Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

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Title
Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.
Author
Purchas, Samuel, 1577?-1626.
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London :: Printed by William Stansby for Henrie Fetherstone, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Rose,
1625.
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Voyages and travels -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68617.0001.001
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"Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A68617.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 16, 2024.

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CHAP. IV. A Discourse of Iaua, and of the first English Factorie there, with diuers Indian, English, and Dutch occurrents, written by Master EDMVND SCOT, contayning a Historie of things done from the eleuenth of Februarie, 1602. [ 30] till the sixt of October, 1605. abbreuiated.

§. I. The description of Iaua maior, with the manners and fashions of the people, both Iauans and Chynaesses, which doe there inhabite.

IAua maior, is an Iland which lieth in an hundred and fortie degrees of longitude [ 40] from the middle part of it,* 1.1 and in the ninth degree of latitude, being also about an hundred fortie and six leagues long, East and West, and some ninetie leagues broad, South and North, the middle part of which Land is for the most part all mountaines, the which are not so steepe, but that people doe trauell to the top of them, both on horse-backe, and on foot. Some inhabitants doe dwell vpon those hils, which stand next to the Sea, but in the very middle of the Land, so farre as euer I could learne,* 1.2 there are no Inhabitants, but there are wild beasts of diuers sorts, whereof some doe re∣paire neere the valleyes adioyning to the Sea; and deuoure many people. Towards the Sea, for the most part is low moorish ground, wherein stand their principall Townes of Trade, the chiefest [ 50] whereof lie on the North and North-east side of the Iland, as Chiringin, Bantam, Iackatra, and Irtan or Greesey,* 1.3 The which low ground is very vnwholsome, and breedeth many diseases, (espe∣cially vnto strangers which come thither) and yeeld no merchandise worthy trading for, or spea∣king of, but Pepper, the which hath beene brought in times past from all places of the Land to Bantam, as the chiefe Mart Towne of the Countie, which Towne for Trade doth farre exceed Achen, or any Towne or Citie thereabouts; And Pepper was wont to be brought thither from diuers other Countries, which of late yeeres is not, by reason that the Dutch-men trade to euery place, and buy it vp. [ 60]

This Towne of Bantam, is about three English miles in length, also very populous, There are three Markets kept on euery day,* 1.4 one in the forenoone, and two in the afternoone: that espe∣cially, which is kept in the forenoone, doth so abound with people, that they throng together, as in many Fayers in England. Yet I neuer saw any kind of Cattell to sell, by reason that there

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are very few tame in the Countrey. Their food is altogether Rice, with some Hens,* 1.5 and some Fish, but not much, or in no abunance. The Iauans houses are altogether built of great Canes, and some few small Timbers, being slight buildings: In many of the principall mens houses,* 1.6 is good workmanship shewed, as carings, &c. And some of the chiefest haue a square Brick roome, being built in no better forme then a Brickill, which is onely to put in all their houshold stuffe, when fire commeth, but they seldome or neuer lodge, nor eate in them. There are many small Riuers running through the Towne: also, there is a good road for shippes, whereby if they were people of any reasonable capacity, it would be made a very gooly Citie, also it is walled round with a Bricke wall, being very warlike built, with Flankers, and Turrets scouring euery way▪ [ 10] I haue beene told by some that it was first built by the Chinesses. In many places it is fallen to de∣cay for want of repairing. At the very end of this Towne, is the China Towne, a narrow Riuer parting them, which runneth crosse the end of the China Towne, vp to the Kings Court, and so through the middle of the great Towne, and doth ebbe and flow, so that at a high water, both Gallies and Iuncts of great burthen, may goe vp to the middle of the great Towne.

This China Towne, is for the most part built of Brick, euery house sqare, and flat ouer-head,* 1.7 some of them hauing Boords, and small Timbers, or slit Canes ouer-crosse, on which are laid Bricks and Sand, to defend them from fire. Ouer these Bricke Ware-houses is set a shed, being built vp with great Canes, and Thatched, and some are built vp with small Timber, but the grea∣tst number with Canes onely. Of late yeares, since we came thither, many men of wealth [ 20] haue built their houses to the top, all fire free, of the which sort of houses, at our first comming, there was no more but the Sabindars house and the rich Chyna Merchants house, which neuerthe∣lesse by meanes of their windowes, and sheds rond about them, haue beene consumed with fire. In this Towne stand the English and Dutch houses, which are built in the same manner,* 1.8 on∣ly they are very much bigger, and higher then ordinary houses, and the Dutch-men of late (though with great cost and trouble) haue built one of their houses vp to the top all of Bricke, fire free, as they suppose.

The King of this place is absolute,* 1.9 and since the deposing and death of the late Emperour of Damacke, is held the principall King of all that Iland: he vseth alwaies Marshall law vpon any offender whom he is disposed to punish. If any priuate mans Wife or Wies be taken with di∣shonesty, [ 30] so that they haue good proofe of it, they cause them presently to be put to death, both the woman, and the man that is taken in Adultery with her. And for their Slaues, they may execute them for any small fault. To euery Wife that a Iauan, being a free-man, marrieth,* 1.10 he must keepe ten women-slaues, which they as ordinary vse as their wiues; and some of them keepe for euery wife, fortie slaues, for so they keepe ten: they may haue as many more as they will, but they may haue but three wiues onely.

The Iauans, are generally exceeding proud, although extreame poore,* 1.11 by reason that not one amongst an hundred of them will worke. The Gentlemen of this Land are brought to bee poore, by the number of Slaues that they keepe, which eate faster then their Pepper or Rice groweth. The Chinois, doe both plant, drsse, and gather the Pepper,* 1.12 and also sowe their Rice liuing as Slaues vnder them, but they sucke away all the wealth of the Land, by reason that [ 40] the Iauans are so idle. And a Iauan is so proud, that he will not endure one to t an inch in height aboue him, if he be but of the like calling. They are a people that doe very much thirst after blood, yet they will seldome fight face to face one with another, or with any other Nation, but doe altogether seeke reuenge of their enemy cowardly, albeit they are for the most part men of a goodly stature. Their law for murther, is to pay a fine to the King,* 1.13 and that but a small summe: but euermore the friends of the party murthered, will be reuenged on the mur∣therer, or his kindred, so that the more they kill one another, the more fines hath their King. Their ordinary weapon which they weare, is called a rise, it is about two foot in length,* 1.14 the blae being waued, and crooked to and fro, Indenture like, and withall exceeding sharpe, most of them hauing the temper of their Mettle poysoned, so that not one amongst fiue hundred that [ 50] is wounded with them in the body escapeth with his life. The handles of these weapons, are either of horne or wood, curiously carued in the the likenesse of a Diuell, which many of them doe worship. In their warres, their fight is altogether with Pikes, Darts, and Targets. Of late, some few of them haue learned to vse their Peeces, but very vntowardly.

The apparell of the beter sort, is a tucke on their heads, and about their loynes a faire Pin∣tadoe, all the rest of their bodies naked; sometimes they will weare a close coate,* 1.15 somewhat like a Mandillion, of Vluet, Chamblet, Cloath, or some other kind of Silke: but it is but seldome, and vpon some extraordinary occasion. The common sort weare on their head, a flat cap of Vel∣uet, Taffita, or Cllico-cloath, the which is cut in many peeces, and seamed with a faire stitch, to make them sit flat and compasse: about their loynes they weare a kind of Callico-cloth, which [ 60] is made at Clyn, in manner of a silke girdle, but at the least one yard broad, being of two colours. Also, there commeth from thence many sorts of white colours, which they themselues do both Dye Paint and Gild, according to the fashions of that Countrey: Likewise, they can weare a kin of striped stuffe, both of Cotten, and Rindes of trees, but by meanes of their lasinesse, there

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is very little of that worne.* 1.16 The men for the most part, haue very thicke curled haire on their heads, in which they take great pride, and often will goe bare-headed to shew their haire: the women goe all bare-headed, some of them hauing their haire tucked vp, like a Cart-horse taile, but the better sort doe tucke it vp, like our riding Geldings tailes. About their loynes they weare the same stuffes, which I haue before mentioned, alwaies hauing a faire Girdle or Pin∣tado, of their Countrey fashion, throwne ouer on their shoulders, which hangeth downe loose behind them.

* 1.17The principall of them are most religious, but they very seldome goe to Church: They doe acknowledge Christ to be a great Prophet, whom they call Naby Isa, and some of them doe keepe of Mahomets Priests in their houses, but the common people haue very little knowledge [ 10] in any Religion, onely they say, there is a God which made heauen and earth, and them also. He is good they say, and will not hurt them, but the Diuell is naught, and will doe them hurt, wherefore many of them for want of knowledge doe pray to him,* 1.18 onely for feare lest he should hurt them. And surely if there were men of learning, which were perfect in their language to instruct them, a number of them would be drawne to the true faith of Christ, and also would be brought to ciuilitie. For many which I haue reasoned with, concerning the Lawes of Christians, haue liked all well, excepting only their plurality of Women, for they are all very lasciuiously gi∣uen,* 1.19 both men and women. The better sort which are in authoritie, are great takers of bribes, and all the Iauans in generall, are bad pay-masters when they are trusted, notwithstanding, their Lawes for debts are so strickt,* 1.20 that the Creditour may take his Debtor, his Wiues, Children, [ 20] Slaues, and all that he hath, and sell them for his debt.

* 1.21Likewise, they are all much giuen to stealing, from the highest to the lowest, and surely in times past, they haue beene * 1.22 Man-eaters, before that Traffique was had with them by the Chy∣nasses, which as I haue heard some of them say, is not aboue one hundred yeares since. They delight much in ease and Musicke, and for the most part, they spend the day sitting crosse legged like a Taylor, whitling of a sticke, whereby many of them become very good Caruers, to carue their Crise handles: and that is all the worke that most of them indeuour to doe. They are very great eaters, but the Gentlemen allow their Slaues nothing, but Rice sod in water, with some rootes and hearbs, and they haue a certaine hearb called Bettaile, which they vsually haue carried with them wheresoeuer they goe, in boxes, or wrapped vp in a cloath like a Sugar-loafe, and also a nut called Pinange, which are both in operation very hot, and they eate them continually to warme [ 30] them within, and keepe them from the Fluxe, they doe likewise take much Tobacco, and also Opium.

* 1.23The Iauans themselues, are very dull and blockish to mannage any affaires of a Common∣wealth, whereby all strangers goe beyond them that come into their land: and many of the Countrey of Clyn, which come thither to dwell, doe grow very rich, and rise to great Offices and Dignitie amongst them, as their Sabandar, their Laytamougon, and others, especially the Chineses, who like Iewes liue crooching vnder them, but rob them of their wealth, and send it for China.

* 1.24The Chineses are very crafty people in trading, vsing all kind of cousoning and deceipt which may possibly be deuised. They haue no pride in them, nor will refuse any labour, except they [ 40] turne Iauans (as many of them doe when they haue done a murther, or some other villanie) then they are euery whit as proud,* 1.25 and as lasie as the Iauans. For their Religion they are of diuers sects, but the most of them are Atheists. And many of them hold opinion, that when they die, if they be good men, they shall be borne againe to great riches, and be made Gouernors, and if they be wicked men, then they shall be turned into some vgly beast, as a Frog or a Toade. They burne sacrifice euery new Moone, mumbling prayers ouer them, with a kind of singing voyce, and as they sing, they ting a little Bell, which at the end of euery Prayer, they ring out as fast as they can. This ceremony they also vse, when any amongst them of account lyeth a dying. The manner of their sacrifice is this: They furnish their Altars, with Goats, Hens, Duckes, and diuers sorts of fruits, the which are sometimes dressed to eate, and sometimes raw, and then are [ 50] dressed afterwards and eaten. All that they burne, is onely papers painted, and cut out in curi∣ous workes, and valued by them at a certaine price. I haue many times asked them, to whom they burne their sacrifice, and they haue answered me to God: but the Goserats and Turkes * 1.26 which are there, say they burne it to the Diuell. If they do so, they are ashamed to confesse it. They are many of them well seene in Astronomy, and keepe a good account of their moneths and yeares: they obserue no Sabboth, nor one day better then other, except when they lay the foundation of a house, or begin some other great worke, which day they euer after obserue as a holy day. When any of them that are wealthy die in Bantam, their bodies are burnt to Ashes,* 1.27 which Ashes they put close in Iarres, and carry it to China to their friends. I haue seene [ 60] when some of them haue lyen a dying, they haue set vp seauen Odours burning, foure of them being great, and burning light, and they were set vpon a Cane, which lay crosse vpon two Crot∣ches, about sixe foote from the ground, and three set on the ground right vnder them, being very small, and burning dim. I haue demaunded the meaning of it many times, but I could neuer

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haue other answer, but that it was the fashion of China; and surely many such like things they doe, not knowing why, or wherefore, but onely that it hath beene a fashion amongst them. They delight very much in Playes, and singing,* 1.28 but they haue the worst voyces that one shall heare any people haue, the which Playes or Interludes, they hold as seruice to their gods: in the be∣ginning of which, they often vse to burne a sacrifice, the Priests many times kneeling downe, and kissing the ground three times, one presently after another. These Playes are made com∣monly, when they thinke their Iuncks or shipping are set forth from China; likewise, when they are arriued at Bantam, and also when they set out from Bantam towards China: These Playes sometimes begin at noone, and end not till the next day morning, being most commonly [ 10] in the open streete, hauing Stages set vp for the purpose. Moreouer, they haue amongst them some South-sayers, which sometimes rage, and runne vp and downe the streetes like mad men,* 1.29 hauing swords drawne in their hands, tarring their haire, and throwing themselues against the ground. When they are in this franticke taking, they affirme, and other Chyneses doe beleeue, that they can tell what shall come to passe after. Whether they be possest with the Deuill or no, who reuealeth something to them, I know not, but many Chyneses vse them, when they send a Iuncke of any voyage, to know whether they shall speed well or no, and by their report, it hath fallen out according as these South-sayers haue told them. The Chyneses are apparelled in long gownes, wearing kirtles vnder them, hanging something lower then their gownes. They are surely the most effeminate, and cowardliest people that liue.* 1.30 On their heads they weare a [ 20] Caull, some of them being made of Silke, and some of haire: the haire of their heads is very long, which they bind vp on a knot, right on the crowne of their heads. Their Nobility and Gouernours weare hoods of sundry fashions, some being one halfe like a hat, and the other like a French-hood; others being of Net-worke, with a high crowne, and no brims.* 1.31 These people are tall, and strong of body, hauing all very small blacke eyes, and very few of them haue any haire on their faces: They will steale, and doe any kind of villanie to get wealth: their manner at Bantam, is to buy Women-slaues, (for they bring no women out of China) by whom they haue many children, and when they returne to their owne Countrey, not minding to come to Ban∣tam againe, they sell their women, but their children they carry with them. As for their goods, they take an order to send some at euery shipping: for if they die in Bantam, all the goods they [ 30] haue there, is the Kings, and if once they cut their haire,* 1.32 they may neuer returne to their Countrey againe, but their Children may; alwaies prouided, that they neuer cut their haire.

§. II. A true and briefe Discourse of many dangers by fire, and other perfidious treacheries of the Iauans.

AFter our Ships were laden, and all things set in as good order as it could be: vpon the one [ 40] and twentith of February, 1602. our General taking his leaue of the shore, departed,* 1.33 lea∣uing behind him to be resident in Bantam nine persons, ouer whom he appointed M. Wil∣liam Starkie, to be cheife Cōmander: likewise he left xiij. more, which he appointed to go in our Pinnasse for Banda; of which he was appointed for chiefe Cōmander ouer the rest,* 1.34 Thomas Tudde Merchant, and for Master of the said Pinnasse, one Thomas Keith. The Generall at his de∣parture left order, that this Pinnasse should be sent away with all speed; wherefore hauing taken in, to the quantitie of fifty sixe Chests and Fardells of goods, vpon the sixth of March at night, she set sayle, but by reason of contrary winds, after she had spent neere two moneths, beating vp and downe in the Seas, she was forced to returne againe to Bantam. Also at our Generals depar∣ture, he left vs two houses full of goods, and likewise some goods lying in the Dutchmens house, [ 50] but we were too few in number to keepe one well, had not God of his great mercie preser∣ued vs.

It is not vnknowne to all that were there, the quarrell betwixt the Iauans and vs, before our ships departed, who sought all the meanes they could to be reuenged. Insomuch,* 1.35 that presently after the departure of our Pinnasse, they began to practise the firing of our Principall house, with fiery darts and arrowes in the night, and not content with that, but in the day time, if wee had brought out any quantitie of goods to ayre, we should be sure to haue the towne fiered to wind∣ward not farre from vs. And if these fire Arrowes, had not by Gods prouidence, beene espyed by some of our owne house, as they were, it was thought of vs all, that that house and goods had beene all consumed, as might plainly appeare at the top, when we came to repaire it. But as the [ 60] mallice of the raskall sort of people began now to appeare, and continued for the space of two yeeres against vs: So Gods mercie began to shew it selfe vnto vs, and continued to the last day. As this discouse will plainely shew hereafter, his Name be blessed for it.

So soone as we had dispatched away our Pinnasse, we began to lay the foundation of our house,* 1.36 which was seuentie two foot long, and thirtie sixe foot broad, but by reason there was at that

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time, a new Protector chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost, before we could be permit∣ted to goe thorow with it. Also wee ayred all our prize goods, and M. Starkey caused the lea∣thers of most of the packs to be stripped off, by whose counsell it was I know not, but these goods did not keep their colours nothing so well as the rest did, as we found afterwards.

* 1.37The one and twentieth of March, by reason of a China Captaine that shot a Piece, the towne was set on fire, in which fire were many houses full of goods consumed. Amongst other, the Dutch house was burnt to the ground, wherein we had lying sixtie fiue Fardells of goods, besides some Pepper. Also we had some Pepper lying in a Chinaes house, which for the most part was burned and spoyled, so that we lost one hundred and ninetie sacks cleare, besides the damage, the rest receiued. Our losse by this fire was great, but we prayse God it was no more, conside∣ring how neere the fire came to both our houses, and how vnfit they were at that time for such a [ 10] danger, especially one, where the fire came within three yards of it; insomuch that the Iammes of the windowes were so hot, that a man could hardly sffer his hand to touch them, and yet the old and dry thatch tooke not fire, to the great admiration of all people that were there of many Nations. There was gathered about this house all the villaines in the Countrey, so that all that night, we that kept that house durst take no rest, for feare they would throw some firebrands vpon it. In the Euening some of vs standing in the doore, there came Iauans, whom we knewe to be notorious Theeues,* 1.38 and asked vs how many we were that lay in that house, wee demanded againe, what they had to doe to aske, and if they would know, they should come at midnight and see, at which answere they departed very much discontent, but such is their boldnesse there, that in the day time they would come and looke before our faces, how our doores were hanged, [ 20] and what fastning they had within, and many times we were informed by some that wished vs well, that if we did not keepe good watch, that there was a Crew, that meant to enter sudden∣ly vpon vs, and to cut our throates, in so much that we being but foure at that house, what with ouer-watching, and what with the Disease that raigneth much in that Countrey, which is loose∣nesse of the bodie, wee were growne to very great weaknesse, and two of vs neuer recoue∣red it.

The nineteenth of Aprill, 1603. came into the Road, nine sayle of Hollanders, ouer whom was Generall Wyborne Van Warwicke,* 1.39 who shottly after sent two of them for China, two for the Moluccoes, two laded at Bantam, one went to Iortan. Also he dispatched a Pinnasse to Achen, to will certaine ships (that went from thence by Captaine Spilbergs directions to Zeilon▪ to winne a small Fort from the Portugals) to come to Bantam, in the meane time, he with one ship stayed [ 30] vntill their arriuall. We are very much beholding to this Generall for wine, bread, and many o∣ther necessaries,* 1.40 and courtesies receiued of him. Hee would often tell vs how Sir Richard Luson relieued him, when he was likely to perish in the Sea, for the which he would say he was bound to be kind to Englishmen wheresoeuer he met them, and to speake truth, there was nothing in his ships for the comfort of sicke men, but we might command it, as if it had beene our owne. Also he in his owne person, did very much reuerence the Queenes Maiestie of England, when hee talked of Her. But there were some of baser sort in his Fleet, that did vse very vnreuerent spec∣ches of Her to some of the Country people.

The fiue and twentieth of Aprill died Thomas Morgan, our second Factor heere, who had bin [ 40] sickly a long time.* 1.41 Also Master Starkey began to grow very weake. The eight and twentieth day, came in our Pinnasse which was sent for Banda; hauing lost one of her Factors, William Chase, and the rest but weake and sickly. About this time there came certaine of the Kings Officers, and forbade vs to goe forward with our house, the reason whereof, as I doe iudge was because the new Protector had not as yet receiued a Bribe;* 1.42 and the Sabyndar and hee beeing at that time not friends, he could doe vs little pleasure: wherefore we complayned to Cay Tomongone Gobay, the Admirall, who indeed is the Father of all Strangers in that place. He presently made a great Feast, and inuited all the principall of the Court, at which Feast hee began to discourse of our cause, telling them what a shame it was that the King and they would not keepe their words to the English Generall and Merchants, and that rather then hee would breake his word, hee would goe dwell in a small Cottage himselfe, and wee should haue his house: but after much adoe, [ 50] he made them grant that we should goe forward with our house, the which in short time after was finished. Our principall Merchant fearing Pepper would be deare, by reason of the Flemmish shipping that was there present, and the rest that were to come, bought vp as much Pepper as he could, and because our house was not as yet readie, he disbursed his money before the Pepper was weighed, and by reason the Flemmings are not curious in receiuing their Pepper, when we came to weigh ours, we were forced to receiue it as they did, or else we should haue neither money nor Pepper, so that we had in that parcell much fowle and bad Pepper.

* 1.43Vpon the last of Iune, Master Starkey ended his dayes, whose buriall Generall Warwick caused [ 60] to be honoured with a Company of shot and Pikes, the Colours trayled vpon the ground, accor∣ding to the Order of Souldiers buriall.

The fourth of Ily, the great Market on the East-side of the Riuer, was by villanie of certaine ••••••nans, (who thought to get some spoyle of the Chines goods) set on fire, in which fire some

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Chinois that were indebted to vs, lost all that they were worth,* 1.44 so that we escaped not without some losse by it. The seuenteenth of Iuly, deceased Thomas Dobson,* 1.45 one of the Factours left for Banda: the seuen and twentieth day the Towne was burnt againe on the East-side the Riuer. The fifth of August at ten a clocke at night, there came to our house Captaine Spilberge, Captaine Iohn Powlson, and some other Dutch Captaines, who told vs they had that day beene with the Protector about some businesse, who asked them if they would take our parts, if hee should doe any violence to vs, to the which they answered, as they said, that wee and they were neere Neighbours, wherefore they might not see vs wronged, they said more that hee straightly char∣ged them, that whatsoeuer he should doe vnto vs, that they should not bee offended nor ayde vs [ 10] any way.

From thence I went presently to the Protector, and gaue him a smal Present, and also thankes for his men, which foure or fiue dayes before hee had sent to helpe vs in our building. The Pre∣sent he receiued, but I perceiued by his countenance he was angry: He told me, that that day he had much businesse with the King, but the next morning he would send for me, for that hee had to speake with me. The same day the Admirall sent his sonne to him to know what his meaning was to vse such threatning speeches of vs, but he denyed them. In the morning following hee sent for me: when I came he asked me, what they were that had told me he meant to harme vs: I told him the Hollanders: hee asked againe whether they were Slaues or Captaines, I told him they were Captaines: he bad me I should shew his Scriuana those Captaines. He said more, that if [ 20] any Iauan or Chines had done it, he would haue sent for him, and cut his throat before vs. Then hee began to find fault with vs, because wee did not come to him when wee had any Sute, but went alwayes to the Sabinda or the Admirall: I answered againe that he was but new come into his place, and that we had as yet no acquaintance with him, but hereafter I would come to him. Then he promised me he would doe vs all the friendship he could, but it was but dissimulati∣on to borrow money of vs. Also the Flemmings about this time spred a rumour through their owne Fleet, that the King would force vs to lend him fiue thousand Rials of eight, otherwise he would cause our house to be plucked downe againe, the which was false, for neither the King nor the Protector, had at that time sent to vs for any, nor did in foure monethes after.

The seuenteenth of August, Captaine Spilberge hauing vented all his Commodities (which he [ 30] shared in our prise) and laden his ships and his Pinnasse with Pepper, departed thence, hauing in his company two ships more of Warwicks Fleet. The nineteenth of August, wee brought out certaine packes of goods to ayre, wherefore a Iauan being Slaue to one of the principall of the Countrey, threw some fire-workes vpon a Thatched house, a little to windward of vs,* 1.46 we espy∣ing it pursued him, and tooke him, and carryed him to Cay Tomongone the Admirall, who put him in Irons. Within an houre after there came more of his fellowes, who would haue taken him away perforce, wherefore the Admirals men and they fell by the eares, and many were hurt on both sides. So soone as the Admirals men had beaten them away, hee sent him to the King, but because his Master was one of the Kings friends, he was not put to death: although by the Law of the Countrey he should haue dyed, neither did we greatly seeke it, because his Master was our [ 40] very good friend also. Likewise, if a Iauan doe offend hee must bee punished with death, for if they inflict any lesse punishment, they are so wicked and bloudie a people, that they will bee cowardly reuenged, not only of Strangers, but of their owne Masters: so that if any Slaue doe offend his Master, he doth quite forgiue him, or else hee dyes for it. But they are very obedient, and will seldome offend their Masters, because they are for the most part as wicked as them∣selues. The two and twentieth of August, at night there were certaine Iauans gotten into a great yard hard by our house, who when we were singing of a Psalme, which wee did vse to doe when we set our Watch, these Rogues threw stones at our windowes, as if they would haue beaten downe our house, and some of the stones came in at the windowes, and missed vs very narrowly, but we tooke some of them, which yet vpon submission we spared.

[ 50] About this time there grew a quarrell betweene the Flemmings and the Chinois,* 1.47 and some were slaine and hurt on both sides. This grew by the misbehauiour of the Flemmings, which in that place doe carry themselues very rude and disordered, in that abundant manner that they are a shame and infamy to Christendome and Christians. I doe not condemne them all, but the vul∣gar sort, who when they are a-shoare, and their drinke in, their Commanders can beare no rule ouer them. They got the worst before this quarrell was ended, but not by the Chinois, nor by manhood of the Iauans, only some that were Slaues to some Turne-coate Chinois, would steale behind the Flemmings in the Euening, and cowardly stab them.

One day they being very importunate, for one of their men which was slaine, the Protectour demanded of them, when they came to any Countrey to trade, whether they brought Laws [ 60] with them, or whether they were gouerned by the Lawes of the Countrey they were in: to the which they answered, that when they were aboord their ships, they were gouerned by their own Lawes, but when they were ashoare,* 1.48 they were vnder the Lawes of our Countrey they were in: well, said the Protector, then I will tell you the Lawes of the Countrey, which is this, if one kill a Slaue, he must pay twentie Rials of eight, if a Freeman, fifty Rials, if a Gentlemn,

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a hundred Rials. The Flemmings requested to haue that vnder his owne hand, the which they had, and it was all the mends they had for killing of their man, if they would haue taken fiftie Rials of eight, they might haue had it.

* 1.49About the fift of September, here came a Iuncke full of men from the Iland of Lampon, which standeth in the Straights of Sunda; and are enemies to the Iauans, and all others that are dwellers in Bantam: these are so like the Iauans, that the one is not knowne from the other. Also there were many Iauans consorted with them. These men hauing their Iuncke riding in a Creeke hard by the Towne, and being in all points like vnto the Iauans, would boldly come into the Towne, and not only in the euenings and nights come into houses, and cut off the peoples heads, but at noone dayes, in so much that for the space of a moneth, wee could take little rest forthe grieuous crying of the people. One day while we were sitting at dinner, they came and tooke a woman, [ 10] being our next Neighbour, and muffled her so with a Sacke, that she could not cry, and so carried her into a tuft of bushes in our back-side, and there cut her throate, and meant to haue cut off her head, if they had had time. Her Husband missing her, and looking out might see them carrie her, who cryed out, and we rose from dinner and pursued them, but it was too late to saue her life. Also they were very swift of foot, so that we could come neere none of them, and for any thing that we knew, they might be amongst vs, for after the Iauans were come wee could not know them. It was thought of some that they lay hid in the bushes till the comming of the Iauans, and then stole out, and put themselues amongst them. There were some Iaua women that would cut off their Husbands heads in the night,* 1.50 and sell them to these people. They did linger much about our house, and surely if we had not kept good watch, they would haue attemp∣ted [ 20] the cutting of our throats (if not for our heads) for our goods. But after awhile, many of them were knowne, and being taken were executed, which were men of very goodly stature. The reason they doe make these hard Aduentures,* 1.51 is, their King giues them a woman for euery stran∣gers head they bring him, wherefore many times they would digge vp such as were new buried at Bantam, and cut off their heads, and so coozen their King.

Also at this time, some credible men that wished vs wel, of whom the Admirall was one, bid vs haue a speciall care of our good watch, because some of the principall of the Land in birth, though not in wealth nor office,* 1.52 which had many Slaues, but little to maintayne them, had laid a Plot to haue slaine vs in the night, and to haue made spoyle of our goods which they tooke to be ten times more then were, and after to haue giuen it out, the Lampons had done it. Whereupon we were forced to haue Lights burning al night round about our house, otherwise in the dark nights, [ 30] they being so blacke as they are might haue entred suddenly vpon vs, before wee should descry them. For all the vpper worke of our houses by reason of the heat are open, and they are built with Canes, and likewise the fence round about the houses, which is but a weake building, and may quickly be borne downe. These Heathen Deuils came forth two or three times, thinking to haue executed their bloudie pretence, but God would not suffer them. For so soone as they came within sight of our Lights and might heare our Drumme sound at the end of euery watch, their hears failed them, so that they durst not giue the attempt, for they supposed, wee were readie not only with our small shot, but with our Murtherers to giue them entertainment, and to speake truth, they should haue found it so indeed. After they had wayted long, and could neuer find oportunitie, they fell out amongst themselues, and so were dispersed. Diuers others [ 40] made bold but vain attempts, and therfore now fel to work with the Chinois, whose houses at this time were ful of our goods, which they had bought, in so much that euerynight for a long time, we had such grieuous crying out, and we looking euery houre when we should be assaulted, durst take no rest in the night. Many Chinois about vs were slaine, and surely if wee had not defended them with our shot, many more would haue bin slaine: for the singing of a Bullet is as terrible to a Iauan, as the cry of the Hounds is in the eares of the Hare: for they will not abide if once they heare it. But these continuall alarmes, and grieuous out-cryes of men, women and children grew so rife in our eares,* 1.53 that our men in their sleepe would dreame they were pursuing the Iauans, and sudden∣ly would leape out of their Beds and catch their weapons▪ his next fellow hearing the dolefull noyse he made, would bussell vp, and in their sleepe haue wounded one another, before those [ 50] that had the watch could come to part them: and if they should haue set their weapons further from them they would not haue beene readie, if we should haue had occasion, the which we loo∣ked for euery minute, and being but few of vs, I tooke my turne to watch as long as any, in which I haue stood many times more in feare of my owne men then of any other, and when I haue heard them bussel, haue catched vp a Target, for feare they would haue serued me as they did their fellowes.

* 1.54But all this feare was nothing to vs in comparison of that which I will now speake of, which was fire. O this word fire, had it it beene spoken neere me, either in English, Mallayes, Iauanes, [ 60] or China; although I had beene sound a-sleepe, yet I should haue leaped out of my bed, the which I haue done sometimes, when our men in their watch haue but whispered one to another of fire: In so much that I was forced to warne them, not to talke of fire in the night, except they had great occasion.

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And not only my selfe, but my fellowes, Thomas Tudd, and Gabriel Towerson, after our watches had beene out, and we heauie a-sleepe so that our men many times sounding a Drumme at our Chamber doores, we haue neuer bewrayed them, yet presently after they haue but whis∣pered of fire, we all haue runne out of our Chambers. I speake not this, that any that may bee sent thither hereafter should be discouraged, for then we were strangers, and now we haue many friends there, and the Countrey is growne to much better ciuilitie, and as the yong King grow∣eth in age, will more and more, because their Gouernment will bee better.* 1.55 In three monethes space, the Towne on the East-side the Riuer, was burnt fiue times, but God be praysed the wind alwayes fauoured vs, and although the Iauans many times fired it on our side, yet it pleased God [ 10] still to preserue vs, so that by reason it blew but little wind, it was quenched before it came to hurt vs.

§. III. Differences betwixt the Hollanders (stiling themselues English) the Iauans, and other things remarkable.

ABout this time also, there was much falling out betweene the Flemmings and the [ 20] Countrey people, by meanes of the rude behauiour of the Flemmings, and many of them were stabd in the euenings: and at that time the Common people knew not vs from the Flemmings, for both they and wee were called by the name of English∣men, by reason of their vsurping our name at their first comming thither to trade, wherein they did our Nation much wrong, for wee were euer ashamed of their behauiour, and as wee passed along the street, wee might heare the people in the Market, rayling and exclayming on the Eng∣lish men, although they meant the Hollanders, wherefore,* 1.56 we fearing some of our men might be slaine in stead of them, wee began to thinke how wee might make our selues knowne from the Hollanders.

And now the seuenteenth of Nouember drawing neere, the which wee held to be our Coro∣nation [ 30] day, (for at that time, nor the yeare following, we knew no other) we all suted our selues in new apparell of silke, and made vs all Scarfes of white and red Taffata, beeing our Countrie Colours, Also we made a Flagge with the red Crosse through the middle, and because wee that were the Merchants would be knowne from our men, we edged our Scarfes with a deepe fringe of gold, and that was our difference. Our day being come, wee set vp our Banner of Saint George, vpon the top of our house, and with our Drumme and Shot wee marched vp and downe within our owne ground, being but fourteene in number, wherefore we could march but single one after another, and so plied our Shot, and casting our selues in Rings and Esses. The Sabindar and di∣uers of the Chiefest of the Land, hearing our Peeces, came to see vs and to enquire the cause of our triumph, we told them, that that day seuen and fortie yeare, our Queene was crowned, wher∣fore all English men, in what Countrey soeuer they were did triumph on that day, Hee greatly [ 40] commended vs for hauing our Prince in remembrance in so farre a Countrey. Many others did aske vs, why the English men at the other house did not so: wee told them, that they were no English men, but Hollanders, and that they had no King, but their Land was ruled by Gouernors. Some would replie againe, and say they named themselues to bee English men at first, and there∣fore they tooke them to be English men, but wee would tell them againe, they were of another Countrey neere England, and spake another Language, and that if they did talke with them now, they should heare they were of another Nation. The multitude of the people did admire to see so few of vs deliuer so much shot, for the Iauans and Chinees are no good shot. In the af∣ter noone I caused our men to walke abroad the Towne, and the Market, whereby the people might take notice of them, and the red and white Scarfes and Hat-bands made such a showe, that [ 50] the Inhabitants of those parts had neuer seene the like, so that euer after that day, wee were knowne from the Hollanders, and many times, the children in the streets would runne after vs, crying, Oran Engrees bayk, oran Hollanda Iahad, which is, the English men are good, the Hollan∣ders are naught. Generall Warwicke went for Patanea, and from thence to China.

The sixt day of December came in two ships, which some six moneths before he had sent thi∣ther, who comming vnder the Iland of Mackow, found a Carracke there riding at an anchor, bee∣ing full laden with raw Silks, Muske, and diuers other costly wares, readie to depart,* 1.57 and at that time, her men were almost all ashoare, so that they tooke her without any resistance, or very little, they laded their two ships and the rest they set a fire, so that there was by their owne re∣port▪ [ 60] twice so much burnt as they brought away. Comming backe they met with a great Iuncke of Syon, with whom they fought and killed threescore and foure men. They had some slaine and hurt also, but when they had taken her, and knew her to be of Syon, they let her goe againe, be∣cause they had or shortly meant to send Factors there, the Captaine of the Iuncke was slaine, who they say, when they haled him would not tell them of whence he was, and when they bad

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him strike, Answered that he would not for neuer a Saile that swamme in the Sea. The Flemmings not knowing Muske sold great store to certaine of Iapan, which they met with at Sea for little or nothing. After they had spent some fortie dayes in Bantam, and their Mariners, some wicked∣ly and some vainly consumed their pillage, (which was great) vpon the seuenteenth of Ianuary they set saile from thence, being foure ships in company there. One had laded at Bantam, and one that some two monethes before came from China; and had spent foure yeares out of their Countrey, of which time, they had beene fourteene monethes at Cachinchina, where they at their first comming were betrayed,* 1.58 and their Captaines taken Prisoners, whom they made kneele on their knees foure and twentie houres, hauing their neckes bare, and one standing with a sharpe Sword readie to haue strooken off their heads when the word should bee giuen. They bare them [ 10] downe to be men of Warre and Spyes, and no Merchants. These Dutchmen were Papists, where∣fore in the end the Portugall Friers saued their liues, and afterwards they were kindly vsed, but their ransome cost them deare.

About this time the Protector sent to mee diuers times to lend him two thousand pieces of eight, and if not two thousand, a thousand, but I put him of, telling him we were left there with goods but no money. Also that the people of the Countrey ought vs much, the which we could not get in, likewise that as yet we had bought but little Pepper, wherefore we must buy all wee could to get lading against we expected our ships.* 1.59 The Flemmings that came in so rich from Mac∣kow, had so bribed him, that now he began to harken to them concerning the building of a faire house. [ 20]

The sixt of February we lost one of our Company Robert Wallis, and many more of our men were scke and lame,* 1.60 which came by the heate of the Pepper in milling and shuting it, so that e∣uer after wee were forced to hire Chines to doe that worke, and our owne men to ouer-see them only.

The sixteenth of February, came in a great ship of Zeilan from Pattany, but fiue or sixe dayes before her comming, she sent in a small Slup or Pinnace, willing their Factors to buy vp all the Pepper they could,* 1.61 which made vs thinke that Generall Warwicke, with all his shippes was com∣ming to lade there, wherefore we bought vp all that wee found to bee good and merchantable. For the Chinees spoiled much with water and durt, because the Flemmings refused none, and it is of a certaine, the Chinees bought one of another, and sold it to the Flemmings againe at the same price they bought it, and yet they would gaine ten Rials of eight in a hundred sackes, by putting [ 30] in water and durt, for were it neuer so bad, they knew their Chapmen, and blow which way the wind would, they had shipping to come thither, either from the East or from the West, in so much that one would haue thought they meant to carrie away the Pepper growing on the Trees, Mountaines and all. The people there hearing our Countries are cold, haue asked vs if wee beat Pepper in our Morter,* 1.62 that we playster our wales with to make our houses warme. This ship hade taken much good purchase, but they sware those Englishmen they had with them, and also char∣ged them vpon losse of their wages, they should tell vs nothing, which we tooke very vnkindly.

There was at this time three houses of Flemmings, and all lay for seuerall accounts, and bought vp Pepper euery one so much as they could get. The fift of March, the Protector sent to mee in [ 40] the Kings name to borrow a thousand Rials of eight,* 1.63 wherefore I was forced to lend them fiue hundred, or else they would haue fallen out with me, the which the Flemmings would haue beene glad to haue seene.

About this time, there came in a Iuncke from Iore, with certaine Flemmings in it, who stole a∣away with their goods,* 1.64 because Iore had a long time beene besieged by the Portugals of Malacco, so that they of the Towne could hardly looke out. They said the Portugals offered the King of Iore peace, vpon condition hee wold deliuer those Flemmings that were there into their hands, or kill them himselfe, to the which the King answered, that hee would first lose his Kingdome. In the beginning of this moneth of March, and to make an end of this old and wonderfull yeare, 1603. we had two great fires on the other side of the water which did much spoile,* 1.65 but God bee thanked the wind alwayes fauoured vs. [ 50]

And now to begin the new yeare 1604. my Pen affoords to speake of little else, but Murther, Theft,* 1.66 Warres, Fire and Treason, and first to begin with a Tragedie. We had a Malato of Pe∣gu in our house, which our ships brought from Achen, and in the great ship that came lately from Pattania, there was one of his Country men, who on Sunday being the eight of Aprill, had gotten a bottle of Wine, and brought it a-shore to make merry with our Molato. In the after∣noone, they walke abroad, met with the Prouost of their ship, who bid their Molato get him a-boord, but he answered he would not yet, whereupon the Prouost strooke him, our Molato seeing his Country-man missed and being some what tickled in the head with wine, which hee did seldome vse to drinke,* 1.67 thought he would reuenge his Country-mans quarrell, wherefore hee [ 60] presently came home, and the euening being come, he tooke a Rapier and a Target, and with his Cryse at his backe went forth. And because at that time there was much quarrelling and brab∣bling betweene the Iauans and the Flemmings, I charged our men, that if they were sent out in the euening about any businesse, they should take their Weapons with them, for feare some Ia∣uans,

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that knew them not might doe them a mischiefe in the darke, we thinking the Cooke had sent him into the Market for Herbes or something which hee wanted, mistrusted nothing. Also there went out with him a Slaue of the Sabindars,* 1.68 which was borne and brought vp amongst the Spaniards at the Manelies. They meeting with the Prouost, & the other Molato together, our Mo∣lato beganne to quarrell with the Prouost, and presently out with his Cryse, and stabd him, then fearing his Countryman would bewray him, stabd him also, and would haue slaine him that went out with him, had he not runne thorow a great Ditch, and so got from him, then meeting with a poore Iauan, and being nuled in bloud stabd him likewise.

There manner is, that when a Iauan of any account is put to death, although there bee a com∣mon [ 10] Executioner, yet the neerest of kinne doth execute his office, and it is held the greatest fa∣uour they can doe them. The Protectour would haue twentie Rials of eight for the Iauan which was slaine, and the Hollanders his life. And accordingly they came with a guard of shot, the sixteenth of Aprill, to his execution, which the Executioner performed with quickest dis∣patch.

The same euening their Vice-Admirall, hauing one ship more in company set sayle for Hol∣land. The fourteenth day Thomas Tudd,* 1.69 the Companies chiefe Factor left there for Banda who had beene a long time sicke departed his life, so that of seuen Factors left there for this place and Banda, we were now but two liuing, and we had lost in all since the departure of our ships, eight men besides the Malato that was executed, and wee were now tenne liuing and one Boy. The [ 20] twentieth day died Iasper Gensbery, who was Admirall of the two ships that was betrayed at Cachinchina.

The two and twentieth of Aprill, came in a great Iuncke from China,* 1.70 which was thought to be cast away, because she tarryed so late, for they vse to come in February and March, but by reason of her comming, Cashis kept all the yeare at a very cheape rate, which was a great hinde∣rance to vs, in the sales of our prize goods, for when Cashis were cheape, and Rials deare, wee could not vent a piece of stuffe at halfe the value we did at our first comming. Againe, the Chi∣nois this yeare sent all the Rials they could get for China, wherefore we were forced to giue them credit, or else we must lose the principall time of the yeare for our sales. Pepper the Flemmings had left none, but what was in our hands and the Sabindars, who would not sell for any reasona∣ble [ 30] price. Also our goods now began to grow old, and the colours of many sorts began to vade, for the Ware-houses in that place are so hot and moyst, that although men take neuer so much paines in ayring and turning their wares, yet they will spoyle any sort of Cloth which shall lye long in them.

§. IIII. Treacherous vnderminings, with other occurrents.

[ 40] A Chines borne, but now turned Iauan, who was our next neighbour, and kept a victua∣ling house, and brewed Aracke, which is a kind of hot drinke, that is vsed in most of those parts of the world, in stead of Wine, had two Out-houses, where his guests did vse to sit, and in the one hee vsed to brew, which ioyned to our pales, on the South side of our house; but now he began another Trade, and became an Ingenor, hauing got eight Fire-brands of hell more to him, onely of purpose to set our house a fire.* 1.71 These nine deepe wor∣kers digged a Well in one of these houses, from the bottome of which Well, they brought a Mine, quite vnder the foundation of our house: but when they came vp to the Planckes of our Ware-house, they were at a stand, but before they could make this Mine, they were forced to dig a very deepe Well in their yard, to draw away the water which did abound in this Mine, [ 50] and because we should mistrust nothing, they planted Tobacco, and many other hearbs, hard by that Well, and would euery day be watering of them: Also, we might heare them boyling of water euerie day, but because they were Brewers, and had many tubbs to wash and to fill, wee mistrusted nothing of that ensued. When they came to these Plancks afore-named, they durst not cut them, alwaies for some of vs were walking ouer them, both night and day. After they had waited two moneths, and could neuer find opportunitie to cut the boords, they began to cast their Cerberous heads together how they should get in, but the Deuill set them wrong to work, for if they had continued stil, vntil they had come but crosse the ware-house opposite against them, they had found thirtie thousand Rials of eight buried in Iarres, for feare of fire,* 1.72 and also that roome was not boorded at all, so they might haue come into the Ware-house, and had what they [ 60] sought for. Well, one of these wicked consortship being a Smith, and brought vp alwaies to worke in fire, told his fellowes he would worke out the plancks with fire, so that we should ne∣uer heare nor see him: and vpon the eight and twentieth of May, about ten of the clocke at night, they put to a Candle, and burnt a round hole through the boords. So soone as the fire came thorow, the Mats of our Packs tooke fire, which presently spread, and began to burne; all this

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while we knew nothing, nor could perceiue nothing, by reason of the closenesse of the Ware-house, for all the windowes were plaistered vp, for feare of fire ouer-head. After the frst watch was out, wherein I was one my selfe, the second watch smelt a strong funcke of fre, for it was by that time much increased, but they knew not where it should be, and searched euery roome and corner. One remembred a Rats hole at last, behind his Trunke, where he might plainly per∣ceiue the smoake to steame vp out of the hole. Then presently he came into my Cham••••••, and told me our Cloath Ware-house was a fire, I hearing this word fire, although I was fast asleepe, yet it was no need to bid me rise, neither was I long a slipping on my clothes, but presently ran downe and opened the doores, whereat came out such a strong smoake, that had almost strangled vs. This smoake, by reason it had no vent, was so thicke, that wee could not perceiue where a∣bouts [ 10] the fire was, and at that time we had two great Iarres of Powder standing in the Ware-house, which caused vs greatly to feare being blowne vp; yet setting all feare aside, we plucked all things off that lay on them, which felt in our hands verie hot: The Powder we got out, and carried it into our backeside, then we searched boldly for the fire and found it; we lighted Can∣dles, but the thicknesse of the smoake put them out, then we tied twelue great Waxe Candles together, and lighted them all, which continued alight: we plucked out packes so fast as wee could, but by reason of the heat and smoake which choaked vs, being so few as we were, could doe little good vpon it: wherefore we let in the Chinois; then came in as well those that had done it, as others, hoping to get some spoile. When I saw that these damned Chinois would doe vs little good, but rather harme, I was almost in dispaire, and hauing at that time a thousand [ 20] pound in Gold,* 1.73 which I had receiued of Generall Hymskerke for Pepper, in my Chest aboue staires, I ran vp thinking to fetch it, and to throw it into a pond on our backe-side, but when I came to my Chamber doore, my mind altered, and I thought I would goe see once againe what might be done, and comming thorough our Hall, I chanced to cast mine eie into our dyning roome, which was right ouer the place where the fire was, where there were Chinois that had re∣moued the Table, and were breaking vp the Brickes of the Seeling; amongst which was our vn∣kind neighbour, which was the principall Actor; I bid them leaue and gt them downe, the which they would not, vntill I began to let flie amongst them: when I had driuen them downe, I went downe after them, and desired some Merchants that stood by, with whom we had dea∣lings, that they would vrge the rest of the Chinois to help vs plucke out packes, promising they [ 30] should be well paid for their paines: it pleased God to put so much good in their minds, which I thinke, neuer had any before nor since, so that they fell to worke of all hands, and presently the roome was cleered, out of which came fiftie and odde packs, whereof sixteene were on a light fire. Thus by their help the fire was quenched, which they knew, and therefore would not worke any more, and the next day were paid for their worke, besides what they stole.

* 1.74We wondered much how this fire should come, suspecting the Portugalls had hired Malayes to doe it. But a certaine Chines, a Bricklayer, which wrought at the Dutch house, in the mor∣ning, told a Flemming that had beene long in the Country, that certaine Chinois had done it, which now were fled, and if we looked well in the roome, we should finde the manner how it was done. The Dutch-man told an English Surgeon what he had heard, and willed him to come and [ 40] tell vs, and he himselfe, because he was perfect in the language, would go and inquire after them. The English Surgeon came to me, and desired me he might see the roome where the fire was, I presently called for a Candle, and shewed him the roome; he going to one corner, found a little ound hole, which was burned thorough one plancke of the floore, whereat I put downe a long sticke which I had in my hand, but could feele no ground: then I called for an Axe, and as softly as we could, we wrinched vp the plancke, where vnder was a way, that the greatest Chest or Packe in our house might haue gone downe, which when I saw, as secretly as I could, I called three of our men, and went to the house from whence the Mine came, hauing our weapons. I set one in the doore,* 1.75 and charged him he should let none come out, whatsoeuer he were, and my selfe with the other two went in, where in one roome we found three men, there were two [ 50] more in another roome, who hearing vs, fled out at a backe doore, which we knew not of before we see them; those three, after two or three blowes giuen, we brought away, one was a dweller in the house, but the other two we could proue nothing against them: I laid them fast in Irons, and presently I sent Master Towerson to the Protector, to certifie him how the case stood, and to dere him they might be sought out, and haue Iustice done vpon them, which he promised should be done, but was very slacke in performance.

* 1.76The Dutch Merchants hearing we had taken some, and doubting the Chynois would rise against vs, came very kindly with their weapons, and sware they would liue and die in our quarrell: when we had laid out those goods that had receiued some water to ayre, then we examined this partie that dwelt in the house, who told vs the names of sixe that were fled, but hee would not conesse [ 60] that he knew any thing of it: also he said, the other two knew nothing of the matter, neither could he tell vs, as hee said, whether the rest were fled. Then fearing him with an hot Iron, but not touching him, he confessed the whole manner of all, and that he did helpe; he said, those two out-houses were built for that purpose at the first, although they put them to other vse,

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because we should not mistrust them: and more, that the myne was made two moneths before, in which time many nights before, they had been in the myne, striuing to get into our house, but could not.

We tortured him, because when we had laid downe the yron, he denied all;* 1.77 but beeing tortu∣red, made a second confession. The next morning I sent him to execution: as hee went out of our gates, the Iauans (who doe much reioyce when they see a Chynese goe to execution: as also the Chynois doe, when they see a Iauan goe to his death) reuiled him, but hee would answer againe, saying, The English-men were rich, and the Chynois were poore, therefore why should they not steale from the English if they could. The next day, the Admirall tooke another of them, and [ 10] sent him to me, who knew there was but one way with him, and therefore resolued with him∣selfe not to confesse any thing to vs: he was found hid in a pryuie, and this was he that put the fire to our house; he was a Gold-smith, and confessed to the Admirall, he had clipped many Ry∣alls, and also coyned some counterfeit: some things he confessed to him concerning our matter, but not much, but he would tell vs nothing. Wherefore because of his fullennesse, and that it was hee that fred vs, I caused him to be burned vnder the nayles of his Thumbes, Fingers and Toes, with sharpe hot yrons, and the nayles to be torne off, and because he neuer blinshed at that,* 1.78 we thought that his hands and legs had been nummed with tying, wherefore we burned him in the hands, armes, shoulders, and necke, but all was one with him: then we burned him quite through the hands, and with rasphes of yron tore out the flesh and sinewes. After that I caused them to knock [ 20] the edges of his shin-bones with hot fearing yrons.* 1.79 Then I caused cold scrues of yron to be scrued into the bones of his armes, and suddenly to be snatched out: after that all the bones of his fin∣gers and toes to be broken with pincers; yet for all this he neuer shed teare, no nor once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand nor foote; but when we demanded any question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and strike his chin vpon his knees to bite it off. When all the extremi∣tie we could vse was but in vaine, I caused him to be put fast in yrons againe, where the Amits or Ants, which doe greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and tormented him worse then we had done, as we might well see by his gesture. The Kings Officers desired me he might bee shot to death; I told them that was too good a death for such a villaine, and said more, That in our Countryes if a Gentleman, or a Soldiour had committed a iact worthy of death, then he was shot [ 30] to death, and yet he was befriended too, but they doe hold it to be the cruellest and basest death that is. Wherefore they being very importunate, in the euening we lead him into the fields, and made him fast to a stake: the first shot carried away a piece of his arme, bone and all;* 1.80 the next shot stroke him through the Breast vp neere to the shoulder, then he holding downe his head, looked vpon the wound: The third shot that was made, one of our men had cut a bllet in three parts, which stroke vpon his Breast in a triangle, whereat he fell downe as low as the stake would giue him leaue; but between our Men and the Flemmings, they shot him almost all to pieces before they left him. Now in this time the Admirall, and the Sabyndar sent vs a guard of men euery night, for feare the Chynois would rise against vs, but we feared it not, yet we kept foure of their men to be witnesses, that whatsoeuer we did, if they should rise, was but in our owne defence. The o∣ther two I set free.

[ 40] Another of them I obtained by a bribe, who confessed his associats, viz. Vniete the chiefe, Saw∣man his partner that dwelt in the house with him, Hynting, Omigpayo, Hewsameow, Vtee, which was shortly after crysed for lying with a woman, himselfe Boyhy, Irrow, and Lackow, which were fled to Iackatra: the which Irrow and Lackow I had neuer heard of before, I made all the meanes I could to get them, but I could not except I would haue been at exceeding great charges, and there were others that belonged to some Iauans, which were great men, and getting into their houses, we could not get them: some of them did offer them to sll to vs, and wee did beat the price as one would doe about an Oxe or a Calfe but they held them so deare, that I durst not deale with them: I proferred them as much for euery one, as they might buy them another slaue in their roomes, and some benefit, but they were so fit instruments for their purpose, beeing pra∣ctised [ 50] in all villanie, that they would not part with them without a great summe. For all the Iauans and Chynies▪ from the highest to the lowest are all villaines,* 1.81 and haue not one sparke of grace in them; and if it were not for the Sabindar, the Admirall and one or two more, which are Clyn-men borne, there were no liuing for a Christian amongst them, without a Fort, or very strong house all of bricke or stone. This Boyhoy we tortured not, because of his confession, but cry∣sed him.

Amongst all other of the deuils Instruments here vpon earth, there was one of the Kings bloud,* 1.82 called Panggran man delicke, who kept one of those nine villaines in his house. One day he com∣ming to our house to buy cloth, we desired him he would deliuer this fllow into our hands, pro∣mising him that we would cause our Generall to giue him thankes, and told him how good it [ 60] would be for the Countrey, to roote out such vllaines as they were▪ he answered againe, That we should tell them so, that had the gouernment of the Countrie in their hands, or cared for the good of the Countrey, for he did not. Some three or foure daies he came to our house againe, and would haue had me giuen him credit for sixe or seuen hundred Rialls of eight in cloth, but because

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he was a man not to be trusted, I excused the matter, saying, That I looked euery day for our Ships, and that I could deliuer no goods, but I must haue Pepper presently, whereby I might haue lading readie. After he had beene very earnest, and saw he could not preuaile, he went out very angry, and beeing at our gate, he looked backe vpon our house, and said, It was pity but it should bee burnt againe. Also he would haue had a Chynese that we had some dealings with, to haue helped to some Chynois that dwelt neere vs, to vndertake the firing of our house againe. Hee beeing a man generally hated of all for cruelty that he had done, the Chynois told vs what he said: where∣fore I would presently haue gone to the Court to haue complained of him; but many wished me not to doe so:* 1.83 for they said, He was a desperate villaine, and cared neither for King nor Protector, but if we brought him to that open shame, he would doe vs a mischiefe whatsoeuer came of it: [ 10] and I saw it, for the King and the Gouernour, had sent to him often times, to deliuer vs that fel∣low he had, but he cared not for them. Shortly after, we had many shrewd attempts to haue fi∣red our house: for the towne was fired in three places at one instant in the night, a little to wind∣ward of our house,* 1.84 and twice another night, but God blessed our industry and preserued vs.

Amongst all these sorrowfull and troublesome discourses, it happened that a certaine Chynois which dwelt hard vnder our pales, did steale away another Chynies wife, and being hardly pursu∣ed by her husband, they had no meanes to shift her away, but to put her ouer the pales into our ground. And at that time we hauing newly shot much Pepper into our Warehouse, which was so extreame hot,* 1.85 that we were forced to keepe the doore open night and day, hauing alwayes a regard to it in the night: This being a fit place for her to hide her in; got behind the doore, so farre as she could stand for heat, and her husband would haue sought all Iaua and Chyna, before he [ 20] would or durst come thither to seeke. In the night after our watch was set, one of our Company went into our backside, the which place we did very much frequent night and day; but as he was comming backe, and beeing a little starre light, he saw the woman stand in the Pepper house doore, who came forth to take breath, for she had been better to haue been in the stoues so long: he presenly swore, A woman: I ran downe, and caused her to be searched and examined present∣ly;* 1.86 She told vs that her husband would haue beat her, wherefore she was forced to climbe ouer our pales, and to hide her selfe.

It is an ordinary thing for the Chines to beate their Wiues, especially she being a Cuchinchyne woman, which had no friends in Towne, for the Iauans will hardly suffer them to beat their wo∣men; wherefore now hauing searched and secured euery place, I thought it would proue but [ 30] some such Iest. The next morning her husband came, who falling downe on his marie-bones, desired me to be good vnto him, for I hauing so lately tortured some Chines, he thought I would torture him: But in my conscience he needed no more plague or punishment then such a Wife, wherefore I presently dismissed them both.

The Protector, a little before had giuen vs, all the houses and ground which ioyned to our pales, and belonged to those Chynois, which vndermined our house, but although it were giuen, yet I thinke, there was neuer English-man paid so deere for so little ground, in any Countrey in the world: the houses were rotten, but the ground did vs great pleasure. We bought also a house of a Pangran, or Gentleman, which came so neere our Pepper-house doore, that it was verie troublesome to vs, when wee should carry in or out our Pepper, wherefore I bought that house [ 40] with the ground, so that now we had a very spacious yard.

The ninth of September, the Protector sent a Proclamation, that no Chines should weigh any Pepper to the strangers, meaning the English and the Hollanders: the which Proclamation was procured by the Hollanders, and we knew it very well, for the same day they dined with vs, and at dinner they told vs, the Protector owed them ten thousand sacks of Pepper, but I told them that was not so,* 1.87 for they would neuer be such fooles to trust him so much. The next mor∣ning, I went to the old woman, who commands the Protector, and all the rest, and indeed is cal∣led Queene of the Land by the Sabindar, and diuers others, although she bee not of the Kings blood, but onely for her wisedome, is held in such estimation amongst them of all sorts, that she ruleth, as if she were soly Queene of that Country. After we had made our griefes knowne to [ 50] her, she presently sent for the Protector, willing vs to talke with him before her: when he came, I demanded of him, for what cause he had forbidden vs to Trade; he answered, he must buy ten thousand sacks of Pepper for the King, I told him againe, that the Flemmings themselues told me, that the Pepper he would buy was for them, and that he owed them ten thousand sackes. Many shifts he vsed, but the Queene our constant friend said, he should not hurt vs. For the Hol∣landers, when they saw they could get no trading with the people for Pepper, then they deli∣uered the Protectour money, and wrought with him, as I haue before rehearsed: and if we had had but ten thousand Rials of eight, more then we had, the Flemmings should haue got little Pepper that yeare in Bantam. It is most certaine, they are very much hated there, and what [ 60] they doe or procure, is for feare of their shipping, wherein they doe abound in all those parts. The twelfth of September, the Protector sent Rials vp and downe amongst those that were dealers in Pepper. In the Kings Name, some to serue him an hundred sackes, some fiftie sackes, some ten, some fiue, as it were a begging, and indeed he tooke it vp at the Kings price, which

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was 1/. a Riall in a sacke lesse then we paid. The Chines with much grudging serued him, a while after he set a taxe vpon them to serue him so much more; then the Chines raled vpon the Pro∣tector, and the Hollanders both, and many of them would not receiue their Money, but the Offi∣cers would throw it downe in their houses, and take their names.

The fifteenth of September, by meanes of an old Trot, which was making of Candles, the Towne was set on fire, the which consumed all the vpper worke of our three houses,* 1.88 to our ex∣ceeding great danger, cost and trouble: The Sabindar came to vs in the tumult, also the Admi∣rall, who had charge of the Court, in the Kings and Gouernors absence, then in progresse, sent vs a great traine of his principall men; likewise, one of the Kings Vnckles came to vs with a [ 10] great number, and also the rich Chyna, with a very great crew. All these came to see that no body should offer vs any violence, for they knew well we had enemies of great force, but not for our sakes, but for our goods. Now we were laid open to all our enemies, for our fence for the most part was burnt to the ground, and we had not a place to dresse our victuals in, yet as good fortune was, we had one little shed in the middle of our yard, which was our Court of Guard, that escaped, where we incamped by night. The Dutch house escaped,* 1.89 though but narrow∣ly, wherefore we borrowed some of their men▪ For it is to be noted, that though we were mortall enemies in our Trade, yet in all other matters we were friends, and would haue liued and dyed one for the other. Also the Admirall and Sabindar sent vs men euery night, so that we with our Drum, Shot, and Pikes, liued a Souldiers life, vntill our fence was made vp, and afterwards too. [ 20] For this was but to shew vs the way, and our fence was no sooner vp, but wee looked euerie houre when it should be burnt downe, or borne downe by those that would haue had the cutting of our throats.

The Pangran Mandelicko in the end of September, fell to robbing of Iuncks, one of which was of Iore, laden with Rice, Men and Women: with a great crew of villaines, his Slaues, he seazed on the Iuncke in the night, and carried away all the Rice, with the Men and Women as his prisoners. The which was the next way to keep away all other Iuncks, which vsed to bring victuals to the Towne, whereby to starue them all, for that land is not able to serue one quarter of the people that are in it. The King and his Protectour sent to him,* 1.90 commanding him to deli∣uer the people and goods which he had taken, the which hee would not, but presently fortified [ 30] himselfe. Also the rest of the Pangranes that were of the Kings blood, and his, but being all traytors to the King, maintained him; so that the Kings Officers durst not meddle with him. The Protector, Sabindar, and Admirall, sent to vs to take heed to our selues, the Rebels grew euery day stronger and stronger, and all the people in the Countrey, and also strangers began to be in great feare. I was forced to borrow some small Ordnance of Chyna Merchants, which were our friends, and with Chaines and Bushes to fortifie our selues, and our men were besides euerie day, a making of Chaine-shot, Langrall-shot, and Crosse-barre-shot.* 1.91 All Trade of Merchan∣dise was laid aside, neither did any in the Towne looke after buying and selling: And euery day, we should haue the Rebels espyals would come into our yard, who would be very inquisitiue, what, and wherefore those were, which our men were all so hard at worke vpon, wee would [ 40] plainely tell them, that we looked euery night for such a mans comming, wherefore we made prouision for his entertainment.

About the twentieth of October, came in the King of Iacatra,* 1.92 with a crue of fifteene hun∣dred fighting men, besides straglers, and had a thousand more comming after. Hee challenged the Rebels, and likewise the Pangranes to fight with him and his Company only: hee had indeed a a great quarrell against them all, for but a little before, they sought meanes to put him out of his Kingdome, but the Rebels keepe their fortification, and would not come out. The sixe and twentieth of October, the King of Iacatra, and the Admirall sent for vs, to know if there were no meanes to fire them a reasonable distance off, out of the reach of their Baces, of which they had a great number. We told them if there had beene a ship in the Road, it might easily haue bin [ 50] done, but for vs to doe it, we thought we should hardly find things wherewithall. The Admirall asked me what things we would haue, I told him Camphire, Salt-peeter and Brimstone; as for some things we had alreadie. The Admiral said he would helpe vs to all these, and desired vs wee would helpe them: also he had a long Bow and Arrowes, fit for such a purpose, but I thinke a Musket had beene better. We were minded to haue caused the Kings Ordnance to haue beene planted, and to haue shot red hot Bullets amongst them, which I thinke would haue made peril∣lous worke, both with them and their Thatched houses, and fortifications made of Canes. The principall Rebell had fought all the meanes he could to fire vs, now we meant verily to see if we could fire him: but whether it was for feare of the King of Iacatra, or hearing wee were about such a matter: The Pangranes and the Rebels, both came to an agreement within two dayes af∣ter, [ 60] the which agreement was this,* 1.93 that the principall Rebell should within six dayes depart out of the King of Bantams Dominion, hauing with him only thirtie of his houshold, the which hee did. For the space of ten dayes, we looked euery houre, both night and day when the Kings Forces and the Pangranes would ioyne battle, for they were both readie:* 1.94 but the Iauans are verie loth to fight if they can chuse; the reason they say is, their wealth lyeth altogether in Slaues, so

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that if there Slaues be kild, they are beggered, wherefore they had alwayes rather come to a set-feast, then a pitched Battell.

* 1.95The seuenteenth day of Nouember, which we tooke to be our Coronation day, and hauing all our Peeces and Chambers lying laden since the troubles, we inuited the Flemmings to Dinner, in the middle of Dinner we dranke a Health to our Queene, and also shot off all our Ordnance.

There resort to this Towne of Bantam a number of many Nations, the which diuers of them are Liegers.* 1.96 These people hauing heard much fame of the English Nation in times past, before e∣uer they saw any of vs, had an especiall eye to our carriage and behauiour, and wee were growne a common admiration amongst them all, that wee being so few should carrie such a port as wee did, neuer putting vp the least wrong that was offered by either Iauans or Chinees, but alwayes [ 10] did Iustice our selues, and when the Protector did wrong vs himselfe, it was knowne that wee did not spare to tell him of it soundly, and in such sort that he wanted very much of his will. It is well knowne also,* 1.97 that at the first comming of our ships, the Iauans offered vs much wrong, in purloyning our goods, but so many as we tooke, were either slaine, wounded, or soundly beaten: the Iauans thought we durst not doe so, when our ships were gone, wherefore they did practise to steale both day and night, but they found it all one, the which they did admire at, for it is most certaine, and I haue heard many Strangers speake it, that haue beene present when wee haue bea∣ten some Iauans that they neuer knew or heard of any Nation but vs, that were Liegers there, that durst once strike a Iauan in Bantam, and it was a common talke among all Strangers and o∣thers, how we stood at defiance with those that hated vs for our goods, and how little wee cared [ 20] for them. Likewise, how we neuer offered any wrong to the meanest in the Towne, and also how we were generally beloued of all the better sort:* 1.98 they would say, it was not so with the Flemmings, nor with no other Nation. And all the while I was there, I neuer heard, that euer the Flemmings gaue a Iauan so much as a box on the eare, but many times fowle of the Chinees, who will very seldome make any resistance, yet it is of truth, they are mortally hated, aswell of all sorts of Iauans, as Chinees.

Now euery day they looked for their shipping, and hauing little Pepper, nor knew not where to buy any, for the Chinees would sell them none, so long as we would giue as much as they. And more then that; for when all our Rials was layd out, some of them sold vs Pepper to bee paid when our ships came, not▪ knowing when they would come, nor we neither at that time, but as [ 30] we guessed. If they would haue gone to the Flemmings, they might haue had readie money, and great thankes. They therefore bought what they could by retayle in the Markets, sending it to a Chineses house by Boate in the euening,* 1.99 but the charge consumed the gaine.

About this present time, the Emperour of Damack, who not many yeares before for tyran∣nie had beene deposed by the Kings teereabouts, going by Sea from Bantam, to another Towne vpon the Coast, was by one of his sonnes stabd in his Bed sleeping.

The Chineses will mingle vsually their Pepper in the night if you leaue it with them, or put in dust, or transport it, and we should be sure to find that which wee had not liked, at one mans ye∣sterday, now in another mans house, a good distance off, and the next night after at another house, as who should say, it was another parcell, and the olde Ware-house where it lay first [ 40] should be shut, or a parcell of better Pepper in it.

* 1.100In Nouember, and the beginning of December, we were busied both in building and getting in, and making cleane of Pepper, the fourteenth of December, came in a Dutch Pinnasse, who told vs of the death of our late Queene, and of the great Plague and Sicknesse, that had beene o∣uer all Christendome, which strooke more terrour to our mindes, then all the troubles wee had passed, but they could tell vs no newes of our ships, which caused vs much to doubt, only they told vs, the King of Scots was crowned, and that our Land was in peace, which was exceeding great comfort vnto vs, also they told vs of the peace that was likely to be betwixt England and Spaine. In all the Dutch Fleet, and because we heard of no Letters for vs in the Pinnasse, I made haste, and went aboord the Dutch Admirall to bid him welcome, also to enquire for Letters, the [ 50] which we found in their Vice-Admirall. The two and twentieth of December, by meanes of some of our friends,* 1.101 Vniete that was the principall that vndermined our house, being descryed and taken, hauing beene long in the Mountaines, and for want of food, was forced to repayre to certaine houses neere the Towne, from whence he was brought to the rich Chinas house, so soone as I heard of him, I sent Master Tewerson to the Protector to certifie him of it, and withall to tell him, we would shortly execute him, for since the time that this mischiefe happened, I neuer went out of sight of our house my selfe, but once, vntill our ships came in, the which once was when the Protector crossed vs, so that then I was constrayned, and my feare was so great, that I thought all would be burnt, before I should come backe againe, likewise three times euery weeke, I vsed to search all the Chinees houses round about vs, for feare of more vndermining. [ 60]

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§. V. Generall Middletons arriuall, the sickenesse and death of many. Quarrells twixt Ours and the Hollanders, begunne by Captaine Severson, a Dutch∣man, and the King of Bantams circumcision, and pompous Triumphes.

THE same day towards Euening, we descried our Ships comming into the Road,* 1.102 to all our extraordinarie great ioyes; but when we came aboord of our Admirall, and sawe [ 10] their weakenesse, also hearing of the weakenesse of the other three ships, it grieued vs much, knowing that Bantam is not a place to recouer men that are sicke,* 1.103 but rather to kill men that come thither in health. At my first comming aboord, I found our General, Captaine Henry Middleton, very sickly and weake; to whom I made relation in briefe what troubles we had passed; also I certified him neuerthelesse, we had lading ready for two ships, which was some con∣tent vnto his mind, very much grieued for the weakenesse of his men. They had hardly fiftie sound men in their foure ships, and of the sicke men a number died. Also of those that came thi∣ther in health, many neuer went out of the Road.

The foure and twentieth day, our Vice-Admirall, Captaine Coulthurst came a shore, with some other Merchants▪ on which day we executed this Villaine which we had lately taken.* 1.104 Ha∣uing [ 20] now slaine the fourth principall, and one more was kild for stealing of a woman: at my com∣ming away there remained foure aliue, of which, two were at Iacatra, one with Mandelicko the traytor, and one with Cay Sanapatty Lama, which we could not as then come by. The same day, our Vice-Admirall beeing accompanied with vs there resident before, and also some other of the newe Merchants, went to the Court to certifie the King,* 1.105 that our Generall had Letters from the King of England, with a present for him, and more to tell him our Generall was weary, hauing been long vpon the Seas, and so soone as he was a little refreshed, he would come himselfe to see him, and also to deliuer the Letters, and the Present.

The fiue and twentieth, being Christmas day, we dined aboord our Generall: but I should haue spoken before of a Counsell that was holen on Sunday, being the three and twentieth day, [ 30] wherein it was thought of all, that the Dragon,* 1.106 and the Ascension were fittest to goe for the Moluccos, for diuers reasons which need not here be rehearsed; and the Hector, and Susan to lade Pepper, and to be dispatched home. And the same weeke after, we were busied in getting of fresh victuals, Herbs, Fruits, and Flowers, for the recouery of our men,* 1.107 which were most pitiful∣ly payed with the Scuruy.

The one and thirtieth day, our Generall came on shore, and beeing accompanyed withall the Marchants that were in health, and diuers others, he went to the Court, and deliuered the Kings Letters and Present, the which were as followeth: One faire Bason and Ewre,* 1.108 two faire stan∣ding Cups, all parcell-gilt, one gilt spoone, and sixe Muskets with their furniture: the which were kindly receiued. A day or two after our General spent in visiting our chiefest friends, as the [ 40] Sabindar, the Admirall, the rich Chynois, and also gaue them Presents, who very thankfully re∣ceiued them. After this, we fell all to worke, both ashore and aboord, to packe vp, and take in goods for the Moluccos: but after our men were a little recouered of the Scuruy,* 1.109 the Fluxe tooke them, so that we continued still very weake in men, in so much, that it was vnpossible in mans iudgement, that euer we should be able to accomplish our businesse in that manner.

On Monday, being the seuenth of Ianuary, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall Ships, besides Pin∣naces and Slupes, set sayle for Amboyna, and the Moluccos, so that we rested very doubtfull a long time, whether our ships should get any lading in those parts that yeere, by reason of their number of shipping which was gone before ours. Neither could our Ships possibly goe sooner, by meanes of our weakenesse.

[ 50] The tenth of Ianuary, the ships that were bound home, began to take in Pepper, but they were so oppressed with sickenesse, that they could make no dispatch. The eighteenth day,* 1.110 our shippes hauing taken in all the goods which we thought meet for those parts, set sayle for the I∣lands of Banda, hauing their men for the most part extreame weake and sicke:* 1.111 but how they spent their time vntill their returne to Bantam, I must referre to their owne reports. Presently after the departure of these ships, the protector sent vnto vs to agree about Custome, the which we had thought we had known since our first shipping departed, but he asked many duties, which we neuer heard of before, & because I would not grant to pay thē, he cōmanded the Porters they should carry no Pepper: wherfore to preuent that this should not be a hinderance to vs in lading [ 60] our ships (for we had hinderance enough besides) I was forced to agree with him, to pay in hand according to that rate as our ships paid before, and to let the full agreement rest vntill the returne of our Generall, and he thought he did vs great kindnesse herein.* 1.112 It pleased God to take away the two Masters of these two ships which we were now a lading, Samuel Spencer, Master of the Hector, and Habbakuck Pery, Master of the Susan. Also William Smith, the principall Masters

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mate of the Hector, and soone after Captaine Styes, with many other of their principall men, with a number of their ordinarie saylers, so that we were not onely constrained to hire men to doe them all the ease we could there, but likewise to hire so many as we could get of Goosserates and Chynois to helpe bring home our ships, to our exceeding great cost and charges. With much turmoyle, we got them both laden, by the sixteenth of February, but it was the fourth of March, before they could make their ships ready to set sayle.

The fourth of March, the Hector and Susan set sayle for England, hauing sixtie three persons in the Hector of all sorts,* 1.113 English and others, but many of her owne men beeing sicke. The Susan so neere as I could learne, had forty seuen of all sorts: also many Englishmen sicke, I pray God send vs good newe of her, William Crane being Master of the Hector, and Richard Hacknesse, Master of the Susan. [ 10]

* 1.114The sixt of May, came in a ship from Holland, who had come all along by the Coast of Goa, and meeting there with two ships more of Holland, which were bound out for Cambaya, they three had taken foure Portugall ships, wherein they found great riches, onely one of them was laden with great horses, which they set on fire, and consumed both ship and horses. This ship came out of Holland in Iune, 1604. but they could certifie vs of no further newes, then our own ships had done.* 1.115 Their Captaines name was Cornelius Syverson, who was a very proud Boore, and had neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanitie, presently after whose comming in, the Flem∣mings withdrewe their familiaritie, which they were wont to hold with vs, and that as wee thought, by Generall Warwicks charge to them.

But now I will leaue this contemner of curtesie and hater of our Nation, with his rascall crue [ 20] which he brought with him, and speake somewhat of the manner and order of the Kings Circum∣cision, and of the Trumphes that were held there euery day, for the space of a moneth and more before his going to Church, whereby all the better sort of that Country had beene busied, from the time of the comming in of the Chyna Iuncks, which is in February and March, vntill the foure and twentieth of Iune,* 1.116 about making preparation. There was a great Pageant made, the forepart of which was in likenesse of an huge deuill, vpon this Pageant was set three chaires of State, the middlemost was for the King, which was placed higher then the other by some two foote, on either of his hands were placed the sonnes of Pangran Goban, who is heire apparant to the Crowne, if the King should die without issue. This Pageant was placed on a greene before the Court gate, and rayled in round about. The manner of their Countrey is, that when any [ 30] King comes newly to the Crowne, or at the Circumcision of their King, all that are of abilitie must giue the King a present, the which they must present in open manner, with the greatest shew they are able to make. And those that are not able to doe it of themselues, doe ioyne a Company of them together, and so performe it, both strangers and others. About the fiue and twentieth of Iune, these shewes began, and continued all that moneth, and the next, except certaine rainie dayes. The Protector began himselfe the first day, and euery Noble man, and others had their dayes, not as they were in birth, but in readinesse, and sometimes two or three Companies in a day. Because the Iauans are no good shot, the Protector borrowed shot both of vs and the Flem∣mings; when they came to set forth, there was a great strife whether should goe fore-most, they contemning our paucity, and ours their sordidnesse. Our men were in neat apparell, with scarfes [ 40] and coloured hat-bands; they in thrmbed greasy caps, tarred coates, and their shirts (if they had any) hanging betwixt their legges. Ours went therefore in the rereward, refusing to follow next after the Flemmings.

Euery morning the Kings guard, which were both shot and pykes, were placed without the rayles round about the Pageant, beeing commonly in number, about three hundred men: but some principall dayes of shewes, there was vpward of sixe hundred, the which were placed in files ac∣cording to our martiall discipline.* 1.117 But in our march we doe much differ: for whereas wee com∣monly march, three, fiue, seuen, or nine, they neuer goe but one, and so follow one another so close as they can, bearing their pykes right vpright. As for shot they haue not beene vsed vnto. Their drummes are huge pannes made of a mettall called Tombaga, which make a most hellish [ 50] sound. They haue also their Colours and Companies sutable, but their Standerds and Ancients are not like ours: their Ancient staffe is very high, bending compasse at the top, like the end of a long Bow, but the Colours on it is harly a yard in breadth, hanging downe from the top with a long pendant. The first day beeing the greatest day of shew, there were certaine forts made of Canes, and other trash, set vp before the Kings Pageant, wherein were certaine Iauans placed to defend them, and other companies were appointed to assault them, and many times the assay∣lants would fire them: but still when the Iauans were at it in iest with their pikes, our men and the Flemmings were at it in earnest with their shot, and were forced to march apart. The Prote∣ctor perceiuing it, sent to them, desiring both parties to be quiet, whereupon they were quiet for [ 60] that day. The next time we saw their Marchants, which was that Euening, I asked one of them if he thought Holland now were able to wage warre with England, that there should be such e∣qualitie between their men and ours, to striue who should goe foremost? And likewise wee told them all, that if Englishmen had not once gone before, their Nation might haue gone behind all

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Nations of Christendome long agoe: but they would answer that times and seasons doe change,* 1.118 and without doubt the greater multitude of them here, doe hold themselues able to withstand a∣ny Nation in the world: but I can say nothing of the opinion of their States at home, and of the wiser sort.

Now a word or two in what manner the King was brought out euery day, and what shewes were presented before him: Alwaies a little afore the shewes came, the King was brought out vpon a mans shoulders, bestriding his necke, and the man holding his legs before him, and had many rich ty asoles carried ouer and round about him: his principall Guard came out before him, and were placed within the railes, round about the Pageant. After the King came out, a number [ 10] of the principall of the land, which gaue their attendance vpon the King, as it should seeme, they had their dayes and times appointed them. The shewes that were brought, came in in this manner: First, a crue of shot beeing led by some Gentleman-slaue, after followed the pikes, in the middle of which was carried their colours, and also their musique, which was ten or twelue pannes of Tombaga, carried vpon a coulstaffe betweene two; these were tuneable, and euery one a note aboue another, and alwayes two went by them which were skilfull in their Country mu∣sique, and played on them hauing things in their hands of purpose to strike them, also they had another kind of musique which went both afore and after, but these pannes are the principall. After the pykes followed a crue of Targettiers with darts, then was brought in many sorts of trees, with their fruit growing vpon them, then followed many sorts of beasts and foules both a∣liue, [ 20] and also artificially made, that except one had beene neere, they were not to bee discerned from those that were aliue.

After these followed a crew attyred like Maskers, which before the King did dance, vault,* 1.119 and shew many strange kind of tumbling trickes, of these there were both men and women. Af∣ter all these, followed sometimes two hundred, sometimes three hundred women, all carrying Presents only at euery tenth woman, there went an old motherly woman Souldier to keep them in order, which carryed nothing. These Presents were of Rice and Cashes,* 1.120 the which were layd in frames made of split Canes curiously set out for shew, with painted and gilded papers, but the present it selfe was not commonly worth aboue twelue pence or thereabouts. After them fol∣lowed the rich presents, which was commonly a faire Tuck, and some fairer Cloth of their Coun∣trey [ 30] fashion, being curiously wrought and guilded, or imbroydered with Gold for the Kings own wearing, the which was carryed also by women hauing two Pikes borne vpright before them. Also euery present which was for the Kings wearing, had a rich Tierasoll borne ouer it. Last of all followed the Heire to that party which sent the presents, which is their yongest sonne,* 1.121 if they haue any, being very richly attyred after their Countrey manner, with many Iewels about their armes and middles, of Gold, Diamonds, Rubies, and other stones, hauing also rich Tierasoles borne ouer them, and a number of men and women attending on them; after hee hath done his obeysance to the King, he sits downe vpon a Mat being layd vpon the ground, which is their order in generall, the presents are all borne by the Kings Pageant into the Court, where there are some Officers appointed to receiue them. After all which past, one within the Kings Pageant, [ 40] speakes out of the Deuils mouth, and commands silence in the Kings name, Then beginnes the chiefest of the Reuels and Musicke, and now and then the shot discharges a Voley.* 1.122 Also the Pike∣men and Targettiers with Darts doth shew all their feates of Armes: their shot is very vnskil∣full, but the Pikes and Targets are very expert, and alwayes when they come to charge their E∣nemie, they come towards him dancing, because his Aduersary should haue no steadie ayme to throw his Dart, or make a thrust at him. Likewise amongst some of these shewes there came Iunckes sayling, artificially made, being laden with Cashes and Rice.* 1.123 Also in these were signi∣fications of Historicall matters of former times, both of the Old Testament, and of Chronicle matters of the Countrey, and Kings of Iaua. All these Inuentions the Iauans haue beene taught in former times by the Chinees, or at least the most part of them;* 1.124 for they themselues are but Block-heads, and some they haue learned by Goossarats, Turkes, and other Nations which come [ 50] thither to trade.

We brought a very faire Pomgranate Tree being full of fruit growing on it, both ripe, halfe ripe, some young, and some bdded: this Tree wee digged vp by the roots,* 1.125 which wee set in a frame being made or Ratanes, or Carricke Rushes, somewhat like a Brds Cage, but very wide. At the roote of this Tree we placed earth, and vpon that greene Turfes,* 1.126 so that it stood as if it had beene still growing; vpon these Turfes we put three Siluer-hayred Conies, which our Vice-Admirall had giuen me, and at the top, and round about vpon the boughes, we with small threds made fast a number of small Birds, which would euer be chirping. Likewise, we had foure very furious Serpents, which the Chinees there can make artificially, vpon these wee hung the Cloth [ 60] which was for the Kings owne wearing, which were fiue pieces curiously wrought, and guilded after their fashion. Some other pieces of Stuffe there were also for the King to bestow vpon some of his followers. More wee gaue him a fayre Peternell damasked, and a Case of Pistols damasked, with very fayrer Cases seuerally belonging to them, the which had great silke strings, with Tas∣sels of Gold. Now we had no women to carry these things, wherefore we borrowed thirtie of

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the prettyest Boyes we could get, and also two proper tall Iauans to beare Pikes before them. Master Towerson had a very prettie Boy, a Chinees sonne, whose Father was a little before slaine by Theeues: this youth we attyred as gallant as the King, whom we sent to present these things, and to make a speech to the King, signifying to him, that if our number had beene equall to our good wils, we would haue presented his Maiestie with a farre better shew.

The King and diuers others about him tooke great delight in the Conies. Also our men carried some Fire-workes with them,* 1.127 which were very rare matters to the young King and his play-fellowes, but the women cryed out, for feare they would set the Court a fire.

* 1.128The Flemmings gaue a present which they can easily bragge off, small matters, they doe not spare to bragge very much of their King, meaning Graue Maurice, whom they call in all these [ 10] parts at euery word Raia Hollanda. Much quarrell arose betwixt our men and them, the Flem∣mings in drinke still beginning and braing, and vsually getting the worst. I had much to doe to restrayne our men, which yet was necessary considering wee had a great charge of goods, the charge of which lay vpon me. Also wee were but badly housed, and in a dangerous Countrey, likewise if we gaue them blowes, it was likely, a number of them would come vpon vs: we be∣ing but few could not defend our selues without shedding of bloud, the which would require re∣uenge. They were aboue a hundred men in the House, Ship, and Flye-boat, which (no doubt) would haue come vpon vs hauing such an occasion, and wee but thirteene in a Straw-house.

* 1.129The eighteenth of Iuly, the King of Iacatra came in to present his shew before the King of Bantam, also to giue his present, and to doe his homage, the which was performed the three and twentieth of Iuly in this manner. In the morning early, the King of Bantams Guard (which was [ 20] on this day an extraordinarie number) were placed in files, their Pikes set vpright in the ground, and their shot lying in order, and euery man sitting by his Armes, being clothed in red Coates. About eight of clocke my selfe with some other of our Merchants and men went to see this shew, and taking vp our standing neere the Kings Pageant, the Kings Guard would often bid vs sit downe, but we would answere, they must first bring vs a forme: for indeed there is no Nation suffered to stand in the Kings or any great mans presence, if they be neere them. Wee and the Flemmings were commanded by the Officers to sit downe, as well as the rest, but wee were too stout (knowing they had no such Commission) to stoope vnder their yoke:* 1.130 but for other Nations they would bang them if they refused, although the ground and place where they should sit were neuer so durtie. But the Iauans, who cannot indure to haue any stand ouer them, would remoue [ 30] a good distance from vs, and many of the Kings Guard forsooke their Weapons, and would goe sit afarre off, neither can they indure that one should lay his hand on their head, the which is not for any point of Religion, as some will affirme, but only of meere Pride. Many times, when I haue come into a Chinees house, where Iauans haue set in the floore, I sitting downe on a Chest, as our order was, they haue all start vp, and ranne out at doores: the Chinees would tell vs, if any other Nation should doe so, but we or the Hollanders, they would stab them, but they durst not meddle with vs.

But now to my former matter. About nine a clocke the King was brought out in the same manner, as I before haue mentioned, some two houres after the King of Iacatra came, hauing a [ 40] guard of some hundred persons about him: so soone as euer hee came in sight, the Kings Guard all rose vp, and euery man proued his Weapon, the which wee had neuer seene before when any shew came in, so that it should seeme that there was great feare, not that the King of Iacatra would offer any violence, but there was a number of other pettie Kings, who had great troupes of men,* 1.131 the which Kings were his mortall Enemies, wherefore fearing they might rise against him, we plainly perceiued the King of Bantams Guard, had their charge to bee readie to defend the King of Iacatra, if such a matter should happen. When hee came neere the innermost file of the Kings Guard, he could not passe to the King but hee must needs goe thorow a ranke of these pettie Kings,* 1.132 whom he knew did most deadly hate him, wherefore fearing the cowardly stab, which is vsed amongst that Nation, he began to looke very gastly, and wildly on it, although he is as stout a man▪ as any is in all those parts: passe them hee would not, but sat downe, vpon a [ 50] Leather that was layed on the ground, the which euery Gentleman hath carryed after him for that purpose. So soone as he was set, hee sent to the King, to know if it were his pleasure, hee should come vnto him, whereupon the King sent two of the principall Noblemen about him, to conduct him to his presence, and after the King of Iacatra had done his obeysance, the young King imbraced him, and welcommed him according to the Countrey order: after this the King of Iacatra sat downe in a place appointed for him. All this while there was some other prettie shewes presented.

About twelue a clocke came his shew and presents. The Souldiers came in order as I haue be∣fore declared,* 1.133 being about three hundred in number, then followed so many women with Cashes [ 60] and strange Fowles both aliue and artificiall, and likewise many strange beasts; amongst which was one furious beast called by them a Matchan. This beast is somewhat bigger then a Lion, and very Princely to behold if they be at libertie, they are spotted white and red, hauing many black streakes which came downe from the reines of his backe vnder his belly. I haue seene one of

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them iump at the least eighteene foot, by many mens estimation for his pray.* 1.134 They doe kill ma∣ny people neere the Towne of Bantam, and many times the King and all the Countrey, goeth a hunting of them, not onely in the day time, but in the night. This Matchan, which I now spake of, was in a great Cage of wood, which was placed vpon Trucks of old carriages, and be∣ing drawne in with Buffels, he lay for all the world like a Traytor vpon a hurdle. There was drawne in like manner a huge Gyant, which by our estimation, might bee some thirtie foote in height: also a Deuill came in, in like order:* 1.135 more there was drawne in a Garden hauing many sorts of hearbs and flowers in it. In the middle of which Garden, was a Fish-pond, wherein was diuers sorts of small Fishes, and all sorts of Fishes which they doe know in those parts, were [ 10] brought in either aliue, or artificially made. Amongst these things, came in many Maskers,* 1.136 Vawters, Tumblers, very strangely, and saluagiously attired, which did dance and shew many strange feates before the King. There was drawne in likewise a very faire bed-stead, whereon was a faire quilted bed: also eleuen boulsters and pillowes of Silke, embroidered with Gold at the ends. The posts of the bedstead were very curiously carued and gilded, with a faire Canopy wrought with Gold: A number of other pretty toyes, were brought in and presented. Last of all, came in his youngest sonne, riding on a Chariot, but it was drawne with Buffels,* 1.137 which mee thought was very vnseemely. Indeed they haue but few horses, the which are small Nags. I ne∣uer saw any of them put to draw, but onely to ride on, and to runne at Tilt, after the Barbary fashion (as I haue heard some Barbary Merchants say) which exercise they vse euery Saturday [ 20] towards Euening, except in their time of Lent, which is a little before ours.

The second day after this show was presented, being Friday, and their Sabboth, the King was carried on his Pageant to Church, where he was circumcised.* 1.138 His Pageant was borne by many men, it was reported to me by the Kings Nurse, foure hundred: but I think she lied, for me thought there could not stand so many vnder it.

The foure and twentieth of Iuly, our Generall came into the Road from Ternata:* 1.139 so soone as we discerned the shippe, and knew her to be the Dragon, I tooke a Praw and went aboord to bid him welcome, who declared to me the dangers they had passed, and also of the vnkind dealings which he had of the Hollanders, albeit he saued some of their liues. Neuerthelesse, he told mee hee had (though with great paines and turmoyle) gotten a good quantitie of Cloues to∣wards [ 30] his lading, the which was good newes to vs, wherefore wee gaue God heartie thanks for all, especially that he had brought him thither againe in safetie, not doubting but within short time, we should be able to furnish him with the rest of his lading. The eight and twentieth day, came in the great Encusen of Holland from Ternate: Also the same day the King of Iacatra came to see our Generall.

§. VI. [ 40] Further quarrels betwixt the English and Dutch, with other accidents.

THE first of August in the afternoone, our Generall, and all the rest of the Merchants, being very busie in the Ware-house, taking an Inuentarie of the remainder of prize-goods, and all other goods,* 1.140 there was word brought that the Flemmings had wounded two of our men, the which we saw come bleeding in at the gate. Our Generall com∣manded euery man to get him weapons, with all speed, and to lay them ouer the pates soundly, the which presently was performed: himselfe could find no weapon ready, wherefore hee tooke vp a barre of Iron, but finding that too heauy, he came into the streete onely with a small Cud∣gell. The Flemmings were banged home to their owne gates, one was runne quite thorough the [ 50] body, what became of him we could not certainely tell, yet some said he escaped it, two more lost their armes, the Merchants with diuers others of their house came with shot. The Flemmish Merchants came to our Generall, but hearing that their men began, they answered,* 1.141 that they had but their desarts: and after they had drunke a Cup of Wine, they kindly tooke their leaue of our Generall, and all the rest of the Merchants, and so departed. Newes was presently carried to the Court, how the Flemmings and we were by the eares, and that there was two slaine. Some about the King, asked whether they were English or Flemmings, which were slaine; answer being mae, that they were Flemmings: They said, it was no matter if they were all slaine. In this broyle, I thanke God, we had no man hurt, but two, the which was done before the complaint came, neither had they any great harme; one hauing a slash ouer the hand, the other a stab vnder [ 60] the ide with a knife, which was not very deepe: this was the first time, but it was not long, but we were at pell mell againe, and againe, where the Flemmings sped as they did now.

The eleuenth of August, came in two ships from Cambaya,* 1.142 who had taken great wealth from the Portugals, the same day came in one ship from Ternate. The sixteenth day, came in the Ascen∣tion from Banda; The eight of September, the Dutch Merchants inuited our Generall, and all

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his Merchants and Masters to a feast, where there was great cheere, and also great friendship was made betweene vs. The fifteenth day of September, two Dutch ships set saile for Holland, one be∣ing a small ship, which had laden Pepper at Bantam; the other, had taken in some Cloues at Ter∣nate. The rest of her lading was of prize-goods, which was taken out of the ships which came from Cambaya.* 1.143 The one and twentieth day, came in the Dutch Admirall from Banda. The two and twentieth day, our Generall sent some of his Merchants to the Dutch house, to bid him wel∣come. On which day, a drunken Flemming caused a new fray, which began with our Surgeon, and after parts, were taken on both sides, and some of the Dutch wounded.

Againe, about one a clocke the same afternoone, our Generall sitting vpon a bench at our gate, talking with a Portugall which sate by him, who sometimes had beene of good reputation, there [ 10] came one of their drunken Swads,* 1.144 and sate downe betweene our Generall and this Portugall. Our Generall seeing the rudenesse of this vnmannerly Flemming, gaue him a boxe on the eare, and thrust him away. Presently, diuers of his consorts came about our gate, drawing their Kniues and Sables, and began to swagger. We taking the But-ends of Pikes and Halberds, and Faggot-stickes,* 1.145 draue them into a Racke-house, who shutting the doore vpon vs, we brake it open, and knocked some of them downe, bringing them away as prisoners to our Generall. So many of the Flemmings as came by in peace, our Generall caused to goe into our yard, where they were in safetie, and those that would not, bare it off with head and shoulders. So soone as wee had beaten them well, that tooke the Racke-house, there came another troope of them downe the streete to take their parts, with whom we met; and after a few brabbling words past, we laid on [ 20] such load, that they were forced to giue ground, and to betake them to their heeles: some of them were beaten downe in the streete,* 1.146 and many had their pates pittifully broken, others were for∣ced to runne thorough a great myrie Ditch, to escape from vs, they were chased in at their owne gates.

The Master of their Admiral had occasioned this fray, and gone from ship to ship, to bid them goe weaponed on shore, and kill the English-men they met with. And when some went to goe aboord the Dutch shippes on businesse, some English-men of their Fleete, with weeping eies cal∣led to them, that they should not come: For strait order was giuen, to kill as many English-men as they could, either aboord or on shore, and willed them to certifie our Generall of it. Where∣fore the Flemmings haue no cause hereafter to complaine, but to say we dealt kindly with them: [ 30] for the truth is, it lay in our hands that day, to haue slaine a great number of them, the which had beene done, if our Generall had but giuen the word. These frayes were greatly admired at, of all Nations in that place, that we should dare to bandy blowes with the Flemmings, they ha∣uing seauen verie tall ships in the Road, and we but two. There was not one of our men had any harme,* 1.147 onely Master Sarys Merchant, who receiued a cut on the fore-finger with a Sable.

At the latter end of this fray, the Dutch Generall came to our house, with a great Guard of Captaines,* 1.148 Merchants, and diuers others, whom our Generall being in like manner accompani∣ed, met in the streets, and brought him into our house. After the beginning of the matter was declared to the Dutch Admirall, he liked well of that we had done. Some of the Captaines a∣bout him said, we complained, but their men bore away the blowes, as might appeare by their [ 40] bloudy pates and shoulders: the Dutch Admirall answered, it was no matter, for he saw plaine∣ly, the fault was in their men, wherefore hee would take order henceforward, that so many of them should not come ashore at once. After much talke had passed, and a banket of sweet meates ended, the Dutch Admirall kindly tooke his leaue of our Generall: and all the rest of the Mer∣chants, both English and Dutch, shaking hands one with another.

There were certain Iauans, which belonged vnto two of the principall men of that Land, next vnto the King,* 1.149 who had stolne nine Muskets and Calliuers out of the Ascentions Gunner roome: shortly after two of them comming to steale more,* 1.150 were taken by our people with the manner. Our Generall sent me aboord to examine them, and to bring them ashore. They first told me, they belonged to great men, which were our very good friends, but I mistrusting they did dissemble with me, bid them confesse the truth, and they should find some fauour, then they confessed tru∣ly [ 50] whose Slaues they were, and said the Peeces were forth comming. After they came ashore, our Generall sent the King and the Protector word of it, and desired he might haue his Peeces againe; The Protector sent to the Masters of these two Slaues for them, but they louing the Peeces better then their men, said they had no Peeces, but what they had bought with their Money, yet they sent to our Generall to desire him, to deferre their execution for a day or two, the which was granted: but because their Masters were no great good willers to the King, the Protectour in the Kings Name sent the Executioner to put them to death, with a Guard of Pikes.* 1.151 When they came to the place of execution, our Generall taking pitty of them, would haue giuen them their liues: But the Hang-man said, their liues were in the Kings hands, and [ 60] not in our Generals, wherefore because the King had sent him, he would execute them. Which the two Theeues very patiently suffered, as the manner of all that Nation is, when they are bound to it. They doe hold it the greatest glorie that can be, to dye resolutely without any show of feare: and surely so they doe, in as carelesse a manner as it is possible for flesh and bloud,

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the experience of which I haue seene by diuers, both men and women. One would thinke these men should be good Souldiers, but it is not so, this valour is but when there is no remedy. A∣gainst the people of those parts of the world, they are reasonable tall men, but they will not meddle with Christians, except they haue some exceeding great aduantage of number, or o∣ther meanes.

The sixe and twentieth of September, by meanes of a Iauan shooting off a Peece,* 1.152 the Towne was set on fire, but by reason wee had good helpe of our Mariners, who were many of them a∣shore at that time, our house was preserued, but the Dutch house being to leeward,* 1.153 although they had neuer so much helpe, could not be saued, but the vpper worke of one of their principall houses, which did ioyne to their great house, was burnt, and all their out-houses, wherein lay ca∣bles, [ 10] hawsers, pickled porke, and diuers other things, whereby they sustained great losse. Some that had serued there fiue yeares, lost all that they had gotten in those parts.

Not long after this, the Towne on our side the way,* 1.154 was twice fired by the Iauans in the night, which put vs to great trouble, in carrying and recarrying our things, but by labour of our Mariners and the Chynees, it was quenched. The third of October, our Generall made a feast, which was for his farewell, whereunto he inuited the Dutch Admirall, with all the rest of his Captaines, Masters, and Merchants, where wee were all exceeding merry, and great friendship was made betweene vs.

The fourth of October, our Generall being accompanied with diuers Merchants and others,* 1.155 went to the Court to take his leaue of the King, and his Nobles. The sixt of October, being [ 20] Sunday, about ten a clocke, our General, with all that were bound home, went aboord, who go∣ing by the Dutch house, went in, and tooke his leaue of the Dutch Admirall, and the rest of his Merchants. Also there went aboord with him Master Gabriel Towerson,* 1.156 who was to stay for Agent there, and some other Merchants, who after dinner, some went ashore, and some stayed vntill the next day. About three a clocke we wayed Anchor, and with some Ordnance bid the Towne and Dutch shippes farewell. About eleuen or twelue a clocke at night, we came to an Anchor vnder an Iland, where the next day we tooke in wood, which our Generall had sent our men before hand to cut ready. The seuenth day towards euening, we wayed Anchor againe, and set saile: Master Towerson, and some other of the Merchants, then tooke their leaue to go ashore, whom wee committed to the protection of the Almightie; and our selues to the curtesie of the [ 30] Seas, desiring God to blesse both them and vs, and if it be his will, to send vs a happy meeting a∣gaine in England.

Notes

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