Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

[ 10]

NAVIGATIONS AND VOYAGES OF ENGLISH-MEN ALONGST THE COASTS OF AFRICA, to the Cape of GOOD HOPE, and from [ 20] thence to the RED SEA, the ABASSINE, ARABIAN, PERSIAN, INDIAN, Shoares, Continents, and ILANDS. THE THIRD BOOKE. (Book 3)

CHAP. I. [ 30] Of the first English Voyages to the East-Indies, before the establishment of the East-Indian Societie.

§. I. Of SIGHELMVS, MAMDEVILE, STEVENS, FITCH, and diuers other English-men, their Indian Voyages.

[ 40]

HAuing now taken Sea-view of the Vniuerse, and incompassed the whole Circumference of the Globe, in the former sixe Voyages▪ the first of Portugalls and Spaniards, the second and third of English, the three last of Hollanders,* 1.1 therein not a little furthered by English Pilots, and their Notes, as is before obserued of Melis, Adams and others: Wee are in the next place, to take more exact suruey of the world in the principall Nauigations, to the most famous and remote Regions thereof. Glorious and happy were those sixe Worthies, which proo∣ued [ 50] themselues true Sonnes of the Sunne and Tethys, a farre more Germane and Genuine issue, then that daring Phaeton, who asked and attempted his Fathers Chariot, but ex∣changed it and himselfe for this miserable Epitaph.

Quem si non cecidit, magnis tamen exci••it ausis.

But these haue attained what they sought, and what hee in his Vulcanian Chariot lost, these in Neptunian Chariots gained, and followed the Sunne round about the world; at once see∣ming to imitate the heauenly Orbes (as so many Terrestriall Planets) and to rule the Elements, spurring the Ayre, brie••••ling the Ocean, contemning the narrow limits of known Earth, & filling [ 60] the vvorld vvith their Fame. But Others also, for their Marine aduentures are vvorthy honour, if not compassing that honour of those First Worthies (worthy to bee reputed First, and Wor∣thies) yet in another kind, attempting as great a designe, of as dangerous hazard, long Perigri∣nation, costly expence, and profitable aduantage, as the former. Such vvere those vvhich haue passed the blacke Guineans, and doubled the * 1.2 Hopefull Promontory, from thence piercing into

the Erythraean and Indian Seas, Lands, Islands, enriching our World, vvith a vvorld of rarities for contemplation and vse.

To leaue to other Nations Suapraemia laudi, the English exploits in this kind are the subiect of this Booke, especially theirs, vvhich since the establishing of the East Indian Company, or Societie of Marchants, haue traded those parts; vvhich was begun in the happy and flourishing Reigne of that Glorious ELIZABETH,* 1.3 vvhose Name could not end with her life, but as then it filled the Christian, Turkish, Persian, American, Indian, worlds of Place; so still it seemes to begin, renue, and flourish in glorious verdure, and to promise a perpetuall Spring thorow all Worlds and Ages of Time. Before Her times I confesse diuers of our Nation haue merited honour in this attempt, as Sighelmus, Bishop of Shire-borne, sent by that famous and religious King [ 10] Alfred,* 1.4 to Saint Thomas his Sepulchre in India, whence hee brought precious Spices and Iewels, Anno 883. twice recorded by William of Malmesbury: as likewise a certaine English-man mentioned by Matthew Paris, Anno 1243. which trauelled the East part of the world with the Tartars in their famous expeditions: That I say nothing of Sir Iohn Mandeuill his many yeeres trauell through all the East, written by himselfe; and by that famous Geographer Ortelius, commended for his Geography (I feare, corrupted by some leaden Legendary spirit in other pas∣sages) and many Others, which Histories dignifie in the time of the Holy-land warres, for their Easterne trauells, and many more, no doubt, buried in the ruines of Time, by Obliuion and Ob∣scuritie.

In her time wee haue record of diuers Indian Voyages by English-men, before that Societie [ 20] began.

First, the Voyage of Thomas Steuens, from Lisbone to Goa, by the Cape of Good Hope, was written by himselfe from Goa,* 1.5 the tenth of Nouember, 1579. and is extant in Master Hakluits second Tome of Voyages.

Likewise the Voyage of Master Ralpe Fitz, by Syria and Babylonia, to Ormus, and thence into,* 1.6 and through many Countries of the East Indies, begunne 1583. and continued till 1591. is to be read in the said second Tome of Master Hakluit, and in Linschoten.

* 1.7Also a Voyage, 1591. with three tall Ships, the Penelope, Admirall; the Marchant Royall, Vice-Admirall; and the Edward Bonauenture, Rere-Admirall; to diuers Islands and Regions of the East Indies, by Master George Raymond▪ of which the Marchant Royall, was sent [ 30] backe from Soldanha neere the Cape Bona Esperanza, which both the other Ships doubled, and neere the Cape Dos Corientes were seuered by a storme, and the said Voyage was onely accomplished by Master Iames Lancaster in the Rere-Admirall. For these I referre the desi∣rous Reader to Master Hakluits Printed Booke. This last Voyage I haue by mee, written by Henrie May, Purser of the said Ship; but because his relations are principally touching the accidents in their returne, wherein he was cast away in a French Ship on the Bermudas, I haue refer'd that discourse to a fitter place.

* 1.8In the fourth place, wee may reckon those English-men in diuers of those Dutch voyages a∣bout the Globe, Timothy Shotten, Thomas Spring, Iohn Cald-well, and others. Yea the name of English-men were so famous in the East, that the Hollanders in their first trade thither, varnished [ 40] their obscuritie with English lustre, and gaue out themselues English.

* 1.9Moreouer, Master Iohn Newbury, was not onely companion with Master Ralph Fitch in his said Voyage, and prisoner with him at Goa: but before that, in the yeere 1580. had trauelled to Ormus, and thence into the Continent (as by his Iournall, which I haue, in fit∣ter place may appeare) passing through the Countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, Natolia, to Constantinople, and thence into Danubius, Valachia, Polonia, Prussia, Denmarke, and so into England.

§. II. [ 50] The Voyage of Master BENIAMIN WOOD, into the East Indies, and the miserable disastrous successe thereof.

IN the yeere 1596. by the charges principally of Sir Robert Dudly, was set forth a Fleete of three Ships, the Beare, the Beares Whelpe, and the Beniamin, com∣mitted vnto the command and conduct of Master Beniamin Wood. The Marchants imployed in this Voyage, were, Master Richard Allot, and Master Thomas Bromfield, of the Citie of London. These men for their better furtherance, intending to pierce as farre as China, obtained the gracious Letters of Queene Elizabeth of famous memory, to the King of [ 60] China in their behalfe, which begin in this manner.

* 1.10ELIZABETHA, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Regina, verae & Christianae fidei contra omnes falso Christi nomen profitentes inuictissima Propugnatrix, &c. Altissimo, Ser••nissi∣mo{que}, Principi, Potentissimo Magni Regni China Dominatori, summo in illis Asiae Partibus, In∣sulis{que}

adiacentibus Imperatori, & Magno in Orientalibus Mundi Regionibus Monarchae, salis∣tem, multos{que} cum omni optimarum rerum copia & affluentia laetos & foelices annos. Cùm honesti & fideles subditi nostri, qui has literas nostras ad Serenitatem vestram perferunt, RICARDVS ALLOT & THOMAS BROMFIELD, &c. Datae in Palatio nostro Grenouici XI. Mens. Iulij Anno Christi 1596. anno{que} nostri Regni XXXVIII.

This their honourable expedition, and gracious commendation by her Maiestie to the King of China in their marchandizing affaires, had not answerable successe; but hath suffered a double disaster; first, in the miserable perishing of the Fleet, and next in the losse of the Historie and Relation of that Tragedie. Some broken Plankes, as after a shipwracke, haue yet beene [ 10] encountered from the West Indies, which giue vs some notice of this East Indian disaduenture. Quae Regio in terris nostri non plena laboris? This intelligence wee haue by the intercepted Letters of Licentiate Alcasar de Villa Sen̄or, Auditor of the Royall Audience of Saint Do∣mingo, and Iudge of Commission in Puerto Rico, and Captaine Generall of the Prouinces of New Andalusia, written to the King and his Royall Councell of the Indies. An extract whereof, so much as concerneth this businesse, here followeth. Wherein, let not the imputation of Robbery or Piracie trouble the Reader, being the words of a Spaniard▪ and the deeds of English in the time of warre twixt vs and Spaine.

AN other Commission your Royall Audience committed vnto mee,* 1.11 to punish offenders [ 20] that did vsurpe a great quantitie of goods of your Maiesties, in the Island of Vtias. Of the state that I had in the end of the last yeere, I sent relation to your Maiestie, inserting a decla∣ration of one Thomas an English man, of the goods that in the said Island hee and his compa∣nions had, and for this onely I will make a summarie relation of the Case, and the state of the Suite, by the which will appeare, that out of England went three Shippes for the India orientall of Portugall, which tooke three Portugall Shippes, subiects to your Maiestie,* 1.12 whereof one of them came from the Citie of Goa, and from the Captaine they tooke a great rich stone, which he said hee carried for your Maiestie, the proportion whereof went in the said Relation. They had in them also many bagges of Royalls of eight and foure, for the pay of the Souldiers, which your Maiestie hath in Garrison, in a Castle Frontire of the said India; and the said Eng∣lish-men [ 30] rob'd them of it, and much more goods appertaining to your Maiesties subiects: and by sicknes of the English-men, remained only foure, which in a boat put all the goods they could, which they had robbed from your Maiestie and your subiects, and with it chanced to a Riuer in the Island of Vtias, three leagues from this Island: where they tooke out their goods on land, where their Boat was sunke and lost: so they remained on thIsland, with only one small Boat made of boords, which they had taken from certaine Fisher-men, at the head of Saint Iohn of this Island: with the which they came for water hither, and left one George an English-man, one of the foure that arriued in the said Island of Vtias. Who being found by Don Rodrigo de Fuentes, Iuan Lopez de Aliçeda, Iuan Morales, Iuan Martinis, Iuan Ruiz, Pedro Chamacho; He gaue them notice of the things aboue said, and of the Stone, Stones, Gold, Plate, Testones, [ 40] and other goods that was in the said Island, and the parts and place where the three English-men and their goods they might find. Whereupon they consulted and agreed, to passe to the said Island of Vtias to possesse and benefit themselues with the goods that they should there find, and so they past ouer, and carried with them a Letter of George the English-man, that his compa∣nions should deliuer themselues to them, with their weapons and goods. And being come neere to the place where the English-men were, they set vp a white Flagge of Peace, and the Eng∣lish-men seeing this, set vp another, and so came peaceably to speake together, where they pro∣mised them their Faith and Friendship: whereupon the English-men yeelded themselues, with their armes and goods to the said Don Rodrigo, and his consorts: who tooke possession of all, and parted among themselues the money, and hid and kept secret the Stone, and Stones, Gold, [ 50] Plate and other goods, leauing a small quantitie of Plate in barres, and Silkes to make this small part manifest, that the truth might not be knowne what quantitie of Stones, Gold, Plate, and the rest of the goods they vsurped. They consulted and agreed to murther the English-men, with whom they had eaten, drunke, and slept in company of peace: who hauing kil'd Richard and Daniel, and would haue kil'd Thomas, hee escaped into the mountaine from them, and the said Don Rodrigo and his consorts came backe againe to this Island, with intent to kill, as they did kil George the English-man with poyson, & sent backe again to the said Island of Vtias, to seeke Tomas for to kill him also; who with a piece of Timber passed ouer to this Island with great admiration. They hauing knowledge thereof, sought all the meanes they could to kill him. Here the said Don Rodrigo, and Iuan Lopez, de Aliceda, came to this Citie and before the [ 60] Gouernour manifested and made denuntiation of a small quantitie of goods that they found in Vtias, and the rest of their complices presented themselues for witnesse, falsly proouing that they had found no more goods, then that little that they there manifested, and that they had kil'd three English-men in fight to get it. And thus they plotted many false in••ormations, be∣fore Christo vall de Marcado, a chiefe Officer, which was sent with Commission of your Go∣uernour,

to fetch the Plate and goods so manifested, and by their perswasion many false witnesses haue deposed, who haue vsed many tricks, inuentions, cauills & false deuises to couer the truth; and they sent by three passages to the Island of Vtias, to approue the so killing of the three English-men, and that their manifestation was true, intending to remaine with the rest, which they v∣surped, who vnderstanding that there were diligences done to approue their delict, some of them haue broken the Prisons and Goales, and fled out of them, especially the sayd Don Rodrigo de Fuentes. Who being in prison with a chaine and bolts, and two Souldiers for guard, hee fyled off his Irons, broke the prisons, and fledde away by night, and carried with him two Blacke-Moores of his that were attached for your Maiestie, and went to the Riuer of Toa two leagues from the Citie, where hee remained a long time in sight of this Citie, with a Horse, Lance, Pi∣stoll [ 10] and Sword, whom being fauoured of many kinsfolkes and friends of his wife, I cannot ap∣prehend, although I did many diligences, in the meane while I tooke the examination of his complices who haue confest the deed, and that the said Don Rodrigo is Actor of all; by whose counsell and direction they were all gouerned. But they haue not declared all the Stones, Gold, Plate, and Amber, saying that they were in the Island separated and deuided, that the one might hide his things without the priuitie of the other. The proouances and likelihoods doe much charge the said Don Rodrigo, and therefore I haue proceeded against him, for Absence and Re∣bellion, and they discouered in their confessions all their Complices; whom I haue examined for witnesses one against another, being a case wherein Complices may serue for witnesses. This cause being concluded by an extraordinarie diligence, I haue apprehended him, and for that the [ 20] sute is of two thousand leaues, I haue made a memoriall to take his confession of more then two hundred questions, and he hath confessed almost as much as his Complices, and denieth to haue the great stone and the rest; the said Don Rodrigo hauing taken from Daniel the English-man two chaines of Gold, the one hanged with an Agnus Dei, and the other with a Crucifixe of Gold, and with it a collar of Gold, which Thomas the English-man declareth to haue fiftie pieces Ameled, to bee worne for a womans chaine, with certaine Braslets and Rings of Gold with many small Stones: which declareth the said Iuan Martines, one of his Complices, and the said Don Rodrigo onely confesseth two Chaines and three Rings, which he saith were stolne from him, and his said Complices, hauing declared that three bags of Testones, of eight and foure Royalls which fell to the part of him and Iohn Ruiz, they had past to this Island, which [ 30] the said Iohn Ruiz hath confest, and as witnesse hath declared that hee brought them, and carried them by the order of the said Don Rodrigo vnto his house, which hee will not deliuer, saying, That they were stolne from him in the mountaine where hee did hide them: and his Complices hauing declared that he tooke in the said Island, a great masse of broken Siluer, which Thomas the English-man declareth to be fiftie pound weight, the said Don Rodrigo denieth the same. And hauing taken more two sackes of Plate in barres, which by witnesse I did prooue to weigh more then two hundred pound weight each of them; hee hath deliuered of all this onely tenne pound and a halfe, and saith that he spent and sold twelue pound, and a pound and a halfe was stolne out of his house, and that hee gaue to Christopher de Mercado twentie and six pound, when he went with Commission from your Gouernour to fetch the Plate manifested: he denieth all the [ 40] rest, affirming that he brought from the Island of Vtias a Pot full of Plate, which hee saith fell from him into a Riuer. And hauing prooued that he carried tokens from George the English-man where he should find the great Stone in a Presse, made vp betweene two Boords, hee denieth the same: and hauing prooued that the first time that hee went to the Island, hee brought thence a Purse of Veluet, without telling or shewing to his companions what was in it at the mouth thereof, did appeare certaine Boords of the Volume of two hands together, and it is presumed it was that whereinto Thomas the English-man declareth the Stone was put, and hee will not de∣liuer the said Purse, saying, that it was stolne from him: he declareth and manifesteth some little pieces of wood that he brought in it, and two witnesses his Complices declare that those small pieces that he manifesteth he brought out of the same Island many dayes after, being sent thither [ 50] by order of the said Christopher de Mercado. Many other tokens and presumptions concurre that hee hath the said Stone and the rest, and the rest of the Stones. It is likewise prooued, present∣ly after they returned from the said Island, the first time that they passed thither, it was pub∣likely said and famed, that the said Don Rodrigo had found a Stone of great value, and to couer the truth hee was furnished with many Informations, which I haue prooued to bee false, which were past before Christopher de Mercado, when hee went with the said Commission to bring the goods manifested: for the which the said Don Rodrigo gaue him the said twentie sixe pound of Plate, and hee and his Complices one hundred two and twentie Crownes of Gold, and foure hundred and fiftie Royalls of Foure, and other things of the goods that they vsurped in the said Island. The said Don Rodrigo directed his Complices what they should say and do, and [ 60] therefore they told not the truth in many examinations that I tooke of them, till such time that the said Don Rodrigo was fled out of the prison: so fayling of his counsel, they presently declared and confessed the fact, will serue for witnesses, and it doth appeare by many other witnesses that they before denyed the truth, and after his escape 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••clared the same, and concealed the same

before at the request and perswasion of the said Don Rodrigo also appeareth, that hee sent three small Caruels to the Iland, to the place where they said they had killed three English men in fight, and he confesseth he did the same, to the end that his first Declaration might seeme to bee true, that he sent them by order of the said Iohn Lopez de Alyceda, Constable of the vale of Coa, mo; which hath no Iurisdiction Ciuill nor Criminall. So I apprehended him and committed him- and hauing brought the said Thomas English man, to this Citie who declaring before your Go∣uernour by Interpreter the fact of this Sute, the said Don Rodrigo procured to kill him, and for the same he requested of the Licentiate Antonio de Robles Physician, a proportion of Poyson, which both he and the said Iohn Martine haue declared: and appearing that the said Iohn Lopez did not [ 10] passe to the said Iland as Constable, nor carryed with him any Scriuener of two that were pre∣sent when they imbarked themselues, and hauing confest, and as a witnesse declared that he past to the Iland, not as an Officer, but as a companion, and therefore tooke his share of the Te∣stones, the said Don Rodrigo holdeth for his principall defence, to haue passed to the Iland with a Constable, and that all was done by his order, and that the said Informations were false. I haue charged the said Don Rodrigo, of these and other offences that by the Processes appeare, and commanded that he might haue a Copie of them that with in the space of fifteene dayes, hee might alleage and proue what was conuenient in his right, with all charge of publication, con∣clusion and scitation for all the acts and sentences, leauing the Processes in Rebellion made ag••anst him in his force and vigor. He let passe the said Terme, and I granted him other three Termes of fifteene dayes, which likewise he let passe, and in the end of them hee refused me, and generally [ 20] all the Inhabitants in this Citie, and thirtie leagues about it, excepting only sixe friends of his, and your Royall Officers they refused. So I accompanied my selfe only with one Bailiffe for the time of tryall, reseruing to haue power to accompanie my selfe for the sentence with your Au∣ditor which is looked for heere, and commeth to this Port for your Royall Audience of Sancto Domingo, and I granted him the fourescore dayes of the Law, and hee hath made no proofe nor can make none. For all that were in the said Iland of Vtias haue declared the delicts of the which the said Don Rodrigo is charged, and there will bee found no other by whom to make proofe of any thing to the contrary: and the cause being concluded, the said Audites past without entring into this Port. And the said Bailiffe and other persons that I pretended to accompany mee refu∣sed me, saying, that if they did Iustice, the Kindred of the Wife of the said Don Rodrigo, which [ 30] haue taken his part would doe them harme, and in not doing the same, they did charge their con∣sciences: and notwithstanding any person with whom I might be accompanied, that might not be without suspect, and the refusall was so generall and auaileable, I accompanied my selfe at the last with Batcheler Ioseph Derebolledone, Naturall of the Island of the Canaries, which chanced to come to this Port. Likewise the said Iuan Ruiz being Prisoner, brake his Prison and Gaole, and withdrew himselfe into the Cathedrall Church of this Citie, and made himselfe strong in the Tower from whence I gate him, and a Sute was followed before the Iudge Ecclesiasticall, where I defended your Maiesties right, and made an Information in the which I alleaged all the said goods to belong to your Maiestie, hee hauing committed Robbery in the vsurpation of it, and o∣other grieuous Delicts, that they ought not to enioy the Immunitie Ecclesiasticall which hee [ 40] pretended: and with many iudgements and opinions of Theologie, the Iudge Ecclesiasticall gaue sentence that he ought not to be releeued of the said Immunitie Ecclesiasticall, for that by the said Information may be better vnderstood. This Sute and Iustice of your Maiestie, which I haue thought good to send; and if to the contrary the said Don Rodrigo doe write, may be vnder∣stood the credit that may be giuen to one that hath done such Delicts; and made so many In∣uentions and false Informations: to obscure and remayne without punishment with your Roy∣all goods.

A conclusion of the Sute was made with them all, and I gaue and pronounced sentence, in the which I comdemned the said Iuan Lopez, exaliced Iuan Ruis, Ioan Martines, Pedro Camacho to death, and losse of halfe their goods applyed for your Maiesties Chamber: and more I condem∣ned [ 50] the afore-said in solidum, and that within fiue dayes of the notification of this my sentence, they giue and deliuer the goods that they shared, all that yet remayneth vndeliuered to the accomplishment of that which Thomas the Engl••sh hath declared, therefore said, and his compa∣nions to haue taken in the Iland of Vtias, of whith they afore-said, and Complices were possest of, hid and kept secret, that it might be put into your Maiesties Chests, whose it is and to whom it doth belong.

The same sentence I gaue with my Companion against the said Don Rodrigo defuentes, and re∣maynes pronounced in secret, hauing others to sentence that they may come forth together in the pronuntiation. I command that within the fiue dayes they deliuer the said goods: which not ac∣complishing, [ 60] I did command a Mandate to be dispatched, that they may bee executed: with the which, I hope, to discouer these goods, and they shall be restored to your Maiestie, for the which I will doe all the diligence possible for my intention is not to execute them. And thus God keep the Catholike person of your Maiestie. From Portorico the second of October. 1601.

§. III. The Trauailes of IOHN MILDENHALL into the Indies, and in the Countryes of Persia, and of the Great Mogor or Mogull (where he is reported after∣wards to haue died of * 1.13 Poyson) written by himselfe in two Letters following.

THe twelfth of February, in the yeere of our Lord God 1599. I, Iohn Mildenhall of Lon∣don, Merchant, tooke vpon me a Voyage from London towards the East-Indies, in the [ 10] good Ship called the Hector of London, Richard Parsons being Master, which carried a Present to the Grand Seigneur in the same Voyage.* 1.14 The seuen and twentieth of April, 1599. we arriued at Zante, where I frighted a Satea, and went into the Island of Cio, from thence to Smyrna, and from thence to Constantinople, where I arriued the nine and twentieth of October, 1599. and there I staied about my Merchandize till the first of May, 1600. Sir Henry Lillo beeing then Embassador:* 1.15 vpon which day I passed from Constantinople to Scanderone in Asia, where in company of a Chaus, and some sixe other Turkes, I tooke my Voyage for Aleppo ouer land,* 1.16 and arriued in Aleppo the foure and twentieth day of the said May in safetie, without any trouble or molestation by the way, and there abode two and fortie dayes, finding there Master Richard Coulthrust for Consull.* 1.17 And the seuenth of Iuly, 1600. I departed from Aleppo, in companie with many other Nations, as Armenians, Persians, Turkes, and diuers others, to the [ 20] number of sixe hundred people in our Carrauan, and onely of English M. Iohn Cartwright, Prea∣cher: from whence we went to Bir, which is within three dayes iourney, and stands vpon the edge of the riuer Euphrates.* 1.18 From thence we went to Vrfa, which is fiue dayes iourney, which we found very hot.* 1.19 From thence we went to Caracmit, which is foure dayes iourney. From thence to Bitelis, a City vnder the gouernment of a Nation called the Courdes, yet vnder the subiection of Constantinople, which is seuen dayes iourny: and from thence to Van, which is three dayes iourny from Bitelis,* 1.20 a City of great strength, and by the side of the Castle is a great Lake of salt water, nauigable, and is in compasse nine dayes iourney about, which I my selfe haue rowed round about. And once a yeere, at the comming down of the snow waters from the Mountaines, there is abundance of Fish, which come of themselues to one end of the Lake, which I may com∣pare [ 30] to our Herring-time at Yermouth, where the Countrey-people doe resort from diuers pla∣ces, and catch the said Fish in great abundance, which they salt, and dry, and keepe them all the yeare for their food: the Fish are as big as Pilcherds. From thence we went to Nacshian, which is sixe dayes iourney:* 1.21 and from Nacshian to Chiulfal, which is halfe a dayes iourney, and there we stayed eighteene dayes. From thence we went to Sultania, and from thence to Casbin in Persia, which is fifteene dayes iourney, and there we abode thirty dayes. From thence to Com, which is three dayes iourney: from thence we went to Cashan, which was seuen dayes iourney. From thence M. Cartwright departed from vs, and went to Spauhoan, the chiefe Citie in Persia: from Cashan to Yesd, which is tenne dayes iourney. From thence I went to Curman, which is tenne dayes iourney;* 1.22 and from thence to Sigistam, which is foureteene daies iourney: and from [ 40] thence to Candabar,* 1.23 which is also foureteene dayes iourney.

The second Letter of IOHN MILDENHALL to M. RICHARD STAPER, written from Casbin in Persia, the third day of October, 1606.

WOrshipfull Sir, my duty remembred: Not hauing any other of more auncient loue then [ 50] your selfe, I haue thought good to remember the manifold curtesies receiued, and partly to requite them with the first newes of the successe of this my Voyage, vnto the Court of the Great King of Mogor and Cambaia.* 1.24 At my arriuall in Lahora the of 1603. I dispatched a Poste for the Kings Court with my Letters to his Maiestie, that I might haue his free leaue to come vnto him, and treat of such businesse as I had to doe with him from my Prince. Who foorthwith answered my Letters, and wrote to the Gouernour of Lahora, to vse mee with all honour and curtesie, and to send a guarde of horse and foote with me to accompanie me to A∣gra,* 1.25 where his Court was, beeing one and twentie dayes iourney from Lahora; and beeing neere arriued, I was very well met; and an house with all things necessarie was appointed for mee by the King: where reposing my selfe two dayes, the third day I had audience, and presented his [ 60] Maiestie with nine and twentie great Horses, very faire and good, such as were hardly found better in those parts: some of them cost me fiftie or threescore pounds an horse, with diuerse Iewels, Rings, and Earerings, to his great liking. And so I was dismissed with his great fauour and content.

The third day after, hauing made before a great man my friend, he called me into his Councell: and comming into his presence, He demanded of me, what I would haue, and what my businesse was. I made him answere, That his greatnesse and renowmed kindnesse vnto Christians was so much blased through the World, that it was come into the furthermost parts of the Westerne Ocean, and arriued in the Court of our Queene of Englands most excellent Maiestie;* 1.26 who desi∣red to haue friendship with him, and as the Portugals and other Christians had trade with his Maiestie, so her Subiects also might haue the same, with the like fauours; and farther, because there haue beene long Warres betweene her Maiestie and the King of Portugall, that if any of their ships or Portes were taken by our Nation, that he would not take it in euill part, but suffer [ 10] vs to enioy them to the vse of our Queenes Maiestie. All this the King commanded to be writ∣ten downe by his Secretarie; and said, that in short space he would giue me answere. With that I withdrew my selfe with leaue and went to my house. Within eight or ten dayes after hee sent me home in money to the value of fiue hundred pound sterling, the first time with very comfor∣table speeches. Shortly after, as I was informed, hee sent to certaine Iesuites, which liued there in great honour and credit, two in Agra, and two others in Lahora, and shewed them my de∣mands: whereat the Iesuites were in an exceeding great rage. And whereas before wee were friends, now we grew to be exceeding great Enemies.* 1.27 And the King asking their opinion in this matter, They flatly answered him, That our Nation were all Theeues, and that I was a Spye sent thither for no other purpose to haue friendship with his Maiestie, but that afterward our [ 20] men might come thither, and get some of his Ports, and so put his Maiestie to much trouble: saying withall, that they had eleuen yeares serued his Maiestie, and were bound by their Bread and Salt that they had eaten to speake the truth, although it were against Christians. With these and many more such speeches, The King and his Councell were all flat against mee, and my de∣mands; but made no shew thereof to me in any respect: but I knew it by friends, which I had in his Court. Afterward they caused fiue Commandements to bee drawne and sent them mee, withall things that I had written: sauing, they had left out the taking of the ships, and the Ports of the Portugals. Which when I had read, I presently went to the Court, and made de∣mand of the other Articles. The King answered, that hee would againe speake with his Coun∣cell, and make answere. In this manner rested my businesse, and euery day I went to the Court, [ 30] and in euery eighteene or twentie dayes I put vp Ars or Petitions: and still he put mee off with good words, and promised that this day and tomorrow I should haue them. In this manner, see∣ing my selfe delayed, and being at exceeding great expenses of eighteene or twentie Seruants, Horsemen and Foot, I withdrew my selfe from going to the Court, in so much that in thirtie dayes I went not. At length the King remembring me, sent to call for me: At my comming he asked the cause why I came not, as I was wont? I answered, that I had come into his Coun∣trey only vpon the great renowme of his Excellencie, and had wasted fiue yeares in trauaile,* 1.28 and could not obtaine so much as a Commandement at his hands, which was wholly for his pro∣fit, and nothing for his losse: adding, that if I had asked some greater reward of him, hee would much more haue denyed me.* 1.29 With that he presently called for Garments for me of the Christi∣an [ 40] fashion very rich and good, and willed me not to be sad, because euery thing that I would haue should be accomplished to mine owne content. So with these sweet words I passed sixe monethes more: and then seeing nothing accomplished I was exceeding wearie of my lingring, and could do nothing; and the rather for that I was out of money.

I should haue declared before how the Iesuites day and night sought how to work my displea∣sure. First, they had giuen to the two chiefest Counsellors that the King had,* 1.30 at the least fiue hundred pounds sterling a piece, that they should not in any wise consent to these demands of mine: so that, when I came to present them, they would not accept of any thing at my hands, [ 1] although I offered them very largely: and where I had any friendship, they would by all meanes seeke to disgrace me. But God euer kept me in good reputation with all men.

[ 50] Moreouer, whereas I had hired in Aleppo an Armenian named Seffur, to whom I gaue twentie [ 2] Duckets the moneth, which serued me very well for mine Interpreter foure yeares; now com∣ming neere to the point of my speciall businesse,* 1.31 the Iesuites had soone wrought with him also in such sort, that he quarrelled with me and went his way: whereby I was destitute of a Drug∣man, and my selfe could speake little or nothing. Now in what case I was in these remote Coun∣tries without Friends, Money, and an Interpeter, wisemen may iudge. Yet afterward I got a Schoolemaster, and in my house day and night I so studied the Persian Tongue,* 1.32 that in sixe monethes space I could speake it something reasonably. Then I went in great discontentment to the King, and gaue him to vnderstand how the Iesuites had dealt with me in all points, and de∣sired his Maiesties Licence to depart for mine owne Countrey, where I might haue redresse for [ 60] mine iniuries receiued; and withall told him, how small it would stand with so great a Princes honour, as his Maiestie had report to be,* 1.33 to delay me so many yeares only vpon the reports of two Iesuites, who, I would proue were not his friends, nor cared not for his profit, nor honour; and desired a day of hearing, that now I my selfe might make plaine vnto his Maiestie (which for want of a Drugman before I could not doe,) the great abuses of these Iesuites in this his

Court: beseeching you againe to grant mee licence to depart, and that I might not bee kept any longer with delayes. At these words, the King was mooued against the Iesuites; and promised that vpon the Sunday following, I should bee heard, and that the Iesuites should be present. This speech I had with the King vpon the Wednesday. Comming before the place of Councell the Sunday following, there were met all the great States of the Court to heare the controuersie be∣tweene vs.

At the first the King called me, and demanded what iniuries I had receiued of the Iesuites? I answered, That they had abused my Prince and Countrey, most falsly, calling vs all Theeues; and if they had beene of another sort and calling, I would haue made them eate their words, or I would haue lost my life in the quarrell. Secondly in saying, That vnder colour of marchan∣dise [ 10] wee would inuade your Countrey, and take some of your Forts, and put your Maiestie to great trouble. Now that your Maiestie may vnderstand, the vntruth of these mens false sugge∣stions;* 1.34 know you all, that her Maiestie hath her Ambassadour Leiger in Constantinople, and eue∣rie three yeeres most commonly doth send a new, and call home the old, and at the first com∣ming of euery Ambassadoor shee Tendeth not them emptie, but with a great and princely pre∣sent: according whereunto her Highnesse intent is to deale with your Maiestie. This profit of rich presents and honour, like to redound to your Maiestie by hauing league of amitie, and enter∣course with Christian Princes, and to haue their Ambassadours Leigers in your Court, these men by their craftie practices would depriue you of. And our Ambassadours being resident, as pledges in your Court, what dare any of our Nation doe against your Highnesse, or any of your [ 20] subiects. Vpon these and other such like speeches of mine. The King turned to his Nobles and said, That all that I said was reason; and so they all answered. After this I demanded of the Iesuites before the King; In these twelue yeeres space that you haue serued the King, how many Ambassadours, and how many presents haue you procured to the benefit of his Maiestie? With that the Kings eldest sonne stood out, and said vnto them, naming them, That it was most true, that in a eleuen or twelue yeares, not one came either vpon Ambassage, or vpon any other pro∣fit vnto his Maiestie. Hereupon the King was very merrie, and laughed at the Iesuites, not ha∣uing one word to answer. Then I said, If it please your Maiestie, I will not onely procure an Ambassadour, but also a present at my safe returne againe into your Countrie. Diuers other de∣mands and questions were at that time propounded by the King and his Nobles vnto me: and [ 30] I answered them all in such sort, as the King called his Vice-Roy, (which before was by the Ie∣suites bribes made my great enemy) and commanding him,* 1.35 that whatsoeuer priuiledges or com∣mandements I would haue, hee should presently write them, seale them, and giue them me with∣out any more delay or question. And so within thirtie dayes after I had them signed to my owne contentment, and, as I hope, to the profit of my Nation. Afterwards I went and presented them vnto the Prince his eldest sonne, and demanded of him the like commandements: which he most willingly granted, and shortly after were deliuered vnto me. And so departing from the Court, I brought them with me into Persia: which are here in Casbin with my selfe, readie to doe you any seruice: and I would haue come my selfe when I wrote this Letter, saue that there were two Italian Marchants in Agra, that knew of all my proceedings: whom I doubted, as I had good [ 40] cause, least they would doe mee some harme in Bagdet, or some other places; they alwayes be∣ing enemies to our Nation, that they should find any new trade this way, as to you it is well knowne: And within foure moneths I meane to depart by the way of Moscouia; where arri∣uing I will not faile but satisfie you at large of all matters.

Your Worships to command, IOHN MILDENHALL.

§. IIII. [ 50] The Voyage of Captaine IOHN DAVIS, to the Easterne India, Pilot in a Dutch Ship; Written by himselfe.

TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE, MY EXCEEDING good Lord and Master, ROBERT Earle of Essex, &c.

RIght honourable, and mine exceeding good Lord, my dutie must aduise mee, to pre∣sent this Iournall of mine East Indian Voyage, to your Lordships most iudiciall view. [ 60] Wherein I haue vsed my best diligence to discharge my duty, as neere as my slender ca∣pacitie could effect the same, according to those directions which your Lordship gaue mee in charge at my departure; when it pleased you to imploy mee in this Voyage, for the discouering of these Easterne parts of the world, to the seruice of her Maiestie, & the good of our

Countrey. What I haue seene, I doe signifie in this Iournall to your Lordship: and that which I haue learned by the report of other Nations (when it shall please God to make me happie by your Lordships fauourable presence) I will make farther knowne to your Lordship, aswell of the King of Portugall his places of Trade and strength, as of the enterchangeable trading of those Easterne Nations among themselues: beginning at Cefala, which is his first footing beyond the Cape of Buena Esperanza, and so proceeding to Mosambique, Ormus, Diu, Goa, Coulam, Onor, Manga∣lor, Cocbin, Columbo, Negapatan, Porto Grande in Bengala, and Malacca: As also to the Citie of Macao, in the Prouince of Canton in the famous Kingdome of China. and to the Ilands of the Moluccos, and Amboyno. Which places are all in the Portugals possession seruing for his securitie [ 10] and refuge. Moreouer he hath trade in Monomotapa, Melinde, Ad••n, Arabia, Cambaia, on the Coast of Coromandel, Balaguate, and Orixa. Of all which Nations there bee some dwelling in Achen in the Ile of Sumatra, trading in marchandize, where I haue met with Arabians, and a Na∣tion called Rumos, who haue traded many hundred yeares to Achen. These Rumos * 1.36 come from the Red Sea. There are in Achen many Chineses that vse trade, of whom I haue beene kindly vsed, and can well informe your Lordship of that worthy Kingdome of China. The trades of Gusarate are very ample. All which the Portugals with the locke of discretion haue prouidently long concealed, which now through Gods fauour are made knowne vnto vs. I haue here inclosed sent your Lordship the Alphabet of the Achens Language, with some words of the same; which they write after the manner of the Hebrewes. I haue also sent by Master Tomkins of their Coine, [ 20] which is in vsuall payment. That of Gold is named a Mas, and is nine pence halfe penie nee∣rest. Those of Lead are called Caxas: whereof a thousand sixe hundred make one Mas. Good my Lord, remember the poore Widowes Mite. For surely, if I could doe more in this seruice, or otherwise, it should not be omitted. From Middleborough this first of August, 1600.

Your Lordships most dutifull Seruant, IOHN DAVIS.

[ 30]

A briefe Relation of Master IOHN DAVIS, chiefe Pilot to the Zelanders in their East-India Voyage, departing from Middleborough the fifteenth of March, Anno 1598.

THe fifteenth hereof we departed from Flushing with two ships in Consort, the Lion, and Lionesse: the Lion being foure hundred tuns, had in her a hundred three and twentie persons▪ the Lionesse two hundred and fiftie tuns, had a hundred persons. Mushrom, Clarke, and Monef of Middleborough Owners and only Aduenturers thereof. Cornelius Howteman chiefe Com∣mander [ 40] of both ships, hauing a Commission from Graue Maurice, by the name Generall. The two and twentieth we anchored in Tor Bay with bad winds.

The seuenth we set saile, the twentieth we had sight of Porto Santo, the three and twentieth we fell with Palma: the last hereof we came with the Islands of Cape Verde.* 1.37

The first we anchored at Saint Nicholas, one of the said Ilands in latitude sixteene degrees, sixteene minutes. Here wee watered the seuenth, wee departed the ninth,* 1.38 wee fell with Saint Iago.

The ninth we fell with the Coast of Brasill, in seuen degrees of South latitude, not being able to double Cape Saint Augustine: for being about the Line we had very vnconstant weather,* 1.39 and bad windes,* 1.40 being in this desperate case we shaped our course for a small Ile named Fernando Lo∣ronha, [ 50] in foure degrees of South latitude, the fifteenth we anchored vpon the North-side there∣of in eighteene fathomes. We found in this Iland twelue Negroes, eight men, foure women. It is a very fruitfull Isle, and hath exceeding good water, it aboundeth with Goates, it hath also Beefes, Hogs, Hens, Mellons, and Ginnie Corne: with plentie of fish and Sea-birds. These Ne∣groes were placed here by the Portugals to manure the Ile. Three yeeres past in which there hath no ships beene with them.

The six and twentieth we departed from this Ile, the wind at East North-East, the last hereof we doubled Cape Saint Augustine.* 1.41

The tenth we passed the Abrollos, which was the greatest of our feare (the sholds lye from the Coast of Brasill, farre off into the Sea, in one and twentie degrees and are dangerous.* 1.42 Where∣vpon [ 60] our Baase, (for so a Dutch Captaine is called) chose a Master of Mis-rule by the name Ke∣sar. Now the authoritie of Riot lay in this disordered Officer, who after Dinner could neither salute his friends, nor vnderstand the Lawes of Reason. And those that ought to haue beene most respectiue, were both lawlesse and witlesse. In this dissolute manner we wasted three dayes, which being ended, and hauing againe recouered our former discretion, wee shaped our course for Cape

Bona Esperanza, sayling towards the Court of Bacchus, vnto whom this Idolatrous Sacrifice was made, as by the end appeareth.

* 1.43The eleuenth we anchored in the Bay of Saldania, in thirtie foure degrees of the South Pole, ten leagues short of Cape Bona Esperanza, where there are three fresh Riuers. The people came to vs with Oxen and Sheep in great plentie, which they sold for pieces of old Iron, and spike Nailes. The best of that we bought, cost not more then the value of one penie in old Iron. Their Cattell are large, and vnder seuerall markes, hauing vpon the backe by the fore shoulders a great lumpe of flesh like a Camels backe. Their Sheepe haue exceeding great tailes only of fat, weighing twelue or fourteene pounds: they haue no wooll but a long shag haire. The people are not circumcised, their colour is Oliue blacke, blacker then the Brasilians, their haire curled and blacke as the Ne∣groes [ 10] of Angola, their words are for the most part in-articulate, and in speaking they clocke with the Tongue like a brood Hen, which clocking and the word are both pronouced together, verie strangely.

They goe all naked, hauing only a short Cloke of Skinnes and Sandals tyed to their feet, they paint their faces with diuers colours, they are a strong actiue people, and runne exceedingly, and are subiect to the King of Monomotapa, who is reported to be a mightie King, their weapons are only hard Darts. The Flemmings offering them some rude wrong, they absented themselues three dayes, in which time they made great fires vpon the Mountaines in the Countrey. The nineteenth hereof there came great troups of them to vs, bringing very much cattell with them, and in the time of bartering suddenly, taking their aduantage they set vpon vs, and stue thirteene [ 20] of our people with hand Darts, which at foure Pikes length could not offend. Notwithstanding the Flemmings fled before them like Mice before Cats, throwing away their weapons most base∣ly. And our Baase, to saue himselfe, stayed aboord, and sent vs Corslets, Two-hand-swords, Pikes, Muskets, and Targets, so we were armed and laden with weapons, but there was neither courage nor discretion. For we stayed by our Tents being belegred with Canibals and Cowes, we were in Muster, Giants, with great armed bodies, but in action Babes, with Wrens hearts. Hereupon Master Tomkins and my selfe vndertooke to order these Fellowes,* 1.44 from that excellent methode, which we had seene in your Lordships most honourable Actions. Some consented to vs, but the most part vnwilling, and diuers ranne to the Pottage Pot, for they swore it was dinner time. This night we went all aboord, only leauing our great Mastiue Dogge behind vs, who by no meanes would come to vs. For I thinke he was ashamed of our Companie. [ 30]

This land is a good soile, and an wholsome Aire, full of good herbes, as Mints, Calamint, Plantine, Ribwort, Trifolium, Scabious, and such like. The seuen and twentieth wee set sayle, the last hereof we doubled Cape Bona Esperanza.

* 1.45The sixt we doubled Cape das Agulios which is the most Southerly Promontorie of Africa, where the Compasse hath no variation. This Cape lyeth in thirtie fiue degrees of the South Pole.

* 1.461599.

THe sixt we fell with the Ile Madagascar, short of Cape Romano: we spent this moneth to double that Cape,* 1.47 not being able wee bore roome with the Bay Saint Augustine, which [ 40] lyeth vpon the South West part of Madagascar in three and twentie degrees fiftie minutes.

The third wee anchored in the same Bay, where wee saw many people vpon the shore, but when we landed they fled from vs: for the other Voyage our Baase was in this Bay, where hee greatly abused the people, and tooke one of them, bound him to a Post, and shot him to death, with other shamefull disorders. After seuen dayes by much meanes that we made, some of them came to vs, and brought vs Milke and one Cow which wee bought, and after would no more a∣bide vs. They are a strong, well-shaped people, and cole blacke, their Language sweete and plea∣sing: their weapons halfe-Pikes, headed with Iron as a Harpon, which they keepe very bright, they goe wholy naked.

The Countrey seemeth to be very fruitfull, and hath great store of Tamaryn trees: we found [ 50] Beanes growing vpon a high tree, the Cods being two foot long, with answerable bignesse, and are very good meate, here are many Camelions. It was no small miserie that wee English indu∣red especially in this Bay. But God the euer-liuing Commander was our only succour.

The eight wee came aboord Dog hungry and meatlesse, the fourteenth wee set saile from this place, which we named Hungry Bay, shaping our course vpon the North side of the Ile. The nine and twentieth we came with the Ilands Comoro,* 1.48 lying betweene twelue and thirteene degrees, and are fiue Ilands, Mayotta, Ausuame, Magliaglie, Saint Christophero, Spirito Sancto. The thirtieth we anchored at Mayotta close by a Towne, where we found many people that seemed to reioyce at our comming, they came aboord our shippes with presents of Victu∣alls. The King sent to haue our Chiefe come ashore, promising him kindnesse. So our Baase went, [ 60] the King met him with many people, hauing three Drummes beating before him. He was rich∣ly apparelled so were his followers, with long silke Garments imbrodred, after the Turkish man∣ner. The King hauing vsed vs with such kindnesse as we required, wrote a Letter in our behalfe to the Queene of Ansuame, for there is no King.

The seuenteenth we departed: the nineteenth we anchored at Ansuame,* 1.49 before a City named Demos: which hath beene a strong place, as by the ruines appeare. Their houses are built with free hewed stone and lime the walls of the Citie are most ruinated, that which remaineth is as bigge as P••immoth. This Queene vsed vs exceeding friendly; but she would not be seene. In the••e Islands we had Rice, Oxen, Goats, Cocos, Bonanas, Oranges, Limons, and Citrons. The Inha∣bitants are Negroes, but smooth haired, in Religion Mahometists, their weapons are Swords, Targets, Bowes and Arrowes. These Islands are pleasing in sight, and fruitfull in nature. Here we found Merchants of Arabia and India, but what Commodities the Islands yeeld, I could not learne. They desire Weapons and Yron; they greatly regard Paper. The eight and twentieth, wee depar∣ted, [ 10] passing through the Islands Mascarenhas, by the sholds do Almirante.

The three and twentieth, we fell with the Islands of Maldiuia,* 1.50 which are very low close by the water, wholly couered with Cocos trees, so that we saw the trees but not the shore. Here we an∣chored, and refreshed our selues: Many of the Countrey Boats passing by vs, but none would come to vs: whereupon our Baase sent out the ships boats to take one of them. The foure and twen∣tieth, they brought a Boat aboord vs couered with Mats, like a close Barge. In this Boat was a Gentleman and his Wife, he was appar••lled in very fine white Linnen, after the Turkish manner. In his rings were rich stones, his behauiour was so sweete and affable, his countenance so modest, and his speech so gracefull, as that it made apparant shewe he could not be lesse then a Noble-man. He was vnwilling to haue his Wife seene: notwithstanding our Baase went with him into his Boat, to see her: he also opened her Casket, wherein were some Iewels and Ambergreese. He re∣ported [ 20] that she sate with mournefull modestie not v••ng one word: what was taken from them I knowe not; but in departing this Gentleman shewed a Princely spirit. His colour was blacke, with smooth haire, a man of middle stature. In these Islands there is great trade by reason of the Cocos: for they make Ropes, Cables, Sayles, Wine, Oyle, and a kind of bread of that tree, and his fruit. They report that there be 11000. of these Islands. The seuen and twentieth wee set sayle: this morning there came an old man aboord vs that spake a little Portugall, he was our Pilot through the Chanell, for by chance we fell with the true passible Chanel•• named Maldiuia, in lati∣tude foure degrees, fifteene minutes of the North-pole, where the Compasse is varied seuenteene degrees Westerly. In missing this Chanel it is a dangerous place. The trade of shipping through this Chanell is very great of diuers Nations, from most places of India, as I hope in your Lordships [ 30] presence at large to enforme your Honour.

The third we fell with the Coast of India,* 1.51 in eight degrees and forty minutes of Northerly la∣titude, neere about Cochin, and coasting this shore, we shaped our course East for Camorin, and from thence to the Island Sumatra. The thirteenth, we saw the coast of Sumatra, in fiue degrees forty minutes of Northerly latitude. The sixeteenth, we spake with the people, staying at an Island by the shore to take in water. The one and twentietth we anchored in the Bay of Achin,* 1.52 in twelue fathome. Being here, the King sent his Officers to measure the length and breadth of our ships, to take the number of our Men and Ordnance, which they did. With those Officers, our Baase sent two of his people with Presents to the King, a Looking-glasse, a Drinking-glasse, and a Bracelet of Corall. The one and twentieth, our men came aboord, whome the King had apparel∣led [ 40] after his Countrey manner, in white Calicut cloth: they brought newes of Peace, Welcome, and plenty of Spicery. We found foure Barks riding in the Bay, three of Arabia, and one of Pegu, that came to lade Pepper. Here was also a Portugall, named Don Alfonso Vincent, that came with foure Barkes from Malacca, to preuent our trade, as the sequell doth shew. The three and twentieth at mid-night, the King sent for our Baase, and sent a Noble man for his Hostage: hee went presently on shore, whom the King vsed very kindly, promising him free trade. He appa∣relled him after the Country manner, and gaue him a Cryse of Honour: This Cryse is a kind of Dagger, whose haft and handle (for it hath no crosse nor hilt) is made of a kind of mettall, which the King esteemeth farre beyond Gold, and is set with R••bies. This mettall hath a fine lustre: it is death to weare this Cryse, but from the Kings gift: and hauing it, there is absolute freedome to [ 50] take Victualls without money, and to command the rest as slaues. The sixe and twentieth, our Baase came aboord with a Boat-load of Pepper▪ reporting words aboue credit, how the King had vsed him, of his mightie fortune, and of the wonderfull trade that he had procured, with no smal Gaudeamus in superbia nostra: he further said, that the King did often demand of him, if he were not of England, which he did strongly denie, vsing some vnfit speeches of * 1.53 our Nation. Further, said he, beeing aboord, I wish I had giuen a thousand pound that we had no English among vs: thus we, poore soules, were thrust into the Corner. The seuen and twentieth, our Merchants went on shore with their Merchandize, hauing an house by the Kings appointment.

The twentieth, our Baase beeing with the King was exceeding well entertained,* 1.54 the King [ 60] very importunate to know if he were English: Tell me truely, (said the King) for I loue soul∣diers; and I must further tell you, Alfonso hath been earnest with me to betray you, but it shall not be; for I am your friend: and therewith gaue him a Purse of Gold. He giuing thankes, answe∣red that he was not of England, but of Flanders, and at the Kings seruice. I haue heard of * 1.55 Eng∣land, said the King, but not of Flanders: what land is that? He further enquired of their King,

State, and Gouernment; whereof our Baase made large report, refusing the Authoritie of a King, relating the gouernment of Aristocratie. He further made sute to the King, to giue commande∣ment that his subiects should not call him English: for it was a bitternes vnto him: which the King granted. Againe, he required to know if there were no Englishmen in the ships: he answe∣red, there be some English * 1.56 in the ships, but they haue been bred vp in Flanders. I vnderstand, said the King, that there be some that differ both in apparell, language, and fashion: what are those? he answered, English; of which my cheife Pilot is one. Well, said the King, I must see those men. As touching your Merchandize it shall be thus: I haue warres with the King of Ior (this Kingdome of Ior is the South-point of Malacca) you shall serue me against him with your ships: your recompence shall be your lading of Pepper; this was agreed. The twenty eighth, our Baase [ 10] came aboord, accompanied with one of the Sabandars, the Secretary, Merchants of Mecka, Turks, Arabians, and Don Alfonso, with some Portugalls; all which departed passing drunke.

The King began to shew an altered countenance the twentieth hereof, saying to our Baase, Wherefore doth not that English Pilot come to me?* 1.57 (for he would not suffer me nor M. Tom∣kins to goe on shore) I thinke when you haue your Pepper, you will runne away without doing me seruice, as you haue promised: whereupon I was presently sent for. The one and twentieth, I came on shore. The two and twentieth, I went to the King early in the morning, who did vse me very friendly. I stayed with him foure houres or better, banqueting and drinking. After an houre, he caused the Sabandar to stand vp, * 1.58 and bad me likewise stand vp. The Sabandar tooke off my Hat, and put a Roll of white linnen about my head; then he put about my middle a white [ 20] linnen cloth that came twice about me, hanging downe halfe my legge, imbroydered with Gold: then againe he tooke the Roll from my Head, laying it before the King, and put on a white gar∣ment vpon me, and vpon that againe one of red. Then putting on the Roll vpon my Head, I sate downe in the Kings presence, who dranke to me in Aquauitae and made me eate of many strange meates. All his seruice is in Gold, and some in fine Porcellane. Hee eateth vpon the ground, without Table, Napkins, and other linnen. Hee enquired much of England, of the Queene, of her Basha's, and how she could hold warres with so great a King as the Spaniard? (for he thinketh that Europe is all Spanish.) In these his demands he was fully satisfied, as it seemed to his great good liking.

The three and twentieth▪ the Prince sent for me; I rid to his Court vpon an Elephant: hee [ 30] vsed me exceeding well. Excessiue eating and drinking was our entertainment. During the small time of my beeing on shore, I met with a very sensible Merchant of China, that spake Spanish, of whom I learned some things, which I hope will giue your Lordship good contentment. Here are many of China that vse trade, and haue their particular Towne: so haue the Portugals, the Gusa∣rates, the Arabians, and those of Bengala and Pegu. Our Baase disliking that I so much frequen∣ted the Chinaes company, commanded me aboord. The next day hauing some sowre lookes of the King, he came aboord with a dull spirit.

* 1.59The first hereof, the King made shew that we should receiue in Ordnance for the battery of Ior, and take in souldiers to depart for that seruice. There were many Gallies manned, and brought out of the Riuer, riding halfe a mile from our ships; the Sea full of Prawes and Boats all manned: [ 40] there came aboord vs the Secretary, named Corcoun, & the cheife Sabandar named Abdala, with many souldiers weaponed with Courtelasses, Hand-darts, Cryses and Targets. They brought with thē many kinds of meat, & a great Iar of Aquauitae: herewith they made shew of friendship with banqueting. We mistrusting some treachery, filled our tops with stones, made fast our gratings, and prepared our weapons: whereat our Baase was exceeding angry, commanding all to be dis∣solued, but we would not. There is in this Countrey a kind of Seed, whereof a little beeing ea∣ten,* 1.60 maketh a man to turne foole, all things seeming to him to be Metamorphosed; but aboue a certaine rate it is deadly poyson: with this all the meate and drinke which they brought was in∣fected. In banqueting, the Sabandar and Secretarie sent for me, M. Tomkins keeping me compa∣ny, and vsed some words to one of his company, but what I knowe not; in short time we were [ 50] foole-frolicke, gaping one vpon an other like Antiques, our Baase beeing prisoner, and knewe it not. Suddenly when a token was giuen from the other Ship (for there the like treachery was v∣sed by the Secretary, who went from our ship thither to act the same) they set vpon vs, murthe∣red our Baase, and slew diuers others, M. Tomkins, my selfe, and a French-man defended the Poope, which if they had recouered, our ship had been lost: for they had the Cabin, and some were belowe among the Ordnance, by creeping in at the Ports. The Master of our ship which they call Captaine, leapt into the Sea, so did diuers others; but recouered the ship againe, and came aboord when all was done. In the end we put them to flight, (for our tops plagued them sore) which when I saw, I leapt from the Poope to pursue them, M. Tomkins leaping after me, there came a Turke out of the Cabin, and wounded him grieuously, they lay together tombling [ 60] each for his life: which seeing, I ranne the Turke in with my Rapier; and our shipper presently with a halfe Pike thrust him downe the throat into the body. In the other ship all the cheifest were murdered, and the shippe taken: we cut our Cables, and draue to her, and with our shot made the Indians flie: so we recouered the ship: the Gallies durst not come neere vs. In this great

miserie it was some pleasure, to see how the base Indians did flye, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned. The Sea was couered with Indian heads: for they swamme a∣way by hundreds, The Sabandare Abdala, and one of the Kings neere Kinsmen were slaine, with many others; and the Secretarie hurt. The King being by the Sea-side with many peo∣ple, when the newes came of the Sabandars death and their great ouerthrow, the furious Infi∣dels murdred all our men a shore, only eight excepted, whom the King fettered for Slaues. We lost in this misfortune threescore and eight persons, of which we are not certaine how many are captiued: only of eight wee haue knowledge. Wee lost two fine Pinnasses of twentie tunnes a piece, and our ship Boate.

[ 10] This day we departed and anchored before the Citie Pider, where we had sent a Pinnasse for Rice, hoping to haue newes of her, but had not. The second there came eleuen Gallies with Portugals (as we thought) to take our ships. Wee sunke one and beate the rest: so they fledde. This after-noone came aboord vs the sonne of Lafort a French Marchant dwelling in Seething-Lane, who was one of the eight Prisoners, with this Message from the King. Shame you not to be such drunken beasts, as in drunkennesse to murder my people, whom I sent to you in kindnesse. Therefore he required our best ship for satisfaction, and for the reliefe of our men. Doe'this said he to Lafort, and I will make you a great Nobleman, but wee would not, and being distressed of water, departed to the Ilands Pulo Botum vpon the Coast of Quedia in six degrees fifty minutes, where we refreshed and watered.

During the time of our abode in Achien, we receiued into both our ships a hundred and fortie [ 20] tuns of Pepper, what stones or other Marchandize I know not. But at the day of Treason our Marchants lost all the Money and Marchandize a-shore, which they report to bee of great va∣lue, and many young Aduenturers were vtterly ruinated: among which I doe most grieue at the losse of poore Iohn Dauis, who did not only lose my friendly Factor, but also all my Europe Commodities, with those things which I had prouided to shew my dutie and loue to my best Friends.

So I may conclude, that although India did not receiue mee very rich, yet she hath sent mee a∣way reasonable poore.

The Ile Sumatra is a pleasing and fertile Soyle, abounding with many rare and excellent Fruites, of Graine they haue only Rice which is their Bread. They plowe the ground with Buffs, [ 30] of which there are great plentie, but with small skill and lesse diligence.* 1.61 The Rice groweth in all respects as our Barley.

Of Pepper they haue exceeding plentie, Gardens of a mile square,* 1.62 it groweth like Hops from a planted Root, and windeth aboue a stake set by it vntill it grow to a great bushie Tree. The Pepper hangeth in small clusters, three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster hauing fortie Pepper Cornes, it yeeldeth increase equall with Mustard Seed. They bee able to lade twentie ships yearly; and more might, if the people were industrious and laboursome. The whole Coun∣trey seemeth to be a Garden of pleasure. The Ayre is temperate and wholsome, hauing euerie morning a fruitfull dew, or small raine. The Hauen that goeth to the Citie of Achien is small, hauing but six foot at the barre. And there standeth a Fort made of stone, round without coue∣ring, [ 40] battlements, or flankers, low walled like a Pownd, a worse cannot bee conceiued. Before this Fort is a very pleasant Road for ships, the wind still comming from the shore, a shippe may ride a mile off in eighteene fathomes close by, in foure and sixe fathomes. Of Beasts, heere are Elephants, Horses, Buffes, Oxen and Goates, with many wild Hogs.

The Land hath plentie of Gold and Copper Mines, diuers kinds of Gummes, Balmes,* 1.63 and many kinds of Drugges, and much Indico. Of Stones there are Rubies, Saphires, and Garnets: but I know not that they grow there. They haue passing good Timber for shipping.

The Citie of Achien, if it may be so called, is very spacious, built in a Wood,* 1.64 so that wee could not see a house till we were vpon it. Neither could wee goe into any place, but wee found [ 50] houses, and great concourse of people: so that I thinke the Towne spreadeth ouer the whole land. Their houses are built eight foote or better from the ground vpon posts of wood, with free pas∣sage vnder, the wals and couering of Mats, the poorest and weakest things in the World. I saw three great Market places, which are euery day frequented as Faires with all kindes of Mar∣chandize to sell.

The King is called Sultan Aladin, and is an hundred yeares old, as they say,* 1.65 yet hee is a lustie man, but exceeding grosse and fat. In the beginning of his life he was a fisher-man: (of which this place hath very many; for they liue most vpon fish▪) and going to the Warres with the former King shewed himselfe so valiant and discreet in ordering the Kings Gallies, that gaining [ 60] the Kings fauour, he was made Admirall of his Sea-forces and by his valour and discretion the King so imbraced him that he gaue him to Wife one of his neerest Kinswomen. The King hauing one only Daughter, married her to the King of Ior, by whom shee had a sonne: this Childe was sent to Achien to bee nourished vnder his Grand-father, being Heire to the Kingdome:

the King that now is, was now chiefe Commander both by Land and Sea. The olde King sud∣denly dyed, this King tooke the protection of the Childe, against which the Nobilitie resisted, but he hauing the Kings force and taking oportunitie, ended the liues of more then a thou∣sand Noblemen and Gentlemen: and of the rascall people made new Lords and new Lawes. In fine, the Childe was murthered, and then he proclaymed himselfe King by the right of his Wife. Hereupon arose great Warre betweene him and the King of Ior, which continueth to ths day. These twentie yeares he hath by force held the Kingdome, and now seemeth to bee se∣cure in the same.

His Court is from the Citie halfe a mile vpon the Riuer, hauing three Guards before any can come to him, and a great Greene betweene each Guard, his house is built as the rest are, [ 10] but much higher, hee sitteth where hee can see all that come to any of his Guards, but none can see him. The wals and couering of his house are Mats, which sometime is hanged with cloth of Gold, sometime with Veluet, and sometime with Damaske. Hee sitteth vpon the ground crosse-legged like a Taylor, and so must all those doe that be in his presence. He alwayes weareth foure Cresis, two before and two behind, exceeding rich with Diamonds and Rubies; and hath a Sword lying vpon his lap. He hath attending vpon him fortie women at the least, some with Fannes to coole him, some with Clothes to dry his sweat, some giue him Aqua vitae, others wa∣ter: the rest sing pleasant Songs. He doth nothing all the day but eate and drinke, from morning to night there is no end of banquetting: and when his belly is readie to breake, then hee eateth Arecca Betula, which is a fruit like a Nutmeg, wrapped in a kind of leafe like Tabacco, with [ 20] sharpe chalke made of Pearle Oyster-shels: chawing this it maketh the spittle very red, draweth the Rhume exceedingly, and procureth a mightie stomacke: this maketh the teeth very blacke, and they be the brauest that haue the blackest teeth. By this meanes getting againe his stomacke, he goeth with a fresh courage to eating. And for a Change with a Cracking Gorge, hee goeth into the Riuer, where he hath a place made of purpose, there getting a stomacke by being in the water. Hee, his great men and women doe nothing but eate, drinke, and talke of Venerie. If the Poets Fables haue any shew of truth, then vndoubtedly this King is the great Bacchus. For he holdeth all the Ceremonies of Gluttonie.

As in all places of Europe, the Custome is by vncouering the head to shew reuerence, in this place it is wholly contrary. For before any man can come to the Kings presence, he must put of [ 30] his hose and shooes, and come before him bare-legged, and bare-footed, holding the palmes of the hands together, and heauing them vp aboue his head, bowing with the bodie must say, Dou∣lat: which done dutie is discharged. And so hee sitteth downe crosse-legged in the Kings presence. Hee doth onely spend the time in eating with women, and Cock-fighting. And such as is the King, such are his Subiects; for the whole Land is giuen to no other contentment.

His State is gouerned by fiue principall men, with their inferiour Officers, his Secretarie, and foure called Sabandars, with these resteth all authoritie· The Kings will is their Law. For it seemeth there is no Free-man in the Land: for the life and goods of all is at the Kings pleasure. Hee will make no Offenders happie by death, but cutteth off their hands and feete, and ba∣nisheth [ 40] them to an Ile named Polo-wey. If he put any to death, the Elephants teare him to pie∣ces, or they driue a stake into his fundament, and so he dyeth. There are Gaoles and many fette∣red Prisoners that goe about the Towne.

His women are his chiefest Counsellers, hee hath three Wiues, and very many Concubines, which are very closely kept.

Hee hath very many Gallies, I thinke an hundred, some that will carrie foure hundred men, made like a Wherrie, very long and open, without Decke, Fore-castell, Chase, or any vpper building. Their Oares are like Shouels of foure foote long, which they vse only with the hand not resting them vpon the Galley. They beare no Ordnance, with these hee keepeth his Neigh∣bours in obedience. A woman is his Admirall, for hee will trust no men. Their Weapons [ 50] are Bowes, Arrowes, Iauelings, Swords, Targets, they haue no defensiue Armes, but fight naked.

Hee hath great store of Brasse Ordnance, which they vse without Carriages, shooting them as they lye vpon the ground. They be the greatest that I haue euer seene, and the Mettall is re∣ported to be rich of Gold. The trust of his land force standeth vpon his Elephants.

These people boast themselues to come of Ismael and Hagar, and can reckon the Genealogie of the Bible perfectly. In Religion they are Mahometists, and pray with Beades as the Papists doe. They bring vp their Children in Learning, and haue many Schooles. They haue an Arch∣bishop and Spirituall Dignities. Here is a Prophet in Achien, whom they greatly honour, they say that hee hath the spirit of Prophesie, as the Ancients haue had. He is disguised from the rest [ 60] in his Apparell, and greatly imbraced of the King.

The people are generally very cunning Merchants, and wholy dedicated thereunto. Of Me∣chanicall Artesmen, they haue Gold-smithes, Gun-founders, Ship-wrights, Taylors, Weuers,

Hatters, Pot-makers, and Aquauitae Stillers, which is made of Rice (for they must drinke no Wine) Cutlers, and Smithes.

As touching their Burials, euery Generation or Kinred haue their particular place to burie their dead; which is in the Fields. They lay the Corps with the head towards Mecha, ha∣uing a free Stone at the head, and another at the feete curiously wrought, thereby signifying the worthinesse of the person.

But in the place of the Kings Burials euery graue hath a piece of Gold at the head, and another at the foot, weighing at the least fiue hundred poun•• weight, cunningly imbossed and wrought. This King hath two such Peeces in making and almost finished, which wee saw, that are a thou∣sand [ 10] pound weight a piece, and shall bee richly set with stones. I did greatly desire to see the Kings Burialls, because of the great wealth therein; but could not. I doe almost beleeue it to be true, because this King hath made two such costly monuments.

The people that trade in this place are of China, Bengala, Pegu, Iaua, Coromandel, Gusarate,* 1.66 Arabia, and Rumos. Rumos is in the Red Sea, and is the place from whence Salomon sent his ships to Ophir for Gold, which is now called Achien, as by tradition they doe affirme. And the Rumos people from Salomons time to this day haue followed the same trade.

They haue diuers termes of payment, as Cashes, Mas, Cowpan, Pardaw, Tayell; I only saw two pieces of Coine, the one of Gold, the other of Lead, that Gold is of the bignesse of a penny, it is as common as pence in England And is named Mas, the other is like a little leaden Token: [ 20] such as the Vintners of London vse called Caxas. A thousand sixe hundred Cashes make one Mas. Foure hundred Cashes make a Cowpan. Foure Cowpans are one Mas. Fiue Masses make foure shil∣lings sterling. Foure Masses makes a Perdaw. Foure Perdawes makes a Tayel, so a Mas is nine pence ⅗. of a Pennie.

They sell their Pepper by the Bhar, which is three hundred and threescore of our pounds, for three pound foure shillings their pound they call a Catt, which is one and twentie of our ounces. Their ounce is bigger then ours by so much as sixteene is bigger then ten.

The weight by which they sell Precious Stones is called; Masse, 10. ¾. whereof make an ounce.

Once euery yeare they haue a custome that the King with all his Noblemen and whole pompe [ 30] of his land must goe to the Church to looke if the Messias bee come, which happened at our being here. There were many Elephants, I thinke fortie, very richly couered with Silke, Vel∣let, and cloth of Gold: diuers Noblemen riding vpon each Elephant, but one Elephant aboue the rest was exceeding richly couered, hauing a golden little Castle vpon his backe, this was led spare for the * 1.67 Messias to ride in. The King riding alone likewise in a little Castle, so they pro∣ceede with a very solemne procession, some had Targets of pure massie Gold, others great halfe Moones of Gold, with Stremers, Banners, Ensignes, Drummes, and Trumpets with other Musicke, very pleasing to see. Comming to the Church with great Solemnitie, they at length looked in, and not finding the Messias, vsed some Ceremonies. Then the King comming from his owne Elephant, roade home vpon the Elephant prepared for the Messias: where they end the [ 40] day with feasting and all pleasing sports.

The Ile is diuided into foure Kingdomes, Achien, Pider, Manancabo, and Aru. Achien is the chiefest, the rest are tributarie to him. Aru holdeth with the King of Ior, and refuseth subiection. I haue only hard of fiue principall Cities to be in this Ile. Achien, Pider, Pacem, Daia, Manan∣cabo.

Returning to our proceedings after the slaughter of Achien, seeking reliefe,* 1.68 the tenth hereof we anchored at the lands Pulo Lotum, in sixe degrees fiftie minutes, by the Kindome of Queda: where we watred and refreshed. There were in our ship three Letters close sealed, superscribed, A. B. C. Which vpon the death of our Baase were to be opened. By A. one Thomas Qu••mans was appointed our Chiefe, who was slaine at Achien. Then B. was opened, whereby Guyan Lo∣fort [ 50] who escaped Captiuitie by being the Kings Messenger, was appointed our Chiefe, whom we so receiued. The letter C. was not opened. The last hereof wee set sayle our course againe for Achien, with hope by some meanes to recouer our men.

The sixth we came in sight of Achien, the twelfth wee came into the Bay,* 1.69 where wee found ten Gallies set out against vs. Wee came vp with one of them, and gaue her diuers shot, but in a calme vnder the land she escaped. The rest durst not come neere vs: for they are very Cowards, proud and base.

The eighteene hereof wee shaped our course for the Citie Tanassarin, for it is a place of great trade, the fiue and twentieth we anchored among the Ilands in the Bay in eleuen degrees, twen∣tie minutes, of the Pole Articke. Being here we were very much crossed with bad winds, so that [ 60] wee could not recouer the Citie, for it standeth twentie leagues within the Bay▪ being in verie great distresse of victuals we departed hence, shaping our course for the Ilands Nicobar, hoping there to find reliefe.

The twelfth we anchored at the Ilands Nicobar in eight degrees of North latitude where the people brought vs great store of Hens, Oranges, Limons, and other Fruit,* 1.70 and some Amber∣greece,

which we bought for pieces of linen-cloth, and Table Napkins. These Iles are pleasant and fruitfull, low land, and haue good road for ships. The people are most base, only liuing vpon fruites, and fish, not manuring the ground, and therefore haue no Rice. The sixteenth wee departed shaping our course for the Ile Zeilon: for wee were in great distresse, especially of Rice.

* 1.71The sixt by Gods great goodnesse we tooke a ship of Negapatan, which is a Citie in the Coast of Coromandell, shee was laden with Rise bound to Achien. There were in her threescore per∣sons, of Achien, of Iaua, of Zeilon, of Pegu, Narsinga, and Coromandel. By these people wee learned that in Zeilan there is a Citie named * 1.72 Matecalon, a place of great Trade, and that there wee might load our ships with Sinamon, Pepper and Cloues. They also said that in Zeilon were [ 10] great store of precious stones and Pearles: that the Countrey doth abound with all kind of Vic∣tuals, and that the King is an exceeding Enemie to the Portugals; they also told vs of a Citie named Trinquanamale, where was the like Trade. So they promised to lade our ships, and roy∣ally to victuall vs, for little money. Hereupon we laboured by all possible meanes to recouer the said places, but could not, for the wind was exceeding contrary. Then these Indians told vs that if we would stay vntill Ianuary, we should haue more then a hundred ships come close by that shore laden with Spicerie, Linnen-cloth, and China Commodities; besides stones and other wealth. To stay there as a man of Warre our Gouernour would not agree: but to stay and in ta∣king any thing to pay for the same he was content, for so was his Commission. to this the Com∣pany would not agree. Whereupon the eight and twentieth hereof we shaped our course home∣ward,* 1.73 [ 20] hauing beaten sixteene dayes vpon this Coast to recouer Matecalon. We discharged our Prise the eighteenth hereof, hauing taken the best part of her Rice, for which our Chiefe payed them to their content. But the Companie tooke away the Money and Merchandize from the Indians with much disorder: we tooke with vs twelue of the Indians of seuerall places: who af∣ter we could a little vnderstand them, told vs that the Marchants had great store of precious stones in the ship, which they had hid vnder the Timbers. Of what truth that report is I know not. They would not suffer Master Tomkins nor me to goe aboord the Prise: for what reasons I know not.

1600. [ 30]

THe fift hereof our meate was poysoned, but God preserued vs, for one tasting the same by chance or greedinesse (for it was fresh fish) was presently infected:* 1.74 before the meate came to vs it was strongly poysoned, for our Surgeon tooke almost a spoonfull of Poyson out of one fish, but this is not the first time, if the grieued would complaine. The tenth wee fell with Cape Bona Esperaza, where wee had a great storme: the sixe and twentieth wee dou∣bled the same.

The thirteenth we anchored at the Ile Saint * 1.75 Helena, which is rockie and mountanous, lying in sixteene degrees of South latitude,* 1.76 here wee found good water, figs, and fish in plentie: there be Goats, but hard to get. The fifteenth at Sun-set there came a Carauell into the Road, who an∣chored a large Musket-shot to wind-ward of vs. She was vtterly vnprouided, not hauing one [ 40] Peece mounted: we fought with her all this night, and gaue her, as I thinke, better then two hundred shot. In eight houres shee neuer made shot nor shew of regard, by midnight shee had placed sixe Peeces which she vsed very well, shot vs often through, and slew two of our men. So the sixteenth in the morning we departed, hauing many sick men shaping our course for the Ile * 1.77 Ascention, where we hope to haue reliefe. This three and twentieth we had sight of Ascention, in eight degrees of South latitude, this Ile hath neither wood, water, nor any greene thing vpon it, but is a fruitlesse greene Rocke of fiue leagues broad. The foure and twentieth at mid∣night wee agreed to goe for the Ile Fernando Loronio, where wee are acquainted and know that there is reliefe sufficient. For at this Ile wee stayed ten weekes outward bound, when we could [ 50] not double Cape Saint Augustine.

The sixt we ariued at the Ile Fernando Loronio, where wee stayed sixe dayes to water and re∣fresh our selues.* 1.78 The thir••eenth we departed, shaping our course for England.

* 1.79The nine and twentieth of Iuly we arriued at Middleborough.

[ 60]

§. V. WILLIAM ADAMS his Voyage by the Magellan Straights to * 1.80 Iapon, written in two Letters by himselfe, as followeth.

HAuing so good occasson, by hearing that certaine English Marchants lye in the Island of Iaua, although by name vnknowne, I presumed to write these few liues, desiring the Worshipfull Companie being vnknowne to me, to pardon my boldnes. The reason that I write, is first, for that conscience bindeth me to loue my Country, & my Coun∣trymen. [ 10] Your Worships therefore shall vnderstand, to whom these presents shall come, that I am a Kentish-man, borne in a Towne called Gillingam, two English miles from Rochester, one mile from Chattam, where the Kings ships lye: and that from the age of twelue yeares, I was brought vp in Lime-house neere London, being Prentise twelue yeares to one Master Nicholas Diggines, and haue serued in the place of Master and Pilot in her Maiesties ships, and about ele∣uen or twelue yeares serued the Worshipfull Company of the Barbarie Marchants, vntill the Indian Trafficke from Holland began, in which Indian Trafficke I was desirous to make a little experience of the small knowledge which God had giuen me. So, in the yeare of our Lord God, 1598. I was hired for chiefe Pilot of a Fleete of fiue sayle, which was made readie by the chiefe of the Indian Company Peter Vanderhag, and Hance Vanderuek••: the Generall of this Fleet, [ 20] was a Marchatt called Iaques Mayhay, in which ship, being Admirall, I was Pilot. So, it being the three and twentieth or foure and twentieth of Iune before we set sayle, * 2.1 it was somewhat too late ere we came to the Line, to passe it without contrarie winds: for it was about the midst of September, at which time we found much Southerly winds, and many of our men were sick, so that we were forced to goe to the Coast of Gyn••y to Cape de Lopo Gonsalues,* 2.2 where wee set our sicke men a land, whereof many dyed: and of the sicknesse, few bettered, hauing little or no refreshing, and the place being vnhealthy. Therefore, to fulfill our Voyage, wee set our course for the Coast of Brasill, determining to passe the Straights of Magellan, and by the way came to an Island called Illha da Nobon, at which Iland we landed, and tooke the Towne, which contai∣ned about eightie houses, in which Iland we refreshed our selues, hauing Oxen, Oranges,* 2.3 and di∣uers [ 30] other fruits. But the vnwholsomenesse of the Aire was such, that as one bettered, another fell sicke: we spent vpon the Coast of the Cape Gonsalues, and of Annobon about two moneths time till the twelfth or thirteenth of Nouember. At which time, wee set sayle from Annobon, finding the winds still at the South by East, and South South-East, till wee got foure degrees by South the Line: at which time the windes fauoured vs comming to the South-East, and East South-East, and East, so that we were vp betweene the Iland of Annobon, and the Straights of Magellan, about fiue monethes. One of our fiue sayle spent her maine Mast, by which we were much hindred; for with much trauell we set a new Mast in the Sea. Then, the nine and twentieth of March, we saw the Land in the latitude of fiftie degrees, hauing the wind two or three daies contrary: so, in the end, hauing the winds good, we came into the Straights of Magellan, the [ 40] sixt of Aprill, 1599. at which time, the Winter came, so that there was much Snow:* 2.4 and our men, through cold on the one side, and hunger on the other, grew weake: wee had the wind at North-East, some fiue or six dayes, in which time wee might haue passed through the Straights. But, for refreshing of our men, we waited, watering and taking in of wood, and setting vp of a Pinnace of fifteene or sixteene tunnes in bignesse, At length, wee would haue passed through but could not by reason of the Southerly winds, with wet, and also very cold, with abundance of Snow and Ice. Wherefore, we were forced to winter and stay in the Straights from the sixt of Aprill, vntill the foure and twentieth of September,* 2.5 in which time the most part of our pro∣uision was spent, in so much that for lacke of victuals many of our men dyed through hunger. Now, hauing passed through the Straights, and comming into the South Sea, wee found many [ 50] hard streames, being driuen to the South-wards in fiftie foure degrees, being then very cold. At length we found reasonable winds and weather, with which wee followed our pretended Voy∣age▪ towards the Coast of Peru: but in long trauels we lost our whole Fleet, being separated the one from the other. Yet before the dispersing of our Fleet, wee had appointed, if wee lost one another with stormes and foule weather, that in Chili in the latitude of fortie sixe degrees,* 2.6 wee should stay one for another the space of thirtie dayes. In which heighth according to agree∣ment, I went in sixe and fortie degrees, and stayed eight and twentie dayes where we refreshed our selues, finding the people of the Countrey good of nature: but by reason of the Spaniards, they would not haue dealt with vs at the first. They brought vs Sheepe and Potatoes, for which [ 60] we gaue them Bels and Kniues, whereof they were very glad: but in the end, the people went vp from their houses into the Countrey, and came no more vnto vs. Wee stayed there eight and twentie dayes, and set vp a Pinnasse which we had in our ship, in foure parts, and in the end de∣parted and came to the mouth of Baldiuia, yet by reason it blew much wind we entred not, but directed our course out of the Bay, for the Iland of Mocha, vnto the which wee came the next

day, finding none of our Fleet. So not finding them, wee directed our course for the Island of Sancta Maria, and the next day we came by the Cape, which is a league and an halfe from the Island, and seeing many people tossed about the Cape, and finding good ground, ancho∣red in fifteene fathom in a faire sandie Bay.

* 2.7We went with our boats hard by the water side, to parlee with the people of the land, but they would not suffer vs to come a land, shooting great store of Arrowes at our men. Neuerthelesse, hauing no victualls in our Ship, and hoping to find refreshing, wee forcibly landed some seuen and twentie or thirtie of our men, and droue the wild people from the water side, hauing most of our men hurt with their Arrowes. They being on land, we made signes of friendship, and in the end came to parlee with signes and tokens of friendship, which the people vnderstood. So, [ 10] wee made signes, that our desire was to haue victualls for Iron, Siluer and Cloth, which we shewed them. Wherefore they gaue our folke Wine, with Batatas to eate, and other fruits, and bid our men by signes and tokens to goe aboord, and the next day to come againe, and then they would bring vs victualls: so, being late our men came aboord, the most part of them being hurt more or lesse, and yet we were very glad that we had come to a parlee with them, hoping that we sho••ld get refreshing.* 2.8 The next day, being the ninth of Nouember, 1599. our Captaine, with all our Officers prepared to goe a land, hauing taken counsell to goe to the water side, but not to land more then two or three men: for there were people in abundance, and were also vn∣knowne; our men therefore were w••lled not to trust them. This counsell being concluded, the Captain himselfe went in one of our Boats, with all the force that we had: and being by the shore [ 20] side, the people of the countrie made signes that they should come a land; but that did not like our Captaine well. In the end the people comming not neere vnto our Boats, our Captaine, with the rest resolued to land, against that which was concluded in our Ship, before the going on land. At length three and twentie men landed with Muskets, and marched vp towards foure or fiue houses, and when they were about a Musket-shot from the Boates, more then a thousand Indians who lay intrenched, immediately fell vpon our men with such weapons as they had, and killed them all to our knowledge. So our Boats waited long to see if any of them would come againe;* 2.9 but seeing no hope to recouer them, our Boates returned with this sorrowfull newes, that all our men that landed were slaine, which was a lamentable thing to heare: for we had scarce so many men left as could winde vp our Anchor.* 2.10 The next day wee waited, and went ouer to the Island Sancta Maria, where we found our Admiral, who had arriued there foure [ 30] daies before vs, and departed to the Isle from Mucha the day before we came from thence, hauing the Generall, Master, and all his Officers wounded on land: and God had so plagued vs, that all our Officers were slaine, so that the one of vs bemoned the other. Neuerthelesse being glad that we were come together, my good friend Timothy Shotten was Pilot in that Ship. Being at the Island of Sancta Maria,* 2.11 which lieth in the Latitude of thirtie seuen degrees, twelue minutes by South the Line on the Coast of Chili, wee tooke counsell to take all things out of one Ship, and to burne the other: but the new Captaines could not agree, which of the Ships they should burne, and so could not conclude it. Hauing much cloth in our Ships, it was agreed that wee should leaue the Coast of Peru, and direct our course for Iapan, vnderstanding that cloth was good marchandise there: and also vpon that Coast of Peru, the Kings Ships hauing knowledge [ 40] of our being there, sought for vs, vnderstanding that wee were weake by reason of the losse of our men, which was all too true: for one of our Fleet, as wee vnderstood afterward, was forced to yeeld themselues into the enemies hand in Saint Iago. For which reason, hauing refreshed our selues in the Island Sancta Maria, more by policie then by force, we departed the twentie seuen of Nouember, from the Road, or Island of Sancta Maria, with our two Ships, and for the rest of our Fleete we heard no newes of them. So we tooke our course directly for Iapan, and pas∣sed the Line Equinoctiall together, vntill we came in twentie eight degrees to the North-ward of the Line: in which Latitude, the twentie second & twentie third of February 1600. we had a wonderfull storme of wind, as euer I was in, with much raine, in which storme wee lost sight of our greatest ship, whereof we were very sorry being left alone; yet wee hoped in Iapan to find [ 50] one another. Then according to wind and weather, we followed our former intention for Iapan, and in the height of thirtie degrees, sought the North Cape of the forenamed Island, but found it not, by reason that it lieth false in all Chartes, and Globes, and Maps: for the Cape lyeth in thirtie fiue degrees ½. which is a great difference. In the end wee came in thirtie two degrees 1/••. and then had sight of the Land, being the nineteenth of Aprill, so that betweene the Cape of Sancta Maria and Iapan, we were foure moneths, and twentie two dayes: at which time there were no more then sixe besides my selfe, that could stand vpon their feet. Now being in safetie, we let our Anchor fall about a league from a place, called Bungo. At which time many Boats came vnto vs, and we let them come aboord, being not able to resist them: yet the people did vs no harme, we not vnderstanding each other, but by signes and tokens. After two or three [ 60] da••es space, a Iesuite came vnto vs from a place called Langasacke, to which place the Carake of Macao is yeerely wont to come, which with other Iaponers, that were Christians, were our In∣terpreters; which was ill for vs, they being our mortal enemies. Neuerthelesse the King of Bungo,

the place where we arriued, did vs great friendship. For he gaue vs an house on shore for our sicke men, hauing all refreshing that was needfull. We had when we came to anchor in Bungo foure and twentie men, sicke and whole, of which number the next day three dyed, the rest for the most part recouered, sauing three which lay long time sicke, and in the end also died.* 2.12 The Em∣perour hearing of vs, sent presently fiue Gallies or Frigots vnto vs, to bring mee to the Court, where his Maiestie was, which was distant from Bungo, about eightie English leagues. Now,* 2.13 when I came before him, he demanded of me, of what Countrey we were; so I answered him in all points: for there was nothing that he demanded not, both concerning warre, and peace be∣tweene Countrey and Countrey; the particulars whereof were too long to write. After this [ 10] conference, I was commanded to prison being well vsed, with one of our Mariners, that came with me to serue me.

Some two dayes after, the Emperour called me againe,* 2.14 demanding the reason of our comming so farre: I answered, We were a People that sought all friendship with all Nations, and to haue trade of Merchandize in all Countries, bringing such Merchandizes as our Country had, and buy∣ing such Merchandizes in strange Countryes, as our Countrey desired; through which our Coun∣tryes on both side were inriched. He asked much concerning the warres betweene the Spaniards and Portugals, and vs, and the reasons: the particulars of all which I gaue him to vnderstand, who seemed to be very glad to heare it. After this, I was commanded to prison againe, but my lod∣ging was bettered in an other place. So, I continued nine and thirty dayes in prison, hearing no [ 20] more newes, neither of our ship, nor Captaine, whether he were recouered of his sickenesse,* 2.15 nor of the rest of the company: in which time, I looked euery day to be Crossed, as the custome of Iu∣stice is in Iapan, as hanging is in our Land. Now in this long time of imprisonment, the Iesuites and the Portugals gaue many euidences to the Emperour against vs, alleadging that wee were theeues and robbers of all Nations, and if we were suffered to liue, it should be against the profit of his Maiestie, and the Land: for then no Nation could come there without robbing: but if Iu∣stice were executed on vs, it would terrifie the rest of our Nation from comming there any more. And to this intent they sued to his Maiestie daily to cut vs off, making all the Friends they could to this purpose. But God was mercifull vnto vs, and would not suffer them to haue their wills of vs. At length, the Emperour gaue them this answer, That as yet wee had done no hurt or da∣mage [ 30] to him, nor to any of his Land;* 2.16 and therefore that it was against reason and Iustice to put vs to death: and if our Countreys and theirs had warres one with the other, that was no cause that he should put vs to death. The Emperour answering them in this manner, they were quite out of heart, that their cruell pretence failed: for the which, God be praised for euer and euer. Now in this time that I was in prison, the ship was commanded to bee brought so neere to the Citie where the Emperour was, as she might, the which was done. So the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, the Emperour called me before him againe,* 2.17 demanding of mee many questions more, which were too long to write. In conclusion, he asked me whether I were desirous to goe to the ship to see my Countrey-men: I answered, that I would very gladly do it: so he bade me goe. Then I departed, and was freed from imprisonment. And this was the first newes that I [ 40] had, that the ship and company were come to the Citie. Wherefore, with a reioycing heart I tooke a Boat, and went to our ship, where I found the Captaine and the rest,* 2.18 recouered of their sickenesse. But at our meeting aboord, we saluted one another with mourning and sheadding of teares: for they were informed that I was executed, and long since dead. Thus, God be praised, all we that were left aliue, came together againe. All things were taken out of the ship, together with all my instruments, &c. and I had nothing left me, but my clothes on my backe: likewise whatsoeuer the rest of the company had, was also taken away, vnknowne to the Emperour: which when he vnderstood, he gaue order that they should be restored to vs againe. But being so dispersed abroad, they could not be had: yet fiftie thousand Rials in ready money, were comman∣ded to be giuen vs,* 2.19 the Emperour himselfe seeing the deliuery thereof to the hands of one that [ 50] was made our Gouernour, who kept them in his hands to distribute them vnto vs as wee had neede, for the buying of Victualls for our men, with other particular charges, &c. So in the end of thirtie dayes, our ship lying before the City called Sakay, three leagues, or two leagues 1/•• from Ozaca, where the Emperour at that time lay, commandement came from the Emperour, that our ship should be carried to the Easter part of the land, called Quanto, whither according to his commandement we were carried, the distance beeing about an hundred and twenty leagues.* 2.20 Our passage thither was long by reason of contrary windes, so that the Emperour was there long be∣fore vs. Comming to the land of Quanto, and neere to the Citie Eddo, where the Emperour was:* 2.21 beeing arriued, we sought all meanes by supplications to get our ship cleare, and to seeke our best profit, to come where the Hollanders haue their trade: in which suit we spent much of the mony [ 60] giuen vs. Also, in this time, three or foure of our men rebelled against the Captaine, and me, and made a mutinie with the rest of our men, so that we had much trouble with them. For they would not abide me any longer in the ship, but euery one would be a Commander: and they would euery one haue their parts of the money that was giuen by the Emperour. It would bee too tedious to write the particulars of all that passed herein. Therefore for quietnesse sake, wee

diuided the money to euery one as his place was: and this was after we had beene two yeeres in Iapan. After which time, when we had receiued a deniall, that we should not haue our ship, but must abide in Iapan, our companie hauing their parts of the money, dispersed themselues euerie one where he thought best. In the end, the Emperour gaue euery man (to liue vpon) two pounds Rice a day, and yeerely so much as was worth eleuen or twelue Ducats a yeare: my selfe, the Captaine, and Mariners all alike. So in processe of foure or fiue yeeres the Emperour called me, and as he had done diuers times before, so one time he would haue me to make him a small ship: I answered that I was no Carpenter, and had no knowledge thereof: Well, doe it so well as you can,* 2.22 saith he, if it be not good, it is no matter. Wherefore at his command I built him a ship of the burthen of eightie tunnes, or there abouts: which ship being made in all proportions as our [ 10] manner is, he comming aboord to see it, liked it very well; by which meanes I came in more fa∣uour wich him, so that I came often in his presence, who from time to time gaue me presents, and at length a yeerely reuenew to liue vpon,* 2.23 much about seuentie Ducats by the yeere, with two pounds of Rice a day also. Now beeing in such grace and fauour, by reason I learned him some points of Geometry, and the Mathematickes, with other things: I pleased him so, that what I said could not be contradicted. At which my former enemies, Iesuites and Portugals, did greatly wonder, and intreated me to be friend them to the Emperour in their businesse: and so by my meanes, both Spaniards and Portugals haue receiued friendship from the Emperour; I recompen∣cing their euill vnto me with good. So, to passe my time to get my liuing, it hath cost mee great labour and trauell at the first; but God hath blessed my labours. [ 20]

In the ende of fiue yeeres, I made supplication to the King to goe out of this Land, desiring to see my poore Wife and children according to conscience and nature. With the which request, the Emperour was not well pleased, and would not let me goe any more for my Countrey, but that I must continue in his Land, &c. Yet in processe of time, beeing in great fauour with the Empe∣rour, I made supplication againe by reason we had newes that the Hollanders were in Ache•• and Patania; which reioyced vs much, with hope, that God should bring vs to our Countrey a∣gaine, by one meanes or other. Then I made supplication againe, and boldly spake my selfe with him, at which he gaue me no answer. I told him, if he would permit me to depart, I would bee a meanes, that both the English, and Hollanders should come and traffique there in his Land. He answered, that he was desirous of both those Nations company for traffique, but would [ 30] not part with me by any meanes: but bade me write to that purpose. Seeing therefore I could not preuaile for my selfe,* 2.24 I sued that my Captaine might depart, which suit hee presently graun∣ted me. So hauing gotten his libertie, he imbarqued in a Iapans Iunck, and sayled to Patane: but he tarried there a yeers space, waiting for Holland ships. And seeing none came, he went from Pa∣tane to Ior, where he found a Fleet of nine saile: of which Fleet Matleef was General, and in this Fleet he was made Master againe, which Fleet sailed to Malacca, and fought with an Armado of Portugals: in which battel he was shot, and presently died: so that as yet, I think, no certain newes is knowne,* 2.25 whether I be liuing or dead. Therefore my desire is, that my wife and two children may heare, that I am here in Iapan: so that my wife is in a manner a widdow, and my children fatherlesse: which thing only is my greatest griefe of heart, and conscience, &c. I am a man not [ 40] vnknown in Ratcliffe and Lime-house: to my good Master M. Nicholas Diggines, and M. Thomas Best, and M. Nicholas Isaac, and William Isaac, brothers, with many others; also to M, William Iones, and M. Becket. Therefore may this Letter come to any of their hands, or the copy of this Letter: I know that Companies mercy is such, that my friends and kinred shall haue newes, that I doe as yet liue in this vale of my sin•••••• pilgrimage: the which thing againe and againe I do de∣sire for Iesus sake.

You shall vnderstand, that the first shippe that I did make, made a Voyage or two, and then the King commanded me to make an other,* 2.26 the which I did, beeing of the burthen of an hundred and twentie tunnes. In this ship I haue made a Voyage from Meaco to Eddo, beeing about the length as from London to the Lizarde or Lands end of England. In the yeere of our Lord 1609. [ 50] the King lent this ship to the Gouernour of Manilla, to goe with eightie of his men, to saile to Acapulco. In the yeere of our Lord 1609. a great ship called the S. Francisco, beeing about a thousand tunnes,* 2.27 was cast away vpon the coast of Iapan, in the latitude of thirty fiue degrees and fiftie minutes: by distresse of weather she cut ouer-boord her maine Mast, and bore vp for Iapan, and in the night befote they were aware, they ranne the ship vpon the shore, which was cast a∣way, in the which one hundred thirtie and sixe men were drowned, and three hundred fortie, or three hundred fiftie saued: in which ship the Gouernour of Manilla as a Passenger, was to returne to Noua Spania. But this Gouernour was sent in the bigger ship of my building, in Ann. 1610. to Acapulco. And in Ann. 1611. this Gouernour returned another ship in her roome, with a geeat present, and with an Embassadour to the Emperour, giuing him thankes for his great [ 60] friendship: and also sent the price of the Emperours ship in goods and money: which shippe the Spaniards haue now in the Philippinas.* 2.28 Now for my seruice which I haue done and daily doe, be∣ing employed in the Emperours seruice, he haeh giuen me a liuing, like vnto a Lordship in Eng∣land, with eightie or ninetie husbandmen, who are as my seruants and slaues: the like President

was neuer done to any stranger before. Thus God hath prouided for mee after my great miserie; his name hath and haue the prayse for euer, Amen.

Now, whether I shall come out of this Land I know not. Vntill this present there hath been no meanes, but now, through the Trade of the Hollanders there is meanes. In the yeere of our Lord, 1609. two Holland Ships came to Iapan. Their intention was to take the Caracke,* 2.29 that yeerely came from Macao, and being some fiue or six dayes too late, neuerthelesse, they came to Firando, and came to the Court to the Emperour: where they were in great friendship recei∣ued, conditioning with the Emperour yearely, to send a Ship or two: and so they departed with the Emperours Passe. Now, this yeare 1611. there is a small Ship arriued, with Cloth,* 2.30 [ 10] Lead, Elephants teeth, Dammaske, and blacke Tafficies, raw Silke, Pepper, and other com∣modities: and they haue shewed cause, why they missed the former yeare 1610. according to promise yearely to come. This Ship is well receiued, and with great kindnesse intertained. You shall vnderstand that the Hollanders haue, here, an Indies of money: for, they need not to bring Siluer out of Holland in to the East Indies. For in Iapan,* 2.31 there is much Siluer and Gold to serue their turnes in other places where need requireth in the East Indies. But the merchandise, which is here vendible for readie money, is, raw Silke, Damaske, blacke Taffities, blacke and red Cloth of the best, Lead, and such like goods. So, now vnderstanding by this Holland Ship lately arriued here, that there is a settled Trade driuen by my Countrey-men in the East Indies: I pre∣sume that amongst them, some, either Merchants, Masters, or Mariners, must needs know mee. [ 20] Therefore I haue emboldned my selfe to write these few lines, in short, being desirous, not to be ouer-tedious to the Reader. This Iland of Iapan is a great Land,* 2.32 and lyeth to the Northwards in the Latitude of eight and fortie degrees, and the Souther-most part of it, in fiue and thirtie degrees, and the length of it East by North, and West & by South (for so it lyeth) is two hun∣dred and twentie English leagues. The breadth South and North of it thirteene degrees twenty leagues to the degree, is two hundred sixty leagues, & is almost sq••are.* 2.33 The people of this Iland of Iapan are good of nature, curteous aboue measure, and valiant in warre: their Iustice is seuerely executed without any partialitie vpon transgressors of the Law. They are gouerned in great ci∣uilitie, I thinke, no Land better gouerned in the world by Ciuill Policie. The people are verie superstitious in their Religion, and are of diuers opinions.* 2.34 There are many Iesuites and Francis∣can [ 30] Friars in this Land, and they haue conuerted many to be Christians, and haue many Churches in the Iland. Thus, in short I am constrained to write, hoping that by one meanes or other, in processe of time I shall heare of my wife and children: and so with patience I wait the good will and pleasure of God Almightie, desiring all those to whom this my Letter shall come, to vse the meanes to acquaint my good friends with it, that so my wife and children may heare of me: by which meanes there may be hope, that I may heare of my wife and children before my death: The which the Lord grant to his glorie, and my comfort, Amen.

Dated in Iapan the two and twentieth of October, 1611.

By your vnworthy friend and seruant, to command in what I can. WILLIAM ADAMS.

Endorsed, [ 40] To my vnknowne Friends and Countrey-men, desiring this Letter, by your good meanes, or the Newes or Copie of this Letter, may come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance in Lime-house, or elsewhere, or in Kent in Gillingham by Rochester.

A Letter of WILLIAM ADAMS to his Wife from Iapan.

[ 50] LOuing Wife, you shall vnderstand how all things haue passed with mee from the time of mine absence from you. We set saile with fiue ships from the Texel in Holland, the foure and twentieth of Iune, 1598. And departed from the Coast of England, the fift of Iuly. And the one and twentieth of August, we came to one of the Isles of Capo Verde, called Sant' Iago,* 2.35 where we abode foure and twentie dayes. In which time many of our men fell sicke through the vn∣wholsomenesse of the Aire, and our Generall among the rest. Now the reason that we abode so long at these Ilands was, That one of the Captaines of our Fleet made our Generall beleeue, that at these Ilands we should find great store of refreshing, as Goats and other things which was vntrue.

Here I and all the Pilots of the fleet were called to a Councell: in which wee all shewed our [ 60] iudgements of disliking the place: which were by all the Captaines taken so ill, that afterward it was agreed by them all, that the Pilots should be no more in the Councell, the which was ex∣ecuted. The fifteenth day of September we departed from the Isle of Sant' Iago, and passed the Equinoctiall Line. And in the latitude of three degrees to the South our Generall dyed:* 2.36 wherewith many contrarie windes and raine, the season of the yeare being very much past, wee

were forced vpon the Coast of Guiney, falling vpon an head-land called Cabo de Spiritu Sancto. The new Generall commanded to beare vp with Cape de Lopo Consalues,* 2.37 there to seeke refreshing for our men, the which we did. In which place we landed all our sicke men, where they did not much better, for wee could find no store of victuals. The nine and twentieth of December wee set saile to goe on our Voyage; and in our way we fell with an Island called Illha da Nobon, where we landed all our sicke men, taking the Island in by force. Their Towne contayned some eigh∣tie houses. Hauing refreshed our men, we set saile againe. At which time our Generall com∣manded, that a man for foure dayes should haue but one pound of bread, that was a quarter of a pound a day; with the like proportion of Wine and Water. Which scarcitie of Victuals brought such feeblenesse, that our men fell into so great weaknesse and sicknesse for hunger, that [ 10] they did eate the Calues skinnes,* 2.38 wherewith our Ropes were couered. The third of Aprill 1599. we fell with the Port of Saint Iulian: And the sixt of Aprill we came into the Straight of Ma∣gellan to the first narrow. And the eighth day we passed the second narrow with a good wind, where we came to an Anchor, and landed on Penguin Island: where we laded our Boate ful of Penguins, which are fowles greater than a D••cke: wherewith we were greatly refreshed. The tenth we weighed anchor hauing much wind, which was good for vs to goe thorow. But our Generall would water, and take in prouision of wood for all our fleet. In which Straight there is enough in euery place, with anchor ground in al•• places three or foure leagues one from another.

In the meane time, the wind changed, and came Southerly, so we sought a good harbour for our ship on the North-side,* 2.39 foure leagues off Elizabeths Bay. All Aprill being out wee had won∣derfull [ 20] much Snow and Ice, with great winds. For in April, May, Iune, Iuly, and August is the Win∣ter there, being in fiftie two degrees 1/••. by South the Equinoctiall. Many times in the Winter we had the wind good to goe through the Straights, but our Generall would not. We abode in the Straight till the foure and twentieth of August, 1599. On the which day wee came into the South Sea:* 2.40 where sixe or seuen dayes after in a greater storme we lost the whole fleet one from another. That storme being long we were driuen into the latitude of fiftie foure degrees▪ 1/••. by South the Equin••ctiall. The weather breaking vp and hauing good wind againe, the ninth of October we saw the Admirall, of which we were glad, eight or ten dayes after in the night ha∣uing very much wind, our fore-sayle flew way, and wee l••st companie of the Admirall. Then according to wind and weather, we directe•• our course for the Coast of Chili: where the nine and twentieth of October,* 2.41 we came to the place appointed of our Generall in fortie sixe de∣grees, [ 30] where wee set vp a pinnesse and stayed eight and twentie dayes: In this place wee found people, with whom wee had friendship fiue or sixe dayes: who brought vs sheep; for which we gaue them Bels and Kniues, and it seemed to vs they w••re contented. But shortly after they went all away from the place where our ship was and we saw them no more.* 2.42 Eight and twentie dayes being expired, we set sayle minding to goe for Baldiuia. So wee came to the mouth of the Bay of Baldiuia. And being very much wind our Captaines minde changed, so that we directed our course for the Isle of Mocha.

The first of Nouember we came to the Ile of Mocha, lying in the Latitude of eight and thirtie degrees. Hauing much wind we dur••t not anchor, but directed our course for Cape Sancta Maria, two leagues by Sou••h the Iland of Sancta Maria: where hauing no knowledge of the people, [ 40] The second of Nouember our men went on land, and the people of the Land fought with our men, and hurt eight of nine; but in the end, they made a false composition of friendship, which our men did beleeue.

The next day our Captaine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three and twentie of our chiefe men went on land, meaning for marchandize to get victualls, hauing wonderfull hunger. Two or three of the people came straight to our Boat in friendly manner, with a kind of Wine and Rootes, with making tokens to come on land▪ making signes that there were Sheep and Oxen. Our Captaine with our men, hauing great desire to get refreshing for our men,* 2.43 went on land. The people of the Countrey lay intrenched a thousand and aboue, and straight-way fell vpon our men, and slew them all; among which was my brother Thomas Adams. By this l••sse we had scarse so many men whole, as could [ 50] weigh our Anchor. So the third day in great distresse, we set our course for the Island of Santa Maria,* 2.44 where we found our Admirall: whom when we saw, our hearts were some-what com∣forted▪ we went aboord them, and found them in as great distresse as we; hauing lost their Ge∣nerall with seuen and twentie of their men slaine at the Island of Mocha: from whence they de∣parted the day before we came by. Here we tooke counsell what we should doe to get Victualls. To goe on land by force we had no men: for the most part were sicke. There came a Spaniard by composition to see our Shippe. And so the next day he came againe, and we let him depart qui∣etly. The third day came two Spaniards aboord vs without pawne, to see if they could betray vs. When they had seene our Shippe, they would haue gone on land againe: but we would not let them, shewing that they came without leaue, and we would not let them goe on land againe [ 60] without our leaue; whereat they we••e greatly offended. We shewed them that we had extreame neede of Victualls, and that if they would giue vs so many Sheepe, and so many Beeues, they should goe on land. So against their wils they made composition with vs, which within the time

appointed they did accomplish. Hauing so much refreshing as we could get, we made all things well againe, our men beeing for the most part recouered of their sickenesse. There was a young man, one Hudcopee, which knew nothing, but had serued the Admirall, who was made Generall: and the Master of our Shippe was made Vice-Admirall, whose name was Iacob Quaternak of Ro∣terdam. So the Generall and Vice-Admirall called me and the other Pilote, beeing an English∣man, called Timothy Shotten, (which had been with M. Thomas Candish in his Voyage about the World) to take counsell what we should doe to make our Voyage for the best profit of our Mar∣chants. At last it was resolued to goe for Iapan. For by report of one D••rrick Gerritson,* 2.45 which had been there with the Portugals, woollen cloth was in great estimation in that Iland. And we [ 10] gathered by reason that the Malucos, and the most part of the East Indies were hot Countreyes where woolen cloth would not be much accepted: wherefore we all agreed to goe for Iapan. So leauing the Coast of Chili from thirtie sixe degrees of South-latitude, the seuen and twentieth of Nouember, 1599. we tooke our course directly for Iapan,* 2.46 and passed the line Equinoctiall with a faire wind, which continued good for diuerse moneths. In our way we fell with certain Islands in sixeteene degrees of North-latitude, the Inhabitants whereof are men-eaters. Comming neere these Islands, and hauing a great Pinnesse with vs, eight of our men beeing in the Pinnesse, ranne from vs with the Pinnesse, and (as we suppose) were eaten of the wild men, of which people we tooke one: which afterward the Generall sent for to come into his Shippe. When wee came into the latitude of seuen and twentie and eight and twentie degrees, we found very variable [ 20] winds and stormy weather. The foure and twentieth of February we lost sight of our Admirall, which afterward we saw no more: Neuerthelesse we still did our best, directing our course for Ia∣pan. The foure and twentieth of March, we saw an Island called Vna Colonna: at which time many of our men were sicke againe, and diuers dead. Great was the miserie we vvere in, hauing no more but nine or tenne able men to goe or creepe vpon their knees: our Captaine, and all the rest, looking euery houre to die. The eleuenth of Aprill, 1600. vve savv the land of Iapan neere vnto Bungo: at vvhich time there vvere no more but fiue men of vs able to goe. The tvvelfth of Aprill, vve came hard to Bungo, vvhere may Barkes came aboord vs, the people vvhereof vvee vvillingly let come, hauing no force to resist them: at vvhich place vve came to an Anchor. The people offered vs no hurt, but stole all things that they could steale▪ for vvhich some paid deare [ 30] aftervvard. The next day, the King of that land sent souldiers aboord to see that none of the Mar∣chants goods vvere stolne. Tvvo or three dayes after, our Shippe vvas brought into a good Har∣bour, there to abide till the principall King of the vvhole Island had nevves of vs, and vntill it vvas knovvne vvhat his vvill vvas to doe vvith vs. In the meane time vve got fauour of the King of that place, to get our Captaine and sicke men on land, vvhich vvas granted. And vvee had an house appointed vs, in vvhich all our men vvere laid, and had refreshing giuen them. After vvee had beene there fiue or sixe dayes, came a Portugall Iesuite vvith other Portugals,* 2.47 vvho reported of vs, that vve vvere Pirats, and vvere not in the vvay of Marchandizing. Which report caused the Gouernours and common-peeple to thinke euill of vs: In such manner, that vve looked al∣vvayes vvhen vve should be set vpon Crosses; which is the execution in this land for the euery and [ 40] some other crimes. Thus daily more and more the Portugalls incensed the Iustices and people a∣ga••nst vs. And tvvo of our men, as traytors, gaue themselues in seruice to the King, beeing all in all vvith the Portugals, hauing by them their liues vvarranted. The one vvas called Gilbert de Conning, vvhose mother dvvelleth at Middleborough, vvho gaue himselfe out to be Marchant of all the goods in the Shippe. The other was called Iohn Abelson Van Owater. These traitours sought all manner of wayes to get the goods into their hand•• and made knowne vnto them all things that had passed in our Voyage. Nine dayes after our ••••••uall,* 2.48 the great King of the land sent for me to come vnto him. So taking one man with me, I went to him, taking my leaue of our Captaine, and all the others that were sicke, commending my selfe into his hands, that had preserued me from so many perils on the sea. I was carried in one of the Kings gallies to the Court [ 50] at Osaca, where the King lay, about eightie leagues from the place where the Shippe was. The twelfth of May, 1600. I came to the great Kings citie:* 2.49 who caused me to be brought into the Court, beeing a wonderfull costly house guilded with gold in abundance. Comming before the King, he viewed me well, and seemed to be wonderfull fauourable, He made many signes vnto me, some of which I vnderstood, and some I did not. In the end there came one that could speake Portuges. By him the King demanded of me, of what Land I was,* 2.50 and what mooued vs to come to his Land beeing so farre off. I shewed vnto him the name of our Countrey, and that our land had long sought out the East-Indies, and desired friendship with all Kings and Potentates in way of marchandize, hauing in our Land diuerse commodities, which these Lands had not: and also to buy such marchandizes in this Land, which our Countrey had not. Then he asked whe∣ther [ 60] our Countrey had warres? I answered him yea, with the Spaniards and Portugals▪ beeing in peace with all other Nations. Further, he asked me, in what I did beleeue? I said, in God that made Heauen a••d Earth. He asked me diue••se other questions of things of Religion, and many other things: As what way we came to the Count••y. Hauing a Chart of the whole world, I shewed him, through the Straight of Magellan. At which he wondred, and thought me to lie.

Thus from one thing to another I abode with him till mid-night. And hauing asked mee, what marchandize we had in our shippe, I shewed him all. In the end, he beeing ready to depart, I de∣sired that we might haue trade of marchandize, as the Portugals and the Spanyards had. To which he made me an answer:* 2.51 but what it was I did not vnderstand. So he commanded me to be carried to prison. But two dayes after he sent for me againe, and enquired of the qualities and conditions of our Countreys, of Warres and Peace, of Beasts and Cattell of all sorts, of the Hea∣uens. It seemed that he was well content with all mine answers vnto his demands. Neuerthe∣lesse I was commanded to prison againe: but my lodging was bettered in another place.

The rest of this letter (by the malice of the bearers was suppressed: but seemeth to bee in sub∣stance the same with the former. I haue added this also, as containing diuers things not mentio∣ned in the former. This William Adams lately died at Firando, in Iapan, as by * 2.52 the last Ship we [ 10] receiued intelligence.

§. VI. The second Voyage of IOHN DAVIS with Sir EDWARD MICHELBORNE Knight, into the East-Indies, in the Tigre a ship of two hundred and fortie Tuns, with a Pinnasse called the Tigres Whelpe: which though in time it be later then the first of the East-Indian Societie, yet because it was not set forth by them, I haue heere placed. [ 20]

THe fift of December, 1604. we set saile from the Cowes in the Ile of Wight. The three and twentieth we arriued at Teneriffe, in the road of Aratana. The fourteenth of Ianuary at night we were troubled with extreme heate, lightnings, thunder and raine all the night.

The sixteenth we passed vnder the Equinoctiall Line, shaping our course for the Ile Loronnah, the wind being at South South-east, our course South South-west, & some three degrees South-ward of the Line, we met with such multitudes of fish, as it is incredible to report, so that with our Hookes, Lines and Harping Irons, wee tooke so many Dolphines, Bonitos, and other fishes, that our men were so wearie with eating of fish, that we could not tell what to doe with it. Moreouer there were fowles called Pasharaboues and Alcatrarzes. We tooke many of those Pa∣sharaboues, [ 30] for it is a fowle that delighteth to come to a ship in the night: and if you doe but hold vp your hand, they will light vpon it. The other foule called Alcatrarzi is a kind of Hawlke that liueth by fishing. For when the Bonitos or Dolphines doe chase the flying fish vnder the water, so that he is glad to flee from them out of the water to saue his life,* 2.53 this Alcatrarzi flyeth after them like a Hawke afer a Partridge. Of these flying fishes I haue seene so many flee together, that you would haue thought them to be a great flocke of Birds afarre off. They are but little fi∣shes, scarsly so big as an Hering.

* 2.54The two and twentieth we came to an anker at the Ile of Loronnah, being foure degrees to the South-ward of the Line, where, in going on shore, our Skiffe was ouer-set, by reason of the vio∣lent breach that the Sea made, at which time was drowned a Kinsman of our Generall called [ 40] Master Richard Michelburne, and all the rest were saued.

The fiue and twentieth, our long Boat going to fill some emptie Caske with water, came a∣gaine within the danger of that vnfortunate Sea, and was ouer-set, and two more of our men drowned. Here wee were very 〈◊〉〈◊〉 troubled in getting wood and water aboord, because the landing was so dangerous, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were forced to pull our Caske on shore with Ropes, and so backe againe when it was filled. Not sixe dayes before we came hither, there was an Hollander here, which sent his Boat for water, which was broken all into pieces against the Rockes, and his mens braines beaten out, and their armes and legs cut from their bodies.

The sixe and twentieth, our Generall went on shore to see the Iland, and marching vp and downe in the same, wee found nothing but a wild Countrey, inhabited onely by sixe Negros, [ 50] which liue like slaues. In this Iland haue beene great store of Goates, and some wild Oxen; but by reason the Portugall Carakes sometime vse to water here when they go into the East-Indies, and that these poore slaues are left there as their seruants, to kill and drie Goates against their comming thither, they haue destroyed both Goats and Oxen, so that wee could find but few. In this Iland are great store of Turtle-Doues, Alcatrarzes, and other Fowle, which wee killed with our Pieces, and found them to be very daintie meate. Also heere is good store of Maiz or Guynie Wheat. Here are likewise plentie of rotten Trees, whereon groweth the fine Bombast, and abundance of wild Goards, and Water-melons. When we were furnished with wood and water we came aboord.

The twelfth of February, wee found our selues to bee in seuen degrees, fiue minutes to the [ 60] South-ward: in which place at night, I thinke I saw the strangest Sea, that euer was seene: which was,* 2.55 That the burning or glittering light of the Sea did shew to vs, as though all the Sea ouer had beene burning flames of fire, and all the night long, the Moone being downe, you might see to read in any booke by the light thereof.

The thirteenth day in the morning, wee descried an Iland, or rather indeed a Rocke. The name is Ascention, the height eight degrees thirtie minutes to the South-ward.

The first of Aprill, toward night, wee descried Land from the maine top, which bare off vs, South South-East, when according to our reckoning and accounts,* 2.56 wee were not neere by fortie leagues, but yet the variation of the Compasse, did tell vs that wee were on Land thirtie leagues before we saw Land.

The second day in the morning we were hard by the shore, which was ten or twelue leagues to the North-ward of the Bay of Saldannah.

The third day we sayled by a little Iland, which Captain Iohn Dauis tooke to be an Iland, that [ 10] standeth some fiue or six leagues from Saldannah. Whereupon our Generall, Sir Edward Michel∣burne, desirous to see the Iland, took his Skiffe, accompanied with no more then the Masters Mate, the Purser, and my selfe, and foure men that did row the Boat, and so putting off from the Ship wee came on land: while wee were on shore, they in the Ship had a storme, which draue them out of sight of the Iland: and wee were two dayes, and two nights before wee could reco∣uer our Ship. Vpon the said Iland is abundance of great * 2.57 Conies, and Seales: whereupon we cal∣led it Cony Iland.

The eighth day, we came to an Anchor, in the Road of Saldannah.

The ninth wee went on shore, finding a goodly Countrey,* 2.58 inhabited by a most sauage and beastly people, as euer I thinke God created. In this place wee had excellent good refreshing: [ 20] in so much that I thinke the like place is not to be found among sauage people. For wee neither wanted Beefe, Mutton, nor Wild-Fowle all the time we lay there. This Countrey is very full of Oxen and Sheepe, which they keepe in great Heards and Flocks, as we do our Cattle in England. Moreouer, it doth abound with store of wild Beasts, and Fowles, as wild Deere in great abun∣dance, Antelops, Babious, Foxes and Hares, Ostriches, Cranes, Pelicans, Herons, Geese, Duckes, Phesants, Partridges, and diuers other sorts of excellent Fowles. Of which Fowles wee killed great store with our Pieces. It is also most pleasantly watered with wholesome springs, which haue their beginning from the tops of exceeding high Mountaines,* 2.59 which falling into the Vallies, make them very fruitfull. Also there is a kind of Trees, not much vnlike to Bay Trees, but of a farre harder substance, that grow close by the Sea side. The people of the Countrey [ 30] brought vs more Bullockes and Sheepe, then wee could spend all the time wee stayed there. So that we carryed fresh Beefe and Mutton to Sea with vs. For a piece of an old yron Hoope, not worth two pence, you might buy a great Bullocke: and for a piece of yron, not worth two or three good Horse Nayles, you might buy a Sheepe. They goe naked▪ saue onely they weare vp∣on their shoulders a Sheepe skin, and before their priuities a little flap of a skin,* 2.60 which couereth as much, as though they had none at all before them. In the time of our being there, they liued vpon the guts and filth of the meate, which we did cast away, feeding in most beastly manner: for they would neither wash nor make cleane the guts, but take them and couer them ouer with hote ashes, and before they were through hote, they pulled them out, shaking them a little in their hands, and so eate both the guts, the excrements, and the ashes. They liue vpon raw flesh, [ 40] and a certaine kind of roote which they haue, which groweth there in great abundance. In this place we lay on shore, from the ninth of April vntill the third of May. By which good recreati∣on and refreshing, wee found our selues in as good health, as when wee put to Sea at the ve∣rie first.

The seuenth of May, wee were South off the Cape of Bona Esperança, by estimation tenne leagues. This night we passed ouer the shoalds of Cape Das ••••••ilhas.

The ninth day, rose a mightie storme, at which time we lost sight of our Pinnasse, being dri∣uen by violence of weather from her. This storme continued for the space of two dayes, and two nights most fearefull and dangerous, with raine, lightning, and thunder, and often shipping of much water. The Portugals call this place, The Lion of the Sea,* 2.61 by reason of the extreame fury [ 50] and danger, which they find in doubling of this Cape. In the extremitie of our storme appeared to vs in the night, vpon our maine Top-mast head, a flame about the bignesse of a great Candle; which the Portugals call Corpo Sancto, holding it a most diuine token, that when it appeareth the worst is past. As, thanked be God, we had better weather after it. Some thinke it to be a spirit:* 2.62 other write that it is an exhalation of moyst vapours, that are ingendred by foule and tempestu∣ous weather. Some affirme that the Ship is fortunate where it lighteth, and that shee shall not perish. It appeared vnto vs two nights together, after which time we had a faire wind and good weather.

The twenty fourth, the Ile De Diego Roiz,* 2.63 standing in the Latitude of nineteen degrees & fortie minutes to the South-ward, and in the Longitude of ninetie eight degrees, and thirtie minutes, [ 60] bare North off vs about fiue of the clocke eight leagues off. Wee bare roome to haue landed, but the wind grew so stiffe in the night, that we altered our determination. About this Iland we saw great store of white Birds, hauing in their tayles but two long feathers. These Birds, and diuers others accompanied vs with such contrary winds and gusts, that wee often split our sayles, and

boulting to and againe, we rather went to the Lee-ward, then gained any thing, the wind blew so stiffe at the East South East.

The third day of Iune, standing our course for the Ile De Cirne, we descried the Ile De Diego Roiz againe,* 2.64 and bare roome with it, thinking to haue stayed there to attend a good wind: but finding it to be a very dangerous place,* 2.65 wee durst not come to an anchor there, for feare of the rockes and sholds that lye about it; and vpon better consideration wee altred our purpose, and stood for East-India.

The fifteenth of Iune, we had sight of Land, which was the Ile Dos Banhos, in sixe degrees, and thirtie seuen minutes to the South-ward, and in one hundred and nine degrees of Longitude. These Ilands are falsely laid in most Charts, lying too much to the West. Here we sent our Boats [ 10] to see, if they could find any good ground to anchor in. But searching both the South and West shore, they could find none. There are fiue of these Ilands: they abound with Fowle, Fish, and Coco Nuts. Our Boats went on shore, and brought great store of them aboord vs, which wee found to be excellent meate. Seeing wee could find no good anchoring, by reason that in some places close vnder the shore it was so deepe, that wee could find no ground, and in other places were such sharpe rockes, and sholds, that wee durst not anchor, hauing but bad and contrary winds, we left these Ilands, and stood our course, as neere as we could lye for India.

The ninteenth of Iune, we had sight of Land, which was the Ile of Diego Graciosa, standing in the Latitude of seuen degrees,* 2.66 thirtie minutes South-wards, and in Longitude one hundred and ten degrees, fortie minutes by our accounts. This seemeth to be a very pleasant Iland, and of good [ 20] refreshing, if there be any place to come to an anchor. Wee sought but little for anchoring there, because the wind was bad, and the tide forced vs to the shore: so that we durst not stay to search there any further. This Iland seemeth to bee some ten or twelue leagues long, abounding with Birds and Fish; and all the Iland ouer seemeth to be a mightie Wood, of nothing else but Coco-trees. What else this Iland yeeldeth we know not.

* 2.67The eleuenth of Iuly, wee passed againe the Equinoctiall Line, where wee were becalmed with extreame heate, lightning, and thunder.

The ninteenth we descried Land, which was many Ilands, as we thought locked in one, which lay vnder the high Land, of the great Iland of Sumatra. Here wee sent off our Boat to get some fresh water: but the Sea went with such a violent breach vpon the shore, that they durst not [ 30] land: The people of this Iland made great fiers also along the shore, with intent, as wee thought, to haue had vs come on Land. This Iland or Ilands, is in two degrees of Northerly Latitude.

The fiue and twentieth we came to an anchor, by a little Iland, where we sent our Boat on shore for water; but finding none, they returned with some Coco Nuts, affirming, that the Iland was very full of Coco Trees, which had very few Nuts vpon them. We saw three or foure peo∣ple vpon this Iland: but they went away and would not come neere vs. Those people we ima∣gined to be left there to gather the Cocos, and to make them readie against others should come and fetch them.

* 2.68The sixe and twentieth, we came to an anchor, within a league of a great Iland, called Bata, lying in twentie minutes of South Latitude. Here we builded vp our Shalop, and named her the [ 40] Batte. In this Iland are none Inhabitants: it doth exceedingly abound with wood, and fresh water Riuers, as also with Fish, Munkies, and a kind of Fowle, which they affirme to bee that Countrey Batte, whereof in our time of being there I killed one, which was greater then an Hare,* 2.69 and in shape very like a S••••••rrill, saue onely from each of his sides, did hang downe two great flaps of skin, which when hee did leape from tree to tree, hee would spread forth like a paire of wings, as though hee did seeme to flie with them. They are very nimble, and will leap from bough to bough oftentimes, taking hold with nothing but their tayles. Because our Shalop was builded in the kingdome of these beasts, she was called after their name, The Bat.

The nine and twentieth day, trauailing along the shore, in this Iland I discouered a Roader, [ 50] riding vnder a little Iland about foure leagues from mee: which made mee very glad, hoping it had beene our Pinnasse which wee lost in the great storme, neere vnder the Cape of Bona Espe∣ratça: with which newes by night I gate aboord our Generall; who in the morning sent mee, with Captaine Iohn Dauis,* 2.70 to see if wee could find her. But when wee came to the place, wee found three Barkes riding vnder the Iland. They made signes vnto vs to come aboord them, and told vs they had Hennes; we answered them that we would goe fetch some money, and would come againe the next morning, and buy. Some of them vnderstood Portuguse. Wee durst not goe aboord them, because wee were but euill prouided. The next morning being better furni∣shed, wee went, thinking to haue some better commodities of them: but they had waighed an∣chor, and were all gone. It seemed they were afraid of vs by their hasting away. [ 60]

* 2.71The fourth of August, we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman.

The ninth of August, our Generall manned the Shalop, and sent vs along the Coast, to see if wee could find any Roaders, and espying a Sayle, we gaue her chase, which when shee perceiued

shee could not goe from vs, shee came to an anchor, and forsooke their Barke, and rowed all on shore to an Iland in a small Boat, where wee could not come at them. Wee laid there Barke a∣boord, not finding any one man in it: the chiefe lading was Cocos Oyle, Nuts, and fine Mats. But seeing it was but such meane stuffe, and knowing that if we should haue taken it, our General would not haue liked of it; wee left her, not taking any thing from her worth the speaking of.

The tenth and eleuenth dayes we stood close along the maine land, whereas we espied eight Prawes, riding ouer against a place called Tico. Which whē we first espied, we were in good hope,* 2.72 that we might find our Pinnasse among them. When we came vp with them she was not there: but they put vs in comfort, telling vs there was an English Ship at Priaman, which was not past [ 10] sixe leagues from this Towne of Tico. Then standing out to Sea we saw our Admiral, and in short time got aboord, telling our Generall the newes. Wee had not sayled a league further,* 2.73 but our Ship came on ground vpon a Rocke of white Corall: but God be thanked, hauing a great gale, in very short time we got her off againe without any hurt at all: And comming neere vnto the Road of Priaman, we descried our Pinnasse to be there,* 2.74 which wee had lost so long before in the great storme, in doubling the Cape of Bona Esperança. The Captaine and Master of the Pinnasse, met vs halfe a league from the Road in their Skiffe, and at our comming aboord of vs, our Ge∣nerall did welcome them with a peale of great Ordnance: And after many discourses passed of what had happened, in the time of each others absence, wee came to an anchor in fiue fathoms water, very good ground in the Road of Priaman, which standeth in fortie minutes of Souther∣ly [ 20] Latitude.

The fourteenth, our General sent mee on shore with a Present to the Gouernor, and to others, to see what price Pepper was at, and to buy fresh victualls, and to know whether our men might came safely on shore. But when we came on shore, the Gouernour durst not speake with vs pri∣uately, by reason of certaine warres that were among them: by which meanes they were growne iealous one of another. These warres grew vpon this occasion. The King of Achen ha∣uing two sonnes, hee kept the eldest at home with him, to succeed him after his death, and the youngest he made King of Pedir: vvhereupon the eldest sonne tooke his father prisoner, affirming that he was too old to gouerne any longer, and afterward made warre vpon his younger brother. Thus seeing little good to be done in this place, hauing refreshed our selues with fresh victuals, we [ 30] resolued to depart from thence.

The one and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam, on which day we tooke two Prawes, hauing nothing in them but a little Rice. The one of these Prawes hurt two of our men very sore after they had entred her. For our men thought, because they savv some leap ouer-boord, they had all leaped ouer-boord; but they vvere deceiued. For the first tvvo men that en∣tred vvere sore hurt by tvvo vvhich lay close hidden behind their Sayle: vvho assoone as they had vvounded them, most desperately leaped ouer-boord, svvimming avvay like vvater Spa∣niells. So taking such things as best fitted vs, vvee left their Pravves, doing them no further harme.

The three and twentieth, wee tooke a Fisher-boat, hauing nothing of value in him, letting [ 40] him goe without any hurt, sauing onely one of them was shot through the thigh at the first mee∣ting, when they resisted vs.

The fiue and twentieth, wee descried a Sayle, and sent our Shalop, Long-boat, and Skiffe to see what shee was: for our Ship and Pinnasse could not fetch her vp, because they were be∣calmed. These Boats comming vp with her, bid him strike sayle, but shee would not. So wee fell in fight with her, from three of the clocke in the afternoon•• till ten of the clocke at night, by which time our Pinnasse had gotten vp to vs: then shee strooke her sayles and yeelded. So wee made her fast to our Pinnasse, and towed her along with vs all night. In the morning, our Gene∣rall sent for them to see what they were: and sent three of vs to see what she was laden withall. When hee had talked with them, they told him they were of Bantam: wherefore, knowing not [ 50] what iniurie he might doe to the English Merchants,* 2.75 that had a Factorie in Bantam at that pre∣sent; and vnderstanding by vs, that their loading was Salt, Rice, and China dishes, hee sent them aboord their owne Barke againe, not suffering the worth of a penny to bee taken from them. They standing toward Priaman, and we toward Bantam, left each other. This Barke was of the burthen of some fortie Tuns.

The second of September, we met with a small Ship of Guzarate, or Cambaya,* 2.76 being about eightie Tuns: which Ship wee tooke and carried into the Road of Sillibar, standing in foure de∣grees of Southerly Latitude; into which Road many Prawes continually come to refresh them∣selues. For here you may haue Wood, Water, Rice, Buffles-flesh, Goates, Hens, Plants, and Fresh-fish, but all very deere.

[ 60] The eight and twentieth day, hauing dispatched all our businesse, wee weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam.

The three and twentieth of October, wee came to an anchor in the Road of Marrah,* 2.77 being in the straight of Sunda: here we tooke in Fresh-water. In this place are great store of Buffles,

Goates, Hens, Duckes, and many other good things for refreshing of men. They esteeme not so much of money as of Calicut clothes, Pintados, and such like stuffes. The people being well vsed, will vse you well; but you must looke to them for stealing: for they thinke any thing well got∣ten, that they can steale from a stranger.

* 2.78The eight and twentieth, we weighed anchor, and stood for Bantam, which standeth in sixe degrees and fortie minutes of Southerly Latitude. This day we came within three leagues of the Towne, where wee came to an anchor all night. Here wee thought to haue seene the English Fleet; but it was gone for England three weekes before we came.

Neuerthelesse, those that re∣mained in the Countrie, as Factors of our Nation, came aboord vs, being very glad to see any of their Country-men in so forraine a place, and withall told our Generall, that the company of the Hollanders Ships that were in the Road, had vsed very slanderous repors of vs to the King of [ 10] Bantam: The effect whereof was, That wee were theeues, and disordinate liuers, and such as did come for nothing but to deceiue them, or vse such violence, as time would giue vs leaue to ex∣ecute; and that we durst not come into the Road among them, but kept two or three leagues from thence for feare of them.

After our Generall had heard this report; it so mooued him, that hee weighed anchor, sending the Hollanders word, that hee would come and ride close by their sides, and bad the prowdest of them all that durst to put out a Piece of Ordnance vpon him; and withall sent them word, if they did goe about, either to braue, or to disgrace him, or his Coun∣try-men, hee would either sinke them, or sinke by their sides. There were of these Hollanders fiue Ships, the one of them of seuen or eight hundred Tuns, the rest of a farre smaller burthen. But of this message (notwithstanding we came and anchored close by them) we neuer had an∣swer. [ 20] But whereas the Hollanders, were wont to swagger and keepe great sturre on shore, all the time before our being there, they were so quiet, that wee could scarcely see one of them on Land.

The second of Nouember, hauing seene our Country-men, wee tooke our leaue, and stood our course for Patane.* 2.79 And in our way, as wee sayled betweene the Chersonesus of Malacca and Pedra Branca, wee met with three Prawes, which being afraid of vs, anchored so neere vn∣to the shore, that we could not come neere them, either with our Ship or Pinnasse. Wherefore our Generall manned his Shalop with eighteene men, and sent vs to them, to request them, that for his money hee might haue a Pilot to carrie his Ship to Pulo Timaon, which is about some fiue dayes sayling from the place where wee met with them. But they seeing our Ship and Pinnasse [ 30] at anchor, about a mile from them, and that they were not able to come any neerer them, told vs plainely, that none of them would goe with vs, and being at anchor weighed, and were going away: Seeing that, we began a fight with them all three: one of them we tooke in lesse then halfe an houre, whose men, which were seuentie three in all gate out of her, and ranne on shore. The other fought with vs all night, and in the morning about the breake of day, shee yeelded vnto vs. Our Generall came to vs in his Skiffe a little before she yeelded.* 2.80 They were laden with Benia∣min, Storax, Pepper, China Dishes, and Pitch. The third Praw got from vs, while wee were fighting with the other. Our Generall would not suffer vs to take any thing from them, but on∣ly two of their men to Pilote vs to Pulo Timaon, because they were of Iaua. These people of Ia∣ua, are very resolute in a desperate case. Their chiefe Weapons are Iauelings, Darts, Daggers, and [ 40] a kind of poysoned Arrowes, which they shoot in Trunkes. They haue some Harcubushes, but they are nothing expert in vsing them.* 2.81 They also haue Targets. The most part of them be Ma∣humetans. They had beene at Palimbam, and were going backe againe to Greece, a Port Towne on the North-East part of Iaua where they dwelled.

The twelfth of Nouember, we dismissed them, standing our course toward Patane.

The six and twentieth of Nouember, we saw certaine Ilands bearing off vs North-west, which neither we,* 2.82 nor our new Pilots knew. But hauing a very contrary wind to stand our course for Patane, we thought it very necessary to search those Ilands for wood and water, hoping by that time we had watered, to haue a better wind.

The seuen and twentieth, we came to an Anchor within a mile of the shore, in sixteene fa∣thomes [ 50] good ground, on the South-side of these Ilands. Heere sending our Boat on shore, wee found some of them to bee Sunken Ilands, nothing aboue the water but the Trees or Rootes of them. In one of them we found a reasonable good watering place, and all the Ilands a Wilder∣nesse of Woods. It is a very vncomfortable place, hauing neither Fruites, Fowle, nor any kind of Beast wherewithall to refresh men. These Ilands we tooke to bee some of the broken Lands, lying South-east from the Ile of Bintam.* 2.83

The second of December, hauing taken in wood and water, we weighed Anchor, standing our course for Patane, as neere as a bad wind would giue vs leaue. For wee found the wind in these monethes to be very contrarie, keeping still at North, North-west, or North-East. [ 60]

The twelfth day, neere vnto Pulo Laor, wee descryed three sayles, and sending our Pinnasse and Shalop after one of them,* 2.84 being the neerest vnto vs, we stayed with our ship, thinking to haue met with the other two: but in the night they stood away another course, so that we saw them no more. In the morning, we descryed our Pinnasse and Shalop, about foure leagues to Leeward,

with the other ship which they had taken, The wind and current being against them,* 2.85 they were not able to come vp to vs: we seeing that went to them. When wee came, wee found her to be a Iuncke of Pan-Hange, being in burden aboue an hundred Tunnes, laden with Rice,* 2.86 Pepper and Tinne, going to Bantam in Iaua. Our Genera••l not esteeming any such meane luggage, tooke as much Rice as serued for his prouision, and two little brasse Gunnes, and payd them royally for all: not taking any thing else from them, saue only one man to be our Pilot to Patane: who was willing to come along with vs, when he saw our Generall vse them so well. The other two Pi∣lots, which wee tooke before out of one of the three Prawes, were vnskilfull men. Wherefore our Generall rewarding them, for the time that they had beene with him, sent them backe a∣gaine [ 10] into their owne Countrey, by the Iuncke which wee tooke, that was going to Iaua.

The thirteenth day we left her, standing our course for Pulo Timaon,* 2.87 ioyning on the King of Pan-Hange his Countrey. Here we were troubled very much with contrarie winds and currents. For the Sea runneth alwayes from the beginning of Nouember, to the beginning of Aprill, to the South-ward: and from Aprill to Nouember backe againe to the North-ward. The wind also in the aforesaid first fiue monethes is most commonly Northerly,* 2.88 and in the other seuen moneths Southerly. All the ships of China, Patane, Ior, Pan-Hange, and other places which are to the North-ward, come to Bantam or Palimbam, when the Northerly Monsoin is come: and re∣turne backe againe when the Southerly Monsoin commeth: Which Monsoins come in the monethes before mentioned. This being obserued you shall haue both wind and tyde with you. [ 20] Here, as I said before, I found such contrary violent winds and currents,* 2.89 that I could not in three weekes get a league a head. This Countrey of Pan-Hange is a very plentifull Countrey, and full of Gentry, after the fashion of those Countries, store of shipping, and victuals very cheape. This Countrey lyeth betweene Ior and Patane, and reacheth on the ••ea-coast to Cape Tingeron, beeing a very high Cape, and the first Land-fall that the Caracks of Macao or Iuncks of China,* 2.90 or Cam∣boia Prawes doe make as they come for Malacca, Iaua, Sumatra, Iumbe, Ior, Palimbam, Grece, or any other parts to the South-ward.

Here as I stood for patane: about the twentie seuen of December, I met with a Iuncke of the Iapons, which had been pyrating along the coast of China and Camboia. Their Pilote being dead, with ignorance and foule weather, they had cast away their ship on the sholds of the great Iland [ 30] Borneo; and to enter into the Countrey of Borneo, they durst not: for the Iapons are not suffered to land in any Port in India with weapons: beeing accounted a people so desperate and daring, that they are feared in all places where they come. These people, their ship being splitted, with their Shalops entred this Iuncke, wherein I met them, which was of Patane, and killed all the people sa••e one old Pilot. This Iuncke was laden with Rice, which when they had possessed and furnished with such furniture, necessaries and armes as they saued out of their sunken shippe, they shaped their course for Iapan: b••t the badnesse of their Iuncke, contrarie winds, and vnseasonablenesse of the yeare forced them to Leeward: which was the cause of mine vnluckie meeting them. After I had haled them, and made them come to Lee-ward, sending my Boat aboord them, I found them by their men and furniture very vnproportionable for such a [ 40] ship as they were in; which was a Iuncke not aboue seuentie tunnes in burthen, and they were ninetie men, and most of them in too gallant a habit for Saylers, and such an equalitie of beha∣uiour among them, that they seemed all fellowes: yet one among them there was that they cal∣led Capitaine, but gaue him little respect. I caused them to come to an Anchor, and vpon further examination I found their lading to be only Rice; and for the most part spilt with wet: for their ship was leake both vnder and aboue water. Vpon questioning with them I vnderstood them to be men of Warre, that had pillaged on the Coast of China and Camboia, and, as I said before, had cast away their ship on the sholds of Borneo. Here wee road at Anchor vnder a small Iland, neere to the Ile of Bintam, two dayes entertayning them with good vsage not taking any thing from them: thinking to haue gathered by their knowledge, the place and passage of certaine [ 50] ships, on the Coast of China to haue made my Voyage. But these Rogues being desperate in winds and fortunes▪ being hopelesse in that paltrie Iuncke euer to returne to their Countrey, resol••ed with themselues either to gaine my shippe, or to lose their liues. And vpon mut••all courtesies with gifts and feastings betweene vs, sometimes fi••e and twentie or sixe and twentie of their chiefest came aboord: whereof I would not suffer aboue sixe to haue weapons. Their was neuer the like number of our men aboord their Iuncke. I willed Captaine Iohn Dauis in the morning to possesse himselfe of their weapons, and to put the Companie before Mast, and to leaue some Guard on their weapons, while they searched in the Rice, doubting that by searching and fin∣ding that which would dislike them, they might suddenly set vpon my men, and put them to the Sword: as the sequell prooued. Captaine Dauis being beg••iled with their humble semblance, [ 60] would not possesse himselfe of their weapons, though I sent twice of purpose from my shippe to will him to doe it. They passed all the day, my men searching in the Rice, and they looking on: at the Sunne-setting, after long search and nothing found, saue a little Storax and Beniamin: they seeing oportunitie, and talking to the rest of their Companie which were in my ship, being neere

to their Iuncke, they resolued, at a watch-word betweene them, to set vpon vs resolutely in both ships. This being concluded, they suddenly killed and draue ouer-boord, all my men that were in their ship; and those which were aboord my ship sallied out of my Cabbin, where they were put, with such weapons as they had, finding certaine Targets in my Cabbin, and other things that they vsed as weapons. My selfe being aloft on the Decke, knowing what was likely to follow, leapt into the waste, where, with the Boate Swaines, Carpenter and some few more, wee kept them vnder the halfe-decke. At their first comming forth of the Cabbin, they met Captaine Dauis comming out of the Gun-roome,* 2.91 whom they pulled into the Cabbin, and giuing him sixe or seuen mortall wounds, they thrust him out of the Cabbin before them. His wounds were so mortall, that he dyed assoone as he came into the waste. They pressed so fiercely to come to vs, [ 10] as we receiuing them on our Pikes, they would gather on our Pikes with their hands to reach vs with their Swords. It was neere halfe an houre before we could stone them backe into the Cab∣bin:* 2.92 In which time we had killed three or foure of their Leaders. After they were driuen into the Cabbin, they fought with vs at the least foure houres before we could suppresse them, often fyring the Cabbin, burning the bedding, and much other stuffe that was there. And had we not with two Demy-culuerings, from vnder the halfe-decke, beaten downe the bulke head and the pumpe of the ship, we could not haue suppressed them from burning the ship. This Ordnance being charged with Crosse-barres, Bullets, and Case-shot, and bent close to the bulke head, so violently marred therewith boords and splinters,* 2.93 that it left but one of them standing of two and twentie. Their legs, armes, and bodies were so torne, as it was strange to see, how the shot [ 20] had massacred them. In all this conflict they neuer would desire their liues, though they were hopelesse to escape: such was the desperatenesse of these Iaponians. Only one lept ouer-boord, which afterward swamme to our ship againe, and asked for grace, wee tooke him in, and asked him what was their purpose? He told vs, that they meant to take our shippe, and to cut all our throates. He would say no more, but desired that he might be cut in pieces.

The next day, to wit, the eight and twentieth of December, we went to a little Iland to the Leeward off vs. And when we were about fiue miles from the Land, the Generall commanded his people to hang this Iaponian: but he brake the Rope, and fell into the Sea. I cannot tell whe∣ther he swamme to the land or not. We tooke our course right to the little fore-said Iland, and came there to an Anchor the thirtieth of December. We remained there three dayes to mend our [ 30] Boat, and to take in wood and water. In this Iland we found a ship of Patane, out of which we tooke the Captaine, and asked him, whether the ships of China were come to Patane, or no? He told vs that they were not yet come, but that they would come thither within few dayes. We made the Captaine of that ship to be our Pilot, because he knew very well to what place the Chi∣nish ships would come.

The tenth of Ianuary we purposed to stay their, till it pleased God, that we should meete the Chinish ships.

The twelfth of Ianuarie, one of our Mates climbed vp to the top of the Mast, and descryed two ships which came toward vs: but because of the wind they were forced to goe to the Lee-ward of the Iland. Assoone as we had sight of them wee weighed Anchor, and made toward [ 40] them. And we fetched vp the greatest of them the twelfth of Ianuarie in the night. We fought a little with them, and boorded them, and brought them to an Anchor.

The next day, to wit, the thirtieth of Ianuarie we vnladed some of their goods, to wit, raw Silke and other Silkes. They had fiftie Tunnes of Siluer of their Countrey: but we tooke little or none of it; because we had good hope, that we should meete with the other Chinish ships. Af∣ter we had taken some of their Silkes, we let them depart the fifteenth of Ianuary: and gaue them twice as much, as wee had taken from them. And casting them off, wee tooke our course backe againe to China Bata:* 2.94 but we could not fetch it vp, because we had contrarie wind; so that we were forced to put Lee-ward vnto two small Ilands, which they of Iaua call Pulo Sumatra: where we came to an Anchor the two and twentieth of Ianuarie. [ 50]

The foure and twentieth day, as we rode at Anchor there arose a great storme of wind, with which our Cable brake, so that we were forced to put into the neerest Creeke.

The second of February, fiue Holland ships met with vs sayling homeward, which put into the same Roade where wee were.* 2.95 Captaine Warwicke was Generall of these ships. Hee sent to our Generall to dine with him. Our Generall went to him. He told vs that our English Merchants in Bantam were in great perill, and that still they looked for nothing else, then that the King of Iaua would assault them, because we had taken the China ship, whereby the King of Bantam had lost his custome. Wherefore Captaine Warwicke requested our Generall, that hee would cease to goe any further, and would sayle home vnto England with him. Our Generall answered, That hee had not as yet made his Voyage, and that therefore hee would not returne, vntill it should [ 60] please God to send him somewhat to make vp the Game. The Hollanders perceiuing that they could not perswade our General to giue ouer his purpose,* 2.96 departed from vs the third of Februarie.

Our Generall considering, that if he should proceed on his Voyage, it would be very dangerous

for the English Merchants which were resident in those parts, and seeing that hee had but two Anchors and two Cables to helpe himselfe withall, thought good to repaire his ships, and to returne home with that poore Voyage that he had made.

When our ships were readie, and that we had taken in wood and water,* 2.97 wee hoysed vp our sayles the fift of February to returne for England.

The seuenth of Aprill we had sight of the Cape of Bona Esperanza, after wee had passed a great storme.* 2.98

The seuenteenth of Aprill we came to the Ile of Sancta Helena, where we watered,* 2.99 and found refreshment, as Wine and Goates, which we our selues killed. In the said Iland are many wilde [ 10] Swine and Goates. There are also great store of Partridges, Turkie Cockes, and Ginnie Hennes, This Iland is not inhabited. VVe departed from thence the third of May.

The fourteenth, we passed vnder the Equinoctiall Line.* 2.100

The seuen and twentieth of Iune, we arriued in Milford Hauen in Wales.

The ninth of Iuly, we came to an Anchor in Portsmouth Roade, where all our Companie were dismissed. And heere wee ended our Voyage, hauing beene out vpon the same full nineteene moneths, in the yeare 1606.

CHAP. II. [ 20] A Priuiledge for fifteene yeeres granted by her Maiestie to certaine Aduenturers, for the discouerie of the Trade for the East-Indies, the one and thirtieth of December, 1600.

ELIZABETH, by the grace of GOD Queene of England, France and Ireland, Defendour of the Faith, &c. To all Our Officers, Ministers and Subiects, and to all other people aswell within this Our Realme of England, as elsewhere vnder Our obe∣dience and Iurisdiction, or otherwise, vnto whom these Our Letters Pattents shall bee seene, shewed, or read, greeting.

Whereas Our most deare, and louing Cosin, George Earle of Cumberland; and [ 30] Our welbeloued Subiects, Sir Iohn Hart of London, Knight, Sir Iohn Spencer of London, Knight,* 3.1 Sir Edward Michelburne, Knight, William Candish, Esquire, Paul Banning, Robert Lee, Leonard Hollyday, Iohn Watts, Iohn More, Edward Holmden, Robert Hampson, Thomas Smith, and Thomas Cambell, Citizens and Aldermen of London, Edward Barker, Esquire, Thomas Marsh, Esquire, Samuel Bachouse, Esquire, Iames Lancaster, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordell, William Garway, Oliuer Style, William Quarles, Bartholmew Barnes, William Offly, Robert Cham∣berlayn, Iohn Haruy, Richard Wiseman, William Stone, Francis Cherry, Thomas Allablaster, Richard Barret, Iohn Swynerton the younger, Thomas Garaway, William Romny, Iames Deane, Iohn Eldred, Andrew Banning, Edward Loaning, Thomas Iackson, Nicholas Leate, Iohn Wol∣stenholme, Nicholas Peard, William Chamber, Rowland Bachouse, Humfrey Smith, Robert [ 40] Sandy, Henry Robinson, Richard Poyntel, Iohn Highlord, William Haryson, Humphry Style, Humphry Robynson, Nicholas Ferror, Thomas Farryngton, Iohn Combe, Robert Offly, Roger How, Iohn Hewet, Iames Turner, Morrys Abbot, Iames Carrell, Robert Brooke, Richard Chamblyn, George Chamblyn, Leonard White, Iohn Cornelius, Ralph Basby, William Ge∣nyngs, Gyles Paslow, Robert Bell, Thomas White, Nicholas Lyng, William Palmer, Ellys Crippes, Iohn Merrycke, Humphry Hanford, Thomas Symons, Robert Cox, William Wustall, Iohn Humphry, Thomas Bostocke, Bartholmew Holland, Richard Cox, William Walton, Wil∣liam Freeman, Thomas Southacke, Iohn Friar, Francis Dent, Richard Bull, Richard Pierce, Ro∣ger Henyng, Robert Cobb, Robert Robynson, Francis Euington, Francis Taylor, Thomas We∣strow, Iohn Midleton, Robert Gore, Ralph Gore, William Cater, George Cater, Iohn Bus∣bridge, [ 50] Thomas Horton, William Bond Merchant-Taylor of London, William Cotton, Iohn Stockley, Roger Owfield, Augustine Skinner, Richard Wise, Robert Towerson, Richard Taylbye, Robert Middleton, Robert Bateman, Richard Gosson, Robert Waldore, Richard Wrag, Iohn Wrag, William Dale, Laurence Waldo, Henry Brydgman, Samuel Armytage, Edward Haryson, Ed∣ward Nicolson, Clement Mosely, Iohn Newman, Humphry Wallot, Thomas Richardson, Tho∣mas Boothby, Iohn Coachman, Reinald Greene, Richard Burret, Robert Myldmay, William Hyne, George Chandeler, Edward Lutterfoord, William Burrell, Stephen Haruy, Thomas Hen∣shaw, William Ferrys, William Aldersey, William Hewet, William Fisher, Ioseph Salbancke, Nicholas Manly, Nicholas Salter, William Willastone, William Angel, Nicholas Barnsly, Iohn Hawkins, Roger Dy, Richard Clarke, Thomas Hewet, George Whitemore, Henry Polstee, [ 60] William Greenwell, Robert Iohnson, Bartholmew Huggott, Humphry Basse, Robert Buck, Ambrose Wheeler, William Hale, Richard Hull Iunior, Iohn Hodgson, Alphonsus Foote▪* 3.2 Edmund Spencer, Robert Dewsy, Richard Piott, William Bonham, Edward Barkeham, George Coles, Ralph Hammer, Iames Colymer, Samuel Hare, George Vtlye, Gregory Allen, Henry Archer,

Ieffry Kerby, Iohn Cason, Richard Beale, Thomas Shipton, Iohn Fletcher, Thomas Talbot, Robert Pennyngton, Humphry Milward, Richard Herne, Raph Allen, Iohn Brooke, Anthony Gibson, Robert Kayes, Hugh Crompton, Richard Washer, George Holman, Morryce Luellen, Richard Parsons, Francis Barker, William Turner, Iohn Greenwood▪ Richard Denne, Richard Ironside, George Smithes, Iames Dunkyn Edward Walter, Andrew Chamblayn, Robert Start∣ford, Anthony Stratford, William Myllet, Simon Laurence, Thomas Lydall, Stephen Hodgson, Richard Wright, William Starker, William Smith, Iohn Ellacots, Robert Bayly, and Roger Cotton, haue of Our certaine knowledge beene Petitioners vnto Vs, for Our Royall Assent and Licence to bee granted vnto them, that they at their owne aduentures, costs and charges, as well for the ho∣nour of this Our Realme of England, as for the increase of Our Nauigation, and aduancement of trade [ 10] of Merchandise within Our said Realmes, and the Dominions of the same, might aduenture, might set forth one, or more Voyages, with conuenient number of Ship and Pynnasses, by way of traffique and mer∣chandise to the East-Indians, in the Country and parts of Asia and Affrica, and to as many of the Ilands, and Cities, Townes, and places thereabout, as where trade, and traffique of merchandise may by all likely∣hood, be established or had: Diuers of which Countries, and many of the Ilands, Cities and Ports thereof, haue long sithence beene discouered by others of Our Subiects, albeit not frequented in trade of Merchan∣d••se. Know yee therefore, that Wee greatly tendring the honour of Our Nation, the wealth of Our peo∣ple, and the encouragement of them, and others of Our louing Subiects in their good enterprises, for the in∣crease of Our Nauigation, and the aduancement of lawfull traffique, to the benefit of Our Common∣wealth,* 3.3 haue of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, giuen and granted, and by these [ 20] Presents, for Vs, Our Heires, and Succ••ssours, doe giue, and grant vnto Our said louing Subiects, before in these Presents expresly named. That they, and euerie of them from henceforth bee, and shall bee one bodie corporate and politique indeed and in name, by the name of the Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, one bodie corporate and politique indeed, and in name really and fully for Vs, Our Heires and Successours. Wee doe erect, make, ordaine, constitute, establish, and declare by these Presents, and that by the same name of Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, tra∣ding into the East-Indies, they shall haue succession, and that they, and their Successours, by the name of Gouernour and Company, trading into the East-Indies, be, and shall be at all times hereafter, persons, able and capable in Law, and a bodie corporate and politique, and capable in Law, to haue, purchase, receiue, possesse, enioy, and retaine lands, tenements, priuiledges, liberties, iurisdictions, franchises, and hereditaments, [ 30] of whatsoeuer kind, nature, and qualitie soeuer they be, to them and their successours. And also to giue, grant, demise, aliene, assigne, and dispose all and singular other things, lands, tenements, and heredita∣ments, by the same name, that to them shall, or may pertaine to doe. And that they and their successours, by the name of the Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, may plead, and be impleaded, answer, and be answered, defend, and bee defended in whatsoeuer Courts, and places, and before whatsoeuer Iudges and Iustices, and other persons and Officers, in all and singular Acti∣ons, Pleas, Suits, Quarrels, Causes, and Demands whatsoeuer, of whatsoeuer kind, nature, or sort, in such manner and forme, as other Our liege people of this Our Realme of England, being persons able and capable, may, or can haue, purchase, receiue, possesse, enioy, retaine, giue, grant, demyse, aliene, assigne, dis∣pose, plead, and be impleaded, answer, and be answered, defend, and bee defended, release, and bee released, [ 40] doe permit and execute. And that the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, may haue a Common Seale, to serue for all the Causes and Bu∣sinesse of them,* 3.4 and their successours. And that it shall and may bee lawfull, to the said Gouernour and Company, and their successours, the same Seale, from time to time, at their will and pleasure to breake, change, and to make new, or alter, as to them shall seeme expedient. And further, Wee will, and by these Presents for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, Wee doe ordaine, that there shall bee from henceforth, one of the same Company to bee elected and appointed in such forme and manner, as heereafter in these Presents is expressed: which shall be called the Gouernour of the said Company, and that there shall bee from hence∣forth, foure and twentie of the said Company, to bee elected and appointed in such forme, as heereafter in these Presents is expressed, which shall bee called the Committies of the said Company, who together with [ 50] the Gouernour of the said Company, for the time being, shall haue the direction of the Voyages, of, or for the said Company, and the prouision of the shipping and merchandises thereto belonging, and also the sale of all merchandises, of, or for the said Company, and the managing and handling of all other things belonging to the said Company:* 3.5 And for the better execution of this Our Will, and Grant in this behalfe▪ Wee haue assigned, nominated, constituted, and made, and by these Presents, for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, wee doe assigne, nominate, constitute, and make the said Thomas Smith, Alderman of London, to bee the first, and present Gouernour of the said Company, to continue in the said Office, from the date of these Presents, vntill another of the said Company, in due manner, be chosen and sworne vnto the said Office, ac∣cording to the ordinances and prouisions, heereafter in these Presents expressed, and declared, if the said Thomas Smith shall so long liue.* 3.6 And also Wee haue assigned, nominated, and appointed, and by these [ 60] Presents for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, Wee doe assigne, nominate, constitute, and make the same Paul Banyng, Leonard Holyday, Iohn More, Edward Holmden, Richard Staper, Thomas Cor∣dell, William Garway, Oliuer Style, Iames Lancaster, Richard Wiseman, Francis Cherry, Tho∣mas Allablaster, William Romney, Roger How, William Chambers, Robert Sandy, Iohn El∣dred,

Richard Wiche, Iohn Highlord, Iohn Middleton, Iohn Combe, William Haryson, Nicho∣las Lyng, and Robert Bell, to bee the foure and twentie first and present Committies of the said Compa∣ny, to continue in the said Office of Committies of the said Company, from the date of these Presents, for one whole yeere next following. And further, Wee Will and Grant by these Presents, for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, vnto the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, that it shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the said Gouernour and Company, for the time being, or the more part of them present, at any publique Assembly, commonly called, The Court holden for the said Company, the Gouernour of the said Company, being alwayes one from time to time, to elect, nominate, and appoint, one of the said Company to be Deputie to the said Gouernour; which Deputie shall take a corporall Oath before the Gouernour,* 3.7 and fiue or more of the Committies of the said [ 10] Company for the time being, well, faithfully, and truely, to execute his said Office of Deputie, to the Go∣uernour of the Company; and after his Oath so taken, shall and may from time to time, in the ab∣sence of the said Gouernour, exercise and execute the Office of Gouernour of the said Company, in such sort as the Gouernour ought to doe. And further, Wee will, and grant by these Presents, for Vs, Our Heires, Executors, and Successours, vnto vs the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of Lon∣don, trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, that they, or the greater part of them, whereof the Gouernour for the time being, or his Deputie to bee one, and from time to time, and all times hereafter, shall, and may haue authoritie, and power yeerely, and euery yeere, on the first day of Iuly, or at any time,* 3.8 within sixe dayes after that day, to assemble, and meet together in some conuenient place, to bee appointed from time to time by the Gouernour, or in his absence, by the Deputie of the said Gouernour, for the time [ 20] being. And that they, being so assembled, it shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the said Gouernour, or Deputie of the said Gouernour, and the said Company for the time being, or the greater part of them which then shall happen to be present, whereof the Gouernour of the said Companie, or his Deputie for the time being to be one, to elect and nominate one of the said Company, which shall be Gouernour of the same Company for one whole yeare from thence next following, which person being so elected, and nominated to bee Gouernour of the said Company, as is aforesaid, before he be admitted to the execution of the said Office, shall take a corporall Oath before the last Gouernour being his Predecessor, or his Deputie, or any sixe or more of the Committies of the said Company for the time being, that hee shall from time to time, well and truly execute the office of Gouernour of the said Company, in all things concerning the same, and that im∣mediately after the said Oath so taken, he shall and may execute and vse the said Office of Gouernour of the [ 30] said Companie, for one whole yeare from thence next following. And in like sort we will and grant,* 3.9 that as well euery one aboue named to be of the said Company or Fellowship, as all others hereafter to be admitted, or free of the said Company, shall take a corporall Oath before the Gouernour of this said Company, or his Deputie for the time being, to such effect as by the said Gouernour or Company, or the more part of them. In any publique Court to be held for the said Company, shall bee in reasonable manner set downe and deui∣sed, before they shall be allowed, or admitted to trade or traffique as a Free-man of the said Company. And further we will and grant by these Presents, for Vs, Our Heires and Successors,* 3.10 vnto the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that the said Gouernor or the Deputie of the said Gouernour, and the Company and their Successors for the time being, or the greatest part of them, whereof the Gouernor, or the Deputie of the Gouernor from time to time to be one, [ 40] shall and may from time to time to be one, shall and may from time to time and at all times hereafter, haue au∣thoritie and power yearly, and euery yeare on the first day of Iuly, or at any time within six dayes after that day, to assemble, meet together in some conuenient place to be from time to time appointed by the said Gouer∣nor of the said Company, or in his absence by his Deputie. And that they being so assembled, it shall and may be lawfull, to, and for the said Gouernour, or his Deputie, and the Company for the time being, or the grea∣ter part of them, which then shall happen to bee present, whereof the Gouernour of the said Company, or his Deputie for the time being to be one, to elect, and nominate twentie foure of the said Company, which shall be Committies of the said Company for one whole yeare from thence next ensuing, which persons being so elected, and nominated to be Committies of the said Company as aforesaid,* 3.11 before they bee admit∣ted to the execution of their said Offices, shall take a Corporall Oath before the Gouernour or his Depu∣tie, [ 50] and sixe or more of the said Committies of the said Company, being their last Predecessours for the time being, that they and euery of them, shall well and faithfully performe their said Offices of Com∣mitties, in all things concerning the same. And that immediately after the said Oath so taken, they shall and may execute, and vse the said Offices of Committies of the said Company for one whole yeare from thence next following. And moreouer, our will and pleasure is, and by th••se Presents, for Vs,* 3.12 Our Heires and Successors, we doe grant vnto the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors, that when, and as often it shall happen to the Gouernour of the said Company for the time, at any time within one yeare, after hee shall bee nominated, elected and sworne to the Office of the Gouernour of the said Company, as is afore-said, to dye, or to bee remooued [ 60] from the said Office, which Gouernour not demeaning himselfe well in his said Office, Wee will to bee re∣mooueable at the pleasure of the said Company, or the greater part of them, which shall bee present at any their publike Assemblies, commonly called their generall Court, holden for the said Company, that then, and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the residue of the said Company, for the time being, or the greater part of them, within conuenient time after the death, or remoouing any such Gouernour, to as∣semble

themselues in such conuenient place, as they shall thinke fit for the election of the Gouernour of the said Company; or that the said Company, or the greater part of them being then and there present, shall and may then and there before their departure from the said place elect, and nominate one other of the said Company to be Gouernor of the said Company in the place or steed of him, that so dyed, or was so remo∣ued, which person being so elected, and nominated to the Office of Gouernor of the said Company, shall haue and exercise the said Office for, and during the residue of the said yeare, taking first a corporall Oath, as is afore-said, for the due execution thereof, and this to be done from time to time so often as the case shall so require. And also Our will and pleasure is, and by these presents for Vs, Our Heires, and Cuccessors Wee doe grant vnto the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors, that when, and as often as it shall happen any of the Committies of the said Compa∣ny [ 10] for the time being at any time within one yeare next after, that they or any of them shall bee nominated, elected and sworne to the Office of Committies of the said Company, as is aforesaid, to dye, or be remoued from the said Office, which Committies not demeaning themselues well in their said Office, Wee will to bee remoueable at the pleasure of the said Gouernour,* 3.13 and Company, or the greater part of them, whereof the Gouernour for the time being, or his Deputie to be one, within conuenient time after the death, or remouing of any of the said Committies, to assemble themselues in such conuenient place, as is or shall bee vsuall and accustomed for the election of the Gouernour of the said Company, or where else for the Gouernor of the said Company, for the time being, or his Deputie to be one, being then and there present, shall and may then and there, before there departure from the said place, elect and nominate one, or more of the said Company to be Committies of the said Company in the places and steeds, place or steed of him or them, that so died, or [ 20] were, or was so remooued, which person, or persons so elected, and nominated to the Office, or Offices of Committie, or Committies of the said Company, shall haue and exercise the said Office and Offices, for, and during the residue of the said yeere, taking first a Corporall Oath, as is aforesaid, for the due execution thereof,* 3.14 and this to be done from time to time so often, as the cause shall require. And further, Wee doe by these Presents for Vs, Our Heires and Successours, will, and grant vnto the said Gouernour, and Com∣pany of Merchants of London trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, that they, and all that are, or shall be of the said Company of Merchants of London trading into the East-Indies, and euerie of them, and all the sonnes of them, and euerie of them at their seuerall ages of one and twentie yeeres, or vpwards: And further, all such the Apprentises, Factors, or seruants of them, and euerie of them, which hereafter shall be implayed by the said Gouernour and Company, in the said Trade of Merchandise, [ 30] of, or to the East-Indies, beyond the seas, or any other the places aforesaid, in any part of the said East-Indies, shall and may by the space of fifteene yeeres, from the Feast of the Birth of our Lord God last past, before the date hereof, freely traffique and vse the Trade of Merchandise by sea, in, and by such wayes and passages alreadie found out,* 3.15 or discouered, or which heereafter shall bee found out, and discouered, as they shall esteeme, and take to bee fittest into, and from the East-Indies into the Countries, and parts of Asia and Africa, and into and from all the Ilands, Ports, Hauens, Cities, Creakes, Townes and places of Asia, Africa, and America, or any of them beyond the Cape of Bona Sperancia, to the straights of Magellan, where any Trade or Traffique of Merchandise may bee vsed, or had, to, and from euerie of them, in such order, manner, forme, libertie and condition to all intents, and purposes, as shall bee from time to time at any publique Assembly, or Court held by, or for the said Gouer∣nour [ 40] or Company, by or betweene them, of them of the said Company, or Fellowship of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or the more part of them for the time, being present at such Assem∣bly or Court, the Gouernour, or his Deputie being alwaies present at such Court or Assembly limitted, and agreed: And not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance: any statute, vsage, diuersitie, religion, or faith, or any other cause, or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstan∣ding: so alwaies that the same Trade bee not vndertaken, nor addressed to any Countrie, Iland, Port, Hauen, Citie, Creake, Towne, or place alreadie in the lawfull, and actuall possession of any such Christi∣an Prince or State, as at this present is, or at any time heereafter shall bee in league or amitie with Vs, Our Heires or Successours, and who doth not, or will not accept of such Trade, but doth ouertly de∣clare and publish the same,* 3.16 to bee vtterly against his or their good will and liking. And further, Our will [ 50] and pleasure is, and by these presents for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, Wee doe grant vnto the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and to their succes∣sours, that it shall and may bee lawfull, to and for the said Gouernour, and Company, and their successours from time to time, to assemble themselues for, or about any the matters, causes, affaires, or businesse of the said Trade, in any place or places for the same conuenient, during the said terme of fifteene yeeres within Our Dominions or elsewhere, and there to hold Court for the said Company, and the affaires thereof; and that also it shall and may be lawfull, to, and for them, or the more part of them, being so assembled, and that shall then and there be present in any such place or places, whereof the Gouernour, or his Deputie for the time being to be one, to make, ordaine, and constitute such and so many reasonable Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances,* 3.17 as to them, or the greater part of them, being then and there present shal seeme necessary & [ 60] conuenient, for the good gouernment of the same Companie, and of all Factors, Masters, Mariners, and o∣ther Officers imployed, or to be imployed in any of their Voyages, and for the better aduancement and conti∣nuance of the said trade, and traffique, and the same Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances so made, to put in and execute accordingly, and at their pleasure to reuoke, or alter the same, or any of them as occa∣sion

shall require, and that the said Gouernour, and Company, so often as they shall make, ordaine, or esta∣blish any such Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances in forme aforesaid, shall and may lawfully im∣pose, ordaine, limit, and prouide such paines, punishments, penalties, by imprisonment of body, or by fines, or amercements, or by all or any of them vpon and against all offenders, contrary to such Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, or any of them, as to the said Gouernour,* 3.18 and Company for the time being, or the greater part of them, then and there being present, the said Gouernour, or his Deputy beeing alwayes one, shall seeme necessary, requisite, and conuenient for the obseruation of the same Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, and the same fines, and amercements shall and may leauie, take, and haue to the vse of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 said Gouernour, and Companie, and their Successors without the impediment of Vs, Our Heires, or Successors, or of any the Officers, or Ministers of Vs, Our [ 10] Heires, or Successors, or without accompt to Vs, Our Heyres, or Successors, to bee rendred or made. All and sundry which Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, and Ordinances, so as aforesaid to be made, We will to be duely obserued, and kept vnder the paines and penalties therein to bee contained, so alwayes the said Lawes, Constitutions, Orders, Ordinances, Imprisonments, Fines, and Amercements be rea∣sonable, and not contrary or repugnant to the Lawes, Statutes, or Customes of this Our Realme. And for as much as the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East-In∣dies,* 3.19 haue not yet experience of the kinds of Commodities and Merchandizes, which are or will bee vendible, or to be vttered in the said parts of the East-Indies, and therefore shall bee driuen to carrie to those parts in their Voyages diuers and sundry Commodities, which are likely to be returned againe [ 20] into this Realme: We therefore of Our especiall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for the better encouraging of the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants trading into the East-Indies, and for the aduancement of the said trade, doe grant vnto the said Gouernour and Companie, and to their Successors, that they and their Successors during the foure first Voyages, which they shall make or set forth for or towards the said East-Indies, shall or may transport and carry out of Our Realme of England, and the Ports, Creekes and Hauens thereof, all such and so much goods and merchan∣dizes, beeing goods and merchandizes lawfully passable, and transportable out of this Realme, and not prohibited to be transported by any Law, or Statute of this Realme, as shall be by them, their Fa∣ctors, or Assignes, shipped in any Ship or Ships, Vessell or Vessels, to bee imployed in any of the said foure first Voyages, free of Custome, Subsidie or Poundage, or any other duties or payments to Vs, or [ 30] Our Successors due, or belonging for the shipping, or transporting of the same or any of them. And yet neuerthelesse Our Will and Pleasure is, and We doe by these Presents straightly charge and command, that all and euery such goods and merchandizes so to be transported out of this Realme, shall from time to time during the said foure first Voyages, as is aforesaid, shall from time to time be duely entred by the Customer, Comptroller, or other Officer of such Port, Creek, or Place, where the same goods, or merchan∣dizes shall happen to be shipped, or laden, to be transported as aforesaid. And also of Our further espe∣ciall Grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, We doe for Vs, Our Heires, Successors,* 3.20 grant to and with the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that when and as often at any time during the said terme, and space of fifteene yeeres, as any Custome, Pondage, Subsidie, or other Duties shall be due and payable vnto Vs, Our Heyres, [ 40] or Successors, for any Goods, Wares, or Merchandizes whatsoeuer to bee returned out, or from any the Ilands, Ports, Hauens, Cities, Townes, or Places aforesaid vnto the Port of London, or any of the Hauens, Creekes, Members, or Places to the same Port belonging, that the Customers, and all other Officers for the time being of Vs, Our Heires, or Successors, for or concerning receipts of Custome, Poundage, Subsidies, or other Duties vnto whom it shall appertaine, shall vpon the request of the Gouernour, and Companie of the said Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or any other their Agents, Factors, or Assignes, giue vnto the said Gouernour and Company, their Agents, Factors, or Assignes, sixe Moneths time for the payment of the one halfe, and after those sixe Moneths ended, other sixe Moneths time for the payment of the other halfe of their said Custome, Poundage, or other Subsidie, or Duties, receiuing good and sufficient bonds with surety to the vse of Vs, our Heires and Successors, for the true payment of the same accordingly, [ 50] and vpon the receipt of the said bonds with suretie from time to time, to giue vnto the said Gouernour and Companie of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies for the time beeing, their Agents, Fa∣ctors, or Assignes, their Cockets or other warrants to take out, and receiue on land the same Goods, Wares, & Merchandises by vertue thereof, without any disturbance. And that also as often as at any time during the said terme of fifteene yeeres, any Goods, Wares, or Merchandises of the said Gouernour, and Company for the time beeing laden from Our Port of London, or any the Creekes, Members, or Places to the same Port belonging, to be transported to or towards any of the Ports, Ilands, Hauens, Cities, Townes, or Places, aforesaid, shall happen to miscarie or be lost, before their safe arriuall or discharge in the Ports,* 3.21 for and to the which the same shall be sent, that then, and so often, and so much Custome, Poundage, Subsidies, or other Duties, as they answered to Vs for the same before their going forth of our said Ports, Hauens, or Creekes, [ 60] shall after due proofe made before the Treasurer of England for the time beeing of the said losse, and the iust quantitie thereof, bee by vertue hereof allowed by the said Gouernour and Company, their Agents, or Factors, by warrant of the said Treasurer, to the said Customers or Officers in the next goods, wares, or merchandises, that the said Gouernour and Company, or their successors, shall and may ship, for or towards those parts, according to the true rates of the Customes, Poundage, or Subsidies before payed for the goods,

wares, or merchandises so lost, or miscarrying, or any part thereof. And for that the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, are like to bring into this Our Realme a much greater quantitie of forreine commodities, from the parts of the said East-Indies, then can bee spent for the necessarie vse of the same Our Realme, which of necessitie must bee transported into other Counteies, and there vented: Wee for Vs, Our Heires and Successours, of Our speciall Grace, cer∣taine knowledge, and meere motion, doe grant to, and with the said Gouernour, and Company of Mer∣chants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their successours, that at all times, from time to time, during the space of thirteene moneths, next after the discharge of any the same forraine commodities so to be brought in, the Subsidies, Poundage, Customes, and other duties, for the same being first paied, or compounded for,* 3.22 as aforesaid, it shall be lawfull for the said Gouernour and Company, and their successours, [ 10] or any other the naturall Subiects of this Our Realme, which may, or shall buy the same of them, to trans∣port the same in English Bottoms, freely out of this Realme, as well vngarbled, as garbled, without pay∣ment of any further Custome, Poundage, or any further Subsidy, to Vs, Our Heires, or Successours for the same: whereof the Subsidy, Custome, Poundage, or other duties, shall bee so formerly payed or compounded for, as aforesaid, and so prouided, and the said Customer, or other Officer or Officers, to whom in that be∣halfe it shall appertaine, for the time being, by vertue hereof, shall vpon due and sufficient proofe thereof, made in the Custome House, of or belonging to the same Port of London, giue them sufficient Cocket, or Certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly. And, to the end no deceit to be vsed herein to Vs, Our Heires, or successours, Certificate shall bee brought from the Collector of the Custome, Subsidy, Poun∣dage, or other duties inwards of Vs, Our Heires, or Successours, to the Collectors of the Custome, Subsidie [ 20] Poundage, or other duties outwards of Vs, Our Heires, or successors to the said goods, wares, or merchan∣dises, haue within the time limited, answered their due Custome, Subsidy, Poundage, or other duties for the same inwards. And moreouer, Wee of Our further especiall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere mo∣tion haue granted, and by these Presents for Vs, Our Heires, and Successours, doe grant vnto the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London,* 3.23 trading into the East-Indies, that it shall and may be lawfull for them, their Factors, or Assignes in their first Voyage or Fleet, which is now in preparing for their first aduenture to the said East-Indies, to transport out of this Our Realme of England, all such forraine Coyne of Siluer, either Spanish, or other forraine Siluer, as they haue procured, prepared, and gotten, or shall procure, prepare and get, as likewise all such other Coynes of Siluer, as they haue procured, or shall procure to bee coyned in Our Mynt, within Our Tower of London, out of such [ 30] Plate or Bullyon, as it shall bee prouided for the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of Lon∣don, trading into the East-Indies, their Factors, or Assignes, before the going foorth of the same Fleet in these three first Voyages, so as the whole quantitie of Coyne or Monies, to bee transported in this their said first Voyage doe not exceed the value, or sum of thirtie thousand pound sterling. And so as the sum of six thousand pound, at the least parcell of the said sum of thirtie thousand pound, be first coyned in Our Mynt, within Our Tower of London before the same, shall bee transported as aforesaid; any Law, Statute, Restraint, or Prohibition in that behalfe notwithstanding. And in like manner, of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, wee haue granted, and by these Presents doe for Vs, Our Heires and Successours,* 3.24 grant vnto the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successours: That it shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the [ 40] said Gouernour and Company, and their Successours, after the said first Voyage set foorth yeerely, for, and during the residue of the said terme of fifteene yeares, to ship and transport out of this Our Realme of England, or Dominions of the same, in any their other Voyages, to, and towards any of the parts a∣foresaid, in forme aforementioned, all such forraine Coyne of siluer, Spanish, or other forraine Siluer, or Bullion of Siluer, as they shall during the said terme bring, or cause to bee brought into this Our Realme of England, from the parts beyond the Seas, either in the same kind, sort, stampe, or fashion, which it shall haue when they bring it in, or any other forme, stampe, or fashion to bee coyned within Our Mynt, within Our Tower of London, at their pleasure, so as the whole quantities of Coyne or Monies, by them to bee transported in any their said Voyages, during the residue of the said terme, doe not exceed the value or summe of thirtie thousand pound in any one Voyage, and so as the summe of sixe thousand pound at the [ 50] least parcell of the said summe, or value of thirtie thousand pound, so to bee transported as aforesaid, bee first coyned within Our said Tower of London, before the same shall bee transported in any of the said Voyages, any Law, Statute, Restraint, or Prohibition in that behalfe in any wise notwithstanding. And further, wee of Our ample, and aboundant Grace, meere motion, and certaine knowledge, haue granted, and by th••se Presents for Vs, Our Heires and Successours, doe grant vnto the said Gouernour, and Com∣pany of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successours, that they and their Successours,* 3.25 and their Factors, Seruants, or Assignes in the trade of merchandise for them, and on their behalfe, and not otherwise, shall for the said terme of fifteene yeeres haue, vse, and enioy the whole entire, and only trade and traffique, and the whole entire and onely libertie, vse, and priuiledge of trading and trafficking, and vsing feate and trade of merchandise, to and from the said East-Indies, and to and from all the Ilands, Ports, Hauens, Cities, Townes, or Places aforesaid in such manner, and forme as is a∣boue [ 60] mentioned, and that the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and euery particular and seuerall person that now is▪ or that hereafter shall be of that Company, or Incorporation, shall haue full, and free authoritie, libertie and facultie, licence and power

in forme aforesaid to trade and to traffique, to and from the said East Indies, and all and euery the parts thereof, in forme aforesaid, according to the orders and manners, and agreement hereafter to be made, and agreed vpon by the said Gouernour and Company of Merchans of London, trading in∣to the East-Indies, and their successours, or the more part of them, present at any Court, or publique Assembly, of, or for the said Company, the Gouernour of the said Company, or his Deputie for the time being alwayes present at such Court or Assembly, and not otherwise. And for that the Shippes sayling into the said Indies, must take their due and proper times, to proceed in these Voyages, which otherwise, as we well perceiue cannot be performed in the rest of the yeere following: Therefore wee of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for Vs, Our Heires and Su••cessours, doe [ 10] grant, to and with the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successours, that in any time of restraint sixe good Ships, and sixe good Pyn∣naces well furnished with Ordnance, and other munition for their defence, and fiue hundred Mariners,* 3.26 English-men, to guide and sayle in the same sixe Ships and sixe Pynnaces at all times, during the said terme of fifteene yeeres, shall quietly be permitted, and suffered to depart and goe in the said Voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any stay or contradiction by Vs, Our Heires, or Suc∣cessors, or by the Lord High Admirall, or any other Officer or Subiect, of Vs, Our Heires or Successors for the time being, in any wise, any restraint, law, statute, vsage, or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary not∣withstanding. Prouided neuerthelesse, that if Wee shall at any time within the said terme of fifteene yeeres, haue iust cause to arme Our Nauy in warlike manner, in defence of Our Realme, or for offence [ 20] of Our enemies, or that it shall be found needfull to ioyne to the Nauy, of Vs, Our Heires or Succes∣sors, the Ships of Our Subiects, to be also armed for the warres to such a number as cannot be supplied, if the said sixe Ships, and sixe Pynnaces should bee permitted to depart, as aboue is mentioned; then vpon knowledge giuen to Vs, Our Heires or Successors, or by any Admirall, to the said Gouernor and Company, about the twentieth day of the month of Iuly, or three moneths before the said Gouernor and Company, shall begin to make readie the same sixe Ships and sixe Pynnaces, that wee may not spare the said sixe Ships and sixe Pynnaces, and the Mariners requisite for them to bee out of Our Realme, during the time that Our Nauie shall be vpon the Seas; That then the said Gouernour and Company, shall forbeare to send sixe such Ships, and sixe Pynnaces for their trade of Merchandise, vntill that we shall reuoke, or withdraw Our said Nauie for this seruice. And Wee of Our further [ 30] Royall fauour, and of Our especiall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue granted, and by these presents, for Vs, Our Heires and Successors,* 3.27 doe grant vnto the said Gouernor and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and to their Successors, that the said East-In∣dies, nor the Ilands, Hauens, Ports, Cities, Townes, or Places thereof, nor of any part thereof, shall not be visited, frequented or haunted by any of the Subiects of Vs, Our Heires, or Successors, during the said terme of fifteene yeares, contrary to the true meaning of these Presents. And by vertue of Our prerogatiue Royall, which Wee will not in that behalfe haue argued, or brought in question; Wee straightly charge, command, and prohibite for Vs, Our Heires and Successors, of what degree or qualitie soeuer they be, that none of them, directly, or indirectly, doe visite, haunt, frequent, trade, tra∣fique, or aduenture by way of merchandise, into, or from any of the said East-Indies, or into & from any [ 40] of the Ilands, Ports, Hauens, Cities, Townes, or Places aforesaid, other then the said Gouernor, or Com∣pany of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and such particular persons, as now be, or hereafter shall be of that Company, their Agents, Factors, and Assignes, during the said terme of fifteene yeeres, vnlesse it be by, and with such licence and agreement of the said Gouernour and Com∣pany of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, in writing first had, and obtained vn∣der their common Seale to bee granted, vpon paine that euerie such person or persons, that shall trade or traffique into, or from any of the said East-Indies, other then the said Gouernour, or Companie of Merchants of London trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, shall incurre Our indigna∣tion and forfeiture, and losse of the goods, merchandise, and other things whatsoeuer, which so shall be brought into this Realme of England, or any the Dominions of the same,* 3.28 contrarie to Our said pro∣hibition, [ 50] or the purport or true meaning of these Presents, as also the Ship and Ships, with the furni∣ture thereof, wherein such goods, merchandises, or things shall be brought, the halfe of all the said forfeitures to bee to Vs, Our Heires and Successours, and the other halfe of all, and euery the said forfeitures, Wee doe by these Presents of Our especiall Grace, certaine knowledge,* 3.29 and meere motion, cleerely and wholly for Vs, Our Heires and Successors, giue and grant vnto the said Gouer∣nour and Company of Marchants of London, trading into the East-Indies: And further, all and euerie the said Offendors, for their said contempt, to suffer imprisonment during Our pleasure,* 3.30 and such other punishment, as to Vs, Our Heires or Successours, for so high a contempt shall seeme meete and conuenient, and not to be in any wise deliuered, vntill they, and euery of them,* 3.31 shall become bound vnto the said Gouernour, for the time being, in the summe of a thousand pound at least, at no time [ 60] there after, during this present Grant, to sayle or traffique into any of the said East-Indies, contrary to Our expresse commandement, in that behalfe herein set downe and published. And further, for the better encouragement of Merchant strangers, and others, to bring in commodities into this Our Realme, Wee for Vs, Our Heires and Successours, doe grant vnto the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading in to the East-Indies, that they and their sucessours may from time

to time, for any consideration or benefit to be taken to their owne vse, grant or giue licence to any person or persons▪ to sayle, trade, or traffique, into, or from any of the said East-Indies, so as such licence be granted or giuen before such goods, wares, and merchandizes bee laid on land, and so as such licence bee made by the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies for the time being, vnder their Common Seale. And further of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, we haue condiscended and granted, and by these presents for Vs, Our Heires and Successors▪ we doe con∣discend and grant,* 3.32 vnto the said Gouernour and Company of Marchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that We Our Heires and Successors, during the said terme of fifteene yeares, will not grant libertie, licence, or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer, contrary to the tenour of these our Letters Patents, to sayle, passe, trade, or traffique to the said East-Indies, or into, or from the [ 10] Ilands, Ports, Hauens, Cities, Townes or places aforesaid, or any of them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the said Gouernour and Companie of Marchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or the most part of them. And Our will and pleasure is, and hereby wee doe also ordaine, that it shall and may be lawfull, to and for the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or the more part of them, whereof the Gouernour for the time being, or his Deputie to be one, to admit into, and to be of the said Company, all such Apprentizes to any of the said Fellowship or Company, and all such Seruants and Factors, of or for the said Company, and all such others as to them, or the most part of them present, at any Court held for the said Company, the Go∣uernour, or his Deputie being one, shall be thought fit and agreeable with the Orders and Ordinances, to be made for the Gouernment of the said Company. Prouided alwayes, that if any of the persons before named, & [ 20] appointed by these Presents to be free of the said Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies,* 3.33 shall not before the going forth of the Fleet, appointed for this first Voyage from the Port of London, bring in and deliuer to the Treasurer or Treasurers appointed, or which within the space of twen∣tie dayes next after the date hereof, shall be appointed by the said Gouernour and Company, or the more part of them, to receiue the Contributions and Aduentures, set downe by the seuerall Aduentures, in this last and present Voyage, now in hand to be set forth, such summes of money as haue beene by any of the said per∣sons, by these Presents nominated to be of the said Company, expressed, set downe, and written in a Booke ap∣pointed for that purpose, and left in the hands of the said Thomas Smith, Gouernour of the said Company, or of the said Paul Bannyng, Alderman of London, and subscribed with the names of the same Ad∣uenturers, vnder their hands, and agreed vpon to bee aduentured in the said first Voyage, that then it shall [ 30] be lawfull for the said Gouernour and Company, or the more part of them, whereof the said Gouernour or his Deputie to be one▪ at any their generall Court, or generall Assembly, to remoue, disfranchize, and dis∣place him or them at their wils and pleasures, And the said Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies for them and their Successours, doe by these Presents couenant, pro∣mise, and grant to and with vs, Our Heires and Successors, that they the said Gouernour and Company, and their Successors: In all and euery such Voyage, as they at any time, or times hereafter during the said terme, shall make out of this Realme, by vertue of this Our Grant and Letters Pattents, the first Voyage only excepted,* 3.34 shall and will vpon euery returne, which shall be made backe againe into this Realme, or any of our Dominions, or within six Moneths next after euery such returne, bring into this our Realme of Eng∣land, from the said East-Indies, or from some other parts beyond the Seas▪ out of our Dominions, as great [ 40] or greater value in Bullyon of Gold or Siluer, or other forraine Coyne of Gold or Siluer, respectiuely for euery Voyage, the first Voyage only excepted, as shall be by force of these Presents, transported or carried out of this Realme, by them, or any of them in any kind of Siluer aboue-said, whatsoeuer in any of the said Voyages, and that all such Siluer, as by vertue of this our Grant and Letters Pattents, shall bee shipped or laden, by the said Gouernour and Company, or their Successors, to be transported out of this Realme in any of the said Voyages, shall from time to time at the setting forth of euery such particular Voyages be shipped or laden at the Ports or Hauens of London, Dartmouth or Plimmouth, or at some of the same Ports & Hauens, and at no other Port or Hauen whatsoeuer within this our Realme, or the Dominions thereof, and that all and euery such Siluer, as from time to time, shall be shipped and laden in the said Ports of London, Dartmouth and Plimmouth, or any of them to bee by force of these Presents transported out of this [ 50] Realme, as is aforesaid, shall from time to time, be duly entred by the Customer, Comptroller, Collector or other Officer, to whom it shall appertaine of euery such Port or Hauen, where the same shall happen to bee shipped or laden, in the Custome Booke belonging to the said Port or Hauen, before such time as the same shall be shipped or laden to be transported as aforesaid without any Custome or Subsidie to bee paid for the same. And that in like manner, all, and all manner of Gold and Siluer whatsoeuer, which shall be brought into this Realme or any of our Dominions, by the said Gouernour and Company, or any of them, according to the true meaning of these Presents, shall likewise bee from time to time, duly entred by the Customer, Comptroller, or other Officer of euery such Port, Creeke or Place, where the same Gold or Siluer shall happen to be vnshipped, or brought to Land, before such time as the same Gold or Siluer, or any part there∣of shall be vnshipped, or brought to Land, as is aforesaid Prouided alwaies, neuerthelesse, and Our will [ 60] and pleasure is, that these Our Letters Pattents, or any thing the••ein contayned, shall not in any sort extend, to giue or grant any licence, power, or authoritie, vnto the said G••uernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or to any of them, to vndertake or addresse any Trade vnto any Countrey, Port, Iland, Hauen, Citie, Creeke, Towne or Place, being alreadie in the lawfull and actuall

possession, of any such Christian Prince or State, as at this present is, or at any time hereafter shall bee in league, or amitie with vs, Our Heires and Successors, and which doth not, or will not except of such trade, but doth ouertly declare and publish the same to be vtterly against his, or their good will and liking any thing in Present before contayned, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. Prouided also, that if it shall hereafter appeare to Vs, Our Heires or Successors, that this Grant, or the continuance thereof, shall not be profitable to Vs, Our Heires and Successors, and to this Our Realme, that then▪ and from thence-forth vp∣pon and after two yeares warning to be giuen to the said Company, by Vs, Our Heires or Successors, vnder Our or their Priuie Seale, or Signe Manuall, this present Grant shall cease, bee voyd, and determined to all intents, constructions, and purposes. And further of Our speciall Grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, we haue condiscended and granted, and by these Presents for Vs, Our Heires and Successors doe [ 10] condiscend, and grant to the said Gouernour, and Company of Merchants of London, trading into the East-Indies, and their Successors, that if at the end of the said terme of fifteene yeares, it shall seeme meete and conuenient, to the said Gouernour and Company, or any the parties aforesaid, that this present Grant shall be continued and if that also it shall appeare vnto Vs, Our Heires and Successors, that the con∣tinuance therof shall not be preiudiciall, or hurtfull to this our Realme,* 3.35 but that we shall find the further con∣tinuance thereof profitable for Vs, Our Heires and Successors, and for Our Realme with such Condions, as are herein mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification thereof, that then We, Our Heires or Suc∣cessors at the instance and humble Petition of the said Gouernour and Company, or any of them to be made vnto Vs Our Heires and Successors will grant and make vnto the said Gouernour and Company, or any of them so suing for the same, and such other person and persons Our Subiects, as they shall nominate and ap∣point, [ 20] or shall be by Vs, Our Heires or Successors newly nominated not exceeding in number foure and twen∣tie new Letters Patents, vnder the great Seale of England, in due forme of Law with like Coue∣nants, Grants, Clauses and Articles, as in these Presents are contayned, or with addition of ey∣ther necessary Articles, or changing of these into some other parts, for and during the full terme of fifteen yeares then next following. Willing hereby, and streightly charging and commanding, all and singular Our Admirals, Vice-admirals, Iustices, Maiors, Sheriffes, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singular other Our Officers, Ministers, Leadgemen, and Subiects whatsoeuer to bee ayding, fauouring, helping, and assisting vnto the said Gouernour and Company, and to their Successors, and to their Depu∣ties, Officers, Factors, Seruants, Assignes and Ministers, and euery of them in executing and enioyning the Premises, aswell on Land, as on Sea, from time to time, when you, or any of you shall thereunto be required, [ 30] any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Prouiso, Proclamation, or Restraint heretofore had, made, set forth, orday∣ned, or prouided, or any other matter, cause, or thing whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Although expresse mention of the true yearly value, or certaintie of the Premises, or of any of them, or of any other Gifts, or Grants by vs, or any of our Progenitors, to the said Gouernour and Company of Mer∣chants of London, trading into the East-Indies, or to any of them before this time made, in these Pre∣sents is not made, or any Statute, Act, Ordinance, Prouision, Proclamation, or restraint, to the contrarie hereof heretofore had, made, ordayned, or prouided, or any other thing, cause, or matter whatsoeuer in any wise notwithstanding.

In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made Patents, Witnesse our selfe at West∣minster, the one and thirtieth of December, in the three and fortieth yeare of Our Reigne. Per breuem [ 40] Priuato Sigillo. s.

HVBERD.

CHAP. III. The first Voyage made to East-India by Master IAMES LANCASTER, now Knight, for the Merchants of London, Anno, 1600. With foure tall Shippes, (to wit) the Dragon, the Hector, the [ 50] Ascension and Susan, and a Victualler called the Guest.

§ I. The preparation to this Voyage, and what befell them in the way till they departed from Saldania.

THe Merchants of London, in the yeare of our Lord 1600. ioyned together, and [ 60] made a stocke of seuentie two thousand pounds, to bee imployed in Ships and Merchandizes, for the discouery of a Trade in the East-India, to bring into this Realme, Spices and other Commodities. They bought foure great Ships to bee imployed in this Voyage: the Dragon, of the burthen of six hundred tunne, the Hector, of the burthen of three hundred tunnes, the Ascentic•• of the burthen of

two hundred and threescore tunnes. These ships they furnished with men, victuals and muni∣tion for twentie monethes, and sent in them, in Merchandise and Spanish money, to the value of seuen and twentie thousand pounds: all the rest of their stocke was spent and consumed about the shippes, and other necessaries appertayning to them: with money lent to the Mariners and Saylers before-hand, that went vpon the Voyage.

The Merchants were Suters to her Maiestie, who gaue them her friendly Letters of com∣mendation, written to diuers Princes of India, offering to enter into a league of Peace and Ami∣tie with them, the Copies of which Letters shall hereafter appeare in their places. And because no great action can well be carryed, and accomplished without an absolute authoritie of Iustice: Shee granted to the Generall of their Fleet Master Iames Lancaster, for his better command and [ 10] gouernment, a Commission of Martiall Law.

* 3.36The said Master Iames Lancaster the Generall, was placed in the Dragon, the greatest shippe being Admirall: Master Iohn Middleton Captaine in the Hector, the Vice-admirall: Master William Brand chiefe Gouernour in the Ascention: and Master Iohn Heyward in the Susan: and more in euery of the said ships, three Merchants to succeed one the other, if any of them should be taken away by death.

These ships were readie and departed from Wolwich in the Riuer of Thames, the thirteenth of February after the English accompt, 1600. with foure hundred and fourescore men in them. In the Dragon, two hundred and two men. In the Hector, an hundred an eight. In the Ascention, fourescore and two. And in the Susan, fourescore and eight. The Guest, a ship of a hundred and [ 20] thirtie tunnes, was added as a Victualler.

These ships stayed so long in the Riuer of Thames, and in the Downes for want of wind, that it was Easter day before they arriued at Dartmouth, where they spent fiue or sixe dayes in taking in their bread and certaine other prouisions appointed for them. From thence they departed the eighteenth of Aprill, 1601. and road in Tor Bay, till the twentieth in the morning. While wee roade there, the Generall sent aboord all the shippes, instructions, for their better company kee∣ping, at their comming to the Seas: and further gaue directions, if any of the Fleet should bee separated the one from the other, by stormes of wind, tempests, or other casualties, what * 3.37 places to repaire vnto, for their meeting together againe.

The second of Aprill, 1601. the wind came faire and wee hoysed our Anchors, and departed [ 30] out of Tor Bay, directing our course towards the Ilands of the Canaria. The wind holding faire, the fift of May in the morning, we had sight of Alegranza, the Northermost Iland of the Ca∣narias, and directed our course betweene Forteuentura, and the Grand Canaria: and comming to the South part of the Grand Canaria, thinking to water there, wee fell into the Calmes, which proceed by reason of the high-land that lyeth so neere the Sea-side.

The seuenth of May, about three of the clocke in the afternoone, wee departed from the Grand Canaria, hauing the wind at North-east, and we directed our course South-west by South, and South South-west, till wee came into 21. 1/••. degrees. From the eleuenth to the twentieth, our course was for the most part South, till we came into eight degrees: the wind being alwayes Northerly, and North-east. In this heigth, we found the Calmes and contrarie winds, which vp∣pon [ 40] this Coast of Ginney, at this time of the yeare, are very familiar with many sudden gustes of wind, stormes, thunder and lightening, very fearefull to be seene and dangerous to the shippes: vnlesse a diligent care be had, that all sayles be stricken downe vpon the sudden, perceiuing the ayre neuer so little to change or alter. And yet many times, although the Masters of ships were carefull, and looked vnto it with great diligence: the suddennesse was such, that it could hardly be preuented. From the twentieth of May, till the one and twentieth of Iune, wee lay the most part becalmed, and with contrarie winds at South, and turning vp and downe with this contrary wind, with much ado••, we got into two degrees of the North side of the Line: where wee es∣pyed a ship, to the which, the Generall gaue chase, commanding all the rest of the ships to fol∣low him: and by two of the clocke in the afternoone, we had set her vp and tooke her. She was [ 50] of the Citie of Viana in Portugall, and came from Lisbone in the companie of two Carrackes, and three Gallions bound for the East-India, which ships she had lost at Sea. The three Gallions were ships of warre, and went to keepe the Coast of the East-India, from being traded with other Na∣tions.

Wee tooke out of her an hundred sixe and fortie Buts of Wine, an hundred threescore and sixteene Iarres of Oyle, twelue Barrels of Oyle, and fiue and fiftie Hogsheads and Fats of Meale, which was a great helpe to vs in the whole Voyage after. The Generall diuided these Victualls indifferently to all the ships, to euery one his proportion without partialitie.

The last of Iune about mid-night, we doubled the Line, and lost the sight of the North-star, hauing the wind at South-east, and we held our course South South-west, and doubled the Cape [ 60] of Saint Augustine some sixe and twentie leagues to the Eastwards. The twentieth of Iuly, we were shot into nineteene degrees, fortie minutes to the Southward of the Line, the wind inlarge∣ing daily to the East-ward. Here wee discharged the Guest, the ship that went a long with vs to carry the Prouisions, that our foure ships could not take in in England. After wee had discharged

her, we tooke her Masts, Sayles and Yards, and brake downe her higher buildings for fire-wood, and so left her floting in the Sea: and followed our course to the South-ward. The foure and twentieth of Iuly, we passed the Tropick of Capricorne, the wind being North-east by North, we holding our course East South-east. Now, by reason of our long being vnder the Line, (which proceeded of our late comming out of England, for the time of the yeare was too farre spent by six or seuen weekes, to make a quicke Nauigation) many of our men fell sicke. Therefore the nine and twentieth of Iuly being in 28.1/••. degrees, hee wrote a remembrance to the Gouernour of each ship, either to fetch Saldauia or Saint Helena for refreshing.

Thus following on our course, the first of August we came into the height of thirtie degrees,* 3.38 [ 10] South of the Line: at which time we met the South-west wind, to the great comfort of all our people. For, by this time, very many of our men were fallen sicke of the Scuruey in all our ships, and vnlesse it were in the Generals ship only, the other three were so weake of men, that they could hardly handle the sayles. This wind held faire, till wee came within two hundred and fiftie leagues of the Cape Buena Esperanza, and then came cleane contrarie against vs to the East: and so held some fifteene or sixteene dayes to the great discomfort of our men. For now the few whole men we had, beganne also to fall sicke, so that our weaknesse of men was so great, that in some of the ships, the Merchants tooke their turnes at the Helme: and went into the top to take in the top-sayles, as the common Mariners did. But God (who sheweth mercy in all distresses) sent vs a faire wind againe, so that the ninth of September wee came to Salda∣nia, [ 20] where the Generall before the rest bare in, and came to an anchor,* 3.39 and hoysed out his Boats to helpe the rest of the ships.

For now the state of the other three was such, that they were hardly able to let fall an An∣chor, to saue themselues withall. The Generall went aboord of them, and carryed good store of men, and hoysed out their Boats for them, which they were not able to doe of themselues. And the reason why the Generals men stood better in health then the men of other ships, was this: he brought to Sea with him certaine Bottles of the Iuice of Limons,* 3.40 which hee gaue to each one, as long as it would last, three spoonfuls euery morning fasting: not suffering them to eate any thing after it till noone. This Iuice worketh much the better, if the partie keepe a short Dyet, and wholly refraine salt meate, which salt meate, and long being at the Sea is the only cause of the breeding of this Disease. By this meanes the Generall cured many of his men, [ 30] and preserued the rest: so that in his ship (hauing the double of men that was in the rest of the ships) he had not so many sicke, nor lost so many men as they did, which was the mercie of God to vs all. After the Generall had holpen the rest of the ships to hoyse out their Boats, they began all to be greatly comforted. Then, he himselfe went presently a-land to seeke some refreshing for our sicke and weake men, where hee met with certaine of the Countrey people, and gaue them diuers trifles, as Kniues, and peeces of old Iron, and such like,* 3.41 and made signes to them to bring him downe Sheepe and Oxen. For he spake to them in the Cattels Language, which was neuer changed at the confusion of Babell, which was Moath for Oxen, and Kine, and Baa for Sheepe: which Language the people vnderstood very well without any Interpreter. After hee had sent the people away very well contented with their presents, and kind vsage order was presently gi∣uen, [ 40] that certaine of euery ships companie should bring their sayles a-land, and build Tents with them for their sicke men: and also to make fortifications of defence,* 3.42 if by any occasion the peo∣ple should take any conceit of offence against vs, and thereby offer vs any violence. And the Ge∣nerall prescribed an order for buying and s••lling with the people, which was,* 3.43 that at such times as they should come downe with the Cattell, only fiue or sixe men, appointed for that purpose, should goe to deale with them and the rest (which should neuer bee vnder thirtie Muskets and Pikes) should not come neere the Market, by eight or ten score at the neerest: and alwayes to stand in their ranke in a readinesse, with their Mu••kets in their Rests, what occasion soeuer. should befall. And this order was most strictly obserued and kept, that no man durst once goe to speake with any of the people without speciall leaue, and I take this to be the cause, why we li∣ued [ 50] in so great friendship and amitie with them, contrary to that which lately had befallen the Hollanders, which had fiue or six of their men slaine by their treacherie.

The third day after our comming into this Bay of Saldania, the people brought downe Beefes and Muttons, which we bought of them for pieces of old Iron hoopes, as two pieces of eight inches a piece, for an Oxe, and one piece of eight inches for a Sheepe, with which they seemed to be well contented. VVithin ten or twelue dayes, we bought of them a thousand Sheepe, and two and fortie Oxen, and might haue bought many more, if wee would. Now within twelue dayes they ceased to bring vs any more Cattell, but the people many times came downe to vs afterward, and when we made them signes for more Sheepe, they would point vs to those wee had bought, which the Generall caused to be kept grazing vpon the Hilles about our Tents, and [ 60] was the cause (as we iudged) they thought we would haue inhabited there, and therefore brought vs no more. But (God be thanked) we were well stored to satisfie our need, and might then, ve∣ry well forbeare buying. These Oxen are full as bigge as ours, and were very fat, and the sheepe many of them much bigger, but of a very hairie wooll, yet, of exceeding good flesh, fat and

sweet,* 3.44 and to our thinking, much better then our sheepe in England. The people of this place are all of a tawnie * 3.45 colour, of a reasonable statute, swift of foot, and much giuen to picke and steale: their speech is wholly vttered through the throate, and they clocke with their tongues in such sort, that in seuen weekes, which wee remained heere in this place, the sharpest wit among vs, could not learne one word of their language: and yet the people would soone vnderstand any signe wee made to them.

While wee stayed heere in this Bay, wee had so royall refreshing, that all our men recouered their health and strength, onely foure or fiue excepted. But, before our comming in, and in this place, wee lost out of all our Ships one hundred and fiue men, and yet wee made account, wee were stronger at our departure out of this Bay, then wee were at our comming out of England, our men were so well inured to the Southerne Climates. [ 10]

§. II. Their departure from Saldania, and proceeding in their Voyage to Achen in Sumatra, with their trading at Saint MARIES, Antongill, Nicubar: the strange Plant of Sombrero, and other occurrents.

* 3.46THE foure and twentieth of October, the Generall caused all our Tents to bee taken [ 20] downe and our men to repaire aboord the Ships: and being fitted both of wood and fresh water; The nine and twentieth of October, wee put to Sea, and went out by a small Iland, that lieth in the mouth of the said Bay: which is exceeding full of Seales and Pengwines, so that if there were no other refreshing, one might very well refresh there. Ouer the Bay of Saldania standeth a very high Hill, flat like a Table, and is called the Table: such an∣other plaine marke to find an Harbour in, is not in all that Coast, for it is easie to be seene seuenteen or eighteene leagues into the Sea.

* 3.47Sunday, the first of Nouember in the morning, wee doubled the Cape of Buena Esperança, hauing the wind West North-West a great gale.

The sixe and twentieth of Nouember, wee fell with the Head-land of the Iland of Saint Lau∣rence, somewhat to the East of Cape Sebastian, and being within fiue miles of the shoare, wee [ 30] sounded, and found twenty fiue fathome: the variation of the Compasse, being little more or lesse sixteene degrees. For in an East and West course, the variation of the Compasse helpeth much, and especially in this Voyage.

* 3.48From the sixe and twentieth of Nouember, till the fifteenth of December, wee plyed to the Eastward, the neerest our course wee could lie, alwayes striuing to haue gotten to the Iland of Cirne,* 3.49 which in some Cardes is called Diego Rodriques, but wee found the wind alwaies after our comming to the Iland of Saint Laurence, at East, and East South-East, and East North-East, so that wee could not obtaine it: and to striue long in hope of change of windes wee could not, for now our men began againe to fall sicke of the Scuruy. Then, the Captaine of the Vice-Admi∣rall called to the Generall, and thought it best to beare into the Bay of Antongile, and there to re∣fresh [ 40] our men with Oranges and Limons, to cleere our selues of this disease, which was by him and the whole counsell called for that purpose well approoued.

The seuenteenth of December, wee had sight of the Southermost part of the Iland of Saint Mary,* 3.50 and the next day wee anchored betweene Saint Mary, and the great Iland of Saint Lau∣rence: and sent our Boats aland to Saint Maries, where wee had some store of Limons and Oran∣ges, which were precious for our diseas••d men, to purge their bodies of the Scuruy. Now, as we roade heere, buying Oranges end Limons, there arose vpon vs a very great storme, so that three of our Ships were put from their Anchros: but within some sixteen houres, the storme ceased, and the ships returned, and weighed their Anchors againe. The Generall thought it not good to make any longer stay there, seeing the vncertaintie of the weather, and that there was vpon this Iland [ 50] so little refreshing to be had: only these Orenges and Limons, a little Goates milke, and some small quantitie of Rice: we sawe onely one Cow, and that they draue away, assoone as they saw vs come on Land. Seeing this place so dangerous to ride in, the Generall gaue present order to sayle to∣ward the Bay of Antongile, the time of the yeere being spent, the Easterly winds come against vs, and our men sicke.

* 3.51This Iland of S. Mary is high land, and full of woods, the people are blacke, very handsome and tall men, and of curled haire, onely before in their foreheads they stroke it vp, as the women doe here in England: so that it standeth some three inches vpright. They are wholly without apparell, onely their priuy parts couered, they are very tractable to conuerse withall, yet seeme to be very valiant. The most of their food is Rice, and some Fish: yet at our being there, wee [ 60] could buy but small store of Rice, for the time of their store was farre spent, and their Haruest was at hand. There are two or three watering places on the North part of this Iland: but none of them very commodious, yet with some trauell there is water enough to be had.

The twentie third of December, we departed from this Iland of S. Mary, and the twentie fift being Christmas day, we came into the Baye of Antongill,* 3.52 and came to an anchor in eight fa∣tham water, betweene a small Iland, and the Mayne, lying in the bottome of the Baye, a very good, and a safe roade. But, the best riding, is neerest vnder a small Iland, for the defence of the winde that bloweth there: for while we abode in this Baye, there blew an exceeding great storme, and those of our shippes, that road neerest the small Iland, beeing vnder the wind sped best: for two of our ships droue with three anchors ahead, the ground being Ozy, and not firme. At our going a land in the little Iland, we perceiued by writing vpon the rockes, of fiue Holland ships which had beene there, and were departed about two monethes before our comming in: [ 10] and had had some sicknesse among their men, and had lost (as we perceiued) betweene one hundred and fiftie, and two hundred men while they roade in that place.

The next day after our comming to an anchor, we went a land to the Mayne Iland, where the people presently repaired to vs, and made vs signes of the fiue Holland ships departed, and that they had bought the most part of their prouision. Yet, they entred into barter with vs, for Rice and Hennes, Oranges and Limons, and another fruit called Plantans, and held all at high rates, and brought but a pedlars quantitie. Our market was neere to a great riuer, into which we went with our boats, and some men that were app••inted to be buyers, went ashore: the rest remained in the boates, alwaies readie with their weapons in t••eir hands: and the boates some fifteene or twentie yardes off into the water, where the people could not wade to them: and [ 20] were readie at all times (if they a shore had had any need) to take them in. So, we trif••ed off some daies, before (as aforesaid) we could bring them to any reall trade: for all these people of the South, and East parts, are very subtill, and craftie, in their bartering, buying and selling, that vnlesse you hold a neere hand with them▪ you shall hardly bring them to trade in any plaine sort. For, they will ••ift you continually to giue a little more, and t••en, no man will sell with∣out that price: so that you must not inlarge to any one, more then another: for, in so doing,* 3.53 all will haue that price, or none. The Generall seeing this, commanded measures to be made of (almost) a quart, and appointed how many glasse beades should be giuen for euery measure: and he that would not deale in this manner, should not deale at all. The like order was set downe for Oranges, Limons, and Plantans, how many for euery beade, or else not. Our Merchants [ 30] after a little holding off, consented, and our dealing was francke, and round, without any contra∣diction, or words. So, that while we abode heere, we brought 15.¼. tunnes of Rice, fortie or fiftie bushels of their Pease, and Beanes, great store of Oranges, Limons, and Plantans, and eight Beeues, with many Hennes. While we roade in this Baye, we reared a Pinnace, which we brought in peeces in our shippes out of England: and cut downe trees, of which there were very great, and great store, which trees we sawed out in boordes, and sheathed her. This Pin∣nace was of some eighteene tunnes, and very necessary, and fit to goe before our shippes, at our comming into India. In the time we stayed heere, there died out of the Generalls shippe, the Masters Mate, the Preacher, and the Surgeon, with some tenne other common men. And out of the Viceadmirall there died the Master, with some other two. And out of the Ascention, by a [ 40] very great mischance, were slaine the Captaine, and the Boatswaines mate. For, as the Masters Mate, out of the Generalls shippe was carried a land to be buried, the Captaine of the Ascen∣tion tooke his boate to goe aland to his buriall: and as it is the order of the sea, to shoote off cer∣taine peeces of Ordnance at the buriall of any Officer, the Gunner of the Ordnance shotte off three peeces, and the bullets being in them, one stroke the Ascentions boate, and slue the Cap∣taine, and the Boatswaines Mate starke dead,* 3.54 so that they that went to see the buriall of another, were both buried there themselues. Those that died heere, died most of the Flux, which (in our opinion) came with the waters which we drunke: for it was the time of win∣ter, when it rained very much, which caused great flouds to ouerflowe the Countrie: so that the waters were not wholsome, as in most places in these hot countries, they are not, in the [ 50] times of their raines. This disease also of the Flux, is often taken, by going open, and cold in the stomacke, which our men would often doe when they were hot.

We set saile out of this Baye the sixth of March, an•• h••ld on our course toward the India, and the sixteenth we fell with an Iland called Rogue-Pize, which lyeth in 10.••/••. degrees, to the South of the Equinoctiall Line. To this Iland the Gener••ll sent his boate,* 3.55 to see whether there were any safe riding for the shippes: but the boate (for the most part) found deepe water, where the shippes could not safely ride. As we coasted along this Iland, it seemed very faire, and pleasant, exceeding full of foule, and Coco nut-trees: and there came from the land such a pleasant smell, as if it had beene a garden of flowers. And surely, if there be any good riding for shippes in this Iland, it must needes be a place of very great refreshing. For as our boates [ 60] went neere the land, they saw great store of fish, and the foules came wondering about them in such sort, that with the Oares, wherewith the Mariners rowe••, they killed many which were the fattest, and the best that we tasted all the voyage. And of these, there was such excee∣ding great abundance, that many more shippes then we had with vs, might haue refreshed themselues therewith.

* 3.56 The thirtieth of March 1602. being in sixe degrees to the South of the Line, wee happened vpon a ledge of Rockes, and looking ouer-boord, and seeing them vnder the shippe about fiue fa∣thome deepe, it much amazed vs, falling vpon the sudden, and vnexpected. Then, as wee were presently casting about the ship, wee found eight fathome: and so held on our course East. One of our men, being in the top saw an Iland South-east of vs, some fiue or sixe leagues off, being but low land:* 3.57 this we iudged to be the Iland of Candu, although in our course we could not (by com∣putation) find our selues so farre shot to the Eastward. Bearing on our course some thirteene or fourteene leagues,* 3.58 we fell vpon another flat of Rockes. Then wee cast about to the Southward, and sayling some twelue leagues, found other Rockes: so that, prouing diuers wayes, wee found flats of Rockes round about vs: and twentie and thirtie, and in some places, forty and fiftie fa∣thome [ 10] water in the middest of the flats. Here we were for two dayes and an halfe in exceeding danger, and could find no way to get out. But at last, wee resolued to seeke to the Northward, and in sixe degrees, fortie three minutes (God bee thanked) wee found sixe fathome water: the Pinnasse alwayes going before vs, and sounding with commandement, to make signes what depth she had, that thereby we might follow her. Thus (thankes be to God) being deliuered out of this pound, we followed our course with variable windes, till the ninth of May about foure of the clocke in the afternoone.* 3.59 At which time we had sight of the Ilands of Nicubar, and bare in, and anchored on the North-side of the Channell. But the wind changing to the South-west, wee were forced to hoyse our Anchors, and to beare ouer to the South-side of the Channell: and so came to an Anchor, vnder a small Iland, that lyeth on the said shore. Here wee had fresh water, [ 20] and some Coco Nuts, other refreshing wee had little. Yet the people came aboord our shippes in long Canoas, which would hold twentie men, and aboue in one of them: and brought Gummes to sell in stead of Amber, and therewithall, deceiued diuers of our men: For, these people of the East, are wholly giuen to deceit. They brought also Hennes and Coco Nuts to sell, but held them very deare: so that we bought few of them. We stayed here ten dayes, placing of our Ord∣nance, and trimming of our ships: because we would be in all readinesse at our arriuall, at our first Port, which we were not (now) farre from.

* 3.60The twentieth of Aprill, in the morning, we set saile to goe toward Sumatra, but the wind blew so hard at South, South West, and the Currant was against vs, that we could not proceed: but beating vp and downe, our ships fell into two leakes, so that wee were forced to goe to the [ 30] Iland of Sombrero,* 3.61 some ten or twelue leagues to the Northward of Nicobar. Heere, we in the Admirall lost an anchor, for the ground is foule, and groweth full of counterfeit Corrall, and some Rockes: which cut our Cable asunder, so that we could not recouer our anchor.

The people of these Ilands goe naked, hauing onely the priuities bound vp in a peece of Lin∣nen cloath, which commeth about their middles like a girdle, and so betweene their twist. They are all of a tauny colour, and annoint their faces with diuers colours; they are well limmed, but very fearefull: for, none of them would come aboord our Shippes, or enter into our Boates. The Generall reported, that he had seene some of their Priests, or Sacrificers, all apparelled, but close to their bodies, as if they had beene sewed in it: and vpon their heads, a paire of hornes turning backward, with their faces painted greene, blacke and yellow, and their hornes also [ 40] painted with the same colour. And behind them, vpon their buttocks, a taile hanging downe, very much like the manner, as in some painted cloathes, we paint the Diuell in our Countrey. He demaunding, wherefore they went in that attire, answer was made him, that in such forme the Diuell appeared to them in their sacrifices: and therefore the Priests, his seruants were so apparelled.* 3.62 In this Iland grow trees, which for their talnesse, greatnesse, and straightnesse, will serue the biggest shippe in all our Fleete, for a maine Mast: and this Iland is full of those trees.

Heere, likewise we found vpon the sands, by the Sea side, a small twigge growing vp to a young tree, and offering to plucke vp the same, it shruke downe into the ground: and sinketh, vnlesse you hold very hard. And being plucked vp, a great Worme is the roote of it: and looke how the tree groweth in greatnesse, the Worme diminisheth. Now, as soone as the worme is [ 50] wholly turned into the tree, it rooteth in the ground, and so groweth to be great. This trans∣formation was one of the strangest wonders that I saw in all my trauailes. For, this tree, being plucked vp little, the leaues stripped off, and the pill, by that time it was dry, turned into an hard stone, much like to white Corrall: so that this worme was twice transformed into diffe∣rent natures: Of these we gathered, and brought home many.

§. III. Their entertainement and trade at Achen. [ 60]

* 3.63THE nine and twentieth of May, we set saile from this Iland of Sombrero, and the se∣cond of Iune, we had sight of the land of Sumatra, and the fifth of Iune we came to anchor in the Roade of Achen, some two miles off the Citie. Where we found sixteene

or eighteene saile of shippes of diuers Nations, some Goserats, some of Bengala, some of Calicut, called Malabares, some Pegues, and some Patanyes, which came to trade there.

There came aboord of vs two Holland Merchants, which had beene left there behind their shippes, to learne the language, and manners of the Country. These told vs, we should be very welcome to the King, who was desirous to intertaine strangers: and that the Queene of England was very famous in those parts, by reason of the warres, and great victories,* 3.64 which she had got∣ten against the King of Spaine. The same day, the Generall sent Captaine Iohn Middleton, Captaine of the Vice-admirall, with foure or fiue Gentlemen, to attend vpon him to the King: to declare vnto him, that he was sent from the Generall of those shippes, who had a message, and a letter, from the most famous Queene of England, to the most worthy King of Achen, [ 10] and Sumatra. And that it would please his royall Maiesty, to giue to the said messenger, audi∣ence to deliuer his message, and letter: with a sufficient warrant for the safety of him and his people, according to the law of Nations, holden in that behalfe. This messenger was very kindly entertained by the King, who when he had deliuered his message, gladly granted his re∣quest, and communed with him about many questions: and after, caused a royall banquet to be made him. And at his departure gaue a robe, and a Tucke of Calico wrought with Gold, which is the manner of the Kings of this place, to those he will grace with his speciall fauour. And withall, sent his commendations to the Generall, willing him to stay one day aboord his ships, to rest himselfe after his comming from the disquiet seas▪ and the next day to come a land, and [ 20] haue kind audience, and franke leaue, with as great assurance, as if he were in the kingdome of the Queene his Mistris. And, if he doubted of any thing of this his royall word, such honoura∣ble pledges should be sent him, for his further assurance, as he should rest very well satisfied therewith.

The third day, the Generall went a land very well accompanied, with some thirtie men or more, to attend vpon him. And first at his landing, the Holland Merchants met him, and carried him home to their house, as it was appointed. For as yet, the Generall would make choyce of no house of his owne, till he had spoken with the King: but stayed at the Hollanders house, till a Noble man came from the King, who saluted the Generall very kindly, and declared, that he came from his Maiestie, and represented his person. Then, he demaunded the Queenes letter of [ 30] the Generall, which he refused to deliuer: saying, he would deliuer it to the King himselfe. For it was the order of Embassadours, in those parts of the world from whence he came, to deliuer their letters to the Princes owne hands: and not to any that did represent the Kings person. So, he demaunded to see the superscription, which the Generall shewed him, and he read the same, and looked very earnestly vpon the seale, tooke a note of the superscription, and did like∣wise write her Maiesties name: and then, with courtesie tooke his leaue, and repaired to the Court, to tell the King what had passed. Who presently sent sixe great Elephants,* 3.65 with many Trumpets, Drums, and Streamers, with much people, to accompany the Generall to the Court: so that the presse was exceeding great. The biggest of these Elephants was about thirteene, or foureteene foote high, which had a small Castle, like a Coach vpon his back, couered with Crim∣son [ 40] Veluet. In the middle thereof, was a great Bason of Gold, and a peece of Silke exceeding richly wrought to couer it: vnder which her Maiesties letter was put. The Generall was moun∣ted vpon another of the Elephants: some of his attendants rode, others went a foote. But, when he came to the Court gate, there a Noble man stayed the Generall, till he had gone in, to know the Kings further pleasure. But, presently the said Nobleman returned, and willed the Generall to enter in. And when the Generall came to the Kings presence, he made his obey∣sance after the manner of the Country: declaring that hee was sent from the most mightie Queene of England, to congratulate with his Highnesse, and treat with him concerning a peace and amitie with his Maiestie, if it pleased him to entertaine the same. And therewithall began to enter into further discourse, which the King brake off, saying: I am sure you are weary of the [ 50] long trauaile you haue taken, I would haue you to sit downe and refresh your selfe. You are very welcome, and heere you shall haue whatsoeuer you will in any reasonable conditions demaund, for your Princesse sake: for she is worthy of all kindnesse, and franke conditions, being a Prin∣cesse of great Noblenesse, for Fame speaketh so much of her. The Generall perceiuing the Kings mind, deliuered him the Queenes letter, which he willingly receiued: and deliuered the same to a Noble man standing by him. Then the Generall proceeded to deliuer him his present, which was a Bason of Siluer, with a Fountaine in the middest of it, weighing two hundred and fiue ounces, a great standing Cup of Siluer, a rich Looking-Glasse, an Head-peece with a Plume of Feathers, a case of very faire Dagges, a rich wrought embroidered Belt to hang a Sword in,* 3.66 and a Fan of Feathers. All these were receiued in the Kings presence, by a Nobleman of the Court: [ 60] onely, he tooke into his owne hand, the Fanne of Feathers: and caused one of his Women to fanne him therewithall, as a thing, that most pleased him of all the rest. The Generall was commanded to sit downe in the Kings presence, as the manner is, vpon the ground:* 3.67 where was a very great banquet prouided. All the dishes, in which the meate was serued in, were, either of pure Gold, or of another Mettall, which (among them) is of great estimation, called Tam∣baycke,

which groweth of Gold and Brasse together. In this banquet, the King (as he sate a∣loft in a Gallery, about a fathome from the ground) dranke oft to the Generall in their Wine, which they call Racke. This Wine is made of Rice, and is as strong as any of our Aquauitae: a little will serue to bring one asleepe. The Generall, after the first draught, dranke either wa∣ter mingled therewithall, or pure water, the King gaue him leaue so to doe: for the Generall craued his pardon, as not able to drinke so strong drinke. After this feast was done, the King caused his Damosels to come forth, and dance, and his Women to play Musicke vnto them: and these Women were richly attired, and adorned with Bracelets and Iewels: and this they ac∣count a great fauour, for these are not vsually seene of any, but such as the King will greatly ho∣nour. The King also gaue vnto the Generall, a fine white Robe of Calico, richly wrought with Gold, and a very faire girdle of Turkey worke, and two Creses, which are a kind of Daggers, all [ 10] which a Noble man put on in the Kings presence: and in this manner he was dismissed the Court, with very great curtesies, and one sent along with him, to make choyce of an house in the Citie, where the Generall thought most meete. But, at this time he refused this kindnesse, and rather chose to goe aboord his Ships: and left the King to consider of the Queenes Letter, the tenor whereof, hereafter followeth.

ELIZABETH by the grace of God, Queene of England, France and Ireland, defendresse of the Christian Faith and Religion.

[ 20]

To the great and mightie King of Achem, &c. in the Iland of Sumatra, our louing Brother, greeting.

THe eternall God, of his diuine knowledge and prouidence, hath so disposed his blessings, and good things of his Creation, for the vse and nourishment of Mankind, in such sort: that not∣withstanding they growe in diuers Kingdomes, and Regions of the World: yet, by the industrie of Man (stirred vp by the inspiration of the said omnipotent Creator) they are dispersed into the most remote places of the vniuersall World. To the end, that euen therein may appeare vnto all Nations, his maruelous workes, hee hauing so ordained, that the one land may haue need of the other. And there∣by, not only breed intercourse and exchange of their Merchandise and Fruits, which doe superabound in [ 30] some Countries, and want in others: but also ingender loue, and frendship betwixt all men, a thing natu∣rally diuine.

Whereunto wee hauing respect (Right noble King) and also to the honorable, and truly royall fame, which hath hither stretched, of your Highnesse humane and noble vsage of Strangers, which repaire into that your Kingdome, in loue and peace, in the Trade of Merchandise, paying your due Customes. Wee haue beene mooued to giue Licence vnto these our Subiects, who with commendable and good desires, saile to visite that your Kingdome: Notwithstanding, the dangers and miseries of the Sea, naturall to such a Voyage, which (by the grace of GOD) they will make, beeing the greatest that is to be made in the World: and to present trafficke vnto your Subiects. Which their offer, if it shall bee accepted by your Highnesse, with such loue and grace, as wee hope for, of so great and magnanimious a Prince: Wee, for them, doe pro∣mise, [ 40] that in no time hereafter, you shall haue cause to repent thereof, but rather to reioyce much. For their dealing shall be true, and their conuersation sure, and wee hope, that they will giue so good proofe thereof, that this beginning shall be a perpetuall confirmation, of loue betwixt our Subiects on both parts: by carrying from vs, such things and merchandise as you haue need of there. So that your Highnesse shall be very well serued, and better contented, then you haue heretofore beene with the Portugals and Spaniards, our Enemies: who only, and none else, of these Regions, haue frequented those your, and the other Kingdomes of the East. Not suffering that the other Nations should doe it, pretending themselues to be Monarchs, and absolute Lords of all these Kingdomes and Prouinces: as their owne Conquest and In∣heritance, as appeareth by their loftie Title in their writings. The contrarie whereof, hath very lately appeared vnto vs, and that your Highnesse, and your royall Familie, Fathers, and Grandfathers, haue (by the grace of GOD, and their Valour) knowne, not onely to defend your owne Kingdomes: but also [ 50] to giue Warres vnto the Portugals, in the Lands which they possesse: as namely in Malaca, in the yeere of the Humane Redemption 1575. vnder the conduct of your valiant Captaine, Ragamacota, with their great losse and the perpetuall honour of your Highnesse Crowne and Kingdome.

And now, if your Highnesse shall be pleased, to accept into your Fauour and Grace, and vnder your royall Protection and Defence, these our Subiects, that they may freely doe their businesse now, and continue yeerely hereafter: This Bearer, who goeth chiefe of this Fleet of foure Ships, hath order (with your Highnesse Licence) to leaue certaine Factors, with a setled House of Factorie in your Kingdome, vntill the going thither of another Fleet, which shall goe thither vpon the returne of this. Which left Fa∣ctors, [ 60] shall learne the Language, and customes of your Subiects, whereby, the better and more louingly to conuerse with them.

And the better to confirme this Confederacie, and Friendship betwixt vs, wee are contented, if your Highnesse be so pleased, that you cause Capitulations reasonable to be made: and that this Bearer doe

the like in Our name. Which wee promise to performe royally, and entirely, as well herein, as in other Agree∣ments and Arguments which he will communicate vnto you: to whom, wee doe greatly desire your High∣nesse to giue intire faith and credite, and that you will receiue him, and the rest of his companie, vnder your Royall protection, fauouring them in what shall be Reason and Iustice. And we promise on our behalfe, to re-answere in like degree, in all that your Highnesse shall haue need, out of these our Kingdomes, And wee desire, that your Highnesse would be pleased to send vs answere, by this Bearer of this our Letter, that wee may thereby vnderstand of your Royall acceptance of the Friendship and League, which wee offer, and greatly desire, may haue an happie beginning, with long yeeres to continue.

[ 10] AT his next going to the Court, hee had long Conference with the King, concerning the effect of the Queenes Letter, wherewith the King seemed to be very well pleased, and said: if the contents of that Letter came from the heart, he had good cause to thinke well thereof. And, for the League, Her Maiestie was desirous to hold with him, hee was well pleased there∣with. And, for the further demands the Generall made from Her, in respect of the Merchants trafficke: he had committed all those points to two of his Noblemen▪ to conferre with him, and promised, what her Maiestie had requested, should by all good meanes bee granted. With this contented answere, after another Banquet appointed for the General, he departed the Court. And the next day, he sent to those Noblemen, the King had named to him, to know their ap∣pointed time, when they would sit vpon this Conference. The one of these Noblemen [ 20] was the chiefe Bishop of the Realme, a man of great estimation with the King,* 4.1 and all the peo∣ple: and so he well deserued, for he was a man very wise and temperate. The other was one of the most ancient Nobilitie, a man of very good grauitie: but, not so fit to enter into those Con∣ferences as the Bishop was.

A day, and a meeting was appointed, where many questions passed betwixt them, and all the Conferences passed in the Arabicke Tongue, which both the Bishop and the other Nobleman well vnderstood. Now, the Generall before his going out of England intertained a Iew, who spake that language perfectly, which stood him in good steed at that time. About many de∣mands, the Generall made touching Freedomes for the Merchants, the Bishop said vnto him: Sir,* 4.2 what reasons shall we shew to the King, from you, whereby he may (the more willingly) grant [ 30] these things, which you haue demanded to be granted by him? to whom the Generall answered with these reasons following.

Her Maiesties mutuall Loue. [ 1]

Her worthinesse in protecting others against the King of Spaine the common Enemie of these parts. [ 2]

Her noble mind which refused the offer of those Countries. [ 3]

Nor will shee suffer any Prince to exceed her in kindnesse. [ 4]

Whose Forces haue exceeded the Spaniards in many Victories. [ 5]

And hindred the Portugals attempts against these parts. [ 6]

The Grand-Signor of Turkie hath alreadie entred into League with her Maiestie on honorable conditions. Reasons of another kind. [ 7]

[ 40] Moreouer, it is not vnknowne to the King, what prosperitie, Trade of Merchandise bringeth [ 8] to all Lands: with increase of their reuenues, by the Custome of these Commerces.

Also Princes grow into the more renowme and strength, and are the more feared, for the wealth [ 9] of their Subiects, which by the concurse of Merchandises grow and increase.

And the more kindly that Strangers are entertained, the more the Trade doth grow. The [ 10] Prince is thereby much enriched also.

And for Achem, in partic••lar, this Port lieth well, to answere to the Trade of all Bengala, Ia∣ua, [ 11] and the Moluccas, and all China. And these places hauing vent of their Merchandise, will not let to resort hither with them. So that, by this meanes, the royaltie of the Kings Crowne, will greatly increase, to the decrease, and diminishing of all the Portugals Trade, and their great [ 50] Forces in the Indies.

And, if it shall happen, that his Maiestie wanteth any Artificers, hee may haue them out of our Kingdome, giuing them conten•• for their trauaile: and free course to goe, as they haue good [ 12] will to come. And any other necessarie, that our Countrie bringeth forth, and may spare, shall be at the Kings command and seruice.

But, I hope his Maiestie will not vrge any demands more, then her Maiestie may willingly consent vnto: or that shall be contrarie to her Honour and Lawes, and the League she hath made with all Christian Princes her neighbours.

Further, the Generall demanded, that his Maiestie would cause present Proclamation to be made for our safetie, and that none of his people should abuse any of ours: but that they might [ 60] doe their businesse quietly. And this last request was so well performed, that although there were a strict order, that none of their owne people might walke by night: yet ours, might goe both night and day, without impeachment of any. Onely, if they found any of ours abroad at vnlawfull houres, the Iustice brought them home to the Generals house, and there deliuered them.

After these conferences ended, the Bishop demanded of the Generall, notes of his reasons in writing, as also of his demands of the priuiledges he demanded in her Maiesties name for the Merchants, and hee would shew them to the King: and within few dayes, he should haue his Maiesties answere to them. And with these conferences, and much gratulation, and with some other talke of the affaires of Christendome: they broke vp for that time.

The Generall was not negligent, to send his demands to the noble men, which (for the most part) were drawne out before hand: for, he was not vnreadie for these businesses, before he came aland in the Kingdome.

* 4.3At his next going to the Court, and sitting before the King, beholding the Cock-fighting (which is one of the greatest sports this King delighteth in) hee sent his Interpreter with his [ 10] obeisance to the King, desiring him to be mindfull of the businesse, whereof hee had conferred with his Noblemen. Whereupon, he called the Generall vnto him, and told him, that hee was carefull of his dispatch: and would willingly enter into Peace and League with her Maiestie, and (for his part) would hold it truely. And for those Demands and Articles, he had set downe in writing, they should be all written againe, by one of his Secretaries, and should haue them au∣thorized by him. Which within fiue or six dayes, were deliuered the Generall, by the Kings owne hands, with many good and gracious words: the Tenor of which League and Articles of Peace, are too long to be inserted. According to their desires, was to the English granted, First, Free entry and trade. Secondly, Custome free, whatsoeuer they brought in, or carried forth: and assistance with their vessels and shipping, to saue our ships, goods, and men from wracke in any [ 20] dangers. Thirdly, Libertie of Testament to bequeath their goods to whom they please. Fourthly, Stability of bargaines and orders for payment by the subiects of Achen, &c. Fiftly, Authority to execute iustice on their owne men offending. Sixtly, Iustice against iniuries from the Natiues. Se∣uenthly, Not to arrest or stay our goods, or set prizes on them. Eightly, Freedome of Conscience.

This League of Peace and Amitie being setled, the Merchants continually went forward, pro∣uiding Pepper for the lading of the ships: but there came in but small store, in respect of the last yeeres sterility. So by some of them he vnderstood of a Port, about an hundred and fiftie leagues from thence, in the South part of the same Iland, called Priaman, where he might lade one of his smaller ships.* 4.4 Then he prepared the Susan, and placed for Captaine and chiefe Merchant in her, M. Henry Middleton.

He was also not a little grieued, that Captaine Iohn Dauis his principall Pilot, had told the [ 30] Marchants before our comming from London, that Pepper was to be had here for foure Spanish royals of eight the hundred; and it cost vs almost twentie. The Generall, daily grew full of thought, how to lade his shippes to saue his owne credit, the Merchants estimation that set him a worke, and the reputation of his Countrey: considering what a foule blot it would be to them all, in regard of the nations about vs, seeing there were merchandise enough to bee bought in the Indies, yet he should be likely to returne home with empty ships.

Besides the Portugall Embassador had a diligent eye ouer euery steppe we trode, but was no whit accepted of the King. For the last day of his beeing at the Court, he had demanded of the King, to settle a Factorie in his Countrey, and to build a Fort at the comming in of the Harbour: his reason was, for the more securitie of the Marchants goods, because the City was subiect to [ 40] fire.* 4.5 But the King perceiuing what he meant, gaue him this answer backe againe: Hath your Master (saith he) a Daughter to giue vnto my Sonne, that he is so carefull of the preseruation of my Countrey? He shall not neede to be at so great a charge, as the building of a Fort: for I haue a fit house about two leagues from this Citie, within the Land, which I will spare him to supply his Factorie withall: where they shall not need to feare either enemies or fire, for I will protect him. Hereupon the King was much displeased at this insolent demand: and the Embassadour went from the Court much discontented.

§. IIII. [ 50] Portugall wiles discouered, a Prize taken neere Malacca.

* 4.6SHortly after this, there came to our house, an Indian (to sell Hennes) which was appertai∣ning to a Portugall Captaine, who came to that Port with a Ship laden with Rice, out of the Port of Bengala. This Captaine lay in the Embassadors house, and the Generall mi∣strusted, he came only for a Spy to see, and perceiue what we did: and yet he gaue commandement, he should be well intreated, and they should alwayes buy his Hennes, and giue him a reasonable price for them. At last, he himselfe tooke occasion, pleasantly to commune with the Indian, whence hee was, and of what Countrey▪ saying, A young man of his presence, merited some better meanes then buying and selling of Hennes. Sir, said he, I serue this Portugall Captaine, [ 60] yet am neither bound, nor free: but beeing free borne, I haue beene with him so long time, that now he partly esteemeth me as his owne: and so great they are, that wee cannot striue with them. Then said the Generall vnto him; If thy liberty be precious vnto thee, thy person me∣riteth it. But what wouldst thou doe for him, that would giue thee thy libertie without pleading

with thy Master for it? Sir, said the Indian, Freedome is as precious as life, and my life I would aduenture for him that should do it. Prooue me therefore in any seruice that I can doe for you, and my willingnesse shall soone make good what I haue said. Well, said the Generall, thou hast wil∣led me to prooue whether thou meanest truely, or no. I would aske of thee, What the Embas∣sador saith of me, and my shipping which I haue in this place; and what pretences he hath? Sir, said the Indian, he hath had a Spie aboord of all your Ships, a Chinese,* 4.7 who is continually con∣uersant with your people: so that he hath a draught drawne, not onely of your ships, and their greatnesse; but also of euery Piece of Ordnance that each ship hath, and how they are placed, and the number of your men that are in them. And he findeth your ships strong, and well appointed; But by reason of the sickenesse that hath been in them, they are but weake of men, and easie to be [ 10] taken, if any force come vpon them on the suddaine: and within few dayes, he meaneth to send his draughts to Malacca, for force to attempt your ships as they ride. The Generall laughed plea∣santly to heare these things, saying; The Embassador was not so idle as he thought him: for hee well knoweth (said he) that I care little for all the forces of these parts. It is but to make thee, and the rest that are about him beleeue, that you are stronger then you be. But goe thy way, and be here once in a day or twaine, and tell me whether the Embassadour goe forward in his pro∣ceedings, and when those Messengers shall depart with the plots thou speakest of. And although it will benefit me little to know these things, yet I will giue thee thy libertie for thy good will thou shewest therein, as I haue promised thee to doe. This Indian went away very well conten∣ted, as any man might easily perceiue by his countenance, and the lightnesse of his pace. Now, [ 20] when he was gone, the Generall turned about, and said to me: We haue met with a fit man to betray his Master, if we can make any benefit of the treason. And surely, he was not deceiued in his opinion: for by this meanes, whatsoeuer the Embassadour did all the day, we had it either that night, or (at the furthest) the next day in the morning. And this Fellow carried the matter so warily, that he was neither mistrusted of any of the Embassadors house, nor knowne to any of ours, what businesse he went about. For he had the right conditions of a Spie, being wily, feare∣full, carefull, subtill, and neuer trusting any to heare what conference he had with the Generall: but deliuered his minde vnto him alone, and that in such carelesse sort, as if hee had answered the Generall idlely, whatsoeuer he demanded of him: for he stood in feare of our owne people, least they would bewray the selling of his Hennes, which couered all his comming and going to our [ 30] House.

The next day, the Generall was sent for to the Court, and the King had conference with him,* 4.8 about an Embassage that the King of Siam had sent him touching the conquest of Malacca: and with what force he would assist him by Sea, if he vndertooke that seruice. For this King of Su∣matra, is able to put a very great force of Gallies to Sea, if he may haue but some foure or fiue moneths warning before-hand, to make them ready. This conference the Generall furthered with many reasons, and tooke an occasion to enter into talke of the Spanish Embassadour, how in∣solently proud he carried himselfe: and that his comming into his Maiesties Kingdome and Court, was for no other purpose, but onely as a Spie, to see and discouer the strength of his Kingdome. I know it well (said the King,) for they are enemies of mine, as I haue beene to them: but what [ 40] causeth thee to see this? The Generall answered him; That he could take nothing in hand, but his Spies attended vpon him, to marke what he went about, and to what ende. And among o∣ther things (saith he) he had taken a draught of his ships, and meaneth to send it to Malacca: and to procure forces to set vpon him at vnawares. The King smiled to heare the Generall mention these things, and said; Thou needest not feare any strength that shall come from Malacca: for all the strength they haue there, is able to doe thee no harme. The Generall answered, I doe not (said he) feare their strength, what they can doe to me: but it may be much to my hinderance, that they vnderstanding the time I meane to goe to Sea, they shall thereby bee aduised to keepe themselues within their Ports, so that I shall not be able to offend them. Is it so, said the King? Yea, said the Generall, and therefore I would intreat your Maiestie, to make stay of two of the [ 50] Embassadors seruants that are now going to Malacca, within these few dayes, who take not their passage from hence: but will goe to another Port of yours, and there hire a Barke, to transport them thence, because they will be sure not to be intercepted. And if your Maiestie intercept them there, you shall be priuy to some of their plots and pretences. Well, said the King, let me vnderstand of their departure from hence, and thou shalt see what I will doe for thee. So, the Generall tooke his leaue of the King, well contented, and had daily conference with his Mer∣chant that sold Hennes: so that there was not any thing done, or said in the Embassadors house, but he was priuy to it.

Now the time was come, that the Embassodors two seruants were to depart with their plots, [ 60] and their Masters Letters: and they went down to a Port about fiue and twentie leagues from A∣chen. But the Generall was not slacke to aduise the King thereof, who had giuen order before: so that at their comming thither, and when they had hired their passage, and had imbarked them∣selues with all their Letters, and were going ouer the Barre, a mile from the Citie, a Frigget went after them, and caused the Barke to strike sayle, that the Iustice might see, what their la∣ding

was. And when the Iustice came aboord, and saw two Portugals there, he asked them from whence they came, and whether they were going: they answered, They came from Achem, and belonged to the Portugall Embassadour. Nay, said the Iustice, but you haue robbed your Master, and runne away like theeues with his goods: and therefore I will returne you againe to him, from whom you are fled, and there you shall answer it. But in this hurly-burly, and searching of them, they lost their plots, and their letters, and their Trunkes were broken open: and they sent to A∣chem, bound backe againe to the Court, to be deliuered to the Embassador, if they did belong vn∣to him. The Generall had some intelligence of these things, and the next time he came to the Court, the King called him vnto him, and said: Now what sayest thou, art thou contented? The Generall made him obeisance, and gaue him humble and heartie thanks for his clemencie, and [ 10] kindnesse towards him: and with some other conference, the Generall departed for that time. The Marchant of Hennes came daily following his Merchandize, and as the Generall suspected, and he himselfe afterward confessed, not without his Masters consent; to aduise from vs, as well as he aduised from his Master.

But now the Summer was past, and September came, the time that the Generall meant to goe to sea to seeke meanes to supply his necessities: and now fell out the greatest Crosse of all to his pretence. The Embassador himselfe had his dispatch from the King to be gone. Which the Ge∣nerall knowing, went to the Court, and where the King sate, seeing the sports that were made be∣fore him, he sent his Interpreter to him, desiring that it would please him to heare a certain request which he had vnto his Maiestie. Whereupon the King immediately called for him, and deman∣ded [ 20] what he would haue him to doe. It hath pleased your Highnesse, said the Generall, to doe me many curtesies, and therefore I am further imboldened, to proceed to request one kindnesse more at your Maiesties hands. What is that (said the King, smiling) are there more Portugals going to Malacca, to hinder thy pretences? Yea, said the Generall the Embassador himselfe (as I am giuen to vnderstand) hath your Maiesties dispatch to be gone at his pleasure: and is deter∣mined to depart within fiue dayes. And what wouldst thou haue me to doe, said the King? Only stay him but tenne dayes, till I be gone forth with my ships. Well, said the King, and laughed, thou must bring me a faire Portugall maiden when thou returnest, and then I am pleased. With this answer the Generall tooke his leaue, and departed; and hafted all that he could to be gone. For he had left the Merchants behind him, and vnder the protection of the King till his returne: and in the meane time to buy what Pepper they could, to helpe to furnish the Ascentions lading, [ 30] which was now more then three parts laden. But the Generall would not leaue her behind him, riding in the Port, but tooke her in his company: for she road but in an open place, All the three ships were made readie,* 4.9 and there was a Captaine of a Dutch ship in the road, who desired the Generall that he might goe to sea in his company, and take part of his aduenture; his ship was a∣boue two hundred Tunnes, but had as little money to lade himselfe, as we; and therefore refused no consort. So the Generall was contented to giue him ½. of what should be taken, and hee re∣sted therewith contented. The Generall hauing taken his leaue of the King, and presented two of the chiefe Merchants vnto him, M. Starkie, and M. Styles, the King graciously tooke them into his protection and safeguard: for these Merchants with some others, were left behind (as I said be∣fore) [ 40] for the prouiding of such Pepper, as was there to be had, against the returne of the ships from the Sea. The ships being ready, we set sayle the eleuenth of September, toward the Straights of Malacca.

Now, let me tell you how the King dealt with the Embassadour of Portugall, after our de∣parture, which euery day vrged his dispatch to be gone: but still, vpon one occasion or other, his passage was deferred.* 4.10 At last (foure and twenty daies after our departure) the King said vnto him: I maruaile you are so hasty to be gone, seeing the English Embassadour is abroad at the Sea with his shipping? If he meete you, he will be able to wrong you, and doe you vio∣lence. I care little for him, said the Embassadour, for my Friget is so nimble with Saile and Oares, that if I haue but her length from him, I will escape all his force. Well, said the King: I am the more willing you should depart, because I see you rest so assured of your owne safety: [ 50] and so he had his dispatch to be gone. This seruice came well to passe for vs, for if he had gone away in time, such aduice would haue beene giuen from Malacca, by Frigots into the Straights, that all shippes would haue had warning of vs: but (by this meanes) we lay within fiue and twentie leagues of Malacca it selfe, and were neuer descryed, whereby to be preuented. The third day of October, we being in the Straights of Malacca, laying off and on, the Hector espyed a Sayle,* 4.11 and calling to the rest of the shippes, we all discried her. And being toward night, a present direction was giuen, that we should all spread our selues a mile and an halfe, one from another, that she might not passe vs in the night. The shippe fell with the Hector, that first e∣spied her, and presently she called vnto her, and shot off two or three peeces of Ordnance: so [ 60] that the rest of the shippes had intelligence, and drew all about her, and began to attempt her with their great Ordnance, and she returned shot againe. But when the Admirals ship came vp, he discharged sixe peeces together out of his Prow: and then her maine yard fell downe. After that she shot no more, nor any of our shippes, fearing least some vnfortunate shot might light

betweene wind and water, and so sinke her, (for the Generall was very carefull) so the fight ceased till the morning. At the breake of day, the Captaine with some of the rest, entred their Boate, and the Hector being next her, called them to come aboord him: and Maister Iohn Middleton the Captaine, being Vice-Admirall,* 4.12 brought the Boate and Captaine aboord the Ge∣nerall, to whom they rendered their shippe and goods. The Generall presently caused all the chiefe men of the Prize, to be placed aboord our shippes, and onely placed but foure of our men aboord the Prize: for feare of rifling, & pillaging the good things that were within her; and those foure suffered none other to come aboord. And their charge was, if any thing should be missing, to answer the same out of their wages and shares: for when the shippe was vnladen, the Boate-swaine [ 10] and the Marriners of the same shippe, did wholly vnlade her, and none of ours came within her to doe any labour. Onely they receiued the goods into their Boates, and carried them aboord such shippes, as the Generall appointed them to doe: so that by this order,* 4.13 there was neither rifling, theeuing, pillaging, or spoiling, which otherwise would hardly haue beene a∣uoyded in such businesse as this. Within fiue or sixe daies, we had vnladen her of nine hundred and fiftie packes of Calicoes, and Pintados, besides many packets of Merchandize: she had in her much Rice, and other goods, whe••eof we made small account. Now a storme arising, all their men were set aboord, and we left her, riding at an Anchor. This shippe came from a place called Saint Thoma, that lyeth in the Bay of Bengala, and was going for Malaca. When we in∣tercepted her, she had in her aboue sixe hundred persons, Men, Women, and Children: her bur∣then [ 20] was nine hundred tons. The Generall would neuer goe aboord to see her,* 4.14 and his reason was, to take away suspicion, both from the Mariners that were there, and the Merchants that were at London, least they might charge, or suspect him for any dishonest dealing, by helping himselfe thereby. He was very glad of this good hap, and very thankfull to God for it, and as he told me, he was much bound to God, that had eased him of a very heauy care, and that hee could not be thankfull enough to him for this blessing giuen him. For, saith he, he hath not one∣ly supplied my necessities, to lade these ships I haue: but hath giuen me as much as will lade as many more shippes as I haue, if I had them to lade. So that now my care is not for money, but rather, where I shall leaue these goods that I haue, more then enough, in safety, till the returne of the ships out of England.

[ 30] The one and twentieth of October, our shippes returned out of the Straights of Malaca for Achen, where by the way a great Spout of water came powring out of the Heauens,* 4.15 and fell not farre from our ship, which we feared much. For these Spouts come powring downe like a riuer of water, so that if they should light in any ship, she were in danger to be presently sunck downe into the Sea: it falleth with such an extreame violence, all whole together, as one drop, or as water powred out of a vessell: and sometimes dureth a quarter of an howre together, so that the Sea boyleth with froth, of an exceeding height, by the violence of the fall of the Spoute.

[ 40] §. V. Their Present to and from the King: His Letters to Queene ELIZABETH: Their departure for Priaman and Bantam, and setling a Trade there.

THE foure and twentieth of October,* 4.16 we cast our Anchors in the Port of Achen in Sumatra, where the Generall went a shore, and found all the Merchants well, and in safety: who gaue great commendations of their good, and kind entertainment receiued from the King, in the Generals absence. Wherefore, the Generall willing [ 50] to gratifie the King, with such things as he had taken in the Prize, sorted out a present of diuers things, that he thought might be most to his liking: and at his first going to the Court, presen∣ted them vnto him. The King receiued the Present, and welcomed the Generall, and seemed to be very ioyfull, for the good successe he had against the Portugall: and iestingly said, hee had forgotten the most important businesse that he requested at his hands, which was, the faire Por∣tugall Maiden, he desired him to bring with him at his returne. To whom the Generall answe∣red: that there was none so worthy, that merited to be so presented. Therewithall the King smiled, and said: If there be any thing heere in my kingdome may pleasure thee, I would be glad to gratifie thy good will. After this, the Generall commaunded the Merchants to put aboord the Ascention, all such Pepper, Cinamon, and Cloues, as they had bought in his absence: which [ 60] was scarcely the ships full lading, but at that time there was no more to be had, nor that yeare to be hoped for. And therefore, he willed the Merchants to put all their things aboord the ships, for his resolution was to depart from thence, and goe for Bantam in Iaua maior, where he vn∣derstood both of good sale for his commodities, and great returne of Pepper to be had, and at a much more reasonable price, then they could buy it at Achen. This determination once knowne,

all men hasten to put their things aboord. So the Generall made the King priuy to his depar∣ture, and went to the Court, and had long conference with him, who deliuered him a Letter for her Maiestie, written in the Arabian tongue: The Tenor whereof, is as followeth.

The Letter of the King of Achen, to the Queene of England.

GLorie be to God, who hath magnified himselfe in his Workes, glorified his Dominion, ordained Kings and Kingdomes, exalted himselfe alone in Power and Maiestie: he is not to be vttered by word of mouth, nor to be conceiued by imagination of the heart, he is no vaine phantasme: no bound may con∣taine [ 10] him, nor any similitude expresse him: his blessing and his peace is ouer all his goodnesse in the Crea∣ture: He hath beene proclaimed by his Prophet heretofore, and since that often, and now againe by this writing at this present, inferiour vnto none. For this Citie, which is not slacke to shew their loue, hath manifested it, in the entertainment of that societie, which filleth the Horizons with ioy, and hath con∣firmed it to the eye by a signe, which bringeth knowledge of remembrance of it generally and particular∣ly. And for that their request is iust, with purpose for exchange; and they themselues of honest carri∣age, and their kindnesse great in doing good in generall to the Creatures, helping the Creature in prospe∣ritie and aduersitie ioyntly, giuing liberally vnto the poore, and such as stand in neede of their abundance, preseruing the Creature to their vttermost with a willing mind: which for them now is extended vnto India and * 5.1 Arach; sending forth the chiefest men of discretion and note, calling also the best of the [ 20] creatures to counsaile herein.

This is the Sultana which doth rule in the Kingdome of England, France, Ireland, Holland, and Friseland: God continue that Kingdome, and that Empire long in prosteritie.

And because that he which hath obtained the writing of these Letters, from the King of the King∣dome of * 5.2 Ashey, who doth rule there with an absolute power; And for that there came vnto Vs a good report of you, declared and spread very ioyfully by the mouth of Captaine Iames Lancaster, (God conti∣nue his welfare long.) 1 And for that you doe record that in your Letters, there are commendations vnto vs. and that your Letters are Patent Priuiledges. Almightie God aduance the purpose of this Honorable consociation, and confirme this worthy league.

And for that you doe affirme in them, that the Sultan of * 5.3 Afrangie is your enemy, and an enemy to [ 30] your people, in what place soeuer he be, from the first vntill now, and for that he hath lift vp himselfe proudly, and set himselfe as King of the world: yet what is he, besides his exceeding pride and haughtie mind? In this therefore is our ioy increased, and our societie confirmed: for that he and his Company are our enemies in this world, and in the world to come: so that we shall cause them to die, in what place soeuer we shall meete them, a publicke death.

And moreouer, you doe affirme, that you desire peace and friendship with vs. To God be praise and thankes for the greatnesse of his Grace. This therefore is our serious Will, and Honourable Purpose true∣ly in this Writing, That you may send fr••m your people vnto Our * 5.4 Ports, to Trade and to Traffique; and that whosoeuer shall be sent vnto Vs in your Highnesse Name, and to whomsoeuer you shall prescribe the time, they shall be of a ioynt Company, and of common priuiledges. For this Captaine and his Company, so soone as they came vnto vs, we haue made them of an absolute societie: And we haue incorporated [ 40] them into one Corporation and common Dignities: And we haue graunted them Liberties, and haue shewed them the best course of Traffique: And to manifest vnto men, the loue and brother-hood betweene vs and you in this world. There is sent by the hand of this Captaine, according to the custome, vnto the famous * 5.5 Citie, a Ring of Gold, beautified with a Ruby, richly placed in his sete, two vestures wouen with Gold, embroidered with Gold, inclosed in a red Boxe of * 5.6 Tzin.

Written in * 5.7 Tarich of the yeere 1011. of Mahomet.

Peace be vnto you.

Translated out of the Arabick, by WILLIAM BEDVVEL. [ 50]

FOr a Present to her Maiestie, he sent three faire Cloathes richly wrought with Gold, of very cunning worke, and a very faire Rubie in a Ring: and gaue to the Generall another Ring, and a Rubie in it. And when the Generall tooke his leaue, the King said vnto him: haue you the Psalmes of Dauid extant among you?* 5.8 the Generall answered: yea, and wee sing them daily. Then said the King: I, and the rest of these Nobles about me, will sing a Psalme to God for your prosperitie, and so they did very solemnly. And after it was ended, the King said: I would heare you sing another Psalme, although in your owne language. So there being in the company some twelue of vs, we sung another Psalme; And after the Psalme ended, the Generall tooke his [ 60] leaue of the King, the King shewing him much kindnesse at his departure: desiring God to blesse vs in our iourney, and to guide vs safely into our owne Countrey, saying, if hereafter your ships returne to this Port, you shall find as good vsage as you haue done. All our men being shipped, we departed the ninth of Nouember, being three ships, the Dragon, the Hector, and the Ascen∣tion.

We kept company two dayes, in which time the Generall dispatched his Letters for Eng∣land, and sent away the Ascention, she fetting her course homeward, toward the Cape of Buena Esperanza, and we, along the Coast of Sumatra, toward Bantam: to see if wee could meere with the Susan, which had order to lade vpon that Coast.

As we sayled along the Coast of Sumatra, we sodainly fell among certaine Ilands in the night:* 5.9 and the day approching, wee maruelled how wee came in among them, without seeing any of them. They were all low landed, and full of Flattes and Rockes, so that wee were in great dan∣ger, before we could cleere our selues of them: but thankes be to God, who deliuered vs from many other dangers, as he did also deliuer vs from these. So holding on out course from Priaman,* 5.10 we passed the Equinoctiall Line the third time, and came thither the six and twentieth of No∣uember, [ 10] and found the Susan there, which the Generall had sent before from Achen, to lade there. Now, when they saw vs, they were very glad of our comming, and had prouided to∣ward their lading, some six hundred Bahars of Pepper, and sixtie sixe Bahars of Cloues. Heere our Pepper cost vs lesse then at Achen, but there is none growing about this Port, but is brought some eight or ten leagues out of the Countrey, from a place called Manangcabo.* 5.11 This place hath no other Merchandise growing there; only, there is good store of Gold in Dust, and small graines, which they wash out of the Sands of Riuers: after the great flouds of Raine, that fall from the Mountaines, from whence it is brought. This is a place of good refreshing, and is very wholsome and healthfull, and yet it lyeth within fifteene minutes of the Line. At this Port hauing refre∣shed our selues with the good ayre, fresh victuals and water, the Generall gaue Commission to [ 20] the Captaine of the Susan, to make what haste he could for his lading,* 5.12 which would bee accom∣plished with some hundred Bahars of Pepper, and so to depart for England. And the fourth day of December, we tooke our course toward Bantam, in the Iland of Iaua maior: and we entred the Straights of Sunda, the fifteenth of December, and came to an anchor vnder an Iland, three leagues from Bantam, called Pulopansa.

The next day in the morning, we entred the Road of Bantam, and shot off a very great peale of Ordnance out of the Dragon, being our Admirall, and out of the Hector: such an one as had neuer beene rung there, before that day. The next day in the morning, the Generall sent his Vice-Admirall, Captaine Iohn Middleton aland, with a Message to the King: declaring, that hee was sent by the Queene of England, and had both a Message and a Letter to deliuer to his Maie∣stie [ 30] from her and required his Maiesties safe conduct and warrant to come a-land, to deliuer the same. The King returned him word, that hee was very glad of his comming, and sent backe a Nobleman with Captaine Middleton, to welcome the Generall, and to accompany him a-land. The Generall tooke some sixteene men in his company, and went a-land with the Nobleman to the Court:* 5.13 where he found the King (being but a child of ten or eleuen yeares of age) sitting in a round-house; with some sixteene or eighteene Noblemen of the Countrey about him, in some reasonable esta••e. The Generall did his obeysance, and the King welcommed him very kindly. And after the Generall had had some conference about his message, hee deliuered to the Kings hand, her Maiesties Letter, with a Present of Plate, and some other things withall: which the King receiued with a smiling countenance, and referred the Generall (for further conference) to [ 40] one of his Nobles, who was then Protector. After some houre and an halfes conference had of many things, the said Nobleman (as from the King) receiued the Generall vnder the Kings pro∣tection, and all his Company: willing him to come a-land, and buy and sell, without any kinde of molestation, for there he should be as safe, as if he were in his owne Countrey: and to this, all the Nobles agreed with one consent. There passed many speeches of diuers things,* 5.14 which (for breuities sake) I omit to trouble the Reader withall: for, my purpose is to shew the effect of this first setling of the Trade in the East-Indies, rather then to particularize of them. The Generall, after his kind welcome and conference had, took his leaue of the King, and the rest of his Nobles: and presently gaue order for the prouiding of housing, whereof the King willed him to make his best choice wheresoeuer he would. So, within two dayes, the Merchants brought goods ashore, [ 50] and beganne to sell: but, one of the Kings Nobles came to the Generall, and said, it was the cu∣stome of that place, that the King should buy, and furnish himselfe, before the Subiects should buy any thing. The Generall was well contented, for he was aduised, that he would giue a reasonable price, and pay very well. The King being serued, the Merchants went forward in their sales: so that within some fiue weekes, much more was sold there in goods, then would haue laden our two shippes:* 5.15 and yet they brought away from thence two hundred and seuentie sixe bagges of Pepper. These contayned sixtie two pound waight a piece, and cost at first penny 5. ½. Rials of eight the piece, beside our anchorage, and the Kings Custome, which anchorage for our two ships cost vs (by agreement the Generall made with the Sauendar, or Gouernour of the Citie) fifteene [ 60] hundred Rials of eight, and one Riall of eight vpon euery bagge of custome. Wee traded heere very peaceably, although the Iauians be reckoned among the greatest Pickers and Theeues of the World. But the Generall had commission from the King (after hee had receiued an abuse or two) that whosoeuer he tooke about his house in the night, he should kill them: so, after foure or fiue were thus slaine, we liued in reasonable peace and quiet. But, continually, all night, wee kept a

carefull watch. As we went buying Pepper, we sent it aboord, so that by the tenth of Februa∣ry, our ships were fully laden, and readie to depart, But, in this meane time, the Captaine of the Hector, Master Iohn Middleton, fell sicke aboord his ship, in the Roade (for the Generall obser∣ued this from the beginning of the Voyage, that if he himselfe were ashore, the Captaine of the Vice-Admirall kept aboord, because both should not be from their charge at one time. The Gene∣rall hearing of his sicknesse, went aboord to visit him, and found him weaker, then hee himselfe felt, which experience had taught him to know in these hot Countries. And so it happened with Captaine Middleton then walking vp and downe,* 5.16 who dyed about two of the clocke next morning.

Now, the Generall began to put all things in order, and hasten his departure, and appointed a [ 10] Pinnasse of about fortie tunnes (which he had) to bee laden with Commodities, and put in her twelue men with certaine Merchants,* 5.17 and sent her for the Moluccas: to trade there and settle a Factorie, against the returne of the next shipping out of England. Moreouer, he left eight men▪ and three Factors in Bantam, the chiefe of which Factors, was Master William Starkey, whom he appointed to sell such Commodities as were left them: and to prouide lading for the shippes, a∣gainst the next returne. Also the Generall went to the Court to take his leaue of the King, where he receiued a Letter for her Maiestie, and a Present for her, of certaine Bezar-stones, very faire, and to the Generall he gaue a very faire Iaua Dagger, which they much esteeme there, and a good Bezar-stone with some other things. And thus the Generall tooke his leaue of the King, with many kind countenances and good words. [ 20]

§ V. Their departure for England, and occurrents in the way.

* 5.18THe twentieth day of Februarie, we went all aboord our ships, shot off our Ordnance, and set sayle to the Sea toward England, with thankes to God, and glad hearts, for his blessings towards vs. The two and twentieth and three and twentieth of the [ 30] same moneth, wee were in the Straights of Sunda, and the sixe and twentieth wee were cleere of all the iles that lye in those Straights, and cleere of all the land, holding our course South-west, so that the eight and twentieth, wee were in eight degrees and fortie minutes to the South of the Line. Vpon Sunday the thirteenth of March, wee were past the Tropicke of Capricorne,* 5.19 holding our course, for the most pare, South-west, with a stiffe gale of wind at South-east. The fourteenth day of Aprill, wee were in thirtie foure degrees, iudging the Land of Madagascar to be North of vs. The eight and twentieth day we had a very great and a fu∣rious storme, so that we were forced to take in all our Sayles. This storme continued a day and a night, with an exceeding great and raging Sea, so that, in the reason of man no shippe was able to liue in them: but God (in his mercie) ceased the violence thereof, and gaue vs time to [ 40] breath:* 5.20 and to repaire all the distresses and harmes we had receiued, but our ships were so shaken, that they were leakie all the Voyage after.

The third of May, wee had another very sore storme which continued all the night, and the Seas did so beate vpon the ships quarter, that it shooke all the Iron worke of her Rother: and the next day in the morning, our Rother brake cleane from the sterne of our shippe, and presently sunke into the Sea.* 5.21 This strooke a present feare into the hearts of all men, so that the best of vs, and most experienced, knew not what to doe. And specially, seeing our selues in such a tempe∣stuous Sea, and so stormie a place, so that, I thinke, there bee few worse in all the World. Now our ship draue vp and downe in the Sea like a wracke, which way soeuer the wind carried her: so that sometimes we were within three or foure leagues of the Cape Buena Esperanza, then [ 50] commeth a contrary wind,* 5.22 and driueth vs almost to fortie degrees to the Southward into the hayle and snow, and sleetie cold weather. And this was another great miserie vnto vs, that pin∣ched vs exceeding sore, so that our case was miserable and very desperate. Yet all this while the Hector kept by vs carefully, the company whereof was some comfort vnto vs: and many times the Master of the Hector came aboord our shippe, so at the the last, it was concluded to take our misen Mast, and put it forth at the sterne Port, to proue if wee could steere our shippe into some place where we might make another Rother to hang it, to serue our turnes home. But this de∣uice was to small purpose, for when we had fitted it, and put it forth (the Seas being somewhat growne with lifting vp the Mast) it did so shake the sterne, and put all in such danger, that it was needfull to make all conuenient haste, to get the Mast into the ship againe: which we were [ 60] very glad when we had brought it to passe. Now we were without all remedie, vnlesse we made a new Rother, and could bring it to passe to hang it in the Sea: which to performe let euery man iudge how easie a thing it was, our ship being of seuen or eight hundred t••nnes, and in so dange∣rous a Sea as this was: but necessitie compelleth to prooue all meanes. Then the Generall com∣manded

the Carpenter to make a Rother of the said misen Mast, to prooue what wee could doe: but this barre fell in our way; that, at such time as wee lost our Rother, wee lost also the most of our Rother irons, wherewith to fasten the Rother. But yet, wee went forward, and made all the haste we could, and one of our men diued, to search what Rother irons remayned, who found but two, and one that was broken, to helpe vs withall. Yet, by Gods helpe, finding a faire day, wee made fast the said Rother, and sailed on our course homewards: But, within three or foure houres, the Sea tooke it off againe, and wee had much adoe to saue it, and with the sauing of it, wee lost an other of our irons, so that now, we had but two to hang it by: and our men began to be desirous to leaue the Ship, and goe into the Hector to saue themselues. Nay, said [ 10] the Generall, wee will yet abide Gods leasure, to see what mercie he will shew vs: for I de∣spaire not to saue our selues, the Ship and the goods, by one meanes or other, as God shall ap∣point vs. And with that, he went into his Cabbin, and wrote a Letter for England, purposiing to send it by the Hector, commanding her to depart, and leaue him there: but, not one of the companie knew of this command. The Letter was very briefe, and the tenour litle more or lesse, as followeth.

RIght worshipfull, what hath passed in this Voyage, and what Trades I haue settled for this companie,* 6.1 and what other euents haue befallen vs, you shall vnderstand by the bearers hereof, to whom (as occa∣sion hath fallen) I must referre you. I will striue with all diligence to saue my ship, and her goods, as you [ 20] may perceiue, by the course I take in venturing mine owne life, and those that are with mee. I cannot tell where you should looke for mee, if you send out any Pinnace to seeke mee: because I liue at the deuotion of the wind▪ and seas. And thus fare you well, desiring God, to send vs a merrie meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.

The Passage to the East India lieth in 62.1/••. degrees, by the North-west on the America side.

Your very louing friend, IAMES LANCASTER.

[ 30] THis Letter being deliuered, the Generall thought they would haue beene gone in the night, according to their Commission: but, when he espied the ship in the morning, he said to me, these men regard no Commission. Now, the ship kept some two or three leagues from vs, and came no neerer: for the Master was an honest and a good man, and loued the Generall well, and was loth to leaue him in so great distresse. And now, it was time for vs, to seeke all meanes that could be to saue our selues and the ship. Then, the Carpenter mended the Rother we had saued, and within two or three dayes, the weather began to bee somewhat faire, and the seas smooth. So, we put out a signe to the Hector to come neere vs, out of which the Master, Master Sander Cole came, and brought the best swimmers, and diuers that he had in his ship,* 6.2 who hel∣ped vs not a little in the businesse wee had to doe. Thus, by Gods good blessing, wee hung our [ 40] Rother againe, vpon the two hookes that were left: so that, we had some good hope to obtaine one Port or other, to relieue our selues withall. Now, wee had beene beaten to and fro, in these mightie seas, and had many more stormes of weather, then are here expressed, somtimes for one whole moneth together, so that our men began to fall sicke and diseased: and the wind fell so short, that wee could fetch no part of the coast of Africa, which was neerest to vs. Commit∣ting our selues therefore to God, we set saile straight for the Iland of Saint Helena: for, we knew we had doubled the Cape of Buena Esperanza, by the height wee were in to the Northward. As we were in our course, the Maine-yard fell downe, and strooke one of our men into the sea, and he was drowned. This was the end (God be thanked) of all our hard fortunes.

The fift day of Iune, wee passed the Tropicke of Capricorne, and the sixteenth in the mor∣ning [ 50] wee had sight of the Iland of Saint Helena: at the sight whereof, there was no smale reioy∣cing among vs. Wee bare close along by the shoare, the better to get the best of the Road,* 6.3 in the Harbour, where wee came to an anchor, right against a small Chappell, which the Portugals had built there, long since. Our ships rode in twelue fatham water, which is the best of the Harbor. At our going a shoare, we found by many writings, that the Carrackes of Portugall had departed from thence, but eight dayes before our comming. In this Iland, there is very good refreshing of water, and wild Goats, but they are hard to come by, vnlesse good direction be giuen for the getting of them. And this course our Generall tooke, he appointed foure lusty men, and of the best shot he had, to goe into the Iland, and make their abode in the middest of it, and to euery shot, he appointed foure men to attend him, to carrie the Goats that hee killed, to the Rende∣uous: [ 60] thither went (euery day) twentie men, to fetch home to the ships, what was killed▪ So there was no hoyting or rumour in the Iland to feare the Goats withall. And by this meanes, the ships were plentifully relieued, and euery man contented. While wee stayed here, wee fit∣ted our shipping, and searched our Rother, which wee hoped, would last vs home. All our sicke men recouered their health, through the store of Goats and Hogs, wherewith wee had refreshed

our selues, hauing great need of good refreshing: For, in three moneths, wee had seene no land, but were continually beaten in the sea.

The fift day of Iuly, we set saile from this Iland, our course being Northwest. The thirteenth day,* 6.4 wee passed by an Iland called the Ascention, which standeth in eight degrees. No ships touc•• at this Iland, for it is altogether barraine, and without water: onely, it hath good store of Fish about it, but deepe water, and ill riding for ships. From hence wee held our course still North∣west,* 6.5 the wind being South and South-east, till the nineteenth day, and then, we passed the Aequi∣noctiall-Line. The foure and twentieth day wee were six degrees to the Northward, at which time, wee iudged our selues to be an hundred and fiftie leagues from the Coast of Ginney. Then wee steered away North and by West and North till the nine and twentieth, at which time, wee had sight of the Iland of Fogo.* 6.6 Here, wee were becalmed fiue dayes, striuing to passe to the East∣ward [ 10] of this Iland, but could not: for the wind changed, and came to the North-east, so we stood West North-west.

* 6.7The seuenth day of August, wee were in sixteene degrees, and the twelfth day wee passed the Tropicke of Cancer, that lieth in 23.1/••;. degrees, holding our course Northerly. But the three and twentieth, the wind came Westerly. The nine and twentieth, wee passed the Iland of Saint Marie, the wind faire.

The seuenth day of September, wee tooke sounding, iudging the Lands end of England to be fortie leagues from vs. The eleuenth day, wee came to the Downes, well and safe to an an∣chor: for the which, thanked be almightie God, who hath deliuered vs from infinite perils and dangers, in this long and tedious Nauigation. [ 20]

CHAP. IV. A Discourse of Iaua, and of the first English Factorie there, with diuers Indian, English, and Dutch occurrents, written by Master EDMVND SCOT, contayning a Historie of things done from the eleuenth of Februarie, 1602. [ 30] till the sixt of October, 1605. abbreuiated.

§. I. The description of Iaua maior, with the manners and fashions of the people, both Iauans and Chynaesses, which doe there inhabite.

IAua maior, is an Iland which lieth in an hundred and fortie degrees of longitude [ 40] from the middle part of it,* 6.8 and in the ninth degree of latitude, being also about an hundred fortie and six leagues long, East and West, and some ninetie leagues broad, South and North, the middle part of which Land is for the most part all mountaines, the which are not so steepe, but that people doe trauell to the top of them, both on horse-backe, and on foot. Some inhabitants doe dwell vpon those hils, which stand next to the Sea, but in the very middle of the Land, so farre as euer I could learne,* 6.9 there are no Inhabitants, but there are wild beasts of diuers sorts, whereof some doe re∣paire neere the valleyes adioyning to the Sea; and deuoure many people. Towards the Sea, for the most part is low moorish ground, wherein stand their principall Townes of Trade, the chiefest [ 50] whereof lie on the North and North-east side of the Iland, as Chiringin, Bantam, Iackatra, and I••rtan or Greesey,* 6.10 The which low ground is very vnwholsome, and breedeth many diseases, (espe∣cially vnto strangers which come thither) and yeeld no merchandise worthy trading for, or spea∣king of, but Pepper, the which hath beene brought in times past from all places of the Land to Bantam, as the chiefe Mart Towne of the Countie, which Towne for Trade doth farre exceed Achen, or any Towne or Citie thereabouts; And Pepper was wont to be brought thither from diuers other Countries, which of late yeeres is not, by reason that the Dutch-men trade to euery place, and buy it vp. [ 60]

This Towne of Bantam, is about three English miles in length, also very populous, There are three Markets kept on euery day,* 6.11 one in the forenoone, and two in the afternoone: that espe∣cially, which is kept in the forenoone, doth so abound with people, that they throng together, as in many Fayers in England. Yet I neuer saw any kind of Cattell to sell, by reason that there

are very few tame in the Countrey. Their food is altogether Rice, with some Hens,* 6.12 and some Fish, but not much, or in no abun••ance. The Iauans houses are altogether built of great Canes, and some few small Timbers, being slight buildings: In many of the principall mens houses,* 6.13 is good workmanship shewed, as car••ings, &c. And some of the chiefest haue a square Brick roome, being built in no better forme then a Brickill, which is onely to put in all their houshold stuffe, when fire commeth, but they seldome or neuer lodge, nor eate in them. There are many small Riuers running through the Towne: also, there is a good road for shippes, whereby if they were people of any reasonable capacity, it would be made a very goo••ly Citie, also it is walled round with a Bricke wall, being very warlike built, with Flankers, and Turrets scouring euery way▪ [ 10] I haue beene told by some that it was first built by the Chinesses. In many places it is fallen to de∣cay for want of repairing. At the very end of this Towne, is the China Towne, a narrow Riuer parting them, which runneth crosse the end of the China Towne, vp to the Kings Court, and so through the middle of the great Towne, and doth ebbe and flow, so that at a high water, both Gallies and Iuncts of great burthen, may goe vp to the middle of the great Towne.

This China Towne, is for the most part built of Brick, euery house sq••are, and flat ouer-head,* 6.14 some of them hauing Boords, and small Timbers, or s••lit Canes ouer-crosse, on which are laid Bricks and Sand, to defend them from fire. Ouer these Bricke Ware-houses is set a shed, being built vp with great Canes, and Thatched, and some are built vp with small Timber, but the grea∣t••st number with Canes onely. Of late yeares, since we came thither, many men of wealth [ 20] haue built their houses to the top, all fire free, of the which sort of houses, at our first comming, there was no more but the Sabindars house and the rich Chyna Merchants house, which neuerthe∣lesse by meanes of their windowes, and sheds ro••nd about them, haue beene consumed with fire. In this Towne stand the English and Dutch houses, which are built in the same manner,* 6.15 on∣ly they are very much bigger, and higher then ordinary houses, and the Dutch-men of late (though with great cost and trouble) haue built one of their houses vp to the top all of Bricke, fire free, as they suppose.

The King of this place is absolute,* 6.16 and since the deposing and death of the late Emperour of Damacke, is held the principall King of all that Iland: he vseth alwaies Marshall law vpon any offender whom he is disposed to punish. If any priuate mans Wife or Wi••es be taken with di∣shonesty, [ 30] so that they haue good proofe of it, they cause them presently to be put to death, both the woman, and the man that is taken in Adultery with her. And for their Slaues, they may execute them for any small fault. To euery Wife that a Iauan, being a free-man, marrieth,* 6.17 he must keepe ten women-slaues, which they as ordinary vse as their wiues; and some of them keepe for euery wife, fortie slaues, for so they keepe ten: they may haue as many more as they will, but they may haue but three wiues onely.

The Iauans, are generally exceeding proud, although extreame poore,* 6.18 by reason that not one amongst an hundred of them will worke. The Gentlemen of this Land are brought to bee poore, by the number of Slaues that they keepe, which eate faster then their Pepper or Rice groweth. The Chinois, doe both plant, dr••sse, and gather the Pepper,* 6.19 and also sowe their Rice liuing as Slaues vnder them, but they sucke away all the wealth of the Land, by reason that [ 40] the Iauans are so idle. And a Iauan is so proud, that he will not endure one to ••t an inch in height aboue him, if he be but of the like calling. They are a people that doe very much thirst after blood, yet they will seldome fight face to face one with another, or with any other Nation, but doe altogether seeke reuenge of their enemy cowardly, albeit they are for the most part men of a goodly stature. Their law for murther, is to pay a fine to the King,* 6.20 and that but a small summe: but euermore the friends of the party murthered, will be reuenged on the mur∣therer, or his kindred, so that the more they kill one another, the more fines hath their King. Their ordinary weapon which they weare, is called a ••rise, it is about two foot in length,* 6.21 the bla••e being waued, and crooked to and fro, Indenture like, and withall exceeding sharpe, most of them hauing the temper of their Mettle poysoned, so that not one amongst fiue hundred that [ 50] is wounded with them in the body escapeth with his life. The handles of these weapons, are either of horne or wood, curiously carued in the the likenesse of a Diuell, which many of them doe worship. In their warres, their fight is altogether with Pikes, Darts, and Targets. Of late, some few of them haue learned to vse their Peeces, but very vntowardly.

The apparell of the be••ter sort, is a tucke on their heads, and about their loynes a faire Pin∣tadoe, all the rest of their bodies naked; sometimes they will weare a close coate,* 6.22 somewhat like a Mandillion, of V••luet, Chamblet, Cloath, or some other kind of Silke: but it is but seldome, and vpon some extraordinary occasion. The common sort weare on their head, a flat cap of Vel∣uet, Taffita, or C••llico-cloath, the which is cut in many peeces, and seamed with a faire stitch, to make them sit flat and compasse: about their loynes they weare a kind of Callico-cloth, which [ 60] is made at Clyn, in manner of a silke girdle, but at the least one yard broad, being of two colours. Also, there commeth from thence many sorts of white colours, which they themselues do both Dye Paint and Gild, according to the fashions of that Countrey: Likewise, they can weare a kin•• of striped stuffe, both of Cotten, and Rindes of trees, but by meanes of their lasinesse, there

is very little of that worne.* 6.23 The men for the most part, haue very thicke curled haire on their heads, in which they take great pride, and often will goe bare-headed to shew their haire: the women goe all bare-headed, some of them hauing their haire tucked vp, like a Cart-horse taile, but the better sort doe tucke it vp, like our riding Geldings tailes. About their loynes they weare the same stuffes, which I haue before mentioned, alwaies hauing a faire Girdle or Pin∣tado, of their Countrey fashion, throwne ouer on their shoulders, which hangeth downe loose behind them.

* 6.24The principall of them are most religious, but they very seldome goe to Church: They doe acknowledge Christ to be a great Prophet, whom they call Naby Isa, and some of them doe keepe of Mahomets Priests in their houses, but the common people haue very little knowledge [ 10] in any Religion, onely they say, there is a God which made heauen and earth, and them also. He is good they say, and will not hurt them, but the Diuell is naught, and will doe them hurt, wherefore many of them for want of knowledge doe pray to him,* 6.25 onely for feare lest he should hurt them. And surely if there were men of learning, which were perfect in their language to instruct them, a number of them would be drawne to the true faith of Christ, and also would be brought to ciuilitie. For many which I haue reasoned with, concerning the Lawes of Christians, haue liked all well, excepting only their plurality of Women, for they are all very lasciuiously gi∣uen,* 6.26 both men and women. The better sort which are in authoritie, are great takers of bribes, and all the Iauans in generall, are bad pay-masters when they are trusted, notwithstanding, their Lawes for debts are so strickt,* 6.27 that the Creditour may take his Debtor, his Wiues, Children, [ 20] Slaues, and all that he hath, and sell them for his debt.

* 6.28Likewise, they are all much giuen to stealing, from the highest to the lowest, and surely in times past, they haue beene * 6.29 Man-eaters, before that Traffique was had with them by the Chy∣nasses, which as I haue heard some of them say, is not aboue one hundred yeares since. They delight much in ease and Musicke, and for the most part, they spend the day sitting crosse legged like a Taylor, whitling of a sticke, whereby many of them become very good Caruers, to carue their Crise handles: and that is all the worke that most of them indeuour to doe. They are very great eaters, but the Gentlemen allow their Slaues nothing, but Rice sod in water, with some rootes and hearbs, and they haue a certaine hearb called Bettaile, which they vsually haue carried with them wheresoeuer they goe, in boxes, or wrapped vp in a cloath like a Sugar-loafe, and also a nut called Pinange, which are both in operation very hot, and they eate them continually to warme [ 30] them within, and keepe them from the Fluxe, they doe likewise take much Tobacco, and also Opium.

* 6.30The Iauans themselues, are very dull and blockish to mannage any affaires of a Common∣wealth, whereby all strangers goe beyond them that come into their land: and many of the Countrey of Clyn, which come thither to dwell, doe grow very rich, and rise to great Offices and Dignitie amongst them, as their Sabandar, their Laytamougon, and others, especially the Chineses, who like Iewes liue crooching vnder them, but rob them of their wealth, and send it for China.

* 6.31The Chineses are very crafty people in trading, vsing all kind of cousoning and deceipt which may possibly be deuised. They haue no pride in them, nor will refuse any labour, except they [ 40] turne Iauans (as many of them doe when they haue done a murther, or some other villanie) then they are euery whit as proud,* 6.32 and as lasie as the Iauans. For their Religion they are of diuers sects, but the most of them are Atheists. And many of them hold opinion, that when they die, if they be good men, they shall be borne againe to great riches, and be made Gouernors, and if they be wicked men, then they shall be turned into some vgly beast, as a Frog or a Toade. They burne sacrifice euery new Moone, mumbling prayers ouer them, with a kind of singing voyce, and as they sing, they ting a little Bell, which at the end of euery Prayer, they ring out as fast as they can. This ceremony they also vse, when any amongst them of account lyeth a dying. The manner of their sacrifice is this: They furnish their Altars, with Goats, Hens, Duckes, and diuers sorts of fruits, the which are sometimes dressed to eate, and sometimes raw, and then are [ 50] dressed afterwards and eaten. All that they burne, is onely papers painted, and cut out in curi∣ous workes, and valued by them at a certaine price. I haue many times asked them, to whom they burne their sacrifice, and they haue answered me to God: but the Goserats and Turkes * 6.33 which are there, say they burne it to the Diuell. If they do so, they are ashamed to confesse it. They are many of them well seene in Astronomy, and keepe a good account of their moneths and yeares: they obserue no Sabboth, nor one day better then other, except when they lay the foundation of a house, or begin some other great worke, which day they euer after obserue as a holy day. When any of them that are wealthy die in Bantam, their bodies are burnt to Ashes,* 6.34 which Ashes they put close in Iarres, and carry it to China to their friends. I haue seene [ 60] when some of them haue lyen a dying, they haue set vp seauen Odours burning, foure of them being great, and burning light, and they were set vpon a Cane, which lay crosse vpon two Crot∣ches, about sixe foote from the ground, and three set on the ground right vnder them, being very small, and burning dim. I haue demaunded the meaning of it many times, but I could neuer

haue other answer, but that it was the fashion of China; and surely many such like things they doe, not knowing why, or wherefore, but onely that it hath beene a fashion amongst them. They delight very much in Playes, and singing,* 6.35 but they haue the worst voyces that one shall heare any people haue, the which Playes or Interludes, they hold as seruice to their gods: in the be∣ginning of which, they often vse to burne a sacrifice, the Priests many times kneeling downe, and kissing the ground three times, one presently after another. These Playes are made com∣monly, when they thinke their Iuncks or shipping are set forth from China; likewise, when they are arriued at Bantam, and also when they set out from Bantam towards China: These Playes sometimes begin at noone, and end not till the next day morning, being most commonly [ 10] in the open streete, hauing Stages set vp for the purpose. Moreouer, they haue amongst them some South-sayers, which sometimes rage, and runne vp and downe the streetes like mad men,* 6.36 hauing swords drawne in their hands, tarring their haire, and throwing themselues against the ground. When they are in this franticke taking, they affirme, and other Chyneses doe beleeue, that they can tell what shall come to passe after. Whether they be possest with the Deuill or no, who reuealeth something to them, I know not, but many Chyneses vse them, when they send a Iuncke of any voyage, to know whether they shall speed well or no, and by their report, it hath fallen out according as these South-sayers haue told them. The Chyneses are apparelled in long gownes, wearing kirtles vnder them, hanging something lower then their gownes. They are surely the most effeminate, and cowardliest people that liue.* 6.37 On their heads they weare a [ 20] Caull, some of them being made of Silke, and some of haire: the haire of their heads is very long, which they bind vp on a knot, right on the crowne of their heads. Their Nobility and Gouernours weare hoods of sundry fashions, some being one halfe like a hat, and the other like a French-hood; others being of Net-worke, with a high crowne, and no brims.* 6.38 These people are tall, and strong of body, hauing all very small blacke eyes, and very few of them haue any haire on their faces: They will steale, and doe any kind of villanie to get wealth: their manner at Bantam, is to buy Women-slaues, (for they bring no women out of China) by whom they haue many children, and when they returne to their owne Countrey, not minding to come to Ban∣tam againe, they sell their women, but their children they carry with them. As for their goods, they take an order to send some at euery shipping: for if they die in Bantam, all the goods they [ 30] haue there, is the Kings, and if once they cut their haire,* 6.39 they may neuer returne to their Countrey againe, but their Children may; alwaies prouided, that they neuer cut their haire.

§. II. A true and briefe Discourse of many dangers by fire, and other perfidious treacheries of the Iauans.

AFter our Ships were laden, and all things set in as good order as it could be: vpon the one [ 40] and twentith of February, 1602. our General taking his leaue of the shore, departed,* 6.40 lea∣uing behind him to be resident in Bantam nine persons, ouer whom he appointed M. Wil∣liam Starkie, to be cheife Cōmander: likewise he left xiij. more, which he appointed to go in our Pinnasse for Banda; of which he was appointed for chiefe Cōmander ouer the rest,* 6.41 Thomas Tudde Merchant, and for Master of the said Pinnasse, one Thomas Keith. The Generall at his de∣parture left order, that this Pinnasse should be sent away with all speed; wherefore hauing taken in, to the quantitie of fifty sixe Chests and Fardells of goods, vpon the sixth of March at night, she set sayle, but by reason of contrary winds, after she had spent neere two moneths, beating vp and downe in the Seas, she was forced to returne againe to Bantam. Also at our Generals depar∣ture, he left vs two houses full of goods, and likewise some goods lying in the Dutchmens house, [ 50] but we were too few in number to keepe one well, had not God of his great mercie preser∣ued vs.

It is not vnknowne to all that were there, the quarrell betwixt the Iauans and vs, before our ships departed, who sought all the meanes they could to be reuenged. Insomuch,* 6.42 that presently after the departure of our Pinnasse, they began to practise the firing of our Principall house, with fiery darts and arrowes in the night, and not content with that, but in the day time, if wee had brought out any quantitie of goods to ayre, we should be sure to haue the towne fiered to wind∣ward not farre from vs. And if these fire Arrowes, had not by Gods prouidence, beene espyed by some of our owne house, as they were, it was thought of vs all, that that house and goods had beene all consumed, as might plainly appeare at the top, when we came to repaire it. But as the [ 60] mallice of the raskall sort of people began now to appeare, and continued for the space of two yeeres against vs: So Gods mercie began to shew it selfe vnto vs, and continued to the last day. As this discouse will plainely shew hereafter, his Name be blessed for it.

So soone as we had dispatched away our Pinnasse, we began to lay the foundation of our house,* 6.43 which was seuentie two foot long, and thirtie sixe foot broad, but by reason there was at that

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

time, a new Protector chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost, before we could be permit∣ted to goe thorow with it. Also wee ayred all our prize goods, and M. Starkey caused the lea∣thers of most of the packs to be stripped off, by whose counsell it was I know not, but these goods did not keep their colours nothing so well as the rest did, as we found afterwards.

* 6.44The one and twentieth of March, by reason of a China Captaine that shot a Piece, the towne was set on fire, in which fire were many houses full of goods consumed. Amongst other, the Dutch house was burnt to the ground, wherein we had lying sixtie fiue Fardells of goods, besides some Pepper. Also we had some Pepper lying in a Chinaes house, which for the most part was burned and spoyled, so that we lost one hundred and ninetie sacks cleare, besides the damage, the rest receiued. Our losse by this fire was great, but we prayse God it was no more, conside∣ring how neere the fire came to both our houses, and how vnfit they were at that time for such a [ 10] danger, especially one, where the fire came within three yards of it; insomuch that the Iammes of the windowes were so hot, that a man could hardly s••ffer his hand to touch them, and yet the old and dry thatch tooke not fire, to the great admiration of all people that were there of many Nations. There was gathered about this house all the villaines in the Countrey, so that all that night, we that kept that house durst take no rest, for feare they would throw some firebrands vpon it. In the Euening some of vs standing in the doore, there came Iauans, whom we knewe to be notorious Theeues,* 6.45 and asked vs how many we were that lay in that house, wee demanded againe, what they had to doe to aske, and if they would know, they should come at midnight and see, at which answere they departed very much discontent, but such is their boldnesse there, that in the day time they would come and looke before our faces, how our doores were hanged, [ 20] and what fastning they had within, and many times we were informed by some that wished vs well, that if we did not keepe good watch, that there was a Crew, that meant to enter sudden∣ly vpon vs, and to cut our throates, in so much that we being but foure at that house, what with ouer-watching, and what with the Disease that raigneth much in that Countrey, which is loose∣nesse of the bodie, wee were growne to very great weaknesse, and two of vs neuer recoue∣red it.

The nineteenth of Aprill, 1603. came into the Road, nine sayle of Hollanders, ouer whom was Generall Wyborne Van Warwicke,* 6.46 who shottly after sent two of them for China, two for the Moluccoes, two laded at Bantam, one went to Iortan. Also he dispatched a Pinnasse to Achen, to will certaine ships (that went from thence by Captaine Spilbergs directions to Zeilon▪ to winne a small Fort from the Portugals) to come to Bantam, in the meane time, he with one ship stayed [ 30] vntill their arriuall. We are very much beholding to this Generall for wine, bread, and many o∣ther necessaries,* 6.47 and courtesies receiued of him. Hee would often tell vs how Sir Richard Luson relieued him, when he was likely to perish in the Sea, for the which he would say he was bound to be kind to Englishmen wheresoeuer he met them, and to speake truth, there was nothing in his ships for the comfort of sicke men, but we might command it, as if it had beene our owne. Also he in his owne person, did very much reuerence the Queenes Maiestie of England, when hee talked of Her. But there were some of baser sort in his Fleet, that did vse very vnreuerent spec∣ches of Her to some of the Country people.

The fiue and twentieth of Aprill died Thomas Morgan, our second Factor heere, who had bin [ 40] sickly a long time.* 6.48 Also Master Starkey began to grow very weake. The eight and twentieth day, came in our Pinnasse which was sent for Banda; hauing lost one of her Factors, William Chase, and the rest but weake and sickly. About this time there came certaine of the Kings Officers, and forbade vs to goe forward with our house, the reason whereof, as I doe iudge was because the new Protector had not as yet receiued a Bribe;* 6.49 and the Sabyndar and hee beeing at that time not friends, he could doe vs little pleasure: wherefore we complayned to Cay Tomongone Gobay, the Admirall, who indeed is the Father of all Strangers in that place. He presently made a great Feast, and inuited all the principall of the Court, at which Feast hee began to discourse of our cause, telling them what a shame it was that the King and they would not keepe their words to the English Generall and Merchants, and that rather then hee would breake his word, hee would goe dwell in a small Cottage himselfe, and wee should haue his house: but after much adoe, [ 50] he made them grant that we should goe forward with our house, the which in short time after was finished. Our principall Merchant fearing Pepper would be deare, by reason of the Flemmish shipping that was there present, and the rest that were to come, bought vp as much Pepper as he could, and because our house was not as yet readie, he disbursed his money before the Pepper was weighed, and by reason the Flemmings are not curious in receiuing their Pepper, when we came to weigh ours, we were forced to receiue it as they did, or else we should haue neither money nor Pepper, so that we had in that parcell much fowle and bad Pepper.

* 6.50Vpon the last of Iune, Master Starkey ended his dayes, whose buriall Generall Warwick caused [ 60] to be honoured with a Company of shot and Pikes, the Colours trayled vpon the ground, accor∣ding to the Order of Souldiers buriall.

The fourth of I••ly, the great Market on the East-side of the Riuer, was by villanie of certaine ••••••nans, (who thought to get some spoyle of the Chines goods) set on fire, in which fire some

Chinois that were indebted to vs, lost all that they were worth,* 6.51 so that we escaped not without some losse by it. The seuenteenth of Iuly, deceased Thomas Dobson,* 6.52 one of the Factours left for Banda: the seuen and twentieth day the Towne was burnt againe on the East-side the Riuer. The fifth of August at ten a clocke at night, there came to our house Captaine Spilberge, Captaine Iohn Powlson, and some other Dutch Captaines, who told vs they had that day beene with the Protector about some businesse, who asked them if they would take our parts, if hee should doe any violence to vs, to the which they answered, as they said, that wee and they were neere Neighbours, wherefore they might not see vs wronged, they said more that hee straightly char∣ged them, that whatsoeuer he should doe vnto vs, that they should not bee offended nor ayde vs [ 10] any way.

From thence I went presently to the Protector, and gaue him a smal Present, and also thankes for his men, which foure or fiue dayes before hee had sent to helpe vs in our building. The Pre∣sent he receiued, but I perceiued by his countenance he was angry: He told me, that that day he had much businesse with the King, but the next morning he would send for me, for that hee had to speake with me. The same day the Admirall sent his sonne to him to know what his meaning was to vse such threatning speeches of vs, but he denyed them. In the morning following hee sent for me: when I came he asked me, what they were that had told me he meant to harme vs: I told him the Hollanders: hee asked againe whether they were Slaues or Captaines, I told him they were Captaines: he bad me I should shew his Scriuana those Captaines. He said more, that if [ 20] any Iauan or Chines had done it, he would haue sent for him, and cut his throat before vs. Then hee began to find fault with vs, because wee did not come to him when wee had any Sute, but went alwayes to the Sabinda•• or the Admirall: I answered againe that he was but new come into his place, and that we had as yet no acquaintance with him, but hereafter I would come to him. Then he promised me he would doe vs all the friendship he could, but it was but dissimulati∣on to borrow money of vs. Also the Flemmings about this time spred a rumour through their owne Fleet, that the King would force vs to lend him fiue thousand Rials of eight, otherwise he would cause our house to be plucked downe againe, the which was false, for neither the King nor the Protector, had at that time sent to vs for any, nor did in foure monethes after.

The seuenteenth of August, Captaine Spilberge hauing vented all his Commodities (which he [ 30] shared in our prise) and laden his ships and his Pinnasse with Pepper, departed thence, hauing in his company two ships more of Warwicks Fleet. The nineteenth of August, wee brought out certaine packes of goods to ayre, wherefore a Iauan being Slaue to one of the principall of the Countrey, threw some fire-workes vpon a Thatched house, a little to windward of vs,* 6.53 we espy∣ing it pursued him, and tooke him, and carryed him to Cay Tomongone the Admirall, who put him in Irons. Within an houre after there came more of his fellowes, who would haue taken him away perforce, wherefore the Admirals men and they fell by the eares, and many were hurt on both sides. So soone as the Admirals men had beaten them away, hee sent him to the King, but because his Master was one of the Kings friends, he was not put to death: although by the Law of the Countrey he should haue dyed, neither did we greatly seeke it, because his Master was our [ 40] very good friend also. Likewise, if a Iauan doe offend hee must bee punished with death, for if they inflict any lesse punishment, they are so wicked and bloudie a people, that they will bee cowardly reuenged, not only of Strangers, but of their owne Masters: so that if any Slaue doe offend his Master, he doth quite forgiue him, or else hee dyes for it. But they are very obedient, and will seldome offend their Masters, because they are for the most part as wicked as them∣selues. The two and twentieth of August, at night there were certaine Iauans gotten into a great yard hard by our house, who when we were singing of a Psalme, which wee did vse to doe when we set our Watch, these Rogues threw stones at our windowes, as if they would haue beaten downe our house, and some of the stones came in at the windowes, and missed vs very narrowly, but we tooke some of them, which yet vpon submission we spared.

[ 50] About this time there grew a quarrell betweene the Flemmings and the Chinois,* 6.54 and some were slaine and hurt on both sides. This grew by the misbehauiour of the Flemmings, which in that place doe carry themselues very rude and disordered, in that abundant manner that they are a shame and infamy to Christendome and Christians. I doe not condemne them all, but the vul∣gar sort, who when they are a-shoare, and their drinke in, their Commanders can beare no rule ouer them. They got the worst before this quarrell was ended, but not by the Chinois, nor by manhood of the Iauans, only some that were Slaues to some Turne-coate Chinois, would steale behind the Flemmings in the Euening, and cowardly stab them.

One day they being very importunate, for one of their men which was slaine, the Protectour demanded of them, when they came to any Countrey to trade, whether they brought Law••s [ 60] with them, or whether they were gouerned by the Lawes of the Countrey they were in: to the which they answered, that when they were aboord their ships, they were gouerned by their own Lawes, but when they were ashoare,* 6.55 they were vnder the Lawes of our Countrey they were in: well, said the Protector, then I will tell you the Lawes of the Countrey, which is this, if one kill a Slaue, he must pay twentie Rials of eight, if a Freeman, fifty Rials, if a Gentlem••n,

a hundred Rials. The Flemmings requested to haue that vnder his owne hand, the which they had, and it was all the mends they had for killing of their man, if they would haue taken fiftie Rials of eight, they might haue had it.

* 6.56About the fift of September, here came a Iuncke full of men from the Iland of Lampon, which standeth in the Straights of Sunda; and are enemies to the Iauans, and all others that are dwellers in Bantam: these are so like the Iauans, that the one is not knowne from the other. Also there were many Iauans consorted with them. These men hauing their Iuncke riding in a Creeke hard by the Towne, and being in all points like vnto the Iauans, would boldly come into the Towne, and not only in the euenings and nights come into houses, and cut off the peoples heads, but at noone dayes, in so much that for the space of a moneth, wee could take little rest forthe grieuous crying of the people. One day while we were sitting at dinner, they came and tooke a woman, [ 10] being our next Neighbour, and muffled her so with a Sacke, that she could not cry, and so carried her into a tuft of bushes in our back-side, and there cut her throate, and meant to haue cut off her head, if they had had time. Her Husband missing her, and looking out might see them carrie her, who cryed out, and we rose from dinner and pursued them, but it was too late to saue her life. Also they were very swift of foot, so that we could come neere none of them, and for any thing that we knew, they might be amongst vs, for after the Iauans were come wee could not know them. It was thought of some that they lay hid in the bushes till the comming of the Iauans, and then stole out, and put themselues amongst them. There were some Iaua women that would cut off their Husbands heads in the night,* 6.57 and sell them to these people. They did linger much about our house, and surely if we had not kept good watch, they would haue attemp∣ted [ 20] the cutting of our throats (if not for our heads) for our goods. But after awhile, many of them were knowne, and being taken were executed, which were men of very goodly stature. The reason they doe make these hard Aduentures,* 6.58 is, their King giues them a woman for euery stran∣gers head they bring him, wherefore many times they would digge vp such as were new buried at Bantam, and cut off their heads, and so coozen their King.

Also at this time, some credible men that wished vs wel, of whom the Admirall was one, bid vs haue a speciall care of our good watch, because some of the principall of the Land in birth, though not in wealth nor office,* 6.59 which had many Slaues, but little to maintayne them, had laid a Plot to haue slaine vs in the night, and to haue made spoyle of our goods which they tooke to be ten times more then were, and after to haue giuen it out, the Lampons had done it. Whereupon we were forced to haue Lights burning al night round about our house, otherwise in the dark nights, [ 30] they being so blacke as they are might haue entred suddenly vpon vs, before wee should descry them. For all the vpper worke of our houses by reason of the heat are open, and they are built with Canes, and likewise the fence round about the houses, which is but a weake building, and may quickly be borne downe. These Heathen Deuils came forth two or three times, thinking to haue executed their bloudie pretence, but God would not suffer them. For so soone as they came within sight of our Lights and might heare our Drumme sound at the end of euery watch, their hear••s failed them, so that they durst not giue the attempt, for they supposed, wee were readie not only with our small shot, but with our Murtherers to giue them entertainment, and to speake truth, they should haue found it so indeed. After they had wayted long, and could neuer find oportunitie, they fell out amongst themselues, and so were dispersed. Diuers others [ 40] made bold but vain attempts, and therfore now fel to work with the Chinois, whose houses at this time were ful of our goods, which they had bought, in so much that euerynight for a long time, we had such grieuous crying out, and we looking euery houre when we should be assaulted, durst take no rest in the night. Many Chinois about vs were slaine, and surely if wee had not defended them with our shot, many more would haue bin slaine: for the singing of a Bullet is as terrible to a Iauan, as the cry of the Hounds is in the eares of the Hare: for they will not abide if once they heare it. But these continuall alarmes, and grieuous out-cryes of men, women and children grew so rife in our eares,* 6.60 that our men in their sleepe would dreame they were pursuing the Iauans, and sudden∣ly would leape out of their Beds and catch their weapons▪ his next fellow hearing the dolefull noyse he made, would bussell vp, and in their sleepe haue wounded one another, before those [ 50] that had the watch could come to part them: and if they should haue set their weapons further from them they would not haue beene readie, if we should haue had occasion, the which we loo∣ked for euery minute, and being but few of vs, I tooke my turne to watch as long as any, in which I haue stood many times more in feare of my owne men then of any other, and when I haue heard them bussel, haue catched vp a Target, for feare they would haue serued me as they did their fellowes.

* 6.61But all this feare was nothing to vs in comparison of that which I will now speake of, which was fire. O this word fire, had it it beene spoken neere me, either in English, Mallayes, Iauanes, [ 60] or China; although I had beene sound a-sleepe, yet I should haue leaped out of my bed, the which I haue done sometimes, when our men in their watch haue but whispered one to another of fire: In so much that I was forced to warne them, not to talke of fire in the night, except they had great occasion.

And not only my selfe, but my fellowes, Thomas Tudd, and Gabriel Towerson, after our watches had beene out, and we heauie a-sleepe so that our men many times sounding a Drumme at our Chamber doores, we haue neuer bewrayed them, yet presently after they haue but whis∣pered of fire, we all haue runne out of our Chambers. I speake not this, that any that may bee sent thither hereafter should be discouraged, for then we were strangers, and now we haue many friends there, and the Countrey is growne to much better ciuilitie, and as the yong King grow∣eth in age, will more and more, because their Gouernment will bee better.* 6.62 In three monethes space, the Towne on the East-side the Riuer, was burnt fiue times, but God be praysed the wind alwayes fauoured vs, and although the Iauans many times fired it on our side, yet it pleased God [ 10] still to preserue vs, so that by reason it blew but little wind, it was quenched before it came to hurt vs.

§. III. Differences betwixt the Hollanders (stiling themselues English) the Iauans, and other things remarkable.

ABout this time also, there was much falling out betweene the Flemmings and the [ 20] Countrey people, by meanes of the rude behauiour of the Flemmings, and many of them were stabd in the euenings: and at that time the Common people knew not vs from the Flemmings, for both they and wee were called by the name of English∣men, by reason of their vsurping our name at their first comming thither to trade, wherein they did our Nation much wrong, for wee were euer ashamed of their behauiour, and as wee passed along the street, wee might heare the people in the Market, rayling and exclayming on the Eng∣lish men, although they meant the Hollanders, wherefore,* 6.63 we fearing some of our men might be slaine in stead of them, wee began to thinke how wee might make our selues knowne from the Hollanders.

And now the seuenteenth of Nouember drawing neere, the which wee held to be our Coro∣nation [ 30] day, (for at that time, nor the yeare following, we knew no other) we all suted our selues in new apparell of silke, and made vs all Scarfes of white and red Taffata, beeing our Countrie Colours, Also we made a Flagge with the red Crosse through the middle, and because wee that were the Merchants would be knowne from our men, we edged our Scarfes with a deepe fringe of gold, and that was our difference. Our day being come, wee set vp our Banner of Saint George, vpon the top of our house, and with our Drumme and Shot wee marched vp and downe within our owne ground, being but fourteene in number, wherefore we could march but single one after another, and so plied our Shot, and casting our selues in Rings and Esses. The Sabindar and di∣uers of the Chiefest of the Land, hearing our Peeces, came to see vs and to enquire the cause of our triumph, we told them, that that day seuen and fortie yeare, our Queene was crowned, wher∣fore all English men, in what Countrey soeuer they were did triumph on that day, Hee greatly [ 40] commended vs for hauing our Prince in remembrance in so farre a Countrey. Many others did aske vs, why the English men at the other house did not so: wee told them, that they were no English men, but Hollanders, and that they had no King, but their Land was ruled by Gouernors. Some would replie againe, and say they named themselues to bee English men at first, and there∣fore they tooke them to be English men, but wee would tell them againe, they were of another Countrey neere England, and spake another Language, and that if they did talke with them now, they should heare they were of another Nation. The multitude of the people did admire to see so few of vs deliuer so much shot, for the Iauans and Chinees are no good shot. In the af∣ter noone I caused our men to walke abroad the Towne, and the Market, whereby the people might take notice of them, and the red and white Scarfes and Hat-bands made such a showe, that [ 50] the Inhabitants of those parts had neuer seene the like, so that euer after that day, wee were knowne from the Hollanders, and many times, the children in the streets would runne after vs, crying, Oran Engrees bayk, oran Hollanda Iahad, which is, the English men are good, the Hollan∣ders are naught. Generall Warwicke went for Patanea, and from thence to China.

The sixt day of December came in two ships, which some six moneths before he had sent thi∣ther, who comming vnder the Iland of Mackow, found a Carracke there riding at an anchor, bee∣ing full laden with raw Silks, Muske, and diuers other costly wares, readie to depart,* 6.64 and at that time, her men were almost all ashoare, so that they tooke her without any resistance, or very little, they laded their two ships and the rest they set a fire, so that there was by their owne re∣port▪ [ 60] twice so much burnt as they brought away. Comming backe they met with a great Iuncke of Syon, with whom they fought and killed threescore and foure men. They had some slaine and hurt also, but when they had taken her, and knew her to be of Syon, they let her goe againe, be∣cause they had or shortly meant to send Factors there, the Captaine of the Iuncke was slaine, who they say, when they haled him would not tell them of whence he was, and when they bad

him strike, Answered that he would not for neuer a Saile that swamme in the Sea. The Flemmings not knowing Muske sold great store to certaine of Iapan, which they met with at Sea for little or nothing. After they had spent some fortie dayes in Bantam, and their Mariners, some wicked∣ly and some vainly consumed their pillage, (which was great) vpon the seuenteenth of Ianuary they set saile from thence, being foure ships in company there. One had laded at Bantam, and one that some two monethes before came from China; and had spent foure yeares out of their Countrey, of which time, they had beene fourteene monethes at Cachinchina, where they at their first comming were betrayed,* 6.65 and their Captaines taken Prisoners, whom they made kneele on their knees foure and twentie houres, hauing their neckes bare, and one standing with a sharpe Sword readie to haue strooken off their heads when the word should bee giuen. They bare them [ 10] downe to be men of Warre and Spyes, and no Merchants. These Dutchmen were Papists, where∣fore in the end the Portugall Friers saued their liues, and afterwards they were kindly vsed, but their ransome cost them deare.

About this time the Protector sent to mee diuers times to lend him two thousand pieces of eight, and if not two thousand, a thousand, but I put him of, telling him we were left there with goods but no money. Also that the people of the Countrey ought vs much, the which we could not get in, likewise that as yet we had bought but little Pepper, wherefore we must buy all wee could to get lading against we expected our ships.* 6.66 The Flemmings that came in so rich from Mac∣kow, had so bribed him, that now he began to harken to them concerning the building of a faire house. [ 20]

The sixt of February we lost one of our Company Robert Wallis, and many more of our men were s••cke and lame,* 6.67 which came by the heate of the Pepper in milling and shuting it, so that e∣uer after wee were forced to hire Chines to doe that worke, and our owne men to ouer-see them only.

The sixteenth of February, came in a great ship of Zeilan from Pattany, but fiue or sixe dayes before her comming, she sent in a small Slup or Pinnace, willing their Factors to buy vp all the Pepper they could,* 6.68 which made vs thinke that Generall Warwicke, with all his shippes was com∣ming to lade there, wherefore we bought vp all that wee found to bee good and merchantable. For the Chinees spoiled much with water and durt, because the Flemmings refused none, and it is of a certaine, the Chinees bought one of another, and sold it to the Flemmings againe at the same price they bought it, and yet they would gaine ten Rials of eight in a hundred sackes, by putting [ 30] in water and durt, for were it neuer so bad, they knew their Chapmen, and blow which way the wind would, they had shipping to come thither, either from the East or from the West, in so much that one would haue thought they meant to carrie away the Pepper growing on the Trees, Mountaines and all. The people there hearing our Countries are cold, haue asked vs if wee beat Pepper in our Morter,* 6.69 that we playster our wales with to make our houses warme. This ship hade taken much good purchase, but they sware those Englishmen they had with them, and also char∣ged them vpon losse of their wages, they should tell vs nothing, which we tooke very vnkindly.

There was at this time three houses of Flemmings, and all lay for seuerall accounts, and bought vp Pepper euery one so much as they could get. The fift of March, the Protector sent to mee in [ 40] the Kings name to borrow a thousand Rials of eight,* 6.70 wherefore I was forced to lend them fiue hundred, or else they would haue fallen out with me, the which the Flemmings would haue beene glad to haue seene.

About this time, there came in a Iuncke from Iore, with certaine Flemmings in it, who stole a∣away with their goods,* 6.71 because Iore had a long time beene besieged by the Portugals of Malacco, so that they of the Towne could hardly looke out. They said the Portugals offered the King of Iore peace, vpon condition hee wo••ld deliuer those Flemmings that were there into their hands, or kill them himselfe, to the which the King answered, that hee would first lose his Kingdome. In the beginning of this moneth of March, and to make an end of this old and wonderfull yeare, 1603. we had two great fires on the other side of the water which did much spoile,* 6.72 but God bee thanked the wind alwayes fauoured vs. [ 50]

And now to begin the new yeare 1604. my Pen affoords to speake of little else, but Murther, Theft,* 6.73 Warres, Fire and Treason, and first to begin with a Tragedie. We had a Malato of Pe∣gu in our house, which our ships brought from Achen, and in the great ship that came lately from Pattania, there was one of his Country men, who on Sunday being the eight of Aprill, had gotten a bottle of Wine, and brought it a-shore to make merry with our Molato. In the after∣noone, they walke abroad, met with the Prouost of their ship, who bid their Molato get him a-boord, but he answered he would not yet, whereupon the Prouost strooke him, our Molato seeing his Country-man mis••sed and being some what tickled in the head with wine, which hee did seldome vse to drinke,* 6.74 thought he would reuenge his Country-mans quarrell, wherefore hee [ 60] presently came home, and the euening being come, he tooke a Rapier and a Target, and with his Cryse at his backe went forth. And because at that time there was much quarrelling and brab∣bling betweene the Iauans and the Flemmings, I charged our men, that if they were sent out in the euening about any businesse, they should take their Weapons with them, for feare some Ia∣uans,

that knew them not might doe them a mischiefe in the darke, we thinking the Cooke had sent him into the Market for Herbes or something which hee wanted, mistrusted nothing. Also there went out with him a Slaue of the Sabindars,* 6.75 which was borne and brought vp amongst the Spaniards at the Manelies. They meeting with the Prouost, & the other Molato together, our Mo∣lato beganne to quarrell with the Prouost, and presently out with his Cryse, and stabd him, then fearing his Countryman would bewray him, stabd him also, and would haue slaine him that went out with him, had he not runne thorow a great Ditch, and so got from him, then meeting with a poore Iauan, and being nu••led in bloud stabd him likewise.

There manner is, that when a Iauan of any account is put to death, although there bee a com∣mon [ 10] Executioner, yet the neerest of kinne doth execute his office, and it is held the greatest fa∣uour they can doe them. The Protectour would haue twentie Rials of eight for the Iauan which was slaine, and the Hollanders his life. And accordingly they came with a guard of shot, the sixteenth of Aprill, to his execution, which the Executioner performed with quickest dis∣patch.

The same euening their Vice-Admirall, hauing one ship more in company set sayle for Hol∣land. The fourteenth day Thomas Tudd,* 6.76 the Companies chiefe Factor left there for Banda who had beene a long time sicke departed his life, so that of seuen Factors left there for this place and Banda, we were now but two liuing, and we had lost in all since the departure of our ships, eight men besides the Malato that was executed, and wee were now tenne liuing and one Boy. The [ 20] twentieth day died Iasper Gensbery, who was Admirall of the two ships that was betrayed at Cachinchina.

The two and twentieth of Aprill, came in a great Iuncke from China,* 6.77 which was thought to be cast away, because she tarryed so late, for they vse to come in February and March, but by reason of her comming, Cashis kept all the yeare at a very cheape rate, which was a great hinde∣rance to vs, in the sales of our prize goods, for when Cashis were cheape, and Rials deare, wee could not vent a piece of stuffe at halfe the value we did at our first comming. Againe, the Chi∣nois this yeare sent all the Rials they could get for China, wherefore we were forced to giue them credit, or else we must lose the principall time of the yeare for our sales. Pepper the Flemmings had left none, but what was in our hands and the Sabindars, who would not sell for any reasona∣ble [ 30] price. Also our goods now began to grow old, and the colours of many sorts began to vade, for the Ware-houses in that place are so hot and moyst, that although men take neuer so much paines in ayring and turning their wares, yet they will spoyle any sort of Cloth which shall lye long in them.

§. IIII. Treacherous vnderminings, with other occurrents.

[ 40] A Chines borne, but now turned Iauan, who was our next neighbour, and kept a victua∣ling house, and brewed Aracke, which is a kind of hot drinke, that is vsed in most of those parts of the world, in stead of Wine, had two Out-houses, where his guests did vse to sit, and in the one hee vsed to brew, which ioyned to our pales, on the South side of our house; but now he began another Trade, and became an Ingenor, hauing got eight Fire-brands of hell more to him, onely of purpose to set our house a fire.* 6.78 These nine deepe wor∣kers digged a Well in one of these houses, from the bottome of which Well, they brought a Mine, quite vnder the foundation of our house: but when they came vp to the Planckes of our Ware-house, they were at a stand, but before they could make this Mine, they were forced to dig a very deepe Well in their yard, to draw away the water which did abound in this Mine, [ 50] and because we should mistrust nothing, they planted Tobacco, and many other hearbs, hard by that Well, and would euery day be watering of them: Also, we might heare them boyling of water euerie day, but because they were Brewers, and had many tubbs to wash and to fill, wee mistrusted nothing of that ensued. When they came to these Plancks afore-named, they durst not cut them, alwaies for some of vs were walking ouer them, both night and day. After they had waited two moneths, and could neuer find opportunitie to cut the boords, they began to cast their Cerberous heads together how they should get in, but the Deuill set them wrong to work, for if they had continued stil, vntil they had come but crosse the ware-house opposite against them, they had found thirtie thousand Rials of eight buried in Iarres, for feare of fire,* 6.79 and also that roome was not boorded at all, so they might haue come into the Ware-house, and had what they [ 60] sought for. Well, one of these wicked consortship being a Smith, and brought vp alwaies to worke in fire, told his fellowes he would worke out the plancks with fire, so that we should ne∣uer heare nor see him: and vpon the eight and twentieth of May, about ten of the clocke at night, they put to a Candle, and burnt a round hole through the boords. So soone as the fire came thorow, the Mats of our Packs tooke fire, which presently spread, and began to burne; all this

while we knew nothing, nor could perceiue nothing, by reason of the closenesse of the Ware-house, for all the windowes were plaistered vp, for feare of fire ouer-head. After the f••rst watch was out, wherein I was one my selfe, the second watch smelt a strong funcke of f••re, for it was by that time much increased, but they knew not where it should be, and searched euery roome and corner. One remembred a Rats hole at last, behind his Trunke, where he might plainly per∣ceiue the smoake to steame vp out of the hole. Then presently he came into my Cham••••••, and told me our Cloath Ware-house was a fire, I hearing this word fire, although I was fast asleepe, yet it was no need to bid me rise, neither was I long a slipping on my clothes, but presently ran downe and opened the doores, whereat came out such a strong smoake, that had almost strangled vs. This smoake, by reason it had no vent, was so thicke, that wee could not perceiue where a∣bouts [ 10] the fire was, and at that time we had two great Iarres of Powder standing in the Ware-house, which caused vs greatly to feare being blowne vp; yet setting all feare aside, we plucked all things off that lay on them, which felt in our hands verie hot: The Powder we got out, and carried it into our backeside, then we searched boldly for the fire and found it; we lighted Can∣dles, but the thicknesse of the smoake put them out, then we tied twelue great Waxe Candles together, and lighted them all, which continued alight: we plucked out packes so fast as wee could, but by reason of the heat and smoake which choaked vs, being so few as we were, could doe little good vpon it: wherefore we let in the Chinois; then came in as well those that had done it, as others, hoping to get some spoile. When I saw that these damned Chinois would doe vs little good, but rather harme, I was almost in dispaire, and hauing at that time a thousand [ 20] pound in Gold,* 6.80 which I had receiued of Generall Hymskerke for Pepper, in my Chest aboue staires, I ran vp thinking to fetch it, and to throw it into a pond on our backe-side, but when I came to my Chamber doore, my mind altered, and I thought I would goe see once againe what might be done, and comming thorough our Hall, I chanced to cast mine eie into our dyning roome, which was right ouer the place where the fire was, where there were Chinois that had re∣moued the Table, and were breaking vp the Brickes of the Seeling; amongst which was our vn∣kind neighbour, which was the principall Actor; I bid them leaue and g••t them downe, the which they would not, vntill I began to let flie amongst them: when I had driuen them downe, I went downe after them, and desired some Merchants that stood by, with whom we had dea∣lings, that they would vrge the rest of the Chinois to help vs plucke out packes, promising they [ 30] should be well paid for their paines: it pleased God to put so much good in their minds, which I thinke, neuer had any before nor since, so that they fell to worke of all hands, and presently the roome was cleered, out of which came fiftie and odde packs, whereof sixteene were on a light fire. Thus by their help the fire was quenched, which they knew, and therefore would not worke any more, and the next day were paid for their worke, besides what they stole.

* 6.81We wondered much how this fire should come, suspecting the Portugalls had hired Malayes to doe it. But a certaine Chines, a Bricklayer, which wrought at the Dutch house, in the mor∣ning, told a Flemming that had beene long in the Country, that certaine Chinois had done it, which now were fled, and if we looked well in the roome, we should finde the manner how it was done. The Dutch-man told an English Surgeon what he had heard, and willed him to come and [ 40] tell vs, and he himselfe, because he was perfect in the language, would go and inquire after them. The English Surgeon came to me, and desired me he might see the roome where the fire was, I presently called for a Candle, and shewed him the roome; he going to one corner, found a little ••ound hole, which was burned thorough one plancke of the floore, whereat I put downe a long sticke which I had in my hand, but could feele no ground: then I called for an Axe, and as softly as we could, we wrinched vp the plancke, where vnder was a way, that the greatest Chest or Packe in our house might haue gone downe, which when I saw, as secretly as I could, I called three of our men, and went to the house from whence the Mine came, hauing our weapons. I set one in the doore,* 6.82 and charged him he should let none come out, whatsoeuer he were, and my selfe with the other two went in, where in one roome we found three men, there were two [ 50] more in another roome, who hearing vs, fled out at a backe doore, which we knew not of before we see them; those three, after two or three blowes giuen, we brought away, one was a dweller in the house, but the other two we could proue nothing against them: I laid them fast in Irons, and presently I sent Master Towerson to the Protector, to certifie him how the case stood, and to de••re him they might be sought out, and haue Iustice done vpon them, which he promised should be done, but was very slacke in performance.

* 6.83The Dutch Merchants hearing we had taken some, and doubting the Chynois would rise against vs, came very kindly with their weapons, and sware they would liue and die in our quarrell: when we had laid out those goods that had receiued some water to ayre, then we examined this partie that dwelt in the house, who told vs the names of sixe that were fled, but hee would not con••esse [ 60] that he knew any thing of it: also he said, the other two knew nothing of the matter, neither could he tell vs, as hee said, whether the rest were fled. Then fearing him with an hot Iron, but not touching him, he confessed the whole manner of all, and that he did helpe; he said, those two out-houses were built for that purpose at the first, although they put them to other vse,

because we should not mistrust them: and more, that the myne was made two moneths before, in which time many nights before, they had been in the myne, striuing to get into our house, but could not.

We tortured him, because when we had laid downe the yron, he denied all;* 6.84 but beeing tortu∣red, made a second confession. The next morning I sent him to execution: as hee went out of our gates, the Iauans (who doe much reioyce when they see a Chynese goe to execution: as also the Chynois doe, when they see a Iauan goe to his death) reuiled him, but hee would answer againe, saying, The English-men were rich, and the Chynois were poore, therefore why should they not steale from the English if they could. The next day, the Admirall tooke another of them, and [ 10] sent him to me, who knew there was but one way with him, and therefore resolued with him∣selfe not to confesse any thing to vs: he was found hid in a pryuie, and this was he that put the fire to our house; he was a Gold-smith, and confessed to the Admirall, he had clipped many Ry∣alls, and also coyned some counterfeit: some things he confessed to him concerning our matter, but not much, but he would tell vs nothing. Wherefore because of his fullennesse, and that it was hee that f••red vs, I caused him to be burned vnder the nayles of his Thumbes, Fingers and Toes, with sharpe hot yrons, and the nayles to be torne off, and because he neuer blinshed at that,* 6.85 we thought that his hands and legs had been nummed with tying, wherefore we burned him in the hands, armes, shoulders, and necke, but all was one with him: then we burned him quite through the hands, and with rasphes of yron tore out the flesh and sinewes. After that I caused them to knock [ 20] the edges of his shin-bones with hot fearing yrons.* 6.86 Then I caused cold scrues of yron to be scrued into the bones of his armes, and suddenly to be snatched out: after that all the bones of his fin∣gers and toes to be broken with pincers; yet for all this he neuer shed teare, no nor once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand nor foote; but when we demanded any question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and strike his chin vpon his knees to bite it off. When all the extremi∣tie we could vse was but in vaine, I caused him to be put fast in yrons againe, where the Amits or Ants, which doe greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and tormented him worse then we had done, as we might well see by his gesture. The Kings Officers desired me he might bee shot to death; I told them that was too good a death for such a villaine, and said more, That in our Countryes if a Gentleman, or a Soldiour had committed a iact worthy of death, then he was shot [ 30] to death, and yet he was befriended too, but they doe hold it to be the cruellest and basest death that is. Wherefore they being very importunate, in the euening we lead him into the fields, and made him fast to a stake: the first shot carried away a piece of his arme, bone and all;* 6.87 the next shot stroke him through the Breast vp neere to the shoulder, then he holding downe his head, looked vpon the wound: The third shot that was made, one of our men had cut a b••llet in three parts, which stroke vpon his Breast in a triangle, whereat he fell downe as low as the stake would giue him leaue; but between our Men and the Flemmings, they shot him almost all to pieces before they left him. Now in this time the Admirall, and the Sabyndar sent vs a guard of men euery night, for feare the Chynois would rise against vs, but we feared it not, yet we kept foure of their men to be witnesses, that whatsoeuer we did, if they should rise, was but in our owne defence. The o∣ther two I set free.

[ 40] Another of them I obtained by a bribe, who confessed his associats, viz. Vniete the chiefe, Saw∣man his partner that dwelt in the house with him, Hynting, Omigpayo, Hewsameow, Vtee, which was shortly after crysed for lying with a woman, himselfe Boyhy, Irrow, and Lackow, which were fled to Iackatra: the which Irrow and Lackow I had neuer heard of before, I made all the meanes I could to get them, but I could not except I would haue been at exceeding great charges, and there were others that belonged to some Iauans, which were great men, and getting into their houses, we could not get them: some of them did offer them to s••ll to vs, and wee did beat the price as one would doe about an Oxe or a Calfe but they held them so deare, that I durst not deale with them: I proferred them as much for euery one, as they might buy them another slaue in their roomes, and some benefit, but they were so fit instruments for their purpose, beeing pra∣ctised [ 50] in all villanie, that they would not part with them without a great summe. For all the Iauans and Chynies▪ from the highest to the lowest are all villaines,* 6.88 and haue not one sparke of grace in them; and if it were not for the Sabindar, the Admirall and one or two more, which are Clyn-men borne, there were no liuing for a Christian amongst them, without a Fort, or very strong house all of bricke or stone. This Boyhoy we tortured not, because of his confession, but cry∣sed him.

Amongst all other of the deuils Instruments here vpon earth, there was one of the Kings bloud,* 6.89 called Panggran man delicke, who kept one of those nine villaines in his house. One day he com∣ming to our house to buy cloth, we desired him he would deliuer this f••llow into our hands, pro∣mising him that we would cause our Generall to giue him thankes, and told him how good it [ 60] would be for the Countrey, to roote out such v••llaines as they were▪ he answered againe, That we should tell them so, that had the gouernment of the Countrie in their hands, or cared for the good of the Countrey, for he did not. Some three or foure daies he came to our house againe, and would haue had me giuen him credit for sixe or seuen hundred Rialls of eight in cloth, but because

he was a man not to be trusted, I excused the matter, saying, That I looked euery day for our Ships, and that I could deliuer no goods, but I must haue Pepper presently, whereby I might haue lading readie. After he had beene very earnest, and saw he could not preuaile, he went out very angry, and beeing at our gate, he looked backe vpon our house, and said, It was pity but it should bee burnt againe. Also he would haue had a Chynese that we had some dealings with, to haue helped to some Chynois that dwelt neere vs, to vndertake the firing of our house againe. Hee beeing a man generally hated of all for cruelty that he had done, the Chynois told vs what he said: where∣fore I would presently haue gone to the Court to haue complained of him; but many wished me not to doe so:* 6.90 for they said, He was a desperate villaine, and cared neither for King nor Protector, but if we brought him to that open shame, he would doe vs a mischiefe whatsoeuer came of it: [ 10] and I saw it, for the King and the Gouernour, had sent to him often times, to deliuer vs that fel∣low he had, but he cared not for them. Shortly after, we had many shrewd attempts to haue fi∣red our house: for the towne was fired in three places at one instant in the night, a little to wind∣ward of our house,* 6.91 and twice another night, but God blessed our industry and preserued vs.

Amongst all these sorrowfull and troublesome discourses, it happened that a certaine Chynois which dwelt hard vnder our pales, did steale away another Chynies wife, and being hardly pursu∣ed by her husband, they had no meanes to shift her away, but to put her ouer the pales into our ground. And at that time we hauing newly shot much Pepper into our Warehouse, which was so extreame hot,* 6.92 that we were forced to keepe the doore open night and day, hauing alwayes a regard to it in the night: This being a fit place for her to hide her in; got behind the doore, so farre as she could stand for heat, and her husband would haue sought all Iaua and Chyna, before he [ 20] would or durst come thither to seeke. In the night after our watch was set, one of our Company went into our backside, the which place we did very much frequent night and day; but as he was comming backe, and beeing a little starre light, he saw the woman stand in the Pepper house doore, who came forth to take breath, for she had been better to haue been in the stoues so long: he presenly swore, A woman: I ran downe, and caused her to be searched and examined present∣ly;* 6.93 She told vs that her husband would haue beat her, wherefore she was forced to climbe ouer our pales, and to hide her selfe.

It is an ordinary thing for the Chines to beate their Wiues, especially she being a Cuchinchyne woman, which had no friends in Towne, for the Iauans will hardly suffer them to beat their wo∣men; wherefore now hauing searched and secured euery place, I thought it would proue but [ 30] some such Iest. The next morning her husband came, who falling downe on his marie-bones, desired me to be good vnto him, for I hauing so lately tortured some Chines, he thought I would torture him: But in my conscience he needed no more plague or punishment then such a Wife, wherefore I presently dismissed them both.

The Protector, a little before had giuen vs, all the houses and ground which ioyned to our pales, and belonged to those Chynois, which vndermined our house, but although it were giuen, yet I thinke, there was neuer English-man paid so deere for so little ground, in any Countrey in the world: the houses were rotten, but the ground did vs great pleasure. We bought also a house of a Pangran, or Gentleman, which came so neere our Pepper-house doore, that it was verie troublesome to vs, when wee should carry in or out our Pepper, wherefore I bought that house [ 40] with the ground, so that now we had a very spacious yard.

The ninth of September, the Protector sent a Proclamation, that no Chines should weigh any Pepper to the strangers, meaning the English and the Hollanders: the which Proclamation was procured by the Hollanders, and we knew it very well, for the same day they dined with vs, and at dinner they told vs, the Protector owed them ten thousand sacks of Pepper, but I told them that was not so,* 6.94 for they would neuer be such fooles to trust him so much. The next mor∣ning, I went to the old woman, who commands the Protector, and all the rest, and indeed is cal∣led Queene of the Land by the Sabindar, and diuers others, although she bee not of the Kings blood, but onely for her wisedome, is held in such estimation amongst them of all sorts, that she ruleth, as if she were soly Queene of that Country. After we had made our griefes knowne to [ 50] her, she presently sent for the Protector, willing vs to talke with him before her: when he came, I demanded of him, for what cause he had forbidden vs to Trade; he answered, he must buy ten thousand sacks of Pepper for the King, I told him againe, that the Flemmings themselues told me, that the Pepper he would buy was for them, and that he owed them ten thousand sackes. Many shifts he vsed, but the Queene our constant friend said, he should not hurt vs. For the Hol∣landers, when they saw they could get no trading with the people for Pepper, then they deli∣uered the Protectour money, and wrought with him, as I haue before rehearsed: and if we had had but ten thousand Rials of eight, more then we had, the Flemmings should haue got little Pepper that yeare in Bantam. It is most certaine, they are very much hated there, and what [ 60] they doe or procure, is for feare of their shipping, wherein they doe abound in all those parts. The twelfth of September, the Protector sent Rials vp and downe amongst those that were dealers in Pepper. In the Kings Name, some to serue him an hundred sackes, some fiftie sackes, some ten, some fiue, as it were a begging, and indeed he tooke it vp at the Kings price, which

was 1/••. a Riall in a sacke lesse then we paid. The Chines with much grudging serued him, a while after he set a taxe vpon them to serue him so much more; then the Chines ra••led vpon the Pro∣tector, and the Hollanders both, and many of them would not receiue their Money, but the Offi∣cers would throw it downe in their houses, and take their names.

The fifteenth of September, by meanes of an old Trot, which was making of Candles, the Towne was set on fire, the which consumed all the vpper worke of our three houses,* 6.95 to our ex∣ceeding great danger, cost and trouble: The Sabindar came to vs in the tumult, also the Admi∣rall, who had charge of the Court, in the Kings and Gouernors absence, then in progresse, sent vs a great traine of his principall men; likewise, one of the Kings Vnckles came to vs with a [ 10] great number, and also the rich Chyna, with a very great crew. All these came to see that no body should offer vs any violence, for they knew well we had enemies of great force, but not for our sakes, but for our goods. Now we were laid open to all our enemies, for our fence for the most part was burnt to the ground, and we had not a place to dresse our victuals in, yet as good fortune was, we had one little shed in the middle of our yard, which was our Court of Guard, that escaped, where we incamped by night. The Dutch house escaped,* 6.96 though but narrow∣ly, wherefore we borrowed some of their men▪ For it is to be noted, that though we were mortall enemies in our Trade, yet in all other matters we were friends, and would haue liued and dyed one for the other. Also the Admirall and Sabindar sent vs men euery night, so that we with our Drum, Shot, and Pikes, liued a Souldiers life, vntill our fence was made vp, and afterwards too. [ 20] For this was but to shew vs the way, and our fence was no sooner vp, but wee looked euerie houre when it should be burnt downe, or borne downe by those that would haue had the cutting of our throats.

The Pangran Mandelicko in the end of September, fell to robbing of Iuncks, one of which was of Iore, laden with Rice, Men and Women: with a great crew of villaines, his Slaues, he seazed on the Iuncke in the night, and carried away all the Rice, with the Men and Women as his prisoners. The which was the next way to keep away all other Iuncks, which vsed to bring victuals to the Towne, whereby to starue them all, for that land is not able to serue one quarter of the people that are in it. The King and his Protectour sent to him,* 6.97 commanding him to deli∣uer the people and goods which he had taken, the which hee would not, but presently fortified [ 30] himselfe. Also the rest of the Pangranes that were of the Kings blood, and his, but being all traytors to the King, maintained him; so that the Kings Officers durst not meddle with him. The Protector, Sabindar, and Admirall, sent to vs to take heed to our selues, the Rebels grew euery day stronger and stronger, and all the people in the Countrey, and also strangers began to be in great feare. I was forced to borrow some small Ordnance of Chyna Merchants, which were our friends, and with Chaines and Bushes to fortifie our selues, and our men were besides euerie day, a making of Chaine-shot, Langrall-shot, and Crosse-barre-shot.* 6.98 All Trade of Merchan∣dise was laid aside, neither did any in the Towne looke after buying and selling: And euery day, we should haue the Rebels espyals would come into our yard, who would be very inquisitiue, what, and wherefore those were, which our men were all so hard at worke vpon, wee would [ 40] plainely tell them, that we looked euery night for such a mans comming, wherefore we made prouision for his entertainment.

About the twentieth of October, came in the King of Iacatra,* 6.99 with a crue of fifteene hun∣dred fighting men, besides straglers, and had a thousand more comming after. Hee challenged the Rebels, and likewise the Pangranes to fight with him and his Company only: hee had indeed a a great quarrell against them all, for but a little before, they sought meanes to put him out of his Kingdome, but the Rebels keepe their fortification, and would not come out. The sixe and twentieth of October, the King of Iacatra, and the Admirall sent for vs, to know if there were no meanes to fire them a reasonable distance off, out of the reach of their Baces, of which they had a great number. We told them if there had beene a ship in the Road, it might easily haue bin [ 50] done, but for vs to doe it, we thought we should hardly find things wherewithall. The Admirall asked me what things we would haue, I told him Camphire, Salt-peeter and Brimstone; as for some things we had alreadie. The Admiral said he would helpe vs to all these, and desired vs wee would helpe them: also he had a long Bow and Arrowes, fit for such a purpose, but I thinke a Musket had beene better. We were minded to haue caused the Kings Ordnance to haue beene planted, and to haue shot red hot Bullets amongst them, which I thinke would haue made peril∣lous worke, both with them and their Thatched houses, and fortifications made of Canes. The principall Rebell had fought all the meanes he could to fire vs, now we meant verily to see if we could fire him: but whether it was for feare of the King of Iacatra, or hearing wee were about such a matter: The Pangranes and the Rebels, both came to an agreement within two dayes af∣ter, [ 60] the which agreement was this,* 6.100 that the principall Rebell should within six dayes depart out of the King of Bantams Dominion, hauing with him only thirtie of his houshold, the which hee did. For the space of ten dayes, we looked euery houre, both night and day when the Kings Forces and the Pangranes would ioyne battle, for they were both readie:* 6.101 but the Iauans are verie loth to fight if they can chuse; the reason they say is, their wealth lyeth altogether in Slaues, so

that if there Slaues be kild, they are beggered, wherefore they had alwayes rather come to a set-feast, then a pitched Battell.

* 6.102The seuenteenth day of Nouember, which we tooke to be our Coronation day, and hauing all our Peeces and Chambers lying laden since the troubles, we inuited the Flemmings to Dinner, in the middle of Dinner we dranke a Health to our Queene, and also shot off all our Ordnance.

There resort to this Towne of Bantam a number of many Nations, the which diuers of them are Liegers.* 6.103 These people hauing heard much fame of the English Nation in times past, before e∣uer they saw any of vs, had an especiall eye to our carriage and behauiour, and wee were growne a common admiration amongst them all, that wee being so few should carrie such a port as wee did, neuer putting vp the least wrong that was offered by either Iauans or Chinees, but alwayes [ 10] did Iustice our selues, and when the Protector did wrong vs himselfe, it was knowne that wee did not spare to tell him of it soundly, and in such sort that he wanted very much of his will. It is well knowne also,* 6.104 that at the first comming of our ships, the Iauans offered vs much wrong, in purloyning our goods, but so many as we tooke, were either slaine, wounded, or soundly beaten: the Iauans thought we durst not doe so, when our ships were gone, wherefore they did practise to steale both day and night, but they found it all one, the which they did admire at, for it is most certaine, and I haue heard many Strangers speake it, that haue beene present when wee haue bea∣ten some Iauans that they neuer knew or heard of any Nation but vs, that were Liegers there, that durst once strike a Iauan in Bantam, and it was a common talke among all Strangers and o∣thers, how we stood at defiance with those that hated vs for our goods, and how little wee cared [ 20] for them. Likewise, how we neuer offered any wrong to the meanest in the Towne, and also how we were generally beloued of all the better sort:* 6.105 they would say, it was not so with the Flemmings, nor with no other Nation. And all the while I was there, I neuer heard, that euer the Flemmings gaue a Iauan so much as a box on the eare, but many times fowle of the Chinees, who will very seldome make any resistance, yet it is of truth, they are mortally hated, aswell of all sorts of Iauans, as Chinees.

Now euery day they looked for their shipping, and hauing little Pepper, nor knew not where to buy any, for the Chinees would sell them none, so long as we would giue as much as they. And more then that; for when all our Rials was layd out, some of them sold vs Pepper to bee paid when our ships came, not▪ knowing when they would come, nor we neither at that time, but as [ 30] we guessed. If they would haue gone to the Flemmings, they might haue had readie money, and great thankes. They therefore bought what they could by retayle in the Markets, sending it to a Chineses house by Boate in the euening,* 6.106 but the charge consumed the gaine.

About this present time, the Emperour of Damack, who not many yeares before for tyran∣nie had beene deposed by the Kings teereabouts, going by Sea from Bantam, to another Towne vpon the Coast, was by one of his sonnes stabd in his Bed sleeping.

The Chineses will mingle vsually their Pepper in the night if you leaue it with them, or put in dust, or transport it, and we should be sure to find that which wee had not liked, at one mans ye∣sterday, now in another mans house, a good distance off, and the next night after at another house, as who should say, it was another parcell, and the olde Ware-house where it lay first [ 40] should be shut, or a parcell of better Pepper in it.

* 6.107In Nouember, and the beginning of December, we were busied both in building and getting in, and making cleane of Pepper, the fourteenth of December, came in a Dutch Pinnasse, who told vs of the death of our late Queene, and of the great Plague and Sicknesse, that had beene o∣uer all Christendome, which strooke more terrour to our mindes, then all the troubles wee had passed, but they could tell vs no newes of our ships, which caused vs much to doubt, only they told vs, the King of Scots was crowned, and that our Land was in peace, which was exceeding great comfort vnto vs, also they told vs of the peace that was likely to be betwixt England and Spaine. In all the Dutch Fleet, and because we heard of no Letters for vs in the Pinnasse, I made haste, and went aboord the Dutch Admirall to bid him welcome, also to enquire for Letters, the [ 50] which we found in their Vice-Admirall. The two and twentieth of December, by meanes of some of our friends,* 6.108 Vniete that was the principall that vndermined our house, being descryed and taken, hauing beene long in the Mountaines, and for want of food, was forced to repayre to certaine houses neere the Towne, from whence he was brought to the rich Chinas house, so soone as I heard of him, I sent Master Tewerson to the Protector to certifie him of it, and withall to tell him, we would shortly execute him, for since the time that this mischiefe happened, I neuer went out of sight of our house my selfe, but once, vntill our ships came in, the which once was when the Protector crossed vs, so that then I was constrayned, and my feare was so great, that I thought all would be burnt, before I should come backe againe, likewise three times euery weeke, I vsed to search all the Chinees houses round about vs, for feare of more vndermining. [ 60]

§. V. Generall Middletons arriuall, the sickenesse and death of many. Quarrells twixt Ours and the Hollanders, begunne by Captaine Severson, a Dutch∣man, and the King of Bantams circumcision, and pompous Triumphes.

THE same day towards Euening, we descried our Ships comming into the Road,* 6.109 to all our extraordinarie great ioyes; but when we came aboord of our Admirall, and sawe [ 10] their weakenesse, also hearing of the weakenesse of the other three ships, it grieued vs much, knowing that Bantam is not a place to recouer men that are sicke,* 6.110 but rather to kill men that come thither in health. At my first comming aboord, I found our General, Captaine Henry Middleton, very sickly and weake; to whom I made relation in briefe what troubles we had passed; also I certified him neuerthelesse, we had lading ready for two ships, which was some con∣tent vnto his mind, very much grieued for the weakenesse of his men. They had hardly fiftie sound men in their foure ships, and of the sicke men a number died. Also of those that came thi∣ther in health, many neuer went out of the Road.

The foure and twentieth day, our Vice-Admirall, Captaine Coulthurst came a shore, with some other Merchants▪ on which day we executed this Villaine which we had lately taken.* 6.111 Ha∣uing [ 20] now slaine the fourth principall, and one more was kild for stealing of a woman: at my com∣ming away there remained foure aliue, of which, two were at Iacatra, one with Mandelicko the traytor, and one with Cay Sanapatty Lama, which we could not as then come by. The same day, our Vice-Admirall beeing accompanied with vs there resident before, and also some other of the newe Merchants, went to the Court to certifie the King,* 6.112 that our Generall had Letters from the King of England, with a present for him, and more to tell him our Generall was weary, hauing been long vpon the Seas, and so soone as he was a little refreshed, he would come himselfe to see him, and also to deliuer the Letters, and the Present.

The fiue and twentieth, being Christmas day, we dined aboord our Generall: but I should haue spoken before of a Counsell that was hol••en on Sunday, being the three and twentieth day, [ 30] wherein it was thought of all, that the Dragon,* 6.113 and the Ascension were fittest to goe for the Moluccos, for diuers reasons which need not here be rehearsed; and the Hector, and Susan to lade Pepper, and to be dispatched home. And the same weeke after, we were busied in getting of fresh victuals, Herbs, Fruits, and Flowers, for the recouery of our men,* 6.114 which were most pitiful∣ly payed with the Scuruy.

The one and thirtieth day, our Generall came on shore, and beeing accompanyed withall the Marchants that were in health, and diuers others, he went to the Court, and deliuered the Kings Letters and Present, the which were as followeth: One faire Bason and Ewre,* 6.115 two faire stan∣ding Cups, all parcell-gilt, one gilt spoone, and sixe Muskets with their furniture: the which were kindly receiued. A day or two after our General spent in visiting our chiefest friends, as the [ 40] Sabindar, the Admirall, the rich Chynois, and also gaue them Presents, who very thankfully re∣ceiued them. After this, we fell all to worke, both ashore and aboord, to packe vp, and take in goods for the Moluccos: but after our men were a little recouered of the Scuruy,* 6.116 the Fluxe tooke them, so that we continued still very weake in men, in so much, that it was vnpossible in mans iudgement, that euer we should be able to accomplish our businesse in that manner.

On Monday, being the seuenth of Ianuary, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall Ships, besides Pin∣naces and Slupes, set sayle for Amboyna, and the Moluccos, so that we rested very doubtfull a long time, whether our ships should get any lading in those parts that yeere, by reason of their number of shipping which was gone before ours. Neither could our Ships possibly goe sooner, by meanes of our weakenesse.

[ 50] The tenth of Ianuary, the ships that were bound home, began to take in Pepper, but they were so oppressed with sickenesse, that they could make no dispatch. The eighteenth day,* 6.117 our shippes hauing taken in all the goods which we thought meet for those parts, set sayle for the I∣lands of Banda, hauing their men for the most part extreame weake and sicke:* 6.118 but how they spent their time vntill their returne to Bantam, I must referre to their owne reports. Presently after the departure of these ships, the protector sent vnto vs to agree about Custome, the which we had thought we had known since our first shipping departed, but he asked many duties, which we neuer heard of before, & because I would not grant to pay thē, he cōmanded the Porters they should carry no Pepper: wherfore to preuent that this should not be a hinderance to vs in lading [ 60] our ships (for we had hinderance enough besides) I was forced to agree with him, to pay in hand according to that rate as our ships paid before, and to let the full agreement rest vntill the returne of our Generall, and he thought he did vs great kindnesse herein.* 6.119 It pleased God to take away the two Masters of these two ships which we were now a lading, Samuel Spencer, Master of the Hector, and Habbakuck Pery, Master of the Susan. Also William Smith, the principall Masters

mate of the Hector, and soone after Captaine Sty••es, with many other of their principall men, with a number of their ordinarie saylers, so that we were not onely constrained to hire men to doe them all the ease we could there, but likewise to hire so many as we could get of Goosserates and Chynois to helpe bring home our ships, to our exceeding great cost and charges. With much turmoyle, we got them both laden, by the sixteenth of February, but it was the fourth of March, before they could make their ships ready to set sayle.

The fourth of March, the Hector and Susan set sayle for England, hauing sixtie three persons in the Hector of all sorts,* 6.120 English and others, but many of her owne men beeing sicke. The Susan so neere as I could learne, had forty seuen of all sorts: also many Englishmen sicke, I pray God send vs good newe•• of her, William Crane being Master of the Hector, and Richard Hacknesse, Master of the Susan. [ 10]

* 6.121The sixt of May, came in a ship from Holland, who had come all along by the Coast of Goa, and meeting there with two ships more of Holland, which were bound out for Cambaya, they three had taken foure Portugall ships, wherein they found great riches, onely one of them was laden with great horses, which they set on fire, and consumed both ship and horses. This ship came out of Holland in Iune, 1604. but they could certifie vs of no further newes, then our own ships had done.* 6.122 Their Captaines name was Cornelius Syverson, who was a very proud Boore, and had neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanitie, presently after whose comming in, the Flem∣mings withdrewe their familiaritie, which they were wont to hold with vs, and that as wee thought, by Generall Warwicks charge to them.

But now I will leaue this contemner of curtesie and hater of our Nation, with his rascall crue [ 20] which he brought with him, and speake somewhat of the manner and order of the Kings Circum∣cision, and of the Trumphes that were held there euery day, for the space of a moneth and more before his going to Church, whereby all the better sort of that Country had beene busied, from the time of the comming in of the Chyna Iuncks, which is in February and March, vntill the foure and twentieth of Iune,* 6.123 about making preparation. There was a great Pageant made, the forepart of which was in likenesse of an huge deuill, vpon this Pageant was set three chaires of State, the middlemost was for the King, which was placed higher then the other by some two foote, on either of his hands were placed the sonnes of Pangran Goban, who is heire apparant to the Crowne, if the King should die without issue. This Pageant was placed on a greene before the Court gate, and rayled in round about. The manner of their Countrey is, that when any [ 30] King comes newly to the Crowne, or at the Circumcision of their King, all that are of abilitie must giue the King a present, the which they must present in open manner, with the greatest shew they are able to make. And those that are not able to doe it of themselues, doe ioyne a Company of them together, and so performe it, both strangers and others. About the fiue and twentieth of Iune, these shewes began, and continued all that moneth, and the next, except certaine rainie dayes. The Protector began himselfe the first day, and euery Noble man, and others had their dayes, not as they were in birth, but in readinesse, and sometimes two or three Companies in a day. Because the Iauans are no good shot, the Protector borrowed shot both of vs and the Flem∣mings; when they came to set forth, there was a great strife whether should goe fore-most, they contemning our paucity, and ours their sordidnesse. Our men were in neat apparell, with scarfes [ 40] and coloured hat-bands; they in thr••mbed greasy caps, tarred coates, and their shirts (if they had any) hanging betwixt their legges. Ours went therefore in the rereward, refusing to follow next after the Flemmings.

Euery morning the Kings guard, which were both shot and pykes, were placed without the rayles round about the Pageant, beeing commonly in number, about three hundred men: but some principall dayes of shewes, there was vpward of sixe hundred, the which were placed in files ac∣cording to our martiall discipline.* 6.124 But in our march we doe much differ: for whereas wee com∣monly march, three, fiue, seuen, or nine, they neuer goe but one, and so follow one another so close as they can, bearing their pykes right vpright. As for shot they haue not beene vsed vnto. Their drummes are huge pannes made of a mettall called Tombaga, which make a most hellish [ 50] sound. They haue also their Colours and Companies sutable, but their Standerds and Ancients are not like ours: their Ancient staffe is very high, bending compasse at the top, like the end of a long Bow, but the Colours on it is har••ly a yard in breadth, hanging downe from the top with a long pendant. The first day beeing the greatest day of shew, there were certaine forts made of Canes, and other trash, set vp before the Kings Pageant, wherein were certaine Iauans placed to defend them, and other companies were appointed to assault them, and many times the assay∣lants would fire them: but still when the Iauans were at it in iest with their pikes, our men and the Flemmings were at it in earnest with their shot, and were forced to march apart. The Prote∣ctor perceiuing it, sent to them, desiring both parties to be quiet, whereupon they were quiet for [ 60] that day. The next time we saw their Marchants, which was that Euening, I asked one of them if he thought Holland now were able to wage warre with England, that there should be such e∣qualitie between their men and ours, to striue who should goe foremost? And likewise wee told them all, that if Englishmen had not once gone before, their Nation might haue gone behind all

Nations of Christendome long agoe: but they would answer that times and seasons doe change,* 6.125 and without doubt the greater multitude of them here, doe hold themselues able to withstand a∣ny Nation in the world: but I can say nothing of the opinion of their States at home, and of the wiser sort.

Now a word or two in what manner the King was brought out euery day, and what shewes were presented before him: Alwaies a little afore the shewes came, the King was brought out vpon a mans shoulders, bestriding his necke, and the man holding his legs before him, and had many rich ty•• asoles carried ouer and round about him: his principall Guard came out before him, and were placed within the railes, round about the Pageant. After the King came out, a number [ 10] of the principall of the land, which gaue their attendance vpon the King, as it should seeme, they had their dayes and times appointed them. The shewes that were brought, came in in this manner: First, a crue of shot beeing led by some Gentleman-slaue, after followed the pikes, in the middle of which was carried their colours, and also their musique, which was ten or twelue pannes of Tombaga, carried vpon a coulstaffe betweene two; these were tuneable, and euery one a note aboue another, and alwayes two went by them which were skilfull in their Country mu∣sique, and played on them hauing things in their hands of purpose to strike them, also they had another kind of musique which went both afore and after, but these pannes are the principall. After the pykes followed a crue of Targettiers with darts, then was brought in many sorts of trees, with their fruit growing vpon them, then followed many sorts of beasts and foules both a∣liue, [ 20] and also artificially made, that except one had beene neere, they were not to bee discerned from those that were aliue.

After these followed a crew attyred like Maskers, which before the King did dance, vault,* 6.126 and shew many strange kind of tumbling trickes, of these there were both men and women. Af∣ter all these, followed sometimes two hundred, sometimes three hundred women, all carrying Presents only at euery tenth woman, there went an old motherly woman Souldier to keep them in order, which carryed nothing. These Presents were of Rice and Cashes,* 6.127 the which were layd in frames made of split Canes curiously set out for shew, with painted and gilded papers, but the present it selfe was not commonly worth aboue twelue pence or thereabouts. After them fol∣lowed the rich presents, which was commonly a faire Tuck, and some fairer Cloth of their Coun∣trey [ 30] fashion, being curiously wrought and guilded, or imbroydered with Gold for the Kings own wearing, the which was carryed also by women hauing two Pikes borne vpright before them. Also euery present which was for the Kings wearing, had a rich Tierasoll borne ouer it. Last of all followed the Heire to that party which sent the presents, which is their yongest sonne,* 6.128 if they haue any, being very richly attyred after their Countrey manner, with many Iewels about their armes and middles, of Gold, Diamonds, Rubies, and other stones, hauing also rich Tierasoles borne ouer them, and a number of men and women attending on them; after hee hath done his obeysance to the King, he sits downe vpon a Mat being layd vpon the ground, which is their order in generall, the presents are all borne by the Kings Pageant into the Court, where there are some Officers appointed to receiue them. After all which past, one within the Kings Pageant, [ 40] speakes out of the Deuils mouth, and commands silence in the Kings name, Then beginnes the chiefest of the Reuels and Musicke, and now and then the shot discharges a Voley.* 6.129 Also the Pike∣men and Targettiers with Darts doth shew all their feates of Armes: their shot is very vnskil∣full, but the Pikes and Targets are very expert, and alwayes when they come to charge their E∣nemie, they come towards him dancing, because his Aduersary should haue no steadie ayme to throw his Dart, or make a thrust at him. Likewise amongst some of these shewes there came Iunckes sayling, artificially made, being laden with Cashes and Rice.* 6.130 Also in these were signi∣fications of Historicall matters of former times, both of the Old Testament, and of Chronicle matters of the Countrey, and Kings of Iaua. All these Inuentions the Iauans haue beene taught in former times by the Chinees, or at least the most part of them;* 6.131 for they themselues are but Block-heads, and some they haue learned by Goossarats, Turkes, and other Nations which come [ 50] thither to trade.

We brought a very faire Pomgranate Tree being full of fruit growing on it, both ripe, halfe ripe, some young, and some b••dded: this Tree wee digged vp by the roots,* 6.132 which wee set in a frame being made or Ratanes, or Carricke Rushes, somewhat like a B••rds Cage, but very wide. At the roote of this Tree we placed earth, and vpon that greene Turfes,* 6.133 so that it stood as if it had beene still growing; vpon these Turfes we put three Siluer-hayred Conies, which our Vice-Admirall had giuen me, and at the top, and round about vpon the boughes, we with small threds made fast a number of small Birds, which would euer be chirping. Likewise, we had foure very furious Serpents, which the Chinees there can make artificially, vpon these wee hung the Cloth [ 60] which was for the Kings owne wearing, which were fiue pieces curiously wrought, and guilded after their fashion. Some other pieces of Stuffe there were also for the King to bestow vpon some of his followers. More wee gaue him a fayre Peternell damasked, and a Case of Pistols damasked, with very fayrer Cases seuerally belonging to them, the which had great silke strings, with Tas∣sels of Gold. Now we had no women to carry these things, wherefore we borrowed thirtie of

the prettyest Boyes we could get, and also two proper tall Iauans to beare Pikes before them. Master Towerson had a very prettie Boy, a Chinees sonne, whose Father was a little before slaine by Theeues: this youth we attyred as gallant as the King, whom we sent to present these things, and to make a speech to the King, signifying to him, that if our number had beene equall to our good wils, we would haue presented his Maiestie with a farre better shew.

The King and diuers others about him tooke great delight in the Conies. Also our men carried some Fire-workes with them,* 6.134 which were very rare matters to the young King and his play-fellowes, but the women cryed out, for feare they would set the Court a fire.

* 6.135The Flemmings gaue a present which they can easily bragge off, small matters, they doe not spare to bragge very much of their King, meaning Graue Maurice, whom they call in all these [ 10] parts at euery word Raia Hollanda. Much quarrell arose betwixt our men and them, the Flem∣mings in drinke still beginning and bra••ing, and vsually getting the worst. I had much to doe to restrayne our men, which yet was necessary considering wee had a great charge of goods, the charge of which lay vpon me. Also wee were but badly housed, and in a dangerous Countrey, likewise if we gaue them blowes, it was likely, a number of them would come vpon vs: we be∣ing but few could not defend our selues without shedding of bloud, the which would require re∣uenge. They were aboue a hundred men in the House, Ship, and Flye-boat, which (no doubt) would haue come vpon vs hauing such an occasion, and wee but thirteene in a Straw-house.

* 6.136The eighteenth of Iuly, the King of Iacatra came in to present his shew before the King of Bantam, also to giue his present, and to doe his homage, the which was performed the three and twentieth of Iuly in this manner. In the morning early, the King of Bantams Guard (which was [ 20] on this day an extraordinarie number) were placed in files, their Pikes set vpright in the ground, and their shot lying in order, and euery man sitting by his Armes, being clothed in red Coates. About eight of clocke my selfe with some other of our Merchants and men went to see this shew, and taking vp our standing neere the Kings Pageant, the Kings Guard would often bid vs sit downe, but we would answere, they must first bring vs a forme: for indeed there is no Nation suffered to stand in the Kings or any great mans presence, if they be neere them. Wee and the Flemmings were commanded by the Officers to sit downe, as well as the rest, but wee were too stout (knowing they had no such Commission) to stoope vnder their yoke:* 6.137 but for other Nations they would bang them if they refused, although the ground and place where they should sit were neuer so durtie. But the Iauans, who cannot indure to haue any stand ouer them, would remoue [ 30] a good distance from vs, and many of the Kings Guard forsooke their Weapons, and would goe sit afarre off, neither can they indure that one should lay his hand on their head, the which is not for any point of Religion, as some will affirme, but only of meere Pride. Many times, when I haue come into a Chinees house, where Iauans haue set in the floore, I sitting downe on a Chest, as our order was, they haue all start vp, and ranne out at doores: the Chinees would tell vs, if any other Nation should doe so, but we or the Hollanders, they would stab them, but they durst not meddle with vs.

But now to my former matter. About nine a clocke the King was brought out in the same manner, as I before haue mentioned, some two houres after the King of Iacatra came, hauing a [ 40] guard of some hundred persons about him: so soone as euer hee came in sight, the Kings Guard all rose vp, and euery man proued his Weapon, the which wee had neuer seene before when any shew came in, so that it should seeme that there was great feare, not that the King of Iacatra would offer any violence, but there was a number of other pettie Kings, who had great troupes of men,* 6.138 the which Kings were his mortall Enemies, wherefore fearing they might rise against him, we plainly perceiued the King of Bantams Guard, had their charge to bee readie to defend the King of Iacatra, if such a matter should happen. When hee came neere the innermost file of the Kings Guard, he could not passe to the King but hee must needs goe thorow a ranke of these pettie Kings,* 6.139 whom he knew did most deadly hate him, wherefore fearing the cowardly stab, which is vsed amongst that Nation, he began to looke very gastly, and wildly on it, although he is as stout a man▪ as any is in all those parts: passe them hee would not, but sat downe, vpon a [ 50] Leather that was layed on the ground, the which euery Gentleman hath carryed after him for that purpose. So soone as he was set, hee sent to the King, to know if it were his pleasure, hee should come vnto him, whereupon the King sent two of the principall Noblemen about him, to conduct him to his presence, and after the King of Iacatra had done his obeysance, the young King imbraced him, and welcommed him according to the Countrey order: after this the King of Iacatra sat downe in a place appointed for him. All this while there was some other prettie shewes presented.

About twelue a clocke came his shew and presents. The Souldiers came in order as I haue be∣fore declared,* 6.140 being about three hundred in number, then followed so many women with Cashes [ 60] and strange Fowles both aliue and artificiall, and likewise many strange beasts; amongst which was one furious beast called by them a Matchan. This beast is somewhat bigger then a Lion, and very Princely to behold if they be at libertie, they are spotted white and red, hauing many black streakes which came downe from the reines of his backe vnder his belly. I haue seene one of

them iump at the least eighteene foot, by many mens estimation for his pray.* 6.141 They doe kill ma∣ny people neere the Towne of Bantam, and many times the King and all the Countrey, goeth a hunting of them, not onely in the day time, but in the night. This Matchan, which I now spake of, was in a great Cage of wood, which was placed vpon Trucks of old carriages, and be∣ing drawne in with Buffels, he lay for all the world like a Traytor vpon a hurdle. There was drawne in like manner a huge Gyant, which by our estimation, might bee some thirtie foote in height: also a Deuill came in, in like order:* 6.142 more there was drawne in a Garden hauing many sorts of hearbs and flowers in it. In the middle of which Garden, was a Fish-pond, wherein was diuers sorts of small Fishes, and all sorts of Fishes which they doe know in those parts, were [ 10] brought in either aliue, or artificially made. Amongst these things, came in many Maskers,* 6.143 Vawters, Tumblers, very strangely, and saluagiously attired, which did dance and shew many strange feates before the King. There was drawne in likewise a very faire bed-stead, whereon was a faire quilted bed: also eleuen boulsters and pillowes of Silke, embroidered with Gold at the ends. The posts of the bedstead were very curiously carued and gilded, with a faire Canopy wrought with Gold: A number of other pretty toyes, were brought in and presented. Last of all, came in his youngest sonne, riding on a Chariot, but it was drawne with Buffels,* 6.144 which mee thought was very vnseemely. Indeed they haue but few horses, the which are small Nags. I ne∣uer saw any of them put to draw, but onely to ride on, and to runne at Tilt, after the Barbary fashion (as I haue heard some Barbary Merchants say) which exercise they vse euery Saturday [ 20] towards Euening, except in their time of Lent, which is a little before ours.

The second day after this show was presented, being Friday, and their Sabboth, the King was carried on his Pageant to Church, where he was circumcised.* 6.145 His Pageant was borne by many men, it was reported to me by the Kings Nurse, foure hundred: but I think she lied, for me thought there could not stand so many vnder it.

The foure and twentieth of Iuly, our Generall came into the Road from Ternata:* 6.146 so soone as we discerned the shippe, and knew her to be the Dragon, I tooke a Praw and went aboord to bid him welcome, who declared to me the dangers they had passed, and also of the vnkind dealings which he had of the Hollanders, albeit he saued some of their liues. Neuerthelesse, he told mee hee had (though with great paines and turmoyle) gotten a good quantitie of Cloues to∣wards [ 30] his lading, the which was good newes to vs, wherefore wee gaue God heartie thanks for all, especially that he had brought him thither againe in safetie, not doubting but within short time, we should be able to furnish him with the rest of his lading. The eight and twentieth day, came in the great Encusen of Holland from Ternate: Also the same day the King of Iacatra came to see our Generall.

§. VI. [ 40] Further quarrels betwixt the English and Dutch, with other accidents.

THE first of August in the afternoone, our Generall, and all the rest of the Merchants, being very busie in the Ware-house, taking an Inuentarie of the remainder of prize-goods, and all other goods,* 6.147 there was word brought that the Flemmings had wounded two of our men, the which we saw come bleeding in at the gate. Our Generall com∣manded euery man to get him weapons, with all speed, and to lay them ouer the pates soundly, the which presently was performed: himselfe could find no weapon ready, wherefore hee tooke vp a barre of Iron, but finding that too heauy, he came into the streete onely with a small Cud∣gell. The Flemmings were banged home to their owne gates, one was runne quite thorough the [ 50] body, what became of him we could not certainely tell, yet some said he escaped it, two more lost their armes, the Merchants with diuers others of their house came with shot. The Flemmish Merchants came to our Generall, but hearing that their men began, they answered,* 6.148 that they had but their desarts: and after they had drunke a Cup of Wine, they kindly tooke their leaue of our Generall, and all the rest of the Merchants, and so departed. Newes was presently carried to the Court, how the Flemmings and we were by the eares, and that there was two slaine. Some about the King, asked whether they were English or Flemmings, which were slaine; answer being ma••e, that they were Flemmings: They said, it was no matter if they were all slaine. In this broyle, I thanke God, we had no man hurt, but two, the which was done before the complaint came, neither had they any great harme; one hauing a slash ouer the hand, the other a stab vnder [ 60] the ••ide with a knife, which was not very deepe: this was the first time, but it was not long, but we were at pell mell againe, and againe, where the Flemmings sped as they did now.

The eleuenth of August, came in two ships from Cambaya,* 6.149 who had taken great wealth from the Portugals, the same day came in one ship from Ternate. The sixteenth day, came in the Ascen∣tion from Banda; The eight of September, the Dutch Merchants inuited our Generall, and all

his Merchants and Masters to a feast, where there was great cheere, and also great friendship was made betweene vs. The fifteenth day of September, two Dutch ships set saile for Holland, one be∣ing a small ship, which had laden Pepper at Bantam; the other, had taken in some Cloues at Ter∣nate. The rest of her lading was of prize-goods, which was taken out of the ships which came from Cambaya.* 6.150 The one and twentieth day, came in the Dutch Admirall from Banda. The two and twentieth day, our Generall sent some of his Merchants to the Dutch house, to bid him wel∣come. On which day, a drunken Flemming caused a new fray, which began with our Surgeon, and after parts, were taken on both sides, and some of the Dutch wounded.

Againe, about one a clocke the same afternoone, our Generall sitting vpon a bench at our gate, talking with a Portugall which sate by him, who sometimes had beene of good reputation, there [ 10] came one of their drunken Swads,* 6.151 and sate downe betweene our Generall and this Portugall. Our Generall seeing the rudenesse of this vnmannerly Flemming, gaue him a boxe on the eare, and thrust him away. Presently, diuers of his consorts came about our gate, drawing their Kniues and Sables, and began to swagger. We taking the But-ends of Pikes and Halberds, and Faggot-stickes,* 6.152 draue them into a Racke-house, who shutting the doore vpon vs, we brake it open, and knocked some of them downe, bringing them away as prisoners to our Generall. So many of the Flemmings as came by in peace, our Generall caused to goe into our yard, where they were in safetie, and those that would not, bare it off with head and shoulders. So soone as wee had beaten them well, that tooke the Racke-house, there came another troope of them downe the streete to take their parts, with whom we met; and after a few brabbling words past, we laid on [ 20] such load, that they were forced to giue ground, and to betake them to their heeles: some of them were beaten downe in the streete,* 6.153 and many had their pates pittifully broken, others were for∣ced to runne thorough a great myrie Ditch, to escape from vs, they were chased in at their owne gates.

The Master of their Admiral had occasioned this fray, and gone from ship to ship, to bid them goe weaponed on shore, and kill the English-men they met with. And when some went to goe aboord the Dutch shippes on businesse, some English-men of their Fleete, with weeping eies cal∣led to them, that they should not come: For strait order was giuen, to kill as many English-men as they could, either aboord or on shore, and willed them to certifie our Generall of it. Where∣fore the Flemmings haue no cause hereafter to complaine, but to say we dealt kindly with them: [ 30] for the truth is, it lay in our hands that day, to haue slaine a great number of them, the which had beene done, if our Generall had but giuen the word. These frayes were greatly admired at, of all Nations in that place, that we should dare to bandy blowes with the Flemmings, they ha∣uing seauen verie tall ships in the Road, and we but two. There was not one of our men had any harme,* 6.154 onely Master Sarys Merchant, who receiued a cut on the fore-finger with a Sable.

At the latter end of this fray, the Dutch Generall came to our house, with a great Guard of Captaines,* 6.155 Merchants, and diuers others, whom our Generall being in like manner accompani∣ed, met in the streets, and brought him into our house. After the beginning of the matter was declared to the Dutch Admirall, he liked well of that we had done. Some of the Captaines a∣bout him said, we complained, but their men bore away the blowes, as might appeare by their [ 40] bloudy pates and shoulders: the Dutch Admirall answered, it was no matter, for he saw plaine∣ly, the fault was in their men, wherefore hee would take order henceforward, that so many of them should not come ashore at once. After much talke had passed, and a banket of sweet meates ended, the Dutch Admirall kindly tooke his leaue of our Generall: and all the rest of the Mer∣chants, both English and Dutch, shaking hands one with another.

There were certain Iauans, which belonged vnto two of the principall men of that Land, next vnto the King,* 6.156 who had stolne nine Muskets and Calliuers out of the Ascentions Gunner roome: shortly after two of them comming to steale more,* 6.157 were taken by our people with the manner. Our Generall sent me aboord to examine them, and to bring them ashore. They first told me, they belonged to great men, which were our very good friends, but I mistrusting they did dissemble with me, bid them confesse the truth, and they should find some fauour, then they confessed tru∣ly [ 50] whose Slaues they were, and said the Peeces were forth comming. After they came ashore, our Generall sent the King and the Protector word of it, and desired he might haue his Peeces againe; The Protector sent to the Masters of these two Slaues for them, but they louing the Peeces better then their men, said they had no Peeces, but what they had bought with their Money, yet they sent to our Generall to desire him, to deferre their execution for a day or two, the which was granted: but because their Masters were no great good willers to the King, the Protectour in the Kings Name sent the Executioner to put them to death, with a Guard of Pikes.* 6.158 When they came to the place of execution, our Generall taking pitty of them, would haue giuen them their liues: But the Hang-man said, their liues were in the Kings hands, and [ 60] not in our Generals, wherefore because the King had sent him, he would execute them. Which the two Theeues very patiently suffered, as the manner of all that Nation is, when they are bound to it. They doe hold it the greatest glorie that can be, to dye resolutely without any show of feare: and surely so they doe, in as carelesse a manner as it is possible for flesh and bloud,

the experience of which I haue seene by diuers, both men and women. One would thinke these men should be good Souldiers, but it is not so, this valour is but when there is no remedy. A∣gainst the people of those parts of the world, they are reasonable tall men, but they will not meddle with Christians, except they haue some exceeding great aduantage of number, or o∣ther meanes.

The sixe and twentieth of September, by meanes of a Iauan shooting off a Peece,* 6.159 the Towne was set on fire, but by reason wee had good helpe of our Mariners, who were many of them a∣shore at that time, our house was preserued, but the Dutch house being to leeward,* 6.160 although they had neuer so much helpe, could not be saued, but the vpper worke of one of their principall houses, which did ioyne to their great house, was burnt, and all their out-houses, wherein lay ca∣bles, [ 10] hawsers, pickled porke, and diuers other things, whereby they sustained great losse. Some that had serued there fiue yeares, lost all that they had gotten in those parts.

Not long after this, the Towne on our side the way,* 6.161 was twice fired by the Iauans in the night, which put vs to great trouble, in carrying and recarrying our things, but by labour of our Mariners and the Chynees, it was quenched. The third of October, our Generall made a feast, which was for his farewell, whereunto he inuited the Dutch Admirall, with all the rest of his Captaines, Masters, and Merchants, where wee were all exceeding merry, and great friendship was made betweene vs.

The fourth of October, our Generall being accompanied with diuers Merchants and others,* 6.162 went to the Court to take his leaue of the King, and his Nobles. The sixt of October, being [ 20] Sunday, about ten a clocke, our General, with all that were bound home, went aboord, who go∣ing by the Dutch house, went in, and tooke his leaue of the Dutch Admirall, and the rest of his Merchants. Also there went aboord with him Master Gabriel Towerson,* 6.163 who was to stay for Agent there, and some other Merchants, who after dinner, some went ashore, and some stayed vntill the next day. About three a clocke we wayed Anchor, and with some Ordnance bid the Towne and Dutch shippes farewell. About eleuen or twelue a clocke at night, we came to an Anchor vnder an Iland, where the next day we tooke in wood, which our Generall had sent our men before hand to cut ready. The seuenth day towards euening, we wayed Anchor againe, and set saile: Master Towerson, and some other of the Merchants, then tooke their leaue to go ashore, whom wee committed to the protection of the Almightie; and our selues to the curtesie of the [ 30] Seas, desiring God to blesse both them and vs, and if it be his will, to send vs a happy meeting a∣gaine in England.

CHAP. V. The second Voyage set forth by the Company into the East-Indies, Sir Henry Middleton be∣ing Generall: wherein were employed foure ships; the Red Dragon, Admirall; the [ 40] Hector, Vice-Admirall; the Ascension with the Susan: written by Thomas Clayborne in a larger Discourse, a briefe extract where∣of is heere deliuered.

THE second day of Aprill, 1604. beeing Munday, about twelue of the clocke, we had sight of the Lizard. The three and twentieth day, West South-West to the West-ward, two and twentie leagues, latitude fifteene degrees, and fiue minutes: and this day we fell with the Westermost part of S. Iago,* 6.164 beeing West by North sixe leagues, and at fiue of the clocke we stood to the East-ward for Maio, the wind at North.

[ 50] The foure and twentieth day we fell with Maio, and stood to the South-ward of the Iland, and came to anchor at fifteene fathomes, one point North-West and by North, and the other East South-East.

The fiue and twentieth day we landed, and lost one of our Merchants,* 6.165 who was taken by the people of the Iland. The sixe & twentieth day in the morning, we landed an hundred men to see if we could get our Merchant againe, but could not come neere any of the people of the Iland; so we left him behind vs, and this night about nine of the clocke wee set sayle, the wind at North.

The sixteenth day of May, latitude 00. fifteene minutes, and this day we passed the Equino∣ctiall. The thirteenth of Iuly in the forenoone, we had sight of Cape Bona Esperanza being off [ 60] vs fifteene leagues. The seuenteenth day we came to anchor in the Road of Saldania,* 6.166 hauing six∣tie men sicke of the Scuruy, but (God be praysed) they all recouered health before we wen•• from hence. Saldania is in latitude thirty three degrees, fiftie sixe minutes, or thirty foure degrees. Here M. Cole was drowned, beeing Master of the Hector, our Vice-Admirall: and here we stay∣ed fiue weekes wanting a day.

The twentieth day of August being Munday we weighed, and set sayle out of the Road of Saldania, the wind Southerly, and we stood to the West-ward.

* 6.167The three and twentieth of December, being Sunday, we came to anchor in Bantam Roade, where we found sixe Holland shippes, and three or foure Pinnasses.

The eighteenth day of Ianuary, we set sayle out of Bantam roade, with the Dragon and the A∣scention;* 6.168 but they parted at Amboyna. The Generall went with the Dragon to the Moluccas, and the Ascension (whereof M. Colthrust was Captaine) for Banda; and the Hector and the Susan la∣ded Pepper at Bantam, and set sayle from thence about the middle of February.

The twentieth day of February, the Ascension arriued at Banda, and anchored in foure fathoms and an halfe,* 6.169 by Nera, which is the cheifest place in those Ilands. From the South-part of Am∣boyna [ 10] to Banda, the course is East by South, to the South-ward thirtie leagues: the latitude of Banda is foure degrees, fortie minutes, and the going in is to the West-ward. There is a very high hill that burneth continually, and that Hill you must leaue on the Larbord-side, and the o∣ther great Iland on your Star-boord side. The going in is very narrow, and you cannot see it till you come within halfe a mile: but feare not to stand with the Iland, that the high Hill is on, while you come within two Cables length of it; for so you must doe, and then you shall haue a∣bout twentie fathomes; and then stand along still by that Iland about a Cables length from it, if the wind will giue you leaue, and then you shall find shallower water, eight, seuen, sixe fathoms, and in the very narrow of all, you shall haue fiue fathomes, and so that depth vntill you come in∣to the Road. [ 20]

By Gods helpe, a man may goe in without any danger, keeping neere vnto the aforenamed I∣land: it is somewhat shallow on the Star-boord side, in the narrow of the going in, but that will shew it selfe.* 6.170 There are two small Ilands, one called Puloway, and the other Pulorin, and they lie about three leagues to the West-ward of the going in: there is no danger about them, but may be very well perceiued. You may leaue those Ilands on which side you please, either at your going in, or comming out.

About the middle of March, here we found the wind to be variable, and so continued till the middle of Aprill;* 6.171 and then it continued, and stood betweene the East and South-East, foure moneths to our knowledge. But it doth vse to continue fiue moneths, as the people of the coun∣trey say, and likewise fiue moneths betweene the West and North-West, and the other two moneths variable. Here in the darke Moones it is giuen much to gusty weather, and much raine. [ 30] Here we stayed one and twentie weekes,* 6.172 and sixe dayes, in the which time we had eleuen men died, and most of the Fluxe.

The one and twentieth day of Iuly, 1605. beeing Sunday, we set saile from Banda, the wind at East South-East, and we stood to the West-ward. The two and twentieth day, we fell with the South-end of Burro,* 6.173 the wind at East South-East.

The seuen and twentieth day we fell with Deselem, and then we came about the South-end of the Iland,* 6.174 leauing seuen Ilands on our Lar-boord side. We stood close by the wind to the North-ward, faire by the maine Iland of Deselem, to cleare our selues of a small Iland and a shold, that lieth off the South-West part of Deselem, and leauing this Iland, and all the other sholds on our [ 40] Larboord-side, we stood North, North-West, along the West side of Deselem, while wee came in sixe degrees and tenne minutes: then we steered West eighteen leagues, and fell with the point shold that lieth off the South-West end of Celebes:* 6.175 And the very Souther-most part of that shold, lieth in sixe degrees, and beeing cleare of that, we stood to the West-ward.

* 6.176The sixteenth day of August, we came to anchor in Bantam road.

* 6.177The sixt day of October beeing Sunday, we set sayle out of Bantam roade, with the Dragon and the Ascention.

The fifteenth day of Nouember, latitude thirty one degrees, fortie eight minutes, the wind North North-West, thicke foggy weather. This day about tenne of the clocke in the morning, we came within a ships length of a Rocke, or sunken Iland: the water shewed vpon it very [ 50] browne, and muddie, and in some places very blue, and beeing a ships breadth or two to the North-ward of it, we saw the water by the ships side very blacke and thicke, as though it had been earth, or grosse sand boyling vp from it. The variation in this place, is one and twentie de∣grees from North to West decreasing.* 6.178

The sixteenth of December, West nine leagues, latitude thirtie foure degrees, and twentie minutes. This day in the morning we had sight of the land of Ethiopia, distant from vs some twelue leagues.

The sixe and twentieth day, latitude thirty foure degrees, thirty minutes. Now beeing in the latitude,* 6.179 and in the sight of Cape Bona Esperansa, and within one league of it, we steered North-West, and North North-West, and North, and as the land lay about the Cape. [ 60]

* 6.180The seuen and twentieth day, we came to anchor in Saldania roade, where we found our Ad∣mirall, and the Hector, which ship the Dragon, our Admirall, met withall seuen dayes before, driuing vp and downe the Sea about foure leagues off the Cape Bona Esperansa,* 6.181 with tenne men in her. All the rest of her men were dead, which were in number three and fiftie, which died

since she came out of Bantam, which time was nine moneths: being in great distresse, shee lost company of the Susan, three moneths after she came out of Bantam roade, which ship (the Susan) was neuer heard of since. Here we came to anchor in seuen fathomes,* 6.182 hauing the low point go∣ing in North-West by West, and the Sugar-loafe South-West, ½. a point to the West-ward, the point of the breach of Pengwin Iland North-West by North, and the Hill betweene the Sugar-loafe and the low point, West South-West, the peake of the Hill to the East-ward of the Table, South by East.

The sixteenth day of Ianuary in the morning, we set saile from Saldania Road, and went to the Northward of Pengwin Iland, betweene that and the Mayne. When wee had the Iland South [ 10] from vs about one mile and a halfe we sounded, and had ground twentie fathomes, white Corrall, and Whistles of shels. When we were cleere of the Iland, we stood off West by South, and West South-west, while we brought the Iland South-east by East off vs, now being about sixe of the clocke in the after-noone, we had sight of the Hector, comming out to the Southward of the I∣land, for we left her at Anchor when we weighed. Now the wind being at South, we stood all night to the West-ward, close by a wind, in the morning following we had lost sight of the He∣ctor, and then we steered away North-west with a low saile while noone, being the seuenteenth day thinking to get sight of the Hector, but we could not.

The first day of February, West to the Southward sixteene leagues of Latitude, sixteene de∣grees and twentie minutes: this day about one of the clocke in the after-noone, wee had sight of [ 20] Saint Helena, bearing West to the Northward from vs, about twelue or thirteene Leagues.

The second day West, and West by South foure Leagues, then hauing the Iland West from vs about eight or nine Leagues, the wind at South-east wee lay off and on, to the Eastward of the Iland, most part of the night, and in the morning following, we stood to the Northward of the Iland.

This day about twelue of the clocke, wee came to anchor in the Road of Saint Helena,* 6.183 our Land anchor lay in seuenteene fathomes, our shippe rid in twentie fathomes, blackish, grauelly sand. We had one point North-east of vs, and one sharpe Hill like a Sugar-loafe (with a Crosse on the top of it) that bare North-east by East. The Church in the Valley South-east. In this Valley there are many Trees likewise, the high-land South-east vp from the Church, and all the [ 30] Valley besides is full of Trees: the other point of the Land South-west to the West-ward. Wee mored South-east, and North-west. Our anchor in the offing lay in one and twentie fa∣thomes.* 6.184

The third day at night being Munday we had sight of the Hector, comming about the South end of the Iland, but could not fetch into the Roade, yet stood to the North-ward as neere as she could lye, the wind at East.

The foure and fiue dayes, our Boates went out to helpe to get her into the Roade, but they could not.

The sixt day at night being a little wind, wee towed her in with our Boates, into thirtie fiue fathomes, one mile and a halfe from the shore, bearing from vs South-west by West, distant a∣bout [ 40] two Leagues.* 6.185

The eleuenth day, we set saile from Saint Helena, the wind at East North-east, and we stee∣red North-west. This North-west part of the Iland lyeth in the Latitude of sixteene degrees, and in seuen degrees, fortie fiue minutes of Variation. Note this, that the Church that bare South-east of vs, when wee were in the Roade, standeth in the bottome of the fift Valley from that point that bare North-east of vs.

We came to anchor in the Downes, on the sixt of May 1606. where wee rid eight dayes for a faire wind.

[ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. VI. A Iournall of the third Voyage to the East India, set out by the Company of the Merchants, trading in those parts: in which Voyage were imployed three Ships, viz the Dragon, the Hector, and the * 6.186 Consent, and in them the number of three hundred and ten persons, or thereabouts: written by WILLIAM KEELING, chiefe Commander thereof. [ 10]

§ I. Their diasters and putting backe for Sierra Leona, and what happened till they departed from Saldania. [ 20]

APrill the first 1607. the Dragon and Hector were fallen as low as the Downes: and after their departure from thence their hopes were by diuers disasters so fallen downe, and crossed, that after they had passed the Line in the beginning of Iune, piercing foure or fiue degree of Southerly Latitude, they were inforced by Gusts, Calmes, Raines, Sicknesses, and other Marine inconueniences to returne North-ward: and missing the Ile of Fernando de Loronha, certaine of nothing but vncer∣tainties which much amazed them, The Generall on Iuly the thirtieth, hauing consulted with Tauerner the Master, and hearing his answere that they must bee driuen to returne for England, the whole Company expecting no other (all which to recite would at once both becalme and be∣storme [ 30] the Reader) they consulted for their best course, wherein (you shall haue it in his owne words) we had some speech of Sierra Leona. I, hauing formerly read well of the place, sent for the * 6.187 Booke, and shewed it my Master, who as my selfe, tooke good liking to the place. Where∣vpon, my Company beginning to bee grieuously diseased, wee, without hope to get Fernando de Loranha, (water being our speciall want, and a watering place so nigh) I called a counsell: and after Dinner propounded what was fittest for vs to doe. They were generally of opinion, that we had no reason to stand to the South any longer, for many reasons: and demanding their o∣pinions, concerning a place of watering, Churchward, Sauadge, and Tauerner, opined Mayo the fittest, how much without reason, I leaue to iudgement. Earming, Pokham, Mollineux, and my Master, held Sierra Leona fittest; and my selfe, the Author thereof, for many causes. Wherefore, [ 40] we concluded to seeke for Sierra Leona. I acquainted my Company with our determinations, to their great comfort.

This morning the fourth of August, we saw many Flowres, a signe of Land, and this euening we had ground from twentie eight to sixteene fathome Ozy, but no sight of land.

I hoysed out my Schiffe, and sent her to ride neere vs, to proue the set of the Current: she found by the Log-line, the Current to set South-east by East two miles a watch: howbeit the Schiffe roade wind-road. We steered all this morning East, and East by South, and had from thirtie to twentie, and ten fathome water: no sight of land, and the greatest depth was Ozy, the least a grosse yellow sandie ground.

About nine of the clocke, we espyed the land, being a round plot of meane altitude, bearing [ 50] North-east from vs, about eight leagues.

We were at noone in the latitude of seuen degrees and fiftie sixe minutes, and haue steered all day East, sometimes North, sometimes Southerly, one point, as our water deepned or shoaled: for we had oftentimes ten fathome vpwards, and at the next cast seuen fathome vnder pittie ground. And when we found shoale water, as we bare vp Northerly, we deepned, instantly (a perswasion that we borrowed vpon the shoales of Saint Anna, alias Madera Bomba) I allow since yesterday at noone, fourteene leagues East, and fiue leagues West, wind at South, and South by West, and South by East.

In the after-noone we had nine, ten, eleuen and twelue fathome water. [ 60]

The first land proued Ilha Verde, being a very round land, and a notable marke, for whosoeuer is bound for the place,* 6.188 from the Southwards.

About seuen in the euening, we anchored in twentie fathome water, hard sand, hauing steered six leagues or more North-east, and North North-east, the South part of Ilha Verde, bearing East off vs: and the Cape of Sierra Leona, being a low point North by East, about eight leagues from vs: but the said land ouer the said Cape, is very high land, and may bee seene in a cleere, fifteene leagues off.

About sixe in the morning, wee made saile for the Roade, and had no lesse then sixteene,* 6.189 fifteene, ten or nine fathomes, till we were North and South with the Rocke, (which lyeth to the Westward of the Cape of Sierra Leona) about 1. 1/••. miles; and one mile from the neerest shoare) within halfe a mile thereof, we had then, seuen fathome very good shoaling, betweene [ 10] vs, and the Rocke. And soone after we had passed the Rock, we had twentie fathome water, and shoalded to eighteene, sixteene, twelue, and ten fathome, all the way into the Roade,* 6.190 borrowing very neere the South shore. For there is a sand lying off the North shoare about two miles, or a league from the South shore, whereon the Sea breaketh. Wee road in ten fathome water, good ground, the point of Sierra Leona, bearing West Northerly,* 6.191 the North point of the Bay North Westerly, and the foresaid breach or Sand, North, North-east.

Note, that comming in, when we were North and South with the Rocke, it bare with the South point (for Sierra Leona is the North point of the South land making the Bay,* 6.192 or Riuer) and Ilha Verde, North by West and South by East.

This afternoone, being anchored, we espyed men to weaue vs a-shore. I sent my Boate, which [ 20] leauing two Hostages, brought foure Negroes, who promised refreshing.

My Schiffe sounded betweene vs, and the foresaid Breach, and found faire sholding, hauing two fathome water, within two Boats length of the Breach.

Note, that all the Obseruations of the Variation,* 6.193 since our comming from two degrees of North latitude to this place, proued erronious: for to each distance, hauing reference to any Me∣ridian Easterly thereof, there must be added thirtie leagues, and from such as are referred to Me∣ridians Westerly, must be substracted thirtie leagues. For it appeareth by our falling with the land, that the ship was so much more Westerly, then we supposed our selues; my selfe notwith∣standing the said errour, being as much, if not more Westerly, then any of our Mariners.* 6.194 How∣beit, I wish euery man to trust to his owne experience▪ for, Instruments may deceiue, euen the [ 30] most skilfull.

The seuenth, there came Negroes of better semblance, aboord with my Boate (for whom, as for all other, wee were faine to leaue one of my men, for two of them in hostage) who made signes, that I should send some of my men vp into the Countrey, and that they would stay a∣boord in hostage. I sent Edward Buckbury, and my Seruant William Cotterell with a Present, viz. One course Shirt, three foot of a barre of Iron, a few Glasse Beads, and two Kniues. They re∣turned towards night, and brought me from the said Captaine, one small earing of Gold, valued at seuen, eight, or nine shillings sterling: and because it was late, the Hostages would not goe a-shore, but lay aboord all night, without pawne for them.

I sent my Boate, and fetched fiue tunnes of fresh water, both very good and easie to [ 40] come by.* 6.195

The eleuenth, I went a-shore a fishing, where the people brought their women vnto vs, but feared, we would carry them away. I gaue some trifles, we bought good store of Limons, two hundred for a penny Knife, wind at East.

The twelfth, I went but tooke little fish, wind from North-west to South, rainie weather.

The thirteenth, It rayned without intermission: we got fish enough for a meale.

I bought an Elephants tooth of sixtie three pound English, for fiue yards blue Callico, and se∣uen or eight pound of Iron in barre.

The fourteenth, I kept aboord, all day rainie.

The fifteenth, I went and tooke within one houre and a halfe,* 6.196 six thousand small and good fish [ 50] Cauallos.

After noone, with Captaine Hawkins, and a conuenient Guard, I went ashore, and to the Village, where we bought two or three thousand Limons. We esteeme it a faire day, wherein we haue three houres dry ouer head.

The sixteenth, I licenced our weekly Workers to recreate themselues with me ashore, where in our large walke, we found not past foure or fiue acres of ground sowed with Rice: the superfi∣cies of the ground is generally an hard Rocke.

This only day, hitherto, we had faire weather.

The seuenteenth, It was all day faire weather. I appointed making of Limon-water.

The twentieth, Iohn Rogers returned and brought me a present of a piece of Gold, in forme of [ 60] an halfe Moone, valued at fiue, six, or seuen shillings sterling. Hee reporteth the people to bee peaceable, the chiefe without state, the landing two leagues vp, and the chiefe Village eight miles from the landing.

The two and twentieth, We went a-shore, where we made six or seuen Barricoes full of Li∣mon-water. I opened the Companies Firkin of Kniues ••o buy Limes withall.* 6.197

The seuenth of September in the after-noone, we went all together a shore, to see if we could shoot an Elephant:* 6.198 we shot seuen or eight bullets into him, and made him bleed exceedingly, as appeared by his tracke, but being neere night, we were constrayned aboord, without effecting our purposes on him.

* 6.199The best Roade and watering place is the fourth Bay, to the East-ward of the point Sierra Leona. It floweth neerest West South-west, within where we roade: and the water highest vp∣on a Spring-tyde at the least, twelue foote.

After noone, the wind came at West South-west, and wee anchored in ten fathome water, Ilha Verde bearing from vs South-east ½. South, and the point of Sierra Leona North-east by East ½ Easterly, about three leagues from vs, where wee found the floud to set North-east by [ 10] North, a strong tyde.

I haue at no time obserued the Sunne in the Roade, howbeit I haue sundry times purposed the same, both aboord and ashore, but the Master made the Roade by his obseruation, in eight de∣grees and thirtie sixe minutes of North Latitude,* 6.200 and the point of Sierra Leona, bare neerest West about a league or foure miles off. The Master also made the Variation to bee one degree, fiftie minutes North-easting: but my Instrument was out of order, and I had no time to mend it.

The fourteenth in the morning, we wayed the wind all Easterly: but about eight it calmed, and we draue to the North againe: after with the ebbe, draue to the South-west by South, to∣ward night, the floud being come, we anchored in 25. 1/••. fathome water: the point of Sierra Leo∣na bearing North-east by East, about seuen leagues off vs. We haue not had lesse then ten fathome [ 20] water, all day. They found a Current setting North by West, on the sixteenth day.

* 6.201The seuenteenth of December, About two in the after-noone, we saw the land, the Table at Saldania very plaine, and stood in to make it, till three, then I caused the Master to steere East South-east, and South-east by East, to put about the Cape: what time sicke, and whole, desired to put into Saldania. Whereupon wee bare vp for Saldania, and about noone wee got into the Roade anchoring in 5. 1/••. fathome water: the West point bearing West North-west, the Iland North North-west,* 6.202 and the Sugar-lofe South-west.

* 6.203The Westermost Cape Land, and Pengwin Iland bare South by West, &c. There is a breach South of the Iland, about a mile distant.

Betweene the Iland and shore are seuen miles distance. The Sugar-loafe and the Ile, beare [ 30] South by East, and North by West. From the West point of the Bay, halfe a mile off is a flat. The Westermost South land, and point of the Sugar-loafe, beareth South South-west, and North North-east.

There is another breach, which lyeth East South-east from the Iland halfe a league off.

As soone as I was anchored, I sent a shore, finding the people very bold, but deare. I found a∣shore these words engrauen vpon a Rocke,* 6.204 viz. The foure and twentieth of Iuly, 1607. Cap∣taine Dauid Middleton in the Consent.

The one and twentieth, I went ashore, where we bought a hundred and two sheepe, twelue Bullockes and two Calues, whereof I allowed the Hector a proportionable share, and this conti∣nued diuers dayes in which they bought much Cattell. [ 40]

§. II. Their departure from Saldania, and what happened after till the shippes parted company.

THE first of Ianuary, 1607. by Sunne rising we were both vnder saile, and by sixe in the Euening, we were tenne leagues West Southerly from the South point of the Bay. The nineteenth we shipped much water at the Helme port, and at the hole a∣baft [ 50] in my Gallery,* 6.205 about two after mid-night, which wet some of our bales of cloth. Latitude thirty fiue degrees, twenty two minutes, I allow thirteene leagues South South-East, wind, East North-East, and North-East, sixe leagues drift South, and three leagues North-East wind all Westerly. Our too great quantitie of kintledge goods, maketh our ship to labour mar∣uelously:* 6.206 wherein the Company must haue speciall care, another Voyage.

The twentieth, I aired and dryed our cloath, also oyled the Companies peeces and blades. I strengthened the cases of Callicoes, &c. I allow thirty leagues North-East as we steered, wind at South-West and South.* 6.207 This afternoone, contrary to expectation, and to the admiration of all our Marriners, we saw the land, bearing North North-West, about twelue leagues off, wee [ 60] in the latitude of thirty foure degrees. And surely, but that I had many deare experiments of the strength of the Westerly current in my last voyage, I should likewise admire: albeit I am more Westerly then any, by reason I doubted currents for causes before noted, beeing by reckoning an hundred leagues more Easterly, then then the sight of land approoueth vs.

The two and twentieth, Latitude thirtie foure degrees, foure minutes. I allow thirtie three leagues East by North, Northerly, wind South and South South-West. But by this reckoning, the ship should haue been in thirtie three degrees, twelue minutes, and wee find her fiftie more South, caused by the Current. Whereby it is euident,* 6.208 that such as depend vpon their dead rec∣koning and iudgement, without respect had to the currents, must needs make intollerable errors. I bring the ship to her latitude vpon a South line, in her distance Easterly.

I must acknowledge, that in iudgement the Current must be of greatest power here abouts, the land falling away suddenly North-East, and South-West, and we opening the gut. And I pre∣sume, that as we come more Easterly, past the middle of the gut, we shall find the Currents force [ 10] diminished.

The twentie fift, latitude thirty foure degrees fiftie one minutes. Iudgement alloweth for three 1/••. watches, nine leagues North-East by East, wind South-West: and for two watches, fiue leagues South wind, all Easterly, and East North-East: yet note, how we are continually carried to the South, contrary to reasonable iudgement.

The sixe and twentieth, latitude thirtie fiue degrees, twentie eight minutes. I allow thirteen leagues South South-East wind, at East North-East: so I do not finde that the Current vseth such violence as before, except we should be carried by the streame, as much Westerly off the South, as I allow her Easterly thereof, which would raise or depresse the Pole, in the same proportion: but herein our variation (being well obserued) will resolue vs.

[ 20] The seuenteenth of February, we saw the land bearing East, about eight leagues from vs, and as I deeme, in the latitude of twentie foure degrees, twenty minutes. We stood in till after sixe a clocke, at what time, beeing within foure leagues of the shore, we flatted, the Hector beeing too neere a sterne for vs to stay. Where we tacked, we had no ground at eightie or ninetie fathomes, no great maruell, for it is low smooth land.

About noone, we were thwart of two small Ilands, seeming to make a good roade: wherefore not knowing our latitude, we stood off till we could obserue, it being nigh noone. Note,* 6.209 wee could haue no ground at sixtie fathomes within two miles of the shore.

The eighteenth, latitude twentie three degrees, thirty seuen minutes: wherefore we stood in againe, supposing this to be the place we sought: but comming neere the shore, and hauing sent [ 30] both Schiffes a head, they found but sixe fathome water; for which,* 6.210 we anchored in seuen ½. fa∣thome water, sandy ground, about one in the afternoone, the two Ilands and breach bearing South Westerly, a mile from vs.

There is an Inlet about three leagues from vs East Northerly, which the Master supposeth to be S. Augustine, and we purpose to search the same. I called a Councell,* 6.211 where we resolued to make some small stay at S. Augustine. Variation in this place, is fifteene degrees, and thirtie minutes.

Variation againe obserued this morning, is fifteene degrees, twentie sixe minutes,* 6.212 but I was faine to obserue ouer the Land halfe a degree high: otherwise, I should haue made somewhat more variation, and to these two obseruations, I repose great trust. It floweth East.* 6.213

[ 40] The nineteenth, we weighed this morning, and in the weighing brake one of our anchors, through defect therein. And surely, the matter deserueth much blame,* 6.214 but I referre me for the particulars, to a Certificate which I purpose to make thereabout.

We steered for the aboue-mentioned seeming Harbour, or Bay, and found, from whence wee weighed, from tenne, twelue, to twentie fathome: and comming neere the point, in the height of the Bay, we had no ground at an hundred fathomes, till we came very farre into the Bay (our Schiffes being before vs, and hauing ground) and then we had from thirtie to eight fathome, and further in deepe water. We anchored in eighteene fathome, and laid another anchor in forty fa∣thome, the South shoare beeing the deepest water, the other, beeing by the comming downe of riuers made shallow.

[ 50] The twentieth, we had seuentie fathome water at the ship, the ground oaze. The land bea∣reth West by South, and North of vs: and to the North are certaine sholds, and a breach,* 6.215 bearing North-West of vs: so that we are but fiue points of the Compasse, open to winds: but the roade is very pitty ground, and deepe water: and there runneth a strong streame downe the riuer con∣tinually. Captaine Hawkins came aboord me, whom with both our Schiffes strong, I sent a shore, my selfe beeing ••ll at ease. Toward night he returned aboord, without hauing seene any people; but their fresh tracke in diuers places. They left some beades and trifles in a boat which they found, to allure the naturalls. He affirmeth little likelihood of refreshing here: but my fishers from the other side, tell me of Beasts bones good store, and bones haue had flesh.

George Euans, one of the Hectors Company, was shrewdly bitten with an Alegarta.

[ 60] I willed all speed in filling our water, and in the meane time, purpose to seeke for refreshing.* 6.216 It floweth here neerest East, and higheth much water.

The one and twentieth, we espyed foure Naturals, I sent to present them beads, &c. they promised by signes store of cattell the morrow.

The two and twentieth, seeing people I went a shore, where we found a subtill people,* 6.217 their

bodies strong, and well framed: their priuities onely carelesly couered, with cloath made of the rindes of trees. We bought one Calfe, one Sheepe, and one Lambe: but they would not deale saue for siluer, by any meanes.

After noone, I rowed vp the riuer, aswell to looke for the best watering, as otherwise. The water is very shallow, and brackish.

* 6.218The foure and twentieth, I went a shore, seeing one man there, where we bought three Kine, two Steeres, and foure Calues: they cost vs nineteene shillings sterling, besides a few beads.

The Cattell are farre better flesh then those of Saldania, with bunches of flesh on their shoul∣ders, like those of the Cammels, saue that they stand more forward.

The people are circumcised, as some affirmed to haue seene. [ 10]

Here we found the beautifull beast.

Water by the ships side, at an high water very fresh, and at a low water very salt, contrary to sense. Also, fresh water at high water on one side of the ship, and very salt on the other side, the ship tide roade.

The fiue and twentieth, in a gust at North-West, our ship draue, and the cable broke, and we lost the anchor. We bought one Calfe, and one Sheepe, and one Lambe great tayled, which cost two shillings three pence. I found certaine Spiders, whose webbe was perfect good, and strong as silke.

Note, that all along the low land, from East to West a ledge of rockes lyeth 1/••. a mile from the shore, whereon the Sea breaketh continually: betweene which and the shore, is two fathome wa∣ter [ 20] neere to, good for landing, and maruelous full of fish, fit to haile a net in.

* 6.219The eight and twentieth in the morning betimes, we were vnder sayle to put to sea. There lieth a breach foure miles from the North point of the Bay, South South-East. Note, that the ridge of land, like a roofe or barn, is about fiue miles to the Northward of the middest of the Bay. I conceit this Bay of S. Augustine to be vnfit for any shippes to exp••ct refreshing,* 6.220 it beeing to be had but in small quantitie: the place very vntoward for riding, the water deepe, the ground pit∣ty and foule, as appeareth by the cutting of our cable.

The twelfth of March, latitude fifteene degrees fiftie minutes. We founded sundry times in the afternoone, and had no ground at ninetie fathome, and before eight, we had ground at twen∣tie,* 6.221 twentie eight, seuenteene, and sixteene fathome, all within ••/•• a cables length: then wee in∣stantly [ 30] tacked off, and had nineteene, and twentie foure, and the third cast, no ground at fortie fathome. The ground was small shinglestones like beanes, and we about fiue or sixe miles from the shore (an vntoward place to fall with in a darke night.) This afternoone, we had a fresh gale at East by North, whereby we haue gotten somewhat North by the land.

The thirteenth, latitude fifteene degrees fortie fiue minutes. Yesterday afternoone, wee got somewhat to the North, hauing a fresh gale at East by North. It hath beene calme from mid∣night, till eleuen this forenoone, and we haue driuen South as appeareth by the land. We were at noone within three leagues of the shore.

The foureteenth, latitude fifteene degrees fortie two minutes: so that wee are gotten North but three leagues, and iudgement would haue allowed at least fifteene leagues North North-East. So it seemeth that the Current runneth swift, and I doubt setteth more South then South-west. [ 40] For this morning, though it were hazy, we were not farre from the shoare, seeing the land all a∣long, and now beeing much cleared we can hardly see it.

The fifteenth, latitude fifteene degrees fortie minutes. I can allow in iudgement, no lesse then twentie leagues North by East, yet see by obseruation we are gone to the South-wind, at South to South-west a faire gale.

* 6.222We cannot see the land, yet are but tenne leagues from it. I know not what course to take to get out of this Current: for if we put off, and the Current hold, it may indanger vs of In. de No∣ua: and keeping the shore, God knoweth what dangers there be: and where such a gale stemmes not the streame, it is indiscretion to continue.

* 6.223The seuenteenth, latitude foureteene degrees fiftie seuen minutes, so we haue gotten twentie [ 50] fiue leagues North. Iudgement would allow twelue leagues North North-East, Northerly, and she hath runne nine by obseruation: so that the maine power of the Current is lessened. My Ma∣ster opineth, that the Moones seasons haue peculiar domination ouer these Currents, causing their force, till three or fowre dayes after the full. But I rather thinke, that the deepe Bay betweene Cape Corientes and Mosambique, causeth an indraught, or eddy of some streame, comming either from the North-East, or more Easterly in at the North-East of S. Laurence, and so along the land to the Cape Corientes:* 6.224 or else the streame, which is affirmed to set from S. Laurence, North-west, meeting with the land of Mosambique, may by the said falling away of the land, be drawne that way. Which s••pposition, if it be true, then we committed an error, in falling with the land [ 60] before we had gotten neerer North, then Mosambique point, which trendeth farre into the Sea, and whence the Norther land lieth away North and South next hand; and the Souther land, South-west by &c. for if we had not fallen too much Westerly, and brought the said Cape too nigh our Meridian, we should not haue felt this streame at all.

§. III. Instructions learned at Delisa of the Moores and Guserates touching the Monsons, and while they rode there. Their comming to Priaman and Bantam.

THE Moores of this place affirme, that in some yeeres, pieces of Amber-greece are found, Poiz twentie kintals, of such bulke,* 6.225 that many men may shelter themselues vnder the sides thereof, without beeing seene. This is vpon the coasts of Mombasa, Magadoxo, [ 10] Pata, Braua, &c. being indeed all one long Coast.

They of this place make yeerely voyages to the Iles of Comora, to buy slaues;* 6.226 and report the people to be very treacherous, hauing at times killed fiftie persons by treason: and therefore they trade aboord.

They affirme, that there are eight Hollanders vpon Pemba, who haue been there three or foure yeeres, whereof two are turned Moores.* 6.227

They reckon this Monson of South winds, to begin yeerely the first of May, and the extrea∣mitie thereof to continue one hundred dayes. The most wind (which they report to be wonder∣full) is in Iune and Iuly. For the tenth of August, it beginneth to be lesse wind, and soone after come the North winds with much raine, for three or foure moneths more: at what time they [ 20] make the most Aloes vpon the Ile, and is onely the iuyce of Semper viuens, put into Goates skins, and so dryed.* 6.228

The three and twentieth, I sent a shore to weigh certaine Aloes, and receiued aboord, 1250. pounds, which cost for the Companies accompt, 250. Dollers, and so at other times. We bought in all 1833. pounds neat. The Chiefe sent to borrow fiue hundred rialls of eight,* 6.229 which I refu∣sed to lend. I presented him with two yards of Carsey, gallant colour, and a knife of mine. I sent againe a shore, and receiued 575. pound more Aloes, cost 115. Dollers.

The foure and twentieth, I vnderstood more, that the West winds began this yeere the last of Aprill, and doe each yeere come eleuen dayes later then the yeere before: so that in thirty three yeeres, they begin againe the same day of the same Moneth; which I conceit not to be truth. That [ 30] the Easter Monson will come this yeare the thirteenth of October, and continue till Aprill for∣cible: and then faire weather while May. That the West Monson returneth (both Monsons fal∣ling each yeare eleuen dayes later then other) neither haue they more then two Monsons yeerely. That their yeere, called Neyroose, beginneth with the first of the East Monsons. That as the West Monson bloweth here all South, so doth the East Monson all North. That after the twen∣ty fifth of September, ships cannot depart from the Red sea to the East-ward. That Chaul, Da∣bul, and Danda rageepuree, are good and safe ports, and rich trade townes, vpon the coast of In∣dia. That at Saada, Ilbookee, Auzoane, Mootoo, foure of the Iles of Comora, there is abundance of cheape Rice, and the people good. Inghezeegee, and Malale, two more of the same Ilands,* 6.230 haue small store of Rice, and the people very treacherous: at the first whereof they report, that sixteen [ 40] yeeres since, an English ship lost many men treacherously, which surely, was Sir Iames Lancaster.

That this day of (May the six and twentieth) is the two hundred and foure and twentieth of their accompt of Neyrooze. No raine on the Coast of Arabia,* 6.231 till the seuentieth day of this Monson. The three hundred and fift of Neyroose, the best time to goe for Suratt, to put hence I say, and that in ten or twelue dayes they get thither.

Burrom, Mekella, and Cayxem, are good Harboroughs for both Monsons on the Coast of A∣rabia, but no pla••es for Merchandizing.* 6.232

That Xael, or Xaer, hath no Harborough nor Road for any time, but would vent Iron and Lead, a Turke being Aga: and that they send by land for such Commodities to Caixem, a dayes iourney to the West ward, but there is no going thither at this time. That in both Monsons, there is a [ 50] continuall extreame Sea-gate vpon the Coast of Arabia: the Current also there as the wind. That there is no riding at the entrance of Suratt, to haue any shelter of the West shore, for the West Monsons, aswell by reason of ill anchor ground, as chiefly the extremitie of Tydes, which (by their reports) ouer-set ships not a ground.

This Road of Delisa, is a very good place for the West Monson, but which is strange, two miles either East or West from the Road, it doth continually blow so much wind,* 6.233 that no shippe can ride it. Neither can I giue any reason for it, except the distance twixt vs and the high Mountaines cause it: for there is much low land betwixt vs and them. Iune the foure and twentieth, we set saile to depart.

The three and twentieth of Iuly, we saw an Iland, and about noone two more, wee left two [ 60] to the North, and one to the South latitude of foure degrees and two minutes,* 6.234 South of the E∣q••inoctiall. The North of these Iles is great▪ and high land full of Trees.

Betweene the two Southermost of these three Ilands, ten leagues distant, there lyeth a Breach d••••g••rous about halfe way betweene them: to auoyd which we steered within two leagues of the•••• ••d••lemost Iland very good passage, the breach being then to the South about three leagues

from vs. It lyeth very dangerous for men bound through by night, not hauing knowledge there∣of. We could discerne no vnlikelihood of a passage, betweene the two Northermost also, but it is not a league broad. The Southermost Ile is the biggest. Of the two Southermost Iles, the West part of the North, and the East point of the Southermost, beare North and South ten leagues di∣stant. The Breach lyeth from the Easter end of the Northermost of the said two South Ilands, South-east halfe the Channell ouer.

* 6.235The sixe and twentieth, we were halfe way betweene Priaman at Tecu, about three leagues from the shore where I noted, viz. The two Hummockes of Tecu, with the high land ouer them, beare North and by West, and South by East ½. a point Easterly. There lyeth a shoale foure mile from the shore, bearing South and North with the high land of Tecu. Wee had fortie fiue fa∣thome water, 2. 1/••. leagues from the shore, we then bearing North-east by East from the Road of [ 10] Priaman. There is an Iland about foure leagues from the said Road, North-east and South-west. The three Ilands of Priaman,* 6.236 lye South South-east, and North North-west being distant each from other about a mile. Afternoone we got into Priaman Roade, and I saluted the Towne with fiue Peeces of Ordnance.

The Gouernour sent me a Goate. I presented the Gouernour with three yards of Stammel-cloath, one blue Callico, one piece stocked, one Barrell, and two Sword-blades. The Gouernour sent me a Goate.* 6.237 The Messenger spake good Portuguze, to whom I presented one blue Callico. There came another of Achen, with whom I had good conuersation in Arabicke, by whom I had great hope of good trade.

The nine and twentieth, I went ashore betimes, shooting seuen Peeces of Ordnance, and [ 20] comming to the Gouernours house,* 6.238 he presented me with a Buffalo, and appointed mee to make price of Pepper with sundry chiefe men. Where being set downe among sixtie persons, they first propounded that I must weigh such Pepper as I bought of them in the Towne: Whereabout we had much speech, I desiring to weigh vpon the Iland, but they would weigh in the Towne.

They demanded fiftie Dollers the Bahar for Pepper, which much displeased me. For the A∣chen man had willed me to offer but sixteene Dollers, howbeit there was craft in dawbing: for he being a Merchant,* 6.239 would haue ingrossed much Pepper, before I should haue bought, and after would haue sold it me at his owne price. After much time, and many words, we accorded at 22 ••/••. Dollers the Bahar, besides sixe per Cento, Custome. I refused to pay two other Customes, or rather Exactions. The one of a hundred and sixtie Dollers, the other not much lesse: whereto, with [ 30] much adoe, I consented, and Writings were drawne betweene vs.

The last night a man speaking Portuguse, lay aboord mee, who in the behalfe of the late Go∣uernours Wife, by him titled Queene, desired my ayde in taking the Towne, offering mee the one halfe thereof. To whom (not vnacquainted with the finenesse of Moores) I refused to inter∣meddle,* 6.240 it not being answerable to my Prince, and this morning sent him ashore.

I sold Cloth to Nakhada, for a hundred fiftie nine Masse of Gold.

The Towne and bounds of Priaman yeeld not yeerely aboue fiue hundred Bahars of Pepper, but with parts neere adioyning, as Passaman, Tecu, Beroose, and the Mountaines ouer the Towne are made two thousand fiue hundred Bahars yeerely:* 6.241 which quantitie will lade two good shippes, and may bee bought very good cheape, if a Factorie haue meanes to buy all the [ 40] yeere. But their Haruest is only in August and September, and is fetched away by them of Achen and Iaua only, the Guserats not beeing permitted to Trade there, by the King of Achen his expresse commandement.* 6.242 So that a ship (touching at Suratt) and buying, especially blue Callicoes, white Callicoes, blue striped, and checkered Stuffes, and some small and fine Pintatoes leauing a Factorie, shall lay the best foundation for gaine, against another yeere, that euer I haue heard off: I say, against another yeere, for that I see not, how ships can goe to Cambaya, and come hither time enough in one yeere. And in such case the King of Achen his Letter must be procured, for our safer proceeding in these parts.

The eighteenth of September, In the morning we made saile, the Lord prosper vs.

The nineteenth, At noone, we were West North-west from the point, to the South of Pria∣man, [ 50] ten leagues we steered to the East-ward of Ilha de Tristeza.

The twentieth, before day, we saw an Iland, a head, and steered East South-east, to go cleere off it: wee went to the Eastward of it foure leagues, the Ile Sumatra being seuen leagues from vs.* 6.243

The one and twentieth, I allow sixe and twentie Leagues South-east by South, we were with∣in sixe or seuen leagues of Sumatra, and West from vs about foure leagues was another great I∣and: so that Nauigation vpon this Coast is carefully to be performed, for wee find no such Iles proiection.* 6.244

Latitude three degrees, twentie minutes, I allow eighteene leagues South South-east winde [ 60] Northerly.

Wee being nine or ten leagues from Sumatra, haue seene another small Iland to Sea-boord of vs,* 6.245 three or foure leagues off.

The first of October, 1608. Latitude fiue degrees and thirtie minutes, I pricke by the Land, being twelue leagues from vs, and haue gone faster to the South then by reckoning.

The second, we saw land in the morning, which we made for the Salt Iland, but it prooued a round Hummock vpon Sumatra. We haue made almost no way,* 6.246 yet are at noon in fiue degrees and fiftie fiue minuts, by help to the South. The third, we saw the Salt Ile bearing Northeast by North, some foure or fiue leagues from it. It lyeth in latitude sixe degrees six minutes. Wee were when we first saw the Iland, within foure leagues or lesse of the South land: whether Ilands (which I thinke) or Iaua, it bare from vs East, South-east wind all night, fresh at West and North-west.

Note the South land are Iles, and lye the Wester part, with the Salt Iland (or roundest and [ 10] highest Iland of the Straightes mouth) South-west by South, &c.* 6.247

The neerest of the South Ilands, being the Westermost of them, is sixe leagues distant from the Salt Iland.

The Salt Iland, lyeth halfe Seas ouer, and the distance twixt Sumatra and the Souther land is twelue or fourteene leagues.

The Salt Iland, with the point including the whole Bay, wherein is Bantam Road, lye East North-east, and West South-West (which I should haue set first.)

The Salt Iland with the highest South land of Sumatra (it being a round Hummock, and with the North-west point of Iaua, to the East-ward of the foure Ilands, which I formerly call the South land) beare East South-east, and West North-west. The Hummocke of Sumatra, and point [ 20] of Iaua, being about twentie leagues distant.

This euening, we had the Salt Iland, foure leagues North from vs.

The fourth, in the morning we were within fiue or sixe leagues of the point, including Ban∣tams whole Bay, East North-east from vs. There are before wee come to the said point two Rockes full of Trees, bearing each with other North and South foure miles distant betweene which two we steered. The Southermost lyeth very neere Iaua and the Northermost halfe way and more, betweene the point of Bantam and another low ragged Iland, which (with other two to the Northward of it) beare with the Northermost Rocke, West South-west, and East South-east, betweene which Ilands we doe not know of any passage.

Note that that ragged Iland maketh the Straight, and we came to the South thereof.

[ 30] We got into the Road of Bantam where we found sixe Holland ships,* 6.248 whereof two were al∣most laden with Cloues, and two were to be laden with Pepper.

I found thirteene English aliue, whereof foure were Merchants. I receiued a Letter from Captaine Dauid Middleton.

The sixt, I paid Vncte and Tegin the two Chineses their wages, and released them.

The twentieth, I called my Merchants,* 6.249 and hauing formerly resolued to returne with the Dra∣gon for England, vpon speciall considerations, I now questioned concerning the imployment of our Pinnace not yet finished: where we concluded that Browne and Sidall should goe in her for Banda.

Iohn Hearne, Iohn Saris, and Richard Sauage to remayne at Bantam. Also, that so soone as [ 40] the Pinnace could returne from Banda, Iohn Saris should goe in her to Suquedana vpon Borneo.

The fifteenth of Nouember, I sent for Iaques Lermite, and discouered vnto them a purpose in the Iauans, to cut their throates whereof I vnderstood very particularly.

The two and twentieth, the Ambassador of Siam came to visit mee, and dined with me. Hee affirmeth that a thousand Clothes red, would vent in his Countrey in two dayes,* 6.250 and great quan∣titie yeerely; they clothing their Elephants and Horses therewith.

Gold is there abundant, and worth (as hee reporteth) three times the weight in Siluer, beeing good Gold. There are also precious stones in quantitie, and cheape. And that their King would account it,* 6.251 one of their greatest happinesses to haue commerce with so great a King as his Ma∣iestie of England: with whom, as he vnderstood, the King of Holland was not comparable.

The eight and twentieth, I tooke leaue of the King, the Gouernour, the Admirall, the old Sa∣bandare, [ 50] Iura Bassa, Tanyong, and of the Hollanders, with purpose to be aboord the morrow.

The nine and twentieth, I went aboord for altogether.

The second of December, within night, our Merchants came aboord,* 6.252 bringing a Letter from the King of Bantam, to his Maiestie of England, and two Picolls of Canton, in present vnto him.

The twelfth, wee espyed a Sayle, which prooued the Hector,* 6.253 yere wee got out of the Straights. She had no Captaine he remayning at Suratt, I vnderstood, that the Portugals had taken eighteene English, whereof diuers of our Factors, and goods to the value of nine thousand Dollers.

[ 60] The fourteenth, we got into Bantam Roade againe, forced to a longer Voyage or losse of repu∣tation.

The sixteenth, there came a small Flemming from Amsterdam, with newes of peace,* 6.254 be∣tweene Spaine, France, and the Netherlands: and that his comming was to desist from their pur∣pose to Malacca.

I appointed Master Molineux and Pockham for England, the rest with me for the Maluccoes.

The seuenteenth, I remoued to the Hector, and the Masters shifted ships.

The one and twentieth, I speeded Master Towerson with all things, willing his departure with all speed.

* 6.255The three and twentieth, The Dragon made saile from Bantam, the Lord prosper her.

§ IIII. Their Voyage to Banda, Obseruations by the way, [ 10] Actions there.

THe first of Ianuary, 1608. About one in the morning we weighed, and with a gale off the shore, got about the East point, East North-east from where wee roade three leagues.

* 6.256Thence to another point, South-east Easterly three leagues, betweene the two points lyeth a shoale, hauing little water, a great length: to preuent which, it is good to steere halfe way betweene Iaua, and the Iles Tonda, which are fiue leagues distant.

To the Eastward of the second point, close aboord the shoare lyeth the Ile Tanara, and is not [ 20] seene of such as come farre off, it lyeth so neere the shoare.

From the second to the third points, bearing East South-east, are foure leagues. And 1.½. mile off that point North by West lyeth the Ile Lackee, twixt which and the point is but 1.½. fathom water by report. We roade all night, hauing the Ile East a league off, sixe fathome water.

The fourth, wee weighed and steered within ½ a league of Lackee, hauing seuen or eight fa∣thome water. The Iland Lackee, with the West point including Iacatra, lyeth East South-east foure leagues distant. There lyeth a dangerous sand off the West point of Iacatra: so it is good to bor••ow of the Iland lying opposite vnto the said point.

The eighth, I went to Iacatra, and anchored farre out. The King sent his Sabandare to desire Powder and Match,* 6.257 and I presented him thirtie pound of Powder, and a roll of Match. I bought [ 30] of them a Portugall Boy (which the Hollanders had giuen vnto the King) who would by no meanes forsa••e Christianitie: hee cost mee fortie fi••e Dollers. The points, as wee roade, bare North-west and East by North foure leagues distant: the Towne and highest of the Eastermost hils South by East, and the West hill South by West from vs. Wee haue seene since wee came from Bantam thirtie or fortie Ilands.

The tenth in the after-noone, we weighed and got vnder sayle.

There lyeth a sunken Iland, euen with the water about two leagues West by North from the East point of Iacatra. We left it on our Larbord, going betweene it, and the Easter Iland. The two points making Iacatra Bay, beare East South-east, and West North-west foure leagues distant.

The Eastermost Iland lyeth in a straight Line betweene both points. [ 40]

The eleuenth, we were at noone ten leagues North-east from the East point of Iacatra.

The twelfth, we were at noone South-west by South two leagues from an Iland, hauing made East by South thirtie leagues way. And there is a shoale South and North with the said Iland three leagues from Iaua, called Los tres Hermanos: the Ile lyeth ten leagues from Iaua, but not so farre Easterly as is proiected. The said Iland beareth with the highest hill we see vpon Iaua North by West. There is a point of Iaua, which with the same and the former Iland, beareth South by West Westerly.

The fifteenth, we were neere Madura, contrary to my expectation. I suppose that the Ile of Iaua is not so long as it is proiected▪* 6.258 or else wee haue found a set to the East-ward. A round Ile, and the highest Easter land of Iaua, beare with vs South South-west, halfe West about sixe [ 50] leagues from vs, the Ile within three leagues of vs.

Another Ile is with vs Northwest fiue leagues from vs. I pricked according to the land, and doe ouerleape thirtie leagues.

The sixteenth, I allow sixteene leagues East. North-east.

The seuenteenth, I allow sixteene leagues East by North.

At noone, wee were two leagues South-east by South from an Iland which trendeth East by North two leagues long (no mention hereof in Platts.* 6.259)

The eighteenth, at noone, wee were neere the Iles * 6.260 Nossaseres, it was North by West a league off vs. It trendeth North-west and South-east two or three leagues long, in latitude fiue [ 60] degrees, thirtie minutes.

I allow thirtie sixe leagues East North-east.

We saw another flat Iland to the North thereof.

The nineteenth, I allow eighteene leag••es East, wind Westerly.

The twentieth, we yet see no land, albeit the ship hath runne more ground, since wee made Nossaseres then the distance proiected betweene them.* 6.261 This euening wee saw three Iles to the North of vs, foure or fiue leagues or more: they were low land, and lay a good length East and West, all small Ilands. We founded thwart of them, and had but nineteene fathome water.

The one and twentieth, this fore-noone we saw the land of Celebes,* 6.262 and esteeme the distance twixt it and our being yesternoone, nine and twentie leagues as we steered East, and I deeme the Iles we saw yesterday, the Easter of them to be three and twentie leagues from Celebes. But wee could not fetch Macassar by any meanes, the wind fresh Northerly, and North-west. We ancho∣red in twelue fathome water, the South point of Celebes, bearing East by South sixe leagues [ 10] from vs. Note, that the falling with Celebes,* 6.263 by reckoning nine and twentie leagues before we came to it, was caused by making error in the East end of Iaua. For whereas I ouer-leaped thir∣tie leagues there, as by the fifteenth. I was ashore heere, before wee had his length nine and twentie leagues. Wherefore I opine that the ordinary distance betweene Bantam and Celebes, being two hundred thirtie fiue leagues is neere the truth. Also,* 6.264 that betweene Celebes and Nos∣saseres is seuentie sixe leagues, or else, that the Iles we saw the eighteenth were not (as we suppo∣sed) Nossaseres. We brake our Cable and lost our Anchor.

The three and twentieth, from the point where wee road to another point, that is East by South ten leagues thence, to another low point East by North Northerly eight leagues (and one league East of the said East point, is the notable round land) to another low point is six leagues [ 20] East, and thence to another point, three leagues North-east by East, but this distance is to the East-ward of the Straights. We haled it all night vnder the notable round land, it beeing foure leagues East North-east from vs. The highest South land of Celebes, and the West point of Desolam, beare North North-west, tenne or twelue leagues distant. The West end of Desolam,* 6.265 and the low East point of Celebes (which is the narrowest of the Straights) beare South by West twelue or fourteene leagues off. The Coast of Desolam is neerest South-west.

The East end of Desolam, with the Iles making the Straight, and the East land of Celebes,* 6.266 in sight lye all in a right line, South and North neerest.

The foure and twentieth, This morning we saw Cambina,* 6.267 and cannot possibly bee more then twentie leagues East North-east from the Straights of Celebes.

[ 30] We were at one afternoone, North-east by North eight leagues from the West point thereof, it being a very high and round hill, the rest higher, but thicke land. The Wester part of what we see lyeth South-east by South, and the Easter part South-east by East, eight leagues long at the least.

The fiue and twentieth, We haue done little, but are still vnder the Iland, and see land to the North, whether Celebes or what I know not.

The seuen and twentieth, This morning wee were North and South with land lying twelue leagues East South-east from the East-side of Cambina. Comming neere it, the Wester part pro∣ued two Ilands, lying East North-east, &c.

The great Iland lyeth East by North fiue leagues, making three or foure head-lands.* 6.268

[ 40] There lyeth a round Iland South from the said head-lands, eight leagues distant. From the Easter point to another North-east ½. North three leagues thence, to another North-east sixe leagues thence, to another North-east by North three leagues. From the last point saue one, South-east by East, eight leagues lyeth a shoale sixe leagues long as it beareth.

The eight and twentieth,* 6.269 From the said point North-east eight leagues lyeth the Iland Tica∣bessa, whereof we had fight. And from the said point North-east by North fourteene leagues ly∣eth the East or North-east point or part of Button.

Toward night came a Caracoll with fortie or fiftie men aboord me, sent from the King of But∣ton, among which were the Kings Vncle, and S••nne, who knew Sidall and Spalding.

The one and thirtieth in the morning, we were fiue leagues North-East, Northerly from the [ 50] point neerest Ticabessa, and within three leagues of the North part of Ticabessa,* 6.270 which are two or three Iles. At noone, we were sixe leagues South-East from the East point of Button, whereby we haue more way since, then the ship can haue runne.

The third, latitude foure degrees twenty fiue minutes.* 6.271 I allow twenty foure leagues East North-East wind, North-west and North North-West, but we are set Southerly.

The fourth in the morning about eight, we saw Burro,* 6.272 the East point whereof was North-East by East seuen leagues off, and the West point North by West nine leagues off. I allow twelue leagues, North-east winde Westerly.

The fift, taking aduise what to doe, all men opined fittest to goe for Banda; winds not seruing for the Moluccos, we cōcluded to goe thither. From the last Easter point of Burro,* 6.273 to another foure [ 60] leagues East and West. The Ile Bloy lieth South and North from the Eastermost end of Burro,* 6.274 foure or fiue leagues. We saw Amboyno from Burro, East by North twelue leagues, and lieth ten leagues long East, to the Eastward whereof lie other Iles, East and West of good quantitie.

The sixt, we saw the high land of Banda, and is (in my opinion) twentie fiue leagues distant from the Easter part of Amboyno, East by South ½ Southerly. The seuenth Pulorin, with the lit∣tle

round Ile to the North, beareth South by East fiue leagues distant. Puloway with Pulorin, East South-east,* 6.275 and West Northwest, three leagues off.

The eight, we got into the roade or harbour of Banda, where the people and Hollanders came to welcome me. There is a small fiat Iland lyeth to the North of Pulorins East end. Puloway and the entrance of the Harborough West Notherly, three leagues distant. The two points of the Sound beare North ½. East, &c. one ½. mile distant. He that is bound in, must borrow on the North side, close vnder the highest Hill. We roade in sixe ½. fathome water, the Soundes en∣trance beeing West South-west one mile off vs, Nera one mile North, and the low point of the round hill, West one mile. The Hope was put to the East, and came Piloted in the morrow.

* 6.276The ninth, I went a shore, and deliuered his Maiesties Letter to Nera, together with a Present, being the best gilt cup with a couer, the best Head-piece and Gorget, and one of M. Buckes Pieces, [ 10] which cost twenty fiue Dollers. It was receiued with the most State that hath been knowne: but they would bethinke themselues for our house till to morrow. The Hollanders shot fiue Cham∣bers at my landing, and fiue at my going aboord. I dieted with them. They report, that the East Monson bloweth eight moneths,* 6.277 and beginneth twixt the first and tenth of May.

The eleuenth, we agreed for the building of our house.

* 6.278The one and twentieth, I went to Vrtatan, to haue conference with the people, where I pro∣mised to be at Lantor the Sunday following.

The fiue and twentieth, in the afternoone, I was called, and went to Lantor, where I deliuered the Kings Letter,* 6.279 the small gilt cup with a couer, the faire gilt Target, one Piece stocked, and a Barrell, which they receiued respectiuely. [ 20]

Nakhada China (as the Hollanders Spie) came aboord mee in the night, to counsell me to speed. Where the Dutch haue a Factorie, let no man looke for better measure, large gifts be∣ing better regarded then good dealing.

The thirteenth, they of Lantor demanded Serepinang one hundred and fortie rialls of eight, and I required leaue to sell my cloath, as I might, with a publike price making. The Priest was sent from the State, to demaund payment of Rooba, Rooba, before we traded: which I denied, ex∣cept vpon condition the whole Country would bind themselues to lade me with Mace and Nuts, within foure moneths. At one hundred Dollers, he tooke time to * 6.280 be chary. I answered, that per∣ceiuing they deferred time till the Hollanders arriuall (which was now in suspence, the Monsons beeing almost spent, and already some East winds come in) I would not giue past ninetie ryalls: [ 30] wherewith he tooke his leaue, hauing as ••••ooth an out-side, as rough in mind.

* 6.281The sixteenth, there came in three tall Hollanders, without anchoring, shot thirtie, sixteene, and nine pieces of excellent Ordnance. Two of these shippes came from Tarenate, hauing lost Paul Van Carden their Admirall, with seuentie fowre men taken by the Spaniard, who would hearken to no other ransome for him, except the Fort of Machian, by him formerly taken, might be resigned. The Dutch offered fiftie thousand Dollers for him.

The seuenteenth, the Hollanders vi••••ted me by S^r Brewer.

The eighteenth, the Hollanders of the two least shippes, came to visite me, and supped with me:* 6.282 but an Englishman reporteth, that they meane to surprise vs ere a moneth expire.

The nineteeth, the States sent againe for Rooba, Rooba, which I refused to pay, so they sent [ 40] againe, to tell me, that now they are together: but except I would exceed one hundred Dollers, I should saue my labour and not trouble my selfe. I sent them word againe, that though I laded not a graine, I would not giue aboue one hundred. They sent soone after to call me, where after long dispute,* 6.283 we accorded at one hundred Dollers, Rooba, Rooba, three hundred and eightie Dol∣lers, and Serepinang fifty Dollers, besides Pissalin, a dutie to the foure Sabandares, of foure peeces Sarassa, or Malaian Pintadoes.

We receiued a Beame and waight, the Cattee poize ninetie nine Dollerss, and in the haber∣depoize,* 6.284 fiue pound thirteene ½. ounces: so our Rials are too light.

The twentieth, this day we began to weigh, and the Hollanders comming ashore, made price at one hundred, with foure hundred Rooba, Rooba, fiftie Serepinang, and foure cloathes. [ 50]

We payed the Hollanders vnder-hand price, else we must haue beene idle.

The three and twentieth, I made a secret accord with the Chiefe of Puloway, to send a Factory thither,* 6.285 and were constrained to lend them three hundred Rials, and giue Serapinang one hundred Rials, with foure Malaian Pintadoes.

The foure and twentieth, the Dutch hearing of my accord with Puloway, sought to preuent me.

The nine and twentieth there came sixe great shippes Hollanders, into the Roade, whom I sa∣luted with nine Peeces,* 6.286 answered with three: besides two small Pinnasses.

* 6.287The first of April, receiued by the Hope from Puloway, 225.¼. Cattees, Mace, and 1307.½. C. Nuts, which Mace (all bought by him) I marked with B. for distinction. [ 60]

The fourth, I went aboord to cure mine eye, which by the heat of Nuts, watching, &c. was very sore.* 6.288 I left the house and goods with Augustine Spalding. There arriued from the Moluc∣cos two small Hollanders. Note, that now the 〈…〉〈…〉 morning, bloweth hard Easterly.

The ninth, the Dutch Admirall, Peter Williamson Varhoef, went ashore to Vrtatan. The Fleete

shot fortie Peeces of Ordnance: his ship but fiue. He deliuered a letter from Count Maurice, without present, whereof when the people demanded, answer was made: that they had one, but it was not yet accorded what it should be. This I vnderstood.

The tenth, the Sabandar at my request, sent for the same Letter, which being in Portuguse, I perused, and found it onely an authoricall Instrument, binding the Prince and State, to con••••rme what their Admirals and Councels should accord with other States. It was written in Paper, sealed vnder the Contents, and left open for all.

The eleuenth, we began to bring our Nuts aboord, thereto constrained by the Dutch:* 6.289 their meaning was, to goe ashore within a day or two: so that we could neither s••lect the best, nor [ 10] let them lie long enough in sweate.

The twelfth, this night after the first watch, the States sent foure men to request my compa∣ny ashore instantly, which I refused to doe till morning.

The thirteenth, I went betimes ashore, where the Sabandar of Nera came to visit me, and then after much talke,* 6.290 I propounded (as I had sundry times formerly done) the formall deli••ering of Bandan, to the vse, and in the Name of his Maiestie of England, our Soueraigne, before the Hol∣landers did land, or begin their purposed Fort. They seemed to like well thereof, and concluded to be chary thereabout, and giue me answere to day: but I doubt their inconstancies.

The fifteenth day, the Dutch went ashore, twentie Boats, one thousand and two hundred men: the Naturals fled.

The eighteenth, I went ashore, and sent for some Hollanders of note, to speake with mee, to [ 20] whom I made knowne many wrongs I had receiued since their comming in: wishing redresse, and affirming, that though we were not at present strong enough to right our selues, yet his Ma∣iestie of England, our Soueraigne, would not permit his Subiects to sustaine any dammage by their meanes, without speciall and sound satisfaction.

I affirmed, that notwithstanding wrongs receiued,* 6.291 I could not chuse but Christianly aduertise them, that the people purposed to poyson their water, and to that end warned me not to drink thereof. He thanked me, and hauing beene with their Admirall, requested me from him, to haue patience concerning Rice, till he had had counsaile therein. (Necessitie hath no Law.)

The twentieth, I went ashore to fetch the Rice, in part of Daton Putee his debt to the Com∣pany: but the Hollanders had dishonestly taken the same, notwithstanding the Admirall promi∣sed [ 30] that I should haue it. Thence I went among the Iauans, to haue bought some Rice, who ge∣nerally affirmed, that the Hollanders had straightly charged them, not to sell me any:* 6.292 neither durst they, though I offered fiue Dollers the Coyoung more then the Dutch paid. At my comming home, I found him that the Admirall had formerly sent vnto me, whom I requested to tell his Admirall, that I esteemed his so taking my Rice, a great wrong: and that if he were a Gentle∣man, he would not permit his base people to abuse me as I walked among them. Whereto was answered, that he was a Weauer. I reprehended the reporter, being an English-man seruing them, who affirmed, that his owne people spake so of him generally. Thence I tooke my Praw, and went to Labatacca, where I found such small doings, as was not fit to keepe people thereabout: wherefore I appointed them to come away in the Skiffe, which I would send for them and their [ 40] goods to day.

The two and twentieth, I went to Comby, where the Dutch did vs much wrong, euen in our yard: whereof hauing sundry times complained without redresse, is argument,* 6.293 that it proceeded by order from the chiefe.

The foure and twentieth, they began their Fort.

The fiue and twentieth, a Dutch Pinnasse from Puloway, would giue me no newes of Browne there. I mannaged my Skiffe, and went to Puloway, where I found litle Spice. The people desired me to stay at Ayre Putee, promising to lade me, offering to enact among t••ē the penaltie of death, to such as would sel one Cattee of Spice to the Hollanders. I seemed to distrust their words, hauing once beforce deceiued me: whereupon they offered to passe writings and oathes. I q••estioned [ 50] the bringing of it aboord, which they refused, fearing the Dutch. I offered to send one English-man in each Praw, and to runne the hazzard if the Dutch tooke it: but they would not hazzard their people.

The sixe and twentieth, in the morning, putting into my Boate foure Suckles of Mace,* 6.294 and many Nuts, with three Chiefe, to consider what to doe: by the way the Chiefe affirmed, that if we would not deale with them, their Spice should rot vpon the trees, and they would all dye, ere they would deale with the Hollanders. But they are wicked and faithlesse Moores, neither know I what to doe. Forby going for the Moluccos, I must loose two thousand Dollers owing here, and trade there vncertaine: and staying two moneths more heere, will preuent going to [ 60] the Moluccos: At last we agreed.

The nine and twentieth, the Chiefe being conuented, after many protests, they made mee a writing to deale with me onely, for all their Spice at Puloway, and Puloron, and at Ayre Putee,* 6.295 and not to sell or part with the Hollanders one Cattee thereof.

The Hollanders offered twelue thousand Dollers among the Countrey, to make their peace,

and driue vs hence, which they refused: and desired me often, and earnestly, not to conceit ill, in that they permitted the Dutch to come ashore,* 6.296 and sell their Cloath, being vpon a speciall consi∣deration, to me immateriall.

* 6.297The fourth of May 1609. I went to Puloway, where I found the Hollanders offer Cloath at ••/3. our price. I found a thousand Cattees Nuts, and two hundred Cattees Mace, which they of Pu∣lorin had sold vs, not weighing to the Hollanders one Cattee.

* 6.298The eight, the Dutch there sent to request the conueyance of a Letter, and a sick man aboord them, which I promised: but my Nuts being readie to lade, Nakhada Goa came to me from the Chiefe, to intreate me, not to carrie their man or letter, but stay also my selfe, which I refused, and fitted hence. Whereof hee hauing informed, they sent me word againe by him: that if I [ 10] went, they would make purchace of whatsoeuer I left behind, and account vs enemies: where∣upon I stayed.

The ninth, the people sent and required me, not to depart these foure daies. As I was going to bed, there came a command vpon our liues, that we should not stirre out of doores: and pre∣sently thereupon, I heard that the Dutch were vpon their knees to the people. I armed my selfe and went out among them, where I found the Dutch ouercome with feare; and demanding the cause of comming aboord so late, they answered, that one of them was shot into the legge with a Truncke, as he slept in their house: which caused them to seeke my helpe, and were intercep∣ted by the way. I went home with them, and leauing three English with two of them in their house, I brought two Dutch home with me.

The tenth, in the morning, I caused the goods of the Dutch (at their earnest request) to bee [ 20] brought home to my house, whereat the Countrey seemed offended with me.

There was counsaile taken, and resolution to kill the Dutch, but Nakhada Goa preserued their liues. The Dutch were commanded by the people, not to stirre out of doores, vpon paine of their liues, their goods and money registred. This euening many Prawes and men went hence.

The twelfth, at night, there returned a Praw with newes, that they had slaine the Dutch Ad∣mirall, with all his chiefe followers and counsaile.

The thirteenth, I had much adoe to keepe the Dutch from being slaine, by those of Campon Awrat, whose Sabandar was slaine by the Dutch.

The foureteenth, two Dutch Pinnasses arriued, and the Countrey would faine haue gotten them ashore: whereof my people, by order aduised them. They of Campon Awrat came all ar∣med, [ 30] to haue slaine the Dutch, which with much intreaty and danger, I preuented. About noone, I sent away my Schiffe with Letters, of, and for the Dutch. This night, wee had much adoe to preserue the Dutch aliue with carefull watch.

The fifteenth, my Schiffe returned with Letters, from, and for the Dutch.

The sixteenth, the States consulted and resolued, that with me the Dutch should be safe: but would not permit them aboord their shippes. I came aboord, and brought Letters from, and to the Dutch, and at the Harboroughes mouth, was hayled by fiue Dutch Shallops, and other Boates.

* 6.299The twentieth, in the euening, Simon Hoen, Viceadmirall, came aboord me, giuing me many [ 40] thankes, for kindnesses shewed to the Dutch at Puloway. I shot seauen parting Guns.

The fiue and twentieth, I manned my Praw, and went to Labatacca, where they desired a man or two Ledgers,* 6.300 to buy their Spice, which I promised them. The Hollanders pulled downe my house, and satisfied me for the same, one hundred and fiftie Dollers, besides fortie of the boords. When I was going to bed, Van Bergell, and Samuel King, came from the Vice-admirall, to let me know, that they had counselled concerning my Trade at Labatacca, and concluded to per∣mit my quiet Trade there: except at such times, as they should come to surprise the same. Also, they requested me not to take offence, if their Boates laied mine aboord, to search what aide I did to their enemies, which I tooke in ill part. And in preuention of which inconueniences, I propounded vnto them▪ that if they would pay me such debts, as Nera and Cumber owed me, amounting to twelue or thirteene hundred Dollers, I would trade at Puloway and Pulorin only: [ 50] whereof they promised me answere to morrow.

The sixe and twentieth, Van Bergell brought me word, that I might trade at Labatacca.

The seauen and twentieth, I sent Matthew Porter with a Cargason to Labatacca.

The one and thirtieth, I went to Labatacca to forward businesse. About supper time, Van Bergell and Samuel King came aboord me, desiring priuate speach with me from their Vice-Ad∣mirall: and going into my Cabbine, after many Italian-like Complements, they deliuered me a note from their Vice-Admirall, permitting vs trade, but prohibiting victuall and munition to be carried to the people, which they held for enemies, and requesting that their Boates might passe by them to be searched to that ende, which else should be done by force, * 6.301 threatning confiscati∣on [ 60] on of ship and goods.

I answered; that I would follow my trade, wherein if he wronged me, it would be too heauy for him to answer. That I had a remainder of the Rice, with I formerly acquainted him, which I would sell, except they tooke an vnanswerable course therein. That for Munition, I had in the

shippe not past twenty hand-gunnes, belonging to sundry poore men, the sale whereof I neither could nor would preuent, except they would buy them, which I would cause to be reasonably sold. Concerning my subiection to their search, I answered, to haue rather my estate, and life hazarded here, then my hitherto vnspotted reputation at my comming home: nay, I should there∣in become a Traytor vnto my Soueraigne, wherewith my conceit was neuer stained.

The second of Iune, I sent the Vice-Admiral and Councell a few lines in Answer thereof,* 6.302 by Augustine Spalding, seeking all wayes of Peace.

The third, I receiued a note from the Dutch, whereby they would continue their search by all meanes, offering to buy the hand-gunnes, but not permit the Rice to be carried. Whereto in∣stantly [ 10] by their Messenger, I answered, as followeth;

THE Vice-Admirall, M. Simon Iahnson Hoen, &c. of the Dutch Fleete, may please to know; That to the ende, to take away all cause of quarrell from them to vs,* 7.1 and shew the World our honest cause, and their wilfulnesse: Whereas they will not permit my Rice to bee carried to Puloway, I will likewise therein consent to them, vpon condition, that they shall reuoke their purposed search. And to the end, they shall haue some securitie for the performance, I will p••sse my yet vnfalsified word; or if that (through your incredulitie) be not sufficient, mine oath vnto your Deputies, or your selues, generally at pleasure to the same effect. But if herein you will not (through desire of quarrell with the English) consent vnto my reasonable request: then be pleased to knowe, that I will send it, at what price or ha∣zard [ 20] soeuer. Concerning our munition, I write nothing; your purpose to buy the same, beeing preuen∣tion to your owne doubts, which I pray let bee done speedily for your owne satisfactions. Thus I commit you to the Almightie who prosper your honest proceedings, as I wish to mine owne. From aboord the Hector in Banda, this third of Iune, 1609.

WILLIAM KEELING.

Toward night, they sent me againe their last resolution (they hauing called foure Counsells thereabout) holding their determination for the search. Whereupon, considering their purposes,* 7.2 and that the least breach would prooue totall, wherein sixtie two men, against a thousand or more, could not performe much (to the hazarding of ship and goods or at least not permission to [ 30] lade, their Fort c••mmanding all) I yeelded as vpon constraint to the search.

The fift, I went with my last Rice to Puloway, the Hollanders hauing first sent aboord, and searched, to our great discontents; notwithstanding which, the ship at Lantor weaued vs, and called vs aboord. I refused; they said they would shoote: but I neither went aboord, nor they shot.

The foureteenth, I went to Labatacca, where I bought some Spice, and put away some cloth.

The foure and twentieth, I went to Cumber, whence I stowed eleuen Suckles Mace.

The fiue and twentieth, I went to Lantor to recouer some debts made by Sidall, which were denied. The sixe and twentieth, I sent my great boat for Puloway. I went to Labatacca, whence I stowed two Suckles Mace.

[ 40] The seuen and twentieth, my Boat returned with Spice from Puloway. The Iauans began to haue conference with the Hollanders.

The nine and twentieth, I went to Cumber, whence I stowed foureteene Suckles Mace.

The first of I••ly, 1609. I went to Cumber to account with debters. The second,* 7.3 the Hollanders (with all the strength they could make, leauing the shippes and fort weakely manned) went and tooke Labatacca: where, as they say, they killed twenty or sixteene persons,* 7.4 and burned the Towne, bringing away pots and pannes. I am verily perswaded, that fortie men would haue done as much as they did, with more then tenne times so many.

The fourth, I sent to Cumber, and one of my Guserates counselled me to goe no more: for they distrust my Intelligence with the Dutch.

[ 50] The sixteenth, before day, the Hollanders with their whole power went to the East-ward, and hauing burned certaine boates, and returning to take Salomo, were there at much stri••e about landing, not who should land soonest, but who might stay longest aboord. By which,* 7.5 and other their defaults, they were repulsed with the losse of sixe men, besides many hurt: among whom the Gouernour, M. Iacob de Bitter, is reported to haue behaued himselfe worthily there. After∣ward, Matthew Porter and others, desired to goe a shore, which I permitted, by whom one sen•• me word, that the Hollanders meant to take me, and wished me to looke well to my shippe and selfe. The cause, as he saith, was this: They report that the two last nights wee made signes a shore▪ (and were by the people answered) of the Hollanders prouision to land: whereof, God knoweth, that I knew nor heard not.

[ 60] The seuenteenth, the Dutch sent Van Bergell, and Samuel King aboord mee, requesting to know when I hoped to be gone: wherein I could not satisfie them, Puloway delaying mee as it doth. They offered to make good all my debts, if I would be gone speedily, which I refused: af∣firming that the Company wo••ld not feele so small a losse. Also,* 7.6 that I could not answer it at home, hauing stayed till now, that lading is readie. We had some speach concerning the suppo∣sed

signes, which we should make to the Countrey against them: Wherein I made iust protests to the contrary.

They affirmed vs to haue made signes two nights together, and said, that many Depositions were taken thereupon: (a signe of their purpose to quarrell with vs.) Also, that one of my men yesterday being in their Fort demanded, why we made signes to the Countrey? should answere: that we had reason so to doe, the Countrey being so much indebted vnto vs, and the Dutch hin∣dering vs what they can. Which imposture, I had no patience longer to hearken vnto, but paw∣ned my hand that they could not proue any thing, first or last: wishing them to take their cour∣ses. Howbeit, that I might vtterly preuent all cause of mistrust in them of vs euen in the whole Worlds opinion: I offered to goe ride in Laboan Iaua, where I might neither know their stir∣rings, [ 10] nor could make signes to hurt them.

The eighteenth, in the afternoone the Dutch sent many of their chiefe aboord me, who at first demanded kindly, whether I continued in my former determination of lading here? whereto I answered yea. Whereupon they desired me to take some course to goe hence in friendship, I an∣swered, that now Spice was readie, I hoped to get hence within twentie dayes laden, and in friendship. Many reasons passed betweene vs: but when they saw my purpose, they deliue∣red me a note from their Vice-Admirall and Councell, wherein were forged as many vntruthes as lines. The Copie whereof followeth.

* 8.1THe Generall Master William Keeling, May please to know, that it hath beene by our Deputies [ 20] proffered vnto him, that if he thought good to transport ouer to vs, the Debts remayning among the Bandaneses, and then in friendship withdraw from the Roade, with his shippe (which himselfe heretofore hath partly made mention of to some of vs) we are resolued to deale with him in that behalfe. And al∣beit, this reasonable proffer, to eschew quarrell, is by vs to him motioned: yet hath the Generall afore-said, denyed to accept the same. Notwithstanding we haue sufficient occasion enough, with good reason to com∣mand him, with his said ship, to withdraw from forth this Roade, and out of our Fleete also, without the command of the Artillery of the Fortresse of Nassau: and that the fore-said Generall may vnderstand the reasons which mooued vs to the same we haue at large remonstrated the same, as followeth.

[ 30]

The eight of Aprill, 1609. The Worshipfull Admirall Peter Williamson Var Hoef, being an∣chored with his Fleete, in the Ilands of Banda, and there vnderstanding of the Merchants of the vnited East India Company, how they were through the Inhabitants of Banda, daily constray∣ned and molested, and also sometimes dispossessed of their Clothes and Merchandizes, which they held for themselues at such rates as they pleased, satisfying for them, as and when they thought good:* 8.2 and so remayned indebted so much, as their debt vnto the Generall East India Company, amounted vnto aboue twentie thousand Rials of eight, without intention to recontent the same. And further that our Liegers, concerning their liues, haue euer liued in very doubtfull estate, fea∣ring, least daily they would vntimely practice their ends, as appeared few yeares past, they haue murthered our Merchants, and forcibly taken other some, and after their custome, made Heathens [ 40] of them.

Wherefore the Admirall afore-said was moued by all friendly meanes, to make a Castle or For∣tresse, whereby our Liegers, and Merchandizes, might rest in better safety, both against the Por∣tugall, and against all other our Enemies: which by most of the chiefe Oran-Cayas, was con∣descended vnto. And thereupon, haue wee proceeded to the building of a Fortresse, vpon the Iland Neyra. Which Fortresse, being about halfe finished, the Admirall Var Hoen abouesaid, hath procured a Conuention of the chiefe Oran-Cayas, and Councell of the Ile of Banda, to meet with him, and other of his Councell at Ratoo: and there to haue entred in treatie of a friendly accord and contract together. To which effect, the said Admirall appointed the Fiscall, or Iu∣stice of the Fleet, besides other of good account, as Hostages, to continue at Keyacke: that there∣by, [ 50] they, the rather or with lesse feare might come to the Admirall aforesaid, and his Councell.

Thus the Admirall, with diuers of his Councell, together with a Company of his Souldiers, the two and twentieth of May, 1609. came to Ratoo, the nominated place of Conuention; their being a Bandanese approached vnto him out of the Woods; who told the Admirall, that the Oran-Cayas, and other chiefe of the Iles, were neere there in the Woods, but were so timerous of the Souldiers, that the Admirall had with him, as they feared to come vnto him: and therefore prayed him and his Counsell to come vnto them. The Ad∣mirall vnderstanding the report, passed towards them, together with his said Councell, and left his Souldiers at their appointed place. And being entred amongst them, hee found the Woods replenished with armed Black-Moores, Bandaneses, and Oran-Cayas, who instantly incircled [ 60] them, and without much conference betweene them passed, were by them treacherously and villanously massacred, and gaue euery of our chiefe, no lesse then twentie wounds. This Stra∣tageme•• thus performed, they presently assaulted the Company of Souldiers, intending to haue serued them with the like sawce. But they partly in feare, and doubt of some treachery, armed

themselues, and stood in their defence, and encountered one another, so as in fine they betooke themselues to their best refuge, with losse of some of their chiefe, and so fled vnto Cayack: and there haue murthered the Fiscall or Iustice afore-said, with the rest of the hostages, besides di∣uers others of our people, who were walked into the Woods, to gather Cocus Nuts: insomuch, as at that time, were murthered about forty of ours by the Bandanesses, contrary to their oathes and promises. All which, prouoketh vs to execute and practise all reuenge possible, toward the inhumane treacherous Bandanesses: which occasions pricke vs forward, to prosecute this present bloudy warre against them. Then followed many presumptions of his assistance of the Banda∣nesses, by English Powder and Munition, by signes, &c. which I omit. They conclude on those suppositions.

[ 10] We, by vertue of our Commission, and Patent of his Princely Excellency, commaund the foresaid Generall to withdraw with his ship from forth our Road out of our Fleet, and without the command of the Artillery of the Foretresse of Nassau, within the time of fiue daies, after the date hereof. And in that we haue conquered, by force of Armes, the Iland Nera, so doe we also pretend, and hold the Roades thereabout depending, as the Road of Labatacca, &c. to bee vnder our command: and will not permit any (the time that we warre with the Bandanesses) to anchor there.

Thus by vs ordained, past, and absolutely resolued vpon by the Vice-Admirall, and residue of the Councell in the shippe of Hollandia, vpon the Roade of Banda, the eight and twentie of Iuly, 1609.* 8.3

[ 20] Simon Iohnson Hoen, Iacob de Bitter, Hen: Van Bergell, Iohn Cornelisson Wijst, Will: Iacobson, Simon Martens, Rufger Tomassen, Marlahen. 1609. Peter Bahuec. 1609. Will Vanderuort, alias, Secret.

Whereto I briefely answered by word, that I could not answere my so going hence (lading being now ready) to my Countrey: and that vnlesse I were otherwise commaunded then by words, I would ride here till I were laden, which would be within fiue and twenty daies at the vttermost. They affirmed, that this their signification to me, was answere. Whereto I applyed, that oftentimes rash men threatned to kill, which they durst not for life performe. I shot fiue parting Peeces.

The nineteenth, I sent away my Schiffe for Puloway, to know of riding there. Van Bergell [ 30] came aboord to search the Boate; I willed him to tell the Vice-Admirall, that I would leaue a Factorie at Puloway, in case of constraint: and without constraint I would not hence.

The twentieth, about one this morning, my Schiffe returned from Puloway, without note of our debts, or Inuentory of goods, the principall causes of my writing. He onely affirmed, that the people were willing to pay their debts, if we co••ld stay fifteene or twentie daies: also offe∣ring vs their best Road at Puloway. The Dutch and we came to some accord for the time of our stay, and for our debts, the Monson also inuiting vs thereto, and the Trade which already we had.

The first of August 1609. peace generally published twixt the Dutch and Countrey,* 8.4 is an vncomfortable argument, of the Puloy••••s breaking with vs. The Dutch sent me a Letter of credit, for the receit of my debs left at Banda, payable at Bantam. The Hollanders this euening,* 8.5 [ 40] shot an hundred and fiftie Peeces of Ordnance, for ioy of peace. Vpon the Gouernors earnest in∣treatie, I went to see the Dutch Fort, whose square may be foote, hauing thirtie Peeces of Ordnance in circa, whereof eight very good Brasse Demi-canons.

The fourth, I sent my Boat to fetch away goods, wherein came a Seruant of Nakhada Guse∣rat, by whom I vnderstood that the Pulowans were resolued to let me haue no more Spice, except some little, to shaddow their wrong vnto vs: wherefore I sent the Boat againe for Browne. •• being faire by the Towne, shot fiue Peeces, the better to procure my people thence:* 8.6 they not perceiuing that we tooke any displeasure at their ill dealings. I sent againe for Browne; which Boat staying long, I shot two seuerall warning Peeces. Whereupon M. Browne came aboord me, but not Spalding: affirming, that they would not let him come, before I came ashore. Wherefore [ 50] I stood againe to the Eastward, and comming somewhat neere the Towne, the King of Macassar came aboord me, to redeeme his pawne, and brought Spalding and the three Dutch aboord mee,* 8.7 more thankes to the loue of his good pawne, then their honesties.

The tenth, I weighed an halfe hundred by our ordinary Banda Beame, and it weighed nine ••/••. Cattees, whereby the Cattee appeareth to weigh fiue pound, foureteene 1/••. ounces haberdepoize.* 8.8 I weighed also the single Cattee, which made fiue pound foureteene ¼. ounces haberdepoize.

The eleuenth, we anchored neere Macassar vpon Celebes, I being very desirous to goe thither, hoping vpon reports, to finde Cloues there for Cloth.* 8.9

The twelfth, I sent my Schiffe armed, to inquire of the place, who returning, heard that Ma∣cassar [ 60] was yet 1/••. a daies saile to the North: and that three moneths since,* 8.10 there was a Dutch ship lo••t in sight of the Towne: vpon which dangerous report, we gaue ouer the search of Macassar.

The one and twentieth, we anchored in Iaccatra, where we found the Banda and Enquisen, two Dutch shippes, hauing beene eight daies there: who brought our people (in the Hope) and their goods from Amboyno.

The sixe and twentieth, comming neere the point, we met a Praw with Ralfe Hearne, sent by Master Iohn Saris to me, who had readie three thousand foure hundred eighty one bagges of Pep∣per.* 8.11 We got betimes into the Roade, and Iohn Saris came aboord me▪ in a Dutch Boat.

The thirteenth, vpon the Kings request, I sent fiue and twentie armed men to make him pa∣stime, which he willed in honour of his hauing the last night, made conquest of his Wines vir∣ginitie.

The three and twentieth, hauing taken in there foure thousand and nine hundred bags of Pep∣per, I questioned the leauing of a Factorie, where to we accorded.

* 8.12The seuen and twentieth, I appointed the Factorie at Bantam, (viz:) Augustine Spalding, Factor, at fiftie pound sterling a yeare: Francis Kellie, Chirurgion, fortie fiue shillings a moneth: [ 10] Iohn Parsons thirtie shillings a moneth: Robert Neale, twentie nine shillings a moneth: Augustine Adwell, foure and twentie shillings a moneth: Etheldred Lampre, twentie shillings a moneth: William Driuer, twentie shillings a moneth: William Wilson, two and twentie shillings a moneth: William Lamwell, sixteene shillings a moneth: Phillip Badnedg, sixteene shillings a moneth: Fran∣cisco Domingo, twelue shillings a moneth: Iuan Seraon, ten shillings a moneth: Adrian, Master Towersons Boy, ten shillings a moneth. I also hired sixe persons to goe with vs for England, and make all possible speed.

The nine and twentieth, we ended with the Gouernor about our customes, with much adoe.

The thirtieth we deliuered the Companies businesse from Saris to Spalding, giuing him speciall charge of the Dutch insolency and hate towards vs, and therefore to haue little to do with them. [ 20]

* 8.13The second of October, 1609. I went and tooke my leaue of the Gouernour, and desired his fauour to our Factor, which he promised in seeming hartily.

The third, betimes I came aboord for adue, hauing visited all my friends.

The first of Nouember, 1609. About the distance sixe hundred and fiftie from Bantam, wee were in fiue and twenty degrees So••th Latitude, hauing foure and twenty degrees variation, and foure and twentie daies running it.

* 8.14The nine and twentieth, we had all day an hard gale of wind, which towards night prooued a storme, at West South-west from the North-ward, and put vs to try with our maine course, continuing all night, and the next day. Wherein (as sundry other times before) we haue found a report of Linschot to be true,* 8.15 that generally all Easterly winds comming about to the North∣ward, if it proue raine, presently the wind commeth about to the West South-west, and there [ 30] bloweth.* 8.16 We were in two and thirtie ½ South when the storme tooke vs, and had about thir∣teene degrees variation, and vpwards.

* 8.17The eight of December, 1609▪ We ••ell betimes in the morning, with Terra Donatall, some sixe leagues off vs, the Wester part where the variation was about eight 1/••. degrees. We were at noone vnder thirtie one degrees, and seuen and twentie minuts of Latitude, wee standing South South-East (wind at South-west) vnder l••w sailes.

We met a Hollander, and vnderstood by them, that the Erasmus (a ship of the Fleete, which made homewards, at my arriuall with the Dragon at Bantam) being very leaky at Sea, and the rest of the Fleete so leauing her, steered for the Iland Mauritius, and there vnladed the said [ 40] Erasmus, leauing the goods there, with fiue and twentie persons to guard the same, till it might be sent for the rest of her company being now in this ship;

* 8.18That vpon Mauritius were two hauens; the one, called the North-west, lying vnder twenty degrees, somewhat lesse; the other, the South-East in twenty degrees and fifteene minuts, all kind of refreshments being there to bee ha•••• as Fish, Turtles, Manatees, in great abundance, Fowles infinite, and Goates, newly by them brought thither, in some reasonable numbe••, Hogs also, and the place very healthfull. The Iland is betweene thirtie and fortie leagues in circuit: and the variation there being one and twentie ••egrees the North-westing. They came from Bantam in May, were a moneth getting Mauritius, stayed there foure moneths and an halfe, and haue beene sixe weekes thence, whereof seuenteene daies with contrary winds. [ 50]

* 8.19The two and twentieth, we were in Latitude thirty fiue degrees, twentie eight minuts, and within seauen leagues of the Cape Agulhas, which riseth like two Iles, we being South-East off it: but comming more thwart like three Ilands, two Bayes North making three perspicuous points low, and seeming round. We sounded about seauen in the euening, and had seuenty seuen fathome water, Oazy ground, being South off the shore, about fiue leagues the most, and as I gesse, newly got to the Westward of the Flats shoaldest.

I obserued the Sunnes setting, and found small variation, hauing eight and twentie 1/••. degrees (South of the West) Azimoth, our latitude being about fiue and thirtie degrees, and six and twen∣tie minutes.

* 8.20A man bound home vpon this Coast, finding no weather for obseruation, either for latitude [ 60] or variation, may boldly and safely keepe himselfe in sixtie fathome water, and shelly ground: and when he findeth Oazy, is very neere Cape Da•• Aghulas: and when he looseth ground at one hundred and twenty fathome line, he may resolue that he hath past the said Cape, prouided hee be within the latitude of thirty sixe degrees.

The three and twentieth, we steered all night, West by North, and West North-west, a fresh gale Easterly, and in the morning, saw the land all along, about eight or ten leagues from vs high land. About noone, we were neere Cape Buona Speranza, hauing runne twixt Cape D'aghulas and it, in seuenteene houres. We got within three leagues of the Suger-loafe,* 8.21 and stood off and on all night.

The eight and twentieth, I receiued by the Dutch Boate sixe sheepe (the fa••test that euer I saw) from the Iland: the taile of one of them was eight and twenty inches broad, and weigh∣ed fiue and thirty pound weight.

I receiued of the Dutch a Maine Top-sayle (whereof we had extreame want) and deliuered [ 10] them a note to the Company, to receiue twelue pound twelue shillings for the same: besides,* 8.22 their promises to vs for other wants, are very honest and Christian-like. We tooke fat sheep left on Pengwin Iland, and set leaue in their room••. I left a note also there of my comming, and the state of my company, as others had done before.

The tenth of Ianuary, in the morning, wee were vnder sayle homeward. Note,* 8.23 that all the time we haue beene heere, the wind hath beene Westerly, and Southerly: and the two former times that I was heere, at the same season, it blew stormes Easterly.

The twentieth, we passed the Southerne Tropicke, about noone.* 8.24 The Dutch came and supped with me: shot three parting Peeces.

The thirtieth, before day, we saw S. Helena,* 8.25 hauing steered sixtie sixe leagues West in that la∣titude. [ 20] We roade on the North-west part thereof, a mile from the shore, North-west from the Chappell, in two and twenty fathome sandy ground. The Iland may lie truly two hundred and seuenty, or two hundred and eightie leagues to the West-ward, from the land of Aethyopia, we were faine to steere close in vnder the high-land, to get ground, the bancke being steepe too, and without no anchoring.

The ninth of February, wee weighed, and made sayle home-ward:* 8.26 hauing receiued aboord heere, for refreshing, nineteene Goates, nine Hogges, and thirteene Pigges.

The sixteenth, we saw the Ile Ascention seuen or eight leagues West South-west from vs.

The eight and twentieth, in the morning, the wind being Westerly, and reasonable faire wea∣ther, we steered with the Dutch (who had made a Wast vpon his Mizen Mast-head for vs.) He [ 30] told vs, that he had but eight or nine men standing, the rest sicke, and sixe and forty dead. A grieuous chastisement vnto them, and to vs, a neuer sufficiently acknowledged mercy: that they who offered to spare me ten or twenty men, or more vpon occasion, should so generally decay, and we loose no one, nay euery one in good health.

Toward night, at my Companies earnest sute, considering our leake, with many other iust causes, on our part, besides our want of meanes to aide them, though we should accompany them: they hauing (without any our speech or motion to the like end) desired vs to acquaint such Dutch, as we should meete with their distresse, that they might take the best course for their ayde, wee made saile, and left them not without sensible and Christian greefe, for our want of meanes to helpe them. Latitude forty fiue degrees and sixe minutes.

The first of May, 1610. We had very faire weather, wind South-west,* 8.27 latitude forty nine [ 40] degrees, and thirteene minuts.

The second, betimes in the morning, the wind came at South, and blew an hard storme, which put vs into our fore-course.

Toward night, we spake with a Lubecker, who told vs, that Silley bare East by North (thirtie eight Dutch miles, which is fiftie leagues) from vs: and the weather being faire, we made saile. I told them of the distressed Dutch.

The ninth, in the morning, Beachy was North North-East, three leagues from vs.

The tenth, about Sun-set, we anchored in the Downes.

[ 50] [ 60]

CHAP. VII. Captaine WILLIAM HAVVKINS, his Relations of the Occurrents which happened in the time of his residence in India, in the County of the Great MOGOLL, and of his departure from thence; written to the Company.

[ 10]

§. I. His barbarous vsage at Surat by Mocrebchan: The Portugals and Iesuits treacheries against him.

AT my arriuall * 8.28 vnto the Bar of Surat, being the foure and twentieth of August, 1608. I presently sent vnto Surat Francis Buck, Merchant, with two others, to make knowne vnto the Gouernour, that the King of England had sent me as his Embassadour vnto his King, with his Letter and Present: I receiued the Go∣uernours [ 20] answere, both by them, and three of his Seruants sent me from Surat, that he, and what the Country affoorded, was at my command: and that I should be very welcome, if I would vouchsafe to come on shore. I went accompanied with my Mer∣chants, and others, in the best manner I could, befitting for the honour of my King and Country. At my comming on shore, after their barbarous manner I was kindly receiued, and multitudes of people following me, all desirous to see a new come people, much nominated, but neuer came in their parts. As I was neere the Gouernors house, word was brought me that he was not well, but I thinke rather, drunke with Affion or Opion, being an aged man. So I went vnto the chiefe Customer, which was the onely man that Sea-faring causes belonged vnto (for the gouernment of Surat, belonged vnto two great Noblemen; the one being Vice-Roy of Decan, named Chan∣chana; [ 30] the other, Vice-Roy of Cambaya and Surat, named Mocreb chan, but in Surat hee had no command, saue onely ouer the Kings Customes) who was the onely man I was to deale with∣all. After many complements done with this chiefe Customer, I told him that my comming was to establish and settle a Factory in Surat, and that I had a Letter for his King from His Ma∣iesty of England, tending to the same purpose, who is desirous to haue league and amitie with his King, in that kind, that his Subiects might freely goe and come, sell and buy, as the custome of all Nations is: and that my ship was laden with the commodities of our land, which by in∣telligence of former trauellers, were vendible for these parts. His answere was, that he would dispatch a Foot-man for Cambaya, vnto the Nobleman his Master: for of himselfe he could doe nothing without his order. So taking my leaue, I departed to my lodging appointed for mee, [ 40] which was at the Custome-house: In the morning, I went to visit the Gouernour, and after a Present giuen him, with great grauity and outward shew of kindnesse, he entertained me, bid∣ding me most heartily welcome, and that the Countrey was at my command. After comple∣ments done, and entring into the maine affaires of my businesse, acquainting him wherefore my comming was for these parts: he answered me, that these my affaires did not concerne him, be∣cause they were Sea-faring causes, which did belong vnto Mocrebchan, vnto whom hee promi∣sed me to dispatch a Foot-man vnto Cambaya, and would write in my behalfe, both for the vn∣lading of my shippe, as also concerning a Factorie. In the meane while, he appointed me to lodge in a Merchants house, that vnderstood the Turkish, being at that time my Trouch-man, the Cap∣taine of that shippe which S^r Edward Michelborne tooke.* 8.29

It was twentie daies ere the answer came, by reason of the great waters and raines that men [ 50] could not passe. In this time, the Merchants, many of them very friendly feasted me, when it was faire weather that I could get out of doores▪ for there fell a great raine, continuing almost the time the Messengers were absent, who at the end of twenty daies brought answer from Mo∣crebchan,* 8.30 with Licence to land my goods, and buy and sell for this present Voyage: but for a fu∣ture Trade, and setling of a Factorie, he could not doe it without the Kings commaundement, which he thought would be effected, if I would take the paines of two moneths trauell, to deli∣uer my Kings Letter. And further, he wrote vnto his chiefe Customer, that all, whatsoeuer I brought, should be kept in the Custome-house, till his Brother Sheck Abder Rachim came, who [ 60] should make all the hast that possibly could bee, for to chuse such goods as were fitting for the King: (these excuses of taking goods of all men for the King, are for their owne pri••ate gaine.) Vpon this answere, I made all the hast I could, in easing our shippe of her heauy burthen of Lead, and Iron, which of necessitie must be landed. The goods being landed, and kept in the Customers

power, till the comming of this great man, perceiuing the time precious, and my ship not able long to stay, I thought it conuenient to send for three Chests of Money, and with that to buy Commodities of the same sorts, that were vendible at Priaman and Bantam, which the Guze∣rats carry yearely thither, making great benefit thereof. I began to buy against the will of all the Merchants in the Towne, whose grumbling was very much, and complaining vnto the Go∣uernour and Customer, of the leaue that was granted me, in buying those Commodities, which would cut their owne throates at Priaman and Bantam, they not suspecting that I would buy Commodities for those parts, but onely for England.

At the end of this businesse, this great man came, who gaue me licence to ship it: before the [ 10] shipping of which I called a Councell, which were the Merchants I had, and those that I thought fitting for the businesse I pretended, demanding euery ones opinion according to his place, what should be thought conuenient for the deliuery of his Maiesties Letter, and the establishing of a Trade. So generally it was agreed and concluded, that for the effecting of these waighty af∣faires, it neither would, nor could be accomplished by any, but by my selfe, by reason of my ex∣perience in my former trauels and language: as also I was knowne to all, to be the man that was sent as Embassadour about these affaires. After it was concluded, and I contented to stay, I made what hast I could in dispatching away the ship, and to ship the goods. This done, I called Master Marlow, and all the company that was on shore before mee, acquainting them with my pretence, and how they should receiue for their Commander Master Marlow: willing them that [ 20] they obey and reuerence him, in that kind as they did me. This done, I brought them to the water side, and seeing them imbarke themselues, I bad them farewell.

The next day, going about my affaires to the great mans brother, I met with some tenne or twelue of our men, of the better sort of them, very much frighted, telling me the heauiest newes, as I thought, that euer came vnto me,* 8.31 of the taking of the Barkes by a Portugal Frigat or two and all goods and men taken, onely they escaped. I demanding in what manner they were taken, and whether they did not fight▪ their answer was no: M. Marlow would not suffer them, for that the Portugals were our friends: and Bucke, on the other side, went to the Portugall without a pawne, and there he betrayed vs, for he neuer came vnto vs after. Indeed, Bucke went vpon the oath and faithf••ll promise of the Captaine, but was neuer suffered to returne. I presently sent a [ 30] letter vnto the Captaine Maior, that he release my men and goods, for that we were Englishmen, and that our Kings had peace and amity together. And that we were sent vnto the Mogols coun∣trey by our King, and with his letter vnto the Mogol, for his subiects to trade in his Countrey: and with his Maiesties Commission for the gouernment of his subiects. And I made no question, but in deliuering backe his Maiesties subiects and goods, that it would be well taken at his Kings hands: if the contrary, it would be a meanes of breach. At the receit of my letter, the proud Ra••∣call braued so much, as the Messenger told me, most vil••ly abusing his Maiestie, tearming him King of Fishermen, and of an Iland of no import, and a fart for his Commission, scorning to send me any answer.

It was my chance the next day, to meete with a Captaine of one of the Portugal Frigats who [ 40] came about businesse sent by the Captaine Maior. The businesse as I vnderstood, was that the Go∣uernour should send me as prisoner vnto him, for that we were Hollanders. I vnderstanding what he was, tooke occasion to speake with him of the abuses offered the King of England, and his sub∣iects: his answer was, that these Seas belonged vnto the King of Portugall, and none ought to come here without his license. I told him, that the King of Englands license was as good as the King of Spaines, and as free for his Subiects, as for the King of Spaines & he that saith the contra∣ry, is a traytor, and a villaine, & so tel your great Captaine, that in abusing the King of England, he is a base villaine, and a traytor to his King, and that I will maintaine it with my sword, if he dare come on shore. I sending him a challenge, the Mores perceiuing I was much mooued, caused the Portugal to depart. This Portugal some two houres after, came to my house▪ promising me, that [ 50] he would procure the libertie of my men and goods, so that I would be liberall vnto him:* 8.32 I enter∣tained him kindly, and promised him much, but before he departed the Towne, my men and goods were sent for Goa.

I had my goods readie, some fiue dayes before I could be cleare, and haue leaue, for they would not let them be shipped, vnt••ll this great man came, which was the third of October:* 8.33 and two dayes after, the ship set sayle, I remaining with one Merchant William Finch, who was sicke the greater part of his time, and not able to stirre abroad to doe any businesse: the rest were two ser∣uants, a Cooke, and my Boy. These were the companie I had, to defend our selues from so many enemies, which lay daily lurking to destroy vs: aiming at me for the stopping of my passage to the great Mogol. But God preserued me, and in spight of them all, I tooke heart and resolution [ 60] to goe forwards on my trauels. After the departure of the ship, I vnderstood that my goods and men were betrayed vnto the Portugal, by Mocreb-chan, and his followers: for it was a plot laid by the Iesuite and Mocreb-chan, to protract time till the Frigats came to the Bar, and then to di∣spatch me: for till then, this dogge Mocreb-chan his brother came not: and the comming of these Frigats was in such secrecy, that till they had taken vs, we heard no newes of them.

After the departure of my ship, I was so misused, that it was vnsufferable, but so long as my ship was at the Bar, I was flattered withall. But howsoeuer, well vsed or ill, it was not for mee to take thought for any thing, although remaining in an heathen Countrey, inuironed with so many enemies, who daily did nothing else but plot to murther me, and cosen me of my goods, as hereafter you shall vnderstand. First, misused by Mocreb-chan, as to haue possession of my goods, taking what he pleased, and leauing what he pleased, giuing me such a price as his owne barba∣rous conscience afforded▪ that from thirtie fiue would giue but eighteene, not regarding his bro∣thers bil, who had full authoritie from him: and how difficult it was to get money from his chiefe seruant, after the time expired, as it is best knowne to vs, who tooke the paines in receiuing a small part thereof, before his comming to Surat: and after his comming, I was barred of all: al∣though [ 10] he outwardly dissembled, & flattered with me almost for three moneths, feeding me with faire promises of payment, and other kindnesses. In the meane time, he came to my house three times, sweeping me cleane of all things that were good, so that when he saw, that I had no more good things left, he likewise by little and little degraded me of his good lookes. Almost all this time, William Finch was extreame sicke of the Fluxe, but thankes be to God recouered past all hope, I, on the other side, could not peepe out of doores for feare of the Portugals, who in troops lay lurking in by-wayes, to giue me assault to murther me, this beeing at the time that the Ar∣mada was there.

The first plot laid against me, was: I was inuited by Hogio Nazam to the fraughting of his ship for Mocha,* 8.34 as the custome is, they make at the fraughting of their ships great feasts, for all [ 20] the principallest of the Towne. It was my good hap at that time, a great Captaine belonging to the Vice-Roy of Guzerat resident in Amadauar, being sent about affaires vnto Surat, was like∣wise inuited to this feast, which was kept at the water side: and neere vnto it, the Portugals had two Frigats of their Armada, which came to receiue their tribute of the shippes that were to de∣part, as also refreshment. Out of these Frigats, there came three gallant fellowes to the Tent where I was, and some fortie followers Portugals, scattering themselues along the Sea side, ready to giue an assault when the word should be giuen. These three Gallants that came to the tents, armed with coats of Buffe downe to the knees, their Rapiers and Pistols by their sides, demaun∣ded for the English Captaine: vpon the hearing of which, I arose presently, and told them that I was the man, and perceiuing an alteration in them, I laid hand on my weapon. The Captaine Mogol, perceiuing treason towards me, both he and his followers drew their weapons: and if [ 30] the Portugals had not been the swifter, both they and their scattered crew (in retiring to their Frigats) had come short home.

* 8.35Another time, they came to assault me in my house with a Friar, some thirty or fortie of them: the Friars comming was to animate the souldiers, and to giue them absolution. But I was alwaies wa••y, hauing a strong house with good doores. Many troopes at other times, lay lurking for me and mine in the streetes, in that kind, that I was forced to goe to the Gouernour to complaine, that I was not able to goe about my businesse, for the Portugals comming armed into the Citie to murther me:* 8.36 which was not a custome at other times, for any Portugals to come armed as now they did. He presently sent word to the Portugals, that if they came into the City armed againe, [ 40] at their owne perils be it. At Mocreb-chan his comming, with a Iesuite named Padre Pineiro in his company (who profered Mocreb-chan fortie thousand Rials of eight, to send me to Da∣man, as I vnderstood by certaine aduise giuen me by Hassun Ally, and Ally Pommory) I went to visit him, giuing him a Present, besides the Present his brother had: and for a time, as I haue aboue written, I had many kind outward shewes of him, till the time that I demanded my money. Af∣ter that, his dissembling was past, and he told me plainely, that he would not giue mee twentie Manadies per Vare, but would deliuer me backe my cloath. Vpon which dealings, I dissembled as wel as I could with him, intreating leaue for Agra, to the King, telling him that William Finch was the man that I left as my chiefe in this place: and in what kind soeuer his pleasure was to deale with me, he was the man to receiue either money or ware. Vpon which answer, he gaue me [ 50] his license and letter to the King, promising me fortie horsemen to goe with me, which hee did not accomplish. After license receiued, the Father put into Mocreb-chan his head, that it was not good to let me passe: for that I would complaine of him vnto the King. This he plotted with Mocreb-chan to ouerthrow my iourney, which he could not doe, because I came from a King▪ but he said, that he would not let me haue any force to goe with me. And what else hee would haue him to doe, either with my Trenchman and Coachman, to poyson or murther me, if one should faile, the other to doe it: this inuention was put into Mocreb-chans head by the Father. But God for his mercie sake, afterward discouered these plots, and the Counsell of this Iesuite tooke not place. Before the plotting of this, the Iesuite and I fell out in the presence of Mocreb-chan, for vile speaches made by him of our King and Nation, to bee vassals vnto the King of Portugall: [ 60] which words I could not brooke, in so much, that if I could haue had my will, the Father had ne∣uer spoken more, but I was preuented.

§. II. His Iourney to the Mogoll at Agra, and entertayment at Court.

NOw finding William Finch in good health, newly recouered, I left all things touching the Trade of Merchandizing in his power: giuing him my remembrance and order, what he should doe in my absence. So I began to take vp Souldiers to conduct mee,* 8.37 being denyed of Mocrebchan, besides Shot and Bow-men that I hired. For my bet∣ter [ 10] safety, I went to one of Chanchanna his Captaines, to let mee haue fortie or fiftie Horsemen to conduct me to Chanchanna, being then Vice-Roy of Decan, Resident in Bramport, who did to his power all that I demanded, giuing me valiant Horsemen Pattans, a people very much feared in these parts: for if I had not done it, I had beene ouer-throwne.* 8.38 For the Portugals of Dama•• had wrought with an ancient friend of theirs a Raga, who was absolute Lord of a Prouince, (betweene Daman, Guzerat and Decan) called Cruly, to be readie with two hundred Horsemen to stay my passage: but I went so strong and well prouided, that they durst not incounter with vs: so likewise that time I escaped.

Then at Dayta, another Prouince or Princedome,* 8.39 my Coachman being drunke with certaine [ 20] of his Kindred, discouered the Treason that hee was to worke against mee, which was, that hee was hiered to murther me: he being ouer-heard by some of my Souldiers, who at that present came and told me, and how it should be done in the morning following, when we begin our tra∣uell: (for wee vse to trauell two houres before day) vpon which notice,* 8.40 I called the Coachman vnto me, examining him, and his friends before the Captaine of the Horsemen I had with mee: who could not deny; but hee would neuer confesse who hired him, although hee was very much beaten, cursing his fortune that he could not effect it: for he was to doe it the next morning, so I sent him Prisoner vnto the Gouernour of Suratt.

But afterward by my Broker or Truchman,* 8.41 I vnderstood that both hee and the Coachman were hired by Mocrebchan, but by the Fathers perswasion, the one to poyson me, and the other [ 30] to murther me: but the Truchman receiued nothing till he had done the deed, which hee neuer meant to doe, for in that kind hee was alwayes true vnto mee: thus God preserued me. This was fiue dayes after my departure from Suratt, and my departure from Suratt was the first of Februa∣ry 1608. So following on my trauels for Bramport, some two dayes beyond Dayta, the Pattans left me, but to be conducted by another Pattan Captaine, Gouernour of that Lordship, by whom I was most kindly entertained. His name was Sherchan, beeing sometime a Prisoner vnto the Portugall, and hauing the Portugall Language perfect, was glad to doe mee any seruice: for that I was of the Nation, that was enemie vnto the Portugall. Himselfe in person, with fortie Horse∣men, went two dayes ioureney with mee, till hee had freed mee from the dangerous places: at which time he met with a troupe of Out-lawes, and tooke some foure aliue, and slew and hurt [ 40] eight, the rest escaped. This man very kindly writ his Letter for me, to haue his house at Bram∣port, which was a great curtesie, otherwise I could not tell where to lodge my selfe, the Towne being so full of Souldiers: for then began the Warres with the Decans.

The eighteenth of the said Moneth, thankes be to God, I came in safetie to Bramport, and the next day I went to the Court to visit Chanchanna,* 8.42 being then Lord Generall and Vice-Roy of Decan, giuing him a Present; who kindly tooke it: and after three houres conference with him, he made me a great Feast, and being risen from the Table, inuested me with two Clokes, one of fine Woollen, and another of Cloth of Gold: giuing mee his most kind Letter of fauour to the King, which auayled much. That done he imbraced me, and so we departed. The Language that we spoke was Turkish, which he spake very well.

[ 50] I remayned in Bramport vnto the second of March;* 8.43 till then I could not end my businesses of Monies that I brought by exchange, staying likewise for a Carrauan, hauing taken new Soul∣diers, I followed my Voyage or iourney to Agra: where after much labour, toyle, and many dangers, I arriued in safety the sixteenth of Aprill, 1609. Being in the Citie, and seeking out for an house in a very secret manner, notice was giuen the King that I was come, but not to bee found: He presently charged both Horsemen and Footmen in many troupes, not to leaue before I was found, commanding his Knight Marshall to accompany mee wieh great state to the Court, as an Embassador of a King ought to be: which he did with a great traine, making such extraordi∣nary haste, that I admired much: for I could scarce obtayne time to apparell my selfe in my best attyre. In fine, I was brought before the King, I came with a slight present,* 8.44 hauing nothing but [ 60] cloth, and that not esteemed: (for what I had for the King, Mocreb-chan tooke from me, wher∣with I acquainted his Maiestie.) After salutation done, with a most kinde and smiling counte∣nance, he bade me most heartily welcome, vpon which speech I did my obeysance and dutie a∣gaine. Hauing his Maiesties Letter in my hand, he called me to come neere vnto him, stretching downe his hand from the Seate Royall, where he sate in great Maiestie something high for to be

seene of the people: receiuing very kindly the Letter of me, viewing the Letter a prettie while, both the Seale, and the manner of the making of it vp, he called for an old Iesuite that was there present to reade it. In the meane space, while the Iesuite was reading it, hee spake vnto mee in the kindest manner that could bee, demanding of mee the contents of the Letter, which I told him: vpon which notice, presently granting and promising me by God, that all what the King had there written, he would grant and allow withall his heart, and more if his Maiestie would require it. The Iesuite likewise told him the effect of the Letter, but discommending the stile, saying,* 8.45 it was basely penned, writing Vestra without Maiestad: my answere was vnto the King, and if it shall please your Maiestie, these people are our enemies: how can this Letter be ill written, when my King demandeth fauour of your Maiestie? he said, it was true. [ 10]

* 8.46Perceiuing I had the Turkish Tongue; which himselfe well vnderstood, hee commanded me to follow him vnto his Chamber of Presence, being then risen from that place of open Audience, desiring to haue further conference with me: in which place I stayed some two houres, till the King came forth from his women. Then calling mee vnto him, the first thing that hee spake, was that he vnderstood that Mocrebchan had not dealt well with mee, bidding mee bee of good cheere, for he would remedie all. It should seeme, that Mocrebchans enemies had acquainted the King with all his proceedings:* 8.47 for indeed the King hath Spies vpon euery Nobleman. I answe∣red most humbly, that I was certaine, all matters would goe well on my side, so long as his Ma∣iestie protected me. Vpon which speech he presently sent away a Post for Suratt, with his com∣mand to Mocrebchan, writing vnto him very earnestly in our behalfes: coniuring him to bee [ 20] none of his friend, if hee did not deale well with the English, in that kind, as their desire was.

This being dispatched and sent, by the same Messenger, I sent my Letter to William Finch, wi∣shing him to goe with this command to Mocrebchan: at the receit of which hee wondred that I came safe to Agra, and was not murthered, or poysoned by the way, of which speech William Finch aduertised me afterward.

It grew late, and hauing had some small conference with the King at that time, he comman∣ded that I should daily be brought into his presence, and gaue a Captaine named Houshaber chan charge, that I should lodge at his house, till a house were found conuenient for me: and when I needed any thing of the King, that he should bee my Solicitor. According to command, I resor∣ted to the Court, where I had daily conference with the King. Both night and day, his delight [ 30] was very much to talke with mee, both of the Affaires of England and other Countries, as also many demands of the West Indies, whereof hee had notice long before, being in doubt if there were any such place, till he had spoken with me, who had beene in the Countrey.

Many dayes and weekes being past, and I now in great fauour with the King, to the griefe of all mine enemies,* 8.48 espying my time, I demanded for his Commandement or Commission with Ca∣pitulations for the establishing of our Factory to be in mine owne power. His answere was, whe∣ther I would remayne with him in his Court, I replyed, till shipping came: then my desire was to goe home, with the answere of his Maiesties Letter. Hee replyed againe, that his meaning was a longer time, for he meant to send an Embassador to the King of England, at the comming of the next shipping: and that I should stay with him vntill some other bee sent from my King, [ 40] to remayne in my place, saying this: Thy staying would be highly for the benefit of thy Nation, and that he would giue me good maintenance, and my being heere in his presence, would bee the cause to right all wrongs that should be offered vnto my Nation: and further, what I should see beneficiall for them, vpon my petition made, hee would grant: swearing By his Fathers Soule, that if I would remayne with him, he would grant me Articles for our Factorie to my hearts de∣sire, and would neuer goe from his word. I replyed againe, that I would consider of it. Thus daily inticing me to stay with him, alleaging as is aboue written, and that I should doe seruice, both to my naturall King and him, and likewise he would allow me by the yeare, three thousand and two hundred pounds sterling for my first,* 8.49 and so yeerely, hee promised mee to augment my Liuing, till I came to a thousand Horse. So my first should be foure hundred Horse. For the No∣bilitie [ 50] of India haue their Titles by the number of their Horses, that is to say, from fortie to twelue thousand, which pay belongeth to Princes, and his Sonnes. I trusting vpon his promise, and seeing it was beneficiall both to my Nation and my selfe, beeing dispossessed of that benefit which I should haue reaped, if I had gone to Bantam, and that after halfe a doozen yeeres, your Worships would send another man of sort in my place, in the meane time, I should feather my Neast, and doe you seruice: and further perceiuing great iniuries offered vs, by reason the King is so farre from the Ports, for all which causes aboue specified, I did not thinke it amisse to yeeld vnto his request. Then, because my name was something hard for his pronuntiation, hee called me by the name of English Chan, that is to say, English Lord, but in Persia, it is the Title for a Duke, and this went currant throughout the Countrey. [ 60]

Now your Worships shall vnderstand, that I being now in the highest of my fauours, the Ie∣suites and Portugals slept not, but by all meanes sought my ouerthrow: and to say the truth, the principall Mahumetans neere the King,* 8.50 enuyed much that a Christian should bee so nigh vnto him. The Iesuite Peniero being with Mocrebchan, and the Iesuites here, I thinke did little regard

their Masses and Church matters, for studying how to ouerthrow my Affaires: aduice being gone to Goa by the Iesuites here, I meane in Agra, and to Padre Peneiro at Surat or Cambaya, hee wor∣king with Mocrebchan to be the Portugals assistance,* 8.51 and the Vice-Roy sending him a great Pre∣sent, together with many Toyes vnto the King with his Letter. These presents and many more promises, wrought so much with Mocrebchan, that he writeth his Petition vnto the King, sen∣ding it together with the present, aduertising the King, that the suffring of the English in his land, would be the cause of the losse of his owne Countries, neere the Sea-Coasts, as Suratt, Cambaya, and such like: and that in any case he entertaine me not, for that his ancient friends the Portu∣galls murmured highly at it: and that the fame is spread amongst the Portugalls,* 8.52 that I was Ge∣nerall [ 10] of ten thousand Horsemen, readie to giue the assault vpon Di••, when our shipping came.

The Vice-Royes Letter likewise was in this kind: the Kings answere was; that he had but one English••man in his Court, and him they needed not to feare,* 8.53 for hee hath not pretended any such matter: for I would haue giuen him Liuing neere the Sea parts, but he refused it, taking it neere me heere. This was the Kings answere, vpon which answere, the Portugalls were like madde Dogges, labouring to worke my passage out of the World. So I told the King, what dangers I had passed, and the present danger wherein I was, my Boy Stephen Grauener,* 8.54 instantly departing this World, my man Nicholas Vfflet extreame sicke, and this was all my English Company, my selfe beginning to fall downe too. The King presently called the Iesuites, and told them that if I dyed by any extraordinary casualtie, that they should all rue for it. This past, the King was [ 20] very earnest with me to take a white Mayden out of his Palace, who would giue her all things necessary with slaues, and he would promise mee shee should turne Christian: and by this meanes my meates and drinkes should be looked vnto by them, and I should liue without feare. In regard she was a Moore, I refused, but if so bee there could bee a Christian found, I would accept it: At which my speech, I little thought a Christians Daughter could bee found. So the King called to memorie one Mubarique Sha his Daughter, who was a Christian Armenian,* 8.55 and o•• the Race of the most ancient Christians, who was a Captaine, and in great fauour with Ekber Padasha, this Kings Father. This Captaine dyed suddenly, and without will, worth a Masse of Money, and all robbed by his Brothers and Kindred, and Debts that cannot be recouered: leauing the Child but only a few Iewels. I seeing shee was of so honest a Descent, hauing passed my word to the [ 30] King, could not withstand my fortunes. Wherefore I tooke her, and for want of a Minister,* 8.56 be∣fore Christian Witnesses, I marryed her: the Priest was my man Nicholas, which I thought had beene lawfull, till I met with a Preacher that came with Sir Henry Middleton, and hee shewing me the error, I was new marryed againe: so euer after I liued content and without feare, she be∣ing willing to goe where I went, and liue as I liued. After these matters ended, newes came hi∣ther, that the Ascention was to come by the men of her Pinnasse, that was cast away neere Su∣ratt, vpon which newes, I presently went to the King and told him, crauing his Licence, toge∣ther with his Commission, for the setling of our Trade: which the King was willing to doe, li∣miting me a time to returne, and be with him againe.

But the Kings chiefe Vizir Abdal Hassan, a man enuious to all Christians, told the King, that my going would be the occasion of warre: and thus harme might happen vnto a great man who [ 40] was sent for Goa, to buy toyes for the King. Vpon which speach, the Kings pleasure was I should stay, and send away his Commission to my chiefe Factor at Surat, and presently gaue or∣der, that it should be most effectually written. In fine, vnder his great Seale with Golden Let∣ters, his Commission was written, so firmely for our good, and so free as heart can wish. This I obtained presently, and sent it to William Finch. Before it came there, newes came that the Ascen∣tion was cast away, and her men saued, but not suffered to come into the Citie of Surat, Of that likewise I told the King, who seemed to be very much discontented with that great Captaine Mocreb chan, my enemy: and gaue me another commandement for their good vsage, and meanes to be wrought to saue the goods, if it were possible. These two commandements came almost together, to the great ioy of William Finch and the rest, admiring much at these things. And now [ 50] continuing these great fauours with the King, being continually in his sight, for the one halfe of foure and twentie houres seruing him day and night, I wanted not the greater part of his No∣bles that were Mahumetans, to be mine enemies. For it went against their hearts, that a Chri∣stian should be so great & neere the King: and the more, because the King had promised to make his Brothers children Christians, which two yeares after my cōming he performed, commanding them to be made Christians. A while after came some of the Ascentions Company vnto me (whom I could haue wished of better behauiour, a thing pryed into by the King.) In all this time, I could not get my debts of Mocrebchan, till at length he was sent for vp to the King, to answe••e for many faults, and tyrannicall In-iustice, which he did to all people in those parts, many a man being vndone by him, who petitioned to the King for Iustice. Now, this Dogge to make his [ 60] peace, sent many bribes to the Kings sonnes, and No••le-men that were neere the King, who laboured in his behalfe. After newes came that Mocrebchan was approached neere, the King presently sent to attach all his goods, which were in that abundance, that the King was two moneths in viewing of them, euery day allotting a certaine quantitie to be brought before me:

and what he thought fitting for his owne turne he kept, and the rest deliuered againe to Mocreb∣chan. In the viewing of these goods, there came those Peeces and Costlet, and Head-peece, with other Presents that he tooke from me for the King of mine owne, not suffering mee to bring them my selfe: at the sight whereof, I was so bold to tell the King what was mine. Af∣ter the King had viewed these goods, a very great complaint was made by a Bania••, how that Mocrebchan had taken his Daughter, saying; she was for the King, which was his excuse, de∣flowring her himselfe: and afterwards gaue her to a Brammen, belonging to Mocrebchan. The man who gaue notice of this Child, protested her to passe all that euer he saw for beautie. The matter being examined, and the offence done by Mocrebchan, found to be true, hee was com∣mitted to prison, in the power of a great Noble-man: and commandement was giuen, that the [ 10] Brammene his priuy members should be cut off.

Before this happened to Mocrebchan, I went to visite him diuers times, who made me verie faire promises, that he would deale very kindly with mee, and be my friend, and that I should haue my right. Now being in this disgrace, his friends daily solliciting for him, at length got him cleere: with commandement, that he pay euery man his right, and that no more complaints be made of him if he loued his life. So Mocrebchan by the Kings command, paid euery one his due, excepting me, whom he would not pay, but deliuer me my Cloath, whereof I was desirous, and to make, if it were possible, by faire meanes, an end with him: but he put me off the more, delaying time till his departure, which was shortly after. For the King had restored him his old place againe, and he was to goe for Goa, about a faire ballace Ruby, and other rare things promi∣sed [ 20] the King.

§. III. The MOGOLS inconstancie, and Captaine HAVVKINS departure with S^r HENRIE MIDDLETON to the Red-Sea: Thence to Bantam, and after for England.

[ 30]

ALL my going and sending to Mocrebchan for my Money or Cloath, was in vaine, I being abused so basely by him, that I was forced to demaund Iustice of the King, who commanded that the Money be brought before him: but for all the Kings commaund he did as he listed, and doe what I could, he cut me off twelue thousand and fiue hun∣dred Mamadies. For the greatest man in this kingdome was his friend, and many others holding on his side, murmuring to the King, the suffering of English to come into his Countrey: for that we were a Nation, that if we once set foot, we would take his Countrey from him. The King called me to make answere to that they said: I answered his Maiestie, that if any such matter were, I would answer it with my life: and that we were not so base a Nation, as these mine ene∣mies reported. All this was, because I demaunded my due, and yet cannot get it. At this time, those that were neere fauourites, and neerest vnto the King, whom I daily visited, and kept in [ 40] withall, spake in my behalfe: and the King holding on my side, commanded that no more such wrongs be offred me. So I thinking to vse my best in the recouery of this, intreting the head Vizir that he would be meanes that I receiue not so great a losse; he answered me in a threatning man∣ner: that if I did open my mouth any more, hee would make me to pay an hundred thousand Mamadies, which the King had lost in his Customes by entertaining mee, and no man durst ad∣uenture by reason of the Portugall. So by this meanes I was forced to hold my tongue, for I know this Money was swallowed by both these Dogges. Now Mocrebchan being commaun∣ded in publicke, that by such a day he be ready to depart for Guzerat, and so for Goa, and then come and take his leaue, as the custome is: in this meane time, three of the principallest Mer∣chants [ 50] of Surat, were sent for by the Kings commaundement, and come to the Court about af∣faires, wherein the King or his Vizir had imployed them, being then present there when Mocreb¦chan was taking his leaue; this being a plot laid both by the Portugals, Mocrebchan, and the Vizir. For some sixe daies before a Letter came vnto the King from the Portugall Vice-roy, with a Present of many rare things.* 8.57 The Contents of this Letter were, how highly the King of Portugall tooke in ill part the entertaining of the English, he being of an ancient amitie with other complements: and withall, how that a Merchant was there arriued, with a very faire ballace Ruby, weighing three hundred and fiftie Rotties, of which stone the pattern was sent. Vpon this newes, Mocrebchan was to be hastened away, at whose comming to take his leaue together with Padre Pineiro, that was to goe with him, the aboue named Merchants of Surat [ 60] being then there present,* 8.58 Mocrebchan began to make his speech to the King, saying, that this and many other things he hoped to obtaine of the Portugall, so that the English were disanulled: saying more, that it would redound to great losse vnto his Maiestie and Subiects, if hee did fur∣ther suffer the English to come into his parts. Vpon which speech he called the Merchants before

the King, to declare what losse it would be, for that they best knew. They affirmed, that they were like to be all vndone because of the English, nor hereafter any toy could come into this countrey, because the Portugal was so strong at sea, and would not suffer them to goe in or out of their Ports; and all their excuse was, for suffering the English.

These speeches now and formerly, and lucre of this stone, and promises by the Fathers of rare things, were the causes the King ouerthrew my affaires; saying, Let the English come no more: presently giuing Mocreb-chan his commandement, to deliuer the Viceroy to that effect, that he would neuer suffer the English to come any more into his ports.* 8.59

I now saw, that it booted me not to meddle vpon a sudden, or to make any petition vnto the [ 10] King, till a prety while after the departure of Mocreb-chan; and seeing my enemies were so ma∣ny, although they had eaten of me many Presents. When I saw my time, I made petition vnto the King. In this space, I found a toy to giue, as the order is: for there is no man that commeth to make petition, who commeth emptie-handed. Vpon which petition made him, he presently graunted my request,* 8.60 commanding his Vizir to make me another commandement in as ample manner as my former, and commanded that no man should open his mouth to the contrary: for it was his pleasure that the English should come into his Ports. So this time againe I was a floate. Of this alteration, at that instant the Iesuite had notice: for there is no matter passeth in the Mo∣gols Court in secret, but it is knowne halfe an houre after, giuing a small matter to the writer of that day: for there is nothing that passeth, but it is written, and writers appointed by turnes, so [ 20] that the Father, nor I, could passe any businesse, but when we would we had notice. So the Iesu∣ite presently sent away the most speedy messenger that could be gotten, with his Letter to Padre Pineiro, and Mocreb-chan, aduertising them of all that had passed. At the receit of which, they consulted amongst themselues, not to go forward on their voyage for Goa, till I were ouerthrown againe. Wherefore Mocreb-chan wrote his petition vnto the King, and letters vnto his friend, the head Vizir, how it stood not with the Kings honour to send him, if he performed not what he pro∣mised the Portugal: and that his voyage would be ouerthrowne, if he did not call in the comman∣dement he had giuen the Englishman. Vpon the receiuing and reading of this, the King went a∣gaine from his word, esteeming a few toyes which the Fathers had promised him, more then his honour.

[ 30] Now beeing desirous to see the full issue of this, I went to Hogi•• Iahan, Lord General of the Kings Palace (the second man in place in the Kingdome) intreating him that he would stand my friend. He very kindly, presently went vnto the King, telling him that I was very heauy and discontent, that Abdall Hassan would not deliuer me my commandement, which his Maiestie had graunted me. The King answered him (I being present, and very neere him) saying, It was true, that the commandement is sealed, and ready to be deliuered him: but vpon letters receiued from Mocreb-chan, and better consideration by me had on these my affaires in my Ports in Gu∣zerat, I thought it fitting not to let him haue it. Thus was I tossed and tumbled in the kind of a rich Merchant, adventuring all he had in one bottome, and by casualtie of stormes or pirates, lost it all at once. So that on the other side, concerning my liuing, I was so crossed, that many times [ 40] this Abdall Hassan his answer would be vnto me; I know wel enough you stand not in such need, for your Master beareth your charges, and the King knew not what he did in giuing to you, from whom he should receiue. My answer was, that it was the Kings pleasure, and none of my re∣quest; and seeing it is his Maiesties gift, I had no reason to loose it: so that from time to time, he bad mee haue patience, and he would find out a good liuing for me. Thus was I dallied withall by this mine enemie, in so much that in all the time I serued in Court, I could not get a liuing that would yeeld any thing, giuing me my liuing still, in places where Out-lawes raigned: only, once at Lahor▪ by an especiall commandement from the King, but I was soone depriued of it: and all that I receiued from the beginning, was not fully three hundred pounds, a great part whereof was spent vpon charges of men sent to the Lordships. When that I saw that the liuing which the [ 50] King absolutely gaue me, was taken from me, I was then past all hopes: for before, at the newes of the arriuall of shipping, I had great hope, that the King would performe former grants, in hope of rare things that should come from England. But when I made Arse or Petition vnto the King concerning my liuing, he turned me ouer to Abdal Hassan: who not onely denied me my liuing; but also gaue order, that I be suffered no more to enter within the red rayles:* 8.61 which is a place of honour, where all my time I was placed very neere vnto the King, in which place there were but fiue men in the Kingdome before me.

Now perceiuing that all my affaires were ouerthrowne, I determined with the Councell of of those that were neere me, to resolue whereto to trust, either to be well in, or well out. Vpon this resolution I had my petition made ready, by which I made known vnto the King, how Abdall [ 60] Hassan had dealt with me, hauing himselfe eaten what his Maiestie gaue me: and how that my charges of so long time (being by his Maiestie desired to stay in his Court, vpon the faithful promi∣ses he made me) were so much, that it would be my vtter ouerthrow: therfore I besought his Maie∣sty that he would consider my cause, either to establish me as formerly, or giue me leaue to depart.

His answere was, that he gaue me leaue, commanding his safe conduct to bee made mee, to passe freely without molestation, throughout his Kingdomes. When this Commandement was ma••e, as the custome is, I came to doe my obeysance, and to take my leaue, intreating for an answere of my Kings Letter. Abdall Hassan comming vnto me from the King, in a disdainfull manner vt∣terly denyed me: saying, that it was not the custome of so great a Monarch, to write in the kind of a Letter, vnto a pettie Prince, or Gouernour. I answered him, that the King knew more of the mightinesse of the King of England, then to be a petty Gouernour. Well, this was mine an∣swere, together with my leaue taken.

I went home to my house, studying with all my endeauours to get all my goods and debts to∣gether, and to buy commodities with those Monies, that were remayning vsing all the speed I [ 10] could, to cleere my selfe of the Countrey: staying only for Nicholas Vfflet, to come from Lahor, with a remainder of Indic••,* 8.62 that was in William Finches power, who determined to goe ouer land, being past all hopes for euer imbarking our selues at Surat: which course I also would willingly haue taken, but that as it is well knowne, for some causes I could not trauell thorow Turkie, and especially with a woman. So I was forced to currie fauour with the Iesuites, to get mee a safe conduct or Seguro, from the Vice-Roy to goe for Goa, and so to Portugall, and from thence to England: thinking, as the opinion of others was, that the Vice-Roy giuing his secure Royall, there would be no danger for me. But when my Wifes Mother, & Kindred saw that I was to carry her away, suspecting that they should neuer see her any more, they did so distaste me in these my trauels, that I was forced to yeeld vnto them, that my Wife go no further then Goa, because it was [ 20] India: and that they could goe and come and visit her, and that, if at any time I meant to goe for Portugall, or any other-where, that I leaue her that portion, that the custome of Portugall is, to leaue to their Wiues when they dye: vnto which I was forced to yeeld to giue them content, to preuent all mischiefes. But knowing that if my Wife would goe with me, all would bee of no effect, I effected with the Iesuite to send for two Secures, the one concerning my quiet being, and ftee libertie of conscience in Goa, and to bee as a Portugall in all Tradings and Commerce in Goa: (this was to shew my Wifes Parents.) The other was an absolute grant for free passage in∣to Portugall, and so for England, with my Wife and Goods, without any disturbances of any of my Wiues friends: and what agreements I made with them to be void and of none effect, but I should stay or goe, when I pleased with free libertie of conscience for my selfe. This last Securo [ 30] I should receiue at Cambaya, which at my departure for our shippes was not yet come, but was to come with the Carrauan of Frigats.

This and much more the Fathers would haue done for me, only to rid me out of the Country: for being cleere of me, they should much more quietly sleepe. About this time, I had notice of the comming of thre•• English ships, that were arriued at Mocha, and without faile their deter∣mination was to come for Surat,* 8.63 at the time of the yeare: hauing this Aduertisement by Nicho∣las Bangham from Bramport, who departed from me some six weekes before, both for the reco∣uery of certaine Debts, as also with my Letter to our shipping, if it were possible to send it, ad∣uertising them of my proceedings.

In this time of my dispatching, newes came of Mocreb-chans returne from Goa, with many gallant and rare things, which hee brought for the King. But that Ballace Ruby was not for his [ 40] turne, saying it was false, or at the least, made his excuse for feare, that if he should giue the Por∣tugall his price, and when it came into the Kings power, it should bee valued much lesse (which ouer-plus he should be forced to pay as hee had done in former times, for other things) hee left it behind him. And besides, I vnderstood, that Mocreb-chan had not his full content as he expec∣ted of the Portugalls. And likewise, at this instant, the Vizir, my enemy was thrust out of his place, for many complaints made of him, by Noblemen that were at great charges and in debt, & could not recei••e their liuings in places that were good, but in barren & rebellious places: and that he made a benefit of the good places himselfe, & ro••bed them all. For these complaints and others, he had much ado to escape with life, being put out of his place, & sent to the Wars of De∣••a••. [ 50] Now one Gaibbeig being the Kings chiefe Treasurer (a man that in outward shew made much of me, & was alwayes willing to pleas••re me, when I had occasion to vse him) was made chiefe Vizir: and his Daughter marryed with the King, being his chiefe Q••eene or Paramor. This Vi∣zirs sonne and my selfe were great friends, he hauing beene often at my house, and was now ex∣alted to high Dignities by the King. Perceiuing this alteration, and being certified of the com∣ming of shipping, by certaine aduise, sundry wayes. Knowing the custome of these Moores that without gifts and bribes, nothing would either goe forward or bee accomplished, I sent my Broker to seeke out for Iewels, fitting for the Kings S••ster and new Paramour: and likewise, for this new Vizir, and his sonne.

Now after they had my Gifts, they beganne on all s••des to solicite my cause: at which time [ 60] newes came to Agra, by Banians of Diu, how that of Diu, three English ships were seene, and three dayes after other newes came,* 8.64 that they were at the Barre of Surat. Vpon which newes the great Vizir asked me what Toy I had for the King, I shewed him a Ruby Ring that I had gotten: at the sight of which he bade me make readie to goe with him at Court time, and he would make

my Petition to the King, and told me that the King was alreadie wonne. So once more comming before his Greatnesse, and my Petition being read, he presently granted mee the establishing of our Factorie, and that the English come and freely trade for Surat:: willing the Vizir that with all expedition my commandement be made, vpon which grant the Vizir made signe vnto mee, to make obeysance, which I did according to the Custome. But now what followed? A great Nobleman and neerest Fauourite of the King being the dearest friend that Mocrebchan, and like∣wise Abdall Hassa•• had, brought vp together from their child-hood, and Pages together vnto the King, began to make a speech vnto the King: saying, that the granting of this would be the vtter ouerthrow of his Sea Coasts and people, as his Maiestie had beene informed by petition [ 10] from diuers of his Subiects: and besides, that it stood not with his Maiesties honour to contra∣dict that which he had granted to his ancient friends the Portugals, and whosoeuer laboured for the English, knew not what he did; if knowing, hee was not his Maiesties friend. Vpon the speech of this Nobleman, my businesse once againe was quite ouerthrowne, and all my time and presents lost▪ the King answering, that for my Nation, hee would not grant Trade at the Sea Ports, for the inconuenience that diuers times had beene scanned vpon. But, for my selfe, if I would remayne in his ser••ice he would command, that what he had allowed me, should be giuen me to my content: which I denyed, vnlesse the English should come vnto his Ports according to promise, and as for my particular maintenance, my King would not see me want. Then desiring againe answere of the Kings Letter, he cons••lted a while with his Vizirs, and then sent mee his denyall. So I tooke my leaue and departed from Agra,* 8.65 the second of Nouember 1611. being of [ 20] a thousand thoughts what course I were best to take: for I still had a doubt of the Portugalls that for lucre of my goods they would poyson me. Againe, on the otherside, it was dangerous by reason of the Warres to trauell thorow Decan vnto Masulipatan: by land, by reason of the Turkes, I could not goe: and to stay I would not amongst these faithlesse Infidels.

I arriued at Cambaya, the last of December, 1611. where I had certaine newes of the English ships that were at Surat. Immediately I sent a Footman vnto the ships with my Letter, with certaine aduice, affirmed for a tru••h, by the Fathers of Cambaya, vnto me, that the Vice-Roy had in a readinesse prepared to depart from Goa, foure great ships, with certaine Gallies, and Frigats for to come vpon them, and Treasons plotted against Sir Henry Middletons person: of which newes, I was wished by the Fathers to aduise Sir Henry:* 8.66 which I found afterward to bee but [ 30] their policie, to put him in feare, and so to depart, and withall, I wished them to be well aduised. And as for me my shifts were to goe home, by the way of the Portugalls, for so I had promised my Wife and her Brother, who at that present was with me: and to delude him and the Fathers till I had notice for certaine, that I might freely get aboord without feare, which I was assured to know at the returne of my Letter; in the meane time, I did all that I could to dispatch her Bro∣ther away: who within two dayes after departed for Agra, not suspecting that I had any in••ent for the ships. Nicholas Vfflet now departing from mee to suruey the way, beeing two dayes iourney on his way, met with Captaine William Sharpeigh, Master Fraine, and Hugh Greete sent by Sir Henry to Cambaya vnto mee, which was no small ioy vnto mee. So vnderstanding of the place (which was miraculously found out by Sir Henry Middle∣ton, [ 40] and neuer knowne to any of the Countrey) I admired and gaue God thankes: for if this place had not beene found, it had beene impossible for mee to haue gotten aboord with my goods. Wherefore making all the haste that I could, in dispatching my selfe away, I depar∣ted from Cambaya,* 8.67 the eighteenth of Ianuary 1611. and came vnto the ships the six and twen∣tieth of the said moneth, where I was most kindly receiued by Sir Henry Middleton. From this place we departed the eleuenth of February 1611. and arriued at Dabul the sixteenth of the same: in which place we tooke a Portugall ship and Frigat, out of which we tooke some quanti∣tie of goods. And from thence we departed the fift of March 1611. for the Red Sea, with an in∣tent to reuenge vs of the wrongs offered vs, both by Turkes and Mogols: at which place wee ar∣riued the third of Aprill 1612. Here we ••ound three English ships, their Generall was Captaine [ 50] Iohn Saris. Hauing dispatched ou•• businesse in the Red Sea, wee set sayle from thence the six∣teenth of August, 1612. and arriued in Tecu in Sumatra, the nineteenth of October 1612. and hauing ended our businesse there, we departed in the night, the twentieth of Nouemb. 1612. and came on ground the same night, three leagues off, vpon a Bed of Corall, in three fathome water, or thereabouts▪ and by the great mercie of God we escaped: but were forced to returne backe a∣gaine to stop her leakes, the goods being taken out, and some damage receiued. Now her leakes being somewhat stopped, and her goods in, not losing an houre of time, wee departed from thence the eight of December, 1612. and arriued at Bantam the one and twentieth of the same: where Sir Henry Midleton not finding the Trade sufficient to goe home that yeare, was forced to stay and carine her. Hauing ended account with him, as himselfe liked best. I tooke my goods [ 60] and shipped them in the Salomon, which came for our Voyage, for sauing of a greater Fraight: but I could not be admitted to goe in her my selfe; Captaine Saris I thanke him, accommodated me in the Thomas, and it was agreed, that the Salomon and wee should keepe company together.

From thence we set saile on the thirtieth of Ianuary 1612. and arriued in Saldania Roade, the

one and twentieth of April 1613. and comming neere some two hundred leagues from the Cape, we had much foule weather and contrary windes. Here we found foure sayle of Hollanders that departed Bantam a moneth before vs. There was great kindnesse betwixt vs, especially to me, in regard that they had heard much of my great estate in India, by an Agent of theirs, that was Li••ger at Masulipatan.* 8.68 Some eight dayes after the Expedition came in, and brought mee a Letter from your Worships, and deliuered it vnto me two dayes after their arriuall. The wind comming faire, we depareed from Saldania the one and twentieth of May, 1613.

[ 10]

§ IIII. A briefe Discourse of the strength, wealth, and Gouernment, with some Cu∣stomes of the great Mogol: which I haue both seene and gathe∣red by his chiefe Officers, and Ouer-seers of all his Estate.

FIrst, I begin with his Princes, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles, Viscounts, Barons, Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, and Yeomen. As Christian Princes vse their degrees by Ti∣tles, so they haue their Degrees and Titles by their number of Horses: vnlesse it bee [ 20] those that the King most fauoureth, whom he honoureth with the Title of Chan, and Immirza. None haue the Title of Sultan but his Sonnes. Chan in the Persian Language, is as much as a Duke, Immirza is the Title for the Kings Brothers Children.

They that be of the Fame of twelue thousand Horsemen belong to the King, and his Mother, and eldest Sonne,* 8.69 and one more, who is of the bloud Royall of Vzbeck, named Chan Azam. Dukes be nine thousand Fame, Marquesses fiue thousand Fame, Earles three thousand, Viscounts two thousand, Barons a thousand, Knights foure hundred, Esquires an hundred, Gentlemen fifty, Yeomen from twentie down-wards. All they that haue these numbers of Horsemen, are called Mansibdars,* 8.70 or men of Liuings, or Lordships. Of these there be three thousand, that is to say, foure be of twelue thousand Horse a-piece, and they be the King, his Mother, Sultan Peruis, [ 30] Prince, and Chan Azam. Of nine thousand Horsemen there bee three, that is to say, Sultan Chorem,* 8.71 the Kings third Sonne, Chanchanna, and Kelich Chan. Of fiue thousand there bee eigh∣teene, named Hasuff Chan, Chan Ichan, Abdula Chan, Raga Manging, Ray Durga, Raga Sursing, Ramadas Rechuua, Raga Bassu, Emirel Vmera, M••habet Chan, Chan Dowran, Sedris Chan, Hogio Bey Mirza, Mirza Cazi, Ettebar Chan, Abulset Dekenny, Ielam Cully Chan, Sheik Ferid. Of three thousand there be two and twentie, to wit▪ Chan Alem, Imirza Ereg, Imirza Darab, Hogio Iahan, Hogio Abdal Hassan, Mirza Gaysbey, Mirza Shemchadin, Mirza Chadulla, Seffer Chan, Kazmy Chan, Mirza Chin Kelich, Saif Chan, Lalla Bersingdia, Mirza Zeady, Mirza Ally Ec••er∣chuly, Terbiat Chan, Mirza Laschary, Mirza Charucogly, Mirza Rustem, Ally Merdon Badur, Tasbey Chan,* 8.72 Abulbey. The rest bee from two thousand downwards till you come to twentie [ 40] Horses, two thousand nine hundred and fiftie. Of Horsemen, that receiue pay monethly, from sixe Horse to one, there be fiue thousand, these bee called Haddies. Of such Officers and men as belong to the Court and Campe, there be thirtie sixe thousand, to say, Porters, Gunners, Wa∣termen, Lackeyes, Horse-keepers Elephant-keepers, Small shot, Frasses, or Tent men, Cookes, Light bearers, Gardiners, Keepers of all kind of Beasts. All these be payd monethly out of the Kings Treasurie, whose Wages be from ten to three Rupias.

All his Captaines are to maintaine at a seuen-nights warning, from twelue thousand to twen∣tie Horse, all Horsemen three Leckes, which is three hundred thousand Horsemen: which of the Incomes of their Lordships allowed them, they must maintayne.

[ 50]

The Kings yeerely Income of his Crowne Land, is fiftie Crou of Rupias, euery Crou is an hundred Leckes, and euery Leck is an hundred thousand Rupiae.

* 8.73THe compasse of his Countrey is two yeares trauell with Carrauan, to say, from Candahar to Agra, from Soughtare in Bengala to Agra, from Cabul to Agra, from Decan to Agra, from Surat to Agra, from Tatta in Sinde to Agra. Agra is in a manner in the heart of all his King∣domes.

His Empire is diuided into fiue great Kingdomes, the first named Pengab, whereof Lahor is the chiefe Seate; the second is Bengala, the chiefe Seat Sonargham: the third is Malua, the chiefe Seate is Vgam: the fourth is Decan, the chiefe Seate Bramport: the fifth is Guzerat, the chiefe [ 60] Seat is Amadauar. The chiefe Citie or Seate Royall of the Kings of India, is called Delly, where hee is established King: and there all the Rites touching his Coronation are performed.

There are sixe especiall Castles, to say, Agra, Guallier, Neruer, Ratamboore, Hassier, Roughtaz. In euery one of these Castles he hath his Treasure kept.

In all his Empire there are three Arch-enemies or Rebels, which with all his Forces cannot be called in, to say, Amberry Chapu in Decan: in Guzerat, the Sonne of Muzafer, that was King, his name is Bahador of Malua, Raga Rahana. His Sonnes be fiue, to say, Sultan Coussero, Sul∣tan Peruis, Sultan Chorem, Sultan Shariar, and Sultan Bath. Hee hath two yong Daughters, and three hundred Wiues, whereof foure be chiefe as Queenes, to say, the first, named Padasha Ba••u, Daughter to Kaime Chan: the second is called Noore Mahal, the Daughter of Gais Beijge: the third is the Daughter of Seinchan: the fourth is the Daughter of Hakim Hamaun, who was Bro∣ther to his Father Ecber Padasha.

[ 10] His Treasure is as followeth, The first, is his seuerall Coine of Gold.

INprimis, of Seraffins Ecberi, which be ten Rupias a piece, there are sixtie Leckes.* 8.74 Of another sort of Coyne, of a thousand Rupias a piece, there are twentie thousand pieces. Of another sort of halfe the value, there are ten thousand pieces. Of another sort of Gold of twenty Toles a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces. Of another sort of tenne Toles a piece, there bee fiue and twenty thousand pieces. Of another sort of fiue Toles, which is this Kings stampe, of these there be fiftie thousand pieces.

Of Siluer, as followeth.

[ 20]

INprimis, of Rupias Ecbery, thirteene Crou euery Crou is an hundred Leckes, and euery Leck an hundred thousand Rupias, is one thousand three hundred Leckes. Of another sort of Coine of Selim Sha this King, of an hundred Toles a piece, there are fiftie thousand pieces. Of fiftie Toles a piece, there is one Lecke. Of thirtie Toles a piece, there are fortie thousand pieces. Of twentie Toles a piece, there are thirtie thousand pieces. Of ten Toles a piece, there are twen∣tie thousand pieces. Of fiue Toles a piece, there are fiue and twentie thousand pieces. Of a cer∣taine Money that is called Sauoy, which is a Tole ¼. of these there are two Leckes. Of Iagaries, whereof fiue make sixe Toles, there is one Lecke. More should haue beene coyned of this stampe, but the contrary was commanded.

[ 30]

Here followeth of his Iewells of all sorts.

INprimis, Of Diamantes 1. ½. Battman, these be rough, of all sorts and sizes, great and small: but no lesse then 2. ½. Caratts. The Battman is fifty fiue pound waight, which maketh eigh∣tie two pounds ½. weight English. Of Ballace Rubies little and great, good and bad, there are single two thousand pieces. Of Pearle of all sorts, there are twelue Battmans.* 8.75 Of Rubies of all sorts there are two Battmans. Of Emeraudes of all sorts, fiue Battmans. Of Eshime, which stone commeth from Cathaia, one Battman. Of stones of Emen, which is a red stone, there are fiue thousand pieces. Of all other sorts as Corall, Topasses, &c. There is an infinite number.

[ 40] Here followeth of the Iewels wrought in Gold.

OF Swords of Almaine Blades, with the Hilts and Scabberds set with diuers sorts of rich stones, of the richest sort, there are two thousand and two hundred. Of two sorts of Poniards there bee two thousand. Of Saddle Drummes, which they vse in their Haw∣king, of these there are very rich ones of Gold, set with stones, fiue hundred. Of Broo∣ches for their heads, whereinto their Feathers be put, these be very rich, and of them there are two thousand. Of Saddles of Gold and Siluer set with stones, there are one thousand. Of Teukes there be fiue and twentie, this is a great Launce couered with Gold, and the Fluke set with stones, and these in stead of their colours, are carryed, when the King goeth to the [ 50] warres, of these there are fiue and twentie. Of Kittasoles of state, for to shaddow him, there bee twentie. None in his Empire dareth in any sort haue any of these carryed for his shadow but himselfe, of these, I say▪ there are twentie. Of Chaires of Estate, there bee fiue, to say, three of Siluer, and two of Gold: and of other sorts of Chaires, there bee an hundred of Siluer and Gold, in all an hundred and fiue. Of rich Glasses, there bee two hundred. Of Vases for Wine very faire and rich, set with Iewels, there are an hundred. Of drinking Cuppes fiue hundred, but fiftie very rich, that is to say, made of one piece of Ballace Ruby, and also of Emerods, of Eshim, of Turkish stone, and of other sorts of stones. Of Chaines of Pearle, and Chaines of all sorts of precious stones,* 8.76 and Ringes with Iewels of rich Diamants, Ballace Rubies, Rubies and old Emerods, there is an infinite num∣ber, [ 60] which only the Keeper thereof knoweth. Of all sorts of plate, as Dishes, Cups, Basons, Pots, Beakers of Siluer wrought, there are two thousand Battmans. Of Gold wrought, there are one thousand Battmans.

Here followeth of all sorts of Beasts.

OF Horses there are twelue thousand. Whereof there bee of Persian Horses foure thou∣sand,* 8.77 of Turkie Horses six thousand, and of Kismire two thousand, all are twelue thou∣sand.

Of Elephants, there be twelue thousand, whereof fiue thousand bee teeth Elephants, and se∣uen thousand of shee ones, and yong ones, which are twelue thousand. Of Camels there be two thousand. Of Oxen for the Cart, and all other seruices, there bee tenne thousand. Of Moyles there be one thousand. Of Deere like Buckes for game and sport, there be three thousand. Of Ounces for Game, there be foure hundred. Of Dogges for hunting, as Grey-hounds and other, [ 10] there be foure hundred. Of Lions tame there are an hundred. Of Buffalaes, there be fiue hundred. Of all sorts of Hawkes there bee foure thousand. Of Pidgeons for sport of flying, there bee ten thousand. Of all sorts of singing Birds, there be foure thousand.

Of Armour of all sorts at an houres warning, in a readinesse to arme fiue and twentie thou∣sand men.

HIs daily expences for his owne person, that is to say, for feeding of his Cattell of all sorts, and amongst them some few Elephants Royall, and all other expences particular∣ly, as Apparell, Victuals, and other petty expences for his house amounts, to fiftie thousand Rupias a day. [ 20]

The expences da••ly for his Women by the day, is thirtie thousand Rupias.

All this written concerning his Treasure, Expences and monethly pay is in his Court, or Castle of Agra: and euery one of the Castles aboue nominated, haue their seuerall Treasure, especially Lahor, which was not mentioned.

The Custome of this Mogoll Emperour is to take possession of his Noblemens Treasure when they dye, and to bestow on his Children what he pleaseth: but commonly he dealeth well with them,* 8.78 possessing them with their Fathers Land, diuiding it amongst them: and vnto the eldest Sonne, hee hath a very great respect, who in time receiueth the full title of his Father. There was in my time a great Indian Lord or Prince, a Gentile named Raga Gaginat, vpon whose goods the Kings seizing after his death,* 8.79 he was found (besides Iewels and other Treasure) to haue sixtie [ 30] Maunes in Gold, and euery Maune is fiue and fiftie pound waight. Also his custome is, that of all sorts of Treasure, excepting Coine, to say of all sorts of Beasts, and all other things of va∣lue, a small quantitie is daily brought before him. All things are seuerally diuided into three hundred and sixtie parts,* 8.80 so that hee daily feeth a certaine number, to say, of Elephants, Horses, Camels, Dromedaries, Moyles, Oxen, and all other: as also a certaine quantitie of Iewels, and so it continueth all the yeere long: for what is brought him to day is not seene againe, till that day twelue moneth.

He hath three hundred Elephants Royall, which are Elephants whereon himselfe rideth: and when they are brought before him,* 8.81 they come with great iollitie, hauing some twentie or thirty men before them with small Stremers. The Elephants Cloth or Couering is very rich, eyther of [ 40] Cloth of Gold, or rich Veluet: hee hath following him his shee Elephant, his Whelpe or Whelpes, and foure or fiue yong ones, as Pages which will bee in number some sixe, some seuen, and some eight or nine. These Elephants and other Cattell, are dispersed among his Nobles and men of sort to ouer-see them, the King allowing them for their expences, a certaine quantitie: but some of them will eate a great deale more then their allowance commeth vnto. These Elephants Royall eate tenne Rupias euery day in Sugar, Butter, Graine, and Sugar Canes. These Elephants are the goodliest and fairest of all the rest, and tame withall, so managed, that I saw with mine eyes, when the King commanded one of his young Sonnes named Shariar (a Childe of seuen yeeres of age) to goe to the Elephant to bee taken vp by him with his snout: who did so, deliuering him to his Keeper that commanded him with his hooke: and hauing done [ 50] this vnto the Kings Sonne, he afterwards did the like to many other Children. When these E∣lephants are shewed, if they who haue the charge of them bring them leane, then are they chec∣ked and in disgrace, vnlesse their excuse bee the better: and so it is with all things else in that kinde, that euery man striueth to bring his quantitie in good liking, although hee spend of his owne.

When hee rideth on Progresse or Hunting, the compasse of his Tents may bee as much as the compasse of London and more,* 8.82 and I may say, that of all sorts of people that follow the Campe, there are two hundred thousand: for hee is prouided, as for a Citie. This King is thought to be the greatest Emperour of the East, for Wealth, Land, and force of Men: as also [ 60] for Horses, Elephants, Camels and Dromedaries. As for Elephants of his owne, and of his No∣bles,* 8.83 there are fortie thousand, of which the one halfe are trayned Elephants for the Warre: and

these Elephants of all beasts, are the most vnderstanding. I thought good here to set downe this one thing, which was reported to me for a certainty, although it seemed very strange. An Ele∣phant hauing iournyed very hard, being on his trauell, was misused by his Commander, and one day finding the fellow asleepe by him, but out of his reach, hauing greene Canes brought him to eate, split the end of one of them with his teeth, and taking the other end of the Cane with his snowt, reached it toward the head of the fellow, who being fast asleepe, and his turbant fallen from his head (the vse of India being to weare their haire long like Women) he tooke hold with the Cane on his haire, wreathing it therein, and withall, haling him vnto him, vntill he brought him within the compasse of his snowt, he then presently killed him. Many other strange things [ 10] are done by Elephants.

He hath also infinite numbers of Dromedaries, which are very swift, to come with great speed, to giue assault to any Citie, as this Kings Father did:* 8.84 so that the enemies thought he had beene in Agra, when he was at Amadauar: and he came from Agra thither in nine daies, vpon these Dromedaries, with twelue thousand choyce men, Chan-channa being then his Generall. The day being appointed for the battell, on a suddaine newes came of the Kings arriuall, which strucke such a present feare into the Guzerats, that at that time they were ouerthrowne and conquered. This King hath diminished his chiefe Captaines, which were Rasbootes, or Gentiles, and naturall Indians, and hath preferred the Mahumetans (weak spirited men, void of resolution) in such sort, that what this mans Father, called Ecber Padasha, got of the Decans, this King Selim¦sha, [ 20] beginneth to loose. He hath a few good Captaines yet remaining,* 8.85 whom his father highly esteemed, although they be out of fauour with him, because that vpon his rebellion against his father, they would not assist him, considering his intent was naught: for he meant to haue short∣ned his Fathers daies, and before his time to haue come to the Crowne. And to that purpose, being in Attabase, the regall seate of a kingdome called Porub, hee arose with eighty thousand horse, intending to take Agra, and to haue possession of the Treasury, his Father being then at the warres of Decan: who vnderstanding of his Sonnes pretence, left his conquering there, and made hast to come home to saue his owne. Before the Kings departure to the warres, hee gaue order to his Sonne to goe with his Forces vpon Aranna, that great Rebell in Malua,* 8.86 who comming to parle with this Rebell, he told the Prince, that there was nothing to bee gotten by [ 30] him but blowes: and it were better for him, now his Father was at Decan, to goe vpon Agra, and possesse himselfe of his Fathers treasure, and make himselfe King, for there was no man able to resist him. The Prince followed his counsell, and would haue prosecuted it, but his Fathers hast before, vpon notice giuen, preuented his purpose: at whose arriuall at Agra, hee presently sent vnto his Sonne, that he make choyce either to come and fall at his feete, and be at his mer∣cy to doe with him as he pleased, or to fit himselfe for the battell and fight it out. He well con∣sidering the valour of his Father, thought it meetest to submit himselfe, and stand to his Fathers mercy: who after affronts shewed him and imprisonment, was soone released and pardoned, by reason of many friends, his Mother, Sisters, and others.

This Selim Padasha being in his rebellion, his father dispossessed him, and proclaimed heire [ 40] apparant, his eldest Sonne Cossero being eldest Sonne to Selimsha:* 8.87 for his owne Sonnes younger Brothers to Selim, were all dead in Decan and Guzerat: yet shortly after his Father dyed, who in his death-bed had mercy on Selim, possessing him againe. But Cossero, who was proclaimed heire apparant, stomached his father, and rose with great troopes, yet was not able to indure af∣ter the losse of many thousand men on both sides: but was taken, and remaineth still in prison in the Kings Pallace, yet blinde, as all men report: and was so commaunded to be blinded by his father. So since that time, being now eight yeares after,* 8.88 he had commanded to put all his sonnes confederates to death, with sundry kinds of death; some to bee hanged, some spitted, some to haue their heads chopped off, and some to bee torne by Elephants. Since which time hee hath raigned in quiet, but ill beloued of the greater part of his Subiects, who stand greatly in feare of [ 50] him. His custome is euery yeare to be out two moneths on hunting, as is before specified. When he meaneth to begin his iourney, if comming forth of his Pallace, hee get vp on a Horse, it is a signe that he goeth for the warres: but if he get vp vpon an Elephant or Palankine, it will bee but an hunting voyage.

My selfe in the time that I was one of his Courtiers, haue seene many cruell deeds done by him. Fiue times a weeke, he commaundeth his braue Elephants to fight before him:* 8.89 and in the time of their fighting, either comming or going out, many times men are killed, or dangerously hurt by these Elephants. But if any be grieuously hurt (which might very well escape) yet ne∣uerlesse that man is cast into the Riuer, himselfe commaunding it, saying: dispatch him, for as long as he liueth, he will doe nothing else but curse me, and therefore it is better that he dye pre∣sently. [ 60] I haue seene many in this kind. Againe, hee delighteth to see men executed himselfe, and torne in peeces with Elephants. He put to death in my time his Secretary, onely vpon sus∣picion, that Chan-channa should write vnto the Decan King, who being sent for and examined about this matter, denied it: whereupon the King not hauing patience, arose from his seate, and

with his Sword gaue him his deadly wound, and afterwards deliuered him to bee torne by Elephants.

* 8.90Likewise, it happened to one who was a great friend of mine (a chiefe man, hauing vnder his charge the Kings Ward-robe, and all Woollen Cloath, and all sorts of mercery, and his China dishes) that a faire China dish (which cost ninetie Rupias, or fortie fiue Rials of eight) was bro∣ken, in this my friends time, by a mischance (when the King was in his progresse) being packed amongst other things, on a Cammell, which fell and broke all the whole parcell. This Noble∣man knowing how deerely the King loued this dish aboue the rest, presently sent one of his tru∣sty seruants to China-machina,* 8.91 ouer land to seeke for another, hoping that before he should re∣member that dish, he would returne with another like vnto it: but his euill lucke was contrarie. [ 10] For the King two yeares after remembred this dish, and his man was not yet come. Now, when the King heard that the dish was broken, he was in a great rage, commanding him to be brought before him, and to be beaten by two men, with two great whips made of cords: and after that he had receiued one hundred and twenty of these lashes, he commanded his Porters, who be ap∣pointed for that purpose, to beate him with their small Cudgels, till a great many of them were broken: at the least twenty men were beating of him, till the poore man was thought to bee dead, and then he was haled out by the heeles, and commaunded to prison. The next day the King demaunded whether he was liuing, answer was made, that he was: whereupon, he com∣manded him to be carried vnto perpetuall prison. But the Kings Sonne being his friend, freed him of that, and obtained of his Father, that he might bee sent home to his owne house, and [ 20] th••re be cured. So after two moneths, he was reasonably well recouered, and came before the King, who presently commanded him to depart the Court, and neuer come againe before him, vntill he had found such a like dish,* 8.92 and that hee trauell for China-machina to seeke it: the King allowed him fiue thousand Rupias towards his charges; and besides, returning one fourth part of his liuing that he had before, to maintaine him in his trauell. He being departed, and foureteene moneths on his trauell, was not yet come home: but newes came of him, that the King of Per∣sia had the like dish, and for pitties sake hath sent it him, who at my departure was on his way homeward.

Likewise, in my time it happened, that a Pattan, a man of good stature, came to one of the Kings Sonnes, named Sultan Peruis, to intreat him to bestow somewhat on him, by petition de∣liuered to one of the Princes chiefe men,* 8.93 at the deliuery whereof, the Prince caused him to come [ 30] neere: and demanding of him whether hee would serue him; he answered, No, for he thought that the Prince would not grant him so much as he would aske. The Prince seeing him to be a pretty fellow, and meanely apparelled, smiled, demanding what would content him: hee told him plainly, that hee would neither serue his Father nor him, vnder a thousand Rupias a day, which is 100. pound sterling.* 8.94 The Prince asked him what was in him that he demanded so much; he replyed, make tryall of me with all sorts of weapons, either on horsebacke, or on foote, and for my sufficient command in the warres, if I doe not performe as much as I speake, let mee dye for it. The houre being come for the Prince to go to his Father, he gaue ouer his talk, com∣manding the man to be forth comming. At night the Kings custome being to drinke, the Prince [ 40] perceiuing his Father to be merry, told him of this man: so the King commaunded him to be brought before him. Now while he was sent for, a wilde Lyon was brought in, a very great one, strongly chained, and led by a dozen men and keepers: and while the King was viewing this Lyon, the Pattan came in, at whose sight the Prince presently remembred his Father. The King demanding of this Pattan, whence he was, and of what parentage, and what valour was in him, that he should demand so much wages: his answer was, that the King should make tryal of him. That I will, saith the King, goe wrastle and buffet with this Lyon. The Pattans answer was,* 8.95 that this was a wild beast, and to goe barely vpon him without weapon, would be no triall of his man-hood. The King not regarding his speech, commanded him to buckle with the Lion, who did so, wrastling and buffeting with the Lyon a pretty while: and then the Lyon being [ 50] loose from his keepers, but not from his chaines, got the poore man within his clawes, and tore his body in many parts: and with his pawes tore the one halfe of his face, so that this valiant man was killed by this wilde beast. The King not yet contented, but desirous to see more sport, sent for ten men that were of his horse-men in pay, being that night on the watch: for it is the custome of all those that receiue pay, or liuing from the King, to watch once a weeke, none ex∣cepted,* 8.96 if they be well, and in the Citie. These men one after another, were to buffet with the Lyon, who were all grieuously wounded, and it cost three of them their liues. The King con∣tinued three moneths in this vaine, when he was in his humors, for whose pleasure sake, many men lost their liues, and many were grieuously wounded. So that euer after, vntill my comming away, some fifteene young Lyons were made tame, and played one with another before the [ 60] King, frisking betweene mens legs, and no man hurt in a long time.

Likewise, he cannot abide, that any man should haue any precious stone of value, for it is death if he know it not at that present time,* 8.97 and that he hath the refusall thereof. His Ieweller, a Ban∣nian,

named Herranand, had bought a Diamond of three Mettegals, which cost one hundred thou∣sand Rupias: which was not so closely done, but newes came to the King: Herranand likewise was befriended, beeing presently acquainted therewith, who before the King sent for him, came vnto him, and challenged the King that he had often promised him that he would come to his house: the King answered that it was true. Herranand therefore replyed, that now was the time,* 8.98 for that he had a faire Present to bestow vpon his Maiestie: for that he had bought a stone of such a weight. The King smiled, and said. Thy lucke was good to preuent me. So preparation was made, and to the Bannians house he went. By this meanes, the King hath ingrossed all faire stones, that no man can buy from fiue Carats vpwards, without his leaue: for he hath the refusall of all, and giueth not by a third part so much as their value. There was a Diamant cutter of my ac∣quaintance, [ 10] that was sent for to cut a Diamant of three Mettegals and a halfe, who demanded a small foule Diamant to make powder, wherewith to cut the other Diamant.* 8.99 They brought him a Chest, as he said, of three spannes long, and a spanne and halfe broad, and a spanne and halfe deepe, full of Diamants of all sizes and sorts: yet could he find neuer any one for his purpose, but one of fiue Rotties, which was not very foule neither.

He is exceeding rich in Diamants, and all other precious stones, and vsually weareth euery day a faire Diamant of great price, and that which he weareth this day, till his time be come about to weare it againe, he weareth not the same: that is to say, all his faire Iewels are diuided into a cer∣taine quantitie or proportion, to weare euery day. He also weareth a chaine of Pearle, very faire and great, and another chaine of Emeralds, and ballace Rubies. Hee hath another Iewell, that [ 20] commeth round about his Turbant, full of faire Diamants and Rubies. It is not much to bee wondered, that he is so rich in Iewels, and in Gold and Siluer,* 8.100 when he hath heaped together the Treasure and Iewels of so many Kings, as his forefathers haue conquered, who likewise were a long time in gathering them together: and all came to his hands. Againe, all the money and Ie∣wels which his Nobles heape together, when they die come all vnto him, who giueth what hee listeth to the Noblemens wiues and children: and this is done to all them that receiue pay, or li∣uing from the King. India is rich in siluer, for all Nations bring Coyne, and carry away commo∣dities for the same; and this Coyne is buried in India, and goeth not out: so it is thought, that once in twentie yeeres it commeth into the Kings power. All the lands in his Monarchie are at his disposing, who giueth and taketh at his pleasure. If I haue lands at Lahor,* 8.101 being sent vnto the [ 30] warres at Decan, another hath the lands, and I am to receiue mine in Decan, or thereabouts, neere the place where I am, whether it be in the warres, or that I be sent about any other businesse, for any other countrey. And men are to looke well vnto their doings: for if they be found tardie in neuer so little a matter, they are in danger of loosing their lands: and if complaints of Iniustice which they doe, bee made vnto the King, it is well if they escape with losse of their lands.

He is very seuere in such causes, and with all seueritie punisheth those Captaines, who suffer out-lawes to giue assault vnto their Citie, without resisting. In my time there were some eight Captaines, who had their liuing vpon ••he borders of Bengala, in a chiefe Citie called Pattana, which was suffered to be taken by out-lawes, and they all fled: but that Citie was againe resto∣red by a great Captaine, who was Commander of a Countrey neere thereabouts; who tooke all [ 40] those Captaines that fled, and sent them to the King, to vse punishment vpon them at his pleasure. So they were brought before the King in chaines, and were presently commanded to be shauen, both head and beard, and to weare womens apparell, riding vpon asses, with their faces backwards, and so carried about the Citie. This being done, they were brought before the King againe, and there whipped, and sent to perpetuall prison: and this punishment was inflicted vpon them in my sight. He is seuere enough, but all helpeth not, for his poore Riats or Clownes complaine of Iniustice done them, and cry for Iustice at the Kings hands. They come to a certaine place, where a long rope is fastened vnto two pillars, neere vnto the place where the King sitteth in Iustice. This rope is hanged full of Bels, plated with gold, so that the rope beeing shaken, the Bels are heard by the King: who sendeth to know the cause, and doth his Iustice accordingly. At his first [ 50] comming to the Crowne, he was more seuere then now he is, which is the cause that the Coun∣trey is so full of outlawes, and theeues, that almost a man cannot stirre out of doores, throughout all his Dominions, without great forces: for they are all become Rebels.

There is one great Ragane betwixt Agra and Amadanar, who commandeth as much land as a good Kingdome: and all the forces the Mogol hath, cannot bring him in, for his forces are vp∣on the Mountaines. He is twentie thousand strong in Horse, and fiftie thousand strong in Foote, and many of these Rebels are in all his Dominions: but this is one of the greatest. There are ma∣ny risen at Candahar, Cabul, Moldun, and Sinde, and in the Kingdome of Boloch: Bengala like∣wise, Decan, and Guzerat are full, so that a man can trauell no way for out-lawes. Their Go∣uernment is in such a barbarous kind, and cruell exacting vpon the Clownes, which causeth them [ 60] to be so head-strong. The fault is in the Chiefe, for a man cannot continue halfe a yeere in his li∣uing, but it is taken from him and giuen vnto another: or else the King taketh it for himselfe (if it be rich ground, and likely to yeeld much) making exchange for a worse place: or as he is be∣friended of the Vizir. By this meanes he racketh the poore, to get from them what he can, who

still thinketh euery houre to be put out of his place. But there are many, who continue a long time in one place, and if they remaine but sixe yeeres, their wealth which they gaine is infinite, if it be a thing of any sort. The custome is, they are allowed so much liuing to maintaine that Port which the King hath giuen them, that is to say; they are allowed twentie Rupias of euerie horse by the Moneth, and two Rupias by the Moneth for euery horse Fame, for the maintenance of their Table. As thus: A Captaine that hath fiue thousand horse to maintaine in the warres, hath likewise of Fame other fiue thousand, which he is not to maintaine in the warres, but onely for his Table, allowed vpon euery horse by the Moneth two Rupias, and the other fiue thousand, twenty Rupias by the Moneth: and this is the pay which the greater part of them are al∣lowed. [ 10]

Now here I meane to speake a little of his manners, and customes in the Court. First, in the morning about the breake of day,* 8.102 he is at his Beades, with his face turned to the West-ward. The manner of his praying when he is in Agra, is in a priuate faire roome, vpon a goodly Iet stone, ha∣uing onely a Persian Lamb-skinne vnder him: hauing also some eight chaines of Beads, euery one of them containing foure hundred. The Beads are of rich Pearle, ballace Rubyes, Diamonds, Ru∣byes, Emeralds, Lignum Aloes, Eshem, and Corall. At the vpper end of this Iet stone, the Pi∣ctures of our Lady and Christ are placed, grauen in stone: so he turneth ouer his Beads, and saith, three thousand two hundred words, according to the number of his Beads, and then his Prayer is ended. After he hath done, he sheweth himselfe to the people, receiuing their Salames, or good morrowes, vnto whom multitudes resort euery morning for this purpose. This done, hee slee∣peth [ 20] two houres more,* 8.103 and then dineth, and passeth his time with his Women, and at noone hee sheweth himselfe to the people againe, sitting till three of the clocke, viewing and seeing his Pa∣stimes, and sports made by men, and fighting of many sorts of beasts, euery day sundry kinds of Pastimes. Then at three of the clocke, all the Nobles in generall (that be in Agra, and are well) resort vnto the Court, the King comming forth in open audience, sitting in his Seat-Royall, and euery man standing in his degree before him,* 8.104 his chiefest sort of the Nobles standing within a red Rayle, and the rest without. They are all placed by his Lieutenant Generall. This red Rayle, is three steppes higher then the place where the rest stand: and within this red Rayle I was placed, amongst the chiefest of all. The rest are placed by Officers, and they likewise be within an other very spacious place rayled: and without that Rayle, stand all sorts of horsemen and souldiers, that [ 30] belong vnto his Captaines, and all other commers. At these Rayles, there are many doores kept by many Porters, who haue white rods to keepe men in order. In the middest of the place, right before the King, standeth one of his Sheriffes, together with his Master Hangman, who is accom∣panied with forty hangmen, wearing on their heads a certaine quilted cap, different from all o∣thers, with an Hatchet on their shoulders: and others with all sorts of Whips, being there, readie to doe what the King commandeth. The King heareth all causes in this place, and stayeth some two houres euery day (these Kings of India sit daily in Iustice euery day, and on the Tuesdayes doe their executions.) Then he departeth towards his p••••uate place of Prayer: his Prayer beeing ended, foure or fiue sorts of very well dressed and roasted meats are brought him, of which as hee pleaseth, he eateth a bit to stay his stomacke, drinking once of his strong drinke. Then hee com∣meth forth into a priuate roome, where none can come, but such as himselfe nominateth, (for [ 40] two yeeres together I was one of his attendants here.* 8.105) In this place he drinketh other fiue cup∣fuls, which is the portion that the Physicians alot him. This done, he eateth Opium, and then he ariseth, and being in the height of his drinke, he layeth him downe to sleepe, euery man depar∣ting to his owne home. And after he hath slept two houres, they awake him, and bring his Sup∣per to him, at which time he is not able to feed himselfe; but it is thrust into his mouth by others, and this is about one of the clocke: and then he sleepeth the rest of the night.

Now in the space of these sixe cups, he doth many idle things; and whatsoeuer he doth, either without or within, drunken or sober, he hath writers, who by turnes set downe euery thing in writing which he doth: so that there is nothing passeth in his life time, which is not noted; no, [ 50] not so much as his going to the necessary; and how often he lieth with his women, and with whom▪ and all this is done vnto this end, that when he dieth, these writings of al his actions and speeches,* 8.106 which are worthy to be set downe, might be recorded in the Chronicles. At my being with him, he made his brothers children Christians; the doing whereof was not for any zeale he had to Christianitie, as the Fathers, and all Christians thought; but vpon the prophecie of certain learned Gentiles, who told him, that the sonnes of his body should be disinherited, and the chil∣dren of his brother should raigne. And therefore he did it, to make these children hatefull to all Moores, as Christians are odious in their sight: and that they beeing once Christians, when any such matter should happen, they should find no subiects: but God is omnipotent, and can turne the making of these Christians vnto a good ende, if it be his pleasure. [ 60]

This King amongst his children, hath one called Sultan Shariar, of seuen yeeres of age, and his Father on a day, being to goe some whether to solace him selfe, demanded of him whether hee would goe with him: the child answered, That if it pleased his Highnesse, he would either goe or stay, as the pleasure of his Father was. But because his answer was not, that withall his heart he

would waite vpon his Maiestie, he was very well buffeted by the King, and that in such sort, that no child in the world but would haue cryed; which this child did not. Wherefore his Father de∣manded why he cryed not; he answered, That his Nurses told him, that it was the greatest shame in the world, for Princes to cry when they were beaten: and euer since they nurtured me in this kind, saith he, I neuer cryed, and nothing shall make me cry to the death. Vpon which speech, his Father being more vexed, stroke him againe, and caused a bodkin to bee brought him, which he thrust through his cheeke; but all this would not make him cry, although he bled very much, which was admired of all, that the Father should doe this vnto his child, and that he was so stou••, that hee would not crie. There is great hope of this child to exceed all the rest.

[ 10] This Emperour keepeth many feasts in the year••, but two feasts especially may be nominated▪* 8.107 the one called the No••••ous, which is in honour of the New-yeares day. This feast continueth eighteene daies, and the wealth and riches are wonderfull, that are to be seene in the decking and setting forth of euery mans roome, or place where he lodgeth, when it is his turne to watch: for euery Nobleman hath his place appointed him in the Palace. In the middest of that spaci∣ous place I speake of, there is a rich Yent pitched, but so rich,* 8.108 that I thinke the like cannot bee found in the world. This Tent is curiously wrought, and hath many Seminans ioyning round about it, of most curious wrought Veluet, embroidered with Gold, and many of them are of Cloath of Gold and Siluer. These Seminans be shaddowes to keepe the Sunne from the compasse of this Tent. I may say, it is at the least two Acres of ground, but so richly spread with Silke [ 20] and Gold Carpets, and Hangings in the principall places, rich, as rich Veluet imbroydered with Gold, Pearle, and precious stones can make it. Within it fiue Chaires of Estate are placed, most rich to behold, where at his pleasure the King sitteth. There are likewise priuate roomes made for his Queenes, most rich where they sit, and see all, but are not seene. So round about this Tent, the compasse of all may bee some fiue Acres of ground. Euery principall Noble-man maketh his roome, and decketh it, likewise euery man according to his ability, striueth who may adorne his roome richest. The King where he doth affect, commeth to his Noble-mens roomes, and is most sumptuously feasted there: and at his departure, is presented with the rarest Iewels and toyes that they can find. But because he will not receiue any thing at that time as a present, he commandeth his Treasurer to pay what his praysers valew them to bee worth, which are va∣lewed [ 30] at halfe the price. Euery one, and all of his Nobles prouide toyes, and rare things to giue him at this feast: so commonly at this feast euery man his estate is augmented. Two daies of this feast, the better sort of the Women come to take the pleasure thereof: and this feast beginneth at the beginning of the Moone of March. The other feast is some foure moneths after, which is called the feast of his Birth-day:* 8.109 This day euery man striueth who may be the richest in ap∣parell and Iewels. After many sports and pastimes performed in his Palace, he goeth to his mo∣thers house, with all the better sort of his Nobles, where euery man presenteth a Iewell vnto his Mother, according to his estate. After the bancket is ended, the King goeth into a very faire roome, where a ballance of beaten Gold is hanged, with one scale emptie for him to sit in; the other scale being filled with diuers things, that is to say, Siluer, Gold, diuers sorts of Grain a lit∣tle, [ 40] and so of euery kind of Mettall a little, and with all sorts of precious stones some: In fine, he weigheth himselfe with these things, which the next day are giuen to the poore, and all may be valued to be worth * 8.110 ten thousand pounds. This day, before he goeth vnto his mothers house, eue∣ry man bringeth him his Present, which is thought to be ten times more worth, then that which he giueth to the poore. This done, euery man departeth vnto his home.

His custome is, that when you petition him for any thing, you must not come empty handed, but giue him some toy or other, whether you write or no: by the gift you giue him, he knoweth that you would demand some thing of him: so after enquiry is made, if he seeth it conuenient, he granteth it.

The custome of the Indians, is to burne their dead, as you haue read in other Authors, and at [ 50] their burning, many of their Wiues will burne with them:* 8.111 because they will bee registred in their bookes, for famous and most modest and louing Wiues, who leauing all worldly affaires, content themselues to liue no longer then their Husbands. I haue seene many proper Women brought before the King, whom (by his commandement) none may burne without his leaue and sight of them, I meane those of Agra. When any of these commeth, hee doth perswade them with many promises of gifts and liuing if they will liue: but in my time no perswasion could preuaile, but burne they would. The King seeing that all would not serue, giueth his leaue for her to be carried to the fire, where she burneth her selfe aliue with her dead husband.

Likewise his custome is, when any great Noble-man hath beene absent from him two or three yeares, if they come in fauour, and haue performed well, hee receiueth them in manner [ 60] and forme following.

First, the Noble-man stayeth at the gate of the Pallace, till the Vizir and Lieutenant Gene∣rall, and Knight Martiall come to accompany him vnto the King:* 8.112 then he is brought to the gate of the outermost rayles, whereof I haue spoken before, where hee standeth in the view of the King, in the middest betweene these two Nobles; then he toucheth the ground with his hand,

and also with his head, very grauely, and doth thus three times. This done, he kneeleth downe touching the ground with his fore-head, which being once done, he is carried forward towards the King, and in the midway he is made to doe this reuerence againe: then he commeth to the doore of the red rayles, doing the like reuerence the third time: and hauing thus done, he com∣meth within the red rayles, and doth it once more vpon the Carpets. Then the King comman∣deth him to come vp the staires or ladder of seauen steppes, that he may embrace him; where the King most louingly embraceth him before all the people, whereby they shall take notice, that he is in the Kings fauour. The King hauing done this, he then commeth downe, and is pla∣ced by the Lieutenant Generall according to his degree. Now if he come in disgrace, through exclamations made against him, he hath none of these honours from the King, but is placed in his place till he come to his tryall. This King is very much adored of the Heathen Comminal∣ty, insomuch, that they will spread their bodies all vpon the ground, rubbing the earth with their [ 10] faces on both sides. They vse many other fopperies and superstitions, which I omit, leauing them for other Trauellers, which shall come from thence hereafter.

After I had written this, there came into my memory another Feast, solemnized at his Fa∣thers Funerall,* 8.113 which is kept at his Sepulchre, where likewise himselfe, with all his posterity, meane to be buried. Vpon this day there is great store of victuals dressed, and much money gi∣uen to the poore, This Sepulchre may be counted one of the rarest Monuments of the world. It hath beene this foureteene yeares a building, and it is thought it will not be finished these sea∣uen yeares more, in ending gates and walls, and other needfull things, for the beautifying and setting of it forth. The least that worke there daily, are three thousand people: but thus much I will say,* 8.114 that one of our Worke-men will dispatch more then three of them. The Sepulchre [ 20] is some ¾. of a mile about made square: it hath seauen heights built, euery height narrower then the other, till you come to the top where his Herse is. At the outermost gate, before you come to the Sepulchre, there is a most stately Palace building: the compasse of the wall ioyning to this gate of the Sepulchre and garding, being within, may be at the least three miles. This Se∣pulchre is some foure miles distant from the Citie of Agra.

CHAP. VIII. [ 30] The Voyage of M^r DAVID MIDDLETON in the Consent, a Ship of one hundred and fifteene Tuns, which fel forth from Tilburie Hope, on the twelfth of March, 1606.

* 8.115WE anchored in the Roade of Saldania all our men in good health: onely Peter Lambert the day before fell off the top-most head, whereof he dyed.

The one and twentieth, the Captain and Master went to Pengwin Iland, three leagues distant from the Roade, where wee saw such abundance of Seales and Pengwins, that it was admirable, for you may driue fiue hundred Pengwins together in a flocke, and thousands of Seales together vpon the shore. The Iland is not aboue [ 40] some three miles long, and some two miles broad: but in mine opinion, there is not an Iland in the world more frequented with Fowle and Seales then this Iland. It hath Pengwins, Wilde∣geese, Ducke, Drake, and Pellicanes, and diuers other Fowle, and after some pleasure taken there, we returned againe vnto our ship.

Hauing bought some Cattle, and ended all our businesse, and our men well refreshed, wee weighed Anchor the nine and twentieth day, about foure of the clocke in the morning, with ve∣ry little wind, and came out of the Road of Saldania, our men in very good health, and loath to depart without the company of our Admirall and Vice-Admirall: but we were not certaine of their arriuall there, which made vs make so little stay, so directing our course for S. Laurence, we left Saldania. [ 50]

The thirtieth day calme all day, till three of the clocke in the afternoone, and then we had a fresh gale at South-west, and we steered away halfe a watch South and by West, and two wat∣ches and an halfe South-East, and at tenne of the clocke at night the Cape De Bona Esperansa, bare North of vs, and all that night blew very much winde, and the Sea much growne: and the ship came betwixt twelue of the clocke at night, and twelue of the clocke next day, being the one and thirtieth of Iuly, nine and twenty leagues, all this day a very pleasant gale, sometimes raine, we came foure leagues from the Cape.

* 8.116The first of August we had very faire weather, sometimes a gale, and sometimes calme, con∣tinuing [ 60] so all day, and we steered away two watches South-East and by East, and three wat∣ches at East and by South, the wind variable, sometimes at South, and sometimes at South by East darke weather, and she ran some one and twenty leagues, then wee were in fiue and thirty degrees, and twenty two minuts of height.

The seuen and twentieth of August, the winde at North-west, and we steered away East, and by South; and at two of the clocke, we saw the land of S. Laurence, or Madagascar, by estima∣tion some sixe leagues off; and then we steered away North, and by West, and at noone we obser∣ued, and made the ship to be in twentie foure degrees, and fortie minutes, the variation at night sixteene degrees, and twentie three minutes.

The thirtieth, at fiue of the clocke in the afternoone, we anchored in the Bay of S. Augustine, in sixe fathome and an halfe, great grauell; and we were inforced to goe to lee-ward,* 8.117 being to the roome-wards of the Road before we could get in, by reason of a great breach that lyes off the bay, and then came in close vpon a tacke, and had in comming in seuen, sixe and an halfe, and fiue fa∣thomes all the way, and came very faire by the breach, and rid in the Road, with two Ilands in [ 10] the wind of vs, and the breach both.

The one and thirtieth day, our Captaine with M. Dauis went in our long boat to viewe the Ilands, and I my selfe as we went, sounded close aboord the Breach, and had sixe fathomes. One of the Ilands is very small, as it were a banke of sand, and nothing on it: the other is about a mile in length, and halfe a mile in breadth, and nothing vpon it, but some small store of Wood.

The first of September, 1607. we weighed anchor from our first place, and came within two miles of the mouth of the Riuer, and rid in fiue fathome and an halfe, very fast ground, for where we rid before it was very foule ground, so that we brake one of our Cables in the weighing. I iudge it to be some three leagues from our first place, where we had vrey foule ground.

[ 20] The seuenth day, hauing ended all our businesse, being prouided of wood and water, and all things else, we weighed anchor in the morning about fiue of the clocke,* 8.118 with the wind at East and by North a pleasant gale, and we steered away, comming out West, and West and by North, til we were cleere of the Breaches, and we brought to sea with vs foure Goats, three Sheep, and a yong Heifer: here we found great plenty of victualls, both Sheepe and Beeues for little value. This day we obserued some three miles from the Iland, before the Bay of S. Augustine, and wee made it to be in twenty three degrees and fortie eight minutes of latitude, and after wee were cleare of the Breach, which lies to the North-ward of the Island, we steered away South South∣west, and South and by West, sometimes with very faire weather, the wind at South-East, and by East a pleasant gale.

[ 30] The eleuenth, a fresh gale at South-east, and South-east and by East, and wee stood into the shore till midnight, and then we saw a great breach, right a head hard by vs, but wee heard the rut before we saw it (God be praised) and so we tackd, and stood off againe presently. And at noone obserued, and made the Ship to be in twentie fiue degrees, and twentie two minutes of la∣titude.

The twelfth of Nouember in the morning, we saw an Iland, and stood to make it, and found it to be Ingana, and came to the North-side of it: the Iland is in length fiue leagues or thereabot: it lies East and by South, and West and by North: the Easter end is the highest land, and the We∣ster end is full of trees. It lies in latitude in fiue degrees and an halfe, and the variation is foure degrees and thirteene minutes. So after we had made it, hauing the wind at West North-west, [ 40] we steered away for the maine of Sumatra East and by South, and East South-east a pleasant gale, but very much raine: so the thirteenth day in the morning,* 8.119 wee saw the maine land of Sumatra some foure leagues from vs.

The foureteenth, we anchored in Bantam Roade, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, being Saturday, where we found the Merchants in very good health, and all things in good order. The next day our Captaine went on shore, and spake with M. Towerson concerning the shippes businesse, and agreed to haue our Iron and Lead a shore which we brought with vs: which beeing effected, with some roomaging, and hauing fitted our ship in good order, and taken in Merchan∣dize, and our Merchants for the Moluccos, with leaue taken of the Merchants, we set saile from Bantam Roade the sixt of December, 1607. with little wind, and came out of the Roade,* 8.120 and [ 50] anchored that night in sight of the high land of Bantam. The next day, weighed in the mor∣ning, and sailed with a prosperous wind still continuing faire, passing many Ilands, and sunken ground. Some nights we sayled, and other-some lay a hull: raine, thunder, and lightening was no strange thing to vs in those parts▪ but one comfort we had, that God gaue vs a fayre wind, where∣with we sayled merrily on our intended Voyage.

In the beginning of Ianuarie, they arriued at the Moluccos. The rest of this Moneth was spent in entertainments and complements betwixt Ours and the Spaniards, as likewise with the Moluccan Princes. So was the whole Moneth of February also. The reason was, The Spaniards durst not ad∣mit vs trade till the Camp Master had giuen leaue. And he in those broyles twixt him and the Hol∣landers, except Ours would doe or seeme to doe some piece of seruice, at least accompanying their ships [ 60] for greater shew (which our Captaine absolutely refused, being against his Commission) excused him∣selfe. Meane while they had priuy trade with the people by night, and were Iouiall and frolicke by day with the Spaniards, which both gaue and receiued kind welcomes. In the beginning of March, they were permitted open trade. But this within few dayes was countermanded, and wee commanded to bee gone. And thus they spent the time till March the foureteene when they weighed anchor, and set saile.

Some trade they had also in the way. This part of the Iournall is long, and I haue omitted it, as else∣where in those things which I thought might be tedious.

The three and twentieth, 1608. we entered the Straits of Bangaya. Whereunto hauing ente∣red,* 8.121 our Cap••aine determined to send off his long boat to seeke for water, for here he purposed to store hims••lfe therewith. While he was thus determining, there came a Praw off from the Iland, with all the speed he could make, who came vnto vs, and spake with vs, of whom we demaun∣ded, whether there were any fresh water in that Iland: who made answer, that if our Captaine pleased, he would bring vs to very good water: whereupon we stood ouer for the East shore, and anchored about one of the clocke in the afternoone, in sixtie fathomes of water, where there runs a most cruell Current. Then after we came to anchor, fitting our long Boat with caske, we went [ 10] with the Indian to fetch water: where while they were fitting the Boat, he sold some fresh fish for China dishes, very cheape. So at night our men came aboord, and brought very good water, but had a wearisome rowth of it, being fiue miles distant from the place where we anchored.

The foure and twentieth in the morning, we went againe for an other Boats lading of water: and this morning by day breake, there came of the countrey people aboue one hundred Prawes, men and women, and brought vs fish, both dry fish, and fresh fish very good, of both kinds great plentie, and very cheape. They brought vs also Hogges, great and small, which they sold vs for course white cloth, and Hennes and Cocks in abundance at the like price: some for China dishes, and some for cloth. They brought vs also fruits, as Plantans, Cassathoe roots, and diuers other fruits, and staied aboord vs all day, that sometimes we were not able to stirre vp and downe the [ 20] ship for them. In the afternoone, the King sent our Captaine some Plantans, and Irea pote to drinke, which is a kind of water called by that name; our Captain gaue the Messenger great thanks in his Kings behalfe, and to requite his kindnesse, sent him a rich Pintado. Then he departed, and all the rest: and about tenne of the clocke at night we weighed anchor, and in the weighing, wee broke both our Star-boord anchors flooks. Then sayling away with very little wind, at length manned our long Boate, and towed our ship all night: for if we had not towed her in this calme, we had been driuen to lee-ward more then we should haue gotten againe in three dayes, without a fresh gale of wind, the Current runnes so strong there.

The nineteenth of Aprill, the King of Buttone sent one of his brothers againe, to know whe∣ther our Captaine were willing he should come aboord;* 8.122 for he was very desirous to see both him [ 30] and our ship; because he had heard much of Englishmen, but neuer saw any. Our Captaine sent him word, that he should thinke himselfe much graced if he came. Presently the King came off in his Caricoll, rowed at least with an hundred oares, hauing in her besides about foure hundred men with arm••s, well appointed to fight, and sixe brasse pieces, and in her company fiue Cari∣cols more, which had at the least a thousand men in them: so our Captaine sent according to his demand, a pledge for him, one Francis Kelly which was our Surgeon. Then he came aboord our Captaine, who kindly entertained him, and intreated him to take part of a banquet of sweet meates, which he kindly accepted; and after the banquet ended, our Captaine demanded what he had to sell: who replyed, he had Pearle, and Turtell shels, and some cloth, which they make themselues, which as we thought was made of Cotton stript. Then our Captaine intreated to see some of his Pearle; who said, he had none there, for he came but vpon pleasure, not thinking to [ 40] haue met with any ship: but if it pleased him to goe with his ship to Buttone (which was some night and a dayes sailing thence) he should see great store of Pearle, and any thing that hee had to sell. And because (said he) the place is vnknowne to you, I will send you a Pilot, which shall bring you thither: our Captaine and Factor considering of his speeches, thought best to accept of his kind offer, in regard it was nothing out of the way to Bantam: and bestowed vpon him a Mu∣sket, a Sword, and a Pintado, thanking him for his kindnesse, that he would vouchsafe to come aboord his ship: to whom the King made answer, that he had not any now worth the giuing to bestow vpon our Captaine, but promised to requite his kindnesse before his departure: and in the meane time intreated our Captaine, to accept of two peices of their cloth, who receiued them [ 50] with many thanks. About three of the clocke in the afternoone he tooke his leaue of our Cap∣taine, promising presently to send vs a Pilot, to carry vs to the Towne of Buttone. Then wee brought the Cable to the Capstoll, and weighed, and the Pilot came aboord. And at night the King sent a Caricoll vnto vs, to see if we wanted any thing. and to beare vs company to But∣tone, by whom he sent our Captaine a Goat. Then we stood away for Buttone with a small gale, but at night it was calme, and the tyde against vs, and we came to an anchor in two and twenty fathomes of water, because we would not driue to lee-ward, and in the morning weighed againe, and stood for the Towne of Buttone.

The one and twentieth, about tenne of the clocke, our Purser (who had beene sent ashore the day before) came aboord againe,* 8.123 and brought with him Hennes and Cocos, and told vs that the [ 60] Indians had carried him vnto a King, who when he came vnto him, was very glad to see him, be∣cause he was the first Englishman that euer he had seene. At his first comming to his house, hee found him drinking and carowsing with his Nobles, and round about where he sate, all hanged about with diuers mens heads, which he before had conquered: so after some little sta••, hee tooke

his leaue, and came to the Caracoll againe, and lay all night aboord her. This night we anchored in twentie fathomes of water, the place not halfe a mile broad.

The two and twentieth in the morning, it was very little wind, yet wee weighed, and our long Boat towed vs through the Straits, seeing the tide was with vs, and she went a head amaine: so about eleuen of the clocke, we came in sight of the Towne of Buttone, and came to anchor in fiue and twentie fathomes of water, some mile and an halfe from the Towne, where wee staid the Kings comming, but he came not that might. Here we sent our Boat ashore, and bought fresh fish for our Companie.

The three and twentieth, about one of the clocke in the afternoone, the King came vp vnder [ 10] our sterne, and with him some fortie Caracols, and rowed round about vs, very gallantly set forth with his colours and pendants: and after this, they rowed toward the towne, and our Cap∣taine intertained him with a voley of small shot, and all his Ordnance; and after, caused his long Boat to be manned, then accompanied with M. Siddall and his followers, went a shore to the Towne of Buttone. The King likewise entertained our Captaine with his smal shot,* 8.124 and his Ord∣nance, affirming that his heart was now at rest, seeing he had seen the English Natiō: promising to do our Captaine all the kindnesse that in him lay: whereat our Captaine gaue him humble thanks, and for that time tooke his leaue, and came aboord, and in the morning weighed, and stood fur∣ther into the Roade, and anchored in seuen and twentie fathomes of water, some halfe a mile from the shore.

The foure and twentieth in the morning, there came aboord our ship a Iaua Nokeyday, which [ 20] had a Iuncke in the Road laden with Cloues, which came from Amboyna, with whom our Factor M. Siddall talked: this Iauan promised our Captaine (if so he pleased) hee should haue all his Cloues. The King intreated our Captaine to take part of his dinner, and to beare with the home∣ly fashion of their Countrey: for comming into the Roome where they sate, their meate was ser∣ued in, in great Chargers made of a kind of wood, close couered with clothes; thus their meat be∣ing set before them, the King, our Captaine, and M. Siddall dined together, where we had great cheare, and our drinke was Iera pote, very pleasant and sweete in tast, and the King was very merry. And after dinner he had some talke concerning the Cloues which wee should haue, and promised the next day to come aboord himselfe, or send some one of his attendants, to see a mu∣ster of all his Cloath: then our Captaine giue him great thanks, and tooke his leaue, and came a∣boord.

[ 30]

The fiue and twentieth, the Kings Vncle came aboord of vs to see our ship, where our Cap∣taine kindly intertained him; and after him came the Kings brother, and stayed dinner with our Captaine, and after tooke his leaue, we still expecting the Kings comming, but he came not him∣selfe, but sent his Sonne and the Pilot, and they had a view of the cloth, and liked it very well.

The sixe and twentieth, the King and his Sonne came aboord, and dined with our Captaine, and had great cheare, and the King was very merry, and much desired dauncing, whereupon some of our men danced before him, who was well pleased, both at their dauncing and musique: at night the Kings Vnckle sent our Captaine foure fat Hogges.

The seuen and twentieth, there was another King of an Iland thereby, which came in his Ca∣racoll, [ 40] and his wife with him, who viewed our ship, but we could not intreat him to come aboord. Our ship being laden to the full with Cloues, bought in this place of the Iauans,* 8.125 our Captaine bought some slaues of the King, and as we were busie this night, one of them stole out of our Captaines cabbin doore, and leapt into the sea, and swumme ashore, and was neuer heard of. Then our Captaine the next morning sent Augustine Spalding our Iurabassa, to certifie the King of his escape, and in what manner, who presently made restitution for it, and gaue him another; and then taking leaue of the King, came aboord. May the second, we proceeded for our intended and wished port of Bantam, and gaue the Towne of Buttone three pieces of Ordnance for a far∣well. The third we had sight of the Straights of Celebes, and stood into it with all the saile wee [ 50] could make; but could not get so neere before night approaching.

May the two and twentieth, we anchored in the road of Bantam. We found not one Christian ship there, but foure China Iunckes which came from China, as their vse is with Taffaties, Dam∣maskes, Sattens, and diuers other Merchandises.

Iuly the fifteenth, 1608. the Captaine and Merchants hauing ended all their businesse, tooke their leaues. After whose departure, we presently set saile out of the Road of Bantam, now bound homewards to our Natiue Countrey England, after our long and tedious Voyage. And to auoide the Readers like long and tedious voyage, the rest of this Voyage homewards is omitted, and in steed thereof, we haue set downe a Table of the Iournal of this ship from the Lizard to Bantam, as it was set forth by Iohn Dauis.

[ 60]

CHAP. IX. A briefe Narration of the fourth Voyage to the East-Indies, with the two good Shippes, the Ascention being Admirall, and the Vnion Vice-Admirall, vn∣der the commaund of ALEXANDER SHARPEY Generall, and RICHARD ROVVLES Lieutenant Generall, with the discouery of the Redde-Sea in the [ 10] Ascention.

§. I. Relations of the said Voyage, written by THOMAS IONES.

IN an vnfortunate houre, the foureteenth day of March, in the yeare of our Lord [ 20] 1607. with the two tall Shippes, the Ascention and the Vnion, we weighed an∣chor at Woolwich.

The sixth of May 1608. hauing spent some daies in refreshing our men at Maio, we directed our course for the passing of the Equinoctiall, and so for the Cape of Bona Speranza South-east, and by South, and South South-east. The Equinoctiall we passed very speedily, and then you haue the generall wind, that bloweth con∣tinually, between the South-east and South-east and by East: so that the further you sayle to the South-ward, you shall finde the wind to Easter the more, as betweene the Equinoctiall and the Tropicke of Capricorne.* 8.126 The eleuenth day of Iune, in the Latitude of sixe and twenty degrees, being vnder the Tropicke, we met with a Caracke that was bound for India, her name was the [ 30] Naue Palma. This Caracke was cast away afterward vpon the Coast of Soffala, within twelue leagues of Mosambike:* 8.127 the Captaine of which said ship came Passenger home in the same Ca∣racke that I came out of India in; being Admirall of the Fleete of foure sayle. So according to the custome of the Sea, hauing spent some complements in friendly manner, we departed from him, to follow our Voyage.

The thirteenth of Iuly, we came to an Anchor in the Bay of Saldania, and staying there vn∣to the fiue and twentieth of September,* 8.128 in building of a Pinnasse (at which time the Westerly Monsons haue done blowing, and then the wind bloweth more betweene the South and the South-east.) The fiue and twentieth of September, wee came out of the Bay, and the sixe and twentieth of the same moneth, we were incountred with a mighty storme, at the South South-east, which blew so vehemently, that we split our fore-corse that night, and lost the company of [ 40] our consort the Vnion, and our Pinnasse called the Good Hope, which we had built at the foresaid Cape, and neuer heard of them afterward, onely the Pinnasse excepted, which came to vs to Aden in the Red-Sea. Thus with contrary winds, hauing before neglected our season of time, we beate vp and downe the Sea in following our Voyage, vnto the eighteenth day of Nouem∣ber, before we could get the great Iland of S. Lawrence. But there wee beate two daies to get about Cape De S. Roman, but could no••. This altered their minds, that they bore vp for the Iland of Comora,* 8.129 which standeth betwixt the Iland of S. Lawrence and the Maine, in the Sou∣therly Latitude of eleuen degrees. The sixe and twentieth day of October, we came to an An∣chor on the Wester-side of the Iland, in sixe and thirty fathomes water. Heere we were vsed [ 50] of the King and people, with all the kindnesse that might be: but could get no fresh water; yet had maruellous good refreshing of Limes, & some Hens, and Coco Nuts, which was a great com∣fort vnto vs. The last day of the said moneth we weighed Anchor, and departed from the Iland of Comora, and directed our course for the Iland of Zanzibar, minding there to relieue our wants of water. But through the default of our Master, wee ouer-shot the Iland of Zanzibar, and fell with the Iland of Pemba, hauing almost runne ashoare in the night before we did see it, the winds being by the East North-east,* 8.130 we cast about, and stood off till day, thinking it to bee the Iland Zanzibar. When it was day, we found a place on the South-side of the Iland, hauing a Ledge of Rockes to the Eastward of vs, here we road in seuen or eight fathome water, being the seuenth day of December. The Latitude of the place is sixe degrees to the South-ward, be∣ing [ 60] the South-west end of the Iland. The eight of the said moneth, I went ashoare to seeke for water, of which we could not fill aboue sixe Tuns a day. We plyed our businesse with great re∣course of the people, and familiarity with vs, but all was in treachery. Hauing almost done our businesse, and onely lacking some foure or fiue Tunnes of water to fill, being the eighteenth

day, I went ashore to fill those empty Caskes with water, where against my comming they had laid an Ambush of some two hundred men, which brake out vpon vs, yet, praised be God,* 8.131 wee did escape their hands, onely my Seruant Iohn Harington excepted, whom they tooke and mur∣thered most cruelly, I not being able to rescue him. Also, they wounded a Seruant of Iohn El∣mors, being one of our Masters Mates: but the youth recouered of his wounds, being eleuen in number. Also a little before they did put their treachery in practice, one of the chiefe of thē came vnto me, desiring me to send one of our men with him to fetch a present for our Generall, which I granted, but the fellow neuer came againe. The young-man that went was borne in Greene∣wich, his name being Edward Church-man, who afterward dyed in Mombasa of a Bloudy-fluxe, [ 10] as I was credibly informed of the Portugals. Also, while wee made our abode at Pemba, the Portugals were about to man a Flemmish Hulke, (which had wintered in Mombasa) to come to take our Shippe: but hearing of the force of our shippe, they altered their minds. The people of this Iland o•• Pemba be very cowardly people, and dare doe nothing of themselues without the inciting of the Portugals. We departed from thence the nineteenth day of the said moneth, de∣termining to beate vp betweene Pemba and the Maine of Melinda,* 8.132 in hope to finde the Current the stronger. But that night (to our great dismaying) wee came aground vpon the Coast of Melinda, but at that very instant the wind did lander, so that with the backing of our Sayles a sterne, our ship went off to our no little comfort: so that night wee stood to the East-ward till day, our shippe (praised be God) hauing receiued no harme at all. When it was day, wee saw [ 20] certaine showlds, that lay off the Easter end of Pemba, that we could not weather. Then wee cast about and stood to the North-ward: but in the end we had sight of three Barkes of Moores, which in their language they call Pangaies, which we gaue chase vnto with our Ship and Boats,* 8.133 and in the end fetched them vp: they strucke saile without any resistance, and with our Boates we fetched them all aboord our shippe, who were in number fifty men, or there-abouts. These Moores had thought to haue betrayed our shippe, as afterwards did appeare. For the chiefe of them being in the Cabbin with our Master, and our chiefe Merchant William Reuet, and my selfe,* 8.134 he with his long Knife which he had hid priuily about him, did stab our Master Philip Groue so sore, that we had thought he would not haue liued: but contrary to the Moores expectation, I ended his daies in the place. The rest of the Moores likewise that were within the ship, did at [ 30] that very instant put their Tragedy in practise, in stabbing of our Preacher, and one of our Mer∣chants, but (praised be God) in a small time wee vanquished them all,* 8.135 so that there did not escape aboue fiue or sixe at the most, to carry newes of their fellowes, being a iust reuenge for our former wrongs. For when they did put this wickednesse in practise, we had not aboord our shippe aboue fifteene or sixteene men at the most, all the rest being imployed in our Boates. Af∣terwards, I was credibly informed by the Portugals, of the great lamentation which was made for these Moores, because they were of the cheife Gentlemen of all the Coast of Melinda, and of the blood Royall. Now after the spoile of these Barkes, we determined to stay no longer on the North side of Pemba: so we put out of the West-end of the Iland againe, determining to beate vp for the Iland of Socotora: but the winds hanging betweene the East, and East South-East, [ 40] and finding small helpe of the Current, did altogether frustrate our determination. Then we determined to stand off to the South-ward, some two hundred or three hundred leagues, thinking to finde the windes at East South-east. But heere likewise we were frustrate of our hopes. For in the Offing we found the wind to hang at the East North-east, and at the North-East, and by East, that we lay beating in the Sea, from the twentieth day of December, vnto the sixe and twentieth day of Ianuary, and then it was our good hap to meete with certaine Ilands, which wee named the Desolate Ilands,* 8.136 because there are not any Inhabitants vpon them. These Ilands are (at the least) some twelue or thirteene in number, and ought very dili∣gently to be sought of them, that shall trauaile hereafter, because of the good refreshing that is vpon them. Water is there in great abundance, also great store of Coco Nuts, great store of fresh [ 50] Fish, and likewise store of Turtle-Doues, which are so tame, that one man may take with his hand twenty dozen in a day: also great store of Palmeto-trees, so that these Ilands seemed to vs an earthly Paradise.

Hauing refreshed our selues at the aforesaid Ilands, wee determined to follow our Voyage, but still were crossed with contrary winds, vntill the thirtieth day of March, and then beginne the Westerly Monsons, then we got the Iland of Socotora. But hauing espyed a Sayle which was bound for the Red Sea, we gaue chase, and in the end fetched them vp, being bound for A∣den, being glad of his company we consorted with him, and determined to goe both in company together. This ship did belong to Diu: but hee told vs that hee did belong to Surat, telling vs certaine newes of Captaine Hawkins and of his being at Surat, whereof wee were very glad. [ 60] Thus we held on our determined course vntill the eight of Aprill, at which time we came to an Anchor in the Roade of Aden, against the Citie.* 8.137 This Citie of Aden is vnder the Dominion of the Great Turke, and is the Key of all Arabia foelix. The same day wee came thither, the Cap∣taine of the Castle came aboord of vs with twelue Souldiers to guard our Generall ashore: where when he came, he was receiued with all the honour that might bee, not suffering him once

scantly to treade on the ground, but mounted him vpon a faire Arabian Horse, and so in triumph he was carryed to the Gouernour of the Towne: where after kind intertainment, the Gouer∣nour vnderstanding that he had Letters from the Kings Maiestie of England to the Bashaw of Ze∣nan,* 8.138 whose aboade is fifteene dayes iourney vp into the Countrey from Aden, whither they were sent.

We remayned in the Road of Aden vntill the tenth day of May, and then our Pinnace the Good Hope, which we had lost before at the Cape of Bona Esperanza, came to vs, hauing indured great misery, and they had murthered most shamefully their Master Iohn Luffken, because (they said) he would not put in with the shoare to relieue them, beeing then at the Easterne end of Saint Laurence (but the chiefe cause was for his prouision) and the next day they put in with the [ 10] shoare, and came to an Anchor where they got both water and other prouision. But heere they left my Seruant Edward Hilles behind them,* 8.139 who (as they said) going to cut wood, could not bee heard off. The parties that did the Murther, so soone as they came to vs had their reward, ac∣cording to their deserts, being both executed aboord the Pinnace where they did the Murther, whose names were Thomas Clarke who was his Mate, and Francis Driuer Gunner of the said Pinnace. Thus we remayned at Aden vntill the fifteenth of the said moneth, and then our Ge∣nerall and Master determined to goe for the Citie of Moka, which standeth vp higher in the Red Sea some fortie leagues or thereabouts.

But at our departure from Aden, the Gouernour did detayne two of our Merchants, whose names were Iohn Iordan and Philip Glassecocke, and certaine Cloth, and so sent them vp altoge∣ther [ 20] to the Basha,* 8.140 where when they came, they were vsed most kindly; the Basha demanding of them, whether they had brought the Great Turke his Letter with them, they answered him no: whereupon he told them, he could not giue them any leaue to settle a Factorie: but for the cloth which you haue heere, I will take this for a present, because your ship is the first of the English Nation, that euer came into these parts. And seeing you are come, I giue you leaue to sell your goods, and buy what you will, and so to depart at your pleasure Custome free, because of the cloth which I detaine in my hands. Thus with much trouble, because the Westerly Monson beganne to come in,* 8.141 and then the Current runneth out of the Red Sea) in the end we passed the Straights being not aboue one mile and an halfe broad at the most.

The eleuenth of Iune we came to anchor in the Roade of Moka, where we were most kindly [ 30] entertayned, and the same day our Generall went ashoare, where he was most louingly receiued. This Citie of Moka is the chiefe Staple for all Indian Trade.* 8.142 For all the goods that are brought to Cairo and to Alexandria come from thence. We stayed in this Roade of Moka in trimming of our Pinnace vntill the sixe and twentieth day of Iuly, and then our Generall and Master deter∣mined to follow their Voyage for Cambaya, sore against the mindes of the Company, being the chiefe Officers of the ship. That night through the head-strongnesse of our Master, we lost two Anchors.

The seuenth day of August we came to the Iland of Socotora, where we had so much winde at South, and South South-east, that we were hardly able with our ship to keepe the shore, which our Pinnace not being able to doe, was blowne off, hauing not aboue two or three dayes victuals in her at the most. Whilest we lay at this Iland of Sacotora to get in a Boates lading of water, [ 40] and two or three Boates of stones for ballast, we had such forcible gales of wind, that we broke two more of our best Anchors, hauing lost (as is aforesaid) two before in the Red Sea: so vehe∣mently doe those South-west windes blow at that Iland. In that time of the yeare, we now ha∣uing but two left to supply our vses withall. We stayed at the Iland of Socotora vntill the twen∣tieth day of August, and then we wayed and directed our course for Cambaya.

* 8.143The second day of September we fell with the Coast of Diu, some eight leagues to the East∣ward of Diu, we steered alongst the shoare some seuen leagues more to the Eastward, and then came to an Anchor a head-land. The third day we sent our Skiffe ashore, where the people re∣sorted vnto vs, hauing certaine conference with them, as also buying of them sheepe and other [ 50] things. They vnderstanding that we were bound for Surat, one of them came aboord desiring of our Generall passage to Surat, as also certifying our Generall, that the way was very dangerous, offering him for seuen pieces of eight, to fetch a Pilot which should conduct the ship safely to the Port. But (being ruled in most things by our Master) hee not regarding the words of the a∣foresaid Moore or Bannian. The fourth day we wayed Anchor about three of the Clocke in the afternoone, at the last quarter Ebbing; (if we had taken the first quarter floud, we should sure∣ly haue had water ouer all those shoulds) so that night we runne on the shoulds and strooke our Rudder off,* 8.144 and the next day being the fift day of September, wee lost our ship also, that night we forsook our ship, and betook vs to our two Boats, being a thing most miraculous, that so many men should be saued in two such small Boates, wee beeing at the least eightene leagues from the [ 60] shore. Thus was this tall ship lost to the great hinderance of the worshipfull Company, and to the vtter vndoing of all vs the poore Mariners, being altogether ouerthrowne with all the treasure and goods, both of the Merchants and the poore Companies, beeing so farre from our Natiue Countrey.* 8.145 We remayned vpon the Sea in our Boates, vntill the sixth day about foure of the

clocke in the afternoone, and then we discouered Land which we made vnto, with all the means we could possibly, indeuouring the best we could to fall with the Riuer of Surat. But note how the Lord did preserue vs, hauing as I said before, deliuered vs from the danger of the Sea, hee would not now suffer vs to fall into the hands of our Enemies, I meane the Portugalls, who lay at that time at the Barre of Surat,* 8.146 with fiue sayle of Frigats to take our Boates at our comming ashore, for they had intelligence of our ships comming before. For contrary to our mindes wee fell with the Riuer of Gandeuee some fiue leagues to the Southward of the Barre of Surat,* 8.147 where we were kindly entertayned of the Gouernour of the Towne. Heere wee heard likewise of the comming of our Pinnace into the same Riuer, and of her fetching away by the Portugalls: but [ 10] all the men had forsaken her, and were gone to Surat by Land.

The Gouernour of this Towne of Gandeuce is a Bannyan, and one of those kind of people,* 8.148 that obserue the Law of Pythagoras. They hold it a great sinne to eate of any thing that hath life or breath, but liue of that which the Earth naturally affoordeth of it selfe. They likewise honour the Cow and haue her in great estimation among them, and also obserue the ancient custome of burning of their dead. It hath likewise in old time beene a great custome amongst them, for the women so soone as their Husbands were dead, to burne themselues aliue with him: but now of late yeares, they haue learned more wit, and doe not vse it so commonly. Yet those women that doe it not, haue their haire cut, and euer after are held for no honest women, for that they will not accompany their Husbands into the other World, as they say.

The seuenth day wee departed out of this Towne to trauell for Surat, which might bee some [ 20] fortie miles or thereabout, and the ninth day came thither where William Finch keeping the Fa∣ctory, met vs: but Captaine Hawkins was gone vp to the King to Agra.* 8.149 This Citie of Agra is from Surat some thirtie dayes iourney: there the King is resident and keepeth his Court. Heere at Surat our Generall with our Company stayed till the latter end of September, and then himselfe with the rest of our Company went from Surat, and tooke their iourney vp for the Citie of Agra, so to trauell by the way of Persia for England. But I holding no fit course for mee, determined with my selfe to take some other course for the getting into my Countrey. Whilest I was in many determinations, it pleased God of his goodnesse to send a Father of the Order of Saint Paul being a Portugall, who was come from Cambaya to Su∣rat by Land, with whom I came acquainted, he promising me, that if I would commit my selfe [ 30] into his hands, hee would send mee home into my Countrey, or at the leastwise into Portugall, which promise he did accomplish most faithfully. In company of this Father, my selfe and three more of our Company, (Richard Mellis who dyed in the Caracke in the way homeward bound, Iohn Elmor and one Robert Fox) departed from Surat the seuenth day of October, and came in∣to the strong Towne and Fortresse of Daman,* 8.150 where once againe I saw our Pinnace the Good Hope, that wee had built at the Cape of Bona Esperanza: from Daman wee came to Chaul from thence to Goa, the eighteenth day of Nouember.* 8.151 The ninth day of Ianuary we were im∣barked in a Caracke called Our Ladie of Pittie, beeing the Admirall of the Fleet of foure sayle, and so departed the Coast of India. The eight and twentieth day of Ianuary wee passed the E∣quinoctiall [ 40] vpon the Coast of India, and the one and twentieth of March we fell with the land in thirtie three degrees and an halfe, some fiue leagues Eastward of Cape de Agulas,* 8.152 where wee lay with contrary windes, vntill the second of Aprill, and then wee were incountred with a mightie storme at the West South-west, which blew so vehemently that wee were forced to beare vp sixe houres before the Sea, and then it pleased God to send vs faire weather. The fourth day of Aprill we fell with land againe in thirtie foure degrees and fortie minutes. Then we lay driuing to and againe in the Sea, with contrary windes, and in sight of the shore, so that wee were twice within three or foure leagues of the Cape of Bona Esperanza, yet could not possibly get about. Thus we lay driuing to and againe in the Sea, and in sight of the shore, vntill the nine∣teenth day of Aprill,* 8.153 and then it pleased God that we doubled the foresaid Cape of Bona Espe∣ranza, to our no little comfort, being in great despayre before, and fearing our wintering at Mo∣sambique, [ 50] which is a common thing amongst the Portugalls. The seuen and twentieth of Aprill we pailed the Tropicke of Capricorne, and the ninth day of May wee came to an Anchor at the Iland of Saint Helena, which standeth in fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude; where we stayed vntill the fifteenth of the said moneth in watering: and then we weighed and directed our course for the passing of the Equinoctiall: and the second of Iune we passed the same.

The sixe and twentieth of the said moneth we passed the Tropicke of Cancer with the winde at Northeast, which the Portugalls call the generall wind, and the sixteenth of Iuly we passed by the Westerly Ilands by iudgement of the Pilot in the Caracke, beeing in the latitude of fortie degrees and odde minutes to the North-wards, we not seeing any land since our departure from Saint Helena. So (praysed be God) the third day of August, wee made the Land of Portugall,* 8.154 [ 60] being not aboue two leagues off the Rocke, to our no little comfort. And the same day we came to an Anchor in the Road of Caskalles. I the same day imbarked my selfe in a Boat, and went a∣shore, and so escaped the hands of the Portugalls. I remayned in Lisbone secretly vntill the thir∣teenth day of the said moneth, and then I imbarked my selfe in a ship of London, with Master

Steed, which was thither bound. And the same day wee wayed Anchor in the Bay of Wayers there was a Boat full of Portugalls to haue taken the ship, and so to haue carryed vs ashore, hauing had intelligence of our departure. But we setting sayle, put forth to Sea, and escaped the danger, and praysed be God arriued at our long desired home.

The seuenteenth day of September, Anno 1610. It being two yeares and six monethes since our departure out of England.

§. II. The report of WILLIAM NICOLS a Mariner in the Ascention which [ 10] trauelled from Bramport by Land to Masulipatan, written from his mouth at Bantam by HENRY MORIS, Sept. 12. 1612. The former and greater part is the same in substance with that of T. IONES, and therefore omitted.

THe Company departed from our Generall, not able to prouide for them, and left the rest to stay by him being very sicke. Some went to one place, and some to another, and some backe againe for Surat.* 8.155 And I my selfe being one of them that were wil∣ling to take the best course for my selfe that I could, I told them I would trauell [ 20] (God-willing) to Masulipatan, for I knew there was an Holland Factorie there, as I had heard at Surat before we came from thence. I could not finde any Christian to trauell ouer Land with me; and inquiring at Bramport; if there were any that would trauell to Masulipatan, I met with company which were trauelling that way: but it was such company that few Englishmen would trauell with them. For they were three Iewes: but necessitie hath no law. After I had a∣greed to trauell with them, I thought, if I trauelled with any money the Dogges would cut my throat.* 8.156 So I made away with all my money, and attyred my selfe in the Habit of a Turke, and tooke my iourney with those Dogges, without any peny of money in my Purse: and tra∣uelling with them, foure monethes, had nothing to eate but only such food as the Iewes gaue me, and many times, when I was hungry they would giue mee no meate, so that I was inforced to [ 30] eate such meate as they gaue their Camels, and no better, and glad I could get it, nay, sometimes I was infored to be in fee with the Camell Keeper to giue mee a little. In this miserable case I trauelled with these Dogges foure monethes: sometimes they would say, come let vs cut this Dogges throate, and afterwards open his belly, for he hath eaten his Gold: two would haue cut my throate, but the third was an honest Dogge, for he would not consent vnto it. So with ma∣ny a weary iourney and hungry belly,* 8.157 after a long and dangerous trauell we came safe vnto Ma∣sulipatan, where I presently discharged my selfe from these cruell Dogges, and came vnto the Dutch house where the Captaine vsed mee very kindly, and gaue mee clothes, and meate and drinke fiue moneths before any shipping came there. At length there came three ships to Ma∣sulipatan, the one called the Hay, the other the Sunne, and the third was a Frigot, which they had [ 40] taken in the Streights of Malacca, and the Sunne and the Frigot being bound for Bantam. I in∣treated the Master to grant me passage, and I would labour for my passage, who told mee very kindly, that he would not only giue me passage, but would also giue me wages: for the which I gaue him great thankes, and so came aboord. Not long after, we set sayle from thence, and came to Bantam the sixth day of September,* 8.158 1610. being Thursday, and came presently to the Eng∣lish House with ioyfull heart. 1610.

In my trauell (with the three Iewes) ouerland, these faire Townes I passed, which I bare in minde, for I could neyther write nor reade.

First, after I came from Bramport, I came to Ieuaport, from thence to Huidare, from thence to Golacaude, and so to Masulipatania. [ 50]

§. III. The vnhappie Voyage of the Vice-Admirall, the Vnion outward bound, till shee arriued at Priaman, reporeed by a Letter which Master SAMVE•• BRAD∣SHAW sent from Priaman, by HVMPHRY BIDVLPHE, the eleuenth day of March, 1609. written by the said HENRY MORIS at Bantam, Sept. the fourteenth, 1610.

[ 60]

YOu haue alreadie heard of the passage of the two ships (the Ascention and the Vnion) from England, to the Cape De Bona Esperanza, but after their departure out of the Roade of Saldania, and of their loosing one another in doubling of the Cape, as yet you haue not heard. Therefore I thought good to make some relation thereof, as

well as of the other, and that truly, as from other men report I haue heard; and thus it was. After they had lost one another by stormy weather, in doubling of the Cape, the Vnion in that storme sprang her Maine-Mast, and in the middest of the storme they were inforced to fish it againe: by reason whereof, they lost the company of their Admirall, and at last, being without hope ei∣ther to meete with Ship or Pinnasse there-abouts, considering that the storme continued; they shaped their course for the Bay of S. Augustine, being vpon Madagascar.* 8.159 Where being arri∣ued, they went ashore, and had good refreshing, and stayed there twenty daies, being in good hope to haue met our Admirall and the Pinnasse there, but all their hopes were frustrate. Then being out of all hope to haue their company, they set sayle from thence, and directed their course [ 10] for Zanzibar, in hope to meete their Generall there: where being arriued, they went on shoare, and at first were kindly entertained: but at their next going ashoare, they lay in Ambush,* 8.160 and as soone as they landed, salied out vpon them, and killed the Purser presently, and one Mariner, and tooke one of their Merchants Prisoner; yet by great chance, they gat off their Boate and came aboord. The names of them that were slaine, were Richard Kenn, Purser, the Mariners name I haue forgotten, but the Merchants name that was taken Prisoner, was Richard Wicham: they put to Sea about the moneth of February 1608. with the winds at North-east and Nor∣therly, iust against them as they should goe for Socotora.

Now after they had spent much time at Sea, and little or nothing in the way, (and the most part of the men very much troubled with the Scuruy) the Captaine purposed, and accordingly [ 20] bare vp the Helme for the North part of S. Laurance,* 8.161 determining to goe for the Bay of Anton∣gil: but they fell on the West side of the Iland, intending to recouer their almost-lost men there, and spend the vnprofitable Monson. Vpon which end of S. Laurance, they fell into an excee∣ding great Bay,* 8.162 which afterwards they vnderstood to be called by the Countrey people Canquo∣morra, a Countrey very fruitfull and pleasant to behold. The very first view thereof, gaue great content to all their men in generall: who no sooner arriued in the Bay, but within short time had conference with the Country people, and at first they profered them great kindnesse, but after it proued to the contrary. Whereupon Master Rowles the Captaine, and Master Richard Reue, chiefe Merchant, and Ieffrey Carlel, with three others, which were attendant vpon the Cap∣taine, aduentured to goe ashore vnto the King: and that made them the more venterous, because [ 30] diuers times before, all the Merchants had beene ashore at the Kings Palace (in their Skiffe and long Boate) and spake with the King, who profered them great kindnesse, and came aboord a∣gaine, as safe as if they had beene in their owne Natiue Countrey of England.* 8.163 Samuel Bradshaw had beene often imployed about businesse vnto the King: yet (it pleased God) at this time, the Captaine had some other occasion of businesse for him, and so staid him aboord (a happy turne for him:) for they no sooner came ashore, but they were betrayed by the Countrey people: but by the great Prouidence of the Almightie the Boates escaped, and presently came aboord, and informed them of all that happened: Where they no sooner had made knowne vnto them this dolefull newes, but presently they saw such abundance of Prawes, and great Boates,* 8.164 comming out of the Riuer vnto them, that it was admirable to behold. The Master spake vnto the Gun∣ner [ 40] to make the Ordnance ready, which was soone effected. This Fleete of Infidels came row∣ing vp vnto their Shippe, as though presently they would haue boorded them: but by the dili∣gence of the Gunner and his Mates, he made them retire,* 8.165 by sinking of some halfe dozen of their Boates, and they retired backe againe as fast, as if they had beene Sheepe chased by the Wolfe. But before we made such massacre amongst them, they came vp in the face of our Ord∣nance, and we thought verily they would haue taken vs all: for the fight continued (at least) two houres very dangerous, till we plagued them so with our Ordnance: and then,* 8.166 he accounted himselfe happiest that first could cleere himselfe, and wee continually sent after them, as farre as the Ordnance would reach. After they were gone from vs in this first attempt, we stayed in the Bay some foureteene daies, being in good hope to recouer our lost men againe,* 8.167 in which time [ 50] we lost seuen men more through a suddaine disease, which daunted vs more then the malice of those Infidels. The men which died, were they that wrought so lustily about the Ordnance in the fight, that within two daies they were all throwne ouer-boord. These crosses comming to∣gether, and no hope to recouer our lost men, they thought it folly to make any longer stay there, and therefore presently made hast away. And being not throughly watered, they thought good to spend a little time in another place thereby: but before they could dispatch, they attempted against them the second time, with a great multitude of Boates, and many of them great vessels,* 8.168 and so thicke pestered with men, that it was wonderfull: but they liked their first entertaine∣ment so well, that they cared not for comming too neere them the second time, but went all on shoare, and placed themselues to looke vpon the Ship. Then presently perceiuing what their in∣tended [ 60] purpose was, and fearing some mischiefe in the night, they weighed and stood in for the shore (where all the Infidels sate) and gaue them a whole broad side for a farewell: which fell among the thickest of them, and in their sight made such lanes among them, that they soone for∣sooke their places, and gat out of their sight with as much speed as might be:* 8.169 From thence they tacked and stood off at Sea, leauing behind them foureteene men, seuen betrayed, and seuen that

di••d w••th sicknesse. Then being cleare from those Infidels, they directed their course for Socotora, but by some negligence, for want of hulling in betimes, the winds tooke them short, that they could not fetch it,* 8.170 but they fell more to the East-ward vpon the Coast of Arabia, which was about the fourth of Iune, and the Winter Monson being come, they could not, nor durst goe for Camba••a: Moreouer, vpon that Coast, they could not finde any good place to harbour themselues in, vntill the Winter were past. Wherefore, keeping within sight of the Coast foure daies, sometimes being in danger of the shore, they thought it but folly to neglect the time any lon∣ger; and therefore resolued vpon some course to be taken, for the best performance of the Voy∣age. So the Master calling the best, and most principall men in the shippe, and such as were best experienced in those affaires, they presently concluded altogether to goe for Achen: and [ 10] being in hope there, to meete with some Guzurats, to barter their English Commodities with them,* 8.171 directing their course for that place, they arriued there the seauen and twentieth of Iuly. And within seuen daies after their arriuall, they had admittance to the King, with a Present that was giuen, (which they were inforced to doe somewhat largely) because the Hollanders sought to crosse them, a••d deb••rre them from Trade. Their aspiring minds could not haue any to Trade into India, but themselues; therefore after Master Bradshaw had beene with the King, and spent some time with them at Achen, he fell to Trade with the Guzurats for some of their Commodi∣ties, for our English Cloath and Lead, in trucke for Baftas, blacke and white, which is Guzurat Cloath, which they sell in those parts. After they had stayed there some small time, and trucked with the Guzurats for some Commodities, they tooke their leaue, and set sayle from thence, [ 20] and came vnto Priaman,* 8.172 and had Trade there in short space, to their hearts content. And al∣tho••gh Fortune had crossed them all the Voyage, yet God at length brought them vnto a plea∣sant Port to make some Trade and benefit of their Voyage. Heere they staied and tooke in Pep∣per, and at leng••h laded their shippe, and might l••ng before, if there had not beene a mutiny a∣mong the Company, for the Saylers would doe as pleased themselues. But Master Bradshaw vsed them with such faire words, that (at l••ngth) they gat that they came for. Heere Griffin Mauris (the Master) dyed:* 8.173 all businesse being ended, Master Bradshaw sent Humphrey Biddulph vnto Ban∣tam, and Siluester Smith to beare him company, with some remainder of goods, which they could not sell at Priaman, nor at Tecco: not long after that he had taken his leaue of them, they shaping their course for Bantam, in a China Iunke, he presently set sayle for England, in the month [ 30] of February 1609.

The lamentable successe of the said ship and Voyage, appeareth by the Letters following.

Laus Deo in Morlaix, the first of March 1611.

BRother Hide, this day is come to our hands a Letter from Odwen, written by one William Bag∣get an Irish-man, dwelling in the same Towne, aduising vs of most lamentable newes of a shippe of London, called the Vnion, which is vpon this Coast, about two leagues from the said Odwen: which the men of the Towne perceiuing, sent out two Boates vnto her; and when they came there, they found [ 40] that it was a shippe come from the East-India, richly laden with Pepper and other goods, hauing in her but onely f••ure men aliue, of which foure men, one is an In••ian, and other three dead in the shippe: which the foure liuing men through feeblenesse, were not able to cast ouer-boord, nor were scarce able to speake: so the men of the two Boates haue brought the shippe into the Roade of Odwen. And as this Iri••h-man writeth, they of the Towne haue vnladen the most part of the goods, and hauing directed his Letter to some English Merchants in this place, to repaire thither with all expedition, to see the ordering of the ship and goods, as belonging to the East-Indian Company. This Letter, is confirmed by one other Letter written in French by the Bayliffe of Kimper, and directed to one of this Towne, which I haue seene: And there∣fore we thought it good to send three Cop••es of this Irish-mans Letter, by three seuerall Barkes, to the [ 50] end that the Merchants may be aduertised, and giue order that their goods and shippe may be in safetie, for it is to be doubted that the rude people will make a wracke of her. I thinke it not amisse therefore, that they send to the Court of France, to procure the Kings Authoritie, for I feare there will be much trou∣ble about the matter. In the meane time, my selfe, with George Robbins will ride downe to see in what state all things are, and doe the best we can in the Me••chants behalfe, t••ll they send some one with procu∣ration, good and ample for the following of this businesse, as in their discretion shall see me fitting. The ship is reported to be of three or foure hundred Tunnes, and hath three Deckes, I doubt wee shall finde her shrewdly riffled when we shall come there. The importunate writing both of the Irish-man and the Bayliffe of Kimper, hath caused vs to take this iourney: And we doe it the rather in consideration of the Compa∣ny, presuming that they will consider our charge, because we haue both emplored friends, and procured Mo∣ney [ 60] in the place, to satisfie such as haue taken paines in sauing of the shippe and goods if need be. Not∣withstanding, I would wish that they send some with expedition by way of Rouen, with other prouision of Money: f••r that this is no place of Exchange as you know, where Money may be had at all times. I had rather giue fiftie pound, then take this iourney at this time, because I haue much goods vpon my hands as

I partly wrote to you in my last. The Masters name of the shippe is Edmund White, the Masters Mate, Thomas Duckmanton, and the other Samuel Smith, and the Indian. They are in very pittifull taking, and in great want of Money, neither can they be masters of their goods: therefore let them send men of good experience about this businesse. And thus being in some hast readie to take Horse, I com∣mit you to the Lords protection, resting your assured friend alwaies to command,

BERNARD COVPER▪

Neglect no time in making this knowne [ 10] to the Company.

Directed to Master Thomas Hide, Merchant in London.

February 1610. touching the Vnion at Andierne.

THE eighth day of February, I came ouer the Pole-head of Bourdeaux, and the eleuenth of the same I lost my fore-mast, my Botsprit, and my Ruther: the same night I put into Olderyearne, the thir∣teenth day the French-men brought the Vnion of London vpon the Rockes: the foureteeneth day I went aboord the Vnion with my Boate, and the French-men had beene aboord foure daies; the same time I [ 20] brought Samuel Smith on shoare, Thomas Duttoncon, and the Master Edmond White. The fifteenth day I got William Bagget my Merchant, to write me a Letter to Morles; the eighteenth day the Letter was sent, and I paid two Crownes for the carriage: the twentieth, the Indian dyed, and the same day I buried him: the one and twentieth day, the Master died, and I b••ried him: the two and twentieth came Master Roberts, and Master Couper: the sixe and twentieth, Master Couper and Master Roberts went to Morles. Againe, the fourth day of March, William Coarey, the Hoast of Master Couper and Master Roberts: the fifth, I went aboord with my Boates, and William Coarey, at low water, I went into the shippes hold at low water, and I brought an Example of the worst Pepper: the sixth day, I came from Olde-yearne; the eighth, I came to Morles: the seuenteenth, came Master Hide to Mor∣les: the one and twentieth, I came from Morles; the two and twentieth at night, I came into the Ile of [ 30] Wight: the foure and twentieth, I came to Hampton: the eight and twentieth day, I came to London.

Your louing Friend, WILLIAM WOTTON.

THey saued after the spoile of the Brittons almost two hundred Tunnes of Pepper, some Beniamin, and some China Silkes, which they bought at Techou in Sumatra, out of a shippe of China. They [ 40] touched outward bound at Saldania, where they stayed long in setting vp a Shallop or Pinnasse, they lost Master Rowles in S. Laurence: they lost more men at Zanzibar: they laded Pepper at Achen, Pria∣man, Passeman, and Tecou: there they bought Silke of a shippe of China. In their returne, they met with Sir Henry Middleton, hauing thirtie sixe men in reasonable good state aboord then: they deliuered vnto him certaine Chests of Siluer: They missed the Ile of S. Helena, most of their men dyed, on this side Cape Verde: ten English, and foure Guzarats▪ were taken out of her by a Barke of B••stol and a Scot. There landing in the Road of Anderne, and other matters are before set downe: The shippe after the Pep∣per goods were taken out and dried was found by Master Simonson, a skilfull Ship-wright, sent thither of purpose, to saue it if it might be, vtterly vnseruiceable: The Ordnance, Anchors, and other furnitures were saued.

[ 50] Thomas Duckmanton the Masters Mate, Robert Wilson of Detford, Bullock the Surgeon, Ia∣cob Peterson, and fiue English-men more remaine aliue, of seuentie fiue that went out of England: three or foure Guzarats also came home aliue.

§ IIII. The Voyage of M. Ioseph Salbancke through India, Persia, part of Turkie, the Persian-Gulfe, and Arabia, 1609. Written vnto Sir Thomas Smith.

[ 60]

GAndeue was the first Towne, where after the wracke and descension of the Ascension, we * 10.1 arriued, hauing a very faire hauen, and great store of shipping, whereof some are of fiue hundred tunnes burthen. From thence we iournied to Sobay, a Village that con∣sisteth altogether of Spinners and Weauers, and there is much Calico cotten cloth made.

From thence we came to Surat, which hath been a Citie of great trade, and hath great store of shipping.* 10.2 Those of the greatest burthen are laded not at the Towne, but are carried ouer the Barre with their ballast onely, and there are laden. At an high water, they haue sixteene foot o∣uer the Barre.

From Surat we trauelled toward Agra, the principall Citie of the Grand Mogol, and came first to Nabon,* 10.3 where Sugar groweth in great abundance, and Cotton-wooll, and all manner of Graine. Here all kind of victuals are very cheape. Then to a Citie called Daytaot, where are sold great store of Drugs, Pintados, and Calico-lawnes. Afterward we came to Netherberi, where is a Market of all Brasen wares, shirts of maile, Swords and bucklers, Lances, Armours for Hor∣ses: also Cotton-wools, Cotton yarne, Pintados, Shashes, and all manner of drugges. In this place [ 10] cloth would be very vendible, because course cloth is there exceeding deare.

From thence we proceeded to a Village called Saylot, where is store of Sugar, and fruites of all sorts.* 10.4 We departed thence to Sadise, a Garrison Towne. Here the Riuer Tynde runneth downe to Surat. From Sadise we came to the great Citie Bramport, gouerned by Can Canow. This Ci∣tie standeth in eight and twenty degrees, where Muskets, Snaphanses, Pistols, Petronels, and Swords are very saleable. Woollen cloth in this place wil prooue a great commodity, as also cloth of Gold and Siluer, Veluets, Broad cloths, and Bayes, because there are there so many Gallants. From thence we came to Caddor, and so to Sawbon. Then we trauailed to a great Citie, named Cannow, where is much trading for Cloth, Swords, Shashes, Pieces, and Armour, besides colours for Diers of all sorts. Here our clothes would sell well: for it beareth somewhat to the North∣ward, [ 20] and is very cold in Ianuary, February, and March.

About a dayes iourney from this place, we passed ouer the great Riuer Ganges, which runneth into the Gulfe of Bengala, issuing out of the North-west, and running directly East into the said Gulfe. From hence we set forward toward Agra, & spent eleuen dayes trauelling through a plea∣sant Countrey, and abounding with seuerall kinds of Indian commodities, and so arriued at Agra.

Agra is a very great Citie, and populous, built with stone, hauing faire and large streets, with a faire Riuer running by it, which falleth into the Gulfe of Bengala. It hath a faire Castle, and a strong, entrenched round about with a ditch. Hither is great refort of Merchants from Persia, and out of India, and very much Merchandize of Silkes, and Cloths, and of precious stones, both Ru∣byes, Diamonds, and Pearles. The Diamonds are found in diuerse places, as in Bisnagar, in De∣li, and here at Agra. But Rubyes, Saphyres, and Spinels are found in Pegu. In this Citie, with∣out [ 30] all question, our richer Silkes and Veluets, but especially our clothes of light colours will sell very well,* 10.5 beeing a place of great trading, being not aboue twelue miles from Fatipore, a Citie as great as London, and very populous; besides Lahor, and many other important Cities in this King∣dome.

At Agra we abode thirteene dayes, and then set forward toward Hispaon in Persia, by the way of Biani,* 10.6 beeing but two Moneths iourney, leauing the way by Lahor, which is foure Mo∣neths iourney. From Agra to Biamy, we spent two dayes trauell. Biamy is the cheifest place for Indico in all the East India, where are twelue Indico milles. It groweth on small bushes, and beareth a seede like a Cabbage seed. Being cut downe, it lyeth on heapes for halfe a yeere to rot, [ 40] and then by Oxen it is troden out from the stalkes, and afterward is ground very fine, and then boiled in fornaces, and so sorted out into seuerall sorts. The best Indico is there worth eight pence a pound.

From Biamy, we spent eight dayes iourney to Merta, passing by many Townes and Villages. In some of them there was store of course Indico,* 10.7 in others Calicoes, and store of Cotton-wools. Al∣so we passed ouer the faire Riuer Paddar, which runneth to Guzerat, and falleth into the Sea to the East-ward of the Persian Gulfe.* 10.8 In Merta there are three Basars or Markets euery weeke, where is sold great store of Indico, Cotton-wool, yarne, and Cotton cloths. From Merta or Menta we trauelled fiue and twentie dayes, through these three chiefe Townes, Reuree, Buckar, and Suker. Reuree is a Towne consisting of husbandmen, and painfull people, who deale also in [ 50] Merchandise,* 10.9 as Cotton cloth, Indico, and other commodities, and are a peaceable people to deale withall.

Buckar stands toward Lahor, where we receiued kind entertainment of the Gouernour. Sword-blades are very good chaffer in this Towne:* 10.10 my selfe hauing experience, who might haue had ten pounds sterling for my Sword, the blade being but worth a Noble in England. Close by this Ci∣tie of Buckar runneth the Riuer Damiadee,* 10.11 which within eight dayes iourney runneth into the Riuer of Synde, which falleth into the Ocean Sea, between the Countryes of Gnadel and Guze∣rate. On this Riuer passe Barkes of fortie or fiftie Tunnes, by meanes whereof, there is traf∣fique vnto diuerse parts of India.

Suckar is situated on an Iland in the middle of the Riuer, and consisteth most of Weauers and [ 60] Diers,* 10.12 which serue the Countrey round about. At Suckar we stayed foure and twentie dayes for a safe conuoy to Candahar,* 10.13 and passed to Candahar in twentie dayes, through many desarts and woods, and with no small difficultie. Candahar is a Citie of importance, which is frequented with Merchants out of Turkie, Persia, and the parts of India, and is gouerned by a Vice-roy. Here we

abode twelue dayes, and from hence set forward toward Hispahan in Persia, and trauelled fiue dayes till we came to Grees, che first Towne in the Countrey of Persia,* 10.14 passing ouer the Riuer Sabaa, which diuideth the Mogol and the Persian. Here we paid a custome for our Cammels.

Grees is a frontier Towne, where the Persian hath a Garrison of a thousand souldiers. From Grees, we spent eight dayes to the Citie Parra, passing through a vast countrey, sometimes pas∣sing by Villages: one of most note was called Vea▪ for the store of Felts and Carpets made there, and for the plenty of Dates, and all sorts of fruits. Parra is a Citie of great traffique, but especi∣ally for raw silke. Here we rested two and twenty dayes onely for a Carauan.

From Parra we spent eighteene dayes to Iesd, a Citie of Persia, passing through a very desolate [ 10] countrey. Not farre from this Towne is Pahanaunis, where is made great store of raw Silke: as also at Godana foure dayes iourney off. From Iesd we spent seuenteene dayes to Hispahan, pas∣sing by Gora, a faire Towne, where is store of raw Silkes, Quilts, Silke-carpets, and Turkeshes. And so we arriued at Hispahan. Haspahan is one of the greatest Cities in Persia, where the King sometimes keepeth his residencie. The people are industrious and curious in all Sciences, but e∣specially in weauing Girdles and Shashes, in making of Veluets, Sattens, Dammasks, very good Ormuzines, and Persian Carpets of a wonderfull finenesse. Here you may buy all manner of Drugs, and Spices, and Turkeses, with store of Pearles, Diamonds, and Rubies, as also all sorts of Silkes, as well wrought, as raw. Here might be planted a profitable trade, if our ships with safe∣tie might lade in the Persian Gulfe: where fiftie in the hundred may bee gained from Ormus to [ 20] Hispaan, and that in eightie dayes trauell: whereof I was throughly informed by diuerse Priso∣ners, and Merchants of the great Towne of Iulpha.* 10.15 These commodities are to bee carried from England into Persia; Tinne, Copper, Brasil: as also Carsies for the Common people: Broad cloths for the Merchants and better sort of people, blacke clothes for womens garments, good Chamlets and Veluets died in graine, with purple colours, and fine reds: cloth of Gold and Tissue, Veluets imbroydered with Gold: fine Holland cloth for the King and Sultans; Dagges, and Pistols, com∣pleat harnesse, targets of steele, shirts of maile, stone bowes, brasse and yron Ordnance. The co∣lours of Cloth must be Scarlets, Violets in graine, fine Reds, Blacks, browne Blues, London Rus∣sets, Tawnies, Lyon colours, faire liuely Greenes; all which will be vented at Haspahan, Cashan, Casbin, and Tauris, and other Cities in Persia. I am perswaded, that Hispahan will vent a thou∣sand [ 30] clothes yeerely. At Hispahan I abode thirteene dayes, and spent a moneths iourney to Bag∣dat; which is a Citie about two English miles in compasse, seated on Tigris:* 10.16 neuerthelesse it is ve∣ry populous, and of great traffique of strangers, being the way to Persia, Turkie, and Arabia. Here I embarqued my selfe for Balsara; and was twentie eight dayes in passing downe the Riuer; but it is to be done in eighteene or lesse, if the water be high. Many Ilands are in this Riuer, which I omit to speake of.

Balsara is a Citie neere vnto the Persian Gulfe, a mile and an halfe in circuit. All the buil∣dings, Castles, and Walls are made of bricke dried in the Sunne.* 10.17 The Turke hath here fiue hun∣dred Ianizaries, besides other souldiers continually in garrison. But his chiefe strength is of his Ga∣lies, which are twentie fiue or thirty in number, very faire and furnished with goodly Ordnance. To this port of Balsara come Monthly diuerse ships of fortie or fiftie tunnes from Ormus, laden [ 40] with all sorts of Indian Merchandizes. Also there is great store of Wheate, Rice, and Dates,* 10.18 gro∣wing thereabout, with which they serue Bagdat, and all the Countrey, Ormus, and many Parts of India.

From Balsara, I passed by Sea to Catiffa, on the Coast of Arabia Faelix, gouerned by a Turke, but a rebell against the Grand Signior; where is great plenty of sundry sort of fruites, as Dates, and others. And from thence we sayled by many Ilands, but among the rest, to that famous Iland Baharem, sixe dayes sayling from Balsara, and in the midway to Ormus; where they fish for Pearles foure moneths in the yeere; to wit, in Iune, Iuly, August, September. And here are the best Pearles, which are round and Orient.

From the Ile of Baharem, we sayled to Calara on the coast of Arabia Faelix, and so passed by [ 50] land with Camels, to Shiriff Din, (with a purpose to haue gone to Aman) where one Iohn White an Englishman, which refused my company, was poysoned) to haue giuen some intelligence to Sir Henry Middleton, of our hard vsage before in those parts. But hearing that he was traterously taken in Moha, in the mouth of the Red Sea, and carried in chaines vp to the Bassha of Sin••••, into the maine land of Arabia, I returned to Lima another Towne on the Persian Gulfe, and there imbarqued my selfe to haue passed to Socotora, an Iland neere the mouth of the Red Sea: B••t I was taken by Pirates, and so was driuen to land at Snar or Soar, a coast Towne not farre ••••om Lima.

At Snar, certaine Portugals, whose Barkes were there cast away, informed the Gouernour [ 60] that I was a Spie, and prayed him to deliuer mee vp into their hands; who hauing obtained their request, carried me to Azibo, and so to Mascate or Muscat, an Iland, where they haue a small Garrison of some fortie men, besides their gallies, as also one Church, and two Friars. And here I had abiden for euer, if one Father Drurie, an English Iesuite, which I found there, had not pro∣cured my libertie.

From thence, I was conueied in chaines to Ormus, crossing the mouth of the Persian Gulfe. Ormus is an Island in circuit about thirtie miles: and is the driest Iland in all the world: for there is nothing growing in it but salt:* 10.19 for their Water, Wood, Victualls, and other necessaries come out of Persia, which is about twelue miles from thence. The Portugals haue a strong Castle here, which standeth neere vnto the Sea, where there is a Captaine set by the King of Spaine, hauing vnder him a conuenient number of souldiers, whereof some part remaine in the Castle, and some in the Towne. In this Towne are Marchants of many Nations, and many Moores and Gen∣tiles. Here is very great trade of all sorts of Spices, Drugs, Silkes, cloth of Silke, fine Tapistries of Persia, great store of Pearles, as also Horses of Persia, which serue for all India. And all ships which passe from hence to Goa, wherein are horses, pay no custome in Goa: but if they bring no horses, then they pay eight in the hundred for their goods. [ 10]

From Ormus they sent me prisoner to Goa. And we sailed first to Sinde, which lieth between the Countryes of Guadel and Guzerate,* 10.20 hauing a great Riuer called Damiade falling into it, which Riuer commeth from Lahor, and so to Bucher, and Suchar. In these places is the best Indico sold. You may transport all the goods which the Countrey doth afford, by water to Sinde: where your shippes may ride as safely as in the Riuer of Thames. The Portugals haue no fort in this Riuer.

The place, (by report of the Gouernour, who gaue me a Passe at my first beeing there to bee a pledge, that whensoeuer I should returne with these and these goods, I should bee well entertai∣ned) doth vent cloth of all sorts in reasonable quantitie both fine and course, beeing all light co∣lours; Tinne, Lead, Iron, and Elephants teeth, and Spices of all sorts, especially Pepper and [ 20] Cloues. The commodities that the Countrey doth affoord in great plentie, and cheape price, are fine Calicoes of many sorts, Pintadoes, Q••ilts, Carpets, and other Silke in great plentie. Many of these stuffes are very good for the trade at Banta••, and the Moluccos. Besides, there is great store of Opium, which is a very good commoditie in Bantam, and those parts. And many other drugs fit for our Countrey. The people are of a good disposition, and desirous of trade: victualls are very good cheape: as tenne hennes for tenne pence, a good sheepe a shilling. On the shore the Portugals are subiect to the Countrey people: and if they doe not behaue themselues well, they are seuerely punished.

Passing this coast of Sinde, we arriued at Din in the Kingdome of Cambaya. And it is the strongest Towne that the Portugals haue in these parts.* 10.21 It is but little, but well stored with Mer∣chandise: [ 30] for here they lade many great ships with diuerse commodities, for Ormus and for the Straight of Mecca, and other places: and these be ships of Moores and Christians. The Moores passe by Passeport from the Portugalls.

From Diu we sailed for Goa: which is the principall Citie which the Portugals haue in those parts,* 10.22 and it is gouerned by a Vice-Roy. It standeth in an Iland, which may be thirtie miles about, replenished with Orchards and Gardens, Palme trees, and some Villages. Here be Merchants of many Nations.

[ 40]

CHAP. X. The Voyage of M. DAVID MIDLETON to Iaua, and Banda, extracted out of a Letter written by himselfe to the Company, this being the fifth Voyage set forth by them.

§. I. [ 50] Their affaires at Bantam, Botun, Bengaia.

WE set sayle in the Downes the foure and twentieth of April, 1609. in the Expedition of London,* 10.23 and got sight of Forteventure, and the Lansarot, the nineteenth of May, and with such winds as blow (some faire, some fowle) we arriued at Saldania the tenth of August, and watered, and made hast, and set sayle the eighteenth of the same. We proceeded for Bantam, and arriued there the seuenth of December, missing Captaine Keeling very narrowly that we had not sight of him: for hee passed vs in the night,* 10.24 else we should haue surely seene him. As for our businesse, I made all the dispatch that [ 60] might be (both by day and night) to get the Iron a shore, and would not stay, to set vp my Pin∣nasse, and left M. Hensworth in the house, and was driuen to giue a great many of gifts more then was requisite, if the State of the Countrey had beene as in former time: and left Edward Neetles,

and three more of my Company with Master Hemsworth (as his desire was) beeing in a strange place, and knew none in the House. So I tooke such Commodities as I thought most vendible in those places whereunto I was to goe; and what hope was of making a Voyage, I trust Cap∣taine Keeling hath long since made manifest, yet for all this, I must try their curtesie.

The eighteeth of December I tooke my leaue of Master Hemsworth, who was very loath to stay behind me, but I perswaded him to be of good courage, and doubt nothing, seeing I was to take Master Spalding with me for his Language, and had no bodie to leaue in the House but him∣selfe: and told him that if the Gouernour sent for him,* 10.25 hee must tell him plainly that I had left expresse order in any hand, not to yeeld to any of his former demands, yet hee might take what [ 10] he would, for he must deliuer him nothing. Then I set saile that euening for the Maluccas (as I supposed) and the winds fauouring vs, the seuen and twentieth of the same, wee passed the Streights of Desolam, and being through them, lay becalmed tenne dayes, which was no small griefe to me, in much heate vnder the Line, being doubtfull of the Westerly Monson, which (if it should faile me) would be the ouerthrow of my Voyage.

The eighth of Ianuary, we came before the Towne of Botun, and sent to know some newes, and there the King was gone to the Warres, and very few people in the Towne. So I anchored not, but we through the Streights the same day. The next day we saw a great company of Caera∣colles, which we imagined to bee the King of Botunes Armie, which proued so indeed. The King sent a small Prow (when we drew neere vnto him) to see what we were. I sent him word who [ 20] I was, and it proued little wind, and wanting water I demanded whether there were any neere hand, so the people shewed me where there was great store of good water. Then I stood with the place, and the King and all his Caricolles came vnder sayle after mee, and came to an Anchor faire by vs, and sent one aboord in his owne name to bid mee welcome, and desired mee to send Master Spalding with the Messenger to come, and speake with him to heare some newes. The Kings desire was that I would ride all night, and in the morning hee would come, and see the ship and me, It proued calme, so we ride still, and the next day the King came aboord, and I made him, and all his Nobles a Banquet, and gaue the King a gift worthy such a person:* 10.26 and a gale came fitted to be vnder sayle: then the King wept, and said I might thinke him but a Dissem∣bler, seeing he had no Merchandize for me, for foure monethes before my comming, hee had his [ 30] House burned to the ground, where he had prouided of euery thing somewhat, both Nuts and Mace, and Cloues, and great store of Sander wood an whole house full, and a great Ware-house full of the cloth of his Countrey, which is very vendible in most part of the Ilands thereabout: and all the losse which formerly he receiued, grieued him not halfe so much, as when I told him that I came, and had caused the ship to bee fitted of purpose to come and buy his Commodities, that he should prouide for me.

He further said, that I had kept my promise, and swore by the head of Mahomet, so would he haue done, if God had not laid that crosse of fire vpon him, hauing sundry of his Wiues and Women burned. But now he was abroad at Warres with his forces, he could not tell the issue of it, and as the case stood with him, hee could not spare any of his people, to make any prouision [ 40] for me: and said, that if I had not come by the night afore, he had beene in the field against an∣other King his Enemie, whose Towne he shewed me, and requested to shoot at it, as I went by. I said I was a Stranger, and knew him not, and to procure my selfe Enemies, I had no reason: but if the other King should come and offer him, or any of his Subiects wrong, while I was there, I would doe my best to send them away: which speeches of mine gaue the King great content, so the King tooke his leaue, and we set sayle presently.

The foure and twentieth of Ianuary, we arriued at the Iland of Bangaia,* 10.27 where the King and most of his people were fled for feare of some Enemy▪ and certainly I could not learne the truth. There was a Hollander there that told mee that the King was fled for feare of the King of Ma∣kasar, who (as he thought) would force the King to turne Moore, for he is a Gentile: but I rather [ 50] thinke they fled for feare of the Hollanders, who would haue built a For•• there, but when they perceiued the people were fled▪ they left it vneffected. This one Hollander bore such a sway, that neuer a man left vpon the Iland durst displease him. He hath as many Women as he plea∣seth, two Houses full of the choice of the Countries Daughters▪ and many Men and Women Slaues, and is a pleasant Companion, and will dance and sing all day long, neere-hand naked, as their manner is: and winneth the hearts of the people, and will be drunke two dayes together, amongst the people of the Iland: and is of himselfe, and hath liued long in the Countrey, and will not be commanded by any Hollander, and dwelleth ouer against Amboina. If the Gouer∣nour of Amboina would speake with him, hee must send two of his Merchants to bee kept in pawne till his returne: He taketh vp the Kings Duties of Tarnata, in all the Ilands thereabouts, [ 60] and serueth his owne turne, and sends the King what he may spare. Heere wee had good refresh∣ing for my people, being (I prayse God) in better estate then when I set sayle from England,* 10.28 and haue not had a man sicke to that present. There I sheathed my Long Boate, which wee towed for feare of the Wormes that would haue spoyled her, and after set sayle the nine and twentieth of Ianuary. Comming to Sea, we found the windes right as we should goe, so striuing (all wee

might) to get to wind-wards, but could not, the streame carrying vs directly South, and ran so swift, that we lost fifteene leagues in two dayes. Then I was faine to alter my detetmination, for going for the Moluccos, and bare vp the Helme to goe for Banda, and might goe with a downe sheate.

§. II. Occurrents at Banna; Contesting with the Dutch: Trade at Puloway, [ 10] and many perils.

THe fifth of February, we got sight of the Ilands of Banda, and made all the sayle wee could,* 10.29 to get neere before night: and drawing neere, I sent my Skiffe to heare some newes, of some of the Country people, who sent me word that the Hollanders would not suffer any Sayle to come into the Roade, but they would take all hee brought, (if it were such things as they stood in need of) and make payment at their owne pleasures: But if any Iuncke came and brought Commodities very vendible for the Countrey people,* 10.30 they were not permitted to haue any speech with any of the Countrey: but the Hollander would bring them to the backside of the Castle within Musket shot of their Ordnance, that one must not [ 20] set his foot ashore, but they would send a Bullet at him: They had fifteene great Iunckes, which they kept in that manner. What hope is there to make a Voyage there, seeing they dealt so with all,* 10.31 that came into the Roade, and banished Captaine Keeling, not permitting him to stay to ga∣ther in his debts, but gaue him Bils to receiue his money at Bantam, as (I hope) from his owne mouth, your Worships haue heard at large. Yet for all this, I stood into the Roade with Flagge and Ensigne, and at each Yard Arme a Pendant, in as comely a manner as we could deuise. There came a small Pinnasse of thirtie Tunnes sent from the Gouernour of the Castle, thinking it had beene one of their Countrey ships: but comming neere vs stood into the Roade before me, after they had haled vs, I could haue no other speech with them.

As soone as I came thwart of Lautor, I saluted the Towne with Ordnance, and came to an [ 30] Anchor within shot of their ships: then presently a Dutch Boate came aboord vs from the Go∣uernour, to haue me come into the Roade, and come ashore to him, and shew him my Commis∣sion: I made answere, I was but new come, and to shew my Commission to the Gouernour, or to make any man acquainted with those businesses, which belonged to the making of my Voy∣age, I would not. They further asked, whether I was a Merchant, or a Man of Warre? I an∣swered I would pay for what I take: then they threaned me: who told them I was there, and would ride there, doe as they should please, I hoped I should defend my selfe: so they returned to the Castle in a great rage. The Hollanders no sooner gone, but great store of the men of Lautor came aboord me,* 10.32 and bade me welcome. Then I vnderstood the whole Estate of the Countrey, and the Countrey would be willing to deale with me, if I could procure leaue of the Hollanders, for they are now friends, but Pulaway and Polatronu are at War••es with them. [ 40]

Now knowing well, that in troubled waters it is good fishing, there being one of Pulaway a∣mongst them, I had priuate conference with him, and gaue him money in his Purse, to certifie them of the Iland, that I would giue them money or Commodities for all their Spice, and that the Hollanders and I were like to be Enemies, and let them not doubt, but that I would get their Spice aboord, one way or other. In the meane season, there came another Boate from the Vice-Admirall, and the same Boate from the Castle, with expresse Commandement from the Gouer∣nour to me to come in. Being dinner time, I caused them to stay dinner, and after dinner told them that I would ride there, and stand to the danger of the Roade: For I knew full well, that our Nations were friends in Europe, & for vs to be Enemies amongst the Heathen people, it were [ 50] not good, being Christians. Whereupon they told me plainly I must not ride there, and if I did, they would fetch me in perforce: I said I would ride there, till I found the inconuenience of the Roade (as by their speeches it was foule ground) then would I come into the best of the Har∣bour: for neither of our Princes giueth any such authoritie to any of their Subiects, but that e∣uery man may ride, and goe at their owne perils. They said that the Countrey was theirs, then may I the more boldly (say I) ride heere, for we are friends: so they departed in displeasure.

This Euening, I was about to land Ordnance vpon the side of an Hill, where wee rid and be∣gan to fit the ship to fight with them that should molest mee: and sent out some to see what ground there was round about the ship, and it was all Rockes, so by no meanes the shippe could ride there: so we left our pretence of landing Ordnance. In the morning I sent my Skiffe with [ 60] Master Spalding, and the principall of the ship with a Letter to the Gouernour, and bad them say nothing more then I had written, and make no long stay, but bring an answere presently, for we ride very bad: the Copie of which Letter hereafter followeth.

MAy it please you Worship with patience to consider, That whereas you haue diuers enemies (and few friends in this place) I being a Christian, if your Worship stand in need of any thing that I haue, I pray you make bold to demand it, and I will be as readie to performe it to my power. For whereas there is amitie betweene our Princes at home, I should be vnwilling that we their Subiects should be at en∣mitie heere. Further, forasmuch as you command me to come vnder the command of the Castle, I hope I haue that Priuiledge that both Princes allow their Subiects, to come and goe at their owne pleasures, and stand to the danger of the Roade, at their owne perils. And whereas you demanded to see my Commis∣sion, I am a Gentleman, and willing to shew it vpon equall termes, for if you would meete me securely, as I would doe you, appoint our meeting on the water, in our Boates equally manned, or in any other conue∣nient [ 10] place, where I may be as neere my force as you are to yours. And whereas it is reportted, that a con∣tract is to be made with the Inhabitants of Lantor, and your Worship; my desire is, that you would vse me as an Indian for my money: then should I thinke my selfe much beholding to your Worship, and am more willing to deale with you then with them. Furthermore, forasmuch as you be at enmitie with the I∣lands of Puloway, and Polaron; my desire is to bee resolued, whether I may haue their Spice without your hinderance. Thus desiring your answere to these particulars, and the same to bee returned by these Bearers, I bid you farewell, from aboord my ship, this seuenth of February, 1609.

Yours in friendship, DAVID MIDDLETON.

All my Companies comming to the Castle were brought to the Gouernour, where they sate in Councell, so they deliuered my Letter: which being openly read they would send mee no an∣swer [ 20] but by word of mouth, yet detayned my Letter. They had determined by Counsell (hauing three great ships of one thousand tunnes a piece, and three Pinnasses of thirtie tunnes a piece) that one of the shippes (being vnseruiceable) called the great Sunne, should clap me aboord,* 11.1 and there set her selfe a fire: and had for the same purpose sworne sundry persons to come and make her fast with chaines, and had put into her thirtie Barrels of Powder for the same intent: which beeing manned out of the Castle with all the ships, and boates, to take vp the men when shee should fire, the Great Horne should come and ride within Musket-shot, and batter vpon vs, and the Frigots round about vs, to keepe vs doing on all sides. My folke seeing their speed they made to warpe out the Great Sunne, made small stay but came away, and told me what prepara∣tion was made to haue vs. I thought it fit to goe and speake with the Gouernour my selfe, and [ 30] before wee would try it by Battaile, to see what hee would say to my selfe. And so taking my Commission with mee, I came to the Castle, and was met at my landing by the Go∣uernour, and all the principall men, that were in the Castle and ships and was brought through a Guard of small shot of three hundred Souldiers, who gaue mee three Vollies of shot, and the Castle seuen Peeces of Ordnance for my welcome: so wee came to the Gouernours Chamber, where for vs two, there were Chaires set, the rest had formes, and after many Salutations, and Complements of welcome to the Castle, I began, and said,

I vnderstand by my Company, which was with them before my comming, that they would not be perswaded but that I was a Pirate, and had no Commission: and that it should appeare to the contrary, I came my selfe, and brought my Commission with mee, to manifest that I was no [ 40] such person, but had the Kings Maiesties broad Seale to my Commission, and called to my man for it, and shewed it them, reading the first line vnto them, and lapped it vp againe. Then they said, that they would see it all. I said, they should not while I liued, The Commission was mine,* 11.2 you all apparantly see, and the great Seale at my Commission, and my selfe nominated therein; and if they would see more, it is not my Commission they should expect it. Wee would haue bin gone aboord, but were willed to stay awhile. So there passed words betweene vs, some sharpe and some sweet: but at the length they began to be more mild, & called for a Cup of Wine, then the Company rose all vp, dranke a cup of Wine, and went to walke, and view the Castle, the Offices whereof were very neat and very wel furnished with Armor and great store of Munition.

Taking my time, I put in practice to see what money would doe (which often maketh Wise∣men [ 50] blinde) that so I might attayne vnto my lading by large proffers. I offered one thousand pound to be sure to haue my lading,* 11.3 and to giue my chaine from about my necke to one to pro∣cure it, offering to pay more then they paid for their Spice. Hauing set this matter abroach, (knowing the ship to ride in danger) I told the Gouernour, now they apparantly saw, I was no man of Warre, I would bring in my ship: hee replyed with the residue, that all the friendship they could doe me, I should find them willing to pleasure me therein. It drawing late I tooke my leaue to goe aboord, at what time, the Gouernour caused all the Ordnance in the Castle to bee shot off, and as I passed by the ships, they and the Frigots shot off, till I came aboord. The next day being the eight of February, I brought my ship into the Roade, and rid betweene their ships and the Castle, and gaue them all my Ordnance, and was answered from the Castle, and shippes, [ 60] and Frigats with great store.

As soone as we came to an Anchor, the Gouernor with all the chiefe of the Castle and Ships came aboord of me: so I intreated them to dinner, to such as we could prouide, which they very kindly accepted: and after dinner the maine point (which was my lading) I could not by gifts, nor any meanes I might deuise, haue any grant to buy one pound of Spice. And hauing prooued sundry meanes to induce them to heare reason, the Gouernour told me plainly, he durst not giue

me leaue to deale for any Spice, vnder paine of losse of his head. I seeing no good to bee done in riding at an Anchor amongst them, determined to take in water, and take my Fortune: but they would not suffer my Boate to goe ashore for water, but they would send a man with vs, to see that we had no conference with any of the Countrey people. After I had water aboord, I sent Master Spalding to shew the Gouernour that I would be gone and that I had sent him to acquaint him therewith: for my selfe would not come out of the ship.

* 11.4The Gouernour maruelled whither I would goe, the winds being Westerly: Master Spalding said, he knew not. So I warped till I could get Sea-roome to set saile. The Gouernour sent three Pinnasses to go out with me, and one came in a Boate aboord vs, sent from the Gouernour to command me, that I should not come neere any of those Ilands: I sent him word I would not be at his commanding, for I was bound to Puloway, as soone as possibly I can, and bade him send his [ 10] ships to send me away, for I would quickly send the Frigots further from me. Hee went aboord one of the Frigots, and I caused our men to get vp their small shot, and fit themselues to fight with their ships which were fitted, and their sailes brought to the yard of purpose. I called all my Company to know their mindes, and told them plainly that if they would stand by mee, I meant to set vp my rest,* 11.5 to make my Voyage at those Ilands, let the Hollander doe what hee could▪ and promised them, if any man were maymed, hee should haue maintenance during his life, which (if it pleased God) I would haue performed: and further promised, that if they would fight it out, to giue franckly amongst them, those things that were mine owne, which were in the ship. So with one consent, wee were all willing to try what force the Hollander would send out to driue vs away. The Pinnasses seeing my folke to bring vp their small shot, [ 20] thought it would be smal to their ease to guard me any longer, and therefore bore vp for the Har∣bour. While we were a warping out, the Admirall had beene twice aboord the Pinnasses, and the Vice-Admirall, and the Lieutenant Gouernor of the Castle also, what they did there I know not.

* 11.6It fell calme, and the winds Westerly, and a great streame set to the East North-East, and we droue a great pace. So I manned my Boate, and sent Master Spalding away with Money, and my Pursers Mate, and fiue more, to goe and certifie them of the land of Pulaway, that we had parted enemies with the Hollanders, and that I had sent him to know their minds, whether they would sell me their Spice, and I would giue them Money for it: and would haue come my selfe, but would faine see the shippe in some place where she might ride, and then I would come either in the ship, or in a Pinnasse that I had within boord to set vp. While my Boat was absent, there came two Prawes from Lantor, to know why I went away; I told them, the streame set [ 30] the ship away: I would faine haue gone to Pulaway, if the streame had not hindred me, and had sent a Factor thither to buy Spice; they said, they were glad that I went not away for altoge∣ther: then I prayed them to tell them of Lantor, that I would giue them Money or Commodities for all their Spice which they had, if they would sell it me before the Hollander, that came to take their Countrey from them. One of them said, that hee would goe to the Iland and see my people, and then he would shew them of Lantor.

At Master Spaldings comming ashore, the Countrey flocked about him, and bad him welcome, but would make no price with him till I came my selfe:* 11.7 but would deliuer Spice vpon an ac∣count, till God should send me thither, to goe through with them my selfe. I bid Master Spal∣ding hire me a Pilot (if he could) to harbour my ship neere hand; who spake to the Countrey [ 40] for one, and they hired him a co••ple, to whom the Countrey gaue twenty Rials, and I must giue them as much. So Master Spalding sent them aboord, and writ to mee to send him more Money and Cloath,* 11.8 which I did the same night, and bare vp the Helme for Ceran, and came to a place called Gelagula, being thirtie leagues from Banda, a reasonable good Road: and as soone as possi∣bly we could, we tooke an house, and brought our Pinnasse ashore to set vp, hauing had her with∣in boord thus long, and could neuer haue time to set her vp, because the time of the yeare did so fast slip away, and the Monson was at an end. Labouring all that night to get her dispatched, being fitted, I named her the Hope-well. The seuen and twentieth of March, we made all things readie to set saile to the Iland of Pulaway,* 11.9 and arriued there the one and thitieth of the same in the night, and could not lade any Spice, till I had agreed with the Countrey people. [ 50]

The Countrey asked many duties, and great gifts; but in fine, I agreed to pay as Captaine Keeling paid: after the chiefe had what they looked for, (for euery one must haue somewhat, that all must not know) and a man must euer be giuing, for they neuer cease begging: and it is not for a mans ease to deny them any reasonable matter, especially, as the case stood with mee. After we had agreed, we laded the Hope-well with Mace, and sent her away, she being but nine Tunne, could carry but little of such Commodities, which fils presently: wherefore I was dri∣uen to looke out for more helpe to get ouer the Spice; so I hired a great Praw, and was to build her,* 11.10 which we laded with Nuts, and sent to the ship, and there builded her higher, and made her one of fiue and twentie Tunne. But she made but one Voyage, and then wee heard no newes of [ 60] her in three moneths, still expecting her comming to Pulaway a long time. The Hope-well ma∣king two Voyages, could bring mee no newes of her, so that I verily thought she had beene sunke: for I came in company with her in the Hope-well my selfe, and hauing a great storme, was perfectly perswaded, that the Sea had eaten her vp, and gaue her for lost, hauing twelue of the lustiest men in the ship in her. It was no small griefe to mee, to see the time of the yeare to

weare away, and could not get my lading ouer to the ship, nor durst bring the ship ouer (for there was no riding for her, and she past the Iland oft) all hope was past for sixe moneths. I made en∣quitie for other Vessels, and heard of a Iunck that belonged to Lantor, but she was old, and lay neere the Hollanders ships: I went and bought her, and got such helpe as I could to trim her.

The want of my twelue men put me to much trouble, if I had had them with mee all the while, it had beene a great shortning to our Voyage: for most of our men were downe vpon sore Legges, and as soone as one was any thing well, hee must into the Hope-well, and another poore lame man take his roome, hauing some three times well and downe againe. Thus I was driuen to my wits end, not knowing which way to turne me, being euery houre in danger of the Hol∣lander [ 10] to come and take the Iland, who (as by intelligence from time to time we heard) sought sundry meanes to make me away, by offering large Money for Rogues to effect it, either by poi∣son, or otherwise. But (I praise God) I had some friends vpon the Iland, who gaue mee secret warnings of such men, or to be aware of such men-slaues, for they would do me some mischiefe, and came for the purpose. Whereupon I was faine to get all the Ilands to draw to an head,* 11.11 and fit their Caracols, and keepe the Hollanders Pinnasses from comming aboord: so the Pinnasses durst not stirre, and the Ilanders landed secretly vpon Nero, and cut off sundry of the Hollanders, that they durst not stirre out of the Castle, except they were many, and well fitted.

These Ilanders built a Fort vpon the side of an hill, from whence they shot into the Castle,* 11.12 which troubled the Hollander much. So we were sure that the Pinnasses could not come out as in [ 20] former time, to cut vs off as oftentimes they had attempted, making nine Voyages in her my selfe, and neuer could spare aboue seuen men to goe in her, and but fiue at Puloway: the rest in a manner lame and sicke, in a most villanous Countrey, where all things were so deere, that one should eat, and not to be had but at some times, which was a great griefe vnto vs all: with such foule weather of raines continually, which was like to haue made an end of vs all. The Iunke which I had bought at Lantor, I was faine to get away vntrimmed, for the Hollanders sent me one of their ships, seeing men at worke vpon her, (when they had fitted her) to batter her to peeces. So that night she waighed, I got the helpe of two Townes to lanch her, and was to carry her a great way vpon Rowlers. This we did by night, and got her out of sight by day, and brought her to Puloway, and were faine to buy Sayles for her, and all things else, for she had nothing be∣longing [ 30] vnto her but the bare Hull. I set the Countrey Carpenters aworke, which did her little good, as proued afterwards: and had sent to the ship by the Hope-well, that they should bring o∣uer some rigging for the Iunke, and that Master Dauis should come and carry her ouer, fitting her (as well as I could) with those silly Carpenters which the place affordeth.

The Hope-well stayed three weekes, and wee neuer heard any word what was become of her, being doubtfull whether any mischance had befallen her: and wee might stay long before they aboord could hire any to come ouer, the Hollanders haue so seased them, that they haue taken car∣rying of victuals to the Bandanesses. Being reasonable faire weather, hauing the Shippes Skiffe at Puloway, I determined to goe ouer my selfe, and make some shift,* 11.13 and not to let the time passe doing nothing. For I could not hire men to carrie ouer the Iuncke, if I would haue laded her with Siluer. So I put it in practise, seeing the Hope-well came not, and not hauing a sound man [ 40] with me that could stand on his legges, I hyred three Blackes and put to Sea: being out of sight of Land, there arose a grieuous storme, that I was faine to spoone afore the Sea, to saue our liues▪ yet (God be praised) wee got sight of the Land of Ceran, and kept her right afore the Sea, cleane from our ship, and comming neere the shoare (the Sea aloft) did breake,* 11.14 and tooke away all hope of comming safe ashore. Night being at hand, we stroue all we might to keepe her vpon the Sea till day, the storme increaseth, that no remedie but wee must hazzard all to put into the Breach, ouer a ledge of Rockes. Which we did, and no man durst forsake the Boat, for being bea∣ten to pieces against the Rockes. So the next day we set her ashore, being brim-full, and had all things that we had washed ouer-boord: we laid hands on the Boat, and got her out of the Suffe of the Sea, and gaue God thankes for preseruing vs from so apparant danger. Being extreme foule [ 50] weather, with much raine, wee could not tell what to doe.

The Blackes came and told vs, that we must goe to Sea presently,* 11.15 if wee meant to saue our liues. I asked one of them the reason; who said, it was the Canibals Countrey, and if they got sight of vs, they would kill vs and eate vs, and nothing would ransome a man if they take him: and all Christians that they get, they rost them aliue, for wrongs that the Portugals haue done them: and therefore if we would not goe to Sea, they would go hide themselues: for the Canbals would be at the water side as soone as they can look about to descry if they can discouer any Fi∣sher-men or Passengers, that by stealth passe by in the night. Wee hearing this (and the Moone began to shew the wind to Duller, and a Tyde of floud with vs) we got a head a good reasonable pace, and by day we were cleere of their Watches, & keeping the shore close aboord, we espyed a [ 60] Hul of a Bark, came & rowed neere it, & knew it to be the Diligence, So we came & hayled her,* 11.16 & there were a couple of Englishmen in her, who told me that the same night (that we had the storme in the Skiffe) she chopped to an Anchor there, and the Cable burst, & she draue ashore, & that M. Herniman was gone to the Towne to get men to haue her vp, & saue her. I landed my selfe to goe to the Gouernour of the Towne, to come and bring some helpe to saue her. The Sand was full of people which came of purpose to haue pillaged her, & I willed them to make a shot now & then,

which stayed them from comming neere them: & comming to the Town, M. Herniman was gone by land to the ship. I offred the Gouernour mony to haue help to saue her, who said, he would ga∣ther the Country together within two or three daies, but I told him that if it blew, she would be lost within an houre.* 11.17 One of Puloway being there, who knew the Barke, and was earnest with the Gouernour to saue her, plainly told mee, that he gaped only to haue her bulged, that hee might haue the Planke to build him a Praw.

Then perceiuing there was no helpe, but must come from the shippe, I hired Guides to fol∣low Master Herniman, and tooke one of myne owne men to keepe me company, and so procee∣ded by land, being twelue miles from the ship. Being halfe way, we came to a great water, which we must swimme ouer: my man could not swimme, so I sent my clothes back, all but a Scarlet [ 10] Mandilian, which these Blackes must carrie ouer for me, who told me, the Riuer was full of A∣ligatds, and if I saw any, I must fight with him, else he would kill me: and for that purpose did carry a great Knife in his mouth.* 11.18 I being weary, not hauing slept in two nights, tooke the wa∣ter before the Indians, knowing they would bee ouer before me. The Riuer being broad, and a swift current, which the great raine (that had fallen) had made, the Indians would haue had me turned backe, but being the better halfe way, I was very vnwilling: being in the water, one of the Indians that carryed my Mandilion, had got a great Cane (which I knew not of) and strooke me on the side,* 11.19 who feeling the stroke, suspecting it had beene an Aligata, diued vnder water, where the current got such hold on mee, that before I could come vp, I was in the Sea, and there the Sea threw mee against the Beech, and bruised my backe and shoulder, till the time that hee [ 20] came, and gaue me the end of the Cane, whereof I got hold, and he pulled mee out, neere hand drowned: being tossed with the Sea, that euery Suffe washed mee into the Sea againe. I prayse God, I escaped this danger and got aboord, after I had rested my selfe a reasonable space, to the amazement of all my Company. So that night, I sent all that were able to crawle, to saue the Bark: which (God be praysed) they did with much toyle of so small help. The Country would not let any man lay his hand to saue her, expecting we would forsake her, that they might enioy her.

The next day after my comming aboord, the Hopewell arriued with her lading of Spice, who told me,* 11.20 they had been driuen to the East-wards of Banda thirtie leagues, in a most cruell storme, which continued long, and caused them to haue a long passage to get to the wind-wards, but arri∣ued the next day after. I went from Puloway in the Boat, and laded presently, and M. Dauis [ 30] was taking in of his lading, making all dispatch that might be, with a poore lame Crewe (the whole being absent as your Worships haue heard, about the Diligence) we presently vnladed her, and that night set saile in her my selfe, to see if I could come before M. Dauis came from thence: for they told me, the Iuncke was very leaky, and I desired to haue the Hope-well come in her com∣pany, whatsoeuer should befall: for she had neuer a naile in her, but such as we our selues put into her: and hauing none there of our owne, we caused the simple Smith that the countrey a foor∣ded, to make some Iron pinnes, for nayles they can make none; and in most needfull places wee bestowed them. As for my selfe in the Hopewell, striuing to attaine to Puloway, I was put by it by the streame, in a mighty storme; the more the wind, the stronger the Current: beeing put to Lee-wards, we were long before we could fetch the ship, and were faine to seeke to the Ceran shore, or else had been quite blowne away. Hauing made many Voyages, and still fallen to Lee-ward [ 40] of the ship, I caused M. Dauis to search the land for some Harbour, that when those prouisi∣ons (that we could make to get ouer the goods) should come ouer, they might come from Puloway to the ship directly, and not to boult it vp to windwards when she was deepe laden, which bee∣ing emptie, hauing discharged her burden, might better ply it to wind-wards: for beeing light, she would feele her oares, which was effected.

* 11.21In my long stay from Puloway, and the Ilands of Banda, they had intelligence, that the ship had weighed anchor, and were perswaded, that I was gone in the ship for feare of the Hollanders, who were determined to come and looke me out, and surprise mee. Whereupon, the countrey people would not deale with my people any more, nor sell them victuals, and beganne to abuse them, and rayle vpon them: and said, that I was gone in the ship, and left them in the Countrey [ 50] as the Holanders did, and would come with a Fleete, as they haue done, and take their Countrey from them. Then they were determined to seize vpon the house, and take the people, and keep them prisoners vpon an high Rocke, and sent for the Sabandar, that by whole consent they might come, and take possession of all the goods. When the Sabandar was come, M. Spalding went vnto him, to shew him of the hard vsage of the Ilanders, who began to take things out of the house by force. He said, They would be sure we should not doe as the Holanders had done, and were deter∣mined to lay them fast▪ for the ship was gone, and our meaning was not good. All that Master Spalding could doe, would not perswade them, but they were left of purpose.

The next day, being in counsel in the Church: they resolued to send the men vp prisoners to the [ 60] Rocke. Then there came one and told them, that I was in sight in the Hopewell; whereupon they broke vp their deuillish determmation. At my comming a shore, M. Spalding told mee of their hard vsage of them, and what feare they were in. The Chiefe of all the Ilands sate before our doore to stay my comming: I went vnto them, and asked the reason, Why they dealt so with my people in my absence? They told me plainely, that if I had not come my selfe, they would haue

taken the goods, and kept the men safe. So I told them the reason of the remoouing of the ship, and said further, No maruell that the Holanders built a Castle to defend themselues, when I bee∣ing in friendship with them, and leauing men amongst them, with Commodities that the coun∣trey stood in neede of, and made the Holanders mine Enemies, which were their ene∣mies, and sought all the meanes that in me lay to doe all the Ilands good, (as they all very well knew) should receiue such hard measure at their hands. They said plainly, I must not blame them to be iealous of Christians: for many yeeres,* 11.22 the Portugals and Holanders haue done as I haue done; but in the ende they saw apparantly, they would haue their Countrey from them: yet now I was come my selfe, they hoped I would not thinke the worse of them. So wee became good [ 10] friends, and bought Spice apace: and had bought my whole ships lading. Hauing an ouer-plus of Stock left I thought I could not doe your Worships better seruice, then in laying out your mo∣ney, and therefore made shift to send the ships lading away: and laded thirtie Tunnes more in a Iuncke, and bought another Iuncke of fortie Tunnes (and Spice to lade her) which was not then launched, but men at worke vpon her: and left M. Spalding to come in her, and M. Chapman, for Master (a very honest and sufficient man) with twelue persons in the whole.

§ III. His departure for Bantam, escape from the Hollanders, and returne home.

[ 20]

AFter this, I came and tooke my leaue of all the Countrey, in most louing manner, and gaue them diuers gifts for a farwell, intreating them to helpe Master Spal∣ding, if hee should stand in need of them: for I beeing gone, hee must rely vpon them. So with many promises of all kindnesse, I tooke my leaue both of Master Spalding, and of his company, and all the Iland. Leauing Master Chapman for Master in the new Iuncke. I was faine to carry ouer the Hopewell my selfe, and set saile the seuenth of September from Puloway, with the Iuncke Middleton in my Company (hauing stay∣ed longer in the Countrey, then euer any Englishman did) arriued at the ship the tenth. And there [ 30] I heard that the ship was not fully laden: for there were seuen Tunnes of the Nuttes spoyled,* 11.23 that came last from Puloway, and lost. There I laded the ship out of the Hopewel, and the Iuncke, and turned off the Hopewel, which had done vs very good seruice, and brought an hundred Tunnes of goods aboord; being so wormeaten, that we pumped alwayes in her, being but halfe inch planck, and neuer could stay or haue any time to sheath her. After the shippe was wholly laden, wee set saile from Keeling Bay the same day, hauing neuer a top-sayle ouer head: For I had caused Ma∣ster Dauis to remoue the ship from whence I left her, to another Bay, seuen leagues to the West-ward, where I said I would come with the Hopewell; and the Iuncke where I found them:* 11.24 now the ship, in remoouing had her top-sailes blowne from the yard, hauing beene at the yard euer since we came into the Countrey for feare of Treason, and the Hollanders who would seeke our [ 40] ouerthrow. The Iuncke going better then we, hauing no top-sailes, I sent for the Master of her aboord, and wrote a Letter to Bantam by them: and requested them to make all the speed they could thither, and I hoped I should come after them, and ouertake them, when I could make my top-sailes, which wee plyed night and day: and made Master Musgraue his Mate: wee in the ship hauing our top-sailes finished, did ouertake the Iuncke the sixteenth of the same, and com∣ming vp to them, they could not keepe vs company, except wee should take in our top-sailes: and to presse the Iuncke with a saile they durst not. I called vnto them, and bade them beare such saile, that they doe not wrong her (for feare a leake should breake vpon them) and come to Bantam: for mee to keepe by them, could doe them small pleasure, for wee had long businesse at our comming to Bantam, to trimme the shippe for England. So wee tooke leaue of them, [ 50] and bore ahead, and the ninth of October arriued in Bantam Roade,* 11.25 where Master Hemsworth and Edward Neetles were both dead, within a short space after my going away from Bantam: so that all the goods I left at Bantam, were yet there, and not a yard of cloth sold to the Chineses. At our comming to Bantam, being very weake (for most part of the company had sore legs) I was driuen, that all men that had any sores, or were sickly, should remayne aboord by the Surgeon, and manured the Iunckes with all my choice men, being all in perfect health. There came a small ship, that had heene at China, and at Iapan, Tarnata, Makian, Coramandell, Patane, and Ior, and came to Amboyna, and so to Banda to seeke for lading, but could get none, so was faine to go for Bantam to lade Pepper. This ship when she came to Banda, came neere the Iland of Puloway. and let flye all her Ordnance, and a shot came through another mans house, through two Suckles [ 60] of Mace in our house, and strooke the Pursers Mate vpon the shinne, yet broke not his legge, but went into a Chest of fine Pintados, and spoyled many: the poore man lay long vpon it (sixe monethes at the least) not able to stand.

The Hollanders seeing vs to passe by them at Banda, day by day with Spice (who after my comming bought not one pound, I wrought such meanes to procure my lading first) were starke

madde, hauing two great ships halfe laden before I came into the Countrey: wherefore they de∣termined to come with their ships and Pinnasses,* 11.26 and take the Iland, and all the Spice that I had there, knowing I had store bought, and fitted such a time, as that they might easily haue done it. The Bandaneses being fleshed with the slaughter of some of the straggling Hollanders, which they had murthered, tooke all the able men to giue assault to the Hollanders Castles: and deter∣mined to fire their ships, at an Anchor, and burne the old Sunne close to the Castle gates. All able men being gone to the Warres, and not passing fortie men left, beside women and children, the two great ships and three Pinnasses came out vnder saile, with three Boates a piece at their sternes, and the Frigots, two Prowes a piece to land men: They chose such a time, that they might haue come ashore, and taken euery man one, in their armes, and carryed them quite away, for there were no Weapons left in the Iland, but what we had. But it pleased God to deale bet∣ter [ 10] with vs, for being come out of the Harbour, they could not get in againe, it prooued calme, and the Tyde of Ebbe (being Springing Tyde) did set the shippes to the Southwards of the I∣land, and the Pinnasses must follow the ships, for feare the Caricols would haue had them. Two dayes they did what they could to come backe, so they were forced to proceed for Bantam to lade Pepper: Being long becalmed by the way to Bantam, they descryed a shippe right to Lee∣wards of them, which they thought could not be any Saile, but wee: wherefore it was agreed by counsell that they should come and fight with mee, and take me, and all the Spice from mee: and what their determination was to haue done with the ship and Company, I could not learne. It proued to be the Prouincia of Holland, a great ship that was bound to Banda, to looke for la∣ding, and had beene at the Moluccoes, but could not get one pound of Spice. So those two [ 20] ships told him, that they came from thence, with halfe their lading, so all three came to Bantam to lade Pepper: thus the Lord kept me out of their hands.

* 11.27There came eight ships to Bantam for Pepper, and must stay a yeare for it: so the shippes that must stay a yeare for their lading, tooke in plankes and prouision of building, and were sent with them to Banda and Tarna••a, (for their Castles, and to make Flankers to make themselues strong) and were sent away after I came to Bantam. My lame Company being very wea••e fell sicke, and my Gunner, and one of my Quarter Masters dyed, and three more presently after them. The Carpenters fitting the ship, and the Westerly Monson come, there was no hope of the Iunckes comming till May: Master Dauis being sicke, and very hardly escaping with life, Ma∣ster Clayborne weake and sicke,* 11.28 and my selfe not well with griefe, to see in what poore estate we [ 30] were, made all speed that we might to be gone from that contagious Countrey, hoping, that if we were out at Sea, my people would mend. Now seeing the Iuncke came not, which if but one of them had come,* 11.29 I would haue remayned in the Countrey, and fitted her to goe for Suc∣cadania, (a place where the Hollanders haue made great Voyages) but seeing they came not, I thought I should doe your Worships as good seruice to come home in the ship, (if it should please God to take Master Dauis, and Master Clayborne away) to bring home the ship: and therefore set vp my rest to come home.* 11.30 Three dayes before we set saile from Bantam, foure Saile of a new Fleet of Hollanders came in (which brought in great store of women, to inhabite those places which they had conq••ered) and were nine in the whole, and fiue remayned behind. Those that came into the Road, were very weake, so that the other ships company that were in the Road, [ 40] were faine to fetch them in one by one.

That same day came a Slupe from Tarnata (sent with Letters to Amboyno, and so to Bantam) with newes,* 11.31 that the Hollanders had lost their Admirall, which went to Manilia: for his head was shot off, and the ship taken and two more, and another (that would not yeeld) set himselfe a fire: so they lost three ships by f••ght, and one burned, being all great shippes of one thousand Tunnes a piece. Fo••re dayes before these newes came from Manilia, a Generall of the Hollan∣ders, which came into the Indies foure yeares passed, called Paulus Vancarles, who had beene ta∣ken by the Spaniards at Tarnata, by Spanish Gallies (within foure monethes after I came from thence the last Voyage) remained a Prisoner in the Master of the Campes House at Tarnata and all his company were chained in the Gallies. These Prisoners the Hollanders would haue ranso∣med [ 50] with money, offering a very great ransome: which the Spaniard would not accept, but would haue them deliuer vp the Forts, and be gone; so they would set their Generall, and the rest at libertie, or otherw••se not. The Hollanders would by no meanes withdraw their forces, so the Generall remained Prisoner a yeare and a quarter, and then was released by the new Gouer∣nour that came from Manilia,* 11.32 to take the Gouernment of the Moluccoes, who was intercepted, and taken by two ships of the Hollanders, which released their Generall with exchange of man for man. This Generall was the second time taken by the Spanish Gallies (after a long fight) and presently sent Prisoner to the Manilia. [ 60]

Hauing left Richard Wooddies for Chiefe in the house, and order for Master Spalding (when God shall send him to Bantam) to determine a Voyage to Succadaniae in Borneo for Diamonds, I tooke my leaue of them of Bantam,* 11.33 and set saile the the sixteenth of Nouember▪ and had a very good passage to the Roade of Saldanha; where I came to an Anchor the one and twentiteh of Ianuary, and tooke in water, and made all dispatch that I could for England: and found that my

Brother Sir Henry Middleton had beene there, and came in the foure and twentieth of Iuly, and departed the tenth of August, and there I found the Copie of a Letter, which my Brother had written to your Worships, and sent home by a Hollander the next day that hee came into the Road: which if you haue not receiued, you may apparantly see, that they will detaine all your Worships Letters, and you shall haue the Copie. Thus haue I at large certified your Worships of all matters in ample manner, which I thought no lesse then my dutie to doe, hauing made relati∣on of all those places from whence I came. And (I prayse God) I haue aboord one hundred thirtie nine Tunnes, six Cathayes, one quarterne two pound of Nutmegs, and sixe hundred two and twentie Suckettes of Mace, which maketh thirtie sixe Tunnes, fifteene Cathayes, one quar∣terne, [ 10] one and twentie pound, and haue left in the Iuncke with Master Her••••man, foure and twentie Tunnes, seuen Cathayes, two quarternes and eight pound, which co•••• with the charge 25071. ¼. Rials, of which summe I haue disbursed fiue hundred of mine owne, for Spice which lyeth most vpon the Orlope: and being in bond vnto your Worships, shall remaine vntill I know your pleasures, whether I shall enioy it.

CHAP. XI. The sixth Voyage, set forth by the East-Indian Company in three Shippes; the [ 20] Trades Increase, of one thousand Tunnes, and in her the Generall Sir HENRY MIDDLETON, Admirall; the Pepper-Corne of two hundred and fiftie, Vice-Admirall, the Captaine NICHOLAS DOVNTON: and the Darling of ninetie. The Barke Samuel followed as a Victualler of burthen one hundred and eightie: written by Sir H. MIDDLETON.

[ 30]

§. I. The proceeding of his Voyage till hee came to Moha in the Redde Sea.

THe first of May 1610. wee came to an Anchor in the Roade of Cape Verde,* 11.34 vnder an Iland: where wee found a Frenchman of Deepe, that was setting vp a small [ 40] Pinnasse vpon the Iland.

The second, the Carpenters of all the shippes went in hand with my mayne Mast pulling off the fishes, we found the Mast exceeding bad, and aboue the vpper Decke some three foot wr••ng more then halfe asunder: had wee met with any foule weather, it must needs haue gone by the boord. I sent one of my Carpenters a-land to the maine to search for Trees, who returned that night, and brought mee word that hee had seene some which would serue our turne.

The third, we beganne to vnlade the Samuel, and sent Carpenters a-land to cut downe Trees, hauing leaue of the Alcayda, who came aboord and dined with me,* 11.35 I gaue him a piece of Roan cloth, which I bought of the Frenchman, and other Trifles.

The fifteenth, we made an end of watering, all our Caske being full: we stowed all our Boats [ 50] this night and fitted to be gone the next morning.* 11.36 This place of Cape Verde is the best place I know for our outward bound ships: for that the Road is excellent good, fit for dispatch of any businesse, and fresh fish to be had in great plentie: besides it is not any thing out of the way. I called a Counsell of Captaine Dounton and the Masters what course was best to hold till wee came to the Line, so it was concluded South South-west for sixtie leagues: and then South South-East til we grew neere the Line, and then to hale ouer Easterly. We dismissed the Samuel.

The foure and twentieth of Iuly, we came into the Road of Saldanha, and saluted the Dutch Admirall with fiue Pieces of Ordnance, and hee returned the like, there were also other two Holland ships which came to make traine Oyle of Seales: they had made three hundred Pipes. * 11.37 This day I went a-land and found out the names of Captaine Keeling, and others bound home [ 60] in Ianuary, 1609. And also my Brother Dauids name bound out in August the ninth, 1609. And also a Letter buried vnder ground according to agreement made betweene him and mee in Eng∣land: it was so consumed with the dampe of the aire, that I could not reade any part thereof. The sixe and twentieth, we set vp a Tent for my sicke men, and then we had them all a land to aire

our ships. From this day, till the day of our departure, not any thing happened worth the wri∣ting.

The sixt of September, latitude twentie three degrees thirtie minutes, the winde all Souther∣ly a good gale:* 11.38 this day after dinner we saw land, and before night wee came to an anchor in S. Augustines Bay, where we found the Vnion distressed for lacke of victualls. The seuenth day, I went in my Pinnasse aland to see if I could get any fresh victualls: but we could not get any: wee got wood and water aboord, and so returned to our Ships.

The tenth, we steered alongst the land with a good gale of wind at South-east, making account we should haue gone at least twentie sixe leagues, but we went but twentie two leagues, by rea∣son the Current setteth to the Southward: her course North two and twentie leagues. The e∣leuenth, [ 10] we steered from noone till night North North-east along the land, which was North 1/••. a point Easterly way, and till midnight North North-west. From midnight till day North by West, and so till noone North, all her true way North North-west 1/••. a point, North twentie seuen leagues. We haue a great Current against vs: for I made account wee should haue gone fiue and thirtie leagues: I obserued, and the latitude was one and twentie degrees fiue minutes, wind East South-East. The twelfth, we steered betweene the North North-east, and North by East, her true way North Westerly ½. of a point latitude nineteene degrees, fortie eight minutes, shee ranne twentie seuen leagues. The Current we find this last foure and twentie houres, setteth to the North-ward, the wind variable.

The thirteenth, we steered with little wind and calmes for the most part North by East, her [ 20] true way North ⅓. part West, the wind as the day before: she went fifteene leagues more then I would haue giuen her; so that I find the Current setteth to the North-ward, by my obseruation, latitude nineteene degrees tenne minutes. The twentieth at noone, her latitude eleuen degrees ten minutes, the wind vering Easterly, with calmes, variation twelue degrees fortie minutes. This afternoone we saw land, being the Iles of Queriba, which are dangerous low Ilands, environed with rockes and shoales.* 11.39

The first of October, 1610. wee steered North-east, her way North-east by North ¼. North twenty seuen leagues, the wind for the most part South-east. The second, we steered North-east, her way North-east by North ¼. North fiftie seuen leagues. Note the Current hath carried vs these eight and fortie houres to the North-ward, more then by reckoning we could giue her by twen∣tie eight leagues, which we found true by our latitude, which was three degrees thirtie minutes [ 30] South latitude: variation twelue degrees twenty foure minutes, wind South and South-east. The third, we steered North-east by East, her true way North-east ¼. North fortie one leagues, which is twelue leagues, carried by the Current to the North-wards: for I should haue giuen her but nine and twentie leagues, latitude two degrees South, the winds variable betweene the South and South-east.

The fourth, we steered North-east by East, her true way North-east ⅓. point Northerly fortie fiue leagues; whereof foureteene leagues carried with the Current, South latitude foureteene mi∣nutes, variation thirteene degrees, wind variable, betweene the South-east and South, we crost the line this afternoone.* 11.40 The fifth, we steered twelue houres North-east by East, and twelue [ 40] houres East North-east, her true way North-east, little Northerly fortie seuen leagues: shee hath been carried to the North by the Current at the least twenty leagues, latitude North one degree thirtie minutes, the wind for the most part South South-east, with sometimes almost calme. The sixt, we steered East by North, and East North-east: her true way North-east by East little Ea∣sterly thirtie eight leagues, helped by the Current to the North-ward eighteene leagues: latitude two degrees thirtie minutes, the wind South South-east, variation foureteene degrees two minutes.

The seuenth, we steered East by North, her true way East North-east 1/••. point Northerly, eight and twentie leagues: latitude three degrees fiue minutes, wind all Southerly: variation fifteene degrees, by the Current tenne leagues. The eighth, we steered East North-east, her true way North-east by East 1/••. point, Northerly fortie leagues: latitude foure degrees twentie seuen mi∣nutes, [ 50] the wind South-west, variation sixteene degrees foure minutes. The ninth, wee steered North-east by East, her true way North-east ¼. a point Northerly twenty seuen leagues, latitude fiue degrees, three and twentie minutes, wind South-west, variation sixteene degrees foure mi∣nutes.

* 11.41The tenth calme: Latitude in fiue degrees, one and twenty minutes. Here we lost the Cur∣rent that set to the North-ward, and were carried to the South-ward two miles, varia∣tion seuenteene degrees tenne minutes. The eleuenth, calme, latitude fiue degrees twentie mi∣nutes, lost one mile. The twelfth, calme, latitude fiue degrees, lost by being carried to the South-ward twentie miles. The thirteenth, we steered two watches North-east, and foure watches [ 60] North North-east: her true way as I guest North North-east, by reason the Current counteruailes the variation, she ranne seuenteene leagues: latitude fiue degrees, fiftie fiue minutes, the wind West by North, variation nineteene degrees tenne minutes.

The foureteenth, we steered North, her way allowing her variation, which is nineteene de∣grees

fortie minutes, should be one point ¼. to the West-ward; but the variation daily rising, sheweth we are carried to the East-ward by the Current, more then the variation commeth vnto,* 11.42 she went this day forty leagues, the wind West South-west, latitude seuen degrees fifteene mi∣nutes: her true way North-east, carried to the East tenne leagues. The fifteenth, wee steered North, our latitude eight degrees fifty fiue minutes, her true way North-east fortie fiue leagues, her way should haue been North by West, Westerly by the variation, but the Current hath cari∣ed her to the East-ward of her course seuenteene leagues: the variation nineteen degrees fiue mi∣nutes, the wind West South-west.

The sixteenth, we steered away North, her way by the Current, North by East thirtie sixe [ 10] leagues, carried contrary to the variation fiue leagues to the East-ward, as I imagine: the wind South South-west, variation nineteene degrees eight minutes. The seuenteenth, wee steered North, and ranne nineteene leagues: in the morning early wee did see the Duas Irmanas sixe leagues off, bearing North by West of vs: the wind at South-west,* 11.43 variation eighteene degrees fiftie fiue minutes. The eighteenth at night, we came to an anchor in a sandy Bay,* 11.44 in the Ile of Zacotora, whose latitude was twelue degrees twenty fiue minutes: in the euening we went on land with our Sayne, and got great store of fish: wind East.

The one and twentieth, we weighed for to ply for the road of Tamerin,* 11.45 the chiefe towne of the Iland, but we found the wind at the East, and East by South, which was right as wee should goe, so that we could not get the place till the fiue and twentieth day. The latitude of Tamarin [ 20] is twelue degrees thirtie minutes, the variation is nineteene degrees eighteene minutes. The Towne standeth at the foote of high ragged hills:* 11.46 the road is all open betweene the East by North, and West North-west. We anchored in ten fathomes water, good ground. The fiue and twentieth in the afternoon, I sent M. Femel well accompanied ashore, with a present to the King, which was a vest of cloth, a peice of Plate, and a Sword blade; he promised all kindnesses.

The sixe and twentieth, I went on shore with the chiefe Merchants with me, and a good guard of armed men: I was conducted to the Kings house,* 11.47 where at his chamber doore he came and in∣tertained me: he brought me into his Chamber, where being set in a chaire by him, there passed many complements, which I omit. I enquired concerning the trade of the Red Sea; and he com∣mended it highly, saying, the people of Aden and Moha were good people, and would bee glad [ 30] of trade with vs; and that the Ascension had sold all her goods there at good rates, and came so lightly to this place, that they tooke in good store of Ballast. This newes gaue me good content: I demaunded leaue to set vp my Pinnasse vpon his Iland, but he would not graunt it in this roade; but if I would returne, and doe it at the place where we first anchored, he was content: he feared if we stayed in this roade of Tamerin to set her vp, we would feare all men for comming thither. He had sent all his Alloes to Fartaque to his Father, King of that part of Arabia Foelix:* 11.48 his chiefe Citie is called Chushem, where he is resiednt. I asked him leaue to wood and water: for the one, which was water, he gaue me free leaue; but for wood I must pay very deare, if I would haue any; saying withall, That all other Nations which came thither, payed for their water; but of mee he would not demaund any thing. He confirmed the losse of the Ascension, and her Pinnasse, which [ 40] was no little griefe to me to heare. I demaunded if they had left any writing behind them; hee answered me, he had one, but his seruant had lost it; I was very earnest to haue seene it; but it could not be found. He animated me to goe for the Red Sea, but diswaded me from seeking trade in the Countrey of Fartaque: for that he doubts his Father would not permit vs. I and all my people dined with the King, which beeing done, I tooke my leaue, and went aboord.

The seuenth of Nouember, we steered West by South, and West South-west alongst the Land: we sawe about tenne of the clocke an high land, which we imagined to be the high land of A∣den, it riseth like Abbadel-Curia, and may be seene a great way off.* 11.49 In the euening about sixe of the clocke, we came to an anchor before the Towne in twenty fathome water, sandy ground. The Towne standeth at the foote of a Mountaine in a Vale, and maketh a faire shew: it is inuironed [ 50] with a stone wall, and Forts and Bulwarks in many places, but how they be appoointed we know not. This night there came a small Boat from the Towne to view vs, but came not aboord: the wind East South-east we stood in, standing ouer we were carried to the East-ward with the Current at least twentie leagues, contrary to our expectation, who rather thought the Current would haue set to the West-wards.

The eighth, came a small Boat off the Towne aboord, with three Arabians in her: they said they were sent by the Lieftenant of the Towne, to know what Nation we were, and wherefore we came thither, sending vs word by them, if we were Englishmen, we were heartily welcome, and that the yeere before, Captaine Sharpeigh had been there, and from thence went to M••ha, where he made sale of all his goods: I demaunded of one of them the name of the Basha,* 11.50 and [ 60] whether he were a good man: he answered, his name was Ieffer Basha, and that the Basha that last was, was very ••ad, this a little better; but all the Turkes in generall starke naught. I asked, if Mo∣ha were a good place of trade? they answered, that there was one man in Moha, that would buy all our goods: I sent my Pinnasse a land, and Iohn Williams one of my Factors in her, who spake the Arabique language, at their comming a shore they were kindly entertained.

The ninth in the morning, I sent my Pinnasse ashore for a Pilot for Moha: in the meane while the Boate was ashore, we brought our selues loose, and vnder sayle: they returned without a Pilot, and would not let vs haue any, without three of our chiefe Merchants to be left for pledges: they intreated me not to depart with all our ships, but to leaue one for that Port; and that they would buy all the goods in her; we beeing desirous of trade vpon good consideration, thought fit to leaue the Pepper-corne there, and the other two to goe for Moha, whereupon we did what we could to get the Road againe, but could not, beeing carried to Lee-ward with the Current: wee anchored to the South-ward of the Towne: I sent M. Fowler and Iohn Williams aland, to tell them I minded to leaue one of the ships there to trade, so that they would let me haue a Pilot. They seemed very glad that one of the ships should tarry, and promised me a Pilot the next day. [ 10]

* 11.51The twelfth, I seeing no hope of any Pilot to be had (which had been often promised, but not performed) dispatched my businesse with the Pepper-corne: and about noone, I and the Darling set sayle for Moha: the wind East South-east, wee steered alongst the land sometimes West South-west, and West by North, in twentie eight and thirtie fathome, we saw a small sayle go∣ing before vs,* 11.52 which we followed till we had lost sight of her by night. This coast is highland, with many head-lands.

The thirteenth, we haled on our course alongst the land, all this night steering betweene the West by North,* 11.53 and most by South, her true way West. The next day betimes we saw the head∣land going into the Red Sea, rising like an Iland; about eleuen of the clocke wee were thwart of the entrance, being but three miles broad: on the North side is a ragged land like an Iland, and on [ 20] the other side is a flat low Iland, called Babelmandel: vpon the South of the Iland there seemeth to be a broad channell or entrance. After we had passed this straight of Babelmandel, vpon the North shore in a sandie Bay is a Village, to which place I sent my Pinnasse for a Pilot: they staid not long, but returned with a couple of Arabs, who tooke vpon them to be very skilfull. Our depth in the straights was betweene eight and eleuen fathome water (betweene the straight and Aden is thirty leagues) we steered alongst the land North by West, and North North-west, be∣tweene eighteene and twentie fathomes deepe: about foure of the clocke we discried the Towne of Moha:* 11.54 and about fiue a clocke in luffing in beeing much wind, we split our maine toppe sayle, and putting abroad our mizen, it split likewise: our Pilots brought our shippe a ground vpon a banke of sand, the wind blowing hard, and the Sea somewhat high, which made vs all doubt her [ 30] comming off. This night came a Boat aboord of vs from the Towne, with a Turke in her, a proper man, sent by the Gouernour of the Towne, to know what we were, and wherefore wee came thither. I told him we were English Merchants, that came to seeke trade: he answered, if we were Englishmen we were hartily welcome, and should not faile of that we looke for: for A∣lexander Sharpeigh had sold all his goods there,* 11.55 and we might doe the like. And for the grounding of the ship, he made nothing of it, saying, It was ordinary for great ships of India to come a ground, and yet neuer heard that any of them sustained any harme thereby: he made hast to goe ashore, to certifie the Aga what we were, with promise in the morning to returne with Boates to lighten our ship. This man, as I afterward vnderstood, is called Lord of the Sea, for that his office is to go aboord all ships that come thither,* 11.56 and to see Lighters sent aboord to discharge the ships, and to search that they steale no custome: for which Office, hee hath diuerse duties, which is his onely [ 40] maintenance.

The fourteenth in the morning early, he returned with three or foure Turkes more in his com∣pany, whereof two of them spake Italian, they brought me a small Present from the Aga, which commendations and offer of any thing the Countrey could affoord me, with heartie welcome to his Port, saying, we should haue as good and free Trade as wee had in Stambola, Aleppo, or any part of the Turkes Dominions,* 11.57 with many other Complements: there came with them foure or fiue Lighters, in which we put any thing that came first to hand, to lighten the ship. Master Fe∣mell went a-land in one of them before I was aware thereof, carrying all he had in the ship with him. Wee sent all our Money, Elephants teeth, and all our shot aboord the Darling: wee laid [ 50] out our Anchors to passe, and in the Euening proued if we could heaue her off, but could not make her stirre, which was no small griefe to me.

The fifteenth, we did what we could to lighten our ship, sending some goods a-land and some aboord the Darling, I had a Letter from Master Femell, wherein hee certified mee of kind enter∣taynment by the Aga, and that he had agreed for Custome to pay fiue pound the hundred for all we should sell, and that we could not sell to be returned aboord custome free. Likewise the Aga sent me a Letter vnder his hand and Seale, proffering himselfe and any thing the Countrey af∣foorded to bee at my disposing, with many other Complements; about fiue a clocke wee began to heaue at our Cap-staynes, and by Gods great mercy shee went off to all our comforts.

The nineteenth, came two Boates from the shore sent by Master Femell for Iron, which I [ 60] caused them to fetch from the Darling. I writ to Master Femell not to send for any more goods a-land, for that I would see sale of those he had already before I would depart with any more. I receiued a Letter from Master Femell, if that I minded to haue Trade, I must come a-land accor∣ding to the custome of the place, otherwise they would not be perswaded but that wee were

men of Warre. Likewise, the Aga sent our Interpreter to me to intreate me to come aland, if I were a Merchant and friend to the great Turke, and hoped for Trade: Alledging that Captaine Sharpeigh and all the Indian Captaines did the like.

The twentieth, I went a-land, I was receiued at the water side by diuers chiefe men, and with Musicke brought to the Agas House; where were assembled all the chiefe men of the Towne: my entertaynment by the Aga and the rest, was with extraordinarie great kindnesse, I was seated close to the Aga, all men else standing, where he held me with Complements, ma∣ny times bidding me welcome, offering himselfe and the Countrey to be at my seruice: I deliue∣red his Maiesties Letter with a Present to the Basba, which I desired might be sent him vp with [ 10] all speed. Likewise I gaue the Aga a Present, which he tooke very kindly, telling me, I and my people should haue as good and peaceable Trade, as any of our Nation had in any parts of the Turkes Dominions, and that if any man in the Towne offered me or any of my people wrong, he would see them seuerely punished; he caused me to stand vp, & one of his chiefe men put vpon my backe a Vest of Crimson silke and siluer, saying, I n••eded not to doubt of any euill; for that was the Gran Seniors protection. After some few Complements I tooke my leaue, I was mounted vpon a Gallane Horse with rich Furniture, a great man leading my Horse; and so in my new Coate with the Musicke of the Towne conuerged to the English House: where I stayed Dinner,* 11.58 and presently after went aboord. Much he intreated my stay on shore, which I yeelded to for buil∣ding my Pinnasse, the daies following being also forced by foule weather.

[ 20]

§. II. Turkish treacherie at Moha and Aden with the English.

ONe day past not, but I had some small present or other sent mee by the Aga,* 11.59 with commendations from him, to know if I lacked any thing. On the eight and twen∣tieth day twice he sent me commendations, willing me to be merry, and when their time of Fasting was done (which was almost expired) hee would haue me ride abroad [ 30] with him to his Gardens, and other places of pleasure to make merry. This afternoone came Master Pemberton a-land for Coco Nuts. I caused him to stay Supper with mee, which beeing done, he tooke his leaue to goe aboord but the Turkes would not permit him, saying, it was too late, but in the morning he should goe as timely as he would. I sent to intreate that he might go, but it would not be granted. All this time we suspected no harme, but thought it was ouer-much curiositie in the Officer, who wee thought had done it without order, of which the next day I thought to haue complayned to the Aga.

The Sunne being set (according to my wonted order) I caused stooles to bee set at the doore, where my selfe, Master Femell, and Master Pemberton sat to take the fresh aire, s••specting no∣thing of the present ensuing harme that did befall vs. About eight of the clocke, came a Ianizary [ 40] from the Aga to deliuer some message to mee, but wee could not vnderstand him for lacke of an Interpreter; I sent my man to looke for one of my company that spake the Turkish Tongue, my Interpreter presently came, by whom I vnderstood the effect of the Ianizaries message, which was, that the Aga had sent me commendations, willing me to be merry, for that hee had receiued good newes from the Basha. And as hee was about to say somewhat else, my man returnes in great feare, telling vs wee were all betrayed: for that the Turkes and my people were by the eares at the backe of the House. The Turke that sate by,* 11.60 was desirous to know what was the mat∣ter, which wee tolde him, hee presently rose vp, and willed my man to shew him where they were, diuers of my Company running after them, to see what was the matter. And I my selfe ranne after them, calling vpon them as loud as I could, to returne backe and make [ 50] good our House: but whiles I was thus speaking, I was strooke vpon the head downe to the ground by one which came behind me; I remained as dead till such time as they had bound my hands behind mee, and so straite that the extreame paine thereof brought mee to my memorie. Assoone as they saw me stirre they lifted me vpon my feet, and led me betweene two of them to the Agas: where I found diuers of my Companie in like taking as I was my selfe. By the way the Souldiers pillaged mee, and tooke from mee such money as I had about mee, and three gold Rings, whereof one was my Seale, the other had seuen Diamonds which were of good worth, and the third a Gimmall Ring. When all of vs that escaped with life in this bloudie Massacre, were brought together, then beganne they to put vs in Irons:* 11.61 my selfe with seuen more were chained by the neckes all together: other some their feete, other their hands; this being done, they [ 60] left two Souldiers to guard vs, the rest departed, these Souldiers had compassion of vs, and eased vs of our bands, for the most of vs had our hands so straite bound behind vs, that the bloud was readie to burst out at our fingers ends, with pain vnsufferable, but we were bound to endure it. Af∣ter I had receiued this ease of my hands and armes (though still ouer-charged with griefe of heart) not only for my owne necessitie (and these with me) but also for the safetie of the ships, which I

greatly doubted, knowing the couetous Turkes would leaue no Villanie nor Treason vnattemp∣ted; for the surprizing of them, we began to reason amongst our selues, what should be the reason or cause of this their villanous vsage of vs; and withall, I demanded how it began, and if any of our Company were slaine. I was certified by those of my Company that did see it, and hardly escaped themselues,* 11.62 that Francis Slanny, Iohn Lanslot, and sixe more were slaine, and that foure∣teene of our Company there present were grieuously wounded, and that our House was round begirt with armed Souldiers, who, at the instant I was strooke downe, sallied out vpon vs vsing their mercilesse crueltie towards vs, that had not wherewithall to defend our selues, much lesse to offend them. Now hauing gone through their first pretence of mischiefe, not being satisfied with Christian bloud, they aymed at our ships and goods. For about ten of the clocke, they ar∣med three great Boates with one hundred and fiftie Souldiers in them to take the Darling, who [ 10] rode somewhat neere the shore.* 11.63 The Boates put from the shore altogether, the Turkes tooke off their white Tuckes, because they would be thought to be Christians, and all ioyntly boorded her, and entred most of their men: it was so sudden, that three of the Darlings men were slaine, be∣fore they could get downe: the rest be take them to their close fight. Now it pleased God in mer∣cie to looke vpon vs, and not to suffer any more Christian bloud to be shed. For the Captaine of them, which is called Emier-bahare or Lord of the Sea, called to his Souldiers to cut the Tables in the House, the Souldiers mis-vnderstanding him, many of them leapt into the Boates, and cut the Boate Ropes, and so droue away: by this time our men had gotten them to their Weapons, and to their close fights, the Turkes standing very thicke in the waste, hollowing and clanging their Swords vpon the Decke, one of the Company threw a bigge Barrell of Powuer amongst them, [ 20] and after it a Fire-brand; which tooke so good effect, that it burned diuers of them: the rest for their better safetie (as they thought) retyred to the halfe Deck and the Poope, where they were set off with Musket shot, and entertayned with another trayne of Powder, which put them in such feare, that they leaped into the Sea, hanging by the ships side, desiring mercy, which was not there to be found, for that our men killed all they could finde, and the rest were drowned, only one man was saued,* 11.64 who hid himselfe till the furie was past, who yeelded and was receiued to mercie. Thus God of his goodnesse and mercie deliuered our ship and men out of the hands of our Enemies, for which his holy Name be blessed and praysed euermore, Amen.

Now let vs looke backe to vs imprisoned at Moha, The Boats returning brought newes the ship was taken, for which there was great reioycing. The Gouernour sent off the Boats againe [ 30] with order to bring the ship: when they came so farre off as where the ship did ride, they found her gone from thence vnder saile standing off, so that they returned and told the Aga the ship had escaped and was gone, and that they thought Emeir Bahars and his Souldiers were taken Prisoners: which newes was nothing pleasing vnto him. Before day he sent our Interpreter to tell me the small ship was taken: which I did verily beleeue to bee true; when it was day I was sent for to come to the Aga, so I and seuen more which were chained by the neckes with mee came before him. He with a frowning (and not his wonted dissembling) countenance, asked mee how I durst be so bold as to come into this their Port of Moha,* 11.65 so neere their holy Citie of Mec∣ca; I answered, it was not vnknowne vnto him wherefore I came thither, hauing long before [ 40] certified him thereof, and that I came not a-land but at his earnest intreatie with many promises of kind and good vsage; he answered it was not lawfull for any Christian to come so neere their holy Citie of Medina, this being the Port or Doore thereof, and that the Basha had expresse or∣der from the great Turke,* 11.66 to captiuate all Christians that should come into those Seas, although they had his owne passe. I told him the fault was his, that he had not told mee so much at the first, but deluded vs with faire promises: he gaue me a Letter to reade of Captaine Dounton that came from Aden, dated long before, the effect whereof was, that two of his Merchants and Pur∣ser were detayned ashore, and that they would not be released without landing of Merchandize, or paying of fifteene hundred Venetianos for Anchorage, and withall to be aduised by me what he had best to doe, after I had read it, hee bade mee tell him the effect thereof: which I did, hee told me since the writing of this Letter, the ship was comming from this place, and that she was [ 50] cast away vpon a Rocke, and that all the goods and men were lost (this was cold comfort to mee to heare) he willed me to write a Letter aboord, to know how many Turkes were in the small ship. I told him that should not need, for that they had taken the ship, hee answered that shee was once taken and possessed by them▪ but she was rescued by the great ship and taken from them againe, and therefore willed me to write to them aboord the great shippe, to come all of them a-land, and yeeld the ship into his hands, and he would let vs haue the small ship to carrie vs home. I said it was a folly to write any such thing: for they that were aboord and had their libertie were no such Fooles, as vpon my Lettter to forsake the ship and goods, and come a-land and bee slaues. He said, he knew if I did write a Letter to that effect, they durst not disobey me. I told him I would write no such Letter, he enquired what store of money was in our shippes. I answered, [ 60] little, and that was not for Merchandize but to buy Victuals. Hee asked what store of Victuals and Water? I told him enough for two yeares, which hee would not beleeue. He vrged mee a∣gaine to write, to will them to come all ashore and yeeld the ship, or he would cut off my head. I

bade him doe so: for therein hee should doe me a great pleasure, for I was weary of my life, but write to that effect I neuer would.

I was taken out of my Chaine and Coller, and a great paire of Fetters clapt vpon my legges, and Mana••les vpon my hands, and so separated from the rest of my company: they stowed mee all that day in a dirty Dogges Kennell vnder a paire of staires: at night, at the intreatie of Sher∣m••ll Couns••l of the Bannians, I was taken out and placed in a better roome, one more of my Company which spake Turkish being with me. My lodging was vpon the hard ground, and my pillow a stone, my companions to keepe me waking were griefe of heart and multitude of Rats: which if I chanced to sleepe, would awake me with running ouer me. About mid-night came the [ 10] Lieutenant of the Aga, and our Trugman entreating me very fairely to write my Letter aboord, to know how many Turkes were aboord Prisoners, and what were their names, but in any case willed me not to write any thing of the losse of our men, nor of my owne and my peoples hard vsage, but to say we were detayned in the Agas House (where wee lacked not any thing) till further order came from the Basha. This Letter I did willingly write, and to the same effect they willed me, but withall willing them to looke well to their ships and Boat, and to haue a care to their men, that not any of them came aland for feare of Treason. This Letter they had with them, and examined two or three of my men whether I had so written.

This Letter was not sent; for that they could not get any man to goe aboord with it, but now they had found a man who was there present would vndertake to carrie it aboord, so that I [ 20] would write they should vse him well and doe him no harme; this man was borne in Tunes in Barbary, and spake good Italian. I writ the Letter as they desired; which was perused as was the former, and the next day was sent aboord, and answere returned,* 11.67 the effect was that all the Turkes were slaine and drowned saue one, whose name was Russwan, a common Souldier, and that they were glad to heare I was aliue: for the Prisoner Turke told them, he thought we were all slaine. We continued in this misery till the fifteenth of December, not hearing any thing from the ships, nor they from vs. The Aga came diuers times to me, sometimes with threats, some∣times with faire meanes, to haue me write that all our people should come ashoare and yeeld vp the shippes: I still answered him as I did at the first. Hee was desirous to know what money was in the shippe, and what store of water. I answered him, Money had we little, but [ 30] victuall had we enough for two yeares. He was in hope for lacke of water and victuals to haue the ships yeeld vnto him, knowing that we could not haue a wind to carrie vs out of the straight till May: he said, he maruelled how so great a charge could be borne with so small a stocke.* 11.68 I an∣swered, we had Factories in diuers places in India, who had stocke enough in their hands to loade vs if we had brought neuer a peny worth of Commodities with vs, and that stocke wee had was sufficient to lade our ships with Pepper, which in India was good cheape.

They in the ships were very euill to passe riding in an open and wide Roade, the wind blow∣ing continually hard at South South-east, enclosed round with shoales, their water beginning to faile them, for that we had staued fiftie Tunnes to lighten our ship at our comming a ground: and hearing nothing from vs aland made them at their wits ends, not knowing well what to do: they being in this perplexitie,* 11.69 an honest fellow in the ship called Iohn Chambers offered them [ 40] to goe ashore to see what was become of vs, and to put his life and libertie in venture rather then see men liue in this discontent, which he effected; & also this day being the fifteenth of December, with a Flagge of Truce was set vpon a small Iland, a little to wind-ward of the Towne, he had one of out Indians with him for his Interpreter: they were brought before the Aga, who asked him how he durst be so bold to come ashore without leaue; he answered he came with a Flag of Truce, & was but a Messenger, which was permitted amongst enemies. He asked what message he had to deliuer. He said, a Letter to me, and likewise if he would giue him leaue to see how wee did. They examined him and the Indian very strictly what store of victuall and water was in the ships, they both answered as I formerly had done, that there was enough of all sorts of vi∣ctuals for two yeares.

[ 50] This being done they brought him to my darke Cell; who comming out of the light was a great while before he could see me, Hee deliuered me the Letter with watery eyes to see mee so fettered hands and feet in Irons. I demanded how he came ashore? He told me after what man∣ner, and how he was examined by the Aga. I told him I thought they would not permit him to returne aboord, for that not few dayes before one of the Pepper-Corne men was come from A∣den with a Letter to me, and they kept him Prisoner, and would not permit him to returne, nor giue him leaue to goe aboord our sh••ps. He answered he came with that resolution from aboord, to take such part as I did, if they would bee so villanously minded to stay him being but a Mes∣senger.

[ 60] The sixteenth, I returned answere of my Letter sent me, and deliuered it to Chambers, and contrary to my expectation, they let him and the Indian returne to the Boate, with leaue to come againe the next day if they had occasion: the next day Chambers returnes alone, for the In∣dian was so frighted that he durst not come: my man sent me diuers things by him, but the Aga was my Receiuer and kept them to his owne vse, thinking them too good for mee; hee returnes

aboord, and leaues vs to our wonted miserie, attending daily what should become of vs; looking euery houre for the sentence from the Basha, of Death, or perpetuall imprisonment or captiuitie. Yet God dealt more mercifully with vs, who neuer faileth them that put their trust in him.

For vpon the twentieth of December, came downe from Zenan an Aga, Captaine or Chiefe of the Chawsses, with order to bring vs vp all. At his first lighting he was desirous to see me & my poore Company; there were three Chaires brought into my Roome, wherein Regib Aga, Ismael (which was the Messenger from the Basha) and Iasfer Aga seated themselues. Regib Aga began to aske me how I durst be so bold as to come into that Countrey so neere their holy Citie, with∣out a Passe from the Gran Senior? I answered, the King my Master was in league and amitie with the Gran Senior, and that in the Articles of peace, it was allowed vs free Trade in all his Domi∣nions, and this being part of his Dominions there needed no passe. Hee answered, this was the [ 10] doore of their holy Citie, and therefore not lawfull for any Christian to come hither; Likewise, he asked me, If I did not know the Gran Seniors Sword was long; I answered wee were not ta∣ken by the Sword, but by Treason, and if I and my people were aboord, I cared not for the length of his or all their Swords; he said it was proudly spoken of me. Also he willed, as former∣ly he had done many times, to write a Letter aboord to command all the men out of the ships, and yeeld themselues to the Basha; and receiued like answer.

Ismael Aga broke off this idle speech, by telling me he was come from the Basha, with expresse order from him to conduct me and all my people to Zenan, and therefore willed mee to send a∣boord for warme clothes, for that wee should find it very cold in the Mountaine Countrey. I prayed him if it were possible that my poore men might bee sent ab••ord, and that I and some [ 20] few more might be sent vp. Hee said it was not in him to remedie it, for it was the Bashas order we should all goe vp: Regib Aga said I should haue my desire, that I and fiue more should goe vp with me, and the rest must abide where they are, till further order from the Basha. This was the eighteenth day of December.

* 11.70This twentieth day, Captaine Dounton in the Pepper-Corne, came into the Road from Aden: I writ to him my minde, what I thought fittest to be done.

§. III. [ 30] Sir Henrie Midleton, and foure and thirtie others, sent to the Basha at Zenan. Description of the Countrey, and Occur∣rents till their returne.

* 11.71THe two and twentieth of December, our Irons were knockt off all our legges, saue the Carpenters and Smithes, and some sicke men that were not able to trauell: the Carpen∣ters and Smithes were kept there to build vp the Pinnasse; and my selfe, and foure and thirtie persons more of vs,* 11.72 were appointed to goe vp for Zenan, the chiefe Citie of the Kingdome, where the Basha is resident. About foure of the clocke we set out of Moha, all my Company beeing mounted vpon Asses, and my selfe and M. Femel vpon Horse-backe. About ten [ 40] of the clocke in the night, being tenne or twelue miles from Moha, Master Pemberton slipt away from vs; we missed him our selues presently, but said not any thing, the best helpe we were able to doe him, he had; which was in beseeching God to send him safe aboord, for the attempt was very desperate. About one of the clocke after midnight, we came to our Inne at a Towne called Mowssi:* 11.73 they told vs all at our comming thither: yet missed not him that was wanting. We con∣tinued in this lodging till foure of the clocke in the afternoone the next day. At our setting out of doore they told vs, and found one missing: the Aga inquired of me how many we were that set out of Moha. I told him I could not well tell, but as I thought we were foure and thirty of vs: he said, we were fiue and thirtie, and that one was missing: I said, it was more then I did know. The chiefest cause that mooued M. Pemberton to take this desperate action in hand, was to see so [ 50] many of vs carried vp together manacled, with a Captaine, and a guard of Souldiers to conduct vs, which he could imagine to no other end, then death or captiuitie, which was the opinion of vs all. I found a great friend of one Hamet Aga, who sent me diuers Presents, and willed me to be of good comfort,* 11.74 for my cause was good: he sent me and my people prouision of Bread for our iourney, and withall his letters to the Kaha.

Likewise, the Consul of the Bannians, who came euery day to visit me, and neuer came empty handed, and Tookehar was our great friend all the time we were there prisoners, and euery day failed not to send to each man, being one and fiftie in number, two cakes of white bread, and a quantitie of Dates, or Plantans: he departed from Moha two dayes before vs for Zenan, promi∣sing [ 60] me at his departure to doe all he could with the Basha for our good: which promise, I thinke, he well performed:* 11.75 for at Zenan I was told by diuers, he laboure•• hard in ••ur bu••inesse, both with the Basha and his Cayha, which is a verie discreet man, and gouernes the Kingdome.

We arriued at the Citie of Ties (which is foure dayes iourney from Moha) vpon Christmas

day: where we were marshalled into the Citie two and two in a ranke, as they doe at * 11.76 Stam∣bola with captiues taken in the warres, our Aga riding in triumph as a great Conquerour, beeing met a mile out of the Towne with the chiefe men of the Citie on Horse-back,* 11.77 multitudes of peo∣ple standing all the way gazing and wondering at vs: thus were we vsed in all Cities and Townes we passed through. A youth of M. Pembertons fell sicke in this Towne, and was left with the Gouernour thereof, for that he was not able to trauell. I kept no Iournal from this time forward; but this I remember, we found it very cold all the way from Tyes to Zenan, our lodging being the cold ground; I bought most of our men, which were slenderly clothed, furred gownes to keepe them from the cold; otherwise, I thinke, they would haue starued. I would not beleeue at Mo∣ha, [ 10] when I was told of the cold wee should haue vpwards, and that made me goe but thinly clo∣thed my selfe; but experience taught me otherwaies, wishing when it was too late, I had come better prouided. Zenan is from Moha an hundred and eightie miles, or thereabouts, as I iudge, North North-west. It is in the latitude of sixteene degrees fifteene minutes, which I obserued by an instrument I made there.

Euery morning the ground was couered with horie frost: and in Zenan wee had Ice a finger thicke in one night, which I could hardly haue beleeued, had I not seene it.* 11.78 Wee were fifteene dayes betweene Moha and Zenan. The fifth of Ianuary two houres before day, we came within two miles of the Citie, where we lay vpon the ground till it was faire day, being much pinched by the cold, not beeing able scarce to stand we were so benummed. About a mile from the Towne [ 20] we were met by the Subbassie or Sheriffe, with at least two hundred Shot, Drummes, and Trum∣pets: we were caused to goe one by one in order, a prety distance one from the other, to make the better shew; our men had their gownes taken from them, and were caused to march a foote in their thinne and ragged suites: the souldiers lead the way, after came our men one by one; our Trumpeters were placed next before me, and commanded by the Aga to sound; but I forbad them: after the Trumpets came M. Femel and my selfe on Horse-backe; and lastly came our Aga riding in Triumph, with a spare horse richly furnished led before him. In this order wee were led through the heart of the Citie till we came to the Castle,* 11.79 all the way beeing so full of peo∣ple, we could hardly passe for them. At the first gate, there was a good guard of armed soldiers: the second gate had two great pieces of Ordnance, readie mounted at the entry thereof: after we [ 30] had passed this gate, we came to a spacious yard, twice the length of the Exchange in London; the souldiers at the entry of the Gate discharged their shot, and placed themselues amongst many o∣thers that were there before them, some on the one side, and some on the other, and a lane left in the middest. At my first comming in I alighted, and was placed on the one side with my men; where I had not staied long, but I and M. Femel were brought before the Basha:* 11.80 it was their Di∣nano or Counsell day: at the vpper end of the yard, we mounted vp a paire of staires some twelue steps high: at the head thereof, two great men came and tooke me by the wristes, and held mee very hard, and so led me to the Basha. The place where he was seated, was a long spacious gal∣lery; at the vpper end thereof he was seated alone, many great men standing on each side of him, and others stood on either side, from the lower part of the Gallery to the vpper end, which made [ 40] a good shew: the floore was couered all ouer with Turkie Carpets. When I came within two yards of him, we were stayed; He, with a frowning and angry countenance, demaunded of what Countrey I was, and what I made in those parts? I answered, I was an Englishman, and a Mer∣chant, and friend to the Grand Senior, and came to seeke trade. He said, It was not lawfull for a∣ny Christian to come into that Countrey, and that he had giuen warning to Captaine Sharpeigh, that no more of our Nation should come thither. I told him, Captaine Sharpeigh was cast away vpon the Coast of India, and came not to England to tell vs so much, which had we knowne, wee would neuer haue put our selues into that trouble we were in: I told him Regib Aga was the man that had abused me, in telling me we were welcome into the Countrey, and that we should haue as free trade as our Nation had in any part of Turkie, with many other faire promises, and that [ 50] contrary to his word he assaulted vs with armed souldiers, and murthered diuers of my men, and tooke me and the rest prisoners: he said, Regib Aga was but his slaue, and had no such power as to passe his word to me without his leaue, and what was befallen to me and my people, was by his order to Regib Aga; and that he himselfe likewise had such order from the Gran Senior, so to chastise all Christians that should come into those parts. I told him we had receiued great harme, and if it pleased him to let vs returne to our ships, it would bee sufficient warning to our Nation, for euer comming in those parts againe. Hee said, No, hee could not so let vs depart, but that I should sit there and write my letters to the Ambassador at * 11.81 Stambola, and he would likewise write to the Gran Senior, to know his pleasure what should become of vs, or whether he would permit vs trade, or no: he dismist me for that present, and bad me goe to my lodging which was appoin∣ted [ 60] for me, and take with me foure or fiue more, such as I thought good: I and those I made choise of, were conueyed to the Keeper of the prisons house, and the rest carried to the common prison, where for their welcome they were clapt in waightie Irons; one of our youths at such time as I was brought before the Basha, thinking I was soled to haue my head strook off, fel in a sound with

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

very feare, thinking his turne would not bee long after; hee fell sicke vpon it, and shortly after died.

The sixth of Ianuary, I was sent for to the Basha Caya, or Lieftenant generall of the King∣dome, to breake fast with him: after breake-fast I told him euery particular, how treacherously and vilely I was vsed by Regib Aga; he bad me be of good cheare, and not thinke of things past, which could not be remedied; and he doubted not but all would be wel in the end, and his best en∣deauours to do me good should not be wanting. Shermall the Bennian of Moha, had made this man our friend; then I departed with my Keepers to prison, where I was of better comfort then before.

The seuenth day, I was sent for to the Cayhas garden, where he feasted me and M. Femel, tel∣ling me, that shortly I and my people should haue libertie, and be sent to Moha, where I should [ 10] haue redresse of all my wrongs, promising me to be my friend, and before many great Persona∣ges, Turkes and Arabs said, what kindnesse he did me was onely for Gods sake; but I well knew it was in hope of some great reward from me. Hamet Aga his letter did vs no small good. This day came to towne a Moore of Cairo,* 11.82 an old atquaintance of the Bashaes, and one that had lent him great summes of money at his comming from Stambola, when he was but poore: this man was our next neighbour at Moha before, and when we were betrayed, and had a ship in Moha roade, bound for India, which he greatly doubted our ships would haue taken, in regard of the wrongs offered vs, but they let her quietly depart, contrary to his expectation, so that hee became our great friend: he writ his letter in our behalfe to the Basha, and therein did much blame him in v∣sing vs so hardly, saying, he went about to destroy the Countrey and trade, in taking such cour∣ses [ 20] with vs: at his comming before the Basha, he iterated what he had written, and much more; willing him to haue a care, the Trade of the Red Sea were not destroyed by his meanes, and there∣fore counselled him to returne me all my goods, and to send me and my people away contented. His letter preuailed much with the Basha: for when he sent for vs vp, it was his purpose to haue put vs to death, and to haue made slaues of all the rest: none in the Country durst speake so bold∣ly as he. Of this which I haue written concerning the Moore of Cayro, was I enformed by Sher∣mall and Hamet Waddy, who were both present at reading the letter, and likewise heard the confe∣rence betweene the Basha and him. This Hamet Waddy is an Arabian Merchant, very rich dwel∣ling at Zenan, and is called the Bashas Merchant: he stood my friend very much, in perswading the Basha that we might be kindly dealt withall, and suffered to depart. [ 30]

The eighth, I made petition to the Basha, requesting, That whereas at my comming from Moha, I had willed the Commanders of my ships to forbeare hostilitie for fiue and twentie daies, and after to vse their discretions, if in that time they heard not from me; the time beeing almost expired, that the Basha would vouchsafe speedily to censure my cause, or giue me some comfor∣table news to write them, to stay them from doing harme, to which they might easily encline, be∣ing without Head or Gouernour.

The eleuenth day, I was sent for to the Cayha, who told me that now all things were ended, and that my stay there was for the rest of my company which were comming from Aden, and that presently after their comming vp, we should all be sent to Moha.

The seuenteenth, M. Fowler and eighteene more of their Company arriued at Zenan; they were presently brought before the Basha,* 11.83 and such like questions demanded of them as hee did [ 40] of me. Afterward, M. Fowler, Iohn Williams, and Robert Mico were sent to keep me company, and all the rest to the Common prison to the rest of my men, where they were all put in irons, and their allowance from the Basha, browne bread and water, they would haue all died with hunger and cold, had not I releiued them better then the Basha.

The twentie fifth, I was sent for to the Cahays garden, where we spent some houres in confe∣rence: he told me I should presently goe with him to the Bashaes garden, where the Basha would haue conference with me: he counselled me to sooth him vp with faire words, and not crosse him in any thing; I asked him what he thought, whether he would surrender me all my goods: he said, he could not tell: I asked him whether I should haue my Pinnasse againe: he said likewise [ 50] he could not tell: but in any case he willed me not to speake of it to the Basha, but at my comming to Moha to write my letters to him, and he would solicite the Basha in my behalfe, and doubted not but to obtaine it for me: I told him, I thought it fitter to demand it now, then hereafter; for that I was desirous to know what to trust vnto: he bad me vse my discretion. The chiefest cause that made this man our friend, was for a summe of money which I had promised to giue him: he would not be seene to meddle therein himselfe, but appointed Shermall, Consull of the Bannians, to treat with me concerning the same: he demaunded much, and I was willing to part with no∣thing. We spent three or foure dayes consulting this businesse, in the ende I was constrained to giue them content, in promising after my deliuerie to pay him fifteene hundred Venetianoes: which beeing done, the Cayha tooke Horse and rid to the Bashaes garden, and bad our Truchman [ 60] bring me and M. Femel thither. When we came to the garden doore, wee staied an houre before we were admitted to the Bashaes presence: we found him seated in a Summer-house, in a chaire, his Cayha standing at his right hand, and halfe a douzen others at the backe of the Chaire. I was

lead by two men, which held me by the cloake till I came within two paces of him; and there they stayed me, M. Femel comming behind me at libertie, without his leaders: he demaunded of me how I did, and bad me be of good cheare, for that shortly I and all my people should haue their libertie, and be sent to Moha, where I with twentie nine more should remaine, till all the ships of India were come into Moha, and the rest to be sent aboord; and when all the said ships were come in, and the winds setled Westerly, I and the rest of my company should be permitted to go aboord, and proceed on our Voyage to India. I besought him he would not detaine so many of vs: he answered, thirtie haue I spoken, and thirty shall stay: then I demaunded, if our goods should be surrended; he answered, no: for they were all put to the Gran Seniors accompt. I de∣maunded [ 10] my Pinnasse, he said likewise she was put to the same accompt. I told him, diuers pro∣uisions belonging to the ships were aland at Moha, and desired I might haue them surrendered: he said I should: then I spake to M. Femel, willing him to speake againe that our goods might be sur∣rendered; which he did, and was answered as I was: then I prayd him to assure me of one thing, and that was, whether all my people should be permitted to depart aboord the ships, the time of our abode being expired, he promised me vpon his word, not any one should be stayed, but be all sent aboord, and all things, had I a Turke to my slaue, hee would not detaine him: for which his kindnesse I gaue him thankes: then he beganne to excuse himselfe, praysing his owne milde na∣ture, in that it was our haps to fall into his hands, he had dealt merciftlly and fauourably with vs, which had it been in the time of any of his Predecessors, we had all suffered death for our pre∣sumption, in comming into that Countrey so neere their holy Citie: and that which now was [ 20] befallen vs, was by order from the Gran Senior,* 11.84 he being vrged thereto by the complaint of the Bashaes of Cairo and Snachen, and the Sheriffe of Mecca, who had certified the Gran Senior at the being here of the Ascension and her Pinnasse, that they had bought all the choice ware of India, whereby his customes were much diminished, and would be the ouerthrow of the Trade of these Seas, if it were permitted; and therefore wished it might be carefully looked vnto: whereupon the Gran Senior dispatched his letters with a commandement to him, That if any more English∣men, or any other Christians did come into those parts, to confiscate their ships and goods, or to kill or captiuate all the men they could get into their power: but he minded not to deale so with me, but more fauourably, in permitting vs without further harme to returne to our ships, hoping it would be a warning, that neither we nor any other of our Nation, would repaire thither any [ 30] more.

The first of February, I and M. Femel were sent for to the Cayha,* 11.85 who gaue me counsell to goe to the Basha, to bid God giue him ioy of his late receiued Dignitie: which was, the Gran Senior had made him a Vizir, and sent him letters of great fauour, with a Sword, and rich Robes belon∣ging to a Vizir, which Robes and Sword are a confirmation of him in so high a place and calling. These Presents from the Gran Senior, were receiued two daies before with great solemnitie: and the party that brought them, was met by the Basha, and all the chiefe of the Citie, with all the souldiers, horse and foote, sixe miles without the Towne. Where a Tent was set vp, where the Basha disrobed himselfe, and vested him in those which were sent him by his Master; and so in [ 40] great pompe came riding through the Citie to his owne house: I and others of my company, by the appointment of the Cayha, had a place appointed vs, where we did see his comming into the Citie: our Trudgman, by the appointment of the Cayha, conducted vs to the Vizirs house, where we stayd not long, but were admitted to his presence: I told him, my comming was onely to see him, and to congratulate his new receiued honour, and to pray God giue him ioy: hee gaue mee thanks, and bad me be merry: for what he had promised me, he would performe, and be better to me then his promise: he was very pleasant, and tooke this our comming kindly: and so, as a great fauour, Master Femel and I were permitted to kisse his hand, and dismissed, returning to our lod∣ging.

Many of our people in the meane while fell sicke and weake through griefe, cold, naughtie aire, bad diet, euill lodging, and waightie Irons; I neuer ceased soliciting the Cayha,* 11.86 till hee [ 50] had procured their liberty out of that loathsome prison, so that the eleuenth day they were all free of prison and Irons, and had a house in the Towne, and libertie to walke abroad, and take the fresh aire: also the next day the Cayha sent me halfe a dozen of Beefes, to bestow among my men; so that in fewe dayes all of them, I thanke God, recouered their former health and strength. The Cayha informed me, that Regib Aga had writ earnestly to the Basha, that we might all be sent downe to Aden, and there taken into our ships: by which meanes his Towne of Moha, and such ships of India as should passe the Bab, should be secure from danger or any harme our ships might doe them. This wicked counsell had preuailed with the Basha, had not God raysed the Cayha for our good to perswade the contrary.

The seuenteenth in the morning early, the Cayha sent for me, M. Femel, and others, and told [ 60] me, the next morning I and my people should depart for Moha. After wee had broke fast, hee brought vs to the Basha to take our leaues: he beganne againe to extoll his owne clemencie, and the power of the Gran Senior, saying, he had a long Sword, straightly charging me I came no more into those Seas: adding, that neither Christian nor Lutheran might come thither, no, though they

had the Gran Seniors Passe: for so had he commanded him: then I requested, if any of our Nation came thi••her, before I could giue aduise to England, that they might not be betrayed, as I was, but plainely denied Trade, that they might know what to trust to, and to be permitted quietly to de∣part; which my request he would in no wise grant: then I intreated him to write to Regib Aga, to effect what he had promised me, otherwise he being my mortall enemy, would wrong me and my people: he answered with great pride, Is not my onely word sufficient to turne a whole Citie vpside downe? if Regib Aga wrong you, I will pull his skin ouer his eares, and giue you his head: is he not my slaue? and therewithall appointed the Cayha to write my dispatch. I deman∣ded answer of his Maiesties letter, but he would giue me none. This done, I departed. I told the Cayha I had neuer a weapon, and therefore I desired leaue I might buy a Sword, and ride downe [ 10] as I came vp like a prisoner: he acquainted the Basha therewith, and he sent mee one of his cast Swords. The Cayha also this morning gaue me an hundred peices of gold of fortie Madines the peice: and fiftie pieces had he giuen me not many dayes before: so that I receiued from him in all an hundred and fiftie peices of gold, and from the Basha nothing but his rusty Sword: the Cayha is of a liberall disposition, and the Basha exceeding couetous: if any man be knowne to bee rich, he had need to carrie himselfe vprightly: otherwaies the least occasion will cost him his head, that the Basha may enioy his goods, as lately befell a rich Aga, whom he caused priuately to be cruel∣ly murthered, and presently after seazed vpon all he had.

The eighteenth, I paid all duties of the Prison, and went to the Cayhas Garden, where wee brake our fast, receiued my dispatch, and a Letter to the Gouernour of Aden for re-deliuerie of [ 20] the Pepper-Cornes Boate;* 11.87 I requested his Letter to the Gouernour of Tayes for deliuery of a Youth of Master Pembertons, which was l••ft sicke there, (I was informed hee was inforced to turne Turke, hee writ his Letter and sealed it: the effect I know not) which being done I tooke my leaue and departed: my selfe, Master Femell, and Master Fowler were mounted on Horses, and all the rest vpon Asses and Camels, we had two Chauses to conduct vs, and a Horseman, the o∣ther afoot.

* 11.88This Citie is somewhat bigger then Bristoll, of good building of stone and lime, with Churches or Meskits: it is enuironed with a mudde wall full of Battlements and Turrets. On the West-side there is a great deale of spare ground enclosed within the walles, there they haue their Gardens, Orchards, and Houses of pleasure, it standeth in a barren and stony Valley, with high [ 30] Hils enclosing it, not being farre off, whereof one which is to the Northward ouer-looketh the Towne, whereon is built a small Castle, to keepe it from the mountaine people, who accusto∣med from thence to offend the Citie. It hath no water but Wel-water, which they digge deepe for; Wood is very scarce, and fetcht from farre, and very deare; In the Easter-most part is the Castle inclosed with mudde Walles full of Turrets, in which Turrets euery night they place their Watch, which keepe such a hollowing one to another all night long, that a man that is not acquainted which it can hardly sleepe; th•• Basha and some other principa••l men dwell within this Castle Wall, the Keepers House wherein I was imprisoned, ioyneth to the wall, and at the foote of the Wall is a spacious yard, wherein a great number of people, for the most part Wo∣men and Children, are kept Prisoners or Pledges, to keepe their Parents, Husbands, and Allies [ 40] from Rebellion. The Boyes while they be little goe loose in the yard, but after they bee come to bignesse they are clapt in Irons and carryed to a strong Tower, where there bee many more kept in like case, there they remayne during the Bashas pleasure, those Women and Children which remayne in the yard liue in little Cottages, which they haue made of purpose, the Children goe for the most part naked, without it be very cold, and then haue they Sheep-skinne Coates to keepe them warme, they be as wilde and r••de as if they were brought vp in the Mountaines. This night we arriued at Siam distant from Zenan sixteene miles:* 11.89 which is a small Towne with a Castle vpon the side of a Hill, the place and Countrey about it is very barren, and yeeldeth small reliefe to Trauellers.

About midnight we departed from Zenan, and the next day being the nineteenth, we came to [ 50] Surage, about ten a clocke in the forenoone: it is likewise a small Village distant from Siam about eighteene miles,* 11.90 the Countrey barren and the people poore, and goe almost naked, saue a cloth about their wastes reaching downe to their knees. We departed from hence at mid-night.

* 11.91Wee came to Damare the twentieth, about eight of the clocke in the morning; it is a Citie built of lime and stone, but separated in fiue parts one a prettie distance from the other, so that it seemeth to be so many Villages. It is seated in a spacious Valley or Plaine, hauing plentie of water and all kind of graine, with all other prouision for sustenance both for themselues and their poore Neighbours, who liue in great penurie and want. It is distant from Surage twentie miles. We tarryed heere two dayes by order of Abdela Chillarby, the Bashas Cayha, who is Go∣uernour of this Prouince. [ 60]

The two and twentieth, we departed from Damare about two a clocke after mid-night, and came to Ermin betimes,* 11.92 it being a small Village and distant from Damare some fifteene miles.

The three and twentieth, we arriued at Naqual Samare, being a common Inne for all Trauel∣lers.* 11.93 The Turkes call them Censors; which are built at the cost of the Gran Signior, for the reliefe

of Trauellers. There be many of these Censors betweene Moha and Zenan, this Censor is seated in the middle of a very steepe hill called Nackhilsamar, and some few scattering poore houses about it, vpon the top of this hill is a great Castle, wherein the Gouernour of the Prouince which is an Arabian dwelleth. These craggie Mountaine Countries, are for the most part gouerned by the Arabians, for the people of these Mountaines cannot ••rooke the proud and insolent Gouernment of the Turkes: no Turke may passe this way, neither vpward nor downeward without a Pas∣port of the Gouernour of the Prouince from whence they come, this Censor is distant from Er∣min, some fourteene miles.

The foure and twentieth wee arriued at Mohader,* 11.94 which is a little Village at the foot of [ 10] the great hill, being distant from Nackelsamar, some thirteene miles. Our Chauses had warrant from the Basha, to take vp Asses for our men to ride vpon, which accordingly they performed ouer-night; but the next morning the Arabians lay in ambush in the way, and in despight of our Chauses tooke their Asses away, neither of our Guardians daring to giue them a foule word.

The fiue and twentieth,* 11.95 being arriued at Rabattamaine a Cens••r with some Cottages and shops adioyning thereunto: it is seated on the side of a hill and is distant from Mohader sixteene miles, groweth Poppie, whereof they make their Oppium: but it is not good.

The sixe and twentieth, we arriued at a Coughe house in the middle of a Plaine:* 11.96 it is called Merfadine, and distant from Rabattamaine sixteene miles.

The seuen and twentieth, we arriued at Tayes, being a Citie of halfe the bignesse of Zenan, [ 20] and walled round with a mud wall: here we stayed all this day and the next,* 11.97 in which time of my abode there, I vsed the best meanes I could for recouery of a Youth of Master Pembertons, whom the Gouernour Hamet Aga had forced to turne Turke, and would by no meanes d••part with him. But Walter Talbot hauing the Turkish Tongue was permitted to speake with him in a Chamber amongst other Boyes and Youthes, who weeping, said vnto him he was no Turke, but was deluded by them, they telling him that I and all my people were put to death at Zenan, and if he would turne he should saue his life, but he would not yeeld vnto them. But afterward some of the Agaes seruants carrying him to a Hot-house, when they had him naked circumcised him perforce. When I saw I could not get him, I deliuered Abdela Chillarby the Cayh••s Letters, which was, if that he was not turned he should deliuer him me. When the Aga had read this Letter, [ 30] he told me the effect saying, that Letter was warrant sufficient for keeping of him. I suspected the Le••ter was to that effect when it was giuen me, and that made me not deliuer it at first. This Citie standeth in a Valley vnder very high hils; and vpon the top of one of the highest hils is a faire and strong Castle: all kind of victuall is very cheape here, in the Countrey thereabouts is made some Indico, but what quantitie or of what goodnesse I could not learne.* 11.98 This Citie is very populous, and so is all the Countrey and Cities we trauelled through.

The first of March, we departed and came to Eufras about noone,* 11.99 being sixteene miles from Tayes; the Countrey we trauailed Mountainous and stoney. The Towne little, scituate on the side of a hill. About the fift of Ianuary great multi••ude of people resorteth hither from farre, where they doe some foolish Ceremonies to one of their Saints and holy men, which lyeth bu∣ried [ 40] there: which being done they goe all in company to Mecca on Pilgrimage. The Gouernour of this Towne is a Turke, and vsed mee and my people very kindly at our going vp, and hearing of my comming downe, he sent one sixe miles to a place, where two wayes meete, to bring vs to his Towne, where we were most kindly vsed by him.

The second, we departed thence and lodged at a Censor called Assambine, some eleuen miles from Eufras Here is no Towne but a few poore Cottages.* 11.100

The third, we went from thence and came to another Censor some thirteene miles off: it is called Accomoth standing in a barren common with a few Cottages by it.

The fourth in the morning, we departed thence and came to Mousa,* 11.101 seuenteene miles from Accomoth: the Countrey we trauailed plaine and barren, and small store of Inhabitants. The Towne of M••••sa is not great, and vnwalled, but very populous. It is scituate in a plaine indiffe∣rent [ 50] fruitfull; hereabouts likewise is made some Indico. Wee departed thence about mid-night.

The fift in the morning about eight of the clocke we came to Moha.* 11.102 We rested two or three houres by the way at a Church or Coughe house called Dabully built by a Dabull Merchant. If we had not stayed here, we had come to Moha before day. A mile without the Towne, we were met by our Carpenters, Smithes, and such others as were detayned there, the day before their Irons were taken off, and they had libertie to walke abroad. The first question I demaunded was to know what became of Master Pemberton. They told mee hee lighted vpon a Cannoa and got a∣boord, wherof I was not a little glad; for I was very doubtful neuer to haue seen him more. At the Townes ends, and all the way to the Agas house, the people stood very thicke, and as wee pas∣sed [ 60] by bad vs welcome backe, for it was nothing pleasing to the people of the Countrey to heare how treacherously the Turkes had vsed vs: we rid till wee came to the Agas house where wee alig••te••, my selfe, Master Femell, Master Fowler, were brought before him, where I deliuered my Let••ers from Zenan, He receiued me after his wonted dissembled shew of loue and kindnesse, bid∣ding me and the rest welcome, saying, he was glad of our returne safe, and sorrie and ashamed

of what was past, and prayed me to pardon him, and that hereafter he bad me assure my selfe he would be my friend, and that the harme that had be fallen vs was not long of him, for hee did nothing but what his Master commanded him. I soothed him vp, but beleeued nothing he said, he read the command of the Basha, and said all things should be performed accordingly. Where∣vpon he called in for Breakefast, and caused vs to sit downe with him, bidding mee eate and bee merry f: or now he had eate Bread and Salt with me, I need not doubt of any harme. After break∣fast, he went to seeke for a House for me, we had a faire large house appointed vs neere the Sea-side, where we continued two dayes, but afterward wee were remoued from thence to a great strong House, standing all alone in a spacious Church-yard in the middle of the Towne: and for our Guard a Captaine and his Company were appointed to that charge, who warded all the day, & by night our house was enclosed round with his armed Souldiers. The cause why we were [ 10] remooued from our first house, was because it was too neere the water side, they doubting from thence we might attempt an escape.

* 11.103This Towne of Moha is one third part lesse then Tayes, vnwalled, very populous, and seated close by the Sea-side in a salt, sandy, barren soyle. The Gouernours house is close by the waters side, and here by the same is the Key or Bridge which shooteth a prettie distance into the Sea: to which Key all Boates belonging to any shipping, are enioyned to land for feare of stealing of Custome. And close adioyning to the Key is a platforme, whereon are planted some doozen of Brasse Peeces, at the Westerne end of the Towne there is a Fort wherein is the like quantitie of Ordinance: this Fort was ruinate at our first comming thither, but since pulled downe to the ground and new builded.* 11.104 This after-noone came the Darling into the Roade, who brought vs [ 20] newes of the wel-fare of the rest, which was no small comfort to me after so many troubles.

The sixth, Nohuda Melech Ambor, Captaine of a great ship of Dabull, which came into the Road two dayes before my arriuall at Moha, came ashore with a great many of Merchants with him, he with the rest were carryed about the Towne in pompe, and afterwards feasted by the Aga. I likewise was sent for to this Feast and entertayned with all loue and friendship. The Aga in presence of them all called for the Alcoran, kissed it, and voluntarily swore and protested, that he ought me no euill will but wished me all good, and would endeuour himselfe to pleasure me the best he could, his heart being cleere of malice or hatred, and was much grieued for what was past: I returned him thankes, seeming greatly satisfied therewith, although I gaue no cre∣dit thereto, but was forced to indure with patience what I could not remedie, till it pleased God [ 30] to prouide better.

The seuenth day, the Aga made a great Feast at his Garden-house for the Dabullians, to which I and Master Femell were likewise inuited. The Dabullians were all mounted vpon gal∣lant Horses with rich Furniture, and we vpon a couple of tyred lame Iades, which wee brought from Zenan.

The eight, wee were all sent for to come before the Aga, my selfe with all the Merchants, Carpenters, Smithes, and others, whom he (to the number of thirtie) thought good, were ap∣pointed to stay aland; and the rest which were thirtie sixe, were sent aboord the Darling.

The ninth, had I made an escape, had I not beene more carefull for others, which I should haue left behind me,* 11.105 then for my selfe. This day the Darling hauing taken in thirtie sixe men as a∣foresaid, [ 40] and prouided of some necessaries they lacked, departed towards the other ships on the Coast of Habashe: where they had found out in the time of my absence an excellent Road, for all windes that blow in these Seas, it is called Assab Road, where they had wood and water e∣nough costing nothing but the fetching, the water is a little brackish, but seemed fresh enough to them that had liued in want thereof, the people of the Countrey bee as blacke as the Negroes of Guinea, they be all Mahometans alongst the Sea-coast: but vp in the Land they bee Christians and Subiects to Prester Iohn, they goe almost naked saue a cloth about their wastes, which rea∣cheth to their knees. They were at first comming of our people very fearefull, but after they were acquainted, and a peace confirmed by oath on both sides, they daily repayred with refresh∣ing, as Beefes, Sheepe and Goates, and sold them for money at reasonable rates. And afterward [ 50] they desiring course Callico rather then money, I furnished them therewith from Moha: In trucke whereof they sold their Cattle farre better cheape then before for money, dealing faith∣fully and kindly with our people, notwithstanding the Turkes sought to worke them to the con∣trary, by meanes of small Barkes which passe to and fro. The King of this Countrey hath his abiding at a Towne lying vpon the Sea-coast called Rahaita,* 11.106 some fortie miles to the South-wards neere the Bab, hee sent some of his chiefe men to the Commanders of the shippes with presents, they returned them the like: who entertayned those which were sent very courteous∣ly, with promise of any thing his Countrey yeelded. Their vulgar speech is not vnderstood by the Arabians, the better sort of them speake and write the Arabian Language, in which [ 60] Tongue their Law of Mahomet is written.

§. IIII. Indian shipping at Moha; Sir Henry Middletons escape from the Turkes, and enforcing satisfaction.

APrill the first, 1611. the Darling deparred for Assab, with leaue euery ten dayes to re∣turne, to see how I did:* 11.107 this his vnlooked for kindnesse I hoped in God would bee a meanes to worke my freedome. The second,* 11.108 came into the roade another ship of Da∣bul, full of people. The Nohuda rid about the Towne in a painted coate, as the manner is. These robes are but lent them for the present, and afterward returned to the keeper of the [ 10] Ward-robe, to whom belongs a dutie for lone of them. The third, came a Iebba from Aden, which brought the Pepper-cornes Boat.

The fourth day, came an other ship of Dabul, which laded at Achin with Pepper:* 11.109 these three great ships belong all to the Gouernour of Dabul, who is a Persian, and a great Merchant, and hath many slaues, whereof Melick Amber is one, and is in great credit with him: he had the ma∣naging of the goods belonging to these three ships; he is a Negro, borne in Habosse, and might cost his Master fifteene or twenty royalls of eight, and now neuer goeth out of his doores, but with great troopes of followers, like some great Lord.

The sixth, I sent to the Cayha Abdela Chillarby a faire peice, and a small barrell of powder, [ 20] which I promised to send him at my comming from Zenan. The seuenth,* 11.110 came from India a smal ship laden with cotton. The eleuenth, came from India two small barkes Mallabars▪ of one of the Iles of Maldiuia: the chiefe of them came often to visit me, till he was forbidden by the Aga our enemie. The twelfth, there came two Barks from India: for then the wind was Westerly; which continued so for fiue dayes, and afterwards came to the South South-east againe. The four∣teenth, came in a small Barke laden with Cotten, for the Bannians. The fifteenth, came another from Bassanor: the Nohuda came to visit me at my house, which the Aga repined at. The seuen∣teenth, came into the Towne a great many Cammels, and diuers Merchants, which came from Damasco, Sues, and Mecca, to trade with the Merchants of India. The nineteenth,* 11.111 came in a ship and a barke of Cananor, the Captaine of the great ship came to visit mee with great troopes [ 30] following of him: which the Aga stomaking, sent for him whiles he was talking with mee, and forbad such resort vnto me. The twentieth, came in a ship of Calicut and the Darling. The three and twentieth, came in a small barke of the Kings of Zacotora, which came from Goa.

The second of May, 1611. I dispatched Letters for England of all our proceedings in those parts: one Copy to the English Consul at Aleppo, and another to the French Consul at Cayro:* 11.112 which letters I deliuered to a Guzerat. The tenth, came in a small barke from the coast of Swa∣hell or Magadoxo, with Slaues, Elephants teeth, Amber: there had wont to come euery yeare hi∣ther from thence foure barkes with like lading, but this yeare would come no more, for that their Countrey are in warres, and the Portugals had burned their shipping. These men buy their Ne∣groes and Amber at Cancamarra, in S. Laurence, where Captaine Rowles was taken and betrayed;* 11.113 [ 40] we enquired of them if they could informe vs of any thing touching him. Also this day about noone came in the Darling, and according to her wonted order shot off a peice for a Boat; the shot grazed vpon the water to the Towne-wards, whereat the Aga was displeased; but gaue leaue I might send aboord. I writ my letter, and sent one of my seruants aboord with it, commanding him to tarry aboord, and come no more ashore, and withall to tell M. Pemberton, hee should not send his Boat a land till he heard further from me.

The eleuenth in the morning, at the dawning of the day, the Aga with all the chiefe men of the Towne, were rid abroad in great state to his Garden to be merrie: which I seeing, did not a little glad my heart, and gaue God thanks, which offered me so faire meanes to put that in pra∣ctise, which long before I had determined: For Hamet Aga, and others had told mee the Basha [ 50] would not performe his word, but for feare. I writ my letter to M. Pemberton, wherein I certifi∣ed him, I minded as this day to make an escape aboord, and that I would conuay my selfe into an emptie But, and so be carried downe to the Boat as an emptie Caske:* 11.114 and therefore willed him the Boat should be sent with all speed, manned with choice men; and withall to send me a bottle of Aquauitae, and an orher of wine, to make drunke my Keepers; which he accordingly performed: before I made M. Femel acquainted with my determination, I made him sweare vnto me to be se∣cret, and to vse no perswasions with me, to with-draw my mind from that I had resolued vpon: whereupon I shewed him what I had written to M. Pemberton; and withall, shewed him how that himselfe and others should walke out of the Towne to the water side, to such a place as hee well knew, and I appointed, where I would not faile, God sending mee into the Boat, to take [ 60] him and the rest in. Also I acquainted him, that the Carpenters and others I had appointed to embarque themselues to the South-ward of the Towne, where lay a Boat hard by the shore, with mast and sayle ready fitted for their purpose; but withall, I had giuen the Carpenters warning not to embarque themselues, till such time as they saw the shippes Boat put off from the Bridge. All things sorting out well to our purpose, the Subasha (which was our guardian, and left

in Towne onely to looke to me) fell to drinking hard at a Racky-house: and I beeing doubtfull of any good performance from my enemies the Turkes, had long bethought me of all the meanes I could deuise from time to time to make an escape, but could not light vpon any proiect, that had not apparent danger, both to my selfe, and those that should attempt to escape away with me. Onely this deuise it pleased God to put into my head, whereby I might bee secretly conueied into the boat without beeing discouered: for my Keepers and Souldiers eyes were onely vpon me, wheresoeuer I went: all the rest of my company might walke abroad any where by day time without suspition, or any great regard: I neuer went out of doores, but two or three soul∣diers attended vpon me wheresoeuer I went. The Boat being come, and Keepers all drunke, and all things fitted, about twelue a clocke at noone the Subasha returnes from the Aracke-house, and [ 10] being in one ende of our house, but a wall betweene vs, where his abiding was, the better to guard vs, I began to put my businesse in execution: and appointed the Carpenters to take others with them, and to go by two and two in the best manner they could to auoid suspition, and shift for themselues in the Boat aforesaid; but in any case not to meddle, before they saw the ships Boat vnder sayle. To M. Femel, and those that I appointed to take into Lee-ward of the Towne, I gaue order likewise, to goe two or three in company alongst the Sea side, to the place I had appointed them to take them in, and there to tarry my comming. After I had giuen these directions, I was conueied into my Tub,* 11.115 and safely set aboord the Boat: which beeing done, I forced out the head of the Caske, and came aboord, causing them to beare vp with the leeward point, where I tooke in Iohn Fowler, Beniamin Greene, Rowland Webbe, Ro. Mico, Ro. Conwey, William Bownes, Iohn Wright, [ 20] Arthur Atkinson, Thomas Euans, Iohn Wood, and Henry Fortune. M. Femel and other beeing too slacke in comming out of the Towne, were taken before they could come to the boat. The Towne beeing raised, partly by the vndiscreet running of some of our people, and partly by seeing the Boat beare vp to Leeward, contrary to their wonted course, M. Femel and those with him, had likewise escaped, had he come by land to the point, and not taken water, so soone as others which were both sicke and weake did, which were behind him when he tooke the water. I came to an anchor, and brought the Boat a ground in tarrying for them, to the no little danger of vs all: I caused men to leape ouer-board to reskue him, but before they could get a Pikes length from the Boat, he and those with him were all apprehended: M. Femel discharged a Pistoll in the face of one of them that hardly pursued him, and mortally wounded him before he was taken; it booted me not to stay longer, hauing all the Town in pursuit of me, and a very narrow and shoald chan∣nell [ 30] to passe betweene a small sandie Iland, and the maine: it pleased God wee lighted vpon the right channell, which quickly brought vs into deepe water, and out of danger of our enemies, for which his great mercie towards vs, his holy name bee blessed and praysed for euermore.

They in the Darling kept good watch in the tops, which so soone as they saw the Boat vnder sayle, let flip and set saile, bearing vp to Lee-ward, to haue releiued vs if need had bin: being come aboord, we espied the Boat wherein the Carpenters were comming towards vs: I sent the ship Boat to bring them and their Boat aboord of vs. In this Boat escaped George Collinson, Robert Pi∣nis, Nathaniel Symonds, and Iohn Taylor; but Walter Talbot, who was appointed to come with them, tarried so long before he came, that the Boat was put off, he thought to swim aboord, and [ 40] was drowned. About two houres after our comming aboord, came two poore Arabs in a Canoa, but so fearefull, they durst not come nigh the ship till they were wonne by faire words, and so with much adoe,* 11.116 one of them entered, and deliuered me a letter from M. Femel, shewing that they were in great danger of beeing slaine or spoyled by those that apprehended them, but some of the souldiers, through former acquaintance, bearing them good will, saued them, and brought them to the Agaes, where they tarried his comming. At the first sight of them, he looked as pale as a∣shes, telling them they should all loose their heads, asking them how they durst attempt such a thing? They answered, they came out of England vnder my command, and did nothing but what I had commanded, which in no wise they durst disobey. He againe threatned them with losse of their heads, and presently caused them all to be chained by the necks, from which chaine they [ 50] were quickly released, at the intreaty of Nohuda Melicke Amber, & Nohuda Mahomet of Cananor, and others, and permitted to remaine in our former house, but with a stronger guard then before. This their kindnes proceeded not of loue, but for feare of their ships in the road, which were then vnder my command. I returned answer of the letter, and sent the Aga word, that if he did not send me all my people,* 11.117 with those prouisions of the ships which he detained contrary to the Bashaes order (for I minded not to be put off with Farriga) I would fire the ships in the road, and do my best to batter the Towne about his eares: likewise I sent word to the Nohudas, that they should not send any Boat aboord the ships, without first comming aboord of me, and to acquaint mee with their businesse, nor to carry any thing out of them aland, without my leaue and order.

After my departure, there was no small disturbance in the Towne: the Aga not knowing [ 60] how to answer the Basha, feared it would cost him his head, the Subbasha which was my keeper at his wits end, and knew not whether he might stay or flee for his life. The Emeryor bahar (or Lord of the Sea as they terme him) in little better taking, beeing accused of consenting to my e∣scape; one of our Porters tooke Sanctuary in one of their Churches, and would not be gotten out

from thence till hee had his pardon, and the Nohudas and Merchants in great feare of losse of their ship and goods, most of them sending Presents of victuals, and refreshing to Master Femell and the rest, which before tooke scorne to speake to them. At night I sent the Boat well man∣ned to carrie the newes to our ships, with order for their comming ouer with all speed. I plyed to wind-ward in the Darling, when the Tyde serued, and rid a little without the great ship, so that I had her and all the rest vnder the command of our Ordnance.

The twelfth, came aboord Nohuda Mahomet of Cananor with Letters, telling me the Aga was sorrie I was so departed (which I knew to be true) for that he was determined within few dayes to haue set mee at libertie, and all my people, to my owne content: and for the prouisions [ 10] belonging to our ships which were ashore, hee would deliuer them, but for my people hee could not deliuer them without order from the Basha, intreating fifteene dayes respite: in which time if I had not all my men in safetie sent aboord, they desired no fauour. I told him likewise, I must haue my Pinnasse surrendred me, for that I would not depart the Road without her; he sayd hee would acquaint the Aga with my demand of the Pinnasse, and doubted not but that I should haue her at the time limited. I yeelded to his request, vpon his promise that I should haue both men and Pinnasse within the time prefixed, I durst not as yet demand restitution or satisfaction for my goods, till such time as I had all our men from the shore. At his comming ashore hee ac∣quainted the Aga, that he had concluded a peace for fifteene dayes, vpon his promise that I should haue my men and Pinnasse restored within the same time. The Aga was very angry that I demanded the Pinnasse, and sent for Master Femell and Iohn Williams, and asked what I minded [ 20] in demanding the Pinnasse, which was the Bashas by agreement with mee, saying, I might as well demand the goods as the Pinnasse, both which were put to the account of the Gran Signior: they said I could not well proceed on my Voyage without the Pinnasse, but for the goods they assured him I would neuer demand them; In the meane time, the Darlings Cables, Anchors, Pitch, Tarre, and other things being ashore, were brought aboord: And few dayes escaped that I had not one present or other of refreshing from the Aga, Dabbullian, and other, which would scarce take knowledge of me whilest I was ashore, but now glad to flater me. This morning early came a Boat from shore aboord the innermost ship: I caused the Gunner to make two shot at her, which caused them to come aboord mee. I threatned them if they did so any more to hang them, and burne their ships; so that afterward they durst not attempt the like.

[ 30] The thirteenth, the Increase and Pepper-Corne toward night came to anchor in the sight of the Roade: for they could not fetch in that night, the Lee-ward tyde beeing come against them.

The fourteenth, they got into the Roade and I went aboord the Increase, where I was recei∣ued with great ioy of all my Company.

The eighteenth, there came into the Roade, a ship of Diu, belonging to Shermall the Shabander, laden with India Commodities, which I did imbarque both people and goods,* 11.118 and caused her to ride hard by me. The next day being the nineteenth, at the intreatie of Shermall, I licensed all the people (saue some few to looke to the ship) to goe ashore. This day being the twentieth day, [ 40] I heard nothing from the shore. The one and twentieth, Master Femell writ to me they had bin all chained by the neckes.

The fiue and twentieth, came aboord Nohuda Mahomet and certified me, that the Basha had gi∣uen order for release of my people and Pinnasse, and promised to bring them aboord on the mor∣row. I shot off three Peeces at his departure. This day all our people ashore were chained by the neckes, and the next day released. The cause they were so vsed they could not learne.

The six and twentieth, Nohuda Mahomet returned, saying, the Pinnasse was lanched, but the Aga would neither deliuer her nor the men, till I had giuen him a writing firmed by my selfe, and foure or fiue more of the principall in our ships with oathes to performe the same, to con∣tayne in effect a perfect peace with the Turkes his Subiects and Indians, and not to meddle in this Sea or elsewhere in reuenge of any thing that had passed, nor to demand restitution or sa∣tisfaction [ 50] for any goods taken from me: I told him, I maruelled hee came euery day with new matters, he had the day before promised, as this day to bring me all my men and Pinnasse aboord, which I looked to haue had performed, and for better securitie he and those with him should re∣mayne Hostages aboord till I had them, and therefore willed him to aduise the Aga: he alledged that he being imployed of his owne voluntary motion in this businesse, should reape much dis∣credit and be laught at for his forwardnesse, if he should write to that purpose, and therefore hee told me plaine he would not write whatsoeuer betyde him, but promised, if I would giue him such a Writing as he demanded and send him ashore, he would bring me all my people aboord be∣fore night: I seeing I could get him by constraint to yeeld to nothing, thought best to giue him some content, though it were somewhat that might but carrie the name of what hee desired. I [ 60] thereupon caused a Writing to be made in English, firmed by my selfe and fiue more, contayning a briefe Relation of the treacherous vsage of vs in this Countrey and nothing else, wee setting to our hands as Witnesses of truth of the same Writing: withall I sent aduice to Master Femell,

how he should interpret it vnto them. I deliuered him the Writing he desired, but sweare I would not, saying, my word should be cruer then a Turkes oath at all times. Ashore hee went, leauing some of the better sort of his Company for Pledges, whom he bad hang if he brought me not all my Company aboord that night: comming ashore he handled the matter so, that a little before night he returned with Master Femell,* 11.119 Iohn Williams, Christopher Cuningham, Water Woodward, Iohn Clarke, Henry Bauldin, Edmund Glouer, Tobie Birch, Alexander Iames, and Merciline Long∣field. Three of them were vested, to wit, Master Femell, Iohn Williams, and Cuningham, with pal∣try Vests of little worth. Another was sent to me, which they said came from the Basha, the Nohuda would haue put it vpon my backe, desiring mee to weare it as a fauour Tent me from the Basha: I refused it, telling him, I scorned to weare any thing that should come from so vnconscio∣nable [ 10] a Dogge and my Enemie, by whose order I had receiued so much wrong; he seeing I would not take it, left it with my man and so departed, carrying with him the Turke taken in the Dar∣ling, which had remayned aboord the Increase, till that present: hee promised to returne in the morning with our Pinnasse.

* 11.120The seuen and twentieth, according to promise the Nohuda came aboord and brought my Pinnasse, and demanded of me if all he had promised were performed. I told hm no, for that I had not all my company, they keeping from me the Boy at Tayes, which they had forced to turne Turke, and him would I haue before I would release the ships: he told me he would tell the Aga, and returne me his answere, and so departed. This morning early I called a Councell, wherein I propounded whether I should release the ships according to promise, or detayne them till resti∣tution [ 20] were made me. It was concluded that I should release all the ships which were of India, and our friends; and set our hopes vpon the ship that was to come from Sues. Likewise I deman∣ded what course were best to take for recouery of the youth at Tayes; by some it was thought bootlesse to demand him, but to hope of taking some Prisoners of worth, which might procure his libertie. I was of a contrarie opinion, and thought it fittest to demand him, now when wee should haue many to sollicite for him, rather then depend vpon hopes of taking of Prisoners, which we might faile of, and so it was concluded to demand the Boy presently, and no speech at all to be made of our goods restoring.

The eight and twentieth, there was a Writing sent me from the Aga, wherein he, Nohuda Mahomet, and Shermall Shebander bound themselues ships and goods, that I should haue within [ 30] twelue dayes the Boy from Tayes, so that I would release the ships; I gaue them leaue to vnlade the ship of Diu,* 11.121 and goe and come to the other ships at their pleasure. This night Master Fe∣mell dyed of a Callentura, or rather poysoned by the Turkes, as the opinions of our Chirur∣gions are.

The first of Iune, were discharged out of the ship, three Boats lading of Cotton. This euening we had a gust with much wind,* 11.122 which came from the shore, which brake our Land Cable. The wind was so hot we could hardly indure it. I was faine to flye to my Cabbin, not being able for heate to stay aloft. I writ a Letter to the Basha in Italian for restitution of my goods, and satis∣faction for damages; I was answered afterwards, the Letter was not vnderstood for lacke of an Interpreter.* 11.123 I againe imbarqued the ship of Diu, and would not permit them to vnlade any more goods out of her, till the Basha had satisfied me to the value of seuentie thousand Rials of [ 40] eight, which I had lost and was damnified by him: I considered with my selfe, that this was the surest way to attayne to somewhat in liew of our losse, and not soly to relye vpon the taking of the ship of Sues, which the Turkes might easily preuent me of, by giuing aduice by land.

The second, came Ally Haskins, my Interpreter at Zenan, aboord, and brought mee commen∣dations from the Basha, saying, he was sorrie I was gone after that sort away, for he was minded to send me away better content, and that he had prepared a rich Vest to be sent me and a Horse: and likewise the Cayha had him commended heartily, and desired mee not to take any violent courses here, but seeke for Iustice at Stambola, for if I did any thing which might be displeasing to the Basha, it would cost him his head, that was the chiefe cause of my sending backe to Moha; [ 50] and told me he had brought the English youth with him from Tayes, by order from the Basha, which the next day he said should be sent aboord, conditionally I would permit the ship of Diu, and the rest to discharge. I answered him I would in no wise release the ships, till I had restituti∣on or satisfaction for my goods and damages to the value aboue-said.

The third, the Aga desired peace for twelue dayes till the Basha had knowledge of my de∣mands. The next day Ally Haskins, Tocoursie a Bannian, and others came aboord, and withall desires I would draw out the particulars of my losses, that they might consider thereof ashore. I fulfilled their desire, and by writing set downe my losse and hinderances to bee seuentie thou∣sand Rials of eight, and withall sending the Aga word, whereas at first I was receiued by him, and came aland at his intreatie, and vpon his word a•••• promise of kind enter••aynment and free [ 60] and peaceable Trade, he like a treacherous Dogge, without any cause or offence giuen, had cruel∣ly slaine diuers of my people, and villanously imprisoned my selfe and others, and robbed and spoiled all he could sease vpon to the value of seuentie thousand Pessos, beside great charges and

losse of time, if therefore he did not presently make mee restitution or satisfaction for the same,* 11.124 I would doe my best to batter the Towne about his cares, take all the goods out of the Diu ship into mine owne, and burne all the ships in the Roade, and not depart thence till I were sufficient∣ly reuenged, all which I could doe without breach of promise, the time of Truce being out, and they not hauing performed Couenants with me.

This day being the sixt, the Aga sent mee a peremptory answere, demanding who gaue mee leaue to come into those Seas, saying, sith I came without leaue I was iustly dealt withall; and touching the goods, and whatsoeuer else, he had done nothing but what he had order from the Basha, who himselfe told me so much: and if I were not pleased with what was past, the best [ 10] way were to referre it to the hearing of our Betters at Stambola. And if I shot at the Towne, he would shoot againe at my ships; and for the ships and goods in the Road they were none of his, but if I did either hurt the Towne or ships in the Road, it would not be pleasing to the Sul∣tan, who would be sure to be recompenced for any harme I should doe them. To which I an∣swered, to come into this Sea, I needed no lea••e but Gods and my Kings, but for my comming ashore, the Aga had not onely giuen mee leaue, but much intreated mee. And for my goods I knew nothing I ought the Basha, neither was I his Factor, neither had I at any time receiued a∣ny thing of his or any the least curtesie, neither had I done him or his any wrong, and therefore no way his Debtor wherby he might challenge any of those goods which by his order I was rob∣bed of; wherefore I must and would be paid for them, not at Stambola (where neither the Basha [ 20] and Aga durst shew their faces to answere such shamefull wrongs, which they had falsly charged the Sultan to haue commanded them to doe) but euen there where I had beene wronged, would I be righted: and if they found themselues agrieued, they might goe to the Court of England to seeke their remedie: for to Stambola I minded not to goe.

The eight, I sent Master Pemberton to Assab to buy fresh victuals, we hauing very many men sicke in our ships: I was afraid to haue my prouision from Moha, doubting poysoning,* 11.125 which by friends I was warned to take heed of.

The nineteenth, came aboord Shermall Sabander, Ally Tocorsie, and many others of the chiefe of the Bannians, to make agreement with me, and brought with them Master Pember∣tons youth decently apparelled in new clothes after the Christian fashion, which the Sabander [ 30] bestowed vpon him. After some kind gratulations passed on either side, the Sabander began to tell me, that he had alwayes loued and fauoured me and my people, and was alwayes readie to doe me what kindnesse he was able, and for the iniuries done mee by the Turkes, it did as much grieue him as if it had beene done to his owne people, for which his loue and pittying of me in my miseries, he was like to pay at too deare a rate, without I would now shew my selfe fauou∣rable vnto him, For that the Basha had enioyned him to giue me satisfaction, or had sent order to cut his throat, and sease vpon his goods: and this he protested was not fained, but the verie truth. I answered, it was the Turkes that had robbed me, and done me many iniuries, and from them would I looke for satisfaction, and not from any other: he willed me to leaue those talkes, and come to my demands. I told him he knew what I demanded, for that I had sent it ashore in [ 40] the Arabick Tongue in writing; he said, if my demands were answerable to that Writing, it were but labour lost to haue further conference there abouts. We spent most part of the day in beating the prizes of our lost Commodities: and in conclusion, with much adoe, we came to agreement that all the Lead and Iron should be surrendered, and eighteene thousand Rials of eight in mo∣ney, within fifteene dayes for satisfaction of all our goods and losses sustayned, and thereupon a peace concluded betweene vs and them for two yeares, from the Port of Moha to Cannanor, vpon the Coast of India, conditionally, that the Basha giue mee a Writing vnder his hand and Seale, for confirmation of this peace betweene our Nation and theirs, for the time before spe∣cified. In this moneth, and about this time beganne a generall and most grieuous sicknesse in our ships, few or none escaping, it beganne with a great paine in the head and stomacke,* 11.126 bereauing [ 50] them of sleepe: the best remedie for it was vomiting and bleeding, but some were taken with Feuers withall, who were long before they recouered their healths: the rest that escaped the Feuer quickly recouered, and God be praysed, few died thereof.

And the second of Iuly, we receiued the last payment, the Sabander being there himselfe,* 11.127 I cleered all reckonings with him, as well for money borrowed of him whiles I was Prisoner, as for money disbursed afterwards by him. He demanded of me the money I promised the Bashas Cayha, which was a thousand Vonetianos: which I would in no wise pay, although hee much vrged me with my word and promise, and that he should be forced to pay, for that he had pas∣sed his word for the same. I told him the Cayha had not performed what hee promised mee, in setting me and my people at libertie. How the Cayha and he will agree, I know not, but I doubt [ 60] the Cayha will constraine him to pay it. Drawing towards night, the Sabander and the rest tooke their haue of me to goe a-land: and for his farewell, I caused three Peeces of Ordnance to be discharged.

The third, came againe Tacaroy and Ally, and bought some Vermillion of mee, for which I gaue them credit: they promising to come ouer to the other side within fourteene dayes, and

make me payment, also to bring me some prouisions of Graine, as I had giuen them order to buy me at Moha, and a Writing from the Basha for confirmation of peace concluded. In the after∣noone we warped out of the Road,* 11.128 and that night set saile toward Assab, but could not get thi∣ther till the fift day in the morning.

* 11.129The sixth, I went a-land and caused all the Wels to be emptyed and clensed for feare of poy∣soning, for it was often told mee at Moha, the Turkes practised with the people of Assab, to poyson the Wels. From this day till the thirteenth day wee spent in watering and buying re∣freshing, not any thing in that time happening worth writing.

The thirteenth, the King of this Countrey hearing of my escape at Moha, and my arriuall in his Countrey, sent three of his chiefe Seruants, being attended with thirtie Souldiers, with a [ 10] Letter, and a Present of refreshing to me. The effect of his Letter was to bid me welcome in∣to his Countrey, with offer of any thing I stood in need of, and that his Countrey did affoord: as also not a little reioycing of my escape from my Enemies, with many other Complements. I feasted and rewarded the Messengers, and returned them with a Present to the King their Ma∣ster: which was a Vest of broad-cloth, and a faire looking Glasse.

The seuenteenth, came Afelba from Moha, wherein was Tocorcie the Sabanders man, and another Bannia••. They brought with them diuers prouisions, which I left order with them to prouide me; as also the money they ought me, but the Writing from the Basha, for confirmation of peace on his behalfe they could not get, but made excuse the Basha was so busie in the Warres, he could not intend it, so that it was manifest he intended to keepe no quarter with our Nation. [ 20]

The foure & twentieth, we all set sayle out of Assab Road, to put that in practice which long before I had determined, which was to ply to wind-ward as high as Camaran, & there to abide the comming of a great ship, which yearely commeth about this time richly laden from Sues to Moha: hoping to bee sufficiently reuenged for all my losses and disgraces offered mee by the Turkes: and the rather did I desire to meete with her, for that I vnderstood the Traytor Ieffor Basha, and his Disciple Regib-Aga, had great aduentures in her. From this day till the last of this moneth, wee plyed it to wind-ward, the wind still opposite to vs, wee sayled by day, and commonly anchored by night: we past many and sundry dangers for lacke of a Pilot, and many times were like to haue come a-ground, to the hazard and losse of all, had not God preserued vs. And yet she escaped vs in the night, as we found in our returne. [ 30]

§ V. Their departure from Surat, and what happened there with the Cambayans and Portugals.

THe ninth of August, 1611. in the morning we set sayle, and in the euening about eight of the clocke we anchored three leagues short of the Bab-mandell.* 11.130 The tenth, the Dar∣ling and Release appointed to goe out at the Wester channell, which they found to be three leagues ouer, from the Mayne of Habeshe to the Iland Bab-mandell; one third of way ouer from the Iland they had no ground at forty fathoms, the channell cleere without dan∣gers, [ 40] & not as all the Turkes & Indians reported, to be full of sholes and Rocks, and not nauigable for shipping. This their false report was to make vs beleeue there was no other passage in and out into that Sea, but at the Easter channell, which may be so fortified that no shipping can passe that way, but shall be in danger of their Ordnance, for it is not passing one mile & halfe ouer between the Arabian shore, and the Ile, and vpon the Mayn lyeth sholes a good distance off; we in the In∣crease and Pepper-Corne passed out at the narrow channell where we came in. About foure aclock in the afternoone we all met without the straights, and were in nineteene fathome, being some foure miles from the Arabian shore, we steered all this night our course alongst the Land.

From the twelfth day, till the seuen and twentieth, much wind with calmes and contrarie winds with a great current,* 11.131 setting South-west about foure miles an houre: for looke in all this [ 50] time what we got when we had a fauourable gale, we lost that and more when it fell calme, be∣ing carryed backe by the current.

The seuen and twentieh, we had a gale of wind to carrie vs off. Wee had sight of Mount Foe∣lix a head-land to the West-ward of Cape Guardafui,* 11.132 at sixe a clocke this night, This hill bore South halfe West: about ten at night it fell calme with a great Sea, out of the South-east. At mid-night came vp a gale at South South-east, and South, finding still as we sailed▪ this great Sea which was a manifest signe wee brought our selues open of Cape Guardafai: for so long as the land was in the wind of vs we felt none of this Sea.

The thirtieth, we plyed into the Roade of Delisha, and about noone came to an Anchor in the Roade,* 11.133 wee found there riding a great ship of Diu, and two small ships, one of Naggina, [ 60] the other the Kings, both ships of India, both bound for the Red Sea, taken short with the Monson. The Captaine of the ship of Diu came aboord mee with diuers others, who certified mee our people at Surat were well, and very well intreated, and were daily expecting shipping from England: and that Captaine Hawkins was at Court with the King, where hee

was made a great Lord, and had great allowance from the King by the yeare. And for Captaine Sharpeigh, the King had giuen him money to build a ship, which then was almost readie at Surat to bee lanched, this and many other things he told me, which I doubted were too good to be true.

The Monson was farre spent, and therefore I desired the Nohuda of Diu, to helpe mee with his Boates and people to ballast and water, which hee with the others most willingly granted, proffering me all the water in their ship; so willing were they to haue mee gone from them. I had all the water out of his ship, and imployed his people to fetch some from the shore.

I was often in hand with the King to sell mee his Alloes: I could not of long time bring him to aske reason for it. In the end, with much adoe, I bargained with him for all, paying dearer [ 10] for it, then Captaine Keeling did for his. I thinke the Indians were in hand with him for it, and that was the cause he held it so deare. I left Letters with the King, which hee promi∣sed to deliuer to the first English ship that should come there.

The third of September, hauing finished my businesse, I made haste to bee gone.* 11.134 I had with much adoe a simple fellow out of the ship of Diu, to pilot me vpon the Coast of India, who took vpon him to be a good Coaster, in the afternoone about two a clocke wee weighed Anchor and plyed out of the Roade.

The six and twentieth, betweene nine and ten of clocke wee weighed, hauing a gale of wind,* 11.135 which brought vs into the Roade of Surat, we ridde by the three Indian ships in seuen fathom. A mile from vs, ridde seuen sayle of Portugall Frigats or men of Warre: there were thirteene more of them which were within the Riuer of Surat; the Portugalls long before our comming thither, [ 20] had intelligence that we were in the Red Sea, and bound for this place, so that these Frigats were purposely sent to keepe vs from Trade at Surat, or else-where, vpon that Coast. The Cap∣taine Maior of them is called Don Francisco de Soto Maior, is intitled Captaine Maior of the North, he reapeth great benefit to himselfe by giuing Cartasses or Pasports to all ships and Frigats, which trade vpon that Coast. Any ship or Frigat which hath not the same Passe, are confiscate or lost. This night I discharged my Pilots, paying them well for their paines: I sent by them Let∣ters to such of our people as they should find at Surat, for I could not learne how many (or who they were) that were there resident.

The nine and twentieth,* 11.136 there came a small Portugall Frigat from the Admirall of the Arma∣da, (as they terme them) wherein was one Portugall and his Boy, who brought mee answere of [ 30] my Letter sent the day before from the Captaine Maior, wherein hee vsed some complements, certifying me that he was glad to heare I belonged to a King a Friend, and that he and his would be readie to doe mee seruice in any thing hee might, prouided I brought a Letter or Order from the King of Spaine, or the Vice-Roy, for my trading in these parts, which if I could shew him, he would willingly obey: if otherwise, he must guard the Port he had in charge, where the King his Master had his Factorie. I returned answere by word of mouth by the same Portugall, that I had neyther Letter from the King of Spaine or Vice-Roy, neyther had I need thereof, for that I was sent by the Kings Maiestie of England, with Letters and rich Presents to the Great Mo∣goll, and to establish the Trade begunne in those parts: and for the Factorie they had there, I [ 40] I came not to harme the same, but that they might continue in the same estate they were: and for our Factorie or Trade, I see no reason why the Portugals should oppose themselues against vs, for that it was a free Countrey for all Nations, and the Great Mogoll nor his people any way in Vassallage to the Portugals. And therefore willed him to tell his Captaine, he should in friend∣ly manner permit those English which were at Surat to come aboord, and conferre with me con∣cerning our Affaires, and that he would not vrge me to vse force, for by the one meanes or the o∣ther, I must and would haue them: many other speeches past which were here too tedious to write, I bestowed a Vest of broad-cloth vpon the Messenger, and so dispatched him away, hee promising the next day to returne.

We seeing it was not possible without Pilot to goe ouer the Barre, set saile from the Barre foot (where I had beene to discouer in the Darling) and in the euening came to an anchor in the [ 50] Roade. I went aboord the Increase, where I found Letters from the shoare: they came from Su∣rat from Nicholas Bangham, formerly a Ioyner in the Hector,* 11.137 wherein I was certified that wee had no Factorie there, and that he was sent from Captaine Hawkins from Agra, to recouer some Debts that were owing there, and likewise hee had Letters from Captaine Hawkins, but durst not send them aboord, lest they should be intercepted by the Portugals. What was become of the Factors and goods he mentioned not: I wrote to him, to send mee those Letters and o∣ther particulars concerning our businesse.

The third of October, Hoia Nassan the Gouernour of Surat,* 11.138 and the Gouernours brother of Cambaya, sent a Mogoll vnto me with a present of refreshing, and in their names offered to doe me all the kindnesse they could, but the Portugals, hee said, were the cause they could not doe [ 60] what they would, but for their part they desired to trade with vs, which they see no way pos∣sible to effect, so long as we should ride there, and the Portugall Armado by vs, and therefore they would counsell me to goe for Goga, a better place, where wee should ride nearer the shore with our ships, where the Armado could not hinder our landing; and likewise it was nearer Cambaya,

where there were more Merchants, and greater and better store of merchandize for our turnes: hauing to this effect deliuered his message, hee was desirous to know what I determined to doe, whether I would stay heere, or goe thither: I answered, as yet I had receiued no answer from the shore, saue a letter of small import, and till I knew what was become of our country-men and goods formerly left in the Countrey, I could not resolue him; and therefore I desired him to be a meanes, that some one of our people might come abord to conferre with me, and Pilots to conduct vs thither, and then would I quickely resolue them what I would doe: in the meane while I could say nothing, I gaue him and his Interpreter a small reward, and dispee••••d them.

The fift, a Bramyney, or Priest of the Bannians, which came with the Mogoll for an Interpre∣ter,* 11.139 [ 10] came in a Boate of the Towne with a letter from Nicholas Bangham, and Captaine Hawkins letter from Agra, dated in Aprill last, relating the manner of his fauouring and dis-fauouring by the Great Mogoll, his ficklenesse in granting vs Trade, and afterward disallowing the same, gi∣uing the Portugals Firmaes against vs, contradicting thereby what formerly he had granted to vs and our Nation.* 11.140 By the same Messenger came two letters of a latter date from William Finch, from Lahor, the one to the Commanders of any English shipping arriuing at Surat, the other to the Company in England, relating his proceedings, and intent to goe home ouer Land, the vn∣constancie of the King and people of the Countrey, the practice of the Portugals, and many o∣ther circumstances, aduising me in any wise not to land any goods, nor hope for Trade in those parts: for that the people were all fickle and vnconstant like the King, and durst not offend the [ 20] Portugals. I hauing perused these letters, grew hopelesse of any Trade in that place, yet resol∣ued to trie the vttermost what might be done before I would depart: I vnderstood by Nicholas Banghams letters, that Captaine Sharpeigh, Iohn Iordayne and others, were comming from Cam∣baya to Surat, to goe along with me; and although I could haue no Trade, yet would I endeauour my selfe in all I might to get them all aboord, and not leaue them behind me. The Indian shippes which rid by me had giuen ouer their Voyage to the Southward; for that the Monson for the Southward was past. The Braminey desired my leaue that they might carry their ships into the Riuer, which in no wise I would grant, willing him to tell the Gouernour and the rest of the Owners, that their ships should not depart thence, till I had all the Englishmen at Cambaya and Surat aboord of me; if I had permitted them to haue gone, I should haue frustrated my selfe of [ 30] either sending too, or hearing from our people ashore: The Portugals intercepting both letters and men as much as they could.

The two and twentith, the Portugals had laid them in ambush to cut off some of my men sent on shore: which when they saw their best time of aduantage brake out, and came in great heapes, confusedly running toward our men and boates; they discharged their shot at vs, and we answe∣red them againe with ours, both from those my men a shore, and also from my Frigat, which rid close to the Land, all my men retired in safetie to my boa••s and Frigat, and the Portugals after some hurt receiued, returned behind the hills out of shot, and so in worse case then they came, went backe to their Frigats. There were of them seuen Ensignes, and might be in number about three hundred men; at this instant when they came vpon vs by Land, fiue of their greatest Fri∣gats [ 40] which rid a little way off to the Northward, came running vpon vs, and shot at vs, being nothing neare within shot. We went with our Frigat and boats aboord our ships to dinner, little hoping of any newes, as at that day, from our people ashore: the Portugall Frigats rowed to the Northward, and anchored where they rid before: I aduised with Captaine Dounton, Master Iourdayne and others, what course were best to take, and it was thought fit to abide no longer there, but to returne to the roade of Surat, where rid the Increase, and there to determine what we had best to doe.

The eight of Nouember, Nicholas Bangham came from Surat, and brought with him some re∣freshing,* 11.141 which with himselfe were very welcome: the newes held of the comming of Moc∣krib Can. The Vice-royes sonne came into the Riuer with an hundred saile of Frigats, the greatest [ 50] part of them being Merchants bound for Cambaya: I caused this night our ships which rid with∣in to come off and anchor by me, lest the enemies, whose strength I knew not, might attempt ought against them.

The ninth, The ships riding without the Sand, Hoia Nassan came downe to the Sea-side: I went to him with my Frigat and boats, and had conference with him; he promised mee (not to faile) two dayes or three at the furthest, hee would returne and bring goods with him to Trade with me; I told him I had been heere a great while, and co••ld get no refreshing of victuals for my money, and therefore desired him to giue order the coun••rey people might bring me some, which he promised to doe, and vpon the same tooke his leaue and departed.

The eighteenth, I receiued a letter from Nicholas Bangham, wherein he wrote that there was [ 60] little or no hope of trade to be expected.

This last letter of Nicholas Bangham, together with the breach of promise of Hoia Nassan, brought me out of hope of Trade, thinking all their f••rmer promises to be nothing but inuenti∣ons to delude and weary me, and in the end to turne me going without Trade, which they durst

not let me haue for feare of offending the Portugals, and yet loath to offend mee with absolute deniall. These things considered, I determined to be gone, and therefore had often writ to Ni∣cholas Bangham to come away, but Hoia Nassan would not permit him: he seeing he could not get leaue to come, he stole secretly out of Towne, and as this day arriued heere. Anone after Hoia Nassan missing him (as it seemeth) and doubting at his comming that being hopelesse of Trade I would be gone, sent Iaddaw the Broaker presently after him with a letter from himselfe, and another from Mockrib Can, promising speedily to come both vnto me. To which, in regard of his former promise breach, I could hardly giue credit, yet I resolued to spend some few dayes more to see the euent thereof. The Portugals lying all in the Riuer, not daring to come nigh vs [ 10] by Sea, thought to entrappe vs by Land, and therefore a great number of them ambushed them∣selues behind a row of sand hills, not farre from our landing place, where they kept close, but God be thanked they failed of their expectation, all our people without hurt recouering the boate. In the meane season they in the ships were not idle, but let flye apace at them, both with great shot and small: the Portugals thinking to find vs vnprepared to bid them thus welcome, present∣ly betooke them to their heeles, and fled behinde the hilles, where they lay lurking a while, not daring to shew their heads: they left one lying vpon the Strand being mortally wounded in the head, which our people brought aboord.

The foure and twentith being Sunday, Iaddaw the Broaker came aboord, and brought me word Mockrib Can was comming, and would be with me before night. After dinner I went to the [ 20] shore side with my Frigat, where I found Hoia Nassan, who sent me word Mockrib Can was com∣ming, and would be presently there. I returned aboord and made choyce of a good Present to giue him; which being effected, being well accompanied, I went directly aland, where I found Moc∣krib Can, Hoia Nassan, with great troupes of men abiding my comming,* 11.142 at our meeting we em∣braced each other; our ships at the same time discharging some Ordnance to bid him welcome, which he seemed to take kindly. After I had deliuered him a good Present, we sate downe vp∣on Carpets spred vpon the ground, where passed some conference betweene vs: being neare Sun-set, I entreated him he would be pleased to go aboord my ship, and there take his lodging for that night, which he presently granted, carrying with him his owne sonne, Hoia Nassans sonne, and diuers others his chiefe Followers, but Hoia Nassan would not goe: it pleased mee well to [ 30] see him so confident, and made mee conceiue better hopes then before, he hauing all this part of the Countrey vnder his command. I gaue him the best entertainment I could, setting before him such Cates as vpon such a sudden I could prouide, which he, and those with him fel roundly to. After they had done eating, I deliuered him our Kings Maiesties Letter directed to him, and told him the effect thereof. He seemed to be very much pleased that his Maiestie would vouch∣safe to write vnto him, and promised me to doe vs all the good he could, not onely for our pre∣sent Trade, but also to giue vs any place or harbour I would appoint or name, where wee might fortifie our selues, if we so pleased. In fine, I not demanded any thing, but I found him as ready to grant, as I was to aske: growing late, I left him to his rest and departed.

The fiue and twenttieth in the morning, Mockrib Can busied himselfe in buying of Kniues, [ 40] Glasses, or any other toyes he found amongst my Company: I went with him and shewed him the ship aloft and below: any thing he liked belonging to the ship, he carryed with him away gratis, besides many toyes of my Companyes, which he liked, I bought and gaue him, endeuou∣ring in all things I might to giue him content: after he had been fore and after, he returned to my Cabbin, where he would needs see all my Chests, Trunckes, and Lockers opened and sear∣ched. Whatsoeuer he saw there of mine that he tooke liking to, I gaue him for nothing. By this time victualls being readie, he went to dinner, which being done, hee was desirous to be gone to see the other ships, and there behaued himselfe in like sort.

The thirtieth and one and thirtieth, I sent Master Fowler, Iohn Iordayne, and other our Mer∣chants to see the goods: they returned and brought Mustrels and the prices: we set downe what [ 50] we would giue for each sort, desiring them to doe the like by ours, that so we might come to a∣greement for both: they held me off with delayes, posting me off from day to day, but conclu∣ding nothing, they would neither offer for our commodities, nor abate in theirs.* 11.143 And whereas I had sold Mockrib Can all our Sword-blades the cheaper, because he should take the one with the other, they had chosen out the best of them, and returned me backe the worst, being the better halfe, and no speech when we should be paid for them: which done, they remoued their goods to bee gone for Surat. And vpon the same made Proclaimation vpon great penalties, that no victuall or other thing should be brought vs; leauing me without cause thus abused.

The eighth of December in the morning,* 11.144 came Mockrib Can with all his crew vpon the strand, and about some fortie packs of their goods; I came a land with a good guard of shot and [ 60] halberds: I went to him to his tent, where after friendly salutation and complements past, wee fell to treat of businesse: and agreed for prices of all our Lead, Quick-siluer, and Vermilion, and for their goods likewise in liew thereof. It is to be noted, that all these goods did not belong to these two great men, but also to the Shabander, and diuers other Merchants; yet for the most part, the businesse were carried soly by Hoia Nassan, no man daring either to buy or sell with vs,

without his preuention and leaue, by that meanes aduancing the prices of their goods, and aba∣sing ours, to their great aduantage, and our great hinderance and losse.

The ninth in the morning, we began to land our Lead, and to receiue some of their goods: as also to be in good forwardnesse to make price for the rest, when a Letter came to Mockrib Can from his King,* 11.145 which dashed all his mirth and our proceedings for that present. Hee was very pleasant before he receiued and perused it; but afterwards became very sad: hee sate a good pretie while musing, and vpon a sudden riseth vp, & so goeth his way, without once looking towards, or speaking to me, I being seated hard by him. Before he tooke horse, he better bethought himselfe, and sent for me: when I came to him, he embraced me, telling me hee was my Brother, praying me to excuse this his sudden departure, for that he had earnest businesse, and must be gone; but he [ 10] would leaue Hoia Nassan with me, to receiue and deliuer those goods already bargained for, and to bargaine with me for more: shortly after, we heard he was put out of his gouernment of Cambaya, Hoia Nassan being lately put out of his gouernment of Surat (and others put in their places) this afterward we iudged to be the effect of the Kings letter, and the cause of his discontent. Mockrib Can being of late Gouernour of Cambaya, and all the Sea-coast thereabouts, hath now nothing left him in this Countrey, but the place of the Customer of Surat.

The tenth, the new Gouernour of Surat, and Assan Ally came aboord the Pepper-corne to mee to see the ships. After they had been there a while, we went to the Trades-increase, the Factors being ashore to see the weight of the Lead, which with no little trouble was neere-hand all lan∣ded, and embarqued ready to bee sent a shore: they intreated Hoia Nassan that he would be plea∣sed [ 20] to goe in hand therewith, for that it would aske a great time in doing: the Factors would haue weighed with our English weights, which he would in no wise agree vnto: the Weigher of Surat was there with the weights of the Towne, and with that weight would he haue it weigh∣ed. In the end, seeing no other remedie, they gaue him way, and began to weigh with the coun∣trey beame. After some fewe drafts, they desired they might vnderstand the beame before they proceeded any further, to know whether the Weigher told them the truth what it weighed: for he knowing it, and they not, he might giue them what weight he list: likewise they made triall of those they had weighed by his Beame, by ours, and found very great difference, in fiue Pigges tenne or eleuen Maunds, each maund being three and thirtie pound English weight. Hee seeing he might not haue the Lead at what weight he listed, began to cauill, saying, he would haue halfe money, halfe goods for his commodities, otherwise we should not haue them, rayling and ra∣uing [ 30] like a mad-man, calling for the Carmen to drawe away the goods, saying, he would none of our Lead, nor other goods, but instantly be gone: I being aboord the Increase with the Gouernour and Sabandar, the Factors which were a shore sent one aboord a purpose, to aduise me of their pro∣ceedings, and how that Hoia Nassan was causing the Carmen to yoake their Oxen, to draw away all the goods they had brought, and if I did not take some speedie course for preuenting the same, he would goe from his bargaine, and returne all our goods vpon our hands againe: I thought hee was apt enough to doe so, by that little experience I had of him, as also a custome they haue in this Countrey (and by report in most parts of India) that what bargaine soeuer is made betweene Merchant and Merchant may be rouoked,* 11.146 so it be done within the compasse of twentie foure [ 40] houres, yea although he haue giuen earnest, and carried away the goods bought, yet hee may re∣turne them, and haue backe his earnest. I vnderstood this bad custome before I landed any of my Lead, and doubting to haue such a tricke put vpon me, I did purposely send vnto Hoia Nassan, Iohn Fowler and others, to know whether he would stand to his bargaine, before I landed any Lead, which would put vs to much trouble to land it, and therefore I would be at a certaintie with him: he before many witnesses, promised them to take it all, and be as good as his word, and that with all speed they should land it. And now comming to the point of performance, hee flies from all he had formerly promised: I aduised with such as were about me what we had best doe, and it was thought the surest way, to keepe those men which were aboord me for pledges, till they had performed with vs, and if we could get Hoia Nassan into our possession, to keepe him, and free [ 50] those: whereupon I detained the Gouernour and Sabandar, telling them how Hoia Nassan had dealt with me, going about to delude me as formerly, and therefore there was no other remedie, but to keepe them for pledges for performance of the bargaine. The Gouernour counselled mee to goe a shore,* 11.147 and fetch the man himselfe, which I did, giuing the Gouernour a good Present, I let him depart, keeping Hoia Nassan and the Sabandar for pledges aboord the Pepper-corne.

The nineteenth, Hoia Assan Ally the Sabandar came from Surat: he shewed mee a couple of Letters, which were sent from the Vice-roy from Goa, one of them directed to himselfe, the o∣ther to the Captaine Maior of Diu: I opened and perused them both. The effect of the letter to the Captaine Maior was, that he had receiued his letter, whereby hee vnderstood the especiall good seruice done against the English, in putting the English Captaine and his people to swim to [ 60] his Boates for their safetie, otherwise he had taken them prisoners or slaine them: for the which he highly commended him, hauing done the part of a valiant Captaine, and worthy souldiour; which good seruice done to his King and Countrey, would redound to his great honour: for the which hee gaue him as many thanks, as if hee had taken the English Captaine prisoner: and

partly to gratifie him, he bestowed those Frigates, which hee lately before had taken from the Mallabers vpon him, certifying him he had sent his sonne in the Armie, which was young, pray∣ing him to assist him with his counsell, whereby he might gaine a great name. Thus was the Vice-Roy and my selfe abused, by the false reports of a lying Braggard. The other letter to the Sabandar, was to thanke him that he would not permit the English Nation to trade at Surat, wil∣ling him to continue in that mind, and he should doe the King of Portugal great seruice, for the which he should not loose his reward. This day came diuers Carts laden with prouisions for the ships from Surat, bought by Nicholas Bauggam.

The foure and twentieth, the accompts on both sides were cleered, and businesse finished, the [ 10] pledges on either part released, they promised vs to deale with vs for the rest of our Commodi∣ties: they tarried till the sixe and twentieth day, but did nothing worth noting. The seuen and twentieth, came a Iew aboord me, which brought me a letter from Massulipatan, dated the eighth of September, from one Peter Floris a Dantiscan, employed by the Company, shewing his setting out in February, his speedie and safe passage and arriuing there in the beginning of September.* 11.148

The second of Ianuary, 1611. I wrote to Captaine Hawkins, from whom I had receiued a let∣ter the eight and twentieth of December: and sent Captaine Sharpeigh, Hugh Fraine, and Hugh Greet, to set the minde of Captaine Hawkins in some better course, then he seemed to aime at in his last letter to me. As also to buy some Indicoes, and other commodities, if they might be had at reasonable rates.

[ 20] The sixe and twentieth, Captaine Hawkins and Captaine Sharpeigh came to the water side:* 11.149 they had left their carriage behind them fiue miles off: I landed with two hundred armed men, and went to meet them, to saf••gard them and their goods from the Portugals, which I doubted would doe their best to intercept them: we met them about some three miles off, and brought all in safetie aboord our ships, not seeing any Portugals.

The seuen and twentieth, I sent Iohn Williams and one of our Factors to Surat vpon businesse. This day Mockrib Can came to Towne; he had been to meet a great Commander, which was comming from the warres of Decan, and was to passe by Surat. Before his going out of the Towne, he sent for M. Iourdaine, and willed him to commend him to me, and to certifie me that he was to goe out of the Towne, but would not tarry out aboue three dayes, and at his returne [ 30] he would be as good as his word, for what he had promised concerning our Factory. Now at his returne, he sends for him againe, and with a frowning countenance, contrary to his expectation, demands of him what he did there, and why were we not all gone: he answered, that hee staied vpon his word and promise that we should leaue a Factory, otherwise he had not been there: he said againe, we should haue no Factory there, and that the long staying of our shippes there, had hindered him in his Customes tenne hundred thousand manuveys, and therefore in the Kings name charged them to be gone with speed out of the Towne: for neither trade nor Factorie was there to be had for vs. Iohn Williams returned this morning, and two carts with prouisions came from Surat. The nine and twentieth, I sent for the Factors at Surat to doe as Mockrib Can com∣manded, to hast and come away, for that I would be gone.

[ 40]

§. VI. His going to Dabul•• ••nd thence to the Red Sea, and enforced trade with the Guzerates.

THe ninth of February in the morning, beeing calme,* 11.150 we warped ouer the sand with the Increase: had we not got ouer this tide, we had lost the whole Spring. This road of Swally standeth in the latitude of twentie degrees fifty seuen minutes: variation sixteene degrees thirty minutes. The eleuenth in the morning, we set sayle for the [ 50] road of Surat, and anchored there in the afternoone, by a new ship of Surat lately launched,* 11.151 and came out of the Riuer, she was bound for the Red Sea. The latitude of this roade is twenty de∣grees fortie two minutes.

The twelfth, we weighed and droue to the South-ward, & anchored two leagues from the road by a ship of Callicut bound for Surat, out of which ship I tooke a Pilot for Dabul. The thirteenth, we weighed & droue down; at noon came a gale Northerly: at the comming of the wind we had seuenteene fathome: we halled off West by South, in twelue and foureteene fathome: after stee∣red South West by West till foure a clocke; betweene which time wee had from foureteene to twentie fathome: vpon a sudden we came to eight fathome, and then to sixe, being then in my o∣pinion [ 60] from the ship that rid in the road of Surat tenne leagues: then we haled in East, and East by South three quarters of a mile, and found from sixe fathome to twentie againe: then wee steered South-west by South, till one a clocke after midnight, being for the most part against the tide. At that time the water shoaled in two casts from twentie to fifteene fathome, hauing run in nine houres some seuen leagues and a halfe: then we haled off three houres (being little wind)

till we came to twentie fathome: then we steered South South-west, at which time we see the land, with two hammocks thereon, bearing East South-east some eight leagues off: which wee iudged to be Damon.* 11.152 At sixe in the euening, we haled in South South-east, the wind Norther∣ly: it suddenly fell calme, and so continued till past midnight. This morning our latitude nine∣teene degrees fifteene minutes, hauing steered all night South by West, and our depths between twelue and fourteene fathome, fiue leagues off the shore, in the morning little wind, at noone came a gale; we steered South, the winde West North-west. In the euening being betweene foure and fiue leagues from the shore, we had thirteene fathome; at Sun-set we iudged our selues thwart of Chaul.* 11.153 We steered South all night with a faire gale of wind.

The sixteenth, wee steered alongst the coast South and by East, till six a clocke in the euening, [ 10] keeping for the most part in ten fathome or there about, at which time we arriued in the Road of Dabull,* 11.154 which standeth in the latitude of seuenteene degrees, two and fortie minutes, varia∣tion sixteene degrees and thirtie minutes.

The seuenteenth, the Pilot which I had out of the Mallabar, I sent ashore in a Fisher-boate with a letter which I had at my being at Moha, from Mollich Abor, Captaine or Nohuda of a great shippe of this place. The letter was to the Gouernour, to intreat him to vse me kindly, and to Trade with me. In the afternoone, the Gouernour and Mellick Amber, each of them sent me a small present of refreshing, and many complements, offering me any thing the Countrey did afford; and if I pleased to send ashore, he would deale with me for our commodities: I sent a couple of Merchants ashore with a good Present, who were bid kindly welcome, and well [ 20] entertained whiles they were there.

The eighteenth, nineteenth and twentith (Boats passing each day betweene the shippes and shore) were spent about the sale of some goods, the particulars with each dayes businesse, I re∣ferre to the account of the Merchants, holding it not fit here to be expressed. By the three and twentith, we had deliuered all our goods we had bargained for, and no hope of further sales in this place; I determined with all speed to be gone from hence.

The foure and twentith, I called a Councell to aduise what we had best to do: I propounded whether it were better to goe from hence directly for Priaman, Bantam, &c. or to returne to the Red-sea, there to meete with such Indian shippes as should be bound thither, and for that they would not deale with vs at their owne doores, wee hauing come so farre with commodities fit∣ting [ 30] their Countrie, no where else in India vendable: I thought wee should doe our selues some right, and them no wrong, to cause them barter with vs, wee to take their Indicoes and other goods of theirs, as they were worth, and they to take ours in liew thereof. All mens opinions were for the Red-sea, for diuers reasons. As first, the putting off our English goods, and hauing others in place thereof fitting our Countrey. Secondly, to take some reuenge of the great and vnsufferable wrongs and iniuries done me by the Turkes there. And the third and last, but not the least, to saue that ship, men and goods (which by way of Massulipatan) wee heard was bound for those parts; which we held vnpossible to escape betraying. These things conside∣red, we concluded to goe backe for the Red-sea: from this day to the seuen and twentith, wee spent in getting fresh water aboord: they had bought all my Red-lead, and it was carried ashore and deliuered, but afterwards disliking it, they returned it backe. In the euening we saw a ship [ 40] in the Offing, two or three Mallabars which rid by vs, told vs shee was a Portugall ship of Co∣chin bound for Chaul: I sent the Pepper-corne, Darling and Frigat to fetch her in to me.

The eight and twentith, my men in the Frigat had pilla•••••• them, which I tooke from them and returned to their owners:* 11.155 her lading was Coco-nuts, hauing little else in her. This day we spent in romaging the Portugals ship, I could find no bills of lading in her; some small matter I tooke from her, in regard of former iniuries offered me by the Captaine Maior Don Francisco de Soto maior at the barre of Surat, as namely, taking my goods, and hindering my Trade. In that I sustained no further harme by them, it was not for lack of good will, but lacke of meanes, as manifestly appeared by letters of the Vice-roy and others, which came to my hands by chance; [ 50] what I had from them, I haue vnder the hands of the chiefe men in her.

* 11.156The foure and twentith of March wee had sight of the Iland Zacotora, and at foure in the afternoone, the point of Dellashaw bore South South-west six leagues off, variation nineteene degrees.* 11.157 From the foure and twentith at noone till this day at noone, wee steered North-west and by West, and West North-west, and West all night, thinking by day-light to haue beene neare the Westermost part of the Iland; but contrary to our expectation, wee found wee had gone little a head, hauing had a faire gale, which shewes we haue had a great currant against vs. From noone till foure in the next morning,* 11.158 wee steered alongst the land with little wind, and then it fell calme, the currant carrying vs directly vpon a rocke, which lyeth foure or fiue leagues from the wester part of Loccatra: we were forced to anchor till we had a gale to carry vs from [ 60] it; about two houres afrer came the wind Easterly, wee weighed and stood to the Westward, and at noone we were foure leagues from the Rocke, here wee found a currant setting to the Northward.

The seuen and twentieth, we steered West South-west, we met with a great currant setting to

the Northward; in the morning we were thwart of Abba del Curia,* 11.159 and before night had sight of Cape Guada fui, being some seuen leagues off: from yester••ay noone till this day night, our course West South-west, we might go in that time eight and twentie leagues our true way West little Southerly: we stood in till midnight, and then haled close of a wind to the Southward, and so spent the night till day.

The eight and twentith, by eight of the clock we were faire by the shore, mid-way between the two Capes of Guardafui & Felux.* 11.160

The second of Aprill, Master Pemberton came aboord of me, and told mee that he had been at Soccatora,* 11.161 and the King shewed him a writing left there by Captaine Iohn Saris (who was Ge∣nerall [ 10] of three ships) wherein he related what time he came out of England, his places of refresh∣ing by the way, and his arriuall there; as also his proceeding to the Red-sea to seeke Trade; spe∣cifying likewise that he had perused a writing left there by mee, wherein were alledged many reasons to disswade him from going thither; yet hauing the Gran Signiors Passe, he hoped of bet∣ter entertainment then I had. Hearing this vnexpected newes, I called a Councell to aduise what we had best doe; whereabout we spent but small time, for that we were quickly resolued to proceed as formerly we had determined, hauing now no other way l••ft: for backe we could not returne till the Westerly wind were come, which could not be before midde May. Where∣upon I presently dispeeded Captaine Nicholas Dounton, and left him in the Pepper-corne to tarrie there abouts till the fifth of this moneth, for the keeping of the Port of Aden. And I with the [ 20] Trades-Increase and Darling to keepe the two-fold entrance of Babbelmandell. We steered from thence with the head of Aden, being about seuen leagues off:* 11.162 about foure in the euening wee were thwart of Aden: this euening variation thirteene degrees and fortie minutes latitude of Aden, twelue degrees and fortie seuen minutes.

The third, from foure a clocke the second day, till this day morning little wind, wee steered alongst the Channell West by North, and West North-west, towards the heat of the day it be∣gan to blow, we continued our course as before. About Sun-set we anchored in twentie fathome foure leagues short of the Bab, where we rid till the next morning.

The fourth, in the morning about eight a clocke we weighed and set saile, and about ten in the forenoone wee anchored within Bab-mandell in eight fathome water.* 11.163 Faire by the Channell [ 30] which wee came in at, ••is halfe a league ouer betweene the maine of Arabia and the Iland. Presently at our comming to an anchor, there came a Boat from the shore aboord of me, wherein was a Turke and three or foure Arrabian souldiers. This Turke was chiefe of the place, sent by the Aga of Moha to guard it. He promised that if I would haue a letter sent, he would present∣ly dispatch a foot-poste away, who should returne within three dayes with answere, whereupon I writ a letter to Captaine Saris at Moha, wherein I certified him the cause of my comming, and what I determined to doe.

The sixth, came in a Ialba of Zela, a place without the Bab, vpon the Habashe shoare, bound for Moha: her loding was Mats. I bought of her twelue sheepe, and so permitted them to depart. This day much raine.

The seuenth, came in a ship of Basanor, in the morning early before day, which I caused to [ 40] come to anchor by me, one of Captaine Saris Merchants called Richard Wickam,* 11.164 came this mor∣ning with Letters from his Captaine, the effect thereof I omit to write here. I returned him an∣swere thereof, by a Turke which came in his company, but Wickam I stayed with me, for that I doubted they of Moha would haue kept him Prisoner, for that I imbarqued the India ships.

The eight, in the after-noone came in a ship of Diu,* 11.165 (bound for Moha) I sent off my Frigat to fetch her in, who brought her to an Anchor by me. This was the same ship I detayned the last yeare in Moha Roade. This day we romaged these two fore-said ships, and tooke out of them such goods as were for our purpose, which were brought aboord me.

The ninth, came in a small Frigat of Shaher, laden with course Ollibanum,* 11.166 wee bought some part thereof, and paid them Rials for it to their content: we continued romaging the India ships [ 50] for more goods. The eleuenth, I stayed a small Barke of Sinde.

Note that euer since our comming into the Bab till this twelfth day, the wind kept still vpon the South-east quarter; but now at North-west, and likely to blow hard: the last yeare the same day the wind came vp at North-west, and continued so for three dayes. This course the wind holds euery yeare: the rest of the day, and the next we spent in moring of our ship, as also the Indian ships which were readie to driue ashore, had not we layd out moring for them, the wind blowing hard at North-west.

The fourteenth, came Captaine Saris into the Road about eight in the morning,* 11.167 and anchored by me with his three shippes. They saluted me with their Ordnance, and I them; Captaine Sa∣ris, [ 60] Captaine Towerson, and Master Cox (their chiefe Merchant) came aboord of me, where we spent all that day in friendly communication: I acquainted him with my great lacke of Cables, which he promised to supply. At night they departed to their ships, Captaine Saris inuiting me and others the next day to dinner with him.

The fifteenth, I went aboord the Cloue, where I and those which came with me were kindly

entertayned,* 11.168 he shewed me the Gran Signiors Passe, and read it to me. Many words passed be∣twixt vs, he promising to himselfe much good Trade at Moha if I had not come, which my ex∣perience found to the contrarie. At last wee agreed and sealed it in Writings interchangeable, that he should haue one third part of what should be taken, paying for the same as I did, for the seruice of his three ships in the Action: leauing the disposing of the ships afterward to me, who had sustayned the wrongs.

The sixteenth, came in two ships, I sent my Frigat and brought them to anchor by mee, the one was of Callicut, laden with Rice, bound for Moha▪ the other was of Carapatan, laden with Pepper, which ship came from Achen; and was bound for Aden, but by Captaine Dounton being chased to Lee-ward of the place, they determined to goe for Moha. This Carapatan is a place neere Dabull, they being subiects to the same King. [ 10]

The eighteenth, came in a ship of Cananor bound for Moha, she came from Achen, her lading for the most part Pepper.

The nineteenth, came in two ships of Surat, the one called the Hassany, belonging to Abdela∣san, bound for Zidda, the other a small ship of my old friend Hoia Nassan, bound for Moha. I caused them to anchor by me, taking their Sayles from their yards, and kept some of the chiefe men aboord of me; by them we vnderstood the Great Mogols Mothers ship, called the Rhemie, was shortly to come.

The twentieth, came in a ship of Diu, laden with India Commodities, bound for Moha, and presently after came in a ship of Dabull: shee passed by vs, I sent my Pinnasse after her, which caused them to come to an Anchor. [ 20]

The one and twentieth, I sent away Passengers out of the Surat ships: about noone came in a small ship of Callicut, bound for Moha, which ship we stayd.

The two and twentieth, came in a Frigat of Shehor, which came from Goa, bound for Zidda, laden with grosse Ollibanum: and presently after came in sight a great shippe which passed the great Channell, and was chased by the Darling, who caused her to anchor by the Hector, she was of Diu, bound for Swaken, laden with India Commodities.

The three and twentieth, came in the Rhemy of Surat, the Queene Mothers ship laden with India Commodities bound for Zidda; she was stayed with the rest. In this ship were fifteene * 11.169 hundred persons. In the after-noone, I made signe to the Darling to come to mee, which pre∣sently she perceiued and came; I deliuered each ship their Sayles, and willed them in the mor∣ning [ 30] betimes to be ready to saile with me, for that I would go to Lee-ward to the Road of Assab.

The foure and twentieth, we weighed and set saile from the Bab, and all the India ships with vs: leauing the Thomas and Darling, to ply vp to the Bab, and went for the Roade of Assab: we arriued at Crab Iland about fiue aclocke, and came to an Anchor with all the Fleet, in twelue fathome water; where we rid all night, the wind at South South-west.

The fiue and twentieth, in the morning wee weighed and all the Fleet, and stood in for the Road of Assab, and about one of the clock we came to an Anchor in seuen and a half of fathoms.

The seuen and twentieth, we fetched good store of Indicos out of the ships of Surat and Diu, the Cloue being in the offing in sight, plying to and fro, and not seeing vs, I caused the Gunner to shoot off a Peece of Ordnance: which they hearing, answered mee with another, and presently [ 40] bore vp for the Road.

CHAP. XII. NICHOLAS DOVNTON Captaine of the Pepper-Corne, a Ship of two hundred and fiftie Tunnes, and Lieutenant in the sixth Voyage to the East-Indies, set forth by the said Company, his Iournall, or certaine Extracts thereof. [ 50]

§. I. Their comming to Saldania and thence to Socatora.

* 11.170THe two and twentieth of Iuly, at foure in the after-noone, wee had sight of the Table and point of Saldania, bearing East, distant twelue leagues, but by reason [ 60] of calmes and vncertaine winds, it was the foure and twentieth day before wee were mored in the Roade, where we found three Hollanders, one whereof was bound for Bantam, and in her Peter But Generall of thirteene Saile outwards bound, who hauing spent his maine Mast, and lost company of his Fleet, put in∣to

the Road for to refresh his sicke men. The other two hauing made traine of Seales at Peng∣win Iland bound home.

Saldania is a Bay some fourteene leagues North North-east, from the Cape Bona Speranza,* 11.171 and North by West ten leagues from Cape Falso, which is East-ward of the former, and may both be seene in the said Bay: these two Capes are also diuided by another great Bay, the di∣stance betweene these two Bayes, is some three leagues being low marshie ground, extending South and North, which on either side is inuironed with Mountaines. In this Bay of Saldania, when you haue brought the Norther point thereof, West North-west, North-west and by West, for a small ship North-west, thwart of the ledge of rockes (or watering place) neere the [ 10] shore, which will be laid (as it were) in the swampe betweene the high Mountaines; called the Table and the Sugar-loafe, in sixe, fiue, or foure fathome according to the draught of your shippe, in cleane ground, and good anchor-hold you may safely ride. Pengwin Iland with his ledge di∣stant three leagues off, bearing North North-west halfe West, and stretching to the North and by West of you in the road. The maine land also, though it be thirteene leagues distant, trendeth a way to the West and by West, so that there is little aboue three points open to let in the North-west Sea, which is the greatest stormes. Saldania hauing in former time been com∣fortable to all our Nation trauelling this way, both outwards and home-wards,* 11.172 yeelding them a∣bundance of flesh, as Sheepe and Beeues brought downe by the Saluage Inhabitants, and sold for trifles, as a Beife for a piece of an Iron hoope of foureteene inches long, and a Sheepe for a lesser [ 20] piece, whereby weake sicke men in former Voyages haue been easily recouered and made strong: now contrariwise, whether our Trade here were spoyled by the Dutchmen we here found, who vse to spoyle all places where they come (onely respecting their owne present occasions) by their ouer-much liberalitie; or whether the Cattell in former times so abundantly brought downe, were preyes taken by warres from one another, or other differences which might make them greedy of yron, to make heads for their Launces or Darts, which now by peace or recon∣ciliation they haue little need of; the true cause, for want of vnderstanding in their language, I know not. But well I found, that all the deuises we could vse by bribes or otherwise to them, which daily came downe to our tents in faire weather, would procure nothing from them for our sicke mens reliefe, but foure Cowes, and those foure Cowes which we did buy, were so old [ 30] and leane, that there was but little goodnesse in the flesh; for which they would take no yron, but thin pieces of Copper of sixe inches square, and some seuen sheep at peice three inches square of copper, cut out of a Kettle, whereof they make rings by sixe or eight together, which they weare on their armes, which being bright and smooth, vnto them seemeth very braue.

These people are the filthiest for the vsage of their bodies, that euer I haue seene or heard of:* 11.173 for besides the naturall vncleannesse (as by sweat or otherwise) whereto all people are subiect, which the most by washing cleare themselues of, contrariwise this people doe augment, by an∣ointing their bodies with a filthy substance, which I suppose to be the iuice of herbes which on their body sheweth like Cow-dung, and on their wool of their heads is so baked, like a scurfe of greene herbes. For apparrell, they weare before their priuities the taile of a Cat, or some other [ 40] small beast, and a cloake made of a sheeps-skin, reaching downe to the middle of their thighs; and according to the weather, they turne some time the hairy side, and sometimes the drest side to their bodies.

Their Sheep haue no wooll, but haire, and are partie-coloured like Calues;* 11.174 their legges are longer, and their bodies larger then our sheepe in England, but not so fat. The Principall of these people weare about the bight of their armes, a thin flat ring of Ivory, beeing very smooth,* 11.175 and wrought compasse neere sixteene inches wide, and on their wrists some sixe, eight, tenne, or twelue rings of Copper, bright and smooth, all either fastned together, or wrought in one. O∣ther toyes also, as Bracelets of blue glasse, and pearle shels, which are either presented them, or by idle people giuen them for Estridge egshels, for quils of Porcupines, which without restraint [ 50] the Dutchmen did ordinarily buy, also an other most strange and filthy wearing, to what purpose I know not, as the guts of Cattell about their neckes, which makes them smell like a Butchers slaughter-house. In their hands they carrie a small Lance or Dart, that hath a small yron head, and a few Estridges feathers as a fan to keepe away the flies: they haue also Bowes and arrowes, but when they came downe to vs, they would leaue them in some hole or bush by the way. They are straight made people, and nimble of foote, it seemeth that their habitation is mooueable, to places of best pasture for their Cattell, as in the Valley betweene the Mountaines, whose tops (farre vp into the Countrey) were couered with snow at this time, but those neere the Sea-side are cleare thereof, notwithstanding they are very high.

Wild beasts there are of diuers sorts, but these we haue seene, Fallow-deare, Antilopes, Por∣cupines, [ 60] land Tortesses, Baboones, (also the Dutchmen told vs of Lyons,* 11.176 but wee saw none) Snakes, and Adders.

Fowles also abundance, to wit, Wild-geese, Duckes, Pellicans, Passea, Flemincos, and Crowes,* 11.177 which haue in their neckes, as it were, a white band, and small birds greene coloured, and di∣uers other sorts vnknowne. Also Sea-fowles, to wit Penguins, Guls, Pentados, which are spot∣ted

blacke and white; also a grey fowle, the Pinions whereof are blacke, which the Portugals call Alcatrasses, and Shags or Cormorants at the Iland in great abundance, and an other kind of fowle like Moore-hennes.

* 11.178Fishes there are of diuers sorts, but these following haue I seene, to wit, in faire weather there are a small sort of Whales in great numbers; at the Iland Seales in great abundance. With the Saine, we tooke fish like Millets, being as large as a Trought, Smelts, Thomebackes, and Doggs: and on the Rockes, Limpets, and M••ssels abundance. In the fresh water the Vnions men caught with a Saine, abundance of Millets, as when we met with them they told vs. It is a very whol∣some aire, and aboundeth with good fresh water, both for filling in the roade, and for trauellers in the land, which in small streames descendeth from the Mountaines. [ 10]

One morning by my instigation, my Generall and I, accompanied with thirteene men more, whereof foure were small shot, went to see if we could find place where we might cut wood, and beeing gone some three miles, and finding none but small greene wood, whereof we in the Pep∣per-corne, by reason of our great want, were forced to cut: my Generall desirous to get refresh∣ing for our weake sicke men,* 11.179 determined to walke about the Table, to see if wee could see any Cattell, that we might by any meanes buy for our reliefe, not thinking it would haue beene so long a iourney, where we pa••t through a most vneasie, vnequall, stony, vnbeaten (and as it were) ouergrowne wildernesse, wherein often we were to descend and ascend, through many deep and hollow water-courses, ouer growne with trees from side to side, which were made with the raines swift descent from the hill called the Table and after a while found a beaten path (wher∣in [ 20] we past, seeing many pens wherein Cattell had been kept) which for that it lead from-wards our ship, we were forced to leaue, and againe had a most vile tiresome trauell for a while, till we hit into another path, which led along the Mountaines towards the roade, and hauing past a while betweene the Mountaines, as n••ere as they would giue vs leaue, still following the beaten path which was our best guide, at length we passed ouer in the Swamp, betweene the Souther-most Sugar-loafe, and the Table, at which time we had sight of the Sea ••ide, alongst which wee went ouer the sides of the Cliffes, which at length we forsooke, going by iudgement East to∣wards the Swamp, between the Norther-most Sugar-loafe and Table, where in the morning (af∣ter we had rested our selues a little by a fire) we made haste, and past ouer the aforesaid Swampe; and before breake of day we came to our Tents, where we found all our men that could be spared, [ 30] disturbedly in armes, diuided into two Companies, the one halfe vnder M. Thornton, the other vn∣der M. Pemberton, determining at day light to separate themselues, and againe to meete on the other side of the Table, to goe and seeke vs, which intent our approach did preuent, refreshing our selues with what our friends had prepared for their intended iourney. All the day we kept the Table on our right hand, and the Marsh on our l••ft hand, which neere the Mountaines is much pestered with rockes, which haue fallen from the top of the Mountaine. It is moist ground, and seemeth to be good pasture for Cattell. In diuers places scatteringly wee sawe some trees of small stature, somewhat broad topped, bearing a fruit in bignesse and proportion like a Pine∣aple; but the huske not so hard, and spungie, the seed whereof were deuoured by the birds, and the husks remaining on the trees, the leaues whereof were in forme of our Housleeke in England, but [ 40] not so thicke.

At this time was their Spring, both Trees and Herbes blowing ouer the earth. It much repen∣teth me that I came vnprouided of all sorts of Garden-seeds,* 11.180 which might be helpefull or neces∣sary for reliefe of any Christians, which hereafter might come hither, which though the Saluages should somewhat spoyle, yet euery Christian Captaine would seeke to augment, and re-edifie the same. Also Acornes, which in time may doe good to posteritie, for trees are not here so long in growing, as in our cold Countreys. I will not contradict all such as vvill esteeme it more idlenesse in me, to wish to sow where it is many to one I shall neuer reape; yet for my selfe I e∣steeme it more idlenesse in me, tbat I had not bin so prouident as to haue sought means in England to haue performed the same. And I would to God I could or had meanes, to leaue a profitable re∣membrance [ 50] for Christian Trauellers vnto the ende of the world, in any place where I shall come.

Now hauing to our vtmost endeauours here finished all our necessary businesses, to wit, wate∣ring, and somewhat relieued our weake sicke men with what refreshing wee could get, which was principally Mussels,* 11.181 we prepared our ships to set saile the ninth of August, which by con∣trary winds was crossed, vntill the thirteenth day following.

The thirteenth of August at fo••re in the morning, we set saile from the roade of Saldania, ha∣uing the wind faire at South South-east: and at sixe a clocke in the afternoone, the Cape Bona Speranza bore South-east, distant sixteene leagues.

The sixteenth in the morning, Cape Bona Speranza bore North-west and by West, distant [ 60] twelue leagues, and by foure a clocke in the afternoone, wee had brought the Cape Aguilhas North-east sixteen leagues distant,* 11.182 our course being South-east. The eighteenth day, little wind, but an high Sea flowering on the top like a breach in shoald water. The nineteenth, we had a ve∣ry strong gale of wind.

The sixth of September, at three of the clocke, wee discried the Iland of Madagascar,* 11.183 or S. Laurence, in the latitude of twentie three degrees, thirtie eight minutes, and at sixe a clocke we anchored in twelue fathome water in the bay of S. Augustine, where we found the Vnion of Lon∣don, the Vice-Admirall of the fourth Voyage (whose people was distressed, wanting victualls to carry them home) who related vnto my Generall, their infortunate loosing company with their Admirall and Pinnasse betweene Saldania, and the Cape Bona Speranza, and neuer since heard of them, how they put into this bay, outward bound to seeke them, followed also after them, and put into Zanzibar, (an Iland bordering on the Abaxin coast) where the Portugals made shewes of fauour and trade, inticing them to land with their boat,* 11.184 where they betrayed and tooke three [ 10] of their men; the rest seeing the danger, fled with the boat vnto the ship, who proceeded on their iourney, till with contrary winds, before they could recouer any fit Port, for want of water they were forced to return towards the bay of Antongil on the East South-east side of Madagascar, but the wind or the course not suiting with their determination, they put into a good Harbor or Bay of Iungomar, on the North-west corner of Madagascar,* 11.185 where they were a while fed with good words, and faire promises, and kind entertainement by the King; that in short time the Cape Merchant, in hope of trade for Ambergreece and other things, grew so conceited of this heathen Kings plaine meaning, that at the Kings request went not alone to him, but perswaded his Cap∣taine and other Merchants to accompanie him, who being brought to the Kings presence, hee sent also for the Chirurgion, Trumpet, and Drum, who refusing to goe to him presently, there sallied out of the woods a great number of people, which attempted to force the boat and men [ 20] in her, with Darts, Arrowes and Lances, who perceiuing themselues preuented by the good care and endeauours of them in the Boat, they pursued the Boat with armed Canoas out of the ri∣uer, vntill by many shot from the ship she was rescued. And few dayes after while they lingred in hope of some good newes from their Captaine and Merchants, they attempted the ship with a demy army of some hundred Canoas, which came in order and forme of an halfe Moone,* 11.186 which to preuent brought themselues vnder saile, and shooke them off, and departed on their iourney. It seemed that they could not fetch Socatra, or the Master vnwilling to go to the Red Sea, or Surat, but went to Achin, and there dealt for some fit commodities with the Guzerates, & from thence to Priaman to lade Pepper: where the Merchant made bargaine to receiue it at Teccoa, an Iland three leagues distant from Priaman, at fifteene, foureteene, and thirteene Ryals and an halfe of [ 30] eight by the Bahar of Pepper, euery Bahar is three hundred and twelue there. This ship the Ge∣nerall plentifully supplyed with victuals, for whose reliefe he made the longer stay; he also vni∣ted them in loue one vnto another, who at our comming in were diuided, to wit, Samuel Brad∣shaw for his sober, discreet, and prouident carriage in the Companies busines much enuied by their factious Master, and his adherents; whom wee left in the said Bay,* 11.187 as seeming louers and friends.

In this Bay we continued seuentie houres; it is for the most part all deepe water, and vncer∣taine, no ground in diuers places (by diuers reports) in two hundred fathome; by vs further ex∣amining of deeps had beene in vaine, but we found all the South shore in a manner, from the [ 40] Wester point to the high cliffe-land, all flat rockie, whose ledges are to be seene dry at the low water. At the Easter end of the rockes neere the cliffe, wee anchored in twelue fathome, and might haue rid neerer the shore in seuen fathome: we came in out of the Sea with a strong gale at South South-west, but comming neere vnto the land, the wind grew duller, yet blew reasonable fresh in the day, but in the night ordinarily calme the time we were there; but that beeing the newe Moone, which makes the fowlest weather in the Countryes, I cannot say of other times. On the land it seemes alwaies to be very hot, especially when the Sunne is to the South-wards of the Equinoctiall.

In this place are two trees of diuers kinds, some so full of fat sappe, that fire beeing put to it as it standeth greene, of it selfe it will runne vp, blazing in the lea••es and branches:* 11.188 the Timber is soft, and the leaues and boughes yeelds a yellow sap. An other sort also of trees, whose tim∣ber [ 50] is neere as hard as Lignum vitae, and of colour white, with a small brown heart, whether any kind of white Saunders I know not: that wood which we cut off for fire-word in the Pepper-corne, which was the most plentifull of any sort there, did all hang trased with cods of greene fruit (as big as a Bean-cod in England) called Tamerim: it hath a very sowre tast, and by the A∣pothecaries is held good against the Scuruie; our Admiralls men who had more leasure gathered some as it was greene, for their particular vses. Here is also plentie of an herbe (which for his forme is scarce to be discerned from a Semperuiue) whereof the Alloes,* 11.189 called Alloes Socatrina is made of all sorts, but I know not whether these saluage people haue either the knowledge or the vse thereof.

The people, by what occasion I know not, forbore to come to vs, so that wee gat no kind of [ 60] Cattell for refreshing, neither beife nor mutton▪ whereof others heretofore haue been offered for a Ryall of eight an Oxe; but now it is said, that for want of gouernment in the Vnion, when a∣ny was brought downe, what the Factor did prouidently forbeare to keepe downe the price, dis∣ordered

fellowes for their owne particular, gaue what the saluages demanded, so that now they can scarce get any for tenne shillings a piece.* 11.190 It seemes, that in all places of this Iland, men must stand vpon their guard, for the people are treacherous. Yet by report, stout and va∣liant, and not ignorant in ordering of their people in battell array, as it seemed by their or∣der at Gungomar, when they assaulted the Vnion. Their weapons are Bowes and arrowes, Lances, and small Darts which they carry in bundles.

Now hauing performed all our necessary businesses, as wooding and watering, and relieued our Countrey-men to the vtmost of our powers, we set saile out of the said Bay.

The ninth day of September, at foure a clocke after-noone, we set saile out of the Bay of S. Augustine,* 11.191 leauing the Vnion there as afore-said.

The one and twentieth, the wind beeing at East South-East, and the Current by my iudge∣ment [ 10] setting South-west,* 11.192 wee were intangled with a Lee-shore, which we called the Carri∣bas, which are diuers small Ilands, of which also lieth diuers ledges of Rockes that are by the breach of the Sea onely discerned; and spent sixe dayes before we could quit our selues of them, beeing betweene tenne and eleuen degrees South latitude.

This Coast lieth neerest North-easterly, and South-westerly, and the wind all these sixe daies betweene the East North-east, and East South-east; so that against our wills wee were still forced to Lee-ward, though by towing with our Boates, and otherwise, we endeauoured to get off.* 11.193 This place by my iudgement may be to the North-ward of Mozambique, somewhat more then seuentie leagues: by night for the most part we were neerest those dangers, which were [ 20] alwaies betweene vs and the shore, that wee could neuer discouer neere the maine, nor giue any good iudgement of the distances betweene Iland and Iland, neither set them downe their true forme.

The greatest danger is in the strength of the Current setting on, and no place to anchor in, beeing deepe water close aboord the Rockes; and though somewhat neere these Rockes you haue ground, yet it is so deepe and foule ground, that there is no anchoring; and on the Norther part hereof, though by my estimation wee were little more then two leagues from the shore, yet wee had no ground in an hundred and fiftie fathome. These are san∣dy Ilands, and (for the most part) were full of Trees. After it grewe darke euery night, wee might see the fires on shore made by the Countrey-people, but wee had no list to spend so much time as to goe on shore to speake with them. After it pleased God that we had once [ 30] got cleare of these dangers, wee to our great admiration, found the Current to carry vs to the North-wards, as much more as by our iudgement the shippe went: as when by our iudgement wee might goe some fifteene leagues,* 11.194 we went thirty leagues. The second of October we had much raine.

The ninth, we found the Current to cease, except it set to the East-wards, which we could not discerne. The tenth, eleuenth, and twelfth, we found our selues to loose euery day, more and more by the Current.

The seuententh at Sun-rising, wee descried two Ilands, which for their likelihood are called the Duas Irmanas (or the two sisters) which he one from the other West by South, [ 40] and East by North,* 11.195 and are distant from the West point of Zacotora some seauen leagues and an halfe; we steering North North-east with the West point of Zocotora, had these depths, twentie three, twenty fo••re, and twentie sixe fathome, distant from the said point some three leagues and an halfe. After wee had got about the Wester point, wee found the wind to shorten, so that it would not permit vs to leade it alongst the coast, but by the helpe of a Current we were put off, the Admirall and the Darling anchored in twelue fathome, while I in the Pepper-corne, through calmes, and a gale of the land, could not get into shoald water to anchor in, till the ninth day at noone, what time wee anchored in twelue fathome, neere to a Towne called Gallanzee, and toward the coole of the euening▪ I went with the Pinnasse and Saine, vnto a low sandie point, thwart the Admirall and [ 50] Darling, a league to the East-ward of our Shippe, to trie to get Fish for refreshing of our people;* 11.196 hoping in the coole of the Euening there to meete with my Generall, which fell out accordingly to my desire, God blessing vs with abundance of Fish, which ser∣ued all the whole Fleete two meales, and much longer if it would haue kept. Heere my Generall informed mee, how that the people with whom in the Morning hee had spoken, had confirmed that which hee greatly doubted: which to our griefe would pro∣long our Voyage: which was, that the Easterly Monson was alreadie come, and all our hopes of getting to Cambaya were frustrate for this nine Moneths, of which wee expe∣cted to bee better informed by the King at Tamerin, the place of his residence.

* 11.197The twentieth day being Saterday, we anchored at a point neare six leagues short of Tama∣rin, [ 60] and fiue leagues from the point of Galanzee, which we did by the helpe of a Sea-turne, which continued long that night, but not contented by gaining and holding that place, till we could by day bee better aduised, by reason of an edy tide by the shore on the West-side; by the shore

where wee rode, on the West-side thereof, which forced our sternes to wind-ward, and a little flattering gale of the land, wee weighed, and were forced off into the Currant: So that the one and twentieth day wee were carried backe thwart of the Towne of Galanza, and farre off in great depth.

The two and twentieth, we in the Pepper-Corne were like to haue bin put cleane off the Iland, but the Admirall and Darling got into shoald water, and there anchored, and about two a clock I also anchored in the Bay Westward of Gallanza in six fathom,* 11.198 & presently went on shore with my Pinnasse, carrying Barricos to seeke fresh water; going with a flagge of truce, to see if any of the Inhabitants would come to mee, for I earnestly desired to speake with some of them, in hope to haue procured some Goates, or other refreshing for our people, but none, as it seemeth, [ 10] durst come to vs, for feare of the Kings displeasure, who will haue nothing sold to any stranger, but from himsel••e; it seemeth he would haue none of his people haue to doe with any strangers, but that all intelligences, allowances, for fresh victuals and prises, must come from himselfe, as afterwards I found, though now I wondered to see the people stand afarre off in troupes, and came not neare vs, which made me thinke they had spies attending on them by the Kings order to be the ca••se. So at night hauing filled thirteene Barricos of water, I returned aboord: this night being a high water at nine of the clocke, at a full Moone, I esteemed it flowed vpright, betweene ten and eleuen foote; all the time of flowing the streame sets to the Northward, I meane close by the shore: and with the ebbe and a small gale of the shore, we set saile, and stretcht [ 20] it alongst the shore some foure or fiue mile, thwart of the sandy Bay of our fishing, and neare our Admirall, and finding the Currant there to set off to the Westward,* 11.199 we anchored till the next helpe of the tide or wind.

The fiue and twentieth being Thursday, as the wind serued we set saile, and about eleuen of the clocke we anchored in eight fathome, a mile from the land,* 11.200 right against the Towne of Tama∣rin, where the Kings house is North from the Castle▪ on the top of the hill aboue the Towne; at our anchoring the Generall shot off fiue peeces of Ordnance, I three, and the Darling one. The Generall sent Master Femell on land, handsomely attended with the Pinnasse, fitted with a red Crimson tilt, presenting the King with a Present, which was from the Generall, a faire gilt Cup of ten ounces, a Sword-blade, and three yards of Stammell broadcloath. The King to re∣ceiue [ 30] them, had by the water-side in readinesse fitted, an Orrange-tawny coloured Tent, where he sate attended on by the principall of his Countrey-men, the Arabs and a guard of small shot; they continued conference more then an houre: hee thankfully receiued the Generalls Present, bade him welcome, shewing desire to see him on land, promising him water free, and what else the Iland did afford, at reason, according to the drought of the Iland, which continued two yeeres without raine; for Alloes not a pound to be had, his owne Frigat being gone to sell it in the Red-sea. For the Ascension, he saith, came first hither in the moneth of February, and fin∣ding a Guzerat ship here, within eight dayes shee departed in her company towards the Red-sea, and eight dayes after came in her Pinnasse, who made no stay, but followed her Admirall, and in Iuly, both the Ascension and Pinnasse returned out of the Red-sea to Zacotora, where they [ 40] hastened to take in water: and soone after departed towards Cambaya. Further hee saith,* 11.201 that his Frigat being at the Port of Bazain, neere Damon in India, they were informed by the Por∣tugals, that the said shippe and Pinnasse arriuing on the Coast too soone, before the Winter and foule weather was past, were both cast away, but the men saued. The King sent the Generall a Present of twelue Goates.

The six and twentieth being Friday, my Generall went well attended on, and with a guard to visit the King; our ships gaue him, as before, fiue, three and one peeces of Ordnance,* 11.202 and hee was receiued on land by the Kings order, with ten great shot, & otherwise he was receiued by the King, in orderly and ciuill sort, and had both for him and his followers so good cheere prouided, as the place could presently afford: but the King shewed no willingnes that we should here make [ 50] any longer abode, for he wo••ld not yeeld that wee should set vp our Pinnasse heere; his excuse was this: that neither his own ship, nor any other, as the Guzerat, which he hath great profit by, dare not come into this place while we are heere: and further, I suppose the time we stay heere is very chargeable to him in this respect; for to shew the strength of his Towne, he hath drawne downe the Arabs and others from all parts of the Land, and while they stay heere, they liue on his charge, which I thinke is the only occasion he would haue our absence: this day wee filde a great part of our water. Saterday, we almost made an end of watering out of a pond, fed by springs descending from the hilles. Sunday our people went on land to recreate themselues, and did no other businesse.

This King of Zacotora is called Mulli Amore Bensaide,* 11.203 and now is here but Vice-roy vnder his [ 60] father, who is King of Fartac in Arabia not far from Aden, and comes into the sea at Camricam. Hee saith, that his father holds warre against the Turkes of Aden, in his owne defence, for hee denied vs a letter to the Gouernour of Aden, saying, hee would not doe vs so much wrong. The people that he vseth for his Honor and strength in Zoccatra, are the Arabs, the rest

that liue in most seruile slauery, are the old Inhabitants of the Iland, which haue been banished people.

There is for Merchandize growing vpon Zoccatra, Alloes Soccatrina, which they make about August,* 11.204 of an herbe like vnto Semper-viua, which we haue in Spaine, but no great quantitie, not passing a Tunne in a yeere; there is a small quantitie of Sanguis Draconis, or Dragons blood, a little whereof our Factors bought at twelue pence a pound. And Dates which serue them for bread,* 11.205 which the King sells at fiue Rialls of eight by the hundred. Cattell for mans sustenance these, Bulls and Cowes at twelue Rialls of eight a piece, Goats at one Riall a piece, Sheepe at halfe a Riall a piece, and Hennes at halfe a Riall a piece; all exceeding small, according to the drie rockie barrennesse of the Iland: wood at twelue pence a mans burthen; euere particular is a [ 10] very deare pennyworth: and what else this Iland may yeeld, I am yet to be informed of, but of rockes and stones, drie and bare, it seemes the whole Iland is composed.

§. II. Of Abba del Curia, Arabia Foelix, Aden and Moha, and the treacherous dealing of both places.

[ 20]

THis day all our important businesse being done, wee set saile, directing our course to Aden-wards in the Red-sea,* 11.206 taking leaue of the King with three shot out of the Admirall, one out of the Pepper-Corne, and one out of the little Darling. Our course, after wee gate off the land, alongst by Abba del Curia, to Cape Guardafui, which is the Eastermost point of Abax, was nearest West, distant foure and thirtie leagues, to wit, from the Wester point of Zacotora, to the East end of Abba del Curia, is fourteene leagues. And Abba del Curia a long narrow ragged Iland,* 11.207 may be in length East and West, some fiue leagues; from the West end of Abba del Curia, to Cape Guardafui, is fifteene leagues; on this Iland, Abba del Curia, the King of Zoccatra hath some people and Goats, North from the middle thereof,* 11.208 neare three leagues, are two great white rockes, neare adioyning one to the other, and [ 30] are some halfe a mile in length; these rockes are not white of themselues, but made white with the filing of Birds.

The one and thirtieth, being Wednesday, at eleuen a clocke we were thwart of the Wester point of Zacotora,* 11.209 and at two a clocke, the white rocke, called Saboyna, wee left North on our Star-boord side, which beareth North-west and by West, foure leagues of the most Wester point of Zacotora; and at three a clocke after-noone, we descried the two highest Mountaines of Ab∣ba del Curia, bearing West South-west distant ten leagues.

The first of Nouember, being Thursday, at Sun-rising we were thwart of the middle of Ab∣ba del Curia,* 11.210 leauing it on our Larboord side, two leagues and a halfe off, and the two Rockes on our Star-boord side distant halfe a league; at noone wee were in North latitude twelue degrees and seuenteene minutes, the variation seuenteene degrees and fiue and thirtie minutes: this [ 40] after-noone we met with a currant,* 11.211 which set vs to the South-ward. At one in the after-noone, we descried the Cape Guardafui, but it was night before we came neare it; so that we past it by night, without any true discouery thereof.

The second, being Friday, in the morning wee were thwart of an high Mountaine, nine leagues Westward from the Cape Guardafui, and betweene that point, and another high point, fiue leagues distant West southerly by the Compasse, there is a low sandie point, lying one league and a quarter off, into the Sea; and some three leagues more Westerly, we anchored, and went on land with all our Boats for to cut wood; wherof we in the Pepper-Corne had great need: heere we met with some of the Inhabitants, who informed vs that the last Mount we past, is called Fe∣luck, or by the Portugals, Foelix: but so soone as they knew we were Christians, they fled from vs. [ 50]

The third day, being Saturday, we landed againe, and cut more wood; and after-noone we set saile, standing on our way Westward towards the Red-sea, continuing our course till the fifth day ten a clocke, at which time we descried the Coast of Arabia Foelix, bearing North North-west, and North by East, being distant from the nearest land, some twelue leagues; at noone I found my selfe in thirteene degrees eight and twentie minutes North latitude: at Sun-set wee were distant from the land some twelue leagues;* 11.212 the Mountaines within the Land all high, very rough, without shew of grasse, wood, or any other fruitfulnesse: wee now directing our course West and by South, as the Coast lyeth, soone expecting to see the Citie of Aden, for that with my first fall with the land, I esteemed my selfe not aboue foure and twentie leagues short to the Eastward thereof: but whereas I esteemed the ships made their way North-west by North, ouer [ 60] the Gulfe, by reason of the Currant, we finde they haue made a little better then North; and that at our fall with the land, we were little lesse then threescore leagues short of Aden, we con∣tinued our course alongst the Coast with a good saile all day, and a short saile all night▪ to the end

not to ouer-shoote Aden all the way, for the most part in fiue and twentie, twentie, fifteene, twelue, ten and eight fathoms.

Wednesday at Sun-setting, below the Mountaine, being very neare it, on the sudden we de∣scried Aden, which is situate vnder the foote of an vnfruitfull mountaine,* 11.213 a place where I should scarce haue looked for a Towne, but it is set there for strength, where it is very defencible, and not by any enemie easily to be wonne, if the defendants within be men of resolution, and so that it be formerly victualled, and prouided of munition; and to Sea-ward, though it be in a man∣ner drie at low-water, there stands an high Rocke somewhat larger then the Tower of London, which is not by enemies to be in hast ascended, by reason it is so steepe, and that but one way by [ 10] narrow steps to get vp, where foure men may keepe downe a multitude: this Rocke is so walled, flankered, and furnished with Ordnance, as it seemeth to me, it may command both the Towne and Roade: yet who will auoid it, may ride in nine fathome water without their command, or within their command, from nine fathome downward. Also a lit••le distance to the Northwards of the foresaid Rocke, is another rocke, being low, almost euen with the water, which is of small compasse, whereon is a Fort built and well furnished with Ordnance, the souldiers vsually conti∣nuing in this Garrison of Aden I could neuer vnderstand, but according as occasions are, they are drawne down from other Inland Townes. The low countrie adioyning within it, doth supply it with prouision, and partly with their Darkes, which passe in Trade from Aden to Barbora, a Towne right ouer on the Abexin side, from whence they bring Cattell, and much fruit, and prouision, with Mirrh and Incense, and what else I must conceale till f••rther information gotten.* 11.214 [ 20] This Towne standeth in the Latitude of twelue degrees, and fiue and thirtie minut••s, the varia∣tion Westerly, is twelue degrees and fortie minutes; it floweth, by estimation, vpr••ght betwe••n six and seuen foote water on the change day: a South-east by East, or North-west by W••st Moone, maketh a full Sea: this mountaine, at whose foote the Towne standeth, is a Peninsula pointing out into the Sea, and toward the maine is first a narrow necke of sandie ground, and within of the l••ke, a larger marsh-like ground stretching vp to the Mountaines, which may be from the Towne sixteene or twentie mile. At o••r first an••horing, the Gouernour in the darke of the euening sent an Arab in a Canoa to view our ships, who refused to come aboord, though he were called.

Thursday morning, the same Arab came aboord the Admirall from the Mir or Gouernour, to [ 30] vnderstand what we were: if friends, we should be welcome to land: this while was a Present making ready to send the Gouernour, which was a gra••ed Turkie-fashioned Peece,* 11.215 and a princi∣pall sword blade, sent to land by Iohn Williams, and one M. Walter, Linguists, with other Fa∣ctors to accompany them. The Turkes not permitting them to come into the Towne, entertai∣ned them without the Gate▪ neere the waters side, yet with great shew of ioy, pretending much kindnesse to our Nation, with whom they say they haue had much familiaritie in Stambola, A∣leppo, and other places, but vsed not one word of any trading with vs, but framed their speech to make vs vnderstand, that they euery day expected the comming of thirtie thousand souldiers: which to vs seemed very strange, that so barren a Countrey as that seemed to bee, could yeeld [ 40] prouision for so many people. But vnderstanding their speeches proceeded of feare, it was signi∣fied, that our Generalls request vnto the Gouernour was, that for his money he would giue him a Pilot, to carrie his ships to Moha: then he told them that he was but Deputy to the Mir or Gouernour, which was out of the Towne, and the next morning would be returned; and then the Generall should be thereof informed. He sent the Generall a Present, which was two Bar∣bora sheep, with broad rumps and small tailes, some Plantans, and other fruits, wherewith our people returned.

Friday, the Generall sent againe betimes in the morning, to require a Pilot for Moha; then they were brought into the Mirs house, and still continued with faire words; but the Mir was not yet returned: but when the Deputie-gouernour heard our ships were vnder sayle bound a∣way, he sent no Pilot,* 11.216 but a request that if the Generall would not stay and trade with all his [ 50] ships, yet that he would stay one there for their supply, demaunding the prises of diuers of our Commodities, which gaue present shew of content, if performance might follow accordingly, with glozing shewes of Indico, Ollibanum, Mirh, and diuers others things there f••t for vs, but before the Messenger came to giue knowledge to the Generall, our ships were so farre about the point, that by reason of the Current, we could not againe get about the Easter side of the point in sight of the Towne, but anchored thwart of a Bay on the South side of the Towne: The Ge∣nerall seeing diuers people fishing in the Bay, and great store of people of fashion on the hil, went to the shore side in his Pinnasse, to enquire of them when the Current might change, and that we might get about. The Deputie gouernour shewed himselfe angry, pretending our comming was to discouer their strength, and with no good intent, in so much that Iohn Williams was in [ 60] doubt they would haue staied him: but the Mir now present being lately come to Towne, see∣med not so rigorous, but dissembled the matter, giuing good words, granting a Pilot for Moha;* 11.217 yet desired that one of our ships might stay for their supply, saying, that that Towne by former Gouernours ill vsage of strangers was growne out of Trade, which he did endeauour to set on

foote againe, hoping by vs to make a beginning: and further, that as he was a Gouernour, so had he a Basha was superiour ouer him, from whom if all our ships departed without trading at his Towne, he should haue blame, in that it would be imputed to his ill vsage of vs, to driue vs a∣way.* 11.218 And for that we vnderstood by others, that the former part of his speech was true, our Ge∣nerall and we thought the latter part to be true also (which was meerely to delude vs) which the Generall by the Messenger did in a manner grant, so we could find safe riding for our ships, the dangerous Easterly Monson on this shore, which he made slight or little regard of, wishing our ruine, and no safetie.

Munday morning early, Iohn Williams was againe sent to the Gouernour for his Pilot, accor∣ding to the last nights promise, and had now answer from the Gouernour, that the Pilots wife [ 10] would not permit he should goe, vnlesse we left foure of the principallest men in the shippes in pawne till his safe returne; which bred in vs a generall dislike of their inconstancie, yet the Ge∣nerall, for performance of his former promise, determined to leaue me behind in the Pepper-corne, but altered his determination in my direction; for whereas before I was directed not to carry a∣boue a quarter part of our goods on land at one time; now we were to carry none at all: for since they will not trust vs with one of their rascall people, but on such disgracefull tearmes, therefore he thought fit not to trust them with any of our goods; but if they had need of any of our com∣modities, as they pretended to haue, they should buy and pay for it aboord the ship; and in case they mistrust any euill dealing, we should exchange pledges; so that for so many as for doing their businesse they should need to haue aboord, we should deliuer on land so many of the neerest [ 20] like in qualitie: if not liking of this, that we may follow our Admirall to Moha. The same day about noone,* 11.219 all things being determined of, the Generall with his owne ship and Darling, de∣parted towards Moha, and as they prepared to set saile, they discried a saile in the Offing, which they supposed to be a Guzerat bound to Moha, out of which the Generall had hope to procure a Pilot, stood off with her a little while, till perceiuing it to be a smaller sayle then before they expected, gaue ouer their chase, and stood on their course towards Babel-mandel.

Tuesday, we laboured with long warps to get vp, both against wind and Current, whereby we got well vp (as men striuing to hasten their owne harmes) beeing thwart of the fishing Bay. The Mir of Aden sent a Boat and a Messenger aboord, to desire to speake with the Merchants, to know whether they purposed to trade with them or no: whereupon M. Fowler, Iohn Williams, and the Purser (for other businesse) went on land, the Merchants declaring to the Mir in what [ 30] manner we had direction to trade with them.* 11.220 The Mir not liking of that way, in no wise accep∣ted of such trading: this seemed a contradict to his purpose and policie; therefore least after their returne aboord, I should depart for Moha, as they said, he thought best to detaine those three men, thereby to procure him some thing,* 11.221 though he pretended that he staied them for anchorage, and other duties, amounting to fifteene hundred Venetianoes of gold, euery one at one Ryall and an halfe of eight.

Before this Towne of Aden, I made my vnprofitable aboad vntill the sixteenth of December, liuing in continuall danger, if any storme had happened, which is there euer very doubtfull on this Monson, or time of the yeare: by romaging I omitted no meanes for bringing our goods in [ 40] readinesse, if so it should happen that in the end we find sale or trade with them: for notwith∣standing by the varietie of tricks, whereby from day to day they falsly deluded our people in their hand, as to send Messenger after Messenger to my Generall to Moha, to obtaine license to bring our goods into their Towne, and then the Merchants would resort out of all places in the Countrey neere-hand, to buy the same, which might be said, least we had discouered the vnlike∣lihood of any Merchants in that Towne, likely to doe the same; yet could I neuer conceit hope of trade or honest dealing amongst them.

All the time I lay there for the most part, I sent my Pinnasse euery two or three daies to land, to know how my Factors did, with some one or two men besides the Cocks gings, which what∣soeuer they had to doe, they were curteously dealt withall, the souldiers frequenting their com∣pany,* 11.222 giuing them drinke; and if any man Iew or Bannian had ouer reckoned them in the price of [ 50] any thing, they would euer be readie to do them right: all which I make account was done by the Gouernours direction, the better to abuse vs, by drawing our people to conceit well of them, and trust their flatterie and lyes, wherein they excell: and on the resort of any extraordinary people into the Towne, they would tell our men, that they were Merchants, come to see if we had lan∣ded any of our goods for thē to buy, when they were souldiers called in out of some other neere adioyning Inland Townes, vpon some plot in their head newly deuised. And likewise our Factors in person were most times kindly vsed, and were resorted vnto by such as the Gouernour appoin∣ted, and that should tel his tale: whereas he had so prouided, that not any, not so much as an Arab fisher-man nor other, were permitted to come neere vnto me, least they should tell me the truth, [ 60] to his disaduantage. By my people in the Pinnasse I sent of purpose to discouer, by whom I am informed, this Citie in times past hath been great and populous, but at this time, the houses both great and small are greatly ruinated and sunke in euerie part of the Towne,* 11.223 shops of merchandise there are none of any account, Merchants none to be discerned worthy of that calling▪ for mo∣ney

seemeth to be very scant amongst them, which appeared when our men offered to change a peece of eight for Aspers, they vse to take it from hand to hand, gazing as at a strange thing; an ill signe in a place where a ships lading of merchandize is brought to sell.

This present Gouernour time growing neere out that he must be gone, and therefore before his departure, would haue been glad to haue seene vs so foolish as to land some of our goods by a∣ny deuise, would often commend Captaine Sharpeighs confidence in them, who was here in the Ascension sixteene moneths before vs, and how at first he brought goods on land without mi∣strust, and sold it, and his men came boldly on land like Merchant men, of which since wee did not the like; he made doubt whether we were so or not, and that he tooke delight to heare his [ 10] Trumpets sound on his walls; all which I tooke to be no other then hooking deuises, and vntrue delusions, for I cannot thinke, but that if at the first, like harmelesse men they trusted much, they repented it before they went away.* 11.224 Captaine Sharpeigh was the first of our Nation that came here, and perchance might passe away in some reasonable sort: but since then they haue had time to aduise themselues how to doe more villanie,) which they haue, nothing else to plead. My conceit is, that at our first comming they made account to buy our goods without mo∣ney, and that their plot in desiring first one shippe to stay, was two-fold. First, it wa•• more likely for them to worke their wills on one shippe, then on three. Secondly, in procuring the stay of this heere, the other two were the better to bee dealt withall at Moha, since what villanie could be wrought on them at both places, was for the seruice-and [ 20] benefit of our Basha: And they knowing that we were ignorant, that this winter time now ensuing was so tempestious, and vnfit for any such businesse of Commerce, and that no ship could long stay there without their fauour and friendship, as in the case of fresh water to drinke onely, if there were no wind or Sea to be dreaded, which are both often most vehement, and at Aden is low shoare, nothing to hinder the mayne Suffe and violence of the mounting billowes, whereby they might with good iudgement thinke, that in little time we might bee forced from our Road at nine fathome, into fiue fathome neere to the Towne, in some shelter of the Iland, and vnder command of their Ordnance. From whence without their leaue, we could not haue carryed her out againe, or if this faile, he might thinke by coloured kindnesse, or some other deuice for our owne pleasures, or by want of water, sometime to draw some store of our people, and that of [ 30] the better sort on land to them, which alreadie he hath: whereby to force them to procure the rest to bring in the ship, but indeed hee had ill counsell. For his haste spoyled his Market at the first, by staying our three men doubting our ship would be gone: which made me very suspicious and warie in sending but few men on land at once.

Saturday, I sent my first Letters to the Generall to Moha, by a Souldier of Aden, fitted for the Gouernours turne, whose returne was so ordered, that he neuer came neere any of vs with an answere: he pretended that the Gouernour of Moha promised deliuery of the same, but pre∣sently sent him backe with a Letter to Aden.

Thursday, the Gouernour rid out of Towne, who remayned absent till the first of Decem∣ber, in the meane time our people in Prison were more hardly vsed,* 11.225 paying in a manner as much [ 40] to the Messenger for fetching their victuals, as it cost besides, hauing little countenance or fauour any way shewed them: and it was told them that the Mir was gone, and a new was to come in his stead, but it proued not so for that time.

Saturday, about mid-day, the same Mir returned againe into the Towne, and came to our men in Prison, speaking kindly vnto them, and causing good prouision to bee made for them, at his owne cost, whereby he guld vs by pretended friendship, promising nothing but kindnesse and good dealing, so soone as we should begin to trade, and then they shall haue their full liber∣tie without payment of the aforesaid fifteene hundred Venetianos formerly demanded; the cu∣stome fiue in the hundred, all other charges reasonably, and readie Gold for what wee sold, and therefore wishing that as before we had sent a Foole of our Message, that now we should send a [ 50] man of our owne, with a guide of his, whom wee might be sure would bring true answere from our Generall. This day I made shew to bee preparing to bee gone with the ship: aboord came a Letter from Iohn Fowler to impart to mee this ioyfull newes, vrging mee againe to write to the Generall, to know his pleasure herein for landing of our goods, wherein I was not so streightly tyed, but I might haue done it my selfe, if I had seene any signe or likelihood of good dealing: which seeing no cause of encouragement I kept to my selfe, to the end not to bee vrged by the importunitie of others to doe any thing vnaduisedly, which might either preiudice my friends or wrong my selfe; now seeing the time was before me till May, to goe to Moha (for so long the Easterly Monson lasteth) at such time as rigorous weather, or being wholy frustrate of trade, should driue me hence, and being once gone. I cannot come hither againe till the fift of May or [ 60] Iune, whatsoeuer thereby were to bee gotten, wherefore, for diuers respects, I desired to heare from the Generall.

Munday, I dispatched away the Messenger with a Letter to my Generall (which prooued an after-griefe to me) and eight dayes after we had nothing, but shewes of kindnesse and good quarter, thinking long till our Messenger returned, that we might beginne our good Markets.

Saturday, my Boat-swaine informed mee of his great wants of small Cordage, for diuers purposes, wishing that he and some others might goe ashore, to lay some on the strand by the Towne wall, now while we had leisure, before our greater businesse came in hand, for which I sent to land to intreate the Gouernour that our people might doe such a businesse in safetie vnder his wall: which was promised with great fauour, in the best and conuenientest place they could find, with a house at night to put vp their things till the next day. In the meane-time the Go∣uernour set Smithes to making of shackles for our people, and some of them were by signes told of it, which suspecting nothing, tooke it as a merry lest, which afterwards they found in earnest.

* 11.226Wednesday, after-noone, my men were all betrayed that went on shoare, bound, shackled, and pinioned, and some put in the Stockes: all tortured and grieuously abused, stript of their money [ 10] and all else they had: my Pinnasse lost, the gings gone amongst the Rope layers. So there was two Merchants, a Purser, and one to attend on them, a gadding Apothecarie, my Chirurgion, and Master Caulker (who carryed my Letter to Moha as aforesaid) my Boat-swaine, and one of his mates, two quarter Masters, the Co••per, Carpenter and Gunners mate, and my Cock-swaine, and fiue more of the Cockes ging, which in all are twentie persons, some few for their pleasures, the rest to worke, saw the ging who were most of them appointed to keepe the Pinnasse, but being out of my sight, they did what they list, and the Boat-swaine seemed to want their helpe about his Ropes.

Munday, I set saile out of the Southermost Road of Aden, directing my course towards Mo∣ha (through the streight of Babel-mandell, in the entrance of the Redde Sea, being distant from [ 20] Aden (West by Sou••h) thirtie two leagues. The Arabs both here and in all other places of A∣rabia, of all degrees, are in great seruitude to the Turkes.

* 11.227Thursday, at foure in the morning, the Moone was eclipsed, and at one in the after-noone, I past th•• B••b, or streight being halfe a league ouer, hauing in the midst ten fathome water, and t••wards both sides eight, sixe or foure fathome depth, as one list to borrow to, and may be some two miles through which sets a good strong tyde, both ebbe and floud. I left on my star-boord side, a Mountaine and Rockie Peninsula, extending from the Mayne, beeing all neere low-land, with a low narrow necke of sand, and on the lar-boord side, I left a low Iland of some fiue miles long East and West, being also Rockie; betweene the West end thereof, and the Abaxin Coast, for ought I can discerne is a cleere channell of three or neere foure leagues broad, but I thinke not [ 30] much vsed by the ships, for that the water is deepe, and not for anchoring, besides the other is the neerer way. We being past the Bab, were ignorant what dangers lay in our way, or how farre within the streight the Towne of Moha stood, whether in a Riuer or Bay, or how else we knew not, but discouering we kept by our lead betweene nine and seuen fathomes, all alongst the Arab Coast, and as the day light ended we anchored in eight fathome, nine leagues within the Bab, against a little Mount standing alone by the Sea-side.

Friday, at sixe a-clocke in the morning we set sayle, standing alongst North, and North by West, as our depths directed vs, first betweene nine and seuen fathomes, and lastly, betweene sixe and foure fathomes, when wee came to haue the shoales without vs; but as wee came neere to Moha,* 11.228 which is scituated eightene l••agues within the Bab: on the verge of a low sandy barren [ 40] ground. Our Admirall we saw rid alone (and no Darling) some foure mile into the Sea, in sixe fathome, and riding with two shot ahead, by reason of the vehemencie of the weather, which erst I suspected not: My present ca••es were somewhat in this vnknowne passage, for the safetie of the ship, which without great vigilancie and regard to our depths, might haue beene set fast to our further famine: but the neerer I came, the more my griefe gnawing at my heart, as one while reuiuing my griefe for the losse of so many of my men, and then casting doubts, what might befall my friends here; their Pinnasse mand, I see lye along by the ships side wherein was Master Thornton the Master, but durst not put off till wee were thwart of them, for feare they should not recouer their owne ship againe, being once put off by reason of the wind and currant. I being somewhat neere, as a signall of heauie newes, they puld downe their Flagge, whereby I [ 50] vnderstood some misfortue was befallen my Generall, I beeing anchored, hee with the Pin∣nasse came aboord; where after the blasts of passion and griefe (by the defects and frailtie of the flesh) somewhat blowne ouer, he began by degrees to informe me of all things that had happe∣ned since wee parted at Aden: as first of their quicke passage from Aden to the Bab, where they tooke in a Pilot to bring them to Moha,* 11.229 where the fourteenth of Nouember they arriued, that was from Aden in thirtie houres, yet their misfortune was such, that against the Towne and very neere the Road, whether by mis-vnderstanding, or the Pilots neglect to the depths, or be∣ing not acquainted with the working of our shippes, it is not materiall to examine, but on the sands the shippe came aground, and so stucke fast that her bilged stood on the shoaldest of the [ 60] bankes; so as notwithstanding the great Sea by force of the wind, the head and sterne being in deeper water, did heaue and set without any painful striking, but to get her off without light∣ning they could not, wherefore they could not be precise in trusting themselues without pled∣ges in the hands of the Turkes, who omitted nothing to preuent our doubt of being welcom, with

great varietie of friendly promises in euery thing we demanded, and request once made, they were plyed with Barkes to lighten the ship, wherein they vsed great expedition, we landing as well our Wheat-meale, Vineger, Sea-coales, Pitch and Tarre, with our vnbuilt Pinnasse, and o∣ther prouisions which came next hand, or in the way, as well Tinne, Lead, Iron, and other mer∣chandize to be sould, and staued neare all our water. And of all others, Master Laurence Femell seemed most fearefull, for that in a priuate Boate he speedily carryed all his things on land, lea∣uing nothing that he regarded aboord of the ship of his owne.

The ship now hauing laine a ground houres,* 11.230 with great trauaile to lighten and shift the ship, they got her afloat.

[ 10] It is also to be vnderstood, that this part of Arabia, from Eastward of A∣den, and vp the Red-sea to Cameran, which is threescore and ten leagues within Bab-mandell, and I know not how farre within the Land, is called the Land of Yeoman,* 11.231 and now gouerned by one Ieffor Basha, whose residence is in the Citie of Zenan, which they account to bee by mo∣derate tra••aile fifteene dayes iourney; by poste, I thinke they goe and come in that time. And the Gouernours of Aden and Moha, which is the better place, in that it is of more resort of ships; and these Gouernours are yeerely placed by him; as at this present in Moha is one Regib Aga by his place or office, who was his seruile slaue attending on him, and he was preferred to Aden, where he commanded the other yeere, when Captaine Sharpeigh was there, and for that he was a beneficiall Knaue to his Master, he was preferred to Moha, a better place.

[ 20] Now at our first arriuall, he sent to giue knowledge vnto his Master, with what informations best pleased him, and was to stay for directions from his Master how to deale with vs; wee tru∣sted them as men of humane feeling, being ignorant of what was against vs. Now while the messenger went to know the Bashas pleasure how to dispose of vs: The Aga was laying the ground of his Treason, and drawing euery thing toward readinesse, for the effecting of his desi∣red haruest, omitting nothing which might further his villanous purpose, Also by drawing into the Towne from the nearest neighbour Iland Townes and Countrey adioyning, such and so ma∣ny souldiers as might fit his turne, whose rigour and malice against vs hee neglected not to pro∣uoke, by scandalous reproches, as might best se••ue for his purpose, as that wee were Pirats and Christians, (which they account as bad enemies to their holy Prophet Mahomet and his Lawes) [ 30] and that our comming was to discouer how to ruinate and destroy the holy houses of their god, as Meca and Medina, and what seruice they should doe to God and their Country in destroying of vs; as also informed them that wee had so much money and goods, as if they would behaue themselues valiantly when time serued, will make them and their Countrey happie, with so ma∣ny other deluding deuices, as seemed fit for such an action; meane while our innocent distrustlesse men hired and fitted their house, and preparing against the returne of the Basha his answere, for present sale of their commodities, by the aboundant shewes and promises of fauour to them. The Aga euer vrging, by wondering at our small quantitie of goods in the ship of so great burthen, and euer were Boats sent for goods, after the shippe was afloat, and that there was no more, till further occasion to be landed; his greedinesse seemed to be such, as the poore Arab Barque-men shewed feare to returne without lading; but when he perceiued there was no more at present to [ 40] be had, he went another way to worke; which was, he informed our Merchants, that all ships that came to this Towne in Trade, their Captaine, for their better assurance, as a pledge of good dealing, receiued the Gran Segniors Vest for their better securitie, which being once inuested in the view of the people, no man after durst offer them any wrong; as all the principall officers of euery ship had signes of curtesies, the which vnlesse our Captaine doe come on land and accept of, he should neuer thinke him the great Turkes friend, nor beleeue his meaning was good, as hee pretended, and therefore should doubt to giue him Trade, lest hee being a Man of warre should turne them to further mischiefe; which vnlesse he receiue such right, according to the welcome and custome of the place, he could not but thinke his end not for their good.

The ship now mored in a place, from whence within seuen or eight months was no returning, [ 50] the vehemencie of the stormes so great, the vnknowne dangers in these Seas such, no place of more comfort knowne, and no man permitted to come neare vs, that either could or would bet∣ter informe vs of the contagious weather ensuing, the dangers there to bee expected, or more comfort elsewhere to be found, but as it were, must stand at the Turkes mercy, whether they will giue vs life, or restraine water or other reliefe to maintaine the same; our house hired, our Factors and goods on land in readinesse and present sales after answere brought excepted: And now this vnexpected doubt cast, whether we be true men or theeues: And no way left to approue the for∣mer, or to shunne the latter; but the comming on land of our Generall, on whose safetie depen∣ded the carriage and estate of the whole voyage, which could not but crosse their minds and con∣ceit, [ 60] since they knew his determination was otherwise. Master Femell gaue the Generall know∣ledge of the Aga his words, and further gaue him to vnderstand, that the Companies businesse, without his presence on land, could take no effect, but must rest without doing any thing. Which once knowne, Sir Henry Middleton, notwithstanding the little trust he had in the faith and ho∣nesty of the Turkes in these forren places, and the infinite regard and care he had to follow and

pursue the plot and benefit of this his iourney, as well here, as in India, and places of more hope, now being vrged that his absence was likely to proue preiudiciall to the Company; answered, that all his endeauours during the Voyage, were wholly intended for the benefit, and not preiu∣dice of the company, and were it not for the safetie of the ships, and good of the Voyage, he could take delight to recreate himselfe on land, as well as others: wherefore, now since his company there might further the businesse, and not be imputed vnto him for his pleasure, he would not be niggardly of his presence amongst them. Therefore he prepared himselfe to land, to put them out of doubt, and to receiue that Vest of the great Turke, as the badge or assurance of safetie to such, as with like solemnitie had it put on their backes. And before his going came Master Femell a∣boord to informe the Generall of what he thought fit to prepare him in, against his landing: But [ 10] at the instant, when Sir Henry Middleton was to enter the Boat, whether by any suspicious whispering amongst the Turkes, or whether he felt any guilt of conscience for being the occasion to hasten the Generals landing, to stand before him in any danger that might happen, or some sudden apprehension of feare (as in faint-hearted people neuer wants) of any violent course by the Turkes to be attempted,* 11.232 the first day of the Generalls landing, or what else I know not, but at the Generalls going to land, hee being Cape-Merchant, and swaying the buying and selling, would haue stayed aboord, but could not in such a case bee spared, being so great an actor in the businesse.

* 11.233The Generall being come to land, was met by the Gouernour and principall of the Towne, was caried to the Gouernours house, where he had a rich Vest of Cloath of Gold put on his back, [ 20] a horse very richly furnished for him to mount vpon, the Gouernor holding the horse while the Generall gat vp, all which was reason Sir Henry Middleton should accept of, being, as they pre¦tended, the Badge of their friendship.

The communication, after the solemnitie was ended, was such, and so solemnely, and with such protestation and shewes of kindnesse and friendship, as might deceiue any honest man, or which is not a deceiuer himselfe. Sir Henry Middleton in short time after seeing the varieties of kind shewes by the Gouernour toward him, and in regard of the long time he had to stay there, desired leaue of the Gouernour, that he might there set vp his Pinnasse, which he brought ready framed out of England; the Gouernours answere was, That the Countrey was before him to doe whatsoeuer pleased him, as if he were in his owne Countrey; seeming glad that he would com∣mand [ 30] him any thing which might content him: for which, forthwith Sir Henry Middleton caused presently all things to be brought to land, which need to be vsed in the said worke, with all his Carpenters, Smithes, or other that might further that worke in hand, and to that end all hast possible might bee vsed for dispatch of the same. Sir Henry Middleton, with his attendance and furniture, kept house on land, by his continuall presence to further the said worke, which al∣so caused many more to resort on land, for their seuerall ends, then otherwise would haue done. The eight and twentieth of Nouember, Regib Aga his plot growing to ripenesse, and receiuing strength by the directions of his Master Ieffor Basha, sent the Generall word in the afternoone, that he had receiued so good newes from the Basha concerning our businesse, that he could not altogether conceale the same, but tho••ght good, for his content, to send him a taste thereof, till his better leasure serued him to reueale the particulers; this seemed to be done, to make Sir Hen∣ry [ 40] Middleton more secure, whose vpright thoughts gaue him no cause to suspect any such mis∣chiefe, as at present was prepared for him and his. But in the euening, instead of good newes from the Basha,* 11.234 he effected his predeterminate trecherie with iron maces, knocking downe the Generall, Master Pemberton, and the Merchants, with all the rest that at that time were on shore, where they also murthered eight of our men, who by reason of their former fauours and shewes of kindnesse, not deeming any such treason to be intended towards them, were naked without weapons to resist such vnexpected murtherers. Thus they without mercy, not only in chaines kept prisoners, both by the necke, hands and feete, the Generall with eight and fortie of his company, and Master Pemberton with nine of his company, but also with three great Boats full [ 50] of souldiers attempted to surprise the Darling, who rided nearer the Towne then the Trades-In∣crease by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mile, who (not knowing of the betraying of their Masters Boat and men) see∣ing a Boat comming aboord, esteemed it to be their own boat, but presently descrying two Boats more, and all full of people, began to mistrust false measure. But the Turkes comming aboord, and seeing no man stirring, thought themselues surely possest of her, murthering the Trumpet∣ter, whom they found aloft asleepe; but in the end our mercifull God turned their pretended mischiefe toward vs, vpon their owne pates, and made them fall into the pit that they had made for vs, for in repelling these vnexpected enemies, though to the lesse of two more of their owne men,* 11.235 who were slaine in the conflict) were slaine and crowned of the Turkes in flight, se∣uen and twentie, whereof the Admirall of the Towne, who was their Leader, was also one: [ 60] thus hauing cleared themselues of them quite, they cut their Cable, and set saile, and stood off and anchored by the Trade, who as yet knew not of the betraying of the Gouernour, neither of their attempting the Darling, till they of the Darling had informed them thereof, by which meanes they preuented another mischiefe, for that the Trades Boat, with a third more of her

men, some to fill water, and others for pleasure were going on shore: also this morning in the Darling, on her gallery, they found one of the Turkes souldiers, who had escaped with life, but their Boats gone was left behind: him they carryed prisoner aboord the Trades-Increase. From this eight and twentieth of Nouember, till the fourteenth of December, by reason of the con∣tinuall stormes, they heard no newes from the Generall. But the fifteenth day, Iohn Chambers one of the Trades quarter Masters, with a Flagge of Truce went on shore, where he found the Generall, and the rest in Chaines as afore-said, in most inhumane manner so that one could not goe aside to ease himselfe, but the rest in a row must goe with him, to their great annoyance; yet at his returne brought hopefull newes of the inlargement of all saue the Generall and Master Fe∣mell, [ 10] who were to goe vp to Zenan, the place of the Bashas residence, there to answere to such matters as should be obiected against them. Also the seuenteenth day, the same Messenger went againe on shoare (in manner afore-said) carrying with him certaine prouisions and other neces∣saries for the Generals reliefe, and the rest there with him, who returned with varietie of newes, but none good. Thus much Master Thorneton at his comming aboard me, as afore-said in∣formed me of.

The one and twentieth day in the afternoone,* 11.236 by the same Messenger I sent a Letter to the Generall, to giue him knowledge of my mis-fortunes at Aden, who returning brought me a let∣ter from my Generall, in briefe informing me of the businesse before repeated, as willing me if by any meanes I could get out of this Sea, and to stay at Aden, till I had heard what would be∣come [ 20] of them: also he had sent the Darling to ply out towards Aden, to giue mee information of his betraying, and to preuent my comming to Moha; also that he and sixe more of his compa∣panie were the next day to take their iourney towards Zenan, the Bashas Court, as afore-said.

The two and twentieth, the Generall with all his company, except the Carpenters, who wrought still in Chaines vpon our Pinnasse for the Basha, and vnable hurt men, who re∣mayned still in Chaines at Moha, set forth in their iourney, attended on by a strong Guard of Souldiers, lest any of them should escape: yet the same euening, notwithstanding their nar∣row looking to our men, M. Pemberton slipt aside among the bushes with so much haste,* 11.237 as his weak sick bodie was able, made to the waters side, where, although tyred with running, it plea∣sed God that he found a Canoa hauing in her a paddle wherewith to rowe in her, hee put off to [ 30] Sea, committing himselfe to the danger thereof, rather then to stand to the Turkes mercie, and through rowing, his faint wearinesse increased so, that in the morning his inabilitie forced him to giue ouer rowing, hauing nothing to refresh himselfe but his owne water, it so pleased God that the same morning aboard the Trades Increase, was descryed a Canoa in the offing, which see∣med to driue, vnto which being reasonable faire weather, the Trade sent off her Pinnasse, who brought both Master Pemberton and his Canoa aboard their own ship, being scarce able to speake through faintnesse.

From this day to the seuen and twentieth day, the weather continued for the most part boy∣sterous and stormy. Also this seuen and twentieth day, the Darling through foule weather, ha∣uing lost Anchor and Cable, and not able to performe what the Generall (as afore-said) had sent [ 40] them about, returned vnto Moha Roade: where I, whom they were sent vnto, in the Pepper-Corne did ride.

The second of Ianuary with all three ships we set saile out of Moha Road,* 11.238 intending to ply vp towards Bab-mandell, for three respects. First, for ease of our ground tackle, being through long boysterous weather much decayed: and secondly, to seeke place to fill water for our people to drinke, by want whereof wee were very much distressed; and thirdly, and lastly, there to stop the passage of all the Indian ships entring this Sea, whereby to draw the Turkes to release our Generall, people and goods, our great necessitie constrayned this our present attempt in this faire seeming weather; at our first setting sayle, we stood ouer to the Abaxin Coast,* 11.239 where wee left the Darling to looke her Anchor and Cable formerly lost, we with the Trades and Pepper-Corne [ 50] plying vp to wind-ward, but hauing scarce any aboard, the better in the euening anchored on the Arab side in eight fathome, some three leagues to the wind-wards of Moha, and some foure mile from the shoare.

The third, in the morning, the tyde of ebbe in hand, we set sayle working to wind-ward, as before in the afternoone, the wind so increasing that I in the Pepper-Corne spent my two top∣sayles and constrayned to bring other two new ones to the yard, before which was effected, the the night approched, and wee more then halfe Seas ouer towards the Abaxin Coast, where in regard of the foule weather we formerly had at Moha for two respects. I must desire to stop; first, the next morning if the weather were faire, to haue the Darling Company to proceed on our former purpose; secondly, the weather vnfit, by the place and sight of the Darling to finde [ 60] easier Roade to anchor in this day betweene eight and nine at night, so soone as we could get in∣to sixteene fathome water by our sounding lead in fast seeming ground wee anchored, the Trade somewhat to the North-ward, or Lee-wards of the Pepper-Corne, and as towards morning the wind increased with a churlish Sea, with cloudie darke weather, in which wee lost sight of the Trades Increase, but by reason of the darke weather doubted nothing, at which time shee had

broke an Anchor and droue, and let fall another Anchor, which afterward driuing from sixteene to sixe fathome, they were forced to cut a way to flat the ships head to the offwards to preuent further danger.

The fourth of Ianuarie, day light approching, wee preparing to weigh our Anchor suddenly, the ship droue from sixteene to eighteene fathome, and before wee could flat our ships head to the offwards, we had lesse then sixe fathome: which soone after increased to eight, ten, &c. We then seeing the Trade: (to my disturbance) standing ouer towards Moha, and seeing William Pemberton in the Darling, riding in an easie Roade, to whom I would gladly haue gone, both for quiet to my minde, and ease to my ground takle, but that I knew not what need the Trades In∣crease might haue of my Carpenters, in case of any casualties whatsoeuer I know not of, in my hastening after her the weather rigorous, wee split both our new top-sayles, the night before [ 10] brought to the yard. They being sowed with rotten twine, as all our sayles for the most p••rt hath beene, through which meanes it became night, by what time I got into the Road, where presently to my griefe I vnderstood of the Trades: misfortune to lose two Anchors and Cables as afore-said, wherefore I sent my Carpenters aboard to stocke some other Anchors, from this to the eighteenth day with little ease, we continued a wearisome Road, to the spoyling of our Ca∣bles, as afore-said.

From the sixth day, to the eleuenth day, euery day came Canoas from the Towne, bringing Letter from the Carpenters with vanetie of forged newes, informed them by the Aga, who permitted their sending the rather for that most commonly it was to get wine or beere, where∣with they pleasured the Turkes, and sometimes sent some little fresh victuals, according as they [ 20] had wherewithall to buy or were permitted to send aboard.

The twelfth, the Darling returned into Moha Road to vs, saluting me with three Peeces of Ordnance, as a signe of good newes, and by Master Pembertons instant comming aboard of me, to my great comfort confirmed; for that hee had found a good watering place, and a very easie Roade for our ships,* 11.240 and his Anchor and Cable that he went to seeke, which as aforesaid: they in his absence were forced to let slip.

The eighteenth, in the morning there came certaine from Moha to vs, bringing two Bul∣lockes, two Goates, certaine Hennes Egges, and some fruits, but no newes from our Generall; This day at one in the afternoone we set saile, standing ouer towards the Abaxin Coast (where Master Pemberton found the safe Roade and wattring place, and at night wee anchored three [ 30] leagues short of it, vnder an Iland (which for the abundance of great Crabs, thereon wee called Crab Iland.* 11.241)

The nineteenth, we weighed againe, and stood neerer into the Bay, and anchored vnder ano∣ther lesser Iland.

The twentieth, we weighed againe, and stood further into the Bay, and anchored right a∣gainst the watering place, some halfe a mile from the shoare, in eight fathome water. I sent George Ieff before in the Pinnasse to seeke out the Riuer, and to see if hee could speake with any of the Countrey people, who no sooner landed, but by and by there did present them selues vnto our mens sight, at least an hundred of the Countrey people armed with Lan∣ces, whereof one came to our people beeing of a bolder spirit then the rest, who not onely [ 40] spake with them, but also desired to goe aboard with them, who at his comming aboard informed mee by an Interpreter, how that the Turkes had sent word vnto them, how they had betrayed and murthered diuers of our men,* 11.242 and wishing them also to doe the like to as many of our men as they could lay hand on. This yong-man was a principall mans sonne, and was very kind vnto vs all the time we were in this Bay: he this night did lye aboard the Trades Increase, where he was very kindly vsed to his great content.

The one and twentieth, I with all our Boats, and most part of our men went on shoare, set∣ting some to digging of Wels, some to fetching of ballast, others to filling of some little water out of a little Well wee there found made readie to our hand, and the rest being armed to guard them that wrought, and soone after our landing came downe vnto me the Priest, the father and [ 50] brethren of the young man afore mentioned (who as yet was not gone from vs) whom at his comming ashoare they very ioyfully receiued, presenting me with a Goat, I also gaue vnto them foure of the Trades: shirts put in by the Merchants for the Companie, which they very kindly receiued; promising to bring downe the next day some Goates, to sell vnto vs for our money, which they very honestly performed, as by the sequell may appeare.

The two and twentieth, I hauing continued ashoare all night with a good Guard, to see that there should no harme be done to our water, I appointed our men to their businesse as the day before, but by reason of the boysterous weather, none of the Country people came downe to vs: the cause of my present continuance on shoare, was for that I see such ill vsage of my Generall, [ 60] and his people betrayed both at Aden and Moha, although they had made such faire shewes and promises, I hauing no assurance of the honesty of this people to vs, bred in mee suspition what harme might be attempted against vs here by the Turkes, or by their perswasion to this Country people, eyther by poysoning our water or other wayes; therefore further then needs must I

trusted none, so also I continued this night ashoare with a good strong Watch.

The three and twentieth, hauing setled our Company to euery particular businesse, there came downe to vs the same men, who the other day had beene with me, and after them followed some others, driuing before them diuers Goates to sell to vs according as they had promised. I very kindly entertayned them, and caused the Purser to buy their Cattle, and in the euening they departed very well satisfied, promising euery day to bring downe more, of which they made good performance. This day we made an end of watering.

From the foure and twentieth to the six and twentieth day, they brought downe euery day both Goates and Sheepe, whereof we bought according to our occasions and spending, they re∣turning [ 10] well satisfied.

The nine and twentieth, the wind at North North-west we set saile, I determined to get vp to the Bab with all our three ships, there to make stay of all the Indian shippes, that this yeare should enter this Sea, by them to force the Turkes to re-deliuer my General, and the rest of his Company our goods and Pinnasse, as aforesaid: but being thwart of Crab Iland it fell calme, the tyde setting right on the Iland, of this time I made the best vse I might, for so soone as we had anchored, I accompanyed with Master Thorneton and Master Pemberton, went on shoare with all our Boates, and most part of our men whom I appointed to cutting of wood, both for dressing our vict••als and other needfull vses. This after-noone wee descryed comming ouer from Moha, two Ielbas, one whereof came directly aboord the Trade, bringing me a Letter from my Gene∣rall, [ 20] dated the f••fteenth of Ianuary, informing me of his safe arriuall at Zenan, with all his com∣panie, saue Richard Phillips, Master Pembertons youth, whom hee left very sicke at a place called Tyes, who desired to be informed of Master Pemberton, whether he were safely escaped aboord or no, for that he doubted the Arabs attending on their Asses, to haue murthered him for his Asse he rid on, of the varietie of hopefull seeming promises of his inlargement, beeing onely delusi∣ons; this Letter being kept till the seuenteenth of the same, also mentioneth of the safe arriuall of Master Fowler, and the rest of my Company (betrayed at Aden) at Zenan; how God had raised him friends among the middest of his enemies, to wit, the Raha, who is next in degree to the Basha, with diuers other that fauoureth his iust cause; contradicteth my present determi∣nation of staying the Indian ships, for that as yet they haue no iust cause to obiect against him, it [ 30] might proue preiudiciall, not only to him and his Company, but also to our Nation trading in the Mediterranian Sea, but that the Basha had cleared Regib Aga of the betraying and murthering of him and his Company, taking it vpon himselfe, as that it was done by his warrant and com∣mand. To this my Generalls letter by the same messenger, I returned an answere; first giuing him to vnderstand of Master Pembertons safetie:* 11.243 our infortunate loosing and spoyling our ground tackle of my present determination intercepted by his letter; my opinion of their faire seeming, yet deluding promises: and lastly of our safe Road and watring place on the Abaxin Coast, right opposite to Moha, being some 13. leagues distant, where we haue refreshing reasonable cheape.

The seuenth of February, the Trade returned to me in the Roade of Assab, Master Thorneton bringing me my Generalls letter, dated the fiue and twentieth of February, therein desiring me [ 40] as yet to forbeare reuenge on them which haue wronged him: also informing me of the present hopefull estate of his businesse, also that fiue dayes after the date hereof, he with all his Company are to take their iourney downe to Moha, willing mee, till his arriuall at Moha, to expect no more letters from him; also giueth me knowledge of the death of Iohn Baker, one of my Quar∣ter Masters, and Richard Elmesmere, one of the Trades Company. To this my Generals letter, for want of conueyance, I wrote no answere.

The first of March, I sent the Pinnasse to the Towne, and in her the Purser, and the said Alle,* 11.244 who in their going, found a place of better water descending from the mountaines, by reason of the raines within the land (whereof we afterwards filled some water; but the raines once ended it was dried vp.) They hauing bought some few Goats and sheepe returned; and in the euening [ 50] we descried a Boat comming ouer from Moha to vs-ward.

The second, the said Boat came aboord the Trade, bringing me a letter from my Generall, wherein he gaue me to vnderstand of the cause of his delay of his iourney, partly by reason of a great solemne feast of the Turkes approaching, but principally to haue the Sabander of Moha his company, for the more safe trauell; also wisheth the Carpenters forbeare to proceed any fur∣ther in building the Pinnasse, for that the Basha intendeth her for his owne vse, and not for vs; also willing me to forbeare reuenge.

The fifth, I sent the Darling ouer to Moha, to expect newes from my Generall, where shee found in the R••ad a great ship of Dabull, called the Mahomet.* 11.245 This day the Generall with all his Company arriued at Moha.

[ 60] The eleuenth, I do••bted lest any euill had befallen the Darling, by reason of her so long ab∣sen••e, set saile with the Trade and Pepper-Corne, standing ouer towards Moha: but before I was so farre off as Crab ••land, I saw the Darling comming ouer, and for that the wind shortned vpon vs, and w•• not able to ••••tch the Road, I sent Master Thorneton in the Pinnasse, to vnderstand what newes, but I in the Pepper-Corne with the Trades-Increase, returned into the Road againe: in the

euening Master Pemberton with Master Thorneton, and two and twentie of the Trades Com∣pany, and fourteene of the Pepper-cornes Company betrayed at Moha and Aden, came ouer the point of the Iland, bringing me a letter from my general, wherin he gaue me to vnderstand of his assured hopes of inlargement, so soone as the Indian ships of this yeere were all come in, and the Westerly winds come. Also that the Turkes had seduced the aforesaid Richard Philips, whom in his iourney vpwards he left sicke at Ties, him by threatning they had forced to turne Turke, and therefore came not downe to Moha with him, he reioyceth to heare of Master Pembertons safe∣ty, also informeth me that none of the letters I had sent him were deliuered to him; also desired my opinion, whether best for him to make an escape aboord, if he can, or to remaine at the Turkes deuotion; also wisheth that the Pepper-Corne be the next that comes to Moha.

The eighteenth, I with the Pepper-Corne set saile, standing ouer to Moha, but being neare o∣uer, [ 10] it fell calme, and a lee-ward tide, whereby I was forced to anchor in twentie fathom water, on a banke which we there found three leagues from Moha: and in the euening there came off a Canoa vnto me, to know what we were, deeming me to be an Indian ship, for that by reason of the hazie weather, they could not well discerne vs.

The nineteenth in the morning, I set saile, the wind at South standing into the Road, whereas yet was only the said great Dabul man: but before I came to an anchor, my General sent his man aboord me with a letter, that frustrated my present hopes, wherein he gaue me to vnderstand that he must be forced to dispeed me away very suddenly, for that my presence caused feare in the Dabullians, and discontent to the Aga. Notwithstanding this my Generalls letter, I sent George [ 20] Ieffe in the Pinnasse on shoare, by whom I sent two letters, the one briefely to giue to vnder∣stand of our wants, also my opinion of the Turkes performance, who through custome of false∣hood, their true performance is not to be expected, but only to feed Sir Henry Middleton with faire promises, to serue their owne turnes; and then we hauing no matter to worke vpon, saue the emptie ships, which the Turkes hauing their goods on land, would nothing regard, and then my General to remaine at the Turks deuotion, whether to be sent aboord according to the Basha his inforced agreement, or to be ransomed at their pleasures, or sent back againe to Zenan, and so to Stamb••la. The other, if he should think good to shew the Aga, therin making shew, that so long as he was detained prisoner, his power extended not to command vs that were free & at liberty, and therefore could not keep vs from the Road of Moha, nor in any other thing further then we [ 30] see good our selues. To these my letters the General writ an answer, the copy wherof followeth.

* 12.1CAptaine Dounton, your ouermuch care may worke your owne harmes, and doe me and my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more then is cause, for I haue had, and still haue my full share thereof: and whereas you alledge you are loath to deparr this Road without me, I am more loath to tarry behind, if there were any remedie: I made a forced agreement with the Basha at Zenan, that the ships should absent themselues out of this Roade, till all the Indian ships were come in, and then at the first comming of the Westerly winds, both I and all my Company shall be set free: if they faile to performe with mee, then I would haue you shew your endeauours: in the meane time you must haue patience, as well as my selfe; I would be loath the agreement should be first broken on our side, without any cause giuen by [ 40] them. For the prouision that should haue been sent in the Ielba, it was my fault it was not sent, in that I did not vrge it to the Aga. After your departure to morrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will goe in hand with the lading of the goods in the Ielba, which shall not bee aboue three dayes absent from you: I haue promised the ships shall not come in the Roade till the Westerly winds be come, which will be a moneth hence at the furthest, in the meane time you shall heare from me by Ielbas or Boats, which I will send of purpose: I doubt not but there will be good performance made with me by the Turkes, in that my agree∣ment was made with the Basha, and not with Regib Aga. If I doubted any new stratageme, I would haue attempted to haue escaped away before this time: I haue had, and still haue meanes for my escape, were it not to leaue my people in danger of their liues; doubt not, if they performe not with me, when the Wester∣ly winds come, but I shall haue good oportunitie. I had laid a plot to haue escaped, if I could haue perswa∣ded [ 50] Master Femell but he will by no meanes be drawne to any thing, till he see whether the Turkes will performe or no, he makes no doubt but to be sent aboord with the first of the Westerly winds, when you shall come to demaund vs; you may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side, with all your ships, till God send vs that long wished for Westerly wind, vnlesse you get a slatch of wind to carry one of your ships to the Bab, to see if all be well there, and so returne backe to you. I know that all sorts of prouisions wastes a∣pace in all the ships, which God sending me aboord, I hope quickly to renew.

The seuen and twentieth, according to my Generalls requests, I sent the Darling ouer to Moha, for effecting the foresaid businesse.

The twentie ninth and thirtieth, the Budwees brought downe both Goats and sheepe to sell. [ 60]

The first, second and third of Aprill, the Budwees brought downe either Bullockes, Goates or sheepe,* 12.2 to sell vnto vs.

The fourth, the Darling returning from Moha, but the wind taking her short, shee was forced to anchor to the Northwards or lee-wards of the Road, till the wind should come more large.

The sixt, the Darling came into the Roade of Assab, and anchored neare the watering place, neare the Trade, to deliuer the victuals and other prouisions, which had been so long detained by the Turkes, and also brought me a very kind letter from my Generall.

The seuenth, the Darling plied vp to an Iland neare the Pepper,* 12.3 there to be Carreind (this I∣land we called Crane-Iland, for that on it we killed most Cranes) from this day to the twelfth day, the Darling did land her goods and victuals, and vnrigged their shippe, and certaine of the Trades Company were gathering of Breming.

The one and twentieth,* 12.4 the King of Raheta sent me a Present (by a kinsman of his) being a fat Cow and a Slaue, he continued aboord the Trades-Increase all night.

[ 10] The thirtieth, the Trades-Increase was heilded and trimmed on both sides, so farre as conue∣niently might be: this day we filled all our emptie Caske with water, being nine and twentie Tunnes, the water being faire.

The fourth and fift day of May, wee trimmed all our Boats, being reasonable faire weather,* 12.5 the wind at South South-east. The seuenth and ninth day, the Budwees brought downe good store of sheepe and Goates, but through want of cloath, we bought very few, onely three Bul∣locks, which we gaue money for.

The eleuenth, my Generall made his most happie escape aboord the Darling,* 12.6 with fifteene more of his Company.

The twelfth, my Generall sent the Pinnasse ouer from Moha, and by her a letter, giuing me knowledge of his escape, as aforesaid; also desiring me, vpon the sight of this letter, to repayre [ 20] ouer to Moha, with the Trades-Increase and Pepper-Corne; which direction I presently put in execution, making the ships in readinesse to set saile: but before my comming, hee so behaued himselfe in the Darling, to the terrour of his enemies the Turkes, that neither Boat from the shoare durst go aboord any of the Indian ships, neither from the ships to the shore, without asking his leaue, and making knowne their businesses; so that now Regib Aga of Moha, began to sing a new song, and insinuate with Sir Henry Middleton by diuers messengers, as by Nohuda Mahu∣met and others of the Generalls best friends there, with Presents, now fearing what harmes might happen vnto them, in recompence of his treachery towards him, and therefore desired to haue peace with the Generall: for Master Femell, before his returne aboord, in more especiall fauour, was by the Aga inuited to his house, whereto he was vrged, and there too soone yeelded [ 30] to eate and drinke with him; whereupon some former speeches giuen out by Master Femell, that he would make complaint of his wrongs in Stambola, which now he remembring at his depar∣ture, with a smiling countenance told him they might meete together at Stambola. This night being come aboord he seemed ouer-ioyed; but three dayes after, about two of the clocke in the morning he ended his life, as we all thought, by poyson; the Chirurgions opened him, and this was their conceit: whereupon the Generall embarged all his ships.

The nine and twentieth, at two of the clocke in the morning, as aforesaid, Master Femell, Cape Merchant, died.* 12.7

The first day of Iune in the euening, we had a very strong gust of wind, being so hotte, that [ 40] it was able to take away our breathes; it also draue the sand of the shore in such sort, we could scarce looke to wind-ward.

The second, came aboord the Admirall, Alle the sonne of Portugall parents, being a Captaine, turned Turke, who, for that he had been the Generals Trudgman, or Interpreter at Zenan, and so had some acquaintance with him, and therefore was sent downe to capitulate with him of a Peace: he informed the Generall that Master Pembertons said Boy was alreadie brought downe to Moha, and promised the next day he should be brought aboord. This Alle and Taccacee a Ban∣nean, came to know the Generalls demand, which was an hundred thousand Rialls of eight.

The eight in the morning, the Generall sent the Darling to Beloule, a place on the Abexin Coast, being ten leagues to the Northward of Assab, to fetch water,* 12.8 and buy some Goats for reliefe of our men, who began to fall sicke of a faint disease; the best remedie for which as we [ 50] found, was letting blood, and purging of the body; this disease went away in byles and scabbes, and this disease no man escaped cleare of.

The nineteenth, Shermall Sabander of Moha▪ accompanied with many of the chiefest Mer∣chants of the Towne, and the Alle Haskie and Tacaccee a Bannian, came in state with diuers sorts of musicke, from the Aga to the Generall (aboord the Trades-Increase) to capitulate of the fore-said summe by him demanded, for satisfaction for our said goods, which then, in regard the Generall, and all we saw at the present no more to be gotten, and that which should be agreed vpon, to come out of the said Sabander of the Bannians our friend his purse, who daily relieued our men in their misery with bread and other sustenance, not so much as our dogge but also had daily allowance from him, so that alwayes his presence administred comfort to our distressed [ 60] people: therefore it was concluded, wee to receiue our iron and lead againe, and for the rest of our goods not to be had (wherein was concluded all Vests and other presents the Generall had giuen) the summe at present agreed vpon, was eighteene thousand Rials of eight, and for that at present they had not money to defray so great a summe, they desired the Generall to take out of

the said ship of Diu, so much goods as he should esteeme a fit pawne for so great a summe (which they would daily redeeme as they could raise moneyes) and then the ship to goe in presently to land and make sale of the rest of her goods:* 12.9 the vtmost time limitted for the last payment, was fourteene dayes. The Sabander brought aboord with him, according to promise, Master Pem∣bertons Boy, being clad in apparell of the English fashion.

§. III. Their departure from Moha to Assab, and after that, higher into the Red-sea, [ 10] thence to the Socatora, and after to Surat.

* 12.10THe third of Iuly, hauing reasonably prouided the ships with Rice and other graine (for that our English prouision consumed apace) the Generall with all three ships and Pinnasse set saile, and standing ouer to the Bay of Assab, there by getting daily re∣freshing, to recouer our weake faint sicke men; where we arriued the fourth day, at eleuen of the clocke afore noone. The fift, sixt, seuenth, eight and ninth dayes, the Budwees euery day brought downe either Bullocks, sheepe, or Goats.

The thirteenth, we made an end of watering. The King of Raheta sent the Generall three [ 20] fat Bullockes for a Present, by one Abdella, his sisters sonne, the Generall very kindly entertai∣ned him, and accepted of the Kings Present, presenting him againe with a Vest of Broad-cloth; the Generall also gaue the King heartie thankes, for all the kindnesse and good dealing receiued from his subiects, at this his Port. The said Abdella then desired the Generall to come with his ships nearer the Bab, being by their report a good harbour, and is neare the Kings Towne, and more plentifull of refreshing, where he might better shew his loue vnto the Generall. This day the General feasted him aboord the Trades-Increase, and in the euening caused a banquet of sweet meats and wine to be prepared on shore against their landing, whereof he hauing both eaten and drunke, very thankfully tooke leaue of the Generall, and departed to the King againe.

* 12.11The foure and twentieth, we set saile from Assab, directing our course towards Cameran, an Iland on the Abaxin Coast, some fortie leagues to the Northward of Moha, in fifteene degrees [ 30] North latitude, in which is a Towne and fortresse, to which place they thought they were come or neare comming to stay for directions, by reason of our being neare, to the the Northwards it is seldome seene that any will attempt going, while the Westerly Monson lasteth, which in the Red-sea bloweth most all Northerly, till the last of Iuly. We turned vp all day, and anchored at night, in which we were pestered with a dangerous shoale, to which wee vnawares came so neare, t••a•• we had oftentimes enough to doe to quit our selues of them, when we had little more water then we needed: this continuing two dayes, hauing no Pilot, nor other meanes (and the ••••rr••nts vncertaine) readily to find it: And the weather doubtfull, being in vncertaine places to rid•• in open water, if the weather in the night should proue aduerse, the Generall with griefe [ 40] being often moued to giue ouer the businesse of seeking the Turkie ship of Sues; himselfe conclu∣ded that it was fit for him to prouide for the safetie of his owne ships, which are to him certaine, then with too much hazard to pursue things vncertaine, and perchance might misse finding her when he came there;* 12.12 so wee bore vp with the Iland of Iuball Succor, which is bigge and high, and another great Iland to the Southwards of it, being also high, called Iuball Arree; these two neighbour Ilands are inuironed with diuers other smaller Ilands to the Southwards, and in di∣uers places ledges of sunken rockes, being discerned only by the breaches on them: those Ilands as they lye South and North, by supposition may be in length some ten leagues, they lye North North-west from Moha, where in cleare weather they may plainly be seene, which happeneth very seldome: from the Wester part of Iuball to Beloula, the course is South-west by South di∣stant some twelue leagues; little wide of which course lyeth two sunken rockes knowne by the [ 50] breach, they are neare adioyning to the said Ilands South by West: from the Wester part of Iu∣ball Arree are two Ilands and a Rocke; and from these towards the Coast of Africa South-west lye foure other small flat rockes, lying distant from the former some foure myles and an halfe: there is no danger in going neare them, for we found deepe water close aboord the South Westermost of them, being the nearest to the Africke Coast.

* 12.13The sixt of August, at foure of the clocke in the morning, we set saile from our good harbour of Assab, and before sixe at night we anchored in the Roade of M••ha, seeing neare the Towne wall mored and vnladen the said Gallion which came from Sues, which we had gone to seeke and mist vs, as we were intangled amongst the shoales, and was come into Moha fiue dayes before, al∣so [ 60] there was come in one Gally, and three more euery day expected.

The seuenth, the Generall went in with the Pepper-Corne and Darling (for dispatch of his bu∣sinesse) so neare as the ships could well ride, and also, if need required, to command all the ships in the Roade: and about ten of the clocke, our old friend Taccacee and Sabrage, the Sabanders

man, came aboord with a Present from Shermal the Sabander: to these the Generall gaue no∣tice of his businesse, and dispeeded them away.

The tenth about eleuen of the clocke before noone,* 12.14 wee past thorow the Easter Channell of Bab-mandell, finding in the middest nine or ten fathom, and toward either side, seuen, six or fiue fathom, according as we edged in or off; the Darling and Release put out through the greater or South-wester Channell, which may be some foure leagues ouer, all seeming very cleare of dan∣ger, the Release going farre by the shore, on the South-west side of the Iland of Bab-mandell in twelue fathom; the Easter Channell is not aboue a mile and a halfe ouer.

The eleuenth at noone, the high land of Aden bore North North-west, distant some eleuen [ 10] leagues, and by estimation East by South halfe a degree some sixe and thirtie leagues. Note also that from this day vnto the end, I reckon the dayes from noone to noone, for that by euery daies obseruation of latitude, I rectifie my trauerse, as now from noone the eleuenth day, to noone the twelfth day, I reckon vpon the twelfth day onely in my discourses, I reckon according to the true day, as from midnight to midnight, &c.

The one and twentieth, from noone to six at night East, some foure leagues before Sun-rising, we descried Mount Foelix, bearing East by North eleuen leagues distant (by which we certainly perceiued how the Currant had abused vs) from Tuesday the twentieth day after-noone, to Munday the six and twentieth day, notwithstanding some while of the land, and other while sea turnes, betweene calmes oftentimes a prettie gale continuing sometime foure, sixe or seuen [ 20] houres together, yet by reason of the Currant we could neuer get a head; but by the said six and twentieth day in the morning▪ we were fallen to the Westward some foure leagues, the six and twentieth day at nine of the clock in the morning (hauing continued vnder a steepe high whi∣tish cliffe all the foresaid time) it pleased God to send vs a small gale of wind off the shore, with which wee came off North North-east into the Sea, in hope there to finde the wind more prosperous.

The seuen and twentieth, by iudgement we might runne East North-east fourteene leagues. This day at foure after-noone, Mount Foelix bore South by East some nine leagues distant; this Mount, by my estimation, may bee sixteene leagues Westward of Cape Guardafui:* 12.15 this night when it was calme, as also when the wind blew, we met with a potching sea, which well infor∣med [ 30] me, that we grew neare the length of the Head-land, and began to bring the Southerne sea open of the Cape, or the point of the land: the nine and twentieth we descried Socatora.

Note that in this trauerse from Aden to Socatora is no certaintie, by reason we were so much deluded by the Currant, wherein by the water oftentimes wee seemed to get, yet by the Cur∣rant we lost, or were driuen backe.

Now hauing effected all our businesses, as watering and getting some ballast, and bought all the Alloes here to bee had, and left letters of aduice with the King of Socatora, for such of our nation, as in like manner might come to Trade in the Red-sea, both to preuent their losse of time and further trouble.

The fourth of September, at two in the after-noone, we set saile from the Roade of Dellisha, [ 40] the wind presently grew calme, so that we did little good all the night.* 12.16

The three and twentieth, at sixe in the morning, being neare the end of an ebbe, we set saile and stood away North and North North-east two howres, some two leagues, the wind at South, our depths from ten to sixteene fathom, and presently as against a wall, seuen, sixe and fiue fa∣thoms. About eight of the clocke, we had sight of the trees of India, which standeth both in South and North Swally, which bore East by North from vs (by a meridian Compasse distant six leagues) we runne in East North-east and North-east by East with the floud, still raising the land to the Northward, till neere two of the clocke; our depths vncertaine, sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, shunning diu••rs suspicious riplings, keeping betweene eight and fifteene fathom, we anchored in soft Oze, and by my obseruation it floweth East North-east one quarter North, [ 50] and West by South one quarter South by the Moone, and by this time the floud runneth fiue houres, and the ebbe seuen houres, by reason of the Winter freshes by the aboundant raines are not yet fully expelled, and therefore doth ouercome or shorten the floud-streames; but at o∣ther times, though the Spring-streames goe alwayes strong, yet the floud and ebbe are equally sixe houres a piece. In the Winter-streames, which is Iune, Iuly and August, my coniecture is that Cables and Anchors, nor Ships bowes can be made of force to resist the streames. The Coast lyeth heere neare North and South; this day being come to an anchor, my Generall sent off his Pinnasse to fetch a Boat which sailed neare vs, who came from Surat, and was bound to Goga,* 12.17 loaden with Rice, who informed him we were ouer-shot Surat a great way toward Cambaia, and that we must returne seuen or eight leagues, if wee would goe to the Barre of Surat: this [ 60] Boat the Generall kept with him, because they would vse the Master of her for a Pilot.

The foure and twentieth, there came another Boat voluntarily aboord the Admirall, and also continued with good content with vs for Pilots: the former informed the Generall, that there were staying for vs at the Barre of Surat, fifteene armed Portugall Frigats, to intercept what we should there intend; so at full sea, which was at two after-noone, we set saile with a little wind

at South, standing off West into the deeper Channell, turning downe the ebbe while day light would permit, and then anchored in foure and twentie fathome in a vehement streame, where ri∣ding till morning day-light, when the ebbe being spent and we not able to weigh our anchors till the tide broake, so that we made a small tides worke; yet this fiue and twentieth day night at seuen of the clocke, wee anchored some league short of the Roade, Southward of the Barre, where we saw riding at anchor three Indian ships.

The six and twentieth in the morning, with the tide of floud wee set saile, standing into the Roade, where we anchored by the said three ships of Surat, which were intended to be laden for to goe to Sumatra, but partly by reason of our approach, and partly for that the Portugals would come to no reasonable composition with them for their Custome and Cartas (or Passe) their Voy∣age [ 10] was giuen ouer, according to our Pilots former information. We here found eighteene sayle of Portugall Frigats, whereof sometime more, and sometime lesse, according as they see occasion appeared in our view,* 12.18 al being vnder the charge or conduct of Don Francisco de Soto Maior, Cap∣taine Maior of the forces of Damon and Chaull, accompanyed also with the Captaine Maior and forces of Diu: who for a long time together without intermission, so pestred the streames about vs, that none could neither out of the Riuer, nor any other way come neere vs, but they would narrowly search and see that they had neither Letters nor other prouisions, that might comfort or reliefe our necessities, whereby they often tooke occasion to rob diuers of sundry things, with threatnings that they were bringing them vnto vs their Enemies; and therefore confisca∣ted: by this meanes our men grew to great weaknesse, and euery day more and more of our men [ 20] fell downe with the scuruie, wanting to refresh or comfort them; at last by our Neighbours the ships Boat of Surat, we receiued a lame aduice from one Nicholas Bangham, left by the Hector to attend on the Merchants there. Yet after many dayes, was gotten from him (which for the purpose was lying by him) both a Letter from Captaine Hawkins remayning in Agra (which is the place of the great Mogull his residence) and another from William Finch at Lahor which was going home-wards ouer land by the way of Persia,* 12.19 by which the Generall vnderstood the little hope they conceiued of any good for our Nation in this Countrey people without faith. After some time there was knowledge giuen by the said Nicholas B••ngham, that Captaine Sharpeigh, Iohn Iourdaine, and others were euery day expected in Surat, being comming from Agra by the way of Cambaya, which gaue some content to Sir Henry Middleton. [ 30]

The thirtieth, by the Generals direction, I with the Pepper-Corne, Darling, and Release, set saile, endeuouring to finde the passage ouer the Barre into the Riuer of Surat: but partly by the Portugals diligent attendance to cut off from vs our Boats which sounded before the ships, if they exceeded the command of our Ordnance, and partly the vncertaine and dangerous sudden shoal∣dings we in each ship found, did chiefly frustrate our present endeuours.

§. IIII. Many proud affronts of the Portugals. Disgusts from the Indians. [ 40]

* 12.20THe first of October, we all set sayle backe againe towards the Road, where our Admi∣rall rid, but the wind shortening vpon vs, and the tyde of ebbe growing also strong, we could not fetch the Road, but were put off some foure miles Westwards of the Roade, wherefore it was Wednesday before the wind and tyde so much fauoured vs as to get into the Road. Sir Henry Middleton wrote vnto the Portugall Captaine Maior, requi∣ring him that if he could not permit him to Trade here, yet, that he might take in the Merchants and others his Countrymen which were heere on shoare in this Coun••rey, and then hee would be gone from this place; but the Portugall Captaines answere (to this) was No, for hee would [ 50] carrie them to Goa, and from thence, they should be sent home: also it seemed that Iohn Iour∣daine,* 12.21 had beene flattering with the fathers both at Agra and Cambaya, and had obtayned some commendations to the Vice-Roy, or request or hope of conduction into Portugall, knowing at present no better meanes to get into his Countrey: by which Sir Henry Middleton could neuer imagine nor expect any safetie to such as continue firme to our State and Countrey. And neere the time of this Letter from Sir Henry Middleton, Captaine Sharpeigh by some principall Portu∣gall then on land in Surat, made motion either by Letter or otherwise, to the Captaine Maior to giue him his Segure (or safe conduct) for his safe passage aboard the English ships; whereupon the Captaine Maior, in scoffe wrote vnto the English Captaine and his Companions, his Segure for their safe comming aboard his Galliote, without addition for his departure thence, the thing [ 60] which he required. And further to shew the base account he made of our Nation, added, that if they would take their passage along with him to Goa, he would vse him and his Company with as much fauour, as he would doe to Turkes, Moores, or other Nations that vse these Seas; and all other Nations (a few Persians excepted) are Iewes, Bannians, and Gentiles, which though it

were in him an vnpleasing and vile speech, yet I like well his plainenesse, in shewing them what to trust to before (not thinking they could haue escaped his hands) otherwise it is likely, that some of them would haue beene perswaded, that their vsage should haue beene better then is heere promised.

Sir Henry Middleton being very zealous in procuring the libertie of our Countrymen, though both by Captaine Hawkins and William Finch his Letters, and by all else we could vnderstand of the Countrey, all hope of good here to be done for the Company, eyther for present or to come was wholly quenched; he writ to haue them come by land and meete him at Dabull, but that iourney was thought too tedious, and by reason of the Warres in Decanie, dangerous. The time [ 10] thus lost seemed very tedious; wherein our water and other prouisions fast wasted, our people daily for want of comfortable refreshing, fell generally into sicknesse, which made our estate doubtfull, not knowing where or by what meanes to get refreshing, we being so garded by these our Enemies, that none could come to vs, neither could we goe from our ships: And Captaine Sharpeigh made prouision for vs at the Towne, though without hope that it could escape the Portugall, who lay in continuall waite for it. It being prouided, it was in vaine to sell it againe, but order being giuen to send it howsoeuer, it was immediately sent towards vs.

The eleuenth, Sir Henry Middleton, much disturbed in minde at our present doubtfull estate, and our great losse of time, and that to so little purpose, and therefore leauing the Trades Increase in the mayne Road, he with the Pepper-Corne, and Darling, and Release, put in practice to disco∣uer [ 20] alongst the Coast to the North-ward, to find out some place where our shippes might safely ride so neere the shoare, as to command the place of landing, and frustrate the Portugalls attempts for taking our Boates and people: but the day neere spent, wee anchored neere the North point, thwart of the barre at the enterance of the Riuer of Surat. This day Allonso Gransidio dyed.

The twelfth, early in the morning,* 12.22 the Portugalls tooke the Boate which was comming to∣wards vs with our prouisions: in scoffe the Captaine Maior presently sent thankes to Captaine Sharpeigh, for his care of him in sending him victuals for his supply. This said morning at the first of the floud we set sayle standing with the point to the Northwards, and by reason of the quicknesse of the streame, and our suspition in this vnknowne place, wee euer put that shippe smallest of draft head-most, and before the smallest we sent our rowing Boates, making no more [ 30] haste with our Sayles, then that our Boates might keepe head with their Oares. And yet further to preuent what perill by these strong Tydes might happen, wee had our Anchors alwayes in readinesse to let drop whensoeuer by their signes ahead, wee should vnderstand of any sudden shoalding. The Armie of the Portugals likewise weighed and followed keeping a brest betweene the Pepper-Corne and the shore, they all rowing in order of Battell with their Colours displayed, oftentimes making great shoutes as in some great attempt; the Captaine Maior in a small Frigat, going from Frigat to Frigat throughout his Fleet incouraging them at length the Darlings Boat a good distance of betweene the ship & the land, by occasion of a suspicious ripling & where shee was sounding, presently by the Captaine Maiors direction one of their smaller swiftest Frigats (being ouer-bold through our long sufferance) rew forth with great swiftnesse to cut off from vs [ 40] the Darlings Boat, being seconded by another of the same kind. The Master of the Darling see∣ing his Boat and men in such danger, could no longer forbeare, but for her rescue he began to shoot at them, the former Frigat gat cleere ahead. But the second seeing our shoote flye so fast at her with feare put on shoare, the men abandoning her ranne away in the mudde; the Armie now comming vp for her rescue perceiuing our shot came amongst them so fast shoued a sterne lea∣uing that Frigat to our deuotion wee perceiuing them so to leaue her, and for that she was fit to serue our turnes, bestowed the fetching of her. In this Frigat wee found some small quantity of Indico, Cinamon, Comin-seed, Cotton Yarne,* 12.23 Mirabolans (dry for Phisick) & one small ballet of Candekins mill, & very course, all of smal value, these things had the Portugals lately taken from a poore Bannian. By this occasion we anchored here in seuen fathome water, thwart of the North [ 50] point in the mouth of the Riuer of Surat, within Musket shot of the shoare at low water, here wee rid till the next day.

The thirteenth, in the morning we weighed and stood somewhat neerer into the shorewards, and anchored in sixe fathome, presently we descryed diuers men on land, wherefore the Gene∣rall sent Master Ieffe, and Matthew Bragge ashore with a Flagge of Truce: but they being Portu∣gals, and perceiuing them landed, retyred flourishing their Swords as though they had atchieued some worthy exploit: this day about nine a clocke in the fore-noone, the Generall sent a way the Darling into the maine Road, where the Trades Increase rid, she made no stay there, but pre∣sently againe returned bringing with her one of the Indian ship Boates, and seuenteene of their men whom the Generall at times sent away with Letters to the Towne to Captaine Sharpeigh [ 60] whom before their going the Generall royally rewarded, also promising them better satisfacti∣on at their returne: fiue of them were this euening sent away with Letters, who promised to re∣turne againe to vs with Letters, but according to their accustomed practice of lying and deceit, they onely spake to giue present content and meant the contrary, so that there is no hold in their words. This day there came somwhat neer vs a great Indian Boat laden with Paddy, the General

made stay of her, and for our present supply, bought of her one Candie, & sixe Maunds of Paddy, which the next day we tooke into the Pepper-corne, and they hauing satisfaction to their con∣tent, being dismissed, departed.

The sixteenth, we seeing two Frigats riding a good distance to the North-ward of vs, which the Generall had a desire to see what they were, and to know the cause of their riding there: which being Portugals, and seeing vs rowing alongst the coast towards them, they set saile, stan∣ding awhile alongst the coast, and then to the Offing; but finding our selues further and further a sterne gaue them ouer, and stood in with the Riuer, and point of South Swally; we landed, deter∣mining with our net to fish, but the depth of the water not seruing, the General was going vp the Riuer in his Galliot to fish, at which instant there came a good gale of wind off the sea, wherwith [ 10] againe came in the two former Frigats, accompanied with two other Frigats, newly come from the bar-foot of Surat. In which was the late Captaine of our little Frigats; who lately hazarded his life by running away in the deep mud, supposed now by worthy valour to recouer her againe, (as soon after we were informed) to whose attempt the wind was as fauourable, as aduerse to vs, who had farre to row to wind-ward ouer a broad shoale, whereon we alwaies had between three and foure foot water; but we somewhat gotten off to set saile, and the Release not farre off to se∣cond vs: and contrary to their expectations, in stead of flying see all our endeauours bent to hasten the meeting with them, and seeing our Musket shot fell but little short of them, which imme∣diately was like to reach them: but as seemed, their former resolution found some contradict, for they all at once exchanged their steerne for their prowes, giuing vs some wast base shot in their [ 20] running away; we pursued long, since we lost not much, we were euer in hope to get ground of them, but the wind increasing, and what betweene our people tired at the oare, and our too small saile to our little Frigat, put them cleane from vs, and so we returned to the Pepper-corne, leauing the Darling.

The twentieth in the morning, Thomas Glemham in the Pinnasse went on shoare to attend the comming downe of any of the Countrey people, either with messages or prouisions to sell, all giuing direction, if any came to giue him knowledge by shooting off three Muskets together, that the Generall in the Frigat would then goe on shoare the Pinnasse comming on shoare, one man onely for a Centinell went on shoare, who no sooner came to the top of a small hill neere the water-side, but presently seeing a troupe of Portugals rush out of their ambush towards them, [ 30] retyred to the Pinnasse, who rowed a little from the shoare and anchored; the Portugals com∣ming to the water side, discharged their smal shot at our Pinnasse, who so well repayd them with their Muskets, that presently they ran away, soone after they saw one of the Inhabitants on Horse-back, whose comming down (as they suppose) the present sight of the Portugals hindered, and therefore shot off three Muskets together, which the Generals hearing, presently went on the shoare with the Frigat, but contrary to our expectation the said Indian came not downe to them, neither any Message nor Letter, neither from the General nor Captaine Sharpeigh. In the euening some of the poore Inhabitants brought downe some few fruits to sel, which the General caused to be bought, and as our men repayred to the Frigat to come aboord, there came downe vnto them three men out of the Portugall Armie, who for some disgust there giuen them, fled to vs for succour, the one of them a Dutchman borne in Lisbone, called Lorenzo de Campo, the other [ 40] two were Portugals, the principall of them called Frances Consalues.

The one and twentieth in the morning, the Generall in the Frigat went on shoare, where hee no sooner landed, but presently an Indian brought him a Letter from Captaine Sharpeigh, certi∣fying Sir Henry Middleton that the next day he would come downe with all his goods guarded by an hundred Horsemen; this day a Mallabar Boy called Antonio, who had beene fiue or sixe yeares Captiue to a Portugall Souldier in this Armie, now finding good oportunitie to his de∣sire, fled vnto vs for succour.

The two and twentieth, early in the morning, the Generall went on shoare in the Frigat, at∣tended by the Release, to expect the comming downe of Captaine Sharpeigh, according to his in∣formation [ 50] in his Letter: now approaching neere the shoare, the Frigat anchored, and presently landed thirty men with small shot, the Generall appointing one of them for Centinell, to stay on the top of a small hill neere the water side; the rest also to be neere the water side, for the better auoiding any sudden attempt, but all to looke about, to see if they could discouer any bo∣die comming downe from Surat-wards: the Centinell in short time saw two Bannians comming from the North-wards, whereof he instantly gaue knowledge: these Bannians brought downe some Tobacco, and other trifling things to sell; they beeing come aboord the Frigat, certified the Generall that the last night fiue Englishmen came from Surat, to a village some foure miles from this place;* 12.24 and that this morning they came from them, and that this afternoone they would come downe to vs, presently there sallied out of a valley betweene two hils on a sudden, [ 60] seuen troopes of Portugals, with their colours displayed, whom our men seeing made a stand, the Portugals also made a stand, as hauing no list to come within the reach of our shot, although there were neere three hundred of them. The Generall commanded our men to retire, and to imbarque themselues: which being done accordingly, the Portugals then made pursuit after them▪ and with fiue or sixe Basses (by them brought for that purpose) and other small shot, they began

to shoot at our Boates and men, but did them no harme, who failed not to answer them againe with the like, whereby (as aft••rwards wee were informed) they went away with the worst. Now after longer stay, and our people not comming according to our expectation, the Generall returned aboord the Pepper-corne, determining this afternoon with the ebbe to be gone from this place to the Trades-increase; but as we were setting saile, a company of men were descried com∣ming from the North-ward, wherefore we againe anchored, and the General went on shore in the Frigat, where presently came downe to them three of our Country-men, of the Ascensions com∣pany, to wit, Thomas Musgraue, Bartholmew Dauis, and William Morgan, who with them brought Captain Sharpeigh, and Iohn Iordaines cloaths and prouisions.* 12.25 On Thursday came downe [ 10] to them Captaine Sha••peigh, with an hundred horsemen for his guard, all armed with Bowes and arrowes and Swords: with him came aboord Iaddow, the Broaker, and a Braman (or Bannian Priest) and an other Indian, Captaine Sharpeigh his seruant.

The fiue and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton in the Frigat,* 12.26 went on shore (accompanied by Captaine Sharpeigh, and Iohn Iordaine) where Coia Nassan at the water side promised to meete him, who was there in readinesse according to his promise. The Frigat comming to the water side, the Generall was fetcht on shore on a Pallankin, borne on foure mens shoulders, and there kindly entertained by Coia Nassan, and according to the Countrey fashion, a Carpet was spread whereon they sate to conferre of our present businesse. It was by them in a manner concluded, our ships to goe to Goga, a place on the Wester side of the Gul••e neerer to Cambaya, and to haue [ 20] Pilots from the shore for our more safe conduct; but a sudden (and at this time of the yeere vn∣vsuall) showre of raine happening, they brake vp their conference, promising the next day there to meet againe, fully to determine of our said businesse.

The sixe and twentieth, according to mutuall promise, the Generall in manner aforesaid went on shore in the Frigat, who anchoring neere the shore side, Coia Nassan in one of our boats sent off Iaddow with a Present of tenne fine Bastas, and fiftie Bushels of Wheate to the Generall, and two Pilots for our safe conduct to Goga: the Generall very kindly accepted thereof, and with the Pinnasse went to the shoreside, where on a Pallankin in manner aforesaid, hee was receiued and entertained on shore, where they proceeded on their former conference; but the Pilots ha∣uing discouered the manner of the place, whose vnfitnesse gaue no content, and therefore their [ 30] determination therein soone altered, and it was concluded and agreed vpon, that our ships should for the space of sixe dayes be gone off to Sea, which the Portugals perceiuing, they suppose would also be gone, and then we againe to returne, and suddenly to dispatch our businesse. This Eue∣ning we set saile, standing to the South-wards to the Trades-increase, but the wind shortned vp∣on vs, so that we anchored some mile West-ward of the roade. This day in the morning, Thomas La•••• died.

The seuen and twentieth in the morning, the Generall departed aboord the Trades-increase, and soone after sent his Pinnasse for Captaine Sharpeigh and my s••lfe,* 12.27 to conferre about our pre∣sent businesse, (also he sent men to fetch away the Frigat and Portugals from the Pepper-corne:) after a Counsell held, the Generall sent a letter to Don Francisco de Soto, Captaine Maior of the [ 40] Portugall army, therein repeating the manifold discurtesies by him shewed towards vs: First, not onely hindering our landing, but also the passage of our letters, kept vs from all reliefe for our sicke men, and what at great charge was prouided, he had taken from vs, and kept vs from our people on shore, which if we could haue gotten, we had been gone long since: and also his endea∣uours the twelfth of this Moneth, to cut from vs our boats sounding a head our ships, what time we tooke one of their Frigats, which we now hauing done o••r businesse, if hee would send for her, we would freely bestow her on him againe. Also the Generall released the Indian shippes, whom for conueiance of letters betweene Captaine Sharpeigh and him, he restrained from going into the Riuer, who now being dismist, they presently departed towards Surat: also wee made ready our ships to be gone off to Sea.

[ 50] The nine and twentieth, we set saile to sea-wards, the Portugall Frigats still following vs in their accustomed manner. This day we met with a boat bound to Cambaya, laden with Coco nuts, of whom the Generall bought seuenteene thousand, which he distributed amongst our peo∣ple, and the Indian boat was presently dismist: this day was M. Mullenex the second time put into the Pepper-corne. The one and thirtieth, S. Henry Middleton seeing that the Portugals still followed vs, determined to stand off no further, but againe to returne to doe our businesse so farre as conueniently we could, in despite of them.

The first of Nouember, according to the Generals predetermination, we re••urned to the North-wards as the winds and tides permitted. Saterday in the morning,* 12.28 we anchored thwart of South Swally, where the General in the Frigat went on shore, but heard no news from Surat. [ 60] This night the Portugals in the riuer shot off diuers peeces, which they told the Indians was for ioy they had receiued tidings of the comming of two great Gallies, and twentie Frigats more for their assistance, whereby they abused themselues, in thinking with their lyes to terrifie vs, who were now armed to withstand all their villainous practises, vsurping authority in an other Kings Dominion, where they haue no more to doe then in Denmarke.

The fifth, Sir Henry Middleton sent William Pemberton Master of the Darling (in whose endea∣uours he had firme confidence) with his ship the Release and Frigat againe,* 12.29 to discouer to the North-wards as afore-said; who there found a bard place, wherein not onely our smaller ships might at high water goe, but also the Trades-increase, being a little lightned, might also goe safe∣ly ouer the Barre, and there ride within Calieuer shot of the shoare.

The sixth in the morning, with the first of the floud, we all set saile, standing to the North∣wards, and anchored thwart of the place discouered: at high water wee with the Pepper-corne, Darling and Release, went in ouer the Barre, whereon the least depth wee found was three fa∣thome and a foote, but at low water three foot. Beeing in, we all anchored within Calieuer shot of the shoare, as aforesaid in eight fathome, and right a head or to the North-ward of vs, ancho∣red twelue Portugall Frigats, somewhat without the reach of our Ordnance. This afternoone the [ 10] Generall and my selfe, with a guard of fortie small shot, went on shoare to seeke out some place where we might relieue our wants of fresh water: in the salt marshes we found a place of brakish water, whereof till better could be gotten, we were forced to make vse. Here the Inhabitants brought downe to sell fiue or sixe goats and sheepe, and some fruits, which for reliefe of our out-tired weake people were all bought.

The seuenth, we filled some water, bought some small prouisions as the people brought down: we haled the Release a ground, in hope to stop her leaks, beeing as it were in a manner deuoured with wormes, for the safetie of her and her people: we erected a Tent, in which I continued, keeping a Court of Guard and Centinels aboard, to preuent the practise of the Portugals our ene∣mies to preiudice vs. The eighth, all our Carpenters vsed their best endeauours to trie the stop∣ping [ 20] of the Pinnasse her leaks: this day Nicholas Bangham came downe, bringing prouisions such as by the Generals directions he had prouided, as Limes for our diseased people, bread, lamp-oyle, and candles, and his owne prouisions. This euening, some of our inhabiting neighbours of the neerest Villages,* 12.30 informed the Generall, that in the Riuer was arriued two Gallies, and eightie Frigats: vpon which newes the Generall altered his determination, and for the better securitie thought good to bring all our forces together, the better to frustrate any practises that might be intended against vs; wherefore at his first departure aboord his ship, which rid in the Offing, gaue me directions to guard the said Barke vpon the shoare, and as soon as the tide serued, to heaue her a float by my ship, or the Darling, which about midnight was performed; when presently we set saile ouer the Barre, and rid by the Admirall. [ 30]

The ninth in the morning, Coia Nassan came downe, the Generall beeing then on shoare; hee certified the Generall, that so soone as all our ships were come into the roade, hee would bring downe goods and trade with vs; in the meane time a Market should be kept vpon the sea strand, of all necessary prouisions; also informed the Generall, that the Frigats last come into the Riuer, was a Caphala or fleete of Partugall Merchant Frigats, bound to Cambaya: at his departure Ni∣cholas Bangham went vp to Surat with him.

The twelfth, beeing in the road, we had a Market there kept vpon the strand of diuers sorts of prouisions,* 12.31 to wit, Meale, Bread, Bullocks, Goats, Sheepe, Hennes, Butter and Cheese, Su∣gar and Sugar-Candie, Limes, Plantans, Water-Mellons, Goards, Onions, Radishes, Pallinge∣nies, Cucumbers, Milke, a kind of Peascod which they call Paupery, and Gindus, a small fruit [ 40] as big as a little Crab, beeing in taste betweene sweet and sowre, and in the midst thereof hath a small round stone, Sugar-canes, and Tobacco, also Salt-fish dryed, and Praunes, and Palmita wine, which they call Taddy. All these afore-named things were at reasonable cheape rates.

The one and twentieth, my Centinell vpon the Mount, saw ouer the top of an other hill neere adioyning, the heads of some of the Portugals, who there lay in ambush to the number of fiue hundred men:* 12.32 he had no sooner giuen the Alarum, but presently they seeing themselues dis∣couered, they all with their colours aduanced, with great celeritie ranne downe, to cut off our people from the Boat; but hauing a little tasted of our shot, both out of great and small Peeces, and seeing some of their fellowes tumbling in the mud, they made as great hast backe out of the reach of them: diuers of them that fell downe, afterwards came to themselues, and made means [ 50] to crawle away, onely Antonio de Sowso, a Gentleman of Chaul, hauing a deadly wound in the head, lay still. We seeing the neglect of compassion by his friends, in commiseration fetcht him aboord; whose wound beeing incurable, he died within two houres after, and we buried him on the shoare. Sir Henry Middleton in his ship in the Offing, hearing our peeces, and doubting of some disgust, hastned with his Frigat full of people vnto vs, yet notwithstanding we gaue the enemie leaue to take his pleasure on the shoare, without landing to trie any further fortunes with them: going on shoare we found diuers of their reliques, as shooes and socks, which for their more expedition away, they left behind: afterwards we were informed by the Muccadam or Consta∣ble of Swally, that the Portugals had kild and hurt in this attempt, eight of their people. [ 60]

The foure and twentieth afternoone, came downe Mucrib Chan, with one hundred horse∣men,* 12.33 and many more footmen, fiue Elephants, with diuers Camels, Carts and Oxen, for tran∣sportation of his prouisions, wherein he shewed his greatnesse. Furthermore, he had diuers Carts to carrie his Leopards, wherewith at his pleasure he vseth to hunt. Hee was there met by Sir

Henry Middleton, at whose landing was discharged a Volley of an hundred and threescore small shot, and at the instant of their salutation each ship in order shot, to wit, the Darling three, the Pepper-corne fiue, and the Trades-increase nine peeces of Ordnance, then was deliuered vnto him the King of Englands Letter and Present vnto himselfe, whereof with all shewes of kindnesse he accepted: and Macrib Chan with sixteene Moguls and Moores, such as he made choice of (lea∣uing the rest of his followers a shoare with Hoia Nassan, and Coia Arsan Alle, and other Mer∣chants, where was erected as it were a little Towne of tents) boldly accompanied S. Henrie Middleton aboord the Trades. Increase, where in the best manner the ship affoorded, he was enter∣tained, and continued all night, and part of the next day.* 12.34 Sir Henry Middleton often vrged him [ 10] concerning our maine businesse, which he still put off with delaies till an other time. But all his booking was, both himselfe and by diuers instruments to find out, and buy all such fantasticall toyes, that might fit his turne to please the toyish humour of the great King his Master, and for ought that we could gather, further then serued his owne turne, he little respected our selling or buying of our principall Merchandize brought for that place; hauing satisfied himselfe in th••t ship by his wittiest inquisition, desired in like mann••r to see the other ships, where he ranne the like course aboord the Pepper-corne: he bought all our Chests of Sword-blades, whereof he seemed to be so greedy, as he would not trust vs to send them after him, but would see them all sent a shoare before his departure, which in few dayes after, hauing selected out all the crooked ones, and such as liked him, sent backe the rest carelesly, and ill conditioned, as their accustomed manner is to [ 20] doe all things whatsoeuer they haue bought, when by all the view they can haue they dislike the same. Which businesse being ended, they hastened a shoare accompanied by S. Henry Middleton, my selfe, Captaine Sharpeigh, and Iohn Iordaine. He beeing landed, carried vs to his Tent, where being all set vpon Carpets, with many of his friends, Sir Henry Middleton againe mooued speech concerning our businesse, as aforesaid: which he againe put off till to morrow. When wee saw nothing to be done, and the night approaching, we tooke leaue, departing aboord to spend the night in consultation of our next dayes businesse or affaires.

The sixe and twentieth in the morning, Sir Henry M••ddleton hastened ashoare, thinking to doe much businesse: being come he was informed that Macrib Chan was gone, and yet the bet∣ter to pacifie him, they told him he was gone to the Portugals to make friendship betweene vs, [ 30] which the Generall well knew was not so, but rather suspected that his going to the Portugals was, hauing receiued alreadie from vs in presents all hee could get, that hee would now also see what he could get from the Portugals to doe ill Offices against vs. Wherefore, laden with dis∣content, he againe departed aboard his ship in the offing, Hoia Nassan yet staying, pretending of purpose to buy our Commodities, whereof the Generall set downe the particular prizes, but this day being farre spent, it was referred till the day following.

The seuen and twentieth in the morning Macr••b Chan sent one of his chiefe Gentlemen and his Broker with a Letter to the Generall:* 12.35 which I supposing to be of import and behoofe of our Common-wealthes businesse, presently in my Boat sent the Messenger aboard the Admirall, the effect whereof was soone found to be no other then to beg his perfumed Ierkin and his Spaniell [ 40] Dogge, which was denyed him the day before when he begged his Beuer Hat: also hee desired our workmen and Smith to make him the modell of a chaine pumpe, also this morning Captaine Sharpeigh and Master Iourdaine went ashoare to Hoia Nassan, to conferre with him of the prizes of our Commodities.

The eight and twentieth, Hoia Nassan departed to Su••at, carrying with him the Generals Ierkin and Dogge, which Macrib Chan had formerly begged, and that we should the lesse doubt, he left behind him in his Tent Hoia Iellardin his sonne-in-law, pretending he should stay till his returne. Hoia Nassan being once gone, he set slight, being carelesse of our businesse, and the next night he dissolued his Tent and departed, to no small disturbance to vs, seeing none left to recti∣fie any businesse. This day Bartholmew Dauis one of our Carpenters was sent to Surat, to make [ 50] prouision of plankes and boards for re-edifying of the Release, wee there into incouraged by their fauourable promise, in which is very small hold, for he once there, found nothing but de∣lusions or delayes, for wheresoeuer he found Timbe••, either he could not find any to sell it, or not to saw it; so all his businesse was not onely frustrate, but he also in despaire of libertie to returne. This day Master Iourdaine, Master Frain, and others went vp to a Village neere adioyning to view some packes of Indian Cloth, which Hoia Nassan had brought downe thither to barter with vs for some of our Commodities: they returning brought downe the Mustraes of euerie sort, and the prizes demanded for them per Corge: the Generall vpon such as he liked set downe what prizes he would giue for them, requiring them to doe the like by his Commodities, and to haue answere the next day: but they held them at high rates, and offered weakly for our Com∣modities, [ 60] which they esteemed of necessitie, we must be forced to sell them howsoeuer.

The first of December, they perceiuing that Sir Henry Middleton would not giue them their demand for their Commodities, nor sell them his at their owne rates, to shew their carelesnesse,* 12.36 or to try his temper, did not onely speedily send for their Mustraes of clothes, but also carryed backe to Surat, all such packes as they had formerly brought downe to Damka, a Village three

mile from vs. Also the poore Inhabitants were restrayned from bringing downe prouisions to sell vs, as formerly by permission they did.

The sixth, the Generall was informed the Mockrib Chan, and Hoia Nassan were comming downe, and in the euening we see as it were a Village of Tents pitcht somewhat more then a mile within the land, to the East-ward of the Road, but whether they came in peace or no, we knew not.

The seuenth, Iaddow & Narran Brokers came downe, certifying the General that Mockrib Chan and Hoia Nassan were comming downe, and were now at the Tents, and to morrow would bee heere with him.* 12.37 They translated our Kings Letter, and then departed, but yet their extraordi∣nary sadnesse, as men sent by constraint, gaue vs no hope of good towards vs, the rather for [ 10] that they had formerly restrayned as prisoner our man sent to the Towne about businesse, as also their seueritie in proclayming the losse of their noses, to any that should bring downe any proui∣sion to vs, whereby they shewed their desire to force vs away by Famine. This day the Darling was againe haled off to her morning.

* 12.38The eighth, Mockrib Chan and Hoia Nassan, came downe with a great traine to the water∣side, and at the same time, to put iealousie of their ill dealing from vs, brought downe some for∣tie or fiftie packes of Indian Clothes, and so increasing to the number of a hundred and eight packes, yet the sight thereof could not mooue all of vs to beleeue, they meant faithfully to deale with vs: but they hauing extraordinary desire to our Quick-siluer, and Vermilion, and Mockrib Chan to our Veluet, though they made smallest shew thereof. Yet for that it could not be had by [ 20] it selfe, without our Lead and other Commodities, by which meanes they condescended to deale at present for our Lead also, deferring all the rest till some other time, but would not deale with vs otherwise, but so as they would gaine fiftie in the hundred at their owne doores without fur∣ther aduenture, and ours which we haue brought so farre, wee could not draw them but to such poore rates, as will beare but a small part of our fraight hither.

The ninth in the morning, Sir Henry Middleton went on shoare, not hauing any sure confi∣dence in their performance, where in words they continued firme. Wherefore the Trades In∣crease began to land her Lead; somewhat before noone was brought vnto Mockrib Chan, a Letter from the great Mogull, whereat he was so dampe, that scarce any words was to be gotten from him, but presently after dinner he departed, but Hoia Nassan, and others continued, as they pre∣tended, to effect the businesse: this night before the Generall went aboord, being still in suspiti∣on [ 30] of inconstant dealing, and seeing the great paines and toile in landing our Lead, and what intollerable disgust or discontent would arise among our people, if by shrinking from their words we be forst againe to imbarque the same, sent some of our Factors with the Brokers to Hoia Nassan to signifie the same, and before further trouble to know his full resolution: who returned him answere, he should not need to doubt, for they would haue it all: whereby without further do••bt, the greatest expedition was vsed for landing thereof. This day in the euening, William Iohnson Sailer of the Darling, and Iohn Couerdale Trumpetter of the Admirall, ran away to the Portugall Armie, and Iohn Pattison to Surat.

The tenth, there came aboord to see our ships the Gouernour of Surat, and Coia Arsan Alle, [ 40] being departed from the Pepper-Corne with the Generall aboard the Admirall, in the offing this sudden disturbance happened, which crost the content on all sides, for Iohn Iourdaine came spee∣dily from the shoare to informe the Generall, how that Hoia Nassan hauing alreadie the Veluet and some other things which he most desired, was now in a great fit of wrangling, so that hee thought no good for vs would be done: for he had both made them giue ouer weighing the lead; and also sent for his Oxen to draw away the Carts with the packes of Indian Clothes: where∣at the Generall grew so impatient, that he presently made stay (to inforce performance) both of the Gouernour and Coia Arsan Ally, to their great trouble of minde, but after some little pause, the Generall caused them to be imbarqued with himselfe in the Frigat, and came in calling vpon me in the Pepper-Corne, to impart what he had done, wishing my opinion, who seeing him in the [ 50] right way, saw no cause to counsell him to reuoke the same▪ but rather for securitie of our busi∣nesse to perseuere: from me he departed to the shoare with a reasonable Guard, and gaue Hoia Nassan knowledge, what his crosse dealing had forced him vnto, and that since the Gouernour of Surat came in curtesie, and the businesse concernes him not; wisht himselfe to come aboard and take his place, and he would dismisse the Gouernour; who seeing no other remedie, with a grimme looke and sowre countenance came into the Frigat, and the Gouernour to his great con∣tent was dismist, and they were brought to remayne with me in the Pepper-Corne.

The eleuenth, we continued landing of our Lead, and had so lightned the Admirall, that at high-water the night following to our great content, we brought her in ouer the barre, also ha∣uing now all our strength together where our businesse lay. [ 60]

The twelfth in the morning, Sir Henry Middleton sent for the Gentlemen Prisoners to bee brought aboard his greater ship; which Hoia Nassan for long time obstinately refused, till I had order to send him p••rforce: hee being there, in regard of the hastening of our businesse it was thought fit to inlarge them both, leauing other pledges in their places, as for Coia Nassan was

Coia Illardin his sonne in law, and one of his sonnes: and for Hoia Arsan Alle, two Persian Merchants. And for pledges on our side to remayne with them in their Tents, were Iohn Wil∣liams and Henry Boothby: this night were opened, counted, sorted and agreed for fortie packes of Indian Clothes.

The fifteenth, there came to vs two Portugall youthes from the Armie, one of them beeing the Captaine Maior his Page.* 12.39

The sixteenth, in the morning wee saw to the Southward fiue Portugall Colours displayed: whereof the Generall vnderstanding presently by his command, were landed some two hundred armed men with Shot and Pikes to meet them: which they perceiuing retyred, in which pur∣suit [ 10] being neere vnto our Swally, wee met with Hoia Nassan and all his troupes,* 12.40 who was com∣ming downe with some twentie packes more of Indian Clothes: he informed the Generall that the Portugals were alreadie gotten ouer the muddie Creekes, and were neere vnto their Frigats, wherefore the Generall gaue ouer his pursuite, and returned aboord.

The nineteenth, Peter Rosemary (a Portugall whome wee brought out of England) a Sailer of the Trade, being appointed as Guardian to attend on (or looke to) Francisco Consalues, they both ran away to the Armie.

The seuen and twentieth, there came from Surat Hoia Nassan, to see if hee could buy any of our Clothes and other Commodities: but not agreeing vpon the prcies, hee againe departed. This day by a Iew from Masulipatan, the Generall receiued a Letter from one Peter Floris (a Dutchman imployed by the Company of Merchants of London trading to East-India, who had [ 20] there setled a Factorie) certifying the Generall of three ships, which were comming out of Eng∣land, whereof one was to goe into Red-Sea: which was very vnpleasing to the Generall and vs all, in regard of the danger we suspected they should fall into.

The thirtieth, Master Iourdaine and Master Fraine were sent to Surat, to agree for some more Indian Clothes, as also to vrge the putting off of some of our Commodities. The same day the Generall receiued a Letter from Captaine Haukins at Cambaya, signifying that his determi∣nation was with all his houshold to take his passage to Goa, and from thence to England; But Sir Henry Middleton conceiting, if hee once get to Goa, his goods would stop his passage to Eng∣land, if not shorten his life, by the same Messenger did most earnestly and friendly aduise him to the contrarie, and inuited him to take his passage with vs into England: also our people at [ 30] Surat informed the Generall that Mockrib Chan made shew to bee willing that wee should leaue a Factorie for venting of the remayne of our Commodities: which kept vs sometime in hope, but afterwards vanisht by inconstancie.

The eight of Ianuarie, Nicholas Vphlet came downe from Cambaya,* 12.41 with Letters from Captaine Haukins to the Generall, certifying him that by reason of his former Letter, hee de∣termined to come downe to our shippes, and take his passage with vs.

The sixe and twentieth, Captaine Sharpeigh, Master Fraine,* 12.42 Captaine Hawkins with all his goods and Family, and the rest (Nicholas Vphlet excepted) came downe, whom the Generall with a Troupe of some two hundred men, went some three mile vp into [ 40] the Land to meete and guard them from the Portugalls, whose Armie was not fare off.

The seuen and twentieth, the Generall sent Iohn Williams to Surat, to know their resolutions for leauing a Factory there.

The nine and twentieth, Iohn Williams returned with an absolute denyall of hauing any further dealing with our Nation, but were all commanded to bee gone out of Surat, not permitting them to stay to receiue Debts there owing them: wherefore they sent to know the Generals pleasure, whether they should presently come downe, or vse meanes to delay the time, to see whether their determination therein would alter.

The thirtieth, Sir Henry Middleton writ to our people at Surat, speedily to repaire downe to our ships.

The one and thirtieth, according to the Generals direction, all our people came downe from [ 50] Surat with all their goods.

The sixth of February, there passed by towards Cambaya, a great Caphala,* 12.43 or Fleet of neere fiue hundred saile of Portugall Frigats.

The ninth in the morning, vpon the top of a high water, the Admirall warped out ouer the Barre, and anchored in the Offing. This day about noone came downe from Cambaya, Nicholas Vphlet, Captaine Haukins seruant, whom they had left behind in pawne, as afore-said, for whom we stayed since the last of Ianuarie, what time our Merchants were expelled Surat. This day in the euening we set saile, and went out ouer the Barre, and anchored in eight fathome, some mile in the Offing thereof, neere vnto the Admirall.

[ 60]

§ V. Their departure to Dabull, Socatora, the Red-sea, and Acts there.

WE departed the ninth, hauing continued heere the space of an hundred and thirtie eight dayes, in which we sustayned many and sundry abuses by delayes, breach of promi∣ses, which holding the Countrey people from trading with vs, and hauing exchanged [ 10] a few Commodities at very hard and vnprofitable Rates, which holding further trade, disappointing vs of setling a Factorie, which holding some debts formerly, and commanding our Merchants out of their Towne, and our ships to be gone. The cause mouing them to hasten vs away (as we afterwards vnderstood) grew thus at the instant of their conference, whether fit for them to permit vs to leaue a Factorie, to vent the rest of our goods brought for that place there or no; was deliuered into the hands of Mockrib Chan a Letter from Dangie, a Bannian in Cambaya, by the instigation of the Iesuites there; aduising them, that if they gaue place to the English in Surat,* 12.44 the Portugals would come with force, and burne all their Sea Townes, and make spoile of all the ships they should send abroad, the contents whereof was applauded of most; all agreeing it to be their best course, and thereupon dismist our people, as aforesaid.

This Road of Swally within the Barlyeth in twentie degrees, fiftie fiue minutes North latitude, [ 20] the variation in sixteene degrees and fortie minutes Westerly,* 12.45 wee found the water highed more on the full Moone spring then on the change, by foure foot: the one beeing foure and twentie foot, the other twentie, the night tydes higher then the day tyde by three foot, according as the wind blew, the Coast or Strand within the Barre lyeth neerest South and North by the Com∣passe, which the variation allowed is North by East, and halfe East, and South by West halfe West, also at West South-west halfe South, and East North-east halfe North, the Moone makes a full Sea.

The tenth, the Generall stayd to dispatch his businesse with Iaddow and Narran the Brokers: also we tooke out of a Frigat bound to the Rehemy at Goga, certaine Candies of Rice and Pitch, [ 30] giuing them Bils to be paid at Surat by two men, who were indebted to Captaine Hawkins ac∣count.

The eleuenth, in the morning at sixe a clocke at high water wee set saile, and at two in the afternoone we anchored in the South Road at the Barre foot of Surat,* 12.46 by a new ship called the Hassany, bound with the Rehemy vnto the Red-Sea: also we tooke out of another Frigat certaine Charcole, assigning them to be paid at Surat in manner aforesaid.

The fourteenth, at one of the clocke in the morning we met with a Banke, whereon wee had from sixteene to thirteene fathomes, and suddenly againe to twentie and twenty two fathomes, after which we haled vp by a wind West by South some three leagues: from sixe a clocke in the morning to noone South South-east some nine leagues, the wind at North, our depths twentie, nineteene, seuenteene, and sixteene fathomes, what time wee were some [ 40] tenne leagues off the Land West-wards in North latitude, nineteene degrees, thirtie seuen mi∣nutes. At one a clocke we past by three Mallaber ships bound for Surat, laden with Cayro (or stuffe to make Ropes) & Coco Nuts, who there rid in fourteene fathome, nine leagues off from the land to spend the ebbe, and South-east from seuen other ships neere in towards the mountaines, from noone to mid-night, we went South South-east some fiue leagues, the most part of this night being calme.

The fifteenth to noone South South-east sixe leagues, the wind Northerly a very easie gale: this night we heard diuers great Ordnance shoot off ashoare: this night our passage hath beene in fifteene, thirteene, and twelue, fathome, this land is mountainous mixt with diuers Vallies like harbours or entries. Our latitude at noone was nineteene degrees, foure minutes. [ 50] At Sunne-set, wee were three leagues off the shore, our passage in betweene twelue and sixe fa∣thome. From noone to mid-night our course was South by East eleuen leagues, the winde Northerly.

The sixteenth to noone South by East twelue houres, eleuen leagues, the wind Northerly, the land high and full of harbor like Bayes all alongst in fine shoalding in fiue fathome, and foure miles of the land, and nine fathome three leagues of our latitude eighteene degrees, one minute. This day at Sun-setting we anchored in seuen fathome thwart of the Barre of Dabull, to which Towne the General went in hope to sel some of his English Commodities,* 12.47 or (as it were) to shoot another Arrow after diuers formerly lost.

The seuenteenth, in the morning, the Generall in the Frigat went in neere the Barre to dis∣couer [ 60] the depths and so aboord againe, which was fiue fathome very neere the South point of the entrance, but very little further North-wards towards the middle of the entrance but two fathome: the latitude of this South point is seuenteene degrees, thirtie foure minutes, the varia∣tion is fifteene degrees thirtie foure minutes.* 12.48

This day about noone came off two Boates from the Gouernour, the one with a present, which was three Bullockes, certaine Sheepe, Plantans, Bread, and water Millions: in the other Boate came the Messengers, which were sent to know what we were, and our businesse, though they before did imagine who we were, partly by our acquaintance with them at Moha, as also their hearing of our being at Surat. The Message, according to the Indian manner, was deliuered with many complements and promise of all friendship, and further that they would buy our goods for money, and giue vs Indico, Cloth and Pepper for the same, (which was more then we could expect, or they had order to grant) for what Indico they had with Cloth and Pepper was presently to be imployed in their owne ships now bound for the Red Sea; vpon these kind pro∣mises [ 10] the Generall sent Merchants ashoare both with a present to the Gouernour, and with Mu∣stres of English Clothes, and other of our Commodities: but of all, except some little Broad∣cloth and Kersies of our best colours, as Stanimels, Poppiniay greene, and other light colours, and lead in barres, we could sell none: for our Red Lead,* 12.49 the Gouernour bought and sent it a∣board againe: and somewhat after the manner we found at Surat, the Gouernour dealt double with vs; granting free leaue to sell, yet vnder-hand had men in waite to restrayne or beate away such as came to buy; so that no man buying made his owne price, for what hee desired to buy: for Corne and other prouision and water to be brought aboard for money, wee had with all fa∣uour, and at last we had a Cable of eighteene inches, and ninetie sixe fathome of the Countrey stuffe, worth eight pound sterling, for one of the Darlings Anchors. Now, whether such kind∣nesse [ 20] as we receiued were out of their good disposition to strangers, or not, it is hard to iudge, they hauing presently blowne abroad and informed at Moha, that we endeauour to right what wrongs any should impose vpon vs, and therefore might seeme to make the best shewes vnto vs.

The sixe and twentieth, in the after-noone, besides diuers Mallaber Merchants ships which anchored by vs, we saw also in the Offing a great Ship and Frigat, to whom,* 12.50 two houres before night the Generall sent off the Darling to bring in the said ship: but doubting the missing of her by night, as also the smalnesse of his force to command her, when night came sent off mee also in the Pepper-Corne, with his Frigat well manned to attend vpon mee in regard of the Frigat in her companie. About mid-night, though very darke, I get sight of her riding at Anchor, sen∣ding [ 30] our Frigat to the other running away, and the great ship getting sight of vs, was come to saile, but being commanded to strike saile, did it, also their Captaine and Principals to come a∣board me, he sent a Souldier and two more in a Canon, who excused the Captaine to be aged and vnweldie, and that their great Boat was so pestered with lading, that they could not row her; wherefore, though vnwillingly, I was forced to send my owne Pinnasse for some of the princi∣pall Merchants and Souldiers, but with such streight direction to my Cock-swaine, that vpon paine of great punishment he should permit none to goe into her, to the end to preuent spoyle. I intended Sir Henry Middleton should be the first Englishman should enter her: meane-while our Frigat with the other which they had taken, returned to vs, and to my griefe gaue know∣ledge that they killed one of the Portugals in flying. Now hauing diuers of their men aboard [ 40] me, I gaue direction to stand in for Dabull: but by reason of their ill sterage, which we impu∣ted to be done of purpose, and for that with all our sayles wee could not fetch them vp beeing gotten a little a-head vs, and fearing they might mend their sayling, and get from vs, I caused them to be called vnto to take in their sayles, and anchored till day, which directions giuen and our Anchors readie to let fall, I departed into my Cabin to examine some of the Portugals, what their ship was laden withall: meane-while my Master pretended to doubt whether the shippe were anchored or no, without any order or knowledge sent my Pinnasse aboard, wherein went one of his mates, more greedie of pray then carefull of credit, who did not onely goe into the ship, but there fell to rifling, who though often called made no haste away, till his owne plea∣sure was fulfilled. Against whose comming aboard, I caused Thomas Glenham, Iohn Staughten, [ 50] George Cockam and Robert Mico the Purser, to bee readie at the Ladder with a Lanthorne and Candle to search them one by one (in the Portugals sight aboard our ship) and turned them out of the Boate: which being done, and the things throwne into the Boats sterne by Thomas Glen∣ham, Iohn Staughten, and Robert Mico, I sent againe aboard the Portugall ships, willing the Purser to tel them aboard if there were any thing else wanting, they that had beene aboard without my direction should make it good: but by reason that Thomas Loue, George Ieff and Matthew Bragge, three Masters Mates of the Admirall lately dead, the Frigat was now commanded by one Terrie a seruant to Giles Thornton, who before our Boat gat aboard againe, notwithstanding they were commanded to the contrarie, went aboard with our Frigat, whereas, like disgouerned pilfering people, they runne all into the ship, not forbearing to breake open Chests, tumble into the Fri∣gat, [ 60] and make spoyle of all things that liked them, forbearing no ill language to such as I had sent to restraine them. But the euill being done, it was too late to vndoe it: and though it bred in me much trouble and present discontent; yet I vsed the best meanes I had left to cure the same,* 12.51 which was, I desired William Pemberton who with the Darling came newly to vs, to make the more haste into the Road, and to informe the Generall of our peoples misbehauiour, to the end

before they should haue meanes to conuey away or remoue the same care, might bee taken for bringing off, all things to light, which the Generall no sooner vnderstood, but at one a clocke when we all anchored by him, commanded both the Frigats wherein our people were, to an∣chor of and non•• of them to come aboard him; and Sir Henry Middleton and my selfe with the Captaine, and Merchants of the Portugall ship, went first to our owne Frigat, and then to the Frigat newly taken where our people were, and had euery one narrowly searcht, and all things taken from them, and they turned one by one out, as they were searcht, of all what was found belonging to the Frigat was there left, and then our small Frigat was by our Pinnasse towed a∣board the Portugall ship, where all the rest was deliuered for the vse of such to whom it belonged. This ship belonged to Cochin, called the Saint Nicholas, of burthen some three hundred tunnes, the Captaines name 〈…〉〈…〉 being bound to Chaull,* 12.52 their lading confest, was principally [ 10] dryed Coco Nuts, some Tinne, blacke Sugar, and Racka Nuts, ten Fats of China Dishies, cer∣taine Bags of Allome, and some small quantitie of China Dishes, and some Cayro, or ball Ropes. We made all inquisition possible for their bils of lading, but none they would bee knowne of, which put vs to great trouble to find out, the little we had from them, which were certaine bals of China raw ••lke, some small quantitie of Cloues, and some few Cannastres, and three Chests of Cinamon, and some Waxe to make vs Candles▪ all which was as it were but a mite in com∣parison of the dammages done vs by the Portugalls.

The Frigat belonged to Chaull and bound to O••mus, of burthen sixtie tunnes, her lading, Ric•• and Tam••rin, out of whom we tooke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bagges of Rice for our prouision: this businesse con∣tinued vs in doing euery day somewhat till the first of March. By this Frigat the Generall dis∣patcht [ 20] away all such Portugalls as came to him from the Armie at Surat, to wit Lorenzo de Cam∣po, and his consort, the f••llow taken in the Frigat and the two Boyes, that came away from their Masters, giuing them money in their Purses, according to their seuerall qualitie, besides, the ap∣parell formerly made for either of them vnto the Merchant, that ought the most part of the Silke, the Generall gaue a fine Broad-cloth, and to the Captaine of the Frigat, from whom wee tooke the Rice, a fine Kersie. Also this day the Gouernour sent to gi••e the Generall knowledge, that the next day or night following the great Caphala, which past by vs the sixth of February afore-said, towards Cambaya, would either the next day or night following againe passe by to∣wards Goa: which howsoeuer they past either by night or day we saw them not.

* 12.53The fourth, the fore-said businesse being effected, the Generall called vs all to consultation [ 30] what was best to be done, shewing his desire to goe to the Barre of Goa, there to demand of the Vice-Roy restitution of our wrongs done to vs and our Nation by the Portugalls, to the end if that he refused to doe it, we might the better haue warrant, to right our selues vpon any Portu∣galls, which by our endeuours wee might meete with all; which demand of the most was thought reasonable, but not fit in regard of the shortnesse of time and varietie of delayes, and treacherous plots we were to expect, to our further abusing; wherefore it was concluded and a∣greed vpon, for that the time not yet seruing to go to the South-wards about the Cape Commerin; Againe, to returne to the Red-Sea in this vacant time to see, if we can get away these goods ly∣ing vpon our hands, in a manner holden for lost, to recouer some of our former losses from the subiects of the great Mogoll; as also to crosse the Turkes at Moha and Aden, for the mischiefe [ 40] they haue formerly done vs▪ and principally for to rescue, defend or recouer that ship sent out by the Companie, the yeare after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comming out, which wee heard of from Masulipatan, which we haue great doubt of, lest she befallen into like mishap as we did in the Red-Sea, but for that this day the wind serued not to set saile, we deferred it to the fift day in the morning.

* 12.54The fifth, at sixe a clocke in the morning, we all set saile from Dabull standing away North North-west alongst the Coast, the Generall wishing to see the shippe of Cochin, neere vnto her Harbor of Chaull, cleere of danger by the Mallabars their enemies, and at Sun-set we ancho∣red in seuen fathome, some league distant from the land, distant from Dabull some sixe leagues, and short of Chaull some nine leagues, the wind at South, and so veering to the West-wards.

From the Coast of India to Socatora, wee this time daily found our ship further to the South∣wards, [ 50] then by our course we could expect, and especially when we were thwart of the Gulfe, or entrance of Sinus Persicus, which I imagined to be some currrent setting thence to the South∣wards.

The twentieth of March, the Generall despeeded away William Pemberton (in the Darling) before to Socatora, to inquire of our ship bound for the Red-Sea and India, which wee heard of from Masulipatan.

The foure and twentieth, at tenne a clocke in the morning wee descryed land bearing West South-west,* 12.55 some eight leagues distant, being the Easter end of Socatora, being high land, ha∣uing foure white cliffes or sand hils, the Norther part whereof by reason of the hazinesse wee [ 60] could not discerne.

The fiue and twentieth of March, at Sunne-setting, the point of Delisha bore South-east foure leagues distant.

The sixe and twentieth at fiue a clocke in the morning it fell calme, and the current setting

North-ward vpon the rocke, whereby we were forced to anchor in foure and twentie fathome water, on the South South-east side of the rocke (which is Saboyna) some halfe a mile distant;* 12.56 at this rocke is great store of fish. Betweene nine and ten a clocke, we againe set saile, standing away Westwards of Cape Guardafui, the wind being at South.

The seuen and twentieth, about foure a clocke in the morning, the rockes Northwards of Ab∣ba del Curia, thence distant some three leagues and a halfe, bore North of vs some halfe a mile off, which is by estimation twentie leagues West by South, from the Wester point of Socatora: our depthes we there found was sixteene, seuenteene and eighteene fathome, day being come, wee saw the Iland of Abba del Curia.

[ 10] The eight and twentieth in the morning, at sixe a clocke,* 12.57 the Cape Guardafui bore South-east seuen leagues distant, and Mount Foelix West halfe a point Southerly nine leagues: wee came within foure mile of the land, and the depthes fortie, nine and thirtie, thirtie, seuen and twen∣tie, three and twentie, one and twentie, eighteene and fifteene fathome, and about three after-noone, in a fret of wind at East North-east, wee anchored in rough ground in seuen fathome a mile and halfe Westwards from Mount Foelix; all which Coast the Generall coasted along in his Frigat, and tooke in, and brought along three of the Countrie people, which he gaue letters vnto, to be deliuered vnto the Darling, if shee came heere after our departure, and so put them a shoare: they informed the Generall, that foure dayes since there passed by towards the Red-sea foure Indian ships.

[ 20] The nine and twentieth in the morning, the Generall sent letters to other people on land, to be deliuered to the Darling: the countrie people brought downe to our men to sell,* 12.58 some store of sheepe, small Goats, with some small frailes of Olibanum and gumme Arabick, all which they had at reasonable rates; the people still taking vs to be Mahumetans, and not Christians, or (as they call them) Franges, whom they fauour not, so the Boat returning aboord about noone, the Generall thought good no longer to stay for the Darling; wherefore we set saile, standing away towards Aden in Arabia Foelix. At foure a clocke in the after-noone Mount Foelix bore East by South halfe a degree South, some eight leagues distant.

From noone the thirtieth day, to one a clocke in the morning, the one and thirtieth day, thir∣teene houres, North-west eighteen leagues, the wind at North North-east; this day after-noone [ 30] we descried the land of Arabia Foelix.

The one and thirtieth in the morning, at one a clocke, being neare the land, wee cast about to the Southwards, to spend time till day; at fiue a clocke in the morning, we cast about a∣gaine North-west to landwards: from sixe a clocke in the morning to sixe after-noone twelue houres, we stood alongst the Coast West by South, and West South-west thirteene leagues, al∣wayes keeping within fiue mile of the land, in depthes betweene eighteene and thirtie fathom, from sixe a clocke to midnight, sixe houres West South-west sixe leagues.

The first of Aprill, from midnight till sixe a clocke, West by South, halfe South fiue leagues, at which time, by estimation, we were eighteene leagues short of Aden:* 12.59 This day the Generall sent for me, Master Lawse and Master Fowler, to conferre of our separation: at length it [ 40] was concluded, that I in the Pepper-Corne should continue neare, or before the Towne of Aden, to keepe that no Indian ship should arriue or stay there, but to put them by towards the Red-sea, and to that end I receiued a direction or commission from my Generall, who was with all expe∣dition with the Trades-Increase to repaire to the Bab, or doore of the Red-sea, both for safetie of the Companies ship, whereof we had intelligence from Masulipatan, to be following our tract, both to the Red-sea and India, euen into the mouthes of the Wolues, which by Gods mercy we haue escaped, as also there at once to take reuenge, both of the Turkes, and subiects of the great Mogoll, for the wrongs done to our King and Countrie.

The second, from midnight to sixe a clocke, West South-west three leagues, little wind at East; about eight a clocke in the morning, what time we should haue been separated, some eight [ 50] leagues Eastward of Aden, we found at an anchor the Darling, who had got before vs, by reason of our lingering for her foure dayes, who had done their businesse at Socatora, and were againe departed thence, before we past it, and gate a day before vs, by the Saboyna, Abba del Curia, and Mount Foelix, where we lingered for them: they brought from thence the copie of a letter left with the King, by Captaine Iohn Saris, Commander of the ships of our Indian Company, to wit,* 12.60 the Cloue, the Hector, and the Thomas, signifying, that notwithstanding by Sir Henry Middle∣tons letter, he vnderstood of the villanies there done to vs, he with his said ships was gone into the Red-sea. Immediatly the Generall with the Trades-Increase and Darling, departed towards the Bab, leauing me in the Pepper-Corne at an anchor, some eight leagues Eastwards of Aden, ac∣cording to former determination.

[ 60] The third at one a clocke in the morning, we set saile, and stood to the Southwards, the bet∣ter to discouer, and so all the day vnder saile, we kept vp to windwards of Aden: in the mor∣ning we saw three saile bound for Aden, but stood away from vs, that wee could not come neare them all night, for that it blew hard, we did not anchor, but lay a hull to trie our drift, which I found in ten houres to be three leagues, so running further in: and the fourth day morning, a∣bout

seuen a clocke, I anchored in twelue fathome, some league or foure mile from the Towne of Aden.

The twelfth in the morning, a little after midnight, we set saile to crosse her, and at day-light we descried her riding at an anchor some three mile Southward of vs, with whom presently we trimmed our sailes to stand withall, and shee presently was vnder saile, and stood in with Aden. Betweene nine and ten a clocke, by shooting off a Peece at them, they came roome, and strucke their top-sailes, and sent in their Boat to vs: they told vs they were of Callicut, and bound to A∣den,* 12.61 and their ship belonged to the Samorin, or King of Callicut, from whence they had beene fortie dayes in comming, they came neare Socatora, and toucht at Mount Foelix, where they saw the Generals letter left there for the Darling, where also they saw a ship of Dabull, which came [ 10] from Achin. The Nobuda of this ship is called Abraham Abba Zeinda, their ships Cargazon, ac∣cording to their information was as followeth: Tamerick three tunnes, Rice three and twentie hundred kintals, Iagara or bowne Sugar forty bahars, Cardaminus seuen bahars, Ginger drie foure kintals and an halfe, Pepper a tun and a halfe, Cotton one and thirtie packs, each pack containing fiue or six maunds; shee had in her threesore and fifteene persons, for the vses following: twentie to bale water, and other businesse below, eight for the Helme, foure for top and yard, and other businesse aloft; twentie Boyes for dressing seuerall mens victuals; the rest Merchants and Pil∣grims: this ship was of burthen an hundred and fortie tunnes: thus hauing to the vtmost exa∣mined them, and they being of a place, whose Inhabitants neuer wronged our Nation; there∣fore without diminishing any part of their goods, but only, with their good wills, two tunnes [ 20] of water for our need, and so I dismist them; though to the great disturbance of their mindes, when by no meanes I would permit them to goe into Aden to make sale of their commodities; which if they did once attempt, I threatned them I would sinke their ship, and leaue only their Boat to saue their liues; yet their vnwillingnesse to depart made mee adde many more threat∣nings, that if they hastened not away before I see any other saile to giue chase vnto, I must then be forced to sinke their ship, to be sure to keepe them from the Turkes our enemies; whereby they put themselues to saile, and stood somewhat off the land, but to lee-wards; so to our distur∣bance, wee all day and night kept off and on vnder saile, for feare lest in the night they should slippe into Aden.

Note that any ship wee heere saw, before wee could come to speake with them, there hath [ 30] been aduise sent from the Gouernor of the Towne to informe them of vs; and when we had the Mallabar vnder command, the Gouernor sent a Boat aboord with diuers Arabs, and two Turkes souldiers of the Towne, which had formerly been instruments to Abdraheman Aga, to bind and torture our men then in their hands, which now seeing the men they vsed ill, brought them in no small doubt what their vsage now should be, as their guiltie conscience pricked them, whom I suppose came as spies to see what wee did, brought some fruit to sell: at the first sight of our men, whom they knew, they would faine haue put off their Boat and been gone, but I would not permit them;* 12.62 causing them to be put in mind of their behauiour formerly towards our peo∣ple in their hand, and when without any euill speech giuen them, I thought them sufficiently by their own minds terrified, I caused to be told them, that they should see how far our Nation dif∣fereth [ 40] from the rigour of iniurious Turkes, which most cruelly handled our men without offence, whom by all faire promises they betrayed; and that I yet knowing them to haue exercised their forces in abusing my men, yet notwithstanding I would without discurtesie or harme, dismisse or send them away; who presently departed, with many promises the next day to bring vs more refreshing: the next morning they sent vs a boat with good fish, and promising to come anon with better prouisions, which they were prouiding: but by reason of my setting saile, and standing off, to put the Malabar to lee-ward towards the Red-sea, I was too farre for them to row vnto me, which ship, if shee had stayed, might haue been occasion that the Aga might haue permit∣ted them to performe their promises to vs.

The fourteenth in the morning, the wind at East, wee discried another ship of like burthen, [ 50] bound also for Aden,* 12.63 which about ten a clocke we forced to anchor: I sent aboord to search her, and to bring away some of her men, while I caused my Boat to bee hoysed out; vnderstanding they were of Pormean, a Towne not farre from Cutts-nagone, being tributaries to the great Mo∣goll, who despised our King, and abused our Nation; the Nobuda being a Bannian, I with this ship being at an anchor some two miles from Aden, our enemies, and finding by the Mallabars wor∣king the day before, that if any other saile, of neuer so much importance, should approch this place, before I could finish my businesse with this, I must either leaue the one or the other to their owne will, for which respect I was more carefull to send to search what shee had in her, by my owne people,* 12.64 then to examine them belonging to her, what was in her. So with great labour in romaging before the darknesse of the night ouer-tooke vs, we had out of her fourteene packes of [ 60] course Duttie, of sixe corges a packe; and sixe and thirtie Ballets, containing some six and thir∣tie corges of Dutties course; one small Ballet of Candekins mill (or small blew pieces of Callico) with some thirtie or more Bastas white, a little Butter and Lamp-oyle, which was all fit for vs▪ yet discouered the rest of her loading, being packes of Cotton-wooll, as we tearme it, which the

next day we thought further to examine. This day Maharim Aga of Aden, sent me a present of Henne-egges, Limes and Plantans, which I would not looke at, as to receiue as a Present, but by the messenger I sent the Aga word, that the varitie of iniuries done vnto my friends and Na∣tion heere the last yeere, hath constrained my present approach, to do my Nation and my selfe what right I may, to the disturbance of the Turkes. And as my comming hither was not to de∣serue any fauour from them; so my meaning was to forbeare to receiue any of their dissembling curtesies for since they cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, what may we ex∣pect from them now, when we come in hate and dispight of the Turkes of all these parts? but in regard it was sent, my people should giue them for their owne vse, so much as the things were [ 10] worth; also there came aboord a fisher-boat, bringing good store of fresh-fish, which I caused to be bought for our suppers, alwayes making the bringer to eate part of what hee brought.* 12.65

The sixe and twentieth in the morning, we discried a saile to the Southwards of Aden, plying to the Eastwards, to whom in the after-noone I sent my Pinnasse, which brought her in neare vnto vs, shee being a Ielba of Shaher bound home, laden with Graine and other commodities, as Opium and others, also diuers Pilgrims from Mecca were passengers in her bound home.

The seuen and twentieth in the morning, we saw a Ielba plying to the Eastwards betweene vs and the shoare, wherefore I sent my Pinnasse to fetch her off, whom I found to bee the same Ielba of Shaher, that had passed by vs the seuenteenth and two and twentieth of this present, as aforesaid: of them for a triall we bought nine pound and a halfe of Opium, and so againe dis∣mist [ 20] them.

The eight and twentieth in the morning, we set saile, plying off and on to windwards of A∣den, with the wind at East. The nine and twentieth, still vnder saile, as aforesaid in the after∣noone, we discried two sailes standing towards Aden,* 12.66 vnto whom in the euening I sent off my Pinnasse well mand, to bring them in neare vnto the ship, which by foure a clocke the thirtieth day was effected; they both belonged to a place on the Abaxin Coast, called Bander Zeada, the one of them laden only with Mats; the other with some Mats, and threescore and eight sheepe with great ru••pes, which we bought of them, and so dismist them, who presently set saile and went in vnto Aden, the wind at East South-east, East and North-east.

The eighth, with an easie gale of wind at North-east by East, we continued; plying towards [ 30] the Bab. At tenne a clocke, we discried the land on the Abaxin▪ Coast side,* 12.67 which at first shewed like an Iland, but approaching a little neerer, we plainly perceiued it to be the maine land: from thence we steered away North-west towards the Bab, which by estimation was some tenne leagues distant, which at neere foure in the afternoone we discried, where wee lay lingering off and on to spend the night. Day light appearing, we stood in towards the Bab, where in the en∣trance of the Bab, we discried a small saile a sterne of vs, comming into the straight; wherefore I strucke my top-sailes to stay for her, and sent off my Pinnasse to her, who comming vp with vs againe, brought the Nohud•• and Malim aboord, whom I examined, and found them to bee subiects to the great Mogol; they belonged to a place called Larree,* 12.68 situate at the mouth of the Riuer of Zinde: with them I lust vp into a bay on the East side, and anchored in seuen fathome; I [ 40] sending my Merchants to search what she was laden with, who found diuers packs and fardels of cloath, packs and fardels of seedes of diuers sorts, leather, iarres of Butter, and oyle (whereof some they eate, and some they burne in lamps) a great quantitie: and since for want of water, she hauing many Passengers. I could not fitly keepe her with me, being vncertaine of wind I re∣solued to take out of her the likeliest packs of Indian Cloath to serue for our turnes, with some Butter and Oyle for our needfull vses, as by the Pursers and Factors notes appeare, and so di∣speeded them to Moha. Into which businesse before we could well make an entrie, about three a clocke in the afternoone, I discried opening the East land of the straights,* 12.69 a ship of two hundred Tunnes; and immediately following her an huge saile, whose maine yard was fortie three yards long. At sight of which ship (they being very neere before the land permitted me to see them) [ 50] by what time I had gotten my people aboord, fiue onely excepted, which I left armed to keepe the ship of Larree, had gotten vp my anchor, and was come to saile; but the great shippe though short of me, yet beeing in a good streame, and a fresh gale, and I in a Bay had a eddy and faint gale, she got an end, & had somewhat ouer-reacht me before I could come to crosse them, so that I was brought to a sterne chase, and being come neere her, by her masts and tops wee knew her to be the Mahomedy of Dabull our friend, which we could expect no good by; yet knowing the pride of the Captaine, I would very gladly haue commanded ouer him, for that he would neuer,* 12.70 neither formerly in the Road of Moha, nor yet at Dabul come to visit Sir Henry Middleton, but I found he reacht from me, wherefore I gaue them one shot and stood with the other ship, who seeing vs stand with the great shippe strucke a Hull thinking to lose vs by the darknesse of the [ 60] night now approaching: I tooke her to be a ship of Diu, but when we came to them, they told vs they were of Cuts-nagone, a place not farre from the riuer of Zinde, her lading Cotton-wool, some few packs of Indian cloth, some Butter and Oyle:* 12.71 hauing gotten some of her principal men aboord me, I caused them to edge vp with me into shoale water on the Arab Coast, where by lights I endeauoured to find out my fiue men in the Larree ship; and at midnight we anchored in

twelue fathome, foure leagues within the Bab; where the next two dayes we tooke out of the Larree ship, sixtie sixe fardels of Indian Cloath (which for that we were otherwise furnished for all our English Commodities, and needed it not, was redeliuered to them againe, with part of the Butter and Oyle; onely eight Corges of Bastas, for which they had content.) These things beeing taken out, I put into them the Passengers and Pilgrims of the Cotton ship, they vsing their best diligence as the wind would permit them to hasten to Moha, I sending by them a let∣ter to Sir Henry Middleton, if they should finde him in the Roade: but before they departed, we seeing a Ielba comming from the Bab, and for that the wind was not good, they sent away their Canoa, rowing before, and hastning to vs, who informed me, his Ielba belonged to Bender Zea∣da, a Towne on the Abaxin Coast, halfe a dayes iourney West-ward from Bender Cassum, who [ 10] was bound to Moha with his Boat full of Mats, who going a land as he passed the Bab, was told by one that had a letter for me, that my Countrey-men whom I looked for were gone to Assab, with eight or nine Indian ships, but he that had the letter would not send it by him, expecting a reward, if by the wind I should be put backe to the Bab. I now knowing where my Generall was, this afternoone set saile; but the wind not fauouring me we anchored againe.

§. VI. Their barter with the Indian ships, and departure to Sumatra.

[ 20]

THe next day in the morning, S. Henry Middleton sent Giles Thorneton his Master, to certifie me how glad he was of my comming;* 12.72 and to let me know that he had at com∣mand all the desired ships of India, as the Rehemy of burthen fifteene hundred tunnes, the Hassany of sixe hundred, the Mahumady of one hundred and fiftie tunnes of Surat, the Sallamitae of foure hundred and fiftie tunnes, the Cadree of two hundred tunnes, the Azum Cany, the Sabandar of Moha his ship of two hundred tunnes all of Diu, besides three Mallabar ships; the Cadree of Dabul of foure hundred tunnes, and a great ship of Cananor. He further in∣formed me, that before I could get into the Road, the Generall with all the pride of his people, and Captaine Saris with his people, would be gone on shoare to receiue the King of Rabita, who was come with his Nobilitie and Guard, to see and visit the Generall, and new come Generall. [ 30] The day beeing neere spent,* 12.73 S. Henry Middleton and Captain Saris left the King in his Tent, and went aboord the Trades-increase to supper, where I vnderstood of a contract made betweene them first at the Bab, wherein it was agreed, here to put off all our English goods, for such Indi∣an wares, as by mutuall consent of certaine of the Merchants of both sides should be thought fit.

Neere about that time, as I was also informed, there came from the Gouernour of Moha to Sir Henry Middleton, to capitulate of peace, Mammy Captaine of the Gallies, and others, who demanded what was the summe that in satisfaction he required: Sir Henry Middleton neere the proportion of the last yeares demand, required one hundred thousand Rialls of eight; which knowne, they desired respite to send to Zenan, to know the pleasure and resolution of Ieffor Ba∣sha therein; and then he should heare from them againe, and so tooke their leaue. By Sir Henry [ 40] Middletons direction, the Darling was in preparing with a small Cargazon of Indian cloaths to be gone for Tecoa.

The nineteenth, the Darling departed towards Tecoa. Also Captaine Saris prepared the Tho∣mas to follow the Darling to Tecoa; who also departed the three and twentieth day. This day also Sir Henry Middleton dismissed a ship of Diu (called the Azumcany) belonging to Shermall Sabander of Moha.

The thirtieth, a generall meeting was aboord the Trades-increase at dinner, where Captaine Saris and Captaine Towerson were inuited, for the further conference of our present businesse. At noone there came ouer from Moha the Sabander of Moha, Mammy Captaine of the Gallies, and an Aga, they all appointed by the Basha, to conferre with Sir Henrie Middleton about an agree∣ment, [ 50] for satisfaction of our former abuses, the summe whereof they demaunded of Sir Henrie Middleton, who as formerly required one hundred thousand Ryals of eight, and seeing nothing to be abated thereof, they desired leaue to haue conference with the Nohudas, or Captaines of the Indian ships, and other principall Merchants (which was graunted:) which as it seemed was to trie what customes they could augment vpon the Indian goods, towards payment of the said summe: so they departed on shoare, where they had prepared for them a faire Tent: but diuers of the Nohudas, in regard of former iniuries, either forbore conference, or with-stood their aug∣mentation, which seeing by no meanes to be accomplished, they tooke leaue of Sir Henry Mid∣dleton, promising so soone as they had answer from the Basha, they would giue him knowledge thereof,* 12.74 and what therein they may doe: and so againe the ninth of Iune they departed toward [ 60] Moha. All this time our people were employed in romaging, opening, packing, and repacking of Indian cloaths fit for our turnes,* 12.75 giuing them of our English commodities in liew thereof.

The eleuenth, Sir Henry Middleton with the Trades-increase, and Captain Saris with the Cloue and Hector, departed the road of Assab, carrying with them in company towards Moha all the

Indian ships. But I with the Pepper-corne remained in the roade, with a small shippe called the Iungo, into whom I re-deliuered all the goods that I had formerly taken out of her,* 12.76 the ninth and tenth of May.

The twelfth, at three of the clocke in the morning, we both set saile, following our Admirall and the rest towards Moha; but the wind being aduerse, together with a lee-tide, we were forced to anchor neere three leagues to the Lee-ward of the Road. The thirteenth, at nine of the clocke in the morning, the wind and tide somewhat fauourable, we all weighed, and stood vp with the Roade, where about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we anchored.

The nineteenth, Sir Henry Middleton perceiuing that the Turkes intended nothing but de∣laies, [ 10] further to abuse vs, who now in our owne view laboured in vnlading of a ship of Cuts-na∣gone, laden with Cotton, which Sir Henry Middleton determined to hinder, till such time as the Turkes should haue made agreement with him for his wrongs sustained, and therefore came a∣boord the Pepper-corne, by whose direction I warped in neerer vnto them, discharging at them diuers peeces of Ordnance, till they ceased their labour. Also all this weeke following they kept vs in hand with delayes, but made no agreement at all.

The sixe and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton, and Captaine Saris appointed a meeting a∣boord the Mahumody of Dabul, where all the Nohudas of the Indian ships being sent for, S. Hen∣ry Middleton (as often times before) related vnto them the wrongs and damages sustained from the Turkes, with whom (till he receiued satisfaction from them for the same) hee could in no wise permit them to trade. But notwithstanding he had already quited himselfe for the iniuries [ 20] sustained in India; yet must also now be forced to carrie out of this Sea with him, all the Indian ships, that this yeere by them the Turkes may receiue no benefit. But the Indians seeing that by reason of the Turkes abuses and delayes, it was likely to prooue vnto them an vnprofitable Mon∣son, though their departure would be much preiudicial to the Turks without trading with them, by reason of the losse of their Customes; yet rather then to carry backe againe their Indian Com∣modities, they desired to make a composition with Sir Henry Middleton and Captaine Saris, euery ship seuerally to pay a certaine summe of money, and we to forbeare to hinder their quiet trade. Vpon this proffer made by the Indians, Sir Henry Middleton after good consideration, hauing no meanes to force satisfaction from the Turkes, without further preiudicing of the Indians, and therefore at present determined to accept of their offer, still leauing the satisfaction due from the [ 30] Turkes, till future time. And to begin withall, composition was this day made with Meere Ma∣humet Tackey, Nohuda of the Rehemy, for fifteene thousand Rials of eight, she being in value neere equall to the other foure ships.

The sixth of August, composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their seuerall summes in part receiued, Captaine Saris dispeeded away his Vice-Admirall,* 12.77 Captaine Towerson in the Hector, who this day departed the Red Sea. The thirteenth, Captaine Saris hauing re∣ceiued all moneyes due to him by composition from the Indians, departed the Red Sea.

The sixteenth, at eight of the clocke in the morning, we set saile with the Trades-increase, and Pepper-corne, and about nine a clocke at night, we anchored eight leagues short of the Bab, in [ 40] seuen fathome water. The seuenteenth, at fiue of the clocke in the morning, wee set saile with little wind; and at two of the clocke afternoone, we againe passed the streight of Bab-mandel; and from thence at sixe of the clocke, we were East South-east seuen leagues: from sixe a clocke to tenne a clocke the eighteenth day, we lay becalmed, so that her way was not to be regarded: from tenne a clocke to Sun-set, East-wards some three leagues, and before seuen a clocke, we an∣chored in one and twentie fathome, two miles from the Coast of Arabia, thwart of the East end of the great Mountaine, and seuenteene leagues from the Bab.

The nineteenth, at sun-setting, the said Mountaine bore North-West by West, some eight leagues distant. All this night, and the twentieth after noone, the winds so variable, that wee were alwaies trimming of our sailes from tacke to tacke: so that betweene the disadvantage of the winds, and the Current together, we were set so farre backe west-wards, as brought the said [ 50] Mountaine North North-west of vs againe. At eleuen a clocke, the wind came at West a fresh gale, and at Sunne-set the high land of Aden bore North-east by East eight leagues off. All this night following, we had very little wind and variable, so that the one and twentieth at Sun-ri∣sing, we perceiued our selues lost, at least two leagues west-ward. From Sun-rising till noone, we had a small gale of wind, increasing stronger and stronger at South-west, and South-west by South: so that I esteemed to haue gone East South-east some nine leagues. At Sun-set, Aden bore North North-east seuen leagues off, by a meridian Compasse. All this night was in a man∣ner calme, from foure a clocke in the morning to Sun-set, being foure and twentie houres. I esti∣mate to haue gone some fifteene leagues, at which time Aden bore North-west halfe North di∣stant [ 60] f••ue leagues, being cleare weather.

The three and twentieth, we descried the Abaxin Coast beeing fifteene leagues distant,* 12.78 and cleare weather. The sixe and twentieth, we found such a Current, that though we lie vp North-east by East, North-east or North North-east, we made our way all Easterly, being carried to the South-ward by force of the Current. The nine and twentieth, we againe descried land, which

for the highnesse we at first esteemed to be the land of Cape Guardafus, but the clouds clearing vp from the tops of the hils, we plainely perceiued it to be the same land seene yesterday, whereby we the better vnderstood how the Current had abused vs, which by my estimate setteth neerest South-west.

From the thirtieth in the morning, to the one and thirtieth at noone, wee found that the Current had set vs to the North-ward of our course from the last day at noone, what time our la∣titude was twelue degrees and thirtie fiue minutes, to the first of September at noone, the wind at South East-wards, and not to haue runne aboue twelue leagues, and by our latitude being thir∣teene degrees thirty minutes, we find our selues almost a degree differing to the North-wards, and also to haue lost to the West-wards, as by the variation appeareth, beeing lesse by fiftie fiue [ 10] minutes, by reason whereof I estimate the Current there to set neerest North-East.

The second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seuenth, eighth, and ninth dayes, wee had all for the most part close weather.* 12.79 The tenth and eleuenth cloudy weather, with often showers of raine. The twelfth, we saw diuers snakes swimming on the toppe of the water, which in boysterous weather sildome appeare,* 12.80 yet an apparent signe of beeing neere the coast of India. The thirteenth we also saw more snakes. This day we had sounding from fiftie fiue to fortie fathome.

The foureteenth in the morning, at Sun-rising we discryed high land, bearing East by North some sixteene leagues, we stood in East by South till foure a clocke afternoone, till the neerest sea-coast land betweene vs and the high land, bore East eight leagues off, what time we directed our course South alongst the Coast of India, wee found the water for the most part muddy and [ 20] thicke, and some sudden spots of cleere: our depth while we stood in East and by South were from thirtie to twentie fathome; and in our South course edging into sixteene fathome, and so to fiue and twentie fathome.

The fifteenth, we still kept at the like depths, hauing a gentle gale at North North-west, and cleere water, but no snakes appeared. The sixeteenth, running alongst the Coast of India or Mal∣labar, betweene twentie and sixteene fathome; about one a clocke we were West from an high hill of especiall note, which stretcheth out like a point into the Sea, hauing all low land to Sea-wards; on the North-side, the land fell away to the East-wards, and on the South-side maketh a Bay; the highest of this Sea-coast Mountaine, standeth neerest in twelue degrees ten minutes, which should be the land of Magicilan.

The seuenteenth, the wind came opposite to vs at South-west, at two a clocke in the [ 30] morning, with thicke weather, and much raine, continuing till day-light, wee on a Lee-shoare▪ and an vnknowne Coast, what time the wind veered vp to the North-wards, and we ed∣ged off into deeper water. In this gustie time, we lost company of our Admirall, but at day∣light the weather clearing vp, we came together, directing our course againe to the South-ward, being edged off from the land.

The eighteenth, the land beeing all foggie, was hardly to be discerned, the most part of our way this day, beeing by the help•• of the Current, our depths all this day were betweene fiue and twentie, and nine and twentie fathom, all Ozie ground. The nineteenth, we were some foure∣teene leagues distant from the Coast, the wind at South-west, faire weather, with some little [ 40] dri••ling raine, till nine a clocke at night, no ground at fortie fathome. From nine to eleuen a clocke at night, we had a very vehement showre of raine, and the wind very little Northerly, and after the raine East North-east, our depth at midnight was fortie foure fathome, beeing by estimation some tenne leagues off the land of Mallabar. The twentieth, we had faire weather, the wind very variable, our depths fortie foure and fortie fiue fathome all day, beeing Ozie ground. The one and twentieth, we had very little wind, variable till three a clocke after∣noone, when fell abundance of raine, with the wind at North North-west, thicke weather, and fortie fiue fathome water. The two and twentieth in the morning at nine a clocke, we discried the Cape Commerin:* 12.81 and by my neerest estimation the Coast here lieth away South-east alongst vnto the Cape. [ 50]

The three and twentieth, we had faire weather, and the wind at South-west by West, discry∣ing the high land to the East-wards of the Cape Commerin, at neere fiue a clocke afternoone, hea∣ring North North-west, distant eighteene leagues. The foure and twentieth, we had a very stiffe gale of wind between the South South-west and West, and much raine, clouds and fogge, and our course East South-east, by a reformed Compasse, at fiue a clocke after noon, we had sight of Zeilan through the fogge, rising all full of Humocks, and bearing from the North-east by East, to the South-east by South, some sixe leagues distant. The fiue and twentieth, from breake of day till noone, we were pestered with varietie of gusts and showers of raine, the wind being large, but the weather clearing vp about noone, we discried the Souther-most point of Zeiland, called the Cape de Gall••,* 12.82 bearing North North-east distant fiue leagues, finding the latitude thereof to bee [ 60] fiue degrees fortie minutes.

The sixe and twentieth, seuen and twentieth, and eight and twentieth, wee had faire weather, with some fewe droppings of raine, and the wind between the South-west and West South-west. The nine and twentieth and thirtieth, we continued our course East South-east▪

the wind constant betweene the South-west and West South-west, with very much raine, and vehement sudden gusts of short continuance, and followed with an easie steering gale. The thir∣tieth, in our bread roome we found much harme done to our wheat by wet; also al our course Dut∣ties or browne Callicoes of Pormean (for sailes) put there for most securitie, wee found twentie pieces rotten.

The nineteenth, at three a clocke after noone, we anchored in the road of Tecoa, where wee found the Darling,* 12.83 who had continued there from Iuly (vnto our comming in) in a great part of the raines, which are not yet ended, they hauing before our comming buried three Merchants, and three Sailors, to wit, Iohn Fowler, Francis Glanfield, and William Speed. Also they had most of [ 10] their men sicke, and had gotten but little Pepper, which remaineth on the Iland, and little more is here to be had, vntill the next season, which will be Aprill and May; but the ciuill warres is a hinderance to our trade. Here also we found the Thomas, a ship of the eighth Voyage,* 12.84 beeing newly come from Priaman, where they had as slender successe as our Darling here. Here wee heard of the safe returne and prosperous successe of Captaine Dauid Middleton his Voyage; also of the foure ships of the ninth Voyage, whereof two were alreadie arriued at Bantam; also of Captaine Castleton his man of warre, who hauing been here lately informed of fifteene saile of Hollanders alreadie come, or neere hand▪ all laden with munition,* 12.85 and of two ships of New-hauen in France come also to trade, all which quell the life of the present hopes of our out-tired, crost, and decayed Voyage.

[ 20] The two and twentieth, Sir Henry Middleton finding so cold comfort at this place,* 12.86 departed the night following in the Pepper-corne towards Bantam, leauing me in the Trades-••ncrease to re∣maine till the sixteenth of the next Moneth.

The second of Nouember, all the men of all sorts in Tecoa, went with Raia Boonesoo to the warres, till whose returne we can expect no businesse to be done on the maine. This day in ta∣king vp the wine, by the rottennesse of the Caske, there prooued great leakeage.

The twentieth, we fetcht the remaine of the Pepper weighed the day before, in which by the people we found much deceit; in some bags were small bags of Paddy, in some Rice, and in some great stones: also rotten & wet Pepper put into new drie sacks, to our f••rther abusing, yet know∣ing it, we haue no remedie. Hauing gotten all things in, and our men aboord, we fitted our things [ 30] to hasten away, and neere midnight in the Moone-shine, the wind at North-east of the shoare, we set saile; we wrought not onely to avoid the two knowne Rockes, three leagues from the I∣land of Tecoa, the one South by West, the other South by East, hauing sixe and twentie fathome between them, Ozie ground: But for the better securitie, we directed our course so neere as wee could, the same way we came in; yet as we stood off, the wind something shrunke on vs; yet we lay first West, then West by South, and West South-west, and last of all South-west and by West, and the Current set vs somewhat South-ward, our depths proportional from foureteene to seuen and twentie fathome, all Ozie ground; the next cast foure fathome, and the ship fast on a rocke, a sterne foure fathome, and on the Star-boord mid-ship a quarter lesse then three fathomes, and vnder the head three fathomes, a ships length fiue fathome, a ships length on the Lar-boord bow [ 40] sixe foot, in the Lar-boord mid-ship sixteene foote, vnder the Lar-boord gallery twenty foote,* 12.87 and round about within a Cables length deepe water: she remained on the rocke from a little af∣ter three vntill fiue a clocke: the mercifull God so prouided, that the wind grew calme, and the sea smooth, and in our feeling, the set or motion of the ship, the place considered, was very easie; yet the water did so increase, that both our chaine Pumps with painefull labour, could not in long time free the same. But our generall endeauour, with most expedition possible, was to get out a sterne anchor, which was let fall in sixe and twentie fathome right asterne, and two thirds of a Cable out, to heaue her off right asterne: wherein the gracious Lord so blessed our endea∣uours, that before we could with the Capstaine heaue the Cable taught,* 12.88 the ship was of her own accord set into deepe water, which no sooner done, but we had a Westerley gust, which put vs off [ 50] some mile from the rocke, where we anchored for our Boat, which brought our Cadger after vs, and it being cleare day, we could not discerne where the rocke stood: also a principall reason we anchored was, our exceeding desires and haste for Bantam, that without necessitie enforced, I wished not to put backe againe, and wast more time, hoping our leake would easily be ouer-come at an anchor. I past the day till two a clocke, consulting and aduising with such as with their best counsell are appointed to assist me, what was best to be done, our present estate considered, which we find diuers wayes to rest dangerous: First, in regard of the leakenesse of our ship, which conti∣nually imployes many people at once to keepe downe the water. Secondly, in a manner no pro∣uision of Iron-work for the chaines, but that the Pumps presently employed, which often break, or for weakenes slip to our great discomfort: for if they should be any long while in mending, and [ 60] the water so increase, that we cannot reach vnder the Pumpe to ceue the chaines, our worke will soone draw neere an end. Thirdly, the desperate carelesnesse of many of our people, in the greatest neede considered, their faint weakenesse and inabilitie to hold out labour (by course diet as they pretend.) Fourthly, to remember what is certaine in the ship, which requires care to preserue it. Fiftly, Captaine Sharpeighs mis-fortunes, and the lewd demeanours of his people,

in like case of greatest need, too late to bee forgotten. The dangers in proceeding diuersly cast vp (notwithstanding, at the first, diuers of our men did vrge the same) by counsell reasonable for the safegard of all, I made choice to returne within the Iland of Tecoa, there by Gods helpe to endeauour the stopping of such a part of our leake,* 12.89 as we found to be in the fashioning pieces in the sterne. At Sun-set we anchored in the place, which for our turnes we desired. This day long time we kept both our chaine pumps going to free the water, which euer increased when the chaines happened to breake, which happened often; the two pumpes employes at once twelue men, which labour indeed is so extreame, that it can but little while, without shifting of spells be continued; but the water once brought low, and the chaine holding one pumpe at once, hath euer discharged it, and yet it tires all our people by often shifting: in which businesse, I found it required more then ordinary meanes to appease their discontented clamours and murmu∣rings, [ 10] if the place might haue affoorded.

The two and twentieth, three and twentieth, and foure and twentieth, we laboured to land Indico, Cinamom and other things, still making way to lighten the sterne of the ship, where we know the leake is, but we cannot come to it.

* 12.90Vntill the eight of December, we were thus employed in the amending of our leakes: which done, we set saile from Tecoa, and with our Boats a head, we gate ouer the Barre, hauing foure fa∣thome at a low water, and being without the Iland, by the helpe of a fine breach at North North-east, North North-west and North-west, as the Sunne grew high, both dullerd and shrunk vpon vs; so that wee lay but South South-west, and South by West, and by estimation came neare the rocke we had formerly sate vpon, we vsed great diligence with Boats a head, but could [ 20] discerne no shew of it, the sea being smooth; we stood away to the Southwards, South by West and South, from Sun-set, to Sun-rising the ninth day, with a small gale, at North-west by West, we stood away South-west by South ten leagues, and the wind at West North-west and West, at which instant we discried some part of a great Iland bearing South Westerly, at which time we steered away South; this night we had much raine in gusts, with thunder and lightning, the wind very fickle, shrinking to the South-west, and South South-west, which stayed not long; then to the South-east, East South-east and East, and againe to the South-east; in which time to Sun-rising we had sailed about some eight leagues. Also that part of the Iland, the last night seene, now beareth South-east distant eight leagues, also Eastward wee see the high land of the maine of Sumatra, neare twentie leagues, at noone in two degrees and eleuen minutes South la∣titude▪* 12.91 [ 30] and the Northermost part of these Ilands are from the sound we came through, between the Wester Iles South-east distant nine leagues: it was the twentieth day before they arriued at Pulupanian.

The Pepper-corne being fitted there, Sir Henry Middleton called a Councell to aduise, tou∣ching the late harmes which the Trades-Increase, had receiued vpon the rocke: by which Coun∣cell it was resolued, that shee must of necessitie bee new strengthened and careend, before shee could well returne home; which requiring long time, whereby shee could not goe home this yeere, it was concluded that the Pepper-Corne should immediatly be dispatched for England, to giue some satisfaction vnto the Aduenturers, vntill the Trades-Increase might follow. The Pep∣per-Corne being laden on the fourth of February, set saile from thence for England, leauing Sir [ 40] Henry Middleton with the Trades-Increase behind. We arriued on the tenth of May in the Road of Saldanie, where I hoped to haue found all the shippes formerly departed homewards: but comming into the Road,* 12.92 I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the eight Voyage, and Captaine Newport in the Expedition of the twelfth Voyage. Heere we continued but foure dayes; where, with the helpe of Captaine Newport his men and Coopers, wee had taken in all our water, and the fourteenth day at night ended our labour therein.

The fifteenth, hauing watered (but no whit refreshed our weak people yet, to keep company with the Hector and Thomas homewards) at nine a clocke in the morning we set saile with the wind all Southerly: but being out, we were much pestered with opposite wind, wherby we were driuen to the Southwards. This night we kept company with the Hector and Thomas (the Ex∣pedition [ 50] being gotten about the Cape Bona Speranza, determining their course towards the con∣fines of Persia, to some place where they might in safetie land Sir Robert Sherly and his Persian Lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English Ladie, who were bound into Persia,) Also the next day we were all in company together; but toward euening the Thomas became farre a sterne, but the Hector with loftie saile bore away. This night, by what meanes I know not, they lost our company, which by all meanes we againe endeauoured to get: and for that by standing to the Southwards, we knew they could not run vs out of sight; yet we thought against all reason to stand in vpon a lee-shoare, stood into the land-wards to seek to discouer them, but not seeing them, we lingred in for them vntill the nineteenth day Sun-rising, in which time we were em∣ployed [ 60] in repairing our weake and decayed sailes. This day at Sun-rising, Saldania bore South-east halfe a degree East distant seuenteene leagues, the weather being cloudie and darke. The twentieth, one and twentieth and two and twentieth daies, cloudie, dark, and ouercast weather.

* 12.93The sixt of Iune, as we came about the North-east point, opening the Road, and being luffed

in hauing our anchors readie to let fall, we discried two Carrickes in the Roade,* 12.94 whose neigh∣bourhood was not to my content, neither durst I trust to anchor by them, in regard of their ac∣customed treachery: I stood off againe by a wind, a while to deliberate what to doe, and thin∣king to stand in againe, to trie whether they would be gone, which if they were readie, I suppo∣sed they would thinke we had more company neare-hand: but we found the Current set vs so fast to the lee-ward, that we could hardly recouer the Road at two a clocke in the after-noone: seeing no other remedie, wee bore vp the helme, and stood on our course for England, our hopes being frustrated both of refreshing our weake sicke people,* 12.95 and also of further staying to regaine the company of the Hector and Thomas. The fifteenth and sixteenth, we had diuers showers of [ 10] raine. The eighteenth, we crost the Equinoctiall line.

The tenth of September, we had a very strong gale of wind and an hollow sea, and not able to get any part of the South-coast of England, wee stood on our course North-east,* 12.96 in hope ••o fetch Milford-Hauen in Wales, the sooner to send letters to the Company.

The eleuenth, at fiue a clocke in the after-noone, we discried the Coast of Wales to windward, and the Coast of Ireland lee-wards, being an high hill betweene Waxford and Waterford. This night we spent with our head to the Southwards; and in the morning we stood in towards the Irish Coast: resoluing now, the winds being constantly aduerse, and impossible to fetch Milford-Hauen, and our meanes alowing no longer deliberation, I determined to goe into Waterford ra∣ther then into any other harbour.

[ 20] The thirteenth in the morning, we discried the Tower of Whooke, the only marke for the ri∣uer of Waterford, being some three leaugues distant from it: at eight a clocke we discried a small Boat comming forth of the riuer of Waterford, vnto whom we made a waft, which they percei∣uing, presently came vnto vs, being a Frenchman bound to Waxford, whom I hired to goe againe into the riuer, before to giue knowledge of our comming vnto the Lieutenant of the Fort of Don Canon, to preuent our stopping there, for that by reason of the narrownesse of Channell, it might endanger the ship in winding vp at an anchor there;* 12.97 and at noone wee gate vp into the riuer so high as the passage. Heere we found Master Stephen Bonner of Lime, with his Barque, come hither a fishing, who putting apart his owne businesse, with great diligence endeauoured the best for the ease and reliefe of our weake and sicke people.

[ 30] The eighteenth, I dispeeded away Master Bonner towards London with letters to the Compa∣ny, to giue knowledge of our arriuall, and of our wants, wherein I desired to be supplyed.

The one and twentieth, Doctor Lancaster, Bishop of Waterford, very kindly visited me, bring∣ing downe with him his good cheere, and made a Sermon aboord the shippe, and offered mee the Communion; but thereto being vnprepared I refused; yet heartily thanking him for his good will.

The tenth, Captaine Iohn Burrell came vnto me to visite me, promising me money to supply my wants, if I would send some man with him to Corcke for it. The eleuenth day, I dispeeded away Master Mullineux with Captaine Burrell to Corcke for the money, which he promised to supply me withall.

The twelfth, Anthony Stratford Lieutenant of the Fort of Don Canon, hauing hired a villa∣nous [ 40] fellow (whom for his misdemeanour I had caused to be kept in the prison of Waterford) to say what might befit his present practise, to bring vs within the compasse of Piracie, hauing ob∣tained a warrant from the Earle of Ormond, came to the passage, where hee sent to desire mee to send my Boat well manned, to fetch himselfe and diuers other Gentlemen aboord to see my ship: but my Boat, according to his desire, being come to land, hee apprehended my men, and presently came aboord, where he arrested me and my ship for Piracie, and so committed mee to the Fort of Don Canon to prison, giuing extraordinary straite charge ouer me, that none should come at me, but whom he list▪ without warrant from him; and such as by his permission came to me, he would haue put to their oathes to declare what conference they had with me; my man sworne to bring no letters from me to any one, neither from any to me: also diuers of my peo∣ple [ 50] they this night examined vpon their oathes, omitting no meanes to draw them to accuse me, so I continued in prison till the sixteenth day morning what time the said Stratford brought me a letter from Sir Laurence Esmond his Captaine, inuiting me to meet him at the passage, with whom when I came vp to the passage, I there met with S••r Laurence Esmond, accompanied with the Bishop of Waterford, come from the Earle of Ormond, to replace mee in my charge againe, which by their great intreatie and perswasion I againe vndertooke.

The three and twentieth, Master Mulleneux hauing sent my letters to the Company, to giue knowledge of the afore mentioned troublesome businesse, returned from Corke with money to supply my wants.

[ 60] The fiue and twentieth, Master Beniamin Ioseph, in a small ship of Bristoll, came vnto me, bringing with him both men, money, and prouisions for my supply, which with all speed wee tooke in, hastening to be gone.

The sixt of October,* 12.98 wee departed the Riuer of Waterford towards our long desired home.

The twelfth in the morning, we were thwart of Beachy, and at eight a clocke at night, wee anchored in Douer Road.

The thirteenth in the morning, we set saile out of Douer Road, and at ten a clocke wee an∣chore in the Downes, neare vnto the Assurance (the Kings ship) saluting her with fiue peeces of Ordnance; immediatly came aboord of me, Master Cocket, the Master of her, who againe made stay of my ship, till further order from the Lord Admirall: vpon this I presently sent away Master Mullineux to London, with letters to certifie the Company hereof.

The seuenteenth, came downe from the Company, Master Adersly, bringing me a letter from the Company, a release for the ship; and Master Punniat a Pilot, to bring her about. The eigh∣teenth in the morning, wee set saile, and at sixe a clocke at night, wee anchored in the Road of Gorend. The nineteenth in the morning, at sixe a clocke we set saile, and at night we anchored at [ 10] Tilbury. The twentieth in the morning, we set saile, and at ten a clocke wee anchored at Black∣wall: where in the afternoone came downe Master Deputy, and diuers of the Committies, vnto whom I deliuered vp my charge. And so concluded this our tedious and out-tyring iourney.

CHAP. XIII. The seuenth Voyage; made in the Globe into East-India, set out vnder the Com∣mand of Captaine ANTHONY HIPPON, obserued and written by [ 20] NATHANIEL MARTEN, Masters Mate in the said Shippe.

WEe weighed from the Black-wall, in the good shippe called the Globe, being bound for the East-Indies, the third of Ianuary 1610. and about fiue of the clocke we anchored at Graues-end.

They arriued at Soldania, the one and twentieth of May 1611. and thence set saile the sixt of Iune following. They sailed not farre from Mosambique, and Comoro, and Pemba: and on the last of Iuly passed before Punta de Galle, vpon Ceilon (all which [ 30] as being a meere maine relation, and the like course oft runne by others, is omitted.)

* 12.99The fourth of August in the morning, I obserued the variation, and made it to bee thirteene degrees, seuen minutes, and at noone we were in the latitude of nine degrees fifteene minutes, and the land was about sixe leagues off, and as much as wee could see it on the poope, the wind veered North by West, and the North North-west, and we stood in three houres, and then foun∣ded, being about three leagues off the shoare, and had nine fathome, and the land then bore West North-west to the Northwards, and South the other way, and we iudged the land to lye North-west, or North-west by North. At three of the clocke wee cast about, and stood to the North-ward, and the wind veered to the West, and West South-west, and we lay as neare as we could till fiue of the clocke. The sixt, we kept our selues in eight and twentie and thirtie fathome, and [ 40] then the wind scanted and veered to the West North-west, so the water deepned presently.

The sixt in the morning, we perceiued our selues to be in a great Current by the rippling, and we sent off our Pinnasse to come to an anchor, and we found the Current to set North by West, and we made our way from foure of the clocke in the after-noone, the fift till noone, the sixt North North-west, and ran seuenteene leagues, and then we were in the latitude of ten degrees, and one and thirtie minutes, and from noone till two of the clocke wee steered away North-west; and then we saw diuers Fisher-men hard by, so we looked out at top-mast head, and saw land West North-west and North-west, and so we ran in, and then we were in twenty fathom about eight leagues off; and as we ranne in, the water shoalded easily, and at three of the clocke wee saw a Tower or Pagod, and a ship that bore North-west of vs, and then the great [ 50] Pagod of Negapatan and the ship, were one in another, and then wee ran in, till we came into eight fathom North-west,* 12.100 and then we were about two leagues off the ship, and three leagues off the shoare.

From sixe of the clocke at night the sixt, till seuen at noone, we steered away North by East, and so kept alwayes betweene twelue and fourteene fathom, and ran sixteene leagues, and were in the latitude of eleuen degrees, seuen and fiftie minutes.

From the seuenth till the eight at noone, wee steered away North by East, and ranne about twentie leagues by iudgement, and then we were thwart of the high land, vp in the Countrey, that rose in hammocks. This day we tooke the Boat of S. Thome. The ninth at noone, the Towne [ 60] of Maliapor bore North North-west two leagues off, and the marke to know the Towne, is the high hill vp in the countrey.* 12.101 There is a shoale about two leagues to the Southward of Paleacate, which lyeth about a mile or more from the shoare, and the North-east end of it lyeth off about a league: we ran ouer the very end in three fathom, but if you keepe in ten or twelue fathome,

you shall not need to feare any part of it. The ninth at foure a clocke, we anchored against the Towne, and it bore West by North off vs; there is a crosse to the Northward of the Town, which if you be betweene two or three miles of the shoare you see it, but you cannot see the Towne.

The tenth in the morning, we weighed and stood further to the Northward, and anchored in eight fathom (we not liking our former Road) and then the Crosse bore West by South of vs, when the Westermost point bore West by North, and the Northermost point bore North-west. The tenth at noone, Master Browne and Master Floris went ashoare (there comming a Boat from the Gouernour for them) but they went in our Skiffe, and as they were going ouer the Barre,* 12.102 the Skiffe was sunke, but neuer a man drowned, God be blessed: Paleacate standeth in thirteene [ 10] degrees and thirtie minutes.

The thirteenth, I obserued the variation, and made it to bee one degree and fifteene minutes, vpon the semicircle. The fifteenth, Master Anthony Hippon, our Captaine, went ashoare to speake with the Gouernesse. The sixteenth, the Captaine and all the Merchants came aboord, because they could get no trade.

The sixteenth at ten of the clocke, we set saile for Petepoly,* 12.103 and from ten till the seuenteenth at noone, we ran about thirteene leagues, and were in the latitude of fourteene degrees and fif∣teene minutes, and made our way North by East. From the seuenteenth to the eighteenth, we ran, by my iudgement, about three and twentie leagues, and made the way North, but it was sad weather, and we could not obserue. About seuen of the clocke in the morning the eighteenth we [ 20] spied a Galliot, riding in seuen fathom, some fo••re miles off the shoare, and shee road till wee were almost within Sacker shot of her, and then shee weighed and ran into shoale water into the shoare, but we stood not after her, because the water shoalded, and at that time we saw a breach, some two leagues off the shoare to my iudgement, and whereas we steered away, North North-east, wee steered away East North-east, and East by North, but had no deepe water till wee brought the breach, North North-west of vs, & when we saw it first, it bore North by East of vs.

From the eighteenth at noone, till fiue of the clocke in the after-noone, wee steered away North-east by East, partly because wee would runne into deeper water, and partly because the land grew out more Easterly, and at fiue of the clocke we made a tuft of trees that is neare Pete∣poly, and it bore North-east by East of vs sixe leagues off, and then is the high land to the North-westward [ 30] of the Towne, which did then beare North by West off vs, and at seuen of the clocke we anchored in nine fathom, the trees bearing North-east and by East of vs fiue leagues off, and the wind Westerly.

The nineteenth in the morning, by fiue of the clocke, we weighed and stood with the trees, and about nine of the clocke we anchored about two leagues short of them in fiue fathom, and the trees bore East North-east of vs, and then presently there came aboord two Gingathas or Boats: our Merchants sent them ashoare with a letter▪ and about two of the clocke there came another, and a messenger from the Sabandar,* 12.104 who the twentieth day did send aboord two Boats for our Merchants, and brought a Present, and then went ashoare Master Floris, Master Lucas, Master Essington, and Adam Dounton, and the Pursers Mate, and Lemon.

[ 40] The one and twentieth about eight of the clocke, there came a Gingatha from the shoare, and brought a letter from our Merchants, who did let vs vnderstand that they were kindly entertai∣ned, and presently we weighed with the wind at North North-west, and ran off an anchored almost thwart of the Riuers mouth, and about three of the clocke in the after-noone, wee weighed and anchored in the Road, where the tuske of trees bore North-east by East Ea••••erly; and we did anchor in nine fathom and a halfe: the marke to goe in ouer the barre▪ is a Pal••••ito tree, on the bancke, vpon the Northermost end of the high cl••ffe, it is but a little tree. I obserued the variation, and made it to be twelue degrees, seuen and twentie minutes.

The eight and twentieth, Master Floris came aboord, and Simon Euans, about twelue of the clocke: and about foure of the clocke, we weighed for Masulipatan, with the wind at South-west, [ 50] and wee steered off into eight and nine fathom South South-east, and then wee bore vp South-east, and South-east by East, and kept our selues in nine and ten fathom till eleuen of the clocke at night, and then the wind veered to the East, and East South-east; so wee anchored in nine fathom, till fiue of the clocke in the morning.

The nine and twentieth in the morning, about fiue of the clocke, we weighed with the wind at South South-west, and steered away East South-east, and East North-east, and North-east; and at noone the vttermost part of the land bore North of vs: so by my iudgement, the land Eastward from Petepoly lyeth East and by South, and West by North: and at noone wee came into white water of the point, and it shoalded a little before wee came into it halfe a fa∣thom, but when we were in it, we had the same depth sixe fathom three leagues off: about two [ 60] of the clocke in the after-noone, the wind veered Northerly, so wee came to an anchor in seuen fathom: about fiue of the clocke, we weighed, and stood in North North-west, and North-west by North, till seuen of the clocke, and being calme, wee anchored in fiue fathom, the Wester∣most land bore West North-west Westerly, and we saw two ships which bore North Westerly and North-west, and the Norther-most land bore North.

* 12.105The thirtieth, about one of the clocke wee weighed, and stood in for the Road Masulipatan, which bore North of vs, and we neuer had aboue fiue, and foure and a halfe all the way: so a∣bout fiue of the clocke, we anchored in three fathom and a foote; and the great tree which is the marke for the Road, bore West by North Westerly of vs, and the Southermost land bore South and by West Southerly of vs, and the Northermost bore North-east Easterly of vs.

The one and thirtieth, Master Floris, Master Hessington, Simon Euans, Cuthbert Whitfield, and Arthur Smith, went a shoare to stay there in our Skiffe.

* 12.106The eight and twentieth of December, I obserued the variation, and made it to be twelue de∣grees, two and twentie minutes.

* 12.107The thirtieth, we weighed from Masulipatan about seuen of the clocke in the morning, with [ 10] the wind at North-east by East, and we halde it off South-east and South-east by South, till we came into eighteene fathom. At noone the point that bore South by West Southerly off vs, was West and by North, by the Compasse, and then I obserued, and made it to be in fifteene degrees seuen and fiftie minutes, and at eight of the clocke at night wee anchored in sixe fathome and an halfe.

The fourth of Ianuary, I obserued at noone, and made the Roade to be in fifteene degrees, sixe and thirtie minutes:* 12.108

The fiue and twentieth and the sixe and twentieth, wee obserued the Sunne and certaine Starres, by the Sunne we made the Towne of Petepoli to be in fifteene degrees, nine and fortie minutes: the Starre called the Ships-sterne, we had in one and twenty degrees, nine and twenty [ 20] minutes; the foot of the Crosiers twelue degrees, foure and fiftie minutes, and the flanke of the Centaur, in fifteene degrees, two and thirty minutes, the foot in fourteene degrees, one and for∣tie minutes, the wind at South-east, and South South-east.

* 12.109The seuenth of February, the Merchants came aboord and carryed all the luggage quite a∣way, the wind at South South-east night and day.

The eleuenth of February, we weighed out of Petepoly Roade, hauing the wind at North North-west about sixe of the clocke in the morning,* 12.110 and stood off South South-east, but verie little wind, and the current set to the North-east, and we anchored in fiue fathom and an halfe, it being calme, we hauing runne off about a mile and an halfe, and the wind came off the Sea all Southerly.

The twelfth, about nine of the clocke in the morning, we weighed with the wind at South-east, [ 30] and South-east and by East, and we haled off South South-west, and South by West, and South-west as the wind would giue vs leaue, till three of the clocke in the after-noone, and then we anchord in nine fathome water,* 12.111 with the wind at South and South and by East, and made our way South-west and by South, sixe leagues out of the Road by my iudgement, and the high land bore West halfe a point Southerly: in the Road it bore West halfe a point Northerly.

The fourteenth, about foure of the clock in the morning, we weighed with the wind at South South-west, and stood away South-east, and South-east and by South, as the wind would giue vs leaue: At noone the Palmito Trees bore North halfe a point Easterly, about sixe leagues off, or seuen, and we ranne in ten fathome. [ 40]

From the twentieth of March, at noone till the one and twentieth, we had very little wind Easterly and calme:* 12.112 we made our way South South-west by my iudgement, and ranne seuen leagues, and at noone were in the latitude of two degrees, sixe and twentie minutes, at night we obserued the variation, and had it in thirteene degrees, fiftie seuen minutes on the Semicircle, and the amplitude was foure degrees, twentie seuen minutes, which being subtracted to thirteen degrees, fiftie seuen minutes, makes the variation to be nine degrees, twentie fiue minutes.

From the one and twentieth at noone, till the two and twentieth at noone we had the wind all Northerly, we steered away South and ran fifteene leagues by the logge, and then wee were in the latitude of one degree, thirtie foure minutes: at night, I obserued the variation and made it to be ten degrees ten minutes, which did proue a great current to the West-ward. [ 50]

* 12.113From the two and twentieth, to the three and twentieth at noone, wee had the wind varia∣ble betweene the North and the West, we had little wind and gustie weather, we steered South by East, and ran eight leagues: and at noone we obserued the latitude of fiftie seuen minutes, at night I obserued the variation, and made it to bee ten degrees. The Magneticall Azimuth is fifteene degrees fifteene minutes; the Amplitude is fiue degrees, thirteene minutes. From the three and twentieth at noone till the foure and twentieth at noone, we had the wind betweene the West and South-west, we steered away South by East, and ranne three and twentie leagues by the logge,* 12.114 and then we were vnder the Line by our obseruation.

From the foure and twentieth at noone, till the fiue and twentieth at noone we had the wind betweene the North North-west, and the South South-west, and we steered away South South-east, [ 60] we ran by the logge one and twentie leagues, and then we were in the latitude of fiftie se∣uen minutes to the Southward of the Line. At night I obserued the variation, and made the Magneticall Azimuth to be fifteene degrees, fortie minutes. The Amplitude sixe degrees, no mi∣nutes, which made the variation to be nine degrees fortie minutes.

From the fiue and twentieth at noone,* 12.115 till the sixe and twentieth at noone wee had the wind variable betweene the North North-west, and the West South-west; wee steered South South-east, we ranne fifteene leagues by the logge, and then wee were in the latitude of one degree, thirtie minutes at night. I obserued the variation, and the Magneticall Azimuth, was fifteene de∣grees fiue minutes. The Amplitude was sixe degrees, one and twentie minutes, which made the variation eight degrees, fiftie foure minutes.

From the one and thirtieth at noone, till the first of Aprill at noone we had the wind Souther∣ly and very little, and made our way East South-east twelue leagues,* 12.116 and at noone we were in the latitude of foure degrees, one minute. From the first at noone to the second at noone, wee had [ 10] the wind betweene the West North-west, and South South-west, variable and gusti••, wee stee∣red away South-east by East, halfe a point Easterly: wee ranne by the logge one and twentie leagues and two thirds, and then we were in the latitude of foure degrees, twentie foure mi∣nutes, we made our way twelue leagues East South-east, and ten leagues South and by East by iudgement: which did agree with my Obseruation. In the morning they obserued the variation, and had the Almicanter and Magneticall Azimuth, one degree thirtie minutes, the Amplitude eight degrees, fortie seuen minutes, which made the variation to be seuen degrees, twentie seuen minutes. About two of the clocke in the morning, Adam Duglas departed this life. From the second at noone till the third, we had the wind betweene the North-west, and the West South-west, we steered away betweene the East South-east, and the South-east by East, but because of our latches to the South-ward, I iudge that she made her way East South-east, we ranne thirtie [ 20] two leagues by the logge, and then was I iust with the Wester most part of the Ile of Eugano, by my reckoning.* 12.117

The sixe and twentieth of Aprill, about foure of the clocke in the af••er-noone, through the Almighties good assistance, we came to an Anchor in Bantam Road, in three and a halfe, where Puloponian bore North the bodie, and Pulotundo bore North-west by North, and Puloduo East South-east, and the Wester-mo•••• point thwart of Pulorange, bore North-west by North Nor∣therly: the vttermost point bore East by North Northerly, and the Eastermost Iland Pulo Li∣ma, was euen ioyning to the Westermost point of Iaua, and presently after we were at an An∣chor, came aboord Master Spalding with two oth••rs, and two of them lay aboord.

The one and thirtieth of May, in the after-noone about fo••re of the clocke,* 12.118 our Merchants [ 30] came aboord, and about nine of the clocke we set saile: wee steered away North North-east, with the wind at South.

The first of Iune in the morning, the wind veered to the East-ward and so to the North-ward, very foule and gus••ie weather. Wee bore vp and anchored vnder Pulotando in nine∣teene fathomes, halfe a league from the shoare.

About fiue and sixe of the clocke in the morning, we weighed with the wind at South-east, and within a heaue or two we had but fiue fathome, and so shoalded till wee had but foure fa∣thome, steering away North North-west, the ne••rest land beeing South-west sixe leagues off,* 12.119 which was a long woodie Iland, some foure miles long, of which we looked for a ledge of rockes [ 40] or sand. From sixe till noone, we made our way North by West seuen leagues. About eight of the clocke in the morning, I espyed Lucapara at top-mast head, about eight leagues off.* 12.120

The seuenth in the morning, about sixe of the clocke, we weighed the wind South-west, and betweene sixe and noone we made our way North-west seuen leagues, and about tenne of the clocke, we raised Mompyne North-east eight leagues off at least; and after we raised this hill, we had neuer lesse then ten fathome, keeping the shoalding of Sumatra.* 12.121

The ninth in the morning, about fiue of the clock, we weighed with the wind at South-east by South, and steered away North-west by North, & so Northerly as the Coast did lye: but we neuer came neerer the point of Mompyne, then three leagues and an halfe, or foure leagues, because of a ledge of rockes that lyeth two leagues of the Easter-most point of Sumatra, beeing the se∣uenth point of the Straights: and these ledge of rockes ••eare East and West one of another. We [ 50] had no sooner weighed, but the water deepened to eight, nine, tenne, and so to foureteene fa∣thomes. When you haue Mompyne South-east of you, then are you cleere of the rockes. At noone I obserued with my quadrant, and made her to be in one degree, thirtie nine minutes, and then Mompyne bore South-east Easterly of vs.

The tenth, about three of the clocke in the morning, we espyed an Iland that bore North Northwest three leagues.

From noone till sixe of the clocke at night,* 12.122 we made our way North halfe a point Easterly sixe leagues: and from sixe till noone the eleuenth, wee made our way North eighteene leagues, and wee were in the latitude of one degree to the Northward, hauing two Ilands, the Southermost bore South-west by West of vs seuen leagues off, and the Northermost bore West-ward [ 60] South-west seuen leagues off, and then wee had fiue and twentie fathomes:* 12.123 all the night long, we had from twentie to fiue and twentie fathomes. I espyed land at top-mast head, West by North twelue leagues off, which was the high land of Bintam.

From noone till sixe of the clocke at night, we made our way West by North seuen leagues,

we had fiue and twentie fathome water, and then the high-land of Bintam bore West South-west sixe leagues off, and there are three little Ilands at the South-east end of Bintam.

The twelfth, we made our way North by East Easterly fiue leagues, and then we were in the latitude of one degree thirtie fiue minutes, hauing twentie sixe fathome, and the Northermost part of Bintam, West North-west tenne leagues: when foure glasses were running after noone, I espied at top-mast head an Iland that bore North-west Northerly nine leagues off.

From sixe of the clocke at night the thirteenth, till the foureteenth at noone, we to my iudg∣ment, made our way North-west by North, in regard of the Current nine leagues: tenne glasses in the night we had it calme, and droue North North-west, and we should haue it deeper, and shoald a fathome at a cast, till we had but eleuen fathome, and then deeper till it came to fifteene [ 10] or sixteene fathome. From sixe at night, till the fifteenth at noone, we made our way by iudge∣ment North North-east, Northerly tenne leagues; but at noone we made her to bee in foure de∣grees fortie eight minutes, and then we had thirtie fathome: at eight of the clocke we had an I∣land bore North by West of vs, fiue leagues off the maine, being foure miles off, and then wee had twentie sixe fathome.

This great Iland, and the Rocks, beare North by West, and South by East one of another, and are foure miles in length, we perceiued in the night, being calme, to haue a great Current setting to the North-wards,* 12.124 and I iudged this Iland to stand in foure degrees thirtie fiue minutes. From noone til the sixth at night, we made our way North North-west halfe Northerly eight leagues, our sounding was thirtie and twentie fiue fathome, and then we had an other Iland bore West [ 20] by North of vs, not vnlike the former: we had fiue and twentie fathome at sixe of the clocke, fiue or sixe leagues off the maine: the Iland lieth about one league from the maine.

From the sixteenth at noone, till the seuenteenth at noone, we made our way North North-west twelue leagues;* 12.125 but as we were almost in the narrowest, we spied a sunken rocke in the faire way; so we fearing the worst, hauing eleuen fathome & one league of the maine, we haled it o••f North-East, and North-east by East, to get cleere of two little Ilands that are to the East-ward, and so we went to the East-ward of all. At noone we obserued, and made the ship to bee in fiue degrees fiftie foure minutes.

From the seuenteenth at noone, till the eighteenth at noone, we made our way North-west, Westerly eight leagues. From the nineteenth at noone till the twentieth, wee made our way [ 30] North-west Northerly eight leagues:* 12.126 in the morning about seuen of the clocke, I saw a little Rocke, about three leagues of•• at the top-mast head, and as we came vp with it about noone, I went with the Skiffe to sound about it, and we had twelue fathome a stones throw off it: and when our Skiffs head was a shoare we had sixe fathomes and an halfe, vp and downe by the rock: it lieth betweene three or foure leagues of the Westermost point of the land, and beareth South-East Southerly a little; and about two leagues and a halfe from the Souther-most land, or three, we had little wind Westerly, and variable, but for the most part Northerly.

From noone the twentieth, till the one and twentieth at noone, wee made our way North-west Northerly sixe leagues, with the wind Westerly and Northerly; we were faint to anchor twice in the night, because it was calme, and the Current setting to the South-ward, wee had very faire shoaldings off, into foureteene and into seuen or eight. From the one and twentieth [ 40] at noone, till the two and twentieth at noone, we turned it alongst the shoare, with the wind Westerly, and then we had the low sandie point South of vs two leagues off.

The fourth of August at night, we weighed out of Patane road, about nine of the clocke, with the wind at South South-west,* 12.127 and we steered away North-west, and North-west by West, North-west by North: but by my iudgement, from nine till noone wee made our way North-west, halfe a point Northerly tenne leagues, and then the high land bore South-west of vs in th•• Roade. Our depths from three, to seuen, eight and, tenne fathome. From noone till sixe a clocke at night, we had tenne leagues, little wind at North-west and North and North-east, but we made our way North North-east one league: and from sixe till sixe in the morning, we made our way North North-west halfe a point Northerly eight leagues, with the wind variable and [ 50] Westerly; and then we espied land, that bore West North-west of vs tenne leagues off.

From sixe of the clocke in the morning, till noone the sixt day, wee made our way North North-west fiue leagues to our iudgement,* 12.128 and we obserued, and made the ship to be in eight de∣grees seuen minutes, and then the high land bore West and North tenne leagues off, and then we had seuenteene fathome. From the sixt at noone till the seuenth at noone, wee had little wind and calme, we made our way North North-west, to my iudgement wee could not runne aboue sixe leagues, but we made it to be in eight degrees three minutes. From the seuenth at noone, till the eight, we had little wind, and variable round about, wee made our way North North-west eight leagues or tenne,* 12.129 our depths eighteene and nineteene fathome. From the eighth, to [ 60] the ninth at noone, wee had little wind, and variable round about, and then we made the shippe to be in nine degrees fortie minutes; and then the Northermost great Iland bore West South-west, and the Souther-most bore South-west. In the morning we saw two Ilands.

From the ninth to the tenth at noone, we had it calme, and went little or nothing the wind

Northerly, our depth one and twentie and two and twentie fathome. From the tenth to the e∣leuenth at noone, we had little or no wind, and went two leagues North North-west, we had it Northerly and Westerly, and our depths twenty and twentie one fathomes. From the eleuenth at noone to the twelfth, we had the wind variable and gusty round about, and we ran about eight▪ leagues North by West, and the depth twenty sixe and twenty fiue fathome. From the twelfth at noone till the thirteenth, we made our way North by East twentie foure leagues, with the wind at South, and South South-west, and South-west, our depth twentie sixe and twentie eight fathom, seuen or eight leagues off the shoare.

From the thirteenth to the foureteenth, we made our way North by West sixteene leagues, [ 10] the wind South-west, our depths two and twentie, and fiue and twentie fathomes, fiue or sixe leagues from the shoare. From the foureteenth to the fifteenth, wee made our way sixteene leagues North by West, with the wind Westerly, our depth nineteene, & twentie fathomes, sixe leagues off. From the fifteenth to the sixteenth at noone, we made our way North and by West tenne leagues, we had eight, nine, and tenne fathome, alongst the low land foure leagues off, then we bore vp to the East, and East South-east till midnight, and for an houre wee steered a∣way East North-east, till we came into foure fathome, and then tooke in our sailes as fast as wee could, but presently we had but three fathome and a foote, before we could get in our sailes, so we anchored in three and a foot till the next day, and the water fell thirteene foot, and more,* 12.130 so that we had but sixe fathome and an halfe at low water, and then we laid out a warpe, and when [ 20] she fleeted we warped into deepe water. The eighteenth we set saile, and haled it off into fiue fathome, where we anchored, hauing the Souther-most Iland South by East of vs,* 12.131 and the Ea∣stermost East and by South, and the Riuers mouth North of vs Westerly.

The third of Nouember, about one of the clocke in the afternoone we weighed out of the bay, where we left our men, and graued our ship, and haled it off from the West to the South South-East, to goe cleare of the Iland, and so steered away.

The fourth at noone I made the ship to be in twelue degrees thirtie three minutes, hauing run in these three and twentie houres, but fiue and twenty leagues, and to my iudgement had made her way, one thing with an other counted, South by West, the wind Northerly.

On the eleuenth, we arriued at Patane. He was after this at Syam againe, and againe at Pa∣tane: [ 30] and made a second Voyage from Masulipatan to Bantam, 1614. and thence to England, 1615. But his Iournall is so large, that I dare not expresse it. Note that he saith, that the Ile of S. Helena is an hundred leagues more to the West-ward, then is laid downe in Plats.

The twentieth of August 1615. they came before the Lizard. They spent in this whole Voy∣age foure yeares and about eight Moneths. Their actions and exploits in this Voyage are deliue∣red more fully by M. Floris, out of whose Iournall I haue taken the most remarkeable. For I thinke, these meere marine relations, are (though to some profitable) to the most tedious. For which cause I haue abridged this, to make way to the next, written by a Merchant of long Indi∣an experience, and f••ll of pleasant varietie.

[ 40]

CHAP. XIIII. Extracts of PETER WILLIAMSON FLORIS his Iournall, for the seuenth Voyage, (in which he went Cape Merchant) translated out of Dutch. He arriued in England 1615. and died two Moneths after in London.

§. I. [ 50] The Voyage to Paleacatte, Petapoli, Masulipatan, Bantam, Patania, and Siam.

HAuing couenanted and agreed with the Right Worshipfull the Gouernour and Deputy of the East-Indian Societie, we embarqued our selues in the Globe, the fift of Ianuary 1610. Stylo Angliae, and set saile for Grauesend: the fift of Febru∣ary we set saile from the Downes. The one and twentieth of May 1611. wee came into Saldania Bay, where wee found three ships, and two boates came a∣boord vs, one from Isaac le Maire, and the other from Henrike Brouwer.* 12.132 Much [ 60] refreshing was not here to be had at this time of the yeare, by reason of great store of raine, being now their winter, the mountaines also couered with snow. Wee vsed great diligence in seeking of the roote Ningim, for which purpose the said two Holland ships had come thither,* 12.133 one being of Iapan that first discouered the secret. But at this time the newe leafe began only to peepe forth, that had we not receiued instructions, wee could not haue knowne it; the right and ripe time

thereof beeing December, Ianuary and February. It is called of these Inhabitants Canna.

We hauing filled our water, and refreshed our selues with eight Sheepe and twentie Neat. Set saile out of the Bay, leauing behind vs the boat of Isaac le Maire with his sonne Iacob, who lay there to barter for hides and skinnes, and to make traine oyle; which was to continue there till December.* 12.134 To him we gaue letters for England. Neere Tena de Natat. Iune the tenth, wee were in great danger: a storme of thunder, lightning, wind and raine, almost violently thrust vs on shoare; but God mercifully and powerfully gaue vs vnexp••cted deliuerance.

* 12.135The ••••rst of August, we saw the land of Ceylon falling with Punta de Galle, and running along the coast. On the sixt we fell before Negapatan, beeing twentie eight miles (leagues) from our guessing, the Map in that place beeing very false. The like hath also happened to the Hollanders, which in the night might be very dangerous. Neither found we the Iland so broad as it is there [ 10] laid. M. Mullineux layeth Punto de Galle in foure degrees, which lyeth in sixe. Towards eue∣ning we passed before the Road, and might see the Towne and houses very plainely.

* 12.136The seuenth, wee passed Lanagapatan, where the Hollanders hauing a Factorie, are wearie be∣cause of little doings. On the eight, we came before Saint Thome, and on the ninth before Palea∣catte, passing ouer the shallow being in length aboue a Musket shot, hauing but three fathome water. Here came two Boates aboord vs, one from the Sabander, another from the Hollanders. The tenth, the Sabanders men brought vs a Caul or conduct to come safely ashoare. Whereupon ••and Master Browne went ashoare, but by the roughnesse of the Sea were turned ouer, yet (God be thanked) no man was drowned. The Sabander met vs, compassionating our mischance and appointed vs a house, promising vs to procure a Letter from the King to the Gouernesse of Conda [ 20] Maa.

On the eleuenth, Iohn Van Wersicke the Dutch President on the Coast of Choromandell, shewed vs a Caul from the King of Narsinga,* 12.137 Wencapati, Raia, wherein was granted, that it should not be lawfull for any that came out of Europe to trade there, but such as brought Prince Maurice his Patent, and therefore desired our departure. We answered we had Commission from his Maiestie of England, and would therefore doe what we could. Hence arose high words, which the Sa∣bander calmed, telling of the Gouernesse her comming thither within three dayes.

On the seuente••nth, came Conda Maa, and Captaine Hippon, comming on shoare, wee were readie to goe to her, when we receiued word to the contrarie, and that the next day shee would send for vs. We suspected the Hollanders close dealing, and the next day sent to the Sabander [ 30] (no man comming for vs) who answered the King, had made grant to the Hollanders, and wee must goe to him (the dispatching of which businesse would haue cost vs two monethes space, and hazarded the Monson for Patane) if we would procure libertie. The Hollanders also had made rea••ie two Elephants to send to the King. Wherefore we resolued to prosecute our Voyage for Petapolt and Masulipatan.

The twentieth, we arriued before Petapoli, and the Gouernour sent vs a Caul. Wee agreed with him for three thirds per Centum,* 12.138 Custome and sent goods on shoare, resoluing that Master Lucas and Master Browne should stay there: and that I should goe to Masulipatan, where was a better Road for the ship.* 12.139 Thither we came on the last of August, and Zaldchar Chan brought vs a Caul. We agreed to send a present to Mir Sumela (a great Officer vnder the King, which far∣meth [ 40] out his Reuenues) to Co••dapoli, in regard of the shifts of the vnder Officers. On the twentieth of Ianuary, deceased Cotobara King of Badaya, or Lollongana, and of Masulipatan, and great tumults were feared. But the wisdome of Mir Masunim preuented the same, present∣ly electing Mahumad Vnim Cotobara,* 12.140 sonne to the Brother of the deceased (who had left no children behind him) a yong-man of great hope. His Vncle had put all in the hands of the Per∣sians, but this sheweth himselfe contrarie, and an Enemie to Mir Sumela the fountaine of Ty∣rannie.

* 12.141The Gouernour dealt treacherously with mee, in a bargaine of Cloth and Lead for Launces; saying, he had agreed with me for foure thousand Pagodes▪ (intending by that coozenage to raise the Custome agreed at foure per Ce••tum to twelue) alleaging for reason, that hee was a Mir, [ 50] and that he was borne of Mahomets Posteritie, whose words must bee beleeued before a Chri∣stians. I not knowing how to deale with this Knaue, the time not suffering to send to the new King at Golconda,* 12.142 seeing no meanes to end with friendship, resolued to practise enmitie: but at last by intercession of other Moores, we ended in a kind of agreement. Hauing also cleered at Petapoli,* 12.143 we hauing a good Monson departed for Bantam, and arriued there the sixe and twen∣tieth of Aprill 1612. We found the Dutch readie to depart thence for Iacatra, by reason of the Gouernours new exactions. But we hauing no house there, after some contesting, agreed with him for three per Centum Custome.

* 12.144By order of Dauid Middleton, a Factorie was setled at Succadania, and continued by [ 60] Master Spalding, but it seemeth (as things are carryed) rather to priuate then publike benefit.

The first of Iune, we set sa••le from Bantam, and on the two and twentieth came into the Road of Patane,* 12.145 where we found the Bantam a ship of Enkhusen, of whom wee learned the manners of the Countrey. On the sixe and twentieth, we went on shoare in great state, taking with vs a

present of about sixe hundred Rials of eight, to accompanie the Kings Letter. Wee were well receiued according to the manner of the Countrey, the Letter being laid in a Bason of Gold,* 12.146 and carryed vpon an Elephant with Minstrels, many Lances and little Flagges.

The Queenes Court was sumptuously prepared, the Letter read, and free Trade granted vs, paying such duties as the Hollanders did. Wee departed from the Court without sight of the Queene, and were brought to Dato Laxmanna the Sabander and Officer appointed for Strangers, where a Banquet of Fruits was set before vs: and thence to the Oran-caya Sirnona, and ••here also did eate something. The next day the Queene sent vs meate and fruits aboord.

The third of Iuly, departed hence a Dutch Pinnasse called the Grey-hound for Iapon,* 12.147 the Ma∣sters [ 10] Mate thereof was the same man which had brought the Letter from William Adams to the English at Bantam: by whom we sent the Companies Letters to Master Adams, which he pro∣mised to deliuer with his owne hands. This otherwise wee could not haue done; for those of Iapon are at enmitie with this place,* 12.148 and haue burned Patane twice within these fiue or sixe yeares.

Much adoe we had to get leaue to build a Ware-house here, fire-free, which we did hard by the Dutch-house in a place assigned vs thirtie fathome in length, twentie in breadth: the House eight fathome long, and foure broad. But their demands seemed very vnreasonable, amounting, besides former charges, to foure thousand Rials of eight, whereunto yet in hope of future bene∣fit we yeelded. Sicknesse also much afflicted vs, as if the plague had beene in our ship: and Cap∣taine [ 20] Hippon dyed the ninth of Iuly.* 12.149 Whose Successor was nominated in the Boxe N. 1. Master Browne; but he being dead before, the Boxe N. 2. was opened, wherein Thomas Essington was named, and did succeed. Hereunto was added losse by Theeues, which like resolute Dissolutes came into the house, a Lampe burning, and stole money out of my Chest, two hundred eightie three Rials of eight, and other goods; fifteene persons sleeping in the house, and a great blacke Dogge, and Watch kept in the yard, which made suspition of some of our owne, but we could neuer learne any certaintie.

I and Iohn Persons, and sixe more were left here in Factorie;* 12.150 and the ship departed the first of August for Syam. I would haue written to Syam, of my ill Market of Lawnes, but could not send by water, and by land no lesse then foure together would trauell for feare of Tygres, and [ 30] many Riuers they must passe, which made their demands to passe so farre, that I was forced to waite better oportunitie. In September the King of Ior ouer-ranne the Suburbes of Pahan, bur∣ning all before him, and likewise Campon Sina, which caused great dearth in Pahan.* 12.151 The cause of our want of vent here (where foure yeares before I had seene such quicknesse, as if the World would not haue prouided sufficient) is the Portugalls bringing to Malacca the wonted quantitie, and the Hollanders filling Bantam and the Moluccas, as also the Trade of Moores at Tanasserin and Syam, besides Tarangh a Hauen new found out by Keda; the Guzerates, and ano∣ther from Negapatan and we, helping to cloy the Market; so that the rumour is sufficient to keepe downe the price for ten yeares. I cannot at this present make fiue per Cento, which haue made foure of one. Thus is mans wisdome disappointed. I resolued to send a Cargason for Maccasar,* 12.152 [ 40] sending Iohn Persons as Chiefe, in a Iuncke of Empan, October the eight.

On the ninth, arriued two Iunckes from Siam, in one of which was sent mee a Letter from Master Essington and Master Lucas of their trouble and small likelihood of sale,* 12.153 besides the for∣mer causes, the Countrey being filled with warres; those of Cambois, Laniam, and Iagoman, preparing against Syam.

The fiue and twentieth, departed hence the Iunckes for Borneo, Iambi, Iaua, Maccasar, Iortan and other places, among whom was the Iuncke of Orancaya Raya Indramouda for Bantam, and thence to Iortan, Amboyna, and Banda, and backe to Maccassar. I cannot imagine what the Hol∣landers meane to s••ffer these Maleysians, Chinesians, and Moores of those Countries, and to assist them in their free Trade thorow all the Indies, and forbid it their owne Seruants,* 12.154 Countrymen [ 50] and Brethren, vpon paine of death and losse of goods. Surely a token of great ignorance or en∣uie, suffering Turkes and Heathens to grow rich, rather then their owne Countrymen should get their liuing. Surely a great ingratitude, and a token that Gods punishment is comming vpon them.

The eleuenth of Nouember, the Glohe arriued from Syam, hauing beene eight dayes in the way. They had arriued in the Road of Syam the fifteenth of August, and cast Anchor at three fathome high water: but the next day the water ebbing thirteene houres together they had but seuen foot muddie ground, and therefore not very hurtfull. They remoued further off, where they had three fathome at a low water, being foure miles (leagues) from the Barre. The Towne lyeth some thirtie leagues vp along the Riuer, whether they sent newes of their arriuall. The Saban∣der [ 60] and the Gouernour of Mancock (a place scituated by the Riuer) came backe with the Mes∣sengers to receiue his Maiesties Letters, but chiefly for the presents expected. Captaine Essing∣ton and Master Lucas went with them to the Towne,* 12.155 where the seuenteenth of September they came before the King, who promised free Trade, and gaue euery one a little golden Cup, and a little piece of clothing. The Mand••rins (Officious Officers) would haue interuerted the Kings

command for their owne couetousnesse, taking at their owne prices what they please, and pay∣ing when they are pleased with Bribes, with worse demeanure then in any other parts of the Indies (though the rest bad enough) till complaint being made to the King, they were charged not to molest them; and the goods were carried to the house which the King had assigned, being of bricke, the best in Siam, neare to that of the Hollanders. Now was the time of raines, and the countery couered with water.

The sixe and twentieth of October, arose such stormes, that old folkes had not there seene the like,* 12.156 renting vp trees by the roots, and blowing downe the Kings monument, which hee had erected to his Father. The ship har••ly escaped by the diligence of Master Skinner and Samuel Huyts, casting out a third anchor, being driuen, notwithstanding her two anchors, from sixe fa∣thome [ 10] to foure, and not passing an English mile from the land. Master Skinner was beaten from the anchor-stocke,* 12.157 but very strangely recouered. Fiue men were drowned; one after the rest, whom they supposed de••oured of a Whale, which they saw soone after they had seene him. This storme lasted foure or fiue houres, and then followed a smooth sea, as if there had beene no tempest. A tempest yet continued aboord the ship, by reason, as was reported, of the reasonlesse masterly Master, who was therefore apprehended, and Skinner placed in his roome, whereby that weather also calmed.* 12.158 As for their Trade, they were too much becalmed, this being the third place of Trade in all the Indies, and so farre distant from Bantam and Patane. The cause where∣of is this.

[ 20]

§. II. Relations of strange Occurrents in Pegu, Siam, Ioor, Patane, and the Kingdomes adiacent.

SIAM hath been a mightie Kingdome and ancient, since subdued and tributary to Pegu, which yet continued not long. For the King of Siam dying, left two sonnes, [ 30] which were brought vp in the Kings Court of Pegu. But flying from thence to Si∣am, the eldest called in the Ma••eyan language, Ra••a api, or the Fiery King, and by the Portugals the Blacke King, set vp himselfe as King: against whom the King of Pegu sent his son the Prince, who was slaine in these warres, and hath beene occasion of the destruction of the whole Kingdome, and many millions of Peguan liues. For the King sore grieued for the death of his sonne,* 12.159 caused his chiefe Peguan Lords and Souldiers (himselfe being of the kindred of the Brama's) to bee slaine. This caused great perturbation, diuers tributary Kings (whereof hee had twentie) falling daily from him: which at the last encouraged this Blacke King to make warre against him, going to the Citie of Vnxa or Pegu, before which he lay some two moneths, with∣out doing any thing; he brake vp his siege and returned to Siam. But the King of Pegu not long after, because of the great d••arth and death, gaue ouer himselfe, and all his treasure, into the [ 40] hands of the King of Tangu▪* 12.160 to preuent also falling into the hands of the King of Arracan, comming against him with a mightie power. This King of Arracan easily made himselfe Master of the Towne and Countrey, almost emptie and famished. Thinking to goe into Tangu: That King sent Embassadors, offering to deliuer vnto him certaine portions of the treasures of Pegu, the White Elephant, and the Kings daughter (both which I haue seene in Arracan, Anno 1608.) as also the King of Pegu, or else to kill him (as afterwards it happened that the King of Tangu slew him with a Pilon, wherewith they stampe their Rice, as being free against any stabbing.) In this manner came this mightie Empire to ruine, so that at this day there is no remembrance of it.* 12.161 The King of Arracan gaue the Towne or Fort of Siriangh, lying vpon the same Riuer of Pegu, in keeping to the Portugals, especially to Philip de Britto de Nicote, to whom hee gaue the [ 50] name of Xenga, that is, Honest, which honor Xenga did after requite, taking his sonne prisoner some three or foure yeeres after, and ransomed him at eleuen hundred thousand Tangans, and ten Galeas of R••ce; who yet also domineereth and careth for no bodie.

Thus by Pegu's destruction was Siam receiued, and hath since brought in subiection the King∣domes of Cambaya, Lania••h, Iagomai, Lugor, Patane, Teneserm and diuers others. Anno 1605. the Blacke King deceased without issue, and left his Kingdome to his brother, called the White King, a cou••tous man, but enioying his kingdomes in peace: he dyed Anno 1610. leauing diuers children behind him. Hence much alteration: For lying in his death-bed, hee caused his eldest sonne to be slaine, being a yong man of great hope, at the instigation of one Iockrommeway, one of the principall Lords of Siam,* 12.162 who hauing many slaues, thought to make himselfe King. [ 60]

This present King was the second sonne of the White King, who not long after dispatched that Traytor,* 12.163 which had amongst other slaues, two hundred and eightie Iapanders. These thinking to reuenge their Masters death, and to atchieue some memorable exploit, ran together to the Court of this new King, possessed themselues of King and Court (being with out suspition) and com∣pelled

him to deliuer foure of the principall Nobles to be slaine, as causes of their Masters death. And hauing sometime vsed him at their pleasure, they compelled him to subscribe with his owne blood, and to giue some of the chiefe Palapos or Priests for hostages, to such agreement as they propounded, and so departed with great treasure after much violence, the Siamites not being able to right themselues. Vpon this occasion, the kingdomes of Cambaya and Laniangh rebelled,* 12.164 as also one Banga de Laa a Peguan. And the King of Laniangh came the last yeere into Siam, with∣in three dayes iourney of the Towne of Odija,* 12.165 hoping to find the Countrey still entangled with these slauish Iaponian broyles. But they being departed, the King of Siam came forth to meete him, which the other durst not abide. The two other Kings are said to haue ioyned league to [ 10] come together in Aprill, to dispossesse this yong King, being about two and twentie yeeres of age, which yet without treason of his owne, they are not likely to effect. Once, it was our hard happe to hit vpon these bad times so vnfitting for Trade.

We resolued that the ship should winter here in Patanie, forced thereto by diuers causes.* 12.166 The one and thirtieth of December, the Queene accompanied with aboue sixe hundred Prawes, went to sport her selfe: shee lay first at Sabrangh, where we went to salute her, hauing both sight and speech with her, in company of the Hollanders: Shee was a comely old woman, threescore yeeres of age, tall and full of Maiestie; in all the Indies we had seene few like her. Shee had in company her Sister (which was next heire) and her yonger sisters little daughter, which hath been married to Raia Siack, brother to the King of Ioor. This her sister, commonly called the yong Queene,* 12.167 was yet an vnmaried Virgin, about sixe and fortie yeeres of age. After we had had some confe∣rence [ 20] with her, shee let fall the curten, intimating thereby, that wee should depart, signifying that next day we should come againe; which wee did, and were well entertained. There were twelue women and children to dance, which I haue not seene better performed in the Indies. Then were all the Gentilitie commanded to dance, or at least make shew thereof: which caused no small laughter. We and the Hollanders must doe likewise, and the Queene thereat reioyced. She had not been out of her house in seuen yeeres before, till this going to hunt wilde Buffes and Bulles, whereof there is great abundance. As shee passed along with her traine betwixt our house and the ship, we saluted her with some Peeces from the ship, and Musket shot on shoare.

In this winter of Nouember and December, the water, by continuall raine,* 12.168 was higher then had been in the memery of man, so that many beasts died, many houses were driuen away, and [ 30] much harme done. The fiue and twentieth of Ianuary, we had newes by a Dutch ship from Siam,* 12.169 that Master Lucas had sold more then halfe his goods, and that the King had bought a great par∣cell thereof: neithr would he suffer the Officers to carry away the goods, with a pretext of the Kings name, without a testimoniall from the King. We had also newes from Keda, that the Por∣tugals had come with fifteene hundred men from Saint Thome,* 12.170 and taken the Hollanders house in Paleacate, slaine their men, and carried away the goods. In March I sent the ship for Siam with more goods.

The King of Pahan married the yonger sister of the Queene of Patane, whom shee hauing not seene in twentie eight yeeres, hauing requested the same by often solemne Embassies, and not ob∣taining; [ 40] hath made stay of all the Iunkes that came from Siam, Cambaya, Bordelongh, Lugor, or any other places laden with Rice for Pahan, and sent forth all her power by water, consisting of about seuentie sailes, with some foure thousand men, vnder the command of Maha Raia, Datoe Bessar, and Orancayo Sirnora, with order to bring her sister hither, either in friendship or by force, se that Pahan shall haue much to doe by reason of the great dearth, the burning of his house, Rice and barnes; as also the warres of Ioor, who as is said, maketh great prepartion to goe in his owne person for Pahan; and the King of Borneo prepareth on the other side to their succour.

In Aprill 1613. here arriued diuers Iuncks from Cambaya and China. In May I receiued letters from Siam, and good newes of sale, and of the Globes arriuall. He was busie to send a Cargason of goods for Iapan. Seeing good to be done with China Commodities, I tooke vp three thousand Rials of eight of the Queene at interest, for three or foure Moneths, allowing sixe per Centum to [ 50] the Queene, and one per Centum to the Treasurer. We receiued ill newes from Bantam,* 12.171 that Cam∣pochina had twice been burnt, the great English house also full of cloath, and that of the Hollanders with great losse: of a great English ship at Pulo Panian much distressed, and great mortalitie. There came newes also, that the Acheners had besieged Ioor.* 12.172

Iuly the twelfth, here arriued the King of Pahan, with his Wife the Queenes sister,* 12.173 and two Sonnes, much against his will, leauing his countrey in great pouertie, famine, fire, and warre, ha∣uing ioyned conspiracie. He brought newes that the Acheners had taken Ioor,* 12.174 and carried all the Ordnance, Slaues, and other things away with them; Raia Boungson with his children were ta∣ken prisoners, and the King of Ioor fled to Bintam. It was besieged nine and twentie dayes. Some Hollanders also, whose ship was then at Ioor, were there taken and slaine.* 12.175 None of the Grandes [ 60] went to entertaine this King of Pahan, onely all the dogs were killed for his sake, because he can endure none. He tooke our shooting as he passed by vs in his honour very kindly, desiring vs to visit him, and to trade in his Countrey.

Iuly the sixteenth, we had newes of Captaine Saris his being at Mackian, in the way to Iapan:

also of the death of Sir Henry Middleton on the foure and twentieth of May,* 12.176 as was thought by griefe for the most part, the Trades-increase lying there on ground without Mast, with three and thirtie men the greatest part sicke: the ship being sheathed on the one side, and not on the other. In her had deceased an hundred English, and more Chineses which wrought for wages, and eight Dutch,* 12.177 by some strange sickenesse. Captaine Schot had taken the Castle and Iland of Solor, with great quantitie of Sandalwood. In the Moluccos also they had done much on the Spanyard, and a hot warre was likely to ensue. Iuly the one and thirtieth, came the King of Pahan to our house with great state, making great promises of kind entertainment in his Countrey.

August the first, the Queene sent for vs to the Court, where was made a great feast in honour of the King of Pahan. There was also plaid a Comedie by women after the Iauan manner, appa∣relled [ 10] antikelike,* 12.178 very pleasant to behold. On the ninth, the King of Pahan departed, hauing been here a mocking stocke to the Patanees: but the Queenes Sister would not leaue him, but re∣turned backe with him; in liew of getting great presents, hauing spent almost all shee had. On the sixteenth, I receiued a letter from Thomas Bret at Maccasar of a bad Market, and that Iohn Persons was fallen frantike: and that they had bought a Iunke with purpose to haue come away, but that in the meane time the Darling came thither, beeing full of cloathing to settle a Facto∣rie there.

September the eighteenth, arriued here Raia Indra Monda, which had gone from hence, O∣ctober the twentie fift: he had been at Maccasar, and thence to Banda, where hee made a good Market.* 12.179 He brought about two hundred sockles Mace, and a great parcell of Nutmegs. Hee [ 20] brought me a letter from Richard Welden. By him I learned the State of Banda; the Generall Pe∣ter de Bot, had ministred seuere iustice, hanging some for sleeping in the watch, on a Gallowes hard by the Castle: which caused diuers to runne to the Bandesians, and ten were turned Moores; neither could they of the Castle by any meanes recouer them. Nor haue they of the Castle any command at all ouer the Bandesians:* 12.180 onely they make the Iunkes to ride vnder the Castle, as also the ships, so commanding the Sea, but not daring to giue a bad word on land to the Bandesians. The three and twentieth, the Globe arriued from Siam, and I receiued a letter from M. Lucas, that he had no newes from the Cargason sent to Iagomai, because the passages were stopped by reason of the warres betweene the people of Awa and of Laniangh.* 12.181 The King of Awa is said to haue taken Siriangh, and to haue caused the Xenga to be slaine. The King of Siam expects [ 30] him with great forces, keeping good watches on his borders. I payd the Queene her debt in gold.

October the fourth, beeing the Moores first day of Lent, about eight of the clocke in the mor∣ning,* 12.182 arose a mightie fire in the Towne, or rather the Fort and Court of Patania, the cause was this: Datoe Besar and Datoe Laxmanna dwelling neere to each other, and beeing (except Raia Shey) the richest in Slaues of Iavonians: it chanced, this Datoe Besar had been threatned by his Iauonian slaues, that they would kill him, Laxmannah, Raia Suterbangh, and others, which at last came to their eares. Whereupon Datoe Besar calling in his slaues, examined the busines, which by the•• was denied. Notwithstanding he caused two which were most suspected to bee bound, which the Pongonla of the slaues would not suffer, who was thereupon by the said Besar thrust through with his Cryse or Dagger. The Iauonian slaues enraged hereat, had laid hold on their [ 40] Lord, but that his other slaues freed him. Their furie neuerthelesse slew all which came in their way, and set fire on their houses. The Iauan slaues of Laxma••nah, seeing their Countrey men in trouble, in sight of their Master, and in spight of his threats, came to them, set all on fire: and be∣ing in all about an hundred persons, ranne to the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting all on fire on both sides as they went, so that the whole Towne, except some fewe, as the Queenes Court, Orancaio Sirnora, Datoe Bandara, and the Meskita, was burned. And the Iauans going a∣longst the streete, tooke the best bond-women that they found, along with them, and stayed till one of the clocke after dinner, domineering, none daring to come at them. Wee meane while were not without feare in our quarter, they threatning to fall on our house: wherefore (with the [ 50] Hollanders together) we kept strong watch, sending aboord for as many armed as might bee, which came in very fit time. For they beeing landed, and things set in order, we resolued to go to visit them, and to stoppe their way; which happened euen iust as they were comming down∣wards. But vnderstanding by their spies of our strength and comming towards them, they reti∣red thwart to the fields, and fled to Quale bouca, and so forwards to Bordolongh, Sangora, and into the Countrey. Thus we, without harme receiued, got the name of Defenders of strangers. The Iauans were followed afterwards to little purpose, three or foure sicke men beeing taken priso∣ners: what became of the rest was not knowne at our departure. This is the third time that Pata∣nia hath been burned, twice by the Iapanders, and once by the Iauans, a thing strange and almost incredible. [ 60]

On the one and twentieth, we tooke our leaue of the Queene, which gaue to mee, and to Ma∣ster Essington a golden Cryse.* 12.183 We left William Ebert in the house with Robert Litleword and Ralph Cooper, with letters also for M. Lucas at Siam. The same day arriued the vnhoped for Hope from Iohor, where arriuing and going on shoare, before they could returne aboord, the Armada

of Achen was before the Towne to besiege it.* 12.184 Wherefore they sent a letter aboord for thirtie armed men to be sent by land, and to come as high as they could in the Riuer with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to fight against the Acheners, which by reason of the shoalds they could not do high enough to hin∣der them, but that after twentie nine dayes the Towne was rendred by composition. Thus re∣mained twenty three Hollanders prisoners, and twelue came aboord, where none of command were left, but the Masters mate, and one Assistant. These resolued for Patania▪ but encountred with a storme, were driuen on the Corall ground of Borneo, and were by a larger wind put thence vpon Pulo Condor. It being now impossible to recouer Patania, they sought refreshing in the Wa∣rellas, where they had a good Bay, but an ill Kitchin, the people being their enemies. They came [ 10] to Patania with eighteene men, the most lying in pitifull pl••ght in their Cabbins. Shee brought seuentie thousand Rials of eight, and twentie nine packs with Indie cloth.

§. III. Their Voyage to Masulipatan; accidents during their long stay there, and their returne.

THe next morning we set saile. The fiue and twentieth we were with the Southerliest [ 20] Ilands of Ridangh (which are about eighteene or twentie,* 12.185 lying in sixe degrees) and in the Euening by the Iles of Capas, which are three little Iles, lying some thirteene leagues from the former, and two from the Continent. The sixe and twentieth, we saw Pulo Tyaman, South and South by East from Capas twentie eight league. The nine and twentieth, being calme, we came to Pulo Tingi. If you keepe at eighteene fathome, you neede feare nothing but what you may see.

The first of Nouember, we saw the point of Iantana or Iohor, and the Mount vpon the Iland of Bintam, and the next Morning came in sight of Pedra Branca:* 12.186 and about ten of the clocke came to the dangerous riffe which fals off from the point of ••ohor foure l••agues into the Sea. Iohn Hu∣gens describes this shoald very well,* 12.187 which we passed not without danger hauing the point with [ 30] the three little Ilands West South-west from vs. It is good to keepe towards the Sea, till you bring the little Iles shut in with the point of Iohor, and Pedra Branca open with the Ile of Bin∣tam. Pedra Branca is a rocke full of fowle, and be-dunged, which causeth the toppe thereof to be white, and giues it that name. Till the seuenth, we were euery day busie, turning vp with the floud till we were past the Riuer of Iohor, and came about two leagues from Sinca pura. On the eighth, diuers Prawes came aboord vs hard by the straight, being of the Salettes vnder the King of Iohor, which for the most part keep in their Prawes, with their Wiues and Children, and liue on fishing. By these we vnderstood, that the King of Achen had sent Raia Bouny Soe, younger brother of the King of Iohor, backe againe with great honour, attended with thirtie Prawes and two thousand Acheners, to rebuild the Fort and Citie of Iohor, with good store of Ordnance, [ 40] and other necessaries, hauing ma••ried him to his Sister, and that he should bee set vp in the old Kings place. Here we tooke a Pilot to carry vs through the Straights.

The nineteenth of December, we arriued at Masulipatan, where we found an English shippe,* 12.188 and two Hollanders. We vnderstood that Mirsadards was out of place, and that Atmachan and Busebulleran did gouerne. The English ship was the Iames,* 12.189 and was sent expres••ely to second vs in our Voyage. M. Marlow, M. Dauis, M. Gumey, and M. Cob came aboord vs, and deliuered vs Letters. The one and twentieth I went on shoare, where we were met by Wentacadra, sonne to Busebulleran, with the Sabandar and other Moores, and were well receiued. They gaue vs diuers tesseriffes, and to the Director Warner and me, to each a faire horse, which I refused, suspecting their treachery, but was compelled to accept it. I took a Caul at foure per Centum, & landedgoods.

[ 50] The twentie fift of Ianuary, the Iames departed for Petapoli: and on the seuenth of February, from thence for Bantam. On the eighteenth of February, I went to Narsapur Peca, and the nine∣teenth, the ship was brought into the Riuer drawing nine foot three quarters, and hauing ten and an halfe, contrary to the reports of some, which wished no good to vs. The three and twentieth, I arriued againe at Masulipatan, and dispatched the Peon for Surat, writing to M. Aldworth. That day arriued a Nauette from Pegu, wherein came Cornelius Franke, by whom we vnderstood,* 12.190 that it was certaine that the King of Awa had taken the Fort of Siriangh, and slaine all the Portugals, and that Xenga or Philip de Britto, was either spitted or so••lath'd. This was done in March ••ast. The King had giuen order for rebuilding the old Towne, calling all the Peguers together, and making many faire promises. Himselfe went forward toward Tenesserin, where Banga de la [ 60] came to him with fiftie thousand Peguers, who before had been vnder the King of S••am. The Moores in Masulipatan reioice greatly at this conqu••st, hoping to get the trade of Pegu into their hands againe, and prepare two ships to send thither in Septemb••r. In March came newes of el••uen ships arriued at Goa, eight from China, and three from Malacca, which brought downe the price of the Market, in a good houre for me, which had almost dispatched before.

In Aprill 1614. Atmachan departed for Golanda to giue vp his accounts, the yeare comming to an end. It was well for him, the King hauing deposed the great Treas••rer▪ and giuen his Of∣fice to Malick Tusar, Atmachans friend: and well for vs, these Gouernours Debts beeing good whiles they continue their place; otherwise doubtfull.

* 12.191The eighteenth of May, at fiue in the euening dyed Captaine Essington of a sudden heat, hauing eaten his Dinner at the Table. He had some Biles about him, which at that time of the yeare are very common: one great one on his shoulder, which would not breake, s••pposed the cause of that heate. I went and set the ship in the best order I could, they all refusing other G••uernour but me, which thought it an abasement to tread in the steps of my vnder Merchant. I committed it for that time to Master Skinner, holding all in hope that they might doe their best endeauours, and returned to Masulipatan, where I found three persons which said that they wer•• ••ent with [ 10] Letters from Ohiama Queene of Paleacatte,* 12.192 Iaga Raia Gouernour thereabout, and of Saint Tho∣mee, Apa Condaia S••cretarie of the Great King Wencatadraia, wherein they sent me word that if I would come thither, they would grant me a place right ouer against the Fort of Paleacatte, with all such Priuiledges as we should desire, and other great promises besides. But I considering how I and the Iames had beene entertayned there, could beleeue but little: yet at last we agreed that one of them should stay with me, and the rest should depart with one of my folkes, who should carrie the Letters to the aforesaid persons; as also to the King; wherein I repeated the bad entertainment which we had at Paleacatte. And if now it pleased him that we should come in∣to his Countrey, then to send vs his Caul or safe Conduct, to which we might trust.

* 12.193The nine and twentieth of Iuly, arriued foure persons as Embassadors, with my man Wengali; [ 20] from the Great King of Narsinga or Velur, bringing me a Caul with his Abestiam, (which is a white Cloth where his owne hand is printed in Sandall or Saffron) as also one from the Queene of Paleacatte, and diuers Letters from Iaga Raia, Tima Raia, Apacondaia and others. The Kings Letter was written vpon a leafe of Gold, wherein hee excused the former fault done to vs in Paleacatte, desiring that now we would come into his Countrey, and chuse a place to our best li∣king,* 12.194 and that there we should build a house or Castle according to our owne liking, with other priuiledges. He gaue me a Towne of about foure hundred pound of yearely reuenue, with pro∣mise to doe more at my comming thither. The Hollanders had wrought much against it, but their words were not now in such force; the Inhabitants grieuing to see euery yeare English ships passe by without any profit to them, and therefore filling the King with complaints, and [ 30] procuring these friendly offers. I kept them with mee, allowing their daily charges till the ship be come into the Road, then to consider further. My man Wengali had beene in person before the King and spoken with him, the King laying his hand on his head, and presenting him with a Tesseriffe.

* 12.195In August, was in Narsapur Peta and thereabouts, a greater ouer-flowing then had beene seene in nine and twentie yeares; that whole Salt hils, Townes, and Rice draue away, and ma∣ny thousands of men and cattell were drowned, the water being three yards aboue the common high-way. In Golconda (which hath a branch r••nning into this great Riuer, dry in the Summer) were about foure thousand houses washed away. Two stone Bridges, one of nineteene; the other of fifteene arches (as artificially made as the like may scarsly bee seene in Europe, in my iudge∣ment, [ 40] at least three fathome high aboue water) were three foot vnder water, and sixe arches of that of nineteene washed away, beeing a Bridge which might well bee compared with that of Rochester.

The fourth of October, the ship being sheathed came ouer the Barre without hurt, hindered before by the foule weather. And now I called freshly for my Debts, and writ thereof the third time to the Court, telling them that I would be payd the interest also; whereupon they writ to Mir Ma••umad Rasa and the Sabander, to looke that I be contented. The three and twentieth, the ship came into the Roade of Masulipatan, and I tooke order for shipping the goods. On the fiue and twentieth came newes of the death of Wencatadrapa King of Velur,* 12.196 after his fiftie yeares raigne, and that his three Wiues (of whom Obyama Queene of Paleacatte was one) had [ 50] burned themselues quickE with the Corps. Great troubles are feared; the Hollanders are afraid of their Castle new built in Paleacatte. Soone after came sixtie sixe Souldiers to strengthen it, in the Lion.

The first of Nouember, arriued the Lion from Bantam, which brought newes of the casting a∣way of the Bantam in the Tessell, and of the White Lion at Saint Helena; of the Iames arriuall at Bantam and going thence for Patania.* 12.197 I seeing the Gouernours trifling delayes for his Debt, and being in danger thereby not to returne this yeare, resolued to carrie him or his sonne from the Custome house aboord the ship, how dangerous soeuer the attempt seemed, the whole Company promising therein to liue and dye with me. Whereupon I gaue order for the Boat to goe aboord, [ 60] and to bring sixe Muskets wrapped vp in the Sailes, and so to lye in the Custome House, till we should see our oportunitie. Moreouer, seeing we may not bring any weapons on shore, I gaue order that all our folkes should stay within the House, and come to mee in the Custome House as soone as I should send for them fiue, to take hold of the Souldiers Pikes, that were of the Gouernours

or his sonnes Guard, and so presently to enter the Custome House, which standeth hard by the Riuers side, and then to shut the doore. So might we be able to carry them into the Boat, before the alarme be knowne in the Towne: wee hauing them in the Boate, wee needed not to feare. We kept it secretly, yet had the Hollanders intelligence, who esteemed it a bragge, and so reuea∣led it not.

The one and twentieth of Nouember, the Gentiles had a Feast,* 12.198 which Solemnitie happens thrice a yeare, when the New Moone commeth on a Monday: in which both Men and Women come to wash themselues in the Sea, esteeming thereby to haue great indulgence. The Bramenes also and Cometis doe the same.

[ 10] On the foure and twentieth, I demanded my money of the Gouernour very angerly, hauing stayed seuen monethes longer then bargaine, asking also Mir Mahumad Rasa, why he did not helpe me according to the Letters of the Court: who laughingly answered, they would talke with me at the Custome House when my anger was ouer. I replyed, I would no longer bee made a Foole, I would shew my selfe a Captaine of the King of England, who are not accusto∣med to such Knauish dealing. Thus went I to the Custome House, where I found the Gouer∣nours Sonne with a small Guard, his Souldiers hauing set their Launces ouer against the Custome House, it now being also high-water, as if God had offered Occasions fore-looke. Wherefore I sent home (as was before agreed) for Master Skinner and the rest, (leauing only three to looke to the house) who presently came & laid hold on the Pikes, and entring the Custome house, shut the [ 20] doore. In the mean time I held Wencatadra arrested by the armes, til two or three came to me,* 12.199 who taking him in their armes carryed him into the Boat, into which I presently leaped, and beeing followed of the rest, put off from shoare, rowing away: so that before his Father and Mir Ma∣humad Rasa could come to the Custome House, wee were in full rowing. But in regard that it blew hard, and that we were forced to row vnder land, within the length of two Cables to keep the depth of the Channell; they came with might and mayne to pursue vs: some comming hard by the Boate, but were out-rowed. Some met vs in front which had indangered vs, but discharging three Muskets we frighted them, and carryed away our prey in sight of three thou∣sand people, being much past the Barre before they co••ld come to it, and came safe aboord. I had giuen order to George Chancey, to stay ashoare with three men more to giue a reason of this Ho∣stilitie, [ 30] & to get in the Debts: but he, contrary hereto, going forth of the house to see this Enter∣prize, was by some vnruly fellowes set vpon and thorowly beaten: which comming to the Go∣uernours eare, hee tooke him into his protection, fearing his sonne might pay for it.

In the after-noone came from shoare Werner Van B••rchem the Hollander, with the Kings Interpeter, to demand the cause of this action, whom I answered that they knew it well enough, and I had also left my vn••er Merchant on shore to tell them: of whose hard vsage vnderstanding, I made as though I would be reuenged on Wencatadra, but by Van Berchems intercession remit∣ted it, conditionally to execute the same, hanging him at the yard (which he writ to his Father) if any of my men should be wronged. I prohibited also any Boat to come aboord without a Let∣ter from George Chancey, else would I set them all before the Ma••••. The Hollanders Van Berchem [ 40] with the Secretarie came aboord againe on the seuen and twentieth, offering the Gouernours owne Debt: I demanded no more but his and Callopas whose Suretie hee was, and for the rest, that he as Gouernor should send such as refused to pay aboord; & I would hold my selfe satisfied. Berchem also protested against me of all dammages, whIch they had bound, or might beare, be∣cause of my hostilitie; to which protest I answered by writing, shewing the nullitie thereof, and their ship the same night departed for Patane. In the meane-while, Wencatadra remayned aboord without eating or drinking. For he being a Bramene,* 12.200 may neither eate nor drinke in any mans house but what he hath dressed himselfe; which made mee so to pittie him, that I offered if any two Moores of qualitie would come aboord in his place, I would let him goe on shoare. But none would vndertake it, and he must continue his fast. The Gouernour therefore payd his and [ 50] Callopas Debt, and made all the rest to pay except Miriape••k and Datapa which were in Golcon∣da, and I sent backe my Prisoner, the thirtieth of Nouember.

After this agreement diuers Moores and others came aboord to visit mee, promising to write to the King the truth of these proceedings, desiring me not to hurt any Moores ships. I answered I was for this time satisfied: but let them hereafter take heed of giuing like cause, and haue bet∣ter eares for Englishmens complaints. I also sent Letters to the King at Golconda to the same pur∣pose for quicker Iustice. I dispatched likewise the Embassadors of Velur, in respect of the trou∣bles there, and my short stay denying fit oportunitie: yet I left Letters with them for the first English ships, with my best aduice.

The seuenth of December, Master Chancey came aboord with the rest, and next night I put to [ 60] Sea▪ hauing offered to come and take a friendly fare-well on shoare: but the Gouernour fearing I would write of his dealing by those Moores, refused, pretending hee was ashamed to see my face, whom of a good friend he had made his Enemie. The third of Ianuarie, we arriued at Ban∣tam, where we found the Iames come from Patane, the Hosiander, and Concord. I went on

shoare and receiued of Master Iohn Iordaine,* 12.201 (principall Factour at Bantam) Letters, from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the Companie was ioyned in one, &c. From Master Cockin at Maccasar, that he had receiued the Cargaton sent by William Ebert, with other circumstances: from Adam Denton and Master Gourney, complayning of the dead Market because of the Warres: from Master Lucas also, of his feares in the same regard▪ but the Darling being gone thither, I hope, will comfort him.

Here we agreed that the Hosianders goods should be discharged into the Globe, and Edward Christian (made Captaine thereof in that Countrey by Generall Beast) should bee Captaine of the Globe, and Nathaniel Salmon Master; and Master Skinner should goe Master in the Hosiander: [ 10] and that in the Globe should goe fiftie men, in the Iames fiue and fiftie, twentie in the Hosiander which was to stay here; and three or foure to keepe the Concord. On the thirtieth, the Iames departed to goe on a moneth before and to stay at the Cape, or at Saint Helena, that we might go together. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly bee made readie, it was thought fit to send the Concord for Amboyna, George Bale going in her; and George Chancey was to stay in Macasar. The ship Zelandia arriued from Iapan,* 12.202 and brought Letters from Master Cockes, that Master Pea∣cocke with the Hollanders was slaine in Cochin China, and that Master Adams and foure other English were gone thence for Syam.

The fourteenth of Februarie, arriued Captaine Dauid Middleton with the Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, the men being well and in good disposition. Captaine Middleton vnderstanding [ 20] of his Brothers death,* 12.203 and the losse of his ship the Trades Increase, was perplexed and resolued to goe home, wherefore he called a Court to see the disposing of the ships, and the manning againe of the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the Samaritan with the very first, the Thomas to Sumatra, and the Thomasin for Amboyna, to succour the Concord and the Hosiander for Petania and Iapan, to visit those Factories, which was put in execution. They set sayle out of Bantam Road, the two and twentieth of February. Aprill the thirtieth, they entred the Road of Soldania, where they found the Iames which arriued the day before, the Aduise & Attendant out∣ward bound. The seuenteenth of May, they weighed, and the first of Iune came to Saint Helena.

[ 30]

CHAP. XV. A Iournall of a Voyage made by the Pearle * 12.204 to the East-India, wherein went as Captaine Master SAMVEL CASTELTON of London, and Captaine GEORGE BATHVRST as Lieutenant: written by IOHN TATTON, Master.

THe two and twentieth of August 1612. we departed from Black-wall for Graues∣end, and being much hindered by contrary windes, it was the fift of Nouember, [ 40] before we could attayne to the Lands end of England.

The seuen and twentieth of Nouember, we fell with Lancerota, one of the Ca∣narie Iles.

The third of December, we towed into Laurataui Road. The fifth wee were put out of the Roade by foule weather,* 12.205 and spent the whole moneth about this Ile, and Tene∣riffa, and tooke in sixteene Pipes of Wine.

The last of this moneth, we met with a small ship of London, a little in the Offing, which had formerly beene in the Road with vs,* 12.206 which an Holland ship of Warre had taken, whose men be∣ing all drunke in the night, she stole away hauing but three men in her: into whom we put two men, and a Merchant, whom we should haue set on shoare at the Grand Canarie, but the weather [ 50] not permitting vs, he agreed to goe for the Ile of Palme, we thinking there to better our proui∣sion. The small ship this day did beare vs companie.

The fifteenth day, we anchored in the Roade of Cape Verde where we watered, and got some Oxen.

* 12.207The one and twentieth, we weighed and went ouer to Rofisco for Beeues, and at fiue of the clocke anchored in Rofisco Roade in fiue fathomes. Note that there is but eleuen fathomes ouer the Bay in an East and by North course: for so lyeth Rofisco from the Ile which maketh the Roade at Cape Verde. The two and twentieth, we got seuen Beeues.

The three and twentieth, in the morning wee departed from Rofisco. The eight and twen∣tieth,* 12.208 [ 60] being in latitude sixe degrees, thirtie two minutes, we met with the first Ternado, lasting some two houres.

The twentieth of Februarie, wee crossed the Equinoctiall Line, and made our way South South-east.

The fifteenth of Aprill 1612. the latitude thirtie two degrees, thirtie nine minutes,* 12.209 the wind South-west, we steered in East South-east, and met with many great weeds, called Trom∣bas by the Portugals, and the water was much changed: we steered away East South-east till fiue of the clocke; then wee saw the land betweene the East South-east, and East North-east: wee steered away East till seuen in the morning: then we were thwart Punta de Sancta Lucia, some foure leagues off; we sounded, and had forty three fathomes, Rockes: then it fell aland.

The sixteenth at noone, latitude thirtie three degrees, no minutes. At fiue of the clock at night, we were shot so farre into the Bay, that we brought a ledge of rockes South South-west off vs: then we steered off.

[ 10] The seuenteenth in the morning, we were some seuen leagues off the shoare, hauing got some three leagues to the Southward. This day our latitude was thirtie three degrees, no minutes, we stood in for the shoare, and at three of the clocke came in faire by the point in fifteene, fourteene, and thirteene fathoms, and had sometimes hard ground, sometimes soft Ozie: and when wee were shot within the point two miles off the shoare, we had nine fathoms for the most part soft Ozie: Then we anchored in the South-east side of the Bay in seuen fathoms soft ground, the one point North North-east some seuen leagues off; the other which we came in by, North-west.

The eighteenth in the morning, we sent our Boat and Skiffe on shoare;* 12.210 the Skiffe presently returning, brought newes of people, whereof some twentie came to them. Wee sent the Skiffe on shoare againe with an iron hoope cut in pieces, and some hatchets: and for a small piece of this [ 20] iron hoope we had a Calfe, and for an hatchet an excellent good sheepe. Then we sent our Boat to seeke for water, but ranging the Bay could find none: a little puddle we saw, of which the people dranke, making signes that there was none other. This Countrey seemed to bee a very barren place. Our Boat went into a Riuer in the bottome of the Bay, hauing sixe foote water vpon the Barre at an high water, and went a mile vp a very tine Riuer, but all salt water, and a barren Countrey.

The nineteenth in the morning, at two of the clocke, the wind came vp at North North-west, and blowing right in, we weighed, and made a boord ouer the bottome of the Bay in ten, nine, eight and seuen fathoms. Then the wind came to the West South-west, and West by South, and so we plyed it out, all night becalmed some three leagues without the point of the road. The [ 30] two and twentieth at noone, latitude thirtie three degrees, fiftie three minutes, we were some eight leagues off the shoare. The three and twentieth in the morning,* 12.211 the Table bare South-east some fiue leagues off. All night was calme. The foure and twentieth, we came into the Road of Saldanha: The people desire nothing so much as Copper: Brasse they regarded not.

The foure and twentieth of August, we departed from Priaman for Tecon: Priaman standeth in thirtie eight minutes of South latitude, and the variation there is foure degrees, fiftie minutes North-west. Tecon standeth in fiue and twentie minutes of South latitude, hauing three or foure shoalds betweene them: but keepe some foure leagues off the shoare, and there is no feare.

The one and thirtieth, we ran into a Bay, and there (being a wildernesse) wee brought on a false keele on our Pinnasse. This Bay is called by the name of a Towne, a little to the South∣ward [ 40] of it, called Airebangye. The latitude of this Bay is some eight minutes North latitude. Round about the shoald going in, is nine fathome and a quarter lesse: but betweene the maine and it, is the best channell with a Northerly wind, because the point of the Isle lyeth shoald a good cables length off to the Northward: some two miles off the shore thwart the wester point, which is to the Northward of Airebangye, lyeth a shoald, whereon is but eight or nine fathomes water, being rockes: but all ouer betweene that land and the long Isle in the offing, which lyeth some seuen leagues off, is but eight and twentie and thirtie fathoms. The tenth of September, we got vp with the wind off the shoare, within two miles of Pattahan.

The eleuenth in the morning, we anchored at the South-west end of the Isle of Pattahan in fourteene fathoms Ozie:* 12.212 and at two in the after-noone we anchored thwart the Riuer of Patta∣han, [ 50] in fiue fathoms Ozie. All this Coast is Ozie neare the shoare▪ without it be the shoalds. This Riuer is very good water, and you may goe into it six or seuen foot vpon the Barre, it standeth in no degree, twentie eight minutes of North latitude.

The fourteenth, we went from Pattahan with two Gouernours for our Pilots, for Barons and Achen, with three Boyes.

The sixteenth, we were a little short of a bigge Island,* 12.213 which lyeth some two miles off the maine, with two other small Isles on the South-side of it: and betweene the maine and it lyeth an high round homocke being an Isle: This is some twentie fiue or twentie sixe leagues to the Northward of Pattahan. This bigge Isle standeth in one degree, fortie minutes. And on the North-west side is a fresh running downe a steepe cliffe, like a little Riuer, all in a breach, and [ 60] sheweth white a great way off, seuen or eight leagues you may very well see it. On the North-side of this Isle is a fine Bay: going faire by it, we had thirty fathoms Ozie. South-west or West South-west some foure leagues from this Island lyeth a shoald:* 12.214 within this Isle your depth is two and twentie fathoms, and so close into the maine twentie fathoms, all Ozie, your anchor o∣uer both floockes.

The last of October, we departed from Nieubar, where we had good refreshing, for the Isle of Ceylon; the Canoes still trading, so long as we were any thing neare.

* 12.215The twelfth of Nouember at noone, the Sunne shining, we made our ship in fiue degrees, thir∣tie fiue minutes. By which obseruation I found our ship fortie leagues farther Southerly, then I could iudge by our sailing, in lesse time then two dayes. At eight of the clocke in the morning, we saw the land of Ceylon, North-east by north off vs some twelue leagues off, being the high land within Punta de Galle.* 12.216 Then it proued calme, and we got out our Skiffe to sound, but found no ground.

The thirteenth at noone, latitude fiue degrees, thirtie two minutes, variation thirteene de∣grees, twentie foure minutes at night: all night the wind variable, little wind, but very much raine;* 12.217 we slented it in to the Northward: the next morning the land was East North-east. The [ 10] fourteenth at noone, our latitude was sixe degrees, or six or fiue. The Souther point of Ceylon, cal∣led Diundra, East of vs.

The sixteenth in the after-noone, the wind Southerly out of the sea, we weighed and went into the Bay,* 12.218 where the Boats were, called Velagam, thinking there to water, and anchored in seuen fathoms fine blacke sand, the one point West North-westerly, the other point which wee came in by South South-west Westerly, and rode within a quarter of a mile from the shoare. This night wee sent our Skiffe on shoare with a flagge of truce, but went not on shoare, the people making shew they could not vnderstand Portuguise.

The seuenteenth, we sent our Boat to the other side of the Bay, where there were houses built by Christian Portugals: where the people came downe to our Boat, and one of them came into [ 20] the water neare the Boat, speaking very good Portuguise, in habite like one of the Countrey peo∣ple: but we iudged him to be a Portugall. He answered our men, that wee could haue nothing till they had acquainted their King; and so bid vs returne the next morning, and we should haue answere from their King, with very pleasing words: but soone after we perceiued an ambush of the Portugals, and weighed.

The two and twentieth, we sent our Boat and Skiffe on shoare, thinking that for their two Boats and men, they would haue giuen vs water. But we commanded our long Boat not to goe neare the shoare, but to lye off to succour the Skiffe, if need were. The people on shoare keeping themselues close, sent one man downe to speake to our Skiffe, that if they would giue them mo∣ney wee should water: who made answere, that our Captaine was very well content to giue [ 30] them what it pleased them to require, and told them that we were bound for Maticalo, a Citie vpon the Isle, to Trade. Then he drawing nearer to the Skiffe, seemed to be afraid, and told them in the Skiffe that they had Gunnes and would shoote him: but they making answere they had none, as indeed▪ they had not, (for the Boat was fitted for their defence) comming neare, hee tal∣ked very friendly,* 12.219 seeming to yeeld to any thing. But on the sudden he retiring from the Skiffe, there came off such a volly of small shot, as the like hath been seldome seene, I thinke not lesse then two hundred, which hurt all our men in the Skiffe, being sixe, but none deadly, thanked be God. In the long Boat none were hurt; but the Skiffe was euen in the wash of the shoare. At their discharging of their shot they sallied out of the bushes, some of them running vp to the necke, to haue gotten hold of the Skiffe: But two of our men hauing better hearts then the rest, [ 40] although hurt, rowed her off. The long Boate discharging her fowler and her small shot, made them retire into the bushes againe; and so both our Boats came aboord againe.

The foure and twentieth, we stood to the Eastward about Diundra, the Souther point of the Isle, and anchored all night some seuen leagues to the East.

The sixe and twentieth, wee stood to the Eastward along the shoare, and at noone anchored thwart a Riuer,* 12.220 which the people called Wallaway, in eight fathoms, black Ozie sand, yet shewed a great Riuer within, but the mouth was dord vp. Our Boat being at the mouth of it, thought it to be a Rocke that lay thwart of the Riuers mouth: and the Sea going high they could doe no good, but came aboord.

The seuen and twentieth, at fiue of the clocke at night, we were thwart a shoald in the offing [ 50] of vs,* 12.221 and being shot to the Eastward of it, we tooke in all our sailes but our fore-course, and stood it off a try to spend the night, and not liking the weather, I called to get vp our new fore-course; and while it was getting vp, the other split. Being some foure miles off the shoare, we laid it a hull till nine of the clocke, hauing foure and thirtie fathoms. Then we laid it about to the shoare, and at eleuen of the clocke anchored in thirteene fathom fine sand, some three miles and an halfe from the shoare, being lesse wind.

* 12.222The eight and twentieth, in running some fiue leagues, wee met with another shoald without vs some three leagues from the land, the shoare being sandie hills. The depth some fiue or sixe miles off,* 12.223 sixe or eight fathoms: at one cast we had but fiue fathoms, which was another shoald, [ 60] but it shewed not, being a smooth Sea. Then we came into ten and fifteene fathoms: and stan∣ding still to the Eastward,* 12.224 we came to a point of rockes, and there seeing a fine Riuer, we ancho∣red on the East-side of the point in nine fathoms blacke Ozie sand; the point bearing South-west and by South off vs. Heere we watered, keeping a guard vpon the Rocke of thirty small

shot. Here some people came to vs with feare, making shewes of great friendship. They haue for the most part of them very great holes in their eares:* 12.225 and some of them haue their haire vpon their heads, like the Chineses, long, and made vp with a knot vpon their Crownes. They are all naked, they weare only a piece of cloth about their middles, hanging downe to their knees. Here two came aboord vs at seuerall times, which spake good Portuguise. They promised all things, but performed nothing. But finding the first to play the villaine with vs, yet as farre as we perceiued, not by his owne meanes, we tooke occasion to detaine the one aboord, sending the other with threatnings and promises on shoare to procure vs victualls: who staying somewhat long, put his fellow which we had detained in great feare; who fained himselfe sicke, and would [ 10] faine haue gone on shore. But the next day his consort came with two Calues.

The fourth of December in the morning, we stood to the East-ward till the brise came,* 12.226 which was about two of the clock, & fetcht not the place by sixe leagues: we anchored in ten fathomes two miles from the shoare, fine blacke sand: latitude sixe degrees fortie minutes.* 12.227 Variation twelue degrees fortie sixe minutes North-westing. Here we rode till the eighth: then we stood to the West-ward, and anchored all night thwart a great Hamocke. The ninth, we anchored all night a little to the West-ward of the Westermost Shoald. The eleuenth in the morning, we stood faire in by the riuer Wallaway; but the sea going high, we went along to the West-ward, and at night were thwart the point some fiue leagues to the East-ward of Diundra. Here wee rode till the sixteenth, at which time the Current setting strongly to the East-ward, which was very seldome, we weighed and plyed to the Eastward.

[ 20] The seuenteenth, we stood it in, and fetcht in a little to the West-ward of Diundra, thwart the two red Cliffes, and anchored in twentie fiue fa••homes, the point East a little Northerly.* 12.228 The eighteenth, we broke vp our Pinnasse, being so worm••-eaten, that she wearied our men with freeing her of water. Here we rode the wind Easterly all this Moneth out.

Ianuarie the seuenth, Easterly winds began to blow, then we bare vp for the riuer of Wallaway, where we staid, and laid vp new shr••wds vpon our maine Mast, hauing very much wind Easterly.* 12.229 We rode here tenne dayes together in tenne fathoms, three quarters of a mile from the shoare, the point lying East Southerly off vs. The nineteenth at midnight we espied a sayle. The twenti∣eth in the morning in lesse then three leagues chase we tooke her.* 12.230 And the same day we stood it away to the North-west out of sight of land; then we stood in againe. The foure and twentieth, [ 30] wee anchored some seuen leagues to the North-ward of Punta de Galle. The fiue and twentieth, we began to discharge her, riding in thirtie fathomes some three miles from the shoare.

The second of February, we had done with the ship, leauing in her neere an hundred tunnes of Pepper and Sanders. The third day, we set saile home-wards.* 12.231 At sixe of the clocke at night we were in foureteene fathomes, some fiue or sixe miles from the shoare, thwart an Iland, which is some sixe leagues to the South-ward of the Portugals fort vpon Ceylon called Colombo.

The twentieth of March, Latitude thirteene degrees seuen minutes:* 12.232 Variation twentie foure degrees twentie sixe minutes, being the greatest that we found. We steered away South-west, and felt no current. Note, that we met with Currents, and many ripplings from South latitude [ 40] foure degrees thirtie minutes, till we came into thirteene degrees no minutes. Sometimes the Rip∣plings making a noyse like ouer-fals, especially being in the parallels of Pedras Brancas to the West-ward of it.

The foure and twentieth, latitude sixteene degrees fiftie minutes, variation twenty three de∣grees tenne minutes: we steered South-west. The twentie seuenth, latitude twentie one degrees,* 12.233 then we saw an Iland West South-west, and South-west and by West some fiue leagues from vs, being very high land. At sixe of the clocke at night, we anchored on the Easter side of it in tenne fathomes fine blacke sand a mile from the shoare. From fortie fathomes to foure fathomes close into the shoare, you haue fine black sand. Here we sent our Boat on shoare, and found infinite numbers of great land Tortoises, as big as a man might well carrie, which were very good meate. The North-east point of this Ile is very high and steepe;* 12.234 and a little to the South-east of the [ 50] point is low land, where is a fine running water like a riuer: and though a Boat cannot goe in, yet it is a very good place to water in, somewhat distant from the shoare. The Ile is like a Forrest, and therefore I called it Englands Forrest; but others call it Pearle Iland, by the name of our ship. There is store of land fowle both small and great, plentie of Doues, great Parrats, and such like: And a great fowle of the bignesse of a Turkie, very fat, and so short winged, that they cannot flie, beeing white, and in a manner tame: and so are all other fowles, as hauing not been troubled nor feared with shot. Our men did beate them downe with sticks and stones. Ten men may take fowle enough to serue fortie men a day. Our men trauelling into the land, found another riuer and a Pond with great store of Mallards in it, and wild geese. Moreouer, they found infinite store of great Eeles, as good, I thinke, as any in the world. Strike them with a Pike, and they [ 60] will flie from you not past two or three yards, and there will lie still againe: you may wade after them at your pleasure. I weighed one of them, because they were bigger then euer I saw, and it weighed fiue and twentie pounds, and they are the sweetest fish that can be eaten.* 12.235 I thinke it is so good a place as the world can affoord for refreshing, beeing also without people.

The first of Aprill 1613. we went away, and bearing about the North-east point, all the North side of the Ile was fine low land,* 12.236 and full of trees, more pleasant in sight then the South-side. The second, latitude twentie degrees fiftie eight minutes. The Ile bare South-east by East some fiue leagues off:* 12.237 Note that we saw no dangers about the Ile, but the shore it selfe. At sixe of the clocke at night, the South-west point was off vs South-east by East, variation twenty two degrees, fortie eight minutes.

The first of May, latitude thirtie eight degrees fortie seuen minutes, which was the greatest latitude that wee euer raised to the South-ward,* 12.238 wee steered away West North-west. The e∣leuenth at noone, latitude thirty three degrees fiftie eight minutes, by which obseruation I found a Northerly Current, and found my selfe to the West-ward of Cape de Buona Esperanza.

The first of Iune, all these ships, the Salomon and foure great Hollanders departed from the [ 10] Road of Saint Helena. But within foure houres after they were gone, there came about the point two great Carackes,* 12.239 the other ships being still in sight; we hauing most part of our Com∣panie ashoare sicke, I sent the Boat on shoare, hauing not aboue ten men aboord: so there came as many as were able, some of our soundest men being vp in the Mountaines. When the Boat was come aboord, we cut our Cables in the hause and droue away, setting sayle as fast as we were able, being in all but sixe and twentie men; hauing left behind vs sicke and sound fiue and twen∣tie men of our owne Companie, and one Indian, with all our water Caske, and diuers other things for the vse of our sicke men were left on shoare. So hastening toward the Hollanders, and making signes for their stay, and within night comming vp with the A••mirall of the Hollanders, [ 20] and telling him of this newes, hee was very glad, and desired to make saile for the Road againe, and made signes to his Fleet to follow, and so stood for the Road as wind would serue. But in the morning his biggest ship both of force and burthen was missing, with the Salomon of London. Yet his three ships and we plyed it vp for the Roade, and gat in the third day at noone. The Ad∣mirall of the Hollanders went first in,* 12.240 and anchored on the Broad-side of the Admirall Caracke. He veered so much Cable before hee brought vp his ship, that his sterne hung by the galleries of the Caracke: but with his two sterne peeces lying very low, and his quarter Peeces hee so galled the Caracke, that he put her from two peeces of Ordnance, and might haue sunke her, if they had not been too couetous, hauing desire to carrie both. The next came the Bantam, and anchored in such sort, that she had her Broad-side vpon the Bow of the same Caracke, and so racked her afore and bast, that it much cooled the Portugals courage. Then came the white Lion, whereof [ 30] one Simons was Captaine, and laid her thwart the hause, and so tare her that a man might see all the Sea wash into her betweene wind and water, and withall cut her Cables, and so she droue off from the white Lion,* 12.241 and had driuen on shoare, but that the Vice-Admirall Caracke had a Ca••le fast on shoare: and so the Caracke lying in the byte of this Cable, in time got another Cable and Anchor readie, and so brought her vp againe, though long first. Then the white Lion making way to veere aboord againe, with a generall consent that all three ships should lay her a∣boord: the white Lion falling with her Broad-side along the Vice-Admirall Carack, let flye her whole Broad-side, and likewise the Carack at her. But stil vering to get aboord the Admirall Ca∣racke, his men still plying his lower Ordnance vpon the Vice-Admirall, one of his Peeces brake [ 40] ouer his Powder Roome, as some thought, and the shippe blew vp all to pieces, the after part of her, and so sunke presently. In the time of this fight eleuen of our men came out of the Moun∣taines: whom wee espying fetched from the shoare, out of the Bay to the East-ward of the chappell, leauing on shore fifteene of our Companie, one being an Indian. In the white Lion were Hen••ie Bacon, and Henrie Teddiman blowne vp, & nine and fortie of the Hollanders. Then the Ad∣mirall, whereof Iohn Derickson Lambe was Captaine, seeing his forces so much weakened, him∣selfe hauing two of his Peeces dismounted, with many of his men killed and hurt, and we being of small force, thought it best to leaue them, for want of helpe, promising to furnish vs with water.

The third of Iune, loosing one after another, and changing a few shot with the Carackes, we stood away for England.* 12.242 [ 50]

The eighteenth of Iuly in the morning, we met with many weeds, and a small long lease with white Berries of the bignesse of a corne of Pepper. The Master of the Carauell aboord the Hol∣landers reported▪ that farther Westerly the Sea is so thicke with these kind of weeds, that they hinder a ships way. They call it The Sea of Grasse. Hee affirmed that in former Voyages he had beene in it. The nineteenth, we crossed the Tropicke of Cancer.

[ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  The English Generalls, D••ake and Can∣dish, first Com∣pa••s••rs of the world, and the most fortunates Magellans ship, not himselfe effected amore renowmed then happy Voyage, whom the Hollander•• followed, gui∣ded by English instructions▪ and Marriner•• not their for∣tune••.
• * 1.2

  Cape of Good Hope▪
• * 1.3

  Praise of Que••ne Eli∣zabeth.
• * 1.4

  Sighelmus his trau••••ls to Ind••a.

  W. M••lm. de gestis Regum Augloram & de gest▪ Ep••s••. Aug.
• * 1.5

  Thomas Steuens.
• * 1.6

  Ralph ••itz.
• * 1.7

  George Raymond and Iames Lan∣caster.
• * 1.8

  English-men in Dutch Voy∣ages.
• * 1.9

  Iohn Newbury.
• * 1.10

  See the whole ••e••ter▪ ••••ak. To. 3. pag. 53.
• * 1.11

  An extract of a Spanish Let∣ter which I found amongst Master Hak∣luits pap••••s.
• * 1.12

  Three Portu∣gal Ships taken by the English▪
• * 1.13

  See my Pil∣grimage. lib. 5. cap. 7. §. 4.
• * 1.14

  Aprill 27. 1599.
• * 1.15

  May. 1600.
• * 1.16

  Aleppo.
• * 1.17

  Iuly 7. 1600.
• * 1.18

  Bir.
• * 1.19

  Vrfa. Caracmit. Bitelis.
• * 1.20

  Van. A great Lake of salt water.
• * 1.21

  Nacshian. Chiulfal. Sultania. Casbin. Com. Cashan.
• * 1.22

  Yesd. Sigistam.
• * 1.23

  Candabar.
• * 1.24

  Lahora.
• * 1.25

  He arriueth at Agra, 21 dayes iourney from Lahora.

  His present to the King of Mogor.
• * 1.26

  This Voyage was made in Q Elizabeths Reigne.
• * 1.27

  The Iesuites calumniation of our Nation.
• * 1.28

  Fiue yeares spent in trauel.
• * 1.29

  Rich garments bestowed by the grand Mo∣gor vpon Ma∣ster Iohn Mil∣denhal.
• * 1.30

  The sundry practices of the Iesuites.
• * 1.31

  An Armenian serued him foure yeares for Interpreter.
• * 1.32

  He studied sixe monethes the Persian tongue in Agra.
• * 1.33

  Many yeares delay.
• * 1.34

  The Queenes Ambassadour Leiger at Con∣stantinople.
• * 1.35

  The great Mogor gran∣ted large pri∣uiledges to Master Iohn Mildenhall. He departeth from Agra▪ Iohn Milden∣hall returned home ward by Casbin.

  The Italians are our ene∣mies for see∣king trade in those parts.
• * 1.36

  Constantinople is called New Rome, and thence in the East, the Turkes are called Ru∣mos, of that their chiefe Citie.
• * 1.37

  Aprill.
• * 1.38

  May.
• * 1.39

  Iune.
• * 1.40

  Fernando Lo∣ronha.
• * 1.41

  August.
• * 1.42

  September. Abrollos.
• * 1.43

  Nouember. Bay of Solda∣nia.
• * 1.44

  M. Tomkins Englishman.
• * 1.45

  December.
• * 1.46

  Ianuary. 1599.
• * 1.47

  Madagascar. February. Bay of Saint Augustine.
• * 1.48

  March. Hungry Bay. Iles Comoro fiue.
• * 1.49

  Aprill. Ansuame.
• * 1.50

  May. Maldiuia.
• * 1.51

  Iune.
• * 1.52

  Achin.
• * 1.53

  Englishmen abused by Hollanders.
• * 1.54

  Iuly.
• * 1.55

  England famous.
• * 1.56

  Diuerse Eng∣lishmen in this Voyage.
• * 1.57

  August.
• * 1.58

  Dauis his en∣tertainement with the King of Achin.
• * 1.59

  September.
• * 1.60

  A strange se••d▪ and strange treachery.
• * 1.61

  Rice.
• * 1.62

  Pepper.
• * 1.63

  Mines of Gold and other commodities.
• * 1.64

  Achien Citie.
• * 1.65

  Sultan Aladin.
• * 1.66

  The Turkes are called Rumos in the Indies. The reason of that name is their Metropolitan and Imepriall Citie Constan∣tinople called New Rome: of which Rome they call them Rumos. Their tradition of O∣phir is rather to be marked then this Ety∣mologie and conceit of Ru∣mos in the Red Sea.
• * 1.67

  The promi∣sed returne of Mahomet ex∣pected.
• * 1.68

  September.
• * 1.69

  October▪
• * 1.70

  Nouember▪ Nicoba••▪
• * 1.71

  December.
• * 1.72

  Matecalon in Zeilan a Citie of great trade.
• * 1.73

  Prise dischar∣ged.
• * 1.74

  March. 1600.
• * 1.75

  S. Helena.
• * 1.76

  Aprill.
• * 1.77

  Il. Ascention.
• * 1.78

  May.
• * 1.79

  Iuly.
• * 1.80

  This Voyage, though not by the Cape of Good Hope, yet because it was to Iapon, I here deliuer. See before, pag. 78.
• * 2.1

  Adams chiefe Pilot of a fleete of fiue sayles.
• * 2.2

  Cape de Lopo Gonsalues.
• * 2.3

  The Isle of No∣bon taken.
• * 2.4

  April. 6. 1599.
• * 2.5

  They wintered in the S••aights of Magellan.
• * 2.6

  Many of their men dyed for want of food. They stay in fortie sixe de∣grees, and re∣fresh them∣selues.

  The mouth of Baldiuia. The Isle of Mocha.
• * 2.7

  A faire sandie Bay.
• * 2.8

  The ninth of Nouember, 1599.
• * 2.9

  Twentie three men slaine.
• * 2.10

  The Isle of Sancta Maria.
• * 2.11

  Timothy Shotten of London, Pi∣lot of the Ad∣mirall.

  Cloth good m••rchandise in Iapan.

  One of their Fleete yeelded to the Spani∣ard, at Saint Iago in thirtie three degrees. See before in the Voyage of O••••uer Noo••t. They take their course from Ia∣pan, from the Road of the Isle o•• Sancta Maria, No∣uember 27. The North part of Iapan, lieth in 35. degrees, 1/;.

  They were foure months, & twentie two dayes between the Isle of Sancta Maria, and Iapan. Bungo.
• * 2.12

  Sixe of their men died.
• * 2.13

  This was at the citie of Os••ca, which is eighty leagues from Bungo.
• * 2.14

  He was called the second time.
• * 2.15

  Thus farre go∣eth his first let∣ter to his wife. Crucify••ng the v••uall punish∣ment of Male∣factors in Iapan The Ie••uites & Portugals ac∣cusations.
• * 2.16

  The Emperors answer.
• * 2.17

  He was called the third time before the Em∣perour.
• * 2.18

  The ship was brought to he City of Sacay.
• * 2.19

  Fiftie thousand Ryals in ready money were giuen vnto them.

  The Citie Sakay.
• * 2.20

  Quanto.
• * 2.21

  Eddo about 120. league•• from Sacai▪
• * 2.22

  He builded a ship of 80. tuns for the Empe∣rour.
• * 2.23

  The Emperour bestoweth a yeerely reue∣new on him of 70. Ducats, and two pounds of Rice a day.
• * 2.24

  He obtained libertie for the captaine.
• * 2.25

  The Captaine slaine at Malac∣ca,
• * 2.26

  He builded an other ship for the King of 120. tunnes. 1609.
• * 2.27

  The S. Francisco a Spanish ship of 1000. tunnes cast away on the coast of Ia∣pan in 35. de∣grees 50. min.
• * 2.28

  A new and greater pensi∣on giuen vnto him.
• * 2.29

  Two Ships of Holland came to Iapan, in the yeare 1609.
• * 2.30

  Another small Ship of Hol∣land, ar••iued there, 1611.
• * 2.31

  There is much Siluer & Gold in Iapan

  Commodities vendible for readie money.
• * 2.32

  The length and breadth of Iapan.
• * 2.33

  The disposition of people.
• * 2.34

  Many Iesuites and Fran••i••c••n Friars in Iapan▪
• * 2.35

  The Iles of Cape Verde.
• * 2.36

  Their General dyeth.
• * 2.37

  Cabo de Spiritu Sancto in Gui∣ney.

  Capo de Lopo Consalues. Illha da Nobon taken by the Hollanders.
• * 2.38

  April 3. 1599. The Straight of Magellan.
• * 2.39

  A good Har∣borough.
• * 2.40

  The 24. of Au∣gust, 1599. they came into the South Sea.
• * 2.41

  They ariue on the Coast of Chili the 2••▪ of October.
• * 2.42

  They trade with the peo∣ple of the countrey in 46 degrees. Th•• Il•• of Mocha.
• * 2.43

  2•• Men slaine Thomas Adams slaine.
• * 2.44

  The Isle of S. Mar••a.

  Th••y meete with their Ad∣mirall.

  The Generall and 27. men slaine at Mocha.
• * 2.45

  Timothy Shotten an Eng••ishman Pilot in the Admirall. D••rrick Gerrit∣son.
• * 2.46

  They leaue the coast of Chili▪ and aile dire∣ctly for Iapan. They crode the Equinocti∣all l••ne.

  These Iles seeme to bee the Ladrones. 8. of their men ran away with their pinn••sse. They lost their Admirall the 24. of Febru∣ary, 1600. An Ile call••d Vna Colonna. The 12. of A∣prill, 16••0. they di••couered Iapan neere vnto Bungo. They came to an Anchor.
• * 2.47

  The Portugals accuse them for Pirates.
• * 2.48

  He war sent for to the great King.
• * 2.49

  He commeth to the Court.
• * 2.50

  The Kings questions.
• * 2.51

  He was sent to prison.

  He was sent for againe.

  He was sent to prison the se∣cond time.
• * 2.52

  The Iames re∣turning home this yeere. 1621.
• * 2.53

  Pasharaboues. Alcatrazzi.
• * 2.54

  The Ile of Fer∣nando de Lo∣ronnah.
• * 2.55

  A strange glit∣tering of the Sea.
• * 2.56

  April.
• * 2.57

  Conie Iland.
• * 2.58

  They land in the Road of Saldannah.
• * 2.59

  Exceeding high moun∣taines.
• * 2.60

  Their women some are well featured, some of their men haue but one stone. Copper is now in greatest re∣quest with them.

  A certaine kind of root. May.

  The Cape de Bona Esperanza. Cape Das Agu••lhas.
• * 2.61

  The Lion of the Sea.
• * 2.62

  Corpo Sancto.
• * 2.63

  The Ile de Diego Roiz in 19. degrees 40. minutes.
• * 2.64

  Iune 3.
• * 2.65

  The Ile of Die∣go Roiz is a ve∣rie dangerous place.

  The Iles Dos Banhos.
• * 2.66

  Their Boates goe on shore. The Ile of Die∣go Graciosa.
• * 2.67

  Iuly. They passe the Equinoctiall Line.

  An Iland or I∣lands in two degrees of Northerly La∣titude, adioy∣ning to Suma∣tra.
• * 2.68

  The Ile of Bata.
• * 2.69

  A great flying Squirel, or Bat.
• * 2.70

  Three Barkes.
• * 2.71

  August.
• * 2.72

  Tico a Towne in Sumatra.
• * 2.73

  Their Ship commeth on ground.
• * 2.74

  Th••y meet with their Pinnasse, which they had lost so long before Priaman in fortie minutes of Southerly Latitude.
• * 2.75

  A Ship of Ban∣tam taken and freely dimis∣sed.
• * 2.76

  They take a Ship of Guza∣rate.

  Sillibar in foure degrees of Southerly La∣titude.
• * 2.77

  October. The Road of Marrah.
• * 2.78

  The twentie eight. Bantam.
• * 2.79

  The second of Nouember, they depart from Bantam. Pedra Branca. Three Prawes.
• * 2.80

  Two Prawes taken.
• * 2.81

  Poysoned Ar∣rowes shot in Trunkes. Palimbam. Grece, a Towne in Iaua.
• * 2.82

  Certain Ilands.
• * 2.83

  The broken Lands neere the Ile of Bin∣tam.

  December.
• * 2.84

  Pulo Laor.
• * 2.85

  Anoth••r ship taken.
• * 2.86

  Pan Hange.
• * 2.87

  Pulo Timaon ouer ag••••nst Pan-Hange.
• * 2.88

  The Monsons in these parts.
• * 2.89

  In three weeks hee could not get one league a head.
• * 2.90

  Cape Tingeron.
• * 2.91

  Captaine Iohn Dauis slaine.
• * 2.92

  Three or foure of the Iaponian Leaders killed.
• * 2.93

  One and twen∣tie Iapoans slain with demicul∣uering shot.
• * 2.94

  They returne from the Ile of Bintam.

  Two small I∣lands called Pulo Sumatra.
• * 2.95

  February.
• * 2.96

  February the third.
• * 2.97

  They returne home.
• * 2.98

  April 7. 1606.
• * 2.99

  Sancta Helena.
• * 2.100

  May. They arriued in Milford Ha∣uen in Wales. They came to Portsmouth.
• * 3.1

  The names of the Adventu∣rers.
• * 3.2

  George Vt••y dis∣franchized the sixt of Iuly, 1661.
• * 3.3

  A Body Po∣litique.

  The Style of the Corpora∣tion.
• * 3.4

  A Common Seale.
• * 3.5

  Thomas Smyth Alderman the first Gouer∣nour.
• * 3.6

  The first Com∣mitties for the direction of the affaires, the Company being 24.
• * 3.7

  A Deputy to the Gouernor.
• * 3.8

  The first day of Iuly, or with in 6. dayes af∣ter the yeerely election of the Gouernour.
• * 3.9

  Euery Brother to take a cor∣porall Oath.
• * 3.10

  The foure and twentie Com∣mitties to bee yearly elected, on the first of Iuly, or sixe dayes after.
• * 3.11

  The Commit∣ties shall take a corporal Oath.
• * 3.12

  If the Gouer∣nour dye, or be remoued, a new to be cho∣sen.
• * 3.13

  If any of the Committies, new to be cho∣sen.
• * 3.14

  Freedome for the Sonnes & Apprentises of such, as are free of the Company.
• * 3.15

  The Places of the Freedome of this Com∣pany.
• * 3.16

  That the Company may assemble in any conue∣nient place.
• * 3.17

  Authority to make reasona∣ble lawes by the greatest part of a gene∣rall assembly.
• * 3.18

  To punish of∣fend••rs either in body or pu••••e, so it bee not contrary to the Lawes of the Realme.
• * 3.19

  Freedome of Custome of goods out∣wards for foure yeeres.
• * 3.20

  Sixe and sixe moneths time for payment of custome and subsidie in∣ward.
• * 3.21

  If goods mis∣carry outward the value of Custome shall be allowed in other good. afterward ship¦ped.
• * 3.22

  The Custome of goods being payed at com∣ming into the Realme, it shal be lawfull for any naturall Subiect to ship it out againe, vpon the first Custome with∣in thirteene moneths.
• * 3.23

  That it shall be lawfull in the first Voyage, to carry out in fo••rain Coyne procured by the Company, or Bullion, the value of thir∣tie thousand pound, so as sixe thousand thereof bee coyned in the Mynt.
• * 3.24

  After the said first Voyage, in all the rest of the Voyages, they may carry out in euerie Voyage thir∣tie thousand pound of such forrain Coyne, as they bring into the realm, so as sixe thou∣sand thereof be new coyned in the Mynt.
• * 3.25

  That the trade shall be traded, according to the ordinances of the Compa∣ny, and not otherwise.
• * 3.26

  That six Ships and six Pinnas∣ses, shall bee yerely permit∣ted to goe into the East Indies, and fiue hun∣dred Mariners, any restraint notwithstan∣ding; except the Nauy Roy∣all goe forth.
• * 3.27

  A prohibition to all other subiects, not free of this Company, for trading into those parts vp∣on seuerall paines, with∣out the licence and assent of the Company.
• * 3.28

  Forfeiture of goods & ships.
• * 3.29

  The diuision of the forfei∣tures.
• * 3.30

  Imprisonment.
• * 3.31

  Entring into bond of a thousand pound.

  How the Com∣pany may grant licen•••• to o∣thers, at what time.
• * 3.32

  That her Ma∣iestie will not grant to any o∣thers to enter into these parts, during the terme of 15. yeares. That the Company may admit others at their plea∣sure into this Freedome.
• * 3.33

  Prouiso, that if any nam••d in the Pa••ent doe not brin•• in his promised ad∣uenture set downe, it shall be lawfull for the Company to disfranchise him.
• * 3.34

  The Company doe promise to bring in after euery Voyage returned with∣in si•• moneths, as great a quan¦titie of siluer, gold or for∣raine Coyne, as they shall c••••••ie ou••, the first Voyage excepted.

  All siluer or gold carryed forth by the Company shall bee shipped at the Ports of London, Dart∣mouth & Plim∣mouth.

  The Priuiledge shall not ex∣tend into any place▪ being in the actuall pos∣session of any Prince in league or ami∣tie with her Maiestie.
• * 3.35

  If this Priui∣ledge be found vnprofitable for th•• Realme then within two yeares warning giuen vnder the Pri∣uy S••ale, the same shall bee voide, but if it shall bee found beneficial, then the same to bee renued with some additions
• * 3.36

  The thirteenth of February, 1600.
• * 3.37

  April, 1601. These places were the Calmes of Ca∣narie, and if weaknesse per∣mitted not to double the Cape So••danha, the third Cape Saint Roman in Madagascar, to Cirne, and so to Suma••ra their first place of Trade. May the fift.
• * 3.38

  August.
• * 3.39

  They arriue at S••ldania.
• * 3.40

  The best reme∣dy for the Scuruey.
• * 3.41

  The most Vni∣uer••all lan∣guage.
• * 3.42

  Defence ne∣cessarie.
• * 3.43

  Manner of tra∣ding with the Sauages.
• * 3.44

  This Bay is in 34. degrees South of the Line.
• * 3.45

  Qualities of the people, and their difficult language.

  The healthful∣nesse of this Bay.
• * 3.46

  1601.
• * 3.47

  Nouember. 1. The Cape dou••led. Nouemb. 26.
• * 3.48

  Decemb. 15.
• * 3.49

  Ile of Cirne, or D. Rodrigues.
• * 3.50

  Iles of S. Mary and S. Laurence
• * 3.51

  People of S. Mar••e
• * 3.52

  Decemb. 23. The bay of Antongill.
• * 3.53

  The want of this discretion in Virginia (whiles one out of need, or seeming boun∣tie, would giue a greater price then another, to the S••uages for their com∣modies) so heigthned the prizes, and made them ouer-value their corne, &c that it proued much hinde∣rance to the Plantation. A Pinnace reared.
• * 3.54

  How vaine a thing is Man?
• * 3.55

  The Isle of Rogue-Pize.
• * 3.56

  1602. Dangerous Rockes.
• * 3.57

  Thisle of Candu.
• * 3.58

  Other Rocks.
• * 3.59

  The Iles of Nicubar.
• * 3.60

  April 20.
• * 3.61

  The Ile of Som∣brero.
• * 3.62

  Trees suffici∣ent for maine Masts.

  A strange Plant.
• * 3.63

  29. Of May. 1602. Sumatra.
• * 3.64

  The Fame of Q. Elizabeth.
• * 3.65

  The honora∣ble entertain∣ment of the English Gene∣rall by the King of Achen.
• * 3.66

  The Queenes Presents sent to the King of Achen.
• * 3.67

  A mettall of gre••t esteeme, called Tam∣bayck.
• * 4.1

  As the Turke hath his Mufti, so other Ma∣humetan Prin∣ces haue their Chiefe Priests in all Coun∣tries of that profession.
• * 4.2

  Great vse of the Arabian Tongue.
• * 4.3

  Cock-fighting in Achen.
• * 4.4

  Henry Middle∣ton. Captaine Iohn Da••is.

  This was his second voyage to the Indies. In the third with Sir E. Mich. he was slaine, as be∣fore is shew∣ed.
• * 4.5

  Discontent be∣twixt the Por∣tugals and the King.
• * 4.6

  Portugal subtle∣ties retorted.
• * 4.7

  A Spy for the Portugal disco∣uered.
• * 4.8

  The forces of the King of Su∣matra.
• * 4.9

  This was Cap∣taine of a ship of Holland, cal∣led Speilberge. English fauour to the Hollan∣der.
• * 4.10

  The Kings sub∣tile dealing with the Por∣tugals.
• * 4.11

  This was the Carack of S. Thome in India.
• * 4.12

  The Caracke yeelded to the English.
• * 4.13

  Care to auoyd rifling and spoile. Goods taken in the Prize.
• * 4.14

  His cate to preuent suspi∣cion.
• * 4.15

  A great Spout of water.
• * 4.16

  Returne to Achen.
• * 5.1

  Or Carmania.
• * 5.2

  Or Achen.
• * 5.3

  Or Spaine.
• * 5.4

  Or Bandar.
• * 5.5

  Of London.
• * 5.6

  Or China.
• * 5.7

  That is, by Computation of time.
• * 5.8

  Psalmes of Da∣uid knowne to the Mahume∣tans.
• * 5.9

  Dangerous Flats.
• * 5.10

  Priaman.
• * 5.11

  Manangcabo. S••ore of Gold in Dust.
• * 5.12

  The Susan first sent home. December the fourth, 1602. they depart from Priaman. They arriue in the Road of Bantam.
• * 5.13

  The King of Bantam a child of 10. or 11. yeares of age. The Queenes Letter and Present to the K. of Bantam.
• * 5.14

  Trade began.
• * 5.15

  A Riall of 8. is ••oure shil∣lings six pence sterling.
• * 5.16

  The death of Captain Iohn Middleton.
• * 5.17

  A Pinnasse of 40. tunne, with 12. men ••ent to the Moluccas. A Factory set∣led▪ in Bantam. A Letter and Present from the King of Bantam to the Queene.
• * 5.18

  The twentieth of Februarie, they returne for England.
• * 5.19

  They double the Tropick of Capri••orne.
• * 5.20

  A terrible storme.
• * 5.21

  They lose their Rother in a storme.
• * 5.22

  Almost 40. de∣grees o•• South Latitude.
• * 6.1

  A Letter in a desperate case sent for Eng∣land.
• * 6.2

  Master Sander Cole Master of the Hector.
• * 6.3

  They arriue at Saint Helena.
• * 6.4

  The Ile of Ascention.
• * 6.5

  They passe the Aequinoctiall.
• * 6.6

  The Ile of Fogo.
• * 6.7

  The seuenth of August. 1603.
• * 6.8

  Iaua maior, and the Inha∣bitants.
• * 6.9

  The Mid. land.
• * 6.10

  The Cities.
• * 6.11

  Bantam.
• * 6.12

  Their food.
• * 6.13

  Their houses▪
• * 6.14

  The China Towne.
• * 6.15

  The Dutch and English houses.
• * 6.16

  The King and his power. Punishment of Adultery.
• * 6.17

  Costly wiues.
• * 6.18

  Iauans proud and poore.
• * 6.19

  Chinois frugall.
• * 6.20

  Punishment of murther.
• * 6.21

  Their weapons and fights.
• * 6.22

  Their apparel.
• * 6.23

  Their head & head-tire.
• * 6.24

  Their religion.
• * 6.25

  The Diuell prayed to.
• * 6.26

  Bribing.
• * 6.27

  Lawes for debt.
• * 6.28

  Theeuish peo∣ple.
• * 6.29

  So L. Verto∣mannus. Idlenesse.
• * 6.30

  Iauans dull.
• * 6.31

  Chinois crafty.
• * 6.32

  Religion of the Chinois.
• * 6.33

  This seemes to be the ma∣lice of one Idolater to an∣other.
• * 6.34

  Funerall Rites.
• * 6.35

  Playes.
• * 6.36

  Southsayers.
• * 6.37

  Effeminate∣nesse.
• * 6.38

  Feature of bo∣dy.
• * 6.39

  Haire cutting.
• * 6.40

  The English left at Bantam. Mr. Starkey.
• * 6.41

  Thomas Tudd. Thomas Keith.
• * 6.42

  Iauans goe a∣bout to fire the English house.
• * 6.43

  The house builded.
• * 6.44

  The Towne fired, and some of our goods burned.
• * 6.45

  Wicked people and bold Theeues.
• * 6.46

  Nine saile of Hollanders.
• * 6.47

  Van Warwickes kindnesse.
• * 6.48

  Death of T. Morgan.
• * 6.49

  New Protector perfidious.
• * 6.50

  Master Starkeys death.
• * 6.51

  Fire.
• * 6.52

  M. Dobsons death. Another fire.
• * 6.53

  Iauans treache∣rie.
• * 6.54

  Quarrell be∣twixt Chinois and Hollanders▪ Hollanders drunken dis∣orders.
• * 6.55

  Punishment for Murth••••▪
• * 6.56

  Lampons cruell enm••ti•• to Ia∣ua.
• * 6.57

  Perfidious Ia∣uans.
• * 6.58

  Crueltie re∣warded.
• * 6.59

  Treacherie intended and preuented.
• * 6.60

  The miseries of the English.
• * 6.61

  Terror of the word Fire.
• * 6.62

  The Towne fiue times burnt in three monethes.
• * 6.63

  Hollanders cal∣led themselues English in the Indi••s, and so disgraced vs. Nouemb. 17. solemnized, & thereby a dif∣ference made betwixt vs.
• * 6.64

  A Carri•••• taken.
• * 6.65

  Cachinchina.
• * 6.66

  Macaou.
• * 6.67

  Danger by heate of Pep∣per.
• * 6.68

  Chinois disho∣nesty.
• * 6.69

  A ••••st of our buying so much Pepper.
• * 6.70

  Englishmen with the Hol∣landers.
• * 6.71

  A Iuncke from Ior.
• * 6.72

  Two great fires.
• * 6.73

  Anno, 1604.
• * 6.74

  Dangers by a Molato.
• * 6.75

  Needs must he goe whom ••he Deuill 〈◊〉〈◊〉. This Story be∣ing long I haue cut of••, le••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so irke ••ome quarrels cau∣sed both 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iauans & Ho••∣landers, the pro••ix••tie might cause a third from the Reader.
• * 6.76

  Thomas Tudd dyeth.
• * 6.77

  Difficultie in Sayles.
• * 6.78

  Vault-〈◊〉〈◊〉 to conuey a∣way the Eng∣lish goods.
• * 6.79

  Great danger.
• * 6.80

  Hymskerke.
• * 6.81

  Discouery of knauery.
• * 6.82

  Iauans taken.
• * 6.83

  Hollanders kindnesse.
• * 6.84

  Execution of a China theefe▪
• * 6.85

  Cruell tortu∣ring.
• * 6.86

  A dissolute re∣solution.
• * 6.87

  Execution.
• * 6.88

  All the people ••aught.
• * 6.89

  A noble vil∣laine
• * 6.90

  Miserable go∣uernment.
• * 6.91

  Often treche∣ries.

  A woman stollen.
• * 6.92

  The heat of Pepper in those parts.
• * 6.93

  A merry Ieast.
• * 6.94

  The olde Queene.
• * 6.95

  The Towne fiered.
• * 6.96

  Dutch enemies in trade, other∣wise friends.
• * 6.97

  Anarchy worse then tyranny. Many tyrants worse thē one.
• * 6.98

  Dangerous Rebels.
• * 6.99

  King of Iacatra
• * 6.100

  Agreement.
• * 6.101

  Slaues cause of not fighting
• * 6.102

  The Queene renowmed af∣ter her death.
• * 6.103

  Fame of the English.
• * 6.104

  English resolu∣tion admired.
• * 6.105

  Hollanders ha∣ted.
• * 6.106

  Chino•••• fraud.
• * 6.107

  First newes of Q. Eliz. death.
• * 6.108

  Principall Mi∣ner taken.
• * 6.109

  English ship∣ping ••ome, and their weaknes.
• * 6.110

  Bantam vn∣healthfull. Henry Middle∣ton Generall.
• * 6.111

  Captaine Col∣thrust.
• * 6.112

  Letters from King Iames.
• * 6.113

  Dragon sent to the Moluccos.
• * 6.114

  Men sicke of the Scorbute.
• * 6.115

  Present to the King.
• * 6.116

  Fluxe succee∣ded the Scor∣bute.
• * 6.117

  Much sicknesse.
• * 6.118

  The Ascention sent to Banda.
• * 6.119

  Death of many
• * 6.120

  Hector and Su∣san ••ent for England.
• * 6.121

  A Holland ship.
• * 6.122

  Captaine Sy∣verson first caus•• of breach be∣twixt Hollan∣ders and Eng∣lish.
• * 6.123

  Circumcision of the King of Bantam.
• * 6.124

  The difference twixt vs and Iauans, in mili∣tarie matters.
• * 6.125

  Dutch ingr••ti∣tude & Pride in many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this busin••ss•• of the Dutch as the fault is not (I hope) Natio∣nall but Per••o∣nall, I haue mollified t••e Authors stile, and left out some harsher censures, ••eat•• Pacifi••••.

  The Kings triumphall pompe. The shot. Musicke. Targettiers & Darts.

  Trees, Beasts, and Fowles.
• * 6.126

  Dancers and Tumblers.
• * 6.127

  Presents.
• * 6.128

  Yongest Sonne Heire.
• * 6.129

  Reuels.
• * 6.130

  Iunckes and Iunca••cs.
• * 6.131

  Histories.
• * 6.132

  English Pre∣sent.
• * 6.133

  Conies, Rari∣ties in Iaua.
• * 6.134

  Fire-workes.
• * 6.135

  Hollanders Va∣nities.
• * 6.136

  King of Iaca∣tras pompe & homage.
• * 6.137

  Standing a to∣ken of honour, sitting of sub∣mission; con∣trary to our Customes.
• * 6.138

  Many pettie Kings.
• * 6.139

  Cowardly sta••s.
• * 6.140

  King of Iaca∣••raes Presents.
• * 6.141

  Matchan a fierce wild beast.
• * 6.142

  A huge Gyant and a deuill. A garden and fish pond.
• * 6.143

  Maskers and Tumblers.
• * 6.144

  A Chariot drawne by Buffles. Horses few & not vsed to drawe.
• * 6.145

  King of Bantam circumcised.
• * 6.146

  The Generals returne from Ternata.
• * 6.147

  English woun∣ded by the Dutch.
• * 6.148

  Dutchmen satis∣fied with their fellowes re∣ward.
• * 6.149

  Ships from Cambaia. The Ascention from Banda.
• * 6.150

  New Dutch Fray.
• * 6.151

  Another drun∣ken quarrell of a Dutchman.
• * 6.152

  Racke house, where hot drinkes are sold.
• * 6.153

  Dutchmen cha∣stised, and the bloudy designe thence inten∣ded.
• * 6.154

  M. Sarys.
• * 6.155

  Dutch General satisfied.
• * 6.156

  Iauan theeues.
• * 6.157

  Their taking.
• * 6.158

  Their execu∣tion.
• * 6.159

  The Towne set on fire.
• * 6.160

  Dutch house burned.
• * 6.161

  The Towne twice fiered.
• * 6.162

  Preparation to dep••rt.
• * 6.163

  M. Towerson.
• * 6.164

  The Isle of S. Iago. Maio.
• * 6.165

  They land in Maio.
• * 6.166

  They came to an anchor in the roade of Saldania. M. Cole drow∣ned.
• * 6.167

  Bantam.
• * 6.168

  Amboyno. The Moluccas.
• * 6.169

  Banda. Nero▪ Banda is in 4. degrees 40. minutes. An high bur∣ning hill in Gun••••nappi.
• * 6.170

  Puloway. Pulorin.
• * 6.171

  The Monsons.
• * 6.172

  They stayed in Banda 21. weekes.
• * 6.173

  Burro.
• * 6.174

  Deselem.
• * 6.175

  Celebes.
• * 6.176

  Bantam.
• * 6.177

  They returne from Bantam for England. Note.

  A sunken I∣land.
• * 6.178

  The variation 21. degrees from North to West decrea∣sing.

  Sight of land.
• * 6.179

  The cape of Bona Esperansa.
• * 6.180

  Saldania road.
• * 6.181

  53. men dead out of the He∣ctor.
• * 6.182

  The Susan vt∣terly lost.
• * 6.183

  Santa Helena.
• * 6.184

  The Hector.
• * 6.185

  Seuen degrees fortie fiue mi∣nutes of varia∣tion.
• * 6.186

  The Consent, held no con∣cent with the Dragon and He∣ctor, whose Voyage you shall ha••e by it selfe. This Iournall of Captaine Kee∣lings and that of Captaine Hawkins, written at Sea-leasure, very voluminous in a hundred sheets of Paper; I haue beene bold to so to shorten as to expresse only the most necessary Obseruations for Sea or Land Affaires.
• * 6.187

  M. Hackluits books of Voy∣ages are of great profit. This saued the Company, as Sir Th. Smith affirmed to me, 20000. pounds, which they had bin enda∣maged if they had returned home, which necessitie had constrayned, if that Booke had not giuen light.

  Conclusion to seeke Sierra Leona.

  Many flowres, a signe of land. Currents.

  Sight of land.
• * 6.188

  Ilha Verde a very round Land.
• * 6.189

  The Rocke▪
• * 6.190

  A sand on the North shore.
• * 6.191

  Sierra Leona.
• * 6.192

  Note.
• * 6.193

  A special note. Variations.
• * 6.194

  Good admoni∣tion.
• * 6.195

  A good wate∣ring place.
• * 6.196

  Six thousand fishes taken in an houre an halfe. Weather.
• * 6.197

  Limon-water.
• * 6.198

  An Elephant shot.
• * 6.199

  The best road.
• * 6.200

  Latitude of Si∣erra Leona, 8.36. North. The Variation 1. degr. 50. min.
• * 6.201

  Saldania.
• * 6.202

  The Sugarloafe.
• * 6.203

  Penguin Iland.
• * 6.204

  The arriuall of the Consent at Saldania Iu∣ly 24. 1607. 102. sheepe. 12. bullocks. 2. calues. They bought for 200. yron hoopes, 450. sheepe, 46. cowes 19. stee••••s, 9. calues, and one Bull.
• * 6.205

  Sea shipped.
• * 6.206

  Dragon labour∣some.
• * 6.207

  Land.
• * 6.208

  Note.
• * 6.209

  Two Ilands▪
• * 6.210

  Anchored.
• * 6.211

  A Counsell. Variatiō 15.30.
• * 6.212

  Variat. 15.26▪
• * 6.213

  Tyde.
• * 6.214

  Anchor brake.
• * 6.215

  S. Augustine.
• * 6.216

  George Euans bitten by an Alegarta. Tyde. People.
• * 6.217

  Naturalls.
• * 6.218

  Nine Beasts cost 10. shil∣lings sterling. Oxen with bunches on their shoulders People circum∣cised.

  A beautifull beast. Note.

  Anchor lost. Three beasts cost two shil∣lings 3. pence. Spiders.
• * 6.219

  Note.
• * 6.220

  S. Augustine vn∣fit to refresh.
• * 6.221

  Danger.
• * 6.222

  Note.
• * 6.223

  The maine power of the Current lesse∣ned.

  Opinion, of the cause of the Currents.
• * 6.224

  Their sailing alongst the I∣land, & trucke at Tamara, with other occur∣rents I haue left ou••, as bee∣ing more fully knowne by la∣ter experience. Le••uing Abbadelcuria they were forced to ride in Delisa, a Road on the North of Soco••o••a▪ ti••l the Monson freed them, at which time Captaine Keeling set saile for Ba••tam, and Captaine Hawkins in the Hector for Surat, as shall after follow.
• * 6.225

  Huge quantity of Amber-gre••se. Note.
• * 6.226

  Notes of Co∣mo••a Ilands.
• * 6.227

  Eight Hollan∣ders vpon Pem∣ba, whereof two are Moores. The Monson.
• * 6.228

  Aloes how made.
• * 6.229

  1250. pound Aloes. Presents. Aloes 575. pound. Mon••on.
• * 6.230

  Iles of Comora.
• * 6.231

  The losse of M. Iames Lanc••ster in Captaine Raymonds Voy∣age.
• * 6.232

  Burrom, Makella and Caixem, good Ports. Xael.
• * 6.233

  Note.
• * 6.234

  An Iland. 4. degrees, 2. minutes, Southerly. Notes of Iles to Sea-bord of Priaman.
• * 6.235

  Note.
• * 6.236

  Iles of Pria∣man. Priaman.
• * 6.237

  Presents.
• * 6.238

  I went ashore where with much adoe, we barganed for Pepper.
• * 6.239

  Craftin daw∣bing.
• * 6.240

  Trecherous offer of a M••re.
• * 6.241

  Notes of Pria∣man.
• * 6.242

  Good counsel.
• * 6.243

  Note.
• * 6.244

  Notes.
• * 6.245

  Iland.
• * 6.246

  Note. Salt Ile, in the straight of Sanda.
• * 6.247

  Note.
• * 6.248

  We arriued at Bantam.
• * 6.249

  Counsell and resolution, to send the Pin∣nace for Banda.
• * 6.250

  Vent of Red English cloth in Siam.
• * 6.251

  The King of Holland.
• * 6.252

  Kings Present.
• * 6.253

  Hector. M. Will. Haw∣kins Captaine of the Hector left at Surat.
• * 6.254

  Newes of peace twixt S••a••ne and the Netherlanders.
• * 6.255

  Dragon set saile for England.
• * 6.256

  A dangerous shoale.
• * 6.257

  Iacatra. Presents.
• * 6.258

  Madura.
• * 6.259

  An Iland not mentioned.
• * 6.260

  Or Nuiasira.
• * 6.261

  The three Iles of Gicaliam.
• * 6.262

  Celebes.
• * 6.263

  Note.
• * 6.264

  The distance betweene Ban∣tam and Celebe••, is 235. leagues.
• * 6.265

  Desolam.
• * 6.266

  The straight of Desolam.
• * 6.267

  Cambina▪
• * 6.268

  Button.
• * 6.269

  Ticabessa.
• * 6.270

  Ticabessa.
• * 6.271

  February, 160••
• * 6.272

  Burro.
• * 6.273

  Counsell.
• * 6.274

  Bloy. Amb••yno▪
• * 6.275

  P••loway. Pulorin. A chored in the roade of ••anda.
• * 6.276

  Our Kings Letter•• and Presents to Nera.
• * 6.277

  Monson.
• * 6.278

  Vrtatan.
• * 6.279

  Lantor. Our Kings Letter.

  The Hollanders S••ie.

  No••e of the Hollanders.
• * 6.280

  ••e char••.
• * 6.281

  Three Hollan∣ders.

  Losse of 74. Hollanders.
• * 6.282

  Note second.
• * 6.283

  Accorded for Spice with the Bandanesse••.
• * 6.284

  Cattee Banda.
• * 6.285

  Accord with Puloway.
• * 6.286

  Six Hollanders.
• * 6.287

  April the first. 1609.
• * 6.288

  An English hou••e.

  Two Hollan∣ders. Note.
• * 6.289

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.290

  My 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 6.291

  Note.
• * 6.292

  Note.
• * 6.293

  The Hollanders much wrong vs.

  Dutch Fort be∣gan.
• * 6.294

  4.
• * 6.295

  Ay••e Putee.
• * 6.296

  Note.
• * 6.297

  May the fourth, 1609.
• * 6.298

  The quarrels twixt the Dutch and Bandesses, grew partly out of the leuity of these, and partly out of the insolency of those which exerci••ed for∣tificatio••s in stead of mer∣chandising, & spa••e•• no•• the libe••tie of the liuing, or se∣pulchres of the dead. Hence mur∣thers and ho∣stilitie. See my P••lg. l. 5. c. 16. §. •• Note.

  Shot with a Trunke. Note.

  Dutch Admiral murthered. Note.

  English curtesie to the Hollan∣ders: but how repaid since, the world hath seene.
• * 6.299

  Note.
• * 6.300

  Our house sold
• * 6.301

  I haue left out (fearing the tedious∣nesse) this & other letters on both sides.
• * 6.302

  Iune, 1609▪
• * 7.1

  My reply.
• * 7.2

  Dutch resolu∣tion.
• * 7.3

  Iuly, 1609.
• * 7.4

  Labatacca ta∣ken by the Hollanders.
• * 7.5

  Salamo repul∣seth the Dutch▪
• * 7.6

  Note.
• * 8.1

  The Dutch their note, fraughted with as many vntruths, as so few lines may well containe: shewing their ingrate affecti∣ons, for all Christ••ā helps by our Nati∣on performed vnto them. &c. together with their selfe worthlesse ouer-weening.
• * 8.2

  The building of this Fort, how it was li∣ked of the In∣habitants, the Premisses de∣clare. Besides, they propha∣ned their Bu∣riall ground to that purpose, an odious ab∣homination to the Band••neses. And how vn∣likely is it that they would ad∣mit a Fort to captiuate their libertie, and that neere their Mesgid to pro∣phane their Religion?

  Their practises since may a∣waken the Readers Ob∣seruation.

  The two and twentieth of May, 1609. The Admirall and Councell of the Hollan∣ders slaine.
• * 8.3

  Iuly eighteene, 1609.
• * 8.4

  The first of August, 1609.
• * 8.5

  Peace between the Hollanders and the Banda∣nesses.
• * 8.6

  Perfidy of the Ilanders.
• * 8.7

  The King of Macassar com∣m••th aboord.
• * 8.8

  Banda waights.
• * 8.9

  Macassar vpon Celebes.
• * 8.10

  A ship of Hol∣land lost before Macassar.
• * 8.11

  They arriue in the Road at Bantam.
• * 8.12

  Factory at Bantam.
• * 8.13

  October. 1609.
• * 8.14

  Storme.
• * 8.15

  Note.
• * 8.16

  Variation thir∣teene degrees.
• * 8.17

  December the eight▪ 1609. Terra Donatall.
• * 8.18

  The latitude and descrip∣tion of the Ile Mauritius.
• * 8.19

  Cape Das Agul••as.
• * 8.20

  Note.
• * 8.21

  Cape De Buona Speranza.
• * 8.22

  Maine top saile bought.
• * 8.23

  Ianuary the tenth. 1609. Set Sayle.
• * 8.24

  South Tropick.
• * 8.25

  Santa Helena.
• * 8.26

  February 9. Set sayle from S. Helena. Ascention. We left the Dutch to our Christian griefe.
• * 8.27

  May 1610.
• * 8.28

  Captain Kee∣ling and he had kept company together al the voyage before related (& not needfull to bee repeated) to the Roade of D••lisa in Soca∣tora, whence on Iune the 24. Capt••ine Keeling depar∣ted in the Dra∣gon, as you haue heard; the other in the Hector for Surat (the meane while built a Pin∣nasse) on the fourth of Au∣gust hauing receiued from the Generall a duplicate of the Commissi∣on vnder the Great Seale. He commeth on shoare the 28. of August, 1608.

  Chanchana. Mocrebchan.
• * 8.29

  The Captaine of the ship that Sir Edward Michelborne tooke.
• * 8.30

  Excessiue rain.
• * 8.31

  Our two Barks taken by the Portugals, and thirtie men in them.

  This not figh∣ting, was vp∣brayd••d to our men by the In∣dians with much disgrace, sin••ere ••oue∣red with inter∣est your ••••••∣f••ghts with th•• Portugals. The intollera∣ble pride of the Portugall Cap∣taine.
• * 8.32

  The ••nglish pri∣soners sent for Goa.
• * 8.33

  The third of October. The ship de∣parteth leauing M. William Hawkins and his seruants in the Countrey. The perfidy & treason of Mo∣creb-chan and the Iesuite Pe∣niero.
• * 8.34

  The first plot of the Portu∣gals to kill me.
• * 8.35

  The second plot.
• * 8.36

  Padre Peneiro a Iesuite, a pa∣terne of Iesui∣ticall sanctitie. How franke would the Ie∣suites haue bin to Iudas, be∣yond those Priests which g••ue but thirty pieces for the price of bloud, and those but of two shillings sixe pence the piece? whereas this Iesuite of∣fers forty thou∣sand Royals (who can de∣ny them Royall Merchants?) at foure shillings sixe pence the piece.

  Iesuites policy. Iust Iesui••isme.
• * 8.37

  He setteth for∣ward on his Iourney from Suratt ••oward Agra.
• * 8.38

  Another dan∣gerous Pio•• of the Portugals. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prouince.
• * 8.39

  Dayt•• another Prouince.
• * 8.40

  They vse to trauell two houres before day.
• * 8.41

  The Iesuites bloudie plot discouered. Vir••us an vi∣rus, quis in Ie∣suita requirat? M. Hawkins departeth from Suratt. The first of Fe∣bruary 1608.
• * 8.42

  His arriuall at Bramport.
• * 8.43

  Hee stayeth in Bramport till the second of March.

  His arriuall at Agra the six∣teenth of A∣prill, 1609.
• * 8.44

  He c••me be∣fore the King.
• * 8.45

  Iesuiticall Charitie.
• * 8.46

  The Mogoll skilfull in the Turkish tongue.
• * 8.47

  Spyes vpon e∣uery Noble∣man.
• * 8.48

  M. Will. Haw∣kins had bin in the West Indi••s.
• * 8.49

  The Kings sti∣pendary wages and honorable Pensions to his Nobles.
• * 8.50

  Iesuiticall Christianitie.
• * 8.51

  The practice of the Portu∣gals against ou•• Trade.
• * 8.52

  Lying, a great stratag••me.
• * 8.53

  The Kings an∣swere.
• * 8.54

  Nicholas Vfflet.
• * 8.55

  Mubarique Sha an Armenian Chr••stian. Ekbery Padasha.
• * 8.56

  Hee taketh a Christian Gentlewoman to Wife. Shee came ouer with him for England, but he dying by the way, shee was after marryed to M. Towerson. The Pinn••sse of the Ascenti∣on cast away neere Sura••t. The Kings Commission in the fauour of the Engl••sh vnder his great Seale with gol∣den Letters. The Ascention cast away. The greater part of the Kings Nobles are Mah••me∣tans.

  Some of the Ascentions Cō∣pany and M. Alexander Sharp•• their Generall came to Agra.
• * 8.57

  A Letter from▪ the Viceroy of the East-India to the Mogull, against the English.
• * 8.58

  A speech of Mocreb chan to the King a∣gainst the English.
• * 8.59

  The Kings commande∣ment vpon false informa∣tion against the English.
• * 8.60

  None make petition to the King without some Present.
• * 8.61

  The red Railes a place of Ho∣nour.
• * 8.62

  Will. Finch de∣termined to returne ouer∣land for Eng∣land.
• * 8.63

  Nicholas Bang∣ham.
• * 8.64

  Three English sh••ps at the Barre of Surat.
• * 8.65

  He departeth from Agra the second of No∣uember 1611.
• * 8.66

  A fained poli∣cie of the Ie∣suites.
• * 8.67

  Hee came a∣boord the English Fleet. They depart with the English Fleet from Su∣rat to Dabull. A Portugal ship taken.

  1612. They ar∣riue at the mouth of the Red Sea.

  The Fleet of M. Iohn Saris. They arriue at Tecoo in Suma∣tra.

  They arriue at Bantam, De∣cember, 1612.
• * 8.68

  The Epedition arriued in Sal∣dania.

  Many aduises of the Authour touching Forts, In••ian Factories, &c. I haue omitted as not so fitting euery Eye. Their departure from Salda••ia.
• * 8.69

  Vzbek.
• * 8.70

  Mansibdars.
• * 8.71

  These Ragas be Gentiles.
• * 8.72

  Thirtie sixe thousand Offi∣cers and Sti∣pendaries of the Court. The Rupia is two shillings sterling, some say two shil∣lings and three pence: some two shillings and sixe pence.
• * 8.73

  Candahar.
• * 8.74

  A Tole is a Ru∣pia Challany of Siluer, and ten of these Toles, are the value of one of gold.
• * 8.75

  Eshime a preci∣ous stone comming from Cathaya.
• * 8.76

  Eshins stones of Cathay.
• * 8.77

  Or Kasimir.
• * 8.78

  The Mogoll heire to euery man.
• * 8.79

  Raga Gaginat his wealth.
• * 8.80

  Daily suruey of the Kings wealth.
• * 8.81

  Elephants Royall.
• * 8.82

  The Kings Tents as large in compasse as London.
• * 8.83

  Forty thou∣sand Elephants
• * 8.84

  Dromedaries swiftness••. From Agra to Amadauar in nine daies.
• * 8.85

  Selims rebelli∣on.
• * 8.86

  Or Rabanne.
• * 8.87

  Sultan Cossero proclaimed.
• * 8.88

  Hee was not blinded, and is since (as you shall see in Sir Tho. Roes relati∣ons) deliuered out of prison.
• * 8.89

  Cruell Execu∣tions.
• * 8.90

  Seuerity.
• * 8.91

  China-machina.
• * 8.92

  China-machina.
• * 8.93

  Sultan Peruis.
• * 8.94

  Proud demand
• * 8.95

  Cruell com∣mand.
• * 8.96

  Bloody expe∣riments.
• * 8.97

  Iewels and Gemmes.
• * 8.98

  Costly e••••er∣tainmen••▪
• * 8.99

  An inestima∣ble rich coffer of Diamonds.
• * 8.100

  Cause of so great wealth.
• * 8.101

  Those lands which are let pay to the king two thirds of the profit: and of those which he giueth in fee, one third remaineth to the King. In all the world is not more fer∣tile land, then in some great parts of his Dominions. Punishment of Cowards. A chiefe Citie called Pattana. He calleth re∣bels (as the M••∣gols did) those that refused subiection, though per∣haps some of them were free Kings as this Ra••ane, or Ran∣na, supposed the true succes∣sor of P••••us whom Alexan∣der▪ conquered. He is now brought, or bought rather (as they say) peaceably to acknowledge tribute to the Mogol.
• * 8.102

  The great Mo∣gol his deuoti∣ons.

  Some suppose him author of a new sect.
• * 8.103

  The great Mo∣gols spending his time.
• * 8.104

  The red rayle.
• * 8.105

  Captain Haw∣kins, two yeeres together neere about the great Mogol.
• * 8.106

  The Mogol makes his bro∣thers children Christians. This Christia∣nitie is since disclaymed, & was then but a tricke, rather of sensualitie, thē of deuotion or state.
• * 8.107

  Two feasts.
• * 8.108

  An exceeding rich Tent.
• * 8.109

  The feast of his Birth-day.
• * 8.110

  See hereof Sir Thom. Roe.
• * 8.111

  Voluntary burning of women with their dead husbands.
• * 8.112

  Fauourable entertainment of the Grandes
• * 8.113

  Funerall feast or Obit for his Father?
• * 8.114

  Sumptuous Sepulchre.
• * 8.115

  The 16. of Iuly 1607.
• * 8.116

  August 1. 1607 Cape Agullis North fifty fiue fathome.
• * 8.117

  Bay of S. Au∣gustine.
• * 8.118

  A marke on shore most like a barne or a long house.
• * 8.119

  Nouemb. 13. 1607.
• * 8.120

  Decemb. 6. 1607.
• * 8.121

  March, 23. 1608. Straits of Ban∣gaya.
• * 8.122

  King of But∣tone.
• * 8.123

  The King of Cohina.
• * 8.124

  They goe on shore to But∣tone.
• * 8.125

  The ship full laden with Cloues.
• * 8.126

  Noua Palma a Carack.
• * 8.127

  The Capt. hereof came home in a Ca∣rack.
• * 8.128

  The Bay of Saldania.
• * 8.129

  Comora.
• * 8.130

  Pemba.
• * 8.131

  Treacherous people.
• * 8.132

  Melinda.
• * 8.133

  Three Pangaies taken.
• * 8.134

  W Reuet stab∣bed.
• * 8.135

  Reuenge.
• * 8.136

  The desolate Ilands, not de∣solate of Coco Nuts & other prouision.
• * 8.137

  Aden.
• * 8.138

  Our Kings Letters to the Basna of Zenan or Sinan.

  Their Pinnace came also to Aden.

  Iohn Luffken murdered.
• * 8.139

  Edward Hilles left on land in S. Laurence.
• * 8.140

  Iohn Iordan and Philip Glascocke goe vp to Ze∣nan.
• * 8.141

  They passe the Streights of the Red Sea.
• * 8.142

  They arriue at Moka, or Moha.
• * 8.143

  Septemb. 1609 Diu.
• * 8.144

  They run vpon the shoulds of Cambaya.
• * 8.145

  Ascention lost.
• * 8.146

  Gods mercifull deliuerance.
• * 8.147

  Gandeuce.
• * 8.148

  The Towne of Gandeuce.
• * 8.149

  Agra.
• * 8.150

  Daman. Chaul.
• * 8.151

  Goa. Our Lady of Pitie.
• * 8.152

  Cape de Agulas.
• * 8.153

  They doubled the Cape of Bo∣na Esperanza.
• * 8.154

  The third of August they arriued at Lis∣bone, 1610.
• * 8.155

  The Company diuide them∣selues.
• * 8.156

  W. Nichols tra∣uelleth to Ma∣sulipatan.
• * 8.157

  Hee arriueth at Masulipatan, & is kindly in∣treated at the Hollanders House.
• * 8.158

  He arriueth at Bantam the 6. of Sept. 1610.
• * 8.159

  They arriued at the B••y of S. Augustine in Madagascar.
• * 8.160

  The treachery of the people of Zanzibar.
• * 8.161

  They bare backe againe for S. Laurence.
• * 8.162

  The great Bay of Canquomor∣ra, or B••am••r••.
• * 8.163

  Samuel Brad∣shaw. The Captaine and sixe others betrayed.
• * 8.164

  Abundance of Prawes & great Boates.
• * 8.165

  Sixe Boates of the enemies destroyed.
• * 8.166

  A fight for two hou••es.
• * 8.167

  They stayed 14 daies longer in this Bay.
• * 8.168

  A second at∣tempt m••de by the ene∣mies.
• * 8.169

  They depart from S. Lau∣rence.
• * 8.170

  They fell vpon the Coast of Arabia.
• * 8.171

  They arriue at Achen in Suma∣tra.

  The Hollanders opposition.
• * 8.172

  Priaman.
• * 8.173

  Griffin Mauris the Master died. Tec••o.

  They in the V∣nion returne from Suma••ra for England.
• * 10.1

  Robert Couert was his com∣panion to Bag∣dat and hath written a Trea∣tise of this whole Voyage, which b••eing printed I hau•• omitted. Sabay.
• * 10.2

  Surat.
• * 10.3

  Nabon. Daytaot a Citie. Great store of Drugs Pin••a∣does, and Ca∣licoes. Netherberi.
• * 10.4

  Saylot a Village Sandise a garri∣son Towne. The riuer Tynd. Bramport a great Citie in 28. degrees. A good vent for cloth. Caddor and Sawbon.

  A great Citie called Cannow. Good sale of English clothes. They passe the great Riuer Ganges.

  15. dayes tra∣uell. Agra.
• * 10.5

  Fatipore, a citie as great as Lon∣don.
• * 10.6

  They depart from Agra for Persia.

  Biamy 2. dayes iourney from Agra.

  What Indico is, and the ma∣king thereof.
• * 10.7

  Merta, or Menta.
• * 10.8

  The riuer Pad∣dar runneth vnto Guzerat.
• * 10.9

  Reuree.
• * 10.10

  Buckar a citie.
• * 10.11

  The Riuer Da∣miadee falleth into the riuer of Sinde.
• * 10.12

  Suckar.
• * 10.13

  Candahar.
• * 10.14

  Grees the first Towne of Per∣sia.

  The riuer Sab••a diuideth the Mogo's and Persians Domi∣nions.

  Vea a Village▪ The Citie of Parra.

  Iesd a Citie. Pahanaunis. Godana Gora a faire Towne. Hispahan the cheife citie of Persia.

  Commodities to be bought at Hispahan.
• * 10.15

  Commodities for Persia.
• * 10.16

  Bagdat.
• * 10.17

  Balsara.
• * 10.18

  Catiffa in Ara∣bia ••aelix. The Ile of ••a∣harem, where the best pearls are.

  C••lara or Ca∣tura. Shiriff Din. Iohn White an English Mer∣ch••nt poi••o∣ned.

  Lima a Port Towne in ••he mouth of ••he Per••••an Gul••e. Snar or Soar a ••oast towne in the entrance o•• ••he P••rsian Gulf••

  〈…〉〈…〉 Mas••••te or Mus••a•• F••••her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an English 〈…〉〈…〉 Mascate in Arabia.
• * 10.19

  Ormus.
• * 10.20

  He was at Sinde, which is an excellent place for our Trade.

  The best In∣dico.

  The safetie of Sinde from the Portugals.

  A good vent of all sorts of Cloth.
• * 10.21

  Din.
• * 10.22

  Goa.
• * 10.23

  Aprill 24. 1609. They arriued at Saldania. They arriued at Bantam.
• * 10.24

  By the altera∣tion of State, their debts were almost desperate, nor would this Gouernour suffer them (as before) themselues to imprison debters, and distraine. He also exacted vnreasonable summes for rent, whereas the ground had been giuen, and the houses built at the Companies charge.
• * 10.25

  M. Augustine Spalding goeth with him to the Maluccas. He departeth for the Ma∣luccas.

  The streight of Desolam.

  The Ile of Bo∣tun.
• * 10.26

  A Banquet made to the King of Botun, and all his No∣bles.

  Commodities prouided by the King of Botun.
• * 10.27

  The Ile of Bangaia. The Ho••landers fortifying hatefull to the p••ople.

  The manners of an Hollan∣der.
• * 10.28

  The goo•• health of h••r people.
• * 10.29

  Banda.
• * 10.30

  Iniury of Hol∣landers.
• * 10.31

  Fifteene great Iunckes detay∣ned by the Hollanders.
• * 10.32

  Kindnesse of the Bandaneses to the English.
• * 11.1

  Vncharitable purposes of the Dutch.
• * 11.2

  Commission shewed.
• * 11.3

  The might of money.
• * 11.4

  Dutch scrupu∣lositie.
• * 11.5

  His purpose for Puloway.
• * 11.6

  English resolu∣tion.
• * 11.7

  M. Spaldings welcome.
• * 11.8

  The Ile of Ceran. Gelagula.
• * 11.9

  The Hope-well.
• * 11.10

  They lade Spice.
• * 11.11

  Sore legges.
• * 11.12

  Treacherous offers.
• * 11.13

  M. Iohn Dauis.
• * 11.14

  The Ile of Ceran. Sea-perill.
• * 11.15

  The Countrey of the Canibals, or Man-eaters.
• * 11.16

  The Diligence.
• * 11.17

  Inhumanity of the Ilanders.
• * 11.18

  Danger of Crododiles.
• * 11.19

  Perillous mi∣staking.
• * 11.20

  The arriuall of the Hopewell.
• * 11.21

  Feare of the Hollanders, cause of cruell handling.
• * 11.22

  Portugals and Hollanders di∣st••stfull.
• * 11.23

  He departeth from Puloway the seuenth of September.
• * 11.24

  Keeling bay.
• * 11.25

  They arriue at Bantam the ninth of Octo∣ber.
• * 11.26

  Hollanders en∣uie and iniurie frustrated.
• * 11.27

  Fight Holland ships.
• * 11.28

  Master Thomas Clayborne.
• * 11.29

  Succadania.
• * 11.30

  Foure Saile of Hollanders. Women to in∣habit.
• * 11.31

  Dutch Admiral slaine.

  Three ships of the Hollanders taken, and one burnt at Mani∣lia.

  Paulus Vancar∣les taken.
• * 11.32

  Paulus taken the second time and sent to Manilia.
• * 11.33

  Hee departeth from Bantam. Sa••danha.
• * 11.34

  Cape Verde.
• * 11.35

  The Samuell.
• * 11.36

  The commen∣dation of Cape Verde.

  They arriue in the Road of Saldanha.
• * 11.37

  M. Femell in a Letter which I haue, written from thence, mentions two French ships in like imploy∣ment whi••h he suspected to lye in wait ••or distressed ships from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 11.38

  The bay of S. Augustine in S. Laurence.
• * 11.39

  The Iles de Qu••riba in 11. degrees tenne minutes, neere the coast of A∣frica.
• * 11.40

  We crost the Aequinoctiall.
• * 11.41

  They loose the North Cur∣rent.
• * 11.42

  A Current.
• * 11.43

  Duas Irmanas.
• * 11.44

  The Ile of Ca∣co••ora.
• * 11.45

  Tamerin.
• * 11.46

  The casting a∣way of the A∣scention.
• * 11.47

  The King en∣tertaine••h Sir Henry Middle∣ton.
• * 11.48

  Fartaque in A∣rabia. Chushem or Caixem.
• * 11.49

  Aden.
• * 11.50

  Captain Shar∣peigh had been at Aden and Mo••a, in the yeere 1609.
• * 11.51

  The Trade and the Darling set saile for Moha.
• * 11.52

  This coast is high land.
• * 11.53

  The Headland on the coast of Arabia going into the Red Sea.

  The North straight of the Red Sea. Babelmandel, or the Bab.
• * 11.54

  Moha. The shippe brought on ground.
• * 11.55

  Alexander Shar∣peigh.
• * 11.56

  The Lord of the Sea there.
• * 11.57

  Stambola is Constantinople. The extreame dissimulation of the Turkes.
• * 11.58

  The English House in Moha.
• * 11.59

  The Turkes Fasting.
• * 11.60

  The treason of the Turkes, Nouemb. 28. 1610.

  Sir H. Middle∣ton strooke downe dead.
• * 11.61

  Sir H. Middle∣ton, and seuen more cha••ned by the neckes.
• * 11.62

  Eight of our men were slayne.
• * 11.63

  The Darling boorded by the Turkes.
• * 11.64

  The Turkes all burned, killed, or drowned, saue one.
• * 11.65

  Sir H. Middle∣ton conuented before the Aga.
• * 11.66

  Treason at A∣den.

  Besides these three were with like trea∣cherie twentie men more be∣trayed at Aden, hauing leaue giuen them to come on shore for businesse, and shackles made the whiles, &c.
• * 11.67

  Decemb. 1610.
• * 11.68

  Decemb. 15.
• * 11.69

  The hardie part of Iohn Chambers.
• * 11.70

  Capt. Dounton commeth into the road of Mo••a.
• * 11.71

  Decemb. 22. 1611.
• * 11.72

  Sir Henry Mi∣dleton and 34. Englishmen were sent to Zenan.

  The escape of M. Pemberton.
• * 11.73

  Mowssi.
• * 11.74

  Hamet Aga a great friend to vs

  The Consul of the Bannians, and Tookehar, their great friendship to vs
• * 11.75

  Ties a citie four dayes iourney from Moha.
• * 11.76

  Constantinople.
• * 11.77

  Great cold in the mountains. Furr••d gownes needfull. Zenan is in six∣teen degrees fifteene mi∣nutes.
• * 11.78

  Ice a finger thicke in one night in Zenan. They were fif∣teene dayes in going from Moha to Zenan.
• * 11.79

  The Castle.
• * 11.80

  Their com∣ming before the Basha.
• * 11.81

  Stambol, or Stambola, or Stamboli, is a correption and corruption of the Greeke words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the Greeks vsed to speake of their going thither, that is, to the Citie, so calling it of speciall emi∣nence aboue o∣ther Cities: as Athens is at this day contracted into Satines from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Postel. Comp. Cos. & Fr. Port. Cret.
• * 11.82

  A Moore of Cayro our great friend.
• * 11.83

  M. Fowler, and eighteen more arriued at Ze∣nan.
• * 11.84

  The complaint of the Bashas of Cairo and Snachen a∣gainst the En∣glish.
• * 11.85

  February 1▪ 1610. The Basha made a Vizir.
• * 11.86

  Our men set at libertie.
• * 11.87

  They depart from Zenan.
• * 11.88

  The descripti∣on of Zenan.
• * 11.89

  Siam a small Towne and Castle.
• * 11.90

  Surage.
• * 11.91

  Damare a good Citie.
• * 11.92

  Ermin.
• * 11.93

  Naqual samare ••n Inne.
• * 11.94

  Mohader a little Village.
• * 11.95

  Rabattamaine an Inne.
• * 11.96

  Merfadin.
• * 11.97

  Tayes a Citie.
• * 11.98

  Indico made
• * 11.99

  March, 1. 1610. Eufras.
• * 11.100

  Assambine.
• * 11.101

  Accomoth. Mousa a towne.
• * 11.102

  Moha.
• * 11.103

  The descripti∣on of Moha.
• * 11.104

  The Darling came into the Roade.

  The Captaine of a ship of Da∣bull.
• * 11.105

  An excellent Roade on the Coast of Ha∣bashe, called Assab Roade.
• * 11.106

  Rahaita.
• * 11.107

  Aprill 1▪ 1611.
• * 11.108

  Another ship of Dabul.
• * 11.109

  The third ship of Dabul.
• * 11.110

  Another small Indian ship.
• * 11.111

  Merchants of Damasco, Sues, and Mecca.
• * 11.112

  May 2▪ 1611.
• * 11.113

  Cancamarra in S. Laurence, where Captain Rowles Capt. of the Vnion was betraied.
• * 11.114

  The Indian ships were come in▪ and the Turkes promises were not performed, but many ap∣parant euiden∣ces that they neuer should caused S. Hen. Middleton to shift for his best escape.
• * 11.115

  Sir H. Midleton escapeth a∣boord.
• * 11.116

  A letter from M. Femel.
• * 11.117

  A stout mes∣sage to the Aga.
• * 11.118

  A ship of Diu.
• * 11.119

  The rest of our men set at li∣bertie.
• * 11.120

  The Pinnasse restored.
• * 11.121

  M. Femell dyed.
• * 11.122

  Iune 1. 1611.
• * 11.123

  Exceeding heat in the Red Sea.
• * 11.124

  About my de∣mands and the Agas alligati∣ons and an∣sweres, messa∣ges, and Let∣ters passed be∣tweene vs day by day, and at his intreatie I granted Truce for twelue dayes: in which time he certi∣fied his Master of my de∣mands.
• * 11.125

  Feare of poy∣soning by the Turkes.
• * 11.126

  Great sicknes.
• * 11.127

  Iuly 2. 16••1.
• * 11.128

  Assab.
• * 11.129

  The Turkes practice to poyson the Wels of Assab. A Letter from the K. of Assab.
• * 11.130

  August, 9. 1611. They returne for India.

  The Westerne chanell of Bab∣mandell, three leagues broad. The false re∣ports of the Turkes and In∣dians.
• * 11.131

  A greater cur∣rent setting South-west Westerly.
• * 11.132

  Monte de Foelix.
• * 11.133

  The Road of Delisha in Sa∣co••ora.
• * 11.134

  Sept. 3. 1611.
• * 11.135

  Twentie ••••••tugall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Surat.
• * 11.136

  Answere from the Portugalls.
• * 11.137

  Nicholas Pang∣••ans Letters from the shore.
• * 11.138

  Hoia Nassan Gouer••••••r of Surat.
• * 11.139

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Haw∣kins from A∣gra.
• * 11.140

  A letter of Wil¦liam Finch from Lahor.
• * 11.141

  Nouemb. 8. 1611. An hundred sailes of Portu∣gall Frigats.
• * 11.142

  The enteruiew of Mockrib Can, Gouernour of Cambaya, and Sir Henry Mid∣dleton.
• * 11.143

  The delusions of the Guza∣rats.
• * 11.144

  Decemb. 8. 1611.
• * 11.145

  Mogulls letter.
• * 11.146

  Rude custome in buying.
• * 11.147

  Hoia Nassan & the Sabandar kept aboord as Pledges.
• * 11.148

  A letter of Pe∣ter ••l••ris. Ianuar. 2. 1611
• * 11.149

  Capt. Hawkins commeth a∣boord our ships.
• * 11.150

  February 9.
• * 11.151

  The road of Swally is in twenty degr. fiftie seuen min. Variation sixteen degrees thirty minutes.
• * 11.152

  Damon.
• * 11.153

  Chaul.
• * 11.154

  He arriueth at Dabull, and there hath Trade.
• * 11.155

  A Portugall shippe taken.
• * 11.156

  March 24. Zacotora.
• * 11.157

  Anno 1612.
• * 11.158

  Currents.
• * 11.159

  A••ba del Curia.
• * 11.160

  Cape de Guarda fui.
• * 11.161

  Aprill 2. 1612. Captaine Iohn Saris.
• * 11.162

  Aden in twelue degrees, seuen and fortie mi∣nutes.
• * 11.163

  Babmandell.
• * 11.164

  A ship of Basa∣nor.

  Letters from Captain Saris.
• * 11.165

  A ship of Diu.
• * 11.166

  A Fr••gat of Shaher.

  A Barke of Sinde. Note.
• * 11.167

  Captaine Saris and his Fleete of three ships.
• * 11.168

  The Gran Sig∣niors Passe. This Passe I haue of Cap∣taine Saris his gift.

  A ship of Ca∣licut.

  A ship of Ca∣rapatan.

  A ship of Ca∣nanor.

  The Hassain of Surat.

  Another shippe of Surat.

  A ship of Diu. A ship of Dabul. A small ship of Calicut.

  A Frigat of Shehor.

  A great ship of Diu.

  The Rhemy a great ship of Surat.
• * 11.169

  Plentie of Pilgrime Mer∣chants, which it seemes the Iesuites haue learned in these parts of the Saracens, which in all the Indies aduance the Affaires of State and Mer∣chandise to their Coun∣trey, & wealth to their Com∣panies, vnder colour of prea∣ching the Go∣spell; as this Booke yeelds many Witnes∣ses.

  The Roade of Assab.
• * 11.170

  Iuly, 22. 1611.
• * 11.171

  Bay of Saldania
• * 11.172

  Prouisiō more scarce at Salda∣nia then in times past, and why.
• * 11.173

  Filthy people and loathsome.
• * 11.174

  Saldania sheep.
• * 11.175

  Iewels and Or∣naments.
• * 11.176

  Wild Beasts.
• * 11.177

  Fowles.
• * 11.178

  Great numbers of smal Whales
• * 11.179

  The Table.
• * 11.180

  Garden-seeds to be set at Saldania.
• * 11.181

  They depart from Saldania.
• * 11.182

  Cape des Aguil∣has.
• * 11.183

  Madagas••a•• or S. Laurence, in the latitude of 23. degr. 38. minutes.
• * 11.184

  Three of the Vnions men be∣trayed by the Portugals at Zanzibar.
• * 11.185

  Or Vingan••ra. The Captaine of the Vnion with the Cape Merchant and others betrai∣ed at Iungomar in Madagascar.
• * 11.186

  They attempt the taking of the Vnion, with an armie of 100. armed Canoas.
• * 11.187

  The Vnion left in the Bay of S. Augustine, Septemb. 9. 1610. bound for England.
• * 11.188

  Strange trees.
• * 11.189

  Semperviuum.
• * 11.190

  D••sordered battering hurt∣full. Note.
• * 11.191

  September.
• * 11.192

  Note.
• * 11.193

  Mozambique.
• * 11.194

  Current. October.
• * 11.195

  Duas Irmanas.
• * 11.196

  Abundance of fish.
• * 11.197

  Tamarin.
• * 11.198

  Gallanza.
• * 11.199

  Currant.
• * 11.200

  Tamarin.
• * 11.201

  The Ascention and Pinnasse cast away vpon the Coast of India.
• * 11.202

  The King visi∣ted.
• * 11.203

  King of Fartac, or Canacaym.
• * 11.204

  How Alloes is made.
• * 11.205

  Sanguis Draco∣nis.
• * 11.206

  They depart from Zacotora for Aden.
• * 11.207

  The length of Abba del Curia.
• * 11.208

  Two great white Rockes.
• * 11.209

  Saboyna.
• * 11.210

  Nouemb. 1.
• * 11.211

  Cape de Guarda∣fui.
• * 11.212

  Nouemb. 5.
• * 11.213

  A description of the situation of the Citie of Aden in Arabia Foelix.
• * 11.214

  A secret. The latitude of Aden 2. degr. 35. min the v••••iation We∣sterly 12. degr. 40. min.
• * 11.215

  They send a Present to the Gouernour of Aden.
• * 11.216

  Turkish trick••.
• * 11.217

  Mir is Lord.
• * 11.218

  The cunning treachery of the Turkes.
• * 11.219

  The Darling was a smallship of 90. tunnes.
• * 11.220

  Mir, or Amir, or Emir, signi∣fieth Lord.
• * 11.221

  Three of our men staied on shore.
• * 11.222

  Cunning trea∣chery.
• * 11.223

  Aden decayed: the present state thereof.
• * 11.224

  Capt. Sharpeigh the first of our Nation at Aden
• * 11.225

  Capt. Dounton▪ Letters to Sir H. Middleton suppressed.
• * 11.226

  Twentie more of our men be∣trayed.
• * 11.227

  An Eclipse of the Moone.
• * 11.228

  Moha eighteen leagues within the Bab.
• * 11.229

  The Trades In∣crease arriueth before Moha, in the Red Sea, Noue. 14. 1610.
• * 11.230

  The Trades-Increase set afloat.
• * 11.231

  or Ayaman.
• * 11.232

  Master Femels feare
• * 11.233

  Sir Henry Mid∣dleton goeth on land.
• * 11.234

  The bloodie treason of the Turkes.
• * 11.235

  Seuen and twentie Turkes slaine.
• * 11.236

  Decemb. 21.
• * 11.237

  M. Pembertons escape.
• * 11.238

  Ianuary 2.
• * 11.239

  They passeo∣uer to the A∣baxin Coast.
• * 11.240

  A good wate∣ring place found.
• * 11.241

  Crab Iland.
• * 11.242

  Turkish Pesti∣lence.
• * 11.243

  The Road on the Abaxin Coast, thir∣teene leagues from Moha. February 17. The Road of Assab.
• * 11.244

  March 1. The Towne.
• * 11.245

  The Mahomet of Dabull.
• * 12.1

  Sir Henry Mid∣dletons letter to Captaine Dounton.
• * 12.2

  Aprill 1.
• * 12.3

  Cra••e Iland.
• * 12.4

  The King of Raheta.
• * 12.5

  May.
• * 12.6

  Sir He••ry Mid∣dleton escapeth with fifteene more, the man∣ner you haue in his owne Iournall.
• * 12.7

  The death of Master Femell. Iune 1.
• * 12.8

  Beloule, a place on the Assab Coast.
• * 12.9

  Richard Philips, M••ster Pember∣tons Boy, resto∣red.
• * 12.10

  Iuly 3.
• * 12.11

  Their endeuor to take a rich Turkie shippe, which came from Sues.
• * 12.12

  Two Ilands called Iubal Succor and Iu∣bal A••ree.
• * 12.13

  August 6.
• * 12.14

  Bab-mandel sai∣led on both sides.
• * 12.15

  Cape de Guarda∣fui.
• * 12.16

  September 4.
• * 12.17

  A boat of Surat.
• * 12.18

  Eighteene sayles of Portu∣gall Frigats.
• * 12.19

  W. Finch inten∣ded to returne into England by the way of Per∣sia.
• * 12.20

  Octob. 1.
• * 12.21

  Insolence of Portuga••s.
• * 12.22

  Vngracious gratitude.
• * 12.23

  A Portugall Fri∣gat taken.
• * 12.24

  Three hundred Portugals assault our men.
• * 12.25

  Certaine Eng∣lishmen ••ome a∣boord.
• * 12.26

  Captaine Shar∣peigh commeth aboord.

  Our Generall goeth on land.
• * 12.27

  October.
• * 12.28

  Nouember. 1.
• * 12.29

  An excellent roade found.
• * 12.30

  Newes of more Portugals.
• * 12.31

  A Market at the road of Swally.
• * 12.32

  A second assault of the Portugals.
• * 12.33

  The arriuall of Mucrib Chan the Gouernour of Cambaya.
• * 12.34

  Macrib Chan came aboord the Trades In∣crease.
• * 12.35

  Base Vanitie.
• * 12.36

  Decemb. 1.
• * 12.37

  Barbarous in∣humanitie.
• * 12.38

  Chiefe Com∣modities for India.
• * 12.39

  Portugall Fu∣gitiues.
• * 12.40

  Portugalls bra∣uery and flight.
• * 12.41

  Ianuary 8.
• * 12.42

  Capt. Hawkins.
• * 12.43

  February, 6.
• * 12.44

  The threat∣nings of the Portugalls.
• * 12.45

  Obseruations of the Tides, &c. at Swally.
• * 12.46

  They depart from Surat.
• * 12.47

  Dabull.
• * 12.48

  Latitude, 17.34 Variation 15.34
• * 12.49

  Dabull, double dealing.
• * 12.50

  Portugall ship.
• * 12.51

  Vnrulinesse in M••••iners, when Prey is pre∣sent.
• * 12.52

  A Portugall ship of 300. tunnes taken.
• * 12.53

  Consultation.
• * 12.54

  They depart from Dabull 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈…〉〈…〉 Sea againe.
• * 12.55

  The Easter end of Socatora.
• * 12.56

  The rocke Sa∣boyna.
• * 12.57

  March.
• * 12.58

  Franges. The Westerne Chri∣stians in the Easterne world are since that Expedition of Godfrey of Bul∣len called Frankes, be∣cause the prin∣cipall of that armie were French in Nati∣on or original.
• * 12.59

  Aprill 1:
• * 12.60

  Generall Saris.
• * 12.61

  A ship of Calli∣cut.
• * 12.62

  Aprill.
• * 12.63

  A ship of Por∣mean.
• * 12.64

  Our men vn∣lade this ship.
• * 12.65

  Feare of poy∣soning.
• * 12.66

  Bander Zeada a place on the Abaxin Coast.
• * 12.67

  May.
• * 12.68

  A ship of Larree standing at the mouth of the riuer of Zinde.
• * 12.69

  A ship of 200. Tunnes.
• * 12.70

  The Maham••dy of Dabul.
• * 12.71

  A ship of Cuts-nagone, a place not farre from Ziade.
• * 12.72

  The Rehemy a ship of 1500. Tunnes.
• * 12.73

  Captaine Saris
• * 12.74

  Iune.
• * 12.75

  Iuly. They depart from Assab road.
• * 12.76

  A small ship called the Iun∣go.
• * 12.77

  August. Captain Tow∣erson departeth from the Red Sea.

  Generall Saris departed from the Red Sea. They leaue the Red Sea, and coasting the East India, passe by Cape Comorin, Zelan, and ••o to Su∣matra.
• * 12.78

  Force of a Current.
• * 12.79

  September.
• * 12.80

  Snakes swim∣ming on the top of the wa∣ter, a signe of being neere the Coast of Indiae.
• * 12.81

  Cape Comme∣rin▪
• * 12.82

  Zeilan▪
• * 12.83

  October. Tecoa in Suma∣tra.
• * 12.84

  Ciuill warres an hindrance to our Trade.
• * 12.85

  Captaine Ca∣stleton.
• * 12.86

  Sir Henry Mid∣dleton in the Pe••per-corne hasteth to Ban∣tam.

  Nouember. Raia Boonesoo goeth to the warres.

  Great deceit of the Natural••
• * 12.87

  The ship fast on a rocke.
• * 12.88

  They getoff the rock.
• * 12.89

  They returne to Tecoa.
• * 12.90

  December.
• * 12.91

  The high land of the Maine of Sumatra.
• * 12.92

  The Road of Saldania. Hector and Thomas Captaine Newport.
• * 12.93

  Iune.
• * 12.94

  Two Carr••••ks·
• * 12.95

  They Crosse the Equinocti∣all.
• * 12.96

  Septemb.
• * 12.97

  They arriue at Waterford in Ireland.
• * 12.98

  October.
• * 12.99

  August 4.
• * 12.100

  Negapatan.
• * 12.101

  Paleacate.
• * 12.102

  Paleacate stan∣deth in thir∣teene degrees, thirty minutes.
• * 12.103

  Petepoly.
• * 12.104

  They land at Petepoly.
• * 12.105

  Masulipatan.
• * 12.106

  Decemb. 28.
• * 12.107

  The point of Masulipatan is in 15. degrees, 57. minutes North.
• * 12.108

  Ianuary 4.
• * 12.109

  February 7.
• * 12.110

  They depart out of the road of Petepoli.
• * 12.111

  They strike o∣uer from Pete∣poli to Bantam in Iaua.
• * 12.112

  March 12.
• * 12.113

  A great cur∣rent to the West-ward.
• * 12.114

  The Equino∣ctiall.
• * 12.115

  1612.
• * 12.116

  Aprill 161••.
• * 12.117

  The Ile of Eugano.

  They arriue in the Road of Bantam.
• * 12.118

  August. Spalding. They depart from Bantam fo•• Patane and S••am. Iune.
• * 12.119

  A long wood∣die Iland.
• * 12.120

  Lucapara.
• * 12.121

  Mompyne.
• * 12.122

  They passe the Equinoctiall L••ne to the North.
• * 12.123

  This Ile of Bintam.
• * 12.124

  Latitude 4. de∣grees 35. min.
• * 12.125

  A sunken rock.
• * 12.126

  A little rock••.
• * 12.127

  August. 4. They depart from Patane for Syam.
• * 12.128

  Latitude 8 de∣grees 7. min.
• * 12.129

  Latitude 9. de∣grees 40. min.
• * 12.130

  They arriue at Syam.
• * 12.131

  Nouemb. 1612. They depart from Syam.
• * 12.132

  Sa••d••nia Bay.
• * 12.133

  Root Ning••m.
• * 12.134

  Barter at the bay for hides.
• * 12.135

  Au••ust 1. Zelon. Negapatan. No••e falshood of Maps.
• * 12.136

  Ia••agapatan. S. Thome. Paleacatte.
• * 12.137

  Hollanders triumping in our way.
• * 12.138

  Petapoli.
• * 12.139

  Masulipatan.
• * 12.140

  New King.
• * 12.141

  Gouernours perfidie.
• * 12.142

  Golconda.
• * 12.143

  Bantam.
• * 12.144

  Factory at Suc∣ca••ania in Bor∣neo.
• * 12.145

  Patane.
• * 12.146

  The Kings Letter.

  Queene of Patane.
• * 12.147

  Iuly 3. W. Adams in Iapan.
• * 12.148

  Iapanites burne Patanie.
• * 12.149

  Death of Cap∣taine Hipp••n. Capt Essington.
• * 12.150

  The Globe a•• Syam. Tigres.
• * 12.151

  Pan or Pahan and Campon Sina.
• * 12.152

  Maccasar in Celebes.
• * 12.153

  Cambois, Lani∣am, & Iagoman.
• * 12.154

  A Dutch-mans testimony of Dutch iniquitie in his owne words, as they are in the tran••slated Copie. Nouember 11.
• * 12.155

  Customers Customes.
• * 12.156

  Tempest.
• * 12.157

  Road of Siam a sa••e harbour, but in a South South-west wind.
• * 12.158

  Bantam Patane and S••••m, three prin•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pla∣ces of Trade
• * 12.159

  See ••his Pegu story in my Pil∣grim. lib. 5.
• * 12.160

  Kings of Tangu and Arracan sharers of Pe∣gu.
• * 12.161

  Siriangh.
• * 12.162

  Ieckrommeway a Traytor.
• * 12.163

  Iapanders inso∣lence.
• * 12.164

  Rebellion.
• * 12.165

  Oudija.
• * 12.166

  Queene of Pa∣tanic goeth a hunting.
• * 12.167

  They had speech with her.
• * 12.168

  Great waters.
• * 12.169

  Ianuary.
• * 12.170

  Hollanders house in Palea∣cate taken.
• * 12.171

  Fires at Ban∣tam.
• * 12.172

  The Trades-Increase.
• * 12.173

  Iuly.
• * 12.174

  Ioor or Iohor taken.
• * 12.175

  Dogges killed.
• * 12.176

  Death of Sir Hen. Middleton.
• * 12.177

  Solor taken by the Dutch.
• * 12.178

  King of Pahan departed. Wiuely con∣stancie. Maccasar in Celebes.
• * 12.179

  Hollanders in Banda.

  R. Welden En∣glishman.
• * 12.180

  Banda not com∣manded by the Dutch.
• * 12.181

  Iagomai, Au•• or Awa, and Lani∣angh.
• * 12.182

  Vproare by Ia∣uan slaues in Patania.
• * 12.183

  Factories left at Patania and Siam.
• * 12.184

  Hard h••ps of the Ho••e a Dutch ship, be∣fore mentio∣ned.
• * 12.185

  Il••s Ridangh, Capas, Pulo Tingi.
• * 12.186

  Bintam.
• * 12.187

  Linschoten.
• * 12.188

  Masulipatan.
• * 12.189

  The Iames.
• * 12.190

  Newes from Pegu.
• * 12.191

  Tho. Essingtons sudden death.
• * 12.192

  Obiama Queen of Paleacatte.
• * 12.193

  Wenca••adria K. of Narsinga his Ca••l and Abe∣stiam to the English.
• * 12.194

  His offers.
• * 12.195

  Ouer-flowings
• * 12.196

  King of Nar∣sugas death: & his wiues bur∣ning with him.
• * 12.197

  Iames for Pa∣tania.
• * 12.198

  Gentile Feast.
• * 12.199

  Valorous and strange at∣tempt of the English.

  The Gouernors sonne carryed Prisoner a∣boord.
• * 12.200

  Superstition of Bramenes.
• * 12.201

  The seuerall stockes vnited.
• * 12.202

  Letters from Iapan.
• * 12.203

  This is sup∣plyed out of M. Martins Iournall.
• * 12.204

  For the fur∣thering of Ma∣rine know∣ledge, I haue though•• good to adde this Voyage, how euer holding Societie with the East-Indian Societie. Lancerota.
• * 12.205

  Decemb. 1611. Teneriffa.
• * 12.206

  A small ship of London taken by an Holland man of Warre.
• * 12.207

  Rofisco Road.
• * 12.208

  The first Ter∣nado.

  February 20. They crosse the Line.
• * 12.209

  Aprill 15. Weeds called Trombas, signes of being neare the Cape of Buona Espe∣ranza.

  Punta de Sancta Luzia.

  The Bay.
• * 12.210

  They goe on shoare, and finde people. A Calfe for a piece of an iron hoope, and a good sheepe for an hatchet.
• * 12.211

  The Table, The Road of Saldanha. Copper in chiefe request. August.

  Priaman in thirtie eight minutes of South latitude. Var••atiō foure degrees fiftie minutes. Tecon.

  Airebangye, a Towne eight minutes North latitude. A shoald.
• * 12.212

  The Riuer of Pattahan. Latitude no degrees, twen∣tie eight mi∣nutes.
• * 12.213

  A bigge Island in one degree fortie minutes.
• * 12.214

  A shoald
• * 12.215

  Nouember.
• * 12.216

  Punta de Galle in Ceylon.
• * 12.217

  Variation thir∣teene degrees, twentie foure minutes.
• * 12.218

  The Bay of Ve∣lagam.
• * 12.219

  The treason of the Portugals.
• * 12.220

  The Riuer Wallaway.
• * 12.221

  A shoald.
• * 12.222

  Another shoald Sandie Hilles.
• * 12.223

  A third shoald.
• * 12.224

  A point of Rockes.

  A fine Riuer. They water.
• * 12.225

  The descripti∣on of the peo∣ple.
• * 12.226

  December.
• * 12.227

  Latitude ••. de∣grees 40. min. Variation 12. degr. 46. min.
• * 12.228

  Two redde Cliffes.
• * 12.229

  Ianuary.
• * 12.230

  They take a shippe.
• * 12.231

  February. They returne homewards. Colombo.
• * 12.232

  The greatest variation 24. degr. 16. min.
• * 12.233

  Variation 23. degr. 10. min. A new Iland discouered in 21. degrees.
• * 12.234

  Infinite num∣bers of great Tortoises. A good wate∣ring place▪ Pearle Ile.
• * 12.235

  An excellent place for re∣freshing.
• * 12.236

  Aprill 1613.
• * 12.237

  Variati. 22. deg. 48. minutes.
• * 12.238

  38. degres, 47. minutes, the greatest lati∣tude South-ward.
• * 12.239

  They are to the West of Cape de Buona Esperanza. Iune 1613.
• * 12.240

  The third of Iune.

  The fight be∣tweene the three Hollan∣ders and two Carackes.
• * 12.241

  The Lion of Holland blowne vp and sunke. Forty nine Hollanders blowne vp and drowned.
• * 12.242

  Iuly 18▪ 1613. The Sea of Grasse, or Sara∣gasso.

  They crosse the Tropicke of Cancer.