my selfe, came for Bantam, this king to haue found our Fleet, where wee were surprized with their ships and boats, and now remayne Prisoners with them, which is more grieuous to me then the re••t, by reason of the want of my legge, and vrgeth me to solicite to goe home in their ships, which will be an vnseasonable and discontented passage at this time, but in the case I am in, I doe not much value my life, and haue euery day lesse comfort and courage to remain in these parts for either you or my selfe, howso∣euer I make no question, our honourable M••sters will truly vaine your deserts. God send you well home, to receiue the guerdon thereof, and the comfort of your friends, who as I heare are very desirous to see [ 50] you,* 17.1 and your elder brother wished the Pursers Mate of the Starre to tell you, that you should come home with the first, and that while he had a peny you should not want to receiue it.

The newes since our taking, as followeth.

The Starre comne out of England, taken in the Straights of Sunda: the Dragon, Expedition, Rose, and Beare taken at Tecoo, with sixe of their ships, they came vpon them vnprouided, and the Deckes of the Dragon was so pestered with Pepper and other things, that they could not vse one quarter of their Ordnance, so that they were taken without any great resistance: the residue of our Fleet are at the Coast: viz. ten ships, where it is supposed they stay to ioyne with seuen ships that are at Surat, and three of the King of Denmarkes ships, which will be of force sufficient to reuenge our iniuries, if God be of our side and that they haue no new force out of Holland: they haue now not aboue fourteen ships be∣fore [ 60] Bantam, and the Pangram continues their mortall Enemie, all the forces they haue (which was thirtie sayle at one time) cannot bring him to any composition, but wholly relyeth vpon our Fleet, and his owne strength, which will much aduantage the Companies Trade, if they be of force to make their owne way, and assist him according to expectation.

Excuse my vnperfect aduise, for I haue neither time nor place to write as I would, when occasion shall serue, you shall find me alwayes readie to deserue your loue and friendship, remember my loue to Master Hayes, Master Iones, Iohn Elmor, Thomas Dobins and all the rest, with my dearest affe∣ction to your selfe: I rest now and euer

Your faithfull friend to his power, George Muschampe.

[ 10] The eight and twentieth of March, 1620. here arriued a Iuncke from Iortan, laden with Rice. The third of Aprill, three Holland ships sayled into Nero Road.

This yeare I had no Letter nor any aduice from our Commanders at Bantam, nor any supply: and am enforced to take vp all my mens goods, to buy victuals, to pay fiftie per cento, per an∣num interest. The thirtieth, I sent a Letter to the President and Commanders signifying my wants, and if the Portugall Frigat had not come in, I must haue giuen ouer the place, whom yet I am enforced to send to Bantam for his payment on my Bill. God grant mee good getting out of these Countrie peoples hands: for they haue spent their Gold and estates, beggering themselues: and diuers of them losing, some their liues, others their liberties in holding out in expectation of the Eng∣lish forces. Can the Heathens saile to and againe, as also all other Nations, French and Portugals, [ 20] and only the English feare to aduenture the Companies goods, passing ouer the matter with rub out ano∣ther yeare? we haue rubbed off the skinne alreadie, and if we rub any longer, shall rub to the bone; I pray looke to it, &c.

The third of May, the long expected Iurotinge arriued with his Iuncke, Master West dyed of the Fluxe.

The twentieth of Iune, I sent Letters to Maccasser, with a Letter inclosed to the President and Commanders, aduising to send a ship with prouisions, and of the Lantore men holding out still in expectation, and that except some such course be taken, they should see mee before they should heare any further from me.

The three and twentieth of September, Iurotinge set saile for Maccasser, whom I sent to fetch [ 30] Rice: and with him three China men, which ranne from Nero to the Blackes at Lantore, which but for me would haue forced them to turne Slammes.

CHAP. X. The continuation of the former Iournall by Master ROBERT HAYES, contayning the death of Captaine COVRTHOP, succession of ROBERT HAYES, surrender of Lantore to His Maiestie, newes of the peace, and [ 40] after the peace Lantore and Poolaroone seized by the Dutch, with abominable wrongs to the English.

THe eighteenth of October, 1620. Our Captaine Nathaniel Courthop came to me Robert Hayes, and said that he heard say, there were two Prawes gone into Lan∣tore yesterday, which were Key Prawes as hee thought (yet were not) and in regard of former abuses to Iurotingee, hee would goe and reuenge the same. I prayed him to stay till he heard from thence whether it were so or no:* 18.1 But hee refused saying, if they were not of Key, it were but so much labour lost, & now [ 50] he might go with the Priest. Thus went he ouer that night with his Boy William, wel fitted with Muskets and weapons; promising to returne in fiue dayes, and bidding me send for water on the three and twentieth, which I did, but he came not, and sent me word hee would come the sixe and twentieth at n••ght. Hee came accordingly part of the way, the Priest staying at Lantore, because it was a great Feast with the Blacks the next day. There were one and twentie persons in the Boate with sixe Muskets and Fowling Peeces of the Companies, and goods of the Captaine to the value of one hundred and fiftie Rials of eight or vpwards. Comming thwart of Poolo∣way, about two or three a clocke in the morning, they met with the Hollanders Cor••cora and one Praw more with some fortie small shot, and comming vp with them fought with them: where the Cap••aine behaued himselfe couragiously vntill diuers of the Banda men were slaine. And [ 60] the Captaine also receiuing a shot on the brest sate downe, and with all his Peece being cloyed threw it ouer-boord, and then leapt ouer-boord himselfe in his clothes,* 18.2 the Praw being too hot to stay in. And what became of him I know not: but the Blackes say surely he there sunke, by reason of his wounds and his clothes all about him. There came of those one and twentie per∣sons,

seuen ashoare, who had not beene wounded, and were strong to swimme, the space being some fiue miles. The same night Riall a Dutchman (formerly turned Moore) ranne away to the Hollanders with a small Praw.

* 18.3The seuen and twentieth of October, I went to the Fort at Neylackey, and calling the Com∣pany together, demanded of them their purpose: and they all promised that as formerly they had beene ruled by the Captaine, so now they would be ruled by me Robert Hayes, as knowing before that I was to succeed in case of Mortalitie. I tooke order concerning better watch, ha∣uing but twentie three men on Neylackey, and two barrels of Powder with that which was in the Gunnes. The one and thirtieth, I sent a small Praw to Lantore, with foure men to certifie Robert Randall of businesse.* 18.4 The same night the Sabander Rato, came with a Coracora and an O∣rankay, [ 10] well prouided to bring ouer the Priest and Robert Randall with them. So all the chiefe of the Countrey came to the Fort on Saturday in the Euening the fourth of Nouember, and called all our company, demanded whom they should now (our Captaine being dead) trust to take charge: they all answered, Master Hayes: they further demanded, if they would stand to that which I should promise, because they were not to make agreement with a multitude with∣out a head. They all answered, they would performe all my agreements and promises to the vt∣most of their power. I then being settled in my businesse, demanded thirtie men each night to come to watch with vs, viz. fifteene at the Iland, and fifteene betwixt the two Forts; for that I feared assault in the night: and it was agreed.

The fift of Nouember, the Sabander Rato came with the Priest to me, to know my determi∣nation [ 20] about foure Peeces of Ordnance, which the Captaine had promised to Lantore, as Master Randall knew & my selfe; and perusing the Presidents Letter to go thorow with them of Lan∣tore, as we had done with them of Poolaroone and Pooloway; I answered, that if the Chiefe would come ouer and agree with me, I would performe their request. The seuenth, Robert Randall went backe with the said Sab. Rato in the Corocora, which Rato said hee would certifie the S••b. of Lantore and the Orankayes of my answere; and that within three dayes I should expect them a∣gaine. At present here were seuen Key Prawes in the Road, and the seuenteenth, I manned our Oranbay with a Murtherer, and seuen Muskets, and went with other fiue Muskets on the Flanker at F••riat, and sent to the Key-men that two of their Chiefe should come and conferre with me about the cloth stolne from Iurotinge:* 18.5 But they all swamme on shoare, till the Coun∣trey [ 30] people tooke vp the matter, and gaue mee two Key-men pledges, whom I kept at Ney∣larkey.

The foure and twentieth, came three Corocoras with other Prawes from Lantore, for the Guns promised: and vpon their demand of ayde of vs, and agreement to surrender their Land to the Kings Maiestie of England, I gaue them two Sakers and one Demiculuerin. The same day the Key-case was ended. And the same day they of Lantore surrendred the Land to the Kings most excellent Maiestie.* 18.6

The sixe and twentieth of Nouember, we saw a saile to the West, and all the chiefe of Ban∣da being here put off with thirteene Corocoras, and came vp with her, being a Holland Aduisor from Iapan and Amboyna,* 18.7 with Letters for Banda. They killed foure and kept three aliue, beeing in all seuen Hollanders. The Letters they brought me, but I could not attayne to the full con∣tents [ 40] by want of the Dutch Language. Only thus I found that the English and Hollander were agreed at home, and I read the thirtieth Article of agreement betwixt vs and them: so that I thought it not vnfit to send the Letters to Pooloway. I would haue kept the businesse from the Banda men; but then it would haue beene worse for vs. I therefore disclosed it to the Priest of Pooloway, so to frame our answere to the whole Countrey, namely, that shippes both English and Dutch were to come thither to end the businesse, and that it were good those Writings should be sent to the Hollanders to redeeme their three men with sixe Blackes. Wee were glad of the agreement, but knew not how to cleere our selues of the Countrey people, in case of peace.

The eight and twentieth, I sent Robert Munday with sixe Banda slaues to Pooloway with a [ 50] flagge of Truce and that packet of Letters, and to redeeme their men, and to send word whe∣ther they would persist in their rigorous courses, or be still till ships came: which if they refu∣sed, that they take notice that the Banda men are in hand with a stratageme against them (f••r they purposed to make vse of their Ordnance, and besides, to set on their Frigat, but I would not disclose the particulars.) The nine and twentieth, my Messenger came backe with a Letter written.

To his louing Friend Master Robert Hayes, Factor for the [ 60] English vpon Poolaroone.

WOrthy Sir, your Letters of the eight and twentieth of Nouember, we haue receiued, also the packet of Letters which were by it, and haue with great ioy and gladnesse vnderstood the

friendship and agreement betweene both our Masters: wherewithall is ended warre which was begunne with great bloud shedding,* 19.1 not fitting for two Nations which haue beene so good Friends as yours and ours haue beene. We haue further vnderstood with sadnesse the losse of the Campas and the killing of foure men at the taking of her: likewise of three which are the Banda mens Prisoners, for the redeeming of which they will haue sixe men: howsoeuer, I will not leaue them vn-redeemed. The Captaine Nathaniel is killed in the Prow, for which God knoweth I was heartily sorie.* 19.2 We haue buried him so stately and ho∣nestly as euer we could fitting for such a man.

He proceeds with desire that Master Hayes and an Orankaia should come that they might conferre vpon some truce with the Bandanezes till the ships comming, wherein they should well [ 10] agree if they would let them haue Mace and Nuts for their money: with promise of securitie, a present, thankes and commendations.

Dated Pooloway, in the Castle of Reuenge this ninth of Decemb. Anno 1620. stilo nouo.

Your louing Friend William van Anthon.

The second of December, the Priest was content to take man for man, but freemen; and if they had not, so many hundred Rials of 8. for the third. And I writ so by Ed. Twelues, and aduised [ 20] them of going betweene Lantore and Guning Apee, and of an action in hand, &c. The third my Messenger returned with a Holland Prow rowed by Spaniards, and two Hollanders, the Mini∣ster and an Ancient-bearer which brought Nocoda Ismael, Mirnie, and one hundred Rials of eight. And I suffered no Banda man to come to the Iland but only the Priest, and exchanged the Prisoners. I entertayned the Hollanders in the best manner I could, but would not suffer them as they desired to speake with a Banda Orancaia, suspecting it was for trade. In the Letter of van Anthon, he writes, Touching the truce of which you write, is not only betweene Yours and Our Masters made a truce, but also a good and sure peace. Therefore there is nothing to say betweene you and vs. When it please you, you may goe wheresoeuer you list, &c.

The fift day, the Westerne Monson blew with raine, God be thanked,* 19.3 for wee had no water [ 30] fell to any purpose, since the beginning of Iune last being sixe monethes, so that wee went to Lantore seuen times for water, besides that I hired the Key-men once. The same day came a Praw from Beynawre,* 19.4 and told of twentie Corocoras gone from Seyram to Amboyna against the Hollander, besides many small Prowes. There came ouer the Sabander Rato, and Sab. Lantore with a Coracora and two Oranbaygs for their other Gunne: and told that the Hollanders sued for peace and Trade with the Lantore men and those of Salomon, but were deferred till tenne dayes for answere. I bade them remember their Surrender, and how they had promised in wri∣ting to sell no Spice but to the English. Thus the Hollander sought by policie what he could, not∣withstanding the newes was publike.

[ 40] The eighteenth, I had word that the Hollanders came to seeke for Trade with the Lantore men, which would not agree except they would restore them one of the Ilands of Nero or Poo∣loway: whereupon the Hollanders Messenger returned to Nero, and pulled downe their white Flags which had stood some ten dayes, and set red in place, and sent the Frigat to shoot into Lantore. And at night the Lantore men sent three Blackes in a small Praw to Nero, which kil∣led a Hollander in a house without the Castle. And the Sab. Rato sent me word that they would keepe their Spice for the English only.

The one and twentieth of December, here arriued at the Lucon a China Iuncke from Maccas∣ser, with a little Rice and Racke from the Factor and Letters, but no newes from the West; so that we knew more Newes here then they there. He also protested in his Letter, that hee had that on trust, hauing no meanes left but borrowing, the people censuring and the Portugals [ 50] laughing hereat. Dated the nine and twentieth of Nouember, to Captaine Courthop.

The nineteenth of Ianuary, I sent ouer the Sewes to fetch Letters from Master Stauerton, in a Portugall Iuncke. I heard then by Master Randals Letter, that the Hollanders had burned the great China Iuncke with our Flag in her, and tooke our Letters and all the China men Priso∣ners: but the Lantore men will redeeme them with two Hollanders, they tooke in a small Prow,* 19.5 hauing killed the third. But the Hollanders care not so much to redeeme their men, as to haue Trade with the Blackes. They doe what lyeth in their power to set the Banda men and vs at difference. For any Sailes they see they pursue, vnder the reach of Ordnance: and being pur∣sued by Banda Coracoras, put out a white Flagge to vs: which I thinke basely done. They were intreated by mee to bee still till the Fleetes came but they will not, though themselues [ 60] goe by the worst. They professe friendship to the English, and skirmish with the Bandanezes, with whom we liue.

The Letters which I receiued from Hoia Murad, was the Copie of a Letter from Master Hayward the Factor at Succadania to Master Stauerton of the place. Dated the seuen and twen∣tieth

of October. It was vnder-written by Master Stauerton, with promise of reliefe, his best endeuours, the Copie of the Articles sent from our Commanders at Iacatra, vnder-written by Captaine Furresland President, Master Brokden, Master Spaldin, &c.

The fiue and twentieth of Ianuary, Matthew Richards was censured for misdemeanour, in pulling downe the Orders set vp in our place of Common Prayer and vnciuill speeches, by con∣sent of Councell.

The ninth of February, the Dragons Claw arriued and brought vs Letters and a Cargazon. The eleuenth,* 19.6 came by eleuen Holland ••hips, and I sent my Prow aboord to heare of our shipping. I receiued a Letter from Master Bates from Amboyna, wherein I was certified of the Hollanders pretence to take Lantore with two thousand Souldiers, besides a thousand more of all Nations; which was strange newes to vs, expecting nothing lesse, in respect that Land was surrendred [ 10] vnto vs, and we had a Factory there, with men, Ordnance, and goods. I expected directions from Iacatra concerning this affaire, but I had no knowledge concerning it. Three dayes after, in came some three ships more.

The sixteenth at night, I wrote a Letter to the Dutch Generall, to giue him notice of the surrender of Lantore,* 19.7 and of our men, goods and munition there. The eighteenth, my Messenger returned certifying me that the Dutch Generall read my Letter, but would not answere it, but bid my Messenger ••e gone. Now the Dutch sent to the Lantore men to yeeld vp their Coun∣trey to them, and to put the English from them; but they would not. Neither would I send for them to come off, for I could not answere it, namely to forsake the Companies goods there, or to leaue the Land so surrendred to the Kings Maiestie. The Lantore men sent ouer to mee, to [ 20] know what we meant to deceiue them, and not to succour them as we had promised. I sent o∣uer my Prow with men in her for the defending of the Companies Spice there But for that the Countrey saw I could not relieue them, denyed that we should put out our Flagge, in regard they must defend themselues for all vs. So all the men returned except Robert Randall, and two more English.

* 19.8The first of March, the Hollanders forces went on shoare at a place betwixt Loquee and Mau∣de Anginy, and so marched to Lantore, and tooke the Towne and fired it; there being small bloud-shed on either partie. The Inhabitants fled, and Master Randall & the other two English standing by the Companies goods were taken and stript to their skinnes, bound, beaten, throwne ouer the Towne-wall; and carried aboord the Generall, and put in Chaines. They tooke all the [ 30] Companies spice, goods and monies by accompt of Robert Randall, three and twentie thousand foure hundred pounds English, of Maces, and one hundred and twenty thousand pounds Eng∣lish of N••ts, Monies, fiue hundred Rials, Cloth and others to a small quantitie.

* 19.9The third day t••e Starre arriued here at Poolaroone: so I went aboord and made Master Wel∣den and Master Bates acquainted with these Occurrents. The fift, they went ouer to the Gene∣rall a•• Nero, to know his pleasure about setling of Factories in Banda: but hee pretended busi∣nesse for three or foure dayes, and then we should heare further. At Master Weldens being there, he spake with Master Randall with much adoe, who told of his vsage. But release could not be gotten for our men. Further, the Generall demanded, if we had Poolaroone men in subiection, as he h••d the Lantore men; otherwise he would come and doe it. His pretence (as I suppose) is [ 40] to picke a Quarrell with the Poolaroone men to get vs out, and after to settle vs vnder them.

The sixt of March, the Hart came and anchored at the Lucon, and twentie fiue Prowes con∣tayning some fifteene hundred men,* 19.10 came and lay off: and the Fiscall came aboord the Starre. Now the Countrey people came flocking to know what these Prowes meant, and whether they came in peace or warre.* 19.11 The Fiscall intreated Master Welden to goe ashoare with him: but Ma∣ster Welden said he had businesse aboord, desiring me to goe on shoare. The Fiscall then told the Country people they had nothing to say to vs: but as for them, if they did not come and submit them∣selues presently to the Generall, that they should fare as those of Lantore: & would know how they durst surrender Poolaroone to the English.* 19.12 The Countrey said that they knowing it to bee peace betwixt them and the English; and they themselues subiects to the Kings Maiestie of England, [ 50] doubted not that the Hollander had any further to say in this matter. The Aduocate replyed, that if on the morrow they would not come ouer and surrender their Land to the Generall, that then they would come with their forces, &c. and so hee departed. And the seuenth day, the Countrey being afraid that we could not withstand the Hollanders (as indeed then we could not) they went to the Generall and told him they had brought the Land vnto him,* 19.13 but it was not theirs to giue, being formerly giuen the English: therefore let them and the English try for that as we would. The ninth, came the Aduocate with certaine Souldiers and Amboynezes, to com∣mand the Blackes to pull downe their wals, and deliuer vp their weapons, which they did: and afterwards bid the Blackes take off our Gunnes from the Land; but the Orankay answered they [ 60] could not doe it by reason of former agreement.* 19.14 Then the Fiscall would haue mee to take them off, but I would not. The Fiscall said that if the Blackes would not giue them the Land cleare without bushes on it (mening by vs that then he would come with his forces. So by their policie they set the Blackes against vs to cut our throats as much as lay in their power.

The thirteenth, the Fiscall came to see if the Blackes had pulled downe their wals, and was at them to pull off our Gunnes, and left their flagge standing vpon one of the carriages of our Gunnes which were at the Towne, the same time Master Welden went to Nero to the publica∣tion. The fourtenth, came in the Exchange,* 19.15 and I related to Captaine Fitzherbert of the Oc∣currents here, who wished hee had beene here sooner, and that night sent one of his men on shore, and carried away the flag into Nero Road the next day: and sent word backe to send the Starre presently away for Nero, which I did as soone as I could on the eighteenth.

The twentieth, the Fiscall and the Captaine Solar came with twentie Souldiers, and threw downe all our Ordnance of the mayne Iland, being nine Peeces, and broke them,* 19.16 and carryed [ 10] away the Peeces thereof. Also they tooke away a flagge from one of the Forts, and carried a∣way a Coracora of the English for Pooloway. As for the little Iland they medled not with it at all, but as we had it, so we might keepe it. The flagge which they tooke, the Fiscall said was in reuenge that Captaine Fitzherbert had taken away their flagge.

The one and twentieth, the Claw arriued from Amboyna. The sixe and twentieth, 1621. the Generall of the Hollanders sent to the Orankaies of Poolaroone,* 19.17 commanding them to sell vs no more Spice.

The second of Aprill, Master Bate went to settle at Poolaway. The Pinnasse was sent on a Voyage to Seyran, to buy slaues and Sago. The eight and twentieth,* 19.18 we heard of a strange Mas∣sacre, that the Generall cut in pieces fortie foure Orankaies of Lantore for Treason.

The second of May, the Generall signed Articles of agreement with the Poolaroone men, [ 20] which were all one in effect with our Articles formerly signed with them; only, that they must pay Tenths to the Prince of the Countrey. The fourth,* 19.19 hee sent to take the Orancks of Poolaroone their Oathes to be true to the Prince of Orange. The two and twentieth, I heard of the Clawes misfortune betrayed by Seran men, losing twentie two slaues and halfe their Sago, being glad to get aboord themselues; lost two men and all whatsoeuer on shoare. The cause sprang from Lantore men that ranne thither, saying, that the English and Hollanders were all one and had massacred their Orencaias.

The fift of Iune, I went in the Claw from Poolaroone to Amboyna, where I went ashoare on the ninth.

[ 30] I haue added to this Iournall of Master Hayes (by him kindly communicated to me) a Letter of Master Fitzherbert to him, sorting with these Dutch Affaires.

I haue added Master Fitzherberts Letter here printed out of the originall, because the Dutch in their Answere make him an Approuer of their Dessignes.

MAster Hayes, these are to require you to discharge these three Dutchmen out of the Companies [ 40] seruice, and to dispatch them off the Iland, for so much I haue promised vnto the Dutch Gene∣rall who is much offended with them, that he saith, he will haue them howsoeuer. It doth grieue mee to turne away the Companies Seruants in this manner, preferring in my minde the time of our infortunate warre before a troubled peace. Other newes I could write, but I referre it to better occasion. From a∣boord the Royall Exchange in Nero Roade, the eighteenth of March, 1620.

Your louing Friend, Humfrey Fitzherbert.

[ 50]

FOr the Readers more full satisfaction in these Affaires of Banda (the ori∣ginall of the Warres betwixt the English and Hollanders in the Indies) I haue re-printed three Letters before published: as also the Declaration of the Hollanders in answere thereto; and the same refuted by certaine Mariners, to∣gether with Depositions touching the Premisses. And lastly, the state of the Quarrels betwixt the Dutch and the Bandanezes, and betwixt ours and them, [ 60] is more fully cleered by the Authour.

CHAP. XI. A Letter written to the East India Company in England, from their Factours.

ABout the moneth of December, 1620. the Dutch Generall hauing prepared a force of sixteene ships, declared to our President, that hee entended an exploit for the good of both Companies, without mentioning any particulars of his Designes. [ 10]

And seeing vs to haue no such forces readie to ioyne with him, hee said hee would attempt it alone. And the third of Ianuary, 1620. he did set sayle from Iaquatra with his said forces, and arriued at Banda about the third of February following.

Presently vpon his arriuall, he made great preparation against the Iland of Lantore, which Iland was formerly by the Inhabitants thereof deliuered ouer vnto our people for the vse, and vnder the subiection of the Kings Maiestie of England, whereof our Captaine of the Ile of Po∣laroone had taken possession, and had also setled a Factory there.

When our chiefe Factor * 21.1 in our said Ile of Polaroone, heard of the purpose of the Dutch Generall against the said Ile of Lantore, he wrote a Letter vnto the said Generall, aduising him that the said Ile of Lantore did belong vnto the King of England, and that therefore hee should [ 20] not attempt any violence against it, seeing there is an accord made in England betweene vs. Which Letter, the said Generall threw from him in a great rage, scarce vouchsafing to reade it ouer, and caused the Messenger to bee thrust out of doores, requiring him to aduise our Factor of Polaroone, presently to send to Lantore, and fetch away all such of our people and goods as were vpon that Iland; for whomsoeuer hee should find there, hee would take them as his vtter Ene∣mies, and they should fare no better then the Inhabitants.

And within ten or twelue dayes after he landed all his forces there, and subdued the said I∣land. So long as the fight endured, our Factors and Seruants there (being three English and eight Chinees) kept themselues within doores, and afterwards our people came out of their houses, and told them, the house wherein they were, was the English house, and that therefore they [ 30] should not meddle therewith.

Neuerthelesse they sacked our house, tooke away all our goods, murthered three of our Chi∣nes Seruants, bound the rest (as well English as Chinezes) hand and foote, and threatned them to cut their throats, binding them three seuerall times to seuerall stakes, with their weapons readie drawne out,* 21.2 and did put a halter vpon our principall Factors necke, drawing vp his head, and stretching out his necke, readie to put them to death, yet did not execute them, but as they were bound hand and foot (as afore-said) tumbled them downe ouer the Rockes like Dogges, and like to haue broken their neckes, and thus bound, carryed them aboord their shippes, and there kept them Prisoners in Irons, foureteene or sixteene dayes.

After the conquest of the Iland of Lantore, the Dutch Generall threatned to doe the like vn∣to Polaroone, wherefore our principall * 21.3 Factor of Polaroone being there but newly arriued, [ 40] went vnto the Dutch Generall vnto the Castle of Nero, and told him that hee heard that hee purposed to take Polaroone by force, which he could not beleeue, although his owne Messenger sent to Polaroone, to speake with our Factors, had giuen it out also, that the Generall himselfe should say, that if the English did not come presently vnto him, and yeeld the said Fort of Po∣laroone vnto him, hee would send his forces, and ouer-runne all the Countrey, but hoped hee would enterprize no such thing against that place, considering the Articles of agreement, and knowing how many yeares (to the great losse and charge of the Company) wee held possession and maintayned the place to the vse of his Maiestie of England.

The said Generall made little answere to it, as though there were no such matter intended, [ 50] whereupon our said Factor tooke his leaue and came away.

But the next day he was followed to Polaroone, with an Armado of twentie sixe Prowes, and one ship, which did put the Inhabitants of Polaroone in such a feare, as they knew not what to doe; whereupon our chiefe Factor there asked the Commander of those forces, what his pur∣pose was with such a Fleet there, and that if he attempted any thing against Poolaroone, it was a breach of the Articles it being in our possession. This could not preuaile with him, but said the Land was theirs, and they would haue it by faire meanes or force, and as for our profession, they would not acknowledge it (the Inhabitants and not we being Masters of the place) and so the Dutch Commander went ashoare vnto the Inhabitants.

Whereupon the said Inhabitants asked vs if we could and would defend them, but perceiuing [ 60] we were not able to defend our selues, much lesse to secure them: they were forced to yeeld themselues and the Iland into his hands.

The Dutch tooke downe the English colours, and set vp their owne, and caused the Inhabi∣tants presently to bring in all their weapons, and to throw downe all their wals, and would

haue forced them to haue taken all our Ordnance out of our Fort, which they at the first refused to doe, alleaging that they had formerly giuen and surrendred the Land to the King of England, and in respect they had liued so long with the English, they would not now offer vs any iniurie or violence.

And when our chiefe Factor went ashoare to expostulate the matter with the Dutch Com∣mander, he could obtayne nothing at his hands, but that the Land was theirs, and things must be so, and should be so.

Whereupon our said Factor went againe vnto the Dutch Generall to the Castle of Nero to conferre with him thereabouts, but he would giue no other answere, but that hee had referred [ 10] those businesses to his said Lieutenant sent thither, with whom he might conferre▪ who in the absence of our chiefe Factor, had brought some of his Souldiers ashoare vpon Poolaroone, and for∣ced the Ilanders to throw all our Ordnance ouer the Rocke from the place where they were planted (being nine peeces) whereof foure broke with the fall, and were all carryed away by the Dutch.

Moreouer our Captaine of Poolarone who had defended the Iland foure yeeres together,* 21.4 going to Lantore (at the request of the Inhabitants) to receiue the surrendry thereof for our Kings Ma∣iesties vse (as aforesaid) and returning backe againe about the beginning of Nouember, 1620. was slaine by the Dutch. And it is very probable, they did it after the time they had intelli∣gence of the publication of the accord at Bantam, in March 1619. For presently vpon the said publication, they sent secretly to the Ilands in those parts, where they had trade, to preuent vs [ 20] of our part of the Spices due vnto vs by the accord.

After the said Dutch Generall had subdued the fore mentioned Iland of Lantore, hee con∣strayned them to deliuer vnto him, the principall of all their children for Hostages: Then hee tooke away from them all their small Vessels and Boates, and then he also required all the men of Lantore to be brought vnto him, and they bro••ght him all the principall men, but this did not satisfie him, but he would haue all the Bandanezes, which had ayded them, as also all their wiues and children, small and great to be brought as Prisoners aboord his ships.

Which when the Bandanezes perceiued (doubting that he meant to make them all slaues and to carrie them to some other places) they agreed together to retyre themselues into the highest [ 30] and strongest places of the Land, and there did forti••ie themselues, whereupon the Dutch slue of them and tooke twelue hundred persons Prisoners, most of them being women and children, which they haue since carryed to Iacatra and other places.

Printed according to the originall Copie the eight of February, 1621. Stilo Nouo.

[ 40] Reuerendo in Christo Fratri D. Domino Adrian Iacobson Hulsebus apud Iacatranenses Batauos Praedicatori, Salutem & pacem ab Authore vtriusque.

LOuing Brother: I haue receiued your Letters, and according to your desire, haue returned these few lines in answere thereunto. If I haue not so fully satisfied the particulars of your Letters, as I wished and purposed, I pray you impute it not to any want of will, but vnto my disacquaintance with your Dutch Tongue and hand: I should peraduenture haue giuen you better satisfaction then now I doe, if you had written to me in the Latine Tongue. But to leaue excuses and come to the matter, the thing you touch in your Letter is but too too true, to wit, that the hatred and dissention among Christians (if it continue, as God defend it should) is, and will bee the cause of much innocent bloud-shedding amongst friends, and [ 50] of estranging the hearts of Heathens, from the worship of the true God. And therefore that enmitie amongst friends may cease, and that such as are yet without, may be allured to submit themselues to the Scepter of Iesus Christ: it standeth vs vpon (who are Preachers of the Gospell of Peace) to be instru∣ments of peace, which for my owne part how willing I am to doe, is not vnknowne to such as know my selfe, and among whom I doe daily conuerse. I haue alwayes both in publike and priuate, by Letters to our Worshipfull Company in England, and by liuely voice to our Commanders here in the Indies, declared how good a thing ••t is for vs that are Christians professing one Faith, one Christ, one Baptisme, to liue in peace, and to dwell together in vnitie. And of this my earnest desire to be a Peace-maker, Master Bran∣craft your Master of the Blacke Lion, who remayned after his taking some weekes aboord of the Roy∣all Iames, can giue euident testimonie and witnesse. And now that you haue written to this end, I will [ 60] stirre vp my selfe, and set afresh vpon the worke of reconciliation. It is pelfe indeed and pride that is the Make-bate breeding strife and discord: for, had not the riches of the Molu••••as▪ and the robbing of the Chinees and others by you, vnder the English Colours, fathering thereby your theft vpon vs, cast you into a deepe and deadly Lethargie, you would not as you haue done, haue abused your best friend••

abroad, that haue shed so much of their deerest blood in defence of you and your countrey at home; but now you are freed from the Spaniard at home, you fall out with your friends abroad. Is this the recompence of our loue and blood shewed vnto you, and shed for you, to keepe you from the supposed thraldome of Spaine? Did Dauid thus reward his three Worthies, who aduentured their liues to satisfie his longing, & to quench his thirst? Did he not say, Lord, be it farre from me that I should doe this: is not this the blood of the men that went in ieopardy of their liues? 2. Sam. 23.17. Doe you thus requite vs, as Lot did Abra∣ham, Who, when as hee with the three hundred and eighteene that were borne and brought vp in his house, did recouer Lot and his goods, and women out of the hands of the Conquerors, cared not for him but to serue his owne turne, and being deliuered, did in a manner scorne Abrahams company. VVell, though Abraham being the elder and worthier might haue stood vpon his right, yet yeelded of his interest, [ 10] that he and Lot might liue as brothers, and the rather because both of them at this time soiourned a∣mong the Canaanites and Pheresites, who were ready to take notice of their discord, and so to curse their God and holy Religion. Yet what gained Lot by separating company, but a showre of fire and brimstone, which rained vpon Sodome wherein he liued and would haue consumed both him and his, if God had not beene mercifull vnto him at Abrahams request.

It is not long of the English that we expose our selues to the mockery of Infidels: our Company loue peace, and trade peaceably: they haue put vp for peace sake more wrongs at your hands, then they meane to doe againe. You write and publish to the world, that the Sea is free, and ytt by your encroaching vpon it, are not you both the Mothers and Nurses of discord? One of our Commaunders, wrote (as I thinke, or at least sent word by one of speciall note amongst your selues) to Coen your Commander concerning a [ 20] parley before the shooting downe of our Turret at Iacatra: but the first and last newes we heard of him, was it not the beating downe of our house there, and the defaming of our Nation, with Penoran at Ban∣tam and others here?

And thinke you that this is the way to make peace?

The present Captaine of your Fort at Iacatra promised to the Right Worshipfull Sir Thomas Dale our chiefe Commander, vpon the faith of a Christian, that M. Peter Wadden (now your prisoner) should haue free ingresse and egresse in and out of your house to parley betweene vs, to returne to our Shippes: and yet is either promise or oath kept? hath he not, and doth he not continue your prisoner to this hower? You remember Iehu his answere to Iehoram, What peace whiles the whoredomes of thy Mother Iezabel, and her witchcrafts are yet in great number? 2. Kings 9.23. No sound league [ 30] of friendship or reconciliation can be made, or being made can continue, till the wrongs which men haue done one to another, be reproued, and remoued; and satisfaction giuen by word and deed, where it may possibly be performed; else it will be like a wound or sore, that being cured outwardly to the eye, doth bleed and fester inwardly; many hollow reconciliations are daily made amongst men, which afterwards breake out to the hurt of both parties, and scandall of others: As a wound that is ill cured, by an vn∣skilfull or an vnconscionable Chirurgion. As for mine owne part, I would to God that if it were pos∣sible, I might with all my best skill and cunning be the Chirurgion to cure this wound, that our recon∣ciliation, when euer it shall be made, may not be h••llow, but holy and firme: yea I wish from my heart, that my very blood might be the milke to put out this wilde fire which now is kindled, and (if it be not quen∣ched in time) is like to deuoure, not onely the ships and goods (as it hath done some already, and is like [ 40] to doe more) but the precious liues of many of both Nations, and of those also that are as yet vnborne, who (it is like) will curse the time that euer the English and Dutch knew the Indies. All standeth not in one side, there must be a yeelding of both sides, if euer there be a sound peace. But you say, both sides are stout, who shall begin? I answere, what auaileth anger without strength to beare it out? What is fiercenesse of spirit without wisedome of heart? but euen a fooles bolt against himselfe. And to such a one may not the saying of Archidamus to his sonne, being too foole-hardie, be as fitly applyed as a gloue to a mans hand: Sonne, sonne, either put too more strength, or take away some of this courage? You cannot be ignorant that when Herod intended to make warre against the Tyrians and Sydonians, how they came all with one accord, and perswaded Blastus the Kings Chamberlaine that they might liue in peace, or else they should all of them be starued, Act. 12.20. Take heede you come not to this when it [ 50] is too late. Are you so well able to liue of your selues in Holland, that you haue no need of your neigh∣bour countrey England? Are you so high aboue the waters, that the sluces of heauen cannot drowne you? Or are the Seas so low beneath your Netherlands, that you feare no deluge? Shebna the Trea∣surer, was he not as surely seated as your Graue is in Holland? or the greatest amongst you here in the Indies, euen Coen himselfe? and yet was he not tossed vp and downe as a foote-ball in a strange coun∣trey? and were not the Chariots of his glory the shame of his Lords house? Esay 22.18. But I haue runne my selfe a little beyond that I intended, and now to recouer my breath, by these lines I promise, and by word and deed will, God willing, with saile and care labour to bring to passe, that we may liue as friends and neighbours both here and at home. Thus I haue returned you an answere to that you desire, and looke that both of vs should doe our best endeauour for the good of our present Fleets, and of such as [ 60] hereafter may liue to blesse vs. From our Royall Iames riding neere to▪ Bant•••• Rode, this 20. of A∣prill 1619.

Your louing brother Patricke Copland.

From aboard the Bee in the Rode of Iacquatra on the Coast of Iaua, the fiue and twentieth of February. 1620.

AVgust the second 1619. our ship and goods were taken by the Flemings in the strait of Sunda neere Bantam, and set ashore at Iacquatra.* 23.1 September the eight 1619. the Flemings dispersed vs into their ships, and on the coast of Sumatra the first of October 1619. they tooke foure other English ships. viz. the Dragon, the Beare, the Expedition, and the Rose. And on the second of October they turned vs all ashore at Tecoo amongst the Indians, where our Merchants had no trade, but for eight dayes. We were then three hundred seuentie and odde men, all or the most part vndone. About fifteene men were killed in fight. They left vs the little Rose to shift for our selues.

[ 10] The three & twentieth of October, 1619. there came into the Roade out of England three other ships, the Palsgraue, the Elizabeth, and the Merchants hope. From Tecoo we sayled too and fro, and at length came to anchor at an Iland called Amyncan, where we had fresh water and some fish, but is no place of trade, nor is there any man that knoweth of any thing that growes vpon it. The people are thought to bee men••aters. After this we returned backe for Tecoo, & neere the same twenty nine of Ianuary 1619. we met with Generall Pring in the Royall Iames, and his whole fleet of ships, in number nine. All the fleet being then twelue goodly ships, were resolued to saile for Bantam: and in sight of two Flemish ships, (which we purposed to take) Captaine Adams in the ship called the Bull, together with one of the Flemish ships came vp with newes of peace. We then sailed for Iacatra, where by the way met vs seuenteen saile of good∣ly [ 20] Flemmish ships, with whom (had not the peace then come) we must haue fought it out. But peace be∣ing then concluded betweene the Flemmings and vs, our English Factorie was againe setled at Iacatra; and the ships diuided, some for one place, some for another.

The sixe and twentieth of Aprill 1620. the Royall Iames, and a ship of some eight hundred Tunnes, called the Vnicorne, set saile for Iapan, the distance neere about a eleuen hundred leagues. The second of Iune 1620. The Vnicorne was cast away on the coast of China, neere a certaine Iland called the Ma∣coio Iland. In the ship were two English women; both which, and all the men were saued: for they ran the ship neere the shore. Most part of all their goods they lost. As we sailed for Iapan at a place called Patanie, we heard of Captaine Iordayne, who being there with two ships, called the Hound, and the Samson, there came into the Rode and fought with them three Flemish ships: Captaine Iordayne was [ 30] slaine in that fight, and the Flemmings tooke both their shippes. The seuenteenth of December 1620. The great Iames being well trimmed at a place called Firando in Iapan, came away from thence: and the fourteenth of Ianuarie 1620. we arriued safely at Iacatra, where she is now loaden for England.

The ships that since my comming from England, haue beene taken and lost, are the Sunne, cast away neere Bantam; the Starre, taken neere Bantam; the Dragon, the Beare, the Expedition, and the Rose, taken at Tecoo; the Hound and the Samson taken at Patany; the Vnicorne cast away on the coast of China; two or three other ships taken and lost at the Moluccas.

Men of good command, dead, are, Captaine Parker of Plymmouth, Sir Thomas Dale, Captaine Ior∣dayne killed at Patany, Captaine Bonner killed at Tecoo while we were at Iapan. The Flemmings yeelded vp againe the Starre to the English, and she is gone to the Moluccas.

[ 40] Thomas Knowles.

CHAP. XII. The Hollanders Declaration of the affaires of the East Indies: faithfully tran∣slated according to the Dutch Copy, Printed at Amsterdam, 1622. Written in answere to the former reports, touching wrongs done to the English. And an answere written by certaine Mariners [ 50] lately published: with Depositions further ope∣ning the iniquity and crueltie of the Dutch.

§. I. A true Relation of that which passed in the Ilands of Banda, in the East Indies, in the yeere of our Lord God 1621. And before printed at Amsterdam 1622.

[ 60] ALl the Ilands of Banda, from the tenth of August 1609. by a speciall treaty and agreement made with the ••ranka••es, or Magistrates of the foresaid Ilands, were put vnder the pro∣tection of the high and mighty, the States generall of the vnited Prouinces, on condition to de∣fend them from the Portugall, and other their Enemies, prouided that they of the said Ilands, are bound to deliuer vnto the Fort called Nassau, or vnto the Committees of the said Company, all their

fruits or spices at a certaine price, and so forth, as by the said treaty of agreement more at large appea∣reth. These articles of agreement, being for a time by them performed, were afterward broken and viola∣ted, as well in keeping backe, and with-holding the said fruits and spices, which they were tyed to de∣liuer to the Netherlands Company; as also enforcing and robbing their Ware-houses, and contrary to solemne treaty and promise; murthering at sundry times and places, diuers of the principall Officers, Com∣mittees, and Seruants of the said Netherlands Company, in taking away diuers small Shippe prouision, their open inuading of the places and Countries, withstood also lately vnder the subiection of the High and Mightie the States generall, and in conquering the inhabitants thereof, whom with a strong hand they forced from being Christians to become Moores againe, or those which withstood or gaine-said them, they sold as Slaues, and in committing all kind of peruerse wickednesse and trechery: during which passa∣ges and doings, there was againe certaine contracts on the aforesaid conditions agreed vpon, with the said [ 10] Bandaneses, as in May, in the yeere 1616. by one of the Netherlands Commanders called Lam, and by their Gouernour Generall Laurence Reall, in the yeere 1617. which indeed were shortly after bro∣ken and violated by the Bandaneses, and that through the animating by the English, who did openly ayde and assist the foresaid Ilands, and maintained them in warrage, the Netherlands Company with victu∣als, and Munition, great Ordnance, Men and Ships, thereby to with-hold from vs the fruits and spices, which the Bandaneses were tyed to deliuer. In this wilfulnesse the Bandaneses continued, till in Iune 1620. Till that at Iacatra was published both amongst the English and the Netherlands Fleet, then riding there in the Road: the treaty concluded and agreed vpon, betweene his most excellent Maiestie, the King of great Britaine, and the High and Mighty Lords the States generall, for to reconcile vpon cer∣taine [ 20] conditions, the English and Netherlands East India Companies.

The which Treaty, and by conference of handling concerning the Moluccaes, Amboyna, and Banda, all disputes and differences betweene the English and the Netherlands Company concerning the same, were to that time abolished, and a generall force of Shippes of Warre was ordained betweene them, for the defence of both Companies in their rights, and the commerce which they had obtained in the Indies.

The Reduction of the wilfull Bandaneses vnto the Netherlands Campe, was hindred a yeere or two, (through the actuall proceedings which the English in Banda it selfe, since the yere 1616. and afterwards in the yeere 1618. about the coast of Iaua, and whole India through) by open hostility did attempt: whereby the aforesaid Bandaneses being encouraged, and made bolder, did withdraw themselues wholly from vnder the subiection of the Castle of Nassaw, doing vnto vs and ours all wrong and hostility, and [ 30] with-holding from vs their fruits (to say) Nutmegs & Mace, which they did not onely sell vnto the Eng∣lish, and to the Indians, but also to the Portugals, who are both their and our Enemies, with whom they seeke to make neerer alliance of friendship, as already in the great Iland named Banda, were come fiftie or threescore Portug••ls, who by some more assistance, considering the naturall force of the said Iland, would haue beene sufficient to haue depriued both the English and the Netherlands Company of the rights therein, and the fruits thereof, without hope hereafter to haue any redresse.

In regard of those inconueniences, after the publication of the contract that was made, the Generall of the Netherland Company, in the common Councell for defence, (consisting of Englishmen, and Ne∣therlanders) prop••unded the necessity of the taking of Banda, as also the redressing and assuring of those Quarters, and of the trade in Amboyna and Moluccaes, to the which end, both the Companies accor∣ding [ 40] to the contract were bound together, to vse all the force and power that he could, for the preseruation of the places, as much as concerned the trade, for both the Companies. And it appeareth by the Act made by those of the said Counsell for defence, bearing date the first of Ianuary 1621. stilo noua, that the English Committees there declared, that the necessities of the businesse was well knowne vnto them; as also that they were very willing together with vs, to doe some common exploit: but for that as then, they wanted both power and meanes of men and ships, that they could not for that time furnish any thing to∣wards the same: Whereupon, the Netherlands Gouernour Generall declared, that with the particular power of the Netherland Company, he would take the same in hand, and effect it in such manner, as God should be pleased to prosper his proceedings.

And to that end, vpon the t••••rtenth of Ianuary, the Gouernour Generall went from Iacatra to Am∣boyna, [ 50] where he arriued vpon the fourteenth of February▪ and from thence went to Banda, to the Castle of Nassaw, lying in the Iland Nero, vpon the seuen and twentieth of February 1621. In the meane time, one of the English Counsell for defence, that had beene at Iacatra vpon the first of Ianuary 1621. and was priuy to the contract made, lying then in Amboyna, when the Gouernour Generall went from thence to Banda; sent-Letters in our owne Ships to the Englishmen, lying in the small Iland Polaroon, and made knowne and discouered vnto those of Banda, in what manner the Generall of the Netherland Company, intended to assaile the great Iland of Banda: & when the said Gouernour Generall was come to the Fort of Nassaw in Banda, he vnderstood that the Englishmen in Polaroon, had added them of the Towne of Lantore in the great Iland of Banda, with foure Peeces of great Ordnance; and that if they had had lon∣ger [ 60] time, that the entrance of the Generall of the Netherlands Army into Lantore Hauen, should haue beene let and withstood by a great battery. As also that some Englishmen, in Lantore, assisted these of Banda, ours, and (according to the contract) their enemies, both with counsell and force, encouraging them with their presence, & notwithstanding that the said Generall required the said Englishmen of

Lantore to leaue the Towne, for the causes and reasons aforesaid, as also for that they themselues, accor∣ding to the Contract and Order made by the Counsell of Defence, before that time might not buy any Fruit in Moluccas, Amboina, and Banda, as after the publication of the Contract they may doe, and that onely together, and in common places with the Netherlanders, yet some few of them stayed still with them of Banda our common enemies. Notwithstanding also that the Gouernour generall protested, that he was not therein to be blamed, if by that meanes any hurt were done vnto them, being among and with our common enemies, from whom they should and ought to haue separated themselues.

First, the Gouernours generall determined to assayle the great Iland of Banda on the South side, (by some called Lantore, because the principall Towne is so called) by land in a place called Luchny, and to [ 10] that end caused the ship called the Hart to anchor thereabouts, which lay not long there but it was shot at by an English Peece of Ordnance, whereby our men were forced to tow the said ship with a Galley from the shoare, and to leaue two Anchors and two Cables behind them, or else it had beene in great danger of sinking or burning, our men assuring vs, that an English Gunner had shot at them, and that they perfectly descried and saw him, although the Englishmen seeme to denie it.

Whereby altering of their first purpose, the Generall of the Netherlanders resolued to land vpon the inward part of the Iland of Banda, there to encampe themselues, and then to goe vp vpon the Hills, and there to plant their Ordnance, and to that end vpon the eighth of March, 1621. landed with seuenteene Companies betweene Comber and Ortatten, they marched along the shoareside, within the reach of three Peeces of great Ordnance lent then by the Englishmen, and not long before planted there, where∣by if they had marched forward many of our men had beene slaine, and so wee should haue found no place there to encamp our selues, but the Enemie from the Hills would haue domineered ouer vs, no man know∣ing [ 20] what counsell to giue, whereby wee might get vp vpon the Hills. The way whereon aboue three yeeres before wee had beene, being all intrenched, whereupon the Generall determined to enter againe into his ship with the whole Armie, to take another course. They of Banda not once pursuing after vs, but with flouting and mocking let vs goe, and so thinking thereby, that they had gotten the vpper hand of vs, most part of them brought their wiues and children againe into Lantore. After these two enterprizes, part∣ly hindred by the English Ordnance, were in that manner crost. The Generall, for a third resolution, determined to assayle the great Iland of Banda on both sides, that is, on the inner side of the Land with sixe Companies, and on the South side with ten Companies. That they on the inner side should land an houre before the others should land, by that meanes to draw the Enemie forth, and so to make place on the other side, while a Companie of chosen men should land on the North side, to climbe vp vpon the [ 30] Hills, and others in other places of the Land should also bee in a readinesse, being three hundred and thir∣tie persons, whereof one hundred and fiftie were Musketiers, appointed for the manning and assuring of thirtie boats, which the said Companie would bring on the South side of the Iland.

This was effected vpon the eleuenth of March, and accordingly sixe Companies by breake of day, went on land betweene Comber and Ortatten. Captaine Voghel with certaine chosen Souldiers mar∣ching forward, who climbing vp vpon the Hills, found such resistance, that all their powder being spent, they were in great danger to be spoyled, but being well followed and seconded by the rest, the Enemie was forced to retire: and while this skirmish continued, the other ten Companies landing out of the said thirtie boats, went on shoare vpon the South side of Banda, in a small Bay, some with Ladders, and others without, climbing vp vpon the Cliffes; and being gotten vp, th••y marched to the backeside of Lantore, without any resistance, but onely those that set vpon the first Troopes, being some ten or twentie Mus∣ketiers, [ 40] by whom one of our men was slaine, and foure or fiue hurt, whereby Lantore was taken on the South side by the said ten Companies, while the other fiue Companies skirmished with those of Banda vpon the Hills, and as soone as Lantore was taken, those of Madiangi, Luchny, Ortatten, and Sam∣mer, presently forsooke their Townes in the said Iland. When they of Banda saw the aforesaid thirtie boats, they thought wee would haue sayled round about the Land, as wee had done three times before, whereupon making no reckoning of our landing, they were sodainly surprized by breake of day.

As soone as Lantore with the rest of the places aforesaid were won, the rest of them of Banda, namely Slamma, Comber, Owendender, Wayer, and those of the Ilands of Rosinging, and Poola∣roone, made composition with vs, which we granted vpon condition, that they should breake downe their Forts and Walls, and giue vs their Shot, Peeces and Muskets, &c. Which by them being done, all of [ 50] them together, according to their Contract and promises, yeelded to hold their Countries and Lands, of the Lords the generall States of the vnited Netherland Prouinces, promising to doe whatsoeuer they should be commanded, and acknowledge the said Lords the generall States for their Soueraignes, not∣withstanding their former Oathes taken vnto any others.

Those of Lantore and others being first ouercome and vanquished, and that saued themselues among others of Banda, also asked pardon and sought for Peace, which was granted vnto them vpon the condi∣tion aforesaid, though they hardly held the same, and secretly sought to begin a new rebellion, and were commanded by the Ge••••••all to shew themselues all together vpon the Strand, that they might be appointed [ 60] in some other conuenient place to liue as fellow Citizens freely together, without the losse of their goods which they then had. Whereunto some of them obeyed, but the greatest part fled vpon the high Moun∣taines in the great Iland of Banda, to whom also many other Townes resorted, and slew a Nether∣land Merchant, one other, and a boy, where they were enclosed and hindred from victuals by our men.

By this meanes all the Townes and Places in Banda were won, and made sure, onely Poolaroone, which was not medled withall, because they of Banda therein behaued themselues peaceably, for the ayde, or ra∣ther the seruice of those of Poolaroone. The Englishmen planted nine Peeces of Ordnance vpon a small Iland in Poolaroone, hauing intrenched the same: and when those of Poolaroone, according to the composition, were to yeeld vp their Armes, and disarme themselues, as they willingly did; yet our Ge∣nerall did not once speake of those nine Peeces of Ordnance standing in the said small Iland, because the Englishmen should haue no cause to make any question, that our men had done any thing against their Fort or men.

The English Commander, Humfrey Fitz-Herbert, with his ship called the Exchange, lying before the Castle of Amboina, and hauing intelligence of the Generall of the Netherlands victorie in Banda, [ 10] shot off fourteene Peeces of Ordnance for Ioy thereof.

This that is formerly declared, is the true state and proceedings of that, which hath beene done now lately, and before in the Iland of Banda, wherein nothing hath beene done, but that which (according to the Law of Nations, and the aforesaid Contract, made, and promised to bee holden, and without any wrong done to the Liberties of the English Companie, agreed vpon with the Companie of the Nether∣land) might and ought to haue beene done.

§, II. An Answere to the Hollanders Declaration concerning the occurrents of the [ 20] East India, contracted somwhat briefer then in the former Impression.

THere was of late two Currents published, bearing date: the one, the eight of Februa∣rie: the other, the eight and twentieth. In these two Currents sundrie, both incredi∣ble and intolerable wrongs and grieuances were made knowne, which the Hollanders of the East Indies had inflicted and enforced vpon the English Companie of the East Indies. Since the printing of these two Currents, the Hollanders haue published a Pamphlet, en∣tituled, A declaration of the Affaires of the East Indies. This declaration was published (as by the discourse may appeare) in answere of the two Currents aboue mentioned, for the whole [ 30] scope of the declaration tendeth to no other end, but to iustifie their owne right in the East Indies, and thereupon to charge the English with wrongs done to them, that thereby the world might be made beleeue, that whatsoeuer extremities or hard measures they offered to the Eng∣lish, they were vrged and prouoked thereunto by the vniust dealing of the English, and the wrongs first offered by them: howsoeuer the English prouoked the Hollanders in India, the Hol∣landers by this Declaration, doe vrge and prouoke the English to defend themselues against so false and fabulous slanders imposed vpon them. Is it not too much that the Hollanders most vn∣iustly oppressed vs in India, but that they must proceed further to slander vs in England. Maio∣ra sunt famae & fidei damna, quam quae sarciri possunt: The losse of a good name, the losse of trust and credite are losses irrecouerable. But thankes be to Almightie God, who doth alwayes pro∣tect [ 40] the innocent. This Declaration of the Hollanders intended and published for our vtter vn∣doing and disgrace, offereth vnto vs, in two respects, both hope and helpe, thankes be to Al∣mightie God, who hath conuerted Hamon his Galhouse intended against Mordocheus, to his owne confusion, like as he hath suffered you to publish a Declaration to cut your owne throats. What could you deuise to write and publish, more opposite to what you intended; more to dis∣grace your selues, in conuincing you of falshood; more to honour, acquit, and cleere the Eng∣lish, then this Declaration? All which shall manifestly appeare in the examination of your Declaration, which followeth.

To begin with the very first lines and page; you affirme, That all the Ilands of Banda, from the tenth of August, 1609. were by a speciall Treatie and agreement made with the Orankayas [ 50] the Magistrates of the Ilands, put vnder the protection of the States of the Netherlands: how vntrue this is, let all men iudge; when as you confesse in the latter end of the first page, * 23.2 and in the beginning of the second, were afterward broken and violated; and that the Ilanders with-held their Fruits and Spices, that they enforced and robbed their Ware-houses, murthe∣red at sundrie times and places, diuers of the principall Officers, Committies, and Seruants of the Netherlands companie, taking away their ships and prouision, what could the Hollanders say lesse then to pretend an agreement? and what or how could alledge and proue more directly to conuince themselues of vntruth then so plainely and largely confesse the recited hostilities, practised by the Bandaneses against them: what an agreement could this be, where there was [ 60] so great an auersion of the Ilanders minds, declared by the hostile deeds which they practised against the Hollanders; they might perhaps say there was a Treatie, but such hostile practices manifestly proue there could be no Agreement.

The Hollanders proceed further, from the yeere 1609. to the yeere 1616. where they speake

of another Agreement concluded in May, by one of the Netherlanders Commanders called Lam. And another Agreement made by their Gouernour generall called Reall, in the yeere 1617. which they confesse were both shortly after broken by the Bandaneses: but how? Heere com∣meth in the maine matter; The Bandaneses rebelled through the animating of the English, who did openly ayde and assist them with Victuals, Munition, great Ordnance, Men, and Ships. It were necessarie that the Hollanders should set down the causes which moued the English to ioyne so farre with the Bandaneses, for the causes doe either lessen or aggrauate the charge imposed vp∣on the English: they must either say, the English ayded the Bandaneses directly against the Hol∣landers without further respect, which they cannot proue; or they must alledge, which them∣selues [ 10] in their Declaration doe proue, that the English did endeauor to defend them with whom they had free trade and trafficke; who louingly and with free consent sold to the English their Spices, &c. who put themselues vnder the protection of the English; who yeelded the Ilands of Poolaway, Poolaroone, and Lantore, vnder the obeysance of the King of England: which if they would they cannot denie, for they confesse that the English had mounted Ordnance vpon all these Ilands: why should the English plant their Ordnance vpon these Ilands, but to defend their Right; how could the English plant their Ordnance vpon the Ilands, but with free con∣sent of the Bandaneses; at what time did the English plant their Ordnance in these Ilands of Banda? The Hollanders confesse, before they came to the Ilands; for they found them in the Ilands: now, where is the wrong that the English haue done the Hollanders? and in what? be∣cause the English did hinder the agreements so often made betwixt the Hollanders and the Ban∣daneses, [ 20] why for eleuen yeeres the Hollanders confesse there was neuer any, as in the third page they say: In this wilfulnesse did the Bandaneses continue till in Iune, 1620. Thus hitherto it is plainly acknowledged, the Hollanders neuer had any landing, any Castle or Fort, any trading in the Ilands of Banda, but what was gotten by force and absolute constraint: If the Hollanders could proue so much for themselues, as they doe for the English; the English then might haue blushed for shame. In all this time that the Hollanders maintayned hostilitie with the Bandane∣ses, there is no mention made, that the Bandaneses euer offered any opposition against the Eng∣lish, or once denied them their Spices, but that they had trade and trafficke with them freely and friendly: now, if consent and prescription of time be the best claime the Hollanders would [ 30] haue for the Ilands of Banda, why the Englishmen goe farre beyond them; the Bandaneses did neuer violate any agreement made with the English; they neuer kept any pretended agreement made with the Hollanders; the Englishmen in eleuen yeeres were neuer expelled; the Hollanders in all that time were neuer entertayned, but in all hostile manner; the Englishmen had offer at all times of Nutmegs and Mace; so had the Hollanders neuer at any time, but what they got by violence and compulsion; all which is acknowledged in the third page, and the beginning of the fourth. We passe ouer many acknowledgements and confessions of the Hollanders, because they all tend but to two ends; to iustifie thems••lues, and condemne the English; and because there is sufficient obseruation giuen, that in iustifying themselues, they disgrace themselues; and in practising to disgrace the English, they doe them great honour. But to deale plainely and truely, [ 40] not to abuse the world with vntruths, nor to wrong the Hollanders without cause, we doe con∣fesse; The Bandaneses made one famous agreement with the Hollanders, which we well remem∣ber, euen in that yeere in which they report they had made agreement with the Bandaneses. In Iune, 1609. after they had by force taken from them a Towne called Neara, and making them flee to the backside or the Coast, to a place which they called Nassaw: Van Hoofe the Generall made shew of loue and friendship with the Bandaneses; which they perceiuing, and desirous to reuenge the wrongs and cruelties offered vnto them by the Hollanders, did dissemble their in∣tents, entertayning Van Hoofe with vaine hopes, promising him to come to some agreement; by which meanes they drew Van Hoofe with threescore or more of his Commanders and Soul∣diours, vnto a place in which the Bandaneses had aduantage. Now instead of agreement, in war∣like manner they set vpon Van Hoofe, and slew him and almost his Companie. This is the best [ 50] agreement that wee euer knew or heard the Bandaneses euer made with the Hollanders, during eleuen or twelue yeeres. Presently after this, in Iuly after, Captaine Bitter who among all the Commanders escaped, when Van Hoofe was slaine, attempted to surprize another Towne called Slamma; he was fought withall by the Bandaneses, and wounded in the thigh, of which wound he shortly died.

Where is now any wrong which the English hath done the Hollanders, except it bee a wrong to maintaine them, who with free and generall consent put themselues vnder the protection of the King of England? or a wrong to defend them, who willingly trafficke and trade with the English; or a wrong to maintaine that right which the Hollanders acknowledge the English had in the Iland of Banda: These bee all the wrongs which the Hollanders doe or can charge the [ 60] English withall.

But now on the other side, what extreme wrongs doe the English charge vpon the Hollan∣ders? In two Currents printed the eight of Februarie, and the twentie eight, 1622. the Hol∣landers are charged with most barbarous and inhumane wrongs done to the English, all which

they passe ouer in their Declaration without any answere at all, whereby in silence they cannot but pleade guiltie: to confesse them they are ashamed, and to denie them they cannot, but in their accustomed pollicie they seeke to auoyd them by way of insinuation, that the English de∣serued them in ayding and assisting the Bandaneses against them.

There were two Orators of Athens very great and inward friends, before the Iudges; the one did accuse, the other defend a Magistrate of Athens, whereupon the one Orator did challenge the other that he had dealt very vnkindly with him to defend his mortall enemie; and thou as vnkindly with me, quoth the other, to accuse my deerest friend.

This is iust the like ch••llenge betwixt the Hollanders and the English: Why doe you say the Hollanders defend our greatest enemies? And why doe you say the English oppose against our [ 10] deerest friends? Yet in this challenge there is a difference: for the English haue more cause to defend their friends, then the Hollanders haue cause to oppose against their enemies; Englishmen haue a right by consent, Hollanders haue nothing but by constraint. Iust defence is more honest and honourable then vniust opposition is, either by Lawes of GOD or man warrantable.

To proceed on with the cruell and inhumane wrongs, done by the Hollanders to the English, by so much more barbarous and inhumane, by how much the English of all Nations in the world, did least deserue it. What, deserue any hard measures from the Hollanders? To what Nation vn∣der the Coape of Heauen, are they so much bound as to the English? Who hath fostered and nur∣sed them vp to this greatnesse, but the English? What Nation hath shed so much bloud, lost the liues of so many gallant Captaines, Commanders, and Souldiers, to ayde and defend them as [ 20] the English?

What Nation hath lent them, and spent vpon them so much money and treasure, as the Eng∣lish haue done, when they were in their extremest weaknesse and pouertie? When, and where did the English euer fayle them? If for these causes, the English haue deserued at the Hollanders hands, to haue their ships taken, and made prize, their goods confiscate, and conuerted to their owne vses; their Captaines, Souldiers, Factors, and Mariners, taken prisoners, held in misera∣ble seruitude, clogged with yrons, kept in stockes, bound hand and foot, tied to stakes, haling and pulling them with ropes about their neckes, spurning them like dogs, throwing them head∣long downe rockes and clifts, killing, murthering, staruing, and pining them to death, enfor∣cing them to carrie lime and stone for their bu••ldings. Landing them amongst the Pagan peo∣ple, [ 30] without all prouision whatsoeuer, exposing them to the mercie of Miscreants, of whom notwithstanding they found better vsage then of the Hollanders. When as the Hollanders rob∣bed and spoyled other Nations vnder the English Colours, pretending (to disgrace the English) that they were Englishmen, counterfeiting the Coyne of other Nations, charging the English with the same. Laying the English whom they held as prisoners aboue hatches, where the Sunne scorched them in the day, and where their ordures and pisse fell vpon them in the night, till they grew more lothsome and filthie then Lepers, barring the English, as much as in them lay, from all commerce and trade in the Indies. As all these particulars are directly to be proued by men yet liuing, who either indured, or their eyes saw what is here reported, and will be rea∣die vpon all occasions, either with their liues or oathes to iustifie for truth, what they haue in∣dured, and what they haue seene with their eyes. [ 40]

Let all the world iudge, whether Englishmen haue deserued these vsages at the Hollanders hands: Whereas some people either affected to the Hollanders, or thinking it too strange and monstrous, that Christians should domineere ouer Christians with such inhumane and barbarous cruelty, rather tyrannie, except the English ••ad prouoked them heauily thereunto.

Let all such who harbour any such conceits, read and consider what is before answered to such obiections: the Hollanders in their Declaration being charged in the two first Currents, with many of these extreme wrongs inflicted vpon the English, they make no deniall of them: make a challenge that the English did ayde and assist the Bandaneses against them; it hath for∣merly beene alleaged, and sufficiently proued, by their owne confession, that the English did not maintaine the Ilanders, by way of opposing the Hollanders; but they did as much as in them [ 50] lay, to defend the right of the King of England, they did defend that right which they had by consent; they did defend that People, who did so freely and friendly trade and trafficke with them: other causes then their so honest, so iust, agreeing with the Lawes of GOD, of Nature, and Nations, they neither doe nor can alledge any.

Some other inconsiderate people, who enuie the prosperitie of the East Indian Merchants will further say, to close with the Hollanders, that these extremities were offered in India onely, and no where else to the English; for proofe of the contrarie, wee of the East Indian Companie doe challenge all the Merchants which trauaile or trafficke East, West, North, or South, to deliuer their knowledge, what indignities they haue indured from the Hollanders, in [ 60] Turkey, in the Straights, in Muscouie, in Gr••ynland, at New-found-land, and where not; so that not onely the East Indian Companie hath onely cause to complaine: yea, they wrong English∣men in their owne Seas at home, as is generally knowne. Now, because Hollanders may say, that they are charged with generalities without particular instances; generall speeches being a

common cause to aggrauate causes, and be auoyded except the Generall bee proued by particu∣lars, because they shall find that we cannot want of particulars out of infinite, there shall bee here following deliuered, some by men yet liuing, who haue both seene them, and endured them.

§. III. Relations and Depositions touching the Hollanders brutish and cruell [ 10] vsage of the English.

IN the Roade of Patany in the East Indies, the seuenteenth of Iuly, 1619. the two ships called the Samson and the Hound, riding there at Anchor, three ships of the Netherlands set vpon them with might and mayne, after fiue houres fight, eleuen of the men in the Samson were slaine out-right, and fiue and thirtie men of the same ship were wounded, maymed and dismembred, at this time Captaine Iordan was Captaine of the Samson, and did hang vp a flagge of Truce, and withall sent Thomas Hackwell, Master of the Samson to the Netherlanders to parlee about a peace.

[ 20] The Examination of Thomas Hackwell, the fiue and twentieth of Ianuary, 1621.

Thomas Hackwell being sworne and examined vpon certaine Articles ministred on the behalfe of the Right Worshipfull, the English Company of Mer∣chants, trading to the East India aforesaid, saith and depo∣seth thereto, as followeth.

TO the first of the said Articles he saith, & deposeth by charge of his oath, that in the road of [ 1] Patany in the East India, vpon the seuenteenth day of Iuly, 1619. last past, the Samson, where∣of [ 30] this Examinant was Master, and the Hound belonging to the English Company, were force∣ably assaulted by three ships of the Hollanders (viz.) The Angell, the Morning Starre, and the Burgarboate, whereof Hendricke Iohnson was Commander, and after fiue Glasses fight two houres and a halfe, eleuen of the said ship the Samson, her men beeing slaine out-right, fiue dismem∣bred, and about thirtie otherwise wounded, Captaine Iordane being then in the said ship, the Samson, and Commander of her, caused a flagge of truce to be hung out; and sent this Exami∣nant in the Samsons Boate aboord the Flemmings, to treate with them for a peace, and at the hanging out of the said flagge of truce, and when this Examinant left the said Captaine Ior∣dane to goe aboord the Flemmings, he was well; but aboue halfe an houre after the said flagge of [ 40] truce was so hung out, and this Examinant was in parlee with the Flemmings about the said peace, Captaine Iordane not expecting any violence from the Flemmings during the said parlee, shewed himselfe aboord the Samson before the maine Mast vpon the gratings, where the Flem∣mings espying him, most treacherously and cruelly shot at him with a Musket, and shot him in∣to the bodie neere the heart, of which wound hee dyed within halfe an houre after. And this he saith by charge of his Oath.

To the second he saith, That after the said ships, the Samson and the Hound were surprised [ 2] by the Hollanders in the said fight at Patany, as aforesaid, the greatest part of their men, by the command of the Dutch, were brought aboord the Angell their Admirall: and there notwith∣standing, diuers of them in the said fight were much burnt with Gun-powder, and wounded with splinters, and thereby suffered miserable torment, yet they the said Dutch most vnchri∣stianly [ 50] and inhumanely caused and forced them to put their legges downe through the gratings, and so se••zed them, and tyed them to the Capsten Barres, insomuch that still as any man had oc∣casion to goe and ease himselfe, his legges were so swelled by reason of the extraordinary hard tying of them, that the Carpenter was alwayes fetched to make bigger the holes, at which they were put downe to get out their legges againe. And this hee saith by charge of his Oath is most true.

To the third he saith, That he knoweth that the Dutch at Iacatra, doe cause all China men, [ 3] residing and bartering there, to pay monethly sixe shillings vpon a head▪ or else you shall not sell any commoditie there to the English, and this he hath seene diuers of China men pay at Iacatra.

To the fourth he saith, That vpon the third day of March last was twelue moneth, aboord [ 60] th•• new Zealand then riding in Bantam Roade, this Examinant, with three or foure others, did heare one Cl••se Derickson, then vpper stearsman of the Dutch ship called the Southern-Indraught say, that the States in Holland had beene plotting that Warre betweene the English and the Dutch in the Indie seuen yeares before.

To this last Article is witnesse,

Thomas Hackwell. William Shaples. Henry Backtasell. Bartholomew Churchman. Anthony Piccot.

The Deposition of Bartholomew Churchman.

I doe affirme, that they haue many times termed vs slaues to the King of Holland, and that we should all be sent to the Moluccas to rowe in their Gallies, and so bee kept bond-slaues vnder them during our liues. [ 10]

More I affirme, that they haue kept twelue of vs in a Dungeon at Pooloway, and foure and twentie at Amboyna, by the command of Laurence Riall then Generall, but now returned into Holland, where they pist and () vpon our heads, and in this manner we lay, vntill such time as we were broken out from top to toe like Leapers, hauing nothing to eat but durtie Rice, and stinking raine-water, insomuch as if it had not beene for a Dutch woman, named Mistris Cane, and some poore Blackes that brought vs a little fruit, we had all starued in that place, as many of our Company did, besides the extremitie which they vsed to many others which they had in Prison at other Ilands wher they perished, leauing their Wiues and Children heere in England readie to starue for want of maintenance.

[ 20]

The names of the ten men which lay in Pooloway, are these:

Bartholomew Churchman. Iacob Lane. Kellam Throgmorton. Matthew Willis. William Burris. Cassarian Dauid. George Iackson. George Pettice. Walter Stacy. Richard Phillips.

At Amboyna, Richard Swanley, William Brookes, and twelue more, whose names I well know not, nor cannot remember, put into a Dungeon, with fortie Indians all in a hole, hauing no place to ease themselues. Bartholomew Churchman.

The last of October, 1617. Iohn Tucker affirmeth: That the Dutchmen tooke the Dragon, the Expedition, the Beare, and the Rose, and deliuered onely the Rose, and that there being in the Dragon a Present from the King of Achen for the King of England, called by them a Creeze, (that is to say) a Dagger, which they doe detayne to this houre. [ 30]

This is true, I vnder-written doe affirme, and testifie that it was not done by base Rogues (as they terme it) but some of the principall Commanders. Iohn Tucker.

After the taking of these ships, there were aboue three hundred and fiftie men set out of the foure ships which were on shoare, exposed vnto the mercie of the Indians, where they found more courtesie then of the Hollanders, otherwise they had all perished.

That all these abuses, and many more which wee haue formerly receiued by them, are true, we will maintayne vpon our oathes, and with our liues against any of their Nation, or others that shall gain-say this truth. Yet notwithstanding all this being (by the goodnesse of Almigh∣tie God) returned into our owne Country, we haue no satisfaction for these intollerable iniuries, nor any consideration for two thirds of our wages most barbarously kept from vs. [ 40]

Articles of abuses done by the Hollanders at the Iland of Moluccas, and other places of the East Indies, aswell against our Soueraigne Lord the Kings Maiestie; as also against vs, and other Englishmen, since the yeare of our Lord 1616. not only before the Peace, but also since, vntill the moneth of March 1620. that we came out of the Indies, in the good Ship called the Iames.

THe second day of the moneth of February, in the yeare of the Lord, 1616. the Swanne was [ 1] surprized and taken by the Hollanders, at the Ilands of Banda, and her men kept Prisoners [ 50] till the eight and twentieth of Aprill following. At which time the Hollanders carryed fiue and twentie of the English to the Moluccas, where they were very hardly and inhumanely vsed, being fettered and shackel••ed in the day time, and close locked vp a nights. And from the moneth of May, vntill the end of September, they were compelled to carrie stone and lime for the building of Forts there; which if any refused to doe, they were kept in Stockes and Irons till they would worke; and were notwithstanding also very hardly vsed for their victuals, inso∣much that the one halfe of them dyed through their hard vsage.

[ 2] When we were first taken, we were possessed of diuers goods, prouisions and meanes, where∣with to relieue our selues, which they presently tooke from vs, and left vs not so much as wherewith to couer our bodies. [ 60]

Whereof when we complayned to Iohn Ellias, who was Lieutenant to one Garret Derickson in the Trow, hoping that he would haue had some commiseration of our miseries, and long lying in Irons, bad vsage for want of meate, drinke, lodging, and other things: The said Ellias and

the rest of his Company did thereupon, and many other times say vnto vs,* 23.3 That hee cared not for vs, nor for any of our Countreymen; and that if they should take vs and hang vs vp, wee had our deserts: Yea, they vsed other grosse and base speeches, not fit to be spoken off.

We affirme, that the said Iohn Ellias and his Companie said, that they had little need of Eng∣lishmen; for they in Holland were able of a sudden to make and furnish twentie foure thousand of flat-bottomd Boates, such as Parma would haue landed vpon the English shoare in eightie eight. [ 3] And also said, that they had of their owne Nation and Countreymen, at the least fortie thou∣sand strong in England, that presently, vpon the least occasion, would rise in Armes, and bend their forces speedily against vs in our owne Countrey.

[ 10] We affirme, that Laurence Riall, who was their Generall, caused Grates and Cages to bee [ 4] made in their ship, and did put vs therein, and carryed vs in them bound in Irons from Port to Port amongst the Indians, and thus in scornfull and deriding manner and sort spake vnto the In∣dians as followeth: Behold and see, heere is the people of that Nation, whose King you care so much for. But now you may hereby plainly behold how kindly wee vse his Subiects; making them beleeue that Englishmen were their Vassals and Slaues.

Besides all this, they kept many of vs fast bound and fettered in Irons, in most loathsome and darke stinking Dungeons, and gaue vs no sustenance, but a little durtie Rice to eate, and a little stinking raine-water to drinke. So that many of our English fainting in their sights, for want of competent sustenance or other lodging at their hands: for want whereof many dyed, who were fetcht out of the Dungeons, and so basely buried, more like Dogges then Christians.

About the fift of May, in the yeare of our Lord 1619. we hauing ouer-passed many hungrie [ 5] [ 20] dayes, and cold nights Lodging, in cold Irons and darke Dungeons, and thinking it not possibly able for vs to endure those miseries any longer, made meanes that some of vs came to Iohn Pe∣ter Socoma, their Generall that now is, and desired his Lordship (which Title hee duly lookes for in the East Indies) that he would consider of our extreame wants and miseries, and helpe vs to some better sustenance. And further we desired him, that he would be so much our friend, as to ease vs of our Irons but for the day time: Whereupon the said Generall most wickedly re∣plyed with base speeches, and bade vs bee gone, and trouble him no more; for if wee did, hee would cause vs all to be hanged speedily. So that we were forced to returne from whence wee came with heauie hearts, hauing no hope but in the Almightie, to whom wee prayed to turne their hearts, and to release vs of our miseries.

[ 30] Vpon the thirteenth of May, in the yeare of our Lord 1619. the Dutch went ashoare at Ia∣para; and there they wickedly and maliciously burnt downe the Towne and the English House [ 6] there, and from thence forcibly tooke away the English Flagge,* 23.4 and in great disdaine of our Countrey trayled our Flagge after them in the dirt through the Towne, and towed it aboord their ship at their Boats sterne; but what they did with it afterwards, we know not.

Vpon the eighteenth day of the moneth of Nouember, and in the yeare of our Lord God, 1619. they tooke one Bartholomew Churchman, and clapt him vp in Irons, and set him where [ 7] he sate in the raine and cold stormes of the night, and in the day time where the hot Sunne shone vpon him, and scorched him, without any shelter at all: and this they did to him, only because hee strucke a base fellow that spake such words against our late Queene Annes Maiestie, as are not fit to be repeated: which words, as also diuers other which they spake against our dread [ 40] Soueraigne, we dare not relate, as being too odious to be vsed in a subiects mouth touching his Prince: Howbeit, might licence and freedome of speech bee granted vs, to make knowne the base slanderous and detracting speeches of that Nation against our King and Countrey, that wee might not incurre any danger of his Maiesties displeasure by the repeating them, it would suffi∣ciently make knowne the pride and crueltie of that people, who did not then let to say that they made no account of our King, nor any of his subiects.

The seuenteenth day of the moneth of March, and in the yeare of our Lord God euerlasting, [ 8] 1619. their Gouernour of the Moluccas gaue order for the release of the English there, and ap∣pointed thirtie of them to be carried to Amboynas,* 23.5 from thence to be sent into England or Hol∣land. [ 50] But the Gouernour of Amboynas, perceiuing them to bee arriued, hee vtterly refused to discharge them, and forced them to serue in their three ships, that went to the Manelees as men of warre, which if any refused to doe, they were to rowe in their Gallies chained like vnto slaues; in which Voyage to the Manelees, fourteene of our men went in the Saint Michael, which were lost, and neuer since heard on, whose names doe follow: Geroge Trigges, Iohn Ed∣wards, Iames Welch, Iohn Crocket, William Nichols, Robert Gilbert, Matthew Gilbert, Giles Lips∣combe, Arthur Tap, Edward Parker, William Vese, Iohn King, Iohn Ouer, and William Smith Chi∣rurgion.

We affirme, that they hauing Arrian Ellis, Edward Reade, and William Powell, three English∣men [ 9] [ 60] Prisoners, in their ship called the Bantam, they chained them in Irons, and layed them in the Beake-head, straitly prohibiting all others to come neere them, to giue them any other food then their allowance, which was so small that meere hunger compelled those three Priso∣ners to throw the Dice who should cut each others throat; and so they did throw the Dice to

that end, but were disclosed before any of them were slaine, so that they were thereupon sun∣dred, and sent into other ships.

[ 10] They haue taken our men, and without any cause haue stripped and whipped them openly in the Market place; they haue also beaten vp their Drumme, and called the Blackes together to see it done.

[ 11] They will not suffer vs to weare or spread in our English houses, in those parts where they haue any command, any Colours that are our Kings Colours.

The Copie of a Letter sent vnto the Dutch in the East Indies, from their English [ 10] Captiues at the Iland of Monoboca, the nineteenth day of March, 1618. and deliuered vnto Captaine William Iohnson Comman∣der of the Angell.

COnsideration in things of difficultie is requisite: and therefore much requisite in these our vnchri∣stian-like miseries. But because this hath beene but sleightly respested, wee are now resolued to tell you of all your perfidiousnesse. First, Grippe got aduantage to surprize our ships, and made a vow, not to touch life nor goods in any sort. But since the contrarie hath beene so much proued, that Grippe and his confederates are now seene to be for sworne, as shortly after their actions did shew, in taking away euen th••se things, which with their consent we did saue, and bring aboord your ship called the Trow. [ 20]

At that time we being indungeoned at Pooloway, (besides all the Pagan-like vs••ge of that cruell man, Laurence Riall) we were by Van Hoofe kept in such extreme miserie, with stinking water, and Rice halfe full of stones and dirt (scarce able to keepe life and soule together) that had not De••rickson van Lam granted the English at Poolaroone free accesse to Pooloway to bring vs reliefe, ••ee had beene all ere this time starued for want. But we passed away that time in expectation of better fortunes, which you haue all from time to time prom••sed: yet now againe our miseries are thrice redoubled, for since we came to this place, you haue not onely vsed vs most basely in other things, but also haue taken away from vs euen that poore sustenance, which we bought with our moneys: and this hath beene ••o••e by that enuious man the Master, whom your Commanders doe suffer to be their Commander, rather then their Inferiour. If you consider all his actions, the refreshing which we haue bought hath beene but [ 30] small, that is to say, foure small Hennes and Cockes, and euen them hath the Master taken away, and eaten them in the great Cabbin, which dealing of his, if it be Christian-like, we referre it to your owne discretion: and now at last, for a small cause or nothing at all to be thus handled, is a ten t••mes worse affli∣ction, then euer was inflicted vpon vs, for to chaine vs vp like so many Dog••, and to let vs lie in the raine and storms of the night, without any shelter, which is also brought to passe by the Master. For (Comman∣der) * 24.1 we considering your gentlenesse, so that you can dispense with rigour: Therefore that miserie that we indure is not by your meanes, but by the Masters, and theirs that bee of his mind: and this is of a truth, that euen your Hogs after their kind, lye a-nights d••yer then we after our kind, being Christians: and our griefe is the more, because your men of the Blacke Lion, being taken by our Engli••h, were vsed like men, and we like abiects of the world, to be thus vsed like dogs, being Subiects to the Kings Maiestie [ 40] of England, and in good respect with our Employers. But GOD that is aboue all, knowes all▪ and in his good time will remedie all. Thus much we haue thought good to certifie vnto you, not in the way of intreaty, for that we see is vaine, but only that you may know, we now neuer looke to come al••ue out of your hands: for by all manifest appearance, you seeke to take euen our liues from vs: and this shall be a true argument of our grieued hearts, witnessing to all men, how vnchristian-like we haue beene and are vsed by you•• for in all this we haue not expressed the tenth part of your cruelty; yet we hope, that for this t••me it shall be a sufficient light vnto you, for that which hath beene from time to time practised by you against the English. Giuen at the Iland of Monaboca, the nineteenth of March, 1618.

Subscribed by Cassarian Dauid, Bartholomew Churchman, [ 50] and George Pettys.

Vpon the receit of this Letter, wee three afore-named were layed in yrons for eighteene moneths following, with such barbarous vsage as is not to bee imagined to bee vsed amongst Christians.

Vpon the newes of the taking of our two ships called the Samson and the Hound in Patania Road, Hendricke Ianson the Commander of three ships, viz. the Angell, the Morning Starre, and the Burger-boat, sent a Letter by the vpper Steres-man of the Starre, (who had but one arme) to their Generall Iohn Peter Sacone then at Iacatra, of the taking of our two ships; He, the said [ 60] Sacone then said, you haue now, Hendricke Ianson, giuen me good satisfaction, in that Captaine Iordayne is dead: and at his returne thither gratified him with fourteene hundred Gilders in a chaine of gold, putting it himselfe about his necke, not leauing any one vnrewarded, that had beene at the taking of our two ships, and one hundred Pieces of eight to him that shot him,

notwithstanding our Flag of truce was hung out. Wee affirme also that the said Generall Iohn Peter Sacone, vpon the newes brought him by a ship called the Hart, from the Coast of Car∣mandele, of the death of Sir Thomas Dale, then said; Dale is dead, and Iordaynes blood I haue, if I had George Cockins life to, I were then satisfied.

An Answere to obiections made by the Hollanders, that the English were the cause of the first breach in the East Indies.

[ 10] WHereas the Hollanders affirme that Sir Thomas Dale,* 25.1 and Captaine Iordayne were the prime cause of all the differences betwixt the two Companies. This wee affirme and can prooue, that both Sir Thomas Dale, and Captaine Iordayne were both in England when the Defence and the Swan were taken; and also that very inhumanly they tooke the Defence * 25.2, when for reliefe being put from their Anchor at Poolaroone in a storm, they came into one of their Har∣bours for succour. They tooke the ship, and detayned her men prisoners; likewise in rescue, we following, they tooke a Pinnasse of ours called the Speed-well; going to Iacatra▪ one of our men they slew, and the rest they layed in Irons as prisoners, amongst which one Richard Taylor Car∣penter of the said Pinnasse, who at that time had the bloody fluxe, who dying in their hands in Irons, they tooke the dead carkasse of the said deceased, and put him into a bush,* 25.3 with his head downward, and his heeles vpward, and said in most barbarous manner, that there was a [ 20] Stert-man, (that is, a man with a tayle) with his heeles vpward; and there his carkasse rot∣ted in the bush.

I would demand of them where Sir Thomas Dale, and Captaine Iordayne were,* 25.4 when they tooke the Salomon and the Attendance, it is to be proued, they were then comming out of Eng∣land, hardly cleere of the Coast, when they tooke both these ships, vpon faire terms of Composi∣tion; namely, with promise to giue vs our liues, goods, and libertie. They robbed vs of all our goods, and kept vs in lamentable manner in Irons, some of vs three yeers, some more, some lesse: in which wofull miserie many of our Companie ended their dayes lamentably; for in trueth, they neuer kept any faith, oath, or promise with vs at all, but most proudly, disdainfully, and cruelly demeaned themselues towards vs.

Bartholomew Churchman.

[ 30]

CHAP. XIII. A pithie Description of the chiefe Ilands of Banda and Moluccas, by Captaine HVMPHREY FITZ-HERBERT in a Letter to the Companie.

Right Worshipfull,

IT remaineth that before I leaue these Easterne parts, I note vnto you some par∣ticulars [ 40] obserued this Voyage in Banda, Amboyna, and the Moluccas: which although I easily beleeue are well knowne vnto you alreadie, yet as of the let∣ters of the Alphabet well knowne to all men, many vnknowne words be com∣posed; so these noted things, either in respect of the time, the matter, or the manner of the deliuerie, may bring some thing againe to your necessarie remem∣brance, to your wise fore-knowledge, or to your further consideration. Leauing Iapparra and Maccassar, I will betake my selfe to the bar••enest place of the Iles of Banda, that is,* 26.1 to Gonah∣pee, at the top yeelding nothing but cinders, fire, and smoake; on the surfa••e below, woods without water or fruit for the sustenance of the life of man: neuerthelesse being seuered from [ 50] the Iland Nero but by a very small channell, they together with Lantore on the other side doe make a very faire and spacious Harbour. This Iland is very subiect to Earthquakes,* 26.2 which doe trouble all other the Ilands also, and make the ships in the Road to totter and tremble againe. Since the surprizall of Nero by the Dutch, there being a fearefull Earthquake,* 26.3 the said Hill cast forth such hideous flames, such store of cinders, and huge steames, that it destroyed, burnt, and brake downe all the thicke woods and mightie trees, ouerwhelming them as it were her owne vomiting, so that a greene leafe could not be seene in all that part of the Iland: nor did Nero escape these hellish blasts, which blew these steames and cinders into the Castle and Countrey neere adioyning, in such aboundance, that it inuited all men that saw it to her fune∣rall, [ 60] burnt vp all the fruit trees, and couered all the Countrey about it, and had like to haue sunke the ships in the road. It is credibly reported by those that saw it, the violence was so great, that it carried stones of three or foure tunnes weight from the one Iland into the other, and into the Road.

* 26.4The Castle Nera standeth close on the water-side in the plaine, it is faire, large, and strongly built; but weakely situate, by reason of the rising of the hill to the landward: within lesse then Musket shot it hath a hillocke higher then it by at the least twentie fathome, which doth command it at pleasure. To preuent which mischiefe, the Dutch haue built thereon a small Fort, but in vain, the same being vnder command of another, aswell as the former. The Castle is a mat∣ter of great charge,* 26.5 both in respect of it selfe, as also in respect of the Souldiers; and altogether vn∣necessarie, but for dwelling houses and Magazines; the other Fort being great enough, and strong enough for the defence of this place. Here is in this Castle about fortie Peeces of Ordnance; in the other, some eight or ten, the most of brasse. The Dutch haue not receiued the fruit of this Iland since their comming thither, being alwayes ouer-mastered by the Blackes, both by sea and [ 10] land: but the gayning of Lantore hath made all things quiet now. I pray GOD make it profi∣table hereafter.

* 26.6Lantore is the greatest and richest Iland of all the Iles of Banda, strong, and almost inacces∣sible, as it were a Castle: there is scarce a tree on the Iland but beareth fruit. The Bandaneses left it for want of militarie pollicie: but he must haue a polliticke pate (I beleeue) that gay∣neth it againe. The Towne is situate on the brow of a sharpe hill, the ascent as difficult as by a ladder: while they stood peeuishly to the defence thereof to the Roadwards, the Dutch landed with much adoe on the other side of the Iland, and surprised them at vnawares. Right ouer the Towne the Dutch haue built a Fort on the top of the hill to preuent the like inconuenien∣ces, as also to keepe the same in better subiection. It is but small, and while I was there, the [ 20] foundation scarcely finished. If the English had come thither a moneth or sixe weekes before the Dutch made this spitefull expedition, I dare auouch it, they might haue neere laden the best ship your Worships haue in India with Nutmegs and Mace from these Ilands.

* 26.7Pooloway is the Paradice of all the rest, entermitting pleasure with profit. There is not a tree on that Iland but the Nutmeg, and other delicate Fruits of superfluitie; and withall, full of pleasant walkes, so that the whole Countrey seemes a contriued Orchard with varieties. They haue none but raine-water,* 26.8 which they keepe in Iarres and Cisternes, or fetch it from the aboue∣named Ilands, which is their onely defect. The sea shoare is so steepe, that it seemeth, Nature meant to reserue this Iland particularly to her selfe. There is but one place about the whole I∣land for a ship to anchor in; and that so dangerous, that he that letteth fall his Anchor seldome [ 30] seeth the weighing of it againe: besides hee incurreth the imminent dangers of his ship. How this Iland was won by Derricke Lam,* 26.9 or lost by Captaine Castleton, I cannot well relate. It hath on the Easterne side a faire and strong Castle, a regular Pentagonon well fortified, and furnished with all manner of prouisions and Souldiers, and is held to bee the strongest Castle the Dutch haue in the Indies, and the most pleasant residence.

Poolaroone (in imitation of her sisters the other Ilands) is turned Dutch. There was in her neither pleasure nor profit, yet the ambitious King Coen * 26.10 hath made a conquest of her chastitie. The Ciuill Law denieth a violent rape to be incontinencie, because although the bodie be for∣ced, the minde may yet bee free. Recall her againe, and right this vnciuill outrage by your wise and ciuill censure: although the benefit (which is not to be contemned) bee diuided into shares, yet we hope, your Worships will keepe and enioy to your selues the disposing and distri∣buting [ 40] alwayes of your owne.

Amboyna sitteth as Queene betweene the Iles of Banda and the Moluccas; shee is beautified with the fruits of seuerall Factories, and dearely beloued of the Dutch: which the better to de∣clare, they say they would giue thirtie millions there were no Cloues but on that Iland onely. Neptune is her darling, and entertayned in her very bosome, it seemeth that the Water and the Earth are agreed together in vnitie: for at the bottome of the Bay, with one hundred Pioners in seuen dayes, of one Iland it may be made two. It is not aboue a Flights shot from full sea marke on the one side, to full sea marke on the other side: nor is the sandie Plaine raised a fathome a∣boue the of the horison; insomuch they glide their Prawes and Coracorries by [ 50] maine force from one sea to the other. It is plentifully stored with Fruit, Fish, and fresh water: nor is there any great want of Flesh. Their Vines both of Banda, Amboyna, and the Molluccas, are pruned thrice a yeere, and euery prunage hath his vintage. A raritie it seemeth to me, in na∣ture, I saw in the Woods of this Iland a Plant, or Tree, or neither, or whether I shall call it, I know not, in substance much like to the bodie of our Iuie, in forme like a hal••er of fiue or sixe inches, in length fiue or six fathoms, bare without sprig or sprout, the one end fast in the ground, the other fixed to the limbe of a great Tree, a fathome and better distant from the bodie thereof, and so perpendicular, that it is very disputable whether it growes vp from the ground, or from the limbe of the Tree to the ground: this rope is of firme solid wood without any concauitie, and yet it yeeldeth excellent good, faire and sweet water, and as fresh as from the Fountaine; [ 60] nor doth it herein admit any distinction or difference, vnlesse it be the more delicate, according to your companies cut more or lesse thereof, distributing euery one the quantitie of two foot or thereabouts, and they shall haue sufficient; for euery piece will runne to the value of a pinte or thereabouts, and that in an instant; a strange refreshing to those that trauaile those high and drie

mountaines, as my selfe did find by good experience, the Castle of Amboyna is quadrangular,* 26.11 w••ll moted and fortified with men and munition, and hath in it about Peeces of Ordnance. The Dutch haue reduced into order the two rebellious Factories, and the people begin to plant anew, insomuch that they expect within these few yeeres the fruit will be to that it is at present. Your Worships shall herewith receiue the Draught of this Iland, and the adioy∣ning Factories set out at large after the Dutch fashion, which maketh not mole-hils of Moun∣taines.

Bachan is accounted amongst the Ilands which are more properly called the Moluccas, and is the greatest of them all; it is called great Bachan,* 26.12 there is another neere adioyning called old Bachan. In great Bachan the Dutch haue a Factorie and Castle,* 26.13 which venting some Com∣modities [ 10] doth yeeld them Boords, Planks, and Masts for any ship whatsoeuer; it is the fruitfullest of all the Ilands of all the Moluccas, and the cheapest. The King keepeth neere the Castle without about three hundred persons, the rest being fled to the mountains & other Ilands. The Dutch Mer∣chant and others told me for certain, that for want of people the Cloues lye on the ground three or foure inches thicke in some places: so as it may be truly said of this place, the Haruest is great and the gatherers few; nor doe I thinke that the Dutch doe desire many.* 26.14 The Castle is but small yet strong enough for this place, and contayneth fourteene Peeces of Iron Ordnance, small and great, &c. This is a very good Harbour.

Machan the next in order, mounteth her tops aboue the Cloudes in manner of a Cone,* 26.15 and ad∣mits no plaines within the circut of her Confines. It is a very fertile Iland, and yeeldeth to [ 20] the Dutch the greatest Reuenue of all the rest of the Moluccas Ilands. It hath three Factories wi••h their Forts in Triangle position; the chiefest is Noffaquia which yeeldeth most Spice,* 26.16 but venteth lesse Merchandize. The second is Taffasoho, which venteth more Merchandize, and receiueth lesse Spice. The third is Tabbalolo, which yeeldeth lesse Spice, and venteth lesse Merchandize. The Road where the ships take in their goods is at Noffaquia; at the other pla∣ces there is no riding: this Castle also is the strongest; they are all seated high aboue the water, and the way vnto them is steepe and difficult, and therefore to the Sea-wards very strong, but to the Land-wards are commanded euery way.

There is in this Iland a Cloue Tree differing from all other in its fruit,* 26.17 which is called The Kings Cloue, much esteemed by the Countrey people both for the varietie, as also for the good∣nesse; [ 30] nor is there any other but this in all the Moluccas; they are not to be bought for any mo∣ney, but are giuen abroad to friends by handfuls and halfe handfuls: what fell to my lot your Worships shall receiue together with an exact draught of all the Dutch Castles in the Moluccas.

Motyr makes haste to follow Machand, in forme, height, and fruitfulnesse;* 26.18 but not in her Reuenues: nor is shee equall to her in greatnesse. The Dutch hath one onely Factorie vpon this Iland, which is called by the same name, it yeeldeth but little fruit, and venteth lesse Merchandize: here Venus and Voluptuousnesse haue their habitation through idlenesse.* 26.19 Thus much by the report of others, for I was not there to see it my selfe.

Tydore doth taxe the Dutch for leauing her wholy to the Spaniards, and destroying the Fort called the Marieca. This Iland is great and rich in Spice as any, but because I had not landed [ 40] here, I referre you to the Draught thereof, and of Ternate, herewith sent to your Worships for further notice.

Ternate,* 26.20 the greatest of these Ilands is the seat of Dissention betweene the Spaniard and the Dutch. The chiefest place for the Dutch is Malaijo, neere vnto which is Tallooko, and on the Northside of the Iland is Tycoome, which should haue beene destroyed with the rest. Gamolamo, Dangile and Saint Lucie are the Spanish Forts, betweene which is Calamasca seated as a Fron∣tier Fort of the Dutch, which should also haue beene destroyed; the whole both concerning the Iland and those Forts will better appeare by the Draught thereof, herewith sent your Worships inclosed in a Bamboo, &c.

[ 50] Aboord the Royall Exchange in the Road of Iacatra, the 18. of October, 1621.

Your Worships to command, Humfrey Fitz-herbert.

Because the Authour calleth Coen an ambitious King, you may see the occasion of it in the Ti∣tles which hee assumeth, and are imposed on him; as I haue seene them written: intituled by himselfe in his Proclamation for cessing or imposing of Customes at Iacatra, in this manner, viz. [ 60]

IOhn Peeterson Coen Gouernour Generall ouer all the Lands, Ilands, Townes, Forts, Places, Factories, Ships, Pinnasses, Shallops, and Men, as also of the whole Trade and Commerce in India, on the behalfe of the High and Mightie Lords the States generall, his Princely Excellencie, and others the priuiledged Committees of the vnited Netherlands East India Company.

To all those to whom this present Writing shall come, greeting. We taking into our consideration, after the Conquest of the Kingdome of Iacatra, &c.

[ 10]

By the Queene of Patanie, sending her Ambassadour vnto Him: He was stiled,

The great, strong, and mightie King of Iacatra, and of twelue Castles; Commander of all the Seas vnder the Winds, Iohn Peeterson Coen.

IF I had beene able to haue giuen thee also those Draughts, Reader, thou shouldest haue had ••••em. But such as I haue, giue I vnto thee; namely, this of Hondius, meane and obscure enough, [ 20] but somewhat more then nothing.* 27.1

[illustration] map of the East Indies

INSULAE INDIAE orientalis

CHAP. XIIII. Three seuerall Surrenders of certaine of the Banda Ilands made to the Kings Maiestie of England, faithfully translated out of Malahan into Eng∣lish; with a Voyage also annexed of Sir HENRY MIDDLETON.

[ 10]

The Contents of the Surrender of the Ilands of Pooloway, and Poolaroone, in Banda, to His MAIESTIE.

THis Writing is for the agreement betweene all the Orankayas of Pooloway,* 28.1 and Poolaroone also, and the English in manner as followeth, That whereas in the time that Pooloway was not yet suprized by the Hollanders, the people of Poolo∣way and Poolaroone had surrendred the two foresaid Ilands vnto the King of Eng∣land, and had giuen ground to Richard Hunt Merchant there, withall setting vp the King of England his Flagge vpon the Castle of Pooloway, and shoo••ing ••f three Peeces of Ordnance in token of the Couenant of the men of Pooloway and Poolaroone, [ 20] betweene the English and them, when they did surrender the two foresaid Ilands to the King of England, and had giuen ground to the English, being done before the surprize of Pooloway, eight dayes: and after that, it was taken by the Hollanders. And whereas at that time there were but two Englishmen vpon Pooloway, of weake defence, who beeing not able to doe the Countrey any good, went away to Poolaroone, together with the men of Pooloway in one small Praw, who had brought away with them Earth and Writings for the establishing of Couenants betwixt them and the men of Poolaroone: Therefore now the two foresaid Ilands are in the hands of the King of England only according to our Surrender. But whereas at this time through the Assaults of the Hollanders, Pooloway is fallen into their hands and Possession, if it shall please his Maiestie to recouer it vnto himselfe againe, hee shall doe therein nought but Iustice, because the Inhibtants thereof haue absolutely surrendred it vnto Him: and if his Maiesties pleasure [ 30] be to the contrary, let it be as shall seeme best in his Highnesse iudgement. But this is sure that we the men of Pooloway and Poolaroone, haue surrendred the two foresaid Ilands vnto his Maie∣sties power and cannot goe from, or reuolt our word againe euen to the last day, and hauing linked our selues with the English in one bond to liue and dye together. Furthermore all the men of Pooloway and Poolaroone doe couenant to send euery yeere to the King of England a branch of Nutmegs, in token of their designes, desiring that this offer of all the Orankayas of Pooloway and Poolaroone, being once offered out of their true loue vnto the King of England, bee not had in obliuion or reiected.

And whereas King Iames by the grace of God is King of England, Scotland, France and Ire∣land, is also now by the mercy of God King of Pooloway and Poolaroone. Moreouer, wee doe all of vs make an agreement that the Commodities in the two foresaid Ilands, namely, Mace and [ 40] Nutmegs, we cannot nor will sell to any other Nation, but only to the King of England his subiects, according to the true meaning of our Couenants and surrendring of the two foresaid I∣lands to his Maistie, with all that is (in) them to be solely at his disposing, which is and shall be the reason that we cannot trade with any others. And whereas all the Orankayas of the two foresaid Ilands haue made this agreement, let it be credited that it was not made in madnesse or loosely as the breathing of the wind, but because it was concluded vpon in their hearts, they cannot reuolt or swerue from the same againe. Moreouer, all we together doe desire of his Ma∣iestie that such thing as are not fitting in our Religion, as vnreuerent vsage of women, mayn∣tayning of Swine in our Countrey, forceable taking away of mens goods, misse-vsing of our [ 50] men, or any such like that are excepted against in our Lawes, that they be not put in practice, being out of our vse and custome; that they may not proue a blemish vnto our Religion, and that we may receiue no occasion to deale vnkindly with the English. Furthermore, if any Eng∣lishman will beeome of our Religion, wee will accept of him vpon counsell: or if any of our people will become a Christian, he shall bee so likewise vpon like counsell, desiring this pro∣mise that such things be not done in such manner as may breed discontent betwixt vs and the English, which we doe very earnestly desire of his Maiestie. Finally, at this time all the Oran∣kayas of Pooloway and Poolaroone, doe againe make a Couenant with Nathaniel Courthop, Cap∣taine of the two ships riding here, Sophon Cozocke, and Thomas Spurway giuing ground and sur∣rendring [ 60] the two foresaid Ilands vnto the King of England, being alreadie partly in the hands of Nathaniel Courthop, Sophon Cozocke and Thomas Spurway, and that not only now, but as being done long since when Captaine Castleton went from Pooloway with foure ships, all the Oran∣kayas of the two foresaid Ilands, hauing agreed with Richard Hunt Merchant of Pooloway, with

all hauing set the King of England his Flagge vpon the Castle of Pooloway, and shot off two peeces of Ordnance in token of the Couenant betwenne the Orankayes of Pooloway, and Poola∣roone, and the English: and as it hath beene done heeretofore, so at this time we doe renew it with Nathaniel Courthop, Sophon Cozocke, and Thomas Spurway.

Emmon Poolowaye.

Sabandar Poolowaye.

Sabandar Wratt

Sabandar Poolaroone.

Sabandar Lamecoe.

Nahoda Coa.

Hattib Ittam.

Hattib Pootee.

Sabandar Treat.

Emmon Lancecoe.

Sabandar Locon. [ 10]

The Surrender of Rosinging and Wayre to his Maiestie.

THis writing is for the agreement betweene all the Orankayes of the Countrey of Wayre, and of the Iland of Rosinging, and the English Nation in manner as followeth, viz. That whereas, in the time that the Countrey of Banda was in trouble, by reason of their enemies, so that they were no longer al•••• to withstand them, they therefore agreed with Nathaniel Courthop, Sophonie Cozock, and Tho∣mas Spurway; thus much in effect, that is, that they doe surrender the Countrey of Wayre and the I∣land [ 20] of Rosinging, vnto the King of England in respect that they are not able any more to stand for thē∣selues against their enemies: that now the sayd Countrey of Wayre, and the Iland of Ros••nging is onely in the power of the King of England. And whereas the agreements is once made, we the aforesaid O∣rankayes cannot in our Consciences dissolue it againe, but that it shall last for euer vntill the last day of doome: And that the English shall be as the men of the Countrey of Wayre in all Priuiledges. Further∣more, the men of the aforesaid Countrey of Wayre, and the Iland of Rosinging, doe promise and agree to send vnto the King of England, one branch of Nutmegges as a token of there foresaid agreement of all vs the aforesaid Orankayes: on condition that the said token of our agreement be not out of memory nor dissolued, nor we dis-esteemed. And we doe wish that Almightie God would vouchsafe to giue pro∣speritie to the King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland: and now by the grace and mercy of God, the King of the Countrey of Wayre, and the Iland of Rosinging, and that more, we will stoope to no other [ 30] King or Potentate, but onely vnto his Maiestie: and after him to all his posteritie. Furthermore, as con∣cerning our trade, we doe all truely agree, not to sell any of the Nuts or Mace, which the aforesaid Coun∣treyes, do ••fford to any other but onely to the King of England his subiects, because we haue wholly vnto him surrendred the foresaid two Countreys of Wayre and Rosinging, with all that therein is, or what∣soeuer it doth, or shall yeeld, it is the King of England his owne; and this shall stand for a reason that we cann••t trade with any other Nation. Moreouer, we intreat the Kings Maiestie of England in ear∣nest manner, that such things as are not befitting to our Religion, as vnmannerly vsage of our women, maintaining of Swine in our Countrey, beating and abusing of our men, or taking away of them perforce a∣gainst their wils, as if they were their own slaues, or any other such like attempts, that are held vnbeseeming [ 40] in our lawes (we say) that we doe intreat his Highnesse that none of these or such like be put in practise by his subiects, because they are things disallowable in our lawes, and so being committed, will redound to the ouerthrow thereof; and we thereby might be forced to deale vnkindly with the English therefore. Moreouer if any of the English hereafter shall haue an affection to be circumcised, and become as one of vs, it shall be done vpon sufficient Counsell betweene the rest of the English and vs, or if any of vs will become a Christian in that cause, the like counsell shall be held, and this shall not be done for any misde∣meanour of the partie willing so to turne: because that may breed a discention betweene the English and vs. And whereas this agreement was made in the presence, and by the consent of the King & Sabander, of Wayre, the Sabander of Rosinging, Emmon Hattib, and all the rest of the Orankayes, of the Coun∣treyes of Wayre, and the Ilands of Rosinging: This shall be for a testimony that it is not done in mad∣nesse, [ 50] or in the manner of the breathing of wind; but that it was also aswell thought in our hearts, as spoken with our mouthes, and therefore we cannot, nor will goe from it againe, but that it shall so stand vntill the dissolution of the world; Neither shall there any doubts rise in our hearts of any other, but that we the men of Wayre and Rosinging, are onely the Kings Maiesties of England his subiects: and if any trou∣ble hereafter doe happen in the foresaid Countreys, we will be contented aswell to die, as to liue together with the English, because we will be subiect to one King, and this shall stand for a reason, that any being in league with vs, shall also be in league with the English, & per contra, he that is neere the English, shall be neere vs, because we will by no meanes againe, diuorce our selues one from the other. Finally, at the time this agreement was made, all the Orankayes of Pooloway and Poolaroone were witnesses there∣unto; all the Orankayes of Pooloway and Rosinging haue vnto the aforesaid Premisses set their hands. [ 60]

The King of Wayre.

The Sabandar of Wayre.

Emmom of Wayre.

The Sabandar of Rosinging.

Emmon of Rosinging.

Hattib of Rosinging.

Translation of the Surrender of Lantore, Cont. in the paper N. D.

In the yeere of the Prophet Mahomed 1028. in the tenth day of the Moone Ma∣harran being Saturday, the yeere is called Aleph▪ And in the yeere of of Iesus, 1620. in the Moneth of Nouember the 24. day.

[ 10] THis is the writing of the agreement of the Sabandar of Lantore, and the Cap. of Lan∣tore &, all the Orankayes within the Countrey of Lantore, with Robert Hayes, af∣ter the losse of Captaine Courthop; That we of Lantore do surrender the land of Lantore vnto the Kings Maiestie of England with all that is therein: So that all the Nuts and Mace within the Country of Lantore, we promise to sell to no other people, other then to the sub∣iects of the Kings Maiestie of England only. Furthermore, we the Orankayes of Lantore, doe promise euery yeere to send to the Kings Maiestie of England a bough of a Nutmeg tree, for the acknowledging of the homage of vs the men of Lantore, to the Kings Maiestie of England. To the intent that this agreement of Surrender betwixt vs be not forgotten, to [ 20] the end of the world: and to the intent their be no difference or falling out betwixt vs. Furthermore, we doe craue of his Maiestie of England, concerning such things as doe not agree with our Religion, that they may not be done in the Countrey of Bandan, to the end that such things being restrained, there be no offence giuen betweene the Bandanezes and the Englishmen: As to enforce our Women, our Wiues or Daughters, or to strike any of vs, or violently to take any thing from vs, or to let swine loose in our Countrey, or any such like thing as doth not agree with our Religion. These things we onely except (because those things tend to the destroying of our Religion) to the intent there be no falling out betwixt the Bandanezes and the English, vnto the end of the world. And whereas it pleaseth God [ 30] that Iames is King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland; so now also he is King of the Countrey of Banda: so then the Country of Banda is in subiection to no other King then to the Kings Maiestie of England onely in this world, excepting our Religion. For our Re∣ligion of Islam doth not agree with the Christian Religion, neither doth the Christian Re∣ligion agree with our Religion of Islam; and this is the purport of our agreement. Fur∣ther, if it shall happen any English to runne to vs, or any Banda man to runne to the Eng∣lish, it may not be tolerated without the consent of the chiefe of the English and vs of Ban∣da; because such things are contrary to our Religion, and tend onely to falling out and [ 40] brabbles betwixt the Bandamen and the Englishmen. At this time we were together in consultation, all the Orankayes of Lantore, and the Orankayes of Labetacke, and the O∣rankayes of Nero Pooloway and Poolaroone, and haue put too our hands, and this is the intent of this writing.

Sabandar Lantore.

Sabandar Ratoo.

[ 50] The Voyage of Master Henry Middleton to the Moluccas,* 30.1 (hauing sent Captaine Colthurst in the Ascension to Banda) with letters of the Kings of those parts to his Maiestie.

HAuing taken leaue ••f the Company, being furnished with all things necessary, we depar∣ted from Grausend the fiue and twentieth of March, 1604. and about the twentieth of December following, after many various accidents, we arriued (our men being very weake) in Bantam Roade; where after many complementall salutations betweene vs and the Hollanders, with interchange of great Ordnance on both parts, the Generall of the Hollanders dining the last of December aboard our Generall: The day following, our Generall went on shoare with a [ 60] letter from the Kings Maiestie of England, to the King of Bantam, which with a present sent, was by him receiued with great ceremonie, he being but of thirteene yeeres of age, and gouer∣ned by a Protector. The sixteenth of the said moneth, our Generall came aboard from Bantam to proceed on his voyage for the Moluccaes, appointing Master Surflet to goe home in the He∣ctor.

The seuenth of Ianuary following 1605. we anchored vnder the Shore of Veranula,* 30.2 a peo∣ple that deadly hate the Portugals, and therefore had sent to the Hollanders for ayde against them, promising to become subiect vnto them, if they expeld the Portugals; in summe, the Hol∣landers prepared to assault the Castle of Amboyna, and the Portugals to defend it, the one purpo∣sing to recouer, the other to hold it; The Hollanders summoning them in the Prince of Orange his name to deliuer it that day by two of the clocke,* 30.3 and the Portugals denying it. Yet in the end after many attempts and defences, it was yeelded to the Hollanders by composition, wherevpon the Gouernour of the Towne, after the surrender of the Castle, bard vs of all trade by the com∣mand of the Hollanders.

The warre continuing betweene the Tarnatans and Tydorians, the first assisted by the [ 10] Hollanders, the other by the Portugals, shortly after we got vnder the land of Tydore, where we might espie betweene Pulocanally and Tydore, two Gallies of Tarnata making great speed to∣wards vs, weauing vnto vs with a white flagge to strike sayle and to tarry for them. At the same time came seuen Gallies of Tydore, rowing betwixt vs and the shore to assault the Tarnatans, our Generall seeing the danger they were in, lay by the lee to know what the matter was; The for∣most of these Gallies or Coracoras, wherein the King of Tarnata with diuers of his Nobles, and three Dutch Merchants were,* 30.4 being full of feare, desired our Generall for Gods sake to saue them from their enemies the Tydorians, from whom they looked for no mercy if he did not help them, & withall, that he would be pleased to rescue their other Coracora that came after, wherin there were diuers Dutchmen who were to expect nothing but death, if he did not releeue them. Whereupon our Generall commanded his Gunner to shoote at the Tydore Gallies, yet they de∣sisted [ 20] not but boarded them within shot of our Ordnance,* 30.5 and put them all to the sword, but three that saued themselues by swimming, and were taken vp by our men into their boat.

* 30.6Our Genenrall being determined to goe for Tydore, the Dutch desired him that he would no•• let the King of Tarnata and them fall into their enemies hands, from whom he had so lately de∣liuered them, promising mountaines of Cloues and other Commodities at Tarnata and Makeu, but performing Mole-hils, (verifying the prouerbe, The danger escaped, the Saint is deceiued.) One thing I may not forget, the King of Tarnata comming aboard the Generall, trembled for feare, which the Generall supposing to be for cold, put a blacke Damaske gowne laid with gold lace, and lined with vnshorne Veluet, on his backe, which at his departure, he had not the manners to restore, but kept it as his owne: But see how this kindnesse was shortly after recompensed [ 30] by these vnthankefull men. Our Generall arriuing at the Portugals towne in Tydore; the Gouernour of the Fort sent one Thomas de Torres,* 30.7 and others with a letter, the effect whereof was, that the King of Tarnata and the Hollanders reported, that there was nothing but treason and villany to be expected at our hands, but that he conceiued better of vs, beleeuing their re∣ports to be nothing but malice. To second this, not long after, our Generall arriuing at the Kings towne, sent Master Graue aboard the Dutch Admirall, who found but could entertaine∣ment at their hands, affirming that we had assisted the Portugals in the last warres against the King of Tarnata and them, with Ordnance and other Munition, which our Generall proued to the contrary by some Portugals that were taken prisoners by them in that conflict;* 30.8 & then being ashamed of the slaunder, the Generall affirmed he had it from a Renegado Gussarat, but did not [ 40] thinke it to be true.

To fill vp full measure, not long after the King of Tarnata seeming to affect our Nation, they threaned him that they would forsake him and ioyne with the deadly enemie the King of Tydo∣re,* 30.9 if he suffered the English either to haue a Factory, or any trade with them, affirming that the English were theeues and robbers, and no other he should find them, and that the King of Hol∣land was stronger by Sea, then all Christendome besides, with many other disgracefull spee∣ches of our Nation, and all other Christian Princes (a iust consideration for all Nations to thinke what this insolent frothy * 30.10 Nation will doe, if they attaine to the possession of the East Indies) To which insolent speeches our General replied: That what Hollander soeuer he were that so re∣ported, he lyed like a traitor▪ and that he would make it good against any one that should so re∣port; [ 50] affirming that if the Queenes Maiestie of England had not taken pitty of them, they had beene vtterly ruined by the King of Spaine, and branded for slaues and traitors. The particular wrongs done by them to our Nation, if they were laid open, would fill volumnes, and amaze the world to heare. I will conclude, to shew the esteeme had of our Nation in the East India, with the true Copies of sundry letters seni by their Kings to his Maiestie of Great Brittaine, and first of the King of Tarnata.

[ 60]

The King of Tarnatas Letter to the King.

HEaring of the good reports of your Maiestie by the comming of the great Captaine Sir Francis Drake, in the time of my father, which was about some thirtie yeeres past: by the which Captaine

my predecessor did send a Ring vnto the Queene of England, as a token of remembrance betweene vs:* 31.1 which if the aforesaid Drake had bin liuing, he could haue informed your Maiestie of the great loue and friendship of either side: he in the behalfe of the Queene, my Father for him and his successors: since which time of the departure of the foresaid Captaine, we haue dayly expected his returne, my Father li∣uing many yeeres after, and dayly expecting his returne. And I after the death of my Father, haue liued in the same hope, till I was father of eleuen children: In which time,* 31.2 I haue beene informed that the Eng∣lishmen were men of a bad disposition, and that they came not as peaceable Merchants, but to dispossesse vs of our kingdomes; which by the comming of the bearer hereof, we haue found to the contrary: which we greatly reioyce at. And after many yeeres of our expectation of some English forces, by the promise of Captaine Drake, here arriued certaine ships, which we well hoped had bin Englishmen, but finding them [ 10] contrary, and being out of all hope of succour of the English Nation, wee were enforced to write to the Prince of Holland, to craue aide and succour against our ancient enemies the Portugals; and according to our request, he hath sent hither his forces which haue expelled the Portugals out of all the Forts which they held at Amboyna and Tydore. And whereas your Maiestie hath sent to me a most kind and friend∣ly letter by your seruant Captaine Henry Middleton; that doth not a little reioyce vs: and whereas Cap∣taine Henry Middleton was desirous to leaue a factorie heere, we were very willing thereunto; which the Captaine of the Hollanders vnderstanding, he came to challenge me of a former promise, which I had written to the Prince of Holland: That if he would send me such succours▪* 31.3 as should expell the Portu∣gals ••ut of these parts, that no other Nation should haue trade there, but only they: so that we were enforc't [ 20] against our likings, to yeeld vnto the Holland Captaines requ••st for this time, whereof we craue pardon of your Highnesse: and if any of your Nation come hereafter, they shall be welcome. And whereas the chiefe Captaine of the Hollanders doth solicite vs not to hold any friendship with your Nation, nor to giue eare to your Highnesse Letters, yet for all their suit, if you please to send hither againe, you shall be wel∣come: And in token of our friendship which we desire of your Maiestie, we haue sent you a small remem∣brance, a Bahar of Cloues, our Country being poore, and yeelding no better commodity; which we pray your Highnesse to accept in good part.

Tarnata.

[ 30] The King of Tydores Letter to the Kings Maiestie of England.

THis writing of the King of Tydore to the King of England, is to let your Highnesse vnderstand, that the King of Holland hath sent hither into these parts, a Fleete of ships, to ioyne with our an∣cient enemie the King of Tarnata, and they iointly together, haue ouer-run and spoiled part of our Coun∣trey, and determined to destroy both vs and our subiects. Now vnderstanding by the bearer hereof, Cap∣taine Henry Middleton, that your Highnesse is in friendship with the King of Spaine, we desire your Maiestie that you would take pitty of vs, that we may not be destroyed by the King of Holland and Tar∣nata, to whom we haue offered no wrong: but they by forcible meanes, seeke to bereaue vs of our King∣dome. And as great Kings vpon the earth are ordained by God, to succour all them that be wrongfully [ 40] oppressed; So I appeale vnto your Maiestie for succour against my enemies; not doubting but to finde re∣liefe at your Maiesties hands: And if your Maiestie send hither, I humbly intreat that it may bee Cap∣taine Henry Middleton or his brother, with whom I am well acquainted. God enlarge your King∣domes, blesse you and all your Counsels.

Tydore.

The King of Bantam to the King of England.

[ 50] A Letter giuen by your friend the King of Bantam, to the King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland: desiring God to preserue your health, and to exalt you more and more, and all your Coun∣sell. And whereas your Maiestie hath sent a Generall, Henry Middleton, he came to me in health. I did heare that your Maiestie was come to the Crowne of England, which doth greatly reioyce my heart: now England and Bantam are both as one. I haue also receiued a Present from your Maiestie: the which I giue you many thankes for. I doe send your Maiestie two Bezar stones, the one weighing four∣teene masses, the other three: and so God haue you in his keeping.

Bantam.

[ 60]

CHAP. XV. The Dutch Nauigations to the East Indies, out of their owne Iour∣nals and other Histories.

FOrasmuch as Banda hath beene almost the bane, and as it were the Troiane Horse to our Indian Ilium, whence an Iliade of miseries and mischiefes haue issued to that Societie; whereby their wonted gaines haue beene suspended (with a Xan∣the retro propera) their reputation stayn••d, their shippes and goods taken and [ 10] stayed, the persons of many Christians, Brethren in Armes, Arts, and Religion; exposed to the basest of contumelies, and cruellest of deaths, as the premisses de∣clare; and that amongst the Infidels, whom by word and example of life they should haue sought to conuert; whose states also are hereby subuerted, and their faith farther peruerted (thorow you, the wrong-doers in this case, is my Name blasphemed amongst the Gentiles) I haue thought good to set downe the true case briefly, as out of diuers Witnesses, Christian and Hea∣then, English and Dutch, I haue gathered it; no whit seeking the dishonour of either Nation (for what Nation hath not some sicke, some rotten members:) but as an Historian ought to de∣liuer the truth: which haply the industrious out of the formall materials can see to doe with∣out helpe, but the vulgar will need Spectacles. And herein for the more honor of the Dutch Na∣tion, [ 20] we wil begin with the beginnings of their Indian Nauigations, and by briefe steps descend into these broyles: wherein if the Merchants haue proued Martiall, if some of their Comman∣ders haue beene insolent, if others of the baser Rascalitie with Pot-froth or Sea-froth, trans∣ported to blaspheme Kings and higher Powers: & that Dutch-Indian disease hath lately grown Epidemical in those parts, & turned into a general Contagion wherwith their greatest numbers there haue beene infected: yet the head and heart here at home (I doubt not) are sound, and will soone (my hope tels me) purge these maligne humours from those remoter members: will soone? nay! my faith runnes faster, they are euen now a doing it: herein also my charitie checks it, as too short-breathed, and saith (it is others fault if I lye) they haue alreadie * 33.1 done it. For who can suppose that they will make others wrong deeds theirs by conuinence or counte∣nance? [ 30] that their Iustice will not doe that which is iust? that their wisdome doth not rea∣son in season? that their mature forwardnesse hath not done alreadie that to, and for the English there, which came thither and about the World by English helpe; by their examples in Drake and Candish instigated; by their Pilots, notes and instructions, as before appea∣reth in Melis, Adams, Dauis, and others not a little furthered; and by their support at home enabled to looke abroad: so many gallant English spirits exhaled, so much English Treasure exhaust, in defence of that Belgian libertie: wherein the Hollander of all men will not take it to see their vertue imitated by the Bandanezes, who likewise there affected it by seeking English protection, and effected by surrendring themselues in subiection to the English Crowne? And as for their freedome then when they offered it, I am not willing to [ 40] make a comparatiue quaere betwixt the Dutch and them * 33.2 whether were freer States: whether more obliged, these to the Dutch themselues by any act of former subiection, or to the preten∣ded title of Ternate, (in both which, the Dutch owne Historiographers, as heere will appeare, free them) or the other to. But I will to my Historie, or rather to theirs, both in respect of the subiect and authors, and occasioned by the euill of some, will honour the worthier spirits of that Nation, out of their owne Iournals and Relations, deliuering a briefe of their Marine Exploits.

WHen * 33.3 the King of Spaine had made many yeeres warres vpon the Hollanders with exceeding expense and force, permitting meane whiles the Hollanders ships neuerthe∣lesse to trade on his Coasts, he was at last counselled to bring them to subiection, by hindering [ 50] their Nauigation and intercepting their ships by arrest. Thus were they prohibited the shoares of Spaine and Portugall, some put into their Gallies, their goods confiscate, and the Hollanders began to thinke of other Trade, and to make tryall of the Indies. And first began those of Am∣sterdam to set forth eight ships by consent of the States and Prince Maurice: foure of which were to goe the wonted way (by the Cape of Good Hope) to seeke and settle Trade in those parts especially of the Indies, where the Spanish Power was not admitted; The other foure (of which two were of Amsterdam, the other two of Zeland and Enckhusen) attemped by the North to discouer a passage to China, Cathay and the Moluccas, as by a farre shorter cut; this way from Holland to Iapan being not aboue one thousand two hundred thirtie fiue Dutch miles, whereas by the Portugall way it was two thousand nine hundred thirtie two. Of their Nor∣therne [ 60] Expeditions * 33.4 elsewhere: the other foure ships by a safer and more frequented way set forth in the same yeare 1595. and laid foundation of that which since is reputed by them a mi∣raculous structure, and taking occasion from being forbidden Spaine, to make themselues way

first to the East, and since enterprizing also the West Indies. The ships were the Maurice, the Holland, the Amsterdam, and a Pinnasse, the persons two hundred fortie nine: the Societie cal∣led, De Compenie van verre: the whole charge was two hundred and ninetie thousand Florens,* 33.5 of which one hundred thousand was in readie money and Merchandize. The Maurice and the Holland were of two hundred and eightie lasts, the Amsterdam one hundred and eightie, the Pinnasse twentie. The Captaine of the first Bernard Heijnck; Cape Merchant, Cornelius Hout∣man; Iohn Miller Master, &c.

The second of Aprill, they set saile from the Tessell. The second of August, they had sight of the Cape of Good Hope. The two and twentieth of September, they set two men on shoare for [ 10] mutinie. On the fiue and twentieth, they came to Saint Augustines Bay in the Ile of Saint Laurence. The tenth of February, to Anton Gill.

In May they came to Dampin in Sumatra, in Iune to the Straits of Sunda, where certaine Portugals from Bantam visited them. On the three and twentieth and foure and twentieth, di∣uers Chinois, Malabars, and men of other Nations came to them, some of which had beene in Constantinople, Venice and Rome, and one of them said, hee had foure monethes past seene their Lad and God (meaning the Pope) whom they answered that they were Christians, and cared not for the Pope. On the sixe and twentieth of Iune, Captaine Heync dyed of the Flixe. On the nine and twentieth, the Pangram or Vice King came aboord the Mauritius. The first of Iu∣ly, the Pirnces Letters (written in Arabecke and Portugall) were read, and Couenants confirmed [ 20] by Oath on both sides.

On the sixt of Iuly, they were warned by their Interpreter, from the Vice-roy or Protector, to take heed of the Portugals, which (notwithstanding coloured friendship) sought their ruine, and had agreed with Caesar (whose father had ruled all Iaua, but he himselfe was brought into straites, and enioyed little but a name,* 33.6 hauing also a Portugall Wife) that he should inuite all the principall Hollanders to a Feast, and the Portugals, meane-while, with fiftie Souldiers and o∣thers of Caesars Houshold should inuade their ships, Caesar to haue the spoyle, and the Portugals to giue him three thousand Ducats for the ships. This Caesar was so called by the Portugals, of the people Raya Dauina: but the men of Bantam reiected his Dominion because he had liued at Malacca, and fauoured the Portugals, to whom they feared lest he should bring them in subiecti∣on. [ 30] Yet was he acknowledged of many, euen Kings themselues speaking to him with their hands infolded one in the other (the gesture of Slaues) hee had also beene aboord with his chil∣dren on the second of Iuly. He told them also that the Portugals sought to perswade the Vice-Roy to the like, and besought and bribed his followers thereunto, affirming, that they were not Merchants but Pirats, and if they had accesse now in ten or twelue yeares they would returne and subdue their Countrey: and this sparke, if now vnquenched would set the whole East on fire. Moreuer, they were enemies to the King of Spaine, whose enmitie would by their en∣tertainment be procured: and that they were but Spies.* 33.7 The Hollanders sent one of their Cap∣taines into the Towne to search the truth by conference with the Protector or Vice-Roy, who further counselled them to shoot into the Towne when Caesar went aboord the ships, promising [ 40] to reueale all things to them: He found also in the Sabanders house Gun-powder and other ho∣stile prouision. They sent Caesar a Costlet and other Presents, and he accordingly sent to inuite all their chiefe men and Musicians: but now by their Present seemed to bee wonne to better thoughts, blaming the Portugals.

After this Caesar went to Iacatra, and the Protector and Hollanders agreed about taking a house for their better Traffique, which was done, and Rainer van Hell was appointed chiefe, who yet found nothing but fraudes and shifts in the Protector and Bantameses. As for the Portugals they murthered Peter Tayda a Mestizo of Portugall originall and dwelling at Bantam, for h••lding fa∣miliaritie with the Dutch, by the sollicitation of their Priest. The Inhabitants were by Pro∣clamation inhibited to sell Rice to the Hollander, and presently after they were told of an as∣sault, [ 50] should be made on their ships: and when some of their Companie had gotten aboord, the rest were detayned: which when by no intercession they could recouer, they assayled the towne with their ships, and tooke three Iunckes; a fourth was set on fire by the Portugals to preuent taking.

At night Houtman the chiefe on shoare writ to them that they had halters about their neckes, and were presently all of them adiudged to dye, if they continued further battery and spoyle. A dayes truce followed, and after that the Warre renewed, which continued aboue a moneth, and peace was concluded. As for Houtman and his fellowes, they were sentenced to dye, but the various opinions of the meanes protracted their liues. Perswaded by the Portugals who had sent purposely thither from Malacca, * 33.8 the Bantamians after a little space broke off Trade a∣gaine, which the Hollanders supplyed by taking their Iunckes. After this they were assaulted by [ 60] a ship of Indians, with poysoned Arrowes, the venom whereof could not be cured but by cutting out the affected part: this ship also the Hollanders tooke. The Portugals expostulated with the Protector that so little had beene done, and they both grew to hot words, the fuell of a great

fire: the Portugals seizing on some China Iunckes for their satisfaction, which the Protector a while dissembled but afterwards reuenged with the destruction of the Portugals; vnder colour of a great Mariage at Iacatra, setting forth a Fleet, wherewith he inuaded the Portugall Gallies, slue the men and diuided the spoyle,* 33.9 the other Portugals slipping their Anchors and fleeing to Malacca.

The Hollanders came to Iacatra the thirteenth of Nouember, and were receiued with much kindnesse, whence hauing furnished themselues with necessaries, they set sayle, the Amsterdam running with full sayles on a Rocke before they had sayled a Dutch mile. On the third of De∣cember, they came to Tuban and Cydaia, where they bought Nutmegs and Cloues, and the Sa∣bandar gaue them a great Fowle called Eme, aboue foure foot in height, somewhat like an O∣strich, sauing that the feete were not clouen. Here vnder colour of friendship the Cydayans (set [ 10] on, as they learned after, by the Portugals and Bantamians, with sixe great Prawes assailed the Amsterdam and the Pinnasse: where they slue in the Amsterdam twelue, and wounded two, but the other ships comming in,* 33.10 they fled, losing an hundred and fiftie of the Iauans. The Hollan∣ders departed thence to Madura. Here the King would needs haue leaue to come aboord, which he was permitted if he came with sixe followers, and to one of the greater ships: But hee com∣ming with one hundred, and to the Amsterdam, was slaine, with the Priest and most of his Companie: his young sonne and others taken: by whom they learned the ill intent that the Ma∣durians had to take their ship Amsterdam, which themselues soone after fired, taking out of her what they found vsefull. And now hauing lost many of their Chiefes they consulted about re∣turne, and by force of winds were put into Ballabua, and the ship Holland entring the Riuer of [ 20] Baly an Ile nine leagues off, was put back with the violence of the streame. The King of Passaruan a Mahumetan had marryed and slaine the daughter of the King of Balabua a Gentile, and now held him besieged to inforce him to exchange his faithlesse faith.* 33.11 The King of Baly assisted the Gentile, but his Captaine being slaine, the rest returned. These told of a ship there ten yeares before, which was thought to be Master Candishes, the old King, then supposed one hundred and fiftie to be still liuing. Baly they called Hollandiola, for the fertilitie; there they watered.

They sent to the King, who accompanied the Messenger to the shoare in a Chariot drawne with Buffals, holding the Whip in his owne hands, hauing three hundred followers, some with flame-formed Crises and long Speares, Bowes of Canes with poysoned Arrowes. Hee was [ 30] feasted in Dishes of solid Gold. The Land is an equall and fertile plaine to the West, watered with many little Riuers (some made by hand) and so peopled that the King is able to bring into the field * 33.12 three hundred thousand foot, and one hundred thousand horsemen. Their horse are little like Islanders, their men blacke and vsing little Merchandize, but with Cotton Cloth in Prawes. The Iland is in compasse about twelue Germane miles. Their Religion is Ethnike, or∣dered by the Brachmanes or Bramenes, in whose Disciplines the King is trayned vp. They haue also Banianes, which weare about their neckes a stone as bigge as an Egge with a hole in it, whence hang forth three threds; they call it Tambarene, and thinke the Deitie thereby repre∣sented: they abstaine from flesh and fish, but not (as the Iauan Pythagoreans) from Marriage. Once they may marry, and when they dye their Wiues are buried quicke with them. Euery seuenth day they keepe holy,* 33.13 and many other Holidayes in the yeare besides with solemne Ceremo∣nies. [ 40] Their Wiues burne with their dead Husbands. Here they heard of Captaine Drakes be∣ing there eighteene yeares before, and called one Strait by his name. The King obserueth state, is spoken too with hands folded, by the best. The Quillon hath power there as the Chancellor in Poland. Two of their companie forsooke them and stayed on the Iland. And of two hundred fortie nine there were now left but ninetie. In February they began their returne. The foure and twentieth of Aprill, 1597. they came in sight of Terra de Natal▪ and the fiue and twenti∣eth of May, of Saint Helena, where foure Carracks made them afraid to aduenture. The ele∣uenth of August they entred the Tessell: the ship Holland hauing not men left to weigh their Anchor, and forced therefore in a storme to cut their Mast ouer-boord. [ 50]

The second Voyage.

ALthough the gaine of this Expedition were losse of men and perhaps also of money and wealth, yet did it encourage with the strange Noueltie and hopefull probabilitie many Aduenturers, both of the Hollanders and of English also that way affected, aduenturing with them. This we haue obserued in the Voyages of Master Dauis, * 33.14 Pilot with Houtman, with two ships; and of Master Adams with Iaques Mayhay, in a Fleete of fiue ships, and of Melis * 33.15 with Oliuer Noort, in a Fleete of foure ships, these two last sayling by the Magellan Streights to the Indies, following the Sunne to see his rising and seeking the East Indies by the West: all [ 60] were set forth in the yeare after the others returne. Anno 1598. The same yeare was by the In∣dian Societie of Holland set forth a Fleet of eight ships, the Holland, the Zealand, the Frisland, the Gelderland, the Vtrick, the Ouer-Issell, or the Doue, the Maurice, and the Amsterdam, fur∣nished

with fiue hundred and sixtie men, Iames Neccius Admirall in the Maurice, Wibrand War∣wicke (whom we before haue honoured for his loue and honour to the English) Vice-Admirall in the Amsterdam, and seuen Commissioners adioyned. On May-day they set forth from the Tessell, and kept together till they came to the hopefull Promontorie, where they by ignorance and foule weather parted, the Holland, Maurice and Ouer-issell, holding their way to the Ile of Saint Marie: the other fiue to the Iland De Cerne, by them named of Prince Mauritius,* 33.16 about twentie degrees South latitude, neere to Madagascar, mountainous, full of tall trees of blacke, red and yellow Ebonie, and Palmites, hauing a good ayre, Tortoises able to goe with foure men on their backes, and to hold ten men sitting on the inside of the shell, (vnkind Guests eating their Host, non hospes ab hospite tutus) store of Fowles, desolate and dis-habited by man or beast: [ 10] they left there Hennes, and sowed a certaine Plaine with diuers seeds.* 33.17 The other three ships hauing watered at Saint Maries, (able to yeeld little else) came to Bantam, in the end of the yeere, who suspected them to be the same which formerly had beene there, and refused Trade, till they sent Abdol a Chinois (carried into Holland by the former Fleet) with Presents to the King then an Infant, and Cephate the Protector, and procured Trafficke. Foure weekes after came in the other fiue ships, many of them sicke, and thirtie fiue dead. The Bantameses hauing eiected the Portugals, now brought them store of prouision, vsed them kindly, admired their Pewter, and for one Spoone gaue as much food as would serue a man a weeke. But Abdols tel∣ling of the other ships to come raised the price of Pepper. Foure ships being laden were sent home, and arriued at the Tessell, the nineteenth of Iuly, 1599.* 33.18 The other resolued for the Mo∣luccas, [ 20] and Neccius being returned, Warwicke was their Admirall.

These set sayle from Bantam the eight of Ianuarie. On the one and twentieth they came to Tuban a Towne of Iaua, the King thereof potent and pompous, the People delighted in ri∣ding, their silken Saddles pourtrayed with Deuils; they vse exercises and games on hors-backe. Here hauing gotten prouision, on the eight and twentieth they came to Madura an Iland ly∣ing Northward from Iaua, fertile of Rice, the People liuing in great part on robberie. Heere they diuided their Fleet, two ships the Gelderland and Zeland for Iortam in Iaua,* 33.19 the Vtricke and Amsterdam to Arosbay a Towne on the West of Madura, where they had no sooner landed their men to seeke prouision, but they were taken, spoyled and captiued by the Inhabitants; [ 30] and after them three others sent to see what was become of their fellowes. They demanded for their libertie two great Peeces, one thousand Rials and other commodities. But the Admi∣rall hauing called the rest from Iortam put on land one hundred and fiftie men to recouer them by force on the fift of Februarie, and saw many in Armes, two Portugals being their Captaines.* 33.20 Whiles they were in fight a storme arose, which made the Hollanders mind their ships, but two boats in their returne were ouerturned with fortie nine men, of which twentie fiue drowned and slaine, the rest were kept prisoners with their fellowes, in all one and fiftie; for which they payed in money and wares, two thousand Rials of eight.

On the seuenteenth, they had sight of Celebes: on the nineteenth of the Ile Camboyna: on the one and twentieth, of Cebesa, betwixt which and Botun lie shoalds,* 33.21 which they happily escaped: on the fiue and twentieth, Bur: on the sixe and twentieth, Blau: the first of March, [ 40] they saw three Ilands adioyning Atypoly, Manyba, and Gyta, before Amboyna, to which they came on the third. In Amboyna, are store of Cloues, Oranges, Limonds, Citrons, Coquos, Bo∣nanas, Sugarcanes: the Inhabitants simple and poore, their weapons long Pikes hooked, which they dart very sure. Their Coracoras or Boats haue some representation of a Dragon, of the head in the prow, and the tayle in the sterne, adorned with Streamers. Heere they agreed for trade and a house. But because here was not sufficient for all foure ships, therefore the Zeland and Gelderland were sent to Banda. On the fourteenth, they passed by Polo Setto,* 33.22 an Iland not inhabited, fiue leagues North-west from Banda: whereof also they conceit I know not what deuillish possession, insomuch that their foolish Indian Pilot, with a terrible gastly countenance (when they came against it) thrust forth the boat-hooke with like gesture as they doe in boats, [ 50] as if he would thrust the ship thence, and being wearie layd it by him with the hooke forward, seeming to triumph of his Deuill-conquest when he was past.

On the fifteenth, they came to Pooloway, and had sight of Poolaroone,* 33.23 and anchored that night at Banda. The Sabander came the next day to conferre with the Admirall, and agreement of mutuall trade was made betwixt them, a house also taken for that purpose. On the three and twentieth, came the first Merchandise from Ortattan: on the foure and twentieth, they began to buy and sell: on the fiue and twentieth, the Vice-Admirall went to the other side of Banda which is most frequented, to hire a house there: on the seuen and twentieth, came goods from Nera. On the fourth of Aprill, they had Letters from the Admirall at Amboyna, that by reason of the Inhabitants Warres with the Portugals he had yet laded few wares. All May they were [ 60] busie in buying and selling.

On the fift of Iune, the men of Labetacke (about an houres iourney distant from Nera,* 33.24 but in heart vnmeasurably different, made a sallie or skirmish, in which some were slaine. On the seuenteenth, the men of Nera with those of Lantore and Pooloway went ouer to Wayre and kil∣led

many, whose heads in disgrace of Labetacke they fastned on their boats, and at their returne, with their swords yet bloudie, made glorious muster of themselues foure or fiue dayes together. They brought some women captiues, one of which they cut asunder. Yet did they after burie the heads in cotton clothes. The Zeland receiued in her last lading on the nine and twentieth of Iune: and the Gelderland on the first of Iuly. On the second, the Vice-Admirall intreated good vsage to those he should leaue behind him in a house built by them, and hauing giuen gifts to the Sabander and the Orancayes, he tooke leaue: (Regem nullum agnoscunt) for the Bandaneses ac∣knowledge no King,* 33.25 sed suis institutis viuentes, ad Seniorum Coetus, vbi consultatione opus est, res referunt: they are ruled by their owne States or Orankayes: The Inhabitants are Mahumetans and very deuout, that they begin nothing, neither Diuine nor Humane, before they haue pray∣ed [ 10] in their manner. They are a collectitious Nation of many Peoples compounded. The Ilands are diuers, Banda the chiefe, in which are sixe or seuen Townes continually disagreeing. The chiefe is Nera, to which Labetacke, Comber, and Wayre are enemies: Lantore (on the other side of the Iland) and the two Ilands of Pooloway and Poolaroone are friends to Nera. The cause of these Iarres and Warres is; the casting downe of certaine trees many yeeres since, in the territo∣rie of Nera, by the men of Labetacke: whence they still kill one another like Dogs. Their ban∣quets publicke, Meskit ceremonies, and foot-ball tennise, I omit. They are nimble, and some very aged vnto one hundred and thirtie yeeres. The worke in dressing their Nutmegs, Mace, and otherwise, is the womens burthen.

On the fourth of Iuly, they set sayle from Banda, and on the sixe and twentieth came to Ia∣catra. On the eight of August to Bantam, from whence they set sayle on the nineteenth; and [ 20] the twentieth of Aprill, 1600. arriued in the Tessell. The two other ships, Amsterdam and V∣tricke, after two moneths stay at Amboyna, set sayle thence the eighth of May for the Moluccas; and on the two and twentieth, cast Anchor neere Ternate. Here they held trade with the Kings leaue and loue, till the nineteenth of August; and then leauing some in Factorie they departed. The nineteenth of December, they came to Bantam, whence they set sayle the one and twen∣tieth of Ianuarie. The sixteenth of Februarie, Iohn Peters an Englishman their Treasurer di∣ed.* 33.26 The thirtieth of May, they had sight of the Ascension, from whence the next day they made haste homewards, much pressed with defect of victuall, and safely arriued at Am∣sterdam. [ 30]

* 33.27BVt before the returne of any of these ships, in the yeere 1599. the Dutch Indian Compa∣nie set forth another Fleet of three ships, vnder the command of Stephen van Hagen, the fourth of May. Likewise the foure ships of the former Fleet, which had made so speedy a Voy∣age, were sent againe forthwith vnder the command of Iames Williams. And besides the former Companie, a new Companie of Amsterdam and Brabant sent forth a Nauie of foure ships vnder Peter Bot. These set sayle from the Tessell the one and twentieth of December, 1599. which returned two yeeres after richly laden. Also this last Society prepared two other ships, A. 1600. to which the former Companie added sixe other of fiue hundred tunnes the piece, vnder the command of Neccius, which making happie returnes, meane whiles the Zelanders entertayned [ 40] the businesse. And in the yeere 1601. thirteene ships departed from Amsterdam, on the three and twentieth of Aprill, vnder the command of Iames Heemskirck, foure; and foure vnder Iohn Grenier, and foure vnder Wolphard Harminius. Against these the Spaniard set forth a strong Ar∣mada of thirteene Sayle, which encountred eight ships of the Dutch, before the rest were come to them; a fight followed, wherin a small Hollander Pinnasse was so battered, that they tooke out her wares, and sent her backe.

* 33.28How Houtman was slaine at Achen, is elsewhere deliuered. This King being by Portugall wiles further instigated, did giue good entertainment notwithstanding, this yeare 1601. to some Zeland ships vnder the command of Laurence Bicker, as also to George Spilberg. He sent his Ambassadors also to Prince Maurice, with Bicker, one of which died at Middleborough, whose [ 50] Epitaph in greater letters hath, Hic situs est Abdur Zamat Princeps Legationis à Rege Tapro∣banae seu Sumatrae Soltan Alciden Raietra Lillo Lahe Felalam missae: ad Illustriss. Principem Mauri∣tium cum duabus Nanibus quae in dedit. accepere Liburnicam Lusitanicam. Vixit 71. obijt Anno M.D.CII. Praefecti Societatis Indicae H. M. P. C.

* 33.29But when as it happened by the diuersitie of Stockes and Companies, that great losse ensued to the Aduenturers, it was by common consent concluded, that all these seuerall Companies should be vnited, and by Proclamation forbidden to all but this Society to aduenture to the In∣dies for one and twentie yeeres space:* 33.30 and that Amsterdam should in the expeditions of new Fleets, beare halfe the charge; Middleborough a fourth part; Delfe, Rotterdam, Horne, and Enchu∣sen each a sixteenth, &c. Presently after, this vnited Companie made readie a Fleet of four∣teene [ 60] ships according to these proportions vnder the command of * 33.31 Stephen van Hagen. The ca∣pitall Summe or common Stocke brought into the Treasurie, exceeded sixe Millions of Florens.

The Portugals which alone before enioyed the Indian Trade, did much enrich the Dutch by their opposition, which while they sought to make prize of the Hollanders, were often surpri∣zed,

the Portugall decaying in those parts vnto this day. Wolphard Harminius before named Ad∣mirall of fiue ships in the Straights of Sunda, a 33.32 was told by a China Iunke that Bantam was be∣sieged of a Portugall Armada, vnder the command of Andreas Fortado Mendoza, b 33.33 consisting of eight great ships and neere twentie Frigats, seeking to cause the Bantameses to haue nothing to doe with the Dutch. Wolphard tooke counsell and aduentured on the Portugals, of whom hee tooke two Frigats and three Ships, some he sunke; others they set fire on themselues; the rest departed to Amboyna, and there slew diuers of the Inhabitants, for holding trade with the Dutch, and (as hauing an euill eye at Natures good eye▪ and angrie with the very Elements) cut downe their Cloue trees, which the Moores had no where done in their most despitefull opposi∣tion [ 10] to the Portugall proceedings in the East.

Wolphard after gratulations of the Bantameses, and some time there spent, directed his course for Ternata and Banda, and hearing that the Portugals were gone to Tydore, where they had a Fortresse; they diuided their Fleet, two for Banda, three for Ternata, where they found Francis Verdusi••s (whom the Dutch had left there) in the great fauour of the King. And hauing well furnished their ships at Ternata, they set sayle for Banda to the rest of their Fleet, where Venius their Factor was well, and had prouided store of Mace and Nutmegs, so that they presently sent home three ships laden; the other two stayed there till Cloues were ripe.

HEemskirk with two ships tooke a Portugall Carricke of Macao valued at diuers millions of [ 20] Florens: she was of fourteene hundred tunnes, had eight hundred men (one hundred where∣of were women) her lading Silke, Sugar, Cotton, Muske, Tinti••ago, her name Saint Katherine, which first hung forth a bloudie Banner, but being shot betwixt wind and water▪ exchanged it into a white: seuentie men were slayne, the rest according to composition set on shoare. Hee returned, 1604.

SPilberg returned the same yeere. He had fought with three Portugall Carauels at Cape Verde.* 33.34 In Zeilan he receiued of the King honourable entertainment with libertie of trade, first with the King of Batecoli, and after with the King of Candes, inuited by him and accommodated with an Elephant to carrie him by the King of Batecoli, met by the King of Candes his Ele∣phants [ 30] a dayes iourney on the way, and a Litter with costly furniture of Arras, and after that with more honourable accoultrement and attendance of the Captaine (graced with Banners and Colours taken from the Portugals their professed enemies) to the Citie. For after the death of Darma King of Zeilan, this Fimala of Candes (educated with the Portugals in the Fortresse Columbo,* 33.35 and baptised by the name of Iohn de Austria) by the helpe of his friends made him∣selfe King▪ and expelled the Portugals. There remayned a daughter of the deceased King, bap∣tized by the name Catharina, whom the Portugals intended to make Queene, and to marrie her to Peter Lopes de Sosa Gouernour of Malacca, and with a great Armie brought her to Can∣des, and made Iohn de Austria hide himselfe in the woods,* 33.36 who did beleager the wayes meane while, that no prouision might come to the Citie, slaying the Portugals which came in his reach. [ 40] Whereupon Lopes was constrained to take the field, and trie it by battell, Anno 1590. in which he was slaine, and Catharina then nine or ten yeeres old was married to Fimala; who subuerted the Portugall Forts, and euery way fortified himselfe against them.

This King, the next day after Spilbergs arriuall sent him Horses to come to the Court, which went thither with some Presents, Prince Maurice his Letters and Picture, and the Portrai∣ture of the Battell at Newport.

The King questioned much of these parts, saying, hee had thought that there had beene no white men but the Portugals. Hee feasted him in a roome furnished with Arras Hangings, Chaires, a long Table, and other furniture like the Portugals. And as for league, he said that he and the Queene with his Nobles were readie to carrie morter on their shoulders, and stones to [ 50] erect a Fortresse in his Kingdome, where and whensoeuer the States and Prince Maurice plea∣sed. Spilberg also to gratifie the King, tooke three Portugall ships not farre off, burned the Ves∣sels and gaue the Captiues to the King. Hee gaue him two Musicians also, because he saw him therewith delighted; wherewith he was so pleased, that he made one of them his Secretarie, would needs learne the Dutch Language, and haue his Kingdome called New Holland.* 33.37 Spilberg brought thence first Cynamon and Precious-stones, amongst which a Pyropus (a kind of Car∣buncle) so great as had not beene here seene, weighing foure hundred Carats.* 33.38 This Iland from North to South is two hundred and fiftie miles, broad one hundred and fortie, fertile of fruits and odoriferous plants, abundance of Cynamon, gemmes, both by sea and mynes, and Elephants. It is diuided into seuen Kingdomes, one whereof is principall, the chiefe Citie Columbo, now [ 60] wholly possessed by Fimala, except the Fortresses of the Portugals. For the Readers further de∣light, and because I find little Trade of our English on this Iland, I haue borrowed hither Hun∣dius Map of Zeilan.

[illustration]

CEILAN insula

* 33.39IAmes Neccius before mentioned, setting sayle the eight and twentieth of Iune, 1601. in the end of March came to Bantam, where he found Paulus à Carden. He spake with the Gouer∣nour, who willed him to beware of the Portugals, telling that one had beene with him from the King of Tuban, Ragielella a Portugall borne, to sollicite for leaue to assault the Dutch in Harbor, [ 40] for which purpose they had a Fleet of fortie sayle at Iacatra. The second of Aprill, he departed from Bantam for the Moluccas. Here at Ternata he found Verdusius aforesaid, and Peter Lindius the Captaine of a Fleet which had passed the Magellane Straights, which here at Ternata had bilged his ship on a Rocke, but saued her goods. By these Neccius heard of a sh••p of Mahus Fleet at Tidore taken by the Portugals, or betrayed rather, and their Captaine treacherously slaine with all his Company▪ except fiue. They had also belabored the King of Ternata against the Hollanders, saying, they were impious, perfidious, without God or goodnesse, Sodomites, of whom for their loue to the King, they gaue him faire warning, promising also rewards. The Hollanders in re∣uenge set vpon the Portugals at Tidore, where Neccius was wounded on his right hand, eight or nine of his Companie lost, and the Dutch going by the worst, retired. Some of his Companie [ 50] he left at Ternata, and after festiuall entertainment for want of merchandize, he was forced to seeke Trade in China, or elsewhere.

This King of Ternata was called Scipidine, Lord of Ternate, Machian, Motir, Amboni, Gulolo, &c. he stileth himselfe also King of Celebes, although he possesseth nothing there but some for∣ced places: and in Mindanao, Sokeni, Menos, and other Ilands.

Neccius came to Coyo one of the Philippinae in eleuen degrees, tributarie to the Spaniard, where th••y had kind entertainment. After that they came to Mendare not farre from the Bay of Manilla, and eight dayes together were endangered among the Rockes. The twentieth of Sep∣tember, they came to a Land vnknowne, and then were encountred with a terrible tempest. [ 60] This was one of the Ilands before Canton. When they thought themselues twelue or fifteene leagues from Macao, they proceeded three or foure leagues, and saw buildings at the foot of a hill, and certaine boats with one man and one woman, besides children, in each of them, as if

they had beene so many Families dwelling therein. They questioned with them (for none would come aboard) of Macao, and they pointed to the mountaine: but they not thinking it so neere, set some ashoare, whom when they could not see returne at night, they misdoubted and found too late that it was Macao, and their men there detayned. Seeing seuen and thirty lit••le Islands before them, they sent the Master to see if he could find any sure harbour by sounding, who was also intercepted with boats from the towne, together with his consorts. Thus were twenty men lost, amongst whom the Treasurer and the Captaine of the souldiers, which was also Master. They thought to write, but could get no carrier, and staying two dayes at Sanchona without hope of effecting any thing; the third of October they departed, and the next day were [ 10] carried on the shelfe of Pulo Cynon, and in danger to be carried vpon Cauchin China.* 33.40

After that endangered with tempest and the shelues, and the swiftnesse of the Current to the South, they came to Quami, where finding nothing but Woods, Deserts, and Budals footings,* 33.41 they passed to Auarella Talca in eleuen Degrees, and thirtie Minutes.* 33.42 Heere the Generall with twelue others going on shoare, came to an open field, encompassed with goodly trees, where he found many Buffals feeding, and store of Birds, but they could get none. Finding then the tract of a cart, they followed it to spacious woods and fields, footings of men and beasts, but no habitation, which made them thinke that they liued like the Tartars. They called the place Sotternym of a destraction which they got by eating a certaine fruit,* 33.43 euery man distracted for a time with a madnesse answering his proper humour, seeing angels, deuils, serpents, all things, [ 20] and nothing. The one and twentieth of October they passed by Polo Condor,* 33.44 the next day by Sangora, and the seuenth of Nouember arriued at Ba••ane, where they had excellent entertaine∣ment; procured trade and a house, and by the Queenes fauour left there eight in factory. Thi∣ther also came Heemskirke, who told them of his taking the Portugall Caricke, and therein of a letter that Don Paulo had hanged fifteene of the Hollanders taken at Macao; the Quester and Ma∣ster were sent to Goa; which act before they attributed to the Chinois,* 33.45 now saw it to be the Por∣tugals, although (as they thought) by helpe of the Chinois.

In Patania they vse the Malayan, Syan and China language:* 33.46 the Malayan writing like the A∣rabecke▪ the Syan like the Europian; and all most in Latine Characters, the Chinese from the right hand but downewards. Adultery is punished with death inflicted by their parents in [ 30] what kind themselues chuse. Common women are commonly offered to strangers to do house∣hold seruice by day, and other offices at night. Some of the Syanites weare two or three siluer balles (or of other mettall) in their yeards, inserted betwixt the skinne and flesh, as big some∣times as a Tennis ball. The Countrey is fruitfull and wholesome.* 33.47 Their Geese and Duckes lay twice a day: the woods are stored with wild beasts; there are Turtles with faire feathers like Parrets. They take wild Elephants in fight with a tame, put into the woods of purpose, whiles both are fastned by the teeth, some men behind with ropes captiuing the wild. They arriued at the Ramekins the fifteenth of Iuly, 1604.

IN the yeere 1602. a Fleet of fourteene saile were sent out vnder the command of Wibrand [ 40] Warwicke Admirall, and Sebalt de Wert Vice-admirall: the Maurice of foure hundreth tunnes,* 33.48 the Holland three hundreth and fiftie, the Nassau three hundreth and fortie, the Sunne two hundre••h and eightie, the Moone two hundreth and fiftie, the Starre one hundreth and eightie, the Parret a Pinnasse of fiue and twentie; all by Amsterdam. Three Zelanders, one of foure hun∣dreth, the Flushing two hundreth and fiftie, the Goose one hundreth and fourtie: by the E••chu∣seners two, the Hedge two hundreth and twentie, the Virgin one hundreth seuentie and fiue: by the Roterdamians two, the Erasmus two hundred and fiftie, and Roterdam eightie. It was deter∣mined that the three Zelanders should goe for Zeilon and Achen, the Maurice and Moone to the Moluccas, the Nassau and Erasmus to China the Holland, Hedge and Starre to Achen, the Sun, Virgin, &c. to Bantam. In the Hedge, Herman de Bree was Cape Merchant. These all, (but the three Zelanders which went three monthes before (set out from the Tessell the seuenteenth of [ 50] Iune, 1602. The tenth of March they came to Achen. There they found the three Zelanders, and Spilbergs two ships. Sebalt de Wert the Vice-admirall, the eight and twentie of Nouember, 1603. came to Zeilon, & went with sixe Elephants fourtie leagues iourney to Candes or Candy, & had beene honourably entertained with his fifteene followers. He was brought into the City as if he had beene a King, the Citizens and Souldiers making a rancke hal••e a * 33.49 mile long on both sides the way, and such a thundering of Ordnance, and sound of trumpets, that none could bee heard speake. To the Court he was had with like pompe, where he saw the Royall Counsell, & Prince Maurice his picture, with a stately Carpet before it to receiue his Presents. The King stood in a place by himselfe with his children, before whom he fell on his knees, and was taken [ 60] vp presently, and demaunded what Countriman he was, and wherefore he came: who answe∣red, of Holland, gouerned by that Prince there pourtraied; whereat they all reioyced, hauing placed it there to trie whether he knew it, and the truth of Spilbergs relation. He added that he came for trade of Merchandize. The King protested much his hatred to the Portugall: and after asked how he durst without pledge or any assurance, aduenture so farre into that Countrey: hee

answered, because the Portugals were hated alike of both their Princes; whereat they laughed. In more priuate conference,* 33.50 he promised with twenty thousand men to besiege the Portugall Castle Columbo, if the Hollanders would preuent helpe from Goa: and would giue the Hollanders all their Castles which he should take, and would reserue his Merchandizing for them. The next day he feasted him, gaue him before a golden tooth-picke, now a bowle of gold wherein he made his little daughter to drinke to him: and if his sonne were old enough, said, he would send him to Prince Maurice to be instructed in Martiall discipline. At his departure he gaue him twenty fiue Quintals of Cynamon, and sixteene of Pepper, and honourable conuoy to his ships.

He notified these things to his fellowes at Achen, and counselled them to embrace these op∣portune promises. For they could not easily be prouided of Merchandize. They had heard of [ 10] two French ships, one shipwracked at the Maldauae, the other returned with a small victory: as also the state of the English there, which had taken * 33.51 a prize, and built a store-house at Achen. Thus sixe ships with a Pinnasse, set foorth the third of Aprill, not a little heartned by the old and young King of Achen, who sent an Embassadour with them to Zeilon. They lost many in the calmes betwixt the sixteenth and one and twentieth of Aprill. On the foure and twenti∣eth they arriued,* 33.52 and marched in battell array on the sixe and twentieth to Motecalo. The king there entertained them well: but their Religion prohibiting to eat Beeues and Buffals, whereof they had great plenty; they would not sell any to the Hollanders. They were disquieted with Flies also and Gnats which would not suffer them to sleepe; against which the Natiues make fire and smoake all the night the place where they sleepe.* 33.53 Some vnruely persons caused great [ 20] disturbance by killing of certaine Kine, and could not appease them with offering satisfaction: and seeking to make the King intercessor for them to the owners, he also tooke it to heart, and said the Portugals had neuer offered such indignitie, neither could he any longer tolerate such wrongs: some forsooth, imagined that the soules of the oxen (had themselues any?) thus slaine were precipitated to hell. Yet at last vpon promise of better abearing, he was intreated.

* 33.54The thirteenth of May, they had answere of their letter to the King of Candy, now encamped at Manacrawari, desiring the Hollanders to come with their ships to Punto di Gallo, promising to besiege it first, and to giue the Hollanders that which he had promised, and one thousand Quintals of Cynamon,* 33.55 and as much Pepper for tribute, that being wonne. He desired also the Vice-admi∣rall to meet him at Vintane, halfe way betwixt Matecalo and Candy. Meane while the Hollan∣ders [ 30] tooke three Portugall ships,* 33.56 two of two hundreth tunnes, the third of seuentie, and after that a fourth of eightie, but the goods not worth the while, except to gratifie the King of Candy: two of them they sent away with the Prisoners according to promise, which was very distaste∣full to the King. The first of Iune, two hundred choise men were set on shoare to meet the King in best array: but he desired the Vice-admirall to stay with him and send his men aboord, to come in like manner the next day. Thus they which made speed, saued their liues; the rest doubting no euill, were most of them slaine. The next day they vnderstood by a letter from the King of the death of the Vice-admirall with his retinue, pretending his insolence, and offering good termes or warre, as they pleased.

The sixteenth, they had letters againe by a Germane of Candy from the King, swearing all [ 40] kindnesse before promised, if they would helpe him take Gallo and Columbo: to which they an∣swered, they were ready to trade at shoare, but for the fortresses their ships were, some gone, and they vnfit at present for that which might in fitter time be done. Many messages passed be∣twixt them, but little trust or trade. The nine and twentieth of Iuly they departed. These Zeilonians worship Pagodes,* 33.57 of which the Hollanders saw some in Candy of fiue or sixe fathoms, representing Adam, as the inhabitants affirmed, proportioned by artificiall symmetry to the foot∣print of Adam in a mountaine neere. The Kings of Panane, Matecalo and Poligamme, acknow∣ledging the King of Candy their superiour, who is thus reported to haue attained * 33.58 the Scepter. A certaine King of Sitabague fifteene leagues from Candy, about thirty yeeres before had taken Candy, the King whereof with this his sonne and daughter fled to the Portugals, who at Goa [ 50] baptized him by the name of Iohn of Austria, (as is beforesaid) and brought him vp in Columbo. But Candy rebelling against the other King, the Portugals sent him after that Kings death to Candy, where he was acknowledged King, and then followed that which before you had of the Kings daughter (of Sitebague.) To returne to the Dutch, they returned to Achen, and thence a∣gaine to the Ile of Daru neere Sumatra,* 33.59 and thence after diuers Portugall prizes taken to Mac∣casser. They learned of an Iland called Ende, famous with a Vulcano or burning hill called Gun••∣api.* 33.60 At last, they (not knowing whether to goe) came to Ior, where they helped the King a∣gainst the Portugall Fleet. Thence they went to Patane, whether they came the first of Nouem∣ber,* 33.61 1603. Here they heard of the Erasmus and Nass••n, there t••king a rich ship sayling to Iapan neere to Macao: after they had pillaged her, they burnt her. After trade here they returne to [ 60] Bantam and home.

* 33.62COrnelius de Vena in another ship of that Fleet, saith, they came the twentie one of Iune to Pulo Timon, on the three and twentieth to Pahan, where the King receiued them kindly, on

the first of Iuly to Patani, and agreeing with a Chinese to conduct them to Canton, then set saile on the eleuenth, and found no matter of great note till the thirtieth, when they came to Macao,* 33.63 and tooke a Portugall ship bound for Iapan, the Portugals fleeing and leauing them their ship with the goods and twentie Blackes; these they set on shoare, and hauing lighted the ship on the tenth of August fired it, and set saile for Bantam. On the eighteenth of September, they en∣countred a great Iuncke which they supposed to be Portugals, and after a hot fight forc••d her, found them Chineses, and were sorrie that they had ignorantly hurt their friends;* 33.64 seuentie of which perished, one the Captaine, whose valour lost himselfe and them: they let them depart with their goods in friendship. The sixteenth of December, they arriued at Bantam, and the [ 10] thirtieth of August, 1604. at the Tessell.

IN the yeare, 1603. twelue ships were sent vnder the command of Stephen Verhagen.* 33.65 They set saile the eighteenth of December. On the seuen and twentieth of Iune, they came to Mo∣sambique and anchored without the Castle, in sight and spight whereof they tooke a Portugall ship in the Harbour, and after that diuers other Vessels. But not able to doe any thing memora∣ble against the Iland; On the fiue and twentieth of August, they departed, and the sixteenth of September, came before Goa,* 33.66 but found the Portugals so prouided that they imagined them∣selues before betrayed, and their designe bewrayed in Europe.

On the fourteenth of October, they therefore departed for Cananor, whither they came on [ 20] the sixe and twentieth, but by in••ercession of the King they remooued to Calecut,* 33.67 where they tooke a Portugall ship with Powder and Prouision bound for Zeilan.

The third of Nouember, they had fight with nine Portugall ships in which many were slaine, none taken. The eighth of Nouember, they entred league with the Samorine, ratified by Oath and Instrument in writing.

It was ordered that the Zeland and Enchusen should goe for Cambaya, the rest to Cochin,* 33.68 be∣fore which they came on the fourteenth, but attempted nothing. On the two and twentieth, they sailed before Columbo, and shot at the Castle.

The second of Ianuary they came to Bantam, the Delffe staying at Achen to returne their Em∣bassador. On the seuenteenth, they departed for the Moluccas. The one and twentieth of Fe∣bruary, [ 30] they came to Amboyna, and assayled the Castle,* 33.69 which without further adoe was deli∣uered on composition of free pass••ge for such Portugals as would, and such as would to stay, the Castle and Ordnance left to the Hollanders, which presently receiued the Dutch Colours: forty sixe marryed Portugals staying and swearing alleageance to the States, sixe hundred others de∣parting.

Fiue ships were thence sent to Tidore, the Horne remayning here, and the Admirall going to Banda. Those fiue arriued at Tidore, on the second of May, 1605. On the fift, the Vice-Admi∣rall summoned the Castle to yeeld, which the Portugals refused and manfully defended their hono••r against the Assailants, till an vnfortunate fire, (how or whence vncertaine) lighting in their Powder blew vp a great part of their Castle wi••h sixtie or seuentie of their men. This for∣ced [ 40] them to yeeld, and consequently, they were dispossessed of all the M••luccas, except Solor. The King of Ternata with fourteene Corocoras, contayning each one hundred and fortie Soul∣diers, aided the Hollanders, and hel•• fast the King of Tydore, both proouing Spectators of the European Prize. They razed the Castle.

This yeare 1605. the King of Spaine had made a terrible Edict against the Hollanders, forbid∣ding Tr••de with them vnder grieuous penalties. But prohibition without inhibition is vaine: and the Foxe the more he was cursed, thriued the better. For in the same yeare, they sent forth Cornelius Mateliuius with twelue ships, foure of which were seuen hu••dred tunnes each. The next yeare Paulus à Caerden was set forth with eight other in May, 1606. Anno 1607. the Peace or Trace being in treatie, they set forth another Fleet of thirteene sayle vnder Peter Williamson [ 50] Verhuef. Anno 1608. three ships returned laden with Spices, three hundred tunne of Cloues, one hundred of Nutmegs, fiftie of Mace, &c.

MAteliuius hauing in charge to enter league with the Indian Kings against the Portugals,* 33.70 in the end of Aprill, 1606. sent to the King of Iortan * 33.71 to ayde him, who came with two thousand Blackes, and on the tenth of May, they both went on shoare against Malacca, and possessed the Suburbs. But continuing their siege to little purpose, and hearing of the Portugall Fleet comming, they arose & on the seuenteenth of August set sa••le to encounter the Armada consisting of fourteene great ships, and as many smaller. A terrible Sea-fight followed, in which the Hollanders were forced to forsake the Mauritius one of their best ships,* 33.72 and Mateliff him∣selfe [ 60] was in great distresse by three Portugall shippes (together with the Midleborough) till o∣thers comming into his helpe with fierie shot, hee freed himselfe: but the Midleborough with two Portugall ships fastened to it were burnt together, the men sauing themsel••es in the boats (as well as they could) of other ships. The Hollanders diuerted to their confederate Kings,* 33.73 the Portugals going to Malacca, where hauing left seuen of their ships, the rest returned. The Dutch

hauing now repayred themselues tooke this oportunitie, and made an vnexpected returne, took one of the Portugall ships, slue the men, fired the Vess••ll; two others fighting with the Dutch Vice-Admirall, tell both on fire and were consumed in both Elements, Anger: a fourth also yeel∣ded; the rest were fired by the Portugals at Malacca, being before disfurnished, lest they should fall into the Enemies power.

* 33.74I omit Admirall Peter Both, sent with a notable Fleet, Anno 1609. with Garison Souldiers, with women also and families sent to inhabit; and a ship that returned from Iapan, 1610. where she had the Emperous license of Trade and had left a Factorie: and another shippe sent thither, 1611. and the fortie tunnes of Gold which that Iapan ship and another are said to haue brought backe. I haue done sufficient in this Treasurie of Nauigations, to shew the beginnings as of the Spanish and Portugall before, so here also of the Dutch Plantations in the Indies, and in the course [ 10] of our English Voyages we haue many of theirs interlarded, thus many Riuers bringing vs into an immense Sea of their present Trade. But because Banda was the banefull and banned occasi∣on of this digression, you may see in diuers of ours, also Relations of the Dutch doings and suffe∣rings there, as 1606. some of their men slaine whiles they sought Trade, and of the quarrels be∣twixt the Ilanders and them continuing long after: and I haue thought good briefely to adde the Historie of their forcible possession thereof by Verhuef, out of their owne Relations.

VErhuef with a Nauie of nine ships and foure Pinnasses, the three and twentieth of De∣cember, 1607. set saile from the Tessell. The thirteenth of Iuly, 1608. they saw the Land [ 20] of Sofala: on the eight and twentieth, they came to Mazambique, where they tooke a ship vn∣der the Castle most of the Portugals hauing runne away, very rich, but casually or by the Por∣tugals set on fire the next night whereby great part of the goods were lost. They tooke also two Pinnasses. A thousand men they set on shoare in sixe Bands, commanded by Captaine Bitter, on the nine and twentieth, but found none in the Towne but fiue or sixe Portugals, and a few olde folkes, children and Blacke slaues, three hundred with fiftie Turkes, whom they set at libertie and set on shoare in safer places. The Towne they found great, with conuenient houses, wals, two Churches and Monasteries. The Merchants had conueyed themselues into the Castle, but left much goods behind to the Dutch prey.

The first of August, they began to batter the Castle. On the tenth, they went into the con∣tinent [ 30] and destroyed two Villages. But the Monlon being neere, they raysed their siege the eighteenth, fortie of them being slaine, and an hundred wounded; and hauing burned a Towne and Monasterie in an adioyning Iland they departed. They tooke a Portugall ship called the Bon Iesus, on the one and twentieth whereby they vnderstood that nine Gallions and fiue other great ships had beene sent from Lisbone, towards the East Indies, of which Company this ship was separa••ed from her consorts by foule weather. They fought with the Dutch nine houres, who found in her remayning, one hundred and fortie Souldiers of one hundred and ninetie:

* 33.75On the eighteenth of September, they anchored before Goa. On the sixe and twentieth, they sent the Arnold to Coromandel where they had great trading. The fift of October, they sayled along the Malabar Coast to refresh themselues neere Cananor, and on the eight towards [ 40] Calicut. On the eleuenth, the Admirall with two hundred men visited the Samorine, who on the thirteenth and fourteenth sent out Hunters which killed aboue fortie great Boares, and gaue to the Hollanders.* 33.76 He deliuered to the Samorine the Captaine and Cape Merchant of the Bon Iesus; the ship they had before sunke. On the sixteenth he set saile, on the two and twentieth came before Zeilon.* 33.77 The two and twentieth of Nouember, they came before Malacca, where they tooke a Portugall ship, and fired it, the goods beeing by the Inhabitants before carryed a∣way.

On the foure and twentieth, they sent to the King of Ior to acquaint him with their pur∣pose to besiege and take the Towne and Castle of Malacca. On the six and twentieth, they set men on shoare in the little Iland of Saint Peter, where the next day the Portugals set on them [ 50] and lost their Admirall with three Captaines and sixe prime Officers, besides many of the mea∣ner. Of the Hollanders seuen were slaine and three taken. On the eight and twentieth, fifteene Frigats of Blackes Pirats adioyned themselues to the Hollanders. But the King of Ior could af∣ford no helpe, his Fleet being then abroad. Some Vessels being taken and their three men reco∣uered by exchange of Prisoners, they departed on the nine and twentieth.

* 33.78The tenth of Ianuary they went to Ior, and the King with his Sonne and Brother with twelue Frigats came to the Fleet on the fourteenth. His name is Ratispont: he had on a white Cotton Wastcote to his knees with a fringe hanging to the feet, silken Sandals, a blacke Shash on his head, three Gold Chaines about his necke, with many Iewels annexed, two thicke gold Rings on his left arme and one on his right, sixe on his fingers, a Crisse very artificiall in sheath [ 60] of solid Gold set with many Diamonds, Saphires, Carbuncles (valued at fiftie thousand Florens) of meane stature, comely shape, moderate speech, whitish complexion, hauing with him thirtie Wiues; his Frigat adorned gallantly with a Tent, borne vp with foure golden Pillars. His seat is in New Ior.

T••e fourteenth of February, they came to Bantam. On the second of April, 1609. they came to Teraltas twenty foure leagues, from which is a Rocke burning in the Sea, halfe an houres iourn••y in circuit, with a huge opening in the top alway smoking. On the eight arriued at Banda. There he found Captaine Keeling in Trade for the English Company, with other Dutch ships for theirs (the English hauing begunne and continued Trade euer since the beginnings in manner of that Societie, Captaine Colthurst who went with Sir Henry Middleton, in the second Voyage, hauing spent one and twentie weekes in trading at Banda.) The Dutch ships belonged to the Fleet of Paul van Caeraen.

These Ilands of Banda saith Verkius, the Author of this Iournall, and one of the chiefe Com∣manders, [ 10] are seuen in number, about ten leagues in circuit,* 33.79 eightie leagues from the burning Rocke: the best Ilands in all the East, producing Mace and Nutmegs to serue the whole World.

The people in them are supposed ten or twelue thousand. Banda libera est Respub. saith Pon∣tanus, in his Historie of Amsterdam: Banda is a free Common-wealth (as before, Regem nullum agnoscunt, they acknowledge no King, or in Dutch English, They are Free States) and for the King of Ternata, Isacius sleights it off as a trifle, quamuis. Ternatensis partem aliquam territorij vin∣dicare sibi videatur: Some seeming of some challenge of some part; that is, some nothing. Thus the Story of Amsterdam written and printed of, and at Amsterdam, purposely handling these Indian Affaires. Neither did Verhuef now challenge that or any right, or haue any of their Iournals which I haue seene published, so much as mentioned any such challeng•• or broken title, on that Kings part, or such acknowledgement on theirs, that any should now become redemptor [ 20] litium, or incurre a Writ of Champertie in his behalfe, which yet the English might best doe, as appeares in Sir Francis Drakes Voyage. Their cruel warres which the Hollanders found betwixt them at their first comming before mentioned, shew that no Superiour interposed (as was iust cause) to command better abearing.

Verhuef on the ninth (as Keeling hath it, or after their Story, which I follow, all these Rela∣tions of the Dutch, and after their New stile, nineteene) went on shoare at Ortattan, where the Orankayas, or the States and Gouernours assembled: Here he caused Prince Maurice his Letters to be carryed before him in a siluer Di••h couered, and was met by an Ora••kaya, and conuayed vnder a great Tree, where were two hundred of ••he Chiefes sitting crosse-legged like Tayl••rs (after their manner) and he conueniently set, and his Letters read in Portugall first, and after in Malayan. The Contents whereof were, that Prince Maurice vnderstanding that the Ilanders [ 30] had not kept promise with the Hollanders to haue Trade onely with them,* 33.80 who had now traded there sixe yeares and beene at great charges, and were often much abused; did therefore desire them to permit the Hollanders to build some Castle in some of those Ilands in place most fit for them, not thereby to en∣dammage any way the Inhabitants, but to defend themselues and the whole Countrey from Portugals, which happily might come thither: the Hollanders being to satisfie them for the place and for stones and all appurtenances to the structure, and no way to be troublesome to the Inhabitants. These Letters be∣ing read, the people were in an vprore, and but for feare of their shipping would haue slaine the Hollanders, as after appeared. But consulting amongst themselues in present, answered, that he should depart aboord his ships, and they would communicate the businesse with the rest of the Ilands, and in three dayes giue him an answere; which was giuen on the two and twentieth, and proued a flat Negatiue. Whereupon the Hollanders prouided themselues for fight, and some [ 40] went on shoare and fought with them the same euening: One ship also and two Pinnasses they sent to Nera, that the ship Companies might forrage that Iland at pleasure.

On the foure and twentieth, the Ilanders came to the Admirall and desired three dayes re∣spite, which the Hollanders denyed, but said, they would next day try by force their fortunes with them: which answere receiued, they soone returned with answere, that the Ilanders thought better to abstayne from batteil and to permit them to build a Castle on Nera. On the fiue and twentieth, sixe Companies of Hollanders (each one hundred and fiftie) went to Nera and found the Inhabitants of it and Rato, fled to the other side of the Iland: wher••fore they kept good watch.

[ 50] The third of May, was a great Earthquake (not vnusuall in those parts) and the fourth they began their Castle in Nera, or Nero. On the one and twentieth, the Ilanders s••nt to the Ad∣mirall desiring him to appoint a place where they might meet and conferre. The next day hee went with one hundred and fiftie Souldiers to a place neere Rato, halfe an houres way distant from the New founded Castle: and the Fiscall went to the Ilanders to bid them send some with full power to treate. They sent to desire the Admirall that he would meete their Orankayas or State-Gouernours in a Groue; for some of them feared his forces there where hee was, lest the Souldiers should offer them violence.

The Admirall hereupon with his Militarie Councell, two Gunners and two Boyes went a∣mongst [ 60] them, commanding the Souldiers to looke to their Armes and expect his returne. But they within a quarter of an houre hearing a great cry * 33.81 in the Wood, and two Peeces dischar∣ged, sent Verciu•• to see what was the matter, with sixe Musketiers, who had scarsly gone thir∣tie paces into the Wood, before they were incountred by a great company of Blackes, at whom

they discharging their peeces,* 33.82 the other souldiers came in and rescued them, putting the Blackes to flight, and in the chase found the Admirall and his Company slaine, whom they brought on their shoulders to their new founded Castle. Of the Hollanders were that day slaine in all forty two persons. On the three and twentieth, they slew the Dutch Fiscall with diuers others. On the thirtieth, the Hollanders with two Companies spoyled all they could in the Iland. On the twelfth of Iune, the Dutch killed fiftie Blackes in a Iunke, On the thirteenth, the Castle be∣ing well-nigh finished, was named Nassau, of Iames Bitter the Captaine;

On the three and twentieth of Iuly, the Hollanders attempted Slanga, a towne of the Blacks, but returned with the losse of thirtie, and one hundred hurt: Bitter himselfe hauing his legge broken, wherof he after died. On the fourteenth of August, the Ilanders sent to treat of a peace, saying, that though they had offended the Hollanders in killing the Admirall and chiefe [ 10] men, yet they also should remember what harmes they had done to the Ilanders, in subuerting their Cities * 33.83 and Temples, firing their Villages and Forts, with great slaughters euery where. The Hollanders answered, that they would grant peace, on condition they would sweare that they would thereafter haue trade with none other Nation * 33.84 whatsoeuer it were, but sell all their Nuts and Mace to the Hollanders onely; who on the other side promised to defend them from their enemies, and to prouide them of Rice and necessaries for food, with a reasonable price for their wares. On these conditions, peace was concluded, and by oath on the Alcaron confirmed, the fifteenth of August.

How brittle this forced peace was, appeareth before by the Iournalls of Captaine Keeling then there, and Dauid Middleton soone after, and by the Dutch owne stories, which complaine of [ 20] their trade with Captaine Middleton, their conspiracie also against the Hollanders, the Hollan∣ders sacking of Comber, the Blacks killing diuers Hollanders in a wood, of a kinde of Siege of their Castle, bloody fight, the Castle almost famished, all in the same yeere that this peace was con∣cluded. So little force is made of Force, when any euasion appeareth, especially when Mercury is turned to Mars, and men begging trade will force Forts vpon free States and Gouernours. No maruaile if hereupon they found the Hollanders perpetuall worke, as you haue before read in Floris, and at last sent and obtained trade with the English, ratifying the same by resig∣nation of so many Ilands to his Maiestie: which Soueraignety the Dutch stories (by me traced, and faithfully followed in the former relations) doe no so much as mention by them sought in [ 30] articles of treaty, or to them by the Ilanders offered. Hence the warres betwixt the English and Dutch: and the hatefull disasters before recited: the Hollanders making a bridge of English ships to get ouer English bodies and blood to these Ilands, euen without denutiation of warre, fore heard of.

Hauing now gathered this out of the Dutch owne Histories and Iournalls, I presume not to dispute (for euen they themselues and these their Historians being iudges) who seeth not the state of the case. But I haue thought good to adde for further illustration; this relation of their gaine by that trade, as one of that society hath lately published: after which I will giue you the testimony of the Priest of Poolaroone (a man there of great esteeme) touching the Banda case, a Discourse of mine owne added for illustration: and that men may not misconstrue these things, to the distaste of the Hollanders in generall, but rather of some of their Maiors or Commaun∣ders [ 40] and Committees there (which you may vnderstand also in like differences with the Portu∣gals) I haue added (to end this businesse) an extract of a little Booke translated out of Dutch, which as he speakes meanely of their gaines by this trade; so hee imputeth the fault to the ill gouernment and Gouernours.

The gaines which the Hollanders had gotten by the East India trade, taken out of a Booke Translated out of the Dutch, perswading to a West Indie Trade.

[ 50]

NOw to let you see how much we should be hindered, if we should leaue off the East Indian Trade, & the like hinderance, we should consequently also faile of touching the power and strength of these Countreyes. In the Records of the East Indian Company it appeareth, that from Anno 1595. to Anno 1601. included, they sent out fortie and sixe ships, whereof there arriued three and fortie againe in these Countreyes richly laden. Ships that brought for returne, (all charges deducted) two hundred and thirtie Tunnes of gold, cleare gaines for the Merchants of the said Company. Further, by the Records and Bookes of the said East Indian Company: it is also shewed, that for the space of eleuen yeeres we had still about thirtie ships continually in East India, with fiue thousand Sea-faring men, and that they expected to receiue from thence at least three hundred Tuns of gold in capitall, besides that which they had in the land. [ 60] Now I refer it to your iudgement, what the said Company in the last ensuing tenne yeeres vntill this time hath gained? who within the time of sixe moneths, haue had a good returne of fortie Tuns of gold, I doubt not but you haue heard of the rich lading that the two ships brought hether, within the space of a moneth, being valued to be worth foure and twenty Tuns of gold, in such manner, that the particular partners from

Anno 1605. (euery mans full aduenture being deliuered in) haue gained vpon euery hundred Gilders, vnto this day, in ready money, the summe of two hundred Gilders, and whensoeuer any man will sell his stocke (which at this time he hath in the Company) which he may doe when he will, he may for euery hundred haue two hundred and thirtie Gilders: whereunto adde the Interest, which the partners (from the first money receiued) to this present haue gained, which also is halfe a capitall, there resteth to the partners particularly, vpon euery hundred, if they haue ventured and traded sixteene yeeres in the East Indian Company, in cleare gaines aboue foure hundred Gilders. I speake not this by report, but as a wit∣nesse thereof, being one of the partners, that haue receiued my part of the gaine, and may haue the rest within eight dayes, if I will sell my stocke, which I may at all times doe.

[ 10] Secondly, we may by the Trade vsed by the said Company, vntill the yeere 1614. included, declare and proue, that the custome houses of the Countrey, by meanes of c••nuoyes, licences, tolls, and customes, which the said East Indian Company haue, and pay, inward and outward, haue profited and receiued a∣boue fiue and thirtie Tunnes of gold, for the which the States of the land, haue at some times (as neede required) ayded the said Company towards their warres in India, with money and ships: partly to ease the said Company of some portion of their charge. Now, what they haue receiued in the custome-houses of the Countrey, from Anno 1614. to Anno 1621. without doubt it is a greater summe, and much more then the former, noting what a rich returne they haue made within these seuen yeeres. Now to shew what furtherance and benefit the common people haue had and gotten by this East Indian Trade, we must note, that a Fleet of twelue ships, doth cost in money and all other things thereunto belonging, about [ 20] eighteene Tunnes of gold, to set and send it foorth: and commonly there is not aboue fiue or sixe Tunnes of gold in ready money sent out with it: all the rest is bought and prepared here in the land, to the great benefit and welfare of the Countrey, and gained by the Inhabitants, that sell and deliuer the same. And euery ship that comes home againe, one with another, payeth aboue a Tunne of gold for monthly wages, whereby the Officers and Saylers also are inriched, which also is gotten and spent by and among the Inha∣bitants: whereby it is manifest, what the common people haue profited; besides, the great number of so many thousand people, that by meanes of this Trade aforesaid, are set on worke, and well paid for it, to the great comfort and benefit of many poore people.

Thirdly, to shew what the publike Common-wealth hath yet further gotten by this Trade, you must vn∣derstand, that the greatest profit of the land consisteth in the most great hurt and damage which the ene∣mie [ 30] hath first and last endured, and yet endureth in East India: for since that we were prohibited to Trade and Trafficke in Spaine, and other of the Spanish territories (which notwithstanding against his will, by other Nations we doe continue with good profit) from Anno 1596 we haue ouercome and spoyled eleuen of his great huge Carrackes, Gallies, and other great ships, and haue made about fortie of his ships vnseruiceable; besides those, that in the last ten yeeres ensuing, we haue spoyled and taken: whereby our enemies trade there, hath beene greatly impaired, and ours, by Gods blessing (who onely is to be praysed therefore) to the admiration of the whole world, is greatly encreased. In such manner, that the Staple of all manner of Spices, and other rich and costly Wares, which for the space of two hundred yeeres together was in Venice, (whereby the said Towne encreased and became exceeding rich) and after that by meanes of their Nauigation, was in Portugall, for the space of one hundred yeeres: and lastly, for [ 40] fiue and twenty yeeres hath beene in Holland and Zeland, and since that by a good agreement made, the last yeere was also brought into England: in such sort, that the King of Spaines Merchants,* 33.85 were for∣ced in the yeeres aforesaid (contrary to all mens expectations) to buy Nutmegs, Cloues and Mace of vs.

I will briefly declare, the present state of the said Company in East India. You must vnder∣stand, that matter of Trafficke is in very good termes, which wee hope by Gods helpe and blessing, shall from yeere to yeere still be better and better, now the Englishmen (by meanes of a contract made with them a yeere since) ioyne their forces with ours: and we for our parts haue in East India, that are comming home and here in the Countrey, aboue fiftie ships, double furnished with lusty Saylers, as also all other things fit for the War, and for so long a Voyage, and about ten strong Forts, whereof some we h••ue taken from the Enemie; the rest haue beene erected at the great cost and charges of the Company, and made defensible, which for the securitie of our owne people and goods, as also for the defence of our confe∣derates [ 50] are sufficiently prouided. Lastly, when they of Bantam began to lay an extraordinary toll vpon our Nation, and caused vs to pay fiftie per cento custome, and yet we could not for all that obtaine licence of them, to build a Ware-house of stone and Morter, for the securitie of our Wares and Merchandizes, for that being of wood, it was twice burnt: we were constrained to tra••sport our Trade in Bantam to an∣other conuenient place, which is a firme Iland, and hath many good and conuenient Hauens in it: for in my writings I finde, that fiue yeeres past Mataram the great Emperour of Iaua, who is able to bring three hundred thousand men into the field, dwelling about one hundred miles distant from Bantam, had also sought to make some contract of alliance with vs, offering to deliuer vs Pepper toll free, and licence to to build vs a Castle of Morter and Stone, with all things conuenient in Iapara, which was not well liked off by the King of Bantam and his Lieutenant. At last our Nation built a conuenient Towne [ 60] about Iacatra, reasonably well fortified, and called it Batauia, where there are about one thousand houses of all Nations, there to Trafficke and deale in Merchandize, which is defended and gouer∣ned by a Gouernour, Scout, and other Officers, for the maintenance of good gouernement and po∣licy, and to administer Iustice vnto euery one: and to the end that before all other things, Gods ser∣uice

and honour might be maintained, whereby the blind Heathens might be brought out of their great darkenesse, and young children taught the knowledge of the truth of Iesus Christ our Sauiour: the Com∣pany diligently and carefully tooke order, to erect a Church and a Schoole therein, to the which end they sent thither certaine learned men, as at the first also they did, which with great benefit and encrease, haue taught the Heathens the Gospell of Christ in their owne language, as well as vnto our men in their lan∣guage: In such manner, that a King and a Prince of Amboyna, (where the Country people are much addicted vnto deuillish and heathenish superstitions) sent two of their sonnes into these Countreys, with a Letter vno the Prince of Orange, to haue them brought vp at Schoole, and taught our language, and Christian Religion, that they might at their returne into East India, be a meanes of planting the Church of Christ there in India, and learne how to defend their owne natiue Countrey. [ 10]

The Relation of the Priest of Poolaroone, touching the beginnings and occasions of quarrells betwixt the Dutch and Bandaneses, written in the Malayan language with his owne hand, in a very faire Arabecke letter, and the sense rendred to me in English by M. Rob. Haies.

THis is the beginning of contentions betwixt the Hollanders and the Bandaneses. Two Hol∣landers ranne from them and turned Slammes or Mahumetans, and in the Priests house at Nero were slaine by three Hollanders, which in reuenge were slaine by the Natiues, who stayd [ 20] not there, but in the fury slew other three Hollanders. This was ill done of them, to adde a double reuenge. Soone after the Generall of the Hollanders came thither with thirteene ships, and demanded satisfaction for the slaughter of his Countrimen. The Bandaneses offered Diet (that is, the wonted satisfaction there vsed for man-slaughter, in money) for those last three. But the Generall answered, that he came not now to demand satisfaction, but to make peace and league with them, which was done. The next yeere came another Holland Generall, Peter williamson Verhuef, with fifteene ships into the Hauen of Nero, and asked leaue to set vp a Fort at Taniung Ratoo, or Ponit Ratoo, which the Bandaneses granted; but then he refused it, and demanded leaue to erect a Fort in another place at Taniung Minangis, which they refused. But he comming before the Castle of Nero, with his ship and Ordnance, terrified the inhabitants, which [ 30] fled away, and he possessed the Castle, and fortified there. Then did the Bandaneses subtilly dis∣semble friendship, and shew the Generall, and fifteene Captaines, with others about one hun∣dred men, in all.

* 34.1HEnce the Warres betwixt the Dutch and Bandaneses: and hence the Warre so portentuous in the midst of peace (not betwixt the two Nations their Princes and States, which hold confede∣racie and amitie, but) betwixt our Merchants and theirs, our Mariners and theirs, our Sea-Comman∣ders and theirs; the two Indian Companies in those parts (the guiltie of them) as it were growing fierce with infection of those fiercer Nations, changing their conditions more then their complexions, trauelling from themselues in so farre Nauigations, putting off with their warmer clothes in that hotter Climate, their solid vertues, putting on Heathenish qualities with their commerce; putting vp fierie ferity with [ 40] their hot Spices, putting out in great part humanitie, ciuilitie, Christianitie, in those various Currents and diuersified Seas, Shoalds, Ilands. And who can but be amused and amazed with wonder at such prodigious transformations, that so neere Neighbours in Region, (parted with a narrow Channell) neerer yet in long societie of Armes, (sealed with so many liues and deaths against one enemie,) and neerer then all names of neerenesse, in the neerest, deerest, and sweetest of names, Religion (both pro∣fessing in substance one Reformation,) that this threefold Cord hath beene so easily broken; their reformation in Religion become a deformation of Religion amongst vnbeleeuing Ethniks and misbelee∣uing Papists: their following the same Armes by sea and land become a trayning to greater harmes to each other by sea and land: that propinquitie of dwelling should make remotenesse of Neighbourhood; and what neither Portugall policies, nor Infidell treacheries could doe, themselues might doe, to their [ 50] owne vndoing with their owne hands; and the hearts of both Nations at home might bee in danger of dis-ioyning, by the dis-ioynted parts and Factions abroad; the sparkes of that fire of Hell seeming to breake out at Goun Apee with that terrible Earthquake before mentioned,* 34.2 vnto a more terrible heart-quake, there to set that world on fire, and here to endanger this. Sphaeres haue beene hereby tur∣ned to Speares; Wares (with addition of a canine letter) to Warres; Words (with a new hissing sound from that old Serpent) into Swords; Ships charge of so many Tunnes in freight to discharge of so many Gunnes in fight; Merchants to Martialists, exchanging their gayn-good (or gayn-god) Mer∣cury, for those payn-gods or deuils Mars and Mors, or that wonted function which Poeticall Diuinitie ascribed to Mercury, of patronising Merchandise, for that other of conducting Soules to Hell. Hercules [ 60] hath brought vp Cerberus that Hell-monster, and set him vnchained on the Indian shoares, with the three Infernall Furies crowning his triple head; and hence haue we had this Hell vpon Earth. Such is Warre, and especially when the sonnes of Peace make Warres, when vnchristian Christians warre to∣gether:* 34.3 when the sonnes of God see these faire daughters of men (the riches of Infidels) and take

them Wiues where they lust (will not Woo with trafficke, but rauish by force,* 34.4 nor make their Voyage but a Conquest) is it any maruell if the issue prooue Giants, and the Earth be filled with violence? (Euen the Poets also fabled their Giants to be Neptunes Sonnes.) Hence is Commerce Diuine and humane empayred, Peace blowne vp, Charitie blowne out, Rights of neighbourhood, and Rites of ho∣spitalitie exiled; Merchandise in vnlawfull copulation with Mars procreating, I know not how, many Bastards; such are Vsurpations, Oppressions, Insultations, Iealousies, Treacheries, Inuasions, Lies, Force, Fraud; and the rest of that restlesse blacke Gard, hatefull to God and man: Which here I haue historically expressed, not delighting in Tragedies, but (forsan & haec olim meminisse iuuabit) it will be delightfull to some to haue escaped such disasters as haue swallowed so many others, and pro∣fitable [ 10] to posteritie, to preuent like mischiefes in the like beginnings.

The beginning of this quarrell was first a strangenesse; whereof Syuerson a Dutch Captaine is charged to be the author, whose vnciuill conditions infected the rest,* 34.5 and made them withdraw their fa∣miliaritie with our Nation, which before they had kindly vsed. When this Sunne of Charitie, shining in louing Society, was set in this cloud of strangenesse, stormie weather followed, and darknesse,* 34.6 and it was night, wherein all the beasts of the Forrest crept forth, the young Lions roared after their prey; the ghastly ghosts walked abroad in the darke,* 34.7 and the Rulers of the darknesse of this world amongst the children of Night and of darknesse domineered at pleasure. This Strangenesse, as the darknesse of Hell, opened a passage to those Hellish fires following, and was the Wombe of those Hell-bred Monsters (as priuation is a preparation to habite, and corruption to generation) which were indeed many, but their [ 20] three Captaines were Drunkennesse, Couetousnesse, and Pride (this that threefold Head of Cerbe∣rus, and triple Crowne of Furies, before mentioned.) In the first, Bacchus made a new expedition into the Indies, with a band of Racke, Rackapee, and other hot drinkes, displaying the Colours of the Flesh, oppugning the Spirit of GOD, and expugning the Reason of Man: whence so many Frayes, Braules,* 34.8 and sometimes Blowes, and Wounds; this Wild-fire or Ignis Graecus burning most in moisture whiles men played the Greekes. After this Vant-gard of Bacchus and the Flesh, followed the Maine bat∣tell lead by the World, arranged vnder the Colours indeed of Couetousnesse, which finding some sweets of gayne, with an euill eye grudged at any partners; cohibited them by vndermyning wiles, lies, preten∣ces; prohibited by open Proclamations; inhibited by confiscations and surprizals, attended with Chains, Fetters, Prisons, Tortures, Famine, and manifold Deaths.* 34.9 GOD helpe the man that comes vnder the [ 30] power of Couetousnesse! an ouer-drie, euer-thirstie fire of Hell, kindled from thence, and burning thither, still flaming on the Altar and before the Idol of the golden Calfe, and kindling there (that is in the coue∣tous mans heart) such zeale of that deuotion, that he knowes not, hates, persecutes,* 34.10 whatsoeuer stands in his way; and if he be able, answeres all obiections with Ius in armis, like another Alexander, chop∣ping that knot insunder by force, which neither wit, learning, nor Religion could vntye. After these battalions of the Flesh and the World, the Deuill followes in the Rere, (though as Generall of the Field, he generally infuseth himselfe, totamque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem & magno se corpore miscet) His Standard is aduanced by Pride, which hauing cast Angels out of Heauen, and Man out of Paradise, would dispossesse Mankind of Humanitie, Christians of Societie, the iust Merchant of his Trade, and the World of Iustice. Hence inordinate confusions, and the confused confounding orders of [ 40] contentions, (onely by pride doe men make contention) combustions, supplantings, neglects, con∣tempts, scornes, indignations, vexations, persecutions, exultations, insultations, insolencies, cruelties,* 34.11 hells. He that puts off himselfe in drunkennesse, and puts on the world in couetousnesse, shall lose both, and find the Deuill, readily blowing these sparkes of Hell with the Bellowes of Pride (the diuisions of Ruben are great thoughts of heart) till both he and they are encompassed with the vn∣quenchable flames of Hell. Drunkennesse began with Bantam frayes,* 34.12 (search the Authors in the for∣mer storie,) Couetousnesse proceeded with prohibition of profitable Trade, wheresoeuer it could hinder; and with the helpe of Pride, raped Soueraigntie, and reaped an enforced Iurisdiction, violently exerci∣sing the same against all gain-sayers.

This, as in other places, so principally in Banda. There the Stage of this Tragedie, and out of that bur∣ning hill this burning hell of Diabolicall fires first (as is said) seemed to breake forth;* 34.13 the first originall [ 50] beginning with Apostacie (as you haue heard) in some Dutch Fugitiues, which perhaps to escape deserued nishment, denied that which they neuer had, Faith. Secondly, others in vniust Iustice punishing the same with murther (expressing Piety with oppressing Impiety, blind Zeale being a hell fire indeed, a burning fire without any shining light.) Thirdly, the Bandaneses in their supposed sanctitie of Religion profa∣ned, and Sanctuarie of their Priests house violated, see no meane in reuenge, and repent at leisure what was done in hasty furie. Fourthly, this being somewhat composed, and peace made (when Reuenge is a∣sleepe) Couetousnesse awakes, and in cold bloud, by force (which intreatie could not procure) erects a Fort (that is, a Prison to the Libertie, a Store-house for the Wealth, and a Gibbet for the neckes of the Inhabitants,) that I omit the supposed sacriledge and wrongs to their Meskits and Sepulchres. In the fift place, they vnable to reuenge by force, borrow helpe of treacherous fraud (dolus an virtus quis in [ 60] hoste requirit?) and kill Verhuef and the Dutch. This being pursued by Warres, is sodered a little while by Peace, but (for ought is extant) neuer kept on either side, and the Dutch continued Masters in their Holds, the Natiues elsewhere. Which yet prouing burthensome to them (as the Dutch know, other Nations haue done) they sought protection of the English, and vpon Composition surrendred them∣selues

to his Maiestie. The English name before distasted, was now detested and contemned of the Dutch, (who before had growne strange, and with whom bralls and factions had not beene strange, to∣wards ours, with hindrance of Trade and the like) they seize our ships, goods, men, and vse them as you haue heard.

After which the English pretend by iust force to recouer what by vniust force they had lost, and Sir Thomas Dale long after * 34.14, with Captaine Pring and others sought by offence to defend: wherein their prowesse at first succeeded, but their misfortunes after exceeded, in the casuall burning of the Blacke Lion, and in the death soone after of a more heroike Lion, Sir Thomas Dale (whose valour hauing shi∣ned in the Westerne, was set in the Easterne India; so farre as Death can be a solstice to Honour, whose losse the losse of the Sunne, at Engano seemed to presage) after which followed the surprizall of foure [ 10] ships at Tecoo, two at Patania, another in the Straits. Egregiam verò laudem! may some say, for Men of Warre so prepared to take their opportunities of dispersed, busied, vnprouided Merchants. I would I could not adde, spolia ampla refertis, except in another sense. But the Companies of both Na∣tions, and their wiser Gouernours at home came to a composition, and agreed on Articles of Peace, which was on both sides there (alreadie wearied) receiued with ioy, and published with approbation. All this notwithstanding, in the midst of this calme and faire weather, there arose a new storme at Banda, which as a beautifull and rich Bride was enuied to English Armes, and seemeth by the cryes on both sides, to haue beene lately rauished from her new Husband, vnwarned, vnarmed, I know not whither by greater force or fraud; or whither might cause greater indignation, the seizing on the English fellowes and friends the Bandaneses, with their owne goods and bodies also, casting downe their Colours and Ord∣nance,* 34.15 and abusing their persons, in one place; or the letting stand in another, their Fort, as a Cage to be [ 20] showne in derision, when the Bird was fled or stolne away. This now remaynes, that violent things re∣mayne not and are not vsually permanent; and (we doubt not) the bright beames of his Maiesties pru∣dence and iustice, with the mature wisedome of Prince Maurice his Excellencie, and the Illustrious Lords Gouernours of the vnited Prouinces, shining on those troubled Indian waters, will like the Great GOD out of darknesse bring light, and chastise the wrong-doers; nor will permit Personall quarrels to become Nationall, or Indian bralls of Merchants to become Europaean broyles for Souldiers, but cause the remotest Members to communicate in the Heads amitie and soundnesse. This they will doe, this they doe; how soone? and it is done, and Amantium irae amoris redintegratio. Nulla salus bello, pacem te poscimus omnes. Amen.

[ 30]

THat it may appeare that we doe not impute the former wrongs to the Holland Nation in generall, nor seeke to make a State-quarrell with the States, Lords, Gouernours, and the estate of that Republike; but attribute the same to priuate spirits and mis-demeanure of some in authoritie and place of command in the Indies, I haue added a piece of a Booke translated out of the Dutch.

SO * 35.1 as the Aduenturers haue gained nothing neere the simple interest of sixe and a quarter per cent. per ann. and ordinary assurance. By this may be gathered what profits the Aduentures haue in∣ioyed, and how thankefull they ought to be to the Maiors. [ 40]

Now as concerning the gouernment, it is a thing certaine, that be it good or bad, the profits arise ac∣cordingly, for we daily see and find that by negligence and ill gouernment, a great estate is soone brought to nought: and on the contrary through a good diligent and prouident gouerning, great gaines arise out of a small stocke or meanes: whereas during all this Patent, so little profit ariseth, though great gaine is ord••narily to be made in the East Indies, so as hereby may well be concluded that the same must be so, by reason of the directing or gouerning the same.

* 35.2Now as concerning the well gouerning: First of all, is required a good vnderstanding and experience, which I perswade my selfe hath beene and is in many of the Maiors without all doubt, but that is not e∣nough, except there be care & diligence withall. But what care and diligence can be expected from them, who are so continually imployed in their publike Office and functions, besides their particular affaires, [ 50] that they can scarce once or twice in a weeke, spend a few houres in this weightie businesse, which indeed hath need of a constant and continuing sale according as the greatnesse and importancie thereof requireth? &c. Further, is required in euery Maior that he by all meanes seeke to procure the common good of that which is committed to his charge,* 35.3 and not his particular: but how or wherein haue they hitherto sought the common good of the Companie, so long as they take a libertie to sell the Companies goods vnto themselues, in which sale they no doubt seeke their owne particular profit, and not the Companies. At sometimes one Maior buying the Companies goods of another Maior; and at another time it happe∣neth quite contrarie, viz. that he which was at first the buyer, is now become the seller to him that formerly was the seller himselfe: one may well coniecture how these things are thus carried, by such, who it may be are not so honest as they should be; what hindrance hereby befalleth the Aduenturers, and what profits to [ 60] the Maiors, one may well coniecture by the small profits which the Aduenturers haue made, and the great wealth which the Maiors haue attained vnto. When as the Maiors haue bought great quantitie of the Companies goods for themselues, is to be imagined what kind of Aduise they will send to the Indies con∣cerning

such goods as themselues haue bought, & whether their aduise shal not tend to their particular pro∣fits, &c, For might one peruse their Bookes, no doubt thereby would be found, that many amongst them haue little or no aduenture at all with the Company, and it would plainely appeare,* 35.4 that their pro∣uision or factory concernes them neerer then the profit of the stocke they haue there to respect, and there∣fore doe readily resolue to the setting foorth of great shipping or fleetes, when as fewer and smaller would haue beene sufficient for Conquest, and fewer for trade from Port to Port: whereof that fleete which went through the straight of Magellane was one, which fleet alone did charge the Company with more then a Capitall. It is likewise the practise of these kind of Maiors, (knowing the choice to be in their owne powers) to prefer their friends and kindred to the gouernment,* 35.5 & excluding those that are great Aduen∣turers, take ofttimes such as are none, but such as when they stand in nomination to be, doe then be∣gin [ 10] to buy conditionally so they are chosen, then their buying to stand: but if not, then the barga••ne to be voyd: what good seruice the Company is to expect by such nimbling may well be coniectured. Besides, they ofttimes preferre their friends, to be sent as Committees and other Officers to the Indies,* 35.6 although very vnfit thereto, whereas it highly concerneth the Company, to haue both honest and fit persons there, for hardly can it be imagined the great wrong which the Company haue sustained, thorow the hauing so base∣ly vild, and proudly insolent Committees in the Indies. Further, what losse the Company is put vnto, by the building of so great and costly ships (each Chamber striuing which shall make the greatest ship, and all for great stowage, to cause the greater returne to be brought into their chamber,* 35.7 thereby to procure to them∣selues the greater factory or prouision) ca••not well be imagined: for as well might it be done with lesser, and ships not so costly, and so the more stocke to be imployed in Trade, or otherwise to free themselues of [ 20] their interest money which great ships, are partly vsed to carry wood and stone in the Indies for the buil∣ding of the Fort Iacatra, some being worne and spent there, so as indeed one might haue done as well be∣tweene this and the Indies, with halfe as many great ships. Also many summes of gold haue beene spent in the making of diuers costly Forts & Castles in the Indies, the wals being all of stone, being King-like works, whereas to haue made them of Earth, as the they are here in our Countrey the Netherlands, had beene as vsefull for keeping the Trade from other Committies of forraine Lands: so had this needlesse charge beene employed in Trade, might haue aduanced the Companie more then a Capitall.* 35.8 Also the Companie hath freely indured some losse, by reason of the complaint of those persons, who hauing done the Compa∣nie good seruice, could obtaine little orno Salary for the same. Whereby is befallen that some haue put themselues into the seruice of other Companies of forraine Lands, &c. [ 30]

CHAP. XVI. Extracts of a Iournall of a Voyage to Surat and to Iasques in the Persian Gulfe, set forth by the East India Societie of Merchants: wherein were imployed foure new ships; the London, of eight hundred Tunnes, and therein ANDREW SHIL∣LING chiefe Commander of the whole Fleet; WILLIAM BAF∣FIN Master; the Hart, of fiue hundred Tunnes, RICHARD [ 40] BLITHE Master; the Roe Bucke, of three hundred, RICHARD SWAN Master; the Eagle, of two hundred and eightie, CHRISTOPHER BROWNE Master. Written by RI∣CHARD SWAN.

THe sixe and twentieth of Februarie, 1619. all our Fleet set saile from Tilbury Hope. The twentieth of Aprill, 1620. about eight degrees North latitude, we begin to haue a taste of the Turnados. From the Downes hither we might al∣wayes haue carried a top gallant saile. The ninth of May, we crost the Aequator. [ 50] We would haue crossed it more Easterly, but the Current and Winds would not permit. The tenth of Iune, wee saw great store of Fowle. And on the three and twentieth, wee had sight of Soldania Road, and anchored there the next day. Here wee found the Lion homeward bound, and nine Dutch ships bound for Bantam, their Commander Nicholas van Baccum a Gentleman, which by report liued seuen yeeres in Oxford.* 35.9 After kind Sea-salutes, the next morning the Lion and the Dutch departed, each their way; and the same euening arriued the Schidam of Delph outward bound, which being suspected, by both Admi∣ralls, the Master was sent for, his Commission examined, and good satisfaction giuen. The third of Iuly was made a solemne publication of his Maiesties Title to Soldania: and on the seuenth King Iames his Mount erected. The three and twentieth, I had a Cable of eleuen inches spoiled [ 60] with other hurt, and the Hart had a great deliuerance, two of her best Anchors breaking at once: and the Eagle broke two Cables. The fiue and twentieth, we set saile.

Note, that if at any time you haue occasion to ride vnder Pengwin Iland,* 35.10 you bring the Nor∣therne end thereof West by South, or within halfe a Point on either side thereof: and anchor a∣bout a mile from the neerest part of the Iland, in ten, eleuen or twelue fathoms, white and gray

sand. Hauing a little passed the Cape of Good Hope, being much Wind at North-west North North-west and North,* 35.11 the Sea was exceedingly troubled, and went so vpon heapes by the meeting of the North-west and South-east Ocean, that it laboured our ships to the triall of all their ioynts.

From the eight and twentieth of September, to the first of October, we were hindred eleuen or twelue minutes euery day by a Current to the South latitude, from one to fiue degrees thirtie two minutes North. The seuenth of October, latitude nine degrees and fiftie minutes North. These foure and twentie houres,* 35.12 I haue come ouer the Iland Rasif (one of•• the Mamales) as it is placed in my Card. Note, that euery day since we were in sixe degrees North latitude, we haue seene land Fowles, as Castrells, Quailes, Martins, Butter-flyes, but not any Sea Fowle. The [ 10] nineteenth,* 35.13 we were due West from Batecala sixe leagues off, depth two and twentie fathoms ozie sand.* 35.14 The twentie two, at sixe in the morning, wee were thwart of Goa foure leagues off, the latitude is fifteene degrees and thirtie minutes, rather lesse then more. The sixe and twen∣tieth,* 35.15 we put into Dabul Road in seuenteene degrees and thirtie foure minutes, and stayed till the second of Nouember, our men refreshed and recouered, and the two ships for Persia well prouided. The sixt, the Hart and Eagle, eight leagues from the high Land of Saint Iohns, tooke their leaue of vs. The seuenth, latitude twentie degrees sixteene minutes. Now are we truly West from Damon sixe leagues off,* 35.16 depth eighteene fathoms. The ninth in the morning, we an∣chored in the outter road of Swally, where we found the Wappen van Zeland, a ship of one thousand Tunnes. At our comming shee tooke in her flagge and saluted the London with three peeces, [ 20] and the Roe Bucke with two. I was sent on shore and found Master Thomas Kerridge President, Master Iames and Master Hopkinson, whom I brought aboard. The next day, a consultation was holden for our speedie dispatch after the Hart and Eagle; foure Portugall Gallions attending at Ormus or Iasques Road for their surprisall. The nineteenth, after businesse dispatched, we set saile towards Iasques. The one and twentieth we descried a ship, which yeelded without resi∣stance; Her name, Nostra Sennora de Morces, neere two hundred Tunne, come from Muscatte, bound for Chaul,* 35.17 in her two and fortie Arabian Horses, being her principall lading (as built for that purpose) the residue Dates and Raisins: the Captaines name Francisco Mirando.

[ 30]

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of Persia.

The fift of December, latitude foure and twentie degrees fiftie fiue minutes, we met the Hart and Eagle comming from Iasques towards Surat, not being sufficient to encounter the Portugall forces there attending, to ruine our Masters Persian Trade. Thus happily reioyned wee made haste towards Iasques to accomplish our designes. The eight, at their owne earnest sollicitation, we set all the Portugalls and Moores on land, except some Sea-men Moores whom we detayned for our seruice, and the Pilot which misdoubting hard measure, intreated to stay. The tenth, the Lords Supper was administred aboard the London. The twelfth, the men who voluntarily vnder∣tooke to burne the Prize aboard the Portugalls Admirall, were put aboard her in the night. The thirteenth and fourteenth, the wind against vs. The fifteenth, we had sight of the East Point [ 10] of Land in Iasques Road, which hath vpon it a Tombe or an old square flat House, bearing West North-west, by Compasse twelue miles off. So then from Diu Head to this Point, I make the longitude by the plaine ordinarie Sea Chart, nine degrees fiftie fiue minutes and three fifth parts, and by Mercators proiection, ten degrees and one and fiftie minutes. From this place wee might discerne the Portugall men of Warre set out from Lisbone; whose Fleet consisted of two Portugall Gallions one bigger then the London; and two Flemmish ships, one as bigge as the Hart; the o∣ther lesse then the Eagle: Their Generall Ruy Frere de Andrado, Iohn Boralio Vice-admirall, the Flemmings were commanded by Antonio Musquet and Baltazar de Chaues.

The sixteenth in the morning, our Admirall with the Masters of his Fleet went aboard the Prize, and carried two Barrells of powder, some Tarre, and other combustible prouisions, inten∣ding with her to lay the Portugall Admirall thwart the halfe to burne together. Thus fitted, we bore vp with the men of Warre, but it fell calme, and the Current set vs so neere them that they [ 20] reached vs with their Ordnance. All night we kept vnder saile. And in the seuenteenth, being by reason of the Land-turne to leeward of them; they weighed and made towards our Fleet, which attended their comming, albeit they had and carefully kept the benefit of the wind.* 35.18 A∣bout nine the fight began, which continued nine houres without intermission. In the afternoone (a fine gentle Westerly Sea-wind blowing, and we to windward of them) their Admirall, whe∣ther of necessitie to repaire some defect about his Rudder, or of policy for some conceited stratagem, anchored; and to the Eastward of him, his Vice-Admirall and the greater Flem∣ming, the lesser to leeward of all stopping his leakes. Now were wee in great hope of our fire designe, which yet being too soone fired and forsaken of those which had it in charge, prooued frustrate, driuing cleere of all their ships to their reioycing, our disgrace and our Imployers losse. [ 30] We seeing them abide at anchor, and keeping the wind of them, turning to and againe close a∣head of them; raked them, especially their Admirall, thorow and thorow, fore and after, with all our broad sides, receiuing from them only their Praw and Bow Peeces. Out of whom as I passed to the North, two vnfortunate shots cut a-sunder the Robuckes weather-leech ropes of her foresaile and fore top-saile in the middle depth of both sailes, which renting we could not make her stay, but were inforced for reparation of our sailes to beare vp to leeward betwixt them & the shoare. In which time their three greatest ships played vpon vs with their whole broad sides, yet, God be praysed, with lesse hurt then I could haue imagined. Thus hauing compassed the three last mentioned ships, and luffing to re-ioyne with our owne Fleet (which all this while holding the benefit of the wind played vpon the Portugals with their great Ordnance, as fast as with so many Muskets) I had gotten to wind-ward of the smaller Flemming: who standing [ 40] off as I did, vntill he had brought the fired ship directly betweene him and me, then turned taile and steered with all the sailes he could make right afore the wind, alongst the shoare to the East-ward: whom to rescue, the other three set saile, now so gentle, that the Hart passing along their broad sides; receiued from some of them few, from others none, either great or small shot. But our Fleet at present reunited, desisted their further chase, the darknesse of the night, and the generall wearinesse, challenging a surcease from so toylsome a worke: and anchored after mid∣night in their (before) vsuall Road.

In this fight the London and Hart receiued very little hurt in their huls and tackling; lesse or none amongst their men. The Eagles mayne Mast was shot in fiue places, whereof foure quite [ 50] thorow: and one Iohn Banckes lost his right arme. I in the Robucke, had one Edward Browne slaine with a great shot thorow his head; a piece of whose skull together with some splinters of the same shot, wounded Master Thomas Waller one of my Mates in the fore-head to the losse of his left eye: also Iohn Phenix and Robert Hopworth lost the vse of their right hands. Neuer (God be praysed) did I heare of so little hurt in so long a fight, as we had on our parts. I cannot truly particularise their hurts, by report of our Merchants, Iohn Boralio their Vice-Admirall and another Captaine were slaine; with thirtie or forty Portugals out of their Admirall (for Moores they account not in the number of their men) the rest vnknowne.

The eighteenth in the morning, wee had fight of the Portugals at anchor ten miles to the East [ 60] of vs: they had the wind faire to come to vs, but did not. Whereupon we had a generall confe∣rence, whether it might be fitter with the first of the Sea-turne (beginning vsually about noon) to stand with them and try it out for the Mastery (before they could haue supply from Ormus or Muskat, or expected ayde from Goa) or else to make saile for Iasques Road, there to land

our monies and goods (for surprisall whereof they fought and we defended) and this later was concluded. Thither the London attayned that night: the rest rode a league without.

* 35.19The two and twentieth, descrying the Port Galliones open of the Road, to come in as wee supposed with the Sea turne, we hasted and stood off with them. They steered directly towards Ormus, till they met with two or three Frigats from thence with supply of men and munition, which hauing shipped, they made toward vs but soone repented, and clapt vpon a tacke, and till the eight and twentieth, were either to windward, or so at anchor that without disaduan∣tage wee could not attempt them. Wee tryed on Christmasse day, but were inforced backe with a present encounter of a gust, which made some Blackes aboord vs, say, that the Port had brought a Witch from Ormus to serue them with faire winds. On Innocents day perceiuing the drift of our Fabius Cunctator,* 35.20 we took the oportunitie of an Easterly gale, weighed and put things [ 10] in order for fight. The London and Hart next anchored within a Cables length and halfe from them vpon their broad sides, and so indured the hottest burthen of this second dayes fight. For no sooner were they at anchor, but it fell calme and so continued all day, insomuch that the Ro∣bucke and Eagle (who had steered neerer the shoare with intent to anchor, one vpon the Bow of the Port-Admirall, the other on the Bow of their Vice-Admirall) beeing Easterne, could not with any diligence come to doe any seruice in halfe an houres space. And no sooner were wee within the leuell range of our Ordnance from them, then (there beeing not a breath of wind, and the current against vs) we were driuen to anchor or driue further off. But our broad sides once brought vp, the great Ordnance from our whole Fleet playd so fast vpon them, that had our mens knowledge equalled their resolutions, not one of them had escaped vs. How euer, [ 20] loth to receiue a Supper as hot as their Dinner, at three a clocke they cut their Cables and droue with the tyde (then setting Westerly) vntill they were out of our reach.* 35.21 Then came their Fri∣gats to them (which the day before had domineered with their Musicke, pendants and flagges alongst the shoare, now with a fitter taske) to tow them away all mangled and tome. For their Admirall in the greatest fury of the fight, was inforced to heeld his ship to stop his leakes, his mayne-top-mast ouer-boord, and the head of his mayne Mast. The greater Flemming had both his top-masts and part of his bow-sprit shot away: the lesse hauing neuer a shrowd standing, ne∣uer a top-mast.

The Vice-Admirall (which both dayes did vs most hurt) escaped best, hauing commonly this day one or other of their ships twixt him and vs. We kept them company all night in hope the [ 30] next morning to haue giuen them their pas-ports, but surueying our shot and finding small store left (notwithstanding that by some happy mistake, the Eagle had a double proportion) and con∣sidering the Voyage which we had to performe, we returned: and left them glad men, the two greater ships towing the two smaller at their sterne. Their slayne I heard not: Ours lost in the London slaine, Henry Cran••, Iohn Gore; our Admirall and Peter Robinson dyed of their wounds afterwards. In the Hart, Walter Dauie, William Hall, Iohn Muskat, and Edmund Okely were wounded but recouered. The great shot of seuerall sorts spent, in the London, one thousand three hundred eightie two. Hart, one thousand twentie foure. Robucke, eight hundred and fif∣teene. Eagle, eight hundred, in all foure thousand twentie one. Captaine Richard Blith accor∣ding to the order (opening the white Boxe N 1.) succeeded our worthy Admirall: my selfe re∣moued [ 40] into the Hart, Christopher Browne to the Robucke, and Thomas Taylor was made Master of the Eagle.

The fourteenth of Ianuary, hauing had for eight and fortie houres precedent continuall ex∣tremitie of raine (wind or raine being vsuall here for three or foure dayes at the change and full, otherwhiles faire weather) we set saile from Iasques, where we had dispatched our businesse, to Surat, where we arriued the first of February following: nothing in our passage occurring worth recitall, sauing that the seuen and twentieth of Ianuary, wee surprized betwixt Diu and the Sand heads, a small ship of warre called Nostra Seniora de Remedio, of burthen one hundred tunnes, Francisco de Sylua Captaine, with thirtie fiue Portugals, and twentie fiue Moores for Sailers set out by the Captaine of Diu to gard their small Merchants ships from the Malabars. [ 50] The men were dismissed, and the shippe kept for our vse, and called the Andrew. Shee had in her neyther meate,* 35.22 money, nor commodities, and scarse so many poore sutes as backes.

The seuen and twentieth of February, we began to take in goods. The fift of March, the Eagle was sent downe to guard the Princes Iuncke, and to hinder her further lading till free leaue and libertie should be granted for passage of Carts with goods, and other our prouisions, which haue beene restrayned sixe or seuen dayes by the grating Gouernour of Vlpare: by which meanes no Cotton Wooll could come downe till our ship was full laden forward on. The six∣teenth, vpon notice that the Agra Caffila was robbed by the Decan Armie, resolution was taken to seeke restitution vpon the ships of the said Decan Prince and his Confederates in the action; [ 60] and the Red Sea intended for our ships wintering. The nineteenth, the Prince his Iuncke was dismissed, the Gouernour of Surat hauing granted vnder his hand to supply our wants of Pow∣der and shot for our money, with redresse for many other discourtesies.

Since the fiue and twentieth of March, till the sixt of Aprill, 1621. the windes haue beene outwardly, viz. South and South South-west and West, and from noone till mid-night blowne so hard that the great stuffe by the shoare permitted no businesse to bee done, except on the last quarter ebbe and first after floud. The seuenth, we set sayle. The ninth, the Eagle and Dutch Pinnasse called the good Fortune, departed our Company, consigned for Achen and Bantam: the London, Hart, Robucke and Andrew intended for the Red Sea, if not too late.

The first of May, the Andrew and our Boats surprized the Saint Antonio a ship of two hun∣dred tunnes, which we called the May-flower: her principall lading Rice taken in at Barcelor,* 35.23 whence she went to Goa, and the eight of Aprill, had set saile for Muscat and Ormus. By these [ 10] we vnderstood that Ruy Frere de Andrado, was busie in repayring his foure ships at Ormus: C. that Don Emanuell de Asseredo, is departed about fiftie dayes past from Goa in his succour with two Galliones; one whereof is the same in which the Vice-Roy was personally,* 35.24 when hee fought with Captaine Downtons Fleet. The seuenth, in a calme we surprized the Iacintha small ship built of a Frigat, from Mozambique bound for Goa: wee called her the Prim-rose. Thence to the thirteenth, winds variable, calmes, raines. The May-flowre hindred vs much: and the Pilots either were malicious or blind: whereupon we resolued to trust to our owne endeauours to find an anchoring place, whence we might discouer some conuenient Road for our safe riding till the strength of the Monson were past, we resolued for Macera.* 35.25

The second of Iune, we descryed Land and anchored in seuenteene fathomes three miles off [ 20] shoare: here we found in foure or fiue Pits, three quarters of a mile from the waters side, water in abundance. I had fortie tunne out of one Well, which we rolled downe in Hogsheads: the people tractable, little other refreshing. The latitude twentie degrees twentie minutes, varia∣tion seuenteene North-westing. The Date Trees by the watering place bare North-west by West, the other end of the Iland North-east halfe East fiue leagues off.

The twelfth wee set saile for the North-east end of Macera, and in the afternoone anchored in seuen fathomes in a faire Bay, cleane ground, a fast blacke ozie sand, the North-east point bea∣ring South halfe a league off: the landing place West South-west two miles off: the Norther part of the Bay North by West foure miles off. The latitude twentie degrees thirtie minutes, varia∣tion seuenteene North-west. You may ride in this Bay from fiue to twelue, in what depth you [ 30] will: an excellent, hungry, cold and healthfull place: but a tumbling, rolling Sea for ships: fresh water enough to be had in Pits digged, but except at the vsuall landing place, very ill to boate: yeelding no better refreshing then the first, a few Goats and Lambes in trucke for Cannekeens.

Whiles the Hart and Robucke were here resolued to stay till the Monsons fury were past; on the nineteenth, we sent Abdelauie an inhabitant of Macera, with Letters in quest for the Ad∣mirall as farre as Soar, which returned the sixt of Iuly, with Letters of their being there at Soar,* 35.26 seuen leagues within Cape Rosalgate; their difficult watering at Teue, surprisall of Simons the Chirurgion, and the Preachers Boy on Land by the Portugals and Moores, &c.

The sixt of August, the Hart and Robucke set saile from Macera: the eight in the euening we anchored by our Admirall: this Road differing from Macera, in beeing calme, vsually cleere, [ 40] and by heat taking away the stomacke. The fifteenth set saile. The first of September a Boate of Chaul came aboord the Robucke, &c.

The one and twentieth of Nouember, our Fleet set saile from Swally,* 35.27 and anchored before the Barre of Surat. The seuen and twentieth at noone, n latitude twentie, and by iudgement twen∣tie eight leagues from neerest Land: we tooke leaue of the Iasques Fleet, consisting of the Lon∣don, Ionas, Whale, Dolphine, Lion, Rose, Shilling, Richard and Robert.

The first of Ianuary we found our selues betweene Iohanna and Mayotta. The nine and twen∣tieth we anchored in Soldania Road: hauing beene from Surat hither nine weekes and three dayes, blessed be God for our safe and speedie passage. Heere wee watered, washed, fished in the Riuer, buried our Letters, bought three Cowes, one Calfe, foure sheepe, all vnsauourie meate.

The third of February, we set saile: the nineteenth, anchored at Saint Helena. Heere wee [ 50] found the Wappen and the Holland Dutch ships: this last fell on fire the two and twentieth, with her Cloues taken in greene at Amboyna. There was another small Dutch ship. They arriued e∣leuen dayes before vs, and cannot in ten dayes more discharge and relade their damnified Cloues. The eight and twentieth, we set sayle from Saint Helena: and the seuenth of Iune, 1622. an∣chored in the Downes.

For further satisfaction touching the fight, I haue added this Letter or Relation sent to the Company from the Chiefe of the Fleet.

[ 60]

Relation of the fight of foure English ships with foure Portugall ships, two Gal∣liats, and ten Frigats in the Gulfe of Persia, in the Monethes of December and Ianuary, 1620.

THe London and the Robucke arriuing at Surat the ninth of December, there vnderstood that the Portugals had sent into the gulfe of Persia an Armado, purposely to attempt the Eng∣lish shipping at their comming thither, whereupon it was forth-with resolued by the English Fa∣ctors at Surat, & the Commanders of the aboue-named two ships, that they should apply them∣selues to the gulfe of Persia, to re-ioyne themselues with two other English ships, namely, the [ 10] Hart and the Eagle which parted from the London and Robucke, before their comming to Surat, and were gone directly toward Iasques in the said gulfe of Persia, and so the said London and Robucke set sayle from Surat towards Iasques, the nineteenth day of Nouember, and the first day of December following, they met with the Hart and the Eagle, about eightie leagues short of Iasques, where all the foure ships ioyning together, they receiued most certaine intelligence by a Portugall Frigat which they met, that the Portugall Armado consisting as aforesaid of foure Gallions, two Galliats and about tenne Frigats, were attending them at the Easter end of Ias∣ques Road, where the English ships must come, and so went along towards the same, where the sixteenth day they found the said Portugall Armado, consisting in these particulars before named the Generall or chiefe Commander whereof is named Ruy Frere de Andrado, whom themselues [ 20] call the Pride of Portugall, the Vice-Admirall Iohn Boralio, and Inhabitant of Ormus, and late Admirall of those Seas, of the other two ships the Commanders were Anthonio Musquet and Balthazar di Chaues, this day prooued calme, so that it was night ere they came in shot one of another.

The seuenteenth of December, being the Lords day, wee intended to haue sanctified his ser∣uice being vnder saile a league to Sea-boord of them, but about eight of the clocke with the Land turne, they weighed anchor and bore vp with vs, for whom (albeit they had the winde) we shortned saile and stayed neere about nine of the clocke, we ioyned fight with them, which continued vntil the darknesse of the night iustly challenged an end to so long and weary a work, they (like a kind Host to Strangers) leauing vs their anchoring place to lodge in, and retyred [ 30] some ten or eleuen miles to the Eastward, there to amend and repaire themselues; wee cannot truely particulate vnto you their hurts and losses in this fight, saue by reports of our Merchants, that Iohn Boralio their Vice-admirall, and the Captaine of one of the other ships, were slaine, with some thirtie or fortie men out of their Admirall, the rest yet vnknowne. The losse or hurt of our men in your own ships, the inclosed Note of this seuenteenth present, will make manifest. Thus for a time we were not disturbed by our enemies, though by contrary winds we could not get into the vsuall Road before the twentieth current. The twentie one and twentie two, the most part of your goods was landed, and descrying the Portugall Gallions open of the Road, to come in, as we supposed, with the Sea-turne, we therefore set saile and stood off with them, but after some small shew of bearing vp with the Sea-wind, they clapt vpon a Lake, and were so [ 40] fortunate vntill the eight and twentieth day, that either they being to windward we could not come at them, or else at anchor wee could not, without our great disaduantage, meddle with them.

The eight and twentieth, being Innocents day, both Fleets riding at the Easter Points of the Road, not a mile distant one from the other; we omitted no opportunitie to giue battell to our wary protracting enemies, who, as by his working appeared, if hee could haue auoyded fight, and by lingring delayes, and the benefit of his Frigats, haue hindred vs from the prosecution of your Persian designments, he attayned vnto the full heighth and scope of his imployments.

But about one of the clocke, the Lord sent vs a pretty gale, our Fleet weighed and put all things in order for to fight, the London and Hart next anchored within a Cables length from [ 50] them vpon their broad sides, and so indured the hottest brunt of this two dayes fight, for no soo∣ner were they at anchor but it fell calme and so continued all day, insomuch that the Roe Bucke and Eagle, who being somewhat a sterne and steering neerer the shoare, with intent to anchor one vpon the Bowe of the Portugall Admirall, and the other vpon the Bowe of the Vice-admi∣rall, could not notwithstanding all diligence vsed, come to doe any seruice in halfe an houres space, but being come neere anchored, and all our ships so fitted to keepe our broad sides full vp∣on them. The great Ordnance out of our whole Fleet played so fast vpon them, that about three of the clocke in the afternoone, not willing to indure so hot entertainment, they cut their Cables and with the Tyde droue downe from vs, vntill being without reach of our Ordnance, their Frigats came and towed them away wonderfully mangled and torne, for their Admirall in the hottest of the fight was inforced to heeld their ship to stop his leakes, his mayne top-mast [ 60] ouer board, and the head of his mayne mast; the third ship both his top-mast, mizon mast, and part of his bow sprit were shot away, the lesser ship had neuer a shroud left standing, nor neuer a top-mast; the Vice-admirall escaped best, for most commonly hee had one or other of their

ships betweene him and vs. All this night we kept them companie, with hope the next mor∣ning to haue giuen them all, or some of them, their Passe-port, but surueying our shot and fin∣ding no great store left, and withall considering the great weight and import of the voyage we had to performe, we resolued our returne to Iasques, for the speedy dispatching of our businesse in hand, thanking God for putting our enemies to flight before vs, of whom vnto the present wri∣ting hereof we haue heard no newes, neither are any of them arriued at Ormus or Muscat, as our Merchants report, only it is rumored by some Caffaires, who by swimming escaped ashoare, that Ruy Frere de Andrado * 36.1 was slaine. All your ships, praysed bee God, remayne seruiceable, and not aboue fiue men slaine on our part in these two long and great battailes, and not many [ 10] wounded, as by the List of their names here inclosed will appeare. Amongst whom our worthy Admirall and kind Commander, receiued a great and grieuous wound through his left shoulder with a great shot, which hurt hee with such courage and patience vnder-went, that gaue great hope to vs all of his much wished recouerie, but hauing besides his former wound two of his vppermost ribs on the left side broken; the sixt of Ianuarie, he departed this life, shewing him∣selfe (as euer before) a resolute Commander, so in his passage through the Gates of death, a most willing, humble, constant, and assured Christian, his body we intended to haue carried to Surat, and there according to his deserts to haue performed his last funerall rights, the Chyrurgians confidently promising by imbalming and waxe-cloth to preserue him without annoyance thi∣ther, but notwithstanding this cost and their promise, his body, in regard of his great wound, [ 20] prouing noysome, we were enforced to bury him at Iasques, which was effected the seuenth Current, with what respect, solemnitie, and decency the time required.

The thirteenth of Ianuary, 1620. aboard the Ship London in Iasques Road.

Vnder-written by all the foure Masters of the foure Ships, Ri. Blyth.

Chr. Browne.

Rob. Swan.

Will. Baffin.

[ 30] WHiles we are publishing these things there are late newes of English Persian occurrents, as namely, that nine English ships haue beene in those Persian Seas, and together with the Persian haue paid part of their Portugall debt: Chisman in three dayes being taken, the spoile diuided betwixt them. Also the Bassa of Xeras helped by the English both in setting ouer his men, and in beleagring the Towne, hath in two dayes taken the Towne of Ormus, the Castle holding out; though little hope remayned of it, their water and all hope of helpe being taken from them. The English haue won much honour and reputation of valour: and if they take it, (besides sharing the spoile) are to haue the Castle committed to their keeping. They are said al∣so to haue taken a rich ship, called the Mosambique.

[ 40]

Part of a Letter written from M^r. Robert Smith to his brother Henrie Smith, rela∣ting of a rare attempt and exploit of a small English Pinnasse, in taking a Portugall ship.

IN our passage from Ioanna to this place, we lost sight of the Rose and Richard, but within sixe dayes after, the Richard came to vs with a Portugall prize at her sterne, which shee had taken that night we lost her company. It is a wonder to tell it. The Richard being a Pinnasse of about twentie Tunnes, manned with fourteene Men and Boyes, and hauing but two small Falconets in her, and the Port••gall of two hundred and fiftie Tunnes, with two hundred and fiftie in her, whereof seuentie were Portugalls, [ 50] the rest Mesticos and Slaues: the Richard comming vp with them plyed her demi-Dogs so well, that in the shooting off twentie shot, it pleased God they killed their Captayne, which the rest perceiuing stroke all their sailes amayne, and like tall men came aboard the Richard, sixe at a time, where the Master cau∣sed them to be bound: but fearing to haue too many aboard, though bound, he sent a terrible command to the rest aboard, that vpon their liues they should depart their ship into their great Boat, which they very valiantly performed, and left their ship to the vtter disgrace of themselues and all their Nation, &c.

Giles Hobbs his trauaile from Musco to Spahan, written in a Letter by him∣selfe to the East Indian Companie.

[ 60]

Right Honorable, my dutie remembred, &c.

THe fourth of October lost past, a yeere since my arriuall at Spahan, your then Agent Master Thomas Barker was then aduising for England, mentioning of my arriuall,* 38.1 and also of his

appointment to resend me so soone as he heard of the safe arriuall of your shippes, but it pleased the Lord in the meane-time to take him from vs by a sudden death. Whose appointment was the first cause I omitted to write to your Honors; the second, a long & tedious iourney by lets on the Volga, and also in this Land. The third cause, my Conuoy taken from me, and not suffered to passe but with the Kings Carauan of Boats, for that the report was, the Cossackes did purpose to make fight with the Carauan, which proued the contrary. It wound be too long to trouble your patience to relate at large the accidents in this my iourney, wherein little happened worthy your notice or expectation, or my hopes to effect your desires. I will therefore briefly make re∣lation thereof.

The eighth of May, 1619. I set off from Yeraslaue, and arriued at Astracan the sixteenth of Iune, from whence I purposed to take my iourney and passage for Turkie, and from thence by [ 10] the Emperours Post to passe the Cherkasses Countrey, and so for Spahan by Land. This passage I could not proceed of, but with the Emperours Carauan of prouisions which would not bee in twelue dayes: in the interim, I enquired when the Guilan Busses would goe. The Masters and Merchants promised fourteene dayes at furthest; so I resolued to passe in them.

The tenth of Iuly, I set off from Astracan, and by occasion of the Boats stay, to be cleered by the Searchers, it was the fifteenth dicto, our comming aboord the Busse.

* 38.2The eighteenth dicto, the Busse set sayle steering South till we made the Persian shoare, they vse no Compasse but direct their course by the Sunne, Moone and Stars.

The sixe and twentieth dicto, we made land, hauing great tempest of wind at North-east; the land lying South and West; at euening the wind came of the land still increasing: the next day [ 20] the Busse lost her sayle from the yard, and for to succour her they hung vp figge baskets, couer∣lets and Cow hides,* 38.3 throwing great store of the lading ouer-boord; the first all our prouision, after the goods: this night we had small rest, the next morning the wind was out of the Sea, and it pleased the Lord to bring vs in betweene a small Iland and the mayne land, and both vs and the Vessell saued.

* 38.4The eight and twentieth, the Master and most of vs went on land, the place called Callop∣sheray, no Inhabitants: the wind increased still, that vntill the first of August, the Boate could not row aboord the Busse. This day the Merchants vnladed their goods, and the fift dicto, wee procured Horses for Shomakee,* 38.5 and arriued there the ninth dicto.

The Busse bound her selfe for a Port called Bocka, to lade Neft••ere she proceeded for Guilan, the [ 30] nineteenth of August, I departed with the Cafala from Shomakee, & arriued at Ardeuill, the nine & twentieth of the same. The ninth of September, with the Cafala I departed Ardeuill, & arriued at Spahan, the fourth of October, 1619. thus in briefe you may please to vnderstand of my long iourney from Yeraslaue to Spahan in Persia, no lesse then fiue monethes, which, no doubt, might be done in eleuen or twelue weekes, if no lets in the way, as in these subsequents I shall declare.

The first passage is at the opening the Riuer Volga, from Yeraslaue to Astracan, and so to Tur∣kie by water, which may bee done in fiue and twentie dayes, and from Turkie by the Emperors Conuoy to Derbent or Shomakee,* 38.6 Cities vnder this King, and from those Cities to Ardeuill and Casbin with Cafala, and from Casbin as they please to Spahan, the way cleere, and may bee effe∣cted, as abouesaid. [ 40]

The second passage is to come off from Yeraslaue the first of Iune vntill the tenth dicto, and if no let may be at Astracan, in eighteene or twentie dayes, in good time to take the first passage in the Guilan Busses for Leygoints, a league from Laigon, and from Resht, from whence this yeares Silke was taken seuen leagues, and from thence to Spahan, sixteene dayes iourney. This may proue the speedier passage, if it please God to lend fauourable wind to passe the Caspian Sea; from Astracan Sea passage is to be had in Iuly, August and September.

The third passage, which no doubt, may bee procured by your Honours Agent there, is to haue your Letters sent from Musco, by the Emperours Post to the Gouernour of Astracan, to send the said Letters, if ouer land, to the Chan of Shomakee, to be sent to the English Nation at Spahan, by the Chans Post, if by Sea to Guilan to the Gouernour of Resht, accordingly to bee [ 50] sent to the English at Spahan: the charge to bee defrayed by your Honours Agents, and no doubt, so long as you haue here Trade, your Letters by these Gouernours will bee safely deliue∣red: and for the better safetie of them, the Agent may at his next going to the King, procure two Firmans to those Gouernours to that effect: and thus much for the needfull transport of your Letters from Musco to Spahan in Persia.

I will now returne and speake something of the Trade at Astracan: the Mart beginneth at the arriuall of the Boats which is in Iune; at which time the Persians come in, and bring dyed Silke, Dorogoes, Callicoes and other Persian stuffes, which they sell by retayle and in barter. The Commodities they returne are cloth, but no (great quantitie) Sables, Martens, redde [ 60] Hides, Cauiare, Butter, the hinder-part of Horse Skinnes, for Leather, and olde Russe Money which they buy at fortie foure and fortie sixe d per robles for exchange. These are the Commodities likewise the Russe transports whereon he makes small profit the olde mo∣ney failing, and your Honours Trade here will preiudice him much, if not quite ouerthrow his Trade.

In my Passage on the Volga, I held nothing worthy notice except the taking the Sturgeon, and the making the Cauiare and Isinglasse. The Riuer they pale in from banke to banke, that no Sturgeon passe vp or downe the Riuer, but they fall in the weeres.* 38.7 The Roe they lay in salt fourteene or fifteene dayes, then take and wash the salt of them, and packe them in the Fat. The fat Sturgeon hath a yellow Roe, which they packe vp as it commeth to hand, which Roe spoyleth all that lyeth neere it and much hindreth the sale of the Cauiare at our Markets▪ The Isinglas is made of the string taken out of the Sturgeons backe. This yeare the But of Cauiare sold a•• fiue robles the hundred, and sixe robles.* 38.8

Gentlemen, I am bound by Commission to aduize how many dayes from Arash to the Caspi∣an [ 10] Sea and to Astracan. From Arash to Derbent a Port Towne seuen dayes iourney▪* 38.9 This Port lyeth opposite to the Riuer Volga, and may be sayled in fiue dayes. All other places where the Kings Silke is made, lye neere the Sea, as Rasht, Peomin, Shoft and Leygon▪ in the Prouince of Guilan, the farthest eight leagues from the Ports. In Monzendroan▪* 38.10 is the Plantation for the making of Silke, and this yeare a good quantitie made, of which as yet hath neuer proofe beene made for his goodnesse. Thus much for nerenesse of the places where the Silke is made to the Caspian Sea, by which your Honours may perceiue how necessary the Silke doth lye for its tran∣sport by the way of the Volga, if passage might be procured from the Emperours of Muscouia; whereas now they are carryed three moneths iourney by land to the Port, and not without great charges and trouble, as by the generall aduice you will well vnderstand; to which I humbly re∣ferre you.

Gentlemen, this your Persian Trade, as it is in her infancy hath many Enemies, the Turke, [ 20] Arabian, Armenian, and the proud Portugall, whose lying tongue ceaseth not to dishonour our Kingdome and Nation, but the Lord, I hope, will turne the dishonour vpon his owne pate.

The ouerthrow of the three first Enemies must be by the presence of an Ambassadour heere, who, no doubt, would perswade and pull downe the Kings now loftie price of his Silke as you will well find in this yeares Silke receiued, and no abatement to bee expected, but by treatie of an Ambassadour, who hath beene expected and demanded for by this King: also to accord an a∣greement with the King for the Silke that is most in esteeme, and profitable for you: and as he is turned Merchant for sale of his Silke, so likewise to be your Merchant for the goods you shall yearely send into his Land, at such prices as may counteruaile the price he sets on his Silke. But I doubt, you will say I passe the bounds of my Commission or order in writing this briefe Rela∣tion, [ 30] of which might be spoken at large. But doubtlesse, not more then your graue wisdomes doe foresee, or the better experienced then my selfe doe aduise, to which I humbly referre your Honours, praying the successe may proue to your hearts desires.

Gentlemen, I am sorry, you thinke me not worthy to nominate me your seruant in your Let∣ters, and more sorry you write me seuerall names and not mine owne name, for which cause I haue beene a daily table sport by some, which of these names they may take for your Honours Seruant, others wish me to returne and make my wages with you: and had I good occasion in your Honours employment I should bee very willing thereunto; but howsoeuer I referre mee to God and your Honours, not doubting, but you will deale as well with mee as others, and that I may not returne as promised I willingly remayne your Honours oblieged seruant readie to vn∣dergoe any your Affaires, desiring your Honours will please to nominate mee a certaine yeerely [ 40] stipend for the time I shall so spend vntill my returne to your Honours, for which I shall bee bound to pray for your Honours helpe and happinesse in this World, and in the World to come eternall rest.

Your Honours may please that yesterday we receiued a Letter from the Agent from Port Ias∣ques. A second Letter directed to Master William Bell and the rest at Spahan, aduizing the truth as neere as they can be informed, the occasion of your Honours ships not arriuall as yet; to which I humbly referre you. Being ordered also by the Agent that the Copie thereof should be dispee∣ded to your Honours, I haue fitted those former lines, long by you expected, of a briefe Rela∣tion of my Iourney from Yeraslaue to Spahan in Persia, also the fittest time for transport of your [ 50] Letters to haue speediest passage.

Since my arriuall here at Mina with the last Cafila of Silke, nothing hath happened worthy your Honours notice. We expect hourely to heare the happy newes of the safe arriuall of the ships at Port Iasques, that wee may proceed thither with your goods, which God of his mercie grant, to whose blessed tuition I euer commend your Honourrs; and rest,

Mina, the thirteenth of December, 1620.

Your Honours obliged Seruant, [ 60] GILES HOBS.

[illustration]

HONDIVS his Map of the East Indies.

CHAP. XVII. [ 40] A Discourse of Trade from England vnto the East Indies: Answering to diuers Obiections which are vsually made against the same.

Written by T. Mun.

THe trade of Merchandise, is not onely that laudable practise whereby the entercourse of Nations is so worthily performed, but also (as I may terme it) the very Touchstone of a kingdomes prosperitie, when therein some certaine rules shall be diligently obserued. For, as in the estates of priuate persons, we may account that man to prosper and grow [ 50] rich, who being possessed of reuenues more or lesse, doth accordingly proportion his expen∣ces; whereby he may yeerely aduance some maintenance for his posteritie. So doth it come to passe in those kingdoms, which with great care and warinesse do euer vent out more of their home com∣modities; then they import and vse of forraine wares; for so vndoubtedly the remainder must returne to them in treasure. But where a contrary course is taken, through wantonnesse and riot; to ouer-waste both forraine and domesticke wares; there must the money of necessity be exported, as the meanes to helpe to furnish such excesse, and so by the corruption of mens conditions and manners, many rich countreyes are made exceeding poore, whilst the people thereof, too much affecting their owne inormities, doe lay the fault in something else. [ 60]

Wherefore, industry to encrease, and frugalitie to maintaine, are the true watchmen of a kingdomes treasury; euen when the force and feare of Princes prohibitions cannot possibly retaine the same.

And therefore, as it is most plaine, that proportion or quantitie, must euer be regarded in the importing of forraine wares; so must there also be a great respect of qualitie and vse; that so, the things most neces∣sary

to be first preferred; such as are foode, rayment, and munition for war and trade; which great bles∣sings, when any Countrey doth sufficiently enioy; the next to be procured are wares, fitting for health, and arts; the last, are those, which serue for our pleasures and ornament.

Now, forasmuch as by the prouidence of Almightie God, the kingdome of England, is endowed with such abundance of rich commodities, that it hath long enioyed, not onely great plenty of the things before named, but also, through a superfluitie, hath beene much inriched with treasure brought in from forraine parts; which hath giuen life vnto so many worthy trades, amongst which that vnto the East India by name; the report whereof, although it is already spread so famous through the world: yet notwithstan∣ding, here at home, the clamorous complaints against the same, are growne so loud and generall; that [ 10] (my selfe being one of the Society, it hath much troubled my priuate meditations, to conceiue the meanes or true grounds of this confusion. But at the last I resolued my selfe, that the greatest number of these ex∣claimers are led away in ignorance; not hauing as yet discerned the mysteries of such weighty affaires: Some haue beene transported with enuy, as not participating in the said Society, or being thereby hindred (as they conceiue) in some other trade; and others, wholy corrupted in their affections, who whilst they willingly runne into these errors, doe also labour diligently to seduce others; that so, this good and glory of the kingdome, might be subuerted by our selues, which by the policie and strength of Strangers, cannot so easily be abated; wherefore, it is now a fit time to meete with such iniurious courses, by a true Narra∣tion of the passages in the said East India Trade; answering to those seuerall obiections, which are so com∣monly made against the same: That so these misunderstandings and errors, may be made knowne vnto the [ 20] whole body of this Kingdome, which at this present time is most worthily represented to those noble as∣semblies of the high Courts of Parliament; where I hope the worth of this rich Trade, shall bee effectually inquired, and so in the end obtaine the credite of an honorable approbation.

The first Obiection. It were a happie thing for Christendome (say many men) that the Nauigation to the East Indies, by way of the Cape of Good Hope, had neuer been found out; For in the fleets of [ 30] shippes, which are sent thither yeerely out of England, Portugall, and the Low-coun∣treyes; The Gold, Siluer, and Coyne of Christendome, and particularly of this King∣dome, is exhausted, to buy vnnecessary wares.

The Answere.

THe matter of this Obiection is very weighty, and therefore it ought to be answered fully; the which that I may the better performe, I will diuide the same into three parts. In the first, I will consider the necessary vse of the wares, which are vsu∣ally [ 40] brought out of East India into Europe; namely, Drugges, Spices, Raw-silke, In∣dico, [ 1] and Callicoes. In the second, I will imitate the manner and meanes by which the said wares haue beene heretofore, and now are brought into Europe. In the third and last, I will [ 2] prooue, that the treasure of England is not consumed, but rather greatly to be increased, by the [ 3] performance of the said Trade.

Touching the first, Who is so ignorant in any famous commonwealth,* 38.11 which will not consent to the moderate vse of wholsome Drugges and comfortable Spices? Which haue been so much desired in all times, and by so many Nations, not thereby to surfeit, or to please a lickorish taste (as it often happeneth, with many other fruites and wines) but rather as things most necessary to preserue their health, and to cure their diseases;* 38.12 euen as it is most notably set foorth by some learned men, who haue vndertaken to write vpon this subiect: and therefore it shall be altoge∣ther [ 50] needlesse heere to discourse vpon their seuerall operations and vertues, seeing that he that listeth, may be well instructed therein; if hee will peruse the Volumes which are penned by the learned, for the benefit of all those who shall make vse thereof.

But if peraduenture it be yet further vrged, that diuers Nations liue without the vse of Druggs and Spices: the answere is, That either s••ch people know not their vertue, and therefore suffer much by the want of wares so healthfull, or else they are most miserable, being without meanes to obtaine the things which they so much want: but sithence I intend to be briefe, I will insist no further vpon this point: For the Obiecters might aswell denie vs the vse of Sugers, Wines, Oyles, Raysons, Figges, Prunes, and Currands; and with farre more reason exclaime against Tobacco, Cloth of Gold and Siluer, Lawnes, Cambricks, Gold and Siluer-lace, Veluets, Sat∣tens, [ 60] Taffataes, and diuers other manifactures, yeerely brought into this Realme for an infinite value: all which as it is most true, that whilest we consume them, they likewise deuoure our wealth; yet neuertheles, the moderate vse of all these wares hath euer suted well with the riches and Maiestie of this Kingdome.

* 38.13But I will come to the raw Silkes and Indico, this being so excellent for the dying of our woollen clothes, thereby so much esteemed in so many places of the world; that ornament, to∣gether with the great reliefe and maintenance of so many hundreds of poore people, who are continually imployed, in the winding, twisting, and weauing of the same: Insomuch, that by the cherishing of this businesse (as his Maiestie for his part is graciously pleased to performe, in remitting the impost of Silke) it may well be hoped, that in short time, industrie will make the Art to flourish with no lesse happinesse to this Kingdome, then it hath done (through many ages) to diuers states in Italy, and lately also to the Kingdome of France, and to the vnited Prouinces of the Low-countreyes.

Now as touching the Trade of Callicoes, of many sorts, into which the English lately made an entrance, although it cannot be truely said, that this commoditie is profitable, for the state of [ 10] Christendome in generall (in respect they are the manifacture of Infidels, and in great part the weare of Christians) yet neuerthelesse, this commoditie likewise is of singular vse, for this com∣mon-wealth in particular; not onely therewith to increase the trade into forraine parts, but also thereby greatly to abate the excessiue prices of Cambrickes, Holland, and other sorts of Linnen cloth, which daily are brought into this Kingdome for a very great summe of money. And this shall suffice concerning the necessary vse of the Indian wares: In the next place, I will set forth the manner and meanes of their importing into Europe* 38.14

It is an errour in those men; who thinke that the trade of the East Indies into Europe had first entrance, by the discouerie of the Nauigation by the Cape of Good Hope. For many yeeres be∣fore that time, the trafficke of those parts had his ordinary course by shipping from diuers places [ 20] in the Indies, yeerely resorting with their wares to Mocha in the Red-Sea, and Balsera in the Persian Gulfe: From both which places, the Merchandise (with great charges) were after trans∣ported ouer-land by the Turkes vpon Cammels, fiftie dayes iourney, vnto Aleppo in Soria, and to Alexandria in Egypt, (which are in the Mart Townes, from whence diuers Nations, as well Turkes as Christians doe continually disperse the said Wares by Sea into the parts of Europe:) by which course, the common enemie of Christendome (the Turke) was Master of the Trade, which did greatly imploy, and inrich his Subiects, and also fill the Coffers of his owne Customes, which he exacted at very high rates;* 38.15 But by the prouidence of Almightie God, the discouerie of that Nauigation, to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope (now so much frequented by the English, Portugals, and Dutch; and also attempted by other Christian Kingdomes) hath not [ 30] onely much decayed the great Commerce betweene the Indians and the Turkes in the Red Sea; and in the Persian Gulfe (to their infinite hurt, and to the great increase of Christian Trade,) but it hath also brought a further happinesse vnto Christendome in generall, and to the Realme of England in particular, for the venting of more English Commodities; and for exporting of a lesse quantitie of Siluer out of Europe vnto the Infidels, by many thousand pounds yearely, then hath beene accustomed in former times; as I shall prooue most plainely by that which fol∣loweth.

And first, it will be necessarie to set downe the quantitie of Spices, Indico, and Persian raw Silke (which is yeerely consumed in Europe) and in them all to consider the cost with the char∣ges to lade the same Commodities cleere aboord the ships from Aleppo; and the like of all the [ 40] selfe same wares, as they haue beene vsually dispatched from the Ports of the East Indies; where∣in will appeare that happinesse, which many doe so much oppose; especially our owne Coun∣trey-men,* 38.16 vnder the gilded termes of the Common-wealth; whilest being indeed either igno∣rant, or ill affected, they doe not onely grosly erre themselues, but also cause others to hinder as much as in them lyerh, the glorie and wel-fare of this Kingdome; but leauing them, I will set downe the said wares, in their quantitie and prices as followeth; and first,

At ALEPPO,

* 38.17 Sixe thousand thousand pounds of Pepper, cost with charges at two shillings the pound, six hundred thousand pound. Foure hundred fiftie thousand pounds of Cloues, at foure shillings nine pence the pound, cost one hundred sixe thousand eight hundreth seuentie fiue pound tenne [ 50] shillings. One hundreth and fiftie thousand pounds of Mace at foure shillings nine pence the pound, cost there thirtie fiue thousand sixe hundred twentie sixe pound. Foure hundred thou∣sand pounds of Nutmegs at two shillings foure pence the pound, cost fortie sixe thousand sixe hundred sixtie sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence. Three hundred fiftie thousand of In∣dico, at foure shillings foure pence the pound, cost seuentie fiue thousand eight hundred thirtie three pound, sixe shillings eight pence. One thousand thousand of Persia raw Silke at twelue shillings the pound, come to sixe hundreth thousand pound. The whole summe of all is 1465001. pounds, ten shillings.

Now follow the same wares both for quantitie and qualitie at their seuerall prices, as they [ 60] are to be bought and laden cleere of charges,

In the East INDIES,

Sixe thousand thousand pounds of Pepper, cost with charges at two pence halfe pennie the pound, sixtie two thousand fiue hundred pound. Foure hundred fiftie thousand pounds of

Cloues at nine pence the pound, cost sixteene thousand eight hundred seuentie fiue pounds. One hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Mace, at eight pence the pound, cost fiue thousand pounds. Foure hundred thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at foure pence the pound, cost sixe thousand sixe hundred sixtie sixe pounds thirteene shillings foure pence. Three hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Indico, at fourteene pence the pound,* 38.18 cost twentie thousand foure hundred and six∣teene pounds twelue shillings foure pence. Ten hundred thousand pounds Persia raw Silke, at eight shillings the pound, cost foure hundred thousand pounds. The whole summe of all is, 511458. pounds, 5. shillings, 8. pence.

So that by the substance, and summes of these accounts it doth plainely appeare, that the buy∣ing [ 10] of the said quantitie of raw Silkes, Indico, and Spices, may be performed in the Indies, for neere one third part of the readie moneys, which were accustomed to be sent into Turkey to pro∣uide the same: So that there will be saued euery yeere the value of nine hundred fiftie three thousand fiue hundred fortie three pounds foure shillings foure pence sterling, of readie moneys, that heretofore hath beene exported out of Christendome into Turkey: which is a matter of such note and consequence, that it may seeme incredible, before the circumstance be duely con∣sidered; and therefore left I should leaue the matter in doubt, it is requisite, that I doe make an explanation of some particulars.

And principally, it must not be conceiued, that this great aduantage which hath beene spo∣ken of, is onely the Merchants gayne; for the Common-wealth of Christendome, hath a very great part thereof in the cheapnesse of the Wares, as shall be (God willing) proued hereafter in his due place.

[ 20] Secondly, the time of the Merchants forbearance and interest is very long; his aduenture and assurance much dearer; his charges of Shipping, Victuals, Mariners, and Factors their wages, farre greater then by the voyage into Turkey for the same Wares: so that the former great diffe∣rence must be vnderstood in these particulars: whereby we may perceiue to our comfort, that the materials of the Kingdome,* 38.19 and the employments of the Subiects (in lieu of readie mo∣neys) becomes a very great part of the price which is payed for the said Indian Wares: which cannot hurt the State (as some erroniously suppose) but greatly helpe it, as I shall better proue in that which followeth.

First therefore, I shew for an vndoubted truth, That the Persians, Moores, and Indians, who trade with the Turkes at Aleppo, Mocha, and Alexandria, for raw Silkes, Drugs, Spices, Indico, [ 30] and Callicoes; haue alwayes made, and still doe make their returnes in readie money: for other Wares, there are but few which they desire from forraine parts; some Chamlets, Corrall, wrought Silke, woollen Cloth, with some trifles, they doe yeerly vent in all, not for aboue fortie or fiftie thousand pounds sterling; which is no valuable summe in respect of that wealth which is carried from Aleppo and Constantinople into Persia for raw Silkes; when least, fiue hundred thousand pounds sterling per annum: and from Mocha about sixe hundred thousand pounds sterling (likewise yeerely into India) for returne of Callicoes, Drugs, Sugar, Rice, Tobacco, and diuers other things. So here is stil a very great commerce maintayned betweene those Infi∣dels; not onely for the Callicoes of many sorts, and other Wares (which concerne their owne vse) but also for the raw Silkes of Persia, which are altogether transported into Christendome.

How worthie an enterprise is it therefore in the English East India Companie? by whose en∣deauours [ 40] there is now good hope to turne a great part of this wealthie Trade into England, by shipping directly from the Persian Gulfe, whereby the employments, trafficke, and Customes of the Turkes, may be still more and more impaired, and the generall Treasure of Christendome much lesse consumed; as is already performed for the businesse of Spices and Indico.

And who shall then doubt our want of Siluer to maintaine the Trade? if by this way we doe obtaine the Silke, which with more aduantage and conueniencie will draw the money to this Mart, then it hath beene heretofore conueyed vnto those remote Dominions of the Turke.

And lest peraduenture it should be thought, that the trafficke in those parts by the Christians for the Persian Silke, is performed by change for other Wares, or by the money which procee∣deth of the sales of many rich Commodities, which yeerely they sell at Aleppo, Alexandria, [ 50] Constantinople, and these parts. The answere is, that neither the Venetians, French, nor Dutch, doe vent so much of their owne Countrie Commodities in those parts, as doe prouide their ne∣cessarie wants of the proper Wares of Turkes: such as are the fine raw Silke made in Soria, Chamlets, Grograns, Cotten Woolls, Cotten Yarne, Galls, Flax, Hempe, Fleece Woolls, Rice, Hides, Waxe, and diuers other things; so that still the raw Silkes of Persia, must be bought with readie money. Onely the English haue more aduantage then any other Nation in this kind: for they vent so great a quantitie of Broad-clothes, Tinne, and other English Commo∣dities, that the proceed thereof, doth not onely prouide a sufficient quantitie of part of the said [ 60] Turkish Wares (which fit their vse) but also a proportion of about three hundred great Balls of Persia raw Silke yeerely.

And if in any yeere they chance to buy a greater quantitie of Silke, then must and doe they furnish the same in readie moneys from the Ports of Marcellis, Genouay, Ligorne, Venice, or the

Netherlands. Neither are these the onely meanes, whereby the Empire of the Turke is so abun∣dantly stored with Gold and Siluer, to the performance of the Indian Trade. For, many are the Christian ships which yeerely lade with Corne for readie moneys in the Archipelago: great is the commerce from Poland, Hungarie, and Germanie, with Gold and Dollers, for Chamlets, Grograns,* 38.20 and other things: But that which is very remarkable, is the great quantitie of Gold, and some Siluer coyned in Grand-Cairo, which by two seuerall Carauans (in bullion) is yeerly brought thither from the Abassens Countrey in Ethiopia, for returne of many rich Commodi∣ties, as Veluets, Sattins, Cloth of Gold, Taffatas, wollen Cloth, pollished Corrall, and other things.

Thus by the coherence of the Turkish Trade with the Christians, Persians, and Indians, I haue shewed both the manner and the meanes, whereby the East Indian Wares haue beene heretofore, [ 10] and yet are in part, procured into Christendome. But lest it should seeme incredible, that the Turke would let so great a masse of Treasure yeerely to passe his Dominions, to the Indians, and to the Persians his professed enemies; I will make the matter yet more plaine.

And first concerning the raw Silkes, it is alreadie shewed, that he hath the money from the Christians, besides the benefit he reapeth in their Customes, with great employments also for his Subiects.* 38.21 And for Callicoes (his whole Empire hauing little or no other meanes for Lin∣nen) he cannot possibly be without them, although it hath, and doth greatly exhaust his Trea∣sure, neither doth he gayne any manufacture by the same, as the Christians haue alwayes done by the raw Silke, to the great reliefe of innumerable poore people, so much prouided for, by the pollicie of all well gouerned and flourishing Common-wealths; As by this occasion, and in a [ 20] businesse of the like kind,* 38.22 I may instance the States of Genouay, Florence, and Luca; who for the maintenance of Arts and Trade, doe prouide raw Silkes out of Sicilia for the value of fiue hun∣dred thousand pounds sterling at least yeerly; and for the payment thereof they doe vent at Naples, Palermo, Messina, and those parts, a certaine quantitie of Florence Rashes, and some o∣ther Wares, for about one hundred and fiftie thousand pounds sterling per annum; so the rest, be∣ing three hundred and fiftie thousand pounds sterling, is supplied all in readie moneys: which treasure they doe willingly forsake to procure their Trade: for experience hath taught them that Trade is their employment, and doth returne them Treasure; for by those Silkes (being wrought, transported, and sold at Frankford and other Marts,) they haue the better meanes to furnish their Contracts with the King of Spaine in Flanders; and so from Spaine the Siluer must [ 30] returne againe to Italie. But if I should runne out in this and other particulars (fitting our pur∣pose) it would make me too tedious, and so carrie mee beyond my ayme. which is to be briefe.

Wherefore I will proceed to cleere some doubts in those men, who perhaps not hauing the knowledge of occurrents in forraine parts, might thinke that neither Venice, nor Marcellis haue the meanes or yet the minds, to export such great summes of readie moneyes yeerely out of those Dominions, especially Marcellis being a part of France, where neighbourhood doth daily tell vs, that Gold and Siluer may not bee conuayed out of that Kingdome, for any valuable summe, more then is permitted for the necessarie vse of Trauellers: yet neuerthelesse, experi∣ence hath likewise taught vs, that for the effecting of those Trades (whereof we now speake, and which they esteeme so much) there is a free extraction out of the said places, of moneyes [ 40] both gold and siluer; whereof with them there is no want; for, the said Wares doe procure it abundantly.

* 38.23First, to Marcellis, it commeth not onely from Genouay, Ligorne, Cartagenia, Malliga, and many other Port Townes of Spaine and Italy, but also from Paris, Roan, Sainct-Malloes, Tolouse, Rochell, Deepe, and other Cities of France; who want not meanes to haue great store of Rials and Dollers from Spaine and Germanie.

And in the like manner, the Venetians dispersing the said raw Silkes, and other Wares into the seuerall States of Italie, Germanie, and Hungarie, (who haue but few Commodities fitting their barter or exchange, but onely moneyes) are there with abundantly serued: for, the Mynes of Hungarie and Germanie affoord good quantitie of Gold and Siluer; and likewise the States of [ 50] Italie, especially Genouay, Florence, and Millane, haue euer store of Rials out of Spaine in satisfa∣ction of many great disbursements,* 38.24 which those Merchants make for that King in his occasions of Italie and Flanders; of all which I might make a large discourse, but I conceiue I haue said suf∣ficient, to shew how the Trade of the East Indies hath beene, and now is brought into Christen∣dome generally; what money is yeerely sent out, by whom, and the possibilitie or meanes which they haue to performe it. I will therefore in the next place, satisfie the Obiectors, that it is not the East India Trade, which wasteth the Gold, and Siluer, Coyne, or other treasure of this Kingdome in particular.

For first, who knoweth not that Gold in the East Indies hath no ratable price with Siluer? [ 60] Neither hath the Siluer coyne of England any equall value with the Spanish Rials according to their seueral prices here; besides that, his Maiestie hath not authorized the East India Company, to send away any part of this Kingdoms Coyne, either Gold or Siluer; but only a certain limi∣ted sum of forren siluer yeerly; which as they dare not exceed, so neuer haue they as yet accom∣plished

the same. For it doth plainly appeare in their bookes, that from the originall and first foundation of the Trade in Anno 1601. vntill the moneth of Iuly,* 38.25 Anno 1620. they haue shipped away onely fiue hundred fortie eight thousand and ninety pounds sterling in Spanish Rials, and some Dollers; whereas by licence, they might haue exported in that time seuen hundred and twentie thousand pounds s••••rling. Also they haue laden away in the same terme of ninteene yeeres, out of this Kingdome two hundred ninetie two thousand two hundred eightie sixe pounds sterling in Broad-clothes, Kersies, Lead, Tinne, with some other English and forraine Commodities; which is a good Addition, and vent of our Wares, into such remote places; where heretofore they haue had no vtterance at all.

[ 10] And note, I pray you, how time and industrie hath bettered this Trade,* 38.26 when in the last three yeeres there hath beene sent more Wares to the Indies, then in the sixteene yeeres before; and yet our expectation is not at the highest; for those new borne Trades within the Red Sea, and in the Persian Gulfe, doe bid vs hope for better things, as lately by Letters from Spahan, we vnderstand of great quantitie of raw Silke prepared by the English Factors, which (by Gods assistance) wee may expect here about the moneth of August next, with encouragement also to vent our English Cloth, and Kersies in good quantities; the like of Iron, Tinne, and other things, whereof experience (of those already sold) hath giuen vs sufficient approbation of their validitie.

And now (omitting much matter which might be written touching the discoueries of other Trades from one Kingdome or Port to another in the Indies, with the Commodities thereof;* 38.27 [ 20] whereby the employment of our ships, together with the Stocke of money and goods which is sent out of England in them, may be much encreased) I will draw to a conclusion of the point in hand, and shew that whatsoeuer summes of forraine readie moneyes are yeerely sent from hence into the East Indies, his Maiestie in the Letters Patents granted to that Companie, hath notwithstanding with singular care prouided, that the brethren of the Companie, shall yeerely bring in as much Siluer, as they send forth; which hath beene alwayes truly performed, with an ouerplus, to the increase of this Kingdomes treasure: Neither is it likely that the money which is thus contracted for by the Companie at certaine prices, and to be deliuered them at times appointed, would be otherwise brought into England, but onely by vertue and for the per∣formance of the said Contracts: for, without this assurance of vent, together with a good price for the said moneyes, the Merchants would vndoubtedly make their returnes in other [ 30] Wares; the vse and extraordinarie consume whereof, would be found lesse profitable to the Common-wealth, when the matter should be duly considered, as I shall yet further endeauour to demonstrate.

And here I will suppose, That the East India Companie may ship out yeerely one hundred thousand pounds sterling: yet it is most certaine, that the Trade being thus driuen, with sums of readie moneys, it will not decay, but rather much increase the treasure of the Kingdome: which to proue, I will briefly set downe the substance of the English Trade vnto the East Indies, concer∣ning the quantitie of the seuerall sorts of Wares, to be yeerly bought there, and sold here; with the vsuall prices giuen for them in both places. And first, I will beginne with their cost and charges laden cleere aboord the ships in the East Indies.

In the East INDIES.

[ 40]

Two thousand fiue hundred thousand pounds of Pepper, at two pence half-penie the pound, cost twentie sixe thousand fortie one pounds thirteene shillings foure pence. One hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Cloues, at nine pence the pound, cost fiue thousand six hundred twen∣tie sixe pounds. One hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at foure pence the pound, cost two thousand fiue hundred pounds. Fiftie thousand pounds of Mace, at eight pence the pound, cost one thousand sixe hundred sixtie sixe pounds thirteene shillings foure pence. Two hundred thousand pounds of Indico, at fourteene pence the pound, cost eleuen thousand sixe hundred sixtie sixe pounds thirteene shillings foure pence. One hundred and seuen thousand one hundred fortie pounds of China raw Silkes, at seuen shillings the pound, cost thirtie seuen thou∣sand [ 50] foure hundred nintie nine pounds. Fiftie thousand of Callicoes of seuerall sorts, rated at se∣uen shillings the piece one with another, fifteene thousand pounds. The whole summe of all is, one hundred thousand pounds.

All the said Merchandize haue beene often experienced, or bought at or about the prices aboue written; and we doe hope for our parts (besides the Trade of raw Silkes from Persia) yeerely, to lade from the Indies, such quantitie of the seuerall sorts of Wares as are here set downe (if it shall please his Maiestie, to protect and defend vs concerning the Articles of agreement made with the Dutch, that they may not violate any of them to our hindrance or damage) all which wares in England will yeeld (as I doe conceiue) the prices hereafter following, viz.

[ 60]

In ENGLAND.

Two hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Pepper, at twentie pence the pound, cost two hundred and eight thousand three hundred thirtie three pounds sixe shillings eight pence. One hundred and fiftie thousand of Cloues, at six shillings the pound, cost fortie fiue thousand pounds▪

* 38.28One hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at two shill••ngs sixe pence the pound, cost eighteene thousand seuen hundred and fiftie pounds. Fiftie thousand pound of Mace, at sixe shillings the pound, cost fifteene thousand pounds. Two hundred thousand pounds of Indico, at fiue shillings the pound, cost fiftie thousand pounds. One hundred and seuen thousand one hundred fortie pounds of China raw Silkes, at twentie shillings the pound, cost one hundred and seuen thousand one hundred fortie pounds. Fiftie thousand pieces of Callicoes of seuerall sorts, rated at twentie shillings the piece one with another, cost fiftie thousand pounds. The whole summe of all is, foure hundred ninetie foure thousand two hundred twentie three pounds sixe shillings eight pence.

So that here would be our owne money againe and more, the summe of three hundred nine∣tie foure thousand two hundred twentie three pounds sixe shillings eight pence aduanced to∣wards [ 10] the generall Stocke of the Kingdome. For although the East India Companie shall dis∣burse the greatest part of the said summe aduanced vnto his Maiestie for Custome and Impost; and also vnto the Factors, Officers, and Mariners, for wages, together with the cost of ship∣ping Victuals, Munitions, Assurance and the like: yet all these (the Materials of shipping one∣ly excepted) are but transmutations and no consumption of the Kingdomes Stocke.

But if any man obiect and say, that the said Commodities being brought into England (as is before written) they are either consumed in the Land, or being transported into forraine parts, they are changed into other Wares: So that still we want our hundred thousand pounds in readie money. The answere is, First, that in the occasion of this dispute, wee must conceiue the said Wares to be of no vse for this Kingdome, but onely for so much, as doe concerne the [ 20] Trade thereof. And Secondly, in the said Trade we must consider, that although the said goods be sent out, and returned home in other Wares from forraine parts; yet still, they are negotia∣ted to the increase of the said Stocke, and for the imployment of the Subiects. Lastly, if there be a resolution to determine and end the businesse: who doubteth, that the whole value may not bee presently returned hither in readie moneyes? For in Italie, Turkey, and other places, where they are most vendible to profit, there likewise is the money free to be exported at all times and by whomsoeuer.

And as it is most certaine, that some other Merchandize, sent out of this Kingdome, were the meanes to bring in the hundred thousand pounds in readie moneyes, which is here supposed to be sent and imployed in the East Indies (as aforesaid) so likewise, there is the same power in [ 30] these Indian wares, to procure other summes of readie moneyes, to bee brought into this King∣dome: For let not man doubt, but that money doth attend Merchandize, for money is the prize of wares, and wares are the proper vse of money; so that their coherence is vnseparable. And if the French and the Venetians, made any doubt of this, they would not so willingly permit the value of sixe hundred thousand pounds sterling, or more in Spanish Rialls and Dollers, yeerly to be carryed out of their Dominions into Turkey: whereof three quarter parts at least are imploy∣ed, onely for the buying of Persia raw Silkes, which commoditie doth presently enable them with readie money from diuers other States to performe the Trade; whereby their wealth doth much increase, and their people are greatly imployed. So to conclude this point, I will onely adde, that the East India Trade alone (although it be driuen in no amplyer manner then is afore [ 40] written) is a meanes to bring more treasure into the Realme then all the other trades of this Kingdome (as they are now managed) being put together. For if the rule be true, that when the value of our commodities exported doth ouer-ballance the worth of all those forraigne wares, which are imported and consumed in this Kingdome, then the remaynder of our stocke which is sent forth, must of necessitie returne to vs in Treasure. I am confident, that vpon a diligent and true inquirie it will be found, that the ouer-ballance of all our other Trades together, will not amount vnto so great a summe of money as the East India Trade alone doth ouer-ballance in this kinde.

And to make the matter yet more plaine, whereas it is already said that one hundred thou∣sand pounds in money exported, may import about the value of fiue hundred thousand pounds [ 50] sterling, in wares from the East Indies, we must vnderstand that part thereof to be properly cal∣led our importation that this Realme doth consume, which is about the value of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling yeerly. So the remaynder being three hundred and eightie thou∣sand pounds, is matter exported vnto forraine parts in the nature of our Cloth, Lead, Tin, or any other natiue commodities, to the great increase of this Kingdomes stocke, and that also in so much treasure, so farre as the East India Trade can be rightly vnderstood to subsist in this parti∣cular. For as all humane actions haue their Termination and Ends, so likewise there must bee an end assigned vnto the affaires of the East Indies; which are then truely said to bee finished, when this Realme is serued, and the remainder of those Wares which are sent from hence be∣yond [ 60] the Seas, sold there and conuerted into money; which likewise from thence may bee brought away freely and without the danger of Law, or prohibition. Forasmuch therefore as it is well knowne to many men, that moneys are thus procured by the Sales of Indian Wares to profit, in the parts of Turkey, and at Ligorne, Genoway, the Netherlands, Marcellis, and other pla∣ces:

yet notwithstanding if all the said Coyne, or any part thereof should bee diuerted from this Realme by some other new imployments or affaires, it must neuerthelesse bee granted, that the said India wares had their finall end in monies. But I will cease to heape vp any more argu∣ments, to proue a matter which is alreadie made so plaine; wherefore leauing this Obiection, I will endeuour to giue Answere to the next.

The second Obiection. [ 10] The Timber, Planke, and other materials, for making of shipping, is exceedingly wasted, and made dearer,, by the building of so many great Ships, as are yeerely sent to Trade in the East Indies; and yet the State hath no vse of any of them vpon occasion. For either they are not here; or else they come home very weake and vnseruiceable.

The Answere.

THis East India Trade seemeth to be borne and brought vp an Vnthrift, for it wasteth and consu∣meth all; Neither doth it good to any.

1 But the Obiection, in some part is very weake:

[ 20] 2 And in the rest it is mistaken.

For first, concerning the weaknesse thereof,* 38.29 would men haue vs to keepe our woods and goodly trees to looke vpon? they might aswell forbid the working of our wools, and sending forth our cloth to for∣raigne parts; for both are meanes alike to procure the necessary wares, which this Kingdome wanteth. Do they not know that trees doe liue and grow: and being great, they haue a time to dye and rot, if oportuni∣tie make no better vse of them? and what more noble or profitable vse then goodly ships for Trade and Warre? Are they not our Barnes for wealth, and plentie, seruing as wals and bulwarkes for our peace and happinesse? Doe not their yeerely buildings maintayne many hundred poore people, and greatly in∣crease the number of those Artesmen which are so needfull for this Common-wealth? And is not all [ 30] this good performed also (with great prouidence) by bringing in yeerely store of Timber,* 38.30 and other pro∣uisions from Ireland? Why then, where is the great waste and dearenesse? I am sure, the East India Companie finds it not; for whereas they doe onely buy their prouisions in Hampshire, Essex, Kent, and Barkshire, in all which places they now may haue both Timber, Plankes, Sheathing boards, Trenals and the like, both for goodnesse and price, as cheape (yea better cheape) then they haue beene this fifteene yeeres; and likewise in all that course of time their Bookes doe plainly shew that those wares haue neuer varied much; for if they haue risen any small matter in one yeare, they haue fallen as much the next. And yet I pray you obserue (besides the East India Companies buildings) the many goodly ships which are daily made for other priuate Merchants (such as England neuer had before) and that which is most remarkable, is the continuall late buildings of his Maiestie, thereby yearely adding more strength and [ 40] glory of great ships, to his Royall and matchlesse Nauy; so that here we see this supposed waste and want is not considerable.

Yea but, say they, the East India ships are neuer here to serue the Kingdome vpon occasion: Or if they be at home, they are weake and vnfit for seruice.* 38.31

In Trade of Merchandize our ships must goe and come, they are not made to stay at home; Yet ne∣uerlesse, the East India Company are well prepared at all times, to serue his Maiestie and his King∣domes, with many warlike prouisions, which they alwayes keepe in store; such as Timber, Planckes, Iron∣workes, Masts, Cordage, Anchors, Caske, Ordnance, Powder, Shot, Victuals readie packed, Wine, Sider, and a World of other things, fitting the present building, repairing and dispatch of ships to Sea; as may be plentifully seene in their yards and store-houses at Deptford, and more especially in those at Blacke-wall; which are growne so famous, that they are daily visited and viewed by strangers, as well [ 50] Embassadors as others; to their great admiration of his Maiesties strength and glorie, in one only Company of his Merchants, able at short warning to set forth a Fleet of ships of great force and power.

For it is well knowne to all men who please truly to bee informed, That the East India Companie (be∣sides their Fleets of ships going and comming, and also abiding in the In••i••s) are continually building, repayring, rigging, victualling, and furnishing to Sea, with all prouision needfull for such a long Voy∣age, some seuen or eight great ships yearely; which are to bee seene at an Anchor in the Riuer of Thames in a great forwardnesse some fiue or sixe moneths together, before they commonly depart for the Indies, which is about the moneth of March: and they are no sooner got off from the Coast of Eng∣land, but shortly after, is the season of our shippes to returne from the Indies;* 38.32 who come not home so weake as some would haue them; for how often hath experience beene made of our ships which haue per∣formed [ 60] two or three seuerall Voyages to the East Indies? Yet at their returne, they haue beene indoc∣ked, n••w trimmed and lanched out againe▪ fitted for the like Voyages, in lesse then two monethes. But it will be needlesse to spend any more time in shewing the errors of this second Obiection: therefore I will rather come to the handling of that which followeth.

The third Obiection. The Voyages to the East Indies doe greatly consume our victuals, and our Mariners: lea∣uing many poore Widdowes and Children vnrelieued; Besides, that many Shippes are yeerely sent forth to the East Indies, and few we see as yet returned; Also, this Trade hath greatly decayed the Traffique and shipping, which were woont to be imployed into the Streights: And yet the said Trade to the East Indies, is found very vnprofitable to the Aduenturers: Neither doth the Common-wealth find any benefit by the cheape∣nesse of Spice and Indico, more then in times past. [ 10]

The Answere.

WHy, what a World of Mischiefes haue we here? First, Dearth. Secondly, Mortalitie. Thirdly, Destruction. Fourthly, Beggerie. Fiftly, And neuer a whit the neere. A very Teame of Calamities, drawing on to miserie; is it not then high time to seeke a remedie? yes verily, and it will be easily done, because these euils neuer were (as yet at least) procured by the East India Trade, as I shall shew, by answering all the parts in order as they stand: and first of Dearth.

It is both naturall and iust, that euery Kingdome, State, or Common-wealth, should feede [ 20] and cherish vp the Natiue people of all degrees and conditions whatsoeuer,* 38.33 to their preseruation of life and health, with such meanes and moderation, as their plentie shall affoord; and this is not onely due to them in the time of their aboad at home, but also vpon all occasions of Voya∣ges into other Countries beyond the Seas, wherein they shall bee imployed for their owne main∣tenance, and for the good of the Common-wealth.

Now therefore concerning the pouision of victuals (which in this Kingdome is yeerely pre∣pared for the setting forth of those shippes which saile to the East Indies) it is well knowne to many men,* 38.34 that it is alwayes proportioned, for about eighteene monethes; whereas common∣ly the Voyages proue a yeare longer, so that this ouer-plus of time, is furnished with the victu∣als [ 30] of forreine parts.

And likewise for the Bread and Bisket which is shipped from hence, hath it not alwayes bin made of French Corne, purposely brought ouer hither (and that at a deare rate) onely to pre∣serue the plentie of our owne graine? vntill now of late dayes that the Farmers heere beginne to cry out and say, That the cheapnesse of Corne doth dis-inable them to pay their deare Rents: Thus doe the East India Company euery way accommodate their proceedings for the good of the Kingdome.

And further concerning their Drinke, is it not a very great part water? Some Wine and Sider and but little Beere.

Also the Flesh they eate, is Beefe and Porke, and that onely for three dayes in a weeke; the rest of their victuals is Fish, some Butter, Cheese, Pease, Oat-meale, and other things; all [ 40] which is proportioned into a very sparing Dyet to euery man by allowance: so that heere is no Excesse nor Riot, or any other meanes to make our victuals scant and deare, as is by some erro∣niously supposed; but rather by this course of life, our plentie is much aduanced. And so I will giue answere to the next part which is mortalitie and great decay of Mariners.

The life of man is so precious, that it ought not lightly to be exposed to danger; And yet we know,* 38.35 that the whole course of our life, is nothing but a passage vnto Death; wherein one can neither stay nor slacke his pace, but all men runne in one manner, and in one celeritie; The shorter liuer runnes his course no faster then the long, both haue a like passeage of time; how∣beit, the first hath not so farre to runne as the later.

Now, it is this length of life which Nature seekes, and States likewise endeuour to preserue [ 50] in worthy men; but none are accounted so worthy in this nature, saue onely they, who labour in their vocations and functions, both for the publike good, and for their priuate benefit.

Thus may we esteeme our good Mariners, to be of no small vse vnto this Common-wealth: but take them from their laudable and accustomed imployments,* 38.36 for want of Voyages to Sea; we see what desperate courses they doe then attempt, by ioyning, euen with Turkes and Infi∣dels, to rob and spoyle all Christian Nations; so that we may conclude, we must not onely breed vp Mariners, but also seeke by Trade, to giue them maintenance.

Well, all this is true, but (say they) the East India Company doth neither breed nor main∣tayne, but destroy the wonted number of our Mariners. How can this be, when it is most cer∣taine, that England (besides the East India Fleets) had neuer yet more shipping then at this pre∣sent? [ 60] neither doe any of them stay at home for want of Mariners, no, not at this time, when many hundred Sailers are employed in extraordinarie seruice, for his Maiestie in a Royall Fleet

of ships, now at Sea: besides those great numbers of our best Mariners, which haue beene and daily are wasted and taken Prisoners by the Turkes; so where is this want, or what is our miserie more then the want of true information in them that are so ill perswaded of our Com∣pany?

Is it not certaine that as the East India Voyages are long,* 38.37 so likewise in Natures course many should dye by length of time although they stayed at home? And to recompence the losse of those that dye, doe not the East India Company with great prouidence, yeerely ship out at least foure hundred Land-men in their Fleets, which in one Voyage proue good Mariners to serue the Kingdome and Common-wealth, vnto which many of them were a burthen before they ob∣tayned [ 10] this employment? And thus is the Kingdome purged of desperate and vnruly people, who kept in awe by the good discipline at Sea, doe often change their former course of life, and so aduance their fortunes.

Neither indeed are these Voyages so dangerous and mortall, as is reported; for how many of our ships haue gone and come from the East Indies, without the losse of fiue men in a hundreth? Others againe haue had worse successe in the first beginning, when the seasons, the places and their contagions were not so well knowne vnto vs; yet time hath taught vs many things, both for the preseruation of health, and speedier performance of our Voyage then heretofore. But the Method of my Discourse bids me write more of this in the next part, which is destruction; and this I must diuide into two parts.

In the first, I will consider the want of diuers ships sent to the East Indies, which are wasted [ 20] there.

And in the second, I will answere the supposed ouerthrow of the Turkie Trade, together with much of our shipping which were wont to be employed thither.

First therefore, concerning the decay of our shippes in the Indies, it cannot bee denyed, but there hath beene great spoyle of them in these three last yeeres; not by the dangers of the Seas, or by the strength of Enemies; but by vnkind and vnexspected quarrels with our Neighbours the Hollanders, who haue taken and surprized twelue of our ships at seuerall times, and in sundry places, to our vnspeakeable losse and hinderance; together with the death of many of our worthyest Mariners, who haue beene slaine and dyed Prisoners vnder their hands▪ and this hath [ 30] so much the more encreased the rumour of their Mortalitie: Neither list I here to aggrauate the fact, more then thus briefly to giue answere to the Obiection: for our late vnion with the Dutch, doth promise a double recompence of gaine in time to come.

And they who make this Trade so poore and vnprofitable, are much mistaken in the recko∣ning; for the present losses which causeth many Aduenturers so much to despaire, is not in the substance of the Trade, but by the euill accidents which haue befalne the same: and to make this point more plaine, I must yet declare some other particulars: in which I will endeauour ve∣ry briefly to set downe the summe of the whole businesse, which the English hath hitherto per∣formed in the East Indies.

First, therefore I doe obserue that since the beginning of this Trade, vntill the moneth of Iu∣ly [ 40] last, Anno 1620. there haue beene sent thither seuentie nine ships in seuerall Voyages, where∣of thirtie foure are alreadie come home in safetie richly laden, foure haue beene worne out by long seruice, from Port to Port in the Indies: two were ouer-whelmed in the trimming there: sixe haue beene cast away by the perils of the Seas; twelue haue beene taken and surprized by the Dutch, whereof diuers will be wasted, and little worth before they bee restored: and one and twentie good shippes doe still remayne in the Indies. So this is a true account of our shippes.

And next concerning our stocke, it is a certaine truth, that in all the said ships there hath bin sent out in readie money as well out of this Realme, as from all other places wheresoeuer be∣yond the Sea (which hath not beene landed in this Kingdome) the value of fiue hundred fortie eight thousand and ninetie pounds sterling in forraine Coyne; and together with the said mo∣ny, [ 50] there hath been shipped the value of two hundred ninety two thousand two hundred eigh∣tie sixe pounds sterling, in sundry sorts of English and forraine Commodities; all which monies and wares amounting vnto eight hundred fortie thousand three hundred seuentie sixe pounds, haue beene disposed as hereafter followeth,

First, there hath beene lost thirtie one thousand seuentie nine pounds sterling in the sixe ships which are cast away: and in the thirtie foure ships, which are returned in safetie, there hath beene brought home three hundred fiftie sixe thousand two hundred eightie eight pounds ster∣ling in diuers sorts of wares, which haue produced here in England towards the generall stocke thereof, one million nine hundred, fourteene thousand sixe hundred pounds sterling, for the charges arising here, is but a change of effects from one to another, as hath beene said before in [ 60] this Discourse: So there ought to remayne in the Indies, to bee speedily returned hither, foure hundred eightie foure thousand eightie eight pounds: neither can wee conceiue that our charges and troubles with the Dutch, will haue wasted more then the odde eightie foure thousand eigh∣tie

eight pounds sterling: so that I am confident, that there yet remayneth foure hundred thou∣sand pounds sterling of good estate, for both the ioynt Stockes. And what a great value of In∣dian goods this summe of money may (by Gods blessing) shortly returne in our shippes,* 38.38 which are there readie to bring them, the example here doth teach vs to make vp the reckoning. So that notwithstanding our great charges of Discoueries, our losses by the danger of the Seas, our quarrels and infinite hinderance by the Dutch: yet here the kingdome hath and shall haue her stocke againe with a very great increase, although the Merchants gaines concerning the two ioynt stockes will proue but poore, in respect of the former Voyages, which haue not had the like hinderance.

And thus in a few lines may be seene, much matter truly collected with some paines, out of [ 10] the diuers Volumes of the East Indian Bookes.

Now concerning the decay of Trade and shipping which were woont to bee imployed into Turkey,* 38.39 I doubt, that in time it will likewise be affirmed, that the East India Company, haue hindered the vent of our white Cloth in the Netherlands, which to report were a very strange thing. But (praysed be God) to our comfort, we see the great increase of goodly shippes, daily built and imployed by the Turkey Merchants, with vent of more of our English Cloth (by one third part at least) then in times before the East India Trade began.

Yea, but (say they) wee haue lost the Trade of Spices, and Indico from Aleppo into Eng∣land.

Wel, I grant they haue; yet the Kingdome hath found it with more profit by another way, and they likewise are recompenced with a greater Trade, by the exporting from hence of the selfe∣same [ 20] Commodities into Italy, Turkey, and other places: neither can it be lesse profitable for this Kingdome, to turne the Trade of raw Silkes from Aleppo, and to bring them from the Persian Gulfe, with one third part lesse money, then it doth now cost in Turkey; Besides, that by this meanes, the money proceeding of our English Cloth, Tinne, and other wares in Turkey (not fin∣ding Commodities fitting to returne for England) would vndoubtedly bee brought home in Gold, as it hath beene performed heretofore, when by superfluitie of stocke sent from hence in Spice,* 38.40 together with our English wares; the Merchants (beeing thereby furnished with a suffi∣cient quantitie of Turkish Commodities) brought home the remaynder of their stocke of those yeares in gold for a great value. [ 30]

Thus doth it plainly appeare, that these reuolutions of Trades, haue and doe turne to the good of the Common-wealth; neither hath the affaires of the East Indies impayred or de∣cayed any other Trade, Shipping or Mariners of this Realme; but hath mightily increased them all in it selfe. Wherefore let vs now take a view of this Noble addition of the Kingdomes strength and glorie.

But this I must not doe, by setting downe the number of our English shipping now in the In∣dies, or lately gone that way; for they haue beene heaped thither, these three last yeares toge∣ther without returne, saue onely fiue shippes in all that time; the rest haue beene kept there to oppose the furie of the Dutch; but now wee are at vnion, wee shall (by Gods assistance) daily expect diuers great ships with rich returnes.

* 38.41And for the future time, this Trade I doe conceiue, will royally maintayne tenne thousand [ 40] tunnes of shipping continually: (That is to say) going, and returning, and abiding there in the Indies; which said shipping will employ two thousand and fiue hundred Mariners at least; and the building with the repayring of the said ships, heere at home will set to worke fiue hundred men, Carpenters, Cawkers, Caruers, Ioyners, Smiths, and other Labourers, besides many Offi∣cers; and about one hundred and twentie Factors, in seuerall places of the Indies. And so from these matters of great consequence, I must begin to write of Beggerie.

* 38.42The pouertie of Widdowes and Fatherlesse is matter of great compassion, and doth alwaies moue Christian hearts to commiseration and charitie; whereby many receiue reliefe and helpe of those whom God hath blessed with better meanes: but how this pouertie should totally bee preuented, it seemeth not onely difficult, but altogether impossible: For besides the euill acci∣dents [ 50] and miseries, which euer attend on our humanitie, we see how many daily (euen through their owne folly and wilfulnesse) doe as it were desperately plunge themselues into aduersitie. And thus the number of those is great, who hauing the charge of wife and children, are notwith∣standing altogether without meanes and Artes to procure their maintenance; whereby some of them wanting grace, doe run a desperate course, and haue vntimely ends. Others againe beeing better inspired, seeke for imployment, but find it not, or with great difficultie: for, who doth willingly entertaine a man poore and miserable, charged with a family, and peraduenture debau∣ched in conditions? Neither doe any of our other Merchants voyages to forraine parts accept of those nouices, who neuer haue been vsed to the Sea: So that when all the other doores of chari∣tie are shut, the East India gates stand wide open to receiue the needy and the poore, giuing them [ 60] good entertainement with two Moneths wages before hand, to make their needfull prouisions for the Voyage. And in the time of their absence, there is likewise payd vnto their wiues for

maintenance, two other moneths wages vpon account of euery yeares seruice: and also if any chance to dye in the Voyage, the wife receiueth all that is found due vnto her husband (if he doe not otherwise dispose it by will:) and this often happeneth to be more money, then euer they had of their owne together in any one time. And likewise, are not many poore Widdowes,* 38.43 Wiues and Children of Black-wall, Lime-house, Ratcliffe, Shadwell, and Wapping, often relieued by the East India Company with whole Hogsheads of good Biefe and Porke, Bisket and Doales of ready money? Are not diuers of their children set on worke to picke Okam, and other labours fitting their age and capacitie? What might I not say of repayring of Churches, maintenance of some young Schollers, relieuing of many poore Preachers of the Gospell yearely with good [ 10] summes of money; and diuers other acts of charitie, which are by them religiously performed, euen in the times now of their worst fortunes? for all which I hope there shall be a reward vnto them and theirs. And so I come to the fift part of this third Obiection.

And here I must intimate how much they are deceiued, who thinke,* 38.44 that Spices and Indico are no better cheape in England now, then in times past, before the East India trade began. For, it is an vndoubted truth, that in those dayes we often paid sixe shillings, or more for a pound of Pepper, and seldome or neuer lesse then three shillings and sixe pence the pound; whereas since the Trade hath come directly from the Indies, it hath been bought commonly at seuerall prices betweene sixteene pence and two shillings the pound: but I will make the difference of price appeare more plainely by setting downe the quantities of Spices and Indico, which are yearely [ 20] spent in the Realme of England, together with the lowest prices, which they were wont to sell at, when we brought them from Turkey and Lisborne; and the like concerning their vsuall pri∣ces now that we bring them from the East Indies directly: And first as from Turkey,* 38.45 foure hun∣dred thousand pounds of Pepper at three shillings six pence the pound, is threescore & ten thou∣sand pounds: Fortie thousand pounds of Cloues at eight shillings the pound, is sixteene thousand pounds: twenty thousand pounds of Maces at nine shillings the pound, is nine thousand pounds: One hundred and sixty thousand pounds of Nutmegs, at foure shillings sixe pence the pound, is six and thirtie thousand pounds: One hundred and fiftie thousand pounds of Indico at seuen shil∣lings the pound, is fifty two thousand fiue hundred pounds. All these summes being put together, comes to one hundred eightie three thousand fiue hundred pounds Sterling.

[ 30] And the selfe same quantity and sorts of wares are commonly sold at the prices here vnder written now in these later times:* 38.46 Foure hundred thousand pounds of Pepper at twenty pence the pound, is thirtie three thousand three hundred thirtie three pounds, sixe shillings, eight pence: forty thousand pounds of Cloues at six pence the pound, is twelue thousand pound: twen∣ty thousand pounds of Mace at six shillings the pound, is six thousand pounds: one hundred sixty thousand pounds of Nutmegs at two shillings six pence the pound, is twentie thousand pounds: one hundred fiftie thousand pounds of Indico at fiue shillings the pound, is seuen and thirtie thousand pounds. All these summes beeing put together, is one hundred eight thousand three hundred thirtie three pounds sixe shillings eight pence sterling.

So that this Trade in Spice and Indico only, doth saue the kingdom yerely seuenty foure thou∣sand [ 40] nine hundred sixtie sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence, which is a matter worthy to be obserued; and so much the rather, because it is a certaine truth, that l••sse then a quarter part of this summe of mony which is thus saued yearely, shall buy in the Indies,* 38.47 the full quantitie of all the seuerall sorts of wares before written, which doe serue for a yeares prouision for this Realme of England; but still it must be remembred, that the custom, impost, wages, victuals, shipping, and other charges (which are to be added) will be a greater summe, then the mony which is paid for these wares in the Indies: but as I haue noted before, the said charges doe not consume the King∣domes stocke, although it doth greatly abate the Merchants gaine.

And to conclude this point, I will adde vnto that which hath been said; that the commodi∣ties onely which we now send yearely into the East Indies and Persia, are of sufficient value there [ 50] to returne vs Indico, Spices, Drugs, and all other sorts of Indian wares (Raw-silkes of Persia only excepted) for one yeares consume, or more in this Kingdome: so that now all the money which is sent forth in our Ships doth procure an ouer-plus of the said wares, to the furtherance of Trade from India hither, and after from hence to forreine parts againe, to the great imployment of the Subiects, and inriching of this Realme, both in Stocke and Treasure; all which is matter verie worthy to be diligently obserued. And so I come to giue answere vnto the fourth and last Ob∣iection.

[ 60]

The fourth Obiection. It is generally obserued, that his Maiesties Mint hath had but little imployment euer since the East India Trade began; wherefore it is manifest, that the onely remedy for this, and so many euils besides, is to put downe this Trade: For what other remedie can there be for the good of the Common-wealth?

The Answere.

[ 10]

THis fourth obiection may be deuided into three parts: First, An euill declared: Secondly, A re∣medie propounded:* 38.48 Thirdly, And counsell demanded.

And first concerning the Euill or want of Siluer, I thinke it hath been, and is a generall disease of all Nations, and so will continue vntill the end of the world; for poore and rich complaine, they neuer haue enough: but it seemeth the maladie is growne mortall here with vs, and therefore it cries out for remedy. Well, I hope it is but imagination maketh vs sicke, when all our parts be sound and strong: For who know∣eth not the inestimable treasure of this Kingdome, in Plate possessed by the people thereof almost of all de∣grees; in such measure, as neuer hath been seene in former ages? And for his Maiesties Mint, it is well knowne, that there hath been coyned in fiue yeares together since the East India Company began, six thou∣sand [ 20] two hundred fourteene pound waight of Gold, and three hundred eleuen thousand three hundred fourescore and foure pound weight of sterling Money; all which Gold and Siluer doe amount vnto the summe of twelue hundred thirteene thousand eight hundred fiftie pounds of sterling Money: How then doth this Trade turne the currant and imployment of the Mint?

But vpon the sight of this truth, perhaps it will be said, That we must resort vnto the present times (the Mint being idle now.) To which I answere, That likewise the Mint had little or no imployment for coy∣nage of Siluer in former times, when the said Company did not export aboue fifteene or twentie thousand pounds sterling at the most per annum; no, nor yet in the yeares 1608, and 1612; when in the former they shipped out but sixe thousand pound, and in the latter but one thousand two hundred and fifty pounds sterling. So that both wayes we see, that the Mint hath had very great imployment fiue yeares together, [ 30] sithence the East India Trade began; and also it hath been without imployment diuers yeares, when the East India Company haue sent away but verie small summes of money; wherefore of necessitie there must bee some other causes and meanes whereby our Siluer is not exported onely, but also it is not imported into the Realme as in former times. For wee haue not had the meanes by our owne plenty, nor by the scarsitie of our Neighbours (for the space of the last foureteene yeares together) to send out hundreds of Ships laden with Corne, as in times past, which was returned home in Siluer; but rather of late yeares (as is much to be feared) a great quantitie of our money hath been carried out of the Kingdome for that Corne, which hath been brought vs from the East Countries, and other places, to sup∣ply our wants. Thus times doth change, and our fortunes change with them: neither list I to make this matter plainer, by setting downe those meanes, which heretofore brought vs store of money, euen out of [ 40] France, and other places, which now are ceased. But without any further medling in the Mint, I will come to the remedie which some propound, by putting downe the East India Company.

But here our comfort is, that the Obiectors are not our Iudges, whose wisdome and integritie labouring for the honour of his Maiestie, and the good of his Kingdome, will soone perceiue the mischiefes of this sup∣p••sed remedie. And that the pretended euill which many with malice chase, is that great good, which other Nations seeke by policie and strength to keepe, and likewise to obtaine; in which pro∣ceedings, it concerneth vs especially to obserue the diligences and practises of the Dutch, who with more gladnesse would vndertake the whole Trade to the East Indies, then with any reason wee can abandon that part thereof, which we now enioy; neither can our restraint from the Indies keepe our Siluer from thence, as long as the Dutch goe thither: for we know, that deuices want not to furnish such designes; and [ 50] when their Ships returne from India, shall not our Siluer out againe to helpe to pay a double price, or what they please, for all those wares which we shall want for our necessities?

Thus should the Dutch increase their honour, wealth and strength, whilest we abate, grow poore and weake at Sea for want of Trade: And call you this a Remedie? no, rather tearme it Ruine, Destructi∣on, or what you list. And so I come vnto the conclusion or last part.

And here I must confesse my self aground, for this matter is much too high for my handling besides, my excuse is faire, hauing alreadie done my taske to cleare the East India Trade from imputation; the which for want of learning, although I haue performed, without varietie of words or eloquence: yet it is done with all integritie of truth, in euery particular, as I shall be ready to make proofe vpon all occasions, which may be offered. And yet before I make an end, although I cannot satisfie euery mans desire, in such mea∣sure [ 60] as is necessarie: yet I thinke it not amisse to performe the same so farre, as I am able by common practice, and my obseruations in the Trade of Merchandize, which is my profession.

And first therefore, all men doe know, that the riches or sufficiencie of euery Kingdome, State, or Com∣mon-wealth, consisteth in the possession of those things, which are needfull for a ciuill life. This sufficiency

is of two sorts; the one is naturall, and proceedeth of the Territorie it selfe; the other is artificiall, and de∣pendeth on the industrie of the Inhabitants.* 38.49

The Realme of England (praised be God) is happily possessed of them both: as first, hauing great plentie of naturall riches, both in the Sea for Fish, and on the Land for Wooll, Cattell, Corne, Lead, Tinne, Iron, and many other things for Food; Rayment, a••d Munition; insomuch that vpon strict termes of need, this Land may liue without the helpe of any other Nation. But to liue well, to flourish, and grow rich, we must find meanes by Trade to vent our superfluities; therewith to furnish and adorne vs with the treasure and those necessarie Wares which forraine Nations doe affoord:* 38.50 and here Industrie must begin to play his part, not onely to increase and guide the Trades abroad, but also to maintaine and [ 10] multiplie the Arts at home: for when either of these faile, or are not effected with such skill as their mysterie shall require, then doth the Common-wealth abate and grow poore: neither is it easily per∣ceiued at first, vntill some euill accidents doe stirre vp our diligence to search out the true causes; that so they being remooued, the effects may cease. And this is the subiect of our Discourse which wee now pursue.

That which I haue hitherto deliuered hath beene altogether negatiue, still defending and prouing by arguments, that the East India Trade hath not hurt this Common-wealth: And now changing my stile, I must affirme as fast the true causes of those euils which we seeke to chase away.

These causes then (as I conceiue) are principally foure. The first, is the breach of Entercourse by for∣raine Nations. The second, is the abuse of the exchanges betwixt vs and other Countries. The third, is [ 20] neglect of dutie in some Subiects. The fourth, is our damage in commerce with Strangers. Now con∣cerning all these, I might make a very large discourse; but my purpose is onely to explane the meaning of euery point in order, as briefly as I can.

And first for the breach of Entercourse; by this I vnderstand those Nations,* 38.51 who haue either de∣based their Standard, or else ouer valued the price of their Coynes from that equiualence which former∣ly they had with the Standard and Moneys of this Realme: and also doe tolerate, not onely their owne Moneys, but also the Coyne of other Countries (and especially of this Kingdome) to bee current with them at higher rates, then the prices of the exchange; by which courses (being directly against the En∣tercourse) there is a greater cause giuen of exportation of the Moneys of this Realme, then otherwise there would be. For although this is done with great danger to the Exporters of the same, (it being an [ 30] act against the Law of the Land) yet notwithstanding couetousnesse being euer conuersant in wicked acti∣ons, thinketh nothing vnlawfull which promiseth a certaine gaine; and how to remedie this euill practice I find it not easie. For the debasing of the Coyne, or raysing the price thereof in this Realme, would much impouerish the estates of particular men, and yet in the conclusion, would proue a businesse without end: for who doth not conceiue that which would follow beyond the Seas vpon any such alteration heere with vs? so that still the euill will remaine, vntill we find some other remedie.

And for the exchanges of money vsed betwixt Nations,* 38.52 although the true vse thereof is a very laudable and necessarie practice for the accommodating of Merchants affaires, and furnishing of Tra∣uellers in their occasions, without the transporting of Coyne from one State to another, with danger and losse both to the publike and priuate wealth: yet is the abuse thereof very preiudiciall vnto this King∣dome [ 40] in particular; whilest in the interim the benefit doth arise vnto other Countries, who diligently ob∣seruing the prices whereby the moneys be exchanged, may take aduantage to carrie away the Gold and Siluer of this Realme at those times, when the rate of our sterling money (in exchange) is vnder the va∣lue of that Standard, vnto which place they are conuayed: For in respect the prices of the exchanges, doe rise or fall according to the plentie or scarsitie of money, which is to bee taken vp, or deliuered out, the exchange is hereby become rather a Trade for some great moneyed men, then a furtherance and ac∣commodation of reall Trade to Merchants, as it ought to bee in the true vse thereof. And thus many times money may be made ouer hither by strangers to a good gaine, and presently carried beyond the Seas to a second profit; and yet the mischiefe ends not here: for by this meanes the takers vp of money in for∣raine Countreys must necessarily driue a Trade to those places, from whence they draw their moneys; [ 50] and so doe fill vs vp with forraine Commodities, without the vent of our owne Wares: but for this great euill, there is an easie remedie, and so I come to handle the next cause which is neglect of dutie.

Neither is it my intent to write of duties in their seuerall kinds; but onely of that kind of dutie which is here thought to be neglected by some men in their seuerall vocations. As it might peraduenture come to passe, in those who haue the working of his Maiesties Coyne, either gold or siluer; if diligent care be not had in the size of euery seuerall piece, to answere iustly to his weight: for howsoeuer vpon triall of many pieces altogether, the weight may be sound according to the Couenants, and within the remedies ordained in the Indentures: yet notwithstanding many of those pieces may be sized too light, and others as much too heauie, which giueth the greater aduantage to some people, to carrie away that which is ouer∣weight, and so to leaue vs them which are too light, if they leaue vs any. And this mischiefe is not [ 60] single; for thereby also some Gold smiths, regarding profit more then dutie, may bee the more readily drawne to melt downe the heauie Coyne into Plate and other ornaments both of gold and siluer. But what might wee thinke of those men who are placed in authoritie and office for his Maiestie, if they should not withall dutifull care discharge their trust concerning that excellent Statute, wherein it is orde∣red,

that all the moneys receiued by strangers for their Merchandize, shall be employed vpon the Com∣modities of this Realme?* 38.53 the due performance whereof would not onely preuent the carrying away of much Gold and Siluer, but also bee a meanes of greater vent of our owne Wares: whereof I purpose to write some thing more in the next part which concerneth our commerce with strangers.

* 38.54And now I come to the last point, which I feare is not the least amongst the causes of our want of money (so farre as any such may be,) and let it not seeme strange to any man, that Trades should hurt and impouerish a Common-wealth, since it hath beene alwayes accounted an excellent meanes to helpe and enrich the same: for, as this truth cannot be denied with reason, so it is likewise most certaine, that the vnskilfull managing thereof hath euer proued a great decay vnto those Nations who haue beene en∣tangled with such errours. And are not the examples too frequent in many of our owne Merchants, [ 10] who not onely by the perils of the Seas and such like misfortunes lose their goods, but also euen through want of knowledge, wisely to direct their affaires, doe ouerthrow their whole estates? Neither may we properly call this their losse, but rather the Kingdomes losse in them. Wherefore it were to be wished, that this mysterie of Merchandize might be left onely to them who haue had an education thereunto;* 38.55 and not to be vndertaken by such, who leauing their proper vocations, doe for want of skill in this, both ouer∣throw themselues, and others who are better practised.

But there is yet a farre greater mischiefe by our Trades beyond the Seas, when peraduenture, there might be imported yeerely a greater value in forraine Wares, then by any way or meanes wee doe export of our owne Commodities; which cannot otherwise come to passe, then with a manifest impouerishing of the Common-wealth:* 38.56 for as it is a certaine course to make vs rich, both in Stocke and Treasure, when wee shall carrie out a greater value of our owne goods then wee bring in of forraine Wares; so by conse∣quence, [ 20] a course contrarie to this, must of nec••ssitie worke a contrarie effect. Neither is this importa∣tion meant otherwise then concerning those Wares, which are consumed in this Realme: for the Com∣modities which are brought in, and after carried out vnto forraine parts againe, cannot hurt, but doe greatly helpe the Common-wealth, by encre••se of his Maiesties Customes and Trades, with other im∣ployments of the Subiects: by which particulars I might yet set forth the glorie of the East India Trade, which hath brought into this Realme in fif••eene moneths space, not onely so much Spice, as hath serued the same for the said time; but also by the superfluitie thereof, there hath beene exported into for∣raine parts for about two hundred and fifteene thousand pounds sterling. So then let all men iudge, for what a great value we may hope hereafter to export yeerely; when vnto these Spices wee may (by Gods assistance) adde the infinite worth of raw Silkes, ••ndicoes, Callicoes, and some other things: all which [ 30] are to be issued in the nature of Cloth, Lead, Tinne, or any of our owne Merchandize to the enriching of this Kingdome by encrease of the common Stocke. So then to conclude this point, wee ought not to auoid the importation of forraine Wares, but rather willingly to bridle our owne affections to the mode∣rate consuming of the same:* 38.57 for otherwise, howsoeuer the East India Trade in particular is an excel∣lent meanes greatly to encrease the Stocke of money which wee se••d thither yeerely, by returning home fiue times the value thereof in rich Commodities; all which (in short time) may be conuerted into Trea∣sure, as is plainely shewed alreadie. Yet notwithstanding, if these Indian Wares thus brought home cannot be spared, to serue for that purpose of Treasure; but must bee sent forth together with our owne natiue Commodities; and yet all litle enough, to prouide our excesse and extraordinarie consume of forraine Wares: then is it likewise as certaine, that the generall Trade of this Kingdome doth hinder [ 40] and diuert the comming in of the said Treasure, by ouer-ballancing the value of our Wares exported with the importation and immoderate consume of forraine Commodities.

Therefore, forasmuch as the number of the people in this Realme are thought to be greatly encrea∣s••d of late time (both in themselues and strangers,) whereby necessarily the Commodities of this King∣dom, and also forren Wares, are the more consumed and wasted, (a double meanes to abate the Common-wealth) it therefore concerneth vs all in generall, and euery man in his particular, to stirre vp our minds and diligence, to helpe the naturall Commodities of this Realme by industrie, and increase of Arts; seeing that the materials cannot be wanting to make such Stuffes, and other things as are daily brought vnto vs from forraine parts, to the great aduantage of Strangers, and to our no lesse damage. Neither should wee neglect the riches which our Seas affoord, whilest other Nations by their labour doe procure [ 50] themselues great Treasure from the same. And as the diligent performance of these things would plen∣tifully maintaine the Poore, and much increase the common Stocke of this Kingdome: so likewise for the better furtherance thereof, wee ought religiously to auoyd our common excesses of food and ray∣ment, which is growne to such a height in most degrees of people (aboue their abilitie) that it is now be∣yond all example of former Ages. Neither is it needfull for mee to set downe the particulars of these abuses; for they are too well knowne: and I am confident, that the wisedome of our Gouernment doth endeauour to see them as well amended, to the glorie of God, the honour of the King, and the good of the Common-wealth. Amen.

[ 60]

COurteous Reader, I could haue added others indeauours in this defensiue Argument for the East Indian Trade; and especially that of that learned Gentleman Sir Dud. Diggs: But because himselfe is now absent in weightier Employments, and I knew not whether he would be willing to see it mustered and marshalled in my Files, I was loth to doe it: For his ill-will I haue cause to bee vnwilling to purchase, whose good-will hath purchased mine and mee (a worthlesse Purchas) in effecting my present good, in affecting greater, that I might haue beene enabled to haue bestowed on the world my promised perfected World. Wherein not to haue succeeded, is yet (as that vast and incompetible designe of mine) to haue exceeded, as others otherwise, so herein himselfe. Besides, later occurrents haue ministred other Strings for busie [ 10] Fingers to harpe on, (though not with best Harmonie) since the edition of that Booke. I had thought also to haue added somewhat out of Master Misseldens FREE TRADE, fitting the present businesse: but seeming to haue made not an Indian Voyage, but a Plantation, in so long stay there, I will bring you homewards: and because the wonted way of returne is by en∣compassing Africa, that course also wee will here take: and to preuent Sea-sicknesse, and the lazie Scorbute, we will not onely touch on the Shoare, but aduenture into the maine Land, and follow the best Guides, both English and others, thorow the African both Desarts and Habitations: of whom Iohn Leo is the best that hath writ∣ten in that Argument, and as a Lion may conduct the most fearefull thorow the most perillous passages. For [ 20] what may not Cowards doe, hauing a Lion to their Guide and Captaine?

The end of the Fifth Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  You haue his Iournall be∣fore.
• * 1.2

  March 4. 1615. Cranganor Ca∣st••e and Iland promised to the English.
• * 1.3

  Cochin promi∣sed, and coue∣nanted to be giuen to the English.
• * 1.4

  Stamford a drunken foole, or a false knaue.
• * 1.5

  Perfidious people.
• * 1.6

  Iuly 3.
• * 1.7

  Nassapere.
• * 1.8

  August 17.
• * 1.9

  September 23. Hollanders at Calicut.
• * 1.10

  December 20.
• * 1.11

  Strange poli∣cie, strong su∣perstition.
• * 1.12

  Ianuary 9. A dangerous fray.
• * 1.13

  Fight with the Po••tuga••s and Nayros.
• * 1.14

  Iune 13.14.15. 1616.
• * 1.15

  August 1.
• * 1.16

  Fight with the Portugals Car∣ricke.
• * 1.17

  Captaine Ben∣iamin Ioseph slaine.
• * 1.18

  Captaine Pep∣well succeeds in place and fight.
• * 1.19

  Comora.
• * 1.20

  Captaine Pep∣wel, and others wounded, di∣uers slaine.
• * 1.21

  The Carricke fired, reade more hereof in Sir Thomas R••e.
• * 1.22

  Refreshing at Comora.
• * 1.23

  September 24. Thomas Ker∣ridge, he is now this Iune 1622. returned home.
• * 1.24

  Nouember 6.
• * 1.25

  Goudel.
• * 1.26

  December 1.
• * 1.27

  Cape of Ias∣ques.
• * 1.28

  Mogustan.
• * 1.29

  Raine scarse.
• * 1.30

  Fish & Ballast.
• * 1.31

  Ianuary 1. Costake.
• * 1.32

  Sireck. Persian Trade hopefull.
• * 1.33

  The beginning of this Letter was torne, and therefore as that, so this, a little imper∣fect: but what is here defe∣ctiue, hereafter you shall find supplied in Master Natha∣niel Corthops relation, with the continu∣ation of these Bandan affairs, and Dutch in∣solencies, in him▪ Master Haies and o∣thers. This I thought good to pr••mise, as in time, so in cause prece∣ding the fights in the ensuing Voyages men∣tioned.

  The King of Moccasor, and all the Kings ther•• abouts mortall ene∣mies to the Flemmings. Nou••mb. 7. two Hollanders land at Mocca∣sor.

  The King of Moccasor leui∣eth two thou∣sand men. The English procure the life of the Hol∣landers.

  The Hollanders attempted to land againe at Moccasor, whom the Moccasorians intercepted, slew them all, being sixteene. The English courteous to the Hollanders, going towards Banda.
• * 1.34

  The Hollander•• slander vs.
• * 1.35

  Surrender of Polaroone. For their ••olli∣citation of the English to this trade, s••e Mil∣wards Iournall, also Capp. Keelings, Mid∣d••••tons, &c.
• * 1.36

  The men of Polaroone and P••laway protest that they nor had, nor would make contract with the Hol∣lander.

  Polaway was deliuered ouer to the English be••ore the Hol∣landers c••me into their road, The B••ndane∣ses d••sire to haue the Eng∣lish Colours set vp.
• * 1.37

  Hollanders in∣uade Polar••one with ••••au••dos and bloudie Ancients.
• * 1.38

  The Engl••sh fortifie.
• * 1.39

  Holland-ships approch to our ships at Polaroone.
• * 1.40

  The English make knowne to the Hollan∣ders that the Iland was En∣glish.
• * 1.41

  The Hollanders could make no clayme to Po∣laroone.
• * 1.42

  The English were the first Christians that euer came into the Road of Polaroone.
• * 1.43

  The Hollanders came to beate vs out of the Road.
• * 1.44

  The Hollanders send a Pinnasse to sound the dep••h by Pola∣roone, and to inuade vs.
• * 1.45

  Iohn Dauies in the Swan would goe out of the Road to fetch water.
• * 1.46

  The Ile of Ro∣singing and Town of Wayre desire to sur∣render them∣selues, and to haue some goe to take the same surren∣der.

  The Swan and four Merchāts goe to Rosing. and take the surrender. The people of Rosinging and Wayre goe with goods to the Swan.

  The Starre takes the Swan, slaying fiue men vsing cruell violēce, and proud in∣sultation.
• * 1.47

  Egregiam vere laudent▪
• * 1.48

  The surrender of Polaroone was taken in the Swan, so we procured another verba∣tim from the Polaroone men, which I haue brought with the Surrender of Rosinging, and deliuered bo••h at Ban∣tam, &c.
• * 1.49

  A Messenger sent to know why they took our ship. Their borish vsage of him.
• * 1.50

  Their vaunts and threats.
• * 1.51

  Reports that the Hollanders were prepa∣ring ships a∣gainst Polaroon.
• * 1.52

  Hollanders pra∣ctise to fire the ship Defence.
• * 1.53

  Hollanders threaten that we should haue no Spice from those Ilands:
• * 1.54

  Our people fortifie Pola∣roone.
• * 1.55

  Nine men wēt away in the Defence vnto the Hollanders: Iohn Christmas Boatsons mate Iohn Owers, William Carter, Richard Taylor, Edward Bridges, Iohn Harris, Will. Rockwell, Hugh Woodlock.
• * 1.56

  The Hollanders incouraged by the Villaines that run away.
• * 1.57

  The people of Lantore wil not accord with the Hollanders.
• * 1.58

  Offers of parly betw••ene the Hollanders A∣gents and Fa∣ctors of Pola∣roone.
• * 1.59

  Iohn Dauis his iudgement by information of the Hollan∣ders.
• * 1.60

  Nath. Corthop vpon pledge goeth to parly with the Hol∣landers at Nero▪
• * 1.61

  The Hollanders accuse our people of vn∣truths.
• * 1.62

  The Hollanders report ••hat they haue our Kings Let••ers for taking of ships, &c. all vntruths.
• * 1.63

  The Hollande•• denie to re∣store our ships, but vpon con∣ditions to ren∣der Polaroone.
• * 1.64

  Laurence Ly-all.
• * 1.65

  The men of the Swan did complaine of want of food and clothing, in their impri∣sonment in the Hollanders hands, and that they had sate in Iudge∣ment vpon them, and gi∣uen sentence vpon them. A Praw sent toward Bantam from Polaroon.
• * 1.66

  A Holland ship and pinnasse gaue chase.
• * 1.67

  Heathen kinder then Hollanders to the English.
• * 1.68

  We by the help of the King of Bottone, got an∣other praw, and came to Bantam.
• * 1.69

  The surrendrie of the Ile of Banda, brought to Bantam, and deliuered to Master Ball.
• * 1.70

  The Ile of Po∣laway taken from vs by force of Arms. A counterfeit messenger or dissembling run-away.
• * 1.71

  The Hollanders suborned their slau••s to set fire vpon the ship Defence.
• * 1.72

  Captaine Ball.
• * 1.73

  The counter∣feit Hollander suffered to e∣scape by the toleration of G. Ball.
• * 1.74

  Hollanders sent ten English men from Ban∣tam to Holland▪
• * 1.75

  The Mariners were k••pt at Polaroone with much difficul∣tie.
• * 1.76

  The runawaies in the Defence in many re∣spects worthie of death.
• * 1.77

  170. suckles of Mace shipped in a Iunk w••th eight English, which was lost by the negli∣gence of one Stacie, who had charge of her.
• * 1.78

  Hollanders brags that they can make friends in Court, &c.
• * 1.79

  Iohn Dauie had 700. Rials of eight by him when he was taken: and fur∣ther feare.
• * 1.80

  Description of Polaroone, &c.
• * 1.81

  The profitable trade.
• * 1.82

  A land quarrel at Bantam with the Hollanders.
• * 1.83

  A very Timon▪
• * 1.84

  Our right by Law and Equi∣tie vnto Pola∣way.
• * 1.85

  In the quar∣rels first moo∣ued betwixt Capt. Keeling and them, 1609 they neuer make such Title, but pre∣tended agree∣ment, and in∣tended and ex∣tended force. See aboue pag. 202. their own Articles of their right.
• * 1.86

  1617.
• * 1.87

  Soldania Bay.
• * 1.88

  The Hound.
• * 1.89

  Molala or Mo∣helia.
• * 1.90

  Sea white.
• * 1.91

  Current to the South South W••st. Socotora.
• * 1.92

  A great Cur∣rent to the North.
• * 1.93

  Danger by leake, of this yo•• haue Ma∣ster Pr••ngs owne report, in his relation writt••n since this, which hereafter fol∣loweth.

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Engl••sh men of warre.
• * 1.94

  Surat.
• * 1.95

  Damon. 1618.
• * 1.96

  This voyage you haue here∣after.
• * 1.97

  Bri••ion▪ Brim Iohn or Bring Iohn.

  How to know it▪
• * 1.98

  Master Hatch made Master of the New-yeeres Gift. Nicobar.
• * 1.99

  Leake againe in the Iames.
• * 1.100

  Sir Tho. Dale.
• * 1.101

  English ships, thirteene saile together.
• * 1.102

  Sunne perish∣ed.
• * 1.103

  Blacke Lion▪
• * 1.104

  Fight with the Hollanders fleet. See Capt. Pring and Ma∣ster Corthops Iournall. Hollanders fled.
• * 1.105

  Little Iames sunke▪
• * 1.106

  Thomas sunke. Blacke Lion burnt.
• * 1.107

  Rackupee, or Aracape a hot Drinke.
• * 1.108

  Another fight.
• * 1.109

  Marough.
• * 1.110

  The Blackes call the Salt hill so.

  Owen Bodman.
• * 1.111

  A new fleet.
• * 1.112

  Shoalds.
• * 1.113

  Nimtan.
• * 1.114

  Foure Corpo-Santos.
• * 1.115

  Pola Tellore and Ballambin.
• * 1.116

  Peace betwixt vs and Hollan∣der••.
• * 1.117

  Leque Pequena▪
• * 1.118

  Fleet for Iapan and Manillas.
• * 1.119

  Shoald.
• * 1.120

  Crocatow a ve∣ry sickly place.
• * 1.121

  Morough.
• * 1.122

  Starre rendred▪
• * 1.123

  Newes of Eng∣lish ships.
• * 1.124

  French man of Warre.
• * 1.125

  New fleet.
• * 1.126

  Iapara.
• * 1.127

  Vnicorne lost.
• * 1.128

  The Dragon stil seruing the Dutch.
• * 1.129

  Returne of the Iames.
• * 1.130

  Their returne home, 1621.
• * 1.131

  Saint Helena.
• * 1.132

  Aden▪
• * 1.133

  Mocha,
• * 1.134

  They goe on shoare.
• * 1.135

  The Gouer∣nors house and state.
• * 1.136

  Their confe∣rence.
• * 1.137

  They still su∣spected our ship a man of Warre, by rea∣son of some excesses of som of our Coun∣trey-men in those Seas.
• * 1.138

  Constantinople.
• * 1.139

  The visit the Scriuano.
• * 1.140

  They view the Towne.

  The descripti∣on thereof.
• * 1.141

  Heat at Mocha. Their neatnes.
• * 1.142

  Another Go∣uernour expe∣cted.
• * 1.143

  Feast on ship∣boord.
• * 1.144

  Storme and heate.
• * 1.145

  New Gouer∣nour arriued.
• * 1.146

  English fleet of fiue ships.
• * 1.147

  Factory inten∣ded at Mocha.
• * 1.148

  Cause of Tur∣kish treacherie to Sir H. Mid∣dleton.

  Let English Christians read, blush, and amend.
• * 1.149

  Death of the Grand-Signior Achmet.
• * 2.1

  Mahomet Basha▪ Raiab Aga.
• * 2.2

  Either the difference is from their dif∣ferent compu∣tation, or that the Seale was deferred to this day.
• * 4.1

  Racke is a wine or strong drinke made of Rice.
• * 4.2

  Entertain∣ment of the Su∣rat Captaine.
• * 4.3

  Feare of the English.
• * 5.1

  Dabul Captain his feast.
• * 5.2

  Freedome of egresse and regresse.
• * 5.3

  Pedling of some.
• * 5.4

  Danger by Tobacco.
• * 5.5

  The ship goes ouer to Assab.
• * 5.6

  Losse of a Monson▪ how dangerous.
• * 5.7

  M. Salbanks iourney to Sinan.
• * 5.8

  The Gouer∣nours feast.
• * 5.9

  Cards, chesses, iugglers.
• * 5.10

  Good fire-worke, figures.
• * 5.11

  Gudda of great Trade. Kitchine.
• * 5.12

  Aliambo.
• * 5.13

  Portugall Iunk.
• * 5.14

  Returne of the ship.
• * 5.15

  M. Salbanke his returne.
• * 5.16

  Relation of his voyage and entertainment
• * 5.17

  Sale of English cloth likely.
• * 5.18

  Arabia, not wholly subiect to the Turke.
• * 5.19

  The Captaine vested.
• * 5.20

  Many passen∣gers both for Merchandize and Pilgri∣mage to Mec∣ca.
• * 5.21

  Compasses.
• * 5.22

  Soldania.
• * 5.23

  The Riuer of Saint Augustine
• * 5.24

  Westminster Hall.
• * 5.25

  Ioanna.
• * 5.26

  Whirlewinds.
• * 5.27

  Eclipse.
• * 5.28

  Z••ilan.
• * 5.29

  1615. Currents.
• * 5.30

  Salt Ilands. Pumicestone Ile. These Marine discour••es are here abridged and cut ••ff▪ par••ly ••••c••use I thinke few will much af∣fect that part, and now many Mariners kn••w••th ••m by experience; and in the borrow••d books of the Companie, I was ••orced to be Scribe my selfe, the te∣diou••nesse of w••ich w••ari••d m••. Ye•• haue I now in on••, and another while in ano∣ther, expressed the most ••a∣teriall in this kinde.
• * 5.31

  Their returne.
• * 5.32

  Soldania.
• * 5.33

  Cory.
• * 5.34

  Crosse with o∣ther condem∣ned persons left to inhabit there.

  Crosse lost.
• * 5.35

  An Eclipse.
• * 5.36

  A great and dangerous Leake.
• * 5.37

  This ship did belo••g to Don Pedro de Alm••y∣da▪ and also mo••t of the goods.

  Moçambique. Captain Neuce and Iones. At our arriuall at Swally, wee heard of two Dutch ships c••st away at Gowdeuer, viz. the Rotterdam o•• a thou••and tunne•• and a small Pinnasse; the one forced ashoare. The 18. ••he other. The 19. of Iu∣ly 1617. one in sight of ano∣ther.

  Portugall spies.
• * 5.38

  This mor∣ning, the 17. saile of Frigat•• departed for Cambaya, pas∣sing faire by vs.
• * 5.39

  K. of Calicut.
• * 5.40

  Brin Ian and the refreshing there.
• * 5.41

  Pe••fidious people.
• * 5.42

  Dangerous Rockes.
• * 5.43

  Cape Commo∣rine.
• * 5.44

  Bantam.
• * 5.45

  Pangram of Bantam his vn∣iustice.
• * 5.46

  Point Ayre.
• * 5.47

  The Dutch had 3. great ships▪ which did ride right in the way that wee were to passe: 3 at the Caree∣ning place, and 1. in the Road of Iacatra. Deliuerance from 3. dan∣gers.

  The 19. of this moneth, the Angel a Dutch ship of 500. tunnes, came from Amboyna laden with nuts & clou••s, and departed from thence the 25. of the same.
• * 5.48

  Dutch iniuries to the English.
• * 5.49

  French ship ta∣ken by Dutch.
• * 5.50

  Sir Thomas Dale Admirall of sixe ships. A leak againe.
• * 5.51

  Tanium point.
• * 5.52

  Viun point. Polo Paniang.
• * 5.53

  Sunne lost at Engano.
• * 5.54

  Leake againe.
• * 5.55

  Their leake found, being an agur hole left open.
• * 5.56

  A Fast in both Fleets.
• * 5.57

  Master Wrenne, and Copland.
• * 5.58

  The B••acke Lion a Dutch ship ta∣ken.
• * 5.59

  The English ships.
• * 5.60

  Consultation for the Fight betwixt the English and Dutch Fleets.
• * 5.61

  The Fight. See 〈…〉〈…〉 Ma••••er Cortho••s Iour∣nall wh••r•• you may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sir Tho 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Let∣t••r and•• Master Iordans.
• * 5.62

  Iohn Iordan went ashoare at Iacatra. Master Iackson slaine.
• * 5.63

  Aide to the King of Iaca∣tra.
• * 5.64

  This agree∣ment was cros∣sed by the Pan∣gram of Bantam who giue vs leaue to beat the bush, and thought him∣selfe to haue caught the birds, but in fine was deceiued.
• * 5.65

  Dutch brauery.
• * 5.66

  Vinivalencie of the Dutch.
• * 5.67

  Their flight.
• * 5.68

  Dutch ship burnt, and an∣other cast a∣way.
• * 5.69

  A Tempest.
• * 5.70

  Morrogh.
• * 5.71

  Sir Tho. Roes returne to En∣gland.
• * 5.72

  The cause that put vs to lee∣ward of Messu∣lapatan, was the violence of the Westerly winds, and the Current set∣ting so strong to the East-ward.

  From the place where we first anchored vnto the foresaid point, which we supposed to be nine leagues we had seuen fathom water, all alongst two leagues or two leagues and a half off soft Ozie.

  Cape Comfort.
• * 5.73

  Mullet Sound.
• * 5.74

  Prouisions.
• * 5.75

  Vingeron. Coranga.
• * 5.76

  Men drowned neere to Pona∣ra.
• * 5.77

  Prouisions.
• * 5.78

  The death of Sir Tho. Dale.
• * 5.79

  Of the Riuer of Nassapore, we found the Current by day to set South South-east by night North North-east, after halfe a league an hou••e.

  They arriue at Massulapatam.
• * 5.80

  Both fleets v∣nited.

  Capt. Pring Admiral•• of both.

  The Lion at Mocha in the Red Sea. Nouemb. 6. Nassaporpete.
• * 5.81

  The longitude betweene En∣gano and Ma∣sulipatan.
• * 5.82

  Passaman in Sumatra. Two Shoalds, and their e∣scape.
• * 5.83

  Ile Battoo
• * 5.84

  Tecoo.
• * 5.85

  Three saile of Engl••sh.
• * 5.86

  The Dragon, Beare, Expedi∣tion and Rose, taken by the Dutch.

  The Starre, Samson and Hound taken.
• * 5.87

  Consultation.
• * 5.88

  Prouision.
• * 5.89

  Master Mills his care.
• * 5.90

  Nimtam.
• * 5.91

  Vpon the high∣est of this Shoald our Boat found but three foot water.

  From this Shoald the White Rocke did beare West North-west foure leagues: and the Hay Recke, which is the ••lattest of the three ham∣mocks to the Northwards of Teco, did beare East North-east halfe East, nine leagues off.

  Escape of dan∣ger from Rocks. Samanca. Ballambeen. Anniar. Cracat••w and Becee.
• * 5.92

  Generall Coen.
• * 5.93

  Pangrams hate to the Dutch.
• * 5.94

  Voyage to Iapan.
• * 5.95

  The Voyage I haue set in a Paragraph or Section by it selfe: that the studious of Ma∣rine know∣ledge might make vse of that, which would perhaps to others seem to interrupt his more easie and delicate Muses, with a Sea-sicknesse. Here we found the Swan, and Expedition sent hither, as I sup∣pose, to the disgrace of our Nation in tho••e remote parts of the World.

  They arriue at Firando. Sashma. Nangasaque. Charles Clea∣uengar.
• * 5.96

  A Tuffoone or Tempest.
• * 5.97

  The Iames ca∣r••••ned.
• * 5.98

  Nangasaque burnt.
• * 5.99

  Their depar∣ture from Fi∣rando.
• * 5.100

  Comming to Bantam.
• * 5.101

  Arriue at Ia∣catra.

  Vnicorne lo••t on the Coast of China.
• * 5.102

  Returne for England.
• * 5.103

  Soldania.
• * 5.104

  Saint Helena.
• * 5.105

  Chappell Bay.
• * 5.106

  The greatest va••iation on the W••sterne side of S Hele∣na, which wee found was fi••ty deg. fifty sixe min. Easterly.
• * 5.107

  Poolo Tunda.
• * 5.108

  Poolo Antekero.
• * 5.109

  Iacatra Bay.
• * 5.110

  Poolo Kero.
• * 5.111

  Latitude▪
• * 5.112

  Poolo Peniang. Current.
• * 5.113

  A little Iland.
• * 5.114

  Cheribon.
• * 5.115

  Many Ilands.
• * 5.116

  Sea full of I∣lands twixt Banco & Burneo.
• * 5.117

  Streights of Banco.
• * 5.118

  Current.
• * 5.119

  Lucepara.
• * 5.120

  Linga.
• * 5.121

  A little Iland.
• * 5.122

  Bintam.
• * 5.123

  Poolo Laor.
• * 5.124

  Hermano de Layo. Poolo Tymon.
• * 5.125

  A Iuncke of Ior.
• * 5.126

  Patania▪
• * 5.127

  Poolo Tingoran.
• * 5.128

  Poolo Rowdon.
• * 5.129

  A Rocke.
• * 5.130

  Gurnets Head.
• * 5.131

  Anchor at Po∣tania, or Pata∣nia. Iambe.
• * 5.132

  Racke, and Rack-apee.
• * 5.133

  A Rocke dan∣gerous. Camboia.
• * 5.134

  Poolo Hube.
• * 5.135

  Two little I∣lands, and a Rocke.
• * 5.136

  Current.
• * 5.137

  Poolo Candor.
• * 5.138

  Camboia.
• * 5.139

  Cape Cessier.
• * 5.140

  Cape Varella.
• * 5.141

  Aynam.
• * 5.142

  Current.
• * 5.143

  Ripplings.
• * 5.144

  Vnicornes leakes.
• * 5.145

  They lose sight of the Vnicorne.
• * 5.146

  Morocco Saddle, or Saddle-Iland.
• * 5.147

  Leakes.
• * 5.148

  Logosse.
• * 5.149

  A banke.
• * 5.150

  Current.
• * 5.151

  Small Ilands.
• * 5.152

  Formosa.
• * 5.153

  China.
• * 5.154

  Contrary Cur∣rent.
• * 5.155

  Current.
• * 5.156

  So••nd of 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 5.157

  Cochee.
• * 5.158

  Iles of Mexuma
• * 5.159

  Canopus.
• * 5.160

  Cape Cecir, or Cessir.
• * 5.161

  Poolo Candor.
• * 5.162

  Current.
• * 5.163

  Poolo Timon.
• * 5.164

  Poolo Tayro.
• * 5.165

  Poolo Pan.
• * 5.166

  Mannapin.
• * 5.167

  Pallimbam.
• * 5.168

  Sumatra. Straights of Banco.
• * 5.169

  Marrough.
• * 5.170

  Dragon parted from the Anne 17. Febr. neere Surat before Dabull.

  A Iunke of Dabull, laden and bound for the Red Sea.
• * 5.171

  Kind enter∣tainm••nt at Dabull.

  The Dabull••rs desire ••rade with vs. Store of re∣freshing at Da∣bull and good cheape.

  Promising to buy quantities of cloth here∣after & L••ad, but we could not pu•• off any of the Lions remnant.

  The Captaine of the Iun••ke desired an En∣glish Bible▪ to cau••e to bee tr••••slated into Arabeck.
• * 5.172

  The Historie of the offered Pepper at Ba∣taquala.
• * 5.173

  The Lion di∣speeded to the Red Sea. Sixe hundred pounds detay∣ned for the la∣ding of the Ex∣pedition.
• * 5.174

  Sprage not heard off at Dabull.
• * 5.175

  The p••ice of Pepper at Bat∣tagala at fiftie Rials the Can∣dee.

  The Candee fiue hundred pound.
• * 5.176

  A Iuncke of the Samorine de••ayned.
• * 5.177

  At Panana in the Samorines country twelue leagues from Surat, was Iunk of the Samorine laden with pep∣per, bound for the Red Sea. Satisfaction of our debts de∣manded of the Samorine.

  The Samorines cunning. Pepper offered by the Samo∣rine fraud••∣lently.

  The Can∣dee fiue hun∣dred and two pound weight.
• * 5.178

  The Samorines dissimulations: large discourse.
• * 5.179

  The Samorine denieth to performe with vs according, to his promi••e vnder fortie Rials the Can∣dee.
• * 5.180

  Bonner threat∣ned the Samo∣rine, to take his Iuncke, and pay our selues.
• * 5.181

  A Pinnasse or∣dered to be sent from A∣chen from Rob. Bonner vnto Teco and Ban∣tam.
• * 5.182

  The Pinnasse arriue among our ships neer Bantam, the 23. Aprill.
• * 5.183

  Cap. Iordain in the Samson and Hound went for Iambe▪ Pata. Syam, to visit those Factories about the 9. of Aprill.
• * 5.184

  Foure China Iunks taken by our ships, their goods laden in to the Iames, &c. the 1. May 1619.

  Owen Bodman was executed the 24. May 1619.

  Our ships set saile out of the Streights of Sunda, the 25. of May.

  A Iunke of Rice belong∣ing to the Dutch.

  Our Fleet, Sir Tho. Dale being Admirall with all the rest of our ships did set saile out of the Streights of Sunda, 25. May, 1619. Some went to Ingano to weigh the money and ordnance left in the Sunne. Our Fleet pur∣posed to re∣turne againe to Bantam by the last of Sept. The Pinnasse sent backe a∣gaine from Bantam to Teco, Priaman and Achen.

  The Pinnasse passage from Teco to Achin. Rich. Crane, mi∣raculously sa∣ued.

  Price Hawkins stricken with lightning, but partly recoue∣red.

  The Pinnasse driuen backe againe to Teco.
• * 5.185

  The Dragon & Expedition goe to Teco.
• * 5.186

  Two moneths Trade obtay∣ned at Teco. 1500. Bahars remayning at Achen vn∣bought, for lack of meanes.
• * 5.187

  Pepper bought at Teco.
• * 5.188

  The price of Pepper, and of Surat goods.
• * 5.189

  Fourteene per centum custom at Teco.

  Little hope e∣uer to haue the great Custom abated.

  Fire and trea∣cherie vsuall in Teco.

  Alteration of the price of Pepper.
• * 5.190

  Bonner is very suspicious of the Hollanders, and disposed himselfe for a Man of Warre.
• * 5.191

  Vpon the Arri∣uall of the Beare, Bonner altered his re∣solution of fit∣ting his ship for a man of Warre, and lade her into England.

  The Dragon pestred.

  The Dragon vnciuill.
• * 5.192

  Discourse of theft in Teco, the seuen and twentieth of August.
• * 5.193

  Iohn Tucker slaine the se∣uen and twen∣tieth of Aug.
• * 5.194

  A story of trial of a Malefa∣ctor in a strange maner
• * 5.195

  Twentie two Rials a Bahar of Pepper at Tecoo.

  The Dragon went out of Tecoo Road in∣to deeper wa∣ter.

  Diuers Boats laden with Pepper aboord the Dragon. Our men wea∣ried about the Pepper.

  Six Hollanders comming into the Road, were adiudged Eng∣lish ships shew∣ing no colours Found by their Huls to be Hol∣land ships.

  Set vpon the Dragon vnpro∣uided, and her men wearied before.

  The Admirall and Vice-Ad∣mirall laid her aboord, and all the other foure ships dischar∣ged at her as they passed by; she being alto∣gether peste∣red, no Peece free but one & could come by no powder o•• shot.
• * 5.196

  The three o∣ther ships also taken without shooting one Peece.

  Holl••nders most sterne insulters and in••ompa∣rable cruell E∣n••mies.

  If the Infidels had not beene m••re merci••ull then the Hol∣landers, three hundred men had perished. The Hollanders put our men in Irons, in their ships all night in open ayre, in a most ray∣nie and tem∣pestuous night neither re••pe∣cting sicke nor m••ymed.

  The next mor∣ning turned them ashoare with ragges, amongst were fortie sixe of the Stars men, euen till now kept Prisoners. Rob. Bonner was sent ashoare, offering to car∣rie away the bed he lay vp∣on, which for triple the value was redeemed. His death with commendati∣on, 9. October. God mooued the Heathen to fauour our people.

  The King did visit Captaine Bonner, and fur∣nisht him with needfull, and offering all courtesie.

  The names of the Holland ships departing from Tecoo to Priaman and Bantam, where they had thirty fiue saile ••e∣si••ging Bantam. The Pangram at Bantam, and the Hollander veying for sl••ughter one of anothers people.

  Diego Fernandes beheaded, be∣ing taken for an Hollander.
• * 5.197

  The Rose left vnto the Eng∣lish in Tecoo Road with the particulars in her.

  A man of Mo∣nanchabo, re∣ported Capt. Iourdaine to be taken at Iambe. The men taken in ••he Starre, doe re∣port that the Hollanders sent out ships dou∣ble manned to take C. Iordaine The Palsgraue, Elizabeth and Ho••e, arriue at Tecoo very hap∣pily, who tooke in all our men. Will. Nichols & Henry Bates go to Achen to the King, to com∣plaine of the Hollanders.

  The Rose orde∣red to b•• sent for England. The three ships and Rose depart out of Tecoo Road the 10. of Nouem. The Rose arriue at Soldania, the 28. of Ianuary. They found Capt. Adams Letter and of 2. Dutch ships. The Saluage•••• at the 〈…〉〈…〉 slaine e••ight of our men. Thought to be prouoked thereunto by wrongs done the Dutch. Come from Saldania the second of Feb.
• * 5.198

  Let none ac∣cuse me for re∣diousnesse, or being too pun∣ctuall in this Relation: see∣ing the Dutch pestilence grew princi∣pally from hence: and hence may his Maiesties right to these Ilands bee knowne to future Ages: for which I adde this wit∣nesse after Spurway.
• * 5.199

  English kind-people•• the The King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 visit Captaine B••nner, and fur∣nisht him with needfull, and offering all courtesie. The names of the Holland ships departing from Tecoo to Priaman and Bantam, where they had thirty fiue saile ••e∣sieging Bantam. The Pangram at Bantam, a &c. the Hollan•• ••••••veying ••i, p. 516 sl••ught 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣of ••ed to his pe••••iestie. •• fortifying there.

  Three Holland ships to disturb the Engl••sh.
• * 5.200

  English kind-people•• the The King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 visit Captaine B••nner, and fur∣nisht him with needfull, and offering all courtesie. The names of the Holland ships departing from Tecoo to Priaman and Bantam, where they had thirty fiue saile ••e∣sieging Bantam. The Pangram at Bantam, a &c. the Hollan•• ••••••veying ••i, p. 516 sl••ught 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣of ••ed to his pe••••iestie. •• fortifying there.

  Three Holland ships to disturb the Engl••sh.
• * 5.201

  Master Sopho∣nie Cozock. The Swan ta∣ken by the Dutch. See the manner of their vnman∣nerlinesse in Spurway. Dutch peeuish∣nesse.

  Quis tulcrit Gracchos de se∣ditione querentes Iohn Dauis his Letter. This and other Let∣ters I had whole, and haue taken that which I thought most fit▪ leauing the r••st: which are to be seene per∣fect in Master Cort. Iourna••l. I had aboue 60. Letters belonging to this and Ma∣st••r Hayes Iour∣nall to peruse: some of which I here haue from the ori∣ginall trans∣printed.

  Neylackey •• litle Iland by Pola∣roon••▪ fortified. The Defence bet••ayed by perfidious K••••u••s to the Hollanders. King, Christmas, Houres Har••is, Bridges, Rock∣well, Car••er▪ Taylor and Woodlocke. S•• what a Dutch prison w••l•• doe; to∣ge••h••r with lying preten∣ces of the Hol∣landers and fugi••••u••s. The Deuill was al••o a Lyer and Murtherer from the be∣ginning. Thus did the Dutch with Generall Riall, W••y and all; I dare not ••ay Lye all, in pre∣tence of Com∣m••ssi••n and t••e Kings Let∣ter.
• * 5.202

  Take this as the fugitiues and Hollanders reports.
• * 5.203

  New proffers. Rialls threats.
• * 5.204

  The Copie of the Letter for the length I durst not transcribe: a great part be∣ing the same that before you haue read.
• * 5.205

  Reasonable offers made, if to reasonable men: but when conscience is remoued from the h••rt to the hilt, and reason from the brain to the point of the Sword, Reason and Religion shall be no better dealt with then the English and Bandaneses here were. And note that the Hollanders can shew no right to the I∣lands, but ius in armis. Fight of the Hollanders with the English, and taking two ships more, the Salomon and the Attendance, deepe laden with Rice, Clothes of di∣uers kinds, &c. as appeareth by the Invoyce which I haue seene of Ma∣ster Balls hand.
• * 5.206

  In Master Co••thops Iour∣nall are Co∣pies of Letters sent by him or to him.
• * 6.1

  False pretence of Commis∣sion.
• * 7.1

  Lies of English distresse.
• * 7.2

  Sicknesse at Bantam.
• * 7.3

  French arriued at Bantam, and how welcom∣med by the Dutch.
• * 7.4

  Braue spirits of the Banda∣nezes.
• * 7.5

  Base dealing of Brutish Dutch.
• * 7.6

  This was a Lie, for it arriued safe at Poola∣roone.
• * 8.1

  Dutch crueltie.
• * 8.2

  Lye-deuices▪
• * 9.1

  The Cop••e of a piece o•• M. Iacksons Letter to M Ball from the Prison in Pooloway Ca∣st••e, Iuly 15. 1618.
• * 9.2

  Perfidious Dutch.
• * 9.3

  M. Courthops Letter to M. Ball.
• * 9.4

  Thus he did fore-tell his owne death in the cause and manner.
• * 9.5

  Dutch lyes to sca••re the Eng∣glish, and sawce their imprison∣ment.
• * 10.1

  M. Courthops magnanimous mind is not more seene in withstanding the Hollanders wrongs, then in bearing the impatience of his Countrey∣men impo∣tently vrging right.
• * 12.1

  Disagreeme•••• of the English, aduantagious to the Dutch: I had the whole Letter, which being long I haue expressed this onely.
• * 12.2

  Some of the Dutch kind to the English▪
• * 12.3

  D••ricksons kindn••sse.
• * 12.4

  The Captaine his kind••esse, to the English.
• * 12.5

  Eng••ish dissen∣tions & vanity
• * 13.1

  Petitions of the English Prisoners to the Dutch Ge∣nerall cruelly reiected.
• * 13.2

  Newes of the Thomas.
• * 13.3

  M. Stauertons Lette••▪
• * 13.4

  The goods in the ships which the D••tch took.
• * 13.5

  But for pro∣lixit•••• I had added the In∣voyce of goods from thence which I had▪ written by M. Ball. D••••th of ma∣ny; of Captain Newport. Spaniards and Portugals at Io••tan, kill M. Iackson.

  Iap••ra spoyled. Iaca••ra abused, Bactam frigh∣t••d.
• * 16.1

  Post-script of Master Iordan.
• * 16.2

  Letter from the Prisoners complayning of many of them dead by misery of im∣prisonment.
• * 16.3

  Dutch prepa∣ration.
• * 16.4

  Surrender of Lantore talked of.
• * 16.5

  Making Mo••••es of Christians.
• * 16.6

  Holland Fleet reported thir∣tie foure Saile.
• * 16.7

  Seuen English ships taken in diuers places by the Hollan∣ders.
• * 17.1

  His name Ro∣bert Holdings now at Iaparra.
• * 18.1

  This Iurotinge, M. Stauerton in a Letter of his which I haue, calleth an vn∣luckie fellow (as heere hee proued) see∣ming a blacke Sain••, being a blacke Deuill.
• * 18.2

  Captaine Cort∣hop wounded, le••pes ouer-boord.
• * 18.3

  Master Hayes succeeds.
• * 18.4

  New agree∣ment betwixt the new Cap∣taine and the people.
• * 18.5

  Key-men cha∣stised.
• * 18.6

  Lantore surren∣dred to the King.
• * 18.7

  Dutch Aduisor taken.
• * 19.1

  The Letter of the Dutch to the English a∣bout the peace
• * 19.2

  M. Courthop buried by the Dutch.
• * 19.3

  Monsons. Want of water
• * 19.4

  Beynawre.
• * 19.5

  Dutch cunning.
• * 19.6

  Hollanders pre∣ten••e to Lan∣tore.
• * 19.7

  Notice giuen to the Dutch General, which would giue no answere.
• * 19.8

  Hollanders in∣uade Lantore, and burne the Towne.

  The English vill••nously a∣bused by Hol∣landers.
• * 19.9

  Dutch slights.
• * 19.10

  Hollanders arts at Poolaroone.
• * 19.11

  The Fiscals threats.
• * 19.12

  The people pleade subie∣ction to his Maiestie. High-way-law.
• * 19.13

  Note well.
• * 19.14

  Sententias lo∣quitur Carnife••.
• * 19.15

  Captaine Fitzherbert.
• * 19.16

  Dutch hostility to the English.
• * 19.17

  Imperious Dutch.
• * 19.18

  Dutch Empires.
• * 19.19

  Seran trea∣chery.

  English suffer for Hollanders faults.
• * 21.1

  This was M. Hayes, Captain of the English.
• * 21.2

  Robert Randall.
• * 21.3

  This was M. Welden.
• * 21.4

  Nathaniel Courthop.
• * 23.1

  Ships taken by the Hollanders at Banda, Be∣fore this, they had taken the Swan, the Sa∣lomon, the At∣tendance, and kept the De∣fence which fu∣gitiue knaues betrayed to them: Like∣wise the Speed∣well•• Pinnasse they are repor∣ted to haue entred and ta∣ken out the English, lea∣uing only three ignorant Blacks which for want of wit or skill, suffered her to be lost: the cause, for that she would not strike to the Dutch, plea∣ding freedom in sea, as sub∣iect to a free King. The Starre was ta∣ken in the strait of Sunda. In all, these in∣fortunate shippes, are twelue.
• * 23.2

  Vnderstand the pages as they lie in the former im∣pression.
• * 23.3

  Here diuers words a••e o∣mit••ed as ••oo odious aga••nst fil••hy ••um••s of Dutch Drinke.
• * 23.4

  Iapara, the cru∣eltie there.
• * 23.5

  Amboynas crueltie.
• * 24.1

  A sop for Cerberus.
• * 25.1

  1616. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 25.2

  See the st••ry befo••e (••u••pe∣cted fo•• what 〈…〉〈…〉) by 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 25.3

  1617.
• * 25.4

  1•••••• 25. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 26.1

  Gonahpee one of the Banda Ilands with a burning top.
• * 26.2

  Earthquakes.
• * 26.3

  One most h••∣deous and h••r∣rible.
• * 26.4

  Nera.
• * 26.5

  Castle weakly situate.
• * 26.6

  Lantore.
• * 26.7

  Pooloway.
• * 26.8

  None but rain water.
• * 26.9

  The Castle. Poolaroone.
• * 26.10

  Coen the chief Commander of the Dutch in the Indies, whose fastigi∣ous Titles may seeme fastidi∣ous to an eye not altogether euill: and follow, as I haue seene a copie of them, I know not whether nee∣ding a Demo∣critus or Hera∣clitus; whether to be rank••d with T. C••riat, sup. l. 4. c. 17. or with some of the long-stiled Emperours. Besides these Ilands of Ban∣da here na∣med, are rec∣koned Rosin∣ging, P. Maon, P. Capal, P. San∣gy, Neilackey &c. Amboyna.

  A little Isthmus. Th••ee Vinta∣ges.

  Raritie in Na∣ture.

  Strange spring.
• * 26.11

  The Castle.
• * 26.12

  Great Bachan.
• * 26.13

  Old Bachan.
• * 26.14

  The Castle.
• * 26.15

  Machan▪
• * 26.16

  Noffaquia. Taffasoho. Tabbalolo.
• * 26.17

  Strange Cloue Trees.
• * 26.18

  Motyr.
• * 26.19

  Otia ••••tollas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 riere Cupidinis arcus. Tydore.
• * 26.20

  Ternate.
• * 27.1

  I had another farre bet∣ter sent out of the Indies, but partly the cost, and partly doubt to displease haue detayned the publishing.
• * 28.1

  This was trans∣lat••d by Robert Hayes, ••hose cond••ent out the Indies •••• translated: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 third by Robert Hayes.
• * 30.1

  This should haue come in more due place before, being the se∣cond Voyage of the Com∣pany, if we then had had it: but better late then ne∣uer. And for the subiect it well agrees with this place also.

  His Maiesties letter.

  King of Bantam
• * 30.2

  Varanula.
• * 30.3

  Castle of Am∣boyna taken. English barred of trade by the Hollanders.
• * 30.4

  King of Ter∣nata..
• * 30.5

  Tydore Gallies.
• * 30.6

  English benefit to the Dutch.
• * 30.7

  Ternatas fraud.
• * 30.8

  Dutch vnkind∣nesse.
• * 30.9

  This Sander passeth in print in their au∣thors notwith∣standing. Peeuishnesse of the Dutch. Their bragges and lies.
• * 30.10

  Vnderstand this of the Merchants which traded (or warred ra∣ther) not of the whole land or best men of Holland. Loo∣sers will haue leaue to speak: & Merchants enuy each o∣ther.
• * 31.1

  Fame of Sir Francis Drake.
• * 31.2

  Quis tu••erit Gracchos de se∣ditione queren∣tes?
• * 31.3

  A friend at a pinch.
• * 33.1

  Dabit, Len∣tum est dabit, dat, hoc quoque est Lentum, de∣dit. Sen Hei fur.
• * 33.2

  Si ego dignus sim hac contume∣lia maximè (may both English and Bandanese al∣leage) At tu (Hollande) in∣dignus qui fa∣ceres tamen.
• * 33.3

  Hist Amstelod. Ioh. Isa••ij Fon∣tani, l. 2. c. 18. & 24.

  Prefat. in 8. part. Ind. Orient Diarium Nau∣ticum in Ind. Orient. ap. Io. Ianson. Arnhe∣miens. also you haue this whole Voyage written by the Commissarie of the Fleet in the third part, Ind. Or.

  Of these things see their seuerall Iournals pub∣lished in diuers Languages: also the Tomes of the E. I. Gaspar. Ens, Got Artus Me∣tranus, pag. 594. &c.
• * 33.4

  In the eight Booke of his Workes.
• * 33.5

  Societas longin∣quae societatis.
• * 33.6

  Portugals trea∣chery to the Hollanders. Raya Dauina •• Caesar.
• * 33.7

  Hereby appea∣r••th the dis∣cord betwixt Caesar and the Bantamians as farre as they durst.
• * 33.8

  This Mes∣senger is said to haue giuen 10000. Rials to deliuer him the Hollanders, or to prohibit them Trade.
• * 33.9

  The Portugals reward.

  Tuban, Cydaio, Brandaon and Surubaya are neere each o∣ther, on Ioua. The Bird Eme. Another trea∣cherie.
• * 33.10

  Madura.
• * 33.11

  Ballabua, or Balamboan, here Cand••sh had beene. Baly called Hollandiola in eight degrees of South lati∣tude.
• * 33.12

  Another saith (which is more credible) that it nourisheth 600000. peo∣ple.
• * 33.13

  The seuenth day holy. Drakes Streight
• * 33.14

  Pag. 117.
• * 33.15

  Pag. 125. & Pag. 71.
• * 33.16

  Mauritius I∣land.
• * 33.17

  Dec. 26. 1598.
• * 33.18

  Speedy Voy∣age to and fro the Indies, in 15. M. Tuban.
• * 33.19

  Iortam. Madura.
• * 33.20

  Treacherie.
• * 33.21

  Diuers Ilands.
• * 33.22

  The Dutch first trade at Banda. 1599. Polo Setton.
• * 33.23

  Poolaway.
• * 33.24

  Ciuill warres among the Bandaneses.
• * 33.25

  They are the words of Isaci∣us Pontanus, ••ib. 2. c. 25. of his History of Am∣sterdam. See al∣so pars 5. Ind. Orient. which words are to be marked against whatsoeuer pretext of Ter∣nate, or disabi∣litie of surren∣dring them∣selues.
• * 33.26

  Iohn Peeters an Englishman.
• * 33.27

  Many Fleets sent to the East Indies out of Holland and Zeland.
• * 33.28

  See Dauis his first Voyage, pag. 117. This slaughter of Houtman some ascribe to the Portugal wiles, part. oct. Ind Or.
• * 33.29

  Companies vnited.
• * 33.30

  See Pontan. pag. ••04.
• * 33.31

  Others say Wibrand War∣rick: or else that which fol∣loweth of Her∣man de Bree is another Fleet.
• a 33.32

  Qu••re whe∣ther this name Sunda be not as Sound in these parts, that is a Strait.
• b 33.33

  Of him see pag. 421. Portugall Inso∣lence.

  Corruptio optimi pessima: a naughtie Chri∣stian is the worst man. Hollanders rich and quiet trade at Banda.
• * 33.34

  Spilbergs going to Zeilan.
• * 33.35

  Columbo▪
• * 33.36

  Iohn de Austria or Fimala, how King of Candey or Candy.
• * 33.37

  New Holland.
• * 33.38

  Of this Iland, and the vene∣ration of their Elephants by others of other parts &c. see Linschoten.
• * 33.39

  Neccius his voyage to China

  The Dutch re∣ported of the English, as here the Portugals of them.

  See the King of Ternatas Letter to the the King, and Sir H Middle∣tons first Voy∣age.

  Note that the Hollanders in reckoning the King of Terna∣tas Kingdoms, name not Ban∣da: which be∣fore their Au∣thors testifie a free State: and to entertaine Ciuill Warres, which one King might easily haue pa∣cified: besides the King of Ternata offered his Kingdome to the Queene of England. See Sir Fr. Drake. Macao. Hollande••s lost there.
• * 33.40

  Pulo Cynon.
• * 33.41

  Cauchin China.
• * 33.42

  Auarella Falca.
• * 33.43

  Sotternim.
• * 33.44

  Polo Condor. Sangora. Trade at Pata∣nia.
• * 33.45

  Dutch execu∣cut••d.
• * 33.46

  Patanian di∣uersitie of lan∣guage and writing.
• * 33.47

  Balls in yard••. One cut out one out of his yard before Cap. Saris and g••ue it him.
• * 33.48

  Herman de ••r••e. Werts Voyage to Ze••lan.
• * 33.49

  Dutch.
• * 33.50

  Promi••e ••o the Hollanders.
• * 33.51

  Two French ships.

  Sir Iames Lan∣caster.
• * 33.52

  Motecalo.
• * 33.53

  The sacril••gi∣ous murther of Beeues.
• * 33.54

  Punto de Gallo.
• * 33.55

  Vintane.
• * 33.56

  Seb. Wert and 49. Hollanders slaine: They write that the King ••u••pected him of trea∣son, as inten∣ding to take and ship him: some impute it to the deli∣uery of the Port p••i••oners: some too per∣emptory words v••ed to the King.
• * 33.57

  Adam.
• * 33.58

  See before Spilbergs Voyage.
• * 33.59

  Daru.
• * 33.60

  Macesser.
• * 33.61

  Ende.
• * 33.62

  Venas Voyage. Pan or Pahan.
• * 33.63

  Patani Patane, or Patania.
• * 33.64

  Great China Iuncke.
• * 33.65

  Verhagen•• Voyage.
• * 33.66

  Goa.
• * 33.67

  Cananor. Calecut.
• * 33.68

  Cambaya. Cochin.
• * 33.69

  Amboyna. Castle taken. See Sir H. Mid. of this whom they slander for assisting the Port. Castle of Ti∣dore wonne, and the Portugals driuen out of the Moluccas: see the later state in Capt. Saris, l. 4. c. 1. & Spilberg, p 87.
• * 33.70

  Mateliffs Ex∣pedition.
• * 33.71

  Ior. Malacca be∣sieged.
• * 33.72

  Sea fight.
• * 33.73

  See of this fight, pag. 421.
• * 33.74

  Dutch women and families sent. Ia••an.

  The Dutch also enterp••i••ed a n••w Trade at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Go••d Ho••e, for t••ayne Oyle & Scales skinnes and Oxe hides: o•• which Isaac le Maire brought home at once 45000. Seale skinnes, and 500. (vasa) 803. sheads of▪ trayne, &c. Sup. p. 385. See Floris 321. & 324. Ca••t. Kee••ing, Mid∣dleton, &c Pe∣ter W••lliamson Verhu••f, or Verh••ef, or Hauf.

  Mosambike ta∣ken, and the Castle besieged Bon Iesus taken.
• * 33.75

  Goa. Coromandel.
• * 33.76

  Samorine.
• * 33.77

  Malacco.
• * 33.78

  Ratispont King of Ior descri∣bed.
• * 33.79

  See l. 2 c. 5. & •• See Ind. Orient. ••ar. non. Pag. 216.
• * 33.80

  See of this let∣ter▪ pag. 199. Here marke no right of the Hollanders or Ternata preten∣ded.

  See al••o the Du••ch allegati∣ons to Keel••ng, 202 & 203. The Hollanders what they can∣not get by in∣treatie, se••ke to winne by force.
• * 33.81

  The Banda∣neses still ••biect 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••si∣nesse in crying at his de••th, which th••y thinke more childish th••n manly and braue.
• * 33.82

  Verhuef, he Dutch A••miral with many o∣thers tre••che∣rously slaine. Nassau C••stle in Nera.

  S•• ple••n. Nonae partis ••nd. Ori∣ent.
• * 33.83

  Marke the v∣sages alledged by our men against their Sepulchres & Meskits.
• * 33.84

  There was no Europian Nati∣on then in trad•• with th••m but the English: that it wa•• don•• pur∣posely against them. But see Kee••ings story then here, and D. Middleton. after in the third Booke before, with Floris, and o∣ther Relati∣ons, whence this businesse appeares.
• * 33.85

  He reckoneth the Kings losse yeerly aboue one hundred tunne of gold, besides what the Portugalls lose.
• * 34.1

  A discourse of those warres, and the effects with their cau∣ses, briefly pre∣sented in a short Summa∣rie.
• * 34.2

  See Fitz-her∣berts Relation.
• * 34.3

  Gen. 6.
• * 34.4

  Gen. 6.
• * 34.5

  See Scot sup. pag. 180. & seqq.
• * 34.6

  Psal. 104.20.
• * 34.7

  Eph. 6.12. 1. Th. 5.5.
• * 34.8

  Scott vbi sup. &c.
• * 34.9

  Plurima mortis imago.
• * 34.10

  The Gordian knot.
• * 34.11

  Pro. 13.10.
• * 34.12

  Iud. 5.15.
• * 34.13

  The parcels summed, and a true account giuen of the Banda case and cause of the warres ours and theirs.
• * 34.14

  They tooke the Swan and the Defence, 1616. the Salo∣mon and Atten∣dance in March 1618. the Speed∣well, &c. where as Sir Thomas Dales first fight and taking the Lion of theirs was in Decem. 1618.
• * 34.15

  The Sunne Admirall of Sir Thomas Dales Fleet lost, pag. 634. at the Ile Engano.
• * 35.1

  The former part of the booke which proueth this I haue omitted, as lesse to our purpose.
• * 35.2

  Ill gouern∣ment of the Dutch Indian Commanders.
• * 35.3

  Seeking their owne priuate benefit.
• * 35.4

  The Maiors haue little or no aduenture with the Com∣panie.
• * 35.5

  Preferring their friends to gouernment.
• * 35.6

  Commi••ties se••t by their procurement. Great ships.
• * 35.7

  Their employ∣ment.
• * 35.8

  Male contents seeking for∣r••ine employ∣ment.
• * 35.9

  Nic. van Bac∣cum an Oxford man, Gen. of the Dutch. King Iames his Title to Solda∣nia published.
• * 35.10

  Note for such as goe into Soldania Road.
• * 35.11

  Note for trou∣blesome Sea at the Cape.
• * 35.12

  Iland Rasif.
• * 35.13

  Batecala.
• * 35.14

  Goa.
• * 35.15

  Dabul.
• * 35.16

  Damon.
• * 35.17

  A Portugall prize.
• * 35.18

  The fight.
• * 35.19

  Portugall sup∣plyes.
• * 35.20

  The second fight.
• * 35.21

  The flight and losse of the Portugals.
• * 35.22

  A Port Prise.
• * 35.23

  A Prise.
• * 35.24

  Eman. Assaued•• sent in supply from Goa.
• * 35.25

  Macera.
• * 35.26

  Cape Rosalgate▪ or Rosahalt (so the Natiues call it)
• * 35.27

  The Iasques Fleet of nin•• ships.
• * 36.1

  This proued not true.
• * 38.1

  Tho. Barker.
• * 38.2

  No Compasse vsed in the Ca∣spian Sea.
• * 38.3

  Tempest.
• * 38.4

  Callopsheray.
• * 38.5

  Shomakee. Bocka. Guilan. Ardeuil. Spahan.
• * 38.6

  Three passages to Persia from Musco.
• * 38.7

  Making of Cauiate.
• * 38.8

  Isinglas.
• * 38.9

  Arash. Derbent.
• * 38.10

  R••sht. Peomin. Shoft. Leygon. Monzendroan.
• * 38.11

  The first part concerneth the vse of In∣dian wares.
• * 38.12

  Sir Thomas Eliot his Ca∣stle of health. Rembert Dodo∣neus his history o•• Plants. The French A∣cademie se∣cond part, and others.
• * 38.13

  France and the Low-Countreyes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 late yeares do make gre••t quantities of wrought silke, of which wares they were heretofore ser∣ued from Italy. France, Italy, South Barbery, and other Countreyes.
• * 38.14

  The second part

  Sheweth the manner & the meanes by which Indian wares haue beene & now are brought into Europe.
• * 38.15

  Rates vpon all sorts of Spices. 22. per cent. raw Sikes e∣steemed about 2. per cent. Indico about 8. per cent.
• * 38.16

  Such people as effect not the good of this Kingdome
• * 38.17

  The quantity of Spice, Indi∣do, and Persian raw Silke, yeerely consu∣med in Eu∣rope.
• * 38.18

  The exporta∣tion of the va∣lue of 953543. l sterling out of Christendome into Turkey yeerely saued.
• * 38.19

  Instance only, that ten shil∣lings imployed in Pepper in the East Indies, will require thirtie and fiue shillings for all charges what∣soeuer to deli∣uer it in Lon∣don.

  The great summes of money which the Persians and the Indians carrie yeerely out of Turkey. The East India Companie doe endeauour to bring the raw Silkes from Persia directly by Sea.

  Marcellis sen∣deth yeerely to Aleppo and Alexandria, at l••••st 500000 l. sterling, and little or no wares. Venice sends about the value of 100000 l. and a great value in wares. The Low coun∣tries sends a∣bout the value of 50000 l. sterling mo∣ni••s, and litle wares. Messina 25000 l. in ready money.
• * 38.20

  Abassens a Peo∣ple in Ethiopia whose influ∣ence hath made them dull, lazy, and without arts; enioying di∣uers Mines of Gold, and one of Siluer, which doe procure their wants of for∣raine Wares.
• * 38.21

  Turkey hath litle meanes for Linnen but onely from India.
• * 38.22

  The proc••e∣dings of some States in Italie for the main∣tenance of Arts.

  The readie moneys which are yeerely carried from some States of Italie into Sicilia.
• * 38.23

  How Marcellis and Venice are furnished with ready moneys.
• * 38.24

  The Italian Merchants doe furnish the King of Spaine with money in Italie and Flan∣ders.

  The third part

  doth shew how the East India, Trade doth enrich this Kingdome.
• * 38.25

  How much money and wares the East India Compa∣nie haue sent forth euer sithence the beginning of this Trade.
• * 38.26

  The vent of English Wares encreased in the Indies.
• * 38.27

  Our stocke may be much increased by Trade from Port to Port in the Indies. For this see the former re∣lations, of the Trade from Surat to Achen, and all the Southerne and further Eastern Indies: as thence also to the red Sea &c.

  The moneys sent to the Indies is all forrain Coyne. The East India Companie are obliged to bring in as much money as they carrie out of the Realme. Tobacco, Rai∣sons, Oyles, and Wines, whereof there is no want, but rather too much Smoke. A proportion of such Trade as is hoped yeerely to be brought into this Realme from East India.
• * 38.28

  How much the Kingdomes Stocke may in∣crease yeerely by trading to the East Indies. 2500. tunn••s of shipping will lade home all the wares a∣fore written from the East Indies. And the materials of the said ship∣ping (vn∣wrought) is worth about 15000l. sterling India wares wil bring readie moneys into the Realme. We h••ue no other meanes to procure Treasure but by Trade and Merchandize. The French and the Vene∣tians send the value of 600000l. ster∣ling yeerely in ready money into Turkey. Trade maketh some States very rich which haue littl•• other meanes.

  If the generall Trade of this Kingdome doth export a greater value in wares then it doth import yeerly, then doth our trea∣sure increase. The Trade to the East Indies may be said to export 480000 pounds and to import 120000 l. yeerely. So the ouerballance is 360000 l. sterling. Euery action ought especi∣ally to be con∣sid••red in his end.

  The East Indi∣an wares whi••h were sent be∣yond the Seas, are sold and haue their fi∣nall end in money, which might bee brought into this Realme in that kind, if our other Trades did not diuert the same.
• * 38.29

  The first Part

  concerneth the folly of the Obiection.
• * 38.30

  The proui∣dence of the East India Company for Timber and Plancke. The East India Trade h••th not indeared the materials which serue to make ships.
• * 38.31

  The second Part

  sheweth the mist••king in the Obiection. The Warlike prouision which the East India Compa∣nie keepe in stor••.

  His Maiesties strength in the East India Company alone.
• * 38.32

  The shippes which returne from the East Indies home, may be rep••y∣red in a very short time.
• * 38.33

  The first Part concerneth Dearth.
• * 38.34

  The manner how the East India Compa∣ny do victuall their ships.
• * 38.35

  The second Part concer∣neth Mortality
• * 38.36

  Good Mari∣ners are ac∣counted wor∣thy men in a Common-wealth.
• * 38.37

  The breeding of 400. Mari∣ners yearely. Besides that the feare of a few mens death ought not to ouer∣throw or hin∣der the perfor∣mance of Ho∣nourable acti∣ons for the ser∣uice of the K. and Common-wealth.

  Our Mariners owne disorde∣red life is that which killeth many of them. The third part concernes the decay of ship∣ping which haue beene sent to the Indies.

  Of the Dutch wrongs & the ships taken by them, see the former Relati∣ons of Spurway, Hore, Knowles, &c. with the Depositions of diuers men, & in manner all these Indian Voyages. The twelue shippes are the Swan, Defence, Salo∣mon, Attendance (all taken at Banda before Sir Tho. Dale began the war) the Speedwell, the Starre; the Dragon, the Beare, Expedi∣tion, Rose; and the Samson, with the Hound Our troubles with the Dath. The summe of the affaires to the East Indies euer since the Trade began. Account of all the money and goods which hath been sent to the East In∣dies euer since the beginning of the Trade. 256288. l. sterling, hath beene returned from the East Indies which did produce here towards charges, 1914600. pounds sterling.
• * 38.38

  There remains yet in the East Indies to bee returned home from thence about 400000. pounds ster∣ling.
• * 38.39

  Concerning the decay of shipping and Trade in to Turkey.
• * 38.40

  The Turkey Merchants can and will iusti∣fie this truth.
• * 38.41

  The strength of the East India ships.
• * 38.42

  The fourth part concernes the pouertie of widdowes, &c.

  The East India Trade doth employ many poore men, & deboist people which other Trades refuse. Wages before hand is not gi∣uen in other Merchants Voyages, ney∣ther yet so great wages as the East India Company pay.
• * 38.43

  When did any of these Wid∣dowes beg for reliefe in our Churches, as others often doe?

  The East India company their charitie.
• * 38.44

  The fifth Part concerneth the cheapenes of Spice and Indico at this present, in re∣spect of former times.
• * 38.45

  Prices of spice and Indico in former times.
• * 38.46

  Prices of spice and Indico in these latter times.
• * 38.47

  Lesse then eighteene thousand pounds ster∣ling in the In∣dies, will buy Spice and In∣dico to serue this Realme for a yeare, whi••h is not halfe so much money as it spendeth be∣yond these is to buy Cur∣rands only, or to buy Tobac∣co.

  The wares on∣ly which are sent out of this Kingdome into the East Indies, are of sufficient value to furnish this Realme with an ouerplus of all man∣ner of Indian wares (Persian Raw Silkes only excepted.)
• * 38.48

  The first Part concerneth his Maiesties Mint.

  Twentie fiue thousand pound weight at least of Sil∣uer yearely melted downe into Plate, be∣sides old Plate new fashioned, as by credible report.

  There hath been coyned great store of Gold and Sil∣uer in his Ma∣iesties Mint, since the East India Trade began.

  There hath been little or no Siluer coy∣ned in some yeares, when the East India Company sent out very small summes of money.

  Some causes and meanes whi••h were wont to bring Siluer into the Realme are ceased at this present time. Th•• second Part conc••r∣neth the put∣ting downe of the East India Trade.

  The East India Trade is great∣ly desi••ed by other Christi∣an Nations. The Dutch might grow strong and rich by our destruc∣tion.

  The third Part concerneth the councell which the Ob∣iecters de∣mand.
• * 38.49

  The riches of a Kingdom, is of two sorts.
• * 38.50

  This Kind of industrie ma∣keth some Countries which are poor of themselues, to grow rich and strong by other Nations, who haue grea∣ter meanes, and are lesse industrious. Foure princi∣pall Causes which carry a∣way our Gold and Siluer.
• * 38.51

  The First Cause concer∣neth the Stan∣dard.

  Proceedings against enter∣course.
• * 38.52

  The Second Cause concer∣neth the ex∣changes of moneys with forrain Coun∣tries.

  The practice of those Strangers here in this Realme, who make a Trade by ex∣change of mo∣neys.

  Forrain Wares brought in with our ready moneys carri∣ed out of this Realme.

  The Third Cause concer∣neth neglect of duties. Our heauie money is con∣uayed beyond the Seas, and melted downe into Plate here in the Realme.
• * 38.53

  Anno 17. Ed∣ward. 4.
• * 38.54

  The Fourth Cause concer∣neth our com∣merce with Strangers. Vnskilfull Merchants ouerthrow our Trades.
• * 38.55

  Merchants by education are onely fit to trade in for∣raine parts.
• * 38.56

  How rich Common-wealths may become poore. Forrain Wares brought in for Trans. to can∣not hurt, but grea••ly helpe the Common-wealth.

  Hopes to in∣crease Trade by exportation of Indian Wares to for∣raine parts.
• * 38.57

  The particular Trade to the East Indies will bring great store of treasure into this Realme, if the generall Trade of this Kingdome doe not hinder and consume it. The Dutch in particular, are said to reape such infinite wealth yeerely by this fishing Trade, that without more certaine know∣ledge thereof I dare not set downe the summe it see∣me••meth so incredible. See hereof D. Dees booke: as also Cap. Smiths.