Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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Title
Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.
Author
Purchas, Samuel, 1577?-1626.
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London :: Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Rose,
1625.
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Voyages and travels -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68617.0001.001
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"Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68617.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 16, 2024.

Pages

CHAP. XII. Relations of Master ELKINGTON and Master DODSWORTH, touching the former Voyage.

[ 30]
§. I. Collections taken out of the Iournall of Captaine THOMAS ELKINGTON, Successour to Captaine NICHOLAS DOWNTON in the Voyage aforesaid, written by himselfe.

THe first of Ianuary 1613. the new ship built at Detford, was lanched and called the New-Yeares-Gift.* 1.1 The third of March, we came to an anchor in the Downes. The thirtieth of Iune, we set saile from the Bay of Soldania. Heere at this time which is their dead of Winter, it was temperate, rather inclining to cold then heate. We had little refreshing but water and fish. The people are wretched, [ 40] neither sow nor plant, dwell in small Cottages made of Hides, and so ioyne ma∣ny of them in a round Circle, hauing their Cattle in the middest. They are browne, but by grea∣sing themselues become almost blacke, and in the wind vnsauourie a doozen yards off, filching, trecherous, vnworthy so good a Land, which in likelihood with culture would be very fertile.

The sixth of August wee had sight of Saint Laurence. This night Robert Waters departed, a man long diseased in bodie,* 1.2 disturbed in minde by torment of conscience, for a man by him kil∣led in Virginia, (cowardly comming behind him, and knocking him on the head) for which hee obtayned his pardon in the Court of men, but in the inward and spirituall was thus pursued to his death.* 1.3 Here in the Bay of Saint Augustine we wooded and watered: Some went vp the ri∣uer and came to their houses or sheads, which were small things set vp with Canes, and couered [ 50] with a thing like a hurdle, made of the leaues of the Palme Tree. The people fled and left all, that is, nothing but a little Cotton spunne, or on the Distaues, with a few necessaries. The ele∣leuenth and twelfth, we bought Cattell in exchange of Siluer Chaines, they taking the value of twentie pence, or two shillings in a Chaine for an Oxe, which in money would cost fiue or sixe shillings. They are very good, fed (it seemes) within the land, for we saw nothing but sand and wood without any grasse at all.

The ninth of September, we had sight of Socatora, and passing by Tamarind Bay, came to an∣chor in Delisha.

The one and twentieth of October, we came into the Road of * 1.4 Swally. After the fight on [ 60] the twentieth of Ianuary, in which three Portugall ships were burnt, and two Frigats sunke, and Timber procured for the Hopes maine Mast, which the Nabob caused to be done so warily, that it seemed he was afraid lest the Portugals might know it. On the foure and twentieth, came a Iesuite with another fellow from the Vice-roy to intreate of peace with Magribcan, who on

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the seuen and twentieth, sent the Vice-Roy one hundred and fiftie Maunds Meale, one hundred sheepe, twentie fiue Maunds Conserues with Hens, &c. In the after-noone the Sabandar re∣quested me to read a Letter from the Vice-Roy, which signified that whereas by the Padre hee was informed that the Nabob desired to make peace in his Masters name, and had appointed for treatie thereof the Sabandar, Isaac Beg, and Abduram, hee also had hearkened thereto and ap∣pointed three others to that businesse binding himselfe to performe their agreements.

On the one and thirtieth. The Sabandar came vnto mee and told mee, that no peace could bee with the Portugals, they refusing to make any restitution for damages or goods taken, but rather [ 10] required money of them: and that the Vice-roy had sent to all parts thereabouts for more forces. After their fire deuices frustrated, they all set saile, both Ships, Iunckes, Gallies and Frigats, and roade at the Barre of Surat. The Hector had taken one of their Frigats which was imployed to tow the fire-boats and in her seuen men; three slaine, foure liuing. Soone after they departed: and we also weighed the second of March.

On the fourth, we descryed the Portugall Fleet, which presently gaue vs chase, and the next day also. On the sixth, the Generall came aboord vs, to wish vs to make readie, he purposing to turne and giue the on-set on them: but about noone the Portugals bore vp the Helme, and stood in for the shoare, and within three houres after we lost sight of them. The tenth, at night the Hope departed from vs. The fifteenth, we saw three Spouts of water not farre from vs, one whereof very bigge continuing halfe an houre. The nineteenth, we doubled Cape Comorine.* 1.5

[ 20] The tenth of May, the wind and current against vs, the Generall went to a greene Iland to the North of the Salt-hill, and there came to an anchor in twentie fathome good ground sandie. Wee sought fresh-water but found none: wee saw Pigges and Hogs on the Iland, and gathered good store of Coco Nuts. About this Iland is good riding, beeing twelue fathomes within a stones throw of the shoare. The Pinnasse fetched water at an Iland foure leagues off, which was brackish. We found water in the Iland beyond the burning one. The second of Iune, wee came to an anchor in Bantam Road.

The third of Iuly, we weighed Mace and receiued Silke for the furnishing of the Salomon, for Masulipatan, wherein we concluded to send for Merchants, George Chancie, Ralph Preston,* 1.6 Hum∣phery Elkington, Timothy Mallory, George Sauage, and Robert Sauage.

[ 30] The eighth of Iuly, we laded Porcelane in her: and then came newes by a Iuncke from the Moluccas, of the Thomasine being there, and of twelue saile of Hollanders at Ternate, which hin∣dered all men they could from Trade. The eleuenth, our old house escaped great danger of a fire neere it.

On the twentieth, Master Iordan receiued Letters from Master Ball at Macassar, of the vio∣lent courses which the Flemmings vsed with him, beating him from thence,* 1.7 as also that they purposed with their whole force to come to take Bantam, and to place the King of Motran in the Gouernment.

The one and twentieth, Master Bennet set saile in the Salomon. The fiue and twentieth, the Aduice and Attendance came into the Road, hauing beene out of England eight moneths. At the [ 40] Cape they met with the Globe and Iames, to whom they spared eighteene men. They departed towards England, Iuly the seuenteenth, and they hither, the eighteenth, meeting with a shippe neere the Cape, which we iudge to be the Samaritan or Hope from England.

The fifth of August, I was aboord with the Generall then very ill, and the next day had word of his departure; whom followed on the eighth. Master Euans the Preacher,* 1.8 and Master Hamb∣den, as was supposed, by taking Lodanum, they both being well a little before. On the eleuenth, the Aduice was dispeeded for Iapan, with twentie two persons brought out of England, fiue Blackes and Fernando the Spaniard.

The fourteenth, returned the Concord from Socodanna, and Macassar. That night was much Raine, Thunder and Lightning, the Church or Meskit of Bantam split in two with a Thunder∣bolt, [ 50] and the chiefe Priest almost slaine, which the King and people tooke as an ill presage, and therefore determined to make peace with Iacatra.

The sixteenth, the Thomasines Boat came into Bantam, with twentie two English, and fue Blackes, which told of the casting away of the Thomasine on certaine flats,* 1.9 twentie two leagues from Macassar the night before, Wilson the Master being carelesse, and all the company asleepe, sa∣uing he which was at the Helme. The money they saued and brought with them. Master Baily signified also that the wracked company there enforced him to pay them their wages, which we caused them to restore.

The nineteenth, the Flemmings put into the Bilbowes three Blackes, that Master Baily brought with him from Celoar, pretending they tooke them climbing ouer their pales,* 1.10 also that they were [ 60] taken form a place which they protected, and therefore would keepe them. We are many wayes most vily abused by them, nor is any way to right vs except wee should goe together by the eares, this as we conceiue being wrought of purpose, and the Blackes intised by them and willing to it, as being taken by force: which after that I knew, I was offended with Master Baily,* 1.11 being a meanes that whereas heretofore wee haue beene in all places well intreated, that wee should

Page 516

be hated as Men-robbers, which the Flemmings to disgrace vs will not let to blaze abroad.

The thirteenth of September, the watch espyed a fire in the thatch ouer Master Iordans lodg∣ing, which was soone quenched: it was throwne there purposely; we found the Cane wherein it was done, for which we sspected Francisco the Spaniard turned Iauan. The same night the like happened in two or three places of the Towne, but all preuented.

* 1.12The second of October, Sophonee Cossock, Merchant, came in a small Pinnasse from Puloway, one of the Ilands of Banda, with an Orancaya, to conferre of trade.

The two and twentieth, I with Master Pring and Master Boile, went ashoare to conferre with the Flemmish Generall, touching certaine idle complaints made by them of our Mariners: whom and the President I found very impatient, calling vs insolent * 1.13 English, and with threats, telling [ 10] vs our pride would haue a fall, with many other disgracefull words; this being the entertainment of that borish Generall, Garrat Reynes, in his owne house; shewing the like or worse to Master Ball, comming aboord him at Banda, and foure of our men entreating passage with him thence to Cambello, vpon no cause he carried them thither in the Bilbowes.

The third of Nouember, I went ashoare: Captaine Iordan called together the Merchants, and sent for the Orancaya of Banda, hauing had his Letter translated, the effect whereof was, that in regard of the ancient friendship betweene the English and them, and especially with Captaine Keelng, withall being prouoked by the cruelty of the Hollanders, their earnest desire was to trade only with the English for the Spices of Puloway, Pulerons and Nera: conditionally that the Eng∣lish would furnish them with Victuals, Munition and Ordnance, and helpe them to recouer the [ 20] Castle of Nera, and that some might bee sent to Banda, to conferre hereof with the Orancayas. To which was answered, that for helpe to recouer Nera, we could not doe it without order from England; for Ordnance at present we were vnprouided: what we could, we would, which was to furnish them with Victuals, and what other prouisions we could, till further order out of Eng∣land, and to trade with them for Spices, purposing to send a ship, and some to conferre with the Orancayas, how we should be secured, and whether they would permit vs a Fort on shoare.

The two and twentieth, were fiue Hollanders riding without: foure of which came from Mauritius Iland (hauing come out of Holland nineteene moneths past) where they found Ge∣nerall Butt cast away with three ships, two vtterly lost, the third men and goods saued, the fourth went home with a Iury Mast, in company of a small Pinnasse that came thither by chance. One [ 30] of these shippes that was at the Mauritius came away before the rest, whom they found driuing to and againe before the Straights mouth, hauing lost one hundred and sixty men, and left in her but eight.

The fiue and twentieth, by a letter from Priaman, we had newes of the death of Master Oxe∣wike and Samuel Negus.

§. II. [ 40] A Briefe of Memorialls obserued and written by M. EDVVARD DODSVVORTH, Merchant in the former Voyage, which returned in the Hope.

THe sixteenth of October, in the Bay of Surat, came aboord vs Master Aldworth and Master Steele: and the next day in consultation it was demanded of Master Ald∣worth according to the Companies * 1.14 Commission, concerning Paul Canning, of his cariage and respect with the King: to which he answered, That was well, and this good, till the Iesuits had made knowne that he was a Merchant, and not immediatly sent from our King; after that, neglected, since which he * 1.15 dyed. Also he thought fit that some one of our Nation, of good respect, should remaine at Court, to right vs in those wrongs which might bee [ 50] offered. To this function Master Edwards was chosen as a man most answerable to the Compa∣nies Commission to go for Agra, some question being made whether he should proceed in name and profession of a Merchant (according to the strictnesse of the Commission) which Master Ald∣worth conceited would procure him disrespect with the Kng. After much contesting, some way was giuen to Master Edwards, lest they should seeme contrary to each other in their proceedings, it being before by some giuen out, that he was the Kings Messenger.

All this while wee heard not from the Cheefe at Surat, nor had any encouragement, or so much as refreshing, whereupon I was sent with a letter to the Nabob, and doubting to get into the Citie, was forced to stay by the way, and lye in a poore Gonge, and the next day was cour∣teously entertained: but hauing Nicholas Vphlet with me for Interpreter, a man knowne and ha∣ted [ 60] by the Nabob, for employment in Captaine Hawkins debts and affaires; he departed discon∣tent▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coanozan with others, to receiue my letter: I refused to deliuer it to them; in the afternoone I was admitted, and he seemed much discontent at our want of refreshments, as not knowing it, promising reformation; and the next day went to talke with the Generall at Swal∣ly,

Page 517

who had come into that Road on the one and twentieth. Neuerthelesse, we had found nothing but delayes: and the nine and twentieth, hee sent the Sabander to acqaint vs, that wee should looke for no trade or kindnesse, except wee would assist them against the Portugall: Which the Generall refusing, further then his Commission gaue leaue, he also desired leaue by his letter, that his Merchants might come aboord with their goods, so to depart to some other place, where with safetie he might deliuer his Maiesties Letters and Present to the Mogoll. Master Elkington and Master Aldworth went with this Letter. * 1.16 But Magro Can would not so much as looke on vs, but tooke it very scornefully, and went his way, and sent the Sabandar with answere as before.

[ 10] The second of Nouember, we had sowre entertainment of him, telling vs, if we would stay, we might; if we would go, we might go, either in Gods, or the Deuills name; for our other de∣mands referring vs to Isaak Beg and the Sabandar, who would yeeld vs nothing. The common people seemed well affected to vs, the greater to desire our roome rather then our company, but so that we thought none of them durst gaine-stand the Kings Firma: whereupon it was conclu∣ded that the goods should bee landed, which accordingly was done. But in the Alfandica wee could find no reasonable ratements on the goods, nor aue to carry away any thing, till the Na∣ob had seene them, and taken what he pleased (as hee had done in opening mens che••••s, neiher Mariner nor Merchant escaping without trifles taken from them,* 1.17 no reason after giuen for it) searching to the very pillowes and pockets, not sparing Master Edwards himselfe: Customing the Cases, Bottels, Apparell, or what we brought for necessary vse, as if they sought by foule vsage [ 20] to weary vs.

The fifteenth, Magro Can himselfe came to the Alphandica, and sealed vp the Kings Presents, which he was desirous to see, although he had promised that they should passe without opening. He desired to haue all the Pictures and Combe-cases, which we said were to go for Agra, that the King might haue his choise. Whereupon (notwithstanding he was offered part of them) he fell into great choler, and obiected Sir Henry Middleton his proceedings in the Red-sea, wishing Ma∣ster Aldworth to write to the King for satisfaction: which was answered to haue beene already ended by Captaine Best, as the Artiles manifest. He concluded yet with faire promises, but the effect was (defect and) delay, wee bing not permitted to carry away the Kings Presents. The [ 30] Pictures by lying in the Sunne, were broken and warped in vile manner, wee also in danger to lose the Monson, and the Kings Present, with Muskets and Fowling-peeces taken from our men, were carried to his house: and nothing permitted vs, except he might first see the Kings Present, which we at last yeelded vnto, and Magro Can as much as he could disgraced, boasting of his re∣spect with the King. And thus had we leaue to remoue them.

The foure and twentieth, came a Firma from the Mogoll, which the Nabob (according to their custome) met in state two miles out of the Citie, with sixe hundred horse. And the next day we were kindly entertained, and he gaue Master Edwards eight hundred and fiftie Mamudies, thirty peeces of Topseell, ten of fine Calicoes, &c. the money to cary vp the Presents, (the King not willing to charge them that bring them) the Stuffes and Calicoes for such as should accom∣pany [ 40] them. To the Merchants also he gaue fifteene peeces of Topseels (fiue to each) wih his chop for our departure, and kind promises; all in the sght of him which brought the Firma. The thirtieth, Master Edwards and we set forwards towards Amadauar.

The second of December, we came to Baroche: from whence the Gouernour sent a guard of Souldiers with vs to Demylode, and there had a new conuoy of fiftie horse and foot to Charmondo: whence we departed on the seuenth, with fiue and twentie souldiers, all notorious theeues (as we after found) With these we went 10 c. and pitched in a plaine, where wee baracadoed our selues, as formerly we vsed, with our carts; at supper time wee had beene assaulted with fiftie horse-men, which came close vpon vs, had they not found vs well prouided, the charge wee car∣ried being certainly knowne thorow all the Countrey as we trauelled.

The eight, we came to Brodera, and gaue the Gouernour a Present, which he accepted kindly, [ 50] but requested a further kindnesse to see our Mastifle dogge.* 1.18 This Citie stands in a plaine which seemed fertile, and is well watered, a thing not so common in those parts. Wee departed hence with one hundred horse and foot, which voluntarily offered that seruice (in regard especially of the Kings Present, employed by the Gouernour) not without charge to vs, and came to Arras,* 1.19 a Towne inhabited for the most part with Banians, where their superstition of not killing any thing, caused vs bad entertainment.

On the thirteenth, we came to Amadauas. Hence we gaue commission to Richard Steele, and Iohn Crowther for their Persian iourney. And hence the second of Ianuary, Master Edwards depar∣ted from vs for Agra.

All this while finding the Merchants heere, in hope of Peace with the Portugals, to inhaunce [ 60] the prices of their Indico, we resolued to go to Sarques to make triall with the Countrie people,* 1.20 who are the makers of it: which on the seuenth we did, and found good employment, in foure dayes packing vp foure hundred fardles; and Master Aldworth returning to Amadauas, found them now more tractable. Sarques is thence 3 c. distant, the Towne not bigge, but counted the best

Page 518

soile for Indico in those parts, the triall thereof chiefly by water, as at Amadauas Iambrozerch by fire, all of them ready to put trickes on vs by mingling or otherwise. At Sarques are two of the most auncient Monuments in those parts;* 1.21 one of a chiee Prophet there intombed, to which ma∣ny Pilgrims resort from farre; the other of their ancient Kings. To the North of the Towne is the place, where Can Canna first put the Guzerates (the auncient inhabitants) to flight, the rest of the Kingdome being shortly after conquered by Ecbar this Kings Father. This place of the victory is strongly walled with bricke, some mile and halfe in circuit, planted with fruits and watered pleasantly, and a costly house called Victory erected, in which he resided for a time, but now in Bramport.

The foure and twentieth, we went to the Gouernour for his leaue to depart, which he gran∣ted; [ 10] but hearing of diuers robbed and murthered that night close by the Citie, order was giuen that we should stay till a sufficient guard were made readie for vs. The next morning we had Let∣ters from M. Elkington of the arriuall of the Portugal Vice-roy, with a strong force to driue vs out of the Countrey.

* 1.22The Generall to procure some weakening of their strength, caused the Hope to fall downe to the Southermost sand, thinking in eager pursuit some of them would be driuen aground. Present∣ly three of the smallest ships, and thirtie sixe Frigats were sent to boord her, hoping to towe her away. Thrice the enemie entred, and was thrice repulsed, and forced at last to leape ouer-boord, thinking in their Frigats to saue themselues, who receiued such hot discourse from the other ships, that they could not releeue them, so that many were swallowed by the Sea, others slaine a∣boord, [ 20] to the number, as is reported, of three hundred at least. The Shippes which had boorded the Hope, were now (in despaire, and out of all hope) cut from her, and seized instantly by the two desperate, hopelesse, mercilesse Elements, Fire and the Sea, recommending some bones or a∣shes of their burnt Carkasses to the ground and shoare.

The sixe and twentieth, we departed with fortie cart-loads of Indico and other goods, and came the seuen and twentieth to Mundeuas, where the Gates were shut vpon vs by Sarder Cans command, which putting vs in much doubt, we procured one to speake with the Gouer∣nour, who told him of Letters that he had receiued from Mocrib Can, of our Generalls procee∣dings at Swally, and the safetie of Surat by the English, wishing him by no meanes to suffer vs to returne without a sufficient guard, which the next day should be ready for our safe departure. The twentie ninth, we departed. At Brodera, Sarder Cans men took vp more souldiours to assist them, [ 30] many robberies and murthers beeing daily committed, and diuers companies of Rashbootes lying in the way to intercept.

The second of February, aboue three hundred Rashboots assaulted vs in a narrow lane, inclosed on both sides with thicke hedges, where we could not hurt them, as they did our Caffila, with their arrowes and Shot. We therefore made what haste we could for the Plaine: meane while, they cut off two of our Coaches. But hauing gotten the Plaine, we made a stand, where they betooke them to their hedges againe, and left vs to looke to their prey, least one thiefe might rob another. Many of our company were hurt, whereof Humphrey Elkinton for one. The next day we got to Baroche, and on the fifth to Surat, and thanked Mocrib Can for his care; and hearing of [ 40] an assault the Portugals would next day giue vs, with his professed loue and leaue went the next day to Swally, and came aboord: but the Portugals deceiued our expectation.

The ninth, the poore inhabitants of Swally brought vs word of two fire-boats, to bee sent with the next Ebbe to fire our ships, which endangered more then endamaged the Hope. The night following, they attempted the like with foure other chained together, which with the ad∣vantage of the Tyde, and attendance of smaller boats came, but frustrate in their successe saue to themselues, foure of their Companie taken, and their Boats burned to the Keele. The Captiues confessed this the last of the Vice-royes designes for this yeare, hee beeing enforced for want of water and victualls to returne for Goa.

[ 50]
The Examination of Domingo Francisco, taken in Swally Roade, aboord the Gift. February 20. 1614.

HE saith, That he was borne in Lisboa, beeing the sonne of a Marriner, and serued Nuna d' Acuna in the fight against Captaine Best, in one of the foure Gallions, and afterwards went for Macao vpon the borders of China, and returned againe to Goa, where hee hath remained ten Moneths, and was two Moneths since commanded to come in a Gallion called the S. Antho∣nie, in this Expedition for the Port of Swally, where the eighth of this Moneth hee was taken. The Vice-roy Don Ieronimo de Sauedo,* 1.23 came (as this Examinate further saith) to the destruction of the English at Surat with these forces. His owne ship called the All-Saints, of eight hundred [ 60] Tunnes burthen, had three hundred men, and twenty eight pieces of Ordnance. Michael de Soozo Captaine of the S. Bennet of seuen hundred Tunnes, had one hundred and fiftie men, and twenty Peeces. Iohn Cayatho, Captaine of the S. Laurence of sixe hundred Tunnes, had one hun∣dred and sixtie men, eighteene Peeces. Francisco Henriques Captaine of the S. Christopher, so

Page 519

much burthen, had one hundred and fiftie nine men, and Ordnance as the former. Francisco de Mirande, Captaine of the S. Ieronymo of fiue hundred Tunnes, had one hundred and eightie men, sixteene Peeces. Gaspar de Meall Captaine of the S. Anthonio of foure hundred Tunnes, had an hundred and fortie men, foureteene Peeces.

The ships were the S. Peter of two hundred Tunnes,* 1.24 Captaine Francisco Cauaco, men one hun∣dred and fiftie, Peeces eight. The S. Paul of two hundred Tunnes, Captaine Don Iohn de Mes∣carena, one hundred fiftie men, eight Peeces. The Pinnasse one hundred twenty Tunnes, Cap∣taine Andrea de Quellio, eightie men, foure Peeces. Lewes de Bruto, Captaine of one Gally,* 1.25 Di∣ego [ 10] de Suro, of the other, in each fiftie men. Of the Frigats there were sixtie, hauing twentie souldiours a piece, and eighteene oares on a side. The supply which came after,* 1.26 was two ships of two hundred Tunnes a piece, two India Iunkes, and eight small Boates imployed to fire vs. The Admirals Ordnance were all of Brasse; of the other fiue Gallions, halfe of Brasse, halfe of Yron; against all which, the Almightie (blessed be his Name) protected vs.

The fiue and twentieth, the Nabob visited the Generall both ashoare and aboord. And the Generall thought fit with consent of the rest, that I should returne with the Hope for England. The third of March, we weighed from Swally road, the next day had sight of the Portugall fleete. The sixth, we expected they would haue fought, and prepared our fights; but at noone they bare vp for Goa. On the eleuenth, we parted from the Generall, they bound for Achen and Bantam, we for England. On the twelfth, we held our course by the North end of the Maldiuas, where [ 20] by experience we found many shoalds and Ilands, laid in the plats most falsly,* 1.27 as may seeme of purpose, that these Seas might seeme more dangerous then they are.

The seuenteenth of Iune, 1615. we arriued at Saldania Bay, where wee found a fleet of foure saile English bound for Surat, vnder the command of Captaine Keeling, which after consultation holden, and newes of the state there, departed. On the twentieth,* 1.28 I met with Crosse and his Companie, there left to make a discouery, and intreated some of them to acquaint Coree with my comming, which by the way were set vpon by the Sauages and wounded, and thereupon foure Muskets deliuered Crosse at his request, who procured Corce to come downe with his whole family, and fter that some Cattell. He told of the discords amongst the Sauages, whereby the Mountainers sometimes robbed them. The sixe and twentieth wee departed, leauing our long [ 30] Boat to Crosse, with powder, shot, and prouision.

In twenty nine degrees North, we met with a Holland ship come from the Mauritius, set forth thither to cut wood, which seemed a Bastard Ebony; where contrary to their expectation, they found the lamentable wracke of foure ships come from Bantam and the Moluccas, broken on the rockes, the goods and men of two of them lost; of the third most of the goods saued, and with part thereof this ship laden; the fourth driuen to sea by a storme, returned with a iury maine mast. The Master promised vs company, but finding vs a hinderance, after tenne dayes left vs, without so much kindnesse as a farewell, or carriage of a letter, which I imputed to their inbred boorish disposition. Ill weather followed, and we were much weakened, yet I thank God with∣out the losse of any, till my arriuall in Ireland, thwart of the Riuer of Limerike. The seuen and [ 40] twentieth of October, 1615. there also entertained with a storme, till a Scottish Barke crossed with contrary winds, was hired to pilot vs into Harbour: where also a remainder of Captaine M. his vngodly crue, which lately had obtained their pardon, put mee in feare, till Sir Henrie Foliot secured vs with a supply of men; and I dispeeded Letters to London.

Notes

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