Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

CHAP. VII. Captaine WILLIAM HAVVKINS, his Relations of the Occurrents which happened in the time of his residence in India, in the County of the Great MOGOLL, and of his departure from thence; written to the Company.

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§. I. His barbarous vsage at Surat by Mocrebchan: The Portugals and Iesuits treacheries against him.

AT my arriuall * 1.1 vnto the Bar of Surat, being the foure and twentieth of August, 1608. I presently sent vnto Surat Francis Buck, Merchant, with two others, to make knowne vnto the Gouernour, that the King of England had sent me as his Embassadour vnto his King, with his Letter and Present: I receiued the Go∣uernours [ 20] answere, both by them, and three of his Seruants sent me from Surat, that he, and what the Country affoorded, was at my command: and that I should be very welcome, if I would vouchsafe to come on shore. I went accompanied with my Mer∣chants, and others, in the best manner I could, befitting for the honour of my King and Country. At my comming on shore, after their barbarous manner I was kindly receiued, and multitudes of people following me, all desirous to see a new come people, much nominated, but neuer came in their parts. As I was neere the Gouernors house, word was brought me that he was not well, but I thinke rather, drunke with Affion or Opion, being an aged man. So I went vnto the chiefe Customer, which was the onely man that Sea-faring causes belonged vnto (for the gouernment of Surat, belonged vnto two great Noblemen; the one being Vice-Roy of Decan, named Chan∣chana; [ 30] the other, Vice-Roy of Cambaya and Surat, named Mocreb chan, but in Surat hee had no command, saue onely ouer the Kings Customes) who was the onely man I was to deale with∣all. After many complements done with this chiefe Customer, I told him that my comming was to establish and settle a Factory in Surat, and that I had a Letter for his King from His Ma∣iesty of England, tending to the same purpose, who is desirous to haue league and amitie with his King, in that kind, that his Subiects might freely goe and come, sell and buy, as the custome of all Nations is: and that my ship was laden with the commodities of our land, which by in∣telligence of former trauellers, were vendible for these parts. His answere was, that he would dispatch a Foot-man for Cambaya, vnto the Nobleman his Master: for of himselfe he could doe nothing without his order. So taking my leaue, I departed to my lodging appointed for mee, [ 40] which was at the Custome-house: In the morning, I went to visit the Gouernour, and after a Present giuen him, with great grauity and outward shew of kindnesse, he entertained me, bid∣ding me most heartily welcome, and that the Countrey was at my command. After comple∣ments done, and entring into the maine affaires of my businesse, acquainting him wherefore my comming was for these parts: he answered me, that these my affaires did not concerne him, be∣cause they were Sea-faring causes, which did belong vnto Mocrebchan, vnto whom hee promi∣sed me to dispatch a Foot-man vnto Cambaya, and would write in my behalfe, both for the vn∣lading of my shippe, as also concerning a Factorie. In the meane while, he appointed me to lodge in a Merchants house, that vnderstood the Turkish, being at that time my Trouch-man, the Cap∣taine of that shippe which S^r Edward Michelborne tooke.* 1.2

It was twentie daies ere the answer came, by reason of the great waters and raines that men [ 50] could not passe. In this time, the Merchants, many of them very friendly feasted me, when it was faire weather that I could get out of doores▪ for there fell a great raine, continuing almost the time the Messengers were absent, who at the end of twenty daies brought answer from Mo∣crebchan,* 1.3 with Licence to land my goods, and buy and sell for this present Voyage: but for a fu∣ture Trade, and setling of a Factorie, he could not doe it without the Kings commaundement, which he thought would be effected, if I would take the paines of two moneths trauell, to deli∣uer my Kings Letter. And further, he wrote vnto his chiefe Customer, that all, whatsoeuer I brought, should be kept in the Custome-house, till his Brother Sheck Abder Rachim came, who [ 60] should make all the hast that possibly could bee, for to chuse such goods as were fitting for the King: (these excuses of taking goods of all men for the King, are for their owne pri••ate gaine.) Vpon this answere, I made all the hast I could, in easing our shippe of her heauy burthen of Lead, and Iron, which of necessitie must be landed. The goods being landed, and kept in the Customers

power, till the comming of this great man, perceiuing the time precious, and my ship not able long to stay, I thought it conuenient to send for three Chests of Money, and with that to buy Commodities of the same sorts, that were vendible at Priaman and Bantam, which the Guze∣rats carry yearely thither, making great benefit thereof. I began to buy against the will of all the Merchants in the Towne, whose grumbling was very much, and complaining vnto the Go∣uernour and Customer, of the leaue that was granted me, in buying those Commodities, which would cut their owne throates at Priaman and Bantam, they not suspecting that I would buy Commodities for those parts, but onely for England.

At the end of this businesse, this great man came, who gaue me licence to ship it: before the [ 10] shipping of which I called a Councell, which were the Merchants I had, and those that I thought fitting for the businesse I pretended, demanding euery ones opinion according to his place, what should be thought conuenient for the deliuery of his Maiesties Letter, and the establishing of a Trade. So generally it was agreed and concluded, that for the effecting of these waighty af∣faires, it neither would, nor could be accomplished by any, but by my selfe, by reason of my ex∣perience in my former trauels and language: as also I was knowne to all, to be the man that was sent as Embassadour about these affaires. After it was concluded, and I contented to stay, I made what hast I could in dispatching away the ship, and to ship the goods. This done, I called Master Marlow, and all the company that was on shore before mee, acquainting them with my pretence, and how they should receiue for their Commander Master Marlow: willing them that [ 20] they obey and reuerence him, in that kind as they did me. This done, I brought them to the water side, and seeing them imbarke themselues, I bad them farewell.

The next day, going about my affaires to the great mans brother, I met with some tenne or twelue of our men, of the better sort of them, very much frighted, telling me the heauiest newes, as I thought, that euer came vnto me,* 1.4 of the taking of the Barkes by a Portugal Frigat or two and all goods and men taken, onely they escaped. I demanding in what manner they were taken, and whether they did not fight▪ their answer was no: M. Marlow would not suffer them, for that the Portugals were our friends: and Bucke, on the other side, went to the Portugall without a pawne, and there he betrayed vs, for he neuer came vnto vs after. Indeed, Bucke went vpon the oath and faithf••ll promise of the Captaine, but was neuer suffered to returne. I presently sent a [ 30] letter vnto the Captaine Maior, that he release my men and goods, for that we were Englishmen, and that our Kings had peace and amity together. And that we were sent vnto the Mogols coun∣trey by our King, and with his letter vnto the Mogol, for his subiects to trade in his Countrey: and with his Maiesties Commission for the gouernment of his subiects. And I made no question, but in deliuering backe his Maiesties subiects and goods, that it would be well taken at his Kings hands: if the contrary, it would be a meanes of breach. At the receit of my letter, the proud Ra••∣call braued so much, as the Messenger told me, most vil••ly abusing his Maiestie, tearming him King of Fishermen, and of an Iland of no import, and a fart for his Commission, scorning to send me any answer.

It was my chance the next day, to meete with a Captaine of one of the Portugal Frigats who [ 40] came about businesse sent by the Captaine Maior. The businesse as I vnderstood, was that the Go∣uernour should send me as prisoner vnto him, for that we were Hollanders. I vnderstanding what he was, tooke occasion to speake with him of the abuses offered the King of England, and his sub∣iects: his answer was, that these Seas belonged vnto the King of Portugall, and none ought to come here without his license. I told him, that the King of Englands license was as good as the King of Spaines, and as free for his Subiects, as for the King of Spaines & he that saith the contra∣ry, is a traytor, and a villaine, & so tel your great Captaine, that in abusing the King of England, he is a base villaine, and a traytor to his King, and that I will maintaine it with my sword, if he dare come on shore. I sending him a challenge, the Mores perceiuing I was much mooued, caused the Portugal to depart. This Portugal some two houres after, came to my house▪ promising me, that [ 50] he would procure the libertie of my men and goods, so that I would be liberall vnto him:* 1.5 I enter∣tained him kindly, and promised him much, but before he departed the Towne, my men and goods were sent for Goa.

I had my goods readie, some fiue dayes before I could be cleare, and haue leaue, for they would not let them be shipped, vnt••ll this great man came, which was the third of October:* 1.6 and two dayes after, the ship set sayle, I remaining with one Merchant William Finch, who was sicke the greater part of his time, and not able to stirre abroad to doe any businesse: the rest were two ser∣uants, a Cooke, and my Boy. These were the companie I had, to defend our selues from so many enemies, which lay daily lurking to destroy vs: aiming at me for the stopping of my passage to the great Mogol. But God preserued me, and in spight of them all, I tooke heart and resolution [ 60] to goe forwards on my trauels. After the departure of the ship, I vnderstood that my goods and men were betrayed vnto the Portugal, by Mocreb-chan, and his followers: for it was a plot laid by the Iesuite and Mocreb-chan, to protract time till the Frigats came to the Bar, and then to di∣spatch me: for till then, this dogge Mocreb-chan his brother came not: and the comming of these Frigats was in such secrecy, that till they had taken vs, we heard no newes of them.

After the departure of my ship, I was so misused, that it was vnsufferable, but so long as my ship was at the Bar, I was flattered withall. But howsoeuer, well vsed or ill, it was not for mee to take thought for any thing, although remaining in an heathen Countrey, inuironed with so many enemies, who daily did nothing else but plot to murther me, and cosen me of my goods, as hereafter you shall vnderstand. First, misused by Mocreb-chan, as to haue possession of my goods, taking what he pleased, and leauing what he pleased, giuing me such a price as his owne barba∣rous conscience afforded▪ that from thirtie fiue would giue but eighteene, not regarding his bro∣thers bil, who had full authoritie from him: and how difficult it was to get money from his chiefe seruant, after the time expired, as it is best knowne to vs, who tooke the paines in receiuing a small part thereof, before his comming to Surat: and after his comming, I was barred of all: al∣though [ 10] he outwardly dissembled, & flattered with me almost for three moneths, feeding me with faire promises of payment, and other kindnesses. In the meane time, he came to my house three times, sweeping me cleane of all things that were good, so that when he saw, that I had no more good things left, he likewise by little and little degraded me of his good lookes. Almost all this time, William Finch was extreame sicke of the Fluxe, but thankes be to God recouered past all hope, I, on the other side, could not peepe out of doores for feare of the Portugals, who in troops lay lurking in by-wayes, to giue me assault to murther me, this beeing at the time that the Ar∣mada was there.

The first plot laid against me, was: I was inuited by Hogio Nazam to the fraughting of his ship for Mocha,* 1.7 as the custome is, they make at the fraughting of their ships great feasts, for all [ 20] the principallest of the Towne. It was my good hap at that time, a great Captaine belonging to the Vice-Roy of Guzerat resident in Amadauar, being sent about affaires vnto Surat, was like∣wise inuited to this feast, which was kept at the water side: and neere vnto it, the Portugals had two Frigats of their Armada, which came to receiue their tribute of the shippes that were to de∣part, as also refreshment. Out of these Frigats, there came three gallant fellowes to the Tent where I was, and some fortie followers Portugals, scattering themselues along the Sea side, ready to giue an assault when the word should be giuen. These three Gallants that came to the tents, armed with coats of Buffe downe to the knees, their Rapiers and Pistols by their sides, demaun∣ded for the English Captaine: vpon the hearing of which, I arose presently, and told them that I was the man, and perceiuing an alteration in them, I laid hand on my weapon. The Captaine Mogol, perceiuing treason towards me, both he and his followers drew their weapons: and if [ 30] the Portugals had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew (in retiring to their Frigats) had come short home.

* 1.8Another time, they came to assault me in my house with a Friar, some thirty or fortie of them: the Friars comming was to animate the souldiers, and to giue them absolution. But I was alwaies wa••y, hauing a strong house with good doores. Many troopes at other times, lay lurking for me and mine in the streetes, in that kind, that I was forced to goe to the Gouernour to complaine, that I was not able to goe about my businesse, for the Portugals comming armed into the Citie to murther me:* 1.9 which was not a custome at other times, for any Portugals to come armed as now they did. He presently sent word to the Portugals, that if they came into the City armed againe, [ 40] at their owne perils be it. At Mocreb-chan his comming, with a Iesuite named Padre Pineiro in his company (who profered Mocreb-chan fortie thousand Rials of eight, to send me to Da∣man, as I vnderstood by certaine aduise giuen me by Hassun Ally, and Ally Pommory) I went to visit him, giuing him a Present, besides the Present his brother had: and for a time, as I haue aboue written, I had many kind outward shewes of him, till the time that I demanded my money. Af∣ter that, his dissembling was past, and he told me plainely, that he would not giue mee twentie Manadies per Vare, but would deliuer me backe my cloath. Vpon which dealings, I dissembled as wel as I could with him, intreating leaue for Agra, to the King, telling him that William Finch was the man that I left as my chiefe in this place: and in what kind soeuer his pleasure was to deale with me, he was the man to receiue either money or ware. Vpon which answer, he gaue me [ 50] his license and letter to the King, promising me fortie horsemen to goe with me, which hee did not accomplish. After license receiued, the Father put into Mocreb-chan his head, that it was not good to let me passe: for that I would complaine of him vnto the King. This he plotted with Mocreb-chan to ouerthrow my iourney, which he could not doe, because I came from a King▪ but he said, that he would not let me haue any force to goe with me. And what else hee would haue him to doe, either with my Trenchman and Coachman, to poyson or murther me, if one should faile, the other to doe it: this inuention was put into Mocreb-chans head by the Father. But God for his mercie sake, afterward discouered these plots, and the Counsell of this Iesuite tooke not place. Before the plotting of this, the Iesuite and I fell out in the presence of Mocreb-chan, for vile speaches made by him of our King and Nation, to bee vassals vnto the King of Portugall: [ 60] which words I could not brooke, in so much, that if I could haue had my will, the Father had ne∣uer spoken more, but I was preuented.

§. II. His Iourney to the Mogoll at Agra, and entertayment at Court.

NOw finding William Finch in good health, newly recouered, I left all things touching the Trade of Merchandizing in his power: giuing him my remembrance and order, what he should doe in my absence. So I began to take vp Souldiers to conduct mee,* 1.10 being denyed of Mocrebchan, besides Shot and Bow-men that I hired. For my bet∣ter [ 10] safety, I went to one of Chanchanna his Captaines, to let mee haue fortie or fiftie Horsemen to conduct me to Chanchanna, being then Vice-Roy of Decan, Resident in Bramport, who did to his power all that I demanded, giuing me valiant Horsemen Pattans, a people very much feared in these parts: for if I had not done it, I had beene ouer-throwne.* 1.11 For the Portugals of Dama•• had wrought with an ancient friend of theirs a Raga, who was absolute Lord of a Prouince, (betweene Daman, Guzerat and Decan) called Cruly, to be readie with two hundred Horsemen to stay my passage: but I went so strong and well prouided, that they durst not incounter with vs: so likewise that time I escaped.

Then at Dayta, another Prouince or Princedome,* 1.12 my Coachman being drunke with certaine [ 20] of his Kindred, discouered the Treason that hee was to worke against mee, which was, that hee was hiered to murther me: he being ouer-heard by some of my Souldiers, who at that present came and told me, and how it should be done in the morning following, when we begin our tra∣uell: (for wee vse to trauell two houres before day) vpon which notice,* 1.13 I called the Coachman vnto me, examining him, and his friends before the Captaine of the Horsemen I had with mee: who could not deny; but hee would neuer confesse who hired him, although hee was very much beaten, cursing his fortune that he could not effect it: for he was to doe it the next morning, so I sent him Prisoner vnto the Gouernour of Suratt.

But afterward by my Broker or Truchman,* 1.14 I vnderstood that both hee and the Coachman were hired by Mocrebchan, but by the Fathers perswasion, the one to poyson me, and the other [ 30] to murther me: but the Truchman receiued nothing till he had done the deed, which hee neuer meant to doe, for in that kind hee was alwayes true vnto mee: thus God preserued me. This was fiue dayes after my departure from Suratt, and my departure from Suratt was the first of Februa∣ry 1608. So following on my trauels for Bramport, some two dayes beyond Dayta, the Pattans left me, but to be conducted by another Pattan Captaine, Gouernour of that Lordship, by whom I was most kindly entertained. His name was Sherchan, beeing sometime a Prisoner vnto the Portugall, and hauing the Portugall Language perfect, was glad to doe mee any seruice: for that I was of the Nation, that was enemie vnto the Portugall. Himselfe in person, with fortie Horse∣men, went two dayes ioureney with mee, till hee had freed mee from the dangerous places: at which time he met with a troupe of Out-lawes, and tooke some foure aliue, and slew and hurt [ 40] eight, the rest escaped. This man very kindly writ his Letter for me, to haue his house at Bram∣port, which was a great curtesie, otherwise I could not tell where to lodge my selfe, the Towne being so full of Souldiers: for then began the Warres with the Decans.

The eighteenth of the said Moneth, thankes be to God, I came in safetie to Bramport, and the next day I went to the Court to visit Chanchanna,* 1.15 being then Lord Generall and Vice-Roy of Decan, giuing him a Present; who kindly tooke it: and after three houres conference with him, he made me a great Feast, and being risen from the Table, inuested me with two Clokes, one of fine Woollen, and another of Cloth of Gold: giuing mee his most kind Letter of fauour to the King, which auayled much. That done he imbraced me, and so we departed. The Language that we spoke was Turkish, which he spake very well.

[ 50] I remayned in Bramport vnto the second of March;* 1.16 till then I could not end my businesses of Monies that I brought by exchange, staying likewise for a Carrauan, hauing taken new Soul∣diers, I followed my Voyage or iourney to Agra: where after much labour, toyle, and many dangers, I arriued in safety the sixteenth of Aprill, 1609. Being in the Citie, and seeking out for an house in a very secret manner, notice was giuen the King that I was come, but not to bee found: He presently charged both Horsemen and Footmen in many troupes, not to leaue before I was found, commanding his Knight Marshall to accompany mee wieh great state to the Court, as an Embassador of a King ought to be: which he did with a great traine, making such extraordi∣nary haste, that I admired much: for I could scarce obtayne time to apparell my selfe in my best attyre. In fine, I was brought before the King, I came with a slight present,* 1.17 hauing nothing but [ 60] cloth, and that not esteemed: (for what I had for the King, Mocreb-chan tooke from me, wher∣with I acquainted his Maiestie.) After salutation done, with a most kinde and smiling counte∣nance, he bade me most heartily welcome, vpon which speech I did my obeysance and dutie a∣gaine. Hauing his Maiesties Letter in my hand, he called me to come neere vnto him, stretching downe his hand from the Seate Royall, where he sate in great Maiestie something high for to be

seene of the people: receiuing very kindly the Letter of me, viewing the Letter a prettie while, both the Seale, and the manner of the making of it vp, he called for an old Iesuite that was there present to reade it. In the meane space, while the Iesuite was reading it, hee spake vnto mee in the kindest manner that could bee, demanding of mee the contents of the Letter, which I told him: vpon which notice, presently granting and promising me by God, that all what the King had there written, he would grant and allow withall his heart, and more if his Maiestie would require it. The Iesuite likewise told him the effect of the Letter, but discommending the stile, saying,* 1.18 it was basely penned, writing Vestra without Maiestad: my answere was vnto the King, and if it shall please your Maiestie, these people are our enemies: how can this Letter be ill written, when my King demandeth fauour of your Maiestie? he said, it was true. [ 10]

* 1.19Perceiuing I had the Turkish Tongue; which himselfe well vnderstood, hee commanded me to follow him vnto his Chamber of Presence, being then risen from that place of open Audience, desiring to haue further conference with me: in which place I stayed some two houres, till the King came forth from his women. Then calling mee vnto him, the first thing that hee spake, was that he vnderstood that Mocrebchan had not dealt well with mee, bidding mee bee of good cheere, for he would remedie all. It should seeme, that Mocrebchans enemies had acquainted the King with all his proceedings:* 1.20 for indeed the King hath Spies vpon euery Nobleman. I answe∣red most humbly, that I was certaine, all matters would goe well on my side, so long as his Ma∣iestie protected me. Vpon which speech he presently sent away a Post for Suratt, with his com∣mand to Mocrebchan, writing vnto him very earnestly in our behalfes: coniuring him to bee [ 20] none of his friend, if hee did not deale well with the English, in that kind, as their desire was.

This being dispatched and sent, by the same Messenger, I sent my Letter to William Finch, wi∣shing him to goe with this command to Mocrebchan: at the receit of which hee wondred that I came safe to Agra, and was not murthered, or poysoned by the way, of which speech William Finch aduertised me afterward.

It grew late, and hauing had some small conference with the King at that time, he comman∣ded that I should daily be brought into his presence, and gaue a Captaine named Houshaber chan charge, that I should lodge at his house, till a house were found conuenient for me: and when I needed any thing of the King, that he should bee my Solicitor. According to command, I resor∣ted to the Court, where I had daily conference with the King. Both night and day, his delight [ 30] was very much to talke with mee, both of the Affaires of England and other Countries, as also many demands of the West Indies, whereof hee had notice long before, being in doubt if there were any such place, till he had spoken with me, who had beene in the Countrey.

Many dayes and weekes being past, and I now in great fauour with the King, to the griefe of all mine enemies,* 1.21 espying my time, I demanded for his Commandement or Commission with Ca∣pitulations for the establishing of our Factory to be in mine owne power. His answere was, whe∣ther I would remayne with him in his Court, I replyed, till shipping came: then my desire was to goe home, with the answere of his Maiesties Letter. Hee replyed againe, that his meaning was a longer time, for he meant to send an Embassador to the King of England, at the comming of the next shipping: and that I should stay with him vntill some other bee sent from my King, [ 40] to remayne in my place, saying this: Thy staying would be highly for the benefit of thy Nation, and that he would giue me good maintenance, and my being heere in his presence, would bee the cause to right all wrongs that should be offered vnto my Nation: and further, what I should see beneficiall for them, vpon my petition made, hee would grant: swearing By his Fathers Soule, that if I would remayne with him, he would grant me Articles for our Factorie to my hearts de∣sire, and would neuer goe from his word. I replyed againe, that I would consider of it. Thus daily inticing me to stay with him, alleaging as is aboue written, and that I should doe seruice, both to my naturall King and him, and likewise he would allow me by the yeare, three thousand and two hundred pounds sterling for my first,* 1.22 and so yeerely, hee promised mee to augment my Liuing, till I came to a thousand Horse. So my first should be foure hundred Horse. For the No∣bilitie [ 50] of India haue their Titles by the number of their Horses, that is to say, from fortie to twelue thousand, which pay belongeth to Princes, and his Sonnes. I trusting vpon his promise, and seeing it was beneficiall both to my Nation and my selfe, beeing dispossessed of that benefit which I should haue reaped, if I had gone to Bantam, and that after halfe a doozen yeeres, your Worships would send another man of sort in my place, in the meane time, I should feather my Neast, and doe you seruice: and further perceiuing great iniuries offered vs, by reason the King is so farre from the Ports, for all which causes aboue specified, I did not thinke it amisse to yeeld vnto his request. Then, because my name was something hard for his pronuntiation, hee called me by the name of English Chan, that is to say, English Lord, but in Persia, it is the Title for a Duke, and this went currant throughout the Countrey. [ 60]

Now your Worships shall vnderstand, that I being now in the highest of my fauours, the Ie∣suites and Portugals slept not, but by all meanes sought my ouerthrow: and to say the truth, the principall Mahumetans neere the King,* 1.23 enuyed much that a Christian should bee so nigh vnto him. The Iesuite Peniero being with Mocrebchan, and the Iesuites here, I thinke did little regard

their Masses and Church matters, for studying how to ouerthrow my Affaires: aduice being gone to Goa by the Iesuites here, I meane in Agra, and to Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, hee wor∣king with Mocrebchan to be the Portugals assistance,* 1.24 and the Vice-Roy sending him a great Pre∣sent, together with many Toyes vnto the King with his Letter. These presents and many more promises, wrought so much with Mocrebchan, that he writeth his Petition vnto the King, sen∣ding it together with the present, aduertising the King, that the suffring of the English in his land, would be the cause of the losse of his owne Countries, neere the Sea-Coasts, as Suratt, Cambaya, and such like: and that in any case he entertaine me not, for that his ancient friends the Portu∣galls murmured highly at it: and that the fame is spread amongst the Portugalls,* 1.25 that I was Ge∣nerall [ 10] of ten thousand Horsemen, readie to giue the assault vpon Di••, when our shipping came.

The Vice-Royes Letter likewise was in this kind: the Kings answere was; that he had but one English••man in his Court, and him they needed not to feare,* 1.26 for hee hath not pretended any such matter: for I would haue giuen him Liuing neere the Sea parts, but he refused it, taking it neere me heere. This was the Kings answere, vpon which answere, the Portugalls were like madde Dogges, labouring to worke my passage out of the World. So I told the King, what dangers I had passed, and the present danger wherein I was, my Boy Stephen Grauener,* 1.27 instantly departing this World, my man Nicholas Vfflet extreame sicke, and this was all my English Company, my selfe beginning to fall downe too. The King presently called the Iesuites, and told them that if I dyed by any extraordinary casualtie, that they should all rue for it. This past, the King was [ 20] very earnest with me to take a white Mayden out of his Palace, who would giue her all things necessary with slaues, and he would promise mee shee should turne Christian: and by this meanes my meates and drinkes should be looked vnto by them, and I should liue without feare. In regard she was a Moore, I refused, but if so bee there could bee a Christian found, I would accept it: At which my speech, I little thought a Christians Daughter could bee found. So the King called to memorie one Mubarique Sha his Daughter, who was a Christian Armenian,* 1.28 and o•• the Race of the most ancient Christians, who was a Captaine, and in great fauour with Ekber Padasha, this Kings Father. This Captaine dyed suddenly, and without will, worth a Masse of Money, and all robbed by his Brothers and Kindred, and Debts that cannot be recouered: leauing the Child but only a few Iewels. I seeing shee was of so honest a Descent, hauing passed my word to the [ 30] King, could not withstand my fortunes. Wherefore I tooke her, and for want of a Minister,* 1.29 be∣fore Christian Witnesses, I marryed her: the Priest was my man Nicholas, which I thought had beene lawfull, till I met with a Preacher that came with Sir Henry Middleton, and hee shewing me the error, I was new marryed againe: so euer after I liued content and without feare, she be∣ing willing to goe where I went, and liue as I liued. After these matters ended, newes came hi∣ther, that the Ascention was to come by the men of her Pinnasse, that was cast away neere Su∣ratt, vpon which newes, I presently went to the King and told him, crauing his Licence, toge∣ther with his Commission, for the setling of our Trade: which the King was willing to doe, li∣miting me a time to returne, and be with him againe.

But the Kings chiefe Vizir Abdal Hassan, a man enuious to all Christians, told the King, that my going would be the occasion of warre: and thus harme might happen vnto a great man who [ 40] was sent for Goa, to buy toyes for the King. Vpon which speach, the Kings pleasure was I should stay, and send away his Commission to my chiefe Factor at Surat, and presently gaue or∣der, that it should be most effectually written. In fine, vnder his great Seale with Golden Let∣ters, his Commission was written, so firmely for our good, and so free as heart can wish. This I obtained presently, and sent it to William Finch. Before it came there, newes came that the Ascen∣tion was cast away, and her men saued, but not suffered to come into the Citie of Surat, Of that likewise I told the King, who seemed to be very much discontented with that great Captaine Mocreb chan, my enemy: and gaue me another commandement for their good vsage, and meanes to be wrought to saue the goods, if it were possible. These two commandements came almost together, to the great ioy of William Finch and the rest, admiring much at these things. And now [ 50] continuing these great fauours with the King, being continually in his sight, for the one halfe of foure and twentie houres seruing him day and night, I wanted not the greater part of his No∣bles that were Mahumetans, to be mine enemies. For it went against their hearts, that a Chri∣stian should be so great & neere the King: and the more, because the King had promised to make his Brothers children Christians, which two yeares after my cōming he performed, commanding them to be made Christians. A while after came some of the Ascentions Company vnto me (whom I could haue wished of better behauiour, a thing pryed into by the King.) In all this time, I could not get my debts of Mocrebchan, till at length he was sent for vp to the King, to answe••e for many faults, and tyrannicall In-iustice, which he did to all people in those parts, many a man being vndone by him, who petitioned to the King for Iustice. Now, this Dogge to make his [ 60] peace, sent many bribes to the Kings sonnes, and No••le-men that were neere the King, who laboured in his behalfe. After newes came that Mocrebchan was approached neere, the King presently sent to attach all his goods, which were in that abundance, that the King was two moneths in viewing of them, euery day allotting a certaine quantitie to be brought before me:

and what he thought fitting for his owne turne he kept, and the rest deliuered againe to Mocreb∣chan. In the viewing of these goods, there came those Peeces and Costlet, and Head-peece, with other Presents that he tooke from me for the King of mine owne, not suffering mee to bring them my selfe: at the sight whereof, I was so bold to tell the King what was mine. Af∣ter the King had viewed these goods, a very great complaint was made by a Bania••, how that Mocrebchan had taken his Daughter, saying; she was for the King, which was his excuse, de∣flowring her himselfe: and afterwards gaue her to a Brammen, belonging to Mocrebchan. The man who gaue notice of this Child, protested her to passe all that euer he saw for beautie. The matter being examined, and the offence done by Mocrebchan, found to be true, hee was com∣mitted to prison, in the power of a great Noble-man: and commandement was giuen, that the [ 10] Brammene his priuy members should be cut off.

Before this happened to Mocrebchan, I went to visite him diuers times, who made me verie faire promises, that he would deale very kindly with mee, and be my friend, and that I should haue my right. Now being in this disgrace, his friends daily solliciting for him, at length got him cleere: with commandement, that he pay euery man his right, and that no more complaints be made of him if he loued his life. So Mocrebchan by the Kings command, paid euery one his due, excepting me, whom he would not pay, but deliuer me my Cloath, whereof I was desirous, and to make, if it were possible, by faire meanes, an end with him: but he put me off the more, delaying time till his departure, which was shortly after. For the King had restored him his old place againe, and he was to goe for Goa, about a faire ballace Ruby, and other rare things promi∣sed [ 20] the King.

§. III. The MOGOLS inconstancie, and Captaine HAVVKINS departure with S^r HENRIE MIDDLETON to the Red-Sea: Thence to Bantam, and after for England.

[ 30]

ALL my going and sending to Mocrebchan for my Money or Cloath, was in vaine, I being abused so basely by him, that I was forced to demaund Iustice of the King, who commanded that the Money be brought before him: but for all the Kings commaund he did as he listed, and doe what I could, he cut me off twelue thousand and fiue hun∣dred Mamadies. For the greatest man in this kingdome was his friend, and many others holding on his side, murmuring to the King, the suffering of English to come into his Countrey: for that we were a Nation, that if we once set foot, we would take his Countrey from him. The King called me to make answere to that they said: I answered his Maiestie, that if any such matter were, I would answer it with my life: and that we were not so base a Nation, as these mine ene∣mies reported. All this was, because I demaunded my due, and yet cannot get it. At this time, those that were neere fauourites, and neerest vnto the King, whom I daily visited, and kept in [ 40] withall, spake in my behalfe: and the King holding on my side, commanded that no more such wrongs be offred me. So I thinking to vse my best in the recouery of this, intreting the head Vizir that he would be meanes that I receiue not so great a losse; he answered me in a threatning man∣ner: that if I did open my mouth any more, hee would make me to pay an hundred thousand Mamadies, which the King had lost in his Customes by entertaining mee, and no man durst ad∣uenture by reason of the Portugall. So by this meanes I was forced to hold my tongue, for I know this Money was swallowed by both these Dogges. Now Mocrebchan being commaun∣ded in publicke, that by such a day he be ready to depart for Guzerat, and so for Goa, and then come and take his leaue, as the custome is: in this meane time, three of the principallest Mer∣chants [ 50] of Surat, were sent for by the Kings commaundement, and come to the Court about af∣faires, wherein the King or his Vizir had imployed them, being then present there when Mocreb¦chan was taking his leaue; this being a plot laid both by the Portugals, Mocrebchan, and the Vizir. For some sixe daies before a Letter came vnto the King from the Portugall Vice-roy, with a Present of many rare things.* 1.30 The Contents of this Letter were, how highly the King of Portugall tooke in ill part the entertaining of the English, he being of an ancient amitie with other complements: and withall, how that a Merchant was there arriued, with a very faire ballace Ruby, weighing three hundred and fiftie Rotties, of which stone the pattern was sent. Vpon this newes, Mocrebchan was to be hastened away, at whose comming to take his leaue together with Padre Pineiro, that was to goe with him, the aboue named Merchants of Surat [ 60] being then there present,* 1.31 Mocrebchan began to make his speech to the King, saying, that this and many other things he hoped to obtaine of the Portugall, so that the English were disanulled: saying more, that it would redound to great losse vnto his Maiestie and Subiects, if hee did fur∣ther suffer the English to come into his parts. Vpon which speech he called the Merchants before

the King, to declare what losse it would be, for that they best knew. They affirmed, that they were like to be all vndone because of the English, nor hereafter any toy could come into this countrey, because the Portugal was so strong at sea, and would not suffer them to goe in or out of their Ports; and all their excuse was, for suffering the English.

These speeches now and formerly, and lucre of this stone, and promises by the Fathers of rare things, were the causes the King ouerthrew my affaires; saying, Let the English come no more: presently giuing Mocreb-chan his commandement, to deliuer the Viceroy to that effect, that he would neuer suffer the English to come any more into his ports.* 1.32

I now saw, that it booted me not to meddle vpon a sudden, or to make any petition vnto the [ 10] King, till a prety while after the departure of Mocreb-chan; and seeing my enemies were so ma∣ny, although they had eaten of me many Presents. When I saw my time, I made petition vnto the King. In this space, I found a toy to giue, as the order is: for there is no man that commeth to make petition, who commeth emptie-handed. Vpon which petition made him, he presently graunted my request,* 1.33 commanding his Vizir to make me another commandement in as ample manner as my former, and commanded that no man should open his mouth to the contrary: for it was his pleasure that the English should come into his Ports. So this time againe I was a floate. Of this alteration, at that instant the Iesuite had notice: for there is no matter passeth in the Mo∣gols Court in secret, but it is knowne halfe an houre after, giuing a small matter to the writer of that day: for there is nothing that passeth, but it is written, and writers appointed by turnes, so [ 20] that the Father, nor I, could passe any businesse, but when we would we had notice. So the Iesu∣ite presently sent away the most speedy messenger that could be gotten, with his Letter to Padre Pineiro, and Mocreb-chan, aduertising them of all that had passed. At the receit of which, they consulted amongst themselues, not to go forward on their voyage for Goa, till I were ouerthrown againe. Wherefore Mocreb-chan wrote his petition vnto the King, and letters vnto his friend, the head Vizir, how it stood not with the Kings honour to send him, if he performed not what he pro∣mised the Portugal: and that his voyage would be ouerthrowne, if he did not call in the comman∣dement he had giuen the Englishman. Vpon the receiuing and reading of this, the King went a∣gaine from his word, esteeming a few toyes which the Fathers had promised him, more then his honour.

[ 30] Now beeing desirous to see the full issue of this, I went to Hogi•• Iahan, Lord General of the Kings Palace (the second man in place in the Kingdome) intreating him that he would stand my friend. He very kindly, presently went vnto the King, telling him that I was very heauy and discontent, that Abdall Hassan would not deliuer me my commandement, which his Maiestie had graunted me. The King answered him (I being present, and very neere him) saying, It was true, that the commandement is sealed, and ready to be deliuered him: but vpon letters receiued from Mocreb-chan, and better consideration by me had on these my affaires in my Ports in Gu∣zerat, I thought it fitting not to let him haue it. Thus was I tossed and tumbled in the kind of a rich Merchant, adventuring all he had in one bottome, and by casualtie of stormes or pirates, lost it all at once. So that on the other side, concerning my liuing, I was so crossed, that many times [ 40] this Abdall Hassan his answer would be vnto me; I know wel enough you stand not in such need, for your Master beareth your charges, and the King knew not what he did in giuing to you, from whom he should receiue. My answer was, that it was the Kings pleasure, and none of my re∣quest; and seeing it is his Maiesties gift, I had no reason to loose it: so that from time to time, he bad mee haue patience, and he would find out a good liuing for me. Thus was I dallied withall by this mine enemie, in so much that in all the time I serued in Court, I could not get a liuing that would yeeld any thing, giuing me my liuing still, in places where Out-lawes raigned: only, once at Lahor▪ by an especiall commandement from the King, but I was soone depriued of it: and all that I receiued from the beginning, was not fully three hundred pounds, a great part whereof was spent vpon charges of men sent to the Lordships. When that I saw that the liuing which the [ 50] King absolutely gaue me, was taken from me, I was then past all hopes: for before, at the newes of the arriuall of shipping, I had great hope, that the King would performe former grants, in hope of rare things that should come from England. But when I made Arse or Petition vnto the King concerning my liuing, he turned me ouer to Abdal Hassan: who not onely denied me my liuing; but also gaue order, that I be suffered no more to enter within the red rayles:* 1.34 which is a place of honour, where all my time I was placed very neere vnto the King, in which place there were but fiue men in the Kingdome before me.

Now perceiuing that all my affaires were ouerthrowne, I determined with the Councell of of those that were neere me, to resolue whereto to trust, either to be well in, or well out. Vpon this resolution I had my petition made ready, by which I made known vnto the King, how Abdall [ 60] Hassan had dealt with me, hauing himselfe eaten what his Maiestie gaue me: and how that my charges of so long time (being by his Maiestie desired to stay in his Court, vpon the faithful promi∣ses he made me) were so much, that it would be my vtter ouerthrow: therfore I besought his Maie∣sty that he would consider my cause, either to establish me as formerly, or giue me leaue to depart.

His answere was, that he gaue me leaue, commanding his safe conduct to bee made mee, to passe freely without molestation, throughout his Kingdomes. When this Commandement was ma••e, as the custome is, I came to doe my obeysance, and to take my leaue, intreating for an answere of my Kings Letter. Abdall Hassan comming vnto me from the King, in a disdainfull manner vt∣terly denyed me: saying, that it was not the custome of so great a Monarch, to write in the kind of a Letter, vnto a pettie Prince, or Gouernour. I answered him, that the King knew more of the mightinesse of the King of England, then to be a petty Gouernour. Well, this was mine an∣swere, together with my leaue taken.

I went home to my house, studying with all my endeauours to get all my goods and debts to∣gether, and to buy commodities with those Monies, that were remayning vsing all the speed I [ 10] could, to cleere my selfe of the Countrey: staying only for Nicholas Vfflet, to come from Lahor, with a remainder of Indic••,* 1.35 that was in William Finches power, who determined to goe ouer land, being past all hopes for euer imbarking our selues at Surat: which course I also would willingly haue taken, but that as it is well knowne, for some causes I could not trauell thorow Turkie, and especially with a woman. So I was forced to currie fauour with the Iesuites, to get mee a safe conduct or Seguro, from the Vice-Roy to goe for Goa, and so to Portugall, and from thence to England: thinking, as the opinion of others was, that the Vice-Roy giuing his secure Royall, there would be no danger for me. But when my Wifes Mother, & Kindred saw that I was to carry her away, suspecting that they should neuer see her any more, they did so distaste me in these my trauels, that I was forced to yeeld vnto them, that my Wife go no further then Goa, because it was [ 20] India: and that they could goe and come and visit her, and that, if at any time I meant to goe for Portugall, or any other-where, that I leaue her that portion, that the custome of Portugall is, to leaue to their Wiues when they dye: vnto which I was forced to yeeld to giue them content, to preuent all mischiefes. But knowing that if my Wife would goe with me, all would bee of no effect, I effected with the Iesuite to send for two Secures, the one concerning my quiet being, and ftee libertie of conscience in Goa, and to bee as a Portugall in all Tradings and Commerce in Goa: (this was to shew my Wifes Parents.) The other was an absolute grant for free passage in∣to Portugall, and so for England, with my Wife and Goods, without any disturbances of any of my Wiues friends: and what agreements I made with them to be void and of none effect, but I should stay or goe, when I pleased with free libertie of conscience for my selfe. This last Securo [ 30] I should receiue at Cambaya, which at my departure for our shippes was not yet come, but was to come with the Carrauan of Frigats.

This and much more the Fathers would haue done for me, only to rid me out of the Country: for being cleere of me, they should much more quietly sleepe. About this time, I had notice of the comming of thre•• English ships, that were arriued at Mocha, and without faile their deter∣mination was to come for Surat,* 1.36 at the time of the yeare: hauing this Aduertisement by Nicho∣las Bangham from Bramport, who departed from me some six weekes before, both for the reco∣uery of certaine Debts, as also with my Letter to our shipping, if it were possible to send it, ad∣uertising them of my proceedings.

In this time of my dispatching, newes came of Mocreb-chans returne from Goa, with many gallant and rare things, which hee brought for the King. But that Ballace Ruby was not for his [ 40] turne, saying it was false, or at the least, made his excuse for feare, that if he should giue the Por∣tugall his price, and when it came into the Kings power, it should bee valued much lesse (which ouer-plus he should be forced to pay as hee had done in former times, for other things) hee left it behind him. And besides, I vnderstood, that Mocreb-chan had not his full content as he expec∣ted of the Portugalls. And likewise, at this instant, the Vizir, my enemy was thrust out of his place, for many complaints made of him, by Noblemen that were at great charges and in debt, & could not recei••e their liuings in places that were good, but in barren & rebellious places: and that he made a benefit of the good places himselfe, & ro••bed them all. For these complaints and others, he had much ado to escape with life, being put out of his place, & sent to the Wars of De∣••a••. [ 50] Now one Gaibbeig being the Kings chiefe Treasurer (a man that in outward shew made much of me, & was alwayes willing to pleas••re me, when I had occasion to vse him) was made chiefe Vizir: and his Daughter marryed with the King, being his chiefe Q••eene or Paramor. This Vi∣zirs sonne and my selfe were great friends, he hauing beene often at my house, and was now ex∣alted to high Dignities by the King. Perceiuing this alteration, and being certified of the com∣ming of shipping, by certaine aduise, sundry wayes. Knowing the custome of these Moores that without gifts and bribes, nothing would either goe forward or bee accomplished, I sent my Broker to seeke out for Iewels, fitting for the Kings S••ster and new Paramour: and likewise, for this new Vizir, and his sonne.

Now after they had my Gifts, they beganne on all s••des to solicite my cause: at which time [ 60] newes came to Agra, by Banians of Diu, how that of Diu, three English ships were seene, and three dayes after other newes came,* 1.37 that they were at the Barre of Surat. Vpon which newes the great Vizir asked me what Toy I had for the King, I shewed him a Ruby Ring that I had gotten: at the sight of which he bade me make readie to goe with him at Court time, and he would make

my Petition to the King, and told me that the King was alreadie wonne. So once more comming before his Greatnesse, and my Petition being read, he presently granted mee the establishing of our Factorie, and that the English come and freely trade for Surat:: willing the Vizir that with all expedition my commandement be made, vpon which grant the Vizir made signe vnto mee, to make obeysance, which I did according to the Custome. But now what followed? A great Nobleman and neerest Fauourite of the King being the dearest friend that Mocrebchan, and like∣wise Abdall Hassa•• had, brought vp together from their child-hood, and Pages together vnto the King, began to make a speech vnto the King: saying, that the granting of this would be the vtter ouerthrow of his Sea Coasts and people, as his Maiestie had beene informed by petition [ 10] from diuers of his Subiects: and besides, that it stood not with his Maiesties honour to contra∣dict that which he had granted to his ancient friends the Portugals, and whosoeuer laboured for the English, knew not what he did; if knowing, hee was not his Maiesties friend. Vpon the speech of this Nobleman, my businesse once againe was quite ouerthrowne, and all my time and presents lost▪ the King answering, that for my Nation, hee would not grant Trade at the Sea Ports, for the inconuenience that diuers times had beene scanned vpon. But, for my selfe, if I would remayne in his ser••ice he would command, that what he had allowed me, should be giuen me to my content: which I denyed, vnlesse the English should come vnto his Ports according to promise, and as for my particular maintenance, my King would not see me want. Then desiring againe answere of the Kings Letter, he cons••lted a while with his Vizirs, and then sent mee his denyall. So I tooke my leaue and departed from Agra,* 1.38 the second of Nouember 1611. being of [ 20] a thousand thoughts what course I were best to take: for I still had a doubt of the Portugalls that for lucre of my goods they would poyson me. Againe, on the otherside, it was dangerous by reason of the Warres to trauell thorow Decan vnto Masulipatan: by land, by reason of the Turkes, I could not goe: and to stay I would not amongst these faithlesse Infidels.

I arriued at Cambaya, the last of December, 1611. where I had certaine newes of the English ships that were at Surat. Immediately I sent a Footman vnto the ships with my Letter, with certaine aduice, affirmed for a tru••h, by the Fathers of Cambaya, vnto me, that the Vice-Roy had in a readinesse prepared to depart from Goa, foure great ships, with certaine Gallies, and Frigats for to come vpon them, and Treasons plotted against Sir Henry Middletons person: of which newes, I was wished by the Fathers to aduise Sir Henry:* 1.39 which I found afterward to bee but [ 30] their policie, to put him in feare, and so to depart, and withall, I wished them to be well aduised. And as for me my shifts were to goe home, by the way of the Portugalls, for so I had promised my Wife and her Brother, who at that present was with me: and to delude him and the Fathers till I had notice for certaine, that I might freely get aboord without feare, which I was assured to know at the returne of my Letter; in the meane time, I did all that I could to dispatch her Bro∣ther away: who within two dayes after departed for Agra, not suspecting that I had any in••ent for the ships. Nicholas Vfflet now departing from mee to suruey the way, beeing two dayes iourney on his way, met with Captaine William Sharpeigh, Master Fraine, and Hugh Greete sent by Sir Henry to Cambaya vnto mee, which was no small ioy vnto mee. So vnderstanding of the place (which was miraculously found out by Sir Henry Middle∣ton, [ 40] and neuer knowne to any of the Countrey) I admired and gaue God thankes: for if this place had not beene found, it had beene impossible for mee to haue gotten aboord with my goods. Wherefore making all the haste that I could, in dispatching my selfe away, I depar∣ted from Cambaya,* 1.40 the eighteenth of Ianuary 1611. and came vnto the ships the six and twen∣tieth of the said moneth, where I was most kindly receiued by Sir Henry Middleton. From this place we departed the eleuenth of February 1611. and arriued at Dabul the sixteenth of the same: in which place we tooke a Portugall ship and Frigat, out of which we tooke some quanti∣tie of goods. And from thence we departed the fift of March 1611. for the Red Sea, with an in∣tent to reuenge vs of the wrongs offered vs, both by Turkes and Mogols: at which place wee ar∣riued the third of Aprill 1612. Here we ••ound three English ships, their Generall was Captaine [ 50] Iohn Saris. Hauing dispatched ou•• businesse in the Red Sea, wee set sayle from thence the six∣teenth of August, 1612. and arriued in Tecu in Sumatra, the nineteenth of October 1612. and hauing ended our businesse there, we departed in the night, the twentieth of Nouemb. 1612. and came on ground the same night, three leagues off, vpon a Bed of Corall, in three fathome water, or thereabouts▪ and by the great mercie of God we escaped: but were forced to returne backe a∣gaine to stop her leakes, the goods being taken out, and some damage receiued. Now her leakes being somewhat stopped, and her goods in, not losing an houre of time, wee departed from thence the eight of December, 1612. and arriued at Bantam the one and twentieth of the same: where Sir Henry Midleton not finding the Trade sufficient to goe home that yeare, was forced to stay and carine her. Hauing ended account with him, as himselfe liked best. I tooke my goods [ 60] and shipped them in the Salomon, which came for our Voyage, for sauing of a greater Fraight: but I could not be admitted to goe in her my selfe; Captaine Saris I thanke him, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreed, that the Salomon and wee should keepe company together.

From thence we set saile on the thirtieth of Ianuary 1612. and arriued in Saldania Roade, the

one and twentieth of April 1613. and comming neere some two hundred leagues from the Cape, we had much foule weather and contrary windes. Here we found foure sayle of Hollanders that departed Bantam a moneth before vs. There was great kindnesse betwixt vs, especially to me, in regard that they had heard much of my great estate in India, by an Agent of theirs, that was Li••ger at Masulipatan.* 1.41 Some eight dayes after the Expedition came in, and brought mee a Letter from your Worships, and deliuered it vnto me two dayes after their arriuall. The wind comming faire, we depareed from Saldania the one and twentieth of May, 1613.

[ 10]

§ IIII. A briefe Discourse of the strength, wealth, and Gouernment, with some Cu∣stomes of the great Mogol: which I haue both seene and gathe∣red by his chiefe Officers, and Ouer-seers of all his Estate.

FIrst, I begin with his Princes, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Viscounts, Barons, Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, and Yeomen. As Christian Princes vse their degrees by Ti∣tles, so they haue their Degrees and Titles by their number of Horses: vnlesse it bee [ 20] those that the King most fauoureth, whom he honoureth with the Title of Chan, and Immirza. None haue the Title of Sultan but his Sonnes. Chan in the Persian Language, is as much as a Duke, Immirza is the Title for the Kings Brothers Children.

They that be of the Fame of twelue thousand Horsemen belong to the King, and his Mother, and eldest Sonne,* 1.42 and one more, who is of the bloud Royall of Vzbeck, named Chan Azam. Dukes be nine thousand Fame, Marquesses fiue thousand Fame, Earles three thousand, Viscounts two thousand, Barons a thousand, Knights foure hundred, Esquires an hundred, Gentlemen fifty, Yeomen from twentie down-wards. All they that haue these numbers of Horsemen, are called Mansibdars,* 1.43 or men of Liuings, or Lordships. Of these there be three thousand, that is to say, foure be of twelue thousand Horse a-piece, and they be the King, his Mother, Sultan Peruis, [ 30] Prince, and Chan Azam. Of nine thousand Horsemen there bee three, that is to say, Sultan Chorem,* 1.44 the Kings third Sonne, Chanchanna, and Kelich Chan. Of fiue thousand there bee eigh∣teene, named Hasuff Chan, Chan Ichan, Abdula Chan, Raga Manging, Ray Durga, Raga Sursing, Ramadas Rechuua, Raga Bassu, Emirel Vmera, M••habet Chan, Chan Dowran, Sedris Chan, Hogio Bey Mirza, Mirza Cazi, Ettebar Chan, Abulset Dekenny, Ielam Cully Chan, Sheik Ferid. Of three thousand there be two and twentie, to wit▪ Chan Alem, Imirza Ereg, Imirza Darab, Hogio Iahan, Hogio Abdal Hassan, Mirza Gaysbey, Mirza Shemchadin, Mirza Chadulla, Seffer Chan, Kazmy Chan, Mirza Chin Kelich, Saif Chan, Lalla Bersingdia, Mirza Zeady, Mirza Ally Ec••er∣chuly, Terbiat Chan, Mirza Laschary, Mirza Charucogly, Mirza Rustem, Ally Merdon Badur, Tasbey Chan,* 1.45 Abulbey. The rest bee from two thousand downwards till you come to twentie [ 40] Horses, two thousand nine hundred and fiftie. Of Horsemen, that receiue pay monethly, from sixe Horse to one, there be fiue thousand, these bee called Haddies. Of such Officers and men as belong to the Court and Campe, there be thirtie sixe thousand, to say, Porters, Gunners, Wa∣termen, Lackeyes, Horse-keepers Elephant-keepers, Small shot, Frasses, or Tent men, Cookes, Light bearers, Gardiners, Keepers of all kind of Beasts. All these be payd monethly out of the Kings Treasurie, whose Wages be from ten to three Rupias.

All his Captaines are to maintaine at a seuen-nights warning, from twelue thousand to twen∣tie Horse, all Horsemen three Leckes, which is three hundred thousand Horsemen: which of the Incomes of their Lordships allowed them, they must maintayne.

[ 50]

The Kings yeerely Income of his Crowne Land, is fiftie Crou of Rupias, euery Crou is an hundred Leckes, and euery Leck is an hundred thousand Rupiae.

* 1.46THe compasse of his Countrey is two yeares trauell with Carrauan, to say, from Candahar to Agra, from Soughtare in Bengala to Agra, from Cabul to Agra, from Decan to Agra, from Surat to Agra, from Tatta in Sinde to Agra. Agra is in a manner in the heart of all his King∣domes.

His Empire is diuided into fiue great Kingdomes, the first named Pengab, whereof Lahor is the chiefe Seate; the second is Bengala, the chiefe Seat Sonargham: the third is Malua, the chiefe Seate is Vgam: the fourth is Decan, the chiefe Seate Bramport: the fifth is Guzerat, the chiefe [ 60] Seat is Amadauar. The chiefe Citie or Seate Royall of the Kings of India, is called Delly, where hee is established King: and there all the Rites touching his Coronation are performed.

There are sixe especiall Castles, to say, Agra, Guallier, Neruer, Ratamboore, Hassier, Roughtaz. In euery one of these Castles he hath his Treasure kept.

In all his Empire there are three Arch-enemies or Rebels, which with all his Forces cannot be called in, to say, Amberry Chapu in Decan: in Guzerat, the Sonne of Muzafer, that was King, his name is Bahador of Malua, Raga Rahana. His Sonnes be fiue, to say, Sultan Coussero, Sul∣tan Peruis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar, and Sultan Bath. Hee hath two yong Daughters, and three hundred Wiues, whereof foure be chiefe as Queenes, to say, the first, named Padasha Ba••u, Daughter to Kaime Chan: the second is called Noore Mahal, the Daughter of Gais Beijge: the third is the Daughter of Seinchan: the fourth is the Daughter of Hakim Hamaun, who was Bro∣ther to his Father Ecber Padasha.

[ 10] His Treasure is as followeth, The first, is his seuerall Coine of Gold.

INprimis, of Seraffins Ecberi, which be ten Rupias a piece, there are sixtie Leckes.* 1.47 Of another sort of Coyne, of a thousand Rupias a piece, there are twentie thousand pieces. Of another sort of halfe the value, there are ten thousand pieces. Of another sort of Gold of twenty Toles a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces. Of another sort of tenne Toles a piece, there bee fiue and twenty thousand pieces. Of another sort of fiue Toles, which is this Kings stampe, of these there be fiftie thousand pieces.

Of Siluer, as followeth.

[ 20]

INprimis, of Rupias Ecbery, thirteene Crou euery Crou is an hundred Leckes, and euery Leck an hundred thousand Rupias, is one thousand three hundred Leckes. Of another sort of Coine of Selim Sha this King, of an hundred Toles a piece, there are fiftie thousand pieces. Of fiftie Toles a piece, there is one Lecke. Of thirtie Toles a piece, there are fortie thousand pieces. Of twentie Toles a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces. Of ten Toles a piece, there are twen∣tie thousand pieces. Of fiue Toles a piece, there are fiue and twentie thousand pieces. Of a cer∣taine Money that is called Sauoy, which is a Tole ¼. of these there are two Leckes. Of Iagaries, whereof fiue make sixe Toles, there is one Lecke. More should haue beene coyned of this stampe, but the contrary was commanded.

[ 30]

Here followeth of his Iewells of all sorts.

INprimis, Of Diamantes 1. ½. Battman, these be rough, of all sorts and sizes, great and small: but no lesse then 2. ½. Caratts. The Battman is fifty fiue pound waight, which maketh eigh∣tie two pounds ½. weight English. Of Ballace Rubies little and great, good and bad, there are single two thousand pieces. Of Pearle of all sorts, there are twelue Battmans.* 1.48 Of Rubies of all sorts there are two Battmans. Of Emeraudes of all sorts, fiue Battmans. Of Eshime, which stone commeth from Cathaia, one Battman. Of stones of Emen, which is a red stone, there are fiue thousand pieces. Of all other sorts as Corall, Topasses, &c. There is an infinite number.

[ 40] Here followeth of the Iewels wrought in Gold.

OF Swords of Almaine Blades, with the Hilts and Scabberds set with diuers sorts of rich stones, of the richest sort, there are two thousand and two hundred. Of two sorts of Poniards there bee two thousand. Of Saddle Drummes, which they vse in their Haw∣king, of these there are very rich ones of Gold, set with stones, fiue hundred. Of Broo∣ches for their heads, whereinto their Feathers be put, these be very rich, and of them there are two thousand. Of Saddles of Gold and Siluer set with stones, there are one thousand. Of Teukes there be fiue and twentie, this is a great Launce couered with Gold, and the Fluke set with stones, and these in stead of their colours, are carryed, when the King goeth to the [ 50] warres, of these there are fiue and twentie. Of Kittasoles of state, for to shaddow him, there bee twentie. None in his Empire dareth in any sort haue any of these carryed for his shadow but himselfe, of these, I say▪ there are twentie. Of Chaires of Estate, there bee fiue, to say, three of Siluer, and two of Gold: and of other sorts of Chaires, there bee an hundred of Siluer and Gold, in all an hundred and fiue. Of rich Glasses, there bee two hundred. Of Vases for Wine very faire and rich, set with Iewels, there are an hundred. Of drinking Cuppes fiue hundred, but fiftie very rich, that is to say, made of one piece of Ballace Ruby, and also of Emerods, of Eshim, of Turkish stone, and of other sorts of stones. Of Chaines of Pearle, and Chaines of all sorts of precious stones,* 1.49 and Ringes with Iewels of rich Diamants, Ballace Rubies, Rubies and old Emerods, there is an infinite num∣ber, [ 60] which only the Keeper thereof knoweth. Of all sorts of plate, as Dishes, Cups, Basons, Pots, Beakers of Siluer wrought, there are two thousand Battmans. Of Gold wrought, there are one thousand Battmans.

Here followeth of all sorts of Beasts.

OF Horses there are twelue thousand. Whereof there bee of Persian Horses foure thou∣sand,* 1.50 of Turkie Horses six thousand, and of Kismire two thousand, all are twelue thou∣sand.

Of Elephants, there be twelue thousand, whereof fiue thousand bee teeth Elephants, and se∣uen thousand of shee ones, and yong ones, which are twelue thousand. Of Camels there be two thousand. Of Oxen for the Cart, and all other seruices, there bee tenne thousand. Of Moyles there be one thousand. Of Deere like Buckes for game and sport, there be three thousand. Of Ounces for Game, there be foure hundred. Of Dogges for hunting, as Grey-hounds and other, [ 10] there be foure hundred. Of Lions tame there are an hundred. Of Buffalaes, there be fiue hundred. Of all sorts of Hawkes there bee foure thousand. Of Pidgeons for sport of flying, there bee ten thousand. Of all sorts of singing Birds, there be foure thousand.

Of Armour of all sorts at an houres warning, in a readinesse to arme fiue and twentie thou∣sand men.

HIs daily expences for his owne person, that is to say, for feeding of his Cattell of all sorts, and amongst them some few Elephants Royall, and all other expences particular∣ly, as Apparell, Victuals, and other petty expences for his house amounts, to fiftie thousand Rupias a day. [ 20]

The expences da••ly for his Women by the day, is thirtie thousand Rupias.

All this written concerning his Treasure, Expences and monethly pay is in his Court, or Castle of Agra: and euery one of the Castles aboue nominated, haue their seuerall Treasure, especially Lahor, which was not mentioned.

The Custome of this Mogoll Emperour is to take possession of his Noblemens Treasure when they dye, and to bestow on his Children what he pleaseth: but commonly he dealeth well with them,* 1.51 possessing them with their Fathers Land, diuiding it amongst them: and vnto the eldest Sonne, hee hath a very great respect, who in time receiueth the full title of his Father. There was in my time a great Indian Lord or Prince, a Gentile named Raga Gaginat, vpon whose goods the Kings seizing after his death,* 1.52 he was found (besides Iewels and other Treasure) to haue sixtie [ 30] Maunes in Gold, and euery Maune is fiue and fiftie pound waight. Also his custome is, that of all sorts of Treasure, excepting Coine, to say of all sorts of Beasts, and all other things of va∣lue, a small quantitie is daily brought before him. All things are seuerally diuided into three hundred and sixtie parts,* 1.53 so that hee daily feeth a certaine number, to say, of Elephants, Horses, Camels, Dromedaries, Moyles, Oxen, and all other: as also a certaine quantitie of Iewels, and so it continueth all the yeere long: for what is brought him to day is not seene againe, till that day twelue moneth.

He hath three hundred Elephants Royall, which are Elephants whereon himselfe rideth: and when they are brought before him,* 1.54 they come with great iollitie, hauing some twentie or thirty men before them with small Stremers. The Elephants Cloth or Couering is very rich, eyther of [ 40] Cloth of Gold, or rich Veluet: hee hath following him his shee Elephant, his Whelpe or Whelpes, and foure or fiue yong ones, as Pages which will bee in number some sixe, some seuen, and some eight or nine. These Elephants and other Cattell, are dispersed among his Nobles and men of sort to ouer-see them, the King allowing them for their expences, a certaine quantitie: but some of them will eate a great deale more then their allowance commeth vnto. These Elephants Royall eate tenne Rupias euery day in Sugar, Butter, Graine, and Sugar Canes. These Elephants are the goodliest and fairest of all the rest, and tame withall, so managed, that I saw with mine eyes, when the King commanded one of his young Sonnes named Shariar (a Childe of seuen yeeres of age) to goe to the Elephant to bee taken vp by him with his snout: who did so, deliuering him to his Keeper that commanded him with his hooke: and hauing done [ 50] this vnto the Kings Sonne, he afterwards did the like to many other Children. When these E∣lephants are shewed, if they who haue the charge of them bring them leane, then are they chec∣ked and in disgrace, vnlesse their excuse bee the better: and so it is with all things else in that kinde, that euery man striueth to bring his quantitie in good liking, although hee spend of his owne.

When hee rideth on Progresse or Hunting, the compasse of his Tents may bee as much as the compasse of London and more,* 1.55 and I may say, that of all sorts of people that follow the Campe, there are two hundred thousand: for hee is prouided, as for a Citie. This King is thought to be the greatest Emperour of the East, for Wealth, Land, and force of Men: as also [ 60] for Horses, Elephants, Camels and Dromedaries. As for Elephants of his owne, and of his No∣bles,* 1.56 there are fortie thousand, of which the one halfe are trayned Elephants for the Warre: and

these Elephants of all beasts, are the most vnderstanding. I thought good here to set downe this one thing, which was reported to me for a certainty, although it seemed very strange. An Ele∣phant hauing iournyed very hard, being on his trauell, was misused by his Commander, and one day finding the fellow asleepe by him, but out of his reach, hauing greene Canes brought him to eate, split the end of one of them with his teeth, and taking the other end of the Cane with his snowt, reached it toward the head of the fellow, who being fast asleepe, and his turbant fallen from his head (the vse of India being to weare their haire long like Women) he tooke hold with the Cane on his haire, wreathing it therein, and withall, haling him vnto him, vntill he brought him within the compasse of his snowt, he then presently killed him. Many other strange things [ 10] are done by Elephants.

He hath also infinite numbers of Dromedaries, which are very swift, to come with great speed, to giue assault to any Citie, as this Kings Father did:* 1.57 so that the enemies thought he had beene in Agra, when he was at Amadauar: and he came from Agra thither in nine daies, vpon these Dromedaries, with twelue thousand choyce men, Chan-channa being then his Generall. The day being appointed for the battell, on a suddaine newes came of the Kings arriuall, which strucke such a present feare into the Guzerats, that at that time they were ouerthrowne and conquered. This King hath diminished his chiefe Captaines, which were Rasbootes, or Gentiles, and naturall Indians, and hath preferred the Mahumetans (weak spirited men, void of resolution) in such sort, that what this mans Father, called Ecber Padasha, got of the Decans, this King Selim¦sha, [ 20] beginneth to loose. He hath a few good Captaines yet remaining,* 1.58 whom his father highly esteemed, although they be out of fauour with him, because that vpon his rebellion against his father, they would not assist him, considering his intent was naught: for he meant to haue short∣ned his Fathers daies, and before his time to haue come to the Crowne. And to that purpose, being in Attabase, the regall seate of a kingdome called Porub, hee arose with eighty thousand horse, intending to take Agra, and to haue possession of the Treasury, his Father being then at the warres of Decan: who vnderstanding of his Sonnes pretence, left his conquering there, and made hast to come home to saue his owne. Before the Kings departure to the warres, hee gaue order to his Sonne to goe with his Forces vpon Aranna, that great Rebell in Malua,* 1.59 who comming to parle with this Rebell, he told the Prince, that there was nothing to bee gotten by [ 30] him but blowes: and it were better for him, now his Father was at Decan, to goe vpon Agra, and possesse himselfe of his Fathers treasure, and make himselfe King, for there was no man able to resist him. The Prince followed his counsell, and would haue prosecuted it, but his Fathers hast before, vpon notice giuen, preuented his purpose: at whose arriuall at Agra, hee presently sent vnto his Sonne, that he make choyce either to come and fall at his feete, and be at his mer∣cy to doe with him as he pleased, or to fit himselfe for the battell and fight it out. He well con∣sidering the valour of his Father, thought it meetest to submit himselfe, and stand to his Fathers mercy: who after affronts shewed him and imprisonment, was soone released and pardoned, by reason of many friends, his Mother, Sisters, and others.

This Selim Padasha being in his rebellion, his father dispossessed him, and proclaimed heire [ 40] apparant, his eldest Sonne Cossero being eldest Sonne to Selimsha:* 1.60 for his owne Sonnes younger Brothers to Selim, were all dead in Decan and Guzerat: yet shortly after his Father dyed, who in his death-bed had mercy on Selim, possessing him againe. But Cossero, who was proclaimed heire apparant, stomached his father, and rose with great troopes, yet was not able to indure af∣ter the losse of many thousand men on both sides: but was taken, and remaineth still in prison in the Kings Pallace, yet blinde, as all men report: and was so commaunded to be blinded by his father. So since that time, being now eight yeares after,* 1.61 he had commanded to put all his sonnes confederates to death, with sundry kinds of death; some to bee hanged, some spitted, some to haue their heads chopped off, and some to bee torne by Elephants. Since which time hee hath raigned in quiet, but ill beloued of the greater part of his Subiects, who stand greatly in feare of [ 50] him. His custome is euery yeare to be out two moneths on hunting, as is before specified. When he meaneth to begin his iourney, if comming forth of his Pallace, hee get vp on a Horse, it is a signe that he goeth for the warres: but if he get vp vpon an Elephant or Palankine, it will bee but an hunting voyage.

My selfe in the time that I was one of his Courtiers, haue seene many cruell deeds done by him. Fiue times a weeke, he commaundeth his braue Elephants to fight before him:* 1.62 and in the time of their fighting, either comming or going out, many times men are killed, or dangerously hurt by these Elephants. But if any be grieuously hurt (which might very well escape) yet ne∣uerlesse that man is cast into the Riuer, himselfe commaunding it, saying: dispatch him, for as long as he liueth, he will doe nothing else but curse me, and therefore it is better that he dye pre∣sently. [ 60] I haue seene many in this kind. Againe, hee delighteth to see men executed himselfe, and torne in peeces with Elephants. He put to death in my time his Secretary, onely vpon sus∣picion, that Chan-channa should write vnto the Decan King, who being sent for and examined about this matter, denied it: whereupon the King not hauing patience, arose from his seate, and

with his Sword gaue him his deadly wound, and afterwards deliuered him to bee torne by Elephants.

* 1.63Likewise, it happened to one who was a great friend of mine (a chiefe man, hauing vnder his charge the Kings Ward-robe, and all Woollen Cloath, and all sorts of mercery, and his China dishes) that a faire China dish (which cost ninetie Rupias, or fortie fiue Rials of eight) was bro∣ken, in this my friends time, by a mischance (when the King was in his progresse) being packed amongst other things, on a Cammell, which fell and broke all the whole parcell. This Noble∣man knowing how deerely the King loued this dish aboue the rest, presently sent one of his tru∣sty seruants to China-machina,* 1.64 ouer land to seeke for another, hoping that before he should re∣member that dish, he would returne with another like vnto it: but his euill lucke was contrarie. [ 10] For the King two yeares after remembred this dish, and his man was not yet come. Now, when the King heard that the dish was broken, he was in a great rage, commanding him to be brought before him, and to be beaten by two men, with two great whips made of cords: and after that he had receiued one hundred and twenty of these lashes, he commanded his Porters, who be ap∣pointed for that purpose, to beate him with their small Cudgels, till a great many of them were broken: at the least twenty men were beating of him, till the poore man was thought to bee dead, and then he was haled out by the heeles, and commaunded to prison. The next day the King demaunded whether he was liuing, answer was made, that he was: whereupon, he com∣manded him to be carried vnto perpetuall prison. But the Kings Sonne being his friend, freed him of that, and obtained of his Father, that he might bee sent home to his owne house, and [ 20] th••re be cured. So after two moneths, he was reasonably well recouered, and came before the King, who presently commanded him to depart the Court, and neuer come againe before him, vntill he had found such a like dish,* 1.65 and that hee trauell for China-machina to seeke it: the King allowed him fiue thousand Rupias towards his charges; and besides, returning one fourth part of his liuing that he had before, to maintaine him in his trauell. He being departed, and foureteene moneths on his trauell, was not yet come home: but newes came of him, that the King of Per∣sia had the like dish, and for pitties sake hath sent it him, who at my departure was on his way homeward.

Likewise, in my time it happened, that a Pattan, a man of good stature, came to one of the Kings Sonnes, named Sultan Peruis, to intreat him to bestow somewhat on him, by petition de∣liuered to one of the Princes chiefe men,* 1.66 at the deliuery whereof, the Prince caused him to come [ 30] neere: and demanding of him whether hee would serue him; he answered, No, for he thought that the Prince would not grant him so much as he would aske. The Prince seeing him to be a pretty fellow, and meanely apparelled, smiled, demanding what would content him: hee told him plainly, that hee would neither serue his Father nor him, vnder a thousand Rupias a day, which is 100. pound sterling.* 1.67 The Prince asked him what was in him that he demanded so much; he replyed, make tryall of me with all sorts of weapons, either on horsebacke, or on foote, and for my sufficient command in the warres, if I doe not performe as much as I speake, let mee dye for it. The houre being come for the Prince to go to his Father, he gaue ouer his talk, com∣manding the man to be forth comming. At night the Kings custome being to drinke, the Prince [ 40] perceiuing his Father to be merry, told him of this man: so the King commaunded him to be brought before him. Now while he was sent for, a wilde Lyon was brought in, a very great one, strongly chained, and led by a dozen men and keepers: and while the King was viewing this Lyon, the Pattan came in, at whose sight the Prince presently remembred his Father. The King demanding of this Pattan, whence he was, and of what parentage, and what valour was in him, that he should demand so much wages: his answer was, that the King should make tryal of him. That I will, saith the King, goe wrastle and buffet with this Lyon. The Pattans answer was,* 1.68 that this was a wild beast, and to goe barely vpon him without weapon, would be no triall of his man-hood. The King not regarding his speech, commanded him to buckle with the Lion, who did so, wrastling and buffeting with the Lyon a pretty while: and then the Lyon being [ 50] loose from his keepers, but not from his chaines, got the poore man within his clawes, and tore his body in many parts: and with his pawes tore the one halfe of his face, so that this valiant man was killed by this wilde beast. The King not yet contented, but desirous to see more sport, sent for ten men that were of his horse-men in pay, being that night on the watch: for it is the custome of all those that receiue pay, or liuing from the King, to watch once a weeke, none ex∣cepted,* 1.69 if they be well, and in the Citie. These men one after another, were to buffet with the Lyon, who were all grieuously wounded, and it cost three of them their liues. The King con∣tinued three moneths in this vaine, when he was in his humors, for whose pleasure sake, many men lost their liues, and many were grieuously wounded. So that euer after, vntill my comming away, some fifteene young Lyons were made tame, and played one with another before the [ 60] King, frisking betweene mens legs, and no man hurt in a long time.

Likewise, he cannot abide, that any man should haue any precious stone of value, for it is death if he know it not at that present time,* 1.70 and that he hath the refusall thereof. His Ieweller, a Ban∣nian,

named Herranand, had bought a Diamond of three Mettegals, which cost one hundred thou∣sand Rupias: which was not so closely done, but newes came to the King: Herranand likewise was befriended, beeing presently acquainted therewith, who before the King sent for him, came vnto him, and challenged the King that he had often promised him that he would come to his house: the King answered that it was true. Herranand therefore replyed, that now was the time,* 1.71 for that he had a faire Present to bestow vpon his Maiestie: for that he had bought a stone of such a weight. The King smiled, and said. Thy lucke was good to preuent me. So preparation was made, and to the Bannians house he went. By this meanes, the King hath ingrossed all faire stones, that no man can buy from fiue Carats vpwards, without his leaue: for he hath the refusall of all, and giueth not by a third part so much as their value. There was a Diamant cutter of my ac∣quaintance, [ 10] that was sent for to cut a Diamant of three Mettegals and a halfe, who demanded a small foule Diamant to make powder, wherewith to cut the other Diamant.* 1.72 They brought him a Chest, as he said, of three spannes long, and a spanne and halfe broad, and a spanne and halfe deepe, full of Diamants of all sizes and sorts: yet could he find neuer any one for his purpose, but one of fiue Rotties, which was not very foule neither.

He is exceeding rich in Diamants, and all other precious stones, and vsually weareth euery day a faire Diamant of great price, and that which he weareth this day, till his time be come about to weare it againe, he weareth not the same: that is to say, all his faire Iewels are diuided into a cer∣taine quantitie or proportion, to weare euery day. He also weareth a chaine of Pearle, very faire and great, and another chaine of Emeralds, and ballace Rubies. Hee hath another Iewell, that [ 20] commeth round about his Turbant, full of faire Diamants and Rubies. It is not much to bee wondered, that he is so rich in Iewels, and in Gold and Siluer,* 1.73 when he hath heaped together the Treasure and Iewels of so many Kings, as his forefathers haue conquered, who likewise were a long time in gathering them together: and all came to his hands. Againe, all the money and Ie∣wels which his Nobles heape together, when they die come all vnto him, who giueth what hee listeth to the Noblemens wiues and children: and this is done to all them that receiue pay, or li∣uing from the King. India is rich in siluer, for all Nations bring Coyne, and carry away commo∣dities for the same; and this Coyne is buried in India, and goeth not out: so it is thought, that once in twentie yeeres it commeth into the Kings power. All the lands in his Monarchie are at his disposing, who giueth and taketh at his pleasure. If I haue lands at Lahor,* 1.74 being sent vnto the [ 30] warres at Decan, another hath the lands, and I am to receiue mine in Decan, or thereabouts, neere the place where I am, whether it be in the warres, or that I be sent about any other businesse, for any other countrey. And men are to looke well vnto their doings: for if they be found tardie in neuer so little a matter, they are in danger of loosing their lands: and if complaints of Iniustice which they doe, bee made vnto the King, it is well if they escape with losse of their lands.

He is very seuere in such causes, and with all seueritie punisheth those Captaines, who suffer out-lawes to giue assault vnto their Citie, without resisting. In my time there were some eight Captaines, who had their liuing vpon ••he borders of Bengala, in a chiefe Citie called Pattana, which was suffered to be taken by out-lawes, and they all fled: but that Citie was againe resto∣red by a great Captaine, who was Commander of a Countrey neere thereabouts; who tooke all [ 40] those Captaines that fled, and sent them to the King, to vse punishment vpon them at his pleasure. So they were brought before the King in chaines, and were presently commanded to be shauen, both head and beard, and to weare womens apparell, riding vpon asses, with their faces backwards, and so carried about the Citie. This being done, they were brought before the King againe, and there whipped, and sent to perpetuall prison: and this punishment was inflicted vpon them in my sight. He is seuere enough, but all helpeth not, for his poore Riats or Clownes complaine of Iniustice done them, and cry for Iustice at the Kings hands. They come to a certaine place, where a long rope is fastened vnto two pillars, neere vnto the place where the King sitteth in Iustice. This rope is hanged full of Bels, plated with gold, so that the rope beeing shaken, the Bels are heard by the King: who sendeth to know the cause, and doth his Iustice accordingly. At his first [ 50] comming to the Crowne, he was more seuere then now he is, which is the cause that the Coun∣trey is so full of outlawes, and theeues, that almost a man cannot stirre out of doores, throughout all his Dominions, without great forces: for they are all become Rebels.

There is one great Ragane betwixt Agra and Amadanar, who commandeth as much land as a good Kingdome: and all the forces the Mogol hath, cannot bring him in, for his forces are vp∣on the Mountaines. He is twentie thousand strong in Horse, and fiftie thousand strong in Foote, and many of these Rebels are in all his Dominions: but this is one of the greatest. There are ma∣ny risen at Candahar, Cabul, Moldun, and Sinde, and in the Kingdome of Boloch: Bengala like∣wise, Decan, and Guzerat are full, so that a man can trauell no way for out-lawes. Their Go∣uernment is in such a barbarous kind, and cruell exacting vpon the Clownes, which causeth them [ 60] to be so head-strong. The fault is in the Chiefe, for a man cannot continue halfe a yeere in his li∣uing, but it is taken from him and giuen vnto another: or else the King taketh it for himselfe (if it be rich ground, and likely to yeeld much) making exchange for a worse place: or as he is be∣friended of the Vizir. By this meanes he racketh the poore, to get from them what he can, who

still thinketh euery houre to be put out of his place. But there are many, who continue a long time in one place, and if they remaine but sixe yeeres, their wealth which they gaine is infinite, if it be a thing of any sort. The custome is, they are allowed so much liuing to maintaine that Port which the King hath giuen them, that is to say; they are allowed twentie Rupias of euerie horse by the Moneth, and two Rupias by the Moneth for euery horse Fame, for the maintenance of their Table. As thus: A Captaine that hath fiue thousand horse to maintaine in the warres, hath likewise of Fame other fiue thousand, which he is not to maintaine in the warres, but onely for his Table, allowed vpon euery horse by the Moneth two Rupias, and the other fiue thousand, twenty Rupias by the Moneth: and this is the pay which the greater part of them are al∣lowed. [ 10]

Now here I meane to speake a little of his manners, and customes in the Court. First, in the morning about the breake of day,* 1.75 he is at his Beades, with his face turned to the West-ward. The manner of his praying when he is in Agra, is in a priuate faire roome, vpon a goodly Iet stone, ha∣uing onely a Persian Lamb-skinne vnder him: hauing also some eight chaines of Beads, euery one of them containing foure hundred. The Beads are of rich Pearle, ballace Rubyes, Diamonds, Ru∣byes, Emeralds, Lignum Aloes, Eshem, and Corall. At the vpper end of this Iet stone, the Pi∣ctures of our Lady and Christ are placed, grauen in stone: so he turneth ouer his Beads, and saith, three thousand two hundred words, according to the number of his Beads, and then his Prayer is ended. After he hath done, he sheweth himselfe to the people, receiuing their Salames, or good morrowes, vnto whom multitudes resort euery morning for this purpose. This done, hee slee∣peth [ 20] two houres more,* 1.76 and then dineth, and passeth his time with his Women, and at noone hee sheweth himselfe to the people againe, sitting till three of the clocke, viewing and seeing his Pa∣stimes, and sports made by men, and fighting of many sorts of beasts, euery day sundry kinds of Pastimes. Then at three of the clocke, all the Nobles in generall (that be in Agra, and are well) resort vnto the Court, the King comming forth in open audience, sitting in his Seat-Royall, and euery man standing in his degree before him,* 1.77 his chiefest sort of the Nobles standing within a red Rayle, and the rest without. They are all placed by his Lieutenant Generall. This red Rayle, is three steppes higher then the place where the rest stand: and within this red Rayle I was placed, amongst the chiefest of all. The rest are placed by Officers, and they likewise be within an other very spacious place rayled: and without that Rayle, stand all sorts of horsemen and souldiers, that [ 30] belong vnto his Captaines, and all other commers. At these Rayles, there are many doores kept by many Porters, who haue white rods to keepe men in order. In the middest of the place, right before the King, standeth one of his Sheriffes, together with his Master Hangman, who is accom∣panied with forty hangmen, wearing on their heads a certaine quilted cap, different from all o∣thers, with an Hatchet on their shoulders: and others with all sorts of Whips, being there, readie to doe what the King commandeth. The King heareth all causes in this place, and stayeth some two houres euery day (these Kings of India sit daily in Iustice euery day, and on the Tuesdayes doe their executions.) Then he departeth towards his p••••uate place of Prayer: his Prayer beeing ended, foure or fiue sorts of very well dressed and roasted meats are brought him, of which as hee pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his stomacke, drinking once of his strong drinke. Then hee com∣meth forth into a priuate roome, where none can come, but such as himselfe nominateth, (for [ 40] two yeeres together I was one of his attendants here.* 1.78) In this place he drinketh other fiue cup∣fuls, which is the portion that the Physicians alot him. This done, he eateth Opium, and then he ariseth, and being in the height of his drinke, he layeth him downe to sleepe, euery man depar∣ting to his owne home. And after he hath slept two houres, they awake him, and bring his Sup∣per to him, at which time he is not able to feed himselfe; but it is thrust into his mouth by others, and this is about one of the clocke: and then he sleepeth the rest of the night.

Now in the space of these sixe cups, he doth many idle things; and whatsoeuer he doth, either without or within, drunken or sober, he hath writers, who by turnes set downe euery thing in writing which he doth: so that there is nothing passeth in his life time, which is not noted; no, [ 50] not so much as his going to the necessary; and how often he lieth with his women, and with whom▪ and all this is done vnto this end, that when he dieth, these writings of al his actions and speeches,* 1.79 which are worthy to be set downe, might be recorded in the Chronicles. At my being with him, he made his brothers children Christians; the doing whereof was not for any zeale he had to Christianitie, as the Fathers, and all Christians thought; but vpon the prophecie of certain learned Gentiles, who told him, that the sonnes of his body should be disinherited, and the chil∣dren of his brother should raigne. And therefore he did it, to make these children hatefull to all Moores, as Christians are odious in their sight: and that they beeing once Christians, when any such matter should happen, they should find no subiects: but God is omnipotent, and can turne the making of these Christians vnto a good ende, if it be his pleasure. [ 60]

This King amongst his children, hath one called Sultan Shariar, of seuen yeeres of age, and his Father on a day, being to goe some whether to solace him selfe, demanded of him whether hee would goe with him: the child answered, That if it pleased his Highnesse, he would either goe or stay, as the pleasure of his Father was. But because his answer was not, that withall his heart he

would waite vpon his Maiestie, he was very well buffeted by the King, and that in such sort, that no child in the world but would haue cryed; which this child did not. Wherefore his Father de∣manded why he cryed not; he answered, That his Nurses told him, that it was the greatest shame in the world, for Princes to cry when they were beaten: and euer since they nurtured me in this kind, saith he, I neuer cryed, and nothing shall make me cry to the death. Vpon which speech, his Father being more vexed, stroke him againe, and caused a bodkin to bee brought him, which he thrust through his cheeke; but all this would not make him cry, although he bled very much, which was admired of all, that the Father should doe this vnto his child, and that he was so stou••, that hee would not crie. There is great hope of this child to exceed all the rest.

[ 10] This Emperour keepeth many feasts in the year••, but two feasts especially may be nominated▪* 1.80 the one called the No••••ous, which is in honour of the New-yeares day. This feast continueth eighteene daies, and the wealth and riches are wonderfull, that are to be seene in the decking and setting forth of euery mans roome, or place where he lodgeth, when it is his turne to watch: for euery Nobleman hath his place appointed him in the Palace. In the middest of that spaci∣ous place I speake of, there is a rich Yent pitched, but so rich,* 1.81 that I thinke the like cannot bee found in the world. This Tent is curiously wrought, and hath many Seminans ioyning round about it, of most curious wrought Veluet, embroidered with Gold, and many of them are of Cloath of Gold and Siluer. These Seminans be shaddowes to keepe the Sunne from the compasse of this Tent. I may say, it is at the least two Acres of ground, but so richly spread with Silke [ 20] and Gold Carpets, and Hangings in the principall places, rich, as rich Veluet imbroydered with Gold, Pearle, and precious stones can make it. Within it fiue Chaires of Estate are placed, most rich to behold, where at his pleasure the King sitteth. There are likewise priuate roomes made for his Queenes, most rich where they sit, and see all, but are not seene. So round about this Tent, the compasse of all may bee some fiue Acres of ground. Euery principall Noble-man maketh his roome, and decketh it, likewise euery man according to his ability, striueth who may adorne his roome richest. The King where he doth affect, commeth to his Noble-mens roomes, and is most sumptuously feasted there: and at his departure, is presented with the rarest Iewels and toyes that they can find. But because he will not receiue any thing at that time as a present, he commandeth his Treasurer to pay what his praysers valew them to bee worth, which are va∣lewed [ 30] at halfe the price. Euery one, and all of his Nobles prouide toyes, and rare things to giue him at this feast: so commonly at this feast euery man his estate is augmented. Two daies of this feast, the better sort of the Women come to take the pleasure thereof: and this feast beginneth at the beginning of the Moone of March. The other feast is some foure moneths after, which is called the feast of his Birth-day:* 1.82 This day euery man striueth who may be the richest in ap∣parell and Iewels. After many sports and pastimes performed in his Palace, he goeth to his mo∣thers house, with all the better sort of his Nobles, where euery man presenteth a Iewell vnto his Mother, according to his estate. After the bancket is ended, the King goeth into a very faire roome, where a ballance of beaten Gold is hanged, with one scale emptie for him to sit in; the other scale being filled with diuers things, that is to say, Siluer, Gold, diuers sorts of Grain a lit∣tle, [ 40] and so of euery kind of Mettall a little, and with all sorts of precious stones some: In fine, he weigheth himselfe with these things, which the next day are giuen to the poore, and all may be valued to be worth * 1.83 ten thousand pounds. This day, before he goeth vnto his mothers house, eue∣ry man bringeth him his Present, which is thought to be ten times more worth, then that which he giueth to the poore. This done, euery man departeth vnto his home.

His custome is, that when you petition him for any thing, you must not come empty handed, but giue him some toy or other, whether you write or no: by the gift you giue him, he knoweth that you would demand some thing of him: so after enquiry is made, if he seeth it conuenient, he granteth it.

The custome of the Indians, is to burne their dead, as you haue read in other Authors, and at [ 50] their burning, many of their Wiues will burne with them:* 1.84 because they will bee registred in their bookes, for famous and most modest and louing Wiues, who leauing all worldly affaires, content themselues to liue no longer then their Husbands. I haue seene many proper Women brought before the King, whom (by his commandement) none may burne without his leaue and sight of them, I meane those of Agra. When any of these commeth, hee doth perswade them with many promises of gifts and liuing if they will liue: but in my time no perswasion could preuaile, but burne they would. The King seeing that all would not serue, giueth his leaue for her to be carried to the fire, where she burneth her selfe aliue with her dead husband.

Likewise his custome is, when any great Noble-man hath beene absent from him two or three yeares, if they come in fauour, and haue performed well, hee receiueth them in manner [ 60] and forme following.

First, the Noble-man stayeth at the gate of the Pallace, till the Vizir and Lieutenant Gene∣rall, and Knight Martiall come to accompany him vnto the King:* 1.85 then he is brought to the gate of the outermost rayles, whereof I haue spoken before, where hee standeth in the view of the King, in the middest betweene these two Nobles; then he toucheth the ground with his hand,

and also with his head, very grauely, and doth thus three times. This done, he kneeleth downe touching the ground with his fore-head, which being once done, he is carried forward towards the King, and in the midway he is made to doe this reuerence againe: then he commeth to the doore of the red rayles, doing the like reuerence the third time: and hauing thus done, he com∣meth within the red rayles, and doth it once more vpon the Carpets. Then the King comman∣deth him to come vp the staires or ladder of seauen steppes, that he may embrace him; where the King most louingly embraceth him before all the people, whereby they shall take notice, that he is in the Kings fauour. The King hauing done this, he then commeth downe, and is pla∣ced by the Lieutenant Generall according to his degree. Now if he come in disgrace, through exclamations made against him, he hath none of these honours from the King, but is placed in his place till he come to his tryall. This King is very much adored of the Heathen Comminal∣ty, insomuch, that they will spread their bodies all vpon the ground, rubbing the earth with their [ 10] faces on both sides. They vse many other fopperies and superstitions, which I omit, leauing them for other Trauellers, which shall come from thence hereafter.

After I had written this, there came into my memory another Feast, solemnized at his Fa∣thers Funerall,* 1.86 which is kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himselfe, with all his posterity, meane to be buried. Vpon this day there is great store of victuals dressed, and much money gi∣uen to the poore, This Sepulchre may be counted one of the rarest Monuments of the world. It hath beene this foureteene yeares a building, and it is thought it will not be finished these sea∣uen yeares more, in ending gates and walls, and other needfull things, for the beautifying and setting of it forth. The least that worke there daily, are three thousand people: but thus much I will say,* 1.87 that one of our Worke-men will dispatch more then three of them. The Sepulchre [ 20] is some ¾. of a mile about made square: it hath seauen heights built, euery height narrower then the other, till you come to the top where his Herse is. At the outermost gate, before you come to the Sepulchre, there is a most stately Palace building: the compasse of the wall ioyning to this gate of the Sepulchre and garding, being within, may be at the least three miles. This Se∣pulchre is some foure miles distant from the Citie of Agra.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Captain Kee∣ling and he had kept company together al the voyage before related (& not needfull to bee repeated) to the Roade of D••lisa in Soca∣tora, whence on Iune the 24. Capt••ine Keeling depar∣ted in the Dra∣gon, as you haue heard; the other in the Hector for Surat (the meane while built a Pin∣nasse) on the fourth of Au∣gust hauing receiued from the Generall a duplicate of the Commissi∣on vnder the Great Seale. He commeth on shoare the 28. of August, 1608.

  Chanchana. Mocrebchan.
• * 1.2

  The Captaine of the ship that Sir Edward Michelborne tooke.
• * 1.3

  Excessiue rain.
• * 1.4

  Our two Barks taken by the Portugals, and thirtie men in them.

  This not figh∣ting, was vp∣brayd••d to our men by the In∣dians with much disgrace, sin••ere ••oue∣red with inter∣est your ••••••∣f••ghts with th•• Portugals. The intollera∣ble pride of the Portugall Cap∣taine.
• * 1.5

  The ••nglish pri∣soners sent for Goa.
• * 1.6

  The third of October. The ship de∣parteth leauing M. William Hawkins and his seruants in the Countrey. The perfidy & treason of Mo∣creb-chan and the Iesuite Pe∣niero.
• * 1.7

  The first plot of the Portu∣gals to kill me.
• * 1.8

  The second plot.
• * 1.9

  Padre Peneiro a Iesuite, a pa∣terne of Iesui∣ticall sanctitie. How franke would the Ie∣suites haue bin to Iudas, be∣yond those Priests which g••ue but thirty pieces for the price of bloud, and those but of two shillings sixe pence the piece? whereas this Iesuite of∣fers forty thou∣sand Royals (who can de∣ny them Royall Merchants?) at foure shillings sixe pence the piece.

  Iesuites policy. Iust Iesui••isme.
• * 1.10

  He setteth for∣ward on his Iourney from Suratt ••oward Agra.
• * 1.11

  Another dan∣gerous Pio•• of the Portugals. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prouince.
• * 1.12

  Dayt•• another Prouince.
• * 1.13

  They vse to trauell two houres before day.
• * 1.14

  The Iesuites bloudie plot discouered. Vir••us an vi∣rus, quis in Ie∣suita requirat? M. Hawkins departeth from Suratt. The first of Fe∣bruary 1608.
• * 1.15

  His arriuall at Bramport.
• * 1.16

  Hee stayeth in Bramport till the second of March.

  His arriuall at Agra the six∣teenth of A∣prill, 1609.
• * 1.17

  He c••me be∣fore the King.
• * 1.18

  Iesuiticall Charitie.
• * 1.19

  The Mogoll skilfull in the Turkish tongue.
• * 1.20

  Spyes vpon e∣uery Noble∣man.
• * 1.21

  M. Will. Haw∣kins had bin in the West Indi••s.
• * 1.22

  The Kings sti∣pendary wages and honorable Pensions to his Nobles.
• * 1.23

  Iesuiticall Christianitie.
• * 1.24

  The practice of the Portu∣gals against ou•• Trade.
• * 1.25

  Lying, a great stratag••me.
• * 1.26

  The Kings an∣swere.
• * 1.27

  Nicholas Vfflet.
• * 1.28

  Mubarique Sha an Armenian Chr••stian. Ekbery Padasha.
• * 1.29

  Hee taketh a Christian Gentlewoman to Wife. Shee came ouer with him for England, but he dying by the way, shee was after marryed to M. Towerson. The Pinn••sse of the Ascenti∣on cast away neere Sura••t. The Kings Commission in the fauour of the Engl••sh vnder his great Seale with gol∣den Letters. The Ascention cast away. The greater part of the Kings Nobles are Mah••me∣tans.

  Some of the Ascentions Cō∣pany and M. Alexander Sharp•• their Generall came to Agra.
• * 1.30

  A Letter from▪ the Viceroy of the East-India to the Mogull, against the English.
• * 1.31

  A speech of Mocreb chan to the King a∣gainst the English.
• * 1.32

  The Kings commande∣ment vpon false informa∣tion against the English.
• * 1.33

  None make petition to the King without some Present.
• * 1.34

  The red Railes a place of Ho∣nour.
• * 1.35

  Will. Finch de∣termined to returne ouer∣land for Eng∣land.
• * 1.36

  Nicholas Bang∣ham.
• * 1.37

  Three English sh••ps at the Barre of Surat.
• * 1.38

  He departeth from Agra the second of No∣uember 1611.
• * 1.39

  A fained poli∣cie of the Ie∣suites.
• * 1.40

  Hee came a∣boord the English Fleet. They depart with the English Fleet from Su∣rat to Dabull. A Portugal ship taken.

  1612. They ar∣riue at the mouth of the Red Sea.

  The Fleet of M. Iohn Saris. They arriue at Tecoo in Suma∣tra.

  They arriue at Bantam, De∣cember, 1612.
• * 1.41

  The Epedition arriued in Sal∣dania.

  Many aduises of the Authour touching Forts, In••ian Factories, &c. I haue omitted as not so fitting euery Eye. Their departure from Salda••ia.
• * 1.42

  Vzbek.
• * 1.43

  Mansibdars.
• * 1.44

  These Ragas be Gentiles.
• * 1.45

  Thirtie sixe thousand Offi∣cers and Sti∣pendaries of the Court. The Rupia is two shillings sterling, some say two shil∣lings and three pence: some two shillings and sixe pence.
• * 1.46

  Candahar.
• * 1.47

  A Tole is a Ru∣pia Challany of Siluer, and ten of these Toles, are the value of one of gold.
• * 1.48

  Eshime a preci∣ous stone comming from Cathaya.
• * 1.49

  Eshins stones of Cathay.
• * 1.50

  Or Kasimir.
• * 1.51

  The Mogoll heire to euery man.
• * 1.52

  Raga Gaginat his wealth.
• * 1.53

  Daily suruey of the Kings wealth.
• * 1.54

  Elephants Royall.
• * 1.55

  The Kings Tents as large in compasse as London.
• * 1.56

  Forty thou∣sand Elephants
• * 1.57

  Dromedaries swiftness••. From Agra to Amadauar in nine daies.
• * 1.58

  Selims rebelli∣on.
• * 1.59

  Or Rabanne.
• * 1.60

  Sultan Cossero proclaimed.
• * 1.61

  Hee was not blinded, and is since (as you shall see in Sir Tho. Roes relati∣ons) deliuered out of prison.
• * 1.62

  Cruell Execu∣tions.
• * 1.63

  Seuerity.
• * 1.64

  China-machina.
• * 1.65

  China-machina.
• * 1.66

  Sultan Peruis.
• * 1.67

  Proud demand
• * 1.68

  Cruell com∣mand.
• * 1.69

  Bloody expe∣riments.
• * 1.70

  Iewels and Gemmes.
• * 1.71

  Costly e••••er∣tainmen••▪
• * 1.72

  An inestima∣ble rich coffer of Diamonds.
• * 1.73

  Cause of so great wealth.
• * 1.74

  Those lands which are let pay to the king two thirds of the profit: and of those which he giueth in fee, one third remaineth to the King. In all the world is not more fer∣tile land, then in some great parts of his Dominions. Punishment of Cowards. A chiefe Citie called Pattana. He calleth re∣bels (as the M••∣gols did) those that refused subiection, though per∣haps some of them were free Kings as this Ra••ane, or Ran∣na, supposed the true succes∣sor of P••••us whom Alexan∣der▪ conquered. He is now brought, or bought rather (as they say) peaceably to acknowledge tribute to the Mogol.
• * 1.75

  The great Mo∣gol his deuoti∣ons.

  Some suppose him author of a new sect.
• * 1.76

  The great Mo∣gols spending his time.
• * 1.77

  The red rayle.
• * 1.78

  Captain Haw∣kins, two yeeres together neere about the great Mogol.
• * 1.79

  The Mogol makes his bro∣thers children Christians. This Christia∣nitie is since disclaymed, & was then but a tricke, rather of sensualitie, thē of deuotion or state.
• * 1.80

  Two feasts.
• * 1.81

  An exceeding rich Tent.
• * 1.82

  The feast of his Birth-day.
• * 1.83

  See hereof Sir Thom. Roe.
• * 1.84

  Voluntary burning of women with their dead husbands.
• * 1.85

  Fauourable entertainment of the Grandes
• * 1.86

  Funerall feast or Obit for his Father?
• * 1.87

  Sumptuous Sepulchre.