Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

§. X. [ 20] The seuerall Kingdomes and Prouinces subiect to the Great Mogoll SHA SELIM GEHANGIER, with the Principall Cities and Riuers, the scituation and borders, and extent in length and breadth, as neere as by description I could gather them. The names I tooke out of the Kings Register: I begin at the North-west.

1. CAndahar, the chiefe Citie so called, lyes from the heart of all his Territorie North-west, confines with the Shabas, and was a Prouince of Persia.

2. Tata, the chiefe Citie so called, is diuided by the Riuer Indus, which fals in∣to [ 30] the Sea at Sindu, and lyes from Candahar South, from the middle of which, I suppose Agra West, some-what Southerly.

3. Buckar, the chiefe Citie so callest, Buckar Suckar, lyes vpon the Riuer Sindu or Indus, to the North-ward, some-what Easterly of Tata, and West Confines vpon the Baloaches, a kinde of rude Warlike people.

4. Multan, the chiefe Citie so called lying also vpon Indus, East from Candahar, North from Bu••kar.

5. Haagickan, the Kingdome of the Boloaches, to the West of Tata and Bachar, and con∣fines West vpon the Kingdome of Lar, subiect to the Shabas. Indus windeth it selfe into the Easter-side of it, it hath no renowmed Citie. [ 40]

6. Cabull, the Citie so called, a great Kingdome, the Northermost of this Emperours Do∣minions, and confineth with Tartaria.

7. K••shmier, the chiefe Citie is called Siriuaker, the Riuer of Bhat passeth through it, and findeth the Sea by G••••ges, or some say of it selfe in the North part of the Bay of Bengala, it bordereth Cabul to the East Southerly, it is all Mountaines.

8. Bankish, the chiefe Citie is called Beishar.

9. Atack, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth on one side the Riuer Nilab, which runneth the North-west into the Riuer Indus.

10. The Kingdome of the Kataries, lyes at the foot of the Mountaines: it hath principall Cities, Dankely and Purhola, it bordereth North-east on Kishimer, [ 50]

11. Pen-lab, which signifieth fiue waters, for that it is seated within fiue Riuers. The chiefe Citie is called Lahor, it is a great Kingdome and most fruitfull, the Citie is the Mart of India for Traff••que, it borders North-east on Multan.

12. Ianba, ••he chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth East on Pen-lab, it is very mountaynous.

13. Peitan, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth East of Ienba, and from the North-west Ben∣gala it is full of Mountaines.

14. Nakarkut, the c••iefe Citie so called, the North Eastermost confine of Mogor, it lyes to the North-east of the head of the B••y of Bengala, it is very mountaynous.

15. Siba, the chiefe Citie so called, it borders with Nakarkut Southerly, it is all Moun∣tainous. [ 60]

16. Iesuall, the chiefe Citie so called Ragepar, it bordereth with Bengala South-east North, and with Siba and Nakarkat, it is full of Mountaines.

17. Delly, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth on the North-west side of the Riuer I••muie,

[illustration]

which falleth into Ganges, and runneth through Agra: it is an ancient Citie, and the seat of the Mogols Ancestors, it is ruined: some affirme it to haue beene the seat of Porus conquered by A∣lexander, and that there stands a Pillar with a Greeke Inscription.

18. Meuat, the chiefe Citie called Narnol, it lyeth on the East of Ganges.

19. Sanball, the chiefe Citie so called: it lyeth between Ganges and Iemui to the North-west of their meeting.

20. Bakar, the chiefe Citie is called Bikaneer, it bordereth North-west on Ganges.

21. Agra, a principall and great Kingdome, the Citie so called, the heart of the Mogolls Territorie, in North latitude about twentie eight degrees and an halfe: it lyeth most on the [ 10] South-west-side of Iemui, the Citie vpon the Riuer, where one of the Emperours Treasuries are kept. From Agra to Lahor, being three hundred and twentie Course, which is not lesse then seuen hundred miles, it is all a plaine, and the high-way planted on both sides with trees like a delicate walke: it is one of the great workes and wonders of the World.

22. Ienupar, the Citie so called, vpon the Riuer of Kaul, which I suppose to bee one of the fiue Riuers inclosing Lahor, and the Countrey lyeth betweene it and Agra, North-west from one, South-east from the other.

23. Banda, the chiefe Citie so called, it confineth Agra to the West.

24. Patna, the chiefe Citie so called, it is inclosed by foure great Riuers; Ganges, Iemna, Ser∣seli, and Kanda, so that it lyeth from Agra South-east towards the Bay of Bengala, where all [ 20] these pay Tribute.

25. Gor, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth toward the head of Ganges.

26. Bengala, A mightie Kingdome inclosing the West-side of the Bay on the North, and win∣deth South-westerly, it bordereth on Cormandell, and the chiefe Cities are Ragmehhell and Dekaka, there are many hauens, as Port Grand, Port Pequina, traded by the Portugals, Philipatan, Satigam, it contayneth diuers Prouinces, as that of Purp and Patan.

27. Roch, It hath no Citie of note, and bordereth on the South-west, East of Bengala and the Bay.

28. Vdeza, the chiefe Citie Iekanat, it is the vtmost East of the Mogols Territoritie beyond the Bay, and confined with the Kingdome of Maug, a sauage people lying betweene Vdeza and [ 30] Pegu.

29. Canduana, the chiefe Citie is called Kerhakatenkah, it lyeth South-west of the South of Bengala.

30. Kualiar, the chiefe Citie so called, it lyeth to the South-east of Kanduana, and bordereth on Burhampur.

31. Chandes, the chiefe Citie called Burhampur, a great Kingdome, one of the ancient seats of Decan, and conquered from them, it lyth East on Guzarat, South of Chitor, West of Decan, and it is watered with the Riuer Tabeti, which falleth West into the Bay of Cambaya, it is now the seat of the Decan.

32. Malua, the chiefe Cities called Vgen, Narr, and Sering, it lyeth West of Chandes, be∣tweene [ 40] that and the Countrey of Ranna, on the East of the Riuer Sapra, which fals into the Bay of Cambaya, not farre from Surat.

33. Berar, the chiefe Citie is called Shahpur, it bordereth on Guzerat, and the hils of Ranna.

34. Guzerat, A goodly Kingdome inclosing the Bay of Cambaya, the chiefe Citie is Ama∣dauar, it containes the Citie and Gouernment of Cambaya, the beautie of India, the Territorie and Citie of Surat, and Baroach: it is watred with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya falsly supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Baroach, that of Surat, and diuers others, it trades to the Red Sea, to Achin, and many places.

35. Soret, the chiefe Citie called Ganagar, it lyeth to the North-west of Guzerat.

36. Naruar, the chiefe Citie called Ghehud, lyeth South-west from Chitor.

37. Chitor, an ancient great Kingdome, the Citie so called on a mightie hill, walled about ten [ 50] English miles. There stands yet aboue an hundred Churches, the Palace of the King, many braue Pillers of carued stone. There is but one ascent cut out of the Rocke, passing foure magnificent gates, there remayne the ruines of an hundred thousand houses of stone. It is vn-habited, it was doubtlesse one of the seats of Porus, and was wonne from Ranna, his issue by Ecbarshaw the last Mogoll. Ranna flying into the strength of his Kingdome among the Mountaines, seated himselfe at Odepoore, who was brought to acknowledge the Mogol for his Superiour Lord, by Sultan Ca∣ronne, third sonne of the present Emperour, in the yeare 1614. This Kingdome lyeth North-west from Chandes, and North-east from the North-west of Guzerat, in the way betweene A∣gra and Surat: Ranna himselfe keeps the hils to the West, neere Amadauar.

[ 60] The length * 1.1 is North-west to South-east. From Chandahar to Lahor, three hundred and fiftie Courses, about eight hundred miles.

From Lahor to Agra, three hundred and twentie Courses, about seuen hundred fiftie two miles.

From Agra to Hhagipierpatua three hundred Courses, about sixe hundred and eightie miles.

From Hhagipurpatua to Kirasunder, three hundred Courses, about sixe hundred and seuentie miles.

In all, Courses one thousand two hundred and seuentie. Miles, about two thousand, eight hundred seuentie two.

The breadth in all is North-east to South-west from Harduar to Duarsa, sixe hundred and fiftie Courses, about fifteene hundred miles.

The Kings Letters sent to Selim Shagh the Great Mogor, in the [ 10] yeare 1614. by Sir Thomas Roe.

IAMES, by the Grace of Almightie God, the Creator of Heauen and Earth, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, Defendor of the Christian Faith, &c.

To the high and mightie Monarch the Great Mogor, King of the Orientall Indies, of Chandahar, of Chismer and Corazon, &c. Greeting.

We hauing notice of your great fauour toward Vs and Our Subiects, by Your Great Firma to all Your Captaines of Riuers, and Officers of Your Customes, for the entertaynment of Our louing•• Sub∣iects the English Nation with all kind respect, at what time soeuer they shall arriue at any of the Ports within You•• Dominions, and that they may haue quiet Trade and Commerce without any kind of [ 20] hinderance or molestation, &c. As by the Articles concluded by Suc Suff Gouernour of the Guze∣rats, in Your Name, with Our louing Subiect Captaine Thomas Best appeareth: Haue thought it meete to send vnto You Our Ambassadour, which may more fully and at large handle and treate of such matters as are fit to be considered of, concerning that good and friendly correspondence, which is so lately begunne betweene Vs: and which will without doubt redound to the honour and vtilitie of both Nations. In which consideration, and for the furthering of such laudable Commerce, Wee haue made choice of Sir Thomas Roe Knight, one of the principall Gentlemen of Our Court, to whom Wee haue giuen Commission vnder Our Great Seale of England, together with directions and instructions further to treate of such matters as may be for the continuance and increase of the vtilitie and profit of each o∣thers Subiects: to whom We pray You to giue fauour and credit in whatsoeuer Hee shall mooue or pro∣pound [ 30] toward the establishing and enlarging of the same. And for confirmation of our good inclination, and wel-wishing toward You, We pray You to accept in good part the Present, which our said Ambassadour will deliuer vnto You, And so doe commit You to the mercifull protection of Almightie God.

A Copie of the Grand Moghor his Letter to the King.

VNto a King rightly descended from his Ancestors, bred in Military Affaires, and clothed with Honour and Iustice,

A Commander worthy of all command, strong and constant in Religion, which the great Prophet [ 40] Christ did teach, King IAMES, whose loue hath bred such impression in my thoughts, as shall neuer be forgotten, but as the smell of Amber, or as a Garden of fragrant flowers whose beautie and odour is still increasi••g so be assured my loue shall grow and increase with yours.

YOur Letter which you sent me in the behalfe of your Merchants, I haue receiued, whereby I rest sa∣tisfied in Your tender loue towards me; and desire You not to take it ill, for not hauing writ vnto You heretofore: for this my present Letter, I send to renew Our loues, & herewith do certifie You, that I haue sent forth my Firmaunds thorow all my Countries to this effect, that if any English Ships or Mer∣chants shall arriue in any of my Ports, my people shall permit and suffer them to doe what they will freely in their Merchandizing causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasions of iniuries that shall bee offe∣red [ 50] them, and that the least cause of discourtesie be not done vnto them, as also that they bee as free and freer then my owne people. And as now and formerly I haue receiued from You diuers Tokens of Your loue: so I desire your mindfulnesse of me by some Nouelties from Your Countrey, as an Argument of frienship betweene Vs: for such is the custome of Princes heere.

As for your Merchants, I haue giuen expresse order through all my Countrey, to suffer them to sell, buy, transport, and carry away at their pleasures, without the let or hinderance of any person whatsoeuer, all such Goods and Merchandize, or other things, as they shall desire to buy, and let this my Letter as fully satisfie You in the desired peace and loue, as if my owne sonne had beene the Messenger to ratifie the same. And if any in my Countrey not fearing God, nor obeying their King, or any other void of Reli∣gion, [ 60] should indeuour, or be an Instrument to breake this league of friendship; I would send my sonne Sultan Coronne, a Souldier approued in the Warres, to cut him off, that no Obstacle may hinder the con∣tinuance, and increasing of Our affections.

MY Lord, only for promise, which is an honest debt,* 3.1 I send your Lordship a Iournall till my arriuall at Brampore, a Citie of houses made of mudde, where one of the Kings sonnes keepeth his Court. He is called Perueys. I had need to write an Apologie for it, there being nothing of worth, nothing me∣morable; and yet not my fault: but I had rather trust your Noblenesse, then trouble you with excuses, and so descend to a more vniuersall description of the state and customes of the Land.

They haue no written Law. The King by his owne word ruleth, and his Gouernours of Prouinces by that authorit••e.

Once a weeke he sitteth in iudgement patiently, and giueth sentence for crimes Capitall and Ciuill. He is euery mans heire when he dyeth, which maketh him rich, and the Countrey so euill builded. The great men about him are not borne Noble, but Fauourites raised: to whom hee giueth (if it be true) wonderfull [ 10] meanes. They are reckoned by Horses: that is to say, Coronels of twelue thousand Horses; which is the greatest, whereof are foure, besides his sonnes and wife: so descending to twentie Horses; not that any of these are bound to keepe, or raise any at all. But the King assigneth them so much land, as is bound to maintaine so many Horses as a rent, each horse at fiue and twentie pounds sterling by the yeere, which is an incredible Reuenue giuen away: so many, (that is, almost all, but the Ploughmen, Artificers, and Trades∣men in Townes) liuing vpon it. But as they die, and must needs gather, so it returneth to the King like Riuers to the sea, both of those he gaue to, and of those that haue gained by their owne industry. But for the most part he leaueth the widowes and children their horses, stuffe, and some other stocke; and then put∣teth them into a Signiory (if the fathers were of sixe or seuen thousand horses) perhaps of a thousand or [ 20] fiue hundred: and so setteth them to begin the world anew, and aduanceth them as they deserue of him. They all rise by presenting him, which they striue to doe both richly and rarely:* 3.2 some giuing a hundred thousand pounds in iewels at a time.

He hath one beloued wife among foure, that wholly gouerneth him. He receiued lately a Present from the King of Bisa••pore, to obtaine peace, (whose Ambassadour knocked his head three times against the ground) of six and thirtie Elephants, of two whereof the chaines and all tackles were of beaten Gold, to the weight of foure hundred pounds, two of siluer, of the same fashion; the rest of Copper: fiftie Horses richly furnished, and ten Leckes of Rupias in Iewels, great Pearles, and Balasse Rubies. Euerie Lecke is an hundred thousand Rupias; euery Rupia two shillings sixe pence sterling;* 3.3 so tenne Leckes is a Million of Rupias.

[ 30] His Territorie is farre greater then the Persians, and almost equall, if not as great as the Turkes. His meanes of money▪ by reuenue, custome of Presents, and inheriting all mens goods, aboue both. His Coun∣trey lyeth West to Sinde, and so stretcheth to Candahar, and to the Mountaines of Taurus North. To the East as farre as the vtmost parts of Bengala, and the borders of Ganges: and South to Decan, it is two thousand miles square at the least, but hath many pettie Kings within, that are Tributaries.

The true descended heire of Porus, that was ouercome by Alexander, called Ranna,* 3.4 is lately conque∣red, more by composition then force: the King hauing rather bought him then wonne him, and hereby no way augmented his Reuenue, but giuen a great Pension to him. His Countrey I crossed, betweene this Towne of Asmere and Brampore. Cetor hauing beene anciently the chiefe Towne,* 3.5 and surely standing on an hill, steepe as a Rocke▪ some fifteene miles about, that is all walled: the Citie within, but with one [ 40] ascent, and fiue admirable gates in the ascent, all ruined and no person dwelling. But there stand an hun∣dred Muschees, many Lanternes, and such reuerend and braue Reliques of Imagerie and carued workes,* 3.6 that few or hardly any where can be equalled. In generall, all the old Cities are beaten downe; by what policie I vnderstand not: but the King seeketh the ruine of any thing not begunne by his Ancestors: so that all the Land hath not an house fit for a Cottager, but in such Cities as hee fauoureth. Surat is best builded of any: and in old time they in these parts made mightie workes, which euery day decay. At Su∣rat there is a Tanke for water of free-stone, in a polygon forme, of aboue an hundred sides, euery side eight and twenty yards: it hath staires on euery side for men to descend, and many stopes for horses. It is a won∣derous worke, both for the hugenesse, and for the braue building.

I haue now on the Court to touch, and mine entertainment. The King neuer vsed any Ambassadour with so much respect: without any dispute giuing mee leaue to vse mine owne customes;* 3.7 not requiring [ 50] that of me, which he vseth of the Persian. He presented me with a welcome before I spake; and said the King and he were b••others, with many other courteous words. I hauing bin sicke, he offered me Physitians. He tooke the Presents in good part, and was so fond of the Coach, that at night in his Court he got into it, and made two or three of my men draw him a little in it. He is very affable, and of a cheerefull counte∣nance, without pride. Three times a day hee sitteth out in three places:* 3.8 Once to see his Elephants and beasts fig••t▪ about noone: After, from foure to fiue or sixe, to entertaine all that visit him. At night from nine till mid-night, with all his great men, but none else, where he is below with them, in all familia∣ritie. I visited him in the second of these, where I found him in a Court, set aboue like a King in a Play, and all his Nobles and my selfe below on a stage couered with carpets; a iust Theater: with no great state, but the Canopies ouer his head, and two standing on the heads of two wooden Elephants, to beat away flies. [ 60] They weare nothing but Calicoes, but are euer attendant.

The great men ride in Traines, some two hundred, some fiue hundred Foot-men following them,* 3.9 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or fiue Banners carried before th••m; and an hundred or two hundred Horses after them. This is all their pride. They keepe their Horses most delicately, fed with Butter and Sugar: and though

they be not very great, yet they are of delicate shape, both of Persia, Arabs, and of this Land.

* 3.10I haue one Obseruation more to make of the falsenesse of our Maps, both of Mercator, and all others, and their ignorance in this Countrey. First, the famous Riuer Indus doth not emptie himselfe into the Sea at Cambaya, as his chiefe mouth, but at Sinde. My reason is, Lahor stands vpon Indus: from whence to Sinde it is nauigable; to Cambaya not so. Lahor in the Maps is also falsely set downe, it lying North from Surat aboue a thousand miles: the Citie where the Kings ordinarie residence is, Agra, not described at all;* 3.11 but it standeth North North-east from Surat on a Riuer, that fals into Ganges. But the King now resideth in a base old Citie, wherein is no house but of mudde, not so great as a Cottage on Hownslo∣heath: only himselfe hath one of stone. His Lords liue in Tents: and I haue suddenly built to my mudde wals, vpon canes, a doozen thatched roomes. This Towne is short of Agra ten daies iourney, two hundred miles, which standeth from hence North North-east. This place is from Bramport North foure hundred [ 10] and fiftie miles. Bramport from Surat East aboue two hundred miles. The latitude neere fiue and twentie degrees.

Thus, my Lord, I haue said some-what, but to little purpose, I forget not some Bookes for you: but Load-stones heere are none: They are in the farre East Countries: neither is there any correspondence with China.* 3.12 To Persia, and so to Aleppo there goe Carauans: to Cathaya none.

Heere is no newes but of Persia. The King hath taken away water and reliefe from Ormus, and ba∣nished the Portugals his Territories. He hath lately ouer-runne the poore Georgians with fire and sword: and being of an vnquiet nature intendeth the conquest of the Vsbiques, a Nation betweene Samarchand and him, which he aymes at. He lately strucke off his sonnes head with his owne hand. Hee is fauoured [ 20] and feared of the Mogoll, as being Lord of the more warlike Nation: for these are more then halfe Bra∣manes, whose Religion is not to kill a Louse byting them: and the Mogolls are an effeminate people. So that the Turke the last yeere sending on Ambassage, to entreate him not to assist the Per••ian, hee gaue him very harsh entertainment, made him Salem to the ground, and as soone as he was dismissed, sent the Persian ten Leckes of Rupias.

I shall be glad to doe your Lordship seruice in England; for this is the dullest, basest place, that euer I saw, and maketh me weary of speaking of it. Therefore if you be also weary of reading, I am glad. I shall desire your Lordship to let Master Hackwell reade the Iournall: for I promised him one, but I had not leasure to write it.

And so with all respect, and little Ceremonie, I hope to returne to doe you better seruices: in the [ 30] meane time to liue a miserable life, though with abundance and state enough, yet I want the conuersation and presence of those friends I loue and honour: in which number your Lordship hath made me presume to esteeme you, and to account my selfe

Your Lordships humble friend, to doe you seruice, THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the Court of the Mogoll, Ianuary 17. 1615.

[ 40]

A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to &c.

MAy it please your () places farre remote, hauing some-what of wonder in the distance, cause much expectation in themselues of strange matters among the Vulgar, such as I, supposing they should haue subiect of worthy and large discourse. But these are vnlike the Starres, that seeme lesse the further off: heere the remotenesse is the greatnesse, and to maintayne the ancient priuiledge of Trauel∣lers, they haue beene so farre Alchimists as multiplication; some ground, some spirit, to quicken the bodie of their monstrous Relations. [ 50]

Where I shall begin, what I shall say worthy one of your () vacancies from great Affaires, I know not: to vndertake a Cosmographicall description were a labour not vnworthy of time, but not propor∣tionall to a Letter; Ortelius, Mercator, Atlas, nor any vnderstanding any truth herein. Yet for the maynnesse of the error,* 4.1 I will obserue, that the famous Riuer Indus doth not powre himselfe into the Sea, by the Bay of Cambaya, but farre Westward at Sinde. For from Lahor standing a thousand mile North, in-the Maine vpon Indus, it is nauigable to Sinde, to Cambaya not, but certaine by-streames begotten by the seasons of Raine make mightie inundations, which haue cherished the error: all the rest is as false both in bearing, distance, longitude and latitude, as that, but the correction heere incomprehensible; the true la∣titude of this place fiue and twentie degrees and a halfe.

A description of the Land, customes and manners, which are incidents, are fitter for winter-nights; [ 60] they are either ordinarie, or mingled with much Barbarisme.

Lawes they haue none written: the Kings iudgement binds, who sits and giues audience with much pa∣tience,* 4.2 once weekely, both in capitall and criminall causes, where sometimes he sees the execution done by his Elephants, with too much delight in bloud.

His Gouernours of Prouinces rule by his Firmans, which is a briefe Letter authorizing them.* 4.3 They take life and goods at pleasure.

Many religious, and in them many Sects; Moores or Mahumetans adhering to Ally,* 4.4 such is the King; Banians or Pythagorians, for the transmigration (and therefore will not kill the Vermine that bites them) who often buy many dayes respite in charitie from killing any flesh at all, in such a Prouince or Citie. Gentiles of sundry Idolatries, their Wiues adorning the Pile, and entring the Funerall fires with great ioy and honour.

The extent of his Territorie is West to Sinde, North-west to Chandahor, North almost to Taurus, East to the borders of Ganges, and South-east all Bengala,* 4.5 the Land bordering the Gulph South to [ 10] Decan, much greater then the Persian, almost equall (if not fully) to the Turke, if his Land were crusht together into a square, as this. Agra, the ordinary residence of the King, is a thousand miles from any border, farther from some. The right issue of Porus, is heere a King in the middest of the Mogols King∣domes, neuer subdued till last yeere: and to say true, he is rather bought then conquered, wonne by gifts,* 4.6 not by Armes, to acknowledge a superior Lord.

The Pillar erected by Alexander, is yet standing at Dely,* 4.7 the ancient seat of the Ancestors of Ranna the issue of Porus.

The buildings are all base, of mudde, one story high, except in Surat, where are some stone houses,* 4.8 but I know not by what policie, the King seekes the ruine of all the ancient Cities which were brauely built, and now lye desolate and ruined. His owne houses are of stone, both in good forme and faire, but his great men build not for want of inheritance, but as farre as I haue yet seene, liue in Tents, or houses worse then a [ 20] Cottager; yet where the King affects, as at Agra, because it is a City erected by him, the buildings are (as is reported) faire and of carued stone.

In Reuenue, doubtlesse, he exceeds either Turke or Persian, or any Easterne Prince:* 4.9 the summes I dare not name, but the reason; all the Land is his, no man hath a foot. He maintaynes by rents giuen of Sig∣nories, counted by Horses, all that are not Mechanique: and the Reuenues giuen to some, are a Germane Princes estate. Secondly, all men rise to greater and greater Signiories as they rise in fauour, which is on∣ly gotten by frequent Presents, both rich and rare. Lastly, he heires all mens goods that dye,* 4.10 as well those that gained by industry, as Merchants, as those that liued by him, and takes all their money; leaues the Widow and Daughters what he pleaseth; giues the sonnes some little Signiorie, and puts them anew to [ 30] the World, whose Fathers die worth two or three Millions.

But I am fallen by my purpose, not to interrupt your () with th••se, presuming of your pardon; I will only say a little of the Court, and so passe to that is more necessarie.

The King sits out in three seuerall places, thrice euery day, except some occasion preuent him:* 4.11 an houre at noone to see his Elephants fight; at foure till fiue to entertayne all commers, to be seene and worshipped; nine till mid-night, with his principall men in more familiaritie, being below among them.

I went to present my selfe at the second of these: I came into a Court full of base people, and at a raile which shut them out right against the King, I was stayed in his sight to demand audience (onely a cere∣monie) so he sent his principall Officers to bring me vp: he sate in a place like a Theatre aboue, where the King sits in a Play, and I was conducted foure steps vp, iust vnder him, like a stage, all on Carpets; my [ 40] selfe and all his great men were Actors, the common-people below gazing on. Hee preuented mee with speech, calling the King his Brother, and that I must consequently be welcome: for the barbarous custome of kneeling and knocking the ground with the head (which he neuer pardoned, neither the Turkes nor Persian Ambassadors) he required not, but at my first motion granted me all libertie of mine owne man∣ner, and as all say, he neuer vsed such respect to a liuing man.

All the policy of his state is to keepe the greatest about him, or to pay them afarre off liberally.* 4.12 No Counsell, but euery Officer answereth to the King apart, his dutie.

He is of countenance cheerefull, and not proud in nature, but by habite and custome; for at night he is very affable, and full of gentle conuersation.

I beleue your () is weary of him, and would passe into Persia, from whence wee receiue for truth, that the Sophie hath distressed Ormus, by taking away the water and prouisions of the Maine.* 4.13 At [ 50] Ormus they are in great necessitie, so that if the Sophie had any helpe of shipping to take it, hee might be perswaded to put it into our hands, to turne his silkes from the passage of his enemie the Turke; a matter of infinite consequence. For if I were to open these Trades, I would shew important differences for the Kingdome of England, but it would require large Discourse. He hath made lately a Road with fire and sword vpon the poore Georgian Christians, and subdued them, and being of a spirit naturally vnpeace∣full, he prepares for the conquest of Samercand, as his end, but pretends the punishing of a valiant Race of Tartars, called Vsbiques, betweene him and his desire. Hee smote off his eldest sonnes head with his owne hands, returning from Georgia, and hath by sharpe Edict banished all Portugalls all his Domini∣ons.* 4.14 Neuer were such oportunities to discharge the Portugall from all these Coasts. Our Trade heere, and the Dutch Plantation below Go••, hath so shortned their returnes, that halfe their Gallions come not;* 4.15 [ 60] those that doe come bring new supplies for the Garrisons, but returne so emptie, that the charge is but de∣fraid. We haue now twice beaten a great Armado with few ships, an Armado that was appointed por castigar los hereticos Ingleses (the words of one Father to anoher) and after to punish the Mogoll for entertayning vs, so that he hath lost more in reputation (which was his strength) then in substance.* 4.16 But if

his Maiestie would condescend that we should assault them, as they doe vs, it would vtterly breake them, it being both the nobler and safer part of a Warre, to which we are subiect at their pleasures, then to defend alwayes: besides, they make this vse in reports of vs, that the King of England is so affraid of the King of Portugall,* 4.17 that he dares not warrant an assault, but only to defend: what they say of the King and our Nation is so slanderous, that perit sua mole.

Further East, the Dutch hath taken many Townes, and playes the Mole better then he, and hath bea∣ten him in many Sea-conflicts; he is declining on all sides, and a little weight on his head now laid, would sinke him. It is a matter of great consequence for future times; and though I haue no hope, I propound it to your () to make what vse seemes best to your wisdome. I haue reward enough, if I haue par∣don for my talkatiuenesse, but it is obedience to your () and not presumption, whose wisdome and sinceritie I did euer honour, to whom I shall be happy to be tyed [ 10]

In all humble seruices, THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the seuen and twentieth of Ianuary 1615.

[ 20]

Another Letter to the same Lord, dated the thirtieth of October, 1616.

MAy it please your () &c. The frailtie of passage betweene this place and England, especially of my last Letter that wandred ouer Land, and rather went vpon discouery then businesse, aduiseth me to send your () transcripts of them: not that there is contained any matter worthy your Honours leasure, but seeing you commanded mee to wri••e, the relation of one to another, will some∣what cleare the whole discourse. For broken and vndependant pieces and fragments, haue little light in them, lesse pleasure and no profit: so that he that would doe any thing in this matter should write a histo∣ry, and take it somewhat high, to shew the beginning and growth of this Empire, what fortunes and what [ 30] impediments it hath ouercome, what friendship it hath needed and effected, the ambitions and diuisions in the present state, that like impostumes lye now hid, but threaten to break out into the rending and ruine of the whole, by bloody war. The practises, subtilties and cariages of factions and Court-secrets, falsely called wisdome, wherein I assure your () they are pregnant, and excell in all that arte which the Diuell can teach them,* 5.1 and are behind none in wicked Craft, some passages whereof were not vnworthy nor vn∣pleasant to relate.

Their Religions suffered by the King, and practised without enuie or contention on any part; how the Portugals haue crept into this Kingdome,* 5.2 and by what corners they got in; the entrance of the Iesuits, their intertainment, priuiledges, practises, ends, and the growth of their Church, whereof they sing in Eu∣rope so loud praises and glorious successes. Lastly, the arriuall of our Nation on this Coast, their fortu∣nate [ 40] or blessed victories ouer their enemies, that not only sought how to possesse these quarters by themselus, and to forbid all others that which Nature had left free, as if God had created the world for them onely, but also to abuse this people, as if they alone were the sonnes of warre; they only triumph, and that all o∣ther Europeans strucke saile to their fortune and valour, which now is brought so low in value, that it is growne into a prouerbe (one Portugall to three Moores,* 5.3 one Englishman to three Portugalls) so that the best foundation of their greatnesse is absolutely mined and blowne vp. And our reception here stands on the same ground from which we haue cast them downe, which is Feare, an honorable, but vncertaine Base of so great a charge. For if either the enemie once preuaile, or other misfortune happen to vs, our welcome shall turne round with it, the profit and fitnesse of this trade for England, while it may stand, not only respecting the Company now intressed, but the state, whether the Common-wealth in generall lose or [ 50] winne. For often in trafique priuate men prosper by detriment of the Republike, as in all trades that main∣taine vanitie and sinne.

This worke or method were worthy some paines, and as would require a good iudgement and much time, both which are wanting to me; so it would not be vnprofitable to reade, nor without some pleasure to view and meditate the diuers operations and workes of God, the variable constitutions and dispositions of men, and all things vnder their gouernment: but seeing nature and conueniencie haue denyed me ability and lea∣sure, to set vpon so great a labour, I haue chosen one branch only to treat of to your () without o∣ther method, then by way of bare relation, which is the estate of the Church heere, as well Christians, as of all other diffused sects of Infidels.

But to continue, as in a Parenthesis, the aduice I gaue your Honour in my last, of our constitution [ 60] heere, and the newes of Persia: Briefely I stand on very fickle termes, though in extraordinary grace with the King, who is gentle, soft, and good of disposition, yet on points and disputes with an insolent and proud sonne of his,* 5.4 into whose hands he hath remitted all power, which hee is neither worthy nor able to manage▪ He is Lord of the Port, and by his folly giues me much trauell, so sordidly ambitious, that he

would not haue me acknowledge his father King, nor make any addresses, nor deliuer any Presents nor com∣plements of honour, but to himselfe; which I will neuer yeeld to, and so I maintaine my credit by confidence on the priuiledges of my quality, and the Kings goodnesse. Yet an Ambassadour in this Court that knowes himselfe, and will not wrong his Master, shall oftner winne enemies then friends. Their pride endures no termes of equality, especially where there is no other honour nor title, but what is measured by expence: so that to maintaine one that shall in his equipage and life hold proportion with his quality, in this Court, will cost much more then the profit of the Trade can spare; and he that liues vnder it wrongs his degree, and slides into contempt. I doe my vtmost to hold vp with little poore meanes, but my opinion is, a meaner in∣strument [ 10] would better effect businesse of traffique that might creepe, and shew, and suffer some affronts, which my ranke may not endure: And I find the King of Spaine would neuer send any Ambassadour hither out of Greatnesse, knowing they are not receiued with proportionable honour and with my small ex∣perience I could doe the Company better seruice by my returne, in aduise how to gouerne the whole.

Concerning Persia, the Turke hath only yet made a Brauado, and performed little,* 5.5 the passages are stopt, and the King drawing his armies into his Borders to defend himselfe, and finding no great worke, tooke occasion to take in by force a reuolted Nation to the East of Babylon. The people are called Coords. How by the Ancients or the true Geographicall situation of their Countrey, I am yet ignorant in.

Sir Robert Sherley by an ill passage to Goa, lost the opportunitie of the Fleete for Lisbon, and is stayed there another yeare, so that negotiation will not be so speedily aduanced, as I feared;* 5.6 we shall haue breath to worke vpon it, according as it shall be requisite in the iudgement of your Honours in England, [ 20] or at least of the Merchants whom it first regardeth.

Heere is arriued a Persian Ambassadour with little newes, it being nine moneths since his departure from Spahan. He brought many rich Presents, and d••d such obeysance, prostrating himselfe and knocking the ground with his head, that I belee••e his Master will not accept of it, except (as is supposed) hee bee commanded to vse a••l obsequiousnesse, and to flatter this Mon. of greatnesse, his errand being to procure money for ayde against the Turke: in which kind he findes often liberall supplyes and succours, which is not felt from this sea of treasure; although to mediate a peace for the Kings of Decan be the pretence, whose protection the Persian takes to heart, iealous of the encrease of this Empire: yet I doubt not he will be satisfied with siluer, and suffer his Allyes to be ouercome: he is not allowed so good ranke nor presence in Court as I, which got it by dispute, and haue kept it by contention to the displeasure of some; neither [ 30] did the King do so much honour in reception of his Masters Letter, not vouchsafing once to giue the Per∣sian any title of Maiesty, as of my Soueraigne Lords, which not a little contented me. Other aduantages he hath of language, neighbour-hood and acquaintance, which are defects, but no faults of mine. The King is now ready to march towards Decan, whose Armie is commanded by his sonne, and wee with much toyle shall hang in the skirts.

Our Fleet arriuing this yeere 1616. in the way met the Admirall Carrick of Lisbon, bound for Goa, about Mo••alia, an Iland in twelue degrees North latititude, and haling her after the courtesie of the Sea, was requited with disgracefull languages, and fiue great shot: which occasion apprehended, shee was fought with three dayes, at last put ashoare and fired her selfe: shee was of burthen fifteene hundred tunnes, and by pregnant circumstances, the expected Vice-Roy sent for Goa, perished in her: which is one of the [ 40] greatest disgraces and losses that euer happened to the Portugals in these parts: The reward of their owne insolencie in this fight. The chiefe Commander of the English was slaine, and the new declared maimed, little other losse. Thus your () hath some touch of our affaires, and I will fall vpon my purpose of the Church with your fauour and patience.

Before the inundation of Tamerlane the great, the ninth Ancestor of this King,* 5.7 these Countries were gouerned by diuers petty Gentile Princes not knowing any Religion, but worshipped according to their se∣uerall Idolatries, all sorts of creatures. The Descendants of him brought in the knowledge of Mahomet, but imposed it vpon none, by the Law of Conquest leauing consciences at libertie. So that these Naturals from the Circumcision (which came in with the Moores) called them Mogols or chiefe of the Circum∣cised. Among the Moores there are many strict Mahometants that follow Ally his Sonne-in-law,* 5.8 and [ 50] other new risen Prophets which haue their Xeriffes, Mulas and Priests, their Mosques, Religious Vota∣ries, Washings, Prayings, and Ceremonies infinite; and for Penetentiaries, no Heresie in the World can shew so strange Examples, nor bragge of such voluntarie pouerties, punishments, sufferings and chastise∣ments as these all which are esteemed holy men, but of a mingled Religion, not vpright with their great Prophet. The Gentiles are of more sorts, some valiant, good Souldiers, drinking Wine, eating Hogs-flesh, but worshipping the figure of a Beast: some that will not touch that flesh which is not holy by imputation•• others that will not eate any thing wherein euer there was any bloud, nor kill the Vermine that assaulteth them, nor d••i••ke in the Cup with those that doe; Superstitious in Washing, and most earnest in their Pro∣fession▪ but all of them ascribe a kind of Diuinitie to the Riuer of Ganges, at which at one Season of the yeare foure or fiue hundred thousand meete, and cast in Gold and Siluer for Oblation.

[ 60] In like manner, to a Pigs head in a Church neere this Citie, and to all liuing Cowes, and to some other beasts and kinds. These haue their Synagogues, and Holy Men, Prophets, Witches, South-sayers, and all others the Deuils Impostures. The Molaes of Mahomet know some-what in Philosophy, and the Mathematickes are great Astrologers, and can talke of Aristotle, Euclyde, Auerroes, and other Au••hors. The Learned Tongue is Arab.

* 5.9In this Confusion they continued vntill the time of Ecbarsha Father of this King, without any noyse of Chrictian profession, who being a Prince by nature iust and good, inquisitiue after Nouelties, curious of new Opinions, and that excelled in many vertues, especially in pietie and reuerence towards his Parents, called in three Iesuites from Goa, whose chiefe was Ieronimo Xauier a Nauarrois. After their arriuall he heard them reason and dispute with much content on his, and hope on their parts, and caused Xauier to write a Booke in defence of his owne profession against both Moores and Gentiles: which finished he read ouer nightly, causing some part to be discussed, and fina••••y, granted them his Letters Pattents, to build, to preach▪ teach, conuert, and to vse all their Rites and Ceremonies, as freely and amply as in Rome, bestow∣ing on them meanes to erect their Churches and places of Deuotion: So that in some few Cities they haue gotten rather Templum, then Ecclesiam. In this Grant he gaue grant to all sorts of people to become [ 10] Christians that would,* 5.10 euen to his Court or owne bloud, professing that it should be no cause of disfauour from him. Heere was a faire beginning to a forward Spring of a leane and barren Haruest.

Ecbar••••ha himselfe continued a Mahometan, yet he beganne to make a breach into the Law, conside∣ring that Mahomet was but a man, a King as he was, and therefore reuerenced; hee thought hee might proue as good a Prophet himselfe. This defection of the King spread not farre, a certaine outward reue∣rence detayned him, and so he dyed in the formall profession of his Sect.

Ghe-••angier-sha, his sonne, the present King, being the issue of this new fancie, and neuer circum∣cised, bred vp without any Religion at all, cont••nues so to this houre, and is an * 5.11 Atheist: sometimes he will make profession of Moore, but alwayes obserue the Holy-dayes, and doe all Ceremonies with the Gen∣tiles too. He is content with all Religion, only he loues none that changeth: But falling into his Fathers [ 20] conceit, hath dared to enter farther therein, and to prof••sse himselfe for the maine of his religion, to be a greater Prophet then Mahomet, and hath formed to himselfe a new Law, mingled of all: which many haue accepted with such superstition, that they will not eate till they haue saluted him in the morning; for which purpose he comes at the Sunnes rising to a window open to a great plaine before his house, where mul∣titudes attend him: and when the Moores about him speake of Mahomet, hee will sooth them, but is glad when any one will breake out against him. Of Christ he neuer vtters any word vnreuerently, nor a∣ny of those sects, which is a wonderfull secret working of Gods truth and worthy obseruation. Concerning the new planted Christian Church he confirmed, and enlarged all their priuiledges, euery night for one yeare spending two houres in hearing disputation, often casting out doubtfull words of his conuersion, but to wicked purpose. [ 30]

* 5.12And the rather to giue some hope, he deliuered many Youthes into the hands of Francisco Corsie, now resident heere, to teach them to reade and write Portugall, and to instruct them in humane learning, and in the Law of Christ; and to that end he kept a Schoole some yeares, to which the King sent two Princes, his brothers sonnes, who being brought vp in the knowledge of God and his sonne our blessed Sauiour, were solemnely Baptised in the Church of Agra with great pompe, being carryed first vp and downe all the Citie on Elephants in triumph, and this by the Kings expresse order, who often would examine them in their progression, and seemed much contented in them: this made many bend towards the same way, doub∣ting his Maiesties intention. Others that knew him better, supposed he suffered this in policie, to reduc•• these children into hate among the Moores for their conuersion, of whom consisted the strength of his estate, but all men failing of his purpose which was thus discouered. When these and some other children were setled, as was thought, in Christian Religion, and had learned some principles thereof, as to marry [ 40] but one wife, not to be coupled with Infidels, the King sets the boyes to demand some Portugalls wiues of the Iesuits, who thinking it only an idle motion of their owne braines, chid them, and suspected no more. But that being the end of their conuersion, to get a woman for the King and no care taken: the two Prin∣ces came to the Iesuits, and surrendred vp their crosses and all other rights, professing that they would be no longer Christians, because the King of Portugall sent them no Presents nor wiues, according as they expected. The Padre seeing this, began to doubt there was more in that then the boyes reuealed, especially seeing their confidence that had cast off the awe of Pupills, and examining the matter, had it confessed, the King commanded them. They refused to accept the crosses, answering they had been giuen by his Ma∣iesties order, and they would not take notice from boyes of any such surrender, but bade them desire the [ 50] King to send some of those, who by a kind of order are to deliuer all his Maiesties Commands, whose mouthes are by priuiledges sufficient authority, and then they would accept them▪ hoping, and knowing the Kings nature, that he would not discouer himselfe to any of his Officers in this poore plot. The boyes re∣turned with this message, which inraged the King; but hee being desirous to dissolue the Schoole, and to withdraw the youthes without noise, he bade them call the Iesuits to the womens doore, where by a Ladie he receiued the order, and without taking any notice since of any thing, his kinsmen recalled, who are now absolute Moores, without any taste of their first faith, and so the frui•• of all these h••pes are vanished. And I cannot find by good search that there is one Christian really and orderly conuerted, nor makes the profession, except some few that haue been baptised for money, and are maintained by the Iesuits; of which sort there would be more,* 5.13 but that they find the deceit, and cannot endure the burthen. This is the [ 60] truth of all their bragge and labour, and the full growth of their Church heere.

But that your () may a little more vnderstand the fashion of the King and the Iesuits pro∣ceedings, I will make you one or two merry and late relations, and either say he is the most impossible man in the world to to be conuert••d, or the most easie; for he loues to heare and hath so little religion, yet, that he can well abide to haue any decided.

Not many daies since the Iesuits house and Church being burned, the Crucifix remained safe,* 5.14 which vn∣der-hand was giuen out for a miracle, and much talked of. •• that would be content any vse might be made of an accident to enlarge the name of Christ, held my peace: but the Iesuit suspecting I would not agree to the miracle, disauowed it to me, and made it a matter of reason, why it was not burned: insinuating that the Moores had caught vp this opinion of miracle without his consent, or suggestion, though he confessed he was glad of the occasion.

But the King who neuer let slippe any opportunity of new talke or nouelty, calls the Iesuit, and que∣stioneth with him of it, he answereth ambiguously; whereupon his Maiesty demanded,* 5.15 if he did not desire to conuert him, and receiuing full answere, replyed: You speake of your great miracles, and of many done by you, in the name of your Prophet: if yee will cast the Crucifix and Pi••ture of Christ into a fire be∣fore [ 10] me, if it burne not, I will become a Christian: The Iesuit refused the triall as vniust, answering, that God was not tyed to the call of men, that it was a sinne to tempt him, that he wrought miracles accor∣ding to his owne Councell, but offered to enter the fire himselfe for proofe of his faith, which the King re∣fused. Heere arose a great dispute, begunne by the Prince, a most stiffe Mahometan, and ha••er of all Christians, that it was reasonable to trie our Religion by this offer, but withall, if the Crucifix did burne, then that the Iesuit should be obliged to render Moore: he vrged examples of miracles professed to be done for lesse purposes then the conuersion of so mighty a King, and in case of refusall of the triall, spake scorne∣fully of Christ Iesus. The King vndertooke the argument, and defended our Sauiour to be a Prophet, by comparison of his workes with those of their absurd Saints, instancing the raising of the dead, which ne∣uer any of theirs did. The Prince replyed, To giue sight to one naturally blind, was as great a miracle. [ 20] This question being pressed hotly on both sides, a third man to end the controuersie, interposed that both the father and the sonne had reason for their opinions: for that to raise a dead body to life, must needs be con∣fessed to be the greatest miracle euer done, but that to giue sight to an eye natura••••y blind, was the same worke, for that a blind eye was dead, sight being the life thereof: therefore he that gaue sight to a blind eye, did as it were raise it vp from death.

Thus this discourse ended, and so in wisdome should I: But I cannot leaue out an apish miracle which was acted before this King, which the Iesuites will not acknowledge, nor owne as their practise; onely of the truth de facto, there is no doubt.* 5.16 A Iugler of Bengala (of which craf•• there are many and rare) brought to the King a great Ape, that could, as he professed, diuine and prophesie: and to this beast by [ 30] some sects is much diuinitie ascribed: The King tooke from his finger a Ring, and caused it to be hid vn∣der the girdle of one among a dozen other boyes, and bade the Ape diuine, who went to the right child, and tooke it out. But his Maiesty (somewhat more curious) caused in twelue seuerall papers in Persian let∣ters, to be rewritten the names of twelue Lawgiuers, as Moses, Christ, Mahomet, Ally, and others: and shuffling them in a bagge, bad the beast diuine which was the true law: who putting in his foot tooke out the inscribed of Christ. This amazed the King, who suspecting that the Apes master could reade Persian, and might assist him, wrote them anew in Court Caracters * 5.17, and presented them the second time: the Ape was constant, found the right and kissed it. Whereat a principall Officer grew angry, telling the King it was some imposture, desiring he might haue leaue to make the lots anew, and offered himselfe to punishment if the Ape could beguile him; he wrote the names putting only eleuen into the bagge, and [ 40] kept the other in his hand. The beast searched, but refused all; the King commanded to bring one, the beast tore them in fury, and made signes the true Law-giuers name was not among them. The King de∣manded where it was, and he ran to the Noble-man and caught him by the hand, in which was the paper inscribed with the name of Christ Iesus. The King was troubled, and keepes the Ape yet. This was acted in publike before thousands: But where the abuse was, or whether there were any, I iudge not; only one of the Iesuits schollers ran to him with open mouth, professing the King had an Ape a good Christi∣an. Of this accident the Iesuits make great account: to me they slight it, except the truth of the fact, which is not vnlike one of their owne games.

Your () will pardon me all this folly, to interrupt you with so much and so vselesse tattle; I should be glad to remoue where I might learne and practise better matter: but I cannot repent my iourney: it hath made me learne and know my God and my selfe better then euer I should haue learned either a∣mong [ 50] the pleasures of England; he hath wonderfully shewed me his mercy, and taught me his iudgement: his goodnesse be glorified and magnified for euer. I humbly desire your () to present my name (I dare not say my seruice) before his Maiestie my Lord and Master: it is enough for me if I be not forgotten; I shall neuer merit nor aspire the employments of his fauour, but I will pay my vowes, and pray for his Ma∣iesty that he may liue a happie and glorious long life to the comfort of his Church, and enioy the Crowne of Crownes, prepared by the King of Kings for those that loue him; wherein I haue failed to your Honour, or by mine owne weaknesse, your () will measure by this rule, Exigit & postulat ami••••tia non quod cuique dabitur, sed quod quisque efficere potest, and you will pardon the assuming so high a word as friendship, with this interpretation, Seruus est humilis amicus, which as I am bold to professe, I will be ready to demonstrate by obedience to your command,

[ 60]

THOMAS ROE.

Asmere, the thirtieth of October, 1616.

A Letter of Sir THOMAS ROE, to another Right Hono∣rable Councellor.

IF my last sent your Honour, by the way of Aleppo, be miscaried, this present discourse will be vnde∣pendant and obscure, which causeth me to send a transcript that you may command from Sir Thomas Smith, how farre that designe of bringing in the Spaniard by Sherley had proceeded, and my poore opi∣nion, that will informe with the present estate of the warres there in preparation: what hath succeeded, your Honour shall receiue, that Sherley was stayed at Goa, by falling short eight dayes of his passage this last yeare, where he was entertained with honours and maintenance, which makes mee iudge his offers [ 10] and negotiation is gratious. The Shabas yet so depends on that hope, that he continues the prohibition of exportation of Silkes thorow Turkie.

Some few dayes since I receiued aduise from Spahan, that Sherley hath written to the King, that with much ioy and ready embracement he hath so farre proceeded with the Vice-Roy of Goa, in a conclusion of the league, as his commission hath power, that he is ready to embarke for Spaine to accomplish it fully. If it proceed and take effect, I can make it euident, that it wi•••• reuiue and strengthen all the ruines and de∣cayes of the Portugals in the Indies, and make all other wauering Princes accept them; only I will not presse the consequence where it will be so fully vnderstood.

The * 6.1 Shabas is in the field at Salmas, a Village indifferent to the wayes to Tauris or Gordgeston, at∣tending the Turkes Generall, who with a monstrous armie (if it be not encreased by fame) is incamped at [ 20] Argerom, irresolute which of these two attempts he shall begin, being not aboue fiue dayes from the one, and ten from the other. But these great armies will dissolue of themselues, and I am of opinion there will be no great effect of them, the winter approaching: and that they will treat a peace, which the Turke will neuer embrace, but with the opening of the trade, & liberty of ancient commerce: which though the Persian yeeld vnto, yet if the Spaniard accepts his offers, the liberty giuen the Turke will be vselesse, for that the Silkes shall come downe to Ormus; but I hope your Honour will preuent it, God hath prouided you leasure.

The King of Persia lately enquired anew after the English, for he is indifferent what Christian hath the trade, so that the Grand-Signior lose it: for his first offer to the Spaniard, will take his truce, and af∣ter we may haue the leauings.

We haue sent to Iasques a ship from our Port of Surat, with Cloath and English goods, to make the [ 30] first offer of a residence, and to get a kind of a possession: For where it was free to refuse or accept vs, it will be now an iniury to turne vs out, being come vpon assurance of his Letter receiued by me. But though I did not consent to the going of this ship because I knew both the Port vnfit, the goods vnuendible, and pre∣iudiciall to the great expectation and promises, which makes me feare the Shabas will despise vs, and iudge vs by this beginning, and so with the more roundnesse either conclude with the Spaniard, or make peace with the Turke (for his designe is either wholly to diuert the trade or nothing) yet I will mend it as well as I can, by the helpe of an Ambassador lately arriued at this Court; who, as I suppose, is come to get ayde of money, in which kind he often findeth liberall reliefes, and this King of India may better spare then any Monarch of the East.

* 6.2The aduantage to bee made of it in England, is (if I may giue my opinion) that when Sir Robert [ 40] Sherley shall arriue in Spaine and negotiate his imployment, the Ambassadour of his Maiestie resident may craue audience, and produce the Letters granted to vs, and vrge our possession of the Port; and there∣fore require in the name of his Maiesty, that in this new contract either the English may be comprehen∣ded, or at least that nothing passe on the part of the King of Spaine, preiudiciall to the subiects of his Ma∣iestie, nor contrary to the amity of the two Nations: which if the Spaniard shall enterprise, to the expul∣sion of vs, it is in my opinion (the trade being in a free Kingdome granted vs) a iust cause of such a breach, as may produce Letters of Mart and repris••ll in all the Easterne parts to right our selues. I will in the meane time amaze the Persian with as many doubts as I can infuse into him of the () and hopes of vs.

In this Court which is now in the field towards the conquest of Decan (with an effeminate armie sitter [ 50] to be a spoile, then a terror to enemies) I shall so farre effect my imployment, as to confirme our trade and people on equall conditio••s to the inhabitants and borne subiects, who suffer themselues, abuses of Gouer∣nours which can neuer be remedied, but by an whole change of the regiment and forme of dominion. For the constancy I will no farther giue my word, then our owne prosperitie, and the others feare, and the Por∣tugals feeblenesse shall confirm•• to vs.

The trade is profitable and fit for England, but no way vnderstood by the Company how to effect it at best aduantage, and yet we haue done little but discouer errors. I haue no power to meddle in that, but if I were at home ten dayes, I would doe them better seruice then heere in ten yeares. To prooue and demon∣strate euery particular and circumstance, were rather the subiect of a Booke then of a Letter▪ but I will doe [ 60] my part euery way, according to my ability, & iudgment faithfully and honestly. Besides (though they may think I speak for mine own ends) I ••ssure your honor it is not sit to keep an Ambassador in this Court. I haue shuffled better out, and escaped and auoyded affronts and slauish customes clearer then euer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did. I am allowed ranke aboue the Per••••an, but he out-strips me in rewards this Master lye•• ••eere vs, but his Ma∣iestie

commanded me to doe nothing vnworthy the honour of a Christian King, and no reward can hum∣ble me to any basenesse. I see what the Per••ian does and suffers. I know one that would creepe and sue, might effect more businesses then I, for euery little matter cannot trouble the King; and his great men are more proud, and expect that from me I cannot giue them. The King of Spaine could neuer be drawne to send any, and their experience hath taught them, that besides he should not be receiued in honour correspon∣dent to his quality, they knew an easier way to effect their ends. I shall not returne a rich man, and then many will condemne me for want of prouidence or wit to get it, but they know not the Indies, it growes heere in as rough wayes as in Europe. I will trust to the Company, and to my merit. I could write your Honour many remarkeable accidents in this gouernment and Kingdome: all the policy and wicked craft [ 10] of the Diuell is not practises alone in Europe, heere is enough to be learned or to be dispised, but you haue not leasure to entertaine so forraigne discourses; that part which may be worth knowing: as the proceeding of the Iesuits, the growth of their Church, and the commixture of this Kingdome with Europe by trade, and the allyes it embraces, if I find not leasure to put them into method, I will weary your Honour with them by a fire-side in broken pieces.

The Portugall pursues vs heere with virulent hatred, but God doth chastise him, and his pride sees it not. The Admirall Gallion bound for Goa, a vessell of fifteene hundred, armed with sixe hundred men falling among our Fleet, a small ship haled her after the custome of the Sea, which shee requited with si∣lence, except of her Ordnance: the Commander of our Fleet, Beniamin Ioseph, came vp with her,* 6.3 and de∣manded reason, but was returned scorne, so that he began a fight, in which he lost his life. A new commissi∣on being opened, Humfrey Pepwell succeeded him, to his place and resolution, with the losse of his eye [ 20] and other hurts, fought vntill the Gallion hauing her Masts shot, ran ashoare on Comara, an Iland inha∣bited by Moores, in the latitude of eleuen degrees, one and fiftie minutes, where the Generall Don E∣manuel de Meneses, with three hundred escaped, but fired the ship, shee was very rich, and the succour of India this yeere: her companions were lost at sea, and on the fourteenth of Octob. there was no newes of any of them which were three ships, this is the greatest disaster and disgrace euer befell them, for they neuer mist their Fleet in September, nor lost any Vessell as this, which was reported inuincible, and with∣out supplies they perish vtterly. The Ilanders rifled the Generall and all his followers, and they are since arriued at Goa, naked and bare in the Gallion of Mosambiques, which had likewise beene dangered by a Hollander, but the neerenesse of the Port saued her. All these considered, me thinkes, the Heauens conspire the fall of the Portugall in this quarter, if his Maiestie would be pleased to bend onely his Royall coun∣tenance. [ 30] But I shall (I hope) returne and not expect to see it effected in my time. I will intreate your Ho∣nour to preserue my name in the Kings memorie, not for any worthinesse, but an humble desire to serue him: and that you will be pleased to accept of my endeuours, and esteeme me such as I am, one that loues and honours you; and that will pray to God as the best expression of my affection, to increase you in all wor∣thy honour, and to blesse you with his holy spirit.

Your Honours humble, faithfull Seruant, THOMAS ROE.

[ 40] I humbly desire your Honor to do me the fauour to thanke Sir Thomas Smith, in my behalfe, that hee may find my gratitude to my Friends.

From the Campe of the Great Mogoll, Emperour of India, Nouember 30. 1616.

Part of a Letter to the Companie of the East-India; Dated the three and twentieth of Nouember, 1616.

[ 50]

MY Honourable Friends, I receiued your Letter on the twelfth of October, 1616. from the Charles, safely arriued with foure ships at the barre of Surat, the six and twentieth of the former moneth, of what past at Sea. I doubt not you will receiue ample Relation, onely a little difference in the report of our Fleet, and the Portugals I will mention, that we began the fight, and that no Vice-Roy being sent this yeere, an ancient Souldier, Don Emanuell de Meneses, that had twice beene Generall of their Forces,* 7.1 was in the Admirall, who being beaten ranne herselfe ashore at Mosambique, and are now arriued at Goa. This Tale hangs very ill together, for that I know they first made fiue shot, and that it is impos∣sible they could passe from Aguzesia to Mosambique in a Canoa, or that the Inhabitants hauing robbed them▪ durst carrie them into their strength, or that all this could be effected, and newes of their arriuall [ 60] came from Goa in so little time. So that my iudgement is, they make their Relation as neere ours as they can, and are loth to confesse truth, that either all perished, or the Vice-Roy, which were the greatest losse and dishonour euer happened to them in India.

I shall not need to write you any long Discourse of your Affaires, nor my opinion, for that in a continued

Iournall I haue set downe all passages, and send you the Copies of my Letters to your Factories, wherein many points are disputed and opened, from both which you may make bect your owne collection and iudge∣ment: for in them casually all your businesse is handled and discussed at full, and it may bee collected into such a method as you may sit at home, and see it at once.

But because some points in my last Letters, I followed at my first comming at others reports, which since I find vaine and friuolous, and others perhaps are vnresolued in my generall Discourse, I will runne ouer the materiall points with breuitie: for I extremely desire that you once vnderstood the constitution of this Trade, how to gouerne and settle it, that by varietie of fond opinions you bee not counselled to vn∣necessary charge, nor fall into grosse errors and damage.

Concerning the aiding the Mogoll or coasting his subiects into the Red Sea, it is now vselesse, yet I [ 10] made offer of your affections: but when they need not a courtesie, they regard it as a Dogge doth dry bread when his belly is full. The King hath peace with the Portugals, and will neuer make a constant warre, except first we displant them. Then his greatnesse will step in for ashare of the benefit, that dares not partake of the perill: when they haue peace, they scorne our assistance, and speake as loud as our Ca∣non: if Warre oppresse them, they dare not put out vnder any protection, nor will pay for it. You must re∣moue from you all thought of any other then a Trade at their Port, wherein if you can defend your selues leaue them to their fortune; you can neuer oblige them by any benefit, and they will sooner feare you then loue you. Your residence you need not doubt so long as you tame the Portugall; therefore auoyde all other charge as vnnecessary, that resists * 7.2 not him; he onely can preiudice you. For a Fort at my first arriuall, I receiued it as very necessary, but experience teacheth me, we are refused it to our aduātage, If he would offer [ 20] me ten. I would not accept one; first where the Riuer is commodious, the Countrey is barren and vn∣traded, the passages to parts better planted so full of Theeues, that the Kings authoritie auailes not, and the strength of the hils assures them in that life, if it had beene fit for Trade, the Naturals would haue chosen it; for they feele the incommoditie of a barren Hauen: and it is argument enough of some secret inconuenience, that they make not vse of it but if it were safe without the walls, yet is it not an easie worke to diuert Trades, and to draw the resort of Merchants from their accustomed Marts, especially for our commoditie which is bought by parcels, and cannot be called staple. Secondly, the charge is greater then the Trade can leaue, for to maintayne a Garrison will eate the profit; it is not an hundred men can keepe it. For the Portugall if he once see you vndertake that course, will set his rest vpon it to suppla••t you. Warre and Traffique are incompatible, by my consent, you shall no way ingage your selues but at [ 30] Sea, where you are like to gaine as often as to lose: it is the beggering of the Portugall, notwithstanding his many rich Residences and Territories, that hee keepes Souldiers that spend it; yet his Garrisons are meane. He neuer profited by the Indies, since he defended them. Obserue this well.

It hath beene also the errour of the Dutch, who seeke Plantation heere by the Sword, they turne a wonderfull stocke, they prowle in all places, they possesse some of the best, yet their dead payes consume all the gaine. Let this be receiued as a Rule, that if you will profit, seeke it at Sea, and in quiet Trade: for without Controuersie it is an errour to affect Garrisons and Land Warres in India. If you made it ouely against the Naturall, I would agree: to make it for them they are not worth it, and you should be very wary how to ingage your reputation in it. You cannot so easily make a faire retrait as a•• on-set; one disaster would either discredit you, or interresse you in a Warre of extreme charge and doubtfull euent. [ 40] Besides, an action so subiect to chance as Warre, is most vnfitly vndertaken, and with most hazard, when the remotenesse of place for supply, succours and counsels. subiect it to irrecouerable losse, for that where is most vncertaintie, remedies should be so much the neerer to occurre to all occasions. At Sea you may take and leaue, your Designes are not published; the Road of Swally, and the Port of Surat, are fittest for you in all the Mogols Territorie, I haue weighed it well and deliuer you that shall neuer bee dispro∣ued, you need no more, it is not number of Ports, Factories and Residences that will profit you, they will increase charge but not recompence it; the inconueniencie of one respectiuely to your sales, and to the commoditie of Inuestants, and the well imployment of your Seruants is all needfull, a Port to secure your ships, and a fit place to vnlade will not be found together. The Road at Swally, during the season, is as safe as a Pond; Surat, Cambaya, Baroach, and Amadauar, are better traded then all India, and [ 50] seated commodiously. The incoueniences are, the Portugals at Sea, and the landing of goods, to meet with which first you must bring to passe, that your lading bee readie by the end of September at your Port; which may be effected by a stocke before-hand, or by taking vp money for three monethes, and so you may discharge and lade in one, and depart for excellent season for England, and the Enemie shall not haue time with force to offend you, who will be newly arriued; and if the preparation be ancienter we shall know it. For the second, to land goods without danger of Frigats, and to saue the carriage ouer land, you must send a Pinnasse of threescore tunne, with ten Peeces that drawes but seuen or eight foot water, to passe vp the Riuer betweene Swally and Surat, and so your goods will be safe, and in your owne command to the Custome-house-Key; and it will a little awe the Towne; shee may proceed after according to your ap∣pointment. [ 60]

The Commodities you s••ll passe least in that quarter, the goods you seeke being principally Indico and Cloth, no one place is so fit for both, and the lesse inconueniences are to bee chosen, of this you shall gather more at large my opinion and reasons, in my Iournall and Discourses to your Factors, perhaps some of them will contradict it: but I am not deceiued, nor haue priuate ends, to keepe Factories to employ and ad∣uance

friends, the places and number of seruants I haue deliuered my iudgement in, and could manifest the past errours, but not mend them. Sindu is possessed by the Portugals, or if it were free, were no fitter then Surat, nor safer: as it is, it will be more subiect to perill. Your Factors sent me foure or fiue clau∣ses out of your Commission, that concerned Persia, a Fort, a Plantation in Bengala, all which they knew were not of vse: with no other purpose, proposition or resolution, they will acquaint me. They cannot abide I should vnderstand or direct them, if they resolue of any thing in their opinion for your profit, and send to me, I will effect the Court part, but you will find in my Letters and Iournall how they vse mee, which doubtlesse at first was sowed by some iealousie of yours which will cost you dearely.

For the setling your Traffique heere, I doubt not to effect any reasonable desire, my credit is sufficient [ 10] with the King and your force will alway bind him to constancie; it will not need so much helpe at Court, as you suppose, a little countenance with the discretion of your Factors will with easie charge returne you most profit, but you must alter your stocke, let not your seruants deceiue you, Cloth, Lead, Teeth, Quick∣siluer, are dead Commodities, and will neuer driue this Trade, you must succour it by change, and you will find my opinion discussed in Letters. I haue this yeere past many difficulties by the peruersenesse of Sultan Caronne, Lord of Surat, but by Gods direction, I haue ouercome them; Articles of treatie on e∣quall termes I cannot effect, want of Presents disgraced me: but yet by Peeces I haue gotten as much as I desired at once. I haue recouered all Bribes, Extortions, Debts made and taken before my time till this day, or ar least at honorable composition. But when I deliuer the next gifts to the Mogoll, in the Prin∣ces absence, I will set on a new for a formall * 7.3 contract, &c.

[ 20]

I Haue heard that Sir Thomas Roe at his Returne, desiring the Great M••gor or Mogoll, his Letters of Commendation to His Maiestie, easily obtayned that request, but found him very scrupulous where to set his seale; lest, if vnder, hee should disparage himselfe; if ouer, it might cause distast to the King; his resolution and preuention therefore was this, to send the Let∣ter vnsealed, and the great Seale it selfe, that so His Maiestie might according to his owne plea∣sure affixe it. The Seale is Siluer; the type and forme whereof, contayning only the Mogols Genealogie from Tamerlane, in seuerall Circles, with the English Translation, I haue [ 30] heere added.

[illustration]

The Description of the Great Mogols Seale.

[ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

[illustration]

[ 10] [ 20]

Notes

• * 1.1

  Let not the diuersitie of names trouble any in so re∣mote tongues and differing pronuntiati∣ons: if any o∣ther difficulties happen in com∣paring this dis∣course with the Map or Rel••ti∣ons I confesse, I would haue fought better to satisfie my selfe, if Sir T. Roe had bin at home. As for Courses they are diuersly ta∣ken (as Sou∣therne and Northerne miles with vs) in some places longer, in o∣th••rs shorter, which causeth scruple in the computation.
• * 3.1

  This Letter I found amongst Master Hak. his Papers, as the two for∣mer: the rest are transcribed from Sir T. Roes owne Booke. No law but the Kings word. See of these things Cap∣taine Hawkins large relations.
• * 3.2

  Presents of an hundred thou∣sand pounds.
• * 3.3

  Some say two shillings, some two shillings three pence. The Mogolls greatnesse.
• * 3.4

  Heire of Porus.
• * 3.5

  Cetor a great ruined Citie.
• * 3.6

  An hundred Muschees, or Mahumetan Temples.
• * 3.7

  His entertain∣ment at Court.
• * 3.8

  The Kings sit∣ting three times a day.
• * 3.9

  The Grande••.
• * 3.10

  Fal••hood of Maps.

  In••us, ••hie••e mouth at S••nde
• * 3.11

  Asmere.
• * 3.12

  No correspon∣dence with China.

  Newes of Persia. Vsbec, Tartars.
• * 4.1

  Indus falsely described by our Geogra∣phers.
• * 4.2

  Lawes. Execution.
• * 4.3

  Gouernours.
• * 4.4

  Religions and Sect.
• * 4.5

  Extent.
• * 4.6

  Porus his issue▪
• * 4.7

  Alexanders Pil∣lar.
• * 4.8

  Buildings pub∣like and pri∣ua••e.
• * 4.9

  Reason of his great Reuenue and Wealth.
• * 4.10

  Inheritance,
• * 4.11

  Court Cu∣stomes.
• * 4.12

  Policie and Politie. Disposition.
• * 4.13

  Persian newes▪
• * 4.14

  Vsbique••.
• * 4.15

  Portugalls.
• * 4.16

  Iesu••tes termes.
• * 4.17

  Ilanders.
• * 5.1

  Craft.
• * 5.2

  Iesuiticall beasts.
• * 5.3

  Prouerb of English and Portugal.
• * 5.4

  The Princes ambition.
• * 5.5

  Persian and Turkish warres▪
• * 5.6

  Sir Robert Sher∣ley.
• * 5.7

  Tamerlane.
• * 5.8

  Religions. Mogolls, why so called.
• * 5.9

  Ecbarsha.
• * 5.10

  Templum s••ne Ecclesia.
• * 5.11

  Vnderstand it in generall sense, ••or one not setl••d in any R••ligion, of all, and there••ore of none.
• * 5.12

  Of this see be∣fore in the Iournalls of Master Haw∣kins and Finch.
• * 5.13

  Conuerts how poore:
• * 5.14

  Miracle.
• * 5.15

  Disputes of re∣ligion and mi∣racles.
• * 5.16

  A strange sto∣ry of an Ape.
• * 5.17

  Court cha∣racters are such as he only and his nearer Ministers vsed in Mysteries of State vn∣knowne to all others.
• * 6.1

  The Persians Armi•• is 18••0••0. strong, the Turkes dou∣ble.
• * 6.2

  I haue sent the Copies.
• * 6.3

  M. Ioseph slaine.
• * 7.1

  Reports of the fight.
• * 7.2

  Vnderstand this, so long as they by force and armes op∣pose the Eng∣lish procee∣dings and socke to supplant them; as hi∣therto.
• * 7.3

  That which followes, as o∣ther Letters al••o, I haue wil••ingly o∣mitted, as not so fit for vul∣gar Readers, being Myste∣ries of Com∣merce.