Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

[ 40]

CHAP. XVI. Obseruations collected out of the Iournall of Sir THOMAS ROE, Knight, Lord Embassadour from His MAIESTIE of Great Britaine, to the Great Mogol: Of matters occurring worthy memory in the way, and in the Mogols Court. His Customes, Cities, Countryes, Subiects, and other Indian Affaires.

[ 50]

§. I. Occurrents and obseruations, in, and touching the Voyage to Surat.

THe fifth of Iune, we anchored in the roade of Soldania.* 1.1 Though the Variation be an excellent euidence in the whole course of veering land, yet it deliuereth no o∣ther certaintie, but warning to look out; for it lessens not in the same proportion neere land, but by a much slower: for which I could giue a perspicuous reason, but too large for this place, nor can any iudgement at all be made to twenty leagues thereby (that shall be infallible) the magneticall amplitude beeing so difficult to [ 60] obserue truely by the Ships motion, and the Needles quicknesse, that a degree is scarce an error. This consideration made me confident, that we should see no land vntill the fifth day early in the morning.

Soldania, is as I suppose, an Iland in the South end whereof is the Cape of Good Hope,* 1.2 diuided

from the maine by a deepe Bay on the South-East side, and due East by a Riuer, which wee di∣scerne vpon the table. The land is fruitfull, bearing short thicke grasse, the maine is diuided with most high and steepe rocky Mountaines couered with snow, and vnaccessible, except it be sear∣ched by the Riuer of Dulce, which doubtlesse is very great, falling into the Bay on the East side: there is on the Iland fiue or sixe hundred people, the most barbarous in the world, eating Carrion, wearing the guts of sheepe about their necks for health, and rubbing their heads (curled like Ne∣groes) with dung of beasts and durt: they haue no other clothing then beasts skinnes wrapt on their shoulders, the skin next the body in heat, in cold the hairy side; their houses are but one mat, concaued like an Ouen, into which they creepe, and turne them about as the wind changes: for they haue no doores to keepe it out. They haue left their stealing by trading with vs, and by [ 10] signes make shew their heart is good: they know no kind of God or Religion. The aire, and wa∣ter is very good and wholesome, and both of them subtile and searching. There is on the Iland, Buls, Cowes, Antelops, Baboones, Moules of great bignesse, Feasants, Patridges, Larks, Wild∣geese, Ducks, Passerflannugos, and many others. On Pengwyn there is a fowle so called, that goes vpright,* 1.3 his wings without feathers, hanging downe like sleeues faced with white: they fly not, but walke in pathes and keep their diuisions and quarters orderly; they are a strange fowle, or ra∣ther a miscellaneous creature, of Beast, Bird, and Fish, but most of Bird, confuting that definition of man to be Animal bipes implume, which is nearer to a description of this creature. The commo∣dities here are, first reasonable refreshing with Cattell (so that a season be chosen when they are not leane, a Moneth after the Sunne is departed from them Northward) Maugin rootes, Arras, [ 20] if our Merchants be not deceiued; and I doe strongly suppose, that I found out a Rocke yeelding Quick-siluer and Vermillion, the stone being spotted all without, with a most pure red colour, e∣quall to any painting, and that will come off vpon Paper, or other fit matter: by the description of Iohn Acosta it cannot faile to be the same; it is also very heauy, full of Marquisat and minerall appearances.* 1.4 The Table, or high Rocke so called, by a straight line from the water side, is 11853 foot high; the Bay is full of Whales and Seales. The Dutch haue fished on Pengwin for them: the latitude is, thirtie three degrees fortie fiue minutes: the longitude twentie eight degrees thirtie minutes from the Lisard, the variation doubtfull, whether to the East or West; but my opinion is, that the variation is West thirty minutes: the cause of variation beeing in the maine, as ap∣peares euidently by the many lines, and changes towards the Cape F. and after Westerly: if a∣ny shipping, hauing time enough, fall but one hundred leagues more to the North with the [ 30] maine, which may be done with safety, no winds forbidding it, I assure my selfe they shall haue good trade for Cattell, and other Commodities, and may by leauing some men, discouer the land, and perhaps get knowledge of the people that trade with the Spaniards on the East side in one and twenty degrees for Gold, after the manner of the Moores in Barbary to Gago. These left at the Cape will goe no further, but attend opportunity of passage, and there can doe no great good being among the basest banished people, that know nothing sauouring of man, nor are no other way men, but as they speake and walke like men.

* 1.5Molalia is one of the foure Ilands of Comory, Angazesia, Iuanny, and Mayotta beeing the other three. They lie East and West neere in a parallel one off another, except Angazesia, which lieth [ 40] somewhat more North. Molalia is in twelue degrees twentie minutes South latitude, in the same Meridian with Cape Augustine, the variation being sixteene degrees fortie minutes.

* 1.6Angazesia beares from it by the Compasse North by West, seuen leagues off, the further-most end in eleuen degrees fiftie fiue minutes, extending it selfe North eleuen degrees sixe minutes, as I obserued within fiue leagues thereof, bearing South from me; it is the highest land I euer saw, inhabited by Moores trading with the Maine, and the other three Easterne Ilands with their Cattel and fruits, for Callicoes, or other linnen to couer them. It is gouerned by tenne petty Kings, and is sufficiently fruitfull of Kine, faire Goates, Cocos, Orenges and Limons: they made vs fires as we passed by, being desirous of trade at the first hand which now they fetch by Canoes at Molalia where our ships ride. They are held a false and an vnfaithfull people, hauing betraied some of S. Iames Lancasters men long since; but now hauing experience of vs at other Ilands, I [ 50] doubt not they would regaine their credits.

Iuanny lies from Molalia East, and Mayotta in the same course, the coast betweene them is e∣uery way bold.* 1.7 These three Islands are very full of very good refreshings, but principally May∣otta, as I was informed by the Arabs trading in Molalia, and the Dutch stop there. The next in goodnesse is Iuanny, where liues an old Woman Sultannesse of them all, to whom they repaire for Iustice, both in Ciuill and Criminall causes.

* 1.8Molalia hath in it three Sub-Sultans, children of the old woman, two men one daughter, who gouerne seuerall parts of the Iland. The Sultan in whose quarter we anchored hath such au∣thoritie, that his subiects dare not sell a Nut vntill leaue obtained: to which end, Captaine Kee∣ling [ 60] sent foure boats to his Towne desiring libertie to trade, where they were receiued by a Go∣uernour, or rather an Admirall or Commander of the port, lying some foure leagues to the East∣ward of our Road, where hauing obtained leaue to come ashoare, we landed some fortie men with Captaine Newport: the Gouernour they found sitting vpon a Mat of straw, vnder the side of a

Iunke which was a building, accompanied with about fiftie men, his apparrell was a Mantle of blue and red linnen, wrapt about him to his knees, his legges and feet bare, on his head a close Cap of checker worke, the Interpreters were certaine Magadoxians, that spake Arabique and broken Portuguise. Captain Newport presenting him with a Peece and a Sword blade from Capt. Keeling, receiued a welcome, and commanded foure Bullocks to be returned in requitall, and with grauitie enough intertained them, giuing free libertie to buy and sell, and signifying so much by a Messenger to the Inhabitants round about, and promised to send downe his owne Cattell, but professed he had no power to compell or make price for others, but left the trade open to euery [ 10] mans will. He sent for Coco Nuts to giue the Company, himselfe chewing Bittle, and lime of Burnt Oyster-shels with a kernell of a Nut called Arracca, like an akorne, it bites in the mouth, auoids rheume, cooles the head, strengthens the teeth, and is all their Phisick: it makes one vnused to it giddie, and makes a mans spittle red, and in time colours the teeth, which is esteemed a beau∣tie: this is vsed by all men hourely. From the Gouernour they were led to a Carpenters house, a chiefe man of that towne; the house built of lime and stone, plaistered with mortar or white lime, low and little Rooft, with Rafters of wood couered with leaues, the out-sides walled with Canes: they are kept cleanely, and their poore houshold-stuffe still neate, their Gardens paled with Canes, inclosing some Tobacco, and Plantan trees. For Dinner, a boord was set vpon Tres∣sels couered with a fine new Mat, benches of stone about it likewise couered, on which they sat: first water was brought to euery man in a Coco-shell poured out into a wooden platter, and in∣stead [ 20] of a Towell, the rinds of Cocos. Then was set boyld Rice, and roasted Plantans vpon the Rice, quarters of Hennes, and pieces of Goat broild. After grace said, they fell to their meat, with bread made of Cuscus beaten, and mingled with honey, and so fryed, and Palmet wine, and Coco milke for drinke. I sent a Gentleman and my Chaplin to see the Sultan himselfe, who liues three miles vp in the land from Fambone the towne of the Gouernour, but they found him by chance there: he vsed them courteously, and made them dine with him, differing little from the former intertainement, onely the Gouernour and all other gaue him much respect, kissing his hand, his name is Sultan Amar-Adel, a kinne to Mahomet, not vnlike to be descended of such an imposterous race, his clothes not vnlike the Gouernour, but somewhat better stuffe, his manners differing much, beeing with lesse grauitie and State, somewhat a light foole, and very hastie to [ 30] be dranke with wine carried by the English. The other Vice-Sultan his brother, in whose quar∣ter we were not, I saw beeing come downe to our Road with three slaues to trade: he brought a Certificate from Captaine Sayers, that he had vsed the English well in his Dominions, he is as well Xeriffe as Sultan, which is high Priest: he kept a kind of State in place, but otherwise a poore bare-footed roague: he offered to trade for Quick-siluer, and beeing asked what quantitie hee would buy, replyed to foure or fiue Rialls of eight; when this merchandize failed him, hee fell to begging of shooes. Then I left him.

All the people are strict Mahometans, obseruing much of the old law, and at this time being the preparation to their Ramdam or Lent, vnwilling to drinke wine: they are very iealous to let the Women or Moschees to be seene, of which we had experience by an alarme of one of their [ 40] Priests, who espied one of ours comming to a Village, who shut vp all the Women, and cryed out if we came neere them or their Church, they would kill vs; but by the authoritie of the Xeriffe, the Priest was appeased, and suffered it with more patience. Many of them speake and write the Arabique in a faire Character, and some few Portiguise, trading to Mosambique in Iunkes of for∣tie Tunnes made of Cocos sowed, in stead of Pinnes caucked, tackled, and wholly fitted, vi∣ctualed, and fraughted with that vniuersall tree.

Here our fleet refreshed with Oxen and Cowes, small as two yeereling, but good flesh, with Goats very fat and large, Arabian sheepe, Hennes, Cocos, Orenges, Limons, Limes in great a∣bundance, which we bought for Call••coes, Hollands, or other linnens, Sword-blades, and Rialls of eight, and their fruits for Glasses, Kniues and trifles: whatsoeuer is bought for money is bought [ 50] dearest.

Here was in trade a Iunke of Madagascar with slaues: the Pilote of the Iunke called Malim Abrinme spake Portuguise, and told me on the South-side of S. Laurence, there was store of Am∣ber-greece, and Cocos of the Sea; hee was skilfull in the coast, and in the lying and bearing of lands, both in course and distance. He had a great parchment Card, lined and graduated orderly, which I sent to see: he found fault with many things in my Card at sight, which I mended by his direction, and with reason, as the distance from Socatra from the Maine, and rasing quite out certaine Ilands to the Southward of Mslalia, affirming there are none such: his countrey lyes from one degree fiftie minutes, to foure degrees, the Port in two degrees tenne minutes North latitude, gouerned by one King: he assured me of trade enough at his port to load one ship with [ 60] Marfill, Amber, and Tinta Roxa: he promised to bring me his Plot and soundings, and a sample of Tinta Roxa, but some other cause diuerted him, that he would come no more at me, notwith∣standing I dealt liberally with him in present and in promises. To the South of Magadoxa, all the Ports are gouerned by Moorish petty Kings, euen to Mosambique: he perswaded me that wee might in many places trade for Gold and Siluer; that in Magadoxa the houses roofes were gilt,

that they had gold in sand, and mingled with earth, which they esteeme not: of the Inland hee knew little, onely naming some places or Regions betweene Magadoxa and Prester Iohn, as Odo∣la Mahesa, Rehamy and Gala, of which Odela and Gala, are Chaphares which signifieth mis-be∣leeuers; I know not whether he meanes Gentiles or Christians, vsing the same promiscuously aswel to Prester Iohn as to other Gentiles. Of Prester Iohn, he knoweth no more, then that hee is a great Prince and a Caphar: from Magadoxo to Cambaya, hee was expert, his brother who came with him to me, was in fight against the Hope in a Portugall ship, pressed from Damon, in which for∣tie fiue were slaine, more he knew not, but that three ships were burned, and the rest run away; he said the King of Dabul tooke courage on this victorie and surprised Chaul,* 1.9 Damon, & other the Portugals Port Townes, was marching to Goa, that the Portugall was in great distresse of victuals. [ 10] I hoped to haue stored my selfe with more discourse from him, but I was, I know not how, pre∣uented: it were time well bestowed to see this Coast, and I spake to some of it, but it fared the worse for the Father.

The Road of Molalia lyes in twelue degrees ten minutes, and for the first sixe dayes the Cur∣rent sets two leagues a watch South-west, the Moone increasing at the ful, we woond vp North-east the other way but very easily, for the most part riding vpon the Current. The Magadoxians made some absurdly beleeue, that the Current set fifteene dayes one way, and fifteene another, and fifteene dayes still: which because of the first sixe dayes it set South-west, and after wee woond vp North-east, it begot the opinion of a wonder, but the Current sets constantly South-west, and before the full of the Moone, it had such power on the ebbe and floud that wee neuer [ 20] woond, but at the full Moone and Spring-tydes we roade vpon the floud against the Current it running vnder, and the tyde aboue, highing sixteene foote water, and the ebbe winding backe with the Current, so that the supposed chance of the Current, was on the strong tydes, at the full Moone ouercomming it aboue: for at Sea when the spring was past, I found the same Cur∣rent, and though we were set to the Eastward the first day we weighed, vnto the Westward the next, the cause was the Eddies of Iuanny one day, and Angazesia the other, but being cleere of them it set his due course, that I raised little, and did West-ward much.

* 1.10The fourteenth of August, in the morning we saw the Coast of Magadoxia in foure degrees of North latitude foure leagues off sounding, had eighteene fathome of low land, white sandie bankes. Then wee stood off East North-east, the difference of longitude betweene the Maine [ 30] and Molalia in Mercators proiection, agreeing with our account. And also by course hauing found the longitude of Cape Saint Augustine and Molalia to be one: I conclude that Saint Lau∣rence ought to be laid to the East thirtie nine or fortie leagues according to my first opinion, and all the Coast of the Maine being broader then it is land in the Card, must be also set in proporti∣on to the East-ward, because the distance of longitude is right from one to the other, though all their longitude false in themselues: from Malalia, to fall with Cape de Bussos, North North-east one quarter East way is the best course, it being necessary to see the Mayne about the latitude in this course since we lost the Westerly Current at Angazesia, I found none or very little contrary to all Iournals, our Mariners in this course are of as many opinions as points in the Compasse, both for Currents, distances and bearings according to Compasse or Variation: but I obserued the [ 40] truth in the latter end of this South-west Monson, which, I confesse, may alter in the heart of a contrary Monson, the setlednesse of the wind causing much change in the Currents, of which no rule can be giuen.

* 1.11The two and twentieth, at Abdalacora and the high lands of Socatra, the windes powred downe with such impetuousnesse, and the ground so roekie, that I aduise all to forbeare to anchor vnder them, for if they be put from their anchors in the night, they shall fall so farre to leeward, that they cannot recouer the Iland, but must lose company: but if night or weather force them to anchor, let them chuse to ride where some lower land breakes the violence of the wind from the hils. Wee rode in the second quarter of the increasing Moone, which rose then aboue the Hori∣zon about twelue at noone, and set at midnight, at which time these winds begun to rage so long [ 50] as she is vnder the earth, and rising againe it becomes temperate, the Moone is a great Ladie of weather in these parts and requires much obseruation.

* 1.12The three and twentieth, we weighed together and came to anchor afore Tamara, the Kings Towne, bringing the low point to the East of the high sandie hill without it East by North in ten fathome water a mile from the Towne: here the Sultan sent vs word, the winds were from the hils so forcible that we should hardly ride,* 1.13 but aduised vs to goe to Baia Delicia, two leagues to the East where he would meete vs: it is a very good Road deseruing the name of delightfull for the peaceablenesse thereof in respect of others: it is a Valley of much lower hils; betweene the water and the raggie Mountaines of Tamera, you may bring the two little Homocks that lye on the low point without the high land to the East-ward South-east, and the low land that [ 60] was East by North in Tamera Road North-west by West, and ride in ten fathome within three quarters of a mile of the shoare, latitude is thirteene degrees fiue minutes, the variation eigh∣teene degrees twentie minutes, the ground is white sand, but rockie so that you must coat••h or boy your Cables.

Socatra is an Iland in the mouth of the Red Sea, called anciently Dioscuria or Dioscorida,* 1.14 stan∣ding in twelue degrees fiftie fiue minutes, gouerned by a Sultan called Amar-Ben-Seid borne in the Iland, the Sonne of the King Farteque in Arabia Foelix called Sultan-Seid-Ben-Seid, who was Sultan of Socatra, in the time of his Grand-father, as this shall be King after his Father of Far∣taque, and his sonne left at Socatra (the Kingdome of Fartaque lyes from fifteene degrees to eighteene degrees along the Coast of Arabia, and to the North to the Mountaines, he is at peace with the Turke, (who holds all Arabia in Tribute, except this Countrey) on this condition to send fiue thousand men in ayd of the Turke, if he require it to bee paid by the Turke, without o∣ther acknowledgement. There lyes neere the Sea a pettie King about Dosar, with whom he dares not meddle, being in the Grand Seigniors protection. This is the relation of Amar-Ben-Seid of [ 10] Socatra. The Sultan of Socatra met our Fleet with three hundred or thereabouts, hauing set vp a Tent at Baia Delecia: he rode vpon a Horse, and three of his chiefe Seruants on two Horses and one Camell, the people marching before and behind him, shouting after the Turkish manner, with two Guards, one of Souldiers, which are his Countreymen, and twelue of priuate Guard, hired Guzerats, some with Turkish Bowes, some with Pistols, some with Muskets, all with good Swords, he had a few Kettle Drummes, and one Trumpet. When the Generall went ashoare, he receiued him with state and courtesie: he is a subtile man of good vnderstanding, as appeares by his Gouernment and diuers Answeres; hee raignes so absolutely that no man can sell any thing but himselfe, his people sit about him with great respect, his Officers standing by, who take ac∣count of Trade, and receiue and pay: his clothes are of Surat Stuffes, after the Arabs manner [ 20] with a Cassock of wrought Veluet red and white, and another the ground Gold, a very good Turbant, but bare-footed, euery night at Sun-set they stand or kneele all towards the Sunne and pray, the Xeriff throwing water on their heads: their Religion is Mahometan: the Kings Towne of Tamara, is built of lime and stone whited ouer, battelled and pinnacled, the houses being flat at the top it shewes faire in the Road, but when one is there is but poore; Master Boughton bor∣rowed the Kings horse, and obtayned leaue to see his house, the King sending a Sheck with him, he found it not answerable to the appearances, yet such as an ordinary Gentleman might make a shift with in England, his lower roomes were vsed as Ware-houses, one as a Wardrope, where hung a long the wals some changes of Robes, and twentie fiue Bookes of their Law, Religion, Storie, and Saints liues, of which I could obtayne none, but aboue no man may come to see his [ 30] Wiues which are three, nor other women, but the ordinary are seene in the Townes, with their eares full of siluer Rings; in the Church the Priest was at seruice, but seeing Master Boughton take out his Watch, hee soone finished and came and wondred. There was prouided three Hennes for their dinner with Rice, and for drinke water and Cohu,* 1.15 blacke liquor taken as hot as may be en∣dured: at his returne, the King in complement said, hee had seene a poore place, but desired him to accept it.

There is a Castle foure square on a hill, a mile from Tamara, but he could not get licence to see it. The people are of foure sorts, Arabs his Countrymen, who it seemes are his strength, and such as are not the ancient Inhabitants, but come in with the Conquest of his Ancestors, and [ 40] those obey him, and dare not speake without licence, as appeared, when one seemed of qualitie to speake, he asked him how hee durst open his mouth in his presence, but approching kisse his hand. A second sort are of Slaues, who when they come to him kisse his foot, and these doe all his worke and make his Aloes. A third sort, as I suppose, the olde Inhabitants of the Countrey, but not the eldest, called Bedwines, the same which other Historians haue called Iacobits Chri∣stians, that haue long dwelt there, with these he hath had a warre, as the Arabs report,* 1.16 and dwell in the Mountaines very populous but are now at peace, on condition to liue quietly, and to breed their children Mahometans, which I perceiue they doe not, hauing no manner of conuer∣sation with the Arabs. The reason why I take them to be the old Iacobite Christians, mentioned by Maginas, Purchas and others, is, because Master Boughton saw an old Church of theirs in the way to Tamara, left desolate, the doore shut, but onely tyed, being desirous to enter it, the Sheck [ 50] his guide told him it was full of Spirits, yet he aduentured in and found an Altar with Images, and a crosse vpon it, which he brought out, then the Shecke told him they were a people of a∣nother Religion, but very loth to haue them much enquired after, as I suspect, knowing them to be a kind of Christians, doubting we would either wish them better, or not suffer them to bee op∣pressed. The fourth sort are a sauage people, poore, leane, naked, with long haire, eating nothing but Roots, hiding in bushes, conuersing with none, afraid of all, without houses, and almost as sauage as beasts, and by coniecture, the true ancient Naturals of this Iland.

The Iland is very mountainous and barren: hauing some Beeues, Goates and Sheepe, a few Dates and Oranges, a little Rice and nothing else for sustenance, of commoditie they haue Aloes, which is the iuyce of a leafe like Semperuina, they make a poore cloth of their Wooll for their [ 60] slaues.

The King had Sanguis Draconis, and Indico of Lahor, but held it deare: many small Ciuit Cats and Ciuit: all is either the Kings, or passes his hands and price. He hath a handsome Galley and Iuncke of Surat, with Mariners, that serue him to transport his goods for wages by the

yeare. The King hath some knowledge of Prester Iohn; confessing him the greatest Prince in the World, aboue the Turke and Persian, giuing faire reasons for his opinion: he hath among his slaues diuers Abbassines. Hearing our hoy-boyes in the Generals boat, hee asked if they were the Psalmes of Dauid? and being answered yes: hee replyed, it was the inuention of the Deuill, who did inuent it▪ for King Dauid, who before praysed God with his lips and heart in deuotion, but after it was left to sencelesse Instruments. They bury their dead all in Tombes, and haue in great reuerence the Monuments of their Saints, whereof there haue been many: But of most account Serdy Hachim, buried at Tamara, who being slaine one hundred yeares since by the Portugalls once inhabiting heere, appeares to them, and warnes them of dangers to ensue. They impute the violence of winds to his walking, and haue him in wonderfull reuerence. I neuer went ashoare, not knowing what entertainment I should find, in respect of the quality I beare, but gleane vp [ 10] the most probable reports. If I had gone my selfe, and conferred with the King, or could haue spoken with: any of his people of vnderstanding, I had enquired further to satisfie the curious: But all the Interpreters followed the Generall, that I had no oportunity.

I giue my aduice that the Fleet stop not at all outwards, bound at Socatra: But from Molalia, hauing made Cape Guardafui,* 1.17 and there rested a conuenient time for refreshing, or attending the latter end of the Monson, if it be soone in the yeare, shape their course right for Surat. If it be obiected, that they shall want their vsuall refreshings: I answere, at Socatra the victualls is both carrion, and as deare as in England, goodnesse considered, the water farre to fetch and dangerous, so that euery Fleet hath lost some men in rowling it downe a streame full of deepe holes. At Cape Guarda-fui you shall ride at ease, and without doubt trade plentifully and cheape, and fish [ 20] at pleasure: and though we made no experience of trade, yet wee saw people in Turbants and cloathed, who assuredly, if we had stayed, might haue been drawne to bring downe cattell: for not farre to the West of that place, Sir Henry Middleton, and some other ships had excellent Goats and sheepe for trifles, as both his Iournall, and Master Barret of his owne experience haue enformed mee.

§. II. His iourney to the Court, and entertainment there, and Customes thereof. [ 30]

* 1.18THe six and twentieth of September, I landed, accompanied with the Generall and principall Merchants: Captaine Harris was sent to make me a Court of guard, with one hundred shot, and the ships in their best equipage, giuing mee their Ordnance as I passed. (The passages betwixt the Embassador and those of Surat I omit; their barba∣rous customes and actions holding so ill correspondence with his honorable condition, and ciuill conditions, that euen heere also it would be harsh to the Reader: we will therefore find him remouing from them in his way toward the Court.)

The fifteenth of Nouember, I arriued at Brampore, being by my coniecture two hundred twenty three miles from Surat, and the course wholly East, a miserable and barren Countrey, [ 40] the Townes and Villages all built of mudde, so that there is not a house for a man to rest in. This day at Batherport, a Village two mile short of Brampore is their Store-house of Ordnance. I saw diuers of brasse, but generally too short, and too wide bored. Betweene that and Brampore I was met by the Cutwall, well accompanied, and sixteene Colours caried before them: he brought mee to the Saralia, where I was appointed to lodge, where at the gate hee tooke his leaue, being a handsome front of stone: but when I entered, I had foure chambers allotted me, like Ouens, no bigger, round at the top, made of bricke in a wall-side; this troubled mee, but my Ttnts were my refuge, and I sent the Cutwall word I would depart the Towne, scorning so meane vsage: hee desired me to be content vntill morning. Heere liues Sultan Peruies, the Kings second sonne, hol∣ding the State and custome of his Father; and the Channa Channa being the greatest subiect of [ 50] the Mogoll, Generall of his Armies, whereof fortie thousand horse are with him: The Prince hath the name and state, but the Chan gouernes all.

The eighteenth, for many considerations, as well to see the fashions of the Court, as to con∣tent the Prince, who desired it, and I was loath to distaste him, because there was some purpose of erecting a Factory in the Towne; and I found by experience Sword-blades were well sold in the Armie; I went to visite the Prince, and carryed him a Present. I was brought in by the Cutwall: at the outward Court were about one hundred horsemen armed, being Gentlemen that attend the Princes setting out to salute him, making a lane of each side: in the inner Court hee sate high in a Gallery that went round, with a Canopy ouer him, and a Carpet before him, in [ 60] great, but barbarous State. Comming toward him thorow a lane of people, an Off••cer came and brought me word I must touch the ground with my head, and my hat off: I answered, I came in honour to see the Prince, and was free from the custome of Seruants. So I passed on, till I came to a place railed in, right vnder him, with an ascent of three steps, where I made him reuerence,

and he bowed his body; and so went within it, where stood round by the sides all the great m••n of the Towne, with their hands before them like Slaues; the place was couered ouer-••ead with a rich Canopie, and vnderneath, all Carpets. To describe it rightly, it was like a great Stage, and the Prince sate aboue as the Mock-Kings doe there. When I was entered, I knew not where to be placed, but went right, and stood before him, where there is an ascent of three steppes, vp∣on which stands his Secretary, to deliuer what is said or giuen briefely. I told him, being an Em∣bassador from the King of England to his father, and passing by, I could not but in honour visite him: he replyed I was very welcome, and asked me many questions of the King, to which I re∣plyed as I thought fit: but standing in that manner below, I demanded licence to come vp and [ 10] stand by him. He answered, If the King of Persia or the Great Turke were there, it might not be admitted. I replyed that I must bee excused, for I doubted not hee would come downe and meete them at his gate; but I desired no more priuiledge, then the Embassadors of such Princes had, to whom I held my selfe equall: he protested I had that, and should in all things. Then I demanded a Chaire, but I was answered no man euer sate in that place: but I was desired, as a courtesie, to ease my selfe against a pillar, couered aboue with siluer, that held vp his Canopie, Then I moued him for his fauour for an English Factory to be resident in the Towne, which hee willingly granted, and gaue present order to the Buxy, to draw a Firma both for their comming vp, and for their residence. I also desired his authoritie for cariages for the Kings Presents, which he gaue in charge to the Cutwall. Then I gaue him my Presents, which hee tooke in good part, [ 20] and after some other questions, he said to giue me content, although I might not come vp where he sate, he would go into another place, where I should come vnto him; but one of my Presents was a Case of Bottells, which tooke him vp by the way, and after I had stayed a while, I heard he was drunke, and one of his Officers came to mee in his name, with an excuse, desiring mee to goe home, and to take some other time to returne to visite him: this night I tooke my feauer.

The sixt of December, we lodged in a wood, not farre from the Kings famous Castle of Man∣doa which stands on a steepe hill, walled round in circuit fourteene Course: the Castle is faire, and of wonderfull greatnesse.

The two and twentieth, Master Edwards met me, accompanied with Thomas Coryat,* 1.19 who had passed into India on foote fiue Course to Cytor an ancient Citie ruined on a hill, but so that it ap∣peares [ 30] a Tombe of wonderfull magnificence: there stands aboue one hundred Churches, all of carued stone, many faire Towers and Lanthornes cut thorow many pillars, and innumerable hou∣ses, but no one Inhabitant: there is but one ascent to the hill, it being precipitious, sloaping vp, cut out of the Rocke, hauing foure gates in the ascent, before one arriue at the City gate, which is magnificent: the hill is incompassed at the top about eight Course, and at the South-west end a goodly old castle: I lodged by a poore Village at the foot of the hill. This Citie stands in the coun∣trey of one Ranna, a Prince newly subdued by this King, or rather bought to confesse Tribute.* 1.20 The Citie was wonne by Ecbarsha, father to this Mogoll. Ranna is rightly descended from Porus, that valiant Indian, ouercome by Alexander: so that I take this Citie to haue been one of the an∣cient Seats of Porus, though Dely much further North be reported to haue been the chiefest, fa∣mous [ 40] now only in ruines. Neare that stands a pillar, erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a great inscription. The present Mogoll and his Ancestors, descendants of Tamberlane, haue brought all the ancient Cities to ruine, hauing dispeopled them, and forbidden reparation, I know not out of what reason, vnlesse they would haue nothing remembred of greatnesse beyond their begin∣nings, as if their Family and the world were equalls.

The three and twentieth, I arriued at Adsmeere, two hundred and nine Courses from Bram∣pore, foure hundred and eighteene English miles, the Courses being longer then toward the Sea. I kept my bed.

The tenth of Ianuary, I went to Court at foure in the euening to the Durbar,* 1.21 which is the place where the Mogoll si••s out daily, to entertaine strangers, to receiue Petitions and Pre∣sents, to giue commands, to see and to be seene. To digresse a little from my reception, and declare [ 50] the customes of the Court, will enlighten my future discourse.* 1.22 The King hath no man but Eu∣nuches that comes within the lodgings or retyring roomes of his house: his women watch with∣in, and guard him with manly weapons, they doe iustice one vpon another for offences. Hee comes euery morning to a window called the Iarrneo, looking into a Plaine before his gate, and shewes himselfe to the common people. At noone he returnes thither, and sits some houres to see the fight of Elephants and wilde beasts. Vnder him within a raile attend the men of rancke: from whence he retyres to sleep among his women. At after-noone he returnes to the Durbar be∣fore mentioned. At eight after supper he comes downe to the Guzelcan, a faire Court, whrein in the middest is a Throne erected of free-stone, wherein 〈…〉〈…〉 sometimes below in a chaire, to which are none admitted but of great quality, and few or these without leaue, where hee [ 60] discourses of all matters with much affabilitie. There is no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 done with him concerning the State, Gouernment, disposition of War or peace, but at one of there two last places where it is publikely propounded and resolued, and so registred, which if i•• were worth the curiositie, might be seene for two shillings: but the common base people knew as much as the Councell,

and the newes euery day, is the Kings new resolutions, tossed and censured by euery rascall. This course is vnchangeable,* 1.23 except sicknesse or drinke preuent it, which must be knowne: for as all his Subiects are slaues, so is hee in a kind of reciprocall bondage, for hee is tyed to obserue these houres and customs so precisely, that if he were vnseene one day, and no sufficient reason rendred, the people would mutinie; two dayes no reason can excuse, but that he must consent to open his doores, and be seene by some, to satisfie others. On Tuesday at the Iarrneo he sits in Iudgement, neuer refusing the poorest mans complaint: where he heares with patience both parts, and some∣times sees, with too much delight in blood, the execution done by his Elephants. Illi meruere, sed quid tu vt adesses?

At the Durbar I was led right before him: at the entrance of an outward raile, where met [ 10] mee two principall Noble Slaues to conduct me nearer.* 1.24 I had required before my going, leaue to vse the customes of my Countrey, which was freely granted, so that I would performe them pun∣ctually. When I entered within the first raile, I made a reuerence; entring in the inward raile, another; and when I came vnder the King, a third. The place is a great Court, whither resort all sorts of people. The King sits in a little Gallery ouer-head; Ambassadors, the great men and stran∣gers of quality within the inner-most raile vnder him, raised from the ground, couered with Canopies of Veluet and Silke; vnder-foote laid with good Carpets: the meaner men represen∣ting Gentry, within the first raile: the people without, in a base Court, but so that all may see the King. This sitting out hath so much affinity with a Theatre, the manner of the King in his Gallery;* 1.25 the great men lifted on a Stage, as Actors; the Vulgar below gazing on, that an easie [ 20] description will enforme of the place and fashion. The King preuented my dull Interpreter, bid∣ding me welcome, as to the Brother of my Master. I deliuered his Maiesties Letter translated; and after, my Commission, whereon he looked curiously; after, my Presents, which were well re∣ceiued. He asked some questions; and with a seeming care of my health, offered me his Physi∣tions, and aduising me to keepe my house till I had recouered strength, and if in the interim I nee∣ded any thing, I should freely send to him, and obtaine my desires. He dismissed me with more fauour and outward grace, if by the Christians I were not flattered, then euer was showen to any Ambassador either of the Turke or Persian, or other whatsoeuer.

The fourteenth, I sent to the Prince Sultan Coronne, his third sonne by birth, but first in fa∣uour,* 1.26 that I determined to visite him, not doubting he would vse me with due respect: for I was [ 30] enformed he was enemie to all Christians, and therefore feared some affront. Hee answered I should be welcome, and receiue the same content I had from his father. He is Lord of Surat our chiefe residence, and his fauour important for vs.

The two and twentieth, I visited the Prince, who at nine in the morning sits out in the same manner (as his Father) to dispatch his businesse,* 1.27 and to be seene of his followers. He is proud na∣turally, and I feared my entertainment. But on some occasion he not resoluing to come out, when he heard of my arriuall, sent a principall Officer to meete me, who conducted mee into a good roome (neuer before done to any) and entertaine mee with discourse of our owne businesse halfe an houre, vntill the Prince was ready, who came abroad on purpose, and vsed mee better then his promise. I deliuered him a Present, such as I had, but not in the name of his Maiestie, it be∣ing too meane; but excused it, that the King could not take knowledge of his being Lord of [ 40] Surat so lately conferred on him, but hereafter I doubted not his Maiesty would send to him according to his worth. This was the respect of the Merchants, who humbly commended them∣selues to his fauour and protection. He receiued all in very good part: and after opening of some grieuances and iniuries suffered at Surat by vs from his Gouernours, of which for respect to him I had forborne to complaine to the King, hee promised mee speedie and effectuall Iustice, and to confirme our securitie by any propositions I should offer, professing to be ignorant of any thing past, but what he had receiued by Asaph Chan, deliuered by mee; especially of any com∣mand to dismisse vs, which the Gouernour had falsely coyned, and for which hee should dearely answere. So he dismissed me, full of hope to rectifie the decayed estate of our reputation, with [ 50] promise of a Firman for Surat effectually.

The foure and twentieth, I went to the Durbar to visite the King, who seeing me a farre off, beckned with his hand, giuing signe I should not stay the ceremony of asking leaue, but come vp to him, where he appointed me a place aboue all other men, which I after thought fit to main∣taine: I gaue him a small Present; it being the custome, when any body hath businesse, to giue somewhat,* 1.28 and those that cannot come neare to speake, send in, or hold vp their gift; which he excepts, be it but a Rupie, and demands their businesse. The same course he held with mee, ha∣uing looked curiously, and asked many questions of my Present, he demanded what I required of him: I answered Iustice; that on the assurance of his Maiesties Firman sent into England, the King my Master had not only giuen leaue to many of his Subiects to come a dangerous Voyage [ 60] with their goods, but had sent me to congratulate the amity so happily begun betweene two so mighty Nations, and to confirme the same: but that I found the English, seated at Amadauas, iniured by the Gouernour in their persons and goods, fined, exacted vpon, and kept as prisoners, that at euery Towne new Customes were taken of our goods, passing to the Port, contrary to all

Iustice and the former Articles of Trade. To which he answered he was sory, it should be amen∣ded, and presently gaue order for two Firmans, very effectually,* 1.29 according to my desire to be sig∣ned, one to the Gouernour of Amadauas, to restore money exacted from Master Kerridge, and to vse the English with all fauour: the other to release all customes required on any pretence on the way; or if any had been taken, to repay it of his owne accord: wishing mee, that if these gaue not speedy remedy, I should renue my complaint against the disobeye••, and he should be sent for to answere there: and so he dismissed me.

The first of March, I rode to see a house of pleasure of the Kings, giuen him by Asaph Chan,* 1.30 two miles from Adsmeere, but betweene two mightie Rockes, so defended from the Sunne, that [ 10] it scarce any way sees it; the foundation cut out of them, and some roomes, the rest of free-stone, a handsome little Garden with fine fountaines, two great Tankes, one thirty steps aboue another; the way to it is inaccessable, but for one or two in front, and that very steepe and stony, a place of much melancholy delight and securitie, onely beeing accompanied with wild Peacocks, Tur∣tles, fowle, and Munkeyes, that inhabite the Rockes hanging euery way ouer it.

The second, the Norose began in the Euening. It is a custome of solemnizing the new yeare, yet the Ceremonie begins the first new Moone after it, which this yeare fell together:* 1.31 it is kept in imitation of the Persians feast, and signifies in that language Nine dayes, for that anciently it endured no longer, but now it is doubled. The manner is, there is erected a throne foure foote from the ground, in the Durbar Court, from the backe whereof, to the place where the King comes out a square of fiftie sixe paces long, and fortie three broad was rayled in, and couered ouer [ 20] with faire Semianes or Canopies of Cloth of Gold, Silke, or Veluet ioyned together, and sustained with Canes so couered: at the vpper end West, were set out the Pictures of the King of England, the Queene, the Lady Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a Citizens wife of London; below them an other of Sir Thomas Smith, Gouernour of the East-India Companie: vnder foot it is laid with good Persian Carpets of great largeness••, into which place come all the men of qualitie to attend the King, except some few that are within a little ra••le right before the Throne, to receiue his Commands, within this square there were set out for shew many little houses, one of Siluer, and some other curiosities of price. The Prince, Sultan Coronne had at the left side a Pauilion, the supporters whereof were couered with Siluer, as were some of those also [ 30] neere the Kings Throne: the former thereof was square, the matter wood, inlayed with mother of Pearle, borne vp with foure pill••••s, and couered with cloth of Gold: about the edge ouer-head like a valence, was a net fringe of good Pearle, vpon which hung downe Pomgranats, Apples, Peares, and such fruits of Gold, but hollow; within that the King sate on Cushions, very rich in Pearles, in Iewels round about the Court; before the Throne the Principall men had erected Tents, which encompassed the Court, and lined them with Veluet, Damaske, and Taffatae ordi∣narily, some few with cloth of Gold, wherein they retired, and set to shew all their wealth: for anciently the Kings were vsed to goe to euery Tent, and there take what pleased them; but now it is changed, the King sitting to receiue what New-yeeres gifts are brought to him. Hee comes abroad at the vsuall houre of the Durbar, and retires with the same: here are offered to him by all [ 40] sorts great gifts, though not equall to report, yet incredible enough: and at the end of this Feast the King in recompence of the Presents receiued, aduanceth some, and addeth to their entertain∣ment some horse at his pleasure.

The twelfth, I went to visit the King, and was brought right before him, expecting a present which I deliuered to his extraordinary content; so he appointed I should be directed within the raile to stand by him, but I beeing not suffered to step vp vpon the rising, on which the Throne stood, could see little, the rayle beeing high, and doubled with Carpets, but I had leisure to view the inward roome, and the beauty thereof, which I confesse was rich, but of so diuers pieces, and so vnsutable, that it was rather patched then glorious, as if it seemed to striue to shewe all, like a Lady that with her Plate, set on a Cupboord her imbroydered Slippers. This Euening was the sonne of Ranna his new Tributory brought before him with much ceremonie, kneeling three [ 50] times, and knocking his head on the ground: he was sent by his Father with a Present, and was brought within the little raile, the King embracing him by the head; his gift was an Indian voy∣der full of Siluer, vpon that a carued Siluer dish full of Gold; so he was lead toward the Prince. Some Elephants were shewed, and some Whoores did sing and dance: Sic transit gloria Mundi.

The thirteenth at night, I went to the Gussell Chan, where is best opportunitie to doe busi∣nesse, and tooke with me the Italian, determining to walke no longer in darknesse, but to prooue the King, being in all other wayes delayed and refused; I was sent for in with my old Broaker,* 1.32 but my Interpreter was kept out: Asaph Chan mistrusting I would vtter more then he was wil∣ling to heare. When I came to the King, he appointed me a place to stand iust before him, and sent to aske mee many questions about the King of England, and of the Present I gaue the day [ 60] before▪ to some of which I answered; but at last I said, my Interpretor was kept out, I could speake no Portugall, and so wanted meanes to satisfie his Maiestie, whereat (much against Asaph Chans desire) he was a••mitted. I bad him tell the King, I desired to speake to him; he answered, willingly: whereat Asaph Chans sonne in law, pulled him by force away, and that faction hedged

the King so, that I could scarce see him, nor the other approach him. So I commanded the Italian to speake aloud, that I craued audience of the King, whereat the King called me, and they made me way. Asaph Chan stood on one side of my Interpreter, and I on the other: I to enforme him in mine owne cause, he to awe him with winking and iogging. I bad him say, that I now had been here two Moneths, whereof more then one was passed in sickenesse, the other in Comple∣ments, and nothing effected toward the ende for which my Master had employed mee, which was to conclude a firme and constant loue and peace betweene their Maiesties, and to establish a faire and secure Trade and residence for my Countrey-men. He answered, that was already gran∣ted. I replyed it was true, but it depended yet on so light a thred, on so weake conditions, that being of such importance, it required an agreement cleare in all points, and a more formall and authentique confirmation, then it had by ordinary Firmans, which were temporary commands, [ 10] and respected accordingly. He asked me what Presents we would bring him. I answered, the League was yet new, and very weake: that many Curiosities were to bee found in our Countrey of rare price and estimation, which the King would send, and the Merchants seeke out in all parts of the world, if they were once made secure of a quiet trade and protection on honourable Con∣ditions, hauing been heretofore many wayes wronged.

He asked what kind of curiosities those were I mentioned, whether I meant Iewels and rich stones. I answered, No: that we did not thinke them fit Presents to send backe, which were brought first from these parts, whereof he was chiefe Lord; that we esteemed them common here, and of much more price with vs: but that we sought to finde such things for his Maiestie, as were rare here, and vnseene, as excellent artifices in painting, caruing, cutting, enamelling, figures in [ 20] Brasse, Copper, or Stone, rich embroyderies, stuffes of Gold and Siluer. He said it was very well: but that hee desired an English horse:* 1.33 I answered, it was impossible by Sea, and by Land the Turke would not suffer passage. He replyed, that hee thought it not impossible by Sea. I told him, the dangers of stormes, and varietie of weather would prooue it. Hee answered, if sixe were put into a ship, one might liue; and though it came leane, he would fat it. I replied, I was confi∣dent it could not be in so long a Voyage, but that for his Maiesties satisfaction, I would write to aduise of his request. So he asked, what was it then I demanded? I said, that hee would bee pleased to signe certaine reasonable conditions, which I had conceiued for the confirmation of the League, and for the securitie of our Nation, and their quiet trade, for that they had beene often wronged, and could not continue on such tearmes, which I forbeare to complaine of, hoping by [ 30] faire meanes to procure amendment. At this word, Asaph Chan offered to pull my Interpreter; but I held him, suffering him onely to winke and make vnprofitable signes.

The King hereat grew suddenly into choller, pressing to know who had wronged vs, with such shew of fury, that I was loath to follow it, and speaking in broken Spanish to my Interpre∣ter, to answer, That with what was past I would not trouble his Maiestie, but would seeke Iu∣stice of his Sonne,* 1.34 the Prince, of whose fauour I doubted not. The King not attending my Inter∣preter, but hearing his Sonnes name, conceiued I had accused him, saying, Mio Filio, Mio Filio, and called for him; who came in great feare, humbling himselfe: Asaph Chan trembled, and all of them were amazed. The King chid the Prince roundly, and he excused himselfe, but I percei∣uing the Kings error, made him (by meanes of a Persian Prince, offering himselfe to interpret, be∣cause [ 40] my Italian spake better Turkish then Persian) and the Prince both vnderstand the mistaking, and so appeased him, saying, I did no way accuse the Prince, but would in causes past in his Go∣uernement, appeale to him for Iustice, which the King commanded hee should doe effectually. The Prince for his iustification, told the King he had offered me a Firman, and that I had refused it: demanding the reason: I answered, I humbly thanked him, but he knew it contained a condi∣tion which I would not accept of; and that further I did desire to propound our owne demands, wherein I would containe all the desires of my Master at once, that I might not daily trouble them with complaints, and wherein I would reciprocally bind my Soueraigne to mutuall offices of friendship; and his Subiects to any such conditions, as his Maiesty would reasonably propound, whereof I would make an offer, which beeing drawne Tripartite, his Maiesty (I hoped) would [ 50] signe the one, the Prince the other, and in my Masters behalfe I would firme the third. The King pressed to know the Conditions I refused in the Princes Firman, which I recited, and so we fell into earnest dispute,* 1.35 and some heate. Mocrib Chan enterposing, said, he was the Portugals ad∣uocate; speaking slightly of vs, that the King should neuer signe any Article against them. I an∣swered, I propound none against them, but in our owne iust defence; and I did not take him for such a friend to them: the Iesuite and all the Portugals side fell in, in so much that I explained my selfe fully concerning them; and as I offered a conditionall peace, so I set their friendship at a mean rate, and their hatred or force at lesse. The King answered, my demands were iust, resolution noble, and bad me propound. Asaph Chan that stood mute all this discourse, and desired to end it, [ 60] least it breake out againe (for we were very warme) enterposed, that if wee talked all night it would come to this issue, that I should draw my demands in writing, and present them, and if they were found reasonable, the King would firme them; to which the King replyed, yes; and I desired his Sonne would doe the like, who answered he would: so the King rose. But I calling

to him, he turned about, and I bad my Interpreter say, That I came the day before to see his Ma∣iestie, and his greatnesse, and the Ceremonies of this Feast, that I was placed behind him, I con∣fessed with honour, but I could not see abroad; and that therefore I desired his Maiestie to licence me to stand vp by his Throne; whereat he commanded Asaph Chan to let mee choose my owne place.

The foureteenth in the morning, I sent a Messenger to Asaph Chan, least hee or the Prince might mistake me by the Kings mistakings, that I had complained against them, which as I did not, so it was not yet in my purpose: onely I was willing to let them see, I did not so depend on Asaph Chan, by whose mouth I vsed to doe my businesse; but that if he continued his manner of neuer deliuering what I said, but what he pleased; I would find another way. My message was [ 10] to cleare any such doubt, if it remained; or if not, to entreat him that he would soften the Prince in my demands concerning Surat. He answered, Neither the Prince nor hee had any reason to suspect, my purpose was to complaine of them: that the error was euident enough, for his part he had euer had the loue of the English, and would endeauour to continue it.

The sixe and twentieth of Aprill, I receiued intelligence, that the Prince caused one of his Seruants at the Durbar, to aske the King why he vsed so good countenance to the English, that for their cause the Portugals were barred the Port of Surat, who brought more profit to the King, as many Ballaces, Pearles, and Iewels, whereas the English came onely to seeke profit, with Cloth, Swords, and Kniues of little estimation. The King answered onely, it was true, but who could mend it. Hereby the Princes good affection was manifest, and I had faire warning to bee [ 20] watchfull, and to study to preserue our selues in the Kings grace, in which onely wee were safe: but I resolued to take notice of this, and to make proofe if I could settle a better opinion in the Prince of our Nation.

The two and twentieth of May, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, and to desire his au∣thoritie to haue one Iones a youth, that was runne away from mee to an Italian, and protected himselfe vnder the name of the King to the infamy of our Nation. The King gaue order for his deliuerie, but the Prince who euer waited opportunitie to disgrace our Nation for the cause of his Fauorite Zulpheckarcon with whom I was newly broken off from conference, and had sent the Prince word I would no longer forbeare opening my cause to the King, mooued the King in pri∣uate to send for the youth first, which at the Gusel Chan hee did: and the Prince giuing him [ 30] countenance, he railed to my face with most virulent malice, desiring the King to saue his life, so the King resolued not to deliuer him to me, but to send him Prisoner to Surat, but the Prince to braue me, begged him for his seruant, the fellow hauing quite renounced his Countrey, the King gaue him to the Prince, notwithstanding any reasons I could alledge: so the Prince presently gaue him one hundred and fiftie Rupias, and the pay of two Horse, and forbade mee to meddle with him.

The three and twentieth, at night my man came and fell at my feet, asking pardon for his ly∣ing and madnesse, and offered to submit himselfe in any kind. I told him I would not now keepe him Prisoner he was the Princes seruant, but that before I could giue him any answere he should make me publike satisfaction as farre as he was able.

[ 40] The foure and twentieth, Iones made meanes to come to the Gusel Chan, and there asked pardon of the King for his lyes, denying euery word hee had spoken, and to haue been done to protect himselfe from me, whom he had offended, desiring the King to send for me that he might there aske my pardon: the King was well pleased. But the Prince fell into a great rage.

The fiue and twentieth, I went to the Guzelcan, where after many protestations of the King, that he neuer beleeued him, that he was a Villaine, yet that hee could doe no lesse but protect him, hauing cast himselfe into his mercy: the youth was sent for, who on his knees asked mee forgiuenesse, and on his oath swore to the King, that he had in euery particular belyed me, which he professed to doe voluntarie, for that he durst neuer returne to his countrey. The King chid him a little, and told me, he nor any good man euer beleeued him: but the Prince grew so angry that [ 50] mouing him with many questions to stand to his first word, which he refusing was bid be gone: and the Prince publikely calling for him againe, bad him most basely returne him the one hun∣dred and fiftie Rupias, deliuered him for that he gaue it to maintayne him against me, which see∣ing he went from, he would haue his money: which the fellow promised but he should haue it presently, and so sent an vnder Treasurer with him to the house, where hee was lodged, for into mine, I would not suffer him to come.

The seuen and twentieth, thus I was enforced to seeme content, because I had no way to seeke remedie, for Presents I had none, and the King neuer takes any request to heart, except it come accompanied, and will in plaine tearmes demand it, which aduantage the Prince takes, vrging the Portugals bringing of Iewels, Ballests and Pearles with much disgrace to our English com∣moditie.

[ 60]

The nine and twentieth, the Portugals went before the King with a Present, and a Ballas Ru∣bie, to sell as was reported, weighing thirteene Tole, two Tole and a halfe being an ounce: they demanded fiue Leckes of Rupies, but the King offered but one. Asaph Chan is also their Sollici∣tor,

to whom they gaue a Present of Stones, they had diuers Rubies Ballaces, Emeralds and Iewels set to sell, which so much contented the King and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed.

The Prince and the Iesuite fell out about presenting them, which the Prince desired; but it was promised to Asaph Chan before concerning the Portugals credit, here I euer made my iudgement by report, but now experience shewes me the difference made betweene vs and them, for they were sought after by euery bodie, whereas they seeme to buy our commodities for almes, besides their Neigbour-hood and aduantage to hinder that Trade into the Red Sea, is euer more readier then ours to doe harme, because they are setled, so that onely for a little feare wee were entertai∣ned, but for our trade or any thing we being not at all respected.

[ 10]

§. III. Occurrents happening in Iune, Iuly, August 1616. and diuers passages of speech and action, whence the Nature, Arts, and disposition of the King and his Subiects may bee obserued.

* 1.36THe twelfth of Iune, there is a resolution taken that Sultan Coroone shall goe to the De∣can warres, and the day prefixed hauing consulted all the Bramans. Prince Paruis is [ 20] called home, whom (it is reported) wrote to his father, that if hee would send his el∣der brother, he would obey, but to dishonour him by imploying this, hee would first fall on him, and after finish the warre. All the Captaines, as Channa Chana, Mahobet Chan, Chan Iohn, refuse to stay if this Tyrant come to command, so well is he beloued: it is true, all men awe him more then the King, now that hee is to receiue the Armie; the King cannot bee remooued from his resolution, so that his sudden departure two and twentie dayes from this present, must hasten me to finish this businesse, and to know a resolution: for after his departure with his Mi∣nion Zulpheckcarcon, there is no hope to recouer a penny, nor any Iustice against him.

The eighteenth, the King commanded one of his brothers sonnes (who was made a Christian in policie,* 1.37 to bring him into hatred with the people) to go strike a Lyon on the head, which was [ 30] brought before the King; but he being afraid, refused it: so the King bade his yongest sonne to go touch the Lyon, who did so without any harme, whereat the King tooke occasion to send his Nephew away to a prison, where hee is neuer like to see day-light.

The foure and twentieth, the Prince had a sonne borne, and now being preparing for this warre, all mens eyes were on him, either for flattery, gaine, or enuy, none for loue. He receiued twenty Lecks of Rupies towards his charges, (two hundred thousand pound sterling) and be∣gan to deale money liberally: but notwithstanding his show of his Fathers affection and great∣nesse, a Chan perswaded the King that the Voyage would bee dangerous, in respect of the Prince Paruis, whose honour was so wounded, that he would not returne without reuenge. The King replyed, let them fight, I am well contented, and he that proues himselfe the better Cap∣taine [ 40] shall pursue the warre.

Abdala Hassan is Captaine of all the souldiers, entertained at Court, and Treasurer to all the Armies:* 1.38 he entertained me courteously, with few complements, but much ciuility, wee sate to see his souldiers shoote in bowes and peeces, most of them with single bullet did hit the marke, being a hand-breath in a butt,* 1.39 wee had some discourse of our vse of weapons, and so I de∣parted.

The thirteenth of Iuly in the morning, I sent Sultan Carronne three bottles of Alligant, and a Letter concerning the Portugalls,* 1.40 the differences betweene our Trade and theirs, and to pro∣cure all the customs in and out to farme for the Companies vse (the copy is registred.) The Prince caused (as is his barbarous custome in all businesse passing in publike) the Letter to be twice read [ 50] by his Secretary, and often interrupted it with speech to him: in the end sent word, that at night when he came downe, he would reade it himselfe, and consider it, and that I should receiue an∣swere from Merze Sorocalla.

At night I went to the Durbar to visite the King: So soone as I came in, he sent Asaph Chan to me,* 1.41 that he heard I had in my house an excellent Painter, and desired me he might see some of his worke: I replyed, according to truth, that there was none, but a yong man, a Merchant, that for his exercise did with a pen draw some figures, but very meanely, farre from the arte of Painting. The King replyed, that I should not feare that hee would take any man from mee by force, that he would neither doe mee iniury, nor suffer any other; and prayed that he might see [ 60] that man and his worke, howsoeuer it was. I replyed, I had no such doubt of his Maiesty, and for his satisfaction I would bring him to the Guzell Chan with such toyes as he had, which per∣haps was an Elephant, or a Deare, or such like in paper. At this answere the King bowed him∣selfe, and returned, that if I desired an Elephant, or the figure, or any other thing in his Coun∣trey,

I should not buy it, nor seeke any other way but to him, that whatsoeuer I had a mind to, he would giue me, and that I should freely speake to him, for he was my friend. I made a Reue∣rence, and answered that I humbly thanked his Maiesty, Elephants were of no such vse to mee, neither was it the custome of my Nation, especially of my place, to aske any thing, if his Maie∣stie gaue me but the worth of a Rupie, I would receiue it, and esteeme it as a marke of his fauour. He replyed, he knew not what I desired, that there were some things in his Countrey, rare in mine, and that I should not make dainty to speake to him, for he would giue mee such things as should be most welcome, and that I should bee cheerefull, for that he was a friend to our Nation [ 10] and to mee, and would protect vs from any iniury, but desired that I would that night come to the Guzell Chan, with the youth that painted, with his Pictures. So Asaph Chan wished me to send home to fetch him to his house; whither if I would go and stay with him vntill the King came abroad, I should be very welcome; which I promised. I neuer receiued so much grace and fauour from the King, as at this time, which all men tooke notice of, and accordingly altered their fashions towards mee; specially it happened well that the Iesuit was made Interpreter of all this by the Kings appointment.

This day a Gentle-woman of Normalls was taken in the Kings house in some action with an Eunuch; another Capon that loued her, killed him:* 1.42 the poore woman was set vp to the arme-pits in the earth, hard rammed, her feet tied to a stake, to abide three dayes and two nights with∣out any sustenance, her head and armes exposed to the Sunnes violence: if shee dyed not in that [ 20] time, shee should be pardoned: the Eunuch was condemned to the Elephants. This Damsell yeelded in Pearle, Iewels, and ready money, sixteene hundred thousand Rupies.

The two and twentieth, I receiued Letters from Bramport: in answere of those to Mahobet Chan, who at first granted my desire, making his Firman to Barooch most effectuall,* 1.43 to receiue our Nation, and to giue them a house neare the Gouernour, strictly commanding no man to molest them by sea or land, or to take any custome of them, or any way trouble them vnder colour ther∣of. Finally, that they might buy, sell, and transport any commoditie at their pleasures, without any molestation, concluding, that they should expect to heare no other from him, and therefore they should be carefull in execution. I receiued with it a Letter from himselfe (which was more ciuility then all the Indies yeelded me) full of courtesie and humanity, and great respect,* 1.44 prote∣sting [ 30] his desire to giue me content, and that what I had demanded, I should make no doubt of per∣formance: and if I had any other occasion to vse him, hee desired mee to write, and it should be performed. The Copies are worthy the seeing for the rarenesse of the phrase. The Firman I cau∣sed to be sent to Surat: so that Borooch is prouided for a good retrait from the Princes iniuries, and the custome giuen, whereby fifteene hundred pound, per annum, will bee saued, besides all manner of searches and extortions. For the performance of this no man maketh any doubt, for that all men confesse, that he neither careth for the Prince, and so feareth not, nor needeth any man, being the only beloued man of the King, and second person in his Dominions; and in all his life so liberall of his purse, and honorable of his word, that he hath ingrossed good reports from all others: and concerning Custome, the King takes none, the Gouernours make it their [ 40] profit, which he professeth to scorne that he should abuse the liberty of the Kings Ports.

The sixt of August, I was sent for to the Durbar;* 1.45 the businesse was about a Picture I had late∣ly giuen to the King, and was confident that no man in India could equall it. So soone as I came, he asked mee what I would giue the Painter that had made a copy so like it, that I should not know my owne: I answered, a Painters reward, fifty Rupies. The King replyed, his Painter was a Caueleer, and that too small a gift; to which I answered, I gaue my Picture with a good heart, esteeming it rare, and meant not to make comparison or wagers: if his seruant had done as well, and would not accept of my gift, his Maiesty was most fit to reward him. So with many passages of iests, mirth, and bragges concerning the Arts of his Countrey, hee fell to aske mee questions, how often I dranke a day, and how much, and what? what in England? what Beere was? how [ 50] made? and whether I could make it heere? In all which I satisfied his great demands of State. He concluded that I should come to the Guzel Chan, and then I should see my Pictures. At night he sent for me, being hasty to triumph in his work-man, and shewed me sixe Pictures, fiue made by his man, all pasted in one table so like, that I was by candle-light troubled to discerne which was which, I confesse, beyond all expectation: yet I shewed mine owne, and the differences, which were in arte apparant, but not to be iudged by a common eye. But for that at first sight I knew it not, he was very merry and ioyfull, and craked like a Northerne man: I gaue him way and content, praising his mans art. Now, saith he, what say you? I replyed, I saw his Maiestie needed no Picture from our Countrey; but saith he, what will you giue the Painter? I answered, seeing he had so farre excelled in my opinion of him, I would double my liberality, and that if [ 60] he came to my house, I would giue him one hundred Rupies to buy a Nagge, which the King tooke kindly, but answered, he should accept no money, but some other gift: which I promised: the King asked what? I said it was referrable to my discretion: so he answered it was true, yet desired I would name it. I replyed, a good Sword, a Pistall, a Picture; whereat the King answe∣red. You confesse hee is a good work-man: send for him home, and shew him such toyes as you

haue, and let him choose one, in requitall whereof you shall choose any of these Copies to shew in England. We are not so vnskilfull, as you esteeme vs: so hee pressed me to choose one, which I did; the King wrapping it vp in a paper, and putting it vp in a little booke of mine, de∣liuered it, with much ioy and exultation of his mans supposed victory, whereat I shewed him a Picture I had of his Maiesties, farre inferiour to the worke I now saw, which caused me to iudge of all other by that which he deliuered me as the best. He asked me where I had it; I told him. Why, said he, doe you buy any such things? haue not I the best? and haue not I told you, I would giue you whatsoeuer you desired? I thanked his Maiesty, but that I held it not ciuility to trouble him in such trifles, especially as a begger: he replyed, it was no shame to aske of him, and bad me speake at all times freely, pressing me to aske somewhat: I answered, I would not choose my [ 10] gift,* 1.46 whatsoeuer came from his Maiesties hands I would receiue as a marke of honour: hee re∣plyed, if you desire my Picture, I will giue you one for your selfe, or for your King. I answered, if his Maiestie would send the King one, I would gladly cary it, and knew his Maiestie would take it friendly, and esteeme it much. But that since his Maiestie had emboldened mee, I would desire one for my selfe, which I would keepe and leaue to my Posteritie, as an ensigne of his Ma∣iesties fauour. He replyed, your King doth not desire one, but you doe, therefore you shall haue it, and so he gaue present order for the making: then he turned to rest, and wee were blind-fold dismissed.

* 1.47The twelfth of August, Gemal-din-vssin, a man of seuentie yeares, Vice-roy of Patan, and Lord of foure Cities in Bengala, one that hath beene often Embassadour, and of more vnderstanding [ 20] and courtesie then all his Countrimen, and to be esteemed hospitable, and a receiuer of strangers, not secretly ambitious, he often made meanes that I would come to his house, which at last I did, and was receiued with extraordinary familiaritie and kindnesse, offering me a Lecke of Ru∣pias, and such other curtesies so great, that they bespake their owne refusall. His fauour with the King, his credit, his counsell, all was offered that could fulfill complements. And this I must confesse, that from a person reuerent in yeares it seemed more cordiall, and for in some Discourse speaking so plainly of his fellowes in Court, truthes in mine owne experience, I resolued hee was a good natured and right hearted old man. He told me much of the Customes of this Coun∣trey, of their seruitude, of their want of Lawes, of the increase of this Empire, wherein hee had serued three Princes in grace and fauour, of which times hee shewed me a Booke or Annall of all [ 30] memorable Actions which he had daily commited to record,* 1.48 and had composed them into a Hi∣storie, the Copie whereof he offered me if I could procure it translated. Concerning the Kings reuenue and the manner of raising it, besides confiscations, gifts, and cuttings vpon great men; that the Gouernment of euery Prouince did yearely pay a Rent: as for his Gouernment of Pa∣tan onely, he gaue the King eleuen Leckes of Rupias, (the Rupias sterling is two shillings two pence) all other profits were his, wherein he had Regall authoritie to take what he list, which was esteemed at fiue thousand horse, the pay of euery one at two hundred Rupias by the yeare, whereof he kept fifteene hundred, and was allowed the Surplusse as dead pay: besides the King gaue him a Pention of one thousand Rupias a day, and some smaller gouernments. Yet he assured me there were diuers had double his entertainment, and aboue twentie equall.

* 1.49He praysed the good Prophet Iesus and his Lawes, and was full of very delightfull and fruit∣full [ 40] Discourse. This Visit was past some few dayes, and I thought that his courtesie had beene at an end: but this day he had borrowed of the King his house and Garden of pleasure: Hauar Ge∣m••ll, a mile out of Towne to feast me in; and ouernight earnestly inuiting me, I promised to come. At midnight he went himselfe and carryed his Tents and all furniture,* 1.50 and fitted vp a place by the Tanke side very handsomely. In the morning I went. At my comming he came to meet mee and with extraordinary ciuilitie carryed me into his roome prepared where hee had some compa∣ny and one hundred seruants attending, two of his sonnes, being a father to thirtie. He entertay∣ned me with shewing me the Kings little closets and retyring roomes which were painted with Antiques, and in some panes Copies of the French Kings and other Christian Princes; wanting [ 50] no Court-ship. That he was a poore man, slaue to the King, that he desired I should receiue some content, and that therefore he had drawne me to a slight Banquet to eate bread and salt together, to seale a friendship which he desired me to accept:* 1.51 that there were many great men able to shew me more courtesie, but they were proud & false wishing me to trust to none, for that if I had busines to the King of any weight, either cōcerning the Portugals or any other, they would neuer deliuer truth who were my Interpreters, but only what either please themselues or would con∣tent in the relation. That therefore I should neuer be rightly vnderstood, nor effect my businesse without abuse, nor neuer cleerely know my estate vntill I had an Englishman that could speake Persian, and that might deliuer my minde without passing the tongue of another, which the King would grant me if I could find any: for that hee had conceiued a good opinion of me, and [ 60] the last night at the Gussel Chan,* 1.52 hauing brought before him the Iewels of Sheck Ferid, Gouer∣nour of Lahor lately dead, he remmbred me of himselfe, and seeing a Picture of his owne that pleased him, he deliuered it to Asaph Chan, commanding him to send it me to weare for his sake, with many words of fauour towards me, which would make all the great men respect me.

In this time came in Dinner. So fitting on Carpetting, a cloth was layd and diuers banquetting set before vs, and the like a little a part for the Gentlemen that companied him,* 1.53 to whom hee went to eat, they holding it a kind of vncleanenesse to mingle with vs. Whereat I told him, hee promised we should eate bread and salt together, that without his company I had little appetite so he rose and sate by me, and we fell roundly to our victuals.* 1.54 The substance was made dishes of diuers sorts, Raisons, Almonds, Pistachees and Fruit. Dinner ended, he played at Chesse, and I walked, returning after some discourse I offered to take my leaue, he answered he had intreated me to come to eate, that what was passed was but a collation, that I must not depart till I had sup∣ped, which I easily granted to.

About an houre after came to visit him the Ambassadour of one of the Decan Kings whom [ 10] he presented to me, vsing him with ciuilitie, but in a much inferiour manner, in respect of his fashion toward me:* 1.55 he asked me if his Maiestie my Master would not take in scorne the offer of seruice from from so poore a man, and if hee would vouchsafe, to accept of a Present from a stranger, for that he would send a Gentleman with me to kisse his Maiesties hands, and to see our Countrey. I answered him as became ciuilitie and good manners; so hee sent for one presently, and questioned him if he would venture the iourney, who seeming willing hee presented to mee, and said he would prouide some Toyes of the Countrey for his Maiestie, and send 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in my companie. By the manner, this seemed to me to be earnest.

While we thus spent time, our Supper came, two clothes being spread,* 1.56 as in the morning and [ 20] before me and my Chaplaine, and one Merchant were set diuers dishes of Sallets and meate rost, fryed, boyled, and diuers Rices: he desired to be excused, that it was their manner to eate among themselues, his Countrimen would take it ill, if he eate not with them; so hee and his guests, I and my Company solaced our selues with a good refreshing. Thmeate was not amisse, but the attendance and order much better, his seruants being very diligent and respectfull.* 1.57 He gaue mee for a present, as is the manner, when one is inuited, fiue cases of Sugar Candie dressed with Muske, and one Loafe of most fine Sugar white as Snow, about fiftie pound weight, desiring me to accept of one hundred such against my going, which said he, you refuse of me thinking I am poore, but it costs me nothing, it is made in my Gouernment, and comes gratis to me. I answered, hee had too farre alreadie obliged me, that I would not refuse his courtesie when I was readie to depart. [ 30] He replyed, he might bee then vnfurnished, and therefore desired I would now speake, that hee might not lose his offer and labour too. Thus professing himselfe my father and I his sonne, with complements I tooke my leaue.

The sixteenth, I went to visit the King, who assoone as I came in,* 1.58 call••d to his women and reached out a Picture of himselfe set in Gold, hanging at a Wire Gold Chaine with one pendant foule Pearle, which he deliuered to Asaph Chan, warning him not to demand any reuerence of me, other then such as I would willingly giue; it being the custome whensoeuer hee bestowes any thing, the receiuer kneeles downe and puts his head to the ground, which hath beene exacted of the Ambassadors of Persia. So Asaph Chan came to mee, and I offered to take it in my hand, but he made signe to put off my hat, and then put it about my necke, leading me right before the [ 40] King. I vnderstood not his purpose, but doubted he would require the custome of the Countrey, called Sizeda. But I was resolued rather to deliuer vp my Present: Hee made signe to giue the King thankes, which I did after my owne custome, whereat some Officers called mee to Sizeda: but the King answered no, no, in Persian; so with many gracious words sent me, I returned to my place, you may now iudge the Kings liberalitie; this gift was not worth in all thirtie pound, yet it was fiue times as good as any he giues in that kind, and held for an especiall fauour, for that all the great men that weare the Kings Image, which none may doe but to whom it is giuen, re∣ceiue no other then a meddall of Gold as bigge as sixe pence, with a little Chaine of foure inches to fasten it on their heads, which at their owne proper charge, some set with stones, or garnish with pendant Pearles.

[ 50] The nineteenth, Gemal-din-vssin, who inuited me to Hauaz Gemall, being newly made Go∣uernour of Sindu, came to me to dinner with two sonnes and two other Gentlemen, and about one hundred seruants: hee ate some Banqueting stuffe made in my house by a Moore Cooke, but would not touch such meate as I had prouided of my owne fashion,* 1.59 though his appetite was very good, a kind of superstition forbidding him. But hee desired me that foure or fiue dishes might be sent to his house, such as he would choose, being all baked meates which hee had neuer seene, and that he would dine on them in priuate, which was accordingly done, and so offering vs the Towne of Sindu, and all other courtesies in his power, he made haste to fill his belly. I gaue him a small Present according to custome. This day suddenly dyed to my great griefe, and discom∣fort my Minister Master Hall, a man of most gentle and milde nature, religious, and of vn∣spotted [ 60] life.

The twentieth day, and the night past f••ll a storme of raine called the Oliphant,* 1.60 vsuall at go∣ing out of the raines, but for the greatnesse very extraordinary, whereby there ran such streames into the Tanke whose head is made of stone, in shew extremely strong, but the water was so growne that it brake ouer in one place, and there came an alarme and sudden feare, that it would

giue way and drowne all that part of the Towne where I dwelt, insomuch that the Prince and all his women forsooke their house; my next Neighbour carryed away his goods and his wife on his Elephants and Camels to flye to the hils side. All men had their Horses ready at their doores to saue their liues, so that we were much frighted and sat vp till mid-night for that we had no help, but to flye our selues and loose all our goods, for it was reported that it would run higher then the top of my house by three foot, and carry all away being poore muddy buildings, foure∣teene yeeres past, a terrible experience hauing shewed the violence, the foot of the Tanke being leuell with our dwelling, and the water extreame great and deepe, so that the top was much higher then my house which stood in the bottome in the course of the water, euery ordinary rain making such a Current at my doore, that it runne not swifter in the Arches of London Bridge, and is for some houres impassible by Horse or man. But God otherwise disposed it in his mercy, [ 10] the King caused a sluce to be cut in the night to ease the water another way, yet the very raine had washed downe a great part of the wals of my house, and so weakened it by diuers breaches, in that I feared the fall more then the floud: and was so moyled with dirt and water, that I could scarce lye dry or safe, for that I must be enforced to bee at new charge in reparation. Thus were we euery way afflicted; fires, smokes, flouds, stormes, heats, dust, flyes, and no temperate or quiet season.

The nine and twentieth, the King went to Hauaz Iemal and so to hunting, there was taken a resolution to remooue to Mandoe,* 1.61 a Castle neere Bramport where is no Towne, for that Sultan Paruis being come from the warre in disgrace, and being with his traine neere Asmere, the King commanded him to Bengala, excusing himselfe to be seene, and so hauing dispatched him without [ 20] such incommoditie as was feared would arise if the two brothers met, hee intended himselfe to settle Sultan Caronne in the warres of Decan, to which all the chiefest were so contrary, that the King feared to send him downe as was the resolution some monethes past, and therefore dissem∣bled it, vntil the other Prince were withdrawne & he established by his owne countenance, com∣ming so neere as Mandoa, which remoue if it proceed will put vs to extreame trouble and cost, for that we must build a new house both for our selues and goods, the Castle standing on a hill without any other buildings neere it.

The thirtieth, the King returned in the night, and about eleuen a clocke sent mee a very fat wild Boare,* 1.62 and so great, that he desired the Tusks backe, with this message, that he kild it with his owne hand, and that therefore I should eat it merrily, and make good cheare. This occasion [ 30] Iaddowe that was sent for to the King to bring it, tooke to tell Asaph Chan, that I desired to visit him on the morrow, and hoped to receiue from his hands the Priuiledges granted by the King. He answered, hee could not dispatch them so soone, but that they should on Sunday bee sealed, and that he was loth to see me, vntill he had giuen me content.

§. IIII. The Kings birth day, and manner of the obseruation, with other [ 40] accidents in September.

* 1.63THe second of September, was the birth day of the King, and solemnized as a great Feast, wherein the King is weighed against some Iewels, Gold, Siluer, stuffes of Gold, Siluer, Silke, Butter, Rice, Fruit, and many other things of euery sort a little, which is giuen to the Bramini. To this solemnitie the King commanded Asaph Chan to send for me, who so doing, appointed me to come to the place where the King sits out at Durbar, and there I should be sent for in; but the Messenger mistaking, I went not vntill Durbar time, and so missed the fight, but being there before the King came out, as soone as he espyed me, hee sent to know the reason why I came not in, he hauing giuen order? I answered according to the error; but he was extreame angry,* 1.64 and chid Asaph Chan publiquely. He was so rich in Iewels, that I [ 50] must confesse I neuer saw together so vnuallewable wealth. The time was spent in bringing of his greatest Elephants before him, some of which being lord-El••phants, had their chaines, bels, and furniture of Gold and Siluer, attended with many gilt banners and flags, and eight or tenne Elephants waiting on him, clothed in Gold, Silke, and Siluer. Thus passed about twelue Com∣panies most richly furnished, the first hauing all the Plates on his head and breast set with Rubies and Emeraulds, being a beast of a wonderfull stature ••nd beautie. They all bowed downe before the King, making a reuerence very handsomely, and was a shew as worthy as euer I saw any of beasts onely. The Keepers of euery chiefe Elephant gaue a Present. So with some gracious com∣plements to me, he rose and went in. [ 60]

* 1.65At night about tenne of the clocke, he sent for me, I was a bed. The Message was, hee heard I had a picture which I had not shewed him, desiring me to come to him and bring it, & if I would not giue it him, yet that he might see it, and take copies for his Wiues. I rose and carryed it with me: when I came in, I found him sitting crosse-legd on a little Throne, all clad in Diamonds,

Pearles, and Rubies, before him a table of Gold, in it about fiftie pieces of Gold plate, set all with stones, some very great and extreamely rich, some of lesse value, but all of them almost couered with small stones, his Nobilitie about him in their best equipage, whom he commanded to drinke froliquely, seuerall wines standing by in great flagons. When I came neere him, he asked for the Picture: I shewed him two; he seemed astonished at one of them, and demanded whose it was? I answered, a friends of mine that was dead. He asked me if I would giue it him. I replyed, that I esteemed it more then any thing I possessed, because it was the image of one that I loued deare∣ly, and could neuer recouer; but that if his Maiestie would pardon me my fancie, and accept of the other, which was a French Picture, but excellent worke, I would most willingly giue it him. [ 10] He sent me thankes, but that it was that onely Picture he desired, and loued as well as I, and that if I would giue it him, he would better esteeme of it, then the richest Iewell in his house. I answered, I was not so in loue with any thing, that I would refuse to content his Maiestie; I was extreame glad to doe him seruice, and if I could giue him a better demonstration of my affection, which was my heart to doe him seruice, I was ready to present it to him. At which he bowed to me, and replyed, it was sufficient that I had giuen it, that hee confessed hee neuer saw so much Art, so much Beauty; and coniured me to tell him truely, whether euer such a woman liued? I an∣swered, there did one liue that this did resemble in all things but perfection, and was now dead. He returned me, that he tooke my willingnesse very kindly; but seeing I had so freely giuen him that that I esteemed so much, he would not rob me of it, onely he would shew it his Ladies, and [ 20] cause his Workemen to make him fiue Copies, and if I knew my owne I should haue it. I answe∣red, I had freely and willingly giuen it, and was extreamely glad of his Maiesties acceptance. He replyed, that he would not take it, that he loued me the better for louing the remembrance of my friend, and knew what an iniury it was to take it from me, by no meanes hee would not keep it, but onely take Copies, and with his owne hand he would returne it, and his Wiues should weare them: for indeed in that art of limming his Painters worke miracles, the other bee-in in oyle he liked not.

Then he sent me word, it was his birth day, and that all men did make merry, and to aske if I would drinke with them. I answered, whatsoeuer his Maiestie commanded; I wished him many prosperous dayes, and that this Ceremonie might be renewed an hundred yeeres: he asked mee [ 30] what wine, whether of the Grape, or made; whether strong or small? I replied, what he com∣manded, hoping he would not command too much, nor too strong: so hee called for a Cuppe of Gold of mingled Wine, halfe of the Grape, halfe artificiall, and dranke, causing it to bee filled, and sent by one of his Nobles to me with this Message, That I should drinke it, twice, thrice,* 1.66 foure or fiue times off for his sake, and accept of the Cup and appurtenances as a Present. I dranke a lit∣tle, but it was more strong then euer I tasted, so that it made me sneeze, whereat he laughed, and called for Raisons, Almonds, and sliced Limons, which were brought mee on a Plate of Gold, and he bad me eat and drinke what I would, and no more. So then I made reuerence for my Pre∣sent after mine owne manner, though Asaph Chan would haue caused me to kneele, and knocke my head against the ground, but his Maiestie best accepted what I did. The cup was of Gold, set [ 40] all ouer with small Turkies and Rubyes, the Couer of the same set with great Turkies, Rubies, and Emeralds in workes; and a dish sutable to set the Cup vpon: the value I know not, because the stones are many of them small, and the greater (which are also many, are not all cleane, but they are in number about two thousand, and in gold about twenty Ounces. Thus hee made fro∣licke, and sent me word, he more esteemed me then euer any Franke;* 1.67 and demanded if I were merry at eating the wild Boare sent me a few daies before; how I drest it, what I dranke, and such complements; That I should want nothing in his land: which his publique, and many graces I found presently in the fashion of all his Nobilitie.

Then he threw about to those that stood below, two Chardgers of new Rubies, and among vs two Chardgers of hollow Almonds of Gold and Siluer mingled;* 1.68 but I could not scramble as [ 50] did his great men: for I saw his sonne take vp none; then he gaue Shashes of Gold, and Girdles to all the Musitians and Wayters, and to many others. So drinking, and commanding others, his Maiestie; and all his Lords became the finest men I euer saw, of a thousand humors; but his sonne Asaph Chan, and two old men, and the late King of Candahar, and my selfe forbare. When hee could not hold vp his head, he lay downe to sleepe, and we all departed. At going out, I mooued Asaph Chan for disp••tch of my priuiledges; assuring him his Maiesty could giue me no Present so acceptable; if he pleased not to dispatch me, which I doubted not, if it lay in his power, but that some other hinderance was in my way, I would on the morrow mooue the King, he desired mee not to doe so: for the King loued mee, and had giuen order for it, that the preparation of this Feast had hindered him, but that now hee would send it me, and doe me all seruice.

[ 60] The fourth of September, I found it easie to iudge what vexation it is to traffique with those faithlesse people. Seuen moneths I had promise from weeke to weeke, from day to day, and no exception, but finding I had so drawne them, that I should not much need the Prince, and if we disliked, we might refuse his gouernement. He vtterly renounced his word in choller and rage.* 1.69 I durst not yet leaue him, nor take notice of his falshood. He that first tooke him for our Solicitor,

engaged vs into this miserie, knowing him to bee the Protector of our enemies, and a Slaue to bribes, which they multiply vpon him. But now I had a Wolfe by the eares: I seemed onely to apprehend his dislike of the length and phrase, and sent him a Letter to interpret me, and a Briefe of the substance of all required on their parts, contained in generall words, touching onely such particulars as he liked, and left out quite all the Conditions demanded formerly by him of mee, desiring him to put it in forme, and procure the Seale, or to giue me leaue to receiue mine owne deniall from the King, and so to depart the Countrey. These I finished in Persian the same day, and sent them to him, they are recorded in their order.

The eighth, Asaph Chan sent to me that answer, That absolutely, he would procure nothing sealed, that any way concerned the Princes gouernement; that I should onely expect from him what we desired, whose Firmans were sufficient. And so reuealed that purpose which he had long [ 10] in practise, to make vs wholly depend on the Prince. Now I had iust cause to looke out, and was blamelesse if I sought new friends when he had forsaken me. I resolued to trie the Prince, and to seeme to depend wholly on him, hauing sent formerly to his Secretary foure clauses, to which I demaunded his Firman for our present vse at Surat, for the Fleete expected, which his Highness•• had agreed to.

The tenth, I went to the Prince, who cast downe to the Secretary his Firman by mee desired and promised, so that I hoped I had been at rest. The eleuenth, I receiued it, but when I read it, it was in two of the foure clauses demanded and promised, much different, and one whole branch left out; so I returned it with a round answer, I would not accept it, nor suffer any goods to come ashoare. Neuer any man had to doe with so much Pride, Couetousnesse, and falshood. At night, [ 20] I rode to Merze Socorolla, the Princes Secretary, to expostulate the businesse, and to declare my resolution of departure, but I found the Firman not such as I was enformed, but containing all the clauses required by me, though in phrase, to my iudgement, somewhat restrained, which he ex∣pounded in the best sence, declaring that it was the Princes intent to satisfie my desire fully, and that it was sufficient. I vrged the obscurity of some points; desiring him as he had cleared his High∣nesse meaning to me, so he would by his Letter to the Gouernour of Surat, which hee graunted, principally commanding that the Customer should pay for fiftie clothes, which hee had many moneths bought, and now would returne them vnto the Factors, to their extreame losse. In the ende, he opened the old point of the Princes desire, that I should rely on him, and not crosse him in businesses of his Gouernment with the King, and I should find him a better friend then I ex∣pected: [ 30] and finally gaue me such satisfaction in all points, that I was both pleased, and in some hope of good successe, the rather because he is no briber, reputed honest, and did vndertake on his credit, to whom the Prince had referred all businesses, that we should not sustaine the losse of one piece, nor any the least iniury: so I accepted the Firman, which vpon translating I found verie effectuall.

The sixteenth, I visited the Prince, purposing yet to runne on in a way of seeming dependance on him, vntill I heard from our ships, and what entertainment they were like to receiue this yeare. I found him sad, fearing the comming of Sultan Paruis to Court, being within eight course, and importuned to kisse his Fathers hands; who had graunted him, but by the power of Normall was after diswaded, and a command sent, that the Prince should take his iourney right to Benga, [ 40] yea although the King had fallen downe, and taken his Mother by the feet to obtaine her leaue to see his Sonne. The Kings remooue continued, but whether, no man could certainely resolue.

§. V. The broiles about Abdala Chan, and Chan Channa; Sultan Caroones ambi∣tion, his policies to subuert his elder Brother: fight with a Portugall Car∣ricke: distast about the Prince: Persian Embassage, Presents [ 50] and entertainement.

THe tenth of October, Abdala Chan the great Gouernour of Amadauas, beeing sent for to Court in disgrace for many insolencies and neglects of the Kings authority,* 1.70 and thought he would stand on his guard, and refuse; yet the Prince Sultan Coronne (whose ambition wrought on euery aduantage) desirous to oblige so great a man (beeing one of the chiefe Captaines in these Kingdomes) preuailed with him on his word to submit; so that comming in Pilgrims Clothes with fortie seruants on foote, about sixtie mile in counterfeit hu∣miliation,* 1.71 finished the rest in his Palankee, vntill he arriued neere the Court, but one dayes iour∣ney behind he had two thousand horse attending. This day he was brought to the Iarruco (the [ 60] publike sitting of the King to see Games, and to heare complaints) chained by the feete, bare∣foot between two Noble men, he puld his Turbant in his eyes, before hee had the happinesse to behold the Kings face. After reuerence made, and some fewe questions, the King forgaue him, caused his yrons to be loosed, and clothed in a new Vest of Cloth of Gold. Turbant and Girdle

according to the custome. The Prince who intended to build his honour on the warres of Decan, which his elder brother had left with disgrace, and the great Commander Chan Channa did not prosper in (which doubtlesse was a practiser with the Decans, from whom he receiued pension) caused his Father to recall Chan Channa, who refusing to come, desired the King not to send Sul∣tan Caronne to that warre, but one of his yongest sonnes about fifteene yeares of age.* 1.72 This Co∣ronne tooke to heart, but prosecuting his purpose of the warre, promised to Abdela Chan the Command of the armie vnder him, by displacing Chan Channa.

The King fearing troubles, and knowing all the ambitions and factions of this sonne, the dis∣content of his two elder, the power of Chan Channa, was desirous to accommodate all by accep∣ting a peace, and confirming Chan Channa in the Gouernment hee held, and closely to that end [ 10] wrote a letter of fauour, and purposed to send a Vest, according to the Ceremony of reconcilia∣tion, to Chan Channa; but before he dispatched it, he acquainted a kinswoman of his liuing in the Zereglia, of his purpose. Shee, whether false to her friend (wrought by Sultan Caronne) or ou•• of greatnesse of heart, to see the top of her family so dealt with, after so many meri••s;* 1.73 answered plainly, that shee did not beleeue Chan Channa would weare any thing sent from the King, know∣ing his Maiesty hated him, and had once or twice offered him poyson, which hee putting in his bosome (in stead of his mouth) had made triall of. Therefore shee was confident hee would not dare to put on his body any thing that came from his Maiesty. The King offered to weare it him∣selfe before her an houre▪ and that shee should write to testifie it: shee replyed, hee would trust neither of them both with his life, but if he might liue quietly in his command, would doe his [ 20] Maiesty true seruice. Whereupon the King altered his purpose, and resolued to proceed in the sending of Sultan Caronne, and to countenance his reception, would follow after with another armie.

Chan Channa that discouered the storme, practised with the Decans, who were at his seruice, to offer termes of peace for a season, finding no other way to dissolue this cloud that hung ouer them both, vntill the King and Prince were departed and setled further off. To this end came two Ambassadors this day from the Princes of Decan. They brought horses bar'd,* 1.74 richly furnished for Presents. At first the King refused to heare them and their gift, but turned them ouer to his sonne with this answere; If he would haue peace or warre, it was in his brest. The Prince ad∣uanced by this fauour, and swelling with pride, resolued (though I was informed the conditions [ 30] were very honorable, and such as the King would haue accepted) to goe on the iourney, answe∣ring he would treat of no peace, vntill he were in the field with his Armie; Chan Channa should not so beguile him of the honor of finishing that warre.

The ambitions of this yong Prince are open, the common talke of the people, yet his Father suffers all, but intends him not the Kingdome. For Sultan Corsoronne, the eldest brother, is both extreamely beloued▪ and honored of all men (almost adored) and very iustly for his Noble parts, and this the King knowes and loues, but thinkes his liberty would diminish his owne glory, and sees not that this she youth doth more darken him by ambitious practises, then the other could by vertuous actions.

[ 40] Thus he nourisheth diuision and emulation betweene the brethren,* 1.75 and putteth such power in the hand of the yonger (supposing hee can vndoe it at his pleasure) that the wisest foresee a rending and tearing of these Kingdomes by diuision, when the King shall pay the debt to Nature, and that all parts will be torne and destroyed by a ciuill warre.

The history of this Countrey, for the variety of subiect, and the many practises in the time of Echarsha, Father of this King, by him then Prince; and these later troubles, were not vn∣worthy committing to writing; but because they are of so remote parts, many will despise them: and because the people are esteemed barbarous, few will beleeue them. Therefore I con∣tent my selfe with the contemplation, but I could deliuer as many rare and cunning passages of State, subtill euasions, policies, answeres, and adages, as I beleeue, for one age would not be easi∣ly equalled.

[ 50] Only one that passed lately I cannot omit, to shew wisdome and patience in a father, faith in a seruant, falshood in a brother, impudent boldnesse in a faction that dare attempt any thing, when the highest Maiesty giues them liberty, either beyond the law of their owne condition, or the limits of policie and reason.

The Prince Sultan Carronne, Narmahel the deare Queene, Aunt to his wife, Asaph Chan his father in law, brother to the Queene, and Etiman Dowlet,* 1.76 father to them both (being they that now gouerne all, and dare attempt any thing) resolued it was not possible for them to stand, if the Prince Sultan Corseronne liued, whom the Nobility loued, and whose deliuery or life would punish their ambitions in time; therefore practised how to bring him into their power, that poy∣son might end him.* 1.77 Narmahel attempts the King with the false teares of womens bewitching [ 60] flattery, that Sultan Corseronne was not safe, nor his aspiring thoughts deposed: the King heares her say it, but would not vnderstand more then shee deliuered plainly.

This failing, they tooke opportunity of the Kings being drunke, the Prince, Etiman Dowlet and Asaph Chan, moued the King, that for the safety of Sultan Corseronne, and for his honour, it

were fitter he were in the company of his brother, whose companies would be pleasing one to the other, and his safetie more regarded, then in the hands of a Rashboote Gentile, to whom the King had committed him. Therefore they humbly desired his Maiesty, that he might be deliuered in∣to the hands of his deare brother, which the King granted, and so fell asleepe.

They thought their owne greatnesse such, as bringing the Kings authority no man durst refuse, and being once in their possession, they would dispute the redeliuery: so the same night Asaph Chan in the name of the King, sent by the Prince, came with a guard to demand and receiue Sul∣tan Corseronne, at the hand of Anna Rah, a * 1.78 Ra••ah Rashboote, to whom the King had intru∣sted him. He refused to deliuer his charge, with this answere, That he was Sultan Caronnes hum∣ble seruant, but that he had receiued the Prince his brother from the hands of the King, and to no other would deliuer him, but he should haue patience till the morning, when he would discharge [ 10] himselfe to his Maiesty, and leaue it to his pleasure to dispose. This answere cooled all. In the morning Anna Rah came to the King, and acquainted him with the demand of the Prince, his refusall and answere,* 1.79 and added his Maiesty had giuen him the charge of his sonne, and made him the Commander of foure thousand horse, with all which hee would dye at the gate, rather then deliuer his Prince into the hands of his enemes: If his Maiesty required him, hee was ready to obey his will,* 1.80 but he would prouide for his owne innocency. The King replyed, You haue done honestly, faithfully, you haue answered discreetly: continue your purpose, and take no know∣ledge of any commands: I will not seeme to know this, neither do you stirre further; hold your faith, and let vs see how farre they will prosecute it.

The Prince and the Faction, the next day finding the King silent, hoping hee might forget [ 20] what passed in wine, tooke no notice of the grant, nor of the refusall, but it fell (not without sus∣pition) on both parts. This I insert to this end, that you may beware scattering your goods in diuers parts, and engaging your stocke and seruants farre into the Countrey: for the time will come, when all in these Kingdomes will be in combustion, and a few yeares warre will not de∣cide the inueterate malice laid vp on all parts against a day of vengeance, wherein if Sultan Corseronne preuaile in his right,* 1.81 this Kingdome will be a Sanctuary for Christians, whom he loues and honours, fauouring learning, valour, the discipline of warre, and abhorring all couetousnesse, and discerning the base customes of taking, vsed by his Ancestors and the Nobility. If the other winne, we shall be losers: for he is most earnest in his Superstition, a hater of all Christians, proud, subtill, false, and barbarously tyrannous. There is daily expected an Ambassadour from the Sha∣bas [ 30] King of Persia.

* 1.82The thirteenth of October at night, the King returned and sent me a wilde Pigge. I recei∣ued aduice of the arriuall of foure shippes safe at the Port of Swally, with Letters from Eng∣land, that they departed the Coast the ninth of March 1615. with sixe ships, losing company of the Rose about the North Cape by foule weather.

The twelfth of Iune 1616. the other fiue came safely to the Bay of Soldania, where the Lyon homeward bound, was ready for a wind; her Commanders and people in health, staying dayes at the Road, without newes of the small ship. They dispeeded the Swan to Bantam, for effecting the businesse, and set saile for Surat the nine and twentieth with foure shippes, and came to anchor to their Port, the foure and twentieth of September 1616. In their passage the [ 40] sixt of August, neare the Ilands of Comora, about twelue degrees, fiftie minutes, they had sight of a Carrick burthen fifteene hundred tunne, manned with sixe hundred, being Admirall of the Fleet sent for Goa,* 1.83 bearing the Flagge: the Globe fetcht her vp to wind-ward, and after salutati∣ons of the Sea, the Carricke commanded her to Lee-ward, and seconded it with fiue shot tho∣row her Hull, which shee requited with eighteene, and so fell off. The Admirall and English Fleet comming vp, demanded satisfaction for the iniury; which was replied to with scorne: so began a fresh fight in few shot, the Commander Beniamin Ioseph was slaine, and the new establi∣shed continued it: at the euening shee ranne her selfe ashoare among the rockes of Angazesia. The Fleet anchored short of her, to attend the issue, and sent a Boat to offer faire warres: but a∣bout midnight shee fired her selfe,* 1.84 and burned all the next morning. The English sending their [ 50] Boats could not approach, but beleeue that not one man was saued, by circumstances very pro∣bable: the new Vice-Roy for Goa was in this shippe, whose resolution was the death of all the others.

The next day, I imparted the King, with his Maiesties remembred salutations, which were with much courtesie receiued: but he began with the Presents. I first mentioned our late fight and victory, which he seemed to reioyce in, and to applaud the valour of our Nation: but fell off to What hath the King sent me?* 1.85 I answered, Many tokens of his loue and affection: That my Master knew he was Lord of the best part of Asia, the richest Prince of the East. That to send his Maiest••e rich Presents, were to cast Pearles into the Sea, the mother and store-house of them, [ 60] that therefore his Maiesty thought it vnnecessary; but had presented him with his loue, with many curious toyes, which I hoped would giue him content. He vrged mee to some particulars, which I named: he asked me for French Muffe or Veluet. I answered, my letters were not arri∣ued: some other was come, which he desired. He enquired for Dogges: I told him, some had

their fortune in the fight, some dyed, two were preserued for him, at which hee reioyced, and continued if I could procure him a Horse of our great size, such as I described, being a Rone or Dutch Horse, he would accept it better then a Crowne. I replyed,* 1.86 I would doe my endeauour for his Maiesties satisfaction, but I feared it could not be effected: he answered, if I would pro∣cure one, he would giue me a Leck of Rupias. I desired his Maiesties Letter for the comming of these Presents without search, and for the good vsage of our people: he replyed,* 1.87 the Port was his Sonnes, but sent for him and publikely gaue expresse order for what I would require, and take on me, that it should not be searched, nor pay custome, but be dispeeded with expedition safe to my hands, that I might distribute it at my discretion, that he should command the good recep∣tion of our people, and finally, that he should giue me content in all my desires. This generally [ 10] extended not to the grant of a Fort, for that clause Asaph Chan refused to deliuer. This charge was very round and hearty in the King, and a grace to me. The Prince called Asaph Chan to me, and there professed and promised before his Father and all the Court, to giue mee all reasonable con∣tent. This is the strength of new Presents.

The fifteenth, I receiued from Masulipatan, that Captaine Keeling had taken two Portugall Barkes and a ship, one on the Coast of Cochin, laden with Tinne, the other fraighted from Ben∣gala, which he carried to Bantam: that Sir Robert Sherley was dismist with disgrace from Goa, and that he was on his way ouer land to Masulipatan to seeke passage; vnprobable, and I beleeue vntrue.

[ 20] The seuenteenth, the Prince pursuing his purpose of finishing the Decan Warres by his owne person, and vndertaking to giue answere to the Ambassadors, giues none; but detaines them vntill his approach. But being to depart, he and his partie thought not themselues secure if Sultan Corseronne remained in the hands of Annarah, that in his absence the King might bee reconciled, and by his libertie all the glory and hopes of their faction would vanish, and the in∣iurie and ambition hardly be pardoned. They newly assaile the Kings constancie to deliuer vp his sonne into the hands of Asaph Chan, as his Guard vnder Sultan Coronne. They pretend that it will fright Chan Channa, and the Decans, when they shal heare that this Prince is so fauoured, who now comes to make warre vpon them, that the King hath deliuered vp his eldest sonne; in that as it were his whole Kingdome, and hope of succession, and the present power thereof.

[ 30] This day he was deliuered vp, the Souldiers of Anna Rah discharged, and the Souldiers of A∣saph Chan planted about him with assistance of two hundred of the Princes Horse.* 1.88 His Sister and diuers women in the Seraglia mourne, refuse their meate, cry out of the Kings dotage and crueltie, and professe, that if he dye, there will an hundred of his Kindred burne for him in me∣morie of the Kings bloudinesse to his worthiest sonne. The King giues faire words, protesteth no intent of ill towards the Prince, and promiseth his deliuery, and sends Normahell to appease these enraged Ladies: but they curse, threaten, and refuse to see her. The common people all murmure, they say the King hath not deliuered his sonnes, but his owne life into the hands of an ambitious Prince, and a treacherous faction, that Corsoronne cannot perish without scandall to the Father, or reuenge from him; therefore he must goe first, and after him his Sonne, and so [ 40] through their blouds this youth must mount the Royall seat. New hopes are spread of his rede∣liuerie, and soone allaid, euery man tels newes according to his feares or desires. But the poore Prince remaynes in the Tygres power, refuseth meate, and requires his Father to take his life, and not to let it be the triumph and delight of his Enemies. The whole Court is in a whisper, the Nobility sad, the multitude like it selfe, full of tumour and noyse, without head or foot; one∣ly it rages, but bends it selfe vpon no direct ends. The issue is very dangerous, principally for vs: for among them it matters not who winnes. Though one haue right and much more honour, yet he is still a Moore, and cannot be a better Prince then his Father, who is of so good disposition that he suffers all men to gouerne, which is worse then to be ill:* 1.89 for wee were better beare iniu∣ries of Princes, then of their Ministers.

[ 50] The nineteenth, the Persian Ambassadour Mahomet Rosa Beag about noone came into the Towne with a great troupe, which were partly sent out by the King to meete him with one hundred Elephants and Musique, but no man of greater qualitie then the ordinary receiuers of all strangers: his owne traine were about fiftie Horse well fitted in Coats of cloth of Gold,* 1.90 their Bowes, Quiuers and Targets richly garnished, fortie shot, and some two hundred ordinary Peons, and attenders on baggage; he was carried to rest in a roome within the Kings outward Court till euening. When he came to the Durbar before the King (to which Ceremony I sent my Secre∣tary to obserue the fashion) when hee approched,* 1.91 hee made at the first raile three Tessilims and one Sizeda, which is prostrating himselfe and knocking his head against the ground: at the en∣trance in the like, and so presented the Shabas his Letter: which the King tooke with a little motion of his bodie, asking onely, How doth my Brother? without any title of Maiesty. And [ 60] after some few words, he was placed in the seuenth ranke, against the raie by the doore, below so many of the Kings Seruants, on both sides; which in my iudgement was amost inferiour place for his Masters Ambassador, but that he well deserued it for doing that reuerence which his Pre∣decessors refused to the dishonour of his Prince, and the murmure of many of his Nation. It is

said he had order from the Sophie to giue content, and thereby it is gathered, his Message is for some aide in money against the Turke,* 1.92 in which kind he often finds liberall succour, though it bee pretended he comes onely to treat a peace for the Decans, whose protection the Shabas taketh to heart, enuying the increase of this Empire. The King according to custome gaue him a hand∣some Turbant, a Vest of Gold and a Girdle, for which againe hee made three Tessilims, and one Sizeda or ground courtesie: he brought for Presents, three times, nine Horses of Persia and A∣rabia, this being a ceremonious number among them. Nine Mules very faire and large, seuen Ca∣mels laden with Veluet, two Sutes of Europe Arras, which I suppose was Venetian, Hangings of Veluet with Gold, and not Arras, two Chests of Persian Hangings, one Cabinet rich, foure Muskets, fiue Clockes, one Camell laden with Persian cloth of Gold, eight Carpets of Silke, two Rubies balast, one and twentie Camels of Wine of the Grape, fourteene Camels of distil∣led [ 10] Sweet Waters, seuen of Rose Waters, seuen Daggers set with stones, fiue Swords set with stones, seuen Venetian Looking Glasses, but those so faire, so rich, that I was ashamed of the relation. These Presents were not deliuered now; onely a Bill of them. His owne Furniture was rich, leading nine spare Horses, trapped in Gold and Siluer; about his Turbant was wreathed a chaine of Pearles, Rubies, and Turquesses, and three Pipes of Gold, answerable for three spridges of Feathers. Yet I caused diligent obseruance to be made of his reception, and compa∣red it with mine owne, and find he had in nothing more grace, in many things not so much, in ranke farre inferiour to that allowed me, except onely his meeting without the Towne; which by reason of my sicknesse was omitted to be demanded; neither did the King receiue the Shabas his Letter with such respect as my Masters, whom he called the King of England his Brother, [ 20] the Persian barely Brother without any addition, which was an obseruation of the Iesuite, that vnderstood the Language.

§. VI. The Princes brauerie; the Persian Ambassadours behauiour, the manner and effects of Drinking, of the King and his Nobles; the Kings remoue, his super-exceeding pompe, wealth, magnificence therein: Portu∣gall [ 30] fray: relations of Sultan Corsoroone: Persian newes.

THe one and twentieth of October, I went to the Prince and opened my desire, to haue a certaine * 1.93 clause in his Letter expounded, at which his highnesse stucke a little, and I perceiued his Highnesse to be as hollow as I imagined. Hee demanded then how hee should haue his Presents, or see such toyes as came vp, and moued mee to goe with him. I replyed, I could not doe so vntill I had deliuered my Masters Message, and Tokens to the King, but that finished, I would my selfe attend his Highnesse with his Presents, and all such ra∣ritie as came to my hands, should be sent after him: he prest me to passe my word, and so I obtay∣ned [ 40] order for the Firman to my content.* 1.94 His Highnesse looking on a white Feather in my Hat, demanded if I would giue it him, I replyed, I would not offer that I had worne, but if he please to command it, that or any thing in my power was to serue him. He asked if I had any more, I answered three or foure of other colours; hee replyed, if I would giue them all, for that hee was to shew his Horses and Seruants to the King within two dayes, and that he wanted some, being very rare in those parts. I promised to bring all I had on the morrow that his Highnesse might take his pleasure.

Abdala Chan in a gallant Equipage both of his person and Attendants, in apparell, strange and antike,* 1.95 but in these parts Alla Soldado presented the Prince a white Horse, the Saddle and [ 50] Furniture of Gold enamelled, a Beast of delicate shape, life and courage, who returnd him a Sword plaine with a belt of Leather. There were brought before him many others, the Hilts of Siluer, Chapes set with small Stones, and Targets couered with Gold Veluets, some painted and bossed with Gold and Siluer, which he gaue to his Seruants. Against this Muster many Saddles and Furniture of Gold, rich set with stones, of his owne, were shewed for spare Horses, his Boots imbrothered, and all other ingredients of brauery. I confesse, the expence is wonderfull, and the riches daily seene inualuable.* 1.96

This night past, it is reported sixe of the Princes Seruants came to murther Sultan Corsoronne, but were refused the Key by the Porter; that the Queene Mother is gone to the King with an ouerture of all the practice, the truth is vncertaine, and it is dangerous to aske. [ 60]

At euening, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, where I met the Persian Ambassador with the first Muster of his Presents, he appeared, rather a Iester or Iugler, then a person of any graui∣t••,* 1.97 running vp and downe and acting all his words like a Mimicke Player (now indeed the Ata∣chikanne, was become a right Stagge) hee deliuered the Presents with his owne hands; which

the King with smiles and cheerefull countenance, and many words of contentment receiued; his tongue was a great aduantage to deliuer his owne businesse, which he did with so much flatte∣ry and obsequiousnesse, that it pleased as much as his gift, euer calling his Maiesty King and Com∣mander of the World (forgetting his owne Master had a share in it) and on euery little occasion of good acceptation hee made his Tessilims. When all was deliuered for that day, hee prostrated himselfe on the ground, and knocked with his head, as if hee would enter in. The gifts were a faire Q••iuer for Bow and Arrowes delicately imbroydered, all sorts of Europaean Fruits artifici∣all in dishes, many other folding Purses and Knackes of Leather wrought with Needle-worke [ 10] in coloured Silkes, Shooes imbroydered and sticht, great Glasses in-layed in frames, one square piece of Veluet, imbroydered high with Gold in paynes, betweene which were Italian Pictures wrought in the stuffe, which he said was the King and Queene of Venice, (which, as I suppose, was the Hangings called Arras) of these sixe were giuen, one onely shewed; many other Trica∣nados of small value. After, the three Nines of Horses and Mules, which were faire ones, the Horses either had lost their flesh or beauty,* 1.98 for except one or two I iudged them vnfit for to bee sent or taken by Princes. So he returned with many antike trickes to his place farre inferiour to that allowed me, which was alone and aboue all Subiects which at first Asaph Chan would haue put me by, but I maintayned it as my due. This is but the first act of his presenting, the Play will not be finished in ten dayes. At night I sent to the Princes Secretary for my promised wri∣ting: but his Highnesse was loth to let the Presents passe without ransacking, and had changed [ 20] his mind refusing to seale the Letter.

The two and twentieth, at my comming, I deliuered him two Pluriaes, and two Birds of Pa∣radice; he accepted them easily, and my businesse being moued, and my resolution made knowne not to consent to open, nor to send them vp, but by the hands of my Seruants, at last he yeelded and gaue command to the Secretary to dispatch me.

At night I went to the Durbar to obserue the Ambassadour of Persia, I found him standing in his ranke, and often remoued and set lower as great men came in. The King once spake to him, and he danced to the tune thereof, but gaue no present: onely the King commanded that hee should be feasted by the Nobles; The time was spent in seeing Saddles and Furniture for the re∣moue, of which his Maiestie gaue some to his Followers, it beeing daily expected to rise: the [ 30] Kings Tents were out foure dayes since. I sent to the Secretary for my Firma, but hee delayed it with excuses.

The foure and twentieth, the King remoued to Hauaz Gemall, and called the Persian Ambas∣sadour, where at night hee ate and dranke before the King with the Nobilities, in the same fa∣shion that I did the Birth-day; the difference onely was,* 1.99 the King gaue him for expence twen∣ty thousand Rupias, for which he made innumerable Tessilims and Sizedaes, not rising from the ground a good space, which extreamely pleased the King, and was base, but profitable Idolatry. The Prince attending his Father, I could get no dispatch in my businesse.

The fiue and twentieth, the King returned at Euening, hauing been ouer-night farre gone in Wine: some by chance or malice spake of the merry night past, and that many of the Nobilitie [ 40] dranke wine, which none may doe but by leaue. The King forgetting his order, demaunded who gaue it? It was answered the Buxie (for no man dares say it was the King, when he would onely doubt it.) The Custome is, that when the King drinkes (which is alone) sometime hee will command, that the Nobilitie shall drinke after, which if they doe not, it is an offence too, and so euery man that takes the Cup of wine of the Officer, his name is written, and he makes Teselem,* 1.100 though perhaps the Kings eies are mystie. The King not remembring his owne command, called the Buxie; and demanded if he gaue the order? He replyed, No, (falsly: for he receiued it, and by name called such as did drinke with the Embassadour) whereat the King called for the list, and the Persons, and fined some one, some two, some three thousand Rupias, some lesse, and some that were neerer his person, he caused to be whipped before him, receiuing one hundred and thir∣tie [ 50] stripes with a most terrible instrument, hauing at each end of foure cords,* 1.101 irons like Spur∣rowels, so that euery stroke made foure wounds. When they lay for dead on the ground, he com∣manded the standers by to foot them, and after the Porters to breake their staues vpon them. Thus most cruelly mangled and bruised, they were carryed out, of which one dyed in the place. Some would haue excused it on the Embassadour; but the King replyed, hee onely bad giue him a Cup or two. Though drunkennesse be a common and a glorious vice, and an exercise of the Kings, yet it is so strictly forbidden, that no man can enter into the Gusel-Chan,* 1.102 where the King sits, but the Porters smell his breath: and if hee haue but tasted wine, is not suffered to come in; and if the reason be knowne of his absence, he shall with difficultie escape the whip: for if the King once take offence, the Father will not speake for the Sonne.* 1.103 So the King made the Com∣pany [ 60] pay the Persian Embassadours reward.

The sixe and twentieth, I sent to Sorocolla for the Firman. He sent me a copy as ambiguous and fraudulent as the former, which I refused, and drew the misliked clause my selfe, which I sent backe, and was promised that on the morrow it should be sealed.

The eight and twentieth, the Kings day of remooue at hand, I sent to Asaph Chan for a war∣rant

for carriages: the Merchants hauing sought all the Towne to remooue their goods to Agra, could find none, so I receiued order being enrolled by his Maiesty vpon my offer for twenty Ca∣mels, foure Carts, and two Coaches at the Kings price: whereof I disposed as many as the Factors needed to their vse. But it were an extreame errour to omit a passage, either of wonderfull base∣nesse in this great Monarch, or a tryall of me. The King had condemned diuers Theeues, among which were some boyes: there was no way to saue their liues, but to sell them for slaues: his Ma∣iesty commanded Asaph Chan to offer two of them for money, which hee appointed the Cut∣wall (that is the Marshall) to doe. My Interpreter made answere without my knowledge, that Christians keepe no slaues, that those the King had giuen I had freed, and that it was in vaine to propound it to me. But after I suspected it might be a tryall of me, whether I would giue a little money to saue the liues of two children: or else I supposed, if it were in earnest, it were no great [ 10] losse to do a good deed. And to try the basenesse or scope of this offer, I commanded my Interpre∣ter to returne to Asaph Chan, to tell him that he had acquainted me with the motion and his an∣swere: that I reprehended him for presuming in any case to giue my resolution, that my owne reply was, if there were any money to saue the life of two Children, to those whom they had robbed, or to redeeme them from the Law; both for respect of the Kings command, and for cha∣ritie I was ready to giue it, but I would not buy them as slaues, onely pay their ransome and free them; that if he pleased to know the Kings pleasure that I might giue them libertie without of∣fence, I was very willing to doe it. Asaph Chan replyed, I might at my owne will dispose them, that it was an extraordinary goodnesse; with many prayses accepted the money, desiring mee [ 20] to send it to the Cuttwall, and to vse my discretion to the boyes, not once offering to informe the King, which was one end of my liberality. I was loth to be coozened, and knew not whether this might be the profit of Officers or no, resolued to pay the money, but so as the King should not be ignorant I had more mercy then he, and that a Christian esteemed the life of a Moore a∣boue money. So I sent a Factor and my Interpreter to the Cuttwall, to acquaint him with the communication with Asaph Chan, and to let him know, if at night he would enforme the King, that I had offered to redeeme the Prisoners for charities sake, if after his Maiesty would consent to their liberty, I was ready to send him money; but to buy them as slaues, though for an houre, I would not, they should neuer come nor be manumised by mee, but that I desired his Maiesty to pardon them vpon my redemption, so I put them to the test of their base offer. This money ex∣ceeded not ten pound, a poore summe to impose on a stranger, or to bee gained by a King. The [ 30] Cuttwall returned answere, hee would know the Kings pleasure, and accordingly aduise mee. Some would perswade me this is one of the Mogols signall fauours to choose out such great men, as he will giue occasion to doe good and honourable workes,* 1.104 to redeeme Prisoners, and that the money giues satisfaction to the Plaintiffe robbed, and that those so appointed by the King to ransome others, make Sizeda as for some benefit receiued. Yet I find not any honour in a Prince to impose it on a stranger, to whom hee giues neither maintenance nor liberality; I went to the Durbar to see if his Maiesty would of himselfe speake to me, that I might deliuer my owne of∣fer. The Cuttwall made many motions, brought in the Executioner who receiued some com∣mand, but I vnderstood it not, but expected my answere. [ 40]

The first of Nouember, Sultan Corronne tooke his leaue and went to his Tents. The King at noone sat out at the Durbar, where the Prince brought his Elephants about sixe hundred richly trapped and furnished,* 1.105 and his fellowes by estimation ten thousand Horse, many in cloth of gold, with Hearne top-feathers in their Turbants, all in gallantry; Himselfe in cloth of Siluer im∣broydered with great Pearle and shining in Diamonds like a Firmament. The King imbraced him and kissed him, and shewed much affection: at his depature he gaue him a Sword, the Scab∣berd all of Gold set with stones, valued at an hundred thousand Rupias: a Dagger at forty thousand, an Elephant and two Horses with all the Furniture of Gold set with stones, and for a close one of the new Caroches (made in imitation, of that sent by his Maiesty my Master) and commanded the English Coachman to driue him to his Tents, into which he ascended and sate in the middle, the sides open, his chiefest Nobles a foot walking by him to his Tents about foure [ 50] mile. All the way he threw quarters of Rupias being followed with a multitude of people, he reached his hand to the Coachman, and put into his Hat about one hundred Rupias.

* 1.106The second, the King remoued to his Tents with his women, and all the Court about three mile. I went to attend him comming to the Pallace, I found him at the Farraco window, and went vp on the Scaffold vnder him; which place not hauing seene before, I was glad of the oc∣casion. On two Tressels stood two Eunuches with long Poles headed with Feathers, fanning him; hee gaue many fauours and receiued many Presents, what hee bestowed hee let downe by a Silke, rould on a turning Instrument; what was giuen him, a venerable fatte defor∣med olde Matrone hung with Gymbals like an Image pluckt vp at a hole with such another [ 60] Clue; at one side in a window were his two principall Wiues, whose curiositie made them breake little holes in a grate of Reed that hung before it, to gaze on me. I saw first their fingers, and after laying their faces close, now one eye now another sometime I could discerne the full propor∣tion, they were indifferently white, blacke haire smooth vp, but if I had had no other light,

their Diamonds and Pearles had sufficed to shew them: when I looked vp they retyred and were so merry, that I supposed they laughed at me. Suddenly the King rose, and wee retyred to the Durbar, and sate on the Carpets attending his comming out: not long after he came and sate a∣bout halfe an houre, vntill his Ladies at their doore were ascended their Elephants, which were about fifty, all most richly furnished, principally three with Turrets of Gold, grates of Gold∣wyre euery way to looke out, and Canopies ouer of cloath of Siluer. Then the King descended the staires with such an acclamation of Health to the King, as would haue out-cryed Cannons. At the staires foote, where I met him, and shuffled to be next, one brought a mighty Carpe, ano∣ther a dish of white stuffe like Starch, into which he put his finger, and touched the fish,* 1.107 and so [ 10] rubbed it on his fore-head; a ceremony vsed presaging good fortune. Then another came and buckled on his sword and buckler, set all ouer with great Diamonds and Rubies, the belts of gold sutable: another hung on his quiuer with thirty arrowes, and his bow in a case (the same that was presented by the Persian Ambassadour) on his head he wore a rich Turbant, with a Plumbe of horne tops, not many, but long: on one side hung a Rubie vnset, as bigge as a Walnut;* 1.108 on the other side a Diamond as great; in the middle an Emerald like a heart, much bigger. His Shash was wreathed about with a chaine of great Pearle, Rubies and Diamonds drild: about his necke he caryed a chaine of most excellent Pearle thrice double, so great as I neuer saw: at his elbowes armelets set with Diamonds; and on his wrists three rowes of Diamonds of seuerall sorts: his hands bare, but almost on euery finger a Ring; his gloues were English, stucke vnder his [ 20] girdle; his coat of cloath of Gold, without sleeues, vpon a fine Semian as thinne as Lawne: on his feet a paire of embroydered buskins with Pearle, the toes sharpe and turning vp. Thus armed and accommodated he went to the Coach, which attended him with his new English seruant, who was cloathed as rich as any Player, and more gaudy, and ha•• trained foure horses, which were trapped and harnished in Gold Veluets. This was the first he euer sate in, and was made by that sent from England, so like, that I knew it not but by the couer, which was a Gold Persian Veluet. He got into the end, on each side went two Eunuches, that caried small Maces of Gold, set all ouer with Rubies, with a long bunch of white-horse-taile to driue away flyes: before him went Drummes, ill Trumpets, and loud musicke, and many Canopies, Quittusols and other strange ensignes of Maiesty of cloath of Gold set in many places with great Rubies: nine spare horses, [ 30] the furniture some garnished with Rubies, some with Pearles and Emeralds, some onely with studs enamelled.

The Persian Ambassadour presented him a horse; next behind him came three Palankees, the carriages, and feet of one plated with Gold, set at the ends with Pearle, and a fringe of great Pearle hanging in ropes a foot deepe: a border about, set with Rubies and Emeralds. A foot∣man caryed a foot-stoole of Gold, set with stones, the other two were couered and lined with cloath of Gold. Next followed the English Coach, new couered and trimmed rich, which hee had giuen the Queene Normahell, who rode in it: after them a third of this Countrey fashion, which me thought was out of countenance: in it sate his yonger sonnes: after followed about twenty Elephants Royall, spare, for his owne ascendings, so rich, that in stones and furniture [ 40] they braued the Sunne. Euery Elephant had diuers flagges of cloath of Siluer, gilt Satin and taf∣fata. His Noble-men hee suffered to walke a foote, which I did to the gate, and left him. His wiues on their Elephants were caryed like Parakitoes halfe a mile behind him. When he came be∣fore the doore where his eldest sonne is prisoner, hee stayed the Coach, and called for him: hee came and made reuerence with a sword and buckler in his hand, his beard growne to his middle, a signe of dis-fauour. The King commanded him to ascend one of the spare Elephants, and so rode next to him, to the extreame applause and ioy of all men,* 1.109 who now are filled with new hopes. The King gaue him one thousand Rupias to cast to the people, his Gaoler Asaph Chan and all the Monsters yet a foot.

I tooke horse to auoyd presse and other inconuenience, and crossed out of the Leskar before him, and attended vntill he came neare his Tents. He passed all the way betweene a guard of Ele∣phants, [ 50] hauing euery one a Tur••et on his backe; on the foure corners foure banners of yellow Taffaty; right before a sling mounted, that carried a bullet as big as a great tennis ball, the G••n∣ner behind it; in number about three hundred: other Elephants of honor that went before and after about sixe hundred, all which were couered with Veluet or cloath of Gold,* 1.110 and had two or three gilded banners carried: in the way ranne diuers foot-men with skinnes of water that made a continuall showre before him: no horse nor man might be suffered to approach the Coach by two furlong, except those that walked a foot by, so that I hasted to his Tents, to attend his alighting.

They were walled halfe a mile in compasse, in forme of a fort,* 1.111 with diuers Coynes and Bul∣warkes, with high Cannats of a course stuffe made like Arras, red on the out-side, within which [ 60] figures in panes with a handsome gate-house. Euery post that bare vp these, was headed with a top of brasse. The throng was great: I desired to go in, but no man was suffered, the greatest of the Land sate at the doore; but I made an offer, and they admitted me, but refused the Persian Embassador and all the Noble men. Heere first the Persian Embassador saluted mee with a silent

complement only. In the middest of this Court was a throne of mother of Pearle, borne on two pillars raised on earth, couered ouer with an high Tent, the pole headed with a knob of gold, vnder it Canopies of Cloath of gold, vnder-foot Carpets. When the King came neare the doore, some Noble-men came in, and the Persian Embassador: we stood one of the one side, the other of the other, making a little lane: the King entring cast his eye on me, and I made a reuerence he laid his hand on his brest and bowed, and turning to the other side, nodded to the Persian. I fol∣lowed at his heeles till he ascended, and euery man cryed good, ioy, and fortune, and so tooke our places. He called for water, washed his hands and departed. His women entred some other Port to their q••arter: and his sonne I saw not. Within this whole raile was about thirty diuisi∣ons with Tents. All the Noble-men retired to theirs, which were in excellent formes, some all [ 10] white, some greene, some mingled, all incompassed as orderly as any house, one of the greatest rarities and magnificences I euer saw. The whole vale shewed like a beautifull Citie, for that the ragges nor baggage were not mingled. I was vnfitted with carriage, and ashamed of my prouision, but fiue yeeres allowance could not haue furnished me with one indifferent sute sortable to o∣thers; and which addes to the greatnesse, euery man hath a double, for that one goes afore to the next Remoue, and is set a day before the King riseth from these. So I returned to my poore house.

* 1.112The fift of Nouember, the Prince sate in the same magnificence, order and greatnesse that I mentioned of the King, his throne being pla••ed ouer wit•• siluer, inlaid with flowers of gold, and the Canopie ouer it square, borne on foure pillars couered with siluer; his armes, sword, buck∣ler, [ 20] bowes, arrowes, and launce on a table before him. The watch was set, for it was euening when he came abroad. I obserued now he was absolute and curious in his fashion and actions: he receiued two letters, read them standing, before he ascended his Throne. I neuer saw so setled a countenance, nor any man keepe so constant a gra••itie, neuer smiling, nor in face shewing any respect or difference of men; but mingled with extreame pride and contempt of all, yet I found some inward trouble now and then assaile him, and a kind of brokennesse and distraction in his thoughts, vnprouidedly and amazedly answering sutors, or not hearing: If I can iudge any thing, he hath left h••s heart among his Fathers women, with whom hee hath liberty of conuersation. Normahell in the English Coach the day before visited him and tooke leaue, shee gaue him a cloak all imbroydered with Pearle, Diamonds and Rubies, and carried away, if I erre not, his attenti∣on [ 30] to all other businesse.

The sixt, I receiued a letter from Master Browne, from Amadauas, who certified me of a fray begun by the Portugalls:* 1.113 fiue of them setting on an English B••y in Cambaya, and disarming him, vpon rumours whereof Iohn Browne and Iames Bickeford went to his rescue, and were assailed by seuen of them. One shooting a Pistoll, h••rt Iohn Browne in the hand, but his heart lay not there: they defended themselues honestly, brauely▪ like Englishmen, killed one, hurt some others, and chased them vp and downe the Towne like beast••, to the great shame of such villaines, and repu∣tation of our Nation. To reuenge this, the Portugalls being arriuen in their Frigats, diu••rs came ashoare, no more English in Towne but the three mentioned. The Gouernour vnderstood the occa∣sion, and sent the Cutwall with a guard to our house, and shut the water ports, expelling the Por∣tugalls, by commanding vpon paine of chastisement not to meddle with the English: and so de∣liuered [ 40] them safe out of Towne, who are returned to Amadauas.

The ninth, I found the Prince earnest at Cards, but he excused himselfe of forgetfulnesse, and blamed the Off••cers formally;* 1.114 but in shew vsed me with more courtesie then ordinary, call••ng me to see his Cards, and asking many questions. I expected he would speake of my going with him; but finding no such discourse, I told him I was come only to obey him and to take my leaue, that I desired his pardon, that I hasted away, for that I was to returne to Adsmere, being vnprouided to stay all night. He answered, he sent for me to see me b••fore his going, that I should presently be dispatched. Then he sent in an Eunuch, and diuers of his Captaines came smiling, s••ying the Prince would giue me a great Present, and if I feared to ride late, I should haue ten horse to guard me, and made such a businesse, as if I should haue rece••ued his b••st chaine of Pearle. By and [ 50] by came a Cloath of gold Cloake of his owne, once or twice worne, which hee caused to be put on my backe, and I made reuerence very vnwillingly. When his Ancestor Tamerlane was repre∣sented at the Theater, the garment would well haue become: but it is heere reputed the highest fauour to giue a garment worne by a Prince, or being new, once laid on his shoulder.

* 1.115The sixteenth, the King gaue order to fire all the Leskar at Adsmere to compell the p••ople to follow, which was daily executed. I was left almost desolate, and the Persian E••bassadour (who had fought, chid, brauld, complained, but could not get remedy) in the same estate▪ wee se••t to bemone one another, and by his example I began to resolue to buy (for many wo••ld s••ll, which at the Kings price could not hire) and I cast it at the best hand I could, almost to saue the hire, [ 60] though the carts were deare, for in three moneths the price was ea••en; nece••sity inforced me, for the Towne was burnt and desolate. I was in danger of theeues, that from the armie came and robbed in the night. I could not find bread to eate, yet I sent anew to Court, and resolued to a∣bide all the inconueniences of a hard siege.

The seuenteenth, I receiued from Goa for truth, that Don Emanuell de Menesses,* 1.116 with about three hundred of those saued ashoare from out the Admirall, were arriued poore, robd and rifled by the Inhabitants of Angazesia, who had slaine many, and forced some to Circumcision. On the foure and twentieth of October, not one of the Fleet sent out from Lisbon arriued, to their great wonder. The Gallion of Mosambique was fought with by the Hollander that lately de∣parted from Surat, who lay off and on before Goa as shee came in to meet the Ships expected; she was rich in Gold and other Commodities, but she escaped by meanes of the Port. Obserue the boldnesse of the Hollanders, to attempt with one ship, and to braue the head of the Indies. I re∣ceiued [ 10] a promise for Camels to remoue.

The eighteenth, I could not procure carriages, but was so daily delaied, that I feared to stay. Two Carts I was inforced to buy, and Camels I was constantly promised. M. Biddolph remai∣ned in the Princes Leskar to get mony, the King was yet but twelue course from Adsmere. The Iesuite tooke his leaue of me, being forced to buy carriage, notwithstanding his order for it out of the Kings store, but scarcitie punished all men.* 1.117 This emptie time offering no discourse of my owne affaires, I shall digresse conueniently to mention the state of Sultan Corsoroone, of whose new deliuery into the hands of his enemies, euery mans heart and mouth was full. The King notwithstanding he had so farre agreed to satisfie his proud sonne at his departure, yet it seemes meant not to winke at an iniurie offered to the Elder, and partly to secure him in the hands of A∣saph Chan, partly to satisfie the people that murmured, and feared the practise of some treachery [ 20] against him, he tooke occasion to declare himselfe publiquely. Asaph Chan had visited his newe Prisoner, and in his fashion did not acknowledge him as his Prince, but rudely prest vpon him a∣gainst his will, and with no reuerence. Some are of opinion, he pickt a quarrell, and knowing the braue nature of the Prince, that would not beare indignitie, tempted him to draw his Sword, or to vse some violence, which the guard should suddenly reuenge; or else it should bee declared to the King, as an attempt to kill his Keeper, and to escape: but the Prince was patienter; onely he got a friend to acquaint the King with the manners of his Iaylor. The King called Asaph Chan at the Durbar, and asked when he saw his charge; he answered two dayes past: his Maiestie re∣plyed, what did you with him? he sayes, onely visit him: but the King pressed to knowe what reuerence and fashion he carried towards him? Asaph Chan found his Maiestie knew what had [ 30] passed, and confessed he went to see him in affection, and offer his seruice; but that the Prince re∣fused him admittance into his Chamber; which because he had charge of his safetie, hee thought it both necessary for him to doe, and discourtesie for the other to deny, therefore he prest in. The King returnes quicke, When you were in, what said you, and what did you? what duty shewed you toward my Sonne? He stands blancke, and confesseth he did not any reuerence: whereat the King told him, he would make his proud heart know him to bee his eldest and beloued Heire, his Prince and Lord, and if he once heare of any the least want of reuerence, or dutie toward him, he would command his sonne to set his feet on his necke, and trample on him: that he loued Sul∣tan Coronne well, but he would make the world know, he did not intrust his Sonne among them for his ruine.

[ 40] The three and twentieth, and foure and twentieth, I stayed for the Merchants, and receiued an answer from Spahan that my Letters were dispeeded for Aleppo, that our comming into Persia,* 1.118 was expected, but on conditions to fit the Shabas, so that it might aduance his designe of diuer∣ting his Silkes from the way of Turkie: that the Generall of the Grand-signior lay with a mighty army at Argerone sixe dayes march short of Tauris, vncertaine, whether to assaile the Citie, or to enter Gorgeston and Gilan (the Countreys of Silks) to win that by conquest which he was pro∣hibited by commerce. To meet both attempts, the Shabas was incamped at Salmas, a Village indifferently seated in the way; but if in two moneths the armies incounter not, winter approaching, and the wants which attend such multitudes, will dissolue them both, without a∣ny honourable action: or if they meete, the Persian though by report one hundred and eightie [ 50] thousand, will not aduenture battell, but beeing light and able to march easily, without Cannon and Baggage, will fall on and off on euery side so on the Turkes armie, as he will breake, and wast him without hazard.

§. VII. Sir Thomas Roes following the Court in this Progresse, description of the Kings Leskar, and some places which they passed: the Kings Superstition, drinke, and dealing about the Present.

[ 60] THe first of December, I remooued foure course to Ramfor where the King had left the bodies of an hundred naked men, slaine in the fields for robbery,* 1.119 and the Carauan at midnight departed Adsmere.

The fourth fiue course, I ouertooke in the way a Camell laden with three hundred

mens heads, sent from Candahar, by the Gouernour in Present to the King, that were out in re∣bellion.

* 1.120The sixth, foure course, where I ouertooke the King at a walled Towne called Godah, in the best Countrey I saw since my landing being a faire Champion, ar euery course a Village, the soyle fruitfull in Corne, Cotton, and Cattell.

The seuenth, the King passed onely from one side of the Towne to the other, which was one of the best built I euer saw in India, for that there were some houses two stories high, and most such as a Pedler might not scorne to keepe shop in, all couered with tyle. It had beene the seat of a Raza Rashboote, before the Conquest of Ecbarsha, and stood at the foot of a great Rocke very strong, had many excellent workes of hewed stone about it, excellently cut, many Tankes ar∣ched, [ 10] vaulted, and descents made large, and of great depths. By it stood a delicate Groue of two mile large, a quarter broad, planted by industry, with Manges, Tamerins, and other fruits, diui∣ded with walkes, and full of little Temples and Altars of Pagods, and Gentilitiall Idolatry, ma∣ny Fountaines,* 1.121 Wels, Tankes, and Summer-houses of carued stone curiously arched, so that I must confesse, a banished Englishman might haue been content to dwell there, but this obseruati∣on is generall, that ruine and destruction eates vp all: for since the proprietie of all is come to the King, no man takes care for particulars; so that in euery place appeares the vastations and spoiles of warre, without reparation.

The ninth, returning, I viewed the Lescar, which is one of the wonders of my little experi∣ence, that I had seene it finished, and set vp in foure houres, except some of great men that haue [ 20] a double prouision, the circuit being little lesse then twenty English miles, the length some waies three course, comprehending the skirts, and the middle, wherein the streets are orderly, and Tents ioyned; there are all sorts of shops, distinguished so by rule, that euery man knowes readily where to seeke his wants, euery man of qualitie, and euery trade being limited how farre from the Kings Tents he shall pitch, what ground he shall vse, and on what side without alteration, which as it lies together, may equall almost any Towne in Europe for greatnesse; onely a Musket shot euery way no man approacheth the Atasykanha royall, which is now kept so strict, that none are admitted but by name, and the time of the Durbar in the Euening is omitted and spent in hunting or hawking on Tanks by Boat, in which the King takes wonderfull delight, and his Barges are remooued on Carts with him, and he sits not but on the side of one, which are many times a mile or two ouer. At the Iarruco in the morning he is seene, but businesse or speech pro∣hibited: [ 30] all is concluded at night at the Guzelchan, when often the time is preuented by a drow∣sinesse which possesseth the King from the fumes of Bacchus. There is now a gre••t whisper in Court, about a new affinitie of Sultan Corsoroone and Asaph Chan, and great hope of his libertie. I will finde occasion to discourse it, for that the passages are very worthy, and the wisdome and goodnesse of the K••ng appeares, aboue the malice of others, and Noomahel fulfill the obseruation, that in all actions of consequence in Court, a woman is not onely alwaies an ingredient, but commonly a principall drug of most vertue, and she shewes that they are not incapable of condu∣cting businesse, nor her selfe void of wit and subtiltie. It will discouer a Noble Prince, an excel∣lent W••fe, a faithfull Counsellour, a craftie Step-mother, an ambitious Sonne, a cunning Fauou∣rite, [ 40] all reconciled by a patient King, whose heart was not vnderstood by any of all these. But this will require a place alone, and not to be mingled among businesse.

The sixteenth, I visited the King, who hauing been at his sports, and his quarry of fowle and fish lying before him, he desired me to take my choice, and so distributed the remainder to his Nobilitie. I found him sitting on his Throne, and a Begger at his feet, a poore silly old man all asht,* 1.122 ragd, and patcht, with a young roague attending on him. With these kind of professed poore holy men, the Countrey abounds, and are held in great reuerence, but for workes of cha∣sticement of their bodies, and voluntary sufferings, they exceed the brags of all heretiques or I∣dolaters. This miserable wretch cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers, couered with ashes, his Maiestie talked with about an houre, with such familiaritie and shew of kindnesse, that it must needs argue an humilitie not found easily among Kings. The Begger sate, which his sonne dares [ 50] not doe: he gaue the King a Present, a Cake, asht, burnt on the coales, made by himselfe of course graine, which the King accepted most willingly, and brake one bit and eate it, which a daintie mouth could scarce haue done. After he tooke the clout, and wrapt it vp, and put in the poore mans bosome, and sent for one hundred Rupias, and with his owne hands powred them into the poore mans lap, and what fell besides, gathered vp for him; when his collation of banquetting and drinke came, whatsoeuer he tooke to eate, he brake and gaue the Begger halfe, and after ma∣ny strange humiliations and charities, rising, the old Wretch not being nimble, he tooke him vp in his armes, which no cleanly body durst haue touched, imbracing him, and three times laying his hand on his heart, calling him father, he left him, and all vs and me in admiration of such a [ 60] vertue in a heathen Prince.

The sixe and twentieth, we passed through Woods, and ouer Mountaines, torne with bushes, tired with the incommodiousnesse of an impass••ble way, where many Camels perished, many departed for Agra, and all complained. I lost my Tents and Carts, but by midnight we met, the

King rested two dayes, for that the Leskar could not in lesse time recouer their order, many of the Kings women, and thousands of Coaches, Carts, and Camels, lying in the woody mountaines, without meat and water, himselfe got by on a small Elephant, which beast will climbe vp rockes and passe such straits, as no horse nor beast that I know can follow him.

The twenty fourth of Ianuary, newes arriued at Court,* 1.123 that the Decans would not be frighted out of their Dominion, which Asaph Chan and Normahal had pretended, to procure this Voyage, but that they had sent their impediments into the heart, and attended in the borders, with fifty thousand horse, resolued to fight, and that Sultan Caronne was yet aduanced no further then Man∣doa, afraid both of the enemie and Chan Channa. These Counsellers changed their aduice, and [ 10] declaring to the King that they conceiued the Decan, before his passage ouer the last hills, would haue yeelded by the terrour of his approach, but finding the contrary, perswaded him to conuert it to a hunting iourney, and to turne his face toward Agra, for that the other was not an enemie worthy his person. He replyed this consideration came too late, his honour was ingaged seeing he had so farre past, hee would prosecute their first counsells and his purpose, and aduenture the hazard of both. But hee daily dispeeded fresh troopes towards his sonne, partly from his owne, the rest commanded from gouernments, according to reports, thirty thousand horse, but not by muster.

The third of February, departing out out of the Roade of the Leskar for ease and shade,* 1.124 and re∣sting vnder a tree for the same commodities, came vpon me Sultan Corsoroone, the Kings eldest restrained sonne, riding vpon an Elephant, with no great guard nor attendance: his people de∣sired [ 20] me to giue him roome, which I did, but attended to see him, who called for mee, and with some gentle and familiar questions, full of courtesie and affabilitie hee departed: his person is good, and countenance chearefull, his beard growne to his girdle; this only I noted, that his que∣stions shewed ignorance of all passages in Court, in so much hee neuer heard of any Ambassadour nor English.

The sixt at night, we came to a little Tower newly repaired, where the King pitched in a pleasant place vpon the Riuer of Sepra, short of Vgen, the chiefe City of Mulwa, one Course.* 1.125 This place called Calleada, was anciently a Seat of the Gentile Kings of Mandoa, one whereof was there drowned in his drinke, hauing once before fallen into the Riuer, and was taken vp by the haire [ 30] of the head, by a slaue that diued; and being come to himselfe it was related to him to procure a reward: he called for the instrument of his safety, and demanding how he durst put his hands on his Soueraignes head, caused them to be strucke off. Not long after, sitting alone with his wife in drunkennesse, hee had the same mischance to slip into the water, but so that shee might easily haue saued him, which shee did not: and being demanded why, shee replyed, shee knew not whe∣ther he would also cut off her hands for her recompence.

The eleuenth, the King rode to Vgen to speake with a Deruis or Saint, liuing on a hill,* 1.126 who is reported to be three hundred yeares old: I thought this miracle not worth my examination. At noone by a foot-post I receiued a letter, that the Prince, notwithstanding all Firmans and Commands of his Father, had intercepted the Presents and goods sent vp,* 1.127 to fulfill his base and [ 40] greedie desire, and that notwithstanding any gift nor entreaty, or perswasions of Master Terry, to whose charge they were committed, would not part with them, but by force compelled them to returne with him toward Brampore: yet did he forbeare to breake any thing open, but pressed the English to consent, which they refusing by my order, he thought to winne them by vexati∣ons; such is the custome to see all Merchants goods euen before the King, that he may first choose, but I resolued to breake that in our behalfe.

The Prince to satisfie his desire, before I could haue knowledge, he sent a Post to the King to certifie him, that such goods he had stayed without mention of Presents, and prayed leaue to o∣pen them, and to buy what he fancied. So soone as I heard of this faithlesse vnciuill vsage, I re∣solued I was iustifiable before all the world, if I vsed the extremitie of complaints, that I had practised all meanes to win and purchase fauour, and had suffered beyond the patience of a free∣man, [ 50] my former courses will witnesse, and leaue me without blame in ill successes, though I found it in a rougher way, seeing I could find no better in the smoothest. Briefely I resolued to appeale to Iustice by complaint, but as calmely and warily as I could, to expresse my whole griefe, ex∣treame iniuries, and long patience. To go to Asaph Chan (though to neglect him would displease him) ••et to trie him I feared would preuent my purpose: to send to him that I desired to visite the King at the Glutel-chand, I doubted what I intended might be suspected, if hee had heard of the iniury: so I practised first to preuent, and auoid preuention.

The Prop••et▪ whom the King vnited, offered me occasion, and my new Linguist was readie. I rode and met his Maiestie on his Elephant, and alighted making signe to speake: he turned his monster to mee, and preuented mee. My sonne hath taken your goods and my Presents: bee not [ 60] sad, he shall not touch nor open a seale, nor locke; at night I will send him a command to free them, with other very gracious speeches, that he knew I came full of complaint, to ease mee he beg••nne first. Vpon the way I could doe no more, but at night, without further seeking to A∣saph Chan, I went to the Guzel Chan, resolued to prosecute the complaint of forcing backe our

goods, in respect of the charge and trouble, of the abuses of Surat, and all our other grieuances. So soone as I came in, the King called my Interpreter, and deliuered by his, that he had written and sent his command very effectually, that not a haire should be diminished: I replyed, the in∣iury was such, and the charge and abuses of our liberty by the Princes officers, that I desired re∣dresse, for that we could not longer suffer. It was answered, what was past I must remit to his sonne, but by Asaph Chans mediation I could procure nothing but very good words, for he smoo∣thed on both sides; so that I was forced to seeme content, and to seeke an opportunitie in the absence of my false friend and procurator. The good King fell to dispute of the Lawes of Mo∣ses, Iesus and Mahomet, and in drinke was so kind, that he turned to me, and said: I am a King, you shall be welcome Christians, Moores, Iewes, he medled not with their faith; they came all [ 10] in loue,* 1.128 and he would protect them from wrong, they liued vnder his safety, and none should op∣presse them; and this often repeated, but in extreame drunkennesse he fell to weeping, and to di∣uers passions, and so kept vs till midnight.

Iudge all men what trauell I endured, by reason the Factors kept my Presents foure moneths, and sent them euen in the mouth of the Prince, arriued within two dayes of Brampore, and here∣by euery way our charge doubled, that I rested not satisfied; but seeing I had begun, and that the Prince was, as I feared, enough exasperated with a little, I thought as good lose him to some pur∣pose, as to none, at least to trie the King what hee would doe. So I waited aduantage, but sent backe the messenger to Master Terry, to stand out and attend the Kings answere, which I would speedily send him. And so resolued to dissemble that I hope to repay, when I came, with base [ 20] flattery worse then the theft, or at least to giue me some satisfaction, because trouble was in my face, for otherwise it is no iniury heere to bee so vsed: he beganne to tell me he had taken diuers things, that please him extreamely well, naming two Cushions embroydered, a folding Glasse, and the Dogges, and desired mee not to bee discontent, for whatsoeuer I would not giue him, I should receiue backe: I answered, there were few things that I entended not to present him, but that I tooke it a great discourtesie to my Soueraigne, which I could not answere, to haue that was freely giuen seazed, and not deliuered by my hands to whom they were directed: and that some of them were entended for the Prince and Normahall, some to lye by me, on occasions, to prepare his Maiesties fauour to protect vs from iniuries that strangers were daily offered, and some for my friends or priuate vse, and some that were the Merchants, which I had not to doe withall: he [ 30] answered, that I should not be sad nor grieued, that hee had his choyce, for that hee had not pati∣ence to forbeare seeing them, hee did mee no wrong in it, for hee thought I wished him first serued, and to my Lord the King of England hee would make satisfaction, and my excuse: the Prince, Normahall and he were all one; and for any to bring with me to procure his fauour, it was a ceremony, and vnnecessary, for he would at all times heare me; that I should be welcome emp∣tie handed, for that was not my fault, and I should receiue right from him; and to go to his sonne, he would returne me somewhat for him, and for the Merchants goods pay to their content: con∣cluding I should not be angry for this freedome; he entended well: I made no reply. Then hee pressed me whether I was pleased or no. I answered his Maiesties content pleased me: so seeing Master Terry,* 1.129 whom I brought in with me, he called to him, Padre you are very welcome, and [ 40] this house is yours, esteeme it so, whensoeuer you desire to come to me, it shall bee free for you, and whatsoeuer you will require of mee, I will grant you.

Then he conuerted himselfe with this cunning vnto me, naming all particulars in order: The Dogges, Cushions, Barbers case, you will not desire to haue backe, for that I am delighted in them: I answered no. Then said he there were two Glasse chestes, for they were very meane and ordi∣nary, for whom came they? I replyed, I entended one for his Maiestie, the other to Normahall. Why then, said hee, you will not aske that I haue, being contented with one? I was forced to yeeld. Next he demanded whose the Hats were, for that his women liked them. I answered, three were sent to his Maiesty, the fourth was mine to weare. Then said he, you will not take them from me, for I like them, and yours I will returne if you need it, and will not bestow that [ 50] on me, which I could not refuse. Then next he demanded whose the Pictures were. I answered, sent to me to vse on occasions, and dispose as my businesse required: so hee called for them, and caused them to be opened, examined me of the women, and other little questions, requiring ma∣ny iudgements of them, of the third Picture of Venus and a Satyre: he commanded my Inter∣preter not to tell me what he said:* 1.130 But asked his Lords what they conceiued should be the in∣terpretation or morall of that, he shewed the Satyres hornes, his skinne which was swart, and pointed to many particulars: euery man replyed according to his fancie; but in the end hee concluded they were all deceiued: and seeing they could iudge no better, hee would keepe his conceit to himselfe, iterating his command to conceale this passage from me: But bade him aske me what it meant: I answered, an Inuention of the Painter to shew his arte, which was Poeti∣call, [ 60] but the interpretation was New to mee that had not seene it. Then he called Master Terry, to giue his iudgement, who replying, hee knew not. The King demanded why hee brought vp to him an inuention wherein hee was ignorant; at which I enterposed that he was a Preacher, and medled not with such matters, nor had charge of them, onely com∣ming

in their company, hee was more noted, and so named as their conductor.

This I repeate for instruction, to warne the company and him that shall succeed me to be very wary what they send, may be subiect to ill Interpretation: for in that point this King and peo∣ple are very pregnant and scrupulous, full of iealousie and trickes, for that notwithstanding the King conceited himselfe, yet by the passages I will deliuer my opinion of this conceit, which (knowing, I had neuer seene the Picture, and by Ignorance was guiltlesse) hee would not presse hard vpon me. But, I suppose, he vnderstood the Morall to be a scorne of Asiatiques whom the naked Satyre represented, and was of the same complexion and not vnlike; who being held by Venus a white woman by the Nose, it seemed that shee led him Captiue. Yet he reuealed no dis∣content, [ 10] but rould them vp, and told me he would accept him also as a Present. For the Saddle and some other small Toyes, he would fit me with a gift to his Sonne, to whom he would write according to promise, so effectually that I should need no Sollicitor, in many businesses with as ma∣ny complements, excuses, professions & protestations as could come from any very Noble, or very base minde in either extreame. Yet he left not, but enquired what meant the figures of the beasts, and whether they were sent me to giue to him: I had vnderstood they were very ridiculous and ill shaped ordinary creatures, the varnish off, and no beauty other then a lumpe of wood; I was really ashamed and answered, it was not my fault, those that seized them must beare the affront, but that they were not entended to him, bu•• sent to shew the formes of certaine beasts with vs. He replyed quickly, did you thinke in England that a Horse and a Bull was strange to mee? I re∣plyed, [ 20] I thought not of so meane a matter, The sender was an ordinary man in good will to mee for Toyes, and what he thought, I knew not: well said the King, I will keepe them, and onely desire you to helpe me to a horse of the greatest size. It is all I will expect, and a Male and Fe∣male of Mastiffes, and the tall Irish Grey-hounds, and such other Dogges as hunt in your lands,* 1.131 and if you will promise me this, I will giue you the word of a King, I will fully recompence you, and grant you all your desires.

I answered, I would promise to prouide them, but could not warrant their liues, and if they dyed by the way, onely for my discharge, their skinnes and bones should bee preserued, hee gaue extraordinary Bowes, layd his hand on his heart, and such kind of gestures as all men will witnesse, he neuer vsed to any man, nor such familiarity, nor freedome, nor profession of loue. [ 30] This was all my recompence, that he often desired my content to be merry, that the wrong he had done me, he would royally requite, and send me home to my Countrey with grace and re∣ward like a Gentleman. But seeing nothing returned of what was seized, but words, I desired his Maiesty to deliuer backe the Veluets and Silkes being Merchants goods, that they were sent vp among mine by his Maiesties command, for that by that pretence, they escaped the rauine of the Princes Officers: so hee gaue order to call Master Biddolph to agree with him, and to pay for them to content. Then I deliuered a Letter I had ready written contayning my desire for Pri∣uiledges and Iustice otherwise I should returne as a Fayzneane and disgraced to my Soueraigne, and desired some Iustice for Sulpheckarkons Debt lately dead: he replyed he would take such order with his Sonne for Surat, as I should haue no cause to complaine, and that he should cleere it for [ 40] which he gaue instant order. For other places, he would giue me his commands, and euery way shew how much he loued me, and to the end I might returne to my Master with honour, Hee would send by me a rich and worthy Present with his Letter of my behauiour filled with ma∣ny prayses, and commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable, I answered, I durst not craue, it was not our custome, nor stood with my Masters honour, but whatsoeuer he sent, I doubted not, would be acceptable from so potent a King, and so much loued of my Lord. He replyed, that I thought he asked in iest, to please mee, and that he saw I was yet discontent, but he coniured me to beleeue he was my friend, and would at conclusion proue so, and vowed by his head hee spake heartily concerning Presents, but I must not refuse for his instruction to name somewhat. This earnestnesse enforced mee to say, if his Maiesty pleased, I thought large [ 50] Persian Carpets, would be fittest; for gifts of cost and value, my Master expected not.

He answered, he would prouide of all sorts and sizes, and added to them what hee thought was fit, that your King may know I respect him: next, hauing Venison of diuers sorts before him, he gaue me halfe a Stagge, with these words, hee killed it himselfe, and the other halfe I should see bestowed on his wiues, which was presently cut out, in small pieces of foure pound and sent in by his third sonne, and two women that were called out to diuers such Mammockes, as if it had beene a dole to the poore, and carryed by the Prince bare in his hands. Now I had as much satisfaction, and so abundant grace as might haue flattered me into content, but the iniury was aboue words, though I were glad of these and of colour to dissemble, for hee sent as a conclu∣sion to know if I were pleased, and did not depart discontent. I answered his Maiesties fauour was sufficient to make mee any amends. Then, said he, I haue onely one question to aske you; [ 60] which is, I wonder much now I haue seene your Presents two yeares, what was the reason why your King sent a Merchant, a meane man before you with fiue times as many, and more curious Toyes that contented all, and after to send you his Ambassadour with a Commiss••on and his Let∣ter mentioning Presents, and yet what you brought was little, meane and inferiour to the other.

I acknowledge you an Ambassadour, I haue found you a Gentleman in your vsage, and I am a∣mazed why you were so slightly set out.

I would haue replyed, but he cut me off, I know it is not the Kings fault, nor yours, but I will let you see I esteeme you better then they employed you. At your returne, I will send you home with honour, with reward, and according to your qualitie; and not respecting what you brought me, will like a King present your Lord and Master: onely this I will require from you, and not expect it from the Merchants, to take with you a patterne of a Quiuer, and Case for my Bow, a Coat to weare, a Cushion to sleepe on of my fashion, which was at his head, and a paire of Boots, which you shall cause to bee embroydered in England, of the richest manner, and I will expect and receiue them from you, for I know in your Countrey they can worke bettet then [ 10] any I haue seene, and if you send them mee, I am a King, you shall not lose by it, which I most thankfully vndertooke, and he commanded Asaph Chan to send me the patternes. Then he de∣manded if I had any Grape Wine. I could not denie it; he desired a taste next night, and if hee li∣ked it he would be bold, if not, he desired me to make merrie with it. So spending this night one∣ly on me, he rose.

The third of March, wee came to Mandoa, into which the King entred in state, but no man was suffered to goe in before hee was set, by the aduice of his Astrologers, so that wee all sate without, attending a good houre.

* 1.132The sixth, I came into Mandoa, hauing sent before, and found a faire Court well walled, and in that a good Church, one great Tombe: it was taken vp by one of the Kings Seruants, but I [ 20] got possession and kept it, being the best within all the wall, but two mile from the Kings house, yet so sufficient that a little charge would make it defensible against raines, and saue one thousand Rupias, and for Aire very pleasant vpon the edge of the hill.

* 1.133The eleuenth, at night I went toward the Court, but the King vpon newes of a Lion that had killed some Horses, was gone to hunt, so that I had leisure to seeke some water: for we were brought to a hill with a multitude of people (so great is the foresight, and so good the Policie) where was no water, that men and Castle were like to perish, that little that was in Pooles some great men possessed, and kept by force, I could get none, the poore forsooke the Citie, and by Proclamation many were commanded away, all Horses and Cattel forbid, and so those who were now in hope to rest, were forced to seeke new Dwellings, who departed some two, three and [ 30] foure Course off, to the extreame trouble of all men, and the terrible rising of prouisions. I knew not what to doe: my Roome and House was good, and though I were farre from Markets, yet it was a lesse inconuenience then to sit in the fields without house or shelter, onely I wanted water, so I rode my selfe to seeke some, and found a great Poole possessed by Chan, which was giuen by the King. I sent to desire him leaue to draw, who granted me foure load a day, which satisfied me in such sort, that with selling away some of those Iades that were put vpon me from Surat, and putting off my Cattell, I had hope to liue, to which purpose I sent two with them to lye out of Towne. There was not a misery, nor punishment, which either the want of Gouernment, or the naturall disposition of the Clime gaue vs not.

[ 40]

§. VIII The New-yeares Feast: Suspicions of the English: Trade of Dabul, distaste of the Persian, English-men of Warre in the Indian Seas.

THe twelfth, I went to the King, and carried a New-yeares gift, a paire of very faire Kniues of my owne, and sixe Glasses of yours; the excuse I made was well receiued, [ 50] and the King vsed mee with all grace, this onely was my comfort. He said whatsoe∣uer came from my hands was present sufficient, he accepted my loue, and it was his part now to giue me. I found a gainer by him, who had so farre performed his promise that I perceiued the King instructed in my desire, and gaue present order to an Officer to send for Ma∣ster Bidolph to pay him to his content for such things as he claymed, and all the others were ac∣knowledged to be receiued by name, and that when I went to the Prince, the King would write; but was loth to part with any thing, of which the best sweet bagge lay before him. I replyed, I was as loth to goe emptie handed: so it rested, the King commanded I should come vp and stand within, on the degrees of his Throne by him, where I found on one side the Persian Ambassa∣dour, on the other the old King Candahar with whom I ranked, and he presently fell to begge a [ 60] Knife which next day I sent. The King called for the Persian to come downe, to whom he gaue a Iewell, and a young Elephant, for which he kneeled and saluted the ground with his head. The Throne was the same vsed the last yeare,* 1.134 and all the other furniture: at the vpper end was set the King my Soueraignes Picture, the Queenes, my Lady Elizabeths, Sir Thomas Smiths and some

others, two pieces of good and fine Tapistrie below them, that came from Persia, a Throne of Gold set all ouer with Rubies, Emeralds and Turqueis, and the old Musicke of singing Whores. This day I dispatched to Surat my aduice of the Persian businesse and the new Ambassadour, and some remembrance to Abram Chan the Gouernour from whom I receiued a Letter, that in his absence our Nation had beene wronged against his knowledge, but that his power being aug∣mented by the Prince, he desired me to be confident in him, that while he liued in authoritie we should neuer suffer any such abuses, but we should liue in all freedome.

The thirteenth, I sent a Complement to Asaph Chan, a faire wrought Night-cap of mine owne, and a rich paire of Gloues which he returned as vselesse in this Countrey; the Cap he re∣ceiued [ 10] and desired some Alegant Wine, which I sent the next day at night. Aganor (whose di∣ligence now gaue me great hope and ease) sent a Banman his Secretary to tell mee hee had order for the dispatch of the Merchants goods, and that his man should attend Master Biddolph to fi∣nish it, that the patternes should be sent me home, and that the King would giue me a Coat and money to beare my charges to the Prince. I returned answere, that I had no vse of a Babylonish Garment, nor needed money; if his Maiestie were pleased to consider the iniuries offered, of which the Paper testified remayned in his hands, and to giue me his Letter to the Prince with some Presents or else to write in my excuse, it was all I would desire, but for his gifts I expected none but Iustice.

The one and twentieth: I yet could not at instant presse it further, only I discouered the Kings doubts, for he suspected my stealing out of his Countrey,* 1.135 and breach with our Nation for [ 20] the Prince, either out of guiltinesse or feare, or perhaps cunning to make vs the pretence of his owne dessignes, had newly enformed the King, that next yeare, the English purposed the taking of Surat, and keeping it, of which our owne folly gaue some colour; for lately vpon one of their ordinary brabbles they caused two hundred Musketers to land and march toward Surat, and being met by diuers the ioyfull Mariners gaue out, they went to take it. This absurde brauado for a a handful of men to passe twelue mile to a walled Towne, able to put out a thousand horse armed, and as many shot, a Riuer to passe which a few men would defend against a good Armie, gaue iust occasion of scorne and offence: and which the Prince apprehended for some other his owne ends, to refortifie the Castle and Towne, and to send downe Ordnance for the defence: a good [ 30] prouision to keepe a doore open to flie out, if his Brother liue to correct his ambition. But this information occurring with my discontents heere, and some free language, my pressure to goe to Brampore, and flying newes that we had taken Goa, and were preparing a great Fleet in England, did cause some suspition in the King, which though he concealed it, yet hee thought to discouer by the former Discourse, with which hee rested fully satisfied, but I did not: I had beene long fed with words, and knew as well as the heart that trembled, that feare of vs only preserued our residence.

The nine and twentieth of March: this complaining of Officers is a tune so new, so odious in Court, that it troubleth all great men, it beeing their owne case,* 1.136 who liuing vpon farming Go∣uernments in which they vse all tyrannie to the Naturals, are loth to suffer a way open to the [ 40] Kings vnderstanding of their practice, who ordinarily hang men by the heeles, to confesse mo∣ney, or to ransome themselues from no fault: this made all men enuie my imployment, and auoid me as an Informer.

The fiue and twentieth of April, I receiued from Dabull road from Cap. Pepwell,* 1.137 that according to aduise he had stayed the Iuncke bound for Mocha, but weighing the caution giuen by mee to consider well what correspondence were betweene that Prince and Mozolapatan, in whose Ter∣ritorie the Solomon was and could not get to Sea, finding both alliance and friendship, he freed her without spoile, alleaging the refusall of Trade to Middleton, which courtesie procured him, so good entertainment as the Indies affoords seldome, free Trade and promise to take three hundred Clothes yearely: a good quantitie of Lead sold for money, and some Ordnance (which I like not to arme the Indians, and the Portugals friends, enemies to the Mogoll) and all other courte∣sies, [ 50] which if this kindnesse proceeded not, for that the Iuncke was yet vnder command, giues me good hope of some Trade in sale yearely at the Port, howeuer the freeing of the Iuncke assures me the Commander will doe nothing by catching, preiudiciall to the Company, and deliuer himselfe honestly from the iealousies cast vpon him from Dabul, hee signifies his intent to pro∣ceed to Callicute, and if that Factorie be not worth supplyes to transmit it to Dabul.

The seuen and twentieth, by the Foot-post I receiued from Mesolapatan, that the Salomon was got to Sea, and the Hosiander from Bantam arriued, who brought the ill newes of the losse of the Hector and Concord, careening in the Roade of Iacatra, on Iaua, in recompence that the Dragon, Cloue and Defence, were homeward laden from Bantam. I tooke this occasion to conuey a letter to the Gouernour of Dabul ouer-land, to apprehend the ouerture newly made by him of the [ 60] trade: though I had little opinion of the place, yet I would not neglect that,* 1.138 nor encourage the next Fleet to proceed, but vpon better assurance then a forced friendship, and offers made while their Iuncke was in our power. The effect was to signifie the causes of our staying their goods for refusing trade to Sir Henry Middleton, but now finding in him a better inclination and a

desire to receiue vs, & to establish a friendship and league, a promise to take cloth in good quanti∣tie. I required if these motions were hearty, and such as befitted a man of honour, that he would write to the King his Master, to procure his Firman with such priuiledges as were fit for Mer∣chants, and his promise to buy our goods, and to fulfill all the friendly offers made by him, his Officer, vnder his Seale, and with expedition to send it mee to the Court of the great Mogoll: whereby I might receiue assurance and encouragement that they entended faith, and on such re∣ception I did vndertake on the behalfe of the King of England, a good and firme Peace toward his Master, his subiects free passage in the seas, from any oppression by our Fleets: and that yeare∣ly I would either send a ship to his Port for trade, or if it so required, leaue & establish a residence in his Gouernment. I doubt not, but yearely for feare or loue, some good trade by sales may bee made, but for enuestments, it will not be worth it: only I proceeded as I would haue wished all [ 10] men, not with too seeming eager a desire, nor to swallow any offers and conditions hungerly, for strict care in the first setling is the best aduantage: and for misery of ensuing times, it being a ge∣nerall rule neuer to mend your first estate, often to empaire it, euery mans best houre is when he is new, a stranger, and at first seene: after, the naturall lenitie of these Barbarians, finds all that brings not change, fastidious. This dispatch I committed to Master Bangham, and desired him to make diligent enquiry of the commodities, aduantages, inconueniences, humours and affecti∣ons of these Decannies towards vs.

* 1.139The thirtieth, the time that he brought me the excuses of the Persian Ambassadour, for failing in taking his leaue of me, which he would not send by a seruant, but vttered the truth that the Ambassadour was not sicke, as he pretended, but receiuing no content from the King in his busi∣nesse [ 20] he suddenly tooke leaue, and hauing giuen thirty faire horses at his departure: the King gaue in recompence three thousand Rupias which he tooke in great scorne; whereupon the King prized all that the Ambassadour had giuen him at meane rates, and likewise all that the King had returned since his arriuall, euen to slaues, Drinke, Mellons, Pines, Plantanes, Hawkes, Plumes, the Eliphant and whatsoeuer at extreme high rates, and sending both Bils made it vp in money. This base vsage and scorne caused him to excuse his not seeing Asaph Chan and Etimon Dowlet on a Feuer, which hauing done hee could not come through the Towne to mee without discouerie, but desired him to acquaint me with the truth, and to make all excuse and profession that hee would recompence this discourtesie by double friendship to my Countrimen in Persia: with some bitternesse against the King, which Aganor as freely deliuered, and I seemed as vnwilling [ 30] to heare. I presented them with some Aligant and Kniues, and we parted.

The twelfth of May, I receiued newes of a great blow giuen the Persian by the Turkes Army, so that Tanris was rased, and the Shabas not able to keepe the field.

The fiue and twentieth, a Lion and a Woolfe vsed my house, and nightly put vs in alarume, fetching away Sheepe and Goats out of my Court, and leaping a high wall with them. I sent to aske leaue to kill it, for that no man may meddle with Lions but the King, and it was granted: I ranne out into the Court vpon the noyse, and the beast missing his prey, seized on a little Island Dogge before me, that I had long kept, but the Woolfe one of my Seruants killed, and I sent it the King.

The fourteenth of Iune, certaine goods of the Iesuites were sent from Cambaya in a Cabinet, [ 40] Phisicke and necessaries, and a Letter, which were betrayed by the bringer, and deliuered the King: which he opened and sent for the Padre to reade the Letter, and to see all in the Boxes, of which nothing liking him, he returned all; which I obserue as a warning to all that deale in this Kingdome, to bee wary of what they write or send, for such is the custome and humour of the King, that he will seize and see all, lest any Toy should escape his appetite.

The eighteenth, I receiued Letters from Amadauar of the Hope of the fall of Indico, by the failing of the Goa Caffila, and that there was plentie to be bought but deare. That the Vnicornes Horne was returned as without vertue, concerning which I gaue him new aduice; many com∣plaints against Surat and others, which I meddle not with. I receiued from Brampoore two Let∣ters, how doubtfull the Debt of Ralph stood, and newes of the returne of Spragge from the Les∣kar [ 50] of Decan. The Generall Melickamber with much shew of honour, gaue instant order for priuie search in all his Campe, for the Persian fled, and by me remanded; but finding him departed to Vizeapoore, by testimony that businesse was pursued no further, but by a Letter to a Dutch there resident. The Generall desired Spragge to be a meanes to bring him English cloth and swords to his Campe for the supply of his Souldiers which lye within sixe dayes of Brampoore. In my opinion, that had beene a good employment of some idle men, and a way to vent our dead com∣modities.

The thirtieth of Iuly, I receiued from Surat, of the casting away of two Dutch ships on the Coast of Damon, that hauing come from the Southward with Spices and China Silkes, were [ 60] bound for the Red Sea, but losing their season with much extremitie of weather beating many weekes about the entrance for harbour, attempted the like at Socatra, and vpon the Coast of A∣rabia, but being not able to get in any way, they resolued for Surat, hoping by the last yeares good successe to be able to ride safely: but the yeares differ, and beeing forced to anchor in extre∣mitie

their greater ship cut her Masts by boord, and after her Cables breaking, shee went ashore vpon the Coast Ozie ground within Musket shot. The ship kept vpright, but hauing lost their long Boat, and their Skiffe not able to liue by rafters, foure men got ashoare, and the Tydes hea∣uing her in vpon the Spring, they saued much goods and all their people: her Pinnasse of sixtie Tunne was beaten to pieces.

The one and twentieth of August, the King of Candahor, came to visit me, and brought wine and fruit, sate halfe an houre, and for one Iest of his begged a bottle of wine.

The Prince Sultan Corseroone had his first day of hoped libertie, and came to take ayre and pleasure at the Banquetting house by me. The Prince at Brampoore had made a Marriage without [ 10] the Kings consent, and gotten displeasure: besides some practice of his was discouered against his Brothers life; but this as a secret; he was called for to Court. Normahal and Asaph Chan by their Fathers aduice, came about to make a peace with Corsoroone and Alliance, and with infinite ioy his libertie is expected.

The two and twentieth, the King feasted at Asaph Chans. I receiued from Aleppo and Persia, passages of the Warre, the Turkes retrait, but no word of our English: only, that the Captaine of Grinins, had written to practise their disgrace.

The fiue and twentieth, I aduised to Agra my proceeding in the Armenians businesse backe to Surat, and Brampoore of all occurrents. This day Asaph Chan feasted Normahall, the Prince Sultan Corsoroone, as is reported, to make a firme alliance, and that he will bring away a Wife by his Fathers importunitie, this will beget his full libertie, and our proud Masters ruine.

[ 20] The first of September, was the Kings Birth-day, and the solemnitie of his weighing, to which I went, and was carryed into a very large and beautifull Garden, the square within all water, on the sides flowres and trees, in the midst a Pinacle, where was prepared the scales, be∣ing hung in large tressels, and a crosse beame plated on with Gold thinne: the scales of massie Gold, the borders set with small stones, Rubies and Turkey, the Chaines of Gold large and mas∣sie, but strengthened with silke Cords. Here attended the Nobilitie all sitting about it on Carpets vntill the King came; who at last appeared clothed, or rather loden with Diamonds, Rubies, Pearles, and other precious vanities, so great, so glorious! his Sword, Target, Throne to rest on correspondent; his head, necke, breast, armes, aboue the elbowes at the wrists, his fingers euery [ 30] one, with at least two or three Rings; fettered with chaines, or dyalled Diamonds; Rubies as great as Wal-nuts, some greater; and Pearles, such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly hee entered into the scales, sate like a woman on his legges, and there was put in against him, many bagges to fit his weight which were changed sixe times, and they say was siluer, and that I vn∣derstood his weight to be nine thousand Rupias, which are almost one thousand pound sterling: after with Gold and Iewels, and precious stones, but I saw none, it beeing in bagges might bee Pibles; then against Cloth of Gold, Silke, Stuffes, Linnen, Spices, and all sorts of goods, but I must beleeue, for they were in fardles. Lastly, against Meale, Butter, Corne, which is said to be giuen to the Baniani, and all the rest of the Stuffe: but I saw it carefully carryed in, and none distributed. Onely the siluer is reserued for the poore, and serues the ensuing yeare, the King v∣sing [ 40] in the night to call for some before him, and with his owne hands in great familiaritie and humilitie to distribute that money. The scale he sate in by one side, he gazed on me, and turned me his stones and wealth, and smiled, but spake nothing, for my Enterpreter could not be admitted in. After he was weighed, he ascended his Throne, and had Basons of Nuts, Almonds, Fruits,* 1.140 Spices, of all sort made in thinne siluer, which he cast about, and his great men scrambled pro∣strate vpon their bellies, which seeing I did not, hee reached one Bason almost full, and powred into my Cloke, his Noblemen were so bold as to put in their hands, so thicke, that they had left me none, if I had not put a remayner vp. I heard he threw Gold till I came in, but found it sil∣uer so thinne, that all I had at first being thousands of seuerall pieces had not weighed sixtie Ru∣pias. I saued about twentie Rupias weight, yet a good dishfull, which I keepe to shew the osten∣tation, for by my proportion he could not that day cast away aboue one hundred pound sterling. [ 50] At night he drinketh with all his Nobilitie in rich Plate. I was inuited to that, but told, I must not refuse to drinke, and their waters are fire. I was sicke and in a little fluxe of bloud, and durst not stay to venture my health.

The ninth of September, the King rode to the Riuer of Darbadath, fiue course on pleasure, and comming by my house I rode out to meete him. The custome is, that all men by whom hee passeth neere their gate, make him some Present, which is taken as a good signe, and is called Mombareck, good Newes, or good Successe. I had nothing to giue, nor might fitly goe with no∣thing, nor stay at home without discourtesie, which made mee venture vpon a faire Booke well bound filleted and gilt, Mercators last Edition of the Maps of the world, which I presented with an excuse that I had nothing worthy,* 1.141 but to a great King I offered the World in which he had so [ 60] great and rich a part. The King tooke it in great courtesie, often laying his hand on his breast, and answering euery thing that came from mee was welcome. Hee asked after the ships arriuall, which I told him I daily expected: hee told me hee had some fat wild Hogges sent him from Goa, and if I would eate any at his returne he would send me some. I made him due reuerence, and an∣swered

any thing from his Maiestie was a feast to me: he rode on his Eliphant, and the way was stonie, and I offering to bring him toward the gate, hee bade God keepe mee, and returne to my house, demanding which it was, and praysing it: indeed it was one of the best in the Leskar, yet but an old Church and large Tombe inclosed: iterating his fare-well, he said the way was ill, and desired me to goe home, and with much shew of courtesie tooke leaue.

* 1.142The sixteenth, I rode to repay the visit of Marre Rustam the Prince of Candahor, who at my arriuall sent word he durst not see mee, except hee asked leaue of the King or acquainted Etimon Dowlet or Asaph Chan, which at the Durbar he would. I answered he should not need, for I ne∣uer meant to trouble my selfe with a man so vnciuill, nor to come a second time. I knew well it was a shift out of ill manners; that the King would bee no more angry for his bidding mee wel∣come [ 10] to his house, then for his comming to mine, but that I cared not to see him, but came in ci∣uilitie to requite, that I took so in him. His man desired me to stay vntill he told his Master my answere, but I would not, and returned: at night, I rode to Court to visit the King, who questio∣ned about the Booke of Maps, but I did forbeare any speech of my debts.

The fiue and twentieth, I rode to the Court very weake, to make triall of the King about our debts, for that Muckshud had also newly answered he had mist his Prigany, and knew not how to pay, but by his house. I deliuered the King the Merchants Petition, which hee caused to bee read aloud, and the names of the debtors, and sureties, and summes distinctly, by Asaph Chan: which done, he called Araddat Chan, the chiefe of his officers of Houshold, and the Cutwall, and gaue them order, but what I vnderstood not; reading the names, hee questioned their abilities [ 20] and qualities, and what goods they receiued, finding some dead, some strangers: concerning Rulph, Asaph Chan offered to speake to the Prince at his arriuall to finish it. My Interpreter was now called in, and the King conuerted to mee, giuing this answere: That the Merchants had made debts at their owne wills, and not brought a note of their goods to him, therefore if the men were insufficient, it was at their perill, for that it was no reason to expect the money from him, which, I suppose, he spake of his seruant Hergonen, who being dead, his goods were seazed for the Kings vse: but seeing it was the first time, he would now assist me, and cause our money to be payed: but if hereafter the English would deliuer their goods to his seruants without mo∣ney or acquainting him, they should stand to the hazard; but if when their commodities came to the Court, they would bring a bill to him of all, he would first serue himselfe, and after distribute [ 30] the rest to such as should buy that, and if any of them failed, he would pay the money himselfe: this is indeed the custome of Persia Merchants, to bring all to the King, which I haue often seene, who takes his choice, and deliuers the rest to his Nobilitie, his Scriuanoes writing to whom, and his Officer cutting price; a copy of which is giuen the Merchant, and hee goes to their houses for money; if they pay not, there is an expresse Officer that hath order by currant course to force them. Then was it told my Interpreter what command the King had giuen, that Arad Chan should call the debtors before him, and cause them to pay: but this pleased not our Merchants, I thought it both a iust and gratious answere, better then in such cases priuate men can get of great Princes.

The King hearing I had been sicke, and wished for wine, gaue me fiue bottles, and commanded when I had ended those, to send for fiue more, and so as I wanted; and a fat Hogge, the fattest [ 40] I euer saw, sent vp by Mochreb Chan, that came from Goa, which at midnight was brought home by a Haddy with this message; since it came to the King it had eaten nothing but Sugar and But∣ter. I tooke this as a signe of fauour, and I am sure in that Court it is a great one. Then he sent for the Map-booke,* 1.143 and told me he had shewed it his Mulaies, and no man could reade nor vn∣derstand it, therefore if I would, I should haue it againe: I answered, at his pleasure, and so it was returned.

The sixe and twentieth, there being a Raia in rebellion in the hills, not past twentie Course from the Laskar,* 1.144 the King lately sent out two Vmbras with horse to fetch him in, but he defen∣ded his quarter, slew one of them, and twelue Maancipdares, and in all of both sides about fiue [ 50] hundred, returning scornefull messages to the King to send his sonne, for he was no prey for ordi∣••nry forces.

* 1.145The second of October, the Prince entered the Towne, and all the great men in wondrous tri∣umph: the King receiued him, as if he had no other, contrary to our expectation. Brampore left almost emptie vnder Chan Channa. I had sent to Asaph Chan, to excuse my not meeting him, for I was not able to stirre, nor had no Present. All the great men, and the Kings Mother, receiued him foure Course off. I sent also some of my seruants with my iust excuse, which his pride only nodded at.

The fifth, I receiued from Surat newes of our shippes arriuall, the Admirall missing, and her Prize of Mosambique;* 1.146 the rest well, who had taken two English Rouers, set out by () [ 60] who were found in chase of the Queene Mothers ship returned from the Red-sea, which they for∣tunately rescued and brought safe in; if shee had bin taken, we had all bin in trouble: with these the Companies Letter, in voice, instructions for Persia, and diuers other notes of aduise, that by reason of the Admiralls absence: they knew not what course to take with the men of Warre. I

dispeeded to Surat orders about all businesse, as appeares in my Letters.

The sixt, I rode to visite the Prince, at his vsuall houre, to giue him welcome, and to acquaint him with our businesse, determining to make offer of all respect to him, and to that end not to come emptie handed, and bought a fine Chaine of gold, China worke. I sent in word; he retur∣ned that I should come next morning at Sunne rise, when he sate to be worshipped, or stay till his riding to Court, which I must haue done at his doore. This I tooke in extreame scorne,* 1.147 his Fa∣ther neuer denying me accesse; and his Pride is such, as may teach Lucifer: which made me an∣swere roundly, I was not his Slaue, but a free Ambassadour of a King, and that I would neuer [ 10] more visite him, nor attend him, hee had refused me Iustice; but at night I would see him with the King, to whom only I would addresse my selfe, and so departed.

At night I went to the King, who receiued me graciously. I made a reuerence to the Prince, but he would not once stirre his head. Then I acquainted the King, that according to his order, I had brought an abstract of our ladings, desiring his command: after his manner he asked what and what, and was so wonderfully satisfied, especially with Arras, that he promised mee all fa∣uour, all priuiledges, all that I would desire. He enquired for Dogges, which I could not answere, and for Iewels, which I told him they were dearer in England then in India, at which hee rested ••••tisfied. I durst not name the Pearles for many reasons; if I had, our people had beene way-laid for by the Prince, and such snatching, as I could not auoyd infinite trouble: I knew I could bring them ashoare, and to Court by stealth, that the lesser expected, the better welcome; but [ 20] my maine reason was, I would make a friend by them. Therefore when Asaph Chan pressed me to know, I desired him to make that answere of dearenesse, and that I would speake with him a∣lone; he soone vnderstood me, and made excuse.

The King being well pleased, I thought it good time to mooue againe for the debts; and ha∣uing my Petition ready, opened it, and offered it vp: the King not marking, others discouered what it was, and knew the King would bee enraged that his order was neglected: whereat one stept to me, and clapt downe my hand gently, desiring me not to doe so. I answered, Ara∣dake Chan had absolutely refused me Iustice: at which he being by, came in, in much feare, cal∣ling Asaph Chan, desiring him to hinder me from complaint. I answered, our ships were arriued, and we could not forbeare nor endure such delayes: so they consulted together, and called the [ 30] Cutwall, giuing order to execute the Kings command: who that night at midnight beset their Tents, and catched some of them, so that now we shall haue reason.

I had great thanks of all the Vmreies for protecting the Queenes ship, and our courtesie to their passengers, which they enformed the King, who tooke it kindly, and they all promised that they were obliged to loue our Nation, and would doe them all seruice: but they wondered we could not gouerne our people, but that theeues could come out, without the Kings leaue.

At the Kings rising, Asaph Chan carryed me with him to his retyring place, and there first we translated the Abstract into Persian, to shew the King an houre after: in which I inserted the money with some addition, because the King might perceiue was brought profit to his Domini∣ons; next the cloath and sorts, then the fine wares in generall: lastly the grosse commodities, [ 40] desiring his Maiestie to order what he would buy, and to giue vs liberty for the rest. This finished, Asaph Chan renewed the reason why I would speake alone, bad me be free, vowed and prote∣sted such friendship as I neuer could expect. I replyed, The reason why I desired it, was to aske his counsell: for it was true I had somewhat, but my vsage last yeare was so bad, that I durst not trust any, but that he might see how I replyed on him, I was willing on his oath to reueale it, which he presently gaue. I told him I had a rich Pearle, and some other ropes faire: I knew not whether it was fit to tell the King, lest the Prince were displeased; I told him how in the mor∣ning I had been to visite him, and his discourtesie, and my resolution: but that I knew his fauour was so necessary for vs, that I hoped I might recouer it, by this one respect that I kept the Pearle for him. This I said was my purpose and reason I concealed it; he was father in law to him, and [ 50] fauorite of the King; I was ready to please both, and desired his aduice. He embraced me, and began: I had done discreetly, but I should acquaint neither: if I did, I should neuer want trou∣ble: the King would vse me well, but keepe such a stirre to see it, and get it into his hand, ac∣cording to custome, and then I must sue for mine owne. The Prince was rauenous and tyranni∣call, and wearied all Nations. He bade mee steale all ashoare, trust none, and shewed mee many conueyances; bade me obserue the vsage of the Portugalls, how they were ransacked, and desired to buy it, which if I would grant it, I should haue money in deposito, what I should aske, and he would for this trust of him, sollicite all my desires, that without him I could doe nothing. Now was an oportunitie to make a friend. I answered, I was willing, but I feared hee would reueale it; which hauing receiued his oath, and a ceremony of couenant by crossing thumbes, we embra∣ced: [ 60] I promised to be directed by him, and he to doe all that I required for the comming vp of the rest; he would take order to giue me Firmans, no man should touch any thing, bu•• all come to me, to dispose of at pleasure. The Prince he would reconcile to me, and the next time he vi∣sited him, he would take me, and make him vse me with all grace, and for other businesse it should not be in his power to crosse me, but if he did, he would assigne vs a Syndie, which was in his

gouernment, or procure any other Port at my desire, and whatsoeuer I demanded should be per∣formed faithfully. He also aduised me to giue his sister Normahall some toy; he said he would make the King giue me money: to which I answered, I desire you to conuert it into the well vsage of my countrey-men, I asked no more.

Thus we rose, and he carryed me in to the King, with the Note translated, who gaue mee all good vsage: asked if the Arras were a Present: I answered yes, lest it should be seized, for the Prince was by. In conclusion, hee said hee would buy all the parcell of cloath, and many other things, appointing me to send for it speedily; Asaph Chan to take order for a Firman from the Prince.

Thus I had a good night, and I knew though they are all () yet in this he would deale [ 10] truely, because it was to helpe himselfe, and durst not betray me till he had the Pearle, for feare to misse it, nor after, for hauing himselfe betrayed the Prince.

§. IX. ASAPH CHAN seeketh to further vs for hope of gaine, so also NORMA••AL: Master STEELES arriuall: Danger to the publike, by priuate trade: Stirres about a Fort.

[ 20]

* 1.148THe twelfth, according to promise, Asaph Chan carryed mee to the Prince, into his pri∣uate roome, where I presented him with a small China Gold-chaine, in a China Cup, he vsed me indifferently: Asaph Chan perswaded him to alter his course towards vs, telling him hee gained yearely by vs a Lecke of Rupias at his Port: that it appeared we yearely encreased our trade, and it would in time bring profit; that if the hard measure were continued, we would quit both that and the Countrey, of which inconuenience would ensue. That we were his Subiects (such words he must vse) if for desire of toyes he gaue vs discontent, we would practise to conceale ••ll from him; but if hee gaue vs that libertie which was fit, wee would striue to bring all before him, for that I only studyed his content and fauour for my par∣ticular; that he should receiue mee, when I came to visite him with honour, and according to [ 30] my qualitie, it would encourage mee to doe him seruice, and content my Nation. Finally, hee moued him for a Firman for our present ease, and obtained it, promising all manner of content, and at instant gaue order to Asaph Chan his Secretary, to draw it in euery point according to my owne desires, and to write a Letter to the Gouernour in recommendations of it: and that I should at all times haue any other Letter, w••en I called for it. It is easily seene with how base and vnworthy men I traffique. Asaph Chan for a sordid hope only of buying some toyes, was so reconciled, as to betray his sonne, and to me obsequious, euen to flattery: for the ground of all this friendship was, that he might buy the Gold taken in the prize, and some other kna••kes: to which end he desired to send downe a seruant, which I could not deny without losing him, I had so long laboured to get: neither was it ill for vs, for his payment is good, and it will saue vs much [ 40] charge and trouble to sell aboord, especially wine and luggish that spoiles in cariage; and he ob∣tained leaue vnder false colours, and wrote to the Gouernour in our behalfes, with all manner of kindnesse. There is a necessitie of his friendship, his word is law, and therefore I durst not see his vnworthinesse, and hope by this course to winne him, at least to make present good vse of him. Vpon this occasion I moued for a Firman for Bengala, which he promised, and would neuer before hearken to: and this effect of his greatnesse I found, that hee prosecuted our debters, as if his owne: and passing by the Cutwa••••s on his Elephant, called to command dispatch, which was an vnusuall fauour; vpon which Groo was imprisoned, and Muckshu had two dayes libertie only to pay vs; and I doubt not, but to end that in ten dayes, the summe being foure and forty thousand Rupias, and the debters most shifting false knaues in India. [ 50]

The one and twentieth, at this instant, came in to me from Asaph Chan, a seruant, in the name of Normahal, that shee had moued the Prince for another Firman, that all our goods might bee in her protection, and that shee had obtained it, and was readie to send down her seruant with that, to see and take order for our good establishment, that shee would see that wee should not bee wronged. That Asaph Chan had done this for feare of the Princes violence, and because of his delayes▪ that now hee was sure that his sister had desired to bee our Protectresse, that the Prince would not meddle, that vpon his honour I should receiue all things consigned to mee; that shee had written such a command, and charged her seruant to assist our Factors, so that we should haue neuer more cause to complaine of Su••at. Therefore hee desired of mee two or three words to the [ 60] Captaine and Factors to vse him kindly, and to let him buy for her some toyes, such as I would spare. This I durst not deny, though I saw the greedinesse; and gaue him a note on condition to see the Copy of the Firman which was sealed, and I could not without leaue, and so he was di∣speeded: but you may by this iudge this place, how easie it were to raise a stock•• last yeare, wee

were not looked after. Now because I translated the Cargazon of fine wares (yet concealed the Pearle) and gaue it the King; euery one is ready to runne downe to buy: Normahall and Asaph Chan studying to doe me good offices; many great men desiring a letter to send their seruants downe, so that if you had treble this stocke, it would be bought vp aboord, and saue you custome, and carriage, and spoile: for which purpose out of this I haue ordered your Factory to sell to the seruants of Normahall and her brother, whatsoeuer may bee spared, so that I may bee fitted at Court in any proportion. Thus I shall saue trouble and you charge, the Prince preuented, and our friends confirmed, and yet I hope sufficient for to please the King and his sonne: at the deli∣uery of which Asaph Chan hath vndertaken the Firman for Bengala, or any Port, and a generall [ 10] command and grant of free Priuiledges in all his Dominions.

The foure and twentieth, the King departed Mandoa foure Course, and wandering in the hills, left vs irresolute what way to take, no man knowing his purpose. The six and twentieth, I got a warrant for ten Camels at the Kings price. The nine and twentieth, I remoued after: forced away by the desolations of the place.

The one and thirtieth, I arriued at the Kings Tents, but found him gone with few company for ten dayes a hunting, no man to follow without leaue, the Leskar diuided and scattered into many parts, ill water, deare prouisions, sicknesse and all sorts of calamitie accompanying so infi∣nite a multitude; yet nothing remooues him from following this monstrous appetite. Heere I vnderstood the Kings purpose was vncertaine, whether for Agra or Guzerat; the latter giuen [ 20] out; the former more probable, because his Councell desired to be at rest: but that how euer for the dispatch of my businesse, seeing hee would linger heere about a moneth, I was aduised, and thought it as fit to send for the goods and Presents, as to deferre it vpon vncertainties, being that dispatched, I had hope of some quiet in this course: I wore out my body, being very weake, and not like to recouer vpon daily trauell in the fields, with cold raw muddie water.

The second of Nouember, arriued Richard Steele and Master Iackson,* 1.149 with the Pearle and some other small matters stollen ashoare, according to my order,* 1.150 which I receiued and gaue quittance for: with him I had conference about his proiects, which because I would not rashly re∣iect them, as he had set them afoot, after hauing made him see his fancies, and vnderstand the qualitie of these people, how for the water-worke, if to bee effected, it must bee begunne at our [ 30] charge, and after triall, we shall not enioy the profit, but the Naturalls taught, and our people re∣iected; neither our commoditie vented by it, for that the Lead will treble his price by portage ouer-land; and cannot bee deliuered at Agra so cheape as found there: yet I was content hee should make triall for satisfaction by carrying his work-men to Amadauas, to meete mee there, where by assistance of Mocrib Chan, who only is a friend to new inuentions. I would make of∣fer to the King of their industry, and make proofe what conditions may be obtained; but in my iudgement it is all money and labour cast away. The Company must shut their eares against these proiectors, who haue their owne employments more in their ends, then their Masters pro∣fits: many things hold well in discourse, and in the theorique satisfie curious imaginations, but in practise and execution are found difficult and ayrie, especially to alter the constant receiued [ 40] customes of Kingdomes, where some drinke only raine-water, some of a holy Riuer, some none but what is fetched by their owne cost: his second of reducing the Caffilaes and Merchants of Lahor and Agra, by the Riuer Indus, that vsed to passe by Candahor into Persia, to transport by sea in our shipping for Iasques or the Gulph, is a meere dreame, some man in conference may wish it, but none euer practise it. The Riuer is indifferently nauigable downe, but the mouth is the residence of the Portugalls, returnes backe against the streame very difficult. Finally, wee must warrant their goods, which a Fleet will not doe, neither did the Portugall euer lade or noise such goods but only for those of Sindie and Tatta, that traded by their owne Iunckes, they gaue a Cartas or Passe to secure them from their Frigats, and traded with them, for which they payed a small matter, and that onely which came to the purses of the Grand of Diu, Damon and Or∣mus, [ 50] or if all other diff••culties were taken away, yet will the Lahornes neuer bee drawne downe, being that Caffila consists most of returning Persians and Armenians that knew the passage from Iasques almost as bad, as from Candahor, and for that little on the Confines of Sinde not worth mentioning. Notwithstanding for his better satisfaction, I was content hee should by experi∣ence learne his owne errours, so it were not at the Companies charge, but I suppose hee will let it fall, not knowing at which end to beginne

A third proiect for to ioyne the Trade of the Red Sea with this, I recommended to him, for that it was alreadie in vse, and the perill for the Guzurats very apparant, therefore I doubted not some Merchants might be drawne to lade in our ships at freight, whereby wee should make our selues necessary friends to these people, supply our owne defects, saue export of monies, and final∣ly, [ 60] for this yeare employ one ship of the olde account that should returne in September: and re∣ceiue the proceed of the remaynes of this ioynt stocke, which will be suff••cient to re-lade a great ship, otherwise to transport it ouer will be extreame losse. This I opened and vrged the conse∣quence shewed which way to effect it, and commended by him to the Commander, the Cape Merchant, and your Factors with all earnestnesse, as by my Letters appeares. The consequence

I will make euident in your profit, if they follow it, for were the goods and estate all my owne, if I could not procure somewhat towards charge by freight from the Guzurats, yet hauing so many emptie vessels for so small a stocke, and two fallen into your hands of men of warre, I had rather goe emptie, and for company with them, then to omit that: there are many chances in that Sea, and in the way her returne onely of our owne remaynes, shall requite all forbearance; and be readie in time, for employed she must be if we intend to send the rest vpon this acco••nt, for that here is no harbourage at his arriuall. I found him high in his conceits, hauing somewhat for∣gotten me, Master Kerridge and him at warres, which I endeauoured to temper on all parts, but for his Wife I dealt with him cleerely,* 1.151 she could not stay with our safety, nor his Masters con∣tent; that he had ruined his fortunes, if by amends hee repayred it not; that shee should no•• tra∣uell nor liue on the Companies Purse;* 1.152 I know the charge of women, that if he were content to [ 10] liue himselfe like a Merchant, as others did frugally, and to be ordered for the Companies seruice and to send home his Wife, he was welcome: otherwise, I must take a course with both, against my nature. Hauing to this perswaded him, I likewise practised the discouragement of Captaine Towerson about his Wife, (you know not the danger, the trouble, the inconuenience of granting these liberties) to effect this, I perswaded, Abraham his Father in Law, here to hold fast: I wrote to them the gripings of this Court, the small hope or reliefe from his alliance, who ex∣pected great matters from him. Finally, I perswaded his returne quietly. To further this, I wrote to your chiefe Factor, that such things as hee had brought and were vendible, should bee brought to your vse by Bill of exchange to such profit for him, as both might saue; and this in∣conuenience you bring on your selues by liberties vnreasonable. But to take tye of his trash to lye [ 20] vpon your hands, vpon any condition I did prohibit.

I find by your Letter your strict command in priuate Trade, as well for your owne Seruants as others, whereby I collect, you meane not that he shall haue that libertie hee expects, for he is furnished for aboue one thousand pound sterling,* 1.153 first penny here, and Steele at least two hundred pound, which he presumes sending home his Wife, his credit and merit is so good towards you, that you will admit in this case to be rid of such cattell, I will not buy, but order that it be marked and consigned to you, that you may measure your owne hand. You discourage all your olde Ser∣uants, some may doe all things for faire words, some nothing for good actions: I could instance some gone home two yeares since, that onely employed their owne stocke, did no other busi∣nesse, and liue now at home in pleasure, others that raise their fortune vpon your monies, from [ 30] Port to Port, and returne rich and vnquestioned. Last yeare a Mariner had sixe and twentie Churles of Indico, others many Fardles, a third seuen thousand Mamudes, first pennie in Ba∣roach,* 1.154 Bastaes, chosen apart, for hee inuested your Monies, and it is probable hee chose not the worst for himselfe: a fourth, aboue one hundred and fiftie pound first pennie. These I mention not for spight, but to moue you to equalitie, neither by their example these may escape, for they swallow you vp, but that an indifferent restraint be executed vpon all.

For the effecting of all these purposes, the sending home the woman and the prosecution of the Red Sea, I send backe Richard Steele with orders to Surat, hauing altered my purpose of the goods and Presents from the Leskar, it beeing declared that the King will for Guzurat, where I haue appointed Richard Steele, after hauing dispatched other matters, to meete with them and [ 40] his Ingeniers.* 1.155 I also sent my aduice and directions to Captaine Pring, to take an Inuentorie of all the Monies and goods in the two men of Warre, to make it ouer to your stocke and land it, to sell or dispose of the ships, as his occasion shall require, the monies, if sold, to be put to stocke, to grant passage to some of the Chiefes, to entertaine the rest and to referre it to you at home, whom you will deale with the Owners that set them out. My opinion is peremptory, that their surprize is iust and iustifiable, all their goods forfeited: if you will restore any thing, at your courtesie; but with the more rigour you deale with these, the better example you will leaue for such barbarous Piracies: for if this course be practised, take your leaue of all Trade about Surat, and the Red Sea, and let the Company of Turkie stand cleere of the Grand Signors reuenge, and we heere must expect cold Irons. [ 50]

The sixth, I went to Asaph Chans, hauing receiued his Passe, vnto whom I shewed the Pearle according to promise, though the sorts fit not the Countrey iust as I was informed hereafter, yet their performance with him gaue him such content, that I am confident, I may vse Pharaohs words, The Land is before you, dwell where you will, you and your Seruants: for the price wee talked not, but he vowed such secrecie: and for my sake, who haue shewed this confidence in him, hee will giue more then their worth,* 1.156 and not returne on••, and pay readie mony, of which hee profes∣seth not to want, and to lend mee what I want: his Sister I haue promised to visit, whom hee hath made our protectresse, and briefly whatsoeuer contentment words can bring I receiue, and some good effects. When the Presents arriue, assure you I will not be liberall to your losse, little [ 60] shall serue. Asaph Chan admonisheth mee himselfe, so they came with somewhat to induce them, as well accepted, bought as giuen: experience of others makes mee to approue of this doctrine.

Finishing these complements with him in his Bed-chamber, he rose to Dinner hauing inuited

me and my people: but he and friends dined without, appointing mee a messe with him apart, for they eate not willingly with vs: where I had good cheere and well attended; the reuersion for my seruants.

After dinner, I moued Groos debt, told him the delayes. Hee answered, I should not open my lips, he had vndertaken it, that Groo by his meanes was finishing accounts with a Ieweller; that hee had ordered, as money was paid, it should rest in the Cutwalls hand for vs; which I found true: and the Cutwall promised to finish it in three dayes, desiring mee to send no more to A∣saph Chan.

I cannot omit a basenesse or fauour, according as you will interprete it. The King when his Pri∣sons are full of condemned men, some he commands to be executed, some he sends to his Vmraes [ 10] to redeeme at a price: this he esteemes as a courtesie, to giue meanes to exercise charitie, but he takes the money, and so sels the vertue.

About a moneth before our remoue he sent to mee, to buy three Abassines (for fortie Rupias a man) whom they suppose all Christians. I answered, I could not buy men as Slaues,* 1.157 as others did, and so had profit for their money, but in charity I would giue twenty Rupias a piece to saue their liues, and giue them libertie. The King tooke my answere well, and bade them to be sent me. They expected money, and I was not hastie; hearing no more of it,* 1.158 I hoped it had beene forgotten: but his words are written Decrees. This night the Officers seeing I sent not, deli••e∣red the Prisoners into my Procuradors power, and tooke his Sc••eete for sixtie Rupias, which at [ 20] my returne I payed, and freed the Slaues.

The tenth, I visited Asaph Chan, hauing receiued aduise from Surat of a new Firman, come downe to disarriue all the English, and some other restrictions of their libertie:* 1.159 vpon a complaint made to the Prince, that we intended to build a Fort at Swally, and that our shippes were laden with Bricke and Lime for that end: which suspition arose only by bringing a few on shoare to sound the ships bell: yet the Alarum came to Court so hot, that I was called to answere; which when I made it appeare how absurd the feare was, how dishonorable for the King, how vnfit the place for vs, without water or harbourage: yet the iealousie was so strongly imprinted, because formerly I had demanded a Riuer by Goya for that end, that I could hardly perswade the Prince we intended not some surprise. By this you may iudge, how easie it were to get a Port for our selues, if you affected it, which I can, neither so profitable for you, nor a place tenable. Notwith∣standing [ 30] all remonstrances, this furnace must be demolished, and a Had••ey of horse sent downe to see it effected. The disarming of our men, being all that our peopled stomacked, though it was on∣ly to leaue their weapons in the Custome-house, and that only of the ships company, though it were quieter for vs, except they were often more ciuill: yet I told Asaph Chan wee would not endure the slauery, nor I stay in the Countrey, that one day the Prince sent a Firman for our good vsage and grant of Priuiledges, the next day countermanded it; that there was no faith nor ho∣nour in such proceedings, neither could I answere my residence longer. He replyed, at night hee would mooue the King, before the Prince, and giue me answere.

The thirteenth, I reuisited Asaph Chan: he told me wondrous matters of the Kings aff••ction [ 40] to my Souereigne, to my Nation, and to mee; that hee had ventured the Princes disfauour for our sakes, and had full promise for a new reformation: but because he feared the Princes dealing, he gaue me this assurance, that he would take the Prigany of Surat, which the Prince must leaue, being made Gouernour of Amadauas, Cambaya, and that Territorie: and to giue me satisfaction that he had not dissembled with me, he desired me to come at night to Court, and bring the King my Masters Letter and the translation, the oportunitie was faire to deliuer it: vpon the occasi∣on of which, he bade me persist in my complaints, and offer to take leaue; I should then see what he would say for vs, and so I should beleeue my selfe. At euening I went to the King, it beeing a very full Court, and presented my Letter, which (the King sitting on the ground) was layd be∣fore him; and he busie, tooke no great notice. Asaph Chan whispered his Father in the ••are, de∣siring him to reade the Letter, and to ass••st vs, for that he might b••tter begin that then himselfe. [ 50] Etimon Dowlet tooke vp both Letters, gaue the English to the King, and read the translated; to which when the King had answered many words of complaint,* 1.160 to that point of procuring our quiet Trade▪ by his authoritie among the Portugal••, he demanded if he would make peace. I an∣swered, his Maiestie knew long since, I offered to be gouerned by him, and referred it to his wis∣dome, and had expected his pleasure: he replyed▪ hee would vndertake absolutely to accord vs, and to make ••greement in his Seas, which he would by answere to my Masters Letters signifie, and therein giue him content in all other his friendly desires. Notwithstanding, I deman••ed 〈…〉〈…〉 to Amadauas to meet the Kings Presents and to p••epare for my returne. Vp∣on which mo••ion, the question grew betweene the King and the Prince, who complayned that he had no pro•••••• by vs, ••nd that he was content to be rid of vs Asaph Chan tooke the t••rne, and [ 60] very roundly told the King, that we brought both prof••t to the P••rt, to the Kingdome, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ that we wer•• 〈…〉〈…〉 by the Prin••es seruan••s, and that it was not poss••ble for vs to reside without amends▪ it were 〈…〉〈…〉 his Maiestie ••o licence vs, then to in∣treate vs so discourteously, f••r it wo••l•• be the end. Th•• P••ince replyed very choler••ckly, that ••e

had neuer done vs wrong, and had lately giuen mee a Firman at his entreatie. He replyes, It is true, you gaue a Firman to his content, and in ten dayes sent another, in effect, to contradict it, that he stood surety between both, had vndertaken from the Princes mouth our redresse, but now he had the shame and dishonor of it: that he ought me nothing, nor I him; he spake for no ends, but for the Kings Honor and Iustice, in that which he said that he did vs no wrong, he must appeale to me, who complayned that our goods were taken by force, that two yeeres past Rulph had be∣gun it, would neuer pay vs, and his Officers continued euery shipping; that if the Prince were weary of vs, he might turne vs out, but then he must expect we would doe our owne Iustice vp∣on the Seas. He demanded if the King or Prince gaue mee meanes to eate, or who did? That I was an Ambassadour and a stranger, that liued and followed the King at great charge; that if our goods were forced, and after we could get neither goods nor money, how should I liue and main∣tayne [ 10] my selfe.

This deliuered with some heate, the King catched the word, Force, Force, redoubling it to his sonne, and gaue him sharpe reprehension: the Prince promised to see me paid all; that he had ta∣ken nothing, but only caused the Presents to be sealed, because his Officers had no Custome, and desired to haue them opened before him, I absolutely refused it: also I told the King, I would only doe my dutie to my Master, in deliuering his Presents free, after I would giue the Prince all content.

Etimon Dowlet, who is alway indifferent, and now by his sonne made our friend, whispered with the King, and read a clause or two in my Masters Letter; at which the King made his son [ 20] rise and stand aside. Asaph Chan ioyned in this priuate conference (which they told me was for my good) and in conclu••••on the Prince was called, commanded to suffer all the goods to come to my hands quietly, to giue me such priu••ledges as were fit, which Asaph Chan should propound. The Prince would not yeeld the Presents, except Asaph Chan would stand surety that he should haue a share, which he did; and then we all agreed vpon that point. The King giuing mee many good words, and two pieces of his Pawne out of his dish, to eate of the same he was eating. Then I tooke leaue to goe to Amadauas, to meet the Presents, and so we parted. At night I set on my iourney, leauing my Tents, supposing the next day to reach the Citie, but I rode two nights, a day and a halfe with one baite vpon straw, and the fifteenth at noone arriued at Amadauas.

* 1.161The eight of Ianuarie, there was some question about Presents, the Prince asking for them; I answered, they were readie, if hee pleased to receiue his. Then hee demanded, why I brake his [ 30] seales? I told him, it was dishonorable for me to bring a Kings gifts in bonds, and great discourte∣sie to set seales vpon them: I expected and attended his licence twentie daies, but seeing no hope, I was enforced to doe it. Some heate began: at which appeared a Gentleman of the Kings, who was sent to obserue the passage, and to stickle, and told vs both▪ the King commanded wee should come before him at a Garden, where he sate, a Course out of Towne, vpon the Riuer. So the Prince tooke his Palankee, and I a Coach, well attended by seruants both of father and son. When I came to the gates the Women were entring, and then no man can but the Prince; who made within a bitter complaint against mee, that I had dared to cut his seales, and to take out what I list. Asaph Chan was called for, who was my suretie, and the Prince laid it on him: he, as the custome is, denyed it, excused himselfe, yet I had not accused him, but tooke it vpon me, [ 40] as knowing my selfe better able to beare it, and that he would denie it. Then I was sent for to the water-side, where the King sate priuately, where I entered, with mee the Presents; but the King was within amongst his Women. Asaph Chan chafed at mee, for breaking his word, told mee, the Prince had shamed him: I replyed by Iaddow, You know I had your consent, this man is witnesse;* 1.162 he denyed it to vs both: I replyed, Though I would not cast it vpon him, it was true, for I had witnesse; Iaddow would not returne the answere, but told me he might not tell him he lyed to his face: and this is vsuall, if any command come from the King that he for∣gets, he that brought the message will disauow it. I bore vp as high as I could; the great men told me it was a great affront, no man durst doe such a thing; others smiled: I answered, Not so great as the Prince had done me often. Thus we spent the day, and the King appeared not, but [ 50] priuately stole away, leauing vs all sitting in expectance.

At night word came the King was gone, and I offered to goe home, but was so well attended, I could not but by force: in the way new messengers came to seeke mee, and I arriued backe at the Kings Court, not hauing eaten or drunke; but the King was not come in, nor could I get loose of my attendants, but they vsed me very respectfully, we sate an houre. Suddenly newes came to put out all lights, the King was come, who entred on an open Waggon, with his Norma∣hall, drawne by Bullocks, himselfe Carter, and no man neare. When hee and his Women were housed,* 1.163 the Prince came in a horse-backe, and entring in, called for me: I found them alone with two or three * 1.164 Capons, and about mid-night the King set on it an angrie countenance, told mee [ 60] I had broken my word, that he would trust me no more, (the Prince had desired him to doe so:) I answered as roundly, I held it fit to giue freely, I had done nothing of offence in my owne iudgement; if their customes were other, it was ignorance, and I must bee pardoned; wee had many disputes: at last, the Prince interposed, offered his friendship, and wee were all reconciled

fully, and promises too large. Then I opened the Chests, gaue the King his Presents, the Prince his, and sent in that for Normahall: we were aboue two houres in viewing them. The Arras he tooke well, but said it was course, desired to haue a Sute of such, as the sweet Bagge: and wee concluded that in the morning I should come to the Prince, that he should be my Protector and Procurator, the goods except. Three things more then Presents were there returned mee: for those three the Prince told me he would pay, seeing his father tooke them.

The tenth, I went to the Prince, was receiued with all fauour, had order for a Firman for the man murthered, a declaration of his reconcilement in publike, command to all his Officers to take knowledge, and to his chiefe Raia to be my Procurator, and to draw what Firmans so euer [ 10] I desired. I presented Captaine Towerson and some English, whom hee vsed with grace, and for a signe of this peace, gaue me a Colth of siluer cloak, and promised to be the Protector of our Nati∣on in all things. I told him of Master Steele and his Work-men: hee desired me to bring a small Present to his father at night, hee would present them, which I did. Hee kept his word, and spake for vs to him, who was willing enough. I presented Captaine Towerson to the King, who called for him vp, and after a few questions rose. At the Gushel Choes, I presented Master Steele and his Work-men: the King sate in a Hat I gaue him all night, called for Master Paynter, and after much Discourse, gaue him ten pounds, and promised to entertayne the rest.

The thirteenth, the Dutch came to Court with a great Present of China ware, Sanders,* 1.165 Parrats and Cloaues; but were not suffered to come neere the third degree: at last the Prince asked me who they were: I replyed, The Hollanders, resident in Surat. Hee demanded if they were our [ 20] friends: I replyed, they were a Nation depending on the King of England, but not welcome in all places; their businesse I knew not. He said, for being our friends, I should call them vp, and so I was enforced to send for them to deliuer their Present: they were placed by our Merchants, without any speech or further conference. Finally, I had all granted I desired, I attend the per∣formance and money: and thus I conclude, that without this contestation I had neuer gotten a∣ny thing; for I told the Princes Messenger in the presence of all the English, that if he vsed force to me or my goods, he might doe his pleasure, but it should cost bloud: that I would set my Chop vpon his Masters ship, and send her for England.

The eighteenth, I receiued from Surat of the imprisonment of Spragge and Howard,* 1.166 at Bram∣poore, [ 30] their house and goods seized, their liues in question, for drinking with the Cutwall in their house, that one of the Cutwalls men dyed that night; vpon which they stand accused of Poyson: and the Cutwall to freee himselfe of comming into the house, pretended that he came to fetch a mans wife away from Thomas Spragge. What the truth is I know not: Information is come to the King against them: and I went to the Prince, who vndertooke all my causes: but could not speake with him: with the same came complaint of a force vsed to the Caffila vpon the way, notwithstanding the Firman sent by the Raia of the Countrey, in both which to night I will make petition to the King. My toyle with barbarous vniust people is beyond patience: at the Princes I found the Firman promised, drawne, but halfe the conditions agreed on left out, vpon which I refused it, and desired nothing but leaue to depart to treat with these in the Sea.

[ 40] The one and twentieth, a command to free the English, and their goods, and that if the Moore came into their house to drinke, if they killed him with a Dagger, hee had his iust reward. The second to Raia Partapshaw, to repay vs all exactions whatsoeuer, not to take hereafter any dutie vpon the way towards his Port; and in case of failing, that he would deliuer his sonne into my hands; he further ordered the deliuery of the Firman for Surat, the Articles by mee demanded, and to pay vs all our debts of Surat, and to cut it off vpon his Mancipdaries, that had taken that, without delay, he called to account his old Customers, charged the new to vse vs as his friends, shewed as much fauour publikely as I could require. I mooued expedition; he replyed, To mor∣row by nine in the morning all should be deliuered into my hands.

The two and twentieth, I went my selfe to receiue them; and carryed the Merchants, with some Pearle, that the Prince had bin instant to see, pretended to be Master Towersons: but he had [ 50] receiued some vncertaine information of Pearles, to the value of twentie or thirtie thousand pound, which he hoped to draw from vs. When his Secretarie saw the small sorts, hee replyed, the Prince had Mands of these: if we brought no better commoditie, wee might be gone, he ca∣red not for our custome: how basely false, and couetous are those of Iewels, you may iudge. I vn∣dertooke reply, that I had procured those from a Gentle woman to satisfie them; if they liked them not, they could not be made better, it was inciuility to be angry with Merchants for their good will, but told him I came for my Firmans, and expected them: I was answered, wee had deceiued their hopes, and the Prince would deceiue ours; Firman I should haue none, I had asked leaue to depart, I might come and take leaue when I pleased. I answered, nothing contented mee more, but that I would visit their vniustice in an indifferent place; that I would speake with the [ 60] King, and depend no more on them, for I saw all was couetousnesse and vnworthinesse: so I rose and parted; but he recalled me to come to the King and Prince together the next day, I should haue content.

ANd now Reader, we are at a stand: some more idle, or more busie spirits, willing either to take their rest, or to exchange their labour; and some perhaps wishing they had the whole Iournall, and not thus contracted into Extracts of those things out of it, which I concei∣ued more fit for the publike. And for the whole, my selfe could haue wished it, but neither with the Honourable Company, nor else-where could learne of it: the worthy Knight himselfe being now employed in like Honourable Embassage from his Maiestie to the Great Turke. Yet to sup∣ply the defect of the Iournall, I haue giuen thee the Chorography of the Countrey. Certaine Letters of his, written thence to his Honourable Lords and friends in England, out of all which well wrought on by an vnderstanding spirit, may bee ••ewed and framed a delightfull Commentary of the Mogoll and his Subiects. Take them therefore Reader, and vse them as a [ 10] Prospectiue Glasse, by which thou maist take easie and neere view of those remote Regions, People, Rites, Religions.

And first here followes a description of the Countrey both by Map and Writing, and after them the Letters pa••sing mutually betwixt his Maiestie and the Mogoll, and lastly, those of Sir Thomas Roe afore-said.

§. X. [ 20] The seuerall Kingdomes and Prouinces subiect to the Great Mogoll SHA SELIM GEHANGIER, with the Principall Cities and Riuers, the scituation and borders, and extent in length and breadth, as neere as by description I could gather them. The names I tooke out of the Kings Register: I begin at the North-west.

1. CAndahar, the chiefe Citie so called, lyes from the heart of all his Territorie North-west, confines with the Shabas, and was a Prouince of Persia.

2. Tata, the chiefe Citie so called, is diuided by the Riuer Indus, which fals in∣to [ 30] the Sea at Sindu, and lyes from Candahar South, from the middle of which, I suppose Agra West, some-what Southerly.

3. Buckar, the chiefe Citie so callest, Buckar Suckar, lyes vpon the Riuer Sindu or Indus, to the North-ward, some-what Easterly of Tata, and West Confines vpon the Baloaches, a kinde of rude Warlike people.

4. Multan, the chiefe Citie so called lying also vpon Indus, East from Candahar, North from Bu••kar.

5. Haagickan, the Kingdome of the Boloaches, to the West of Tata and Bachar, and con∣fines West vpon the Kingdome of Lar, subiect to the Shabas. Indus windeth it selfe into the Easter-side of it, it hath no renowmed Citie. [ 40]

6. Cabull, the Citie so called, a great Kingdome, the Northermost of this Emperours Do∣minions, and confineth with Tartaria.

7. K••shmier, the chiefe Citie is called Siriuaker, the Riuer of Bhat passeth through it, and findeth the Sea by G••••ges, or some say of it selfe in the North part of the Bay of Bengala, it bordereth Cabul to the East Southerly, it is all Mountaines.

8. Bankish, the chiefe Citie is called Beishar.

9. Atack, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth on one side the Riuer Nilab, which runneth the North-west into the Riuer Indus.

10. The Kingdome of the Kataries, lyes at the foot of the Mountaines: it hath principall Cities, Dankely and Purhola, it bordereth North-east on Kishimer, [ 50]

11. Pen-lab, which signifieth fiue waters, for that it is seated within fiue Riuers. The chiefe Citie is called Lahor, it is a great Kingdome and most fruitfull, the Citie is the Mart of India for Traff••que, it borders North-east on Multan.

12. Ianba, ••he chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth East on Pen-lab, it is very mountaynous.

13. Peitan, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth East of Ienba, and from the North-west Ben∣gala it is full of Mountaines.

14. Nakarkut, the c••iefe Citie so called, the North Eastermost confine of Mogor, it lyes to the North-east of the head of the B••y of Bengala, it is very mountaynous.

15. Siba, the chiefe Citie so called, it borders with Nakarkut Southerly, it is all Moun∣tainous. [ 60]

16. Iesuall, the chiefe Citie so called Ragepar, it bordereth with Bengala South-east North, and with Siba and Nakarkat, it is full of Mountaines.

17. Delly, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth on the North-west side of the Riuer I••muie,

[illustration]

which falleth into Ganges, and runneth through Agra: it is an ancient Citie, and the seat of the Mogols Ancestors, it is ruined: some affirme it to haue beene the seat of Porus conquered by A∣lexander, and that there stands a Pillar with a Greeke Inscription.

18. Meuat, the chiefe Citie called Narnol, it lyeth on the East of Ganges.

19. Sanball, the chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth between Ganges and Iemui to the North-west of their meeting.

20. Bakar, the chiefe Citie is called Bikaneer, it bordereth North-west on Ganges.

21. Agra, a principall and great Kingdome, the Citie so called, the heart of the Mogolls Territorie, in North latitude about twentie eight degrees and an halfe: it lyeth most on the [ 10] South-west-side of Iemui, the Citie vpon the Riuer, where one of the Emperours Treasuries are kept. From Agra to Lahor, being three hundred and twentie Course, which is not lesse then seuen hundred miles, it is all a plaine, and the high-way planted on both sides with trees like a delicate walke: it is one of the great workes and wonders of the World.

22. Ienupar, the Citie so called, vpon the Riuer of Kaul, which I suppose to bee one of the fiue Riuers inclosing Lahor, and the Countrey lyeth betweene it and Agra, North-west from one, South-east from the other.

23. Banda, the chiefe Citie so called, it confineth Agra to the West.

24. Patna, the chiefe Citie so called, it is inclosed by foure great Riuers; Ganges, Iemna, Ser∣seli, and Kanda, so that it lyeth from Agra South-east towards the Bay of Bengala, where all [ 20] these pay Tribute.

25. Gor, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth toward the head of Ganges.

26. Bengala, A mightie Kingdome inclosing the West-side of the Bay on the North, and win∣deth South-westerly, it bordereth on Cormandell, and the chiefe Cities are Ragmehhell and Dekaka, there are many hauens, as Port Grand, Port Pequina, traded by the Portugals, Philipatan, Satigam, it contayneth diuers Prouinces, as that of Purp and Patan.

27. Roch, It hath no Citie of note, and bordereth on the South-west, East of Bengala and the Bay.

28. Vdeza, the chiefe Citie Iekanat, it is the vtmost East of the Mogols Territoritie beyond the Bay, and confined with the Kingdome of Maug, a sauage people lying betweene Vdeza and [ 30] Pegu.

29. Canduana, the chiefe Citie is called Kerhakatenkah, it lyeth South-west of the South of Bengala.

30. Kualiar, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth to the South-east of Kanduana, and bordereth on Burhampur.

31. Chandes, the chiefe Citie called Burhampur, a great Kingdome, one of the ancient seats of Decan, and conquered from them, it lyth East on Guzarat, South of Chitor, West of Decan, and it is watered with the Riuer Tabeti, which falleth West into the Bay of Cambaya, it is now the seat of the Decan.

32. Malua, the chiefe Cities called Vgen, Narr, and Sering, it lyeth West of Chandes, be∣tweene [ 40] that and the Countrey of Ranna, on the East of the Riuer Sapra, which fals into the Bay of Cambaya, not farre from Surat.

33. Berar, the chiefe Citie is called Shahpur, it bordereth on Guzerat, and the hils of Ranna.

34. Guzerat, A goodly Kingdome inclosing the Bay of Cambaya, the chiefe Citie is Ama∣dauar, it containes the Citie and Gouernment of Cambaya, the beautie of India, the Territorie and Citie of Surat, and Baroach: it is watred with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya falsly supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Baroach, that of Surat, and diuers others, it trades to the Red Sea, to Achin, and many places.

35. Soret, the chiefe Citie called Ganagar, it lyeth to the North-west of Guzerat.

36. Naruar, the chiefe Citie called Ghehud, lyeth South-west from Chitor.

37. Chitor, an ancient great Kingdome, the Citie so called on a mightie hill, walled about ten [ 50] English miles. There stands yet aboue an hundred Churches, the Palace of the King, many braue Pillers of carued stone. There is but one ascent cut out of the Rocke, passing foure magnificent gates, there remayne the ruines of an hundred thousand houses of stone. It is vn-habited, it was doubtlesse one of the seats of Porus, and was wonne from Ranna, his issue by Ecbarshaw the last Mogoll. Ranna flying into the strength of his Kingdome among the Mountaines, seated himselfe at Odepoore, who was brought to acknowledge the Mogol for his Superiour Lord, by Sultan Ca∣ronne, third sonne of the present Emperour, in the yeare 1614. This Kingdome lyeth North-west from Chandes, and North-east from the North-west of Guzerat, in the way betweene A∣gra and Surat: Ranna himselfe keeps the hils to the West, neere Amadauar.

[ 60] The length * 1.167 is North-west to South-east. From Chandahar to Lahor, three hundred and fiftie Courses, about eight hundred miles.

From Lahor to Agra, three hundred and twentie Courses, about seuen hundred fiftie two miles.

From Agra to Hhagipierpatua three hundred Courses, about sixe hundred and eightie miles.

From Hhagipurpatua to Kirasunder, three hundred Courses, about sixe hundred and seuentie miles.

In all, Courses one thousand two hundred and seuentie. Miles, about two thousand, eight hundred seuentie two.

The breadth in all is North-east to South-west from Harduar to Duarsa, sixe hundred and fiftie Courses, about fifteene hundred miles.

The Kings Letters sent to Selim Shagh the Great Mogor, in the [ 10] yeare 1614. by Sir Thomas Roe.

IAMES, by the Grace of Almightie God, the Creator of Heauen and Earth, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, Defendor of the Christian Faith, &c.

To the high and mightie Monarch the Great Mogor, King of the Orientall Indies, of Chandahar, of Chismer and Corazon, &c. Greeting.

We hauing notice of your great fauour toward Vs and Our Subiects, by Your Great Firma to all Your Captaines of Riuers, and Officers of Your Customes, for the entertaynment of Our louing•• Sub∣iects the English Nation with all kind respect, at what time soeuer they shall arriue at any of the Ports within You•• Dominions, and that they may haue quiet Trade and Commerce without any kind of [ 20] hinderance or molestation, &c. As by the Articles concluded by Suc Suff Gouernour of the Guze∣rats, in Your Name, with Our louing Subiect Captaine Thomas Best appeareth: Haue thought it meete to send vnto You Our Ambassadour, which may more fully and at large handle and treate of such matters as are fit to be considered of, concerning that good and friendly correspondence, which is so lately begunne betweene Vs: and which will without doubt redound to the honour and vtilitie of both Nations. In which consideration, and for the furthering of such laudable Commerce, Wee haue made choice of Sir Thomas Roe Knight, one of the principall Gentlemen of Our Court, to whom Wee haue giuen Commission vnder Our Great Seale of England, together with directions and instructions further to treate of such matters as may be for the continuance and increase of the vtilitie and profit of each o∣thers Subiects: to whom We pray You to giue fauour and credit in whatsoeuer Hee shall mooue or pro∣pound [ 30] toward the establishing and enlarging of the same. And for confirmation of our good inclination, and wel-wishing toward You, We pray You to accept in good part the Present, which our said Ambassadour will deliuer vnto You, And so doe commit You to the mercifull protection of Almightie God.

A Copie of the Grand Moghor his Letter to the King.

VNto a King rightly descended from his Ancestors, bred in Military Affaires, and clothed with Honour and Iustice,

A Commander worthy of all command, strong and constant in Religion, which the great Prophet [ 40] Christ did teach, King IAMES, whose loue hath bred such impression in my thoughts, as shall neuer be forgotten, but as the smell of Amber, or as a Garden of fragrant flowers whose beautie and odour is still increasi••g so be assured my loue shall grow and increase with yours.

YOur Letter which you sent me in the behalfe of your Merchants, I haue receiued, whereby I rest sa∣tisfied in Your tender loue towards me; and desire You not to take it ill, for not hauing writ vnto You heretofore: for this my present Letter, I send to renew Our loues, & herewith do certifie You, that I haue sent forth my Firmaunds thorow all my Countries to this effect, that if any English Ships or Mer∣chants shall arriue in any of my Ports, my people shall permit and suffer them to doe what they will freely in their Merchandizing causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasions of iniuries that shall bee offe∣red [ 50] them, and that the least cause of discourtesie be not done vnto them, as also that they bee as free and freer then my owne people. And as now and formerly I haue receiued from You diuers Tokens of Your loue: so I desire your mindfulnesse of me by some Nouelties from Your Countrey, as an Argument of frienship betweene Vs: for such is the custome of Princes heere.

As for your Merchants, I haue giuen expresse order through all my Countrey, to suffer them to sell, buy, transport, and carry away at their pleasures, without the let or hinderance of any person whatsoeuer, all such Goods and Merchandize, or other things, as they shall desire to buy, and let this my Letter as fully satisfie You in the desired peace and loue, as if my owne sonne had beene the Messenger to ratifie the same. And if any in my Countrey not fearing God, nor obeying their King, or any other void of Reli∣gion, [ 60] should indeuour, or be an Instrument to breake this league of friendship; I would send my sonne Sultan Coronne, a Souldier approued in the Warres, to cut him off, that no Obstacle may hinder the con∣tinuance, and increasing of Our affections.

MY Lord, only for promise, which is an honest debt,* 3.1 I send your Lordship a Iournall till my arriuall at Brampore, a Citie of houses made of mudde, where one of the Kings sonnes keepeth his Court. He is called Perueys. I had need to write an Apologie for it, there being nothing of worth, nothing me∣morable; and yet not my fault: but I had rather trust your Noblenesse, then trouble you with excuses, and so descend to a more vniuersall description of the state and customes of the Land.

They haue no written Law. The King by his owne word ruleth, and his Gouernours of Prouinces by that authorit••e.

Once a weeke he sitteth in iudgement patiently, and giueth sentence for crimes Capitall and Ciuill. He is euery mans heire when he dyeth, which maketh him rich, and the Countrey so euill builded. The great men about him are not borne Noble, but Fauourites raised: to whom hee giueth (if it be true) wonderfull [ 10] meanes. They are reckoned by Horses: that is to say, Coronels of twelue thousand Horses; which is the greatest, whereof are foure, besides his sonnes and wife: so descending to twentie Horses; not that any of these are bound to keepe, or raise any at all. But the King assigneth them so much land, as is bound to maintaine so many Horses as a rent, each horse at fiue and twentie pounds sterling by the yeere, which is an incredible Reuenue giuen away: so many, (that is, almost all, but the Ploughmen, Artificers, and Trades∣men in Townes) liuing vpon it. But as they die, and must needs gather, so it returneth to the King like Riuers to the sea, both of those he gaue to, and of those that haue gained by their owne industry. But for the most part he leaueth the widowes and children their horses, stuffe, and some other stocke; and then put∣teth them into a Signiory (if the fathers were of sixe or seuen thousand horses) perhaps of a thousand or [ 20] fiue hundred: and so setteth them to begin the world anew, and aduanceth them as they deserue of him. They all rise by presenting him, which they striue to doe both richly and rarely:* 3.2 some giuing a hundred thousand pounds in iewels at a time.

He hath one beloued wife among foure, that wholly gouerneth him. He receiued lately a Present from the King of Bisa••pore, to obtaine peace, (whose Ambassadour knocked his head three times against the ground) of six and thirtie Elephants, of two whereof the chaines and all tackles were of beaten Gold, to the weight of foure hundred pounds, two of siluer, of the same fashion; the rest of Copper: fiftie Horses richly furnished, and ten Leckes of Rupias in Iewels, great Pearles, and Balasse Rubies. Euerie Lecke is an hundred thousand Rupias; euery Rupia two shillings sixe pence sterling;* 3.3 so tenne Leckes is a Million of Rupias.

[ 30] His Territorie is farre greater then the Persians, and almost equall, if not as great as the Turkes. His meanes of money▪ by reuenue, custome of Presents, and inheriting all mens goods, aboue both. His Coun∣trey lyeth West to Sinde, and so stretcheth to Candahar, and to the Mountaines of Taurus North. To the East as farre as the vtmost parts of Bengala, and the borders of Ganges: and South to Decan, it is two thousand miles square at the least, but hath many pettie Kings within, that are Tributaries.

The true descended heire of Porus, that was ouercome by Alexander, called Ranna,* 3.4 is lately conque∣red, more by composition then force: the King hauing rather bought him then wonne him, and hereby no way augmented his Reuenue, but giuen a great Pension to him. His Countrey I crossed, betweene this Towne of Asmere and Brampore. Cetor hauing beene anciently the chiefe Towne,* 3.5 and surely standing on an hill, steepe as a Rocke▪ some fifteene miles about, that is all walled: the Citie within, but with one [ 40] ascent, and fiue admirable gates in the ascent, all ruined and no person dwelling. But there stand an hun∣dred Muschees, many Lanternes, and such reuerend and braue Reliques of Imagerie and carued workes,* 3.6 that few or hardly any where can be equalled. In generall, all the old Cities are beaten downe; by what policie I vnderstand not: but the King seeketh the ruine of any thing not begunne by his Ancestors: so that all the Land hath not an house fit for a Cottager, but in such Cities as hee fauoureth. Surat is best builded of any: and in old time they in these parts made mightie workes, which euery day decay. At Su∣rat there is a Tanke for water of free-stone, in a polygon forme, of aboue an hundred sides, euery side eight and twenty yards: it hath staires on euery side for men to descend, and many stopes for horses. It is a won∣derous worke, both for the hugenesse, and for the braue building.

I haue now on the Court to touch, and mine entertainment. The King neuer vsed any Ambassadour with so much respect: without any dispute giuing mee leaue to vse mine owne customes;* 3.7 not requiring [ 50] that of me, which he vseth of the Persian. He presented me with a welcome before I spake; and said the King and he were b••others, with many other courteous words. I hauing bin sicke, he offered me Physitians. He tooke the Presents in good part, and was so fond of the Coach, that at night in his Court he got into it, and made two or three of my men draw him a little in it. He is very affable, and of a cheerefull counte∣nance, without pride. Three times a day hee sitteth out in three places:* 3.8 Once to see his Elephants and beasts fig••t▪ about noone: After, from foure to fiue or sixe, to entertaine all that visit him. At night from nine till mid-night, with all his great men, but none else, where he is below with them, in all familia∣ritie. I visited him in the second of these, where I found him in a Court, set aboue like a King in a Play, and all his Nobles and my selfe below on a stage couered with carpets; a iust Theater: with no great state, but the Canopies ouer his head, and two standing on the heads of two wooden Elephants, to beat away flies. [ 60] They weare nothing but Calicoes, but are euer attendant.

The great men ride in Traines, some two hundred, some fiue hundred Foot-men following them,* 3.9 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or fiue Banners carried before th••m; and an hundred or two hundred Horses after them. This is all their pride. They keepe their Horses most delicately, fed with Butter and Sugar: and though

they be not very great, yet they are of delicate shape, both of Persia, Arabs, and of this Land.

* 3.10I haue one Obseruation more to make of the falsenesse of our Maps, both of Mercator, and all others, and their ignorance in this Countrey. First, the famous Riuer Indus doth not emptie himselfe into the Sea at Cambaya, as his chiefe mouth, but at Sinde. My reason is, Lahor stands vpon Indus: from whence to Sinde it is nauigable; to Cambaya not so. Lahor in the Maps is also falsely set downe, it lying North from Surat aboue a thousand miles: the Citie where the Kings ordinarie residence is, Agra, not described at all;* 3.11 but it standeth North North-east from Surat on a Riuer, that fals into Ganges. But the King now resideth in a base old Citie, wherein is no house but of mudde, not so great as a Cottage on Hownslo∣heath: only himselfe hath one of stone. His Lords liue in Tents: and I haue suddenly built to my mudde wals, vpon canes, a doozen thatched roomes. This Towne is short of Agra ten daies iourney, two hundred miles, which standeth from hence North North-east. This place is from Bramport North foure hundred [ 10] and fiftie miles. Bramport from Surat East aboue two hundred miles. The latitude neere fiue and twentie degrees.

Thus, my Lord, I haue said some-what, but to little purpose, I forget not some Bookes for you: but Load-stones heere are none: They are in the farre East Countries: neither is there any correspondence with China.* 3.12 To Persia, and so to Aleppo there goe Carauans: to Cathaya none.

Heere is no newes but of Persia. The King hath taken away water and reliefe from Ormus, and ba∣nished the Portugals his Territories. He hath lately ouer-runne the poore Georgians with fire and sword: and being of an vnquiet nature intendeth the conquest of the Vsbiques, a Nation betweene Samarchand and him, which he aymes at. He lately strucke off his sonnes head with his owne hand. Hee is fauoured [ 20] and feared of the Mogoll, as being Lord of the more warlike Nation: for these are more then halfe Bra∣manes, whose Religion is not to kill a Louse byting them: and the Mogolls are an effeminate people. So that the Turke the last yeere sending on Ambassage, to entreate him not to assist the Per••ian, hee gaue him very harsh entertainment, made him Salem to the ground, and as soone as he was dismissed, sent the Persian ten Leckes of Rupias.

I shall be glad to doe your Lordship seruice in England; for this is the dullest, basest place, that euer I saw, and maketh me weary of speaking of it. Therefore if you be also weary of reading, I am glad. I shall desire your Lordship to let Master Hackwell reade the Iournall: for I promised him one, but I had not leasure to write it.

And so with all respect, and little Ceremonie, I hope to returne to doe you better seruices: in the [ 30] meane time to liue a miserable life, though with abundance and state enough, yet I want the conuersation and presence of those friends I loue and honour: in which number your Lordship hath made me presume to esteeme you, and to account my selfe

Your Lordships humble friend, to doe you seruice, THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the Court of the Mogoll, Ianuary 17. 1615.

[ 40]

A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to &c.

MAy it please your () places farre remote, hauing some-what of wonder in the distance, cause much expectation in themselues of strange matters among the Vulgar, such as I, supposing they should haue subiect of worthy and large discourse. But these are vnlike the Starres, that seeme lesse the further off: heere the remotenesse is the greatnesse, and to maintayne the ancient priuiledge of Trauel∣lers, they haue beene so farre Alchimists as multiplication; some ground, some spirit, to quicken the bodie of their monstrous Relations. [ 50]

Where I shall begin, what I shall say worthy one of your () vacancies from great Affaires, I know not: to vndertake a Cosmographicall description were a labour not vnworthy of time, but not propor∣tionall to a Letter; Ortelius, Mercator, Atlas, nor any vnderstanding any truth herein. Yet for the maynnesse of the error,* 4.1 I will obserue, that the famous Riuer Indus doth not powre himselfe into the Sea, by the Bay of Cambaya, but farre Westward at Sinde. For from Lahor standing a thousand mile North, in-the Maine vpon Indus, it is nauigable to Sinde, to Cambaya not, but certaine by-streames begotten by the seasons of Raine make mightie inundations, which haue cherished the error: all the rest is as false both in bearing, distance, longitude and latitude, as that, but the correction heere incomprehensible; the true la∣titude of this place fiue and twentie degrees and a halfe.

A description of the Land, customes and manners, which are incidents, are fitter for winter-nights; [ 60] they are either ordinarie, or mingled with much Barbarisme.

Lawes they haue none written: the Kings iudgement binds, who sits and giues audience with much pa∣tience,* 4.2 once weekely, both in capitall and criminall causes, where sometimes he sees the execution done by his Elephants, with too much delight in bloud.

His Gouernours of Prouinces rule by his Firmans, which is a briefe Letter authorizing them.* 4.3 They take life and goods at pleasure.

Many religious, and in them many Sects; Moores or Mahumetans adhering to Ally,* 4.4 such is the King; Banians or Pythagorians, for the transmigration (and therefore will not kill the Vermine that bites them) who often buy many dayes respite in charitie from killing any flesh at all, in such a Prouince or Citie. Gentiles of sundry Idolatries, their Wiues adorning the Pile, and entring the Funerall fires with great ioy and honour.

The extent of his Territorie is West to Sinde, North-west to Chandahor, North almost to Taurus, East to the borders of Ganges, and South-east all Bengala,* 4.5 the Land bordering the Gulph South to [ 10] Decan, much greater then the Persian, almost equall (if not fully) to the Turke, if his Land were crusht together into a square, as this. Agra, the ordinary residence of the King, is a thousand miles from any border, farther from some. The right issue of Porus, is heere a King in the middest of the Mogols King∣domes, neuer subdued till last yeere: and to say true, he is rather bought then conquered, wonne by gifts,* 4.6 not by Armes, to acknowledge a superior Lord.

The Pillar erected by Alexander, is yet standing at Dely,* 4.7 the ancient seat of the Ancestors of Ranna the issue of Porus.

The buildings are all base, of mudde, one story high, except in Surat, where are some stone houses,* 4.8 but I know not by what policie, the King seekes the ruine of all the ancient Cities which were brauely built, and now lye desolate and ruined. His owne houses are of stone, both in good forme and faire, but his great men build not for want of inheritance, but as farre as I haue yet seene, liue in Tents, or houses worse then a [ 20] Cottager; yet where the King affects, as at Agra, because it is a City erected by him, the buildings are (as is reported) faire and of carued stone.

In Reuenue, doubtlesse, he exceeds either Turke or Persian, or any Easterne Prince:* 4.9 the summes I dare not name, but the reason; all the Land is his, no man hath a foot. He maintaynes by rents giuen of Sig∣nories, counted by Horses, all that are not Mechanique: and the Reuenues giuen to some, are a Germane Princes estate. Secondly, all men rise to greater and greater Signiories as they rise in fauour, which is on∣ly gotten by frequent Presents, both rich and rare. Lastly, he heires all mens goods that dye,* 4.10 as well those that gained by industry, as Merchants, as those that liued by him, and takes all their money; leaues the Widow and Daughters what he pleaseth; giues the sonnes some little Signiorie, and puts them anew to [ 30] the World, whose Fathers die worth two or three Millions.

But I am fallen by my purpose, not to interrupt your () with th••se, presuming of your pardon; I will only say a little of the Court, and so passe to that is more necessarie.

The King sits out in three seuerall places, thrice euery day, except some occasion preuent him:* 4.11 an houre at noone to see his Elephants fight; at foure till fiue to entertayne all commers, to be seene and worshipped; nine till mid-night, with his principall men in more familiaritie, being below among them.

I went to present my selfe at the second of these: I came into a Court full of base people, and at a raile which shut them out right against the King, I was stayed in his sight to demand audience (onely a cere∣monie) so he sent his principall Officers to bring me vp: he sate in a place like a Theatre aboue, where the King sits in a Play, and I was conducted foure steps vp, iust vnder him, like a stage, all on Carpets; my [ 40] selfe and all his great men were Actors, the common-people below gazing on. Hee preuented mee with speech, calling the King his Brother, and that I must consequently be welcome: for the barbarous custome of kneeling and knocking the ground with the head (which he neuer pardoned, neither the Turkes nor Persian Ambassadors) he required not, but at my first motion granted me all libertie of mine owne man∣ner, and as all say, he neuer vsed such respect to a liuing man.

All the policy of his state is to keepe the greatest about him, or to pay them afarre off liberally.* 4.12 No Counsell, but euery Officer answereth to the King apart, his dutie.

He is of countenance cheerefull, and not proud in nature, but by habite and custome; for at night he is very affable, and full of gentle conuersation.

I beleue your () is weary of him, and would passe into Persia, from whence wee receiue for truth, that the Sophie hath distressed Ormus, by taking away the water and prouisions of the Maine.* 4.13 At [ 50] Ormus they are in great necessitie, so that if the Sophie had any helpe of shipping to take it, hee might be perswaded to put it into our hands, to turne his silkes from the passage of his enemie the Turke; a matter of infinite consequence. For if I were to open these Trades, I would shew important differences for the Kingdome of England, but it would require large Discourse. He hath made lately a Road with fire and sword vpon the poore Georgian Christians, and subdued them, and being of a spirit naturally vnpeace∣full, he prepares for the conquest of Samercand, as his end, but pretends the punishing of a valiant Race of Tartars, called Vsbiques, betweene him and his desire. Hee smote off his eldest sonnes head with his owne hands, returning from Georgia, and hath by sharpe Edict banished all Portugalls all his Domini∣ons.* 4.14 Neuer were such oportunities to discharge the Portugall from all these Coasts. Our Trade heere, and the Dutch Plantation below Go••, hath so shortned their returnes, that halfe their Gallions come not;* 4.15 [ 60] those that doe come bring new supplies for the Garrisons, but returne so emptie, that the charge is but de∣fraid. We haue now twice beaten a great Armado with few ships, an Armado that was appointed por castigar los hereticos Ingleses (the words of one Father to anoher) and after to punish the Mogoll for entertayning vs, so that he hath lost more in reputation (which was his strength) then in substance.* 4.16 But if

his Maiestie would condescend that we should assault them, as they doe vs, it would vtterly breake them, it being both the nobler and safer part of a Warre, to which we are subiect at their pleasures, then to defend alwayes: besides, they make this vse in reports of vs, that the King of England is so affraid of the King of Portugall,* 4.17 that he dares not warrant an assault, but only to defend: what they say of the King and our Nation is so slanderous, that perit sua mole.

Further East, the Dutch hath taken many Townes, and playes the Mole better then he, and hath bea∣ten him in many Sea-conflicts; he is declining on all sides, and a little weight on his head now laid, would sinke him. It is a matter of great consequence for future times; and though I haue no hope, I propound it to your () to make what vse seemes best to your wisdome. I haue reward enough, if I haue par∣don for my talkatiuenesse, but it is obedience to your () and not presumption, whose wisdome and sinceritie I did euer honour, to whom I shall be happy to be tyed [ 10]

In all humble seruices, THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the seuen and twentieth of Ianuary 1615.

[ 20]

Another Letter to the same Lord, dated the thirtieth of October, 1616.

MAy it please your () &c. The frailtie of passage betweene this place and England, especially of my last Letter that wandred ouer Land, and rather went vpon discouery then businesse, aduiseth me to send your () transcripts of them: not that there is contained any matter worthy your Honours leasure, but seeing you commanded mee to wri••e, the relation of one to another, will some∣what cleare the whole discourse. For broken and vndependant pieces and fragments, haue little light in them, lesse pleasure and no profit: so that he that would doe any thing in this matter should write a histo∣ry, and take it somewhat high, to shew the beginning and growth of this Empire, what fortunes and what [ 30] impediments it hath ouercome, what friendship it hath needed and effected, the ambitions and diuisions in the present state, that like impostumes lye now hid, but threaten to break out into the rending and ruine of the whole, by bloody war. The practises, subtilties and cariages of factions and Court-secrets, falsely called wisdome, wherein I assure your () they are pregnant, and excell in all that arte which the Diuell can teach them,* 5.1 and are behind none in wicked Craft, some passages whereof were not vnworthy nor vn∣pleasant to relate.

Their Religions suffered by the King, and practised without enuie or contention on any part; how the Portugals haue crept into this Kingdome,* 5.2 and by what corners they got in; the entrance of the Iesuits, their intertainment, priuiledges, practises, ends, and the growth of their Church, whereof they sing in Eu∣rope so loud praises and glorious successes. Lastly, the arriuall of our Nation on this Coast, their fortu∣nate [ 40] or blessed victories ouer their enemies, that not only sought how to possesse these quarters by themselus, and to forbid all others that which Nature had left free, as if God had created the world for them onely, but also to abuse this people, as if they alone were the sonnes of warre; they only triumph, and that all o∣ther Europeans strucke saile to their fortune and valour, which now is brought so low in value, that it is growne into a prouerbe (one Portugall to three Moores,* 5.3 one Englishman to three Portugalls) so that the best foundation of their greatnesse is absolutely mined and blowne vp. And our reception here stands on the same ground from which we haue cast them downe, which is Feare, an honorable, but vncertaine Base of so great a charge. For if either the enemie once preuaile, or other misfortune happen to vs, our welcome shall turne round with it, the profit and fitnesse of this trade for England, while it may stand, not only respecting the Company now intressed, but the state, whether the Common-wealth in generall lose or [ 50] winne. For often in trafique priuate men prosper by detriment of the Republike, as in all trades that main∣taine vanitie and sinne.

This worke or method were worthy some paines, and as would require a good iudgement and much time, both which are wanting to me; so it would not be vnprofitable to reade, nor without some pleasure to view and meditate the diuers operations and workes of God, the variable constitutions and dispositions of men, and all things vnder their gouernment: but seeing nature and conueniencie haue denyed me ability and lea∣sure, to set vpon so great a labour, I haue chosen one branch only to treat of to your () without o∣ther method, then by way of bare relation, which is the estate of the Church heere, as well Christians, as of all other diffused sects of Infidels.

But to continue, as in a Parenthesis, the aduice I gaue your Honour in my last, of our constitution [ 60] heere, and the newes of Persia: Briefely I stand on very fickle termes, though in extraordinary grace with the King, who is gentle, soft, and good of disposition, yet on points and disputes with an insolent and proud sonne of his,* 5.4 into whose hands he hath remitted all power, which hee is neither worthy nor able to manage▪ He is Lord of the Port, and by his folly giues me much trauell, so sordidly ambitious, that he

would not haue me acknowledge his father King, nor make any addresses, nor deliuer any Presents nor com∣plements of honour, but to himselfe; which I will neuer yeeld to, and so I maintaine my credit by confidence on the priuiledges of my quality, and the Kings goodnesse. Yet an Ambassadour in this Court that knowes himselfe, and will not wrong his Master, shall oftner winne enemies then friends. Their pride endures no termes of equality, especially where there is no other honour nor title, but what is measured by expence: so that to maintaine one that shall in his equipage and life hold proportion with his quality, in this Court, will cost much more then the profit of the Trade can spare; and he that liues vnder it wrongs his degree, and slides into contempt. I doe my vtmost to hold vp with little poore meanes, but my opinion is, a meaner in∣strument [ 10] would better effect businesse of traffique that might creepe, and shew, and suffer some affronts, which my ranke may not endure: And I find the King of Spaine would neuer send any Ambassadour hither out of Greatnesse, knowing they are not receiued with proportionable honour and with my small ex∣perience I could doe the Company better seruice by my returne, in aduise how to gouerne the whole.

Concerning Persia, the Turke hath only yet made a Brauado, and performed little,* 5.5 the passages are stopt, and the King drawing his armies into his Borders to defend himselfe, and finding no great worke, tooke occasion to take in by force a reuolted Nation to the East of Babylon. The people are called Coords. How by the Ancients or the true Geographicall situation of their Countrey, I am yet ignorant in.

Sir Robert Sherley by an ill passage to Goa, lost the opportunitie of the Fleete for Lisbon, and is stayed there another yeare, so that negotiation will not be so speedily aduanced, as I feared;* 5.6 we shall haue breath to worke vpon it, according as it shall be requisite in the iudgement of your Honours in England, [ 20] or at least of the Merchants whom it first regardeth.

Heere is arriued a Persian Ambassadour with little newes, it being nine moneths since his departure from Spahan. He brought many rich Presents, and d••d such obeysance, prostrating himselfe and knocking the ground with his head, that I belee••e his Master will not accept of it, except (as is supposed) hee bee commanded to vse a••l obsequiousnesse, and to flatter this Mon. of greatnesse, his errand being to procure money for ayde against the Turke: in which kind he findes often liberall supplyes and succours, which is not felt from this sea of treasure; although to mediate a peace for the Kings of Decan be the pretence, whose protection the Persian takes to heart, iealous of the encrease of this Empire: yet I doubt not he will be satisfied with siluer, and suffer his Allyes to be ouercome: he is not allowed so good ranke nor presence in Court as I, which got it by dispute, and haue kept it by contention to the displeasure of some; neither [ 30] did the King do so much honour in reception of his Masters Letter, not vouchsafing once to giue the Per∣sian any title of Maiesty, as of my Soueraigne Lords, which not a little contented me. Other aduantages he hath of language, neighbour-hood and acquaintance, which are defects, but no faults of mine. The King is now ready to march towards Decan, whose Armie is commanded by his sonne, and wee with much toyle shall hang in the skirts.

Our Fleet arriuing this yeere 1616. in the way met the Admirall Carrick of Lisbon, bound for Goa, about Mo••alia, an Iland in twelue degrees North latititude, and haling her after the courtesie of the Sea, was requited with disgracefull languages, and fiue great shot: which occasion apprehended, shee was fought with three dayes, at last put ashoare and fired her selfe: shee was of burthen fifteene hundred tunnes, and by pregnant circumstances, the expected Vice-Roy sent for Goa, perished in her: which is one of the [ 40] greatest disgraces and losses that euer happened to the Portugals in these parts: The reward of their owne insolencie in this fight. The chiefe Commander of the English was slaine, and the new declared maimed, little other losse. Thus your () hath some touch of our affaires, and I will fall vpon my purpose of the Church with your fauour and patience.

Before the inundation of Tamerlane the great, the ninth Ancestor of this King,* 5.7 these Countries were gouerned by diuers petty Gentile Princes not knowing any Religion, but worshipped according to their se∣uerall Idolatries, all sorts of creatures. The Descendants of him brought in the knowledge of Mahomet, but imposed it vpon none, by the Law of Conquest leauing consciences at libertie. So that these Naturals from the Circumcision (which came in with the Moores) called them Mogols or chiefe of the Circum∣cised. Among the Moores there are many strict Mahometants that follow Ally his Sonne-in-law,* 5.8 and [ 50] other new risen Prophets which haue their Xeriffes, Mulas and Priests, their Mosques, Religious Vota∣ries, Washings, Prayings, and Ceremonies infinite; and for Penetentiaries, no Heresie in the World can shew so strange Examples, nor bragge of such voluntarie pouerties, punishments, sufferings and chastise∣ments as these all which are esteemed holy men, but of a mingled Religion, not vpright with their great Prophet. The Gentiles are of more sorts, some valiant, good Souldiers, drinking Wine, eating Hogs-flesh, but worshipping the figure of a Beast: some that will not touch that flesh which is not holy by imputation•• others that will not eate any thing wherein euer there was any bloud, nor kill the Vermine that assaulteth them, nor d••i••ke in the Cup with those that doe; Superstitious in Washing, and most earnest in their Pro∣fession▪ but all of them ascribe a kind of Diuinitie to the Riuer of Ganges, at which at one Season of the yeare foure or fiue hundred thousand meete, and cast in Gold and Siluer for Oblation.

[ 60] In like manner, to a Pigs head in a Church neere this Citie, and to all liuing Cowes, and to some other beasts and kinds. These haue their Synagogues, and Holy Men, Prophets, Witches, South-sayers, and all others the Deuils Impostures. The Molaes of Mahomet know some-what in Philosophy, and the Mathematickes are great Astrologers, and can talke of Aristotle, Euclyde, Auerroes, and other Au••hors. The Learned Tongue is Arab.

* 5.9In this Confusion they continued vntill the time of Ecbarsha Father of this King, without any noyse of Chrictian profession, who being a Prince by nature iust and good, inquisitiue after Nouelties, curious of new Opinions, and that excelled in many vertues, especially in pietie and reuerence towards his Parents, called in three Iesuites from Goa, whose chiefe was Ieronimo Xauier a Nauarrois. After their arriuall he heard them reason and dispute with much content on his, and hope on their parts, and caused Xauier to write a Booke in defence of his owne profession against both Moores and Gentiles: which finished he read ouer nightly, causing some part to be discussed, and fina••••y, granted them his Letters Pattents, to build, to preach▪ teach, conuert, and to vse all their Rites and Ceremonies, as freely and amply as in Rome, bestow∣ing on them meanes to erect their Churches and places of Deuotion: So that in some few Cities they haue gotten rather Templum, then Ecclesiam. In this Grant he gaue grant to all sorts of people to become [ 10] Christians that would,* 5.10 euen to his Court or owne bloud, professing that it should be no cause of disfauour from him. Heere was a faire beginning to a forward Spring of a leane and barren Haruest.

Ecbar••••ha himselfe continued a Mahometan, yet he beganne to make a breach into the Law, conside∣ring that Mahomet was but a man, a King as he was, and therefore reuerenced; hee thought hee might proue as good a Prophet himselfe. This defection of the King spread not farre, a certaine outward reue∣rence detayned him, and so he dyed in the formall profession of his Sect.

Ghe-••angier-sha, his sonne, the present King, being the issue of this new fancie, and neuer circum∣cised, bred vp without any Religion at all, cont••nues so to this houre, and is an * 5.11 Atheist: sometimes he will make profession of Moore, but alwayes obserue the Holy-dayes, and doe all Ceremonies with the Gen∣tiles too. He is content with all Religion, only he loues none that changeth: But falling into his Fathers [ 20] conceit, hath dared to enter farther therein, and to prof••sse himselfe for the maine of his religion, to be a greater Prophet then Mahomet, and hath formed to himselfe a new Law, mingled of all: which many haue accepted with such superstition, that they will not eate till they haue saluted him in the morning; for which purpose he comes at the Sunnes rising to a window open to a great plaine before his house, where mul∣titudes attend him: and when the Moores about him speake of Mahomet, hee will sooth them, but is glad when any one will breake out against him. Of Christ he neuer vtters any word vnreuerently, nor a∣ny of those sects, which is a wonderfull secret working of Gods truth and worthy obseruation. Concerning the new planted Christian Church he confirmed, and enlarged all their priuiledges, euery night for one yeare spending two houres in hearing disputation, often casting out doubtfull words of his conuersion, but to wicked purpose. [ 30]

* 5.12And the rather to giue some hope, he deliuered many Youthes into the hands of Francisco Corsie, now resident heere, to teach them to reade and write Portugall, and to instruct them in humane learning, and in the Law of Christ; and to that end he kept a Schoole some yeares, to which the King sent two Princes, his brothers sonnes, who being brought vp in the knowledge of God and his sonne our blessed Sauiour, were solemnely Baptised in the Church of Agra with great pompe, being carryed first vp and downe all the Citie on Elephants in triumph, and this by the Kings expresse order, who often would examine them in their progression, and seemed much contented in them: this made many bend towards the same way, doub∣ting his Maiesties intention. Others that knew him better, supposed he suffered this in policie, to reduc•• these children into hate among the Moores for their conuersion, of whom consisted the strength of his estate, but all men failing of his purpose which was thus discouered. When these and some other children were setled, as was thought, in Christian Religion, and had learned some principles thereof, as to marry [ 40] but one wife, not to be coupled with Infidels, the King sets the boyes to demand some Portugalls wiues of the Iesuits, who thinking it only an idle motion of their owne braines, chid them, and suspected no more. But that being the end of their conuersion, to get a woman for the King and no care taken: the two Prin∣ces came to the Iesuits, and surrendred vp their crosses and all other rights, professing that they would be no longer Christians, because the King of Portugall sent them no Presents nor wiues, according as they expected. The Padre seeing this, began to doubt there was more in that then the boyes reuealed, especially seeing their confidence that had cast off the awe of Pupills, and examining the matter, had it confessed, the King commanded them. They refused to accept the crosses, answering they had been giuen by his Ma∣iesties order, and they would not take notice from boyes of any such surrender, but bade them desire the [ 50] King to send some of those, who by a kind of order are to deliuer all his Maiesties Commands, whose mouthes are by priuiledges sufficient authority, and then they would accept them▪ hoping, and knowing the Kings nature, that he would not discouer himselfe to any of his Officers in this poore plot. The boyes re∣turned with this message, which inraged the King; but hee being desirous to dissolue the Schoole, and to withdraw the youthes without noise, he bade them call the Iesuits to the womens doore, where by a Ladie he receiued the order, and without taking any notice since of any thing, his kinsmen recalled, who are now absolute Moores, without any taste of their first faith, and so the frui•• of all these h••pes are vanished. And I cannot find by good search that there is one Christian really and orderly conuerted, nor makes the profession, except some few that haue been baptised for money, and are maintained by the Iesuits; of which sort there would be more,* 5.13 but that they find the deceit, and cannot endure the burthen. This is the [ 60] truth of all their bragge and labour, and the full growth of their Church heere.

But that your () may a little more vnderstand the fashion of the King and the Iesuits pro∣ceedings, I will make you one or two merry and late relations, and either say he is the most impossible man in the world to to be conuert••d, or the most easie; for he loues to heare and hath so little religion, yet, that he can well abide to haue any decided.

Not many daies since the Iesuits house and Church being burned, the Crucifix remained safe,* 5.14 which vn∣der-hand was giuen out for a miracle, and much talked of. •• that would be content any vse might be made of an accident to enlarge the name of Christ, held my peace: but the Iesuit suspecting I would not agree to the miracle, disauowed it to me, and made it a matter of reason, why it was not burned: insinuating that the Moores had caught vp this opinion of miracle without his consent, or suggestion, though he confessed he was glad of the occasion.

But the King who neuer let slippe any opportunity of new talke or nouelty, calls the Iesuit, and que∣stioneth with him of it, he answereth ambiguously; whereupon his Maiesty demanded,* 5.15 if he did not desire to conuert him, and receiuing full answere, replyed: You speake of your great miracles, and of many done by you, in the name of your Prophet: if yee will cast the Crucifix and Pi••ture of Christ into a fire be∣fore [ 10] me, if it burne not, I will become a Christian: The Iesuit refused the triall as vniust, answering, that God was not tyed to the call of men, that it was a sinne to tempt him, that he wrought miracles accor∣ding to his owne Councell, but offered to enter the fire himselfe for proofe of his faith, which the King re∣fused. Heere arose a great dispute, begunne by the Prince, a most stiffe Mahometan, and ha••er of all Christians, that it was reasonable to trie our Religion by this offer, but withall, if the Crucifix did burne, then that the Iesuit should be obliged to render Moore: he vrged examples of miracles professed to be done for lesse purposes then the conuersion of so mighty a King, and in case of refusall of the triall, spake scorne∣fully of Christ Iesus. The King vndertooke the argument, and defended our Sauiour to be a Prophet, by comparison of his workes with those of their absurd Saints, instancing the raising of the dead, which ne∣uer any of theirs did. The Prince replyed, To giue sight to one naturally blind, was as great a miracle. [ 20] This question being pressed hotly on both sides, a third man to end the controuersie, interposed that both the father and the sonne had reason for their opinions: for that to raise a dead body to life, must needs be con∣fessed to be the greatest miracle euer done, but that to giue sight to an eye natura••••y blind, was the same worke, for that a blind eye was dead, sight being the life thereof: therefore he that gaue sight to a blind eye, did as it were raise it vp from death.

Thus this discourse ended, and so in wisdome should I: But I cannot leaue out an apish miracle which was acted before this King, which the Iesuites will not acknowledge, nor owne as their practise; onely of the truth de facto, there is no doubt.* 5.16 A Iugler of Bengala (of which craf•• there are many and rare) brought to the King a great Ape, that could, as he professed, diuine and prophesie: and to this beast by [ 30] some sects is much diuinitie ascribed: The King tooke from his finger a Ring, and caused it to be hid vn∣der the girdle of one among a dozen other boyes, and bade the Ape diuine, who went to the right child, and tooke it out. But his Maiesty (somewhat more curious) caused in twelue seuerall papers in Persian let∣ters, to be rewritten the names of twelue Lawgiuers, as Moses, Christ, Mahomet, Ally, and others: and shuffling them in a bagge, bad the beast diuine which was the true law: who putting in his foot tooke out the inscribed of Christ. This amazed the King, who suspecting that the Apes master could reade Persian, and might assist him, wrote them anew in Court Caracters * 5.17, and presented them the second time: the Ape was constant, found the right and kissed it. Whereat a principall Officer grew angry, telling the King it was some imposture, desiring he might haue leaue to make the lots anew, and offered himselfe to punishment if the Ape could beguile him; he wrote the names putting only eleuen into the bagge, and [ 40] kept the other in his hand. The beast searched, but refused all; the King commanded to bring one, the beast tore them in fury, and made signes the true Law-giuers name was not among them. The King de∣manded where it was, and he ran to the Noble-man and caught him by the hand, in which was the paper inscribed with the name of Christ Iesus. The King was troubled, and keepes the Ape yet. This was acted in publike before thousands: But where the abuse was, or whether there were any, I iudge not; only one of the Iesuits schollers ran to him with open mouth, professing the King had an Ape a good Christi∣an. Of this accident the Iesuits make great account: to me they slight it, except the truth of the fact, which is not vnlike one of their owne games.

Your () will pardon me all this folly, to interrupt you with so much and so vselesse tattle; I should be glad to remoue where I might learne and practise better matter: but I cannot repent my iourney: it hath made me learne and know my God and my selfe better then euer I should haue learned either a∣mong [ 50] the pleasures of England; he hath wonderfully shewed me his mercy, and taught me his iudgement: his goodnesse be glorified and magnified for euer. I humbly desire your () to present my name (I dare not say my seruice) before his Maiestie my Lord and Master: it is enough for me if I be not forgotten; I shall neuer merit nor aspire the employments of his fauour, but I will pay my vowes, and pray for his Ma∣iesty that he may liue a happie and glorious long life to the comfort of his Church, and enioy the Crowne of Crownes, prepared by the King of Kings for those that loue him; wherein I haue failed to your Honour, or by mine owne weaknesse, your () will measure by this rule, Exigit & postulat ami••••tia non quod cuique dabitur, sed quod quisque efficere potest, and you will pardon the assuming so high a word as friendship, with this interpretation, Seruus est humilis amicus, which as I am bold to professe, I will be ready to demonstrate by obedience to your command,

[ 60]

THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the thirtieth of October, 1616.

A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to another Right Hono∣rable Councellor.

IF my last sent your Honour, by the way of Aleppo, be miscaried, this present discourse will be vnde∣pendant and obscure, which causeth me to send a transcript that you may command from Sir Thomas Smith, how farre that designe of bringing in the Spaniard by Sherley had proceeded, and my poore opi∣nion, that will informe with the present estate of the warres there in preparation: what hath succeeded, your Honour shall receiue, that Sherley was stayed at Goa, by falling short eight dayes of his passage this last yeare, where he was entertained with honours and maintenance, which makes mee iudge his offers [ 10] and negotiation is gratious. The Shabas yet so depends on that hope, that he continues the prohibition of exportation of Silkes thorow Turkie.

Some few dayes since I receiued aduise from Spahan, that Sherley hath written to the King, that with much ioy and ready embracement he hath so farre proceeded with the Vice-Roy of Goa, in a conclusion of the league, as his commission hath power, that he is ready to embarke for Spaine to accomplish it fully. If it proceed and take effect, I can make it euident, that it wi•••• reuiue and strengthen all the ruines and de∣cayes of the Portugals in the Indies, and make all other wauering Princes accept them; only I will not presse the consequence where it will be so fully vnderstood.

The * 6.1 Shabas is in the field at Salmas, a Village indifferent to the wayes to Tauris or Gordgeston, at∣tending the Turkes Generall, who with a monstrous armie (if it be not encreased by fame) is incamped at [ 20] Argerom, irresolute which of these two attempts he shall begin, being not aboue fiue dayes from the one, and ten from the other. But these great armies will dissolue of themselues, and I am of opinion there will be no great effect of them, the winter approaching: and that they will treat a peace, which the Turke will neuer embrace, but with the opening of the trade, & liberty of ancient commerce: which though the Persian yeeld vnto, yet if the Spaniard accepts his offers, the liberty giuen the Turke will be vselesse, for that the Silkes shall come downe to Ormus; but I hope your Honour will preuent it, God hath prouided you leasure.

The King of Persia lately enquired anew after the English, for he is indifferent what Christian hath the trade, so that the Grand-Signior lose it: for his first offer to the Spaniard, will take his truce, and af∣ter we may haue the leauings.

We haue sent to Iasques a ship from our Port of Surat, with Cloath and English goods, to make the [ 30] first offer of a residence, and to get a kind of a possession: For where it was free to refuse or accept vs, it will be now an iniury to turne vs out, being come vpon assurance of his Letter receiued by me. But though I did not consent to the going of this ship because I knew both the Port vnfit, the goods vnuendible, and pre∣iudiciall to the great expectation and promises, which makes me feare the Shabas will despise vs, and iudge vs by this beginning, and so with the more roundnesse either conclude with the Spaniard, or make peace with the Turke (for his designe is either wholly to diuert the trade or nothing) yet I will mend it as well as I can, by the helpe of an Ambassador lately arriued at this Court; who, as I suppose, is come to get ayde of money, in which kind he often findeth liberall reliefes, and this King of India may better spare then any Monarch of the East.

* 6.2The aduantage to bee made of it in England, is (if I may giue my opinion) that when Sir Robert [ 40] Sherley shall arriue in Spaine and negotiate his imployment, the Ambassadour of his Maiestie resident may craue audience, and produce the Letters granted to vs, and vrge our possession of the Port; and there∣fore require in the name of his Maiesty, that in this new contract either the English may be comprehen∣ded, or at least that nothing passe on the part of the King of Spaine, preiudiciall to the subiects of his Ma∣iestie, nor contrary to the amity of the two Nations: which if the Spaniard shall enterprise, to the expul∣sion of vs, it is in my opinion (the trade being in a free Kingdome granted vs) a iust cause of such a breach, as may produce Letters of Mart and repris••ll in all the Easterne parts to right our selues. I will in the meane time amaze the Persian with as many doubts as I can infuse into him of the () and hopes of vs.

In this Court which is now in the field towards the conquest of Decan (with an effeminate armie sitter [ 50] to be a spoile, then a terror to enemies) I shall so farre effect my imployment, as to confirme our trade and people on equall conditio••s to the inhabitants and borne subiects, who suffer themselues, abuses of Gouer∣nours which can neuer be remedied, but by an whole change of the regiment and forme of dominion. For the constancy I will no farther giue my word, then our owne prosperitie, and the others feare, and the Por∣tugals feeblenesse shall confirm•• to vs.

The trade is profitable and fit for England, but no way vnderstood by the Company how to effect it at best aduantage, and yet we haue done little but discouer errors. I haue no power to meddle in that, but if I were at home ten dayes, I would doe them better seruice then heere in ten yeares. To prooue and demon∣strate euery particular and circumstance, were rather the subiect of a Booke then of a Letter▪ but I will doe [ 60] my part euery way, according to my ability, & iudgment faithfully and honestly. Besides (though they may think I speak for mine own ends) I ••ssure your honor it is not sit to keep an Ambassador in this Court. I haue shuffled better out, and escaped and auoyded affronts and slauish customes clearer then euer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did. I am allowed ranke aboue the Per••••an, but he out-strips me in rewards this Master lye•• ••eere vs, but his Ma∣iestie

commanded me to doe nothing vnworthy the honour of a Christian King, and no reward can hum∣ble me to any basenesse. I see what the Per••ian does and suffers. I know one that would creepe and sue, might effect more businesses then I, for euery little matter cannot trouble the King; and his great men are more proud, and expect that from me I cannot giue them. The King of Spaine could neuer be drawne to send any, and their experience hath taught them, that besides he should not be receiued in honour correspon∣dent to his quality, they knew an easier way to effect their ends. I shall not returne a rich man, and then many will condemne me for want of prouidence or wit to get it, but they know not the Indies, it growes heere in as rough wayes as in Europe. I will trust to the Company, and to my merit. I could write your Honour many remarkeable accidents in this gouernment and Kingdome: all the policy and wicked craft [ 10] of the Diuell is not practises alone in Europe, heere is enough to be learned or to be dispised, but you haue not leasure to entertaine so forraigne discourses; that part which may be worth knowing: as the proceeding of the Iesuits, the growth of their Church, and the commixture of this Kingdome with Europe by trade, and the allyes it embraces, if I find not leasure to put them into method, I will weary your Honour with them by a fire-side in broken pieces.

The Portugall pursues vs heere with virulent hatred, but God doth chastise him, and his pride sees it not. The Admirall Gallion bound for Goa, a vessell of fifteene hundred, armed with sixe hundred men falling among our Fleet, a small ship haled her after the custome of the Sea, which shee requited with si∣lence, except of her Ordnance: the Commander of our Fleet, Beniamin Ioseph, came vp with her,* 6.3 and de∣manded reason, but was returned scorne, so that he began a fight, in which he lost his life. A new commissi∣on being opened, Humfrey Pepwell succeeded him, to his place and resolution, with the losse of his eye [ 20] and other hurts, fought vntill the Gallion hauing her Masts shot, ran ashoare on Comara, an Iland inha∣bited by Moores, in the latitude of eleuen degrees, one and fiftie minutes, where the Generall Don E∣manuel de Meneses, with three hundred escaped, but fired the ship, shee was very rich, and the succour of India this yeere: her companions were lost at sea, and on the fourteenth of Octob. there was no newes of any of them which were three ships, this is the greatest disaster and disgrace euer befell them, for they neuer mist their Fleet in September, nor lost any Vessell as this, which was reported inuincible, and with∣out supplies they perish vtterly. The Ilanders rifled the Generall and all his followers, and they are since arriued at Goa, naked and bare in the Gallion of Mosambiques, which had likewise beene dangered by a Hollander, but the neerenesse of the Port saued her. All these considered, me thinkes, the Heauens conspire the fall of the Portugall in this quarter, if his Maiestie would be pleased to bend onely his Royall coun∣tenance. [ 30] But I shall (I hope) returne and not expect to see it effected in my time. I will intreate your Ho∣nour to preserue my name in the Kings memorie, not for any worthinesse, but an humble desire to serue him: and that you will be pleased to accept of my endeuours, and esteeme me such as I am, one that loues and honours you; and that will pray to God as the best expression of my affection, to increase you in all wor∣thy honour, and to blesse you with his holy spirit.

Your Honours humble, faithfull Seruant, THOMAS ROE.

[ 40] I humbly desire your Honor to do me the fauour to thanke Sir Thomas Smith, in my behalfe, that hee may find my gratitude to my Friends.

From the Campe of the Great Mogoll, Emperour of India, Nouember 30. 1616.

Part of a Letter to the Companie of the East-India; Dated the three and twentieth of Nouember, 1616.

[ 50]

MY Honourable Friends, I receiued your Letter on the twelfth of October, 1616. from the Charles, safely arriued with foure ships at the barre of Surat, the six and twentieth of the former moneth, of what past at Sea. I doubt not you will receiue ample Relation, onely a little difference in the report of our Fleet, and the Portugals I will mention, that we began the fight, and that no Vice-Roy being sent this yeere, an ancient Souldier, Don Emanuell de Meneses, that had twice beene Generall of their Forces,* 7.1 was in the Admirall, who being beaten ranne herselfe ashore at Mosambique, and are now arriued at Goa. This Tale hangs very ill together, for that I know they first made fiue shot, and that it is impos∣sible they could passe from Aguzesia to Mosambique in a Canoa, or that the Inhabitants hauing robbed them▪ durst carrie them into their strength, or that all this could be effected, and newes of their arriuall [ 60] came from Goa in so little time. So that my iudgement is, they make their Relation as neere ours as they can, and are loth to confesse truth, that either all perished, or the Vice-Roy, which were the greatest losse and dishonour euer happened to them in India.

I shall not need to write you any long Discourse of your Affaires, nor my opinion, for that in a continued

Iournall I haue set downe all passages, and send you the Copies of my Letters to your Factories, wherein many points are disputed and opened, from both which you may make bect your owne collection and iudge∣ment: for in them casually all your businesse is handled and discussed at full, and it may bee collected into such a method as you may sit at home, and see it at once.

But because some points in my last Letters, I followed at my first comming at others reports, which since I find vaine and friuolous, and others perhaps are vnresolued in my generall Discourse, I will runne ouer the materiall points with breuitie: for I extremely desire that you once vnderstood the constitution of this Trade, how to gouerne and settle it, that by varietie of fond opinions you bee not counselled to vn∣necessary charge, nor fall into grosse errors and damage.

Concerning the aiding the Mogoll or coasting his subiects into the Red Sea, it is now vselesse, yet I [ 10] made offer of your affections: but when they need not a courtesie, they regard it as a Dogge doth dry bread when his belly is full. The King hath peace with the Portugals, and will neuer make a constant warre, except first we displant them. Then his greatnesse will step in for ashare of the benefit, that dares not partake of the perill: when they haue peace, they scorne our assistance, and speake as loud as our Ca∣non: if Warre oppresse them, they dare not put out vnder any protection, nor will pay for it. You must re∣moue from you all thought of any other then a Trade at their Port, wherein if you can defend your selues leaue them to their fortune; you can neuer oblige them by any benefit, and they will sooner feare you then loue you. Your residence you need not doubt so long as you tame the Portugall; therefore auoyde all other charge as vnnecessary, that resists * 7.2 not him; he onely can preiudice you. For a Fort at my first arriuall, I receiued it as very necessary, but experience teacheth me, we are refused it to our aduātage, If he would offer [ 20] me ten. I would not accept one; first where the Riuer is commodious, the Countrey is barren and vn∣traded, the passages to parts better planted so full of Theeues, that the Kings authoritie auailes not, and the strength of the hils assures them in that life, if it had beene fit for Trade, the Naturals would haue chosen it; for they feele the incommoditie of a barren Hauen: and it is argument enough of some secret inconuenience, that they make not vse of it but if it were safe without the walls, yet is it not an easie worke to diuert Trades, and to draw the resort of Merchants from their accustomed Marts, especially for our commoditie which is bought by parcels, and cannot be called staple. Secondly, the charge is greater then the Trade can leaue, for to maintayne a Garrison will eate the profit; it is not an hundred men can keepe it. For the Portugall if he once see you vndertake that course, will set his rest vpon it to suppla••t you. Warre and Traffique are incompatible, by my consent, you shall no way ingage your selues but at [ 30] Sea, where you are like to gaine as often as to lose: it is the beggering of the Portugall, notwithstanding his many rich Residences and Territories, that hee keepes Souldiers that spend it; yet his Garrisons are meane. He neuer profited by the Indies, since he defended them. Obserue this well.

It hath beene also the errour of the Dutch, who seeke Plantation heere by the Sword, they turne a wonderfull stocke, they prowle in all places, they possesse some of the best, yet their dead payes consume all the gaine. Let this be receiued as a Rule, that if you will profit, seeke it at Sea, and in quiet Trade: for without Controuersie it is an errour to affect Garrisons and Land Warres in India. If you made it ouely against the Naturall, I would agree: to make it for them they are not worth it, and you should be very wary how to ingage your reputation in it. You cannot so easily make a faire retrait as a•• on-set; one disaster would either discredit you, or interresse you in a Warre of extreme charge and doubtfull euent. [ 40] Besides, an action so subiect to chance as Warre, is most vnfitly vndertaken, and with most hazard, when the remotenesse of place for supply, succours and counsels. subiect it to irrecouerable losse, for that where is most vncertaintie, remedies should be so much the neerer to occurre to all occasions. At Sea you may take and leaue, your Designes are not published; the Road of Swally, and the Port of Surat, are fittest for you in all the Mogols Territorie, I haue weighed it well and deliuer you that shall neuer bee dispro∣ued, you need no more, it is not number of Ports, Factories and Residences that will profit you, they will increase charge but not recompence it; the inconueniencie of one respectiuely to your sales, and to the commoditie of Inuestants, and the well imployment of your Seruants is all needfull, a Port to secure your ships, and a fit place to vnlade will not be found together. The Road at Swally, during the season, is as safe as a Pond; Surat, Cambaya, Baroach, and Amadauar, are better traded then all India, and [ 50] seated commodiously. The incoueniences are, the Portugals at Sea, and the landing of goods, to meet with which first you must bring to passe, that your lading bee readie by the end of September at your Port; which may be effected by a stocke before-hand, or by taking vp money for three monethes, and so you may discharge and lade in one, and depart for excellent season for England, and the Enemie shall not haue time with force to offend you, who will be newly arriued; and if the preparation be ancienter we shall know it. For the second, to land goods without danger of Frigats, and to saue the carriage ouer land, you must send a Pinnasse of threescore tunne, with ten Peeces that drawes but seuen or eight foot water, to passe vp the Riuer betweene Swally and Surat, and so your goods will be safe, and in your owne command to the Custome-house-Key; and it will a little awe the Towne; shee may proceed after according to your ap∣pointment. [ 60]

The Commodities you s••ll passe least in that quarter, the goods you seeke being principally Indico and Cloth, no one place is so fit for both, and the lesse inconueniences are to bee chosen, of this you shall gather more at large my opinion and reasons, in my Iournall and Discourses to your Factors, perhaps some of them will contradict it: but I am not deceiued, nor haue priuate ends, to keepe Factories to employ and ad∣uance

friends, the places and number of seruants I haue deliuered my iudgement in, and could manifest the past errours, but not mend them. Sindu is possessed by the Portugals, or if it were free, were no fitter then Surat, nor safer: as it is, it will be more subiect to perill. Your Factors sent me foure or fiue clau∣ses out of your Commission, that concerned Persia, a Fort, a Plantation in Bengala, all which they knew were not of vse: with no other purpose, proposition or resolution, they will acquaint me. They cannot abide I should vnderstand or direct them, if they resolue of any thing in their opinion for your profit, and send to me, I will effect the Court part, but you will find in my Letters and Iournall how they vse mee, which doubtlesse at first was sowed by some iealousie of yours which will cost you dearely.

For the setling your Traffique heere, I doubt not to effect any reasonable desire, my credit is sufficient [ 10] with the King and your force will alway bind him to constancie; it will not need so much helpe at Court, as you suppose, a little countenance with the discretion of your Factors will with easie charge returne you most profit, but you must alter your stocke, let not your seruants deceiue you, Cloth, Lead, Teeth, Quick∣siluer, are dead Commodities, and will neuer driue this Trade, you must succour it by change, and you will find my opinion discussed in Letters. I haue this yeere past many difficulties by the peruersenesse of Sultan Caronne, Lord of Surat, but by Gods direction, I haue ouercome them; Articles of treatie on e∣quall termes I cannot effect, want of Presents disgraced me: but yet by Peeces I haue gotten as much as I desired at once. I haue recouered all Bribes, Extortions, Debts made and taken before my time till this day, or ar least at honorable composition. But when I deliuer the next gifts to the Mogoll, in the Prin∣ces absence, I will set on a new for a formall * 7.3 contract, &c.

[ 20]

I Haue heard that Sir Thomas Roe at his Returne, desiring the Great M••gor or Mogoll, his Letters of Commendation to His Maiestie, easily obtayned that request, but found him very scrupulous where to set his seale; lest, if vnder, hee should disparage himselfe; if ouer, it might cause distast to the King; his resolution and preuention therefore was this, to send the Let∣ter vnsealed, and the great Seale it selfe, that so His Maiestie might according to his owne plea∣sure affixe it. The Seale is Siluer; the type and forme whereof, contayning only the Mogols Genealogie from Tamerlane, in seuerall Circles, with the English Translation, I haue [ 30] heere added.

[illustration]

The Description of the Great Mogols Seale.

[ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

[illustration]

[ 10] [ 20]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Vncertainty of the Variation▪
• * 1.2

  Soldania▪
• * 1.3

  Pengwin Iland.
• * 1.4

  The height of the Table.
• * 1.5

  Molalia.
• * 1.6

  Angazesia.
• * 1.7

  Iuanny, and Myoatta.
• * 1.8

  The gouerne∣ment of Mola∣lia.
• * 1.9

  Chaul, Damon.
• * 1.10

  Magadoxia.
• * 1.11

  Abdalacora, or Abbadelcuria. They lost di∣uers Cables & Anchors.
• * 1.12

  Tamara.
• * 1.13

  Delicia.
• * 1.14

  Socatra, or Socatora.
• * 1.15

  Cohu.
• * 1.16

  Bedwines▪
• * 1.17

  Aduice not to stay outwards at Socatra.
• * 1.18

  September 26. Visitation of Sultan Paruis.
• * 1.19

  Master Ed∣wards. Thomas Coryat▪ Cytor.
• * 1.20

  Ranna.
• * 1.21

  Ianuary 10.
• * 1.22

  Eunuches only and women, his houshold Courtiers.
• * 1.23

  Necessitie of the Kings pre∣sence.
• * 1.24

  His comming to the King.
• * 1.25

  Face of the Presence like a Theatre.
• * 1.26

  Sultan Coronne.
• * 1.27

  His conditions.
• * 1.28

  His second hearing.
• * 1.29

  Two Firmans granted to the English.
• * 1.30

  March 1. A house of pleasure.
• * 1.31

  The Norose a solemne Feast, and Rites thereof.
• * 1.32

  Passages re∣markeable.
• * 1.33

  An English horse much desired.
• * 1.34

  The King an∣gry with his Sonne.
• * 1.35

  Mochreb Chan back-friend to the English.
• * 1.36

  Iune 12. Sultan Coroone. to be emploied in the Decan warres.
• * 1.37

  Seuere com∣mand.
• * 1.38

  Abdala Hassan.
• * 1.39

  Exquisit mark∣men.
• * 1.40

  Iuly 13.
• * 1.41

  The Kings de∣light in Pain∣ting.
• * 1.42

  Story of an Eunuch and one of the Kings women.
• * 1.43

  Mahobet Chan his grant to the English for Borooch.
• * 1.44

  His Ciuility and good parts
• * 1.45

  August 6. The Kings cu∣riosity in pain∣ting, and the Indian work∣manship▪ for which cause, and for notice of the Kings disposition, it is heere added.
• * 1.46

  The courtesie of the King.
• * 1.47

  The courtesie of Gemal-din-vssin.
• * 1.48

  A History writ∣ten by him. Manner of Mogoll Go∣uernment. Eleuen Leckes for Patan to the King.
• * 1.49

  Their opinion of Christ.
• * 1.50

  Entertainment at a house of pleasure.
• * 1.51

  Censure of his fellow Nobles.
• * 1.52

  The Kings re∣spect to Sir T. Roe.
• * 1.53

  Rites of enter∣tainment.
• * 1.54

  The prouision. Chesse-play.
• * 1.55

  Purpose to send one into England.
• * 1.56

  Supper serued in.
• * 1.57

  They giue Presents to their Ghests.
• * 1.58

  The Kings fauour.
• * 1.59

  Superstitious Cautcle.
• * 1.60

  Huge raine called the Oli∣phant.
• * 1.61

  Mandoe.
• * 1.62

  A wild Bore sent by the King.
• * 1.63

  Rites of the Kings Birth∣day.
• * 1.64

  The Kings ri∣ches in Iew∣els, &c.
• * 1.65

  Another cu∣riositie about Pictures.
• * 1.66

  The King gaue Sir Thom. Roe a cup of Gold. Strong Wine▪
• * 1.67

  Franke a name common to Europaean Chri∣stians.
• * 1.68

  Scrambling of the Noble•• for Golded Almonds.
• * 1.69

  Faithlesse people▪
• * 1.70

  October 10. Abdala Chan in disgrace.
• * 1.71

  Manner of hu∣miliation.
• * 1.72

  Sultan Coroone his purpo••e.
• * 1.73

  Zereglia o•• Sa∣ralia▪ the p••ace w••••re the Kings women are kept. Th•• K••n••s dea∣ling with Chan Channa.
• * 1.74

  Decans offer peace.
• * 1.75

  Feare of future broiles.
• * 1.76

  The parties of the faction.
• * 1.77

  Drifts to take away Sultan Cors••r••one.
• * 1.78

  A prince.
• * 1.79

  Anna Rah his fidelity.
• * 1.80

  The Kings an∣swere.
• * 1.81

  Sultan Corso∣roone, a louer of Christians.
• * 1.82

  October 13. Fo••re English sh••ps arriue at Swally.
• * 1.83

  Of this fight, see more in Master Childs Iournall fol∣lowing.
• * 1.84

  After it was knowne that so••e few esca∣ped with life and pouerty.
• * 1.85

  Complements with the King.
• * 1.86

  His desire of Dogges and a Horse.
• * 1.87

  A Horse pri∣zed aboue 10000. pounds.
• * 1.88

  Anna Rah dis∣charged and S. Cors. deli∣uered to the faction to the griefe of the Court and Comminalty.
• * 1.89

  I••l through goodnesse▪
• * 1.90

  Persian Em∣bass••dour.
• * 1.91

  His submiss••∣nesse.
• * 1.92

  Mogols assi∣stance of the Persian against the Turke. Persian Pre∣sents.
• * 1.93

  A certaine clause in his Let••er to Su∣rat ambigu∣ous like the old oracles, &c
• * 1.94

  Feathers in request.
• * 1.95

  A rich Present.
• * 1.96

  Pompous bra∣uerie.
• * 1.97

  Behauiour of the Persian.
• * 1.98

  Nine, a re∣markable number▪
• * 1.99

  The Kings gift to the Persian.
• * 1.100

  Strange dea∣ling with No∣bles.
• * 1.101

  Terrible whip∣ping.
• * 1.102

  Drunkennesse preuented.
• * 1.103

  Awe of the King.
• * 1.104

  An old cu∣stome.
• * 1.105

  Sixe hundred rich Ele∣phants and other brauery of the Prince. Rich Sword.
• * 1.106

  The Kings re∣moue.
• * 1.107

  Superstitious ri••e.
• * 1.108

  Huge Gems▪
• * 1.109

  Sultan C••rso∣roone deliuere?
• * 1.110

  Brauery of Elephants.
• * 1.111

  Stately Tents.
• * 1.112

  Nouember 5.
• * 1.113

  Fray betwixt the Po••tugals and English.
• * 1.114

  Card-play.
• * 1.115

  Order to fire the Leskar at Adsmere.
• * 1.116

  Newes from Goa.
• * 1.117

  Relations of Sultan Corso∣roon.
• * 1.118

  Newes from Persia.
• * 1.119

  Decemb. ••.
• * 1.120

  Description of Godah.
• * 1.121

  Inconueni∣ence which followeth the slaue••y of Sub∣iects, and the Kings onely proprietie. The Kings Lescar admi∣rable.
• * 1.122

  Humilitie and Charity super∣stitious, and therefore blind.
• * 1.123

  Ianuary 24. Decans resist the Mogolls power. Mandoa.
• * 1.124

  February 3. Conference with Sultan Corsoroone.
• * 1.125

  Sepra. Mulwa. Calleada. King drunken, drowned.
• * 1.126

  Old Deruis.
• * 1.127

  Princes inciu••∣litie.
• * 1.128

  The Mogoll in drinke.
• * 1.129

  Master Terry the Minister welcommed.
• * 1.130

  Notable que∣stion about the Picture of a Satyre.
• * 1.131

  The Kings re∣quests.
• * 1.132

  Mandoa.
• * 1.133

  Ill profore∣cast.
• * 1.134

  English Pi∣ctures.
• * 1.135

  Supitions of the English.
• * 1.136

  A. D. 1617.

  Tyranny of Officers.
• * 1.137

  Letter from Captaine Pep∣well at Dabull.
• * 1.138

  Ouerture of Trade at Da∣bull.
• * 1.139

  Distaste of the Persian Am∣bassadour.
• * 1.140

  The Kings weighing.
• * 1.141

  Mercators Atlas presented to the Mogoll.
• * 1.142

  Prince of Can∣••ahors vnciui∣litie.
• * 1.143

  Mercator re∣turned.
• * 1.144

  A Raia with∣stood the Kings forces.
• * 1.145

  October 2.
• * 1.146

  English shippes taken by the English: which might else haue endange∣red their coun∣trey-men.
• * 1.147

  The Princes pride.
• * 1.148

  Asaph Chans friendship for hope of gaine.
• * 1.149

  Nouember 2.
• * 1.150

  Master Steeles proiects que∣stioned.
• * 1.151

  His Wife.
• * 1.152

  Danger by bringing Wiues.
• * 1.153

  Publike losse by priuate Trade.
• * 1.154

  The names are omitted.
• * 1.155

  Inuentory of the goods in the men of Warre.
• * 1.156

  Normahal a friend to the English.
• * 1.157

  Redeeming of Prisoners.
• * 1.158

  Dixit & edi∣ctum est: fatur & est fatum.
• * 1.159

  Causelesse iea∣lousies tou∣ching a Fort▪
• * 1.160

  Etimon Dow••et ••or the English▪
• * 1.161

  Ianuarie 8. Words betwixt the Prince and the Ambassa∣dour about Presents.
• * 1.162

  Custome to disauow the Kings word, if he will not ac∣k••owledge it, 〈…〉〈…〉; Negat, ••ego.
• * 1.163

  The Kings Chariot drawn by Bullocks.
• * 1.164

  Eunuchs.
• * 1.165

  Present of the Dutch.
• * 1.166

  Spragge and Ho∣ward accused▪
• * 1.167

  Let not the diuersitie of names trouble any in so re∣mote tongues and differing pronuntiati∣ons: if any o∣ther difficulties happen in com∣paring this dis∣course with the Map or Rel••ti∣ons I confesse, I would haue fought better to satisfie my selfe, if Sir T. Roe had bin at home. As for Courses they are diuersly ta∣ken (as Sou∣therne and Northerne miles with vs) in some places longer, in o∣th••rs shorter, which causeth scruple in the computation.
• * 3.1

  This Letter I found amongst Master Hak. his Papers, as the two for∣mer: the rest are transcribed from Sir T. Roes owne Booke. No law but the Kings word. See of these things Cap∣taine Hawkins large relations.
• * 3.2

  Presents of an hundred thou∣sand pounds.
• * 3.3

  Some say two shillings, some two shillings three pence. The Mogolls greatnesse.
• * 3.4

  Heire of Porus.
• * 3.5

  Cetor a great ruined Citie.
• * 3.6

  An hundred Muschees, or Mahumetan Temples.
• * 3.7

  His entertain∣ment at Court.
• * 3.8

  The Kings sit∣ting three times a day.
• * 3.9

  The Grande••.
• * 3.10

  Fal••hood of Maps.

  In••us, ••hie••e mouth at S••nde
• * 3.11

  Asmere.
• * 3.12

  No correspon∣dence with China.

  Newes of Persia. Vsbec, Tartars.
• * 4.1

  Indus falsely described by our Geogra∣phers.
• * 4.2

  Lawes. Execution.
• * 4.3

  Gouernours.
• * 4.4

  Religions and Sect.
• * 4.5

  Extent.
• * 4.6

  Porus his issue▪
• * 4.7

  Alexanders Pil∣lar.
• * 4.8

  Buildings pub∣like and pri∣ua••e.
• * 4.9

  Reason of his great Reuenue and Wealth.
• * 4.10

  Inheritance,
• * 4.11

  Court Cu∣stomes.
• * 4.12

  Policie and Politie. Disposition.
• * 4.13

  Persian newes▪
• * 4.14

  Vsbique••.
• * 4.15

  Portugalls.
• * 4.16

  Iesu••tes termes.
• * 4.17

  Ilanders.
• * 5.1

  Craft.
• * 5.2

  Iesuiticall beasts.
• * 5.3

  Prouerb of English and Portugal.
• * 5.4

  The Princes ambition.
• * 5.5

  Persian and Turkish warres▪
• * 5.6

  Sir Robert Sher∣ley.
• * 5.7

  Tamerlane.
• * 5.8

  Religions. Mogolls, why so called.
• * 5.9

  Ecbarsha.
• * 5.10

  Templum s••ne Ecclesia.
• * 5.11

  Vnderstand it in generall sense, ••or one not setl••d in any R••ligion, of all, and there••ore of none.
• * 5.12

  Of this see be∣fore in the Iournalls of Master Haw∣kins and Finch.
• * 5.13

  Conuerts how poore:
• * 5.14

  Miracle.
• * 5.15

  Disputes of re∣ligion and mi∣racles.
• * 5.16

  A strange sto∣ry of an Ape.
• * 5.17

  Court cha∣racters are such as he only and his nearer Ministers vsed in Mysteries of State vn∣knowne to all others.
• * 6.1

  The Persians Armi•• is 18••0••0. strong, the Turkes dou∣ble.
• * 6.2

  I haue sent the Copies.
• * 6.3

  M. Ioseph slaine.
• * 7.1

  Reports of the fight.
• * 7.2

  Vnderstand this, so long as they by force and armes op∣pose the Eng∣lish procee∣dings and socke to supplant them; as hi∣therto.
• * 7.3

  That which followes, as o∣ther Letters al••o, I haue wil••ingly o∣mitted, as not so fit for vul∣gar Readers, being Myste∣ries of Com∣merce.