Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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Title
Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.
Author
Purchas, Samuel, 1577?-1626.
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London :: Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Rose,
1625.
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Voyages and travels -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68617.0001.001
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"Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68617.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 15, 2024.

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CHAP. XIIII. Extracts of PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS his Iournall, for the seuenth Voyage, (in which he went Cape Merchant) translated out of Dutch. He arriued in England 1615. and died two Moneths after in London.

§. I. [ 50] The Voyage to Paleacatte, Petapoli, Masulipatan, Bantam, Patania, and Siam.

HAuing couenanted and agreed with the Right Worshipfull the Gouernour and Deputy of the East-Indian Societie, we embarqued our selues in the Globe, the fift of Ianuary 1610. Stylo Angliae, and set saile for Grauesend: the fift of Febru∣ary we set saile from the Downes. The one and twentieth of May 1611. wee came into Saldania Bay, where wee found three ships, and two boates came a∣boord vs, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrike Brouwer.* 1.1 Much [ 60] refreshing was not here to be had at this time of the yeare, by reason of great store of raine, being now their winter, the mountaines also couered with snow. Wee vsed great diligence in seeking of the roote Ningim, for which purpose the said two Holland ships had come thither,* 1.2 one being of Iapan that first discouered the secret. But at this time the newe leafe began only to peepe forth, that had we not receiued instructions, wee could not haue knowne it; the right and ripe time

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thereof beeing December, Ianuary and February. It is called of these Inhabitants Canna.

We hauing filled our water, and refreshed our selues with eight Sheepe and twentie Neat. Set saile out of the Bay, leauing behind vs the boat of Isaac le Maire with his sonne Iacob, who lay there to barter for hides and skinnes, and to make traine oyle; which was to continue there till December.* 1.3 To him we gaue letters for England. Neere Tena de Natat. Iune the tenth, wee were in great danger: a storme of thunder, lightning, wind and raine, almost violently thrust vs on shoare; but God mercifully and powerfully gaue vs vnexpcted deliuerance.

* 1.4The ••••rst of August, we saw the land of Ceylon falling with Punta de Galle, and running along the coast. On the sixt we fell before Negapatan, beeing twentie eight miles (leagues) from our guessing, the Map in that place beeing very false. The like hath also happened to the Hollanders, which in the night might be very dangerous. Neither found we the Iland so broad as it is there [ 10] laid. M. Mullineux layeth Punto de Galle in foure degrees, which lyeth in sixe. Towards eue∣ning we passed before the Road, and might see the Towne and houses very plainely.

* 1.5The seuenth, wee passed Lanagapatan, where the Hollanders hauing a Factorie, are wearie be∣cause of little doings. On the eight, we came before Saint Thome, and on the ninth before Palea∣catte, passing ouer the shallow being in length aboue a Musket shot, hauing but three fathome water. Here came two Boates aboord vs, one from the Sabander, another from the Hollanders. The tenth, the Sabanders men brought vs a Caul or conduct to come safely ashoare. Whereupon and Master Browne went ashoare, but by the roughnesse of the Sea were turned ouer, yet (God be thanked) no man was drowned. The Sabander met vs, compassionating our mischance and appointed vs a house, promising vs to procure a Letter from the King to the Gouernesse of Conda [ 20] Maa.

On the eleuenth, Iohn Van Wersicke the Dutch President on the Coast of Choromandell, shewed vs a Caul from the King of Narsinga,* 1.6 Wencapati, Raia, wherein was granted, that it should not be lawfull for any that came out of Europe to trade there, but such as brought Prince Maurice his Patent, and therefore desired our departure. We answered we had Commission from his Maiestie of England, and would therefore doe what we could. Hence arose high words, which the Sa∣bander calmed, telling of the Gouernesse her comming thither within three dayes.

On the seuententh, came Conda Maa, and Captaine Hippon, comming on shoare, wee were readie to goe to her, when we receiued word to the contrarie, and that the next day shee would send for vs. We suspected the Hollanders close dealing, and the next day sent to the Sabander [ 30] (no man comming for vs) who answered the King, had made grant to the Hollanders, and wee must goe to him (the dispatching of which businesse would haue cost vs two monethes space, and hazarded the Monson for Patane) if we would procure libertie. The Hollanders also had made reaie two Elephants to send to the King. Wherefore we resolued to prosecute our Voyage for Petapolt and Masulipatan.

The twentieth, we arriued before Petapoli, and the Gouernour sent vs a Caul. Wee agreed with him for three thirds per Centum,* 1.7 Custome and sent goods on shoare, resoluing that Master Lucas and Master Browne should stay there: and that I should goe to Masulipatan, where was a better Road for the ship.* 1.8 Thither we came on the last of August, and Zaldchar Chan brought vs a Caul. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela (a great Officer vnder the King, which far∣meth [ 40] out his Reuenues) to Codapoli, in regard of the shifts of the vnder Officers. On the twentieth of Ianuary, deceased Cotobara King of Badaya, or Lollongana, and of Masulipatan, and great tumults were feared. But the wisdome of Mir Masunim preuented the same, present∣ly electing Mahumad Vnim Cotobara,* 1.9 sonne to the Brother of the deceased (who had left no children behind him) a yong-man of great hope. His Vncle had put all in the hands of the Per∣sians, but this sheweth himselfe contrarie, and an Enemie to Mir Sumela the fountaine of Ty∣rannie.

* 1.10The Gouernour dealt treacherously with mee, in a bargaine of Cloth and Lead for Launces; saying, he had agreed with me for foure thousand Pagodes▪ (intending by that coozenage to raise the Custome agreed at foure per Cetum to twelue) alleaging for reason, that hee was a Mir, [ 50] and that he was borne of Mahomets Posteritie, whose words must bee beleeued before a Chri∣stians. I not knowing how to deale with this Knaue, the time not suffering to send to the new King at Golconda,* 1.11 seeing no meanes to end with friendship, resolued to practise enmitie: but at last by intercession of other Moores, we ended in a kind of agreement. Hauing also cleered at Petapoli,* 1.12 we hauing a good Monson departed for Bantam, and arriued there the sixe and twen∣tieth of Aprill 1612. We found the Dutch readie to depart thence for Iacatra, by reason of the Gouernours new exactions. But we hauing no house there, after some contesting, agreed with him for three per Centum Custome.

* 1.13By order of Dauid Middleton, a Factorie was setled at Succadania, and continued by [ 60] Master Spalding, but it seemeth (as things are carryed) rather to priuate then publike benefit.

The first of Iune, we set sale from Bantam, and on the two and twentieth came into the Road of Patane,* 1.14 where we found the Bantam a ship of Enkhusen, of whom wee learned the manners of the Countrey. On the sixe and twentieth, we went on shoare in great state, taking with vs a

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present of about sixe hundred Rials of eight, to accompanie the Kings Letter. Wee were well receiued according to the manner of the Countrey, the Letter being laid in a Bason of Gold,* 1.15 and carryed vpon an Elephant with Minstrels, many Lances and little Flagges.

The Queenes Court was sumptuously prepared, the Letter read, and free Trade granted vs, paying such duties as the Hollanders did. Wee departed from the Court without sight of the Queene, and were brought to Dato Laxmanna the Sabander and Officer appointed for Strangers, where a Banquet of Fruits was set before vs: and thence to the Oran-caya Sirnona, and here also did eate something. The next day the Queene sent vs meate and fruits aboord.

The third of Iuly, departed hence a Dutch Pinnasse called the Grey-hound for Iapon,* 1.16 the Ma∣sters [ 10] Mate thereof was the same man which had brought the Letter from William Adams to the English at Bantam: by whom we sent the Companies Letters to Master Adams, which he pro∣mised to deliuer with his owne hands. This otherwise wee could not haue done; for those of Iapon are at enmitie with this place,* 1.17 and haue burned Patane twice within these fiue or sixe yeares.

Much adoe we had to get leaue to build a Ware-house here, fire-free, which we did hard by the Dutch-house in a place assigned vs thirtie fathome in length, twentie in breadth: the House eight fathome long, and foure broad. But their demands seemed very vnreasonable, amounting, besides former charges, to foure thousand Rials of eight, whereunto yet in hope of future bene∣fit we yeelded. Sicknesse also much afflicted vs, as if the plague had beene in our ship: and Cap∣taine [ 20] Hippon dyed the ninth of Iuly.* 1.18 Whose Successor was nominated in the Boxe N. 1. Master Browne; but he being dead before, the Boxe N. 2. was opened, wherein Thomas Essington was named, and did succeed. Hereunto was added losse by Theeues, which like resolute Dissolutes came into the house, a Lampe burning, and stole money out of my Chest, two hundred eightie three Rials of eight, and other goods; fifteene persons sleeping in the house, and a great blacke Dogge, and Watch kept in the yard, which made suspition of some of our owne, but we could neuer learne any certaintie.

I and Iohn Persons, and sixe more were left here in Factorie;* 1.19 and the ship departed the first of August for Syam. I would haue written to Syam, of my ill Market of Lawnes, but could not send by water, and by land no lesse then foure together would trauell for feare of Tygres, and [ 30] many Riuers they must passe, which made their demands to passe so farre, that I was forced to waite better oportunitie. In September the King of Ior ouer-ranne the Suburbes of Pahan, bur∣ning all before him, and likewise Campon Sina, which caused great dearth in Pahan.* 1.20 The cause of our want of vent here (where foure yeares before I had seene such quicknesse, as if the World would not haue prouided sufficient) is the Portugalls bringing to Malacca the wonted quantitie, and the Hollanders filling Bantam and the Moluccas, as also the Trade of Moores at Tanasserin and Syam, besides Tarangh a Hauen new found out by Keda; the Guzerates, and ano∣ther from Negapatan and we, helping to cloy the Market; so that the rumour is sufficient to keepe downe the price for ten yeares. I cannot at this present make fiue per Cento, which haue made foure of one. Thus is mans wisdome disappointed. I resolued to send a Cargason for Maccasar,* 1.21 [ 40] sending Iohn Persons as Chiefe, in a Iuncke of Empan, October the eight.

On the ninth, arriued two Iunckes from Siam, in one of which was sent mee a Letter from Master Essington and Master Lucas of their trouble and small likelihood of sale,* 1.22 besides the for∣mer causes, the Countrey being filled with warres; those of Cambois, Laniam, and Iagoman, preparing against Syam.

The fiue and twentieth, departed hence the Iunckes for Borneo, Iambi, Iaua, Maccasar, Iortan and other places, among whom was the Iuncke of Orancaya Raya Indramouda for Bantam, and thence to Iortan, Amboyna, and Banda, and backe to Maccassar. I cannot imagine what the Hol∣landers meane to sffer these Maleysians, Chinesians, and Moores of those Countries, and to assist them in their free Trade thorow all the Indies, and forbid it their owne Seruants,* 1.23 Countrymen [ 50] and Brethren, vpon paine of death and losse of goods. Surely a token of great ignorance or en∣uie, suffering Turkes and Heathens to grow rich, rather then their owne Countrymen should get their liuing. Surely a great ingratitude, and a token that Gods punishment is comming vpon them.

The eleuenth of Nouember, the Glohe arriued from Syam, hauing beene eight dayes in the way. They had arriued in the Road of Syam the fifteenth of August, and cast Anchor at three fathome high water: but the next day the water ebbing thirteene houres together they had but seuen foot muddie ground, and therefore not very hurtfull. They remoued further off, where they had three fathome at a low water, being foure miles (leagues) from the Barre. The Towne lyeth some thirtie leagues vp along the Riuer, whether they sent newes of their arriuall. The Saban∣der [ 60] and the Gouernour of Mancock (a place scituated by the Riuer) came backe with the Mes∣sengers to receiue his Maiesties Letters, but chiefly for the presents expected. Captaine Essing∣ton and Master Lucas went with them to the Towne,* 1.24 where the seuenteenth of September they came before the King, who promised free Trade, and gaue euery one a little golden Cup, and a little piece of clothing. The Mandrins (Officious Officers) would haue interuerted the Kings

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command for their owne couetousnesse, taking at their owne prices what they please, and pay∣ing when they are pleased with Bribes, with worse demeanure then in any other parts of the Indies (though the rest bad enough) till complaint being made to the King, they were charged not to molest them; and the goods were carried to the house which the King had assigned, being of bricke, the best in Siam, neare to that of the Hollanders. Now was the time of raines, and the countery couered with water.

The sixe and twentieth of October, arose such stormes, that old folkes had not there seene the like,* 1.25 renting vp trees by the roots, and blowing downe the Kings monument, which hee had erected to his Father. The ship harly escaped by the diligence of Master Skinner and Samuel Huyts, casting out a third anchor, being driuen, notwithstanding her two anchors, from sixe fa∣thome [ 10] to foure, and not passing an English mile from the land. Master Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stocke,* 1.26 but very strangely recouered. Fiue men were drowned; one after the rest, whom they supposed deoured of a Whale, which they saw soone after they had seene him. This storme lasted foure or fiue houres, and then followed a smooth sea, as if there had beene no tempest. A tempest yet continued aboord the ship, by reason, as was reported, of the reasonlesse masterly Master, who was therefore apprehended, and Skinner placed in his roome, whereby that weather also calmed.* 1.27 As for their Trade, they were too much becalmed, this being the third place of Trade in all the Indies, and so farre distant from Bantam and Patane. The cause where∣of is this.

[ 20]
§. II. Relations of strange Occurrents in Pegu, Siam, Ioor, Patane, and the Kingdomes adiacent.

SIAM hath been a mightie Kingdome and ancient, since subdued and tributary to Pegu, which yet continued not long. For the King of Siam dying, left two sonnes, [ 30] which were brought vp in the Kings Court of Pegu. But flying from thence to Si∣am, the eldest called in the Maeyan language, Raa api, or the Fiery King, and by the Portugals the Blacke King, set vp himselfe as King: against whom the King of Pegu sent his son the Prince, who was slaine in these warres, and hath beene occasion of the destruction of the whole Kingdome, and many millions of Peguan liues. For the King sore grieued for the death of his sonne,* 1.28 caused his chiefe Peguan Lords and Souldiers (himselfe being of the kindred of the Brama's) to bee slaine. This caused great perturbation, diuers tributary Kings (whereof hee had twentie) falling daily from him: which at the last encouraged this Blacke King to make warre against him, going to the Citie of Vnxa or Pegu, before which he lay some two moneths, with∣out doing any thing; he brake vp his siege and returned to Siam. But the King of Pegu not long after, because of the great darth and death, gaue ouer himselfe, and all his treasure, into the [ 40] hands of the King of Tangu* 1.29 to preuent also falling into the hands of the King of Arracan, comming against him with a mightie power. This King of Arracan easily made himselfe Master of the Towne and Countrey, almost emptie and famished. Thinking to goe into Tangu: That King sent Embassadors, offering to deliuer vnto him certaine portions of the treasures of Pegu, the White Elephant, and the Kings daughter (both which I haue seene in Arracan, Anno 1608.) as also the King of Pegu, or else to kill him (as afterwards it happened that the King of Tangu slew him with a Pilon, wherewith they stampe their Rice, as being free against any stabbing.) In this manner came this mightie Empire to ruine, so that at this day there is no remembrance of it.* 1.30 The King of Arracan gaue the Towne or Fort of Siriangh, lying vpon the same Riuer of Pegu, in keeping to the Portugals, especially to Philip de Britto de Nicote, to whom hee gaue the [ 50] name of Xenga, that is, Honest, which honor Xenga did after requite, taking his sonne prisoner some three or foure yeeres after, and ransomed him at eleuen hundred thousand Tangans, and ten Galeas of Rce; who yet also domineereth and careth for no bodie.

Thus by Pegu's destruction was Siam receiued, and hath since brought in subiection the King∣domes of Cambaya, Laniah, Iagomai, Lugor, Patane, Teneserm and diuers others. Anno 1605. the Blacke King deceased without issue, and left his Kingdome to his brother, called the White King, a coutous man, but enioying his kingdomes in peace: he dyed Anno 1610. leauing diuers children behind him. Hence much alteration: For lying in his death-bed, hee caused his eldest sonne to be slaine, being a yong man of great hope, at the instigation of one Iockrommeway, one of the principall Lords of Siam,* 1.31 who hauing many slaues, thought to make himselfe King. [ 60]

This present King was the second sonne of the White King, who not long after dispatched that Traytor,* 1.32 which had amongst other slaues, two hundred and eightie Iapanders. These thinking to reuenge their Masters death, and to atchieue some memorable exploit, ran together to the Court of this new King, possessed themselues of King and Court (being with out suspition) and com∣pelled

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him to deliuer foure of the principall Nobles to be slaine, as causes of their Masters death. And hauing sometime vsed him at their pleasure, they compelled him to subscribe with his owne blood, and to giue some of the chiefe Palapos or Priests for hostages, to such agreement as they propounded, and so departed with great treasure after much violence, the Siamites not being able to right themselues. Vpon this occasion, the kingdomes of Cambaya and Laniangh rebelled,* 1.33 as also one Banga de Laa a Peguan. And the King of Laniangh came the last yeere into Siam, with∣in three dayes iourney of the Towne of Odija,* 1.34 hoping to find the Countrey still entangled with these slauish Iaponian broyles. But they being departed, the King of Siam came forth to meete him, which the other durst not abide. The two other Kings are said to haue ioyned league to [ 10] come together in Aprill, to dispossesse this yong King, being about two and twentie yeeres of age, which yet without treason of his owne, they are not likely to effect. Once, it was our hard happe to hit vpon these bad times so vnfitting for Trade.

We resolued that the ship should winter here in Patanie, forced thereto by diuers causes.* 1.35 The one and thirtieth of December, the Queene accompanied with aboue sixe hundred Prawes, went to sport her selfe: shee lay first at Sabrangh, where we went to salute her, hauing both sight and speech with her, in company of the Hollanders: Shee was a comely old woman, threescore yeeres of age, tall and full of Maiestie; in all the Indies we had seene few like her. Shee had in company her Sister (which was next heire) and her yonger sisters little daughter, which hath been married to Raia Siack, brother to the King of Ioor. This her sister, commonly called the yong Queene,* 1.36 was yet an vnmaried Virgin, about sixe and fortie yeeres of age. After we had had some confe∣rence [ 20] with her, shee let fall the curten, intimating thereby, that wee should depart, signifying that next day we should come againe; which wee did, and were well entertained. There were twelue women and children to dance, which I haue not seene better performed in the Indies. Then were all the Gentilitie commanded to dance, or at least make shew thereof: which caused no small laughter. We and the Hollanders must doe likewise, and the Queene thereat reioyced. She had not been out of her house in seuen yeeres before, till this going to hunt wilde Buffes and Bulles, whereof there is great abundance. As shee passed along with her traine betwixt our house and the ship, we saluted her with some Peeces from the ship, and Musket shot on shoare.

In this winter of Nouember and December, the water, by continuall raine,* 1.37 was higher then had been in the memery of man, so that many beasts died, many houses were driuen away, and [ 30] much harme done. The fiue and twentieth of Ianuary, we had newes by a Dutch ship from Siam,* 1.38 that Master Lucas had sold more then halfe his goods, and that the King had bought a great par∣cell thereof: neithr would he suffer the Officers to carry away the goods, with a pretext of the Kings name, without a testimoniall from the King. We had also newes from Keda, that the Por∣tugals had come with fifteene hundred men from Saint Thome,* 1.39 and taken the Hollanders house in Paleacate, slaine their men, and carried away the goods. In March I sent the ship for Siam with more goods.

The King of Pahan married the yonger sister of the Queene of Patane, whom shee hauing not seene in twentie eight yeeres, hauing requested the same by often solemne Embassies, and not ob∣taining; [ 40] hath made stay of all the Iunkes that came from Siam, Cambaya, Bordelongh, Lugor, or any other places laden with Rice for Pahan, and sent forth all her power by water, consisting of about seuentie sailes, with some foure thousand men, vnder the command of Maha Raia, Datoe Bessar, and Orancayo Sirnora, with order to bring her sister hither, either in friendship or by force, se that Pahan shall haue much to doe by reason of the great dearth, the burning of his house, Rice and barnes; as also the warres of Ioor, who as is said, maketh great prepartion to goe in his owne person for Pahan; and the King of Borneo prepareth on the other side to their succour.

In Aprill 1613. here arriued diuers Iuncks from Cambaya and China. In May I receiued letters from Siam, and good newes of sale, and of the Globes arriuall. He was busie to send a Cargason of goods for Iapan. Seeing good to be done with China Commodities, I tooke vp three thousand Rials of eight of the Queene at interest, for three or foure Moneths, allowing sixe per Centum to [ 50] the Queene, and one per Centum to the Treasurer. We receiued ill newes from Bantam,* 1.40 that Cam∣pochina had twice been burnt, the great English house also full of cloath, and that of the Hollanders with great losse: of a great English ship at Pulo Panian much distressed, and great mortalitie. There came newes also, that the Acheners had besieged Ioor.* 1.41

Iuly the twelfth, here arriued the King of Pahan, with his Wife the Queenes sister,* 1.42 and two Sonnes, much against his will, leauing his countrey in great pouertie, famine, fire, and warre, ha∣uing ioyned conspiracie. He brought newes that the Acheners had taken Ioor,* 1.43 and carried all the Ordnance, Slaues, and other things away with them; Raia Boungson with his children were ta∣ken prisoners, and the King of Ioor fled to Bintam. It was besieged nine and twentie dayes. Some Hollanders also, whose ship was then at Ioor, were there taken and slaine.* 1.44 None of the Grandes [ 60] went to entertaine this King of Pahan, onely all the dogs were killed for his sake, because he can endure none. He tooke our shooting as he passed by vs in his honour very kindly, desiring vs to visit him, and to trade in his Countrey.

Iuly the sixteenth, we had newes of Captaine Saris his being at Mackian, in the way to Iapan:

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also of the death of Sir Henry Middleton on the foure and twentieth of May,* 1.45 as was thought by griefe for the most part, the Trades-increase lying there on ground without Mast, with three and thirtie men the greatest part sicke: the ship being sheathed on the one side, and not on the other. In her had deceased an hundred English, and more Chineses which wrought for wages, and eight Dutch,* 1.46 by some strange sickenesse. Captaine Schot had taken the Castle and Iland of Solor, with great quantitie of Sandalwood. In the Moluccos also they had done much on the Spanyard, and a hot warre was likely to ensue. Iuly the one and thirtieth, came the King of Pahan to our house with great state, making great promises of kind entertainment in his Countrey.

August the first, the Queene sent for vs to the Court, where was made a great feast in honour of the King of Pahan. There was also plaid a Comedie by women after the Iauan manner, appa∣relled [ 10] antikelike,* 1.47 very pleasant to behold. On the ninth, the King of Pahan departed, hauing been here a mocking stocke to the Patanees: but the Queenes Sister would not leaue him, but re∣turned backe with him; in liew of getting great presents, hauing spent almost all shee had. On the sixteenth, I receiued a letter from Thomas Bret at Maccasar of a bad Market, and that Iohn Persons was fallen frantike: and that they had bought a Iunke with purpose to haue come away, but that in the meane time the Darling came thither, beeing full of cloathing to settle a Facto∣rie there.

September the eighteenth, arriued here Raia Indra Monda, which had gone from hence, O∣ctober the twentie fift: he had been at Maccasar, and thence to Banda, where hee made a good Market.* 1.48 He brought about two hundred sockles Mace, and a great parcell of Nutmegs. Hee [ 20] brought me a letter from Richard Welden. By him I learned the State of Banda; the Generall Pe∣ter de Bot, had ministred seuere iustice, hanging some for sleeping in the watch, on a Gallowes hard by the Castle: which caused diuers to runne to the Bandesians, and ten were turned Moores; neither could they of the Castle by any meanes recouer them. Nor haue they of the Castle any command at all ouer the Bandesians:* 1.49 onely they make the Iunkes to ride vnder the Castle, as also the ships, so commanding the Sea, but not daring to giue a bad word on land to the Bandesians. The three and twentieth, the Globe arriued from Siam, and I receiued a letter from M. Lucas, that he had no newes from the Cargason sent to Iagomai, because the passages were stopped by reason of the warres betweene the people of Awa and of Laniangh.* 1.50 The King of Awa is said to haue taken Siriangh, and to haue caused the Xenga to be slaine. The King of Siam expects [ 30] him with great forces, keeping good watches on his borders. I payd the Queene her debt in gold.

October the fourth, beeing the Moores first day of Lent, about eight of the clocke in the mor∣ning,* 1.51 arose a mightie fire in the Towne, or rather the Fort and Court of Patania, the cause was this: Datoe Besar and Datoe Laxmanna dwelling neere to each other, and beeing (except Raia Shey) the richest in Slaues of Iavonians: it chanced, this Datoe Besar had been threatned by his Iauonian slaues, that they would kill him, Laxmannah, Raia Suterbangh, and others, which at last came to their eares. Whereupon Datoe Besar calling in his slaues, examined the busines, which by the was denied. Notwithstanding he caused two which were most suspected to bee bound, which the Pongonla of the slaues would not suffer, who was thereupon by the said Besar thrust through with his Cryse or Dagger. The Iauonian slaues enraged hereat, had laid hold on their [ 40] Lord, but that his other slaues freed him. Their furie neuerthelesse slew all which came in their way, and set fire on their houses. The Iauan slaues of Laxmanah, seeing their Countrey men in trouble, in sight of their Master, and in spight of his threats, came to them, set all on fire: and be∣ing in all about an hundred persons, ranne to the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting all on fire on both sides as they went, so that the whole Towne, except some fewe, as the Queenes Court, Orancaio Sirnora, Datoe Bandara, and the Meskita, was burned. And the Iauans going a∣longst the streete, tooke the best bond-women that they found, along with them, and stayed till one of the clocke after dinner, domineering, none daring to come at them. Wee meane while were not without feare in our quarter, they threatning to fall on our house: wherefore (with the [ 50] Hollanders together) we kept strong watch, sending aboord for as many armed as might bee, which came in very fit time. For they beeing landed, and things set in order, we resolued to go to visit them, and to stoppe their way; which happened euen iust as they were comming down∣wards. But vnderstanding by their spies of our strength and comming towards them, they reti∣red thwart to the fields, and fled to Quale bouca, and so forwards to Bordolongh, Sangora, and into the Countrey. Thus we, without harme receiued, got the name of Defenders of strangers. The Iauans were followed afterwards to little purpose, three or foure sicke men beeing taken priso∣ners: what became of the rest was not knowne at our departure. This is the third time that Pata∣nia hath been burned, twice by the Iapanders, and once by the Iauans, a thing strange and almost incredible. [ 60]

On the one and twentieth, we tooke our leaue of the Queene, which gaue to mee, and to Ma∣ster Essington a golden Cryse.* 1.52 We left William Ebert in the house with Robert Litleword and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for M. Lucas at Siam. The same day arriued the vnhoped for Hope from Iohor, where arriuing and going on shoare, before they could returne aboord, the Armada

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of Achen was before the Towne to besiege it.* 1.53 Wherefore they sent a letter aboord for thirtie armed men to be sent by land, and to come as high as they could in the Riuer with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to fight against the Acheners, which by reason of the shoalds they could not do high enough to hin∣der them, but that after twentie nine dayes the Towne was rendred by composition. Thus re∣mained twenty three Hollanders prisoners, and twelue came aboord, where none of command were left, but the Masters mate, and one Assistant. These resolued for Patania▪ but encountred with a storme, were driuen on the Corall ground of Borneo, and were by a larger wind put thence vpon Pulo Condor. It being now impossible to recouer Patania, they sought refreshing in the Wa∣rellas, where they had a good Bay, but an ill Kitchin, the people being their enemies. They came [ 10] to Patania with eighteene men, the most lying in pitifull plght in their Cabbins. Shee brought seuentie thousand Rials of eight, and twentie nine packs with Indie cloth.

§. III. Their Voyage to Masulipatan; accidents during their long stay there, and their returne.

THe next morning we set saile. The fiue and twentieth we were with the Southerliest [ 20] Ilands of Ridangh (which are about eighteene or twentie,* 1.54 lying in sixe degrees) and in the Euening by the Iles of Capas, which are three little Iles, lying some thirteene leagues from the former, and two from the Continent. The sixe and twentieth, we saw Pulo Tyaman, South and South by East from Capas twentie eight league. The nine and twentieth, being calme, we came to Pulo Tingi. If you keepe at eighteene fathome, you neede feare nothing but what you may see.

The first of Nouember, we saw the point of Iantana or Iohor, and the Mount vpon the Iland of Bintam, and the next Morning came in sight of Pedra Branca:* 1.55 and about ten of the clocke came to the dangerous riffe which fals off from the point of ohor foure lagues into the Sea. Iohn Hu∣gens describes this shoald very well,* 1.56 which we passed not without danger hauing the point with [ 30] the three little Ilands West South-west from vs. It is good to keepe towards the Sea, till you bring the little Iles shut in with the point of Iohor, and Pedra Branca open with the Ile of Bin∣tam. Pedra Branca is a rocke full of fowle, and be-dunged, which causeth the toppe thereof to be white, and giues it that name. Till the seuenth, we were euery day busie, turning vp with the floud till we were past the Riuer of Iohor, and came about two leagues from Sinca pura. On the eighth, diuers Prawes came aboord vs hard by the straight, being of the Salettes vnder the King of Iohor, which for the most part keep in their Prawes, with their Wiues and Children, and liue on fishing. By these we vnderstood, that the King of Achen had sent Raia Bouny Soe, younger brother of the King of Iohor, backe againe with great honour, attended with thirtie Prawes and two thousand Acheners, to rebuild the Fort and Citie of Iohor, with good store of Ordnance, [ 40] and other necessaries, hauing maried him to his Sister, and that he should bee set vp in the old Kings place. Here we tooke a Pilot to carry vs through the Straights.

The nineteenth of December, we arriued at Masulipatan, where we found an English shippe,* 1.57 and two Hollanders. We vnderstood that Mirsadards was out of place, and that Atmachan and Busebulleran did gouerne. The English ship was the Iames,* 1.58 and was sent expresely to second vs in our Voyage. M. Marlow, M. Dauis, M. Gumey, and M. Cob came aboord vs, and deliuered vs Letters. The one and twentieth I went on shoare, where we were met by Wentacadra, sonne to Busebulleran, with the Sabandar and other Moores, and were well receiued. They gaue vs diuers tesseriffes, and to the Director Warner and me, to each a faire horse, which I refused, suspecting their treachery, but was compelled to accept it. I took a Caul at foure per Centum, & landedgoods.

[ 50] The twentie fift of Ianuary, the Iames departed for Petapoli: and on the seuenth of February, from thence for Bantam. On the eighteenth of February, I went to Narsapur Peca, and the nine∣teenth, the ship was brought into the Riuer drawing nine foot three quarters, and hauing ten and an halfe, contrary to the reports of some, which wished no good to vs. The three and twentieth, I arriued againe at Masulipatan, and dispatched the Peon for Surat, writing to M. Aldworth. That day arriued a Nauette from Pegu, wherein came Cornelius Franke, by whom we vnderstood,* 1.59 that it was certaine that the King of Awa had taken the Fort of Siriangh, and slaine all the Portugals, and that Xenga or Philip de Britto, was either spitted or solath'd. This was done in March ast. The King had giuen order for rebuilding the old Towne, calling all the Peguers together, and making many faire promises. Himselfe went forward toward Tenesserin, where Banga de la [ 60] came to him with fiftie thousand Peguers, who before had been vnder the King of Sam. The Moores in Masulipatan reioice greatly at this conqust, hoping to get the trade of Pegu into their hands againe, and prepare two ships to send thither in Septembr. In March came newes of eluen ships arriued at Goa, eight from China, and three from Malacca, which brought downe the price of the Market, in a good houre for me, which had almost dispatched before.

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In Aprill 1614. Atmachan departed for Golanda to giue vp his accounts, the yeare comming to an end. It was well for him, the King hauing deposed the great Treasrer▪ and giuen his Of∣fice to Malick Tusar, Atmachans friend: and well for vs, these Gouernours Debts beeing good whiles they continue their place; otherwise doubtfull.

* 1.60The eighteenth of May, at fiue in the euening dyed Captaine Essington of a sudden heat, hauing eaten his Dinner at the Table. He had some Biles about him, which at that time of the yeare are very common: one great one on his shoulder, which would not breake, spposed the cause of that heate. I went and set the ship in the best order I could, they all refusing other Guernour but me, which thought it an abasement to tread in the steps of my vnder Merchant. I committed it for that time to Master Skinner, holding all in hope that they might doe their best endeauours, and returned to Masulipatan, where I found three persons which said that they wer ent with [ 10] Letters from Ohiama Queene of Paleacatte,* 1.61 Iaga Raia Gouernour thereabout, and of Saint Tho∣mee, Apa Condaia Scretarie of the Great King Wencatadraia, wherein they sent me word that if I would come thither, they would grant me a place right ouer against the Fort of Paleacatte, with all such Priuiledges as we should desire, and other great promises besides. But I considering how I and the Iames had beene entertayned there, could beleeue but little: yet at last we agreed that one of them should stay with me, and the rest should depart with one of my folkes, who should carrie the Letters to the aforesaid persons; as also to the King; wherein I repeated the bad entertainment which we had at Paleacatte. And if now it pleased him that we should come in∣to his Countrey, then to send vs his Caul or safe Conduct, to which we might trust.

* 1.62The nine and twentieth of Iuly, arriued foure persons as Embassadors, with my man Wengali; [ 20] from the Great King of Narsinga or Velur, bringing me a Caul with his Abestiam, (which is a white Cloth where his owne hand is printed in Sandall or Saffron) as also one from the Queene of Paleacatte, and diuers Letters from Iaga Raia, Tima Raia, Apacondaia and others. The Kings Letter was written vpon a leafe of Gold, wherein hee excused the former fault done to vs in Paleacatte, desiring that now we would come into his Countrey, and chuse a place to our best li∣king,* 1.63 and that there we should build a house or Castle according to our owne liking, with other priuiledges. He gaue me a Towne of about foure hundred pound of yearely reuenue, with pro∣mise to doe more at my comming thither. The Hollanders had wrought much against it, but their words were not now in such force; the Inhabitants grieuing to see euery yeare English ships passe by without any profit to them, and therefore filling the King with complaints, and [ 30] procuring these friendly offers. I kept them with mee, allowing their daily charges till the ship be come into the Road, then to consider further. My man Wengali had beene in person before the King and spoken with him, the King laying his hand on his head, and presenting him with a Tesseriffe.

* 1.64In August, was in Narsapur Peta and thereabouts, a greater ouer-flowing then had beene seene in nine and twentie yeares; that whole Salt hils, Townes, and Rice draue away, and ma∣ny thousands of men and cattell were drowned, the water being three yards aboue the common high-way. In Golconda (which hath a branch rnning into this great Riuer, dry in the Summer) were about foure thousand houses washed away. Two stone Bridges, one of nineteene; the other of fifteene arches (as artificially made as the like may scarsly bee seene in Europe, in my iudge∣ment, [ 40] at least three fathome high aboue water) were three foot vnder water, and sixe arches of that of nineteene washed away, beeing a Bridge which might well bee compared with that of Rochester.

The fourth of October, the ship being sheathed came ouer the Barre without hurt, hindered before by the foule weather. And now I called freshly for my Debts, and writ thereof the third time to the Court, telling them that I would be payd the interest also; whereupon they writ to Mir Maumad Rasa and the Sabander, to looke that I be contented. The three and twentieth, the ship came into the Roade of Masulipatan, and I tooke order for shipping the goods. On the fiue and twentieth came newes of the death of Wencatadrapa King of Velur,* 1.65 after his fiftie yeares raigne, and that his three Wiues (of whom Obyama Queene of Paleacatte was one) had [ 50] burned themselues quickE with the Corps. Great troubles are feared; the Hollanders are afraid of their Castle new built in Paleacatte. Soone after came sixtie sixe Souldiers to strengthen it, in the Lion.

The first of Nouember, arriued the Lion from Bantam, which brought newes of the casting a∣way of the Bantam in the Tessell, and of the White Lion at Saint Helena; of the Iames arriuall at Bantam and going thence for Patania.* 1.66 I seeing the Gouernours trifling delayes for his Debt, and being in danger thereby not to returne this yeare, resolued to carrie him or his sonne from the Custome house aboord the ship, how dangerous soeuer the attempt seemed, the whole Company promising therein to liue and dye with me. Whereupon I gaue order for the Boat to goe aboord, [ 60] and to bring sixe Muskets wrapped vp in the Sailes, and so to lye in the Custome House, till we should see our oportunitie. Moreouer, seeing we may not bring any weapons on shore, I gaue order that all our folkes should stay within the House, and come to mee in the Custome House as soone as I should send for them fiue, to take hold of the Souldiers Pikes, that were of the Gouernours

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or his sonnes Guard, and so presently to enter the Custome House, which standeth hard by the Riuers side, and then to shut the doore. So might we be able to carry them into the Boat, before the alarme be knowne in the Towne: wee hauing them in the Boate, wee needed not to feare. We kept it secretly, yet had the Hollanders intelligence, who esteemed it a bragge, and so reuea∣led it not.

The one and twentieth of Nouember, the Gentiles had a Feast,* 1.67 which Solemnitie happens thrice a yeare, when the New Moone commeth on a Monday: in which both Men and Women come to wash themselues in the Sea, esteeming thereby to haue great indulgence. The Bramenes also and Cometis doe the same.

[ 10] On the foure and twentieth, I demanded my money of the Gouernour very angerly, hauing stayed seuen monethes longer then bargaine, asking also Mir Mahumad Rasa, why he did not helpe me according to the Letters of the Court: who laughingly answered, they would talke with me at the Custome House when my anger was ouer. I replyed, I would no longer bee made a Foole, I would shew my selfe a Captaine of the King of England, who are not accusto∣med to such Knauish dealing. Thus went I to the Custome House, where I found the Gouer∣nours Sonne with a small Guard, his Souldiers hauing set their Launces ouer against the Custome House, it now being also high-water, as if God had offered Occasions fore-looke. Wherefore I sent home (as was before agreed) for Master Skinner and the rest, (leauing only three to looke to the house) who presently came & laid hold on the Pikes, and entring the Custome house, shut the [ 20] doore. In the mean time I held Wencatadra arrested by the armes, til two or three came to me,* 1.68 who taking him in their armes carryed him into the Boat, into which I presently leaped, and beeing followed of the rest, put off from shoare, rowing away: so that before his Father and Mir Ma∣humad Rasa could come to the Custome House, wee were in full rowing. But in regard that it blew hard, and that we were forced to row vnder land, within the length of two Cables to keep the depth of the Channell; they came with might and mayne to pursue vs: some comming hard by the Boate, but were out-rowed. Some met vs in front which had indangered vs, but discharging three Muskets we frighted them, and carryed away our prey in sight of three thou∣sand people, being much past the Barre before they cold come to it, and came safe aboord. I had giuen order to George Chancey, to stay ashoare with three men more to giue a reason of this Ho∣stilitie, [ 30] & to get in the Debts: but he, contrary hereto, going forth of the house to see this Enter∣prize, was by some vnruly fellowes set vpon and thorowly beaten: which comming to the Go∣uernours eare, hee tooke him into his protection, fearing his sonne might pay for it.

In the after-noone came from shoare Werner Van Brchem the Hollander, with the Kings Interpeter, to demand the cause of this action, whom I answered that they knew it well enough, and I had also left my vner Merchant on shore to tell them: of whose hard vsage vnderstanding, I made as though I would be reuenged on Wencatadra, but by Van Berchems intercession remit∣ted it, conditionally to execute the same, hanging him at the yard (which he writ to his Father) if any of my men should be wronged. I prohibited also any Boat to come aboord without a Let∣ter from George Chancey, else would I set them all before the Ma••••. The Hollanders Van Berchem [ 40] with the Secretarie came aboord againe on the seuen and twentieth, offering the Gouernours owne Debt: I demanded no more but his and Callopas whose Suretie hee was, and for the rest, that he as Gouernor should send such as refused to pay aboord; & I would hold my selfe satisfied. Berchem also protested against me of all dammages, whIch they had bound, or might beare, be∣cause of my hostilitie; to which protest I answered by writing, shewing the nullitie thereof, and their ship the same night departed for Patane. In the meane-while, Wencatadra remayned aboord without eating or drinking. For he being a Bramene,* 1.69 may neither eate nor drinke in any mans house but what he hath dressed himselfe; which made mee so to pittie him, that I offered if any two Moores of qualitie would come aboord in his place, I would let him goe on shoare. But none would vndertake it, and he must continue his fast. The Gouernour therefore payd his and [ 50] Callopas Debt, and made all the rest to pay except Miriapek and Datapa which were in Golcon∣da, and I sent backe my Prisoner, the thirtieth of Nouember.

After this agreement diuers Moores and others came aboord to visit mee, promising to write to the King the truth of these proceedings, desiring me not to hurt any Moores ships. I answered I was for this time satisfied: but let them hereafter take heed of giuing like cause, and haue bet∣ter eares for Englishmens complaints. I also sent Letters to the King at Golconda to the same pur∣pose for quicker Iustice. I dispatched likewise the Embassadors of Velur, in respect of the trou∣bles there, and my short stay denying fit oportunitie: yet I left Letters with them for the first English ships, with my best aduice.

The seuenth of December, Master Chancey came aboord with the rest, and next night I put to [ 60] Sea▪ hauing offered to come and take a friendly fare-well on shoare: but the Gouernour fearing I would write of his dealing by those Moores, refused, pretending hee was ashamed to see my face, whom of a good friend he had made his Enemie. The third of Ianuarie, we arriued at Ban∣tam, where we found the Iames come from Patane, the Hosiander, and Concord. I went on

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shoare and receiued of Master Iohn Iordaine,* 1.70 (principall Factour at Bantam) Letters, from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the Companie was ioyned in one, &c. From Master Cockin at Maccasar, that he had receiued the Cargaton sent by William Ebert, with other circumstances: from Adam Denton and Master Gourney, complayning of the dead Market because of the Warres: from Master Lucas also, of his feares in the same regard▪ but the Darling being gone thither, I hope, will comfort him.

Here we agreed that the Hosianders goods should be discharged into the Globe, and Edward Christian (made Captaine thereof in that Countrey by Generall Beast) should bee Captaine of the Globe, and Nathaniel Salmon Master; and Master Skinner should goe Master in the Hosiander: [ 10] and that in the Globe should goe fiftie men, in the Iames fiue and fiftie, twentie in the Hosiander which was to stay here; and three or foure to keepe the Concord. On the thirtieth, the Iames departed to goe on a moneth before and to stay at the Cape, or at Saint Helena, that we might go together. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly bee made readie, it was thought fit to send the Concord for Amboyna, George Bale going in her; and George Chancey was to stay in Macasar. The ship Zelandia arriued from Iapan,* 1.71 and brought Letters from Master Cockes, that Master Pea∣cocke with the Hollanders was slaine in Cochin China, and that Master Adams and foure other English were gone thence for Syam.

The fourteenth of Februarie, arriued Captaine Dauid Middleton with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, the men being well and in good disposition. Captaine Middleton vnderstanding [ 20] of his Brothers death,* 1.72 and the losse of his ship the Trades Increase, was perplexed and resolued to goe home, wherefore he called a Court to see the disposing of the ships, and the manning againe of the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the Samaritan with the very first, the Thomas to Sumatra, and the Thomasin for Amboyna, to succour the Concord and the Hosiander for Petania and Iapan, to visit those Factories, which was put in execution. They set sayle out of Bantam Road, the two and twentieth of February. Aprill the thirtieth, they entred the Road of Soldania, where they found the Iames which arriued the day before, the Aduise & Attendant out∣ward bound. The seuenteenth of May, they weighed, and the first of Iune came to Saint Helena.

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Notes

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