Purchas his pilgrimes. part 1 In fiue bookes. The first, contayning the voyages and peregrinations made by ancient kings, patriarkes, apostles, philosophers, and others, to and thorow the remoter parts of the knowne world: enquiries also of languages and religions, especially of the moderne diuersified professions of Christianitie. The second, a description of all the circum-nauigations of the globe. The third, nauigations and voyages of English-men, alongst the coasts of Africa ... The fourth, English voyages beyond the East Indies, to the ilands of Iapan, China, Cauchinchina, the Philippinæ with others ... The fifth, nauigations, voyages, traffiques, discoueries, of the English nation in the easterne parts of the world ... The first part.

A DESCRIPTION OF ALL THE CIRCVM-NAVIGATIONS OF THE GLOBE. THE SECOND BOOKE. (Book 2)

CHAP. I. Of the improuement of Nauigation in later Times, and the meanes whereby the World in her old Age hath beene more then euer discouered.

§. I. Of Magneticall and Astronomicall Instruments, first applyed to Nauigation.

GOD, the giuer of euery good Gift, hauing first made the World, made Man, as it were a visible God of this visible World; infusing in his super-admirable Creation, the know∣ledge of it, of himselfe, of GOD. This Trinitie of Know∣ledge was defaced by Mans voluntarie Rebellion, which enforced against him the Sentence of Curse from the euer∣blessed TRINITIE: Which yet in Iudgement remem∣bring Mercie, did not at once dissolue the World, or Man, but altered his Tenure, suffering him as a Customarie Te∣nant for terme of life (to be holden at the Will of the Lord) to occupy and husband it for the necessitie of his Body; lea∣uing [ 10] also some sparkes of that Heauenly Fire in his Soule (maugre those darkest flames of Hell) whereby he might by laborious Art (being robbed of his white and pure Robes, wherewith Nature had adorned him) patch together Leaues or Skins for a time, to couer some part of his nakednesse. Neyther is * 1.1 it any more, or of more worth, that here we labour for, and get as Seruants, then some light Plumes and bro∣ken Feathers of that goodly Fowle, which wholly without labour God had first giuen vs as Children.

Thus in regard of this temporall state; which yet he (out of a Curse producing Blessing) made the Seed-time of a better Haruest, a richer Possession (raysed out of this Rubbish of our Ruine) by farre then that which we had lost: for Time, which we had forfeited, giuing [ 20] vs Eternitie, which cannot die; for Paradise, Heauen; and GOD himselfe for the World; an earnest whereof wee haue alreadie, his SONNE giuen for vs, his SPIRIT to vs, and the promise of HIMSELFE in ineffable fruition.

Yea, meane-while, to solace this our wearie Pilgrimage, he hath giuen an erected * 1.2 Coun∣tenance to the Body, still to be viewing the vtter Court of our promised Palace, the faire Walls of our fairer Inheritance; and to the Soule the Eye of Art, whereby not leauing the greater, or her little, Earth, it can in a moment mount and surmount Heauen, and compasse all this spacious extension (that I speake not of that spirituall Eye of * 1.3 Faith, which sees things vnseene, the priuiledge of his Saints.) Yea, she hath found out meanes, by the Giuers bountie, to carry her beloued Body (not from some high Mountaine to ouer-looke the lowly Plaines, or as Moses into Mount Nebo, in Vision, to see that, which to see with ioyfull en∣ioying, was denyed; but) really and actually to possesse and vse the remotest Seas and Lands. She emboldeneth the Body to forsake her Earthly Nest, and (like young Eaglets on the [ 10] Eagles Wings) carryeth her to take a Naturall and Vniuersall Possession of the Vniuerse,* 1.4 where the Heauens alone * 1.5 are spread about her as a Curtaine, where the Beames of her Chambers are (in properest sense) layd in the Waters; where the Clouds are her Chariot (the Wheeles at least) whereby shee walketh on the wings of the Wind, and those swelling Spi∣rits are made her Driuers; the angriest Element being tamed by industrious Art, which vseth all their Natures to her best purposes.

To compasse this in former times, was impossible, and how many Seas to our fore-fathers impassable, for want of the Compasse? The Starres and Coasts were then the Guides, and without those Stilts, and Stayes, Nauigation durst not aduenture, in that her impotencie and infancie, to goe into the Maine. And if any disastrous Stormes had made sudden surprize of [ 20] Ship and Men, the Master found himselfe and his Art at a losse in the midst of his Ship and Mariners; and if the frowning Heauens long refused with wonted Eyes to looke on him, and the absented Earth forgot to extend her Lap and Armes, lost hee must bee for euer. No great Discouerie was otherwise by the Art of the Ancients performed; nor durst any repeat that Lesson by Art, which Tempest had occasionally taught him, farre from the Coast, against his will. Chance is a forgetfull Mistresse, vnlesse Art be the Vsher of her Schoole, teaching and emboldening to repetition of her casuall Lectures.

GOD Almightie pittying this Frailtie, intending better things to the last and worst Ages of the World (as in this fulnesse of time he sent his Sonne and the Spirit of his Sonne to prepare Men for Heauen, so since, I hope to further the former) hath giuen the Science of [ 30] the Loadstone and Astronomicall Rules and Instruments, applyed by Art to Nauigation, that hee might giue more ample Possession of the Sea and the Earth to the sonnes of Men.* 1.6 Let others applaud, admire, adore, the Stones called Precious: this shall bee to mee Pearle and Ruby, and Saphire, and Diamant, and more then all those multiplyed Names of Gemmes, which all are also made ours by helpe of the Loadstone. This Magneticall vertue was hidden to the Golden and Siluer Ages, her Iron sympathie hath long beene knowne to the Iron World; but her constant Polar rauishments, and her no lesse constant inconstancie by Vari∣ation, were Mysteries reserued to later Posterities. The former of these Qualities yeelds the Compasse, the Needle by Magneticall touch directing the way in waylesse Wildernesses by Land, and thorow the vastest Waterie Plaines.

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This vertue of the Loadstone, to be the Lead-stone and Way-directing Mercurie thorow the World, Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Galen, Lucretius, Plinie his Solinus, and Ptolomee, Scholers of the highest Formes in Natures Schoole, knew not, though the Magneticall attraction of Iron be mentioned in their Workes. Some haue also added some Physicall Vertues, and some the Fables of the Adamant and Garlike preuenting that attrac∣tion, which later Authors haue receiued by authoritie, without due examination. But if any list to see Armies of Authors mustered, and their Writings also of this Subiect examined, D^r Gilbert in his learned Worke of the Magnete,* 1.7 hath done it in sixe whole Bookes; the causes also enquired both of that attraction, and this (whereof we now speake) Polar motion. This inuention some ascribe to Salomon: which I would beleeue, if he had written of Stones, [ 50] as he did of Plants; or if the Tyrians, which were almost the engrossers of * 1.8 Nauigation in that Age, and were the Sea-men which Salomon vsed in his Ophyrian Discoueries (which we haue laboured in fitter place to discouer) had left any Tradition or Monument thereof to Posteritie: which could no more haue been lost then sayling it selfe; which the Greekes, Carthaginians, and other Nations successiuely deriued from them. Others therefore looke further into the East, whence the Light of the Sunne and Arts haue seemed first to arise to our World; and will haue Marco Polo the Venetian aboue three hundred yeeres since to haue brought it out of Mangi (which wee now call China) into Italy. True it is, that the most magnified Arts haue there first beene borne,* 1.9 Printing, Gunnes, and perhaps this also of the Compasse, which the Portugals at their first entry of the Indian Seas (whereof you shall pre∣sently [ 60] heare) found amongst the Mores, together with Cards and Quadrants to obserue both the Heauens and the Earth.* 1.10 And Vertomannus about the same time trauelled with them

ouer the Arabian Desarts to Mecca and Medina, directing their course by the Compasse, and there also obserued that Tale of Mahumets Body hanging in the Roofe of the Temple by the attractiue power of Loadstones (which Chinocrates is reported to haue intended to himselfe at Alexandria, in the Temple of Arsinoe, making the Roofe of these Stones, so to attract his Iron Image, preuented by death) to be but a Tale and Fable. But as neyther Printing nor Ordnance were brought from thence to vs, but (casuall Acts opening a passage to industri∣ous Arts) were inuented by European heads, and brought to riper perfections then in the East, which had knowne them before, so I also conceiue of these Marine Instruments. Nor will I enuie to Iohn Goia of a 1.11 Malsi, that whatsoeuer glory of the first Inuention, which Blondus and others (some b 1.12 naming him Flauius) haue ascribed to him. Italy indeed hath [ 10] best deserued in Discoueries, for her Polo and Goia, and Vertoman, now mentioned, and for her Colombo and Cabota, of which is question, whether first found out the Variation of the Needle, or whether discouered more of the New World; though another Italian, Americus Vesputius, carried the c 1.13 Name away from them both.

This Variation is, when the Magneticall Needle points not out the true Pole, but is distracted somewhat eyther with an Easterly or Westerly deflexion. This Variation of the Compasse is the best remedie yet found out against the Mariners Variation from their Com∣passe, and Deuiation from their scope and intended course. And although the Variation can∣not without Starre or Sunne be obserued, as the direction of the Compasse may (which giues [ 20] Light in the darkest Night, pointing still toward the Pole) neyther can hereby the true lon∣gitude of Places be discouered (this Light shines most out of Darkenesse, and from Ecclipses, which I haue therefore in this Historie taken all occasions to obserue, is most illustrious and plaine) yet for ordinarie and generall vse in Discoueries and Nauigations in vnknowne Seas, this yeelds best supply of that knowledge of Longitudes, by reason of the constant inconstancie (as I said) of this Variation. For howsoeuer it varies from the true Pole, yet it neuer varies from it selfe, but in the same place eternally holds the same Variation, if it be ex∣actly obserued; which sometimes, by want in the Instrument or Workman, and almost alway by Sea, through the vnsteadinesse thereof, falls out, and therefore is better farre, being taken in calme Weather, and best, if opportunitie serue, on Land.

[ 30] Now for the Causes d 1.14 eyther of Direction or Variation, Philosophers haue rather busied their owne, then established others Conceits from variation by their Directions, and pointing out the causes hereof in nature: some, telling vs of Hyperboreall Magneticall Mountaines; some, deriuing the cause from the Pole of the Heauen; some, from a Starre in the tayle of the greater Beare; some, from the Heauens neere to the Pole; some goe also beyond the Poles and Heauens, to I know not what Magneticall Power, placed out of place; some lead vs into a Magneticall Iland (Ly-land) euery man will say somewhat, and so doe they that flye to hidden Miracles in Nature. But that somewhat is nothing: And we indeed are lesse then Nothing and Vanitie; which, whiles we call all our Arguments Demonstrations, and all our Arts Sciences, neyther know God, nor the World, or Nature, nor our selues, how euer vainly [ 40] puffed vp with the Conceits and Deceits of Knowledge. Ego vero quid? (sayth e 1.15 Scaliger of this Subtletie, who yet hath a Reason too, though as reasonlesse (perhaps) as those of o∣thers; so fortunately doth our Wit find it selfe vnfortunate, and knowes but one thing, that it knowes nothing) quid aliud nisi vnum verum? nos in luce rerum tenui caligare, in mediocri caecutire, in maiori caecos esse, in maxima insanire. Quid aliud quàm me nescire? Solus omnium ego nihil afferendo veritatem attuli.

Most laborious haue beene the paines, most probable (perhaps) the reasons of our Countreyman Doctor Gilbert, by many yeeres experiments in this subiect, who hath obserued the whole Earth to bee as a great Loadstone, the Loadstone and the Iron (which naturally also with exact tryall hee hath obserued, euen without f 1.16 touch, to hold [ 50] like Direction and Variation, in respect of the Pole) to containe the principall Qualities of the Earth; that the Direction and Variation are both, not from Contraction or Coition, or other hidden cause, but from the disposing power of the Earth, and the conuertible nature of the Magnete, the Earth it selfe being Mother and originall Fountaine of the Mag∣neticall vertues and operations. Hee deriueth the Direction from the Polar conformitie of the Earth; the Variation, from the inequalitie of the same, in the Superficies thereof; partly by Seas, partly by Mountaines, which haue difformed though not deformed the Globositie of this Globe, in paying to other places by excessiue height whatsoeuer was taken from the Deepes, to make Channels for the Waters. Hence the greater Continents of Earth haue greater force and power, and where the Earth is most depressed or weakened, there hath it [ 60] lesser; yet so, as these Magneticall Motions being from the constant Magneticall nature of the whole Earth, a small Iland cannot preiudice or preuent the clayme of the greater Con∣tinent. Thus in the Azores the Needle hath no apparant Variation, which on the Coast of

Guinnee inclines Eastward to the African g 1.17 Continent, and neere the American bends Westward; in these Ilands as indifferent betwixt two equall Continents, aimes at the Pole of the Earth, and therefore Magneticall. His many h 1.18 Rules, Experiments, and Obseruati∣ons are worthy a learned and leysurely Reader: My selfe hauing haste to trauell ouer the World, and that with so many Trauellers, cannot stand in this Muze, or Maze rather of Phi∣losophers. Let vs now consider not the naturall Causes, which are hard, but take easier view of the sensible effects thereof in the furtherance of Nauigation, wherein the touched Needle is the Soule as it were of the Compasse, by which euery skilfull Mariner is emboldened to compasse the whole Body of the Vniuerse. Let the Italians haue their prayse for Inuention: the prayse of Application thereof to these remote Discoueries is due to the Portugals, who [ 10] first began to open the Windowes of the World, to let it see it selfe. These first also of all Europeans, applyed by the direction of King Iohn (as followeth in this storie) Astronomi∣call Instruments to this Magneticall, and occasioned those Spanish Discoueries in the New World, by Colombo's Industry.

The Load-stone was the Lead-stone, the very Seed and ingendring Stone of Discouerie, whose soeuer Iouiall Braire first conceiued that Minerua. But the Iuno Lucina, that helped Nature in this happy Conception and educated Discouerie to that strength, that it durst or∣dinarily aduenture beyond the knowne World, and made way to that Maturitie, whereby it opened soone after another World, was Prince Henry of Portugall.

* 1.19Thus doth the Great GOD rayse vp the least things to Greatnesse: and this, one of the [ 20] last and least of Europaean Kingdomes, was dignified with the first search and Science of Discoueries. Spaine and Portugall, after a long seruitude, fattened their Soyle with the bloud of the Moores, and thence haue growne by Diuine Blessing not onely to free themselues of that Yoke, but with farre-spreading Boughes to ouer-looke and ouer-awe the remotest East and furthest West; paying themselues with the Drugges and Gemmes of Asia, the Gold and Slaues of Africa, the Siluer and Possessions of America, as Wages for that Europaean slauery vnder the Mahumetans, many Ages continued, which now shall follow to be declared.

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§. II. Of HENRY, third sonne to IOHN the first King of Portugall by an English Woman, the Prince of later Discoueries: and of the helpes both against the Mores, and in their Discoueries which the Portugals haue receiued of our Nation.

THe Saracens (as we haue related a 1.20 elsewhere) about the yeere * 1.21 712. brought by Iulianus Earle of Cepta (to reuenge the deflowring of his Daughter Caba by Ro∣dericus, the last of the Gottish Kings) into Spaine, vnder the conduct of Muses, conquered and subiected the same to Vlit the Chalipha. Pelagius b 1.22 began first [ 40] to make head against these Barbarians, whose successors had succeeded in the same Quarrell with prosperous successe aboue three hundred yeeres space, when Alphonsus the sixt tooke Toledo from the Mores. He, in recompence of good seruices in the Warres, gaue vnto Henry of Lorraine, whom some call Earle of Limbourg, his Daughter Teresa, with the Countrey of Portugall in Dowrie, and whatsoeuer he could further conquer from the Mores, by Title of an Earle: whose sonne Don Alphonso was the first King of that Realme, newly erected on the bloud and desolation of the Mores in those parts, whom by degrees they chased quite out of that Kingdome, from that time till that of Iohn the first. He pursuing that Heredi∣tarie Quarrell, passed ouer Sea into Africa, and there tooke Cepta, and brake the Ice to his Po∣steritie, which made valiant and successefull progresse in those Designes of Africa, till their [ 50] Nauigations into Asia with greater hopes and happinesse, made them neglect that neerer and dearer Purchase.

This Conquest of Cepta, or Seut, is mentioned by Thomas c 1.23 Walsingham, which then liued, in these words: This yeere the King of Portugall relying on the helpe of the Mer∣chants of England most of all, and of the Almans, ouercame the Agarens in the Land of the King of the Betinarines, many thousands of them being sent to Hell; and tooke their Citie, seated on the Sea, called Sunt, very large, compassed with a Wall, as they say, of twentie miles.

Some reason the English had to this Assistance: for the Wife of Don Iohn was Philip, Daughter of Iohn of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, and Sister to Henry the fourth, whose sonne Henry the fifth then reigned in England. They did imitate also their [ 60] English Ancestors, who long before, in the time of Henry the second, had ioyned themselues with other Northerne d 1.24 Pilgrimes for the Expedition to the Holy-Land, and sayling to∣gether

from Dartmouth, about 37. ships well manned touched at Lisbone, where the Por∣tugall King besought their aid against the Mores in the Citie Syluia, or Syluis, profering to them the spoyle in recompence. Which they attempted, and on the third day of the Siege, brake into the Suburbs, and forced Alchad the Prince to yeeld the Citie, wherein were of all sorts aboue 60000. Mores, whereof 47000. were slaine, and the Mahumetan Temple con∣secrated to the Mother of God.

Thus both at home and abroad were the Portugals indebted to the English; as also in the example of some Englishmen, and namely one Macham, which had beene by tempest driuen on shore in Madera: but in nothing more, then that English Lady before mentioned, whose [ 10] third sonne Don Henry was the true foundation of the Greatnesse, not of Portugall alone, but of the whole Christian World, in Marine Affaires, and especially of these Heroike ende∣uours of the English (whose flesh and bloud hee was) which this ensuing Historie shall pre∣sent vnto you.

This illustrious Henry hauing giuen proofe of his valour against the Infidels at Cepta, de∣uised e 1.25 with himselfe, how he (being Gouernor of the Militarie Order of IESVS CHRIST, formerly instituted, and endowed to maintaine Warres against the Mores, alreadie expelled out of Portugall) might aduance the honor of his Name and Order, in Conquests which o∣thers had not yet attempted, and therefore in Discoueries of Countries yet vnknowne. To this end he spent his life in single estate, and in the studies of the Mathematikes: for which [ 20] purpose, he chose the clearer Ayre of Cape S. Vincent, that there he might better intend his Mathematicall Theorie, the practike thereof in Instruments, and the vse, in sending out Ships at his owne charge to discouer remoter parts, whereof he had both heard by enquirie of Captiues taken at Cepta, and conceiued by his owne studie and reason (for besides that of Macham, ancient Histories giue some light to the studious, in the f 1.26 reports of Menelaus, Hanno, Eudoxus, and others) that the Atlantike and Indian Seas had concourse, the one yeel∣ding passage to the other, or rather being one continued Ocean. He also from Maiorca cau∣sed one Master Iames, a man skilfull in Nauigation, and in Cards and Sea Instruments, to be brought into Portugall, there at his charge, as it were, to erect a Schoole of Marinership, and to instruct his Countreymen in that Mysterie.

[ 30] The first Ships which he sent, discouered no further then Cape Bogiador, 180. miles be∣yond Cape g 1.27 Non (the Non vltra before, of the Spanish Nauigations) beyond which they durst not passe, because of the loftie breaking of the Surge, caused by the Capes extension farre into the Sea: not daring (such was then the infancie of Nauigation) to auoid the same, to put further off into the Sea, lest they might hap to lose themselues, if they lost the sight of Land. That which Art durst not, Tempest compelled in the next Barke sent for Discoue∣rie, which with distresse of Weather driuen into Seas out of the Mariners knowledge, happily encountred that Iland, which they hereupon named Porto h 1.28 Santo, and without further coa∣sting the shore of Afrike, returned home with the newes, and desire of licence to people it; so well did they like of the Ayre, Soyle, and gentle Condition of the Natiues. The Prince accordingly sent three Ships, two of which hee committed to Iohn Consaluo Zarco, and [ 40] Tristan Vaz, the former Discouerers; the third to Bartholomew Perestrello, who with Seeds and Plants carried thither a i 1.29 Conie great with young; which lighting her burthen by the way, and together with them put forth, so multiplyed in two yeeres, that they grew wearie of all their Labours, destroyed by those Conies. Whereupon Perestrello returning, the other two, Consaluo and Vaz would needs discouer whether it were Land or no, which appeared vnto them like Clouds or Vapours, and found it indeed the Iland k 1.30 Madera, or Wood, so called of the abundance of Wood which then ouer-shadowed it, and with the moist Vapours had seemed to bury it in a Cloud. They returning with this newes to the Prince, receiued by the Kings consent the same Iland, diuided betwixt them; the one part, called Funciale, to Consaluo and his heires; the other, called * 1.31 Machico, to Vaz. This was so na∣med [ 50] of an Englishman, called Macham, which had before arriued l 1.32 there by Tempest, and buried therein a Woman, whom he loued, with a memoriall thereof ingrauen on the Stone of her Tombe; after which, with a Boat made of one Tree, he passed to the Coast of Barbary without Sayle or Oare, and being presented to the King for a Wonder, was by him sent to the King of Castile.

In the yeere 1420. began that m 1.33 Plantation, and the thicke Trees being by Consaluo set on fire, continued burning seuen yeeres: which destruction of Wood hath caused since as great want. The Prince caused Sugar Canes to be carried from Sicilia thither, and men skilfull of that n 1.34 Art, whereof the increase hath beene such, that in some yeeres the fifth [ 60] part (which the Prince reserued to his Militarie Order) hath amounted to aboue threescore thousand Arrobes (euery Arrobe is fiue and twentie pounds) growing onely in one place, lit∣tle more then nine miles compasse. To Perestrello o 1.35 hee gaue Porto Santo, on condition to

people it, which hardly hee could doe for the Conies, whereof in one little I••let at one time were killed three thousand.

Twelue yeeres had passed, since the Prince had begun this Enterprise▪ before Cape Baia∣dore could be passed; such was the p 1.36 conceit of tempestuous Seas, strong Currents, Whirle∣pooles which would swallow Ships, beyond that Cape: yea they added, that the Land was not fit for habitation, but like the sandie Desarts of Libya. Much did they murmure, that the Natures of the Land were exhaust in Discoueries, which before, wise and prouident Kings would haue vndertaken, had there beene likelyhood of successe, who yet contented themselues with the knowne World, and sought not a torrid Zone, vnfit for humane dwel∣ling. These costs might with lesse danger haue beene bestowed in the barrenner parts of [ 10] the Kingdome at home, without Sea-perils.

These murmurings I recite, as alwayes attending and preoccupating great Actions, and to shew the poore Prentiship which Nauigation then serued, that it might attaine that Free∣dome which the next Age brought forth. The patient Prince endured these Exceptions, with quarrellings at the Victualls, Money, and Men spent in a Seruice so vnseruiceable and need∣lesse, so dangerous, so hurtfull, and so! what euery barking Tongue could alledge; nor could the apparant profits of Madera and Porto Santo stop their mouthes. His men also, which he sent forth, preyed on the Coasts of Barbary, and tooke Slaues, which helpe bare charges.

But one of his seruants, named q 1.37 Gilianes, seeing the Prince discontent that they went no further, aduentured that Herculean Labour (as it then seemed) and passed that Turne-againe [ 20] or Baiadore Cape, with some proofe of the Plants, report of the Seas passable, and commendations of the Ayre and Soyle in those parts. This happened An. 1433.

The next yeere Anton. Consaluo pierced fortie miles further, and found the Countrey in∣habited. Nor could much more be effected, till the yeere 1441. when Nugno Tristan disco∣uered r 1.38 Cape Blanco, and tooke some Prisoners. After which, Prince Henry obtained s 1.39 of Pope Martin the fifth a perpetuall Donation to the Crowne of Portugall, of whatsoeuer should be discouered from Cape Baiadore to the East Indies inclusiuely, and Indulgence ple∣narie for the Soules of all such as should perish in that Conquest: which the succeeding Popes, Eugenius, Nicholas, and Sixtus confirmed, at the instance of King Alphonsus and his sonne Iohn.

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At the next t 1.40 returne they traded with the Negros for exchange of their Men, for which they had Gold and other Slaues, whereupon they called the place the Golden Riuer, and passed further to the Isles of Argin and Garze. Gold made a recantation of former Murmu∣rings, and now the Prince was extolled; yea, u 1.41 now the inhabitants of Lagos capitulated with the Prince to set forth Carueiles at their owne charges, which tooke many Captiues.

The yeere 1445. Denis Fernandez passed the Riuer x 1.42 Sanaga, which diuideth the Aze∣negui from those of Guinea, called Gialof, and discouered also Cape Verde. Other Discoue∣ries successiuely followed; in which, some hauing made slaues of friends, the Prince made the Authors apparrell and send them backe at their owne charges, to the Canaries, whence they had stolne them.

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These y 1.43 Canaries, by relations of Macham the Englishman aforesaid, became knowne to the French and Spaniards; and Betancor, which held three of them in possession, com∣pounded for them with Prince Henry: but the Spaniard challenged them, as conquered by that Frenchman through the aid of Cast••le; vnder which Crowne they now are, after many choppings and changings. But the Prince neuer gaue ouer his endeuours of Discouerie, till he discouered the Celestiall Ierusalem, which z 1.44 happened the thirteenth of Nouember, 1463. three and fortie yeeres after Madera had beene descryed: in all which time, his Trauell suc∣ceeded no further then from Baiadore to Sierra Liona, one thousand one hundred and tenne miles space, in neere fiftie yeeres continued Cares and Costs. So hard a thing is it to disco∣uer. An argument of patience to our Moderne Discouerers, which are readie to murmure, and [ 50] almost to mutinie, if new Worlds drop not into their mouthes at the first Voyage.

A little before his death, the Ilands of * 1.45 Cape Verde were discouered by Antonio di Nolle, A Genuois, licensed by the Prince. On May Euen was Maio found, and on the next day two others, called also of the Time, one Philip, and the other Iacob, or Iago, which was first peopled. In his time * 1.46 also were discouered the Terceras, by certaine Flemmings sayling to Lisbone; which first began to be peopled An. 1449.

King Alphonsus hauing little leysure for further Discoueries, farmed the same to Fernand Gomez, a Citizen of Lisbone, for fiue yeeres space, with condition euery yeere to discouer three hundred miles, to begin from Sierra Liona, and so to proceed along the Coast. He dis∣couered * 1.47 Mina by Santaren and Scouare his Captaines; and after that, to Cape S. Catarine, [ 60] on the South side of the Line. In that time was also discouered the Iland of Fernand Po, the Ilands also of S. Thomas, S. Matthew, Annobon, & del Principe; the Names of the Discouerers are vnknowne.

§. III. Of King IOHN the second his Discoueries, and aduancement of the Art of Nauigation.

KIng Iohn the second hauing some experiment of the Profits of Guinea, which King Alphonso had bestowed on him for his Princely maintenance, could not now by the Obiections of the length of the Way, vnholesomenesse of the Countrey, ex∣pence [ 10] of Victuali, and the like, be detained by his Counsellors; but in the yeere 1481. he sent a Fleet of ten * 1.48 Carauels, vnder the command of Diego Dazambuia, to build the Castle of S. George della Mina, which in the yeere 1486. he dignified with the Priuiled∣ges of a Citie. In the Church thereof was ordayned a perpetuall Soule-Priest for Prince Henry aforesaid: and three yeeres after that Castle was builded, he added to his Regall Title, Lord of Guinea. Caramansa the Lord of the Countrey would haue hindered that Building, and the people (which worshipped the Stones and Rockes) mutined; but the Popes Gift, with their Strength, Gifts, Cunning, and some Reuenge, preuayled: The King commanded, that Stone Crosses or Pillars, with the Portugall Armes,* 1.49 should be set vp in conuenient pla∣ces, expressing the time and Authors of such Discoueries. So did Diego Can 1484. on the [ 20] Bankes of the Riuer Zaire, in the first Discouerie of the Kingdome of a 1.50 Congo (the King whereof, as also the King of Benin, desired Priests, and Baptisme) and in his next returne two others, hauing discouered sixe hundred miles, and in both his Voyages 1125. miles from Cape Catarine, further on the Coast.

By the Embassador of the King of Benin (which is not farre from Mina) the King of Portugall vnderstood of the b 1.51 Abassine, commonly called Prester Iohn, by them Ogane, whose Vassall the King of Benin then was, none being c 1.52 acknowledged lawfull Prince, till he had sent his Embassadour to the said Ogane, and had receiued from him a Crosse to weare about his necke, in token of his admission. Hereupon King Iohn sent both d 1.53 by Sea and Land to inquire both of the Indies, and of this great Negus, or Ogane: by Sea, two Pinnaces, of [ 30] fiftie Tunnes apiece, vnder the conduct of Bartholomew Diaz, with a little Victualling Barke, in August, 1486. Hee set certaine Negros on shore in diuers places, which had beene before carried into Portugall, and well vsed, that among those Sauages they might relate the Portu∣gall Ciuilitie and Greatnesse; carrying also with them some shewes thereof in Apparrell, and other things giuen them; and to make knowne, if it were possible, his desire, to find by his Discoueries meanes of acquaintance with Prester Iohn. He gaue Names to places discouered, and erected Pillars or Crosses of Stone (as is said) the last in the Ile called hereof, the Crosse; where his people with much disquiet vrged his returne, alledging their Victuals spent, and the losse of their Victualling Barke. Yet after consultation, hee proceeded so farre, that hee first discouered the famous Cape, which for his manifold troubles he termed Cabo Tormentoso, [ 40] or the tempestuous Cape: but King Iohn hoping thence to discouer the Indies, named it at his returne the e 1.54 Cape of Good Hope; where hee placed another Pillar of Stone, called S. Philip; as the other were termed S. George in the Riuer of Zaire, S. Augustine in the Cape thereof so termed, and likewise the rest. He returned in December, 1487. sixteene moneths and seuenteene dayes after his setting out, hauing discouered a thousand and fiftie miles of Coast. He found by the way his Victualler, wherein he had left nine men, of which, three onely were left aliue; f 1.55 one of which, Fernand Colazzo, died with sudden ioy of this fight nine moneths after the losse of each other.

By Land, the King had sent some by the way of Ierusalem to passe with the Abassine Pilgrims; which yet, for want of the Arabick Tongue, returned. Whereupon he sent Peter [ 50] g 1.56 Couilian, well skilled therein, and with him Alphonso Paiua, in May, 1487. which went to Alexandria, thence to Cairo, and thence with certaine Mores to Aden: from whence Paiua went to seeke a passage to Prester Iohn, but died at Cairo. Couilian from Aden, neere the straits of the red Sea, unbarked himselfe for Cananor, and thence to Calicut and Goa in the East Indies: from whence he returned vnto Africa, neere the Mines of Sofala, and after that to Cairo, with purpose of returne into Portugall. But the King had sent by two Spanish Iewes, Rabbi Abraham and R. Ioseph, the later of which had beene at Bagdad, and had ac∣quainted the King with the Trade at Ormus, and from thence had passed to Aleppo and Damasco, and was now sent backe to Couilian, that by the one an answere might be brought what he had done, with charge not to desist, till he had beene with the Abassine, to whom he [ 60] imployed him in Embassage: the other, to goe to Ormus, and informe himselfe of the Af∣fa••res of those parts. By Ioseph, Couilian wrote to the King, and to encourage his Nauigati∣ons, sent him a Mappe of his Discoueries in India, and on the African Coast. Hee pierced

after this, to the Court of Alexander the Abassine, who kindly entertained him, but soone af∣ter died; neyther would his successors permit that Vlysses to returne, a man of many Lan∣guages,* 1.57 and much vsefull for his experience in the World: but to Francis Aluares, which ac∣companied Roderike de Lima in an Embassage thither almost thirtie yeeres after, hee related the summe of his Trauels.

Many other worthy Acts were performed by King Iohn, in seeking to reduce some of these wild people both in Guinea and Congo, to holy Baptisme and Christian Religion, not so pertinent to this our purpose: but this was the furthest of his Discoueries. He had omit∣ted an oportunitie offered by Columbus, whom in his first returne from the Indies with his new Indians, he saw in March, 1493. But Occasions Head in the hinder parts was bald, the [ 10] Spaniard hauing before fastned on her fore-lockes. Yet doth Nauigation owe as much to this Prince as to any,* 1.58 who had imployed Roderigo and Ioseph, his Iewish Physicians, cunning Ma∣thematicians of that time, with Martin Bohemus the Scholler of Iohn Monte Regius, to de∣uise what helpes they could for the Mariners in their saylings thorow vnknowne Seas, where neyther Starres (as vnknowne) nor Land (being out of kenne) could guide them. These first, after long study, applyed the Astrolabe, before vsed onely by Astronomers, to Marine vse, and deuised the Tables of Declinations,* 1.59 to find out the Latitude of Places, and how to direct their course (which was afterwards by the knowledge of the Variation, exceedingly furthered) whereby the Mariners Art first began to free it selfe from the rudenesse of former times, and in these Nauigations of Canus and Dias, as those also of Columbus, to prepare a Way to [ 20] open our Eyes in these parts, to see a new World, and there in those, to see a new Heauen by Euangelicall Light, whereof a little misled glimpse they haue alreadie; an Earnest (as wee hope) of more, and more perfect, by Gods grace in due time to be reuealed.

§. IIII. Of the Coniectures touching a New World by CHRISTOPHER COLON or COLVMBVS, and his manifold [ 30] Difficulties therein.

ANd vnto Portugall was Spaine beholden for Columbus, and Columbus also for his skill, whereby the Columbian (so fitlier named, then American) World was dis∣couered. This Columbus or Colombo (by the Spaniards for easier pronunciation termed Colon) was borne, some say, at Sarona, some at Nerui, others in Cicurco, in the territorie of Genua,* 1.60 of an ancient House, of great reputation in the Empire of Otho the second (whose Charters to the Family of the Columbi are yet extant) but now almost anti∣quated, rotten and ruined with antiquitie. He began to embrace the Sea, and vse Nauigation in his Childhood, and traded many yeeres into Syria and other parts of the East; and became [ 40] also a maker of Cards for the Sea. The fame of the Portugall Nauigations brought him thi∣ther, to learne the Coasts of Africa, and with their skill to amend his Cards, and withall, his fortunes. There he married a Wife, Philippa Mumiz de Perestrello (by whom he had his sonne Iames) and traded the Coast of Guinea. Some skill, it is manifest, hee had in the Latine Tongue, and was very studious of the Mathematikes, being also in his Religion (according to that knowledge he had) very deuout,* 1.61 frequent in Prayer, obseruant of Fasts, temperate in Diet, modest in Attyre, grauely courteous in Behauior, abstinent of Oathes, and abhomina∣ting Blasphemies. Such an one did God make him, before he would make him a Discouerer. And as the Psalmist singeth of Heauenly,* 1.62 it is true also in Earthly Mysteries, The secret of the Lord is with them that feare him, and the meeke he will guide in iudgement: Which easily shew∣eth [ 50] the cause why no better successe hath followed some mens endeuours, who going forth with high swolne Sayles, filled with puffes of Pride, and blasts of Arrogance, addicting themselues to Swearing, Cursing, and other resolute Dissolutenesse (as if they sought Disco∣ueries in the infernall Regions, and acquaintance with those Legions of Hell, rather then to discouer Lands, and recouer Infidels to internall peace by the eternall Gospell) eyther perish at Sea, or returne with the gaine of losse, and shame, in stead of glory. Our Christopher Columbus was such in Deed as in Name, carrying Christ in his heart, and Doue-like louely carriage in conuersation.

He is reported by Gomara, Mariana, and others, to haue beene first moued to this Disco∣uerie by a Pilot, which had beene before by distresse of Weather driuen vpon the Ilands of [ 60] America,* 1.63 which the most iudicious Spaniards either omit or deny; Benzo and Ramusio thinke it a tricke of Spanish enuy, derogating from the worth of an Italian. But the reasons more

probable, are his piercing Wit, iudicious obseruation of Occurrents, learning in the Mathema∣tikes, and the speciall instinct of Diuine Prouidence, without which no humane patience could haue sustained such magnanimous Indeuours, so long contemned, so much, so variously condemned. Experience of the Portugals, amongst whom he dwelt,* 1.64 had taught him the va∣nitie of Antiquitie touching the Antipodes, the Torrid Zone not habitable, and that the Sea was euery way Nauigable. Art instructed him of the roundnesse of this inferior Globe (which in the Moones Ecclipse is visible) and the proportionablenesse of the Earth to the Water, that as much dry Land might be as well on that, as on this side the Line: neyther was it likely, that so huge a quantitie of the Globe should be couered with Waters, which was made princi∣pally [ 10] for the vse and habitation of Man; or that this Globe was not equally poyzed on both sides that Centre, which is one to it and the Water; or that there should be such huge Lands (if they were Lands) in this old Age of the World, no•• inhabited by Man,* 1.65 whose Blessing from the Creator was to fill or replenish the Earth, renewed againe after the Floud; or that the Indies in the East might not in the Earths Globositie be as readily found out by the West, following the Sunne in his dayly Iourney, which with all his Night-watch of Starres was as vnlike to be there appointed a continuall course and circular Race for the Seas or Desart Lands. Experi∣ments had also taught him, both by relation of the Portugals in their longer Voyages, and in his owne on the West of Spaine, that the Westerne Winds holding a constant course yeerely, and that also farre off at Sea, could not but arise from some Lands further Westward, then any yet [ 20] knowne: And Martin Vincent, a Mariner which vsed the Azores or Terceras, had told him, that he was once carried foure hundred and fiftie leagues to the West of Cape S. Vincent, and there tooke vp a piece of Wood or Timber, wrought by mans hand, and that,* 1.66 as farre as he could iudge, without Iron, which he imagined had come from some Westerne Iland. Pedro Correa, which had married his Wiues sister, had likewise signified to him, that at Puerto Santo he had seene the like Peece driuen thither by the Westerne Winds, wrought in the same fashion: and besides, he had seene great Canes, which in each knot might containe aboue two gallons of Wa∣ter, which he also sent to him to see; which being vnlikely to grow in the knowne parts of the West, and hauing read of such growing in India, he supposed, that some long and violent Westerne Winds had brought them thither from thence. The inhabitants also of the Azores [ 30] had told him, that strong West and Northwest Winds had brought by Sea vpon Graciosa and Fayal certaine Pine trees, two dead men also on the Coast of Flores, with larger faces then are vsuall in these parts, and of other fauor, and two Canoas another time driuen also by the Wind. Antonio Leme of Madera had related, that being carried in his Caruile farre Westward, he had seemed to see three Ilands: And another of that Iland had sued to the King of Portugall in the yeere 1484. for licence to discouer certaine Land which he sware he had seene euery yeere ouer-against the Azores. Diego Velazques had fortie yeeres before beene carried farre into the West, and there obserued the Seas and Winds such, as if the Land were not farre off, as he affir∣med to Columbus: and another Mariner told him of Land hee had seene farre West from Ire∣land, which is supposed to be New-found-Land. Petro de Velasco had signified the like, in his [ 40] going for Ireland; and Vincent Diaz, a Portugall Pilot, had seemed to himselfe, in his returne from Guinea, to see an Iland in the height of Madera, for which also search was after made, but no discouerie.

These things argue his laborious industrie and diligent enquirie: his readings of Marco Polo and other Iournals (that I mention not the Ancients) did not a little animate him, as may ap∣peare in his enquirie for Zipango, mentioned by Polo, supposed now to be Japan; and naming Hispaniola Ophir, thinking, or seeming to thinke, that he had found out the East Indies.* 1.67 And for that cause was this New World called the Indies also, with distinction of West: and this was his maine argument to such Princes as he sought to patronize this his discouerie, the riches of the East Indies, promised by a Westerne Nauigation. And herein his resolution was admi∣rable, [ 50] that howsoeuer some derided as folly, others reiected as impossible, his suit, yet he neuer desisted.

Hee first propounded it to his Countreymen the Genuois, and found, that a Prophet found no profit at home; he seconded it in Portugall where he dwelt, and was married at Lisbone, and had learned most of his Art and Intelligence,* 1.68 confirmed therein also by Martin Bohemus the Mathematician; but Iohn the second did not second his desires, as adiudged vaine by Rode∣rigo and Ioseph the Iewes, before mentioned, with other Committees; which yet moued with his reasons, counselled the King secretly to send a Caruell, vnder colour of a Voyage, to Cape Verde, to make this Discouerie; wherein crossed with foule Weather, they effected nothing. This made him out of loue with Portugall, and to send his brother Bartholomew to King Henry the seuenth of England with the same suit: who falling into the hands of Pyrats, was forced [ 60] to sustaine himselfe with making Sea-Cards, and so long deferred for want of sutable suites, to make his suit and petition to the King, that when it was granted, and his brother sent for, hee had sped before in Spaine. Thither had hee himselfe repaired in the yeere 1484. secretly, and by Sea, for feare of the Portugals, which had before deluded him: Ferdinand and Isabel the

Catholike Princes being then busied in Warre against the Mores of Granada. But hauing spent fiue yeeres in pursuing his suit, his answer from the Court was, That the Kings Treasure was so exhaust in the Conquest of Granada, that they could not entertaine new expences: but those being ended, they would better examine his intent, and giue him dispatch.

Much was Columbus aggrieued at this answer, yet failed not his constancie. Hee caused his desires to be made knowne to the Dukes of Medina Coeli, and of Medina Sidonia, but with ef∣fect like the former. Twice hee purposed (as his sonne Fernand Columbus writeth) to leaue Spaine, and goe himselfe into France or England, whence hee had not heard of his brother Bar∣tholomew: but Diuine Prouidence otherwise disposed. And hee which hitherto had not found credit to aduance (nay, scarcely meanes, but in great part, by the bountie of Alphonso di Quin∣taniglia [ 10] the Kings chiefe Auditor, to sustaine) him, obtained the Letters of Frier Ivan Perez de Marchena to Frier Fern••ndo di Talouera the Queenes Confessor, and at last, by the mediation of the Cardinall Mendoza, Archbishop of Toledo, procured audience and graunt of the Catholike Kings, Queene Isabel taking order with Lewis of S. Angelo to empawne some of her Iewels, to the value of two thousand Duckats for his Expedition, which yet he lent out of his purse: so low was the Treasure of Spaine, when God offered them the Westerne Treasurie.

Magnanimous Columbus, not broken with Pouertie at home, with Affronts and Discounte∣nances abroad, with imputations of impotent, almost impudent, at least as imprudent as impor∣tunate fancies of impossible, impassable Nauigations by vnknowne Seas to vnknowne Lands! not amated so farre, as to abate his Conditions of no small nature to him and his heires, as if he [ 20] had alreadie effected his designes: not desiring any reward, except he found somewhat answe∣rable to his promise, nor lesse then, than the Office and Title of Admirall by Sea, and Vice-Roy on Land, with the Tenth of the Profits thorow all the Seas, Ilands, or firme Lands (to himselfe during his life, and after, to his heires and successors) whatsoeuer he should discouer: which (saith Ouiedo) he enioyed whiles he liued,* 1.69 his sonne Admirall, Iames or Don Diego Colombo, after him, and his nephew Don Lewis Colombo the Admirall at this day. This composition was made be∣twixt him and the Catholike Kings in the Field before Granada, then besieged, in the middest of the Armie, the seuenteenth of April, 1492. as if God would reward their endeuours and ex∣pences, in rooting out the Mores, which had possessed those parts of Spaine aboue seuen hun∣dred yeeres, with this New Discouerie, so profitable to the Spanish Crowne. [ 30]

§. V. COLVMBVS his first Voyage, and improuement therein of the Mariners Art.

ON Friday, the third of August, the same yeere, hee set forth with his three Carauels from Palos; himselfe in the Admirall, called * 1.70 Santa Maria; the second Pinta, in which, was Captaine Martin Alonso Pinçon, and his brother Francisco Martinez [ 40] Pinçon, Master; the third Ninna, whose Captaine and Master was Vincent Yannez Pinçon, which found halfe that eighth part of the expence which Colombo had couenanted to contribute.* 1.71 There were in all (some say) an hundred and twenty men; Herera hath but ninety. On the fourth of August, the Rudder of the Pinta proued loose, which they fastened as well as they could with Cords, but soone after with force of Wind brake, and they were all compelled to strike sayle; which, in such a Voyage as this (they knew not whither) could not but be trou∣blesome, and seeme also ominous. On the eleuenth of August they had sight of the Canaries; where hauing refreshed themselues in the Ile Gomera, they hasted thence the sixt of Septem∣ber, for feare of the Portugals, who had set forth three Caruels to take them. The seuenth they lost sight of Land, with sighes and teares, many of them fearing neuer to see it againe; whom [ 50] Don Christopher comforted as well as he could, with promises of rich Discoueries: and sayling that day * 1.72 eighteene leagues, he reckoned no more then fifteene, diminishing his accompt, to make them seeme neerer home. On the foureteenth of September he first obserued the Variation of the Compas, which no man till then had considered, which euery day appeared more euident. On Sunday, the sixteenth, they saw pieces of * 1.73 Grasse, or Herbes, on the Water, of a pale greene colour, and on one of them a Grasse-hopper aliue, and some signes of Land approching, made some beleeue they had seene it. On the nineteenth they saw an Alcatraz (a kind of Sea-Fowle) and the next day two, which with other Grasse euery day encreasing, encreased their hopes of Land, saue that the Grasse sometimes hindered their sayling.

All this while he had the Wind in poupe, which on the two and twentieth of Septembe•• [ 60] came crosse at Southwest; and the Spaniards murmured, that the former Winds, which had been large to bring them hither, would neuer permit their returne to Spaine, and now began to blam•• the King and Queene, which had listned to that bold Italian, res••luing to pursue the Voyage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 further (the Admirall vsing all his Wits to the contrarie in vaine, mixing with 〈…〉〈…〉

Prayers, Threats and Menaces) alledging, That he thought to make himselfe a great Lord with the price of their liues; and that they had alreadie done their dutie, sayling further from Land then euer any had: nor ought they to be guiltie of their owne deaths, proceeding they knew not whither, till Victuals fayled them, which alreadie would scarcely hold out their returne, nor yet the Caruels, being alreadie spent, and faultie, with other like quarrels: threatning to throw him into the Sea, if he would not returne; and if hee were so desperate to perish, they would saue themselues. Colombo sweetly calmed those tempests with gentle words and rich promises, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (as is thought, before agreed vpon) talking with Vin••ent Pinçon, suddenly cryed, Land, Land, on the fiue and twentieth of September, which filled them with cheare and hope, [ 10] which yet proued but Clouds: and therefore howsoeuer the mutinous tempest was for a time stilled, yet on the second of October that storme reuiued with such force, that hee hauing pro∣longed as farre as hee might, with likelier signes dayly of Land, at last he indented with them for three dayes. This they promised to trie, but not one houre longer▪ saying, all were Lyes which he had promised. The first of these dayes he perceiued by the Sunne-set, that Land was neere, and commanded, that they should abate their Sayles in the Night; in which Night hee spyed Light.

Two houres after Midnight, Rodrigo de Triana descryed Land on the eleuenth of October,* 1.74 1492. which when it was day, they saw to be an Iland of fifteene leagues compasse, plaine and woodie, with a great Poole of fresh Water, the naked people wondring on the shore, thinking [ 20] their Shippes were liuing Creatures. They went on Land, and termed it San Saluador,* 1.75 by the Inhabitants called Guanahani, one of the Iles Lucayos, nine hundred and fiftie leagues from the Canaries, and hauing said a Te Deum on his knees, with teares in his eyes, Colombo tooke pos∣session in name of the Catholike Kings, Ferdinand and Isabella, in presence of Rodrigo de Esco∣uedo, Notarie; the Spaniards also acknowledging him for Vice-Roy. The people wondred at the Beards, Whitenesse, Clothing of the Spaniards, who gaue them coloured Caps, Glasse-beads, and other Toyes. And when they departed, the naked Natiues followed, some in Canoas,* 1.76 others swimming after them. They were all naked, their haire bound vp, their stature meane, bodies well formed, colour like those of the Canaries, Oliue, painted some blacke, others of other colours, in part, or all ouer the body, as each best fancied. They knew not the vse of Iron, or [ 30] Weapons, but layd their hands on the edge of the Sword. They saw no liuing Creatures but Parrats among them. They trucked for Cotton Yarne, and had Rings of Gold in their Nose∣thrils, which they said that it came from the South, where they had a King rich therein. They tooke the Spaniards to be men come from Heauen.

On the fifteenth of October he went seuen leagues thence to another Iland (which he cal∣led Santa Maria de la Concecion) the seuenteenth, to Fernandina, where the Women, with Cotton short Coates, from the Nauill to the mid Thigh, couered their nakednesse. The fourth Iland he called Isabella, and thereof (as of all the former) tooke solemne possession. He would not suffer any of his companie to take ought from the Natiues in any place. Thence he passed to Cuba, and went on Land, thinking it to be Zipango; and some Indians which he carried [ 40] with him, signified, that there was Gold and Pearles.* 1.77 He sent two Spaniards with two Indi∣ans to search the Countrey, which found a Towne of fiftie houses of about a thousand persons (for a whole Kindred or Linage dwelt together in one house) where the people kissed their hands and feet, thinking them heauenly Wights, gaue them Bread of a Root, and perfumed them with certaine Herbes burned. They saw store of Cotton growing of it selfe, and strange kinds of Birds and Trees. The Spaniards had most mind to the Gold which they saw in their Noses, of which they questioned these Indians, who answered Cubanacan, that is in the midst of Cuba, which the Spaniards vnderstood of the Can of Cathay, mentioned by Marco Polo. In hope of singular successe, Martin Alonso Pinçon left the Admirall, who also left Cuba, which he called Iuana, in honour of the Prince of Castile, to seeke that Iland which he named Hispa∣niola, before Hayti. For hauing demanded of Zipango in Cuba, the Indians thinking hee had [ 50] meant Cibao, which is one of the richest Mines of Hispaniola, directed him thither. Here gi∣uing a Woman which they tooke, Meat, Drinke, and Clothes, he sent with her some of his In∣dians, which reported much good of the Spaniards, whence grew much acquaintance betwixt them, and after, with their King Guacanagari, which entreated Colombo to come aland. Here he lost his principall Ship, and erected a Fort called the Natiuitie,* 1.78 and vnderstood of the Gol∣den Prouinces of this Iland: and hauing good remonstrance of his Golden Hopes and Haps also, in exchange for Trifles, with some Indians taken with him, leauing eight and thirtie Spaniards in his new Fort, after reconciliation with Pinçon (the Indians, which carried the Admirals Letter to him, attributed their mutuall vnderstanding to some Deitie therein) he pre∣pared [ 60] for his returne.

Before this, he charged them to behaue themselues with all due respects to Guacanagari, and to his Indians, without wrong to any: and on Friday, the fourth of Ianuary, in the yeere 1493. (after their account) sayled from the Port of Natiuitie. He saw three Mermaids leaping a good height out of the Sea, Creatures (as hee affirmed) not so faire as they are painted,* 1.79 somewhat

resembling Men in the face, of which at other times he said he had seene on the Coast of Gui∣nea. In his returne, he discouered a great part of the Coast of Hispaniola, and gaue Names to Capes and Harbours. In this Voyage, Colombo is said first to haue taught the Spaniards, in their sayling, to obserue the Sunne and Pole in their Nauigations, which they before knew not. Obseruing by his skill in Astronomie, that the Moone being in coniunction with Mercury, and opposition with Iupiter, and the Sunne also in like opposition, to produce great Windes, hee made some stay, and had new commerce with other Indians, where accidentally happened the first quarrell and skirmish betwixt the Spaniards and Natiues. But soone after their King sent them his Crowne of Gold, and much Victuall, and gaue them further intelligence. From this Gulfe de las Flechas, or of Arrowes, on Wednesday the seuenteenth of Ianuarie, hee departed, [ 10] and made homewards: in which it is obserued, that as in their way to the Indies, hauing the Wind large, they reckoned farre fewer leagues then they sayled, so in their returne they accoun∣ted more, the Admirals reckoning being a hundred and fiftie lesse then theirs.

* 1.80A tedious Tempest befell them in Februarie: wherein other remedies seeming to fayle, they vowed Pilgrimages to our Lady by Lot; the first fell on the Admirall himselfe, to Guadalupe; the second to Loretto, on Pedro de Villa; and a third Vow was common to all, that they should at the first Church of our Lady they came to, make Procession in their shirts, with other like de∣uoted Deuotions.

How vnlike was this to that of the Psalmist, in like stormes happening to them that see the Wonders of the Lord in the Deepe.* 1.81 For the Lord commandeth and rayseth the stormie Wind, which [ 20] lifteth vp the Waues thereof. They mount vp to the Heauen, they goe downe againe to the Depths, their Soule is melted because of trouble. They reele too and fro, and stagger like a drunken man, and are at their wits end. Then they cry vnto the Lord in their trouble, and he bringeth them out of their distresses. He maketh the Storme a Calme, so that the Waues thereof are still. Then are they glad, because they be quiet. So he bringeth them vnto their desired Hauen. O that men would prayse the Lord (not goe on Pilgrimage to our Lady) for his goodnesse and for his wonderfull workes to the children of men, &c.

The Psalmist in like case is to distressed Mariners a better Admirall then Colombo, whose de∣uotion herein fayled in the Obiect.* 1.82 Yet his diligence and wisedome in this is to be commended, that fearing shipwracke, lest this famous Discouerie might also be lost, he writ the whole Dis∣course [ 30] in Parchment, and folding it in a Seare-cloth, he put it in a Barrell or Hogs-head, which he threw into the Sea.

But on the fifteenth of February they saw Land, being S. Maries Iland, one of the Azores; where going on shore to fulfill their vowed Pilgrimage, the Gouernour came vpon them, and after many words told them, that hee had order from the King of Portugall to take them. But making an escape, another Storme tooke them, and caused another Pilgrimage to be vowed to our Lady of Cinta, the Lot falling on the Admirall: And thus was he forced to Lis∣bone;* 1.83 where, after much contesting with the Portugals, the King sent for him, being now much grieued for omitting such an opportunitie; yet vsed him kindly, although there were that offe∣red to kill Colombo, before hee should carry newes of this Discouerie to Spaine; the rather, for [ 40] his boldnesse, obiecting to the King his neglect. But the gentle King repro••ed these cruell Gentlemen, and after kind vsage, licenced him to depart.

True it is, that the Portugall Nation haue in their Bookes and Writings sought to obscure this Exploit of Columbus, attributing it rather to a Dreame of Zipango out of Marco Polo, and his confident glorious nature, seconded by successe vnlooked for (for which, as idle imaginations, their King had refused his offer) then any such excellencie as the Castilian Writers ascribe to him.* 1.84 But Enuy is the darke shadow, that alwayes followes him at the heeles, which walkes in the bright Sunne-light of Vertue and high Attempts. Euen the Spaniards themselues, not only by the tale of the Pilot before mentioned, but by light esteeme of his worth haue shewed a con∣temptible contempt of him: some of whom obiecting to himselfe the easinesse of this Disco∣uerie, [ 50] as he sate at Table, he prayed to make an Egge, which then he gaue them, to stand on end; which when they could not, hee bruising the shell, and making the end flat, made it to stand thereon: thereby insinuating, how easie it was for them to doe that which they had seene and learned of him.

Yea, the Pinçons, his chiefe Associates, by like spirit of proud Enuy, maligned him; one of which had, after the Islands discouered, forsaken him, as yee haue heard: which hee was forced to dissemble, and be reconciled, the most of his companie being of kinne to the Pinçons, or at lest inhabitants of Palos with them. They also entred suit with Colombo, and arrogated to their owne valour this Discouerie, which Columbus would (after so many dayes not finding Land) haue forsaken, but was proceeded in by their resolution. And in his third Voyage 1949. Rolda∣nus [ 60] Ximenius raysed a Rebellion in those parts, and effected, that Bouadilla was sent Gouernour into Hispaniola, who sent the Admirall, with his Brother, Prisoners all the way, of his long Discouerie into Spaine, for which he had so aduentured. These Iron Chaynes could cold Enuy, for so much Gold, for such a World, render vnto that Worthy of Men. But the Catholike Kings

of higher Spirits (for Enuy, the first sinne we read of in the Deuill,* 1.85 and which made him a De∣uill, as Tertullian and Cyprian in their Tractates of Patience haue obserued, the first also in the first-borne Man, which made him an incarnate Deuill and Murtherer, is but the sink•• and settled Dregs of Basenesse, which wanting proper worth, malignes it to others) these much honoured Columbus, as well they might, and confirmed his Priuiledges anew, besides many speciall graces done him, as did also the Cardinall of Spaine, and still is done by their ingenuous Writers, Ouiedo, Herera, and others.

This Storie at large I haue set downe, that Discouerers may by this example learne to digest greater Stormes at home, then the boysterous Elements in their tempestuous Conspiracie yeeld [ 10] them; and to know, that Pusillanimitie and Impatience are the vnfittest Attempters in the World. The Spaniards other Discoueries in the American parts (for so were they called of Americus Vesputius, a Florentine, who accompanied Colombo in his first Voyage, and after dis∣couered a greater part of the Continent then the Admirall had, as Cabota in that did more then they both) I list not to pursue; easie it is to know, that Gold bartered for Glasse, Beads, Nee∣dles, and other Toyes, would be strongly actiue, and strangely attractiue to new Discoueries. Dimidium facti qui bene caepit, habet. Cortes his Conquest of Mexico, and Pizarro his Peru were not comparable to their Masters Master-Peace, who found the New World, to find them worke. Before Colombo went his second Voyage, he left a Card, contayning the description of the whole Nauigation and Discouerie, in Spaine with the Kings, and his sonnes, Pages to [ 20] the Prince.

§. VI. Of the Popes Bull made to Castile, touching the New World.

THe Catholike Kings, presently after that first Discouerie, gaue accompt thereof to the Pope, which then was Alexander the sixt (before named Borgia, a Spaniard of Valen∣tia) by his Embassadour, and desired his fauour for the Crowne of Castile and Lions, [ 30] in the Grant of these New Discoueries, made or to be made: For long since had the Pope challenged Christs right ouer the Christian World. Adrian the fourth, in his Letters of Ireland to King Henry the second affirmeth, That all Ilands vnder the Sunne, of righteous∣nesse belong to Papall disposition. This second Alexander, in Gods right, claymes all the World: & in ordine ad Deum, for the conuersion (forsooth) to the Faith, the temporall Estates of the whole World are by his Parasites vsually put vnder that triple Diademe. So they thought, or so would seeme to thinke, in regard of Papall Grants before to the Crowne of Por∣tugall (whence was like to arise some grieuance and impediment to their Affaires, as pretending a Monopoly, by former Dispensation in Indian D••scoueries) and therefore sought this fauour of that Monster of Men, then sitting in that Chayre. This Bull, because it is not common, I [ 40] haue here transcribed.

EXEMPLAR BVLLAE SEV DONATIONIS, Autoritate cuius, Episcopus Romanus ALEXANDER eius nominis sextus, concessit & donauit Castellae Regi∣bus & suis successoribus, Regiones & Insulas Noui Orbis.

[ 50] ALEXANDER Episcopus, seruus seruorum Dei,* 2.1 Charissimo in Christo filio FERDINANDO Regi, & Charissimae in Christo filiae ELIZABETH Re∣ginae Castellae, Legionis, Arragonum, Siciliae, & Granatae, illustribus, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.

Inter caetera Diuinae Maiestati beneplacita opera & cordis nostri desiderabilia, illud profecto potissimum existit vt fides Catholica & Christiana Religio nostris praesertim temporibus exaltetur ac vbilibet amplietur ac dilatetur, animarum{que} salus procuretur, ac barbarae Nationes deprimantur & ad fidem ipsam reducantur. Vnde cum ad hanc sa∣••ram PETRI Sedem Diuina fauente clementia (meritis licet imparibus) euocati fu∣erimus, [ 60] cognoscentes vos tanquam veros Catholicos Reges & Principes: quales semper fuisse nouimus, & à vobis praeclare gesta, toti penae Orbi notissima demonstrant, nedum id exoptare, sed omni conatu, studio, & diligentia, nullis laboribus, nullis impensis, nul∣lisque parcendo periculis, etiam proprium sanguinem effundendo efficere, ac omnem

animum vestrum, omnesque conatus ad hoc iam dudum dedicasse, quemadmodum recupe∣ratio Regni Granatae à Tyrannide Saracenorum hodicrnis temporibus per vos, cum tanta Diuini nominis gloria facta, testatur. Digne ducimur non immerito, & debemus illa vobis etiam sponte, ac fauorabiliter concedere per quae huiusmodi sanctum ac lauda∣bile ab immortali Deo acceptum propositum, indies feruentiori animo ad ipsius Dei ho∣norem & Imperij Christiani propagationem, prosequi valeatis. Sane accepimus quòd vos qui dudum animum proposueratis aliquas Insulas & Terras firmas remotas & incogni∣tas, ac per alios hactenus non repertas, quaerere & inuenire, vt illarum incolas & habi∣tatores ad colendum redemptorem nostrum & fidem Catholicam profitendum reduceretis, [ 10] hactenus in expugnatione & recuperatione ipsius Regni Granatae plurimum occupati, huiusmodi sanctum & laudabile propositum vestrum ad optatum finem perducere ne∣quiuistis. Sed tandem, sicut Domino placuit, Regno praedicto recuperato, volentes desi∣derium vestrum adimplere, dilectum filium CHRISTOPHORVM COLONVM, virum vtique dignum, & plurimum commendatum, ac tanto negotio aptum, cum Na∣uigijs & hominibus ad similia instructis, non sine maximis laboribus, ac periculis, & expensis destinastis vt Terras firmas & Insulas remotas & incognitas, huiusmodi per Marev••i hactenus Nauigatum non fuerat, diligenter inquireret. Qui tandem (Diuino auxilio facta extrema diligentia in Mari Occano Nauigantes) certas Insulas remotissi∣mas, [ 20] & etiam Terras firmas, quae per alios hactenus repertae non fuerant, inuenerunt. In quibus plurimae gentes pacifice viuentes, & (vt asseritur) nudi incedentes, nec carni∣bus vescentes, inhabitant: Et vt praefati Nuncij vestri possunt opinari, gentes ipsae in Insulis, & terris praedictis habitantes, credunt vnum Deum Creatorem in Coelis esse, ac ad fidem Catholicam amplexandum & bonis moribus imbuendum, satis apti videntur: Spesque habetur, quod si erudirentur, nomen saluatoris Domini nostri Iesu Christi in Terris & Insulis praedictis facile induceretur. Ac praefatus CHRISTOPHORVS in vna ex principalibus Insulis praedictis, iam vnam turrim satis munitam, in qua certos Christianos qui secum inerant in custodiam, & vt alias Insulas ac Terras firmas remotas [ 30] & incognitas inquirerent posuit, construi & aedificari fecit. In quibus quidem Insulis & terris iam repertis, Aurum, Aromata, & aliae quam plurimae res praeciosae diuersi ge∣neris & diuersae qualitatis reperiuntur. Vnde omnibus diligenter, & praesertim fidei Catholicae exaltatione & dilatione (prout decet Catholicos Reges & Principes) conside∣ratis, more progenitorum vestrorum clarae memoriae Regum, Terras firmas & Insulas praedictas, illarumque Incolas & Habitatores, vobis Diuina fauente clementia subijcere, & ad fidem Catholicam reducere proposuistis. Nos itaque huiusmodi vestrum sanctum & laudabile propositum plurimum in Domino commendantes, ac cupientes vt illud ad [ 40] debitum finem perducatur, & ipsum nomen saluatoris nostri in partibus illis inducatur, hortamur vos quamplurimum in Domino, & per sacri lauacri susceptionem, qua man∣datis Apostolicis obligati estis, vt per viscera misericordiae Domini nostri Iesu Christi attente requirimus, vt cum expeditionem huiusmodi omnino prosequi & assumere prona mente Orthodoxae fidei zelo intendatis, populos in huiusmodi Insulis & Terris degen∣tes, ad Christianam Religionem suscipiendum inducere velitis & debeatis, nec pericula nec labores vllo vnquam tempore vos deterreant, firma spe siduciaque conceptis, quod Deus omnipotens conatus vestros foeliciter prosequetur. Et vt tanti Negotij Prouinciam Apostolicae gratiae largitate donati, liberius & audacius assumatis, motu proprio non ad [ 50] vestram vel alterius, pro vobis super hoc nobis oblatae petitionis instantiam, sed de nostra mera liberalitate, & ex certa scientia, ac de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, omnes In∣sulas & Terras firmas inuentas & inueniendas, detectas & detegendas versus Occiden∣tem & Meridiem, sabricando & construendo vnam lineam à Polo Arctico, scilicet Sep∣tentrione, ad Polum Antarcticum, scilicet Meridiem, siue Terrae firmae & Insulae in∣uentae, & inueniendae sint, versus Indiam, aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, quae li∣nea distet à qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azores, & Cabo Verde centum leucis, versus Occidentem & Meridiem. Itaque omnes Insulae & Terrae firmae repertae & reperiendae, detectae & detegendae à praefata linea versus Occidentem [ 60] & Meridiem, quae per alium Regem aut Principem Christianum non fuerint actualiter possessae vsque ad diem Natiuitatis Domini nostri Iesu Christi proxime praeteritum, à quo incipit Annus praesens Millessimus quadringentessimus nonogessimus tertius, quando

fuerunt per Nuncios & Capitaneos vestros inuentae aliquae praedictarum Insularum, Au∣toritate Omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato PETRO concessa, ac Vicari••tus Iesu Christi, qua fungimur in Terris, cum omnibus illarum Dominijs, Ciuitatibus, Castris, Locis, & Villis, iuribusque & iurisdictionibus ac pertinentijs vniuersis vobis, haeredibusque, & successoribus vestris (Castellae & Legionis Regibus) in perpetuum tenore praes••ntium do∣namus, concedimus, & assignamus: Vosque, & haeredes, ac successores praefatos illarum Dominos, cum plena, libera, & omnimoda potestate, autoritate, & iurisdictione, facimus, constituimus, & deputamus. Decernentes nihilo minus, per huiusmodi donationem, c••n∣cessionem, [ 10] & assignationem nostram, nulli Christiano Principi, qui actualiter praefatas Insulas & Terras firmas possederit vsque ad praedictum diem Natiuitatis Domini nostri Iesu Christi ius quaesitum, sublatum intelligi posse, aut auferri debere.

Et insuper mandamus vobis in virtute sanctae obedientiae (vt sicut pollicemini & non dubitamus pro vestra maxima deuotione & Regia magnanimitate vos esse facturos) ad Terras firmas & Insulas praedictas, viros probos & Deum timentes, doctos, peritos, & expertes ad instruendum Incolas & habitatores praefatos in fide Catholica, & bonis mo∣ribus imbuendum, destinare d••beatis, omnem debitam diligentiam in praemissis adhiben∣tes. Ac quibuscunque personis, cuiuscunque dignitatis, etiam Imperialis & Regalis status, [ 20] gradus, ordinis vel conditionis, sub excommunicationis latae sententiae poena quam eo ipso, si contra fecerint incurrant, districtius inhibemus ne ad Insulas & Terras firmas inuentas & inueniendas, detectas & detegendas versus Occidentem & Meridiem, fabricando & construendo lineam à Polo Arctico ad Polum Antarcticum, siue Terrae firmae & Insulae inuentae & inueniendae sint versus Indiam aut versus aliam quamcunque partem, quae linea distet à qualibet Insularum, quae vulgariter nuncupantur de los Azores, & Cabo Verde centum leucis versus Occidentem & Meridiem vt praefertur, pro mercibus haben∣dis, vel quauis alia causa accedere praesumat, absque vestra ac haeredum & successo∣rum vestrorum praedictorum licentia speciali: Non obstantibus constitutionibus & or∣dinationibus [ 30] Apostolicis, caeterisque quibuscunque: in illo in quo Imperia & Dominatio∣nes & bona cuncta procedunt, Confidentes quod dirigente Domino actus vestros, si hu∣iusmodi sanctum ac laudabile propositum prosequamini, breui tempore cum foelicitate & gloria totius populi Christiani, vestri labores & conatus exitum foelicissimum consequen∣tur. Verum quia difficile foret praesentes literas ad singula quaeque loca in quibus expedi∣ens fuerit deferri, volumus ac motu & scientia similibus decernimus, quod illarum trans∣sumptis manu publici Notarij inde rogati subscriptis, & sigillo alicuius personae in Eccle∣siastica dignitate constitutae, seu Curiae Ecclesiasticae munitis, ea prorsus fides in iudicio [ 40] & extra, ac alias vbilibet adhibeatur, quae praesentibus adhiberetur si essent adhibitae vel ostensae.

Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc Paginam nostrae commendationis, hortationis, requisitionis, donationis, concessionis, assignationis, constitutionis, deputationis, decreti, mandati, inhibitionis, & voluntatis, infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis Dei, ac beatorum PE∣TRI & PAVLI Apostolorum eius, se nouerit incursurum.

Datum Romae apud Sanctum PETRVM, Anno Incarnationis [ 50] Dominicae 1493▪ quarto nonas Maij, Pontificatus nostri, anno primo.

THE SAME ENGLISHED.

ALEXANDER Bishop, the Seruant of the Seruants of GOD,* 2.2 to our most deare beloued Sonne in CHRIST, King Ferdinando, and to our deare be∣loued Daughter in CHRIST, Elizabeth, Queene of Castile, Legion, Ar∣ragon, [ 60] Sicilie, and Granata, most Noble Princes, greeting, and Apostolicall Bene∣diction.

Among other Workes acceptable to the Diuine Maiestie, and according to our hearts desire, this certainely is the chiefe, that the Catholike Faith and Christian Re∣ligion,

specially in this our time, may in all places be exalted, amplified, and enlar∣ged, whereby the health of Soules may bee procured, and the barbarous Nations subdued and brought to the Faith. And therefore, whereas by the fauour of Gods Clemencie (although not without equall deserts) we are called to this holy Seat of PETER, and vnderstanding you to be true Catholike Princes, as wee haue euer knowne you, and as your noble and worthy Facts haue declared in manner to the whole World, in that with all your studie, diligence, and industry, you haue spared no Trauailes, Charges, or Perils, aduenturing euen the shedding of your owne Bloud, with applying your whole Mindes and Endeuours hereunto, as your Noble [ 10] Expeditions atchieued in recouering the Kingdome of Granata from the Tyrannie of the Sarracens in these our dayes, doe plainely declare your Facts, with so great Glory of the Diuine Name. For the which, as wee thinke you worthy, so ought wee of our owne free will fauourably to graunt you all things, whereby you may dayly, with more feruent mindes, to the honour of God, and enlarging the Chri∣stian Empire, prosecute your deuout and laudable Purpose, most acceptable to the Immortall God. Wee are credibly informed, that whereas of late you were deter∣mined to seeke and finde certaine Ilands and firme Lands, farre remote and vn∣knowne (and not heretofore found by any other) to the intent to bring the Inha∣bitants [ 20] of the same to honour our Redeemer, and to professe the Catholike Faith, you haue hitherto beene much occupied in the expugnation and recouerie of the Kingdome of Granata, by reason whereof you could not bring your said laudable Purpose to the end desired. Neuerthelesse, as it hath pleased Almightie God, the foresaid Kingdome being recouered, willing to accomplish your said Desire, you haue, not without great Labour, Perils, and Charges, appointed our welbeloued Sonne Christopher Colonus (a man certes well commended, as most worthy and apt for so great a Matter) well furnished with Men and Ships, and other Necessaries, to seeke (by the Sea, where hitherto no man hath sayled) such firme Lands and Ilands [ 30] farre remote, and hitherto vnknowne, who (by Gods helpe) making diligent search in the Ocean Sea, haue found certaine remote Ilands and firme Lands, which were not heretofore found by any other: in the which (as is said) many Nations inha∣bite, liuing peaceably, and going naked, not accustomed to eate Flesh; and as farre as your Messengers can coniecture, the Nations inhabiting the foresaid Lands and Ilands, beleeue that there is one God, Creator in Heauen, and seeme apt to bee brought to the imbracing of the Catholike Faith, and to be endued with good Man∣ners: by reason whereof, wee may hope, that if they be well instructed, they may [ 40] easily be induced to receiue the Name of our Sauiour IESVS CHRIST. Wee are further aduertised, that the fore-named Christopher hath now builded and ere∣cted a Fortresse, with good Munition, in one of the foresaid principall Ilands, in the which he hath placed a Garrison of certaine of the Christian men that went thi∣ther with him, as well to the intent to defend the same, as also to search other Ilands and firme Lands farre remote, and yet vnknowne. Wee also vnderstand, that in these Lands and Ilands lately found, is great plentie of Gold and Spices, with diuers and many other precious things, of sundry kinds and qualities. Therefore all things diligently considered (especially the amplifying and enlarging of the Catholike [ 50] Faith, as it behoueth Catholike Princes, following the examples of your Noble Progenitors, of famous Memorie) you haue determined, by the fauour of Almigh∣tie God, to subiect vnto you the firme Lands and Ilands aforesaid, and the Dwellers and Inhabitants thereof, and to bring them to the Catholike Faith.

Wee greatly commending this your godly and laudable purpose in our Lord, and desirous to haue the same brought to a due end, and the Name of our Sauiour to be knowne in those parts, doe exhort you in our Lord, and by the receiuing of your holy Baptisme, whereby you are bound to Apostolicall Obedience, and ear∣nestly require you by the Bowels of Mercie of our Lord IESVS CHRIST, that [ 60] when you intend, for the zeale of the Catholike Faith, to prosecute the said Expe∣dition, to reduce the People of the foresaid Lands and Ilands to the Christian Re∣ligion, you shall spare no Labours at any time, or be deterred with any Perils, con∣ceiuing

firme hope and confidence, that the Omnipotent God will giue good suc∣cesse to your godly Attempts. And that being authorised by the Priuiledge of the Apostolicall Grace, you may the more freely and boldly take vpon you the Enter∣prise of so great a Matter, wee of our owne motion, and not eyther at your re∣quest, or at the instant petition of any other person, but of our owne meere libera∣litie and certaine science, and by the fulnesse of Apostolicall power, doe giue, grant, and assigne to you, your heires and successors, all the firme Lands and Ilands found or to be found, discouered or to be discouered, toward the West and South, draw∣ing [ 10] a Line from the Pole Artike to the Pole Antartike (that is) from the North to the South: Contayning in this Donation, whatsoeuer firme Lands or Ilands are found, or to be found toward India, or toward any other part whatsoeuer it be, be∣ing distant from, or without the foresaid Line, drawne a hundred Leagues toward the West, and South, from any of the Ilands which are commonly called De los Azores and Capo Verde. All the Ilands therefore, and firme Lands, found and to be found, discouered and to be discouered, from the said Line toward the West and South, such as haue not actually beene heretofore possessed by any other Chri∣stian King or Prince, vntill the day of the Natiuitie of our Lord IESV CHRIST [ 20] last past, from the which beginneth this present yeere, being the yeere of our Lord a thousand foure hundred ninetie three, when soeuer any such shall bee found by your Messengers and Captaines, wee by the Authoritie of Almightie GOD, graunted vnto vs in Saint PETER, and by the Vicarship of IESVS CHRIST which wee beare on the Earth, doe for euer, by the tenour of these presents, giue, grant, assigne, vnto you, your heires and successors (the Kings of Castile and Le∣gion) all those Lands and Ilands, with their Dominions, Territories, Cities, Castles, Towers, Places, and Villages, with all the Rights and Iurisdictions thereunto per∣taining; constituting, assigning, and deputing you, your heires and successors, the [ 30] Lords thereof, with full and free Power, Authoritie, and Iurisdiction: Decreeing neuerthelesse by this our Donation, Grant, and Assignation, that from no Christian Prince, which actually hath possessed the foresaid Ilands and firme Lands, vnto the day of the Natiuitie of our Lord beforesaid, their Right obtained, to be vnderstood hereby to be taken away, or that it ought to be taken away. Furthermore, wee command you in the vertue of holy Obedience (as you haue promised, and as wee doubt not you will doe, vpon meere Deuotion and Princely Magnimitie) to send to the said firme Lands and Ilands, honest, vertuous, and learned men, such as feare God, and are able to instruct the Inhabitants in the Catholike Faith and [ 40] good Manners, applying all their possible diligence in the premisses. Wee further∣more straitly inhibite all manner of persons, of what state, degree, order, or con∣dition soeuer they be, although of Imperiall and Regall Dignitie, vnder the paine of the Sentence of Excommunication, which they shall incurre, if they doe to the contrary, That they in no case presume, without speciall Licence of you, your heires, and successors, to trauaile for Marchandizes, or for any other cause, to the said Lands or Ilands, found or to be found, discouered or to be discouered, toward the West and South, drawing a Line from the Pole Artike to the Pole Antartike, whether the firme Lands and Ilands, found and to be found, be situate toward [ 50] India, or toward any other part, being distant from the Line drawne a hundred Leagues toward the West, from any of the Ilands commonly called De los Azores and Capo Verde: Notwithstanding Constitutions, Decrees, and Apostolicall Or∣dinances whatsoeuer they are to the contrary. In him from whom Empires, Do∣minions, and all good things doe proceede: Trusting, that Almightie GOD, directing your Enterprises, if you follow your godly and laudable Attempts, your Labours and Trauailes herein, shall in short time obtaine a happie end, with feli∣citie and glorie of all Christian People. But forasmuch as it should be a thing [ 60] of great difficultie, these Letters to be carried to all such places as should be expe∣dient; wee will, and of like motion and knowledge doe decree, That whither soeuer the same shall be sent, or wheresoeuer they shall be receiued, with the subscription of a common Notarie thereunto required, with the Seale of any person constitute

in Ecclesiasticall Dignitie, or such as are authorized by the Ecclesiasticall Court, the same faith and credite to be giuen thereunto in Iudgement, or elsewhere, as should be exhibited to these Presents.

Let no man therefore whatsoeuer infringe or dare rashly to contrary this Letter of our Commendation, Exhortation, Request, Donation, Grant, Assignation, Con∣stitution, Deputation, Decree, Commandement, Inhibition, and Determination. And if any shall presume to attempt the same, let him know, that hee shall there∣by incurre the Indignation of Almightie GOD, and his holy Apostles, Peter and Paul.

[ 10]

Giuen at Rome at Saint PETERS, In the yeere of the Incarnation of our Lord 1493. The fourth day of the Nones of May, the first yeere of our Popedome.

ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE SAID Bull of Pope ALEXANDER.

[ 20]

ALthough some deny libertie of Examination and Censure to Historians, but will haue them leaue all to the Iudgement of the Readers, to conclude what their owne Iudge∣ments shall gather out of Historicall Premisses: Yet because wee write a 2.3 vitae non Scholae, and Historie is not b 2.4 onely vita Memoriae, but Magistra vitae, is the Schoole of Diuine Prouidence, wherein by Example is alway read that Rule, Discite iustitiam moniti; let me haue like leaue as almost all Historians, Diuine, Ecclesiasticall, and Humane, haue with thankes also obtained: And let the seuerer Criticke call it a Digression, or Parenthesis, or what he pleaseth, so it may profit the feebler feet of such as may stumble hereat, and confirme the firmer and more resolued: Difficile est Satyram non scribere. It is almost necessarie in this [ 30] Treatise of Nauigations (most of which are, or seeme thereby inhibited) not to suffer this Bull (as Butcherly in sequele, as those the Statute includeth) to passe vnbaited.

It was now the time that the Antichristian Kingdome was growne to the height, and began to sinke vnder the weight of it selfe, and the Prophecies of the Churches Restauration and Reformation began to ripen and hasten to the Birth, when this c 2.5 Borgia ascended the Papall Throne, stiling himselfe Alexander, a Name ominous to the World, to the Church, and to themselues; in some, to some of them; in this (the totall summe of Mischiefe) to all. This appeared in that Great Macedonian, who was called d 2.6 Foelix terrarum praedo; and to whom a e 2.7 Pyrate, charged with Sea-rouings, obiected his greater World-rouings and robbings, this on••ly differing, that the one did little with his little Ship, and therefore was called a Theefe, [ 40] the other doing great harme with his great Army, was surnamed Great: who after his great C••nquests, and greater ambition of Deitie, with a little Poyson was confined to his little Earth, a few Feet, a few handfuls of Dust; leauing the Ptolemeys and Seleucidae, which succeeded in part of his State, to exceed in crueltie to the Church.

To the Christian Church, such haue beene the Popes that haue named themselues Alex∣anders. Thus Alexander the second (the first that assumed that Name reiecting Anselmus, which in his Baptisme hee had receiued) brought forth a Schisme with his Papacie, proceeded like an Alexander in Warres, and died in Prison (as some thinke of Poyson) to giue place to f 2.8 Hildebrand, the true Scanderbeg of the Papacie. The next Alexander was procreated in g 2.9 Schisme, betrayed Frederike the Emperour to the Soldan, sending him his Picture to that [ 50] end, and after degenerating from the Macedonian Alexanders Humanitie, trode on his Necke in the Temple of S. Marke at Venice, and prophaned Scripture, super aspidem &c. to that Dia∣bolicall Designe; first made the Law of Canonization, and then with deuout Bernard canonized T. Becket h 2.10 (an Angell of Light, and of Darkenesse yoaked together, this being murthered or martyred in the Deuils Quarrell) had at once (beyond all Alexanders Pompe) the Kings of England i 2.11 and France attending on foot, and holding his Bridle. The next Alexander began with Excommunications, Persecutions, Warres against Manfrede King of Sicilia, which to maintaine, hee vsed Extortions and Exactions, such as had neuer beene heard of; k 2.12 the Cry wh••reof ascended to God, the Lord of Reuenge, that the Bishop of London protested he would ra∣ther loose his head, the Bishop of Yorke writ to him, to feede, not to shere, to flay, to ••••••scerate, to [ 60] deuoure the Sheepe like a hungry Wolfe, as Matthew Paris, who then liued, recordeth. The Tenth

which was granted for the Holy Land, and the prizes of Absolution for Homicide, Treason, Sodomie, Witchcraft, Periurie, and all Crimes, he thus imployed; and after that publike Pesti∣lence of the Decretales published, he died of Thought, Euent not seconding his Alexander-like Designes. The fifth Alexander l 2.13 was produced in the greatest Schisme that euer befell the Papacie; he deposed Ladislaus King of Naples, and gaue that Scepter to Lewis the Duke of Aniou; as also the Kingdome of the Romans, from Rupertus to Wenceslaus; guided in all things by Balthasar, full of fiercenesse and secularitie; hee died of Poyson, giuen him by his Physician, at the procurement of Balthasar his successor, leauing a yeere of Pestilence and Fa∣mine to infest the World.

[ 10] But this sixt Alexander was Heire of all their Vices: who hauing procreated many Bastards, procured the Papacie m 2.14 by Simonie (some adde, Diabolicall * 2.15 Contracts) to aduance them and himselfe, with vniust Iustice miserably plaguing those Simoniacall n 2.16 Cardinals, which for Price and Promise had exalted this Plague-sore into that Chayre of Pestilence, where hee acted the Monster of Men, or was indeed rather an incarrate Deuill. Bellarmine o 2.17 himselfe (a man not of the tenderest Forhead) blusheth at his Name, though ashamed of that shame, hee returnes with greater impudence, and from the immanitie of this and some other Popes, would haue vs more admire the stedfastnesse of that Romish Rocke, which hath sustained such porten∣tuous Beasts, as an argument of Diuine Prouidence, that the Gates of Hell shall neuer preuaile (and what else but Vices, are the Gates of Hell!) against it. In vaine doe we Heretikes labour [ 20] to set forth the Vices of some Popes, which themselues confesse, but so, that the glory of that See is thereby exceedingly amplified. Egregiam vero laudem! An exceeding amplification of Bellarmine his Wit! p 2.18 Onuphrius, Iouius, Guicciardine, Volaterrane, and others of their owne seeme amazed at this mans Monstrositie, though Vices be no rarities in Popes, and of the ordi∣narie ones, one q 2.19 sayth, that he is accounted a good Pope (not whose Vertues equall his Vices, and hold some counterpoyse, as Comminaeus of a Prince, but) whose Wickednesse doth not ex∣ceed that of other men. To omit the Deluges of Waters, of Famine, Plague, Warres, which ouerflowed the Citie and all Italy in his times, Rome was by the impunitie of Assassinates made a very * 2.20 Butcherie; within it, no going by Night; nor without, by Day. And for his personall Vertues, Theologicall and Cardinall, his Loue was vnnaturall Lust, to his Daughter, [ 30] and for his Sonnes; his Faith, perfidie to all which trusted him: Gemes the Turkish Emperors Brother, for Turkish r 2.21 Gold hee betrayed, and with a white sweet lingring Poyson, mixed with his Wine, murthered; his reconciled Enemies he fraudulently betrayed to massacre; to his Guests inuited to his Table, hee gaue poysoned Potions, in ex••hange of their great Riches (in one of which Banquets, himselfe at vnawares, by a mistaken Cup, was payd in his owne Coyne, the Sonne also pledging the Father; but to the Worlds greater scourge, by the benefit of Youth and Physicke, recouering.) His Hope was to make his Sonne Caesar Borgia (which had slaine his Brother, and is said to communicate with his Father in his * 2.22 Sisters Bed) the Caesar of the Churches State or Patrimonie. His Fortitude was daring to any Mischiefe; in Prudence, he was not wise as a Serpent, to preuent, but a wise Serpent to inuent Euill. With his [ 40] Temperance I will not further distemper your patience; but consider his Iustice in this Dona∣tion, of he knew not whom, to he knew not what Miserie.

And if it seeme impertinent to haue said so much of the Person, let such know, that I haue done it to shew, that here was Dignum olla operculum, Lips sutable to the Lettuce, and amongst all the Popes of later times, the Deuill (which is a Murtherer from the beginning) could not haue found a fitter Vicar, whether wee regard the bloudie Executions and Depopulations that ensued, wherein both Alexander the Macedon, and Alexanders Popes, and if there be any A∣lexander Deuils, are by the euent of this Bull surmounted all; or whether that the Deuill, fore∣seeing by the Prophecies of Babylons Fall (confirmed also with the s 2.23 Fall of the Angell in this Popes time from the top of S. Angelo) that his Kingdome would soone decline, raysed vp this [ 50] Alexander to be another Alexander, a Conqueror of another World, by his Spirituall Weapons, vnder a seeming Conuersion to Christianitie, to make a t 2.24 Conuersion (of another Ciceronian Etimologie) a sweeping of a World of Men out of the World together, and wiping u 2.25 them as a man wipeth a Dish, wiping it and turning it vpside downe; this first, and in the remainders a Con∣uersion to such a Christianitie, as should make them x 2.26 two-fold more the Children of Hell, which is by themselues y 2.27 testified of the Indians: Or whether the Pope, his Vicar, as honest as that z 2.28 Steward in the Gospell, fearing to be cast out of this Europaean Stewardship, bethought him, by giuing so great a part of the World, whereof his Master is called a 2.29 the God, to procure en∣tertainment somewhere else, and thereupon was so liberall of the Deuils peculiar, this Ethnike World: Or that in the decay of the Spirituall Power, that Genius of the Papacie sought to [ 60] supply it with Temporall (whereof the Christian Kings are more iealous) and therefore hath

new forged the Keyes into Sword, that what his Keyes could not vnlocke (nay, had nothing to doe with, as being no part of the House, like the first Alexander in the Gordian Knot) his Sword might chop in ••sunder, and giue the one halfe to one, and the other halfe to another. Once, the Sword hath made way to the Keyes in those parts, and made the Farme of the Popes Pardons a good Reuenue.

I question not the Right of the Spanish Crowne in those parts: Quis me constituit iudicem? It is the fault I find in this great Ardelio. The Castilian Industry I honour (as appeares in the former Relations) their Right may, for that which is actually in their Possession, without this Bull, plead Discouerie euen before this was written, the Sword, Preseription, subiection of the Inhabitants, long and quiet Possession; which, howsoeuer the b 2.30 Case was at first (wherewith [ 10] I meddle not) must now, after so long Succession, be acknowledged Iust. I quarrell the Pope onely, and the Clayme of that See, herein truly Catholike, or Vniuersall, challenging euen in the Deuils c 2.31 stile, Omnia Regna Orbis Terrae, and, Potestatem hanc vniuersam & gloriam illorum, quia mihi tradita sunt, & cui volo, do illa. Hee as the Deuils Vicar (cui tradita sunt, who by Tradition challengeth a Right to them, and by Tradition, that is, Treason, disturbes Right and Rites in them) doth Tradere, betray the Rights of them, by Sentences, Censures, and I know not what Bulls. True it is, that the Catholike Kings had other reasons to aske this furtherance from the Pope, in regard of the Portugall, which had obtained former Bulls (as is before rela∣ted; as d 2.32 Neptune with the Ethnikes, so Nauigation with these, is propitiated with Bulls) and challenged a Monopoly of Discouerie; in regard of other Princes, to whom the Popes [ 20] Censures (as Thunder in a darke Night) were in those times terrible, especially in a Case other∣wise iust, where they had made Discouerie, and taken and continued Possession before all others; and in regard of the People, and (those blind Leaders of the blind) the Friers and Priests, who (si dolosi spes refulserit nummi) could with this Bull, as a Bagge full of Wind, make Musike to the Vulgar, and cause them dance ouer the Seas in this Attempt, as no lesse holy (approued by that Holy Father) then e 2.33 DAVIDS dancing before the Arke. The Bulls bellowing, Authoritate Omnipotentis Dei nobis in beato PETRO concessa, ac Vicariatus IESV CHRISTI, quae fungimur in terris, where Gold and Glory were really proposed, with Conceits of Heauen and Merit annexed, could not but to Minds credulous, couetous, and therefore willing, adde Wind in Poupe, and become another generall Wind, to carry them to this New World. Besides, in [ 30] Mindes scrupulous touching the lawfulnesse of that Designe, but acknowledging that fulnesse of Apostolicall power without examination or scruple, it was almost necessarie to obtaine that, which had it beene necessary to themselues, and in their owne Consciences had begun the law∣fulnesse of that Action, they would not first haue discouered and possessed (as the Bull it selfe intimates) and afterwards haue demanded the Popes Grant; they would not haue deuoured that was sanctified and set apart from their vse, and after the Vowes haue enquired.

Reason of State is euident (abundans cautela non nocet) Religion of Episcopall power to be reason of giuing iust Title of Inheritance, and that to a World, to an Ethnike World, f 2.34 Religio est dicere, is not onely (as the Mysteries of Religion are) beyond and aboue, but vtterly against and contrary to reason. But from these Reasons of State, haue the Romists (whose Religion at Rome is little else but Reason of State, as appeared in their late erected Pillar and ground of [ 40] Truth, which pilled and cast the Truth to the ground, their g 2.35 Councell of Trent) gathered a Soueraigntie ouer Kings and Kingdomes; and therefore whatsoeuer was done in this kind, whiles their Houre and the Power of Darkenesse lasted, is set vpon the Last, and stretched, to make it a fit Slipper for the Popes pride-swolne Foot to tread vpon the Neckes of Kings and Emperors, as super Aspidem & Basilicum, with conculcabis Leonem & Draconem. Thus Alex∣ander serued Frederike, and thus of the second Frederike, said h 2.36 Innocentius, then angry with the Kings of England and France, Expedit vt componamus cum Principe F. vt hos Regulos conte∣ramus recalcitrantes: Contrito enim vel * 2.37 pacificato Dracone cito Serpentuli conculcabuntur. These things he spake voce susurra, oculos obliquando & nares corrugando. Yea, now Bellarmine [ 50] is much i 2.38 amused and amazed, that his Maiestie should presume to compare himselfe with the Pope, being a King of two Ilands in a Corner of the North, forgetting that Great Constantine, the Sunne of the Empire, arose from this Northerne Corner, which first filled the Hornes of the Popes Miter with secular Light, and by remouing the Imperiall Seat, made way for that Starre to become a full Moone: which though a long time (as the Moone whiles the Sunne shineth). made no great shew, the Imperiall Greatnesse continuing; yet in the Ecclipse of the Empire, or that irrecouerable Night rather by Barbarian Deluges (these also God raysed out of the contemned North, to tread vnder foot the Roman Pride) seemed to become, in that Night of Darkenesse, Lady of the Light, indeed a light Lady; which dazzled with selfe-reflecting her borrowed Beames, challenged to be the Sunne, and glories to haue procreated this later Moone, [ 60] in translating and erecting the Westerne Empire; which, and all other Christian Kingdomes must no longer shine, then they admit the light of the Papall Sunne: otherwise their Opposition must be a Coniunction, and thence Thunder-striken, like young Phaetons, they must loose their Light, and Life, and Empire together, becomming as opacous Earth (so some conceit the Moone)

yea, as darke Hells of Heresies, for not acknowledging the Pope.* 2.39 Let this contemner of the North remember, that this Northerne Corner was once k 2.40 their Paradise and Garden of Plea∣sures, where the Pope himselfe l 2.41 would haue personally for a time resided, and was reiected, euen in his Sonnes dayes, who (Bellarmine sayth vntruly) de m 2.42 consensu Bar••num, resigned his Crowne to the Pope. And let him remember, that of the ten Hornes which shall hate the Whore, and make her desolate and naked, and eat her flesh, and burne her with fire, some may come out of some corner of the North. The ancient Almes of n 2.43 Peter-pence he calls Tribute, and alledgeth Ireland to be the Popes Gift. Sure we are, that the Popes haue done their best and worst a∣gainst the English Right in Ireland, Paul o 2.44 the fourth stomacking the Title of King, without [ 10] Papall Licence, Pius the fifth impiously deposing Queene Elizabeth by his Bull, and Gregorie the thirteenth intending it also to his Sonne, sending Forces with Stukley to that purpose, which (the Popes Blessing notwithstanding) perished before they came there. Neyther need we here or there feare Balac or * 2.45 Balaam (their Curses are Blessings, though Sanders also play the Shemei. But for that of Ireland, one of his owne Religion hath answered the Cardinall (whom hee applauds in Diuinitie, but in forensibus aut rebus saeculi esteemes haud mediocriter peritum) That if the Pope or his predecessors euer had right, yet by his Bull, Possession taken by the Eng∣lish, and Prescription, they are vtterly excluded. He alledgeth also, besides the succession of di∣uers Ages, that the Roman Court knowes well enough, that q 2.46 Ius socialis Belli, and that vo∣luntarie submission, yea supplication of the Irish to King Henry for that purpose, which hee ac∣cepted and performed, their Letters (as hee saith) still remayning in the Vatican. r 2.47 Baronius [ 20] hath testified, Hiberniam sponte deditam sibi consensu omnium vendicauit, and mentions the tran∣script of those Letters to Pope Alexander. Adrian indeed writ to King Henry, who had be∣fore consulted with him, being an Englishman, about those Irish Affaires, asking his aduice and assistance (Consilium exiges & fauorem Sedis Apost. are Adrians words, and the whole Epistle is of aduice) but by that Epistle nothing was attempted. Fifteene yeeres after, King Henry of∣fered aide to King Dermitius at his humble sollicitation, and by his Sword, not the Popes Keyes (as the s 2.48 most learned Bishop hath answered the Cardinall) together with the submission of the Irish, obtayned that Soueraigntie.p 2.49

The same challenge may they make to France, for consultation with Pope Zacharie, when [ 30] Hilderike or Childerike was deposed by the French. Yea, what Kingdome doe they not finde some Window or Posterne to creepe into, and though these vniust Stewards cannot t 2.50 digge, and to begge are ashamed; yet herein, where they haue begged for u 2.51 Peter-pence (as Adrian in that Letter of King Henry) euen of such Begging will make an Instrument to digge thorow and steale; as some Rogues, which by Begging obtayning an Almes, haue seized on the whole Purse, and robbed their Benefactor.

Thus he, which at first was a holy Bishop, after, by beneficence of Princes, became a Princely Prelate in the Church: next, by a Murtherer and Traytor was made Head and Prince of the Church, in Church-Affaires x 2.52 Oecumenicall Pope: after which, by Princes bountie made a Prince, but tributarie; by Treason against his Prince, made himselfe his Princes Peere, and ex∣alting [ 40] himselfe aboue all that is called God, from the time of Gregorie the seuenth hath bestirred him to make himselfe the Prince of all Princes * 2.53 Christian, and now in this Alexander, a God of the World, the Stile (as is said) of the Deuill. For whereas Adrian had challenged y 2.54 omnes Insulas quibus Sol iustitiae Christus illuxit & quae documentae fidei Christianae susceperunt, ad ius B. Petri & SS. Rom. Ecclesiae pertinere, he doth it but of Christians, and for his * 2.55 Peter-pence, as an argument to receiue Almes, not to giue Scepters: but this Bull hath a lowder bellow, and opens his mouth wider, Omnes Insulas & Terras firmas, inuentas & inueniendas, detectas & de∣tegendas—versus Indiam aut aliam quamcun{que} partem—and that with an imagined Line from the Articke to the Antarticke Pole, by the imaginarie authoritie of Almightie God; with all their Cities, Castles, Dominions, Rights, Iurisdictions: inhibiting all others, vnder paine of Excommuni∣tion, [ 50] to presume thither for Merchandise, or any other cause, &c. Doe they not challenge the Kingdomes of Hungarie, of Arragon, of Spaine it selfe, of Denmarke, of Dalmatia and Croatia, of Portugall, of Naples, Sicilia, Ierusalem, Sardinia, Bohemia, Swethen, N••rway, Poland, Scotland, and all the Kingdomes of Europe; as * 2.56 Stapleton, * 2.57 Steuchus, Marta, and others haue written. Wee r••ad of a mad man at Athens, which esteemed euery Ship that came into the Hauen his owne, and therefore to••ke Inuentories of the Goods. Such is the sobrietie of Rome, as if the World had beene created for the Papacie; whatsoeuer Promises are made to the Church in Scripture, is their Inheritance; the Pope is the Church, and Peter, and Bishop, and Apostle, and Prince: yea, Christ, and God, and Caesar, and all, and more then all; his Centre at Rome, his Circumference euery where and nowhere. Accordingly he giues, as if he had all things: he [ 60] takes, scrapes, rakes, as if he had nothing. Wittily did a 2.58 Sanctius, Brother of the King of Ar∣ragon, shew himselfe gratefull to his H••linesse for like bountie, whom when the Pope by 〈◊〉〈◊〉

of Trumpet had proclaymed King of Aegypt, he requited him with like bountie by his Trum∣petters, proclayming the Pope Chaliph of Baldach, that is, Mahomets Vicar (so Chaliph signifies) and supreme Head of the Saracens. No lesse wisely did Earle Richard, Brother to King Henry the third, acknowledge b 2.59 the Popes bountifull Gift of the Kingdomes of Naples and Sicil, taken from King Conradus, demanding Hostages, Money, and some Forts in the Popes hand, to be deliuered him: otherwise (saith he) it is all one as if he should giue me the Moone, and bid me climbe vp and fetch it. And well had it beene, if King Henry himselfe had so answered him. Yea, the Catholike King c 2.60 himselfe, in this inheritance of Sicill, was sensible of the Popes clayme, and prohibited that part of Baronius which maintained it.

But whence this Power so boundlesse? Is hee the Vicar of Christ? This is hee, that being [ 10] Heire d 2.61 of all things, e 2.62 by whom and for whom all things were created, yea, f 2.63 the beginning of the new Creation of God, did g 2.64 exinanire se, tooke on him the forme of a Seruant, that is, not the shew, but the substance, as is his forme of God, and h 2.65 came not to be serued, but to serue: Hee in his Birth would be i 2.66 taxed or enrolled a Seruant to a forraine Prince; in his Life payd Tribute Money, yea for Peter as well as himselfe; did it, k 2.67 and taught so to doe; in his Death payd that he neuer tooke (vile & seruile supplicium) openly witnessed a good confession to Pilate, That his l 2.68 Kingdome was not of this World; yea, that this power ouer him was giuen from aboue to Pilate: and when they would haue m 2.69 made him a King, he refused; nor would n 2.70 diuide the Heritage betwixt the Brethren, reiecting it with Quis me constituit? Whereas his pretended o 2.71 Vicar hath made a Constitution of purpose to arrogate both Swords, and this Alexander hath [ 20] excluded all others, and diuided almost all the World to two Brethren.

But the Pope is Successor of Peter and Paul the Apostles, yea, the Heire of all Apostleship! And why not then of that p 2.72 Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic? And why doth he not listen to Peters, q 2.73 Non dominantes in clerum, much lesse in mundum? And why doth he not with Peter, put vp his Sword into his sheath, not drawing in such an Exigent for his Ma∣sters Life, such a Weapon with approbation? Malchus his right Eare, the Kings seruants faithfull Eare, by this High Priest is cut off, and they made Recusants to Gods Seruice and the Kings Allegeance by his Sword, and Bellarmine his Armour-bearer. Yet if hee loues so well Armour, why doth hee not follow Paul in his r 2.74 Arma Militiae nostrae carnalia non sunt? and if he will needs be a Souldior, why breakes he Pauls Rule, s 2.75 Nemo militans implicat se Ne∣gotijs [ 30] saecularibus? If yet he will change Peters Keyes into Pauls Sword, let him know Mucro furor Sauli, that Sword makes him the Successor of Saul a Persecutor, not Paul an Apostle. King Richard the first t 2.76 being requested by the Pope to free his Sonne the Bishop Beluacensis, taken in the field, sent the Pope his Armour wherein he was taken, with this Message, Vide vtrum tu∣nica filij tui sit, annon: which caused the Pope modestly to disclayme him, Non filius meus est vel Ecclesiae, quia potius Martis quam Christi Miles indicatur. Mutato nomine de te Fabula nar∣ratur: The reason is strong against the Popes challenging temporall Power and Kingdome, for which the u 2.77 seruants must fight in the iudgement of Truth it selfe, with Weapons correspon∣dent. Si vtrum{que} habere voles, saith x 2.78 Bernard (aut dominans Apostolatum, aut Apostolicus do∣minatum) perdes vtrum{que}. The y 2.79 Canons are strict herein; but the Pope is like the late Pro∣pheticall [ 40] King of z 2.80 Barbary, which could cause (as they report) the Bullets to remaine in the discharged Peeces, and therefore aduentured himselfe and his on the Ordinance, without harme.

But what should I multiply words in this Argument, wherein not only our a 2.81 men haue ta∣ken this weightie Crowne from the Head of this Man (who worse then that Ammonite, serues not Embassadors, but Kings themselues in that homely fashion, cutting off their garments by the Buttockes, not leauing to couer their nakednesse, or his owne shame) and set it on Dauids Head; but euen b 2.82 their owne, also both Schoolemen and Lawyers, and Vniuersities and States, haue written, decreed, by Penne and Pike sought to maintaine (as at Venice lately) the right of the Crowne free from the Triple Diademe. And Melchior Goldastus hath published a large Li∣brarie [ 50] of this kind. But this Argument hath found a Kingly Writer, a King a Writer, a King of Writers, as patterne and patron of other Learning, so herein also a Defender of the Faith. And foolishly doe I further powre Water into this Sea, into which Pope Alexanders Bull hath brought me: But their Romish Shop and Mint of Doctrines prouoke me, which hauing c 2.83 lately hammered a new Creed, annexed to their Tridentine Anathema's, and made a Bull to proclayme them, like d 2.84 Mahomets Bull, which in the Turkes Legend brings the Alcaron in his Hornes, seeke haply to adde this as a Thirteenth, of the Popes Monarchie ouer Monarchs, so strangely rather then strongly defended by Iesuiticall e 2.85 Spirits, no lesse Iebusiticall, in denying Dauids right, then Iezabellicall, in painting the face of their Idolatrous Mother, whose Witchcrafts and Whoredomes remaining in too many, will not suffer euen Children to hold their Peace. And in∣deed [ 60] to recite, is to refute the Arguments of their Popes and Cardinals, as those of Boniface f 2.86 the eight: In principio: ecce duo gladij: spiritualis homo iudicat omnia, and other of like light moment.

So that of Cardinall Bellarmine, Pasce Oues, and of Baronius, Occide & manduca, and before them, of our Countreyman Cardinall g 2.87 Poole, for the Popes Temporall Power, Haec omnia adijcientur vobis, Mat. 6. & Filij eorum qui te humiliauerunt curui ad te venient vt adorent vesti∣gia pedum tuorum, Es. 60. for Princes submitting their Scepters to the Pope; and the Diuine Prouidence, in giuing some Temporall peculiar for S. Pe••ers Patrimonie, In qua administranda exemplo suo Imperatores & Reges proprium corum hoc est Reg••am a••tem & veram regendi po••ulos rationem docerent. And yet how many of them liued in France, and neuer saw S. Peters Patri∣monie? And well had it beene, if this Alexander had liued in this new World, or quite out of the World: yea, in the rest, their owne Historians shew no man more transported either by [ 10] faction or affection to their kindred, whom they seeke with publike losse to aduance: such ex∣amples they haue beene at home. And what good examples they haue beene abroad, appeares in that h 2.88 King, which denyed his owne and his progenitors Grants, pretending the example of the Pope his playing fast and loose with his Non obstante; and the Popes practise of dispen∣sing with Oathes both of Princes and subiects, can testifie; y••a, most Corruptions, which Hi∣stories obserue in secular Gouernment, thence may deriue easie Originals. Hence did that Iusti∣ces complaint arise, Heu, heu, hos vt quid dies expectauimus? E••ce iam ciuilis Curia exemplo Ec∣clesiasticae coinquinatur & à sulfureo fonte riuulus intoxicatur. The same Historian tels of Oathes that multoti••s iurauerat obseruare idem Rex contraire non formidauit, credens pro munere ••bsolui, which is now deuolued to the people, both prohibited and absolued from Oathes by the Pope, [ 20] now that Kings begin to discouer and to hate the Whore, and are not as hee then saith, PP. & Rex in grauamen Ecclesiae consoederati. And much lesse needs it, that the Pope should giue that which is out of the Church, and none of Christs Flocke: For what power haue the Keyes of the i 2.89 Kingdome of Heauen to shut the Doores of Earthly, of meere Earthly Kingdomes? Or to shut out such as were neuer let into the Church? Yea, when Christ sayth, k 2.90 Let him be as an Ethnike vnto thee, expressing the vtmost extent of the Keyes, how can Ethnikes be included, who are not sicut, but m••rè & verè Ethnici, alreadie? S. Paul sayth, l 2.91 Quid mihi de ijs qui foris sunt iudicare? Nonne de ijs qui intus sunt, vos iudicatis? Nam eos qui foris sunt Deus iudicabit. This is cited by m 2.92 Victoria, a Spanish Diuine, to proue, that the Pope non habet do∣minium in Terris Infidelium quia non habet potestatem nisi intra Ecclesiam; adding, that Infidels [ 30] are verè Domini, seeing the Apostle commands n 2.93 Tribute to be payd them, and that the con∣trarie is merum commentum in adulationem & assentationem Pontificum: largely prouing these Propositions, That the Pope is not Lord of the World, That the Temporall Power depends not of him, That it is not subiect to his Temporall Power, and that he hath nothing to doe or∣dinarily to iudge of Princes Cases, Titles, Iurisdictions, nor hath any Power meerely Tempo∣rall; That the Temporall Power doth not at all depend of the Spirituall. And in his R••lecti∣ons of the o 2.94 Indians he sayth, That it doth not appeare to him, that the Chris••ian Faith hath so beene preached to them, that they are bound sub nouo p••ccato to beleeue it, hauing had no pro∣bable perswasion, as Miracles and examples of Religious life, but the contrarie: yea, had the Faith beene neuer so probably propounded, and they reiected it, yet might they not theref••re [ 40] be spoyled of their Goods, or pursued by Warre. And what right then had the Pope to pro∣pound that Method in his Bull, Vobis sub••cere & ad fidem Catholicam reducere? Is any thing more free, then to beleeue? Else if p 2.95 Ethnikes had beene to be compelled to enter into the Church (for it is otherwise with the Children of the Kingdome) hee would haue sent Cap∣taines, Conquerors, Alexanders (as the Saracens did, and this Alexander imitates) not Fisher∣men, Tent-makers, Publicans, as Sheepe amongst Wolues, not Wolues amongst Sheepe. On whom did Dauid, or M••ses▪ or any of the ancient Kings make Warre onely for Infidelitie? Vnde grau••ssimê peccaremus (sayth Cardinall q 2.96 Caietan) si fidem Christi Iesu per hanc viam ampliare contenderemus; nec essemus legitimi Domini illorum, sed magna latrocinia committere∣mus, & teneremur ad restitutionem, vtpote iniusti debellatores aut occupatores. Good men (sayth [ 50] he) should be sent, by their Preaching and liuing to conuert them to God; and not such as shall oppresse, spoyle, scandalize, subiect, and make them twice more the Children of Hell, like the Pharises.

And this may be the cause of all those Misorders which happened in the Indies: the most by a blind zeale, thinking they did God seruice in punishing the Idolatries, Man-eating, and Sodomies, and other Vices of the Ethnikes, with Inuasion and Warre, especially where Terr••r might bring them, or, they being slaine, others by their example, to admit the Gospell; that had not the pietie and pittie of some eye-witnesses excited the Royall Prouision of the Catho∣like Kings in this case (which ouer so wide Seas and spacious Lands they could not discerne) euen Hell it selfe had beene loosed on Earth, vnder the pretext of Heauen, and the Prince of Darkenesse had effected his blackest and cruellest Designes, in habite of an Angell of Light [ 60] Tantum Religio poterat suadere malorum, may we say of this Religious irreligious Bull. Thus Nunho di r 2.97 Gusman, a Spanish Commander, relates in an Epistle to the Emperour, his manner of inuading: first, after his Martiall Prologue, preaching to the Indians, GOD, the Pope, and the King of Spaine, Minister of GOD on Earth, whom all men in the World ought to obey;

the s••lly Indians for feare acknowledging themselues ready to worship the King, till his better instruction. He also perswades the Emperour not to giue libertie to the Christian Indians, and to allow nothing but necessaries, that by much subiection they might be made good Christians. Hee quarrels those Quarrellers, that hold this Warre vniust, and seeke to disturbe it, being the most holy and meritorious Worke that can be done in the seruice of God, for which himselfe hoped the diminution of his sinnes. And if I should shew out of f 2.98 Casas, a Spanish Bishop in those parts, the executions of this Bull, you would say, that the Brazen Bull of Phalaris, the Monster-Bull of Minos, the fire-breathing Bull subdued by Hercules, the Iewes * 2.99 Behemoth, and those of Aegypt, were but Calues to this of Pope Alexander: Hinc illae laechrymae. They had beene Heretikes, if they had not obeyed the Pope, Subijciendo & ad fidem Catholicam re∣ducendo. [ 10] All that wee haue talked of Kings all this while, see effected in t 2.100 Mutezuma (no meane, though an Ethnike Prince) out of Cortez his owne Relations to the Emperour, and in Attabaliba or Atahualpa, the mightie Inga, related by u 2.101 Benzo, the Dominican Vincentius de valle viridi preaching the Popes Gift, to which if he did not willingly yeeld, he should be forced; which that Heathen disclaymed as vniust, saying, That the Pope was foolish and im∣pudent, to giue so liberally another mans goods. Whereupon the Frier cruelly cryed to the Spaniards, to execute that which was in that manner easie to effect, saying, agite Christiani, trucidate istos canes &c. What should I speake of Millions perishing without the Faith by this new Article of Faith, Subijcere & ad fidem Catholicam reducere? Of Shambles of Mans flesh, and other Cruelties? I delight not in such Tragaedies, I onely shew the Choragus, the [ 20] Westerne Alexander his Bull, or Bucephalus, the very Cerberus which produced those Dogges which hunted and deuoured the Indians, and yet as Casas hath, were more milde then their Masters, Masters indeed of x 2.102 immanitie and inhumanitie, but proceeding in this Schoole, and writing Comments and a world of Glosses on this Bull-Text with the bloud of a world of men in that New World. How doth Acosta and others deplore these bloudie and therefore slip∣perie foundations of the Faith? That from these forced beginnings, Nihil pium & salutare nisi per vim agant? That they haue receiued but a shew of Christianitie, closely embracing their old Superstitions? As a Plant (sayth hee) growing crooked at first, must eyther be broken, or still suffered so to grow, Ita prorsus cùm Indorum natio bellici apparatus potius authoritate quàm ger∣mana praedicatione magna ex parte Christum acceperit &c. So amongst these Indians, as the [ 30] feare of Warre, not true Preaching, made way to Christianitie, so doe they still retaine feare and a seruile condition, not freely translated to be the Children of God by Regeneration. For nothing is so contrarie to Faith, as is all force and violence. But of their Christianitie I haue spoken * 2.103 elsewhere out of their owne Authors; I here shew the root of it, this Apostolike Bull. The Poets tell of Europa deflowred by Iupiter, hauing conueyed her thorow the Sea in forme of a Bull. The Roman Iupiter of the Vatican Capitoll, or S. Angelo Veiouis, hath conueyed ouer this greater part of the World, this New World, America, to be both deflowred and deuoured by Catholike Souldiers, by his Catholike Bull, in faire shew of reducing to Faith, but first men∣tioning Forts, and Subiection. That Bull by the Poets was exalted to a Constellation in Hea∣uen: This Bull hauing made such hauocke on Earth, rather deserues Hell, except some Poets [ 40] which can make their Gods (as the Pope in Canonization, the Priest in Consecration) can de∣uise also to make new Antartike Heauens to place this Bull in: Our Artike is now too full of Constellations, to admit any such Monsters, lest hee should make terrible Tragedies there also, being since growne so huge, that he incompasseth the two Hemispheres with his hornie Hemi∣circles.

And for his prohibition of all Christians else to attempt those parts for Merchandise or other cause; what is it, but with his two Hornes to push at, and out, both Nature and Grace? That in so large a Tract of the World it may neyther be lawfull to carrie Spirituall, nor recarrie Tem∣porall Commodities, without leaue obtained, vnder paine of Excommunication? And is it not Bulla, a bubble and froth, the babbling or babelling of Babel, That a Bishop should countermand [ 50] Merchandise, and the Seruant of Gods Seruants should make himselfe a Lord of Heathen Lords, to giue the Crownes of Kings by Apostolicall Salutem & benedictionem? What more Aposta∣ticall or Apotacticall? What could Alexanders Malediction haue done more, or worse? Is sub∣ijcere the way to bring to the Catholike Faith? Proh fidem istam Catholicam! Proh Deûsm at{que} hominum fidem! Rara fides pietas{que} viris qui castra sequuntur.

And yet one clause of Baptisme is more Bullish or Hellish then the rest (per sacri lauacri sus∣ceptionem qua Mandatis Apostolicis obligati estis) That Christians, that Kings are obliged, by their very Baptisme obliged to the Apostolicall, that is, in their sense, the Popes Commande∣ments. a 2.104 Diuisus est Christus? Nunquid PAVLVS crucifixus est pro vobis, aut in nomine PAVLI baptisati estis? said that glorious Apostle of the Gentiles: but this gentle glorying [ 60] Apostle will needs in a new Catholike Faith be eyther crucified for vs with Christ, or make a fourth Person in the Trinitie, vnto whose Mandates alone wee are baptized. But Boniface had answered this, b 2.105 Vnum caput, non duo capita quasi monstrum, Christus & ipsi Vicarius. This also fauours Alexander, which would needs be a God, the sonne of Iupiter, and was so by his

Parasites acknowledged. And right so the Pope by his flatterers, who affirme, c 2.106 R••ges cum hac conditione admitti ad Ecclesiam vt Christo Scept••a subijciant, and consequently, to his Vicar the Pope. We poore men had thought, that in the Sacraments God had vouchsafed vs a great dig∣nitie, that we are therein equall with Kings; that in d 2.107 one Spirit we had been all baptized into one Body, whether Iewes or Gentile••, whether bond or free; that e 2.108 whosoeuer were baptized in Christ, had put on Christ, and that there was neither Iew nor Greeke, neither bond nor free, neither male nor female: omnes enim vos vnum estis in Christo Iesu. But see how this h••rned Beast, with his Scepter-pushing Bull blesseth and makes vs more happy then baptized Kings: for we may enioy our Possessions, our Professions as more free, at least not impaired by Baptisme; but Kings [ 10] are admitted into the Church, with subiection of their Persons and Crownes to the Pope; their subiects also may disclayme, not sweare, forsweare Allegeance; yea, it shall be tolerable, nay lawfull, nay commendable, yea, and merit••rious for Heauen, to kill the Kings of the Earth, which shall be immorigerous to his Holinesse. Protestants are generally beholden to his Ca∣tholike Keyes, which open Rome, the Catholike Mother Citie, to Strumpets, to Iewes, but locke out our Generation to the consuming f••ames: but Protestant, yea, Catholike Kings, are lesse in fauour then other Catholikes, and in condition like the Iewes: for as they must, in con∣uerting to Christianitie, renounce their former Wealth (as f 2.109 Victor de Carben, a Christened Iew, complaynes) together with the World and the Deuill, embracing beggerie with their Christia∣nitie, which makes so few Conuerts; so Kings (which euen amongst Heathens knew no Supe∣riour [ 20] but God) must in their Baptisme make a tacite renuntiation of their Kingdomes, when their holy Lord the Pope (in ordine ad Deum) shall so adiudge. And if he obey not, he loseth his Baptisme, becomes now an Heretike, and his subiects, by vertue of that his Baptisme also, which obliged him to the Pope, are at the Popes Bulls first lowing to depose him. Iam sumus ergo pares, Kings and Iewes may say: it is better (in secular respects) not to professe Christ, not to be baptized. The reason out of Tortus his new Kabala (as that learned g 2.110 Bishop calls it) ortus cui{que} duplex, in our naturall birth we are borne subiects to our Prince, in our supernaturall (by Baptismall Regeneration) congenitum aliud & tacitum iuramentum ad obediendum Pr••ncipi spirituali, Christi Vicario, Papae, we are therein sworne forsooth to the Pope. It is no maruell that this Bull hath begotten such brutish Christians in America, as the h 2.111 Iesuites complayne; [ 30] I hope in the East they teach otherwise.

That the Pope renounceth his Baptismall Name, I neuer knew the reason before, nor doe I now maruell; for then our Roderigo Borgia was sworne in Baptisme to Christ, and tacitely to the Pope: but now he is made Pope himselfe, a Name in opposition to all obedience, free from both, i 2.112 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, exlex ille; no more Roderigo the Christian, subiect (it is a terme of all others most odious to Popes) to Christ and the Pope, but Alexander the Great, the very Pope, emu∣lous to Christ; his Vicar, which doth and receiueth all things, as one and the same Head with Christ (giuing a World, receiuing Kings in Baptisme, as here) and therefore very Antichrist, both as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, opposing, and as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Name of Christs Vicar, with his two Hornes like the Lambe, extolling himselfe k 2.113 aboue all that is called God, or that is worshipped, [ 40] ita vt in Templo Dei sedeat ostendens se tanquam sit Deus. And so I leaue him, and his Apis, his Aegyptian Babylonicall Bull: In bayting whereof, if I haue playd the fierce English Mastiffe, no man that hath read the storie of the Spanish Dogges in the West Indies (which came out of this Kennell) can be iustly offended. And (besides that the place where I writ this,* 2.114 hath beene a place of argument to moue me to enter these Lists) the argument of this great Worke, Na∣uigations, English Indian Nauigations exacted some Apologie, to shrowd themselues from this Bulls pushing and lowd bellowing Thunders, Nulli omnino hominum liceat hanc Paginam in∣fringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire: si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis DEI ac beatorum PETRI & PAVLI Apostolorum eius se nouerit incursurum. The Curse that is causelesse, shall not come: GOD will doe good to Dauid for Shimeis cursing. [ 50] The Catholike Princes of those dayes did not beleeue him, nor haue they since. The Portugals (as you shall presently heare) regarded it not; and not the Bull, but other compromise, stayed them from open Hostilitie. The peaceable and wise King of England, Henry the seuenth, sent presently after, Cabota to discouer: The French, in their France Antarctike, and new France, and other East and West Nauigations, haue contradicted. These beleeued not, that the Sunne shined onely in one Kingdome, whatsoeuer Combustions this portentuous Comet diffused. And long, long may his Maiestie of Great Brittaine spread his long and iust Armes to the fur∣thest East and remotest West, in the gainefull Traffiques, in the painefull Discoueries, in the Glorious and Christian Plantations of his Subiects (maugre such Bug-beare, Bull-beare bellow∣ings) Salomon and Hiram, Israelites and Tyrians, all Arts and Religions concurring into one [ 60] Art of Arts, the Truth of Religion, and aduancing of the Faith, together with the glory of his Name, the splendour of his State, the loue of his People, the hopes of his Royall Posteritie to the last of Ages. Amen. Amen.

§. VII. Of the Portugals discontent and compromise with the Spaniard, and their first Discouerie of the East Indies.

THe King of Portugall was much discontent, and sent his Embassadour to the King and Queene, who also sent vnto him in Embassage Garcia de Herera; and after that, seeing that the Portugall intended by force to defend his supposed Right to the Ocean, and by a strong Fleet to dispossesse the Castilians of their late Discouerie, sent Don Pedro de Ayala, and Lopez de Caruaial; the substance of whose Embassage, was to con∣gratulate with King Iohn his desire of Peace to be conserued betwixt them, which was also the [ 10] care of their Catholike Maiesties: And as for that difference touching Discoueries, which the King by Apostolicall Grant and by Possession and Prescription challenged, they would yeeld vnto any honest course, which might maintaine brotherly loue and amitie; themselues being perswaded, that their late Discouerie no way concerned him, nor disturbed their mutuall League, as not neere Guinea, or any of the Portugall Discoueries: That they were content to name fit persons, by way of Iustice to determine the Controuersie, or to put it to his Holinesse, to be heard in the Court at Rome.* 2.115 But secretly they gaue order, that the Businesse should at least be protracted, and continued on foot, till they might heare how their second Fleet succeeded: which the Embassadours performed cunningly, but not vnperceiued of King Iohn; who sayd, [ 20] that Embassage of the Castilians had neyther Head nor Feet: smartly insinuating the lame Leg of the one, and the light and vain-glorious Braine of the other Embassador. The Portugall Embassadour had made ouerture of all the North Discoueries thorow the World, to belong to Castile, from the Canaries, and thence Southward to the Portugall. But this was not accepted. Afterwards, three Counsellors of State, on the behalfe of each Kingdome, were imployed in this Discouerie of the right and iust Titles and Bounds of the Discouerers: which on the se∣uenth of Iune,* 2.116 1493. agreed, That the Line of Partition, contained in the Bull of the Pope, should be extended 270. Leagues further to the West, all from thence Westward to remayne to the Castilian, and Eastward to the Portugall Nauigation and Conquest: That there should be free sayling on both parts, but neyther should send to trade without these Limits. This was [ 30] put in Writing, and confirmed on the second of Iuly by the Castilian, on the seuen and twen∣tieth of February by the Portugall, Kings; and Cosmographers also imployed, which should designe the said Limitation. And now each partie intended to prosecute new Discoueries, King Iohn preparing a Fleet for search beyond the Cape of Good Hope, on the Coast of Africa, whereof Couilian had giuen him intelligence. But amids these preparations, God calls him to the fatall and finall peregrination of all Flesh.

* 2.117Don Emanuel succeeded him in that Crowne the twentieth of October, 1495. And the yeere 1497. imployed Vasco di Gama with three * 2.118 Ships, one Victualler with 160. men. This Voyage had beene the rather thus long deferred, because the Portugals in the former Discoue∣rie hauing met with such stormes and tempests neere the Cape which therefore they called [ 40] Tormentoso, a new Conceit possessed most of the Mariners, as had done before touching Cape Bogiadore, that there was no sayling any further. But Gama feared no such phantasies, and receiuing Couilians Map and Instruction, with Letters to the Indian Kings, hoysed sayle on the ninth of Iuly (a season vnfitting,* 2.119 as Experience after shewed) and passing by the Ile of Saint Iames, directed his course Eastwards. The first Land he saw, was that which he tearmed the Bay of S. Helena (for this was their Customes, to name Lands at their first discouerie, of that Saint on whose day they discouered the same) where, after three moneths ill weather, they went on Land. They tooke some Negros of curled haire, whose Language none of theirs could vnderstand; which receiuing Glasse-Beads, and Bells, with other trifling kindnesses, procured their Countreymens familiaritie and traffique by signes for such Victuals as they had. But one [ 50] Portugall desiring to goe with them to their houses, not liking their diet, and returning with much companie, when he came in sight of his owne, more for feare then any iust cause, cryed out for their helpe. This caused the Portugals to come in to succour, and the Negros to flye, which with their Poles sharpened at the end with Hornes,* 2.120 as with sharpe Darts, wounded the Christians, and amongst many others, Gama himselfe. By this fooles occasion they hastened thence, towards the Cape of Good Hope, and encountred such Winterly stormes in the way (the time of the yeere being then vnseasonable) that they were forced to strike sayle, and com∣mit themselues to the Windes boysterous tuition; and the companie importuned Gama not to permit them to so terrible a death,* 2.121 but to hast his returne. Which when he constantly refused, they conspired his death: but by his brother Pauls relation fore-warned, he fore-armed him∣selfe [ 60] with vigilant circumspection, and laying the Masters in the Bolts, became Master himselfe.

On the twentieth of Nouember hee doubled the Cape, and sayled continually neere the Land, which they saw full of Cattell, and People like those at S. Helena, naked, inclosing their

priuities in a receptacle of Wood, vttering their speech out of the Throat, as it were sobbing. Hauing refreshed themselues not farre from the Cape, they proceeded, and the eight of De∣cember a storme draue them out of sight of Land, whereto with faire Weather they presently returned: and hauing passed two hundred and thirtie miles from their last Watering place, see∣ing a pleasant Countrey, and the Sea deepe hard by the shore, and much people, on the tenth of Ianuarie he sent one on shore with a Present, who was kindly vsed, and with their Countrey Presents returned.* 2.122 Here Gama set two condemned persons on shore (ten of which he had with him, hauing pardon of their liues, with condition to be set on shore where the Gouernour saw meet) there to obserue the Countrey and People. And proceeding, he came to a goodly Coun∣trey, [ 10] where the people coloured as the former, were more bold and familiar▪ and one with ill Arabike signified, that in a Countrey not farre thence, Ships like theirs vsed to come: whence he termed that the Riuer of good signes, hoping thence to find out India quickly; erecting also a Stone-Crosse, and naming the Countrey S. Raphael, leauing there likewise two other con∣demned persons.

After refreshing his sicke companie, he departed, and on the first of March they espyed seuen small Sayles, which made toward the Admirall, and comming neere, with a lowd crie saluted them in Arabike, and made them much Musike. The men had Garments of Silke, with Lin∣nen Turbants wrought with Gold, and Falchions girded to their sides. They came abord, were well entertained, and tell, that the name of the Iland was Mozambique, the people Ethnike,* 2.123 but [ 20] a great part inhabited by Mores or Mahumetans. For some knowledge of Diuine Scripture hath in vsuall appellation caused a distinction of these from others which haue no knowledge of God but meerely naturall, whom therefore Authors vsually call Idolaters, or Gentiles and Ethnikes. It was subiect to the King of Quiloa, and thence was ordinarie Trade into Arabia, India, and other parts of the World. They learned, that they had passed Zophala, where is much Gold.

It is remarkable, that these Mores vsed both * 2.124 Compasse, and Sea-Cards or Plats; Quadrants also, wherewith they obserued the height of places, the Sunnes declinations and distance from the Line; and were furnished with diuers Maritime Mysteries, not much short of the Portu∣galls. They mistooke the Christians for Mahumetans of Barbary, and therefore vsed them so [ 30] kindly. Zacoeia, the Gouernour of the place, to whom they had sent Presents, visited them in great pompe, and was feasted on shipboord (the sicke being remoued out of sight, and the rest well armed, for feare of Trecherie) neyther did their superstition forbid them to drinke Wine, if it were not ignorance rather of that Liquor. He inquired of them (not doubting of their Mahumetisme) whether they were * 2.125 Mores or Turkes (vsually all Mahumetans of Africa, A∣rabia, and the Indian Coasts are called Mores, from which name, the Greatnesse of the Turke, Tartars, Persian, and Mogull, with I know not what differences of Sect, haue in ordinary appel∣lation exempted them) he asked also of their Weapons and Mahumetan Bookes. Gama an∣swered, That they came out of the remotest West; that they vsed such Armour as he saw, with such Ordinance able to ruine Castles; and for his Bookes, he would shew them when he had [ 40] finished his Iourney: for hee was now in his way to India, and desired his helpe for Pilots to Calicut. This Zacoeia promised; and the next day brought him two, with whom hee agreed how much Gold he should giue to conduct him thither. But in the midst of all this kindnesse it being perceiued that they were Christians, they deuised all mischiefe against them, which was by one of those Pilots reuealed to Gama. They set vpon the Christians also as they were filling Water.

Hereupon Gama with his three ships (for the fourth was set on fire before) went to a 2.126 Qui∣loa, but eyther by necessitie, or their Pilots trecherie, were hindered from shore: This Pilot per∣swaded them to goe to b 2.127 Mombaza, dissembling, that a great part of that Citie were Christi∣ans, and that it was a fit place to refresh his sicke men, many of his companie being dead, and [ 50] the rest feeble. The Land is there fertile, the Ayre wholesome, the People hee found treche∣rous. For the King sent a ship with a hundred men, armed c 2.128 Turk-fashion, which would all haue entred; but Gama onely suffered foure of the principall, who related their Kings desire of his acquaintance, and proffered all kindnesse, if hee would bring his ships neerer the Citie. The King also by two condemned persons whom he put on shore, sent him Spices, and so wrought, that Gama intended to fulfill his mind: but in the way fearing a shelfe, suddenly commanded to cast anchor. Whereupon his More-Pilots, by selfe-guiltinesse accused, leaped into the Sea, suspecting that their trecherie was reuealed, hauing before couenanted with the King of Mom∣baza, to set the ships eyther on ground, or in easie possibilitie of taking. The trecherous Pilots escaped in Boats: and in the Night the King sent others closely to cut their Cables, which by [ 60] vigilant care they auoided.

They departed thence for d 2.129 Melinde, and there arriued on Easter day. The Houses he found of hewen Stone, stately and vsefully built, the Countrey fruitfull, the People Idolaters, blacke, with curled haire, from the Nauell vpwards naked, thence clothed with Silkes to the middle Legge. Here he found e 2.130 Christians of India, which much reioyced at the sight of the Portugals,

and admonished them of many things fitting to their Voyage. Hee was kindly vsed of the Prince (the King himselfe was decrepit) who gaue him a Master, an Indian for his Nauigation. Hence they departed the two and twentieth of Aprill, and hauing passed the Line, with ioy re∣couered sight of the Starres, which so long they had not seene.

§. VIII. Of GAMAS Acts at Calicut, and his returne.

[ 10]

THe nineteenth of May they had sight of Land, being the high Mountaines neere to Calicut, and came within two miles of the Citie the same day. He gaue thankes to God, and set one of his condemned persons on shore, who was almost oppressed with multitudes pressing to see a man of so vncouth habite, till at last two Merchants of Tunis easily knew him to be a Spaniard: and Monzaida, one of them, asked him in Spanish of what parts of Spaine he was; and being answered, of Portugall, inuited him home: and ha∣uing made him eat and drinke, went on boord with him to Gama, and profered him all kind∣nesse; telling him, that the King of Calecut (whose Customes were his chiefe Reuenues) would be glad of their comming. To him Gama sent two of his companie with Monzaida, which declared to him, that their King moued by his worthy fame, had sent one of his Cap∣taines thither, to establish mutuall loue and amitie. The King gladly heard them, and willed [ 20] them to bring their Fleet to Pandarane (where hee then was) because the road of Calecut was dangerous in that season of the yeere, and sent a Pilot to effect it. Soone after, the King sent an Officer or Magistrate, called Catual, honourably to conduct Gama vnto him: who ap∣pointing Paul Gama his brother ouer the Fleet, bad him, if ought amisse happened to him, that hee should returne home, without further care of him. For neyther could hee effect his Kings designes otherwise, nor they resist that Kings power to relieue him.

* 2.131They were no sooner landed, then a Litter receiued each of them (many Nairos attending on foot) and after that another, and were brought into a sumptuous Temple, esteemed of great sanctitie, which Gama supposed by the structure, and other * 2.132 signes, and because he had heard of many Christians in those parts, to be Christian. At the Temple doore foure men met them [ 30] naked to the nauill, thence clothed with silke to the knees, hauing three threds from the right shoulder crossed to the left side (the habit of Bramenes) which sprinkled holy water on them, and gaue them sweet poulders. The walls of the Temples had many Images painted on them. In the midst was a round high Chappell, with a brazen narrow doore, hauing many steps to it, and within, an Image which the darkenesse would not suffer them to discerne, neyther might any enter but the Priests, who approaching to the Image with their finger pointing to it, twice called * 2.133 Maria, whereat the Catual and his companie falling flat on the Earth, presently arose and sayd their prayers. The Portugals thinking it to be sôme Seruice of the Blessed Virgin, worshipped her after their wonted manner. Thence they passed to another Temple of like [ 40] magnificence, and after that, to the Kings Palace, Trumpets and Pipes sounding all the while: and the people so thronged, that had not the Nairos made way with their Swords, they could not haue passed. At the Gate they were met by certaine Nobles, called Caimaes, and approaching to the roome where the King was, an aged man clothed in silke from the shoul∣ders to the anckles, comming forth, embraced Gama. This was the chiefe of the Bramenes. The others being f••rst permitted entrance, he last of all holding Gama by the hand, followed. It was a large Hall, with many Benches artificially wrought one aboue another, in forme of a Theatre. The Floore was couered with Silke, the Walls hanged with Curtaines of Silke, em∣broydered with Gold. The King lay in a rich Bed, with a Tyre on his head set with Stones and wrought with Gold, clothed with Silke, hauing many golden Claspes on the Brest. On his Eares hung Iewels of great value: his Toes and Fingers, with Rings and Gemmes made a [ 50] glorious splendour: His personage was comely, tall, maiesticall. Gama saluted him as the vse here is to the King, and was then placed in a Seat next him; the other Portugals also sate downe. Water was brought to wash and coole their hands, and diuers Fruits to refresh them. After this, he questioned Gama of his Embassage: who answered, that it was not the Portu∣gall custome to declare Embassages in promiscuous and publike Assemblies, but to communicate the same onely with the King and his Councell, or Committees. Hereupon the King remoo∣ueth into a fairer Roome, and there heard Gama relating the worth of his Master King Ema∣nuel; who in a magnanimous spirit, hauing heard of the renowned greatnesse of the King of Calicut, and of the rarities of India, had in desire of league and friendship, sent him thither, to [ 60] begin it in his Name, whence might both Honor also and Profit arise to both parts; and signi∣fied, that he had Letters of Credence vnto him. The King courteously receiued his words, and promised to acknowledge the Ki••g of Portugall as his Brother: giuing order to the Ca∣tual to conduct him to the House appointed for his Lodging. The Citie was large, the Houses

not being continued, but with Orchyards and Gardens distinguished, meanely built, the Law so prouiding, onely the Kings House of Stone.* 2.134 This King at that time was chiefe of all the Princes adioyning both in wealth and power.

After three dayes, Gama conducted by the Catual, deliuered the King his Letter, and withall a Present, which the King seemed to contemne, but was excused by the vncertaintie of the Nauigation: neyther was any Present so good, as the friendship of such a Prince; from whom also if he expected profit, it should be effected by ships of Merchandize yerely trading thither. He desired, that his Kings Letters might not be interpreted by Saracens, forasmuch as he per∣ceiued by Monzaida, that they sought him a mischiefe. Monzaida interpreted the Letter, [ 10] and the King admonished him to be vigilant against Saracenicall fraudes: for which hee than∣ked him, and departed. These Mores consulted their ruine,* 2.135 and bribed the Courtiers to that end, traducing Gama also for a Pyrate and a Spie in shew of a Merchant, a sparke (if not timely quenched) likely soone to bring that whole State in combustion. This they did partly in ha∣tred of the Christian Name, and partly in feare of decaying their Trade, communicated thus to Portugalls. The King wearied with their importunities, fearing to lose their Customes, and feared by the examples of the Mores and Negros in Africa, with some exploits in the way, whose beggerie also he saw in their Kings contemptible Present, and their poore Merchandize, as if he had sent to some wilde Negro Prince; threatned with their departure to some other Prince, and to remoue their Staple thither with his manifest losse, perhaps their owne gayne; [ 20] yeelded to them, and sent the Catual to perswade Gama, with promise of all kindnesse, if hee would bring his ships neerer, and for securitie deliuer vp his sayles. But he writ to his brother, That if he saw him long detayned, to set sayle homewards: and after much contention, agrees to send on shore his Merchandize, with men to sell them, whereupon he is dismissed to his ship. He complayned to the King of the Catual, who gaue him faire promises, but caused his Mer∣chandize to be carryed to Calicut, where he said was better sale.

Gama was content, and euery day sent two or three together, to obserue the Citie, which yet receiued no offence. He desired of the King to leaue a Factor there: whereto the King ma∣king angry answere, made no reply, which caused further anger, and two of his men on shore to be committed to custodie, with their Wares. Which when he could not re-obtayne by in∣treatie, [ 30] hee set vpon the next ship which came thither, and tooke thence six principall men, and then put off further into the Sea. The King sent to him, saying, hee wondered much hee would apprehend his seruants, seeing hee detayned the two Portugals only, till hee had writ∣ten to King Emanuel, whom also the next day hee sent with Letters: but with-held the Wares for their Factor, if hee would send any, to dispose thereof. But Gama sayd hee would now leaue none, and would keepe the men till hee had his goods. The day after, Monzaida came to them, and told them, that hee had beene in danger of his life for their sakes, which hauing very hardly escaped, hee prayed to carry him with them to Portugall; which they did, and there hee became Christian. The King sent his Wares in seuen Boats; but Gama refused, and sayd hee would carry those Malabars into Portugall, to testifie how iniuriously the [ 40] King of Calicut had vsed him: and presently discharging his Ordenance, chased them away. The King was enraged, but his Nauie was at that season vnrigged, and in harbour. Yet he sent out threescore Merchants against them, which were by sudden tempest dispersed.

Gama from the next Port where hee could arriue, sent a Letter with good words to the King, by one of his Captiues seruants. There hee was assaulted by Timoia, a Pyrat,* 2.136 with eight ships, whereof hee tooke one well furnished, the rest fled. Hee went to Anchediva, to amend his ships, and there was saluted by a seruant of Zabaius, Lord of Goa, an Italian, who in the name of his Master offered him all kindnesse, if hee would goe thither. This man professed himselfe an Italian, captiued by Pyrates, and so brought to serue a Mahumetan in these parts. Gama perceiuing him wittie, but curious and busie, suspected and apprehended him, who be∣ing [ 50] tortured, confessed himselfe a Tartarian Iew, sent by Zabaius for a Spie, whom he carryed with him into Portugall, where hee was baptized, and proued seruiceable in many things to the King.

Thence hee now hasted his departure, and the time being vnseasonable, came slowly to Magadoxo, on the African shore: and because they were Mahumetans,* 2.137 sunke and spoyled their ships, and ruined a great part of their Walls. At Melinde hee was kindly entertained,* 2.138 and his men well refreshed: and within fiue dayes, for feare of Winter at the Cape, set sayle, with an Embassadour from Melinde to Portugall. Hee burnt, as vnfit for the Voyage, the ship of Paul Gama, hauing need of the Mariners to supply the other two.

On the seuen and twentieth of February hee came to an Island called Zanzibar,* 2.139 foure [ 60] and twentie miles from the Continent, where hee was well entertayned and refreshed of the Prince, though a More. Hee refreshed himselfe againe at Saint Blases watering,* 2.140 and on the fiue and twentieth of Aprill doubled the Cape. Thence to Saint Iago, where by tempest they were parted; Coelius the other Captaine next way to Lisbone, Gama to the Tercera, where his brother Paul died; and soone after, to Lisbone, in the yeere 1499.

where Coelius had related all to the King before. Of an hundred fortie eight, or as others report, an hundred and threescore, there returned onely fiue and fiftie, and those very feeble.

§. IX. The second Fleet sent to the East Indies: Their discouerie of Brasill, and other Acts.

[ 10]

KIng Emanuel set forth a second Fleet of thirteene ships, well furnished, with fifteene hundred souldiors and munition, vnder Peter Aluarez Capralis, whom he comman∣ded to hold peace and confirme amitie, if it might be, with the King of Calecut, and if it were possible, to get leaue of him to build a Fort neere the Citie, where they might be secure from Saracenicall Hostilitie. Hee sent also fiue Franciscans for holy Offices, both to the Portugals, and if meanes were offered, for conuersion of the Infidels. Hee depar∣ted from Lisbone the eight of March,* 2.141 in the secular yeere: and holding his course to S. Iago, there met with a storme which scattered the Fleet, and forced one ship to returne home.

The rest of the Fleet hauing two dayes after the Tempest stayed in vaine for it, set sayle Westward,* 2.142 and on the three and twentieth of Aprill had sight of Land, with no lesse maruell then ioy. Capralis commanded the Master to goe neere, and take view of the shore, which re∣turned [ 20] newes of a fertile and well watered Soyle, the Natiues naked, with long hayre, and Bowes and Arrowes. But that night a storme tooke them, which much tormented them, till at last he light into a safe Harbour,* 2.143 which thereupon he called Puerto Seguro. They tooke two Fishermen, which by no signes could or would vnderstand them, whom with Bells, Bracelets, and Glasses they restored on shore; which brought the rest with store of Meale and Fruits for like Traffique. Hee named this Land of the holy Crosse, since of store of that Wood, called Brasill; and hauing erected a Stone Pillar, sent one of his ships backe to Portugall with that newes. Hee had Masse and a Sermon on shore, to the great astonishment of the Sauages.

* 2.144On the fift of May hee departed, and on the three and twentieth a sudden violent storme [ 30] sunke foure of their ships, not one man escaping; and soone after, the remayning seuen with another tempest were seuered: and on the fiue and twentieth of Iuly six of them held their course together, one being separated, which pierced into the Arabian Gulfe, or Red Sea; and thence returned home with onely six men, the rest perishing by famine and diseases. The other six hauing doubled the Cape of good Hope, found Land pleasant and fertile, but the people would not trade with them, then destitute of prouision. At last they espyed two ships at an∣chor, which hauing sight of the Portugals, fled, but were pursued and taken: but learning that they belonged to Foteima, a Prince in amitie with the King of Melinde, he let them passe with great store of Gold which they had brought from Zofala,* 2.145 with other rich commodities. At Mozambique he watered without impediment, and bought Victuals, and hired a Pilot to Qui∣loa.* 2.146 The King of Quiloa's Dominion extended nine hundred miles in length, his subjects be∣ing [ 40] some blacke, some coloured, speake Arabike, besides other Languages, Merchants of diuers Countries trading amongst them. It is separate from Land with a narrow Sea, foure hundred miles from Mozambique, full of Springs, Trees, Cattell wilde and tame, rich in Soyle and Fish∣ing. The Citie great and populous, with magnificent Houses, with store of furniture: Their ships, for want of Pitch, trimmed with a bastard Frankincense. Capralis sent to Abrahem the King, who kindly entertayned the Messengers, and promised next day to come aboord: which hee did in Barges gallantly decked, his companie attyred in Gold, Purple, or Silke, with Swords and Daggers, hauing in the Hilts gemmes of great splendour; the Ayre filled with Trumpets and Pipes, confused with the Trumpets and Ordinance of the Portugals, who in [ 50] their best attyre went into their Boats to meet him. The King heard his Letters and Embas∣sage with ioy, and promised to hold his Master for his brother, and the next day was designed for confirmation of the League.* 2.147 The Mores with wily arts interuert this amitie, vpbrayding to the King his simplicitie, that would giue such credit to Pyrats.

Capralis hearing this, holdeth on his way to Melinde, where with incredible gladnesse hee was welcommed,* 2.148 and the Embassador now returned to his Master with the King of Portugals Presents, namely, a faire Horse sumptuously trapped, with other gifts. Here Capralis would not stay, but left two exiles or condemned persons there, to enquire if any way were open to Prester Iohn, and to learne the Customes of the Countrey. On the two and twentieth of August he came to Anchediva,* 2.149 and there a while refreshed his companie; which hauing done, [ 60] he sayled to Calicut.* 2.150 The King sent two Nairos with a Guzarate Merchant to salute Capralis, who sent with them backe his Christened Iew, and foure of those Nairos, or Courtiers, which Gama had taken the yeere before (two hee detayned as Pledges) with Iohn Sala a Portugall, all in Portugall habite, whereat the King reioyced. In a Palace neere the shore, the King en∣tertayned

Capralis, who had left Sancius Thoare with command of the Fleet, and after much complement, promised him more then he asked: Gaue them free libertie of Trade, and Houses fitting thereto, the Patent or Charter being a Table of Gold, with Letters engraued, for perpe∣tuall memorie. He gaue them leaue to erect the Banner of King Emanuel on their House top, as a Monument of his loue to their Master. Hearing of a strong and well manned ship com∣ming from Cochin to Cambaia, with a mightie and warly Elephant therein, he sent to entreat Capralis to take it, whereto he employed one of his smallest Vessels: whereat the King mar∣uelled, hauing before set certaine Saracens or Mores of purpose to obserue their behauior in that Enterprise, especially seeing the great ship chased to Cananor,* 2.151 about fortie miles North from [ 10] Calicut, into which they compelled her the next day as Captiue to returne.

This did but kindle the enuy of the Mores, who to their wonted Arts added the fore-stalling the Market, and giuing greater prices: so, that whereas they had beene promised lading in twentie dayes, they had expected three moneths, when meane time the Saracenicall ships were laden and gone, contrarie to their late League, which concluded them the first to be ser∣ued. He sent notice to the King, who seemed to be offended with the Mores, giuing them leaue to lade themselues out of their ships, paying them their money layd out. Capralis fearing to execute this, by Correa the Cape Merchant was importuned; and one ship now setting sayle,* 2.152 was brought backe by them into the Hauen, whereupon grew great broyles, the King seeming contented they should try it out betwixt them. They therefore with a companie of Nairos, [ 20] on the seuenteenth of December rush into the Portugall House, which Correa by a signe erected signifieth to the Fleet. He had with him seuentie men against foure thousand, so that he with fiftie others were slaine: the rest were by the assistance of their fellowes in Boats conueyed a∣boord. Capralis then sick of a Quartane, and more of this disaster, perceiuing the King consci∣ous (a Fautor, if not Author) of this designe, assayled the next day ten great ships of the Mores, and slew six hundred of them, distributed the rest as slaues in their ships, and laded themselues with the goods, being forced for want of prouision to kill three Elephants, and salt them for food. Which done, hee set the ships on fire, and that in the night, for greater terror. The mor∣row next he assaulted the Towne with Ordenance from his ships, and slew many, one of which a Courtier, at the Kings feet.

[ 30] After this, Capralis went to Cochin, a hundred and seuentie miles Southward,* 2.153 being a sure Hauen. The King was then poore, and tributarie to Calecut. To him he sent an Indian Iogue, a begging Frier of that Bramene Religion, which by the Portugall Friers had beene conuerted and baptized by the Name of Michael. The King promised all that they requested, and enter∣tained them in a House fit for Trade.* 2.154 The Kings of Cananor and Coulam sent thither to them offer of League and Traffique. But Capralis fixed here his Staple:* 2.155 where two Christians of Cranganor, twentie miles distant, desired and obtayned of him to carry them into Portugall, that they might haue a sight of Rome and Ierusalem.

Not long after, hee had newes of the King of Calicuts Fleet, of twentie great ships, and many small, with fifteene hundred men therein, sent to be reuenged of the Portugals, which [ 40] he went forth to assayle, but was scanted of Winde which they had, and willingly wanted, for feare of the Ordenance. So leauing two Factors at Cochin, and hauing taken in the rest of his fraight at Cananor, he departed the sixteenth of Ianuary, and neere to Melinde tooke a ship, which perceiuing it belonged to a More of Cambaia, hee dismissed, professing no quarrell in In∣dia, but to Calecut alone, and the Mores of Mecca. One of their ships was here wracked, the remainders whereof he burned, to preuent the enemies spoyle. He employed one of his ships in the search of Zophala, and returned with the rest to Lisbone, where he arriued the last of Iuly, and was welcommed of the King, who had before sent three other ships on the same Voyage.* 2.156 And in the yeere following, 1502. hee sent Vascus Gama againe with ten ships, and Soderius with another Fleet, giuing him commission to make himselfe * 2.157 Lord of the Sea, and to doe his [ 50] vtmost against the Mores. This consisted of fifteene ships. Fiue others he sent vnder Stephen Gama, and so proceeded in his fortunes, that in a few yeeres he made himselfe Lord of the In∣dian Trade and Nauigation, and subdued the Kingdomes of Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, with other parts of the East, to the Portugall Scepter, to the great enriching of that State, and the Indian partakers; whereof Cochin hath from a poore estate arisen to greatnesse, and Calicut beene eclipsed.

But as those Spanish Westerne Discoueries and Acts, so these Easterne of the Portugals I leaue to their owne Authors: such as for the former, are P. Martyr, Cicça, Viega, Ouiedo, Herera, Gomara, Benzo, and the rest; and for the later, Barrius, Osorius, Maffaeus, Casta∣neda, and others. I intend in this place onely to shew the beginning of Trade, and Naui∣gation [ 60] in both parts: and the occasion hence arising, of the first sayling round about the Globe.

§. X. ALBVQVERQVES Exploits, and the first knowledge of the Molucca's.

YE haue heard of the Quarrell twixt Siuill and Lisbone, or the Castilian and Portugall compounded, each sharing a moitie of the World. Some question grew of the Mo∣lucca's,* 2.158 after the discouerie of them by the Portugals, whether they app••rtayned to the Castilian or Lusitanian share. It is to be considered, that ten yeeres after Gamu's discouerie, and ill vsage at Calecut, the Portugalls sought all this time reuenge, and in great [ 10] part effected it, notwithstanding the Indian Potentates, the Aegyptian Sultans assistance (as long after the Turkes succeeding in that State and Quarrell) maintaining their Trade, and pro∣pagating their Sea and Land-Soueraigntie in those parts, although with some vicissitude of for∣tune, and with losse euen this Summer of some of their principall Commanders: Almeida the late Viceroy basely perishing neere the Cape of Good Hope, by the hands of wilde Negros; Cotinius, whiles hee enuyed any partner in the glory of taking the Kings Palace at Calecut, whiles Albuquerque set the Citie on fire, and permitting his souldiors to ouer-hastie pillage, losing his late-gotten purchase, and himselfe; and Albuquerque himselfe carryed away neere dead, with diuers wounds.

* 2.159Whiles these things were done at Calecut, Didacus Lupius Sequeria was sent out of Portu∣gall, [ 20] to begin amitie with Malacca: who was the first that hauing passed the Promontorie Co∣ry, and sayling thorow the Bengalan or Gangetike Bay, touched on Sumatra, diuided by a nar∣row and dangerous Strait from the Continent of Malacca, eyther being or supposed to bee in old times a Chersonessus or Pen-Insula (euery where encompassed with Waues, but by one Neck of Land fastned to the Maine) and called as some will haue (though others ascribe it to Malac∣ca and the Siam Kingdome) Aurea,* 2.160 or the Golden, being indeed rich in Gold, and other Me∣tals, as this ensuing Historie will shew.

Sequeria hauing here made League with the Kings of Pedir and Achen, and erected such Stone Pillars as before are mentioned, in both places, as Monuments thereof, passed to Malacca, where hee receiued great kindnesse of Mamudius a Mahumetan, which had vsurped that State [ 30] by force from the Siamite, who yet as the Samorin, or King of Calecut, by the Mores was alte∣red, and sought by Treason to murther the Portugals, and seize on their ships. For pretending, after League confirmed, to entertayne him in a Feast, Sequeria hauing intelligence, excused him∣selfe by sicknesse: whereupon hee offered extraordinarie fauour to lade his ships (contrarie to the custome of that Port) before all those which had beene there before them,* 2.161 which must bee carryed closely, for feare of disgust and mutinie of other Merchants; which Sequeria accepted thankfully, and sent his men to diuers places assigned. Patiacus, the sonne of Vtimutis, the next man in Malacca after the King, was sent aboord to complement with him, till a signe giuen by smoake from a certaine place, should at once arme the rest in other places, and him on ship∣boord to sudden and vnexpected slaughter. It happened, that Sequeria, at Patiacus his com∣ming,* 2.162 [ 40] was at Chesse; which he dissemblingly willed him to continue, that he might obserue our difference from them in that Play. But whiles hee waited the smoake, others of Malacca had not that patience, but misorderly began their furie, which was espyed from the ship tops by a Mariner, who cryed Treason: whereupon they running to their Armes, the Malaccans leaped ouer boord, and they sent some to helpe their fellowes, whiles the rest cut their Cables, to haue Sea-roome for their Ship-fights, and by terror of their Ordenance easily chased the Nauie, set purposely to assayle them. But of those on shore, fortie were slaine, and more captiued, which ministred iust cause of quarrell to their Countreymen, whom Sequeria had sent notice hereof, himselfe passing directly to the Cape, and so to Lisbone.

Albuquerque had now recouered of his wounds, and minded to recouer Ormuz, the King [ 50] whereof had before acknowledged Vassallage to King Emanuel,* 2.163 with fifteene thousand Sera∣fines of Gold yeerely tribute, and leaue to the Portugals to erect there a Fort; which the slack∣nesse first, and after that, open mutinie of his owne men, had frustrated; Zeifadin the King ha∣uing intelligence thereof,* 2.164 and thereby taking occasion to shake off the Portugall yoake. Hee pretended feare of Ismael the Persian Xa, or Sophi, whose tributarie he was, but was regayned afterwards (it was the last Act of Albuquerques Life) and the Persian also not discontented, yea, sending an Embassadour to treat of Peace, as hauing their Actions in admiration. But at this time hauing collected a Fleet of one and twentie sayle, in his way thither was intercepted by the opportunitie of Goa, whose Prince Zabaius, in the midst of his preparations against the Portugals, was lately dead, leauing his young sonne Idalcan as full of troubles, as emptie of ex∣perience. [ 60] Timoia, a famous Pyrate, and Lord of an Iland not farre off, gaue this intel∣ligence,* 2.165 with proffer of his best assistance therein: Whereupon a suddaine Siege, and sur∣prize thereof, was made, vpon Conditions; the Portugals wondering to see themselues so easily Lords of such Wealth. But Idalcan with force and famine soone expelled them;

which yet, not long after, they recouered, to the great honour of that Nation in those parts.

Intending next to enter the Red Sea,* 2.166 the Northwest Windes repelled this victorious Gene∣rall or Vice-roy from that attempt, but offered faire oportunitie for Malacca, which he readily apprehended: and first demanded his Prisoners of Mamudius, which hee sayd were fled; but seeing his Towne on fire, was forced to present vnto him. And when his Conditions demanded seemed great, namely, the charges of both Fleets, and restitution of things lost; Mamudius was animated by some, rather to defend himselfe by Warre: the effect whereof, was the losse of that pettie Kingdome, and of himselfe with griefe.* 2.167

In the way thither, Albuquerque had met with some ships lately come from thence, which [ 10] he assaulted and tooke: in which prelude of a greater Warre, this happened remarkable, That Naodabeguea, one of those which had before conspired against Sequeria, receiued diuers wounds, by which at last hee fell, but neyther Bloud nor Soule issued, which both, as from a broken Vessell, suddenly fled, after a gold Chayne was taken from his arme. The cause, they learned to be a Bone of a Beast called Cabis, in the Countrey of Siam,* 2.168 which being included in that Chayne, included the bloud also, those open passages notwithstanding. This Iewell was sent into Portugall for a raritie, but perished by shipwracke in the way.

The victorie at Malacca spread the Portugall fame, caused Leagues and Legates of diuers Nations; and occasioned their search and discouerie of the Ilands of Amboino, Banda, and the [ 20] Molucca's. Yea, the Samorin of Calecut, and Idalcan himselfe sought their amitie,* 2.169 and the Ne∣gus of Abassia or Prester Iohn sent an Embassador into Portugall. The King of Maldiva became Vassall to King Emanuel. Antonius Abreus was employed for the Molucca's:* 2.170 which first came to Iava, then to Amboino, setting his Stone Pillars in both places: next to Banda, the name of diuers Ilands, where Nutmegs and Mace onely, for ought then knowne, in all the World, did grow. The fame of Malacca had pierced hither, and prepared ea••e Conditions to a League; as also to the Molucca's: where the two emulous Kings of Ternate and Tidore were ambitious which should first winne them to their side; their mutuall Quarrels opening a ready aduantage to the Portugals, by taking part with one to make his best of both.

These Quarrels they haue transmitted to their Posteritie; and euen at this day the Hol∣lander [ 30] taking part with the one, and the Spaniard (who hath here succeeded the Portugall) with the other, out of their euils gather benefit to themselues. So foolish, and not impious alone, is Strife, that besides mutuall mischiefes to and by each other, they expose themselues to forraine both scorne and gayne.

CHAP. II. [ 40] Of FERNANDVS MAGALIANES: The occasion of his Voyage, and the particulars of the same, with the compassing of the World by the Ship called San Victoria; gathered out of * 2.171 ANTONIO PIGA∣FETTA, an Italian of Vicenza, who was one in the said Circum-Nauigation, as also from diuers other Authors.

ONE which serued vnder Albuquerque in these victorious Warres, was Fer∣nandus Magalianes, a Portugall, a Gentleman of great spirit: who hauing [ 50] made good and manyfold proofe of his valour and value both in Africa and In∣dia, and being reiected in a suit to the King, for augmenting his stipend halfe a Duckat a moneth; conceiuing deepe indignation hereat, he renounced his alle∣geance to his Master King Emanuel,* 2.172 and betooke himselfe to the Court of Ca∣stile, with Ruy Falero, a professed Astrologer (the Portugals say, a Coniurer) and acquainted the Emperour, that the Ilands of Banda and of the Molucca's (the one the onely Store-house of Nature for Nutmegs and Mace, the other for Cloues) appertained to him, by that Diuision which King Iohn the second and King Ferdinand and Isabel of Castile had agreed on, that is, to the Westerne moitie of the World, from the prescribed Limits before mentioned. And with a bold and admirable attempt, offered also by the West to discouer these rich Ilands of [ 60] Spicerie.

The Portugall Authors speake here nothing but Treason, and cry out vpon him as a Traitor, for sowing Seeds likely to produce Warre twixt Castile and Portugall: Nor doe I, in those things, vndertake to iustifie him. But out of his whatsoeuer euill, God produced this good to the World, that it was first by his meanes sayled round: Nor was his neglect of his Countrey

neglected, or reuengefull mind vnreuenged, as the sequele manifesteth, by his vntimely and violent death.

Fiue ships were furnished at the Emperors command: the Trinitie Admirall, Stephen Gome•• a Portugall, Pilot; of San Victoria, was Luys de Mendoza Captaine; Iohn de Cartagena of the ship S. Antonio; Iohn Serran of the ship S. Iago; and Gaspar de Quexada of the ship Conception: Magalianes himselfe being made Generall. The whole companie was two hun∣dred thirtie seuen, or (as some say) two hundred and fiftie; of which, thirtie were Portugals. On the tenth of August, 1519. they departed from Siuill; the six and twentieth of September they arriued at Tenarife; the third of October they sayled betwixt the Ilands and Cape Verde. They sayled many dayes in the sight of the Coast of Guinea, and had a great calme seuentie [ 10] dayes, which they spent in attaining the Line.

* 2.173When they had sayled past the Equinoctiall Line, they lost the sight of the North starre, and sayled by the South-west, vntill they came to a Land named Brasilia, being two and twen∣tie degrees and a halfe toward the South Pole or Pole Antartike. This Land is continuate, and one firme Land with the Cape of Saint Augustine, which is eight degrees from the Equi∣noctiall. In this Land they were refreshed with many good Fruits of innumerable kindes, and found here also very good Sugar Canes, and diuers kindes of Beasts and other things, which I omit for breuitie.

They departed from this Land, and sayled to the foure and twentieth degree and a halfe, toward the Pole Antartike, where they found a great Riuer of fresh Water, and certaine Ca∣nibals.* 2.174 Of these, they saw one out of their ships, of stature as big as a Giant, hauing a voyce [ 20] like a Bull. Our men pursued them, but they were so swift of foot, that they could not ouer∣take them. About the mouth of this Riuer are seuen Ilands, in the biggest whereof they found certaine precious Stones,* 2.175 and called it the Cape of Saint Mary. The Spaniards thought, that by this Riuer they might haue passed into the South Sea: But they were deceiued in their opi∣nion; for there was none other passage then by the Riuer, which is seuenteene Leagues large in the mouth.

* 2.176Thus following this Coast by the tract of the Land toward the Pole Antartike, they came to a place where were two Ilands replenished with Pengwins and Seales. These were in such number, that in an houre all the fiue ships might haue beene laden with Pengwins, being all [ 30] of blacke colour, and such as cannot flye. They liue of Fish, and are so fat, that they could scarcely slay them. They haue no Feathers, but a certaine Downe, and their bylls like Rauens bylls. Here were they in great danger by Tempest: But as soone as the three Fires, called Saint Helen, Saint Nicholas, and Saint Clare, appeared vpon the Cables of the ships, suddenly the tempest and furie of the Windes ceased.

* 2.177Departing from hence, they sayled to the nine and fortieth degree and a halfe, vnder the Pole Antartike: where being Wintered, they were inforced to remayne there for the space of two moneths, all which time they saw no man, except that one day by chance they espyed a man of the stature of a Giant,* 2.178 who came to the Hauen dancing and singing, and shortly after seemed to cast dust ouer his head. The Captaine sent one of his men to the shore with the [ 40] ship Boat, who made the like signe of peace. The which thing the Giant seeing, was out of feare, and came with the Captaines seruant to his presence into a little Iland. When hee saw the Captaine with certaine of his companie about him, hee was greatly amazed, and made signes, holding vp his hand to Heauen, signifying thereby, that our men came from thence. This Giant was so big,* 2.179 that the head of one of our men, of a meane stature, came but to his Waste. He was of good corporature, and well made in all parts of his body, with a large Vi∣sage, painted with diuers colours, but for the most part yellow. Vpon his Cheekes were pain∣ted two Harts, and red Circles about his Eyes. The Hayre of his Head was coloured white, and his Apparrell was the Skinne of a Beast sowed together. This Beast (as seemed vnto vs) had a large head, and great eares like vnto a Mule, with the body of a Cammell, and tayle of a [ 50] Horse. The feet of the Giant were foulded in the said Skinne, after the manner of shooes. He had in his hand a big and short Bowe, the String whereof was made of a sinew of that Beast. He had also a Bundell of long Arrowes, made of Reedes, feathered after the manner of ours, typt with sharpe stones in the stead of Iron heads. The Captaine caused him to eat and drinke, and gaue him many things, and among other, a great Looking-Glasse: In the which, as soone as he saw his owne likenesse, hee was suddenly afraid, and started backe with such violence, that he ouerthrew two that stood neerest about him. When the Captaine had thus giuen him certaine Hawkes Bells, and other great Bells, with a Looking-Glasse, a Combe, and a payre of Beads of Glasse, he sent him to land with foure of his owne men well armed.

Shortly after, they saw another Giant, of somewhat greater stature, with his Bowe and Ar∣rowes [ 60] in his hand.* 2.180 As hee drew neere vnto our men, he layd his hand on his head, and pointed vp toward Heauen, and our men did the like. The Captaine sent his ship Boat, to bring him to a little Iland, being in the Hauen. This Giant was very tractable, and pleasant. Hee sung and danced, and in his dancing, left the print of his feet on the ground. Hee remayned long

with our men, who named him Iohn. Hee could well speake, and plainely pronounce these words, Iesus, Aue Maria, Iohannes, euen as wee doe, but with a bigger voyce. The Captaine gaue him a Shirt of Linnen Cloth, and a Coat of white Woollen Cloth; also a Cap, a Combe, a Looking-Glasse, with diuers such other things, and so sent him to his companie. The day following hee resorted againe to the shippes, and brought with him one of those great Beasts, which hee gaue the Captaine. But after that day they neuer saw him more, supposing him to be slaine of his owne company, for the conuersation he had with our men.

After other fifteene dayes were past, there came foure other Giants without any Weapons,* 2.181 but had hid their Bowes and Arrowes in certaine Bushes. The Captaine retayned two of [ 10] these, which were youngest and best made. Hee tooke them by a deceit; giuing them Kayues, Sheeres, Looking-Glasses, Bells, Beades of Crystall, and such other Trifles,* 2.182 hee so filled their hands, that they could hold no more: then caused two payre of shackles of Iron to bee put on their legges, making signes, that hee would also giue them those Chaynes; which they liked very well, because they were made of bright and shining metall. And whereas they could not carry them, because their hands were full, the other Giants would haue carryed them: but the Captaine would not suffer them. When they felt the shackles fast about their legges, they be∣gan to doubt: but the Captaine did put them in comfort, and had them stand still. In fine, when they saw how they were deceiued, they roared like Bulls, and cryed vpon their great De∣uill Setebos, to helpe them. Being thus taken,* 2.183 they were immediately seperate and put in sun∣dry [ 20] shippes. They could neuer binde the hands of the other two: yet was one of them with much difficultie ouerthrowne by nine of our men, and his hands bound; but he suddenly loosed himselfe, and fled, as did also the other that came with them. In their flying, they shot off their Arrowes, and slew one of our men. They say, that when any of them die,* 2.184 there appeare ten or twelue Deuils, leaping and dancing about the bodie of the dead, and seeme to haue their bodies painted with diuers colours, and that among other, there is one seene bigger then the re∣sidue, who maketh great mirth and reioycing. This great Deuill they call Setebos, and call the lesse Cheleule. One of these Giants which they tooke, declared by signes, that hee had seene Deuils with two hornes aboue their heads, with long hayre downe to their feet; and that they cast forth fire at their throats both before and behind. The Captaine named these people Pata∣goni. [ 30] The most part of them weare the Skinnes of such Beasts whereof I haue spoken before:* 2.185 and haue no Houses of continuance, but make certaine Cottages, which they couer with the said Skinnes, and carry them from place to place. They liue of raw Flesh, and a certaine sweet Root, which they call Capar. They are very iealous of their Women. When they are sicke at the stomacke, they put an Arrow halfe a yard or more downe the Throat, which makes them vomit greene choler and bloud. For head-ach, they make a cut ouer the for-head, and let them∣selues bloud. The like they doe on the arme, or legge, in any Aches. They cut their hayre like Friers, but a little longer, and binde it with a Cotton hayre-lace. By reason of Cold in those parts, they trusse vp themselues so, as the genitall member is hidden within the body.* 2.186 One of these which they had in their shippes, did eate at one meale a Basket of Bisket, and drunke a [ 40] Bowle of Water at a draught.

They remayned fiue moneths in this Port of Saint Iulian; where certaine of the vnder Cap∣taines conspiring the death of their Generall, were hanged and quartered: among whom,* 2.187 the Treasurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certaine of the other Conspirators he left in the said Land of Patagoni; namely, Iohn de Cartagena, and a Priest. They erected there a Crosse, in token of possession.

Departing from hence to the two and fiftieth degree, toward the Pole Antartike, lacking a third part, they found a Riuer of fresh Water and good Fish. Their shippes were here in great danger. They remayned two moneths in this Port, where they made new prouision of fresh Water, Fuell, and Fish. Here the Captaine caused all his men to be confessed.* 2.188 Approching to [ 50] the two and fiftie degrees, they found the Strait now called the Strait of Magellanus, being in some place a hundred and ten Leagues in length, and in bredth somewhere very large,* 2.189 and in other places little more then halfe a League in bredth. On both the sides of this Strait, are great and high Mountaines couered with Snow, beyond the which,* 2.190 is the entrance into the Sea of Sur. This entrance the Captaine named Mare Pacificum. Here one of the ships, Saint Antonio, stole away priuily, and returned into Spaine: In this was one of the Giants, who died as soone as he felt the heat that is about the Equinoctiall Line.

When the Captaine Magalianes was past the Strait, and saw the way open to the other maine Sea, hee was so glad thereof, that for ioy the teares fell from his eyes, and named the point of the Land from whence hee first saw that Sea, Capo Desiderato. Supposing that the ship which stole away, had beene lost, they erected a Crosse vpon the top of a high Hill,* 2.191 to di∣rect [ 60] their course in the Strait, if it were their chance to come that way.

They found, that in this Strait, in the moneth of October,* 2.192 the Night was not past foure houres long. They found in this Strait, at euery three miles, a safe Hauen, and excel∣lent Water to drinke; Wood also, and Fish, and great plentie of good Heroes. They

thinke,* 2.193 that there is not a fairer Strait in the World. Here also they saw certaine flying Fishes.

* 2.194The other Giant which remayned with them in the ship, named Bread, Capar; Water, Oli; red Cloth, Ch••ecai; red Colour, Cheic••e; ••lacke colour, Amel: And spoke all his words in the t••r••••t. On a time, as one made a Crosse before him, and kissed it, shewing it vnto him, hee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cry••d Setebos, and declared by signes, that if they made any more Crosses, Setebos 〈…〉〈…〉 into his body, and make him burst. But when in fine hee saw no hurt come there∣of, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to••ke the Crosse, and embraced and kissed it oftentimes, desiring, that hee might bee a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••efore his death.* 2.195 Hee was therefore baptized, and named Paul.

Departing out of this Strait into the Sea called Mare Pacificum, the eight and twentieth [ 10] day of Nouember, in the yeere 1520. they sayled three moneths and twentie dayes before they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Land:* 2.196 and hauing in this time consumed all their Bisket and other Victuals, they fell i••to such necessitie, that they were inforced to eate the powder that remayned thereof, being n••w f••ll of Wormes, and stinking like Passe, by reason of the salt Water. Their fresh Water was also p••trif••ed, and become yellow. They did eate Skinnes and pieces of Leather, which were f••••lded about certaine great Ropes of the shippes: but these Skinnes being made very h••rd, by reason of the Sunne, Raine, and Winde, they hung them by a Cord in the Sea, for the spac•• of foure or fiue dayes, to mollifie them, and sod them, and ate them. By reason of this Famine,* 2.197 and vncleane feeding, some of their gummes grew so ouer their teeth, that they died mis••rably for hunger. And by this occasion died nineteene men, and also the Giant, with an Indian of the Land of Bras••le, otherwise called Terra de Papagalli, that is, the Land of Popin∣g••y••s. [ 20] Beside these that died, fiue and twentie or thirtie were so sick, that they were not able to d••e any seruice with their hands or armes for feeblenesse: so that there was in manner none without some Disease.

In th••se three moneths and twentie dayes, they sayled foure thousand Leagues in one Gulfe, by the said Sea called Pacificum, that is peaceable: which may well be so called, forasmuch as in all this time hauing no sight of any Land, they had no misfortune of Winde, or any other Tempest. During this time also, they discouered onely two little Ilands vnhabited, where they saw nothing but Birds and Trees,* 2.198 and therefore named them infortunate Ilands, being one from the other about two hundred Leagues distant. The first of these Ilands, is from the [ 30] Equinoctiall toward the Pole Antartike fifteene degrees, and the other fiue. Their sayling was in such sort,* 2.199 that they sayled dayly betweene fiftie, threescore, to seuentie Leagues. So that in fine, if God of his mercie had not giuen them good Weather, it was necessarie, that in this so great a Sea they should all haue died for hunger.

They cons••dered in this Nauigation, that the Pole Antartike hath no notable starre, after the sort of the Pole Artike. But they saw many starres gathered together, which are like two Clouds,* 2.200 one separate a little from another, and somewhat darke in the middest. Betweene these, are two 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not very big, nor much shining, which moue a little: and these two are the Pole Antartike.

* 2.201 The Needle of their Compas varied somewhat, and turned euer toward the Pole Artike; [ 40] neuerthelesse, had no such force, as when it is in these parts of the Pole Artike: Insomuch, that it was necessarie to helpe the Needle with the Lead-stone,* 2.202 before they could sayle there∣with, because it moued not, as it doth when it is in these our parts. When they were in the mi••dest of the Gulfe, they saw a Crosse of fiue cleare starres, directly toward the West, and of equall distance the one from the other.

In these dayes they sayled betweene the West and South so farre, that they approched to the Equinoctiall Line,* 2.203 and were in longitude from the place from whence they first departed, a hundred and twentie degrees. In this course they sayled by two Ilands of exceeding height, wh••reof the one named Cipanghu,* 2.204 is twentie degrees from the Pole Antartike; and the other named Sumbdit, fifteene degrees. When they were past the Equinoctiall Line, they sayled be∣tweene [ 50] the West and Southwest, at the quarter of the West, toward the Southwest more then a hundred League, changing their sayles to the quarter of the Southwest, vntill they came to the thirteene degrees aboue the Equinoctiall, toward the Pole Artike, intending as much as w••re p••ssible, to approach to the Cape called of the old Writers Cattigara: the which is not found as the old Cosmographers haue described it, but it is toward the North about twelue de∣grees as they afterward vnderstood.

When they had thus sayled seuentie Leagues of this Voyage, in the twelfth degree aboue the Equinoctiall, ••nd a hundred fortie six degrees of Longitude (as I haue said) the sixt day of March th••y dis••••uered a little Iland toward the Northwest, and two other toward the South∣west; but the one was higher and bigger then the other. In the biggest of these, the Generall [ 60] would haue rested himselfe a while, but he could not, by reason the people of these Ilands re∣sor••ed continually to the ships with their Canoas, and stole now one thing, and now anoher, in such sort, that our men could take no rest; and therefore demanded of the Captaine, that they might strike their sayles, to bring the shippes to Land. But the Generall being prouoked

to anger, went aland with fortie armed men, and burnt about fiftie of their Houses, with many of their Canoas, and slew also about seuen men, and recouered a shippe-boat which the Barba∣rians had stolne; and so departed, following his Voyage. Hee named these Ilands,* 2.205 Insulae Latronum, that is, the Ilands of Theeues. When our men had so wounded some of them with Arrowes, that they were stricken through both sides, they pulled forth the Arrowes, not cea∣sing to maruell at them, till they fell downe dead: And yet could not the other so depart, but still followed the shippes with more then two hundred of their Boats, approaching as neere to the shippes as they could, and proffering our men certaine Fishes. As the shippes passed with full sayle in the middest of their Boats, they saw in some of them certaine Women, lamenting and tearing their hayre, which our men thought they did for the death of their Husbands. As [ 10] farre as they could perceiue, these people liue at their owne libertie, without any Ruler or Gouernour. They goe naked, and some of them haue blacke Beards,* 2.206 and blacke hayre on their heads, which they weare long, downe to their Wastes. They are of the same stature that wee are, and well made, of colour like vnto an Oliue. Their Women are well-fauoured, with black and thicke hayre on their heads, reaching to the ground. They weare also, for a couering before their priuities, the inner barke of the Palme-tree; are whiter then the men, and seldome goe out of doores, but at home make Mats and Nets of the Palme-tree, and other House-hold ne∣cessaries. Some of the men weare Bonnets on their heads of Palme-tree. They colour their teeth red and blacke, which they esteeme a comely thing. Their food, is Cocos and Battatas, [ 20] Birds, Figges a handfull long, Sugar-Canes, flying Fishes, and other things. They anoynt their bodies and head with the Oyle of Cocus. Their Boats are some all blacke, some white, and some red, and haue Sayles made of the broad Leaues of Date-trees, sowed together. In the stead of a Rudder, they vse a certaine broad Boord, with a staffe in the top, and may when they will, make the Sterne the Fore-Castle, or the Fore-Castle the Sterne. They sayle so swiftly, that they seeme a farre off like Dolphins swimming aboue the Water. Their Houses are made of Timber, couered with Boords, and Leaues of Figge-tree, a yard long: They haue a Hall, Windowes, and Chambers. They haue Palme-Mats for Bed-furniture, and sleepe on Palme Leaues, which are soft. Their Weapons are Clubs or Poles, with a Horne head.

The tenth day of March, in the yeere 1521. they went aland vpon a little Iland,* 2.207 named [ 30] Zamal, thirtie Leagues distant from the Iland of Theeues. The next day hee went on shore on another Iland, not inhabited: they rested here a while, where the Captaine caused a Pauil∣lion to be pitched for the sicke and crazed men, and a Hogge to be killed. The Iland was called Humunu, and hath two cleare Springs, and Gold and white Corall, and many Fruit-trees. They gaue it the name of Good Signes.

The eighteenth day of March, they saw a Boat with nine men comming toward them, shewing themselues ioyfull, and reioycing of their comming. They brought many presents with them, and seemed to be people of much humanitie. They gaue the Captaine a great Fish, and a great Vessell of the Wine of those Date-trees, which beare the Fruit Cocus. They made also signes, that within the space of foure dayes they would bring Rice,* 2.208 and diuers Fowles and [ 40] Beasts, as they did indeed.

This Cocus is a Fruit of certaine Date-trees, whereof they make Bread, Wine, Oyle, and Vineger. They make Wine in this manner: They cut a bigge branch of the Tree,* 2.209 and hang thereat a Reede as bigge as a mans Legge, into the which droppeth a sweet Liquor from the Tree, like vnto white Wine, somewhat tart, and let the Reed continue there from Morning till Euening, and from Euening to Morning. The fruit of this Tree, called Cocus, is as bigge as the head of a man, or more. The first Rynde of this, is greene, and of the thicknesse of two fingers, hauing in it certaine Threds, whereof they make Cords, with the which they tye their Boats. Vnder this Rynde there is a thicke shell, which they burne and make powder thereof, and vse it as a remedie for certaine Diseases. Vnder this shell, is a white substance, like the [ 50] kernell of a Nut, being a finger in thicknesse, which they eate with Flesh and Fish, as wee doe Bread. It hath the taste of an Almond, and is vsed in the stead of Bread, when it is dryed. In the middest of this kernell, is a cleare and sweet Water, being very holesome and cordiall. This Water sometime congealeth, and lyeth within the shell like an Egge. When they in∣tend to make Oyle hereof, they lay it to putrifie in Water, and boyle it vntill it be like Oyle or liquid Butter. When they intend to make Vineger, they suffer onely the Water to putrifie, and then set it to the Sunne, where it becommeth Vineger, like vnto that which is made of white Wine. And when they mingle the kernell with the Water which is in the middest of the Fruit, and strayne it through a Cloth, they make a Milke thereof, like vnto Goates Milke. These Date-trees are like vnto them that beare Dates, but are not so full of knots. [ 60] With the iuice of two of these Date-trees, a whole family of tenne persons may be main∣tayned with Wine, vsing one eight dayes, and the other, other eight dayes; for they should else be dryed and wythered. These Trees: continue for the space of an hundred yeeres. This Iland, where they found this humane and gentle people, is called Zuluan,* 2.210 and is not very bigge.

They inuited the Generall to their Boats, in which were their Merchandize, viz. Cloues, Cinnamon, Ginger, Pepper, Nutmegs, Mace, Gold made in diuers things, which they carry to and fro with their Barkes. Hee had them also aboord the ship, and caused a peece of Orde∣nance to be shot off; which terrified them so, that they were ready to leape ouer-boord: but he appeased them, and gaue them gifts. The two and twentieth of March they brought Oran∣ges, and a Cocke, and Cocos, with Palme-Wine, in two Barkes. The men were naked, had two Gold Rings at their eares, and many Iewels fastened with Gold to their armes. With these Cocos they refreshed their sicke men. They told of people in neere Ilands, with eares downe to their armes. They had Daggers, Kniues, and Lances garnished with Gold.

* 2.211About this Iland they found many other Ilands, and therefore named this Sea Archipelago di San Lazaro, that is, the great Sea of Saint Lazarus, being tenne degrees aboue the Equi∣noctiall [ 10] toward our Pole, and a hundred threescore and one from the place from whence they departed. The people of this Iland are Gentiles. They goe naked, sauing that they couer their priuie parts with a Cloth made of the rynde of a certaine Tree. The chiefest men haue about their heads a silken Cloth of Needle-worke. They are grosse and broad set, and of the colour of an Oliue. They annoynt their bodies with the Oyle of Cocus, to defend them a∣gainst the heat of the Sunne,* 2.212 and drynesse of the Winde. The fiue and twentieth day of March they departed from hence, and directed their course betweene the West and South∣west, and sayled betweene foure Ilands, named Cenalo, Huinanghan, Hibusson, and Aba∣rien,* 2.213 &c.

* 2.214The eight and twentieth day of March they came to the Iland of Buthuan, where they [ 20] were honourably entertayned of the King and the Prince his sonne, who gaue them much Gold and Spices. The Captaine gaue the King a Vesture of red Cloth, and another of yellow, made after the Turkish fashion, and also a red Cap: and gaue likewise to other that came with him, certaine Knyues, Glasses, and Beades of Crystall. After that the Captaine had shewed the King the secrets of his ship, and such Merchandize as hee had therein, hee caused a piece of Ordenance suddenly to be shot off, whereat the King was greatly amazed, vntill the Captaine comforted him. Then the Captaine commanded one of his men to be armed from the head to the foot, and caused three other to strike him with their Swords: whereat the King mar∣uelled greatly, and said to the Interpretor (who was a slaue borne in Malacca) that one of those armed men was able to encounter with a hundred of his men. But hee maruelled much more, [ 30] when the Captaine told him by the Interpretor, how he found the Strait by the Compas and Load-stone, and how many dayes they were without sight of any Land. Then asking licence to depart, the Captaine sent two of his men with him, of the which, Antonie Pigafetta was one. When they came on Land, the King lifted his hands to the Skie, and after that, towards the two Christians: these did the like, and all the companie after them. The like ceremonie they vsed in drinking one to another. The Kings Pallace was like a Hay-house, couered with Palme and Fig-leaues, built on high Timbers aloft, that they mounted thereunto on Ladders. They sit at meat crosse-legged, like Taylors. They make Light in the Night with a gumme of a Tree, wrapped in leaues of Palme-tree. When the King saw Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many things, and afterward rehearsed them againe, he maruelled yet more, making [ 40] signes, that such men descended from Heauen. The King brought them first to his Pallace, where he entertayned them honorably, and gaue them many gifts, as did also the Prince in his Pallace,* 2.215 being in another Iland named Caleghan.

As they sifted a certaine Myne of Earth in the Kings Iland, they found pieces of Gold, some as bigge as Nuts, and other as bigge as Egges. All the Kings Vessels were of Gold, and his House well furnished.* 2.216 In all the whole Nation there was no man of comelyer personage then the King: Hee had his hayre long, downe to his shoulders, and very blacke, with a vaile of Silke rouled about his head,* 2.217 and two great Rings of Gold hanging at his eares. He had about his middle a Cloth wrought of Cotton and Silke, impaled with Gold, and reaching downe to his knees. On his one side, hee had a long Dagger with a Haft of Gold, and the sheathe of a [ 50] faire kinde of carued Wood. Hee had on euery finger three Rings of Gold, and had his body anoynted with Oyle of Storax and Beniamin. The naturall colour of his face was like vnto the colour of an Oliue; and all his body beside painted with diuers colours. The Kings name was Raia Colambu, and the Prince was called Raia Siagu. They easily vnderstood each other, by meanes of a slaue which they carryed with them, taken before at Sumatra. One man offe∣red for six threds of Crystall Beades a Crowne of massie Gold, with a Collar: but the Generall would not permit such bartering, that they should not perceiue more account to be made of their Gold by the one, then by the other of the Spanish Wares. The people are nimble, naked, painted. The Women goe clothed from the Waste downewards, with their long blacke hayre [ 60] hanging to the ground. They weare eare-rings of Gold in diuers formes. They alway are chew∣ing Arecca, a certaine Fruit like a Peare, cut in quarters, and rolled vp in leaues of a Tree called Bettre (or Vetele) like Bay leaues; which hauing chewed, they spit forth. It makes the mouth red. They say they doe it to comfort the heart, nor could liue without it.

The Captaine or Generall caused a Crosse to be brought forth, with Nayles, and a Crowne of Thornes, giuing commandement to all his men to giue reuerence thereunto, and signifying to the Kings, by the Interpreter, that that Banner was giuen him by the Emperour, his Lord and Master, with commandement to leaue the same in all places where hee came, to the great commoditie and profit of all such as would reuerendly receiue it, as an assured token of friend∣ship: and that hee would therefore leaue it there, as well to accomplish his Lords commande∣ment, as also, that if at any time any ships of Christians should chance to come that way, they might, by seeing that Crosse, perceiue that our men had beene well entertayned there, and would therefore not onely abstayne from doing them any hurt or displeasure, but also helpe to [ 10] ayde them against their enemies: And that therefore it should be requisite to erect that Crosse vpon the top of the highest Mountaine that might be seene from the Sea on euery side; also to pray vnto it reuerently: and that in so doing, they should not be hurt with Thunder, Lightning, and Tempests. When the Kings heard these words, they gaue the Captaine great thankes, promising gladly to obserue and fulfill all such things as he required. Then the Cap∣taine demanded, whether they were Mores or Gentiles? They answered,* 2.218 that they had none other kind of Religion, but that lifting vp their hands ioyned together, and their faces toward Heauen, they called vpon their God Abba. Which answere liked the Captaine very well, be∣cause the Gentiles are sooner perswaded to our Faith then the Mores.

Departing from hence, they came to the Ilands of Zeilon, Zubut, Messana, and Calaghan, [ 20] by the conduct of certaine Pilots of the said Kings. Of these, Zubut is the best,* 2.219 and hath the Trade of best Traffique. In the Iland of Messana they found Dogges, Cats, Hogges, Hennes, Goates, Ryse, Gynger, Cocus, Myll, Panicke, Barly, Figges, Oranges, Waxe, and Gold,* 2.220 in great quantitie. This Iland is aboue the Equinoctiall toward our Pole nine degrees, and two third parts, and a hundred threescore and two degrees from the place from whence they depar∣ted. They remayned in this Iland for the space of eight dayes, and then directed their Voyage toward the Northwest, and passed betweene these fiue Ilands, Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barba••, and Catighan. In this Iland of Catighan are certaine great Bats, as bigge as Eagles, of the which they tooke one: they are good to be eaten, and of taste much like a Henne.* 2.221 There are also Stock-doues, Turtle-doues, Popingayes, and certaine Fowles as bigge as Hennes: these [ 30] Fowles haue little hornes, and lay great egges, which they couer a cubit depth in the Sand, by the heat whereof, and vertue of the Sunne, they are hatched,* 2.222 and the young Birds creepe out of the Sand by themselues. From the Iland of Messana to Catighan, are twentie Leagues, say∣ling toward the West. And because the King of Messana could not follow the ships, they tar∣ryed for him about the Ilands of Polo, Ticobon, and Fozon, where the Captaine tooke him into his ship, with certaine of his principall men, and so followed their Voyage toward the Iland of Zubut, which is about fiftie Leagues distant from Catighan.

The seuenth day of Aprill, about Noone, they entred into the Port of Zubut:* 2.223 and passing by many Villages and Habitations in Trees, they came to the Citie, where the Captaine gaue commandement to the Mariners to strike their sayles, and to set themselues in order, in manner of Battell-ray, causing all the Ordenance to be shot off, wherewith all the people [ 40] were put in great feare. After this, the Captaine sent an Embassadour with the Interpreter to the King of Zubut.

When they approched neere to the Citie, they found the King with a great companie of men sore astonyed at the noyse of the Gunnes. But the Interpreter aduertised them, that it was the custome of our men, in all such places where they come, to discharge their Ordenance in token of friendship, and to honour the Lord of the Citie. With which words the King and his companie were well quieted. After this, the Interpreter declared, that his Master was the Captaine of the shippes of the greatest Prince in the World, and that they went to discouer the Ilands of Molucca: And further, that hearing of his good name and fame, by the report [ 50] of the King of Messana, they determined to visite him, and to haue Victuals for exchange of their Merchandize. The King answered, that he was well content therewith, and that they were heartily welcome: Neuerthelesse, that it was a custome in that place, that all such ships as entred into that Hauen, should pay tribute: And that there were not many dayes past, since a ship laden with Gold and Slaues, did so pay. In token whereof, hee caused to come before him certaine Merchants of that companie, which yet remayned with him.* 2.224 To this the Inter∣preter answered, That for as much as his Lord was the Captaine of so mightie a Prince, he ne∣uer payd tribute to any King in the World, and would not now begin: Willing him to take this for a resolute answere, That if hee would accept the Peace that was proffered him, hee should enioy it; and if hee rather desired Wa••re, hee should haue his hands full. When the [ 60] Interpreter had said these words, one of the said Merchants (who was a More) spake to the King in this manner, Catacaia Chita; that is, Take heede Sir: For these men are they that haue conquered Calecut, Malacha, and all the greater India, and are of such power, that if you entreat them otherwise then well, you may too late know what they are able to doe,* 2.225 more then they haue done at Calecut and Malacca. When the Interpreter heard these words, hee said,

That the King his Lord was of much greater puissance, and more Dominions, and Lord of more shippes then was the King of Portugall: declaring further, that hee was King of Spaine, and Emperour of all Christendome. Adding hereunto, that if hee would not be his friend, hee would hereafter send thither such a power of armed men as should destroy his Countrey. The More conferred all these words with the King, who said, That hee would further deliberate with his Councell, and giue them a full answere the day following. In the meane time he sent them certaine Victuals and Wine.

When all these things were declared to the King of Messana, who was the chiefest there∣about next vnto him, and Lord of many Ilands, hee went a Land, and repayred to the King of Zubut, and declared vnto him the great humanitie and courtesie of the generall Captaine. Shortly after, the Captaine sent certaine of his men with the Interpreter, to the King of Zu∣but, [ 10] to know his pleasure, and what answere hee would make them. As they went toward the Court, they met the King comming in the street, accompanyed with many of his chiefe men. Hee caused our men to sit downe by him, and demanded of them, if there were any more then one Captaine in their companie; and whether it were their request, that hee should pay tribute to the Emperour. They answered, that they desired none other thing, but that they might exercise Merchandize with them, and to barter Ware for Ware. The King made an∣swere,* 2.226 that he was well content therewith: willing the Captaine, in token of friendship, to send him a little bloud of his right arme; affirming, that he would doe the like.

After this, the King of Messana, with the King of Zubut his Nephew (who was the Prince) [ 20] and certaine other of his Gentlemen, came to the ships, and brought the Captaine many goodly presents. They entred into great amitie, and had large communication of many things. The Captaine perswaded them to the Christian Faith: which they gladly embraced, and tooke such pleasure in hearing the Articles of our Beleefe, that the teares fell from their eyes for ioy. They were baptized:* 2.227 and shortly after, all the people of the Iland. They esteeme nothing more precious, then drinking Glasses of Venice worke.

When they came to the Citie, they found the King in his Pallace, sitting vpon a Floore or Storie made of the Leaues of Date trees, wrought after a curious Deuice, like a certaine kinde of Mats.* 2.228 Hee had vpon his body none other Apparrell, but onely a Cloth of Bombasine Cot∣ton, hanging before his priuie parts. On his head hee had a Veyle of Needle-worke, and a∣bout [ 30] his necke a Chayne of great price. At his eares hung two Rings of Gold, wherein were inclosed many precious Stones. Hee was but of small stature, but somewhat grosse, and had the residue of his body painted with diuers colours, whereof some were like vnto flaming fire. Before him, hee had two Vessels made of the fine Earth called Porcellana, with sodden Egges. Also foure Vessels of Porcellana, full of Wine made of Date trees, and couered with many odo∣riferous Herbes.* 2.229 The Prince brought them to his House, where hee had foure Daughters, very well fauoured and white, like ours. Hee caused them to dance all naked, and therewith to sing, and play on certaine Tymbrels made of Metall. At this time it so chanced, that one of the Spaniards died in one of the shippes: and when certaine of their companie desired the King to giue them leaue to burie him on the Land; hee answered, That for as much as hee and all [ 40] his were at the commandement of their King and Master, how much more ought the ground so to bee? They greatly maruelled at the Ceremonies pertayning to the manner of our Fu∣nerals, and honoured the Crosses which were set at both the ends of the Graue. They liue with Iustice, and vse Weights and Measures. Their Houses are made of Timber and sawne Boords, and are so builded aboue the ground vpon Props and Pyles, that they ascend to the same by certaine stayres. Vnder their Houses, they keepe their Hogges, and Goats, and Hennes. They told of certaine goodly Water-Fowle as bigge as Crowes, called Laghan, which the Whales of those parts sometimes swallow downe, but so are themselues deuoured, the Fowle gnawing the heart of the Whale, and killing him; by the people found in the dead body, floting to Land, still liuing in the same. The flesh of this Fowle is delicate, but the skin [ 50] is blacke.

* 2.230When they came to bartering, they gaue Gold, Ryce, Hogges, Hennes, and diuers other things, for some of our trifles of small value. They gaue tenne Pesos of Gold for foureteene pounds weight of Iron.* 2.231 One Pesus is in value a Duckat and a halfe.

The Sunday following, the King was baptized with great solemnitie: at which time, the Captaine admonished him before, not to be afraid at the shooting off of the Ordenance, be∣cause it was their custome so to doe at such solemne Feasts. After this, the Captaine caused them to breake all their Idols,* 2.232 and to set vp the Crosse in diuers places, praying to the same both Morning and Euening, kneeling on their knees, and holding vp their hands ioyned toge∣ther. The King in his Baptisme was named Charles, after the Emperours name, and the [ 60] Prince Ferdinando, after the name of his Maiesties Brother. The King of Messana was named Iohn, and the More Christopher. To all other they gaue such names as are commonly vsed in Christendome.* 2.233 And thus before Masse was begun, were fiue hundred men baptized. When Masse was finished, the Captaine inuited the King to dyne with him in his shippe, and at his

comming, caused the Ordenance to be discharged. The Queene was also baptized, with fortie of her Gentlewomen, and her Daughter the Princes Wife.* 2.234 The Queene was very young and faire, hauing her body couered with a white Cloth. Her Lippes were red, and shee had on her head a Hat, on the top whereof was a triple Crowne, much like the Popes: this Crowne and the Hat were made of the Leaues of Date trees.

Within the space of eight dayes, the Inhabitants of the Iland were baptized, except one Village of Idolaters, who would not herein obey the Kings commandement. Whereupon the Captaine sent certaine of his men thither, who burnt the Towne, and erected a Crosse in that place, because the people of the Village were Gentiles (that is) Idolaters. But if they had been [ 10] Mores (that is, Machumetists) they would haue erected a Pillar of Stone, because the Mores are more stubborne and harder to be conuerted then are the Gentiles.

When the Queene came to the place where shee should heare Masse, shee came forth with great pompe and solemnitie, hauing going before her three young Damosels,* 2.235 and three men with their Cappes in their hands, whom shee followed apparrelled in white and blacke, with a great Veyle of Silke vpon her head, fringed about with Gold, which couered her Hat, and hung downe to her shoulders: shee had also a great trayne of Women following her, being all bare-footed and naked, except that vpon their heads and priuie parts, they wore certaine Veyles of Silke, and had their hayre spred.

Before the King of Zubut was baptized, hee was named Raia Humabuon. When the Cap∣taine [ 20] demanded of him, Why all the Idols in the Iland were not burnt, according to his pro∣mise? hee answered, That they esteemed them no more as Gods, but onely made sacrifice to them for the Princes Brother, who was very sicke, and as noble and wittie a man as was in the Iland. The Captaine answered, That if hee would burne all his Idols, and beleeue faithfully in Christ, and be baptized, hee should be immediately restored to health, and that he would else giue them leaue to strike off his head. By these words and perswasions of the Captaine, he con∣ceiued such hope of health, that after he was baptized, he felt no more griefe of his disease. And this was a manifest Miracle wrought in our time, wh••reby diuers Infidels were conuerted to our Faith, and their Idols destroyed, and also their Altars ouerthrowne, on the which they were accustomed to eate the sacrificed flesh. The people of the Iland pay the King a portion of Vic∣tuals [ 30] for their tribute, by all their Cities and Villages.

Not farre from this Iland of Zubut, is the Iland of Mathan,* 2.236 whose Inhabitants vse marue∣lous Ceremonies in their sacrifices to the Sunne, and in burying the dead. Before their Swine-sacrifice, they ring certaine Bells: then bring three Platters; in two of which, are Vyands of Rice and Honey boyled, rouled vp in Leaues, and rosted Fishes; in the other, is a Linnen Cloth, with two Fillets or strings, which is spred on the Earth. Then come two old Women, each with a Reed-Trumpet in hand. These mount vpon the Cloth, and hauing worshipped the Sunne, couer themselues with the Cloth. One of them applyes one of the strings or Fillets with two hornes, to her for-head, holding the other in her hand, and thus sounding and dan∣cing, calleth on the Sunne. The other followeth: both praying, sounding, and dancing round [ 40] about the Hogge, tyed in the midst. The horned Beldame mumbleth to the Sunne, the other answering: Then a Cup of Wine is brought, and making semblance to drinke, after diuers mutuall mumblings, shee powreth it on the Hogge. After which, this horned Mother hath a Lance brought her: with which, after a deale of masking and mumming Ceremonie, shee kills him. All this while a Light is burning, and now is put into the mouth of the Swine. The other Beldam washeth the Head of the Trumpe in the bloud, and with her finger imbrued with bloud, first signeth her Husbands for-head, and after, other mens. Which done, they both dis∣robe themselues, and eate the Vyands in the other Dishes, onely Women communicating with them. They sindge the Hogge: the flesh they may not eate, till it be thus consecrated by those Witches. They goe naked, except a little Cloth before their priuities. The Males▪ great and [ 50] small, make a hole thorow the skin, neere the head of the Yard, and therein a Gold Ring is put, as bigge as a Goose-quill. They take as many Wiues as they will, but one is principall. When a man of s••rt dyes, the principall Women goe to his House, and set Boughes in Cords, fastned about the Corps, in euery Bough a piece of Cotton, so that the place is like a Tent. Herein they sit, arrayed in white Cotton, each hauing a Girdle, with a Fanne of Palme tree, to cause winde. One comes after with a Knife, which cuts off by little and little the hayre of the deceased. After which, his principall Wife lyeth vpon him, applying her Lippes to his, her Hands to his Hands, and her Feet to his. When the one cutteth, this other laments; when shee ceaseth to cut, this sings. About the Chamber, are Porcellane Dishes with fire, on which they burne Myrrhe, Storax, and other Sweets. This Ceremonie lasts fiue dayes. All which time, at Mid∣night [ 60] (they say) there comes as it were a Rauen, which lights on the House, and cryes; the Dogs with howling, holding with the Rauens crying, al lacke Sanctus for fiue houres each Night. After all this, they enclose the Corps in a House closed round with Wood.

The Iland is gouerned by two Princes, whereof the one is named Zula, and the other Cilapulapu. And whereas this Cilapulapu refused to pay tribute to the King of Spaine, the

Captaine went against him in his owne person with threescore of his men, armed with Coats of Mayle and Helmets. Cilapulapu diuided his Army into three Battels, hauing in euery Bat∣tell two thousand and fiftie men, with armed Bowes, Arrowes, Darts, and Iauelins, hardened at the points with fire. This continued long, and sharpe. But the Captaine being a valiant man, and preasing himselfe in the brunt of the Battell, was sore wounded with a venomed Ar∣row, and after, with a Lance of Cane thrust in his face, slaine, for as much as the most of the Barbarians directed all their force against him.* 2.237 Beside the Captaine, were slaine of our men a∣bout eight or nine: Of the Barbarians, were fifteene slaine, and many sore wounded. After the death of the Captaine, they chose two other in his place; of the which, one was Odoardo Barbosa, a Portugall, and the other, Iohn Serrano, who was shortly after betrayed by the In∣terpreter, and taken prisoner with diuers other. The Enemies would not permit Magalianes [ 10] Body to be ransomed at any price.

Certaine dayes before the Captaines death, they had knowledge of the Ilands of Molucca, which they chiefely sought. Departing therefore from the Iland of Mathan, they sayled farre, and came to the Cape of another Iland,* 2.238 named Bohol. In the midst of this maine Sea (which they named Archipelagus) they consulted to burne the ship named Conception, because they were now few in number, and to furnish the other two ships with the Artillerie thereof. Thus directing their course toward Southwest, they came to another Iland named Pauiloghon, where they found blacke men.

Shortly after, they arriued at another great Iland, whose King, named Raia Calauar, en∣treated them very friendly in all things, as did the King of Messana. This Iland is rich in [ 20] Gold, and hath plentie of Rice, Ginger, Hogges, Goats, Hennes, and diuers other things. It is named Chippit,* 2.239 and is eight degrees aboue the Equinoctiall Line toward our Pole, and in lon∣gitude from the place from whence they first departed, an hundred and seuentie degrees, and about fiftie Leagues from Zubut.

The King, in token of peace, drew bloud of his left hand, and therewith anoynted his body, face, and the top of his tongue. The like was done by the Spaniards. Pigafetta was entertayned by the King and his two Wiues with deepe Carowses; which hee refused to pledge, excusing, that hee had supped. Here hee saw much Gold, but small prouision of Victuall.

* 2.240Departing from hence, they came to another Iland, named Caghaian, being fortie Leagues [ 30] from Chippit, as they sayled betweene the West and Southwest. This Iland is very great, and in manner vnhabited. The people are Mores, and were banished out of the Iland of Bur∣nei, which some call Porne. They vse poysoned Arrowes, and haue store of Gold.

From this Iland, about fiue and twentie Leagues betweene the West and Northwest, they found a maruellous fruitfull Iland,* 2.241 named Pulaoan, being toward our Pole aboue the Equinoc∣tiall nine degrees, and a third part, and an hundred seuentie and nine degrees, and a third part, in longitude from the place of their departing. In it is store of Rice, Ginger, Hogges and Goats, Hennes, Figges halfe a yard long, as bigge as a mans arme, very good, and others of les∣ser kindes; Cocos, Battatos, Sugar Canes, and a kind of pleasant Rootes. The King in token [ 40] of friendship wounded his Brest with a Knife, touching with the bloud his Tongue and For∣head; and the Spaniards did likewise. The people goe naked, vse poysoned Arrowes, haue great Cocks, which they vse in Cock-fightings, but not for food, by reason of a reasonlesse su∣perstition. They haue Wine of Rice, better then that of the Palme-tree, easily causing Drun∣kennesse.

* 2.242From this Iland, ten Leagues toward the Southwest, they saw another Iland, which see∣med to them sometimes to mount, as they sayled by the Coasts thereof. As they were entring into the Port, there arose a boystrous and darke Tempest, which ceased as soone as the Fires of the three Saints (whereof we haue spoken before) appeared vpon the Cables. From the be∣ginning of this Iland to the Port, are fiue Leagues. This Iland is great and rich, and the chiefe [ 50] Citie thereof contayneth fiue and twentie thousand Houses. The King entertayned our men very friendly,* 2.243 and sent them, beside many other presents, two Elephants, trapped with Silke, to bring them to his Pallace,* 2.244 that brought the presents which the Captaines sent him. Hee hath a magnificent Court, and a great Guard, also, a multitude of Concubines. Hee is a More, and is named Raia Siripada. Hee is a King of great power, and hath vnder him many other Kings, Ilands, and Cities. This Iland of Burnei is aboue the Equinoctiall, toward our Pole, fiue degrees and a quarter, and in longitude from the place of their departing, an hundred se∣uentie six degrees, and two third parts. They vse here Betele and Arec••a, and Rice-Wine, called Arach. Their reuerence to the King, is three times to hold the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 closed ouer the head, then to lift vp the feet one after the other, and lastly, to kisse their hands. The King hath ten [ 60] Scribes, or Secretaries, which write his affaires in Barkes of Trees. His household was all or∣dered by Women, and the chiefe mens Daughters.

On the nine and twentieth of Iuly they were assaulted by an hundred Prawes and Iunkes, of which, they tooke foure; in one of which, was the sonne of the King of Lozon, Captaine

generall to the King of Borneo, who now was returned from the sacke of Lao, a great Citie in the Iland towards Iava: For the Ethnikes, or Natiues, and the Mores of this Iland are in fierce Warres against each other. And had not the Pilot for a bribe let this man escape closely, hee had beene worth much to them in ransome. This King of Borneo had two Pearles, as it were Henne Egges, and so round, that on a plaine Table they would not stand firmely. In this Iland growes Camphir, which is the gumme of the Tree Capar, and Cinnamon, Ginger, Mirabolans, Oranges, Limons, Sugar, Cucumers, Melons, Swine, Goates, Hennes, Deere, Elephants, Horse, &c.

Departing from Burnei, they came to an Iland called Cimbubon,* 2.245 being eight degrees seuen [ 10] minutes aboue the Equinoctiall Line. Here they remayned fortie dayes, to calke their shippes, and furnish them with fresh Water and Fuell, which was to them great paine and trauell, be∣cause they were in manner all bare-footed, their shooes (and in manner their other Apparrell) being worne, by reason of the long Voyage. In the Woods of this Iland they found a Tree, whose Leaues as soone as they fall on the ground, doe stirre and remoue from place to place,* 2.246 as though they were aliue: they are much like the Leaues of a Mulberry Tree, and haue on euery side as it were two short and blunt feet. When they are cut or broken, there is no bloud seene come forth of them: Yet when any of them are touched, they suddenly moue, and start a∣way. Antonie Pigafetta kept one of them in a Platter for the space of eight dayes, and euer when he touched it, it ranne round about the Platter. Hee supposeth, that they liue onely by [ 20] ayre. Here were Crocodiles, and wild Hogges, and Ostriches. They tooke also a Fish, headed like a Swine, with two hornes, the rest of the body all of one bone, and as it were a saddle on the backe.

Departing from hence, they directed their course by the West quarter toward the South-east, to find the Ilands of Molucca, and sayled not farre from certaine Mountaines, where they found the Sea full of great Weedes and Herbes.* 2.247

From hence, they came to the Ilands of Zolo and Taghima, in the which are found Pearles of exceeding bignesse. The King of Borneo had his two Pearles from hence,* 2.248 captiuing the King his father in Law, and making him pay them for ransome.

Following their course toward the North-east, they came to a great Citie named Mangdan∣do, [ 30] lying aboue the Ilands of Buthuan and Calaghan, where they tooke a Canoa of certaine of the Inhabitants: by whom being informed of the Ilands of Molucca, they left their course toward the North-east, and followed the South-east, neere vnto a Cape of the Iland of Bu∣thuan. They were aduertised for certaintie, that on the bankes of a certaine Riuer, there dwelt men, called Benaian, ouer-growne with hayre, which killed men,* 2.249 and did eat their hearts raw, with the iuice of Oranges and Limons. They are tall and strong, vse Bowes and Swords of Wood. In these Ilands growes the best Cinnamon, whereof they had seuen and twentie pound in exchange for two Kniues. Here is the great Citie Mangdando. Being in six de∣grees, seuen minutes, they made their way South-east, and encountred foure Ilands, Ciboco, Biramboia, Sarangani, Candingar.

[ 40] A great Tempest here assayled them the foure and twentieth of October: but after their prayers, the three Lights appeared on their shrowds, whereupon the darknesse ceased, if a worse did not remayne. For they hereupon vowed to set free a slaue in honour of the three Saints, S. Helena, S. Nicholas, and S. Clare. How much more tolerable is that Ethnike adoration of the Sunne and Starres, then this of inferior Meteors, if it may any way be tolerable to giue the glory of God to a Creature?

After the Tempest, they came to harbour in the Ile Sarangani, where they heard was Gold and Pearles. Here they tooke by force two Pilots for the Molucca's. They passed eight Ilands, some inhabited, some not; their names were Ceana, Canida, Cabiaio, Camuca, Cabalu, Chiai, Lipan, Nuzza; and then came to a faire Iland, called Sanghir, in three degrees and a halfe, [ 50] where were foure Gentile Kings. They passed fiue other Ilands, and then espyed foure others, which their Pilot said were the Molucca's. This was the sixt day of Nouember, and the seuen and twentieth moneth after their departure out of Spaine. Being therefore ioyfull, and giuing thankes vnto God, they discharged all their Ordenance. In the Coast of all these Ilands, euen vnto the Ilands of Molucca, sounding with their Plummet,* 2.250 they found the depth of the Sea to be no lesse then a hundred and two yards, which is contrary to the saying of the Portugals; who affirme, That no ship can passe that way without great danger,* 2.251 by reason of the shallow∣nesse, and Rockes or Shelues, and for the darkenesse which the Clouds cause in the Heauen. All which things they fayned, to the intent that none other should haue knowledge of their Voyages.

[ 60] The eight day of Nouember, in the yeere 1521. before the rising of the Sunne, they entred into the Port of the Iland of Tidore, being one of the chiefe Ilands of Molucca,* 2.252 where they were honourably entertayned of the King: who declared, that hee had long before dreamed, that certaine ships should come from a farre Countrey, to the Ilands of Molucca: And that whereas, for the better certificate thereof, hee considered the stations of the Moone,* 2.253 hee saw

therein the comming of our ships, and that wee were the men whom hee seemed to see in the same. Whereupon hee proffered himselfe to enter into league of friendship with the King of Spaine, and to accept our men as his Brethren and Children, willing them to come aland, as into their owne Houses. Also, that for their comming, that Iland should no more be called Ti∣dore, but Castile, for the great loue which he bore to their King, whom he reputed as his Lord and Master. This King is a More, and is named Raia Sultan Mauzor. He sware vpon the Al∣coran (laying it three or foure times on his head, and saying certaine words) to be friend to the King of Spaine.

* 2.254The Ilands of Molucca are fiue in number, and are thus named: Tarenate, Tidore, Mutir, Macchian, and Bacchian. Of these, Tarenate is the chiefest; and the King thereof, was some∣time [ 10] Lord of them all. Mutir and Macchian were now gouerned of the people. Bacchian had a King. The Cloue-trees are as bigge as a man about, tall; the Boughes large in the midst, and pointed at the top; the Leaues, as of Bay-trees; the Barke, of Oliue colour. The Cloues grow ten and twentie together, in the tops of the Boughes; first white, red at ripenesse, black by the drying. They gather them twice a yeere, in Iune and December. The Leafe, Barke, and Wood being greene, is as strong as the Cloue. If they take them not in their time, they grow great and hard. Euery man hath his owne Trees, and bestowes little Husbandry on them. The Women are brutish, and goe naked, saue that before their priuities they haue a couering made of a Tree, which being steeped in water, is beaten into as large a forme as they will, euen to the thinnesse of Silke. [ 20]

* 2.255Directly against the Iland of Tidore, there is another great Iland, named Gilolo, inhabited of Mores and Gentiles. The Mores haue two Kings; of the which, one hath six hundred children, and the other six hundred and fiftie. The Gentiles keepe not so many Women as doe the Mores, nor yet liue in such superstitions. They pray to the first thing that they meete in the Morning, when they goe forth of their Houses, and honour that as their God for that day.* 2.256 The King of the Gentiles is very rich in Gold. In the said Iland of Gilolo are Reedes as bigge as a mans legge, and full of cleare water, holesome to be drunke.

The twelfth day of Nouember, the King of Tidore appointed our men a Ware-house in the Citie,* 2.257 where they might sell their Marchandise. Their manner of exchange was in this sort: For ten yards of good red Cloth, they had one Bahar of Cloues, which amounteth to foure [ 30] Cantari, and six pound weight; and one Cantar is a hundred pound weight. For fifteene yards of Cloth, somewhat worse then the other, they receiued in Cambie, one Bahar. For fiue and thirtie drinking Cuppes of Glasse, they had one Bahar. For seuenteene Cathyls of Quick-siluer, one Bahar. They came dayly to the shippes, with many of their Barkes full of Goats, Hennes, Figges of a span long, also the Fruit called Cocus, with diuers other kindes of Victuals, in such quantitie, that it was a maruellous thing to behold. They furnished also their ships with fresh Water,* 2.258 which is hot as it issueth out of the Spring, but is very cold when it hath stood a while in another place. It springeth from the Mountaines, on the which the Cloue-trees grow. They saw a Cloud rise in manner daily, which compasseth about the said Mountaines of Cloue-trees. There were some Nutmeg-trees also. [ 40]

* 2.259The King of the Iland of Bacchian sent the King of Spaine two dead Birds, of strange forme: They were of the bignesse of Turtle-Doues, with little heads and long bylls; also long and small legges, and no wings, but in the stead thereof, certaine long feathers of diuers colours, and tayles like Turtle-Doues; all the other feathers are of one colour, much like vnto Tawny, except those of the wings: they flye not, but when the winde bloweth. These Mores are of opinion, that these Birds come from the heauenly Paradise, and therefore call them Manucco∣diata, that is, the Birds of God.

When they were determined to depart from the Ilands of Molucca, certaine Kings of the Ilands accompanied them with their Canoas, and conducted them to an Iland called Mare, where they refreshed their shippes with fresh Water and Fuell. The Kings sent the Emperors [ 50] Maiestie many presents; and embracing our men, departed with the teares in their eyes: and our men, for their last farewell, shot off all their Ordenance.

* 2.260In the Iland of Mare they perceiued, that one of their shippes leaked and tooke water very sore, whereby they were enforced to tarry there three dayes: but seeing that they could finde no remedie for the same, but in long time, they determined to leaue it; giuing or∣der, that if afterward it could bee repayred, they should returne into Spaine as well as they could.

* 2.261In all the Ilands of Molucca, is found Cloues, Ginger, Bread of the branches or inner parts of Sagu, Rice, Goats, Sheepe, Hennes, Figges, Almonds, sweet Pomegranats and sowre, Oranges, Limons,* 2.262 and Honey, which is made of certaine Flyes lesse then Ants: Also Canes of Sugar, [ 60] Oyle of Cocus, Melons, Gourds, and a maruellous cold Fruit, which they name Camulicai, and diuers other Fruits.* 2.263 Furthermore, white and red Popingayes, and other of variable colours. It is not past fiftie yeeres since the Mores first inhabited any of these Ilands, which were before inhabited onely with Gentiles.

The Iland of Tidore is aboue the Equinoctiall Line toward our Pole,* 2.264 about seuen and twen∣tie minutes, and in longitude from the place from whence they departed, a hundred seuentie one degrees, and from the Archipelagus, in the which is the Iland of Zamal, which our men named the Iland of Theeues, nine degrees and a halfe, and runneth to the quarter of South South-west, and North North-east. Terenate is vnder the Equinoctiall Line foure minutes,* 2.265 vnder the Pole Antartike. Mutir is directly vnder the Equinoctiall Line. Macchian is fifteene minutes toward the Pole Antartike: and Bacchian, one degree. These Ilands are like foure sharpe Mountaines, except Macchian, which is not sharpe. The biggest of all these, is Bac∣chian.

[ 10] Departing from the Iland of Mare, and directing their course toward the South-west, with onely six and fortie men in their ship, and thirteene Indians,* 2.266 they passed by the Ilands of Cha∣couan, Lagoma, Sico, Gioghi, Caphi, Sulacho, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambon, Budia, Ce∣laruri, Benaia, Ambalao, Bandon, Zorobua, Zolot, Noceuamor, Galian, and Mallua,* 2.267 with di∣uers other Ilands both great and small, of Mores, Gentiles, and Canibals. Our men remayned fifteene dayes in the Iland of Mallua, to repayre their shippe in certaine places where it tooke water. All the fields of this Iland are full of long and round Pepper,* 2.268 and is situate toward the Pole Antartike, vnder the Equinoctiall Line, eight degrees and a halfe, and is in the longitude of a hundred sixtie nine degrees, and fortie minutes. The people are Men-eaters. The Wo∣men vse Bowes and Arrowes. The Men weare their Hayre and Beards in Canes. There [ 20] growes much Pepper, both long and round, with Leaues like Mulberry, and climbing, like to Iuie.

The Pilot which our men brought out of the Ilands of Molucca, told them,* 2.269 That not farre from thence was an Iland named Arucetto, in the which are Men and Women not past a Cubit in height, hauing eares of such bignesse, that they lye vpon one, and couer them with the other. But our men would not sayle thither, both because the Winde and course of the Sea was against them, and also for that they gaue no credit to his report.

The fiue and twentieth day of Ianuary, in the yeere 1522. they departed from Mallua, and the day following arriued at a great Iland named Timor, being fiue Leagues distant from Mal∣lua, betweene the South and South-west. In this Iland is found the Wood of white Saun∣ders, [ 30] and Ginger, and diuers kindes of Fruits. Also sundry kindes of Beasts, and plentie of Victuall and Gold. They of the Ilands of Giaua, Molucca, and Lozon, resort to this Iland for Saunders. The Inhabitants are Gentiles. They say, that when they goe to cut the Wood of Saunders, the Deuill appeareth to them in diuers formes, and asketh them what they haue neede of: And that after this Vision, many of them are long sicke. In all the Ilands of this Archipelagus, reigneth the Disease of Saint Iob (which we call the French Poxe) more then in any other place in the World. This Iland stands in ten degrees Antartike, and a hundred seuentie foure in longitude.

Farre from this Iland, betweene the West and North-west, they came to an Iland named Eude, in the which groweth great plentie of Cinnamome. In this Tract are found many [ 40] Ilands, lying in order (as it were) one directly behinde another,* 2.270 euen vnto the Iland of the greater Giaua, named Giaua maior, and vnto the Cape of Malacha, being in East India.* 2.271 Giaua the lesse is as bigge as the Iland of Madera, and is but halfe a League distant from Giaua maior.

The eleuenth day of February, in the yeere 1522. they departed from the Iland of Timor, and were ingulfed by chance in the great Sea called Lantchidol,* 2.272 and tooke their course betweene the West and South-west, leauing the North Coasts on their right hand, fearing lest if they should sayle toward the firme Land, they might be seene of the Portugals, who are of great power in Malacha: and therefore directed their course without the Iland of Sumatra,* 2.273 called in old time Taprobana. And more safely to passe the Cape of Buona Speranza, being aboue A∣frike, [ 50] they sayled about two and fortie degrees toward the Pole Antartike, and remayned seuen weekes about that Cape, with many fetches compassing the Winde, with their sayles continu∣ally aloft, because they had a West and North-west Winde in the prow of their shippe, which would not suffer them to passe. The Cape of Buona Speranza is toward the Pole Antartike, beneath the Equinoctiall Line, foure and thirtie degrees and a halfe, and a thousand six hundred Leagues from the Cape of Malacha, and is the greatest and most dangerous Cape that is found at this day in all the World.

When they had by these perils ouer-passed this Cape, certaine of them, as well for lacke of Victuals, as also by reason of Sicknesse, were minded to sayle to a Hauen of the Portugals, na∣med Mozambique, aboue Afrike: But the other answered, That they would rather die,* 2.274 then [ 60] goe to any other place then directly to Spaine. They followed their course therefore, sayling toward the South-west two moneths continually, without touching at any Port, in which time there died about one and twentie of their companie, whom they cast into the Sea. And surely, if God of his infinite mercie had not preserued the residue in time, they had all died of famine.

In fine, being enforced of necessitie, and halfe of their companie dead, they sayled to one of the Ilands of Capo Verde, called Insula Sancti Iacobi, that is, Saint Iames Iland, pertayning to the King of Portugall. Where, as soone as they arriued, they sent certaine a-land in the ship-boat for Victuals, declaring to the Portugals with all loue and fauour, what necessitie they were driuen to, and what miseries and trauailes they had sustayned: informing them further∣more of their maruellous Voyage, and such things as they had seene in both the East and West India, with such other gentle words, whereby they obtayned certaine Measures of Rice. But when afterward thirteene of them returned for more Rice, they were detayned. Whereupon the rest which remayned in the shippe, fearing the like chance, departed with full sayles, and the seuenth day of September,* 2.275 with the helpe of God, entred into the Hauen of San Lucar, [ 10] neere vnto Siuile: where discharging all their Ordenance for ioy, they went immediately to the great Church, in their shirts, and bare-footed, with a Torch before them, to giue thankes to Almightie God, who had brought them safe to their owne Countrey, and restored them to their Wiues and Children.

Of this shippe San Victoria, which returned, and had first discouered the Straits, they were called the Straits of Victoria, which name passed after to Magalianes himselfe.

* 2.276The other shippe, which they left behind them to be repayred, returned afterward by the Archipelagus aforesaid, and by the great Sea, to the Coasts of the firme of the West India, and arriued at a Region of the same, being against Dariena, where the South Sea of Sur is separate but by a little space of Land from the West Ocean, in the which are the Ilands of Hispaniola [ 20] and Cuba, and other Ilands of the Spaniards.

The Portugals tooke the Trinitie, and the Castilians in Tidore, and ouerthrew their Facto∣rie. They built also, by leaue, a Port in Ternate, and established a Factorie for themselues, in∣denting, that they alone should haue the Cloues sold to them. Iohn Sebastian Cano, which brought home the shippe Victoria into Spaine, was well rewarded by the Emperor. But much strife hereby grew betwixt Spaine and Portugall, each challenging the Molucca's to his owne diuision. Cosmographers were in fine appointed to define the Controuersie, with Pilots and Iudges on both sides deputed: and after much menaces, and ••rabbles, and delayes, the Portu∣gals Trade being great, and loth to lose such a morsell, tooke the aduantage of the Emperours marriage to the Lady Isabel, sister to King Iohn of Portugall: which hauing vse of money, [ 30] empawned the Ilands and Trade of Spicerie (going then into Italy to be crowned, Anno 1529.) to the said King for three hundred and fiftie thousand Duckats, without terme limitted. In the yeere 1548. Cortes offered to repay that money for six yeeres profits of that Trade, and to leaue the same after that to the Crowne: But the Emperour would not admit it. And so it continued, till the Crowne of Portugall it selfe was annexed to the Castilian.

Before also, some had attempted this discouerie our of New Spaine by the South Sea: but vnluckily, as by the relation of Ivan Gaetan, a Castilian Pilot, * 2.277 appeareth: Who set sayle from the Port of Natiuitie, in twentie degrees, 1542. and came to the Molucca's, where the King of Tidore gaue them kinde entertainment, but their weake shippe forced them to agree with the Spaniards. This Sea is yeerely nauigated by the Spaniards to the Philippina's, which [ 40] now also concurre with the Molucca's.

CHAP. III. The second Circum-Nauigation of the Earth: Or the renowmed Voyage of Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, the first Generall which euer sayled about the whole Globe, begun in the yeere of our Lord, 1577. heretofore published by M. R. HACKLVYT, and now reuiewed and corrected. [ 50]

THE fifteenth day of Nouember, in the yeere of our Lord 1577. M. Francis Drake with a Fleet of fiue Ships and Barkes, and to the number of a hundred sixtie foure men, Gentlemen and Saylers, departed from Plimmouth, giuing out his pretended Voyage for Alexandria: but the Wind falling contrary, hee was forced the next morning to put into Falmouth Hauen in Cornewall, where such and so terrible a Tempest tooke vs, as few men haue seen the like, and was indeed so vehe∣ment, that all our ships, were like to haue gone to wracke: but it pleased God to preserue vs from that extremitie, and to afflict vs onely for that present with these two particulars; The Mast of our Admirall, which was the Pellican, was cut ouer-boord, for the safegard of the ship, [ 60] and the Marigold was driuen ashore, and somewhat bruised. For the repayring of which dam∣mages, wee returned againe to Plimmouth: and hauing recouered those harmes, and brought the ships againe to good state, wee set forth the second time from Plimmouth, and set sayle the thirteenth day of December following.

The fiue and twentieth day of the same moneth, wee fell with the Cape Cantin, vpon the Coast of Barbarie: and coasting along, the seuen and twentieth day wee found an Iland called Mogador, lying one mile distant from the maine; betweene which Iland and the maine,* 2.278 wee found a very good and safe harbour for our shippes to ride in, as also very good entrance, and void of any danger. On this Iland our Generall erected a Pinnace, whereof he brought out of Eng∣land with him foure ready framed.

While these things were in doing, there came to the Waters side some of the inhabitants of the Countrey, shewing forth their Flags of Truce: which being seene of our Generall, hee sent his shippe-boat to the shore, to know what they would. They being willing to come aboord, [ 10] our men left there one man of our companie for a pledge, and brought two of theirs aboord our shippe, which by signes shewed our Generall, that the next day they would bring some prouisi∣on, as Sheepe, Capons, and Hennes, and such like: whereupon our Generall bestowed amongst them some Linnen Cloth, and Shooes, and a Iauelin, which they very ioyfully receiued, and de∣parted for that time. The next morning they fayled not to come againe to the Waters side, and our Generall againe setting out our Boat, one of our men leaping ouer-rashly ashore, and offering friendly to embrace them, they layd violent hands on him, offering a Dagger to his Throat, if he had made any resistance, and so laying him on a Horse, carryed him away: So that a man cannot be too circumspect and warie of himselfe, amongst such Miscreants.

Our Pinnace being finished,* 2.279 wee departed from this place the thirtieth and last day of De∣cember: [ 20] and coasting along the shore, wee did descrie, not contrary to our expectation, certaine Canters, which were Spanish Fisher-men; to whom wee gaue chase, and tooke three of them: and proceeding further, we met with three Carauels, and tooke them also.

The seuenteenth day of Ianuary we arriued at Cape Blanco, where we found a shippe riding at anchor, within the Cape, and but two simple Mariners in her: which shippe we tooke, and carryed her further into the Harbour, where we remayned foure dayes; and in that space our Generall mustered, and trayned his men on Land, in warlike manner, to make them fit for all occasions. In this place we tooke of the Fisher-men such necessaries as we wanted, and they could yeeld vs; and leauing here one of our little Barkes, called the Benedict, wee tooke with vs one of theirs, which they called Canters, being of the Burthen of fortie Tunnes, or there∣abouts.

[ 30]

All these things being finished, wee departed this Harbour the two and twentieth of Ianu∣ary, carrying along with vs one of the Portugall Carauels, which was bound to the Ilands of Cape Verde for Salt, whereof good store is made in one of those Ilands.

The Master or Pilot of that Carauell did aduertise our Generall, That vpon one of those Ilands, called Mayo, there was great store of dryed Cabritos, which a few Inhabitants,* 2.280 there dwelling, did yeerely make ready for such of the Kings ships as did there touch, being bound for his Countrey of Brasile, or elsewhere. Wee fell with this Iland the seuen and twentieth of Ianuary: but the Inhabitants would in no case traffique with vs, being thereof forbidden by the Kings Edict. Yet the next day our Generall sent to view the Iland, and the likely hoods [ 40] that might be there of prouision of Victuals, about threescore and two men, vnder the conduct and gouernment of Master Winter and Master Doughtie: and marching towards the chiefe place of habitation in this Iland (as by the Portugall wee were informed) hauing trauelled to the Mountaines the space of three miles, and arriuing there somewhat before the day breake, we rested our selues, to see day before vs; which appearing, wee found the Inhabitants to be fled: but the place, by reason that it was manured, we found to be more fruitfull then the other part, especially the Valleyes among the Hills.

Here we gaue our selues a little refreshing, as by very ripe and sweet Grapes, which the fruit∣fulnesse of the Earth at that season of the yeere yeelded vs:* 2.281 and that season being with vs the depth of Winter, it may seeme strange that those Fruits were then there growing: but the [ 50] reason thereof is this, because they being betweene the Tropique and the Equinoctiall, the Sunne passeth twice in the yeere through their Zenith, ouer their heads, by meanes whereof, they haue two Summers; and being so neere the heat of the Line, they neuer lose the heat of the Sunne so much, but the Fruits haue their encrease and continuance in the midst of Winter. The Iland is wonderfully stored with Goats and wild Hennes, and it hath Salt also without labour, saue onely that the people gather it into heapes, which continually in great quantitie is encreased vpon the Sands, by the flowing of the Sea, and the heat of the Sunne kerning the same; so that of the encrease thereof, they keepe a continuall Traffique with their Neighbours.

Amongst other things, we found here a kind of Fruit called Cocos; which, because it is not commonly knowne with vs in England, I thought good to make some description of it.* 2.282 The [ 60] Tree beareth no Leaues nor Branches, but at the very top the Fruit groweth in clusters, hard at the top of the stemme of the Tree, as big euery seuerall Fruit as a mans head: but hauing taken off the vttermost Barke, which you shall find to be very full of strings or sinewes, as I may terme them, you shall come to a hard shell, which may hold of quantitie in Liquor a Pint com∣monly,

or some a Quart, and some lesse: within that shell, of the thicknesse of halfe an ynch good, you shall haue a kind of hard substance, and very white, no lesse good and sweet then Al∣monds; within that againe a certaine cleare Liquor, which being drunke, you shall not onely find it very delicate and sweet, but most comfortable and cordiall.

After wee had satisfied our selues with some of these Fruits, wee marched further into the Island, and saw great store of * 2.283 Cabritos aliue, which were so chased by the inhabitants, that wee could doe no good towards our prouision: but they had layd out (as it were) to stop our mouthes withall, certaine old dryed Cabritos, which being but ill, and small, and few, wee made no account of.

Being returned to our shippes, our Generall departed hence the one and thirtieth of this moneth,* 2.284 and sayled by the Iland of Saint Iago, but farre enough from the danger of the inha∣bitants, [ 10] who shot and discharged at vs three Peeces, but they all fell short of vs, and did vs no harme. The Iland is faire and large, and as it seemeth, rich and fruitfull, and inhabited by the Portugals: but the Mountaines and high places of the Iland are said to bee possessed by the Mores; who hauing beene slaues to the Portugals, to ease themselues, made escape to the desart places of the Iland, where they abide with great strength.

Being before this Iland, wee espyed two shippes vnder sayle, to the one of which wee gaue chase, and in the end boorded her with a ship-boat without resistance, which we found to be a good Prize,* 2.285 and she yeelded vnto vs good store of Wine: which Prize our Generall committed to the custodie of Master Doughtie; and retayning the Pilot, sent the rest away with his Pin∣nace, giuing them a But of Wine, and some Victuals, and their wearing Clothes, and so they [ 20] departed.

The same Night wee came with the Iland called by the Portugals, Ilha del fogo, that is, the burning Iland:* 2.286 in the North side whereof is a consuming fire, the matter is said to be of Sul∣phure, but notwithstanding it is like to be a commodious Iland, because the Portugals haue built, and doe inhabite there. Vpon the South side thereof lyeth a most pleasant and sweet Iland, the Trees whereof are alwayes greene and faire to looke vpon, in respect whereof, they call it Ilha Braua, that is, the braue Iland. From the bankes thereof, into the Sea, doe runne in many places reasonable streames of fresh Waters, easie to be come by, but there was no conuenient Roade for our shippes: for such was the depth, that no ground could bee had for anchoring, and it is reported, that Ground was neuer found in that place: so that [ 30] the tops of Fogo burne not so high in the Ayre, but the rootes of Braua are drenched as low in the Sea.

Being departed from these Ilands, wee drew towards the Line, where wee were becalmed the space of three weekes, but yet subiect to diuers great Stormes, terrible Lightnings, and much Thunder: but with this miserie, wee had the commoditie of great store of Fish, as Dolphins, Bonitos, and flying Fishes, whe••••of some fell into our shippes, where-hence they could not rise againe, for want of 〈◊〉〈◊〉; for when their Wings are drie, they can∣not flye.

From the first day of our departure from the Is••ands of Cape Verde, wee sayled foure and fiftie dayes without sight of Land, and 〈…〉〈…〉 that wee fell with, was the Coast of [ 40] Brasil,* 2.287 which wee saw the fift of April, in 〈…〉〈…〉 of three and thirtie degrees towards the Pole Antartike: and being discouered at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he inhabitants of the Countrey, they made vpon the Coast great fires for a Sacrifice (〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ee learned) to the Deuils; about which, they vse Coniurations, making heapes of Sand, a••d other Ceremonies, that when any shippe shall goe about to stay vpon their Coast, not onely Sands may be gathered together in Shoalds in euery place, but also that Stormes and Tempests may arise, to the casting away of shippes and men, whereof (as it is reported) there haue beene diuers experiments.

The seuenth day, in a mightie great Storme both of Lightning, Raine, and Thunder, wee lost the Canter, which wee called the Christopher: but the eleuenth day after, by our Generals great care in dispersing his shippes, wee found her againe; and the place where wee met, our [ 50] Generall called the Cape of Ioy,* 2.288 where euery shippe tooke in some Water. Here wee found a good Temperature, and sweet Ayre, a very faire and pleasant Countrey, with an exceeding fruitfull Soyle, where were great store of large and mightie Deere, but wee came not to the sight of any people: but trauelling further into the Countrey, wee perceiued the footing of people in the Clay-ground, shewing that they were men of great stature. Being returned to our shippes, wee weighed anchor, and ranne somewhat further, and harboured our selues be∣tweene a Rocke and the Maine, where, by meanes of the Rocke that brake the force of the Sea, wee rid very safe: and vpon this Rocke wee killed, for our prouision, certaine Sea-Wolues, commonly called with vs Seales. [ 60]

* 2.289From hence wee went our course to six and thirtie degrees, and entred the great Riuer of Plate, and ranne into foure and fiftie and three and fiftie fadomes and a halfe of fresh Water, where wee filled our Water by the shippes side: but our Generall finding here no good Harbo∣rough, as hee thought hee should, bare out againe to Sea the seuen and twentieth of Aprill, and

in bearing out, wee lost sight of our Flie-boat wherein Master Doughtie was: but wee sayling along, found a faire and reasonable good Bay, wherein were many, and the same profitable Ilands, one whereof had so many Seales, as would at the least haue laden all our shippes; and the rest of the Ilands are as it were laden with Fowles, which is wonderfull to see,* 2.290 and they of diuers sorts. It is a place very plentifull of Victuals, and hath in it no want of fresh Water. Our Generall after certaine dayes of his abode in this place, being on shore in an Iland, the people of the Countrey shewed themselues vnto him, leaping and dancing, and entred into traffique with him, but they would not receiue any thing at any mans hands, but the same must be cast vpon the ground. They are of cleane, comely, and strong bodies, swift on foot, and seeme [ 10] to be very actiue.

The eighteenth day of May our Generall thought it needfull to haue a care of such ships as were absent, and therefore indeuouring to seeke the Flie-boat wherein Master Doughtie was,* 2.291 wee espyed her againe the next day: and whereas certaine of our ships were sent to discouer the Coast, and to search an Harbour, the Marygold and the Canter being imployed in that bu∣sinesse, came vnto vs, and gaue vs vnderstanding of a safe Harbour that they had found, where∣with all our ships bare, and entred it, where wee watred, and made new prouision of Victuals, as by Seales, whereof wee slew to the number of two hundred or three hundred in the space of an houre.

Here our Generall in the Admirall rid close aboord the Flie-boat, and tooke out of her all the [ 20] prouision of Victuals and what else was in her, and haling her to the Land, set fire to her,* 2.292 and so burnt her, to saue the Iron worke: Which berng a doing, there came downe of the Countrey certaine of the people naked, sauing onely about their Waste the Skinne of some Beast, with the furre or hayre on, and something also wreathed on their heads:* 2.293 their faces were painted with diuers colours, and some of them had on their heads the similitude of hornes, euery man his Bow, which was an Ell in length, and a couple of Arrowes. They were very agill peo∣ple, and quicke to deliuer, and seemed not to be ignorant in the feates of Warres, as by their order of ranging a few men, might appeare. These people would not of a long time receiue any thing at our hands: yet at length our Generall being ashore, and they dancing after their ac∣customed manner about him, and hee once turning his backe towards them, one leapt suddenly [ 30] to him, and tooke his Cap with his Gold Band off his head, and ranne a little distance from him, and shared it with his fellow, the Cap to the one, and the Band to the other. Hauing dispatched all our businesse in this place, wee departed and set sayle, and immediately vpon our setting forth, wee lost our Canter, which was absent three or foure dayes: but when our Ge∣nerall had her againe, hee tooke out the necessaries, and so gaue her ouer,* 2.294 neere to the Cape of Good Hope.

The next day after, being the twentieth of Iune,* 2.295 wee harboured our selues againe in a very good Harborough, called by Magellan, Port S. Iulian, where wee found a Gibbet standing vp∣on the Maine,* 2.296 which wee supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution vpon some of his disobedient and rebellious company. And here M. Thomas Doughty was tried, and re∣ceiued [ 40] sentence of death, which was also here executed.* 2.297 Here also some of our men going a∣shore, were by the Sauages forced to retire.

The seuenteenth day of August wee departed the Port of S. Iulian, and the twentieth day wee fell with the Strait or Freat of Magellan, going into the South Sea,* 2.298 at the Cape or Head-land whereof, wee found the bodie of a dead Man,* 2.299 whose flesh was cleane con∣sumed.

The one and twentieth day wee entred the Strait, which wee found to haue many tur∣nings, and as it were shuttings vp, as if there were no passage at all, by meanes whereof, wee had the Winde often against vs, so that some of the Fleet recouering a Cape or Point of Land, others should be forced to turne backe againe, and to come to an Anchor where they could. [ 50] In this Strait there be many faire Harbours, with store of fresh Water, but yet they lacke their best commoditie: for the Water is there of such depth, that no man shall find ground to an∣chor in, except it be in some narrow Riuer or Corner, or betweene some Rockes; so that if any extreme Blasts or contrary Winds doe come (whereunto the place is much subiect) it car∣rieth with it no small danger.

The Land on both sides is very huge and mountainous; the lower Mountaines whereof, although they be monstrous and wonderfull to looke vpon, for their height, yet there are others which in height exceede them in a strange manner, reaching themselues aboue their fellowes so high, that betweene them did appeare three Regions of Clouds. These Moun∣taines are couered with Snow: At both the Southerly and Easterly parts of the Strait [ 60] there are Ilands, among which the Sea hath his indraught into the Straits, euen as it hath in the maine entrance of the Freat. This Strait is extreme cold, with Frost and Snow continually: The Trees seeme to stoope with the burthen of the Weather, and yet are greene continually; and many good and sweet Herbes doe very plentifully grow and increase vn∣der them.

The bredth of the Strait is in some place a League, in some other places two Leagues, and three Leagues,* 2.300 and in some other, foure Leagues: but the narrowest place hath a League ouer.

* 2.301The foure and twentieth of August wee arriued at an Iland in the Straits, where wee found great store of Fowle which could not flye, of the bignesse of Geese, whereof wee killed in lesse then one day three thousand, and victualled our selues throughly therewith.

* 2.302The sixt day of September wee entred the South Sea at the Cape or Head shore.

The seuenth day wee were driuen by a great storme from the entring into the South Sea, two hundred Leagues and odde in longitude, and one degree to the Southward of the Strait: in which height, and so many Leagues to the Westward, the fifteenth day of September fell out the Eclipse of the Moone, at the houre of sixe of the Clocke at Night: but neyther did the [ 10] Eclipticall conflict of the Moone impayre our state, nor her clearing againe amend vs a whit, but the accustomed Eclipse of the Sea continued in his force, wee being darkened more then the Moone seuen-fold.

From the Bay (which wee called, The Bay of seuering of Friends) wee were driuen backe to the Southward of the Straits,* 2.303 in seuen and fiftie degrees and a terce: in which height, wee came to an anchor among the Ilands, hauing there fresh and very good Water, with Herbes of singular vertue. Not farre from hence, wee entred another Bay, where wee found people, both Men and Women, in their Canoas, naked, and ranging from one Iland to another, to seeke their Meat; who entred traffique with vs, for such things as they had.

Wee returning hence Northward againe, found the third of October three Ilands, in one of [ 20] which was such plentie of Birds, as is scant credible to report.

The eight day of October wee lost sight of one of our Consorts, wherein M. Winter was, who,* 2.304 as then wee supposed, was put by a storme into the Straits againe: which, at our returne home, wee found to be true, and he not perished, as some of our companie feared.

[He still (I think) is aliue. I conferred with him of this Voyage at Bathe, in Septemb. 1618. He told me, and desired that it should be published, That formall Possession was then and there ta∣ken of the said Straits and Territories, with Turfe and Twigge, after the English manner; Captaine Drake deliuering him the said Possession, in the name and to the vse of Queene Eli∣zabeth, and her Successors.]

Thus being come into the height of the Straits againe, wee ranne, supposing the Coast of [ 30] Chili to lye as the generall Maps haue described it, namely, North-west, which wee found to lye and trend to the North-east,* 2.305 and Eastwards: whereby it appeareth, that this part of Chili hath not beene truely hitherto discouered, or at the least not truely reported, for the space of twelue degrees at the least, being set downe eyther of purpose to deceiue, or of ignorant coniecture.

* 2.306Wee continuing our course, fell the nine and twentieth of Nouember with an Iland called la Mocha, where wee cast anchor, and our Generall hoysing out our Boat, went with tenne of our companie to shore, where wee found people, whom the cruell and extreme dealings of the Spaniards haue forced, for their owne safetie and libertie, to flye from the Maine, and to for∣tifie [ 40] themselues in this Iland. Wee being on land, the people came downe to vs to the Water side, with shew of great courtesie, bringing to vs Potatoes, Rootes, and two very fat Sheepe, which our Generall receiued, and gaue them other things for them, and had promise to haue Water there: But the next day repayring againe to the shore, and sending two men aland with Barrels to fill Water, the people taking them for Spaniards (to whom they vse to shew no fauour, if they take them) layd violent hands on them, and as we thinke, slew them.

Our Generall seeing this, stayed here no longer, but weighed anchor, and set sayle towards the Coast of Chili, and drawing towards it, wee met neere to the shore an Indian in a Canoa, who thinking vs to haue beene Spaniards, came to vs and told vs, That at a place called S. Iago, there was a great Spanish shippe laden from the Kingdome of Peru: for which good newes, our Generall gaue him diuers Trifles, whereof he was glad, and went along with vs, and brought [ 50] vs to the place,* 2.307 which is called the Port of Valparizo.

When wee came thither, wee found indeede the shippe riding at anchor, hauing in her eight Spaniards and three Negros, who thinking vs to haue beene Spaniards, and their friends, wel∣commed vs with a Drumme, and made ready a Bottija, of Wine of Chili, to drinke to vs: but as soone as wee were entred,* 2.308 one of our company, called Thomas Moone, began to lay about him, and strucke one of the Spaniards, and said vnto him, Abaxo Perro, that is in English, Go•• downe Dogge. One of these Spaniards seeing persons of that qualitie in those Seas, all to crossed and blessed himselfe: but to be short, wee stowed them vnder Hatches, all saue one Spa∣niard, who suddenly and desperately leapt ouer-boord into the Sea, and swam ashore to the [ 60] Towne of S. Iago, to giue them warning of our arriuall. They of the Towne being not aboue nine Households,* 2.309 presently fled away, and abandoned the Towne. Our Generall manned his Boat, and the Spanish shippes Boat, and went to the Towne: and being come to it, wee rifled it, and came to a small Chappell, which wee entred, and found therein a Siluer Challice, two

Cruets, and one Altar-Cloth, the spoyle whereof our Generall gaue to M. Fletcher, his Mini∣ster. Wee found also in this Towne a Ware-house, stored with Wine of Chili,* 2.310 and many boords of Cedar-Wood; all which Wine wee brought away with vs, and certaine of the boords, to burne for fire-wood: and so being come aboord, wee departed the Hauen, hauing first set all the Spaniards on land, sauing one Iohn Griego, a Greeke borne,* 2.311 whom our Generall carryed with him for his Pilot, to bring him into the Hauen of Lima.

When wee were at Sea, our Generall rifled the shippe, and found in her good store of the Wine of Chili, and fiue and twentie thousand Pezoes of very pure and fine Gold of Baldiuia,* 2.312 amounting in value to seuen and thirtie thousand Duckats of Spanish Money, and aboue. So going on our course, wee arriued next at a place called Coquimbo, where our Generall sent foure∣teene [ 10] of his men on land to fetch Water: but they were espyed by the Spaniards,* 2.313 who came with three hundred horsemen and two hundred footmen, and slew one of our men with a Peece; the rest came aboord in safetie, and the Spaniards departed: wee went on shore againe, and buried our man, and the Spaniards came downe againe with a Flag of Truce; but wee set sayle, and would not trust them.

From hence wee went to a certaine Port, called Tarapaça: where being landed,* 2.314 wee found by the Sea side a Spaniard lying asleepe, who had lying by him thirteene Barres of Siluer, which weighed foure thousand Duckats Spanish; wee tooke the Siluer, and left the man.

Not farre from hence, going on land for fresh Water, wee met with a Spaniard and an Indian Boy driuing eight Llamas or Sheepe of Peru, which are as bigge as Asses; euery of which [ 20] Sheepe had on his backe two Bagges of Leather, each Bagge containing fiftie pound weight of fine Siluer: so that bringing both the Sheepe and their Burthen to the shippes, wee found in all the Bagges eight hundred weight of Siluer.

Hence wee sayled to a place called Arica: and being entred the Port,* 2.315 wee found there three small Barkes, which wee rifled, and found in one of them seuen and fiftie Wedges of Sil∣uer, each of them weighing about twentie pound weight, and euery of these Wedges were of the fashion and bignesse of a Brick-bat. In all these three Barkes wee found not one person: for they mistrusting no strangers, were all gone aland to the Towne, which consisteth of about twentie Houses, which we would haue ransacked, if our companie had beene better, and more [ 30] in number. But our Generall contented with the spoyle of the shippes, left the Towne, and put off againe to Sea, and set sayle for Lima, and by the way met with a small Barke, which hee boorded, and found in her good store of Linnen Cloth, whereof taking some quantitie, hee let her goe.

To Lima wee came the thirteenth day of February: and being entred the Hauen, wee found there about twelue sayle of shippes, lying fast moored at an anchor,* 2.316 hauing all their sayles car∣ryed on shore: for the Masters and Marchants were here most secure, hauing neuer beene as∣saulted by enemies, and at this time feared the approach of none such as wee were. Our Ge∣nerall rifled these shippes, and found in one of them a Chest full of Ryals of Plate, and good store of Silkes and Linnen Cloth, and tooke the Chest into his owne shippe, and good store of [ 40] the Silkes and Linnen. In which shippe hee had newes of another shippe, called the Caca∣fuego, which was gone towards Paita, and that the same shippe was laden with Treasure: whereupon wee stayed no longer here, but cutting all the Cables of the shippes in the Hauen, wee let them driue whither they would, eyther to Sea, or to the shore, and with all speede wee followed the Cacafuego toward Paita, thinking there to haue found her; but before wee arri∣ued there, shee was gone from thence towards Panama: whom our Generall still pursued, and by the way met with a Barke laden with Ropes and Tackle for shippes, which hee boorded and searched, and found in her fourescore pound weight of Gold, and a Crucifixe of Gold, with goodly great Emeraulds set in it, which hee tooke, and some of the Cordage also for his owne shippe.

[ 50] From hence wee departed, still following the Cacafuego, and our Generall promised our companie, that whosoeuer could first descry her, should haue his Chayne of Gold for his good newes. It fortuned, that Iohn Drake going vp into the top, descryed her about three of the clocke, and about sixe of the clocke wee came to her and boorded her, and shot at her three Peeces of Ordenance, and strucke downe her Misne: and being entred,* 2.317 wee found in her great Riches, as Iewels and precious Stones, thirteene Chests full of Ryals of Plate, fourescore pound weight of Gold, and six and twentie Tunne of Siluer. The place where wee tooke this Prize, was called Cape de San Francisco,* 2.318 about an hundred and fiftie Leagues from Panama.

The Pilots name of this shippe, was Francisco: and amongst other Plate that our Generall [ 60] found in this shippe, hee found two very faire gilt Bolles of Siluer, which were the Pilots: to whom our Generall said: Senior Pilot, you haue here two Siluer Cups, but I must needes haue one of them; which the Pilot, because hee could not otherwise chuse, yeelded vnto, and gaue the other to the Steward of our Generals shippes.

When this Pilot departed from vs, his Boy said thus vnto our Generall: Captaine, our

shippe shall be called no more the Cacafuego, but the Cacaplata, and your shippe shall be called the Cacafuego: Which prettie speech of the Pilots Boy ministred matter of Laughter to vs, both then and long after.

When our Generall had done what hee would with this Cacafuego, hee cast her off, and wee went on our course still towards the West: and not long after, met with a shippe laden with Linnen Cloth,* 2.319 and fine China Dishes, of white Earth, and great store of China Silkes; of all which things, wee tooke as wee listed. The Owner himselfe of this shippe was in her, who was a Spanish Gentleman: from whom, our Genera••l tooke a Fawlcon of Gold, with a great Emerauld in the brest thereof; and the Pilot of the shippe hee tooke also with him, and so cast the shippe off. [ 10]

* 2.320This Pilot brought vs to the Hauen of Guatulco: the Towne whereof, as hee told vs, had but seuenteene Spaniards in it. As soone as wee were entred this Hauen, wee landed, and went presently to the Towne, and to the Towne-house, where wee found a Iudge sitting in Iudge∣ment, being associate with three other Officers, vpon three Negros that had conspired the bur∣ning of the Towne: both which Iudges and Prisoners wee tooke, and brought them a ship∣boord, and caused the chiefe Iudge to write his Letter to the Towne, to command all the Townes-men to auoid, that wee might safely water there. Which being done, and they de∣parted, wee ransacked the Towne, and in one house wee found a Pot, of the quantitie of a Bu∣shell, full of Ryals of Plate, which wee brought to our shippe. And here one Thomas Moone, one of our companie, tooke a Spanish Gentleman, as hee was flying out of the Towne; and [ 20] searching him, hee found a Chayne of Gold about him, and other Iewels, which hee tooke, and so let him goe.

* 2.321At this place our Generall, among other Spaniards, set ashore his Portugall Pilot, which hee tooke at the Islands of Cape Verde, out of a shippe of S. Mary Port of Portugall: And hauing set them ashore, wee departed hence, and sayled to the Iland of Canno; where our Generall landed, and brought to shore his owne shippe, and discharged her, mended, and graued her, and furnished our shippe with Water and Wood sufficiently. And while wee were here, wee espyed a shippe, and set sayle after her, and tooke her, and found in her two Pilots and a Spanish Gouer∣nour, going for the Ilands of the Philippina's: Wee searched the shippe, and tooke some of her Merchandizes, and so let her goe. [ 30]

Our Generall at this place and time, thinking himselfe, both in respect of his priuate iniuries receiued from the Spaniards, as also of their contempts and indignities offered to our Countrey and Prince in generall, sufficiently satisfied, and reuenged: and supposing, that her Maiestie at his returne would rest contented with this seruice, purposed to continue no longer vpon the Spanish Coasts, but began to consider and to consult of the best way for his Countrey. Hee thought it not good to returne by the Straits, for two speciall causes: The one, lest the Spani∣ards should there wait and attend for him in great number and strength; whose hands, he being left but one shippe,* 2.322 could not possibly escape: The other cause, was the dangerous situation of the Mouth of the Straits in the South Sea, where continuall stormes reigning and blustering, as hee found by experience, besides the Shoalds and Sands vpon the Coast, hee thought it not a [ 40] good course to aduenture that way. Hee resolued therefore, to auoid these hazards, to goe for∣ward to the Ilands of the Molucca's; and thence, to sayle the course of the Portugals, by the Cape of Buena Esperança.

Vpon this resolution, hee began to thinke of his best way to the Molucca's; and finding himselfe where hee now was becalmed, hee saw that of necessitie hee must be forced to take a Spanish course, namely, to sayle somewhat Northerly, to get a Winde. Wee therefore set sayle, and sayled six hundred Leagues at the least for a good Winde; and thus much wee sayled from the sixteenth of Aprill, till the third of Iune.

* 2.323The fift day of Iune, being in three and fortie degrees towards the Pole Artike, wee found the Ayre so cold, that our men being grieuously pinched with the same, complayned of the ex∣tremitie [ 50] thereof; and the further wee went, the more the Cold encreased vpon vs. Where∣upon wee thought it best for that time to seeke the Land, and did so, finding it not Mountay∣nous, but lowe plaine Land, till wee came within eight and thirtie degrees towards the Line. In which height, it pleased God to send vs into a faire and good Bay, with a good Winde to enter the same.

In this Bay wee anchored, and the people of the Countrey hauing their Houses close by the Waters side,* 2.324 shewed themselues vnto vs, and sent a present to our Generall When they came vnto vs, they greatly wondered at the things that wee brought: but our Generall (according to his naturall and accustomed humanitie) courteously intreated them, and liberally bestowed on them necessarie things to couer their nakednesse; whereupon they supposed vs to be Gods, [ 60] and would not be perswaded to the contrarie. The Presents which they sent to our Generall, were Feathers, and Kawles of Net-worke. Their Houses are digged round about with Earth, and haue from the vttermost brimmes of the Circle, Clifts of Wood set vpon them, ioyning close together at the top like a Spire-Steeple, which by reason of that closenesse, are very

warme. Their Bed is the Ground, with Rushes strowed on it: and lying about the House, haue the fire in the midst. The Men goe naked: the Women take Bull-rushes, and kembe them after the manner of Hempe, and thereof make their loose Garments, which being knit about their middles, hang downe about their hippes, hauing also about their shoulders a Skinne of Deere, with the hayre vpon it. These Women are very obedient and seruiceable to their Husbands.

After they were departed from vs, they came and visited vs the second time, and brought with them Feathers and Bagges of Tabacco for Presents: And when they came to the top of the Hill (at the bottome whereof wee had pitched our Tents) they stayed themselues; where [ 10] one appointed for Speaker, wearyed himselfe with making a long Oration: which done, they left their Bowes vpon the Hill, and came downe with their Presents. In the meane time,* 2.325 the Women remayning on the Hill, tormented themselues lamentably, tearing their flesh from their cheekes; whereby wee perceiued, that they were about a Sacrifice. In the meane time, our Generall, with his companie, went to Prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures; at which Exercise they were attentiue, and seemed greatly to be affected with it: but when they were come vnto vs, they restored againe vnto vs those things which before wee bestowed vpon them.

The newes of our being there, being spred through the Countrey, the people that inhabited round about came downe, and amongst them, the King himselfe, a man of a goodly stature, and [ 20] comely personage, with many other tall and warlike men: before whose comming, were sent two Embassadors to our Generall, to signifie that their King was comming; in doing of which message, their speech was continued about halfe an houre. This ended, they by signes requested our Generall to send some thing by their hand to their King, as a token, that his comming might be in peace: Wherein our Generall hauing satisfied them, they returned with glad tidings to their King; who marched to vs with a Princely Maiestie, the people crying continually after their manner: and as they drew neere vnto vs, so did they striue to behaue themselues in their actions with comelinesse. In the fore-front was a man of a goodly personage, who bare the Scepter or Mace before the King, whereupon hanged two Crownes, a lesse and a bigger, with three Chaynes of a maruellous length: the Crownes were made of knit worke, wrought arti∣ficially, [ 30] with Feathers of diuers colours; the Chaynes were made of a bonie substance,* 2.326 and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them; and of that number also, the persons are stinted, as some tenne, some twelue, &c. Next vnto him which bare the Scep∣ter, was the King himselfe, with his Guard about his person, clad with Cony-skins, and other Skins: after them, followed the naked common sort of people, euery one hauing his face painted, some with white, some with blacke, and other colours, and hauing in their hands one thing or another for a Present; not so much as their children, but they also brought their Presents.

In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together, and marched within his fenced place, making against their approching, a very Warlike shew. They being trouped together [ 40] in their order, and a generall salutation being made, there was presently a generall silence. Then he that bare the Scepter before the King, being informed by another▪ (whom they assigned to that Office, with a manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that which the other spake to him in secret, continuing halfe an houre: and a generall Amen as it were giuen, the King with the whole number of men and women (the Children excepted) came downe without any Wea∣pon, who descending to the foot of the Hill, set themselues in order. In comming towards our Bulwarkes and Tents, the Scepter-bearer began a Song, obseruing his Measures in a Dance, and that with a stately countenance, whom the King with his Guard, and euery degree of persons following, did in like manner sing and dance, sauing onely the women, which danced and kept silence. The Generall permitted them to enter within our Bulwarke, where they continued [ 50] their Song and Dance a reasonable time. When they had satisfied themselues, they made signes to our Generall to sit downe, to whom the King, and diuers others made seuerall Orations, or rather Supplications, that he would take their Prouince and Kingdome into his hand, and be∣come their King, making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole Land, and become his Subiects. In which, to perswade vs the better, the King and the rest, with one consent, and with great reuerence, ioyfully singing a Song,* 2.327 did set the Crowne vpon his head, inriched his necke with all their Chaines, and offered vnto him many other things, honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it seemed, a signe of Tri∣umph: which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect, because hee knew not what ho∣nour and profit it might be to oure Countrey. Wherefore in the name, and to the vse of her [ 60] Maiestie, he tooke the Scepter, Crowne, and Dignitie of the said Countrey into his hands, wi∣shing that the Riches and Treasure therof might so conueniently be transported, to the inriching of her Kingdome at home, as it aboundeth in the same.

The common sort of people leauing the King and his Guard with our Generall, scattered themselues together with their Sacrifices among our people, taking a diligent view of euerie

person: and such as pleased their fancie, (which were the yongest) they inclosing them about, offered their Sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping, scratching, and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles, whereof issued abundance of bloud. But wee vsed signes to them of disliking this, and stayed their hands from force, and directed them vpwards to the li∣uing God, whom onely they ought to worship. They shewed vnto vs their wounds, and cra∣ued helpe of them at our hands,* 2.328 whereupon we gaue them Lotions, Playsters, and Oyntments, agreeing to the state of their griefes, beseeching God to cure their Diseases. Euery third day they brought their Sacrifices vnto vs, vntill they vnderstood our meaning, that we had no plea∣sure in them: yet they could not being absent from vs, but daily frequented our Companie to the houre of our departure, which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them, that their ioy was [ 10] turned into sorrow. They intreated vs, that Being absent we would remember them, and by stealth prouided a Sacrifice, which we misliked.

Our necessarie businesse being ended, our Generall with his Companie trauailed vp into the Countrey to their Villages,* 2.329 where wee found Herdes of Deere by a thousand in a companie, being most large, and fat of bodie. Wee found the whole Countrey to be a Warren of a strange kind of Conies,* 2.330 their bodies in bignesse as be the Barbary Conies, their heads as the heads of ours, the feet of a Want, and the tayle of a Rat being of great length: vnder her chinne is on eyther side a bag, into the which shee gathereth her meate, when shee hath filled her belly a∣broad. The people eate their bodies, and make great account of their Skinnes, for their Kings Coat was made of them.* 2.331 Our Generall called this Countrey Noua Albion, and that for two [ 20] causes: the one in respect of the white Bankes and Cliffes, which lye towards the Sea: and the other, because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name, which sometime was so called.* 2.332 There is no part of Earth here to be taken vp, wherein there is not some probable shew of Gold or Siluer.

At our departure hence, our Generall set vp a Monument of our being there, as also of her Maiesties Right and Title to the same, namely, a Plate, nayled vpon a faire great Poste, where∣vpon was engrauen her Maiesties Name, the day and yeere of our arriuall there, with the free giuing vp of the Prouince and People into her Maiesties hands, together with her Highnesse Picture and Armes, in a piece of six pence of currant English Money, vnder the Plate, where∣vnder was also written the Name of our Generall. It seemeth, that the Spaniards hitherto [ 30] had neuer beene in this part of the Countrey; neyther did euer discouer the Land, by many degrees, to the Southwards of this place.

After wee had set sayle from hence, wee continued without sight of Land till the thirteenth day of October following;* 2.333 which day in the morning wee fell with certaine Ilands, eight de∣grees to the Northward of the Line: from which, came a great number of Canoas, hauing in some of them foure, in some six, and in some also foureteene men, bringing with them Cocos, and other Fruits. Their Canoas were hollow within, and cut with great art and cunning, be∣ing very smooth within and without, and bearing a glosse, as if it were a Horne daintily bur∣nished, hauing a Prowe and a Sterne of one sort, yeelding inward Circle-wise, being of a great height, and full of certaine white shells, for a brauerie, and on each side of them lye out two [ 40] pieces of Timber, about a yard and a halfe long, more or lesse, according to the smalnesse or big∣nesse of the Boat. This people haue the nether part of their Eares cut into a round Circle, hanging downe very lowe vpon their cheekes, whereon they hang things of a reasonable weight. The Nayles of their Hands are an ynch long, their Teeth are as blacke as Pitch, and they renew them often, by eating of an Herbe with a kind of powder, which they alwayes carry about them in a Cane for the same purpose.

* 2.334Leauing this Iland the Night after wee fell with it, the eighteenth of October wee lighted vpon diuers others, some whereof made a great shew of Inhabitants. Wee continued our course by the Ilands of Tagulada, Zelon, and Zewarra, being friends to the Portugals, the first whereof hath growing in it great store of Cinnamome.

* 2.335The foureteenth of Nouember wee fell with the Ilands of Molucca: Which day at night [ 50] (hauing directed our course to runne with Tydore) in coasting along the Iland of Mutyr, be∣longing to the King of Ternate, his Deputie or Vice-King seeing vs at Sea, came with his Ca∣noa to vs, without all feare, and came aboord, and after some conference with our Generall, willed him in any wise to runne in with Ternate,* 2.336 and not with Tydore, assuring him, that the King would be glad of his comming, and would be readie to doe what hee would require; for which purpose, he himselfe would that night be with the King, and tell him the newes: with whom if hee once dealt, hee should find, that as hee was a King, so his word should stand. Ad∣ding further, that if hee went to Tydore before hee came to Ter••ate, the King would haue no∣thing to doe with vs, because hee held the Portugall as his enemie. Whereupon our Generall [ 60] resolued to runne with Ternate, where the next morning early wee came to anchor; at which time our Generall sent a Messenger to the King with a Veluet Cloke for a present, and token of his comming to be in peace, and that hee required nothing but Traffique and exchange of Mar∣chandize, whereof hee had good store, in such things as hee wanted.

In the meane time, the Vice-King had beene with the King, according to his promise, signi∣fying vnto him what good things hee might receiue from vs by Traffique: Whereby the King was mooued with great liking towards vs, and sent to our Generall with speciall message, that hee should haue what things hee needed, and would require with peace and friendship: and moreouer, that hee would yeeld himselfe, and the right of his Iland,* 2.337 to be at the pleasure and commandement of so famous a Prince as wee serued. In token whereof, hee sent to our Gene∣rall a Signet, and within short time after, came in his owne person, with B••ats and Canoas, to our shippe, to bring her into a better and safer Road then shee was in at that present. Our Ge∣nerals Messenger being come to the Court, was met by certaine Noble Personages with great solemnitie, and brought to the King, at whose hands hee was most friendly and graciously en∣tertained.

[ 10]

The King purposing to come to our shippe, sent before foure great and large Canoas, in euery one whereof, were certaine of his greatest States that were about him, attyred in white Lawne,* 2.338 of Cloth of Calicut, hauing ouer their heads, from the one end of the Canoa to the other, a Couering of thinne perfumed Mats, borne vp with a Frame made of Reedes for the same vse, vnder which, euery one did sit in his order, according to his dignitie, to keepe him from the heat of the Sunne, diuers of whom being of good age and grauitie, did make an ancient and fatherly shew. There were also diuers young and comely men, attyred in white, as were the others: the rest were Souldiers, which stood in comely order, round about on both sides; without [ 20] whom, sate the Rowers in certaine Galleries, which being three on a side, all along the Canoas, did lye off fr••m the side thereof three or foure yards, one being orderly builded lower then a∣nother, in euery of which Galleries were the number of fourescore Rowers. These Canoas were furnished with warlike Munition, euery man for the most part hauing his Sword and Tar∣guet, with his Dagger, beside other Weapons, as Launces, Caliuers, Darts, Bowes and Arrowes: also, euery Canoa had a small cast Base, mounted at the least one full Yard vpon a stocke set vp∣right. Thus comming neere our ship, in order they rowed about vs, one after another, and passing by, did their homage with great solemnitie, the great Personages beginning with great grauitie and fatherly countenances, signifying, that the King had sent them to conduct our shippe into a better Roade.

[ 30] Soone after, the King himselfe repayred, accompanied with six graue and ancient persons,* 2.339 who did their obeysance with maruellous humilitie. The King was a man of tall stature, and seemed to be much delighted with the sound of our Musike; to whom, as also to his Nobilitie, our Generall gaue presents, wherewith they were passing well contented.

At length, the King craued leaue of our Generall to depart, promising the next day to come aboord, and in the meane time to send vs such Victuals as were necessarie for our prouision: So that the same Night wee receiued of them Meale, which they call Sagu, made of the tops of certaine Trees, tasting in the mouth like sowre Curds, but melteth like Sugar,* 2.340 whereof they make certaine Cakes, which may be kept the space of tenne yeeres, and yet then good to be ea∣ten. Wee had of them store of Rice, Hennes, vnperfect and liquid Sugar, Sugar Canes, and a [ 40] Fruit which they call Figo, with store of Cloues.

The King hauing promised to come aboord, brake his promise, but sent his brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our Generall to come on shore, offering himselfe pawne aboord for his safe returne. Whereunto our Generall consented not, vpon mislike conceiued of the breach of his promise, the whole company also vtterly refusing it. But to satisfie him, our Generall sent certaine of his Gentlemen to the Court, to accompany the Kings brother, reseruing the Vice-King for their safe returne. They were receiued of another brother of the Kings, and other States, and were conducted with great honour to the Castle. The place that they were brought vnto, was a large and faire House,* 2.341 where were at the least a thousand persons as∣sembled.

[ 50] The King being yet absent, there sate in their places threescore graue Personages, all which were said to be of the Kings Councell. There were besides foure graue persons, apparrelled all in Red, downe to the ground, and attyred on their heads like the Turkes, and these were said to be * 2.342 Romans, and Liegers there, to keepe continuall Traffique with the people of Ternate. There were also two Turkes Liegers in this place, and one Italian.

The King at last came in, guarded with twelue Launces, couered ouer with a rich Canopie, embossed with Gold. Our men, accompanied with one of their Captaines, called Moro, rising to meet him, hee graciously did welcome, and entertaine them. Hee was attyred after the man∣ner of the Countrey, but more sumptuously then the rest.* 2.343 From his Waste downe to the ground, was all Cloth of Gold, and the same very rich: his legges were bare, but on his feet [ 60] were a payre of shooes, made of Cordouant skinne. In the attyre of his head were finely wrea∣thed hooped Rings of Gold, and about his necke hee had a Chayne of perfect Gold, the Links whereof were great, and one-fold double. On his fingers hee had six very faire Iewels: and sit∣ting in his Chayre of Estate, at his right hand stood a Page with a Fanne in his hand, breathing and gathering the ayre to the King. The Fanne was in length two foot, and in bredth one

foot, set with eight Saphyres, richly embroydered, and knit to a staffe three foot in length, by the which the Page did hold, and mooue it. Our Gentlemen hauing deliuered their Message, and receiued order accordingly, were licenced to depart, being safely conducted backe againe by one of the Kings Councell.

This Iland is the chiefest of all the Ilands of Molucca, and the King hereof is King of se∣uentie Ilands besides.* 2.344 The King with his people are Mores in Religion, obseruing certaine new Moones, with fastings; during which Fasts, they neyther eat nor drinke in the day, but in the night.

After that our Gentlemen were returned, and that wee had here, by the fauour of the King, receiued all necessarie things that the place could yeeld vs: our Generall considering the great [ 10] distance, and how farre hee was yet off from his Countrey, thought it not best here to linger the time any longer; but weighing his anchors, set out of the Iland, and sayled to a certaine little Iland,* 2.345 to the Southwards of Celebes, where wee graued our shippe, and continued there, in that and other businesses, six and twentie dayes. This Iland is throughly growne with Wood, of a large and high growth, very straight, and without Boughes, saue onely in the head or top, whose Leaues are not much differing from our Broome in England. Amongst these Trees, night by night,* 2.346 through the whole Land, did shew themselues an infinite swarme of fierie Wormes flying in the Ayre, whose bodies being no bigger then our common English Flyes, make such a shew and light, as if euery Twigge or Tree had beene a burning Candle. In this place breedeth also wonderfull store of Bats,* 2.347 as bigge as large Hennes. Of Cray-fishes also here wanted no [ 20] plentie, and they of exceeding bignesse, one whereof was sufficient for foure hungry stomackes at a Dinner, being also very good, and restoring meat, whereof wee had experience: and they digge themselues holes in the Earth like Conies.

When wee had ended our businesse here, wee weighed, and set sayle to runne for the Moluc∣ca's: but hauing at that time a bad Winde, and being amongst the Ilands, with much diffi••ultie wee recouered to the Northward of the Iland of Celebes; where, by reason of contrarie Windes, not able to continue our course, to runne Westwards, wee were inforced to alter the same to the Southward againe, finding that course also to be very hard and dangerous for vs, by reason of infinite shoalds, which lye off and among the Ilands: whereof wee had too much tryall,* 2.348 to the hazard and danger of our shippe and liues: For vpon the ninth of Ianuary, in the [ 30] yeere 1579. wee ranne suddenly vpon a Rocke, where wee stucke fast from eight of the clocke at night, till foure of the clocke in the afternoone the next day, being indeed out of all hope to escape the danger. But our Generall, as hee had alwayes hitherto shewed himselfe couragi∣ous,* 2.349 and of a good confidence in the mercie and protection of God; so now hee continued in the same: and lest hee should seeme to perish wilfully, both hee and wee did our best endeuour to saue our selues, which it pleased God so to blesse, that in the end wee cleared our selues most happily of the danger. Wee lighted our shippe vpon the Rockes, of three Tunne of Cloues,* 2.350 eight Peeces of Ordenance, and certaine Meale and Beanes: And then the Winde (as it were in a moment, by the speciall grace of God) changing from the Starboord to the Lar∣boord of the shippe,* 2.351 wee hoysed our sayles, and the happie gale droue our shippe off the Rocke [ 40] into the Sea againe, to the no little comfort of all our hearts: for which wee gaue God such prayse and thankes, as so great a benefit required.

The eight of February following, wee fell with the fruitfull Iland of Barateue, hauing in the meane time suffered many dangers by Windes and Shoalds.* 2.352 The people of this Iland are comely in body and stature, and of a ciuill behauiour, iust in dealing, and courteous to strangers, whereof wee had the experience sundry wayes; they being most glad of our presence, and very ready to relieue our wants, in those things which their Countrey did yeeld. The Men goe naked, sauing their heads and priuities, euery man hauing something or other hanging at their eares. Their Women are couered from the middle downe to the foot, wearing a great number of Bracelets vpon their armes, for some had eight vpon each arme, being made some of Bone, [ 50] some of Horne, and some of Brasse, the lightest whereof, by our estimation, weighed two ounces apeece.

With this people, Linnen Cloth is good Marchandize, and of good request, whereof they make Rolls for their heads,* 2.353 and Girdles to weare about them. Their Iland is both rich, and fruitfull: rich in Gold, Siluer, Copper, and Sulphur; wherein they seeme skilfull and expert, not onely to trie the same, but in working it also artificially into any forme and fashion that pleaseth them. Their Fruits be diuers, and plentifull, as Nutmegs, Ginger, long Pepper, Li∣mons,* 2.354 Cucumbers, Cocos, Figu, Sagu, with diuers other sorts: and among all the rest, wee had one Fruit, in bignesse, forme, and huske, like a Bay-berry, hard of substance, and pleasant of taste, which being sodden, becommeth soft, and is a most good and holesome Victuall, whereof wee [ 60] tooke reasonable store, as wee did also of the other Fruits and Spices. So that to confesse a truth, since the time that wee first set out of our owne Countrey of England,* 2.355 wee happened vpon no place (Ternate onely excepted) wherein wee found more comforts and better meanes of re∣freshing.

At our departure from Barateue, we set our course for Iaua maior, where arriuing, wee found great courtesie, and honourable entertainment. This Island is gouerned by fiue Kings,* 2.356 whom they call Raiah: as Raiah Donaw, and Raiah Mang Bange, and Raiah Cabuccapollo, which liue as hauing one Spirit, and one Minde. Of these fiue we had foure a ship-boord at once, and two or three often. They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clothes, as Red and Greene: the vpper parts of their bodies are naked, saue their heads, whereupon they weare a Turkish roll,* 2.357 as doe the Maluccians: from the middle downeward they weare a Pintado of silke, trailing vp∣on the ground, in colour as they best like. The Maluccians hate that their Women should bee seene of Strangers: but these offer them of high courtesie, yea the Kings themselues.* 2.358 The [ 10] people are of goodly stature, and warlike, well prouided of Swords and Targets, with Dag∣gers, all being of their owne worke, and most artificially done, both in tempering their metall, as also in the forme, whereof we bought reasonable store. They haue an house in euery Village for their common assembly: euery day they meete twise, Men, Women, and Children, bringing with them such victuals as they thinke good, some Fruits, some Rice boiled, some Hens rosted, some Sagu, hauing a Table made three foote from the ground, whereon they set their meate, that euery person sitting at the Table may eate, one reioycing in the company of another. They boile their Rice in an earthen pot, made in forme of a Sugar loafe, being full of holes,* 2.359 as our pots which we water our gardens withall, and it is open at the great end, wherein they put their Rice drie, without any moisture. In the meane time they haue readie another great earthen pot, [ 20] set fast in a furnace, boiling full of water, whereinto they put their pot with Rice, by such mea∣sure, that they swelling become soft at the first, and by their swelling stopping the holes of the pot, admit no more water to enter, but the more they are boiled, the harder and more firme sub∣stance they become, so that in the end they are a firme and good bread, of the which with Oyle, Buttet, Sugar, and other Spices, they make diuers sorts of meates very pleasant of taste, and nourishing to nature. The French pocks is here very common to all, and they helpe themselues,* 2.360 sitting naked from ten to two in the Sunne, whereby the venemous humour is drawne out. Not long before our departure, they told vs, that not farre off there were such great Ships as ours, wishing vs to beware: vpon this our Captaine would stay no longer.

From Iaua Maior we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, which was the first Land wee fell [ 30] withall: neither did we touch with it, or any other Land, vntill we came to Sierra Leona▪ vp∣on the coast of Guinea: notwithstanding wee ran hard aboord the Cape,* 2.361 finding the report of the Portugals to be most false, who affirme, that it is the most dangerous Cape of the World, neuer without intolerable stormes and present danger to Trauailers, which come neere the same. This Cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest Cape wee saw in the whole Circumference of the Earth, and we passed by it the 18. of Iune. From thence we continued our course to Sierra Leona, on the coast of Guinea, where we arriued the 22. of Iuly,* 2.362 and found necessarie prouisi∣ons, great store of Elephants, Oisters vpon trees of one kinde, spawning and increasing infinite∣ly, the Oister suffering no bud to grow. We departed thence the 24. day.* 2.363

Wee arriued in England the third of Nouember 1580. being the third yeere of our de∣parture.

[ 40]

CHAP. IIII. The third Circum-Nauigation of the Globe: Or the admirable and prosperous voyage of Master THOMAS CANDISH of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence round about the circumference of the whole Earth, begun in the yeere of our Lord 1586. and finished 1588. [ 50] Written by Master FRANCIS PRETTY lately of Ey in Suf∣folke, a Gentleman employed in the same action, pub∣lished by Master HAKLVYT, and now cor∣rected and abbreuiated.

WE departed out of Plimmouth on Thursday the 21. of Iuly 1586. with three saile, to wit, The Desire, a ship of one hundred and twentie Tunnes, The Con∣tent of threescore Tunnes, and the Hugh Gallant, a Barke of fortie Tunnes: in which small Fleete were one hundred and twentie three persons of all sorts, with all kinde of furniture and victuals sufficient, for the space of two yeeres, at [ 60] the charges of the worshipfull Master Thomas Candish of Trimley in the Countie of Suffolke Esquire, being our Generall.

The three and twentieth of August, we put roome for Sierra Leona,* 2.364 and the fiue and twen∣tieth day we fell with the Point on the South side of Sierra Leona, which Master Brewer knew very well, and went in before with the Content, which was Vice-admirall▪ and we had no lesse

then fiue fathoms water when wee had least, and had for forteene leagues in Southwest all the way running into the Harbour of Sierra Leona, sixteene, fourteene, twelue, ten, and eight fa∣thoms of water. We spoiled here a Towne of the Negro's, which killed one of our men with a poysoned Arrow.

The third day of September, diuers of our Fleete went vp foure miles within the Harbour with our Boate, and caught great store of fish, and went on shore and tooke Limmons from the Trees, and comming aboord againe, saw two Buffes. The sixt day wee departed from Sierra Leona,* 2.365 and went out of the Harbour, and stayed one Tyde three leagues from the Point of the mouth of the Harbour in sixe fathoms, and it floweth South Southwest. On Wednesday, being the seuenth of the same moneth, we departed from one of the Iles of Cape Verde, alias, the Iles [ 10] of Madrabumba,* 2.366 which is ten leagues distant from the Point of Sierra Leona: and about fiue of the clocke the same night we anchored two miles off the Iland in sixe fathoms water, and lan∣ded the same night, and found Plantans onely vpon the Iland.

The eight day one of our Boats went out and sounded round about the Iland, and they passed through a sound at the West end of the Iland, where they found fiue fathoms round about the I∣land, vntill they came vnto the very gut of the sound, and then for a cast or two they had but two fathoms, and presently after sixe fathoms, and so deeper and deeper. And at the East end of the Iland there was a Towne,* 2.367 where Negro's doe vse at sometimes, as we perceiued by their prouision.

* 2.368There is no fresh water on all the South side, as we could perceiue, but on the North side three [ 20] or foure very good places of fresh water: and all the whole Iland is a Wood, saue certaine little places where their houses stand, which are invironed round about with Plantan-trees, whereof the fruit is excellent meate. This place is subiect marua••lous much to Thunder, Raine, and Lightning in this moneth. I thinke the reason is, because the Sunne is so neere the line Equino∣ctiall. On Saterday the tenth, we departed from the said Iland about three of the clocke in the afternoone,* 2.369 the winde being at the Southwest. The last of October running West Southwest about foure and twentie leagues from Cape Frio in Brasile, wee fell with a great Mountayne which had an high round knop on the top of it, standing from it like a Towne, with two little Ilands from it.

* 2.370The first of Nouember we went in betweene the Iland of Saint Sebastian and the mayne [ 30] Land, and had our things on shore, and set vp a Forge, and had our Caske on shore: our Coopers made Hoopes, and so wee remayned there vntill the three and twentieth day of the same mo∣neth: in which time we fitted our things, built our Pinnace, and filled our fresh water.

* 2.371The sixteenth day of December we fell with the Coast of America in 47. degrees ⅓. the Land bearing West from vs about sixe leagues off: from which place wee ranne along the shore, vntill we came into fortie and eight degrees.* 2.372 It is a steepe beach all along. The seuenteenth in the afternoone we entred into an Harbour, where our Admirall went in first: wherefore our Gene∣rall named the said Harbour,* 2.373 Port Desire: in which Harbour is an Iland or two, where there is wonderfull great store of Seales, and another Iland of Birds which are gray Guls. This Har∣bour is a very good place to trim ships in,* 2.374 and to bring them on ground, and graue them in: for [ 40] there ebbeth and floweth much water: therefore wee graued and trimmed all our ships there. Here a Man and a Boy in washing their clothes at a Pit,* 2.375 were hurt by the Sauages arrowes, which are made of Canes, headed with flints. They are very wilde. We tooke the measure of one of their feete,* 2.376 and it was eighteene inches long. Their vse is vvhen any of them die, to bring him or them to the Cliffes by the Sea-side, and vpon the top of them they burie them, and in their graues are buried with them their Bowes and Arrowes, and all their Iewels which they haue in their life time, which are fine shells vvhich they finde by the Sea side, which they cut and square after an artificiall manner; and all is laid vnder their heads. The graue is made all with great stones of great length and bignesse, being set all along full of the dead mans Darts which he vsed when he was liuing. And they colour both their Darts and their Graues with a [ 50] red colour vvhich they vse in colouring of themselues.* 2.377 The eight and twentieth of December vve departed out of the Port of Desire, and went to an Iland vvhich lyeth three leagues to the Southward of it; vvhere vve trimmed our saued Pengwins vvith salt for victuall all that and the next day, and departed along the Coast Southwest and by South.

The thirtieth day vvee fell vvith a Rocke vvhich lyeth about fiue leagues from the Land, much like vnto Ediestone, which lyeth off the sound of Plimmouth, and vve sounded, and had eight fathoms rockie ground, within a mile thereof: the Rocke bearing West Southwest. Wee vvent coasting along South Southwest, and found great store of Seales all along the Coast. This Rocke standeth in 48. degrees 1/••;. to the Southward of the Line.* 2.378 The second day of Ianuarie we fell vvith a very faire vvhite Cape, vvhich standeth in 52. degrees, and had seuen fathoms vva∣ter [ 60] a league of the Land. The third day of the foresaid moneth vvee fell vvith another great vvhite Cape, vvhich standeth in 52. degrees and 45. minutes: from vvhich Cape there runneth a low beach about a league to the Southward, and this beach reacheth to the opening of the dangerous Streight of Magellan, vvhich is in diuers places fiue or sixe leagues vvide, and in two

seuerall places more narrow. Vnder this Cape wee anchored, and lost an anchor, for it was a great storme of foule Weather, and lasted three dayes very dangerous.

The sixt day wee put in for the Straits. The seuenth day,* 2.379 betweene the mouth of the Straits and the narrowest place thereof, wee tooke a Spaniard whose name was Hernando, who was there with three and twentie Spaniards more, which were all that remained of foure hundred, which were left there three yeeres before in these Straits of Magellan, all the rest being dead with famine. And the same day wee passed through the narrowest of the Straits, where the aforesaid Spaniard shewed vs the Hull of a small Barke, which wee iudged to be a Barke called The Iohn Thomas. It is from the mouth of the Straits vnto the narrowest of the Straits,* 2.380 [ 10] foureteene leagues, and the course lyeth West and by North. The mouth of the Straits stand∣eth in two and fiftie degrees. From the narrowest of the Straits vnto Pengwin Iland, is tenne leagues, and lyeth West Southwest somewhat to the Southward, where wee anchored the eight day, and killed and salted great store of Pengwins for Victuals.

The ninth day wee departed from Pengwin Iland,* 2.381 and ranne South Southwest to King Phi∣lips Citie, which the Spaniards had built: which Towne or Citie had foure Forts, and euery Fort had in it one cast Peece, which Peeces were buryed in the ground; the Carriages were standing in their places vnburyed: wee digged for them, and had them all. They had contri∣ued their Citie very well, and seated it in the best place of the Straits for Wood and Water: They had builded vp their Churches by themselues: They had Lawes very seuere among them∣selues, [ 20] for they had erected a Gibbet, whereon they had done execution vpon some of their companie. It seemed vnto vs, that their whole liuing for a great space was altogether vpon Muskles and Lympits; for there was not any thing else to be had, except some Deere which came out of the Mountaines downe to the fresh Riuers to drinke. These Spaniards which were there, were onely come to fortifie the Straits, to the end that no other Nation should haue pas∣sage through into the South Sea, sauing onely their owne: but as it appeared,* 2.382 it was not Gods will so to haue it. For during the time that they were there, which was two yeeres at the least, they could neuer haue any thing to growe, or in any wise prosper. And on the other side, the Indians oftentimes preyed vpon them, vntill their Victuals grew so short, (their store being spent which they had brought with them out of Spaine, and hauing no meanes to renew [ 30] the same) that they died like Dogges in their Houses, and in their Clothes, wherein we found them still at our comming, vntill that in the end the Towne being wonderfully taynted with the smell and the sauour of the dead people, the rest which remayned aliue were driuen to bu∣rie such things as they had there in their Towne either for prouision or for furniture, and so to forsake the Towne, and to goe along the Sea-side, and seeke their Victuals, to preserue them from steruing, taking nothing with them, but euery man his Harquebuze and his furniture that was able to carry it (for some were not able to carry them for weakenesse) and so liued for the space of a yeere and more, with Rootes, Leaues, and sometimes a Fowle, which they might kill with their Peece. To conclude, they were determined to haue trauelled towards the Riuer of Plate, onely three and twentie persons being left aliue, whereof two were Women, which [ 40] were the remainder of foure hundred. In this place wee watred and wooded well and quietly. Our Generall named this Towne, Port Famine:* 2.383 It standeth in 53. degrees by obseruation to the Southward.

The foureteenth day wee departed from this place, and ranne South Southwest, and from thence Southwest vnto Cape Froward, fiue Leagues West Southwest:* 2.384 Which Cape is the Southermost part of all the Straits, and standeth in the latitude of 54. degrees. From which Cape wee ranne West and by North fiue Leagues, and put into a Bay or Coue on the South side, which wee called Muskle-Coue, because there were great store of them:* 2.385 wee ridde therein sixe dayes, the Wind being still Westerly.

The one and twentieth day wee departed from Muskle-Coue, and went Northwest and by [ 50] West tenne Leagues, to a very faire sandie Bay on the North side, which our Generall called Elizabeth Bay.* 2.386

The two and twentieth wee departed from Elizabeth Bay in the afternoone, and went about two Leagues from that place, where there was a fresh Water Riuer, where our Generall went vp with the shippe-boat about three miles: Which Riuer hath very good and pleasant ground about it, and it is lowe and champion Soyle, and so wee saw none other ground else in all the Straits, but that was craggie Rockes and monstrous high Hills and Mountaines. In this Riuer are great store of Sauages, which wee saw, and had conference with them:* 2.387 They were Men-eaters, and fedde altogether vpon rawe flesh, and other filthie foode: Which people had preyed vpon some of the Spaniards before spoken of; for they had gotten Kniues and pie∣ces of Rapiers to make Darts of. They vsed all the meanes they could possibly to haue allured [ 60] vs vp farther into the Riuer, of purpose to haue betrayed vs: Which being espyed by our Generall, hee caused vs to shoote at them with our Harquebuzes, whereby wee killed many of them. So wee sayled from this Riuer to the Channell of Saint Ierome,* 2.388 which is two Leagues off.

From the Riuer of Saint Ierome about three or foure Leagues, wee ranne West vnto a Cape which is on the North side: and from that Cape vnto the mouth of the Straits the course lyeth Northwest and by West, and Northwest. Betweene which place and the mouth of the Straits to the Southward,* 2.389 wee lay in Harborough vntill the three and twentieth of February, by reason of contrary Windes and most vile and filthie foule Weather, with such Raine and ve∣hement stormie Windes which came downe from the Mountaines and high Hills, that they hazarded the best Cables and Anchors that wee had for to hold, which if they had fayled, wee had beene in great danger to haue beene cast away, or at the least famished. For during this time, which was a full moneth, wee fedde almost altogether vpon Muskles, and Limpits, and Birds, or such as wee could get on shore, seeking euery day for them, as the Fowles of the ayre [ 10] doe, where they can finde foode, in continuall raynie Weather. There is at euery mile or two miles end an Harborough on both sides of the Land. And there are betweene the Riuer of Saint Ierome and the mouth of the Straits,* 2.390 going into the South Sea, about foure and thirtie Leagues by estimation. So that the length of the whole Straits is about ninetie Leagues. And the said mouth of the Straits standeth in the same height that the entrance standeth in when wee passe out of the North Sea, which is about two and fiftie degrees and two terces to the Southward of the Line.

The foure and twentieth day of February wee entred into the South Sea: and on the South side of the going out of the Straits, is a faire high Cape, with a lowe Point adioy∣ning vnto it. And on the North side are foure or fiue Ilands, which lye sixe Leagues [ 20] off the Mayne, and much broken and sunken ground about them: by Noone the same day, wee had brought these Ilands East of vs, fiue Leagues off; the Winde being then Southerly.

The first of March a storme tooke vs at North: which Night the shippes lost the com∣panie of the Hugh Gallant, being in nine and fortie degrees, and one second, and fiue and fortie Leagues from the Land. This storme continued three or foure dayes: and for that time wee in the Hugh Gallant being separated from the other two shippes, looked euery houre to sinke, our Barke was so leake, and our selues so diluered and weakened with freeing it of Water, that wee slept not in three Dayes and three Nights.

The fifteenth day, in the Morning, the Hugh Gallant came in betweene the Iland of Saint [ 30] Mary and the Mayne, where shee met with the Admirall and the Content, which had rid at the Iland called La Mocha two dayes,* 2.391 which standeth in the Southerly latitude of eight and thirtie degrees: At which place, some of our men went on shore with the Vice-Admirals Boat, where the Indians fought with them with their Bowes and Arrowes, and were maruei∣lous warie of their Caliuers. These Indians were enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a great place called Arauco, and tooke vs for Spaniards, as afterward wee learned. This place which is called Arauco, is wonderfull rich, and full of Gold Mynes: and yet could it not be subdued at any time by the Spaniards, but they alwayes returned with the greatest losse of men. For these Indians are desperate and carelesse of their liues, to liue at their owne libertie and freedome. [ 40]

In the after-noone wee weighed anchor, and ranne vnder the West side of Saint Mary Iland, where wee ridde very well in sixe fathomes Water, and very faire ground all that Night.* 2.392

The sixteenth day our Generall went on shore himselfe with seuentie or eightie men, euery one with his furniture: There came downe to vs certaine Indians, with two which were the Principals of the Iland, to welcome vs on shore, thinking wee had beene Spaniards, for it is subdued by them; who brought vs vp to a place where the Spaniards had erected a Church, with Crosses and Altars in it.* 2.393 And there were about this Church two or three Store-houses, which were full of Wheat and Barley, ready threshed and made vp in Cades of Strawe, to the quantitie of a Bushell of Corne in euery Cade. The Wheat and Barley was as faire, as cleane, [ 50] and euery way as good as any wee haue in England. There were also the like Cades full of Potato Rootes, which were very good to eate, ready made vp in the Store-houses for the Spa∣niards, against they should come for their tribute. This Iland also yeeldeth many sorts of Fruits, Hogges, and Hennes. These Indians are held in such slauerie by them, that they dare not eate a Henne or an Hogge themselues. But the Spaniards haue made them all in that Iland Christians.* 2.394 Thus wee fitted our selues here with Corne as much as wee would haue, and as many Hogges as wee had Salt to powder them withall, and great store of Hennes, with a num∣ber of Bagges of Potato Rootes, and about fiue hundred dryed Dogge-fishes, and Guinie Wheat, which is called Maiz. And hauing taken as much as wee would haue, yet wee left great store behind vs. Our Generall had the two Principals of the Iland aboord our shippe, [ 60] and prouided great cheare for them, and made them merry with Wine: and they in the end perceiuing vs to be no Spaniards, made signes, as neere as our Generall could perceiue, that if wee would goe ouer vnto the maine Land,* 2.395 vnto Arauco, that there was much Gold, ma∣king vs signes, that wee should haue great store of Riches. But because wee could not

vnderstand them, our Generall made some haste, and within two or three dayes wee furnished our selues.

The eighteenth day in the morning we departed from this place, and ran all that day North-northeast, about tenne leagues, and at night lay with a short sayle off and on the coast. The nine∣teenth we ranne in East Northeast with the land, and bare in with a place called The Conception,* 2.396 where we anchored vnder an Iland, and departed the next morning without going on land. The twentieth, wee departed from The Conception, and went into a little Baye which was sandie, where we saw fresh water and cattell, but we stayed not there. The thirtieth day,* 2.397 we came into the Baye of Quintero, which standeth in thirty three degrees, and fiftie minutes. Here Fernan∣do [ 10] the Spaniard, contrary to his oath, forsooke vs.

The last of March, Captaine Hauers went vp into the Country, with fiftie or sixtie men with their shot and furniture with them, and we trauelled seuen or eight miles into the land: and as we were marching along, we espied a number of herds of cattell, of kine and bullockes, which were wonderfull wilde: we saw great store of horses, mares, and coltes which were very wilde and vnhandled: there is also great store of hares and conies, and plenty of partriges and other wild-fowles. The countrey is very fruitfull with faire fresh riuers, all along full of wild-fowle of all sorts. Hauing trauailed so farre that we could go no further for the monstrous high moun∣taines, we rested our selues at a very faire fresh Riuer, running in and alongst faire low medowes at the foote of the mountaines, where euery man drunke of the Riuer, and refreshed themselues. Hauing so done, we returned to our Ships the likest way that we thought their Towne should [ 20] be: so we trauailed all the day long, not seeing any man, but we mette with many wilde dogges: yet there were two hundred horsemen abroad that same day, by meanes of the Spaniard which they had taken the day before from vs, who had told them that our force was but small, and that we were wonderfull weake: who though they did espie vs that day, yet durst they not giue the on-set vpon vs. For we marched along in array, and obserued good order, whereby we see∣med a great number more then we were, vntill we came vnto our ships that night againe.

The next day being the first of Aprill, 1587. our men went on shoare to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the water side: and being early hard at their businesse, were in no readinesse. In which meane while, there came powring downe from the hilles almost two hun∣dred [ 30] horsemen, and before our people could returne to the rockes from the watering place, twelue of them were cut off, part killed, and part taken prisoners, the rest were rescued by our souldiers which came from the rockes to meete with them, who being but fifteen of vs that had any wea∣pons on shoare,* 2.398 yet we made the enemie retire in the ende with losse of some foure and twentie of their men, after we had skirmished with them an houre. After the losse of these men, we rid in the roade, and watered in despight of them, with good watch and ward, vntill the fift of the said moneth.

The fift day we departed out of this bay of Quintero: and off from the bay there lieth a little Iland about a league distant, whereon there are great store of Penguins, and other fowles;* 2.399 where∣of we tooke to serue our turnes, and sayled away North, and North and by West: for so lieth the coast along in this place.

[ 40] The fifteenth we came thwart of a place which is called Morro moreno,* 2.400 which standeth in 23. degrees 1/••, and is an excellent good harborough: and there is an Iland which maketh it an harborough: and a ship may goe in at either end of the Iland: here we went with our Generall on shore to the number of thirty men▪ and at our going on shore vpon our landing, the Indians of the place came downe from the rockes to meete with vs, with fresh water and wood on their backes. They are in maruellous awe of the Spaniards, and very simple people, and liue sauagely: For they brought vs to their bidings about two miles from the harborough, where we saw their women and lodging, which is nothing but the skinne of some beast laid vpon the ground: and ouer them in stead of houses, is nothing but fiue or sixe sticks laid acrosse, which stand vpon two forkes with stickes on the ground, and a fewe boughes laid on it. Their diet is raw fish, which [ 50] stinketh most vilely. And when any of them die, they burie their bowes and arrowes with them, with their Canoa, and all that they haue: for we opened one of their graues, and saw the order of them. Their Canoas or boates are maruellous artificially made of two skinnes like vnto bladders,* 2.401 and are blowne full at one ende with quilles: they haue two of these bladders blowne full, which are sowen together, and made fast with the sinew of some wild beast; which when they are in the water, swell, so that they are as tight as may be. They goe to sea in these boates,* 2.402 and catch very much fish with them, and pay much of it for tribute vnto the Spaniards: but they vse it beastly.

The three and twentieth in the morning we tooke a small barke which came out of Arica [ 60] road, which we kept and called The George: the men forsooke it,* 2.403 and went away with their boate. Our Admirals pinnesse followed the boate, and the Hugh Gallants boate tooke the barke: our Admirals pinnesse could not recouer the boat before it got on shoare, but went along into the road of Arica, and laid aboord a great ship of an hundred tunnes riding in the road right afore the towne, but all the men and goods were gone out of it, onely the bare shippe was left alone.

The twentie sixth day, after two other Barkes taken, wee departed. The twentie seauenth day wee tooke a small Barke,* 2.404 which came from Saint Iago, neere vnto Quintero, where we lost our men first. In this Barke was one George a Greeke, a reasonable pilot for all the coast of Chili.

* 2.405The third of May we came into a bay where are three little townes, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Pisca, where some of vs landed and tooke certain houses, wherein was bread, wine, figs, and hennes: but the sea went so high, that we could not land at the best of the townes without sinking of our boats, and great hazard of vs all. This place standeth in thirteene degrees and ⅔, to the Southward of the line.

* 2.406The fift of May we departed from this harbour, leauing the Content our Vice-admirall with∣in [ 10] at an Iland of Seales, by which meanes at that time we lost her companie.

The sixteenth we tooke with the Hugh Gallant, beeing but sixteene men of vs in it, a great shippe which came from Guaianil, which was called The Lewis, and was of the burthen of three hundred tunnes,* 2.407 hauing fowre and twentie men in it, wherein was pilot one Gonsaluo de Ribas, whom we carried along with vs, and a Negro called Emmanuel. The shippe was laden with no∣thing but timber and victualls: wherefore we left her seauen leagues from the land, very leake, and ready to sinke in seuen degrees to the Southward of the line: we sunke her boate and tooke a∣way her foresaile and certaine victualls.

* 2.408The seuenteenth, we met with our Admirall againe, and all the rest of our fleete. They had taken two ships, the one laden with sugar, Molosses, Maiz, Cordouan-skinnes, Montego de Porco, [ 20] many packes of Pintados, many Indian coates, and some marmalade, and a thousand hennes: and the other shippe was laden with wheat-meale, and boxes of marmalade. One of these shippes which had the cheife marchandize in it, was worth twenty thousand pounds, if it had beene in England, or in any other place of Christendome, where we might haue sold it. We filled all our ships with as much as we could bestow of these goods: the rest we burnt, and the ships also; and set the men and women that were not killed on shoare.

* 2.409The twentieth day in the morning, we came into the road of Paita, and beeing at an anchor, our Generall landed with sixtie or seuentie men, skirmished with them of the towne, and draue them all to flight to the top of the hill which is ouer the towne, except a few slaues and some o∣ther which were of the meaner sort, who were commanded by the gouernours to stay belowe in [ 30] the towne, at a place which is in building for a fort, hauing with them a bloody ensigne, beeing in number about one hundred men.* 2.410 Now as we vvere rouing betvveene the ships and the shore, our gunner shot off a great peice out of one of the barkes, and the shot fell among them, and draue them to flie from the fort as fast as they might runne, vvho got them vp vpon an hill, and from thence shot among vs vvith their small shot.* 2.411 After vve vvere landed, and had taken the tovvne, vve ran vpon them, and chased them so fiercely vp the hilles for the space of an houre, that vve draue them in the ende avvay perforce, and beeing got vp the hilles, vve found vvhere they had laid all their stuffe vvhich they had brought out of the tovvne, and had hidden it there vpon the mountaines.* 2.412 We also found the quantitie of fiue and tvventy pounds vveight in siluer, in pei∣ces of eight ryals, and abundance of houshold-stuffe, and store-houses full of all kind of wares: but [ 40] our Generall vvould not suffer any man to carry much cloth or apparell avvay, because they should not cloy themselues vvith burthens: for he knevv not vvhether our enemies vvere proui∣ded vvith furniture according to the number of their men: for they vvere fiue men to one of vs: and vve had an English mile and an halfe to our ships. Thus we came dovvne in safetie to the tovvne, vvhich vvas very vvell builded, and maruellous cleane kept in euery streete, vvith a tovvne-house or Guild-hall in the middest,* 2.413 and had to the number of tvvo hundred houses at the least in it. We set it on fire to the ground, and goods to the value of fiue or sixe thousand pounds: there was also a Barke riding in the roade, which we set on fire, and departed, directing our course to the Iland of Puna.

* 2.414The twentie fiue day of May, we arriued at the Iland of Puna, where is a very good harbour, [ 50] where we found a great ship of the burthen of two hundred and fifty tunnes, riding at an anchor with all her furniture, which was readie to bee haled on ground: for there is a speciall good place for that purpose. We sunke it, and went on shore where the Lord of the Iland dwelt, which was by the waters side, who had a sumptuous house wel contriued, with many very singular good roomes and chambers in it: and out of euery chamber was framed a gallerie, with a stately pro∣spect into the sea on the one side, and into the Iland on the other side, with a great hall belowe, and a very great storehouse at the one ende of the hal,* 2.415 which was filled with Botijas of pitch and bash to make cables withall: for the most part of the cables in the South-sea, are made vpon that Iland. This great Casique doth make all the Indians vpon the Iland to worke and to drudge for him: and he himselfe is an Indian borne, but is married to a faire woman a Spaniard, by reason of [ 60] his pleasant habitation, and great wealth.

The twentie ninth day of May, our Generall went in the ship-boate into a little Iland thereby,* 2.416 whereas the said Casique which was the Lord of Puna, had caused all the hangings of his chambers, which were of Cordouan leather all guilded ouer, and painted very faire and rich,

with all his houshold-stuffe, and all the ships tackling which was riding in the road at our com∣ming in, with great store of nailes, spikes of yron, and very many other things to be conueyed: all which wee found, and brought away what our Generall thought requisite for the shippes businesse.

This Iland is very pleasant for all things requisite, and fruitfull: but there are no mines of gold nor siluer in it. There are at the least two hundred houses in the towne about the Casiques pal∣lace, and as many in one or two townes more vpon the Iland, which is almost as bigge as the Ile of Wight in England. There is planted on the one side of the Casiques house, a faire garden,* 2.417 with all herbes growing in it, and at the lower ende a Well of fresh water, and round about it are trees [ 10] set, whereon bombasin cotton groweth after this manner: The tops of the trees growe full of cods, out of which the cotton groweth, and in the cotton is a seede of the bignesse of a pease, and in euery codde there are seuen or eight of these seedes: and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, then these seedes fall from it, and spring againe. There are also in this garden fig-trees which beare continually, also pompions, melons, cucumbers, radishes, rosemarie and thyme, with many other herbes and fruits. At the other end of the house there is also another Orchyard,* 2.418 where grow orenges sweete and sower, limmons, pomegranates and lymes, with diuerse other fruits. There is very good pasture ground in this Iland; and withall many horses, oxen, bullocks, sheepe very fat and faire, great store of goates which be very tame, and are vsed continually to be milked. They haue moreouer abundance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of a maruellous bignesse.

[ 20] There was also a very large and great Church hard by the Casiques house, whither hee caused all the Indians in the Iland to come and heare masse: for he himselfe was made a Christian when he was married to the Spanish woman before spoken of, and vpon his conuersion, hee caused the rest of his subiects to be Christened. In this Church was an high Altar with a Crucifixe, and fiue belles hanging in the nether ende thereof. We burnt the Church, and brought the bells away. By this time we had haled on ground our Admirall, and had made her cleane, burnt her keele,* 2.419 pitched and tarred her, and had haled her on flote againe. And in the meane while continually kept watch and ward in the great house both night and day.

The second of Iune, an hundred Spaniards assailed vs, whereby of our men were slaine, drow∣ned, and taken twelué, of theirs wee slewe fortie sixe.* 2.420 The selfe same day we went on shore [ 30] againe with seuentie men, and had a fresh skirmish with the enemies, and draue them to retyre, being an hundred Spaniards seruing with muskets, and two hundred Indians with bowes, ar∣rowes, and darts. This done, we set fire on the Towne, and burnt it to the ground, hauing in it to the number of three hundred houses: and shortly after made hauocke of their fields, orchyards, and gardens, and burnt foure great shipps more which were in building on the stocks. The third, the Content which was our Vice-admirall was haled on ground, to graue at the same place in de∣spight of the Spaniards: and also our Pinnesse which the Spaniards had burned, was newe trimmed.

The fift day of Iune we departed out of the roade of Puna, where wee had remained eleuen dayes, and turned vp for a place which is called Rio dolce, where we watered:* 2.421 at which place al∣so [ 40] we sunke our Rere-admirall, called The Hugh Gallant for want of men, being a barke of fortie tunnes. The tenth day of the same moneth, we set the Indians on shore, which wee had taken before in a Balsa, as we were comming into the road of Puna. The eleuenth day we departed from the said Rio dolce. The twelft we doubled the Equinoctiall line, and continued our course Northward all that moneth.

The first of Iuly we had sight of the coast of Nueua Espanna, being foure leagues distant from land, in the latitude of tenne degrees to the Northvvard of the line. The ninth, vve tooke a new ship of the burthen of an hundred and tvventie tunnes, vvherin vvas one Michael Sancius, vvhom our Generall tooke to serue his turne to vvater along the coast: for he vvas one of the best coasters in the South Sea. This Michael Sancius vvas a Prouensall, borne in Marseils,* 2.422 and vvas the first [ 50] man that told vs newes of the great shippe called The Santa Anna, which vve aftervvard tooke comming from the Philippinas.

There were six men more in this nevv shippe: vve tooke her sailes, her ropes,* 2.423 and fire-vvood to serue our turnes, set her on fire and kept the men.

The tenth vve tooke another barke vvhich vvas going vvith aduise of vs, and our ships all a∣long the coast, as Michael Sancius told vs: but all the company that vvere in the barke vvere fled on shore. The sixe and tvventieth day of Iuly, vve came to an anchor at tenne fathomes in the riuer of Copalita, vvhere vve made account to vvater. And the same night vvee departed vvith thirty men in the Pinnesse, and rovved to Aguatulco, vvhich is but tvvo leagues from the afore∣said riuer; and standeth in fifteene degrees fortie minutes to the Northvvard of the Equinoctiall [ 60] line. The seuen and tvventieth in the morning by the breake of day, vve came into the roade of Aguatulco, vvhere vve found a barke of fiftie tunnes, vvhich vvas come from Sonsonate, laden vvith Cacaos and Anile, vvhich they had there landed: and the men vvere all fled on shoare. Wee landed there, and burnt their tovvne, vvith the Church and Custome-house, vvhich vvas very faire and large: in vvhich house vvere sixe hundred bags of Anile to die cloth; euery bagge vvhere∣of

was worth fortie Crownes, and foure hundred bagges of Cacaos; euery bag whereof is worth ten Crownes.* 2.424 These Cacaos goe among them for meate and money. For an hundred and fiftie of them are in value one Ryal of plate in readie payment. They are very like vnto an Almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste: they eate them, and make drinke of them.

The eight and twentieth day, we set sayle from Copalita, because the sea was so great there, that we could not fill water, and ranne the same night into the roade of Aguatulco. The nine and twentieth,* 2.425 our Generall landed and went on shore with thirtie men, two miles into the woods, where we tooke a Mestizo, whose name was Michael de Truxillo, who was customer of that towne, and we found with him two chambers full of his stuffe: wee brought him and his stuffe aboord. And whereas I say he was a Mestizo, it is to be vnderstood, that a Mestizo, is one [ 10] which hath a Spaniard to his father, and an Indian to his mother.

* 2.426The foure and twentieth day of August, our Generall with thirty of vs went with the Pin∣nesse vnto an hauen called Puerto de Natiuidad, where we had intelligence by Michael Sancius, that there should be a Pinnesse, but before we could get thither, the said Pinnesse was gone to fish for pearles twelue leagues farther, as we were informed by certaine Indians which we found there.* 2.427 We tooke a Mullato in this place in his bed, which was sent with letters of aduise concer∣ning vs along the coast of Nueua Galicia, whose horse we killed, tooke his letters, left him be∣hind, set fire on the houses, and burnt two new shippes of two hundred tunnes the piece, which were in building there on the stockes, and came aboord of our shippes againe. The sixe and twentieth day, we came into the bay of S. Iago, where we watered at a fresh Riuer, along which [ 20] riuer many plantans are growing: here is great abundance of fresh fish. Here also certaine of our company dragged for pearles, and caught some quantitie.

The second of September, we departed from Sant Iago. This bay of Sant Iago standeth in nineteene degrees and eighteene minutes to the Northward of the line. The third of Septem∣ber,* 2.428 we arriued in a little Bay a league to the Westward off Port de Nauidad, called Malacca, which is a very good place to ride in: and the same day about twelue of the clocke, our Generall landed with thirty men or there about, and went vp to a towne of Indians, which was two leagues from the road,* 2.429 which towne is called Acatlan: there were in it about twentie or thirty houses and a Church, which we defaced and came aboord againe the same night. All the people were fled out of the towne at the sight of vs. The fourth, we departed from the road of Malac∣ca,* 2.430 and sayled along the coast. The eight, wee came to the roade of Chaccalla, in which Bay [ 30] there are two little houses by the waters side. This Bay is eighteene leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes. The ninth in the morning our Generall sent vp Captaine Hauers, with forty men of vs before day, and Michael Sancius being our guide, we vvent vnto a place about tvvo leagues vp into the countrey, in a desert path through the vvoods and vvildernesse; and in the ende vvee came to a place vvhere vve tooke three housholders vvith their vviues and children, and some In∣dians, one Carpenter vvhich vvas a Spaniard, and a Portugall, vve bound them all, and made them to come to the sea side vvith vs. Our Generall made their vviues to fetch vs Plantans, Lymmons, and Oranges, Pine-aples, and other fruits vvhereof they had abundance, and so let their husbands depart, except Sembrano the Spanish Carpenter, and Diego the Portugal; and the [ 40] tenth day vve departed the roade.

* 2.431The tvvelfth day vve arriued at a little Island called the Isle of Sant Andrew, on vvhich there is great store of fovvle and vvood: vvhere vve dryed and salted as many of the fovvles as vvee thought good: vve also killed there abundance of Seales, and Iguanos vvhich are a kind of Ser∣pents,* 2.432 vvith foure feete, and a long sharpe tayle, strange to them vvhich haue not seene them; but they are very good meate. We ridde here vntill the seuenteenth day, at vvhich time vvee de∣parted.

* 2.433The foure and twentieth day we arriued in the road of Massatlan, which standeth in twenty three degrees 1/••, iust vnder the Tropicke of Cancer: It is a very great riuer within, but is barred at the mouth: & vpon the North side of the barre without, is good fresh water: but there is very euil filling of it: because at a low water it is shoald halfe a mile off the shoare. There is great store [ 50] of fresh fish in that bay: and good fruites vp into the countrey, whereof wee had some, though not without danger.

The seuen and twentieth day of September, we departed from the roade of Massatlan, and ran to an Island which is a league to the Northward of the said Massatlan;* 2.434 where wee trimmed our ships, and new built our Pinnesse: and there is a little Island a quarter of a league from it, on which are Seales; where a Spanish prisoner, whose name was Domingo, beeing sent to wash shirts with one of our men to keep him, made a scape, and swam to the maine, which was an English mile distant: at which place we had seene thirty or fortie Spaniards and Indians, which were horsemen, and kept watch there, which came from a towne called Chiametla, which was eleuen [ 60] leagues vp into the countrey,* 2.435 as Michael Sancius told vs. We found vpon the Island where we trimmed our Pinnesse, fresh water by the assistance of God in that our great neede by digging two or three foote deepe in the sand, where no water, nor signe of water was before to bee per∣ceiued. Othervvise vve had gone backe tvventy or thirty leagues to vvater: vvhich might haue

beene occasion that vve might haue missed our prey vve had long vvayted for. But God raysed one Flores a Spaniard, vvhich vvas also a prisoner vvith vs, to make a motion to digge in the sands. Novv our Generall hauing had experience once before of the like,* 2.436 commanded to put his motion in practise, and in digging three foot deepe vve found very good and fresh vvater. So vve vvate∣red our shippes, and might haue filled a thousand tunnes more, if vve had vvould.

We stayed in this Island vntill the ninth day of October, at vvhich time vve departed at night for the Cape of S. Lucar, vvhich is on the West side of the point of California:* 2.437 vvith vvhich vve fell on the foureteenth of October, it is very like the Needles at the Isle of Wight: and vvithin the said Cape is a great Bay, called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura: into vvhich falleth [ 10] a faire Fresh riuer, about vvhich many Indians vse to keepe: vve vvatered in the riuer, and lay off and on from the said Cape of S. Lucar vntill the fourth of Nouember, and had the vvinds han∣ging still Westerly.

The fourth of Nouember, the Desire and the Content, beating vp and downe vpon the head∣land of California, which standeth in twenty three degrees, and 2/•• to the Northward,* 2.438 betweene seuen and eight of the clocke in the morning, one of the company of our Admirall which was the trumpeter of the ship going vp into the toppe, espied a sayle, bearing in from the sea with the Cape; whereupon he cryed out with no small ioy to himselfe and the whole companie, A sayle, A sayle: with which cheerefull word the master of the ship, and diuers others of the com∣pany went also vp into the maine top, who perceiuing the speech to be very true, gaue informa∣tion [ 20] vnto our Generall of these happy newes, who was no lesse glad then the cause required: whereupon he gaue in charge presently vnto the whole companie to put all things in readinesse, which beeing performed we gaue them chase some three or foure houres, standing with our best aduantage, and working for the winde.

In the afternoone we gat vp vnto them, giuing them the broad side with our great ordnance, and a volee of small shot, and presently laid the ship aboord,* 2.439 whereof the King of Spaine was owner, which was Admirall of the South-sea, called the S. Anna, and thought to be seuen hun∣dred tunnes in burthen. Now as we were readie on their ships side to enter her, beeing not past fiftie or sixty men at the vttermost in our ship, we perceiued that the Captain of the said ship had made fights fore and after, and laid their sailes close on their poope, their mid-ship, with their [ 30] fore-castle, and hauing not one man to be seene, stood close vnder their fights, with Lances, Iaue∣lings, Rapiers and Targets, and an innumerable sort of great stones, which they threw ouer boord vpon our heads, and into our ship so fast, and beeing so many of them, that they put vs off the shippe againe, with the losse of two of our men which were slaine, and with the hurting of foure or fiue. But for all this we new trimmed our sailes, and fitted euery man his furniture,* 2.440 and gaue them a fresh incounter with our great Ordnance, and also with our small shot, raking them tho∣rough and thorough, to the killing and maiming of many of their men. Their Captaine still like a valiant man with his companie, stood very stoutely vnto his close fights, not yeelding as yet. Our Generall incouraging his men afresh with the whole noyse of trumpets, gaue them the third encounter with our great Ordnance,* 2.441 and all our small shot to the great discomforting of our [ 40] enemies, raking them through in diuerse places, killing and spoyling many. They beeing thus discomforted, and their shippe beeing in hazard of sinking by reason of the great shot which were made, whereof some were vnder water, within fiue or sixe houres fight,* 2.442 set out a flagge of truce, and parled for mercie, desiring our Generall to saue their liues, and to take their goods, and that they would presently yeeld. Our Generall promised them mercy, and willed them to strike their sayles, and to hoyse out their boat, & to come aboord: which newes they were full glad to heare, and presently stroke their sailes, hoysed their boat out, and one of their chiefe marchants came aboord vnto our Generall: and falling downe vpon his knees, offered to haue kissed his feete, and craued mercie: the Captaine and their Pilote, at their comming vsed the like duetie and reuerence as the former did. The Generall promised their liues and good vsage. They de∣clared [ 50] what goods they had within boord, to wit,* 2.443 an hundreth and two and twenty thousand pezos of gold: and the rest of the riches that the ship was laden with, was in Silkes, Sattens, Da∣masks, with Muske and diuers other marchandize, and great store of all manner of victualls, with the choise of many conserues of all sorts for to eate, and of sundry sorts of very good wines. These things beeing made knowne, they were commanded to stay aboord the Desire, and on the sixt day of Nouember following, we went into an harbour, which is called by the Spaniards, Aguada Segura, or Puerto Seguro.

Here the whole company of the Spaniards, both of men and women to the number of an hundred and ninetie persons were set on shore: where they had a fayre riuer of fresh water, with great store of fresh-fish, fowle, and wood, and also many Hares and Conies vpon the maine land. [ 60] Our Generall also gaue them great store of victualls, of Garuansas, Peason, and some Wine. Also they had all the sailes of their shippe to make them tents on shore, with licence to take such store of plankes as should be sufficient to make them a barke. Then we fell to hoysing in of our goods, sharing of the treasure, and alotting to euery man his portion. In diuision whereof,* 2.444 the eight of this moneth, many of the company fell into a mutinie against our Generall, especially those

which were in the Content, which neuerthelesse were after a sort pacified for the time.

On the seuenteenth day of Nouember, which is the day of the happy Coronation of her Maiestie, our Generall commanded all his Ordnance to be shot off, with the small shot both in his owne shippe where himselfe went, and also in the Content, which was our Vice-admirall. This being done, the same night we had many fire-workes, and more Ordnance discharged, to the great admiration of all the Spaniards which were there: for the most part of them had neuer seene the like before. This ended, our Generall discharged the Captaine, gaue him a royall re∣ward, with prouision for his defence against the Indians and his companie, both of Swords, Tar∣gets, Pieces, Shot and Powder to his great contentment: but before his departure, hee tooke out of this great shippe two yong lads borne in Iapon,* 2.445 which could both write and reade their owne [ 10] language, the eldest being about twenty yeeres olde, was named Christopher, the other was cal∣led Cosmus, about seuenteene yeeres of age, both of very good capacitie. He tooke also with him out of their shippe,* 2.446 three boyes borne in the Isles of Manilla, the one about fifteene, the other a∣bout thirteene, and the yongest about nine yeeres old. The name of the eldest was Alphonso, the second Anthony de Dasi, the third remaineth with the right Honourable the Countesse of Essex. He also tooke from them one Nicholas Roderigo,* 2.447 a Portugall, who hath been in Canton, and other parts of China, in the Islands of Iapon, being a countrey most rich in siluer mines, and in the Phi∣lippinas.

* 2.448Hee tooke also from them a Spaniard, whose name was Thomas de Ersola, which was a very good Pilote from Acapulco, and the coast of Nueua Espanna vnto the Islands of Ladrones, where [ 20] the Spaniards doe put in to water, sayling betweene Acapulco and the Phillippinas: in which Isles of Ladrones,* 2.449 they finde fresh water, Plantans, and Potato-rootes: howbeit the people bee verie rude and heathens.

The nineteenth day of Nouember aforesaid, about three of the clocke in the afternoone, our Generall caused the Kings Shippe to be set on fire, which hauing to the quantitie of fiue hun∣dred tunnes of goods in her, we saw burnt vnto the water, and then gaue them a piece of Ord∣nance, and set sayle ioyfully homewards towards England with a faire wind, which by this time was come about to East Northeast: and night growing neere, we left the Content a sterne of vs, which was not as yet come out of the roade. And here thinking she would haue ouertaken vs, we lost her companie, and neuer saw her after. We were sayling from this hauen of Agueda Segu∣ra [ 30] in California, vnto the Iles of Ladrones the rest of Nouember, and all December, and so forth vntill the third of Ianuarie, 1588. with a faire winde for the space of fiue and fortie dayes: and we esteemed it to be betweene seuenteene and eighteene hundred leagues.

The third day of Ianuary by sixe of the clocke in the morning, we had sight of one of the Islands of Ladrones,* 2.450 called the Island of Guana, standing in thirteene degrees 2/•• toward the North, and sayling with a gentle gale before the winde, by one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, we were come vp within two leagues of the Island, where wee met with sixtie or seuentie sayles of Canoas full of Sauages, who came off to sea vnto vs, and brought with them in their Boates, Plantans, Cocos, Potato-rootes, and fresh-fish, which they had caught at Sea, and held them vp vnto vs for to trucke or exchange with vs; which when we perceiued, we made fast lit∣tle [ 40] pieces of old yron vpon small cords, and fishing lines, and so vered the yron vnto their Cano∣as, and they caught hold of them, and tooke off the yron, and in exchange of it, they would make fast vnto the same line, either a Potato-roote, or a bundle of Plantans, which we haled in: and thus our companie exchanged with them, vntill they had satisfied themselues with as much as did content them: yet we could not be ridde of them. For afterward they were so thicke a∣bout the ship, that it stemmed, and brake one or two of their Canoas; but the men saued them∣selues, being in euery Canoa, foure, sixe, or eight persons, all naked and excellent swimmers and diuers. They are of a tawny colour, and maruellous fat, and bigger ordinarily of stature then the most part of our men in England,* 2.451 wearing their haire maruellous long: yet some of them haue it made vp, and tyed with a knot on the Crowne, and some with two knots, much like vnto their [ 50] Images which we saw carued in wood, and standing in the head of their boats, like vnto the Ima∣ges of the deuilll. Their Canoas were as artificially made, as any that euer we had seene: consi∣dering they were made and contriued without any edge-toole They are not oboue halfe a yard in breadth, and in length some seuen or eight yardes, and their Heads and Sternes are both alike: they are made out with raftes of Canes and Reeds on the Starre-bord-side, with Maste and Saile: their Sayle is made of matters of Sedges,* 2.452 square or trianglewise: and they saile as well right a∣gainst the winde, as before the winde. These Sauages followed vs so long, that we could not be ridde of them: vntill in the ende our Generall commanded some halfe dozen Harquebuzes to bee made ready; and himselfe strooke one of them, and the rest shot at them: but they were so yare and nimble, that we could not discerne whether they were killed or no, because they could fall [ 60] backeward into the sea, and preuent vs by diuing.

The fouteteenth day of Ianuary lying at hull with our Ship all the middle watch, from twelue at night, vntill foure in the morning, by the breake of day, we fell with an head-land of the Isles of the Philippinas, which is called Cabo del Spirito Santo, which is of very great bignesse and

length, high land in the middest of it, and very low land as the Cape lieth East and West, tren∣ding farre into the Sea to the Westvvard. This Cape or Island is distant from the Ile of Guana, one of the Ladrones, three hundred and ten leagues.* 2.453 We vvere in sayling of this course eleuen dayes, vvith scant vvinds, and some foule vveather, bearing no sayle tvvo or three nights. This Island standeth in thirteene degrees, and is a place much peopled vvith heathen people, and all vvoodie through the vvhole Land: and it is short of the chiefest Island of the Philippinas called Manilla, about sixtie leagues. Manilla is vvell planted and inhabited vvith Spaniards, to the number of sixe or seuen hundred persons: vvhich dvvell in a tovvne vnvvalled, vvhich hath three or foure Block-houses, part made of vvood, and part of stone, being indeed of no great strength:* 2.454 [ 10] they haue one or tvvo small Gallies belong to the Tovvne. It is a very rich place of Gold, and many other commodities; and they haue yeerely traffique from Acapulco in Nueua Espanna, and also tvventy or thirtie shippes from China, and from the Sanguelos, vvhich bring them many sorts of marchandize. They bring great store of gold vvith them, vvhich they traffique and ex∣change for siluer, and giue vveight for vveight. These Sanguelos are men of maruellous capacity, in deuising and making all manner of things, especially in all handie crafts and sciences: and eue∣ry one is so expert, perfect, and skilfull in his facultie, as fevv or no Christians are able to go be∣yond them in that vvhich they take in hand. For dravving and imbroidering vpon Satten, Silke, or Lavvne, either beast, fovvle, fish, or vvorme, for liuelinesse and perfectnesse, both in Silke, Sil∣uer, Gold, and Pearle, they excell. Also the fourteenth day at night we entred the Straits be∣tween [ 20] the Island of Luçon, and the Iland of Camlaia.

The fifteenth of Ianuary we fell with an Island called Capul,* 2.455 and had betwixt the said Island and another Island but a narrowe passage, and a rippling of a very great tide, with a ledge of Rockes lying off the point of the Island of Capul: and no danger, but water enough a faire breadth off: and within the point a faire Bay, and a very good harborough in foure fathomes water hard aboord the shore within a Cables length. About tenne of the clocke in the morning we came to an anchor. Our Shippe was no sooner come to an anchor,* 2.456 but presently there came a Canoa rowing aboord vs; wherein was one of the cheife Casiques of the Island, whereof there bee seuen, who supposing that we were Spaniards, brought vs Potato-rootes, which they call Comotas, and greene Cocos, in exchange whereof we gaue his companie pieces of linnen, to [ 30] the quantitie of a yard for foure Cocos, and as much linnen for a basket of Potato-rootes of a quart in quantitie; which rootes are very good meate, and excellent sweete, either rosted or boyled. This Casiques skinne was carued and cut with sundry and many strakes and deuises all ouer his bodie. We kept him still aboord, and caused him to send those men which brought him aboord backe to the Island, to cause the rest of the Principals to come aboord: who were no soo∣ner gone on shore, but presently the people of the Island came downe with their Cocos, and Po∣tato-rootes, and the rest of the Principals likewise came aboord, and brought with them hennes, and hogges: and they vsed the same order with vs which they doe with the Spaniards.* 2.457 For they tooke for euery hogge (which they call Balboye) eight Ryals of plate, and for euery henne or cocke one ryall of plate. Thus we rode at anchor all that day, doing nothing but buying rootes, [ 40] Cocos, hennes, hogges, and such things as they brought, refreshing our selues. Here Thomas Er∣sola, the Spanish Pilot, seeking to betray vs to the Spaniards, was hanged.

We roade for the space of nine dayes, about this Island of Capul, where we had diuerse kinds of fresh victualls, with excellent fresh water in euery bay, and great store of wood. The people of this Island go almost all naked, and are tawny of colour.* 2.458 The men weare onely a stroope a∣bout their wastes, of some kind of linnen of their owne weauing, which is made of Plantan-leaues, and another stroope comming from their backe vnder their twistes, which couereth their priuy parts, and is made fast to their girdles at their nauels; which is this.* 2.459 Euery man and man-child among them, hath a nayle of Tynne thrust quite through the head of his priuie part, being split in the lower ende, and riuetted, and on the head of the nayle is as it were a Crowne: which [ 50] is driuen through their priuities when they be yong, and the place groweth vp agtine, without any great paine to the child: and they take this nayle out and in as occasion serueth; and for the truth thereof, we our selues haue taken one of these nayles from a Sonne of one of the Kings, which was of the age of tenne yeeres, who did weare the same in his priuy member. This cu∣stome was granted at the request of the women of the Countrey, who finding their men to be giuen to the fovvle sinne of Sodomie, desired some remedie against that mischiefe, and obtai∣ned this before named of the Magistrates. Moreouer, all the males are circumcised, hauing the foreskinne of their flesh cut avvay. These people vvholly vvorshippe the Deuill,* 2.460 and often∣times haue conference vvith him, vvhich appeareth vnto them in most vgly and monstrous shape.

[ 60] On the three and twentieth, our Generall M. Thomas Candish caused all the Principals of this Island, and of an hundred Islands more, which hee had made to pay Tribute vnto him (which Tribute was in Hogges, Hennes, Potatoes, and Cocos) to appeare before him, and made himselfe and his Company knowne vnto them, that they were Englishmen, and enemies to the Spani∣ards; and thereupon spred his Ensigne, and sounded vp the Drummes, which they much maruel∣led

at.* 2.461 To conclude, they promised both themselues and all the Islands thereabout, to ayde him, whensoeuer hee should come againe to ouercome the Spaniards. Also our Generall gaue them, in token that wee were enemies to the Spaniards, Money back againe for all their Tribute which they had payed: which they tooke maruellous friendly, and rowed about our shippe, to shew vs pleasure, maruellous swiftly. At the last, our Generall caused a Saker to be shot off; whereat they wondered, and with great contentment tooke their leaues of vs.

The next day, being the foure and twentieth of Ianuary, wee set sayle about six of the clocke in the morning, and ran along the Coast of the Island of Manilla, shaping our course Northwest, betweene the Isle of Manilla, and the Isle of Masbat.

The eight and twentieth day, in the morning about seuen of the clocke, riding at an anchor [ 10] betwixt two Islands, wee espyed a Frigat vnder her two Coarses, comming out betweene two other Islands, which (as wee imagined) came from Manilla, sayling close aboord the shore, along the maine Island of Panama.* 2.462 Here wee rode at anchor all that night, and perceiued that certaine Spaniards (which came from Manilla to Ragaun, to fetch a new shippe of the Kings, there buil∣ded) had dispersed their Band into two or three parts, and kept great Watch in seuerall steedes, with Fires, and shooting off their Pieces. This Island hath much plaine Ground in it, in many places, and many faire and straight Trees doe grow vpon it, fit for to make excellent good Masts for all sorts of shippes. There are also Mynes of very fine Gold in it, which are in the custodie of the Indians.* 2.463 And to the South-ward of this place, there is another very great Island, which is not subdued by the Spaniards, nor any other Nation. The people which inhabite it, are all [ 20] Negros, and the Island is called the Island of Negros; and is almost as bigge as England, standing in nine degrees: The most part of it seemeth to be very lowe Land, and by all likelyhood is very fruitfull.

The nine and twentieth day of Ianuary, about six of the clocke in the morning wee set sayle, sending our Boat before, vntill it was two of the clocke in the afternoone, passing all this time as it were through a Strait, betwixt the said two Islands of Panama, and the Island of Negros; and about sixteene Leagues off, wee espyed a faire opening, trending South-west and by South: at which time our Boat came aboord, and our Generall sent commendations to the Spanish Cap∣taine, which wee came from the Euening before, by a Spaniard which wee had taken, and wil∣led him to prouide good store of Gold; for hee meant for to see him with his company at Ma∣nilla [ 30] within few yeeres; and that hee did but want a bigger Boat to haue landed his men, or else hee would haue seene him then; and so caused him to be set on shore.

The eight day of February, by eight of the clocke in the morning, wee espyed an Island neere Gilolo,* 2.464 called Batochina, which standeth in one degree from the Equinoctiall Line, Northward.

* 2.465The foureteenth day of February, wee fell with eleuen or twelue very small Islands, lying very low and flat, full of Trees, and passed by some Islands which bee sunke, and haue the drie Sands lying in the maine Sea. These Islands neere the Malucco's, stand in three degrees and ten minutes, to the Southward of the Line.

The first day of March hauing passed through the Straits of Iaua minor and Iaua maior, wee [ 40] came to an anchor vnder the Southwest parts of Iaua maior;* 2.466 where wee espyed certaine of the people, which were fishing by the Sea side, in a Bay which was vnder the Island. Then our Ge∣nerall taking into the ship-boat certaine of his company, and a Negro which could speake the Morisco Tongue,* 2.467 which hee had taken out of the great S. Anna, made toward those Fishers; which hauing espyed our Boat, ranne on shore into the Wood, for feare of our men: But our Generall caused his Negro to call vnto them; who no sooner heard him call, but presently one of them came out to the shore side, and made answere. Our Generall by the Negro enquired of him for fresh Water, which they found, and caused the Fisher to goe to the King, and to certifie him of a shippe that was come, to haue Traffique for Victuals, and for Diamants, Pearles, or any other rich Iewels that hee had. [ 50]

* 2.468And on the twelfth of March, there came nine or ten of the Kings Canoas so deepely laden with Victuals as they could swimme, with two great liue Oxen, halfe a score of wonderfull great and fat Hogges, a number of Hennes, Drakes, Geese, Egges, Plantans, Sugar Canes, Sugar in Plates, Cocos, sweet Oranges and sowre, Lymes, great store of Wine and Aqua-vitae, Salt to season Victuals withall, and almost all manner of Victuals else, with diuers of the Kings Officers, which were there.

There came two Portugals to vs, which enquired of Don Antonio their King, then in Eng∣land, and told vs of the Iauanes, as followeth. The name of the King of that part of the Island was Raia Bolamboam,* 2.469 who was a man had in great maiestie and feare among them. The com∣mon people may not bargaine, sell, or exchange any thing with any other Nation, without spe∣ciall [ 60] licence from their King; and if any so doe, it is present death for him. The King him∣selfe is a man of great yeeres, and hath an hundred Wiues, his sonne hath fiftie. The custome of the Countrey is, that whensoeuer the King doth die, they take the body so dead, and burne it, and preserue the ashes of him, and within fiue dayes next after, the Wiues of the said King

so dead, according to the custome and vse of their Countrey, euery one of them goe together to a place appointed, and the chiefe of the Women, which was neerest vnto him in accompt,* 2.470 hath a Ball in her hand, and throweth it from her, and to the place where the Ball resteth, thither they goe all, and turne their faces to the East-ward, and euery one with a Dagger in their hand, (which Dagger they call a Crise, and is as sharpe as a Rasor) stab themselues to the heart, and with their hands all to be-bath themselues in their owne blood,* 2.471 and falling groueling on their faces, so ende their dayes. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any hearer to be strange. The men of themselues be very politique and subtile, and singularly valiant, being naked men, in a∣ny action they vndertake, and wonderfully at commandement and feare of their King. For ex∣ample: [ 10] If their King command them to vndertake any exploit, be it neuer so dangerous or de∣sperate, they dare not refuse it, though they die euery man in the execution of the same. For he will cut off the heads of euery one of them which return aliue without bringing of their purpose to passe: which is such a thing among them, as it maketh them the most valiant people in all the Southeast-parts of the world: for they neuer feare any death. For beeing in fight with any Na∣tion, if any of them feeleth himselfe hurt with Launce or sword, he will willingly runne him∣selfe vpon the weapon quite through his body, to procure his death the more speedily, and in this desperate sort ende his dayes, or ouercome his enemie. Moreouer, although the men bee tawnie of colour, and goe continually naked, yet their women be faire of complexion, and goe more apparelled. They told vs further, that if their King Don Antonio, would come vnto them,* 2.472 they [ 20] would warrant him to haue all the Malucos at commandement, besides China, Sangles, and the Isles of the Philippinas, and that he might be assured to haue all the Indians on his side that are in the countrey. After we had fully contented these Portugals, and the people of Iaua which brought vs victualls in their Canoas, they tooke their leaues of vs, with promise of all good en∣tertainement at our returnes, and our Generall gaue them three great pieces of Ordnance at their departing.

Thus the next day, being the sixteenth of March, we set sayle towards the Cape of good Hope,* 2.473 called by the Portugals, Cabo de buena Esperancça, on the Southermost coast of Africa. The rest of March, and all the moneth of Aprill, we spent in trauersing that mightie and vaste Sea, betweene the Isle of Iaua, and the maine of Africa, obseruing the heauens, the Crosiers or South-pole, [ 30] the other starres, the fowles, which are markes vnto the Sea-men of faire weather, foule weather, approching of Lands, or Islands, the winds, the tempests, the raines and thunders, with the alterations of tides and currents.

The eleuenth of May in the morning one of the company went into the toppe, and espyed Land bearing North, and North and by West off vs, and about noone we espyed land to beare West off vs, which as we did imagine was the Cape of Buena Esperança, whereof indeede wee were short some fortie or fiftie leagues: and by reason of the skantnesse of the winde, we stood a∣long to the Southeast vntill midnight; at which time the winde came faire, and we haled along Westward. The twelfth and thirteenth dayes we were becalmed, and the skie was very hazie, and thicke, vntill the foureteenth day at three of the clocke in the afternoone, at which time [ 40] the skie cleared, and we espied the Land againe, which was the Cape called Cabo Falso,* 2.474 which is short of the Cape de buena Esperança forty or fiftie leagues. This Cape is very easie to be known. For there are right ouer it three very high hills, standing but a small way one off another, and the highest standeth in the middest, and the ground is much lower by the Sea side. The Cape of Good Hope, beareth West and by South from the said Cabo Falso.

The sixteenth day of May, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone the Wind came vp at East a very stiffe gale, which held vntill it was Saturday with as much wind as euer the Shippe could goe before: at which time by sixe of the clocke in the morning we espied the Promontorie or Head-land, called the Cape de Buena Esperança, which is a reasonable high land, and at the Westermost point a little off the maine do shew two Hammocks, the one vpon the other,* 2.475 and [ 50] three other Hammocks lying further off into the Sea, yet low land betweene and adioyning vn∣to the Sea. This cape of Buena Esperança is set downe and accompted for two thousand leagues from the Island of Iaua in the Portugall Sea-carts:* 2.476 but it is not so much almost by an hundred and fiftie leagues, as we found by the running of our Ship. We were in running of these eighteene hundred and fiftie leagues, iust nine weekes.

The eight day of Iune, by breake of day we fell in sight of the Island of S. Helena, seauen or eight leagues short of it, hauing but a small gale of winde, or almost none at all: insomuch as wee could not get vnto it that day, but stood off and on all that night. The next day hauing a prety easie gale of winde, we stood in with the shore,* 2.477 our Boat beeing sent away before to make the harborough; and about one of the clocke in the afternoone, we came to an anchor in twelue fa∣thomes [ 60] water, two or three Cables length from the shore, in a very faire and smooth Bay, vnder the Northwest-side of the Island. This Island is very high land, and lieth in the maine Sea,* 2.478 stan∣ding as it were in the middest of the Sea, betweene the maine land of Africa, and the maine of Brasilia, and the coast of Guinea: and is in fifteene degrees and fortie eight minutes to the South∣ward of the Equinoctiall line, and is distant from the Cape of Buena Esperança betweene fiue and

sixe hundred leagues. Here we went on shore, and entred the Church, which was hanged with painted clothes, hauing an Altar with a picture of the Crucifixe and Blessed Virgine in a Table. There is a causey to the Church, two houses also adioyning, a frame with two Bells▪ and a Crosse of free-stone.* 2.479 The valley where it stands is pleasant, and planted in euery place either with fruit trees, or with herbes. There are fig-trees, which beare fruit continually, and maruellous plenti∣full: for▪ on euery tree you shall haue blossomes, greene figs, and ripe figs, all at once: and it is so all the yeere long: the reason is, that the Island standeth so neere the Sunne. There be also great store of Lymmon-trees, Orange-trees, Pomegranate-trees, Pomecitron-trees, Date-trees, which beare fruit as the Figge-trees doe, and are planted carefully and very artificially, with very plea∣sant walkes vnder and betweene them, and the said walkes bee ouer-shadowed with the leaues [ 10] of the trees: and in euery voide place is planted Parsly, Sorell, Basill, Fenell, Annis-seed, Mu∣stard-seed, Raddishes, and many speciall good herbes: and the fresh water brooke runneth tho∣rough diuerse places of this Orchyard, and may with very small paines be made to water any one tree in the valley.

There is also vpon this Island great store of Partridges, which are very tame, not making any great haste to flie away though one come very neere them,* 2.480 but onely to runne away, and get vp into the steepe cliffes; we killed some of them with a fowling Piece. They be within a little as bigge as a henne, and are of an ash-colour, and liue in Couies twelue, sixteene, and twenty toge∣ther▪ you cannot goe tenne or twelue score, but you shall se•• or spring one or two Couies at the least.* 2.481 There are likewise no lesse store of Fesants in the Island, which are surpassing those which [ 20] are in our Countrey in bignesse, and in numbers of a companie. We found moreouer in this place great store of Guinie-cocks, which we call Turkies, of colour blacke and white, with red heads: they are much about the same bignesse which ours be of in England: their egges be white, and as bigge as a Turkies egge.

There are in this Island thousands of Goates, which the Spaniards call Cabritos, which are very wild:* 2.482 you shall see one or two hundred of them together, and sometimes you may behold them going in a flocke almost a mile long. Some of them are as big as an Asse, with a mayne like an Horse, and a beard hanging downe to the very ground. We tooke and killed many of them for all their swiftnes: for there be thousands of them vpon the mountaines. Here are in like manner great store of swine which be very wilde, fat, and large; they keepe altogether vpon the [ 30] mountaines,* 2.483 and will very sieldome abide any man to come neere them, except it bee by meere chance when they are found asleepe, or otherwise according to their kind, bee taken laid in the mire.

We found in the houses at our comming three slaues, which were Negros, and one which was borne in the Island of Iaua: For the Portugals vse to touch and refresh here at their returne from the Indies, and leaue their sicke persons to be taken in by the next Fleet.

* 2.484The twentieth day of Iune hauing taken in wood and water, and refreshed our selues with such things as we found there, and made cleane our ship, we set sayle about eight of the clocke in the night toward England. At our setting saile, we had the winde at Southeast, and wee haled away Northwest and by West. The winde is commonly off the shore at this Island of S. Helena. [ 40]

On Friday in the morning beeing the three and twentieth day of August, at foure of the clocke we haled East,* 2.485 and East and by South for the Northermost Islands of the Açores.

On Saturday the foure and twentieth day of the said moneth, by fiue of the clocke in the morning we fell in sight of the two Islands of Flores and Coruo, standing in thirtie nine de∣grees and ½. and sailed away Northeast.

The third of September we met with a Flemish hulke which came from Lisbone, and decla∣red vnto vs the ouerthrowing of the Spanish Fleete, to the singular reioycing and comfort of vs all.

The ninth of September, after a terrible tempest which carried away most part of our sailes, by the mercifull fauour of the Almightie, we recouered our long wished Port of Plimmouth in [ 50] England, from whence we set forth at the beginning of our Voyage.

A Letter of Master THOMAS CANDISH to the Right Honourable the Lord HVNSDON, Lord Chamberlaine, one of her Maiesties most Ho∣nourable Priuy Counsell, touching the successe of his Voyage about the World.

RIght Honourable, as your fauour heretofore hath beene most greatly extended towards me, so I humbly desire a continuance thereof: and though there bee no meanes in me to deserue the same, yet the vttermost of my seruices shall not be wanting, whensoeuer it [ 60] shall please your Honour to dispose thereof. I am humbly to desire your Honour to make knowne vnto her Maiestie, the desire I haue had to doe her Maiestie seruice in the performance of this Voyage. And as it hath pleased God to giue her the victory ouer part of her enemies, so I trust yer long to see her ouerthrow them all. For the places of their wealth, whereby they haue

maintained and made their warres, are now perfectly discouered: and if it please her Maiestie, with a very small power she may take the spoyle of them all. It hath pleased the Almightie to suffer me to circompasse the whole Globe of the World, entring in at the Streight of Magellan, and returning by the Cape de Buena Esperança. In which Voyage I haue either discouered, or brought certaine intelligence of all the rich places of the world that euer were knowne or disco∣uered by any Christian. I nauigated alongst the Coast of Chili, Peru, and Nueua Espanna, where I made great spoyles: I burnt and sunke nineteene sayles of Ships small and great. All the Vil∣lages and Townes that euer I landed at, I burnt and spoyled: and had I not beene discouered vpon the Coast, I had taken great quantitie of Treasure. The matter of most profit vnto me, was a [ 10] great ship of the Kings vvhich I tooke at California, vvhich ship came from the Philippinas, bee∣ing one of the richest of merchandize that euer passed those Seas, as the Kings Register and mar∣chants accounts did shevv: for it did amount in value to * in Mexico to be sold. Which goods (for that my Ships vvere not able to containe the least part of them) I vvas inforced to set on fire. From the Cape of California, being the vttermost part of all Nueua Espanna, I nauiga∣ted to the Islands of the Philippinas, hard vpon the Coast of China; of which Countrey I haue brought such intelligence as hath not been heard of in these parts. The statelinesse and riches of vvhich Countrey I feare to make report of, least I should not be credited: for if I had not knovvn sufficiently the incomparable vvealth of that Countrey, I should haue beene as incredulous there∣of, as others vvill be that haue not had the like experience. I sayled along the Islands of the [ 20] Malucos, vvhere among some of the Heathen people I vvas vvell intreated, vvhere our Coun∣trey-men may haue trade as freely as the Portugals, if they vvill themselues. From thence I passed by the Cape of Buena Esperança, and found out by the vvay homevvard the Island of S. Helena, vvhere the Portugals vse to relieue themselues: and from that Island God hath suffered me to returne into England. All vvhich seruices vvith my selfe, I humbly prostrate at her Maie∣sties feete, desiring the Almightie long to continue her Reigne among vs: for at this day shee is the most famous and victorious Prince that liueth in the World.

Thus humbly desiring pardon of your Honour for my tediousnesse, I leaue your Lordship to the tuition of the Almightie. Plimmouth this ninth of September, 1588.

[ 30] Your Honours most humble to command, THOMAS CANDISH.

CHAP. V. [ 40] The Voyage of OLIVER NOORT round about the Globe, beeing the fourth Circum-Nauigation of the same, extracted out of the Latine Diarie.

IN the yeere 1598. on the second day of Iuly, the Maurice and the Concord set forth from Roterdam: and on the thirteenth of September, the Henry Frederike, and the Hope came vp to them, where they stayed for them on the Coast of Eng∣land. Their chiefe Pilot was Captaine * 3.1 Melis, an Englishman, which had en∣compassed the Circumference with M. Thomas Candish. On the nineteenth they came before Plimmouth, where the Vice-admiralls boat with sixe men for∣sooke [ 50] them. On the seuen and twentieth they tooke two ships of Biscay, and after some view of them let them depart.

October the fourth, they met foure shippes, one of Amsterdam, another of England, and two French comming out of Barbarie, which related of the terrible pestilence in that countrey, of which two hundred and fiftie thousand men in short space had died in Morocco. On the sixt, they were betwixt the Great Canarie and Teneriffe. On the eight, the Vice-admirall lost her Boat, with one man, the night and winde seuering them. On the ninth, they had almost runne on shore on the Coast of Barbary, by mis-vnderstanding the English Pilot, who had bidden them steere Southwest, and they held their course South, till they vvere within halfe a mile of Land. On the third of Nouember, they had sight of the Coast of Guinea. On December the fourth, [ 60] they were hard by Cape Palma, in 3.½. On the tenth, they had sight of the Princes Ile,* 3.2 and made to it with no little comfort, after they had beene so long weather-beaten at sea. It stan∣deth in one degree, ½. They sent their Boats first for Discouerie, and hauing entred with a flagge of truce, a Negro comming with a like flagge to know what they would haue.* 3.3 They deman∣ding prouision were kindly vsed, and Gerrits which knew the place, and could speake the Portu∣gall

tongue, with Captaine Melis, and one Iohn Breme, were suddenly and treacherously slaine; Captaine Peter Esias escaped by flight to the Boats, which were furiously assayled by the Por∣tugalls, and the Generalls brother slaine, the rest hardly returning aboord. The Generall calling a Councell of warre, they agreed to assault the Castle, which hauing attempted with losse, they burned all their Sugar houses, and with force prouided themselues with fresh water. On the se∣uenteenth they departed, but the South wind hindred them. On the fiue and twentieth they reached Cape Consaluo,* 3.4 where the wind vsually in the night bloweth from Land, in the day from Sea. Heere they went on shore and found two Dutch Ships, and learned that Peter Ver∣hagens had stayed a moneth in this place, and buried eight and thirtie of his companie, many other being sicke. He entred the Riuer of Congo, and was forced to retire hither, and a fortnight [ 10] before was departed for Anobon. He learned also that Captaine Cleerhagen, with a great part of his company were slaine in the Princes Island, the rest hardly escaping to and in their Ships. On the sixe and twentieth, they set sayle from the Cape towards Brasil.

* 3.5On the first day of Ianuarie, 1599. they passed the Isle Anobon, and found two degrees Southerly. On the eight and twentieth they had the Sunne in their Zenith. On the third of Februarie, they espied by night certaine low ground, on which the Concord had like to haue made a fatall discord.* 3.6 On the fift, they reached the Land of Brasil, at Cape Saint Thomas in two and twentie. On the sixt, they passed the Faire Cape, and in the Euening Cape Frio. On the ninth, they came to Rio Iauero. After some losse of time, and their company by Portu∣gal-wiles they departed to Saint Sebastian, where they had Fresh-water, Wood, and safe Har∣bour, [ 20] but found no fruits. On the fourteenth of March, a cruell Storme assailed them, and seue∣red the Vice-Admirall and the Hope, which yet on the seuenteenth were restored againe to the Fleet. The Concord also leaked so much, that they agreed to emptie the goods, and forsooke her. But the Scorbute increasing, and the Winter approaching, made them resolue to seeke the Isle of Saint Helena, which they did, but missed it, and therefore thought to releeue themselues in the Ascension, or some other Island. In 20½. they came to the Island, but barren and in-hospitall, saue that with Clubbes they knocked downe many Fowles called Malle Mew••n. But the Rockes without, and barrennesse within forced their departure, and when on the first of Iune, they had thought to haue encountred the Isle Ascension, they found it the Continent of Brasil: which they imagined to haue beene fourescore miles distant. The Portugalls prohibiting their [ 30] landing,* 3.7 they came at last to the Isle of Saint Clara, and there erected Tents for their sicke people, some of which presently died. Heere they found little but Herbes, and two Trees of sower Plumbes, which cured the sicke in fifteene dayes. The Island is a * 3.8 Mile in Compasse, and as farre from the Continent. Here they burned the Concord, hauing before taken out what they plea∣sed: they also exposed two Malefactors to their forlorne fortunes. This Isle is in one and twen∣tie degrees, fifteene minutes Southwards from the Line. On the sixteenth of Iuly they determi∣ned to seeke Port Desire,* 3.9 which after many tempests they came to, on the twentieth of Septem∣ber in fortie seuen degrees fortie minutes. In an Island three miles from thence Southwards, they furnished themselues with store of Penguins & fishes. Of those Fowles they took fifty thousand, being as bigge as Geese, with Egges innumerable, which prooued very refreshing to the diseased. [ 40] Here they careened their Ships and set vp a Smiths Forge. They went vp the Riuers the fift of October, and going on Land, found Beasts like Stagges and Buffals, and multitudes of Ostreches; in one Nest they tooke nineteene Egges, which the Damme had forsaken. The Captaine of the Hope dying of the Scorbute, the Captaine of the Concord was chosen his successour, and the Ship also was termed the Concord.

On the twentieth day, the Generall went on Land, to descrie the Country, giuing strait charge to looke well to the Boats, and not to stirre from them, which they transgressing, were out of ambushes set on by thirtie Sauages, and three slaine, besides the fourth wounded. These Sauages were of admirable stature, painted vnto terrour, their Bowes short, their Arrowes headed with Stone. On the nine and twentieth they prepared to depart. On the fourth of Nouember, they [ 50] were neere Cape Virgines; the Land is low and plaine, by the whitenesse resembling England. Often they hence attempted to enter the Straights,* 3.10 but often entred straights with that attempt, repelled by tempestuous Windes, Raine, Hailes, Snowes, Sicknesse and Contention adding their subsidiarie assistance. These sensible crosses were accompanied with losses of An∣chors, Cables, and (that which is most irrecouerable) time, little lesse then fifteene moneths being spent before they could fasten any good entrance into the Straights; although they iustly seemed engulphed in the straights all this time, and all their way hither, hauing paid the liues of almost a hundred of their company for Sea-custome. From the said Cape the Land trends South-Westward: the Straights mouth is hence fourteene miles, and halfe a mile in breadth. On the South side thereof they espied a man, with a kind of cloke, supposed therefore but falsly, to [ 60] be a Christian, his face painted, and stature ordinarie, whom in vaine they inuited to their com∣pany. They saw many others, and on the fiue & twentieth they espied many men, in two Islands neere the Cape, which they called Nassau, who forbad the Hollanders landing, with their Darts and other weapons,* 3.11 but were chased to an obscure Caue, where they were all slaine, before the

Dutch could winne entrance. There they found the amazed and affrighted mothers, lying pro∣strate on their Infants to protect them from that fatall Thunder, from whom they tooke foure Boyes and two Girles, and with them returned aboord. Of one of these hauing learned to speake Dutch, they receiued this intelligence; the Lands name was Castemme,* 3.12 this People or Tribe cal∣led Enoo. The name of the lesser Island Talcke, both stored with Penguins, whose Flesh yeelded them food, their Skinnes clothing. They dwelt in Caues vnder the Earth. In the Continent are many Ostriches whereon they feed: these they call Talcke, and another kind of wild beasts Cassoni. They dwell in seuerall Tribes or Families apart, whereof one is called Kemenetes dwel∣ling in Karay, another Kennekas in Karamay, a third Karaike in Morine, all of stature like ours, [ 10] except their broader and higher breasts, painted, the men tying their priuie member with a string, the women hiding theirs with a Penguins skinne. The men weare long haire, the women are shauen. They goe naked, onely weare a cloke of Penguin skinnes to the wast. The like co∣uering they make of other birds called Oripeggre; the Pengwins they call Co••ppogre. These skinnes they compact together with no lesse industrie and Art then Skinners doe with vs. There is a fourth Family or Tribe, named Tirimenen, and the place of their habitation Coin,* 3.13 of giantly stature tenne or twelue foote high, which haue often warres with the other Lords or Tribes, whom they call Pengwine-eaters, whereby it seemes they vse other meat, haply Mans-flesh.

On the sixe and twentieth, they tooke three hundred Pengwines on the Isles bearing that name. Before they come at these Pengwine Isles twixt two straits are shoalds, and an Island cal∣lep [ 20] Pantagoms. On the eight and twentieth day they passed to the Continent, and saw Whales. They encountered a pleasant Riuer, but saw not the mouth of it; there were many Parrots and faire Trees, whereupon they called it Summer-bay. On the nine and twentieth,* 3.14 they set sayle for wood and water to Port Famine. Heere the Land trends so farre to the South, that Pantagoms, and Terra Fuego seeme afarre off to ioyne. Heere they found no foot prints of the late Philip-Citie, now liker a heape of stones. The Magellane strait is distant thence about foure Dutch miles. The hills on both sides are steep and high all the yeere-long couered with store of Snow. Here they cut downe wood to make them another Boat. The Barkes of the Trees in these parts bite like Pepper. But finding no good watering, and doubting also whether it were Philip-Citie, or Port Famine indeed, they departed, and after two miles found a good Riuer, whence [ 30] they had easie prouision, on the first of December. The next day they passed to Cape Froward, which hauing doubled with great danger, by reason of vnsafe anchorage and contrary wind, they anchored at eighteene fadomes, foure miles from thence in a great Bay. Heere was good watering, and an Herb like Neeswort, profitable against the Scorbute. S••me Souldiers tasting of another Herb there growing, were well-nigh distracted for a time. A mile off they found a fit place to build their Boat, in which they spent twelue dayes. Here they had sight of Sebalt de Weert his Ship, one of Peter * 3.15 Verhagens company, which with another of the same Fleet, had beene driuen backe out of the South sea. Hee reported that he had spent aboue fiue moneths in the Strait, and lost by diseases, and otherwise, so many of his men, that of an hundred and ten, there were left but eight and thirtie, whence hee was not able to indure the stormes which as∣saulted [ 40] him in the South sea, but was forced hither, when the rest of the Fleet better man∣ned held on their course. Thus hard newes, stormes, and mutinies finished this moneth and yeare.

On the second of Ianuarie * 3.16 they made search of Maurice Bay, which they obserued to extend farre to the East, and to receiue store of Riuers flowing into it, at the mouthes whereof they found great store of Ice in their iudgement neuer melted. For sounding ten fathomes they could not reach the bottome thereof, this their Mid-summer season notwithstanding. They coniectu∣red the Land also to be broken Islands, which the height of the mountaines made to seeme con∣tinued and firme. They indured continuall raines, nor could get ought there but Muskles, which on the eighth they going to gather, the lesser Boat out-sailing her fellowes, two of her men were [ 50] slaine and wounded by the Sauages. Their weapons were heauie Clubbes, with Ropes tied to them, and long Darts of Wood. At the landing of the greater Boat they all fled. Hauing in∣dured diuers stormes, which indangered them on the Rocks in Meniste Bay, and some encounter of the Sauages which had left three Canoas vnder a high hill, and with stones defended them from the Hollanders, they departed on the seuenteenth day, and by a storme were driuen into Goose Bay, three miles distant, so called of the store of that Fowle their found fit for swim∣ming and long diuing, but vnable to flie. Here the Vice-Admirall for diuers misdemeanours, was by a Councell of Warre adiudged to be set on land, which was accordingly executed, where Fa∣mine, or wilde beasts, or wilder men must needs make an end of his mutinous vnquiet life. On the first of Februarie they entred a new Bay, which they called Popish Bay, where the Admirall [ 60] was like to haue perished on a sunken Rocke. Heere they had store of stormes, thunders, light∣nings; and Muscles in a broad Riuer which runnes into it. On the seuen and twentieth they had view of a huge mountain of Ice in Goose Bay.* 3.17 On the last of February they passed Cape Desire in∣to the South sea, with thanks to the Almighty for that happy successe. This sea was not so peace∣able, but that it entertained them with diuers daies stormes, in which they lost their Boat. Their

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company was now an hundred fortie seuen. On the twelfth of March they lost sight of the Vice-admirall,* 3.18 whom hauing in vaine expected, they went to the Iland La Mocha, in thirtie eight degrees, in the midst whereof is an high mountaine, cleauing it selfe in the toppe to yeeld waters to the subiect valley. Here they bartered Hatchets and Kniues for Sheep, Hennes, Maiz, Battalas, and other fruits. They went to the towne which hath some fiftie houses of strawe, long,* 3.19 with one doore, into which they might not be admitted. They gaue them drinke called Ci∣ci, somewhat sowerish, made of Mays, which the toothlesse old women chew (supposing that the elder the Women are, the better shall their drinke be) and steepe it in water, reseruing it for necessary vse, and for their drunken feasts, drinking in a misordered order at the sound which one makes with his mouth, according to their Bacchanall mysteries, measuring to each his proportio∣ned [ 10] measure with vnmeasurable disproportion. They haue many vviues which they buy of their Parents, so that the Father of many daughters is the richest man. Their life is loose, scarcely subiect to any law. If any kill another, the kinred of the slain reuenge it, vnlesse some intercessors preuaile to procure a yeerely Cici-festiuall in recompence. The Inhabitants of Chili obserue like customes. They are clothed aboue and belowe with garments made of the wooll of large Sheepe with long necks, which they vse also to burthens, of which kind they would sell none to the Dutch, but of another fat kind not much vnlike ours. This Island is about sixe miles from the Continent. From it eighteene miles lieth another, called S. Maries, in thirty seuen degrees, and fifteene minutes of Southerly latitude.* 3.20 Here they had sight of a Spanish shippe, which they cha∣sed and tooke. This ship they said was the Kings, sent with Lard and Meale to Arauco and [ 20] Conception, where they haue warre with the Indians. The Pilot certified them, that it was im∣possible for them to recouer S. Maries, from whence they had chased this shippe to thirtie fiue degrees, by reason of the Southerly winds. They told them of two shippes of warre waiting for intelligence of their comming in Arica.* 3.21 They hereupon presently determined for Val Paraiso, and so lost their Vice-admirall altogether: whom they supposed to haue lost that Isle of S. Ma∣ries, by the wrong placing thereof in Plancius his Mappe, in thirty eight degrees, whereas it is in thirty seuen degrees and fiftene minutes. They themselues had also beene deceiued, but for notes of Captaine Melis,* 3.22 the Englishman which they had and followed. They heard also of Si∣mon de Cordes his arriuall there, who by a Spaniard dissembling amity, was invited to land, and so betrayed to the Indians butchery, with twenty three men, beeing mistaken for Spaniards, [ 30] their heads set vpon poles, and in a glorious ostentation shewed to the Spaniards in Conception. The Spaniards made faire semblance of kindnesse, so to haue possessed themselues of their two shippes, of which they sent notice to Lima, but the Hollanders mistrusting departed they knew not whither. The Spaniards in Lyma had receiued intelligence a yeere before their comming of the Hollanders, and of the names of their chiefe men, and prouided themselues accor∣dingly.

In Val Paraiso or S. Iago they tooke two shippes, and flew many Indians, but the Spaniards were fled.* 3.23 This Val Paraiso is in three and thirtie degrees of the South latitude, and S. Iago is from it eighteene miles within land, a Towne fertile of Wine much like Claret in tast and co∣lour.* 3.24 There are plenty of Sheepe which they kill onely for their sewet, wherewith they lade [ 40] whole shippes. The whole Countrey is fruitfull. Here they receiued letters from Derick Ger∣ritz, Captaine of the Flying Hart, one of Verhagens companie, who thinking to trade with the Spaniards there, hauing but nine sound men in his shippe, was suddenly assaulted, wounded, and imprisoned, where he wrote these miserable lines. His famine proceeded from the missing of S. Maries Iland, vpon that wrong placing in the Mappe aforesaid, so that meere famine brought him to these Straits.

In S. Iago they had intercepted Letters, which related the occurrents of the warres of Chili, the Indians rebelling against the Spaniards,* 3.25 and forcing Baldiuia, the foure and twentieth of Nouember, 1599. slaying and carrying away captiue the Inhabitants. Two hundred Spaniards sent from Lyma did againe there fortifie. The Indians likewise besieged the Citie Imperial, and [ 50] had now almost famished the Spaniards. These Indians are good and expert souldiers, of which fiue thousand were in this expedition: three thousand of them Horsemen, skilfull at their Laun∣ces, and an hundred Shot, seuentie Costlets. All which furniture they had taken from the Spa∣niards in many victories. They so hate the Spaniards, that of whomsoeuer they kil, they plucke out his heart and bite it, and make drinking vessels of their skuls. They vse Orations to incou∣rage them to the maintenance of their pristine libertie against the Spanish tyrannie. They haue one chiefe Captaine onely in time of Warre. The first choise of him in their first Spanish warre was in this sort: A heauy piece of timber was by all the Competitors carried on their shoul∣ders, which while it wearied the most to beare fiue or sixe houres, one was found strong enough to endure it foure and twenty together, and thereby attained this Ducall honour. The Region of [ 60] Chili, from S. Iago to Baldiuia, is the most fertile in the world, and of most wholesome ayre, in∣somuch that few are there sicke;* 3.26 yea, a sword put vp into the scabbard all wet with the dewe, doth not therewith rust. Fruits, Mays, Hogges, Horses, Kine, Sheepe, Goats, are plentifull and wander in great herds, besides Gold-mines. In the sacke of Baldiuia they burned Houses, Tem∣ples,

Monasteries, and striking off the heads of their Images, cried, Downe goe the gods of the Spa∣niards. They thrust Gold into their mouthes, and bid them satiate themselues vvith that for vvhich they had raised such persecutions, and of vvhich they made such vnsatiable prosecu∣tion.

On the first of Aprill they entred the Bay La Guasco, and thence on the seuenth departed.* 3.27 On the eleuenth they came into a great nooke called Morre Gorch, tenne miles from vvhich is Morre Morrene, from vvhich the shore is extended to Aricca,* 3.28 all vvhich tract to S. Francis hill is vsually subiect to Southvvinds, and farre in the Sea the Winde variable. On the tvventieth, the aire vvas darke, that a man could not see aboue a stones cast.* 3.29 The cause vvas a cloud of dust [ 10] like meale, vvhich vvhited their clothes in like manner. The Spanish Pilot told them it vvas vsuall in those parts, by them called Arenales. It lasted all day, and caused the Generall to loose his tvvo other consorts till tvvo dayes after. On the fiue and tvventieth,* 3.30 they savve Lyma bea∣ring East from them. Here the Negroes confessed, that in one of the shippes vvhich they had taken, the Captaine enuying the Hollanders such vvealth, vvhen he savv hee could not escape,* 3.31 had throwne into the Sea three Boats loading of Gold. The Pilot being examined, confessed that there were two and fiftie Chests of Gold, whereof each had foure Aroben, and fiue hundred Pots, in each of which, was eight, tenne, or twelue pounds of Gold. He caused also euerie man to bring foorth whatsoeuer hee had and throw it into the Sea. This Gold came from Saint Maries Island, which three or foure Spaniards possessed imploying two thousand [ 20] Indians in the Mine.

On the nine and twentie, they espied two sayles, and gaue them chase in vaine, those Ships built for that Sea (where from Panama to Lyma they sayle most-what against the wind which is vsually constant) out stripping the Hollanders exceedingly. The twentieth of May, after that they had laboured in vaine to attaine the Isle of Coquos in fiue degrees of Notherly latitude,* 3.32 they purposed to auoid the danger of the Spanish men of warre, whereof they had intelligence, to set sayle to the Ladicues, and thence to the Philippinas. Much raine they had in the way, not without this benefit to supply their want of water. The thirtieth of Iune, the Spanish Pilot was for ill demeanures, by publike sentence cast ouer-boord. A prosperous wind happily succeeded.

[ 30] On the fifteenth of September, they had sight of the Ladrones. On the sixteenth,* 3.33 the Indians came in their Canoas, with Fish, Coquos, Bonnanas, Rootes, Sugar-canes, to barter for old pieces of yron: sometimes they might number two hundred of these Canoas, with two, three, or fiue men in each, all crying, Hiero, Hiero, that is, Yron, Yron, with greedinesse ouerturning their Canoas against the shippes side, which they regarded not, beeing expert swimmers, and could easily re∣couer their Boats, goods, and selues. They were subtile deceiuers, couering a Basket of Coquo shels, with a little Rice in the toppe, as if they had been full of Rice; and vpon fit opportunitie snatching a Sword out of the scabbard, and leaping into the Sea, where with deepe and long di∣uing, they secured themselues from shot. The Women are herein equall to the men. They will fetch a piece of yron from the bottome of the Sea. Their Boats are neatly compact, of fifteene [ 40] or twenty foot long, and 1 ½▪ broad, wherewith they saile against the wind, and if they must turne, they neuer alter their sayle, but with the Poope cut the waues. Their Women couer their priuitie with a leafe, otherwise naked both men and women, like the pictures of Adam and Eue. They are libidinous, and haue thereof many pockie testimonies. This Iland was called Guana, neither saw they any other. It was twentie miles large. These fruits were very com∣fortable to their sicke men of the Scorbute.

On the seuenteenth, they set sayle for the Philippinas. On the twentieth, they had Ice,* 3.34 being then in three degrees. Sixe weekes together they dranke only raine water. On the fourteenth of October, they espied land, and thought, but falsly,* 3.35 that it had beene the Cape of the Holy Ghost. On the sixteenth day, there came a Balsy or Canoa, and in the same a Spaniard, which [ 50] fearing to come aboord, they displayed a Spanish flagge, and attired one like a Friar to allure him. Which taking effect, the Generall saluted him, and told him they were Frenchmen, with the Kings commission bound for Manilla, but wanting necessaries, and not knowing where they now were, hauing lost their Pilot. The Spaniard answered, this place was called Bay la Bay,* 3.36 seuen or eight miles to the North, from the straight of Manilla. The Land was fertile, and hee commanded the Indians to bring Rice, Hogges, and Hennes: which was presently effected, and sold for readie money. His name was Henry Nunes. The next day Francisio Rodrigo, the Go∣uernour came to the Ship and did likewise. The Indians go most naked, their skinnes drawne out with indelible lines and figures. They pay for their heads to the Spaniard, tenne single Ryalls for euery one aboue twentie yeeres old. There are few Spaniards, and but one Priest which is [ 60] of great esteeme▪ and had they Priests enough, all the neighbour Nations would bee subiect to the Spaniard. Being furnished with necessarie prouision, and now also discouered, they depar∣ted for the Straight of Manilla, and were in no small danger of a Rocke the same night.* 3.37 This whole Tract is wast, barren, and full of Rockes. A storme of wind had almost robbed them

the next day of their Masts and Sayles, which with such sudden violence assayled them from the South-East, that in their stormie and tedious voyage, they had not encountered a more terrible.* 3.38 On the three and twentieth, some went on Land, and eat Palmitos, and dranke water, after which followed the bloudie Fluxe, whether of this cause, or the landing af∣ter so long a being at Sea, vncertaine. The foure and twentieth, they entred the straight and sayled by the Island in the midst,* 3.39 and in the Euening passed by the Isle Capul, seuen miles within the straight, neere which they found many Whirle-Pooles, which at first seemed Shoalds but they could find no bottome. The people were all fled. Heere they lost a Londoner, Iohn * 3.40 Caldwey, an excellent Musician surprized, as was suspected, by some insidiarie Indi∣ans; whereupon they burned their Villages. Manilla is eightie miles from Capul, which now [ 10] they left to attaine the other, but in a calme winde, with violent working of the waues, were much tossed without much danger, by reason of the depth. They wanted a Pilot, and their Maps were vncertaine.

The seuenth of Nouember, they tooke a China Iunke, laden with prouision for Manilla. The owner was of Canton,* 3.41 the Master and Mariners of Chincheo. This Master was expert in the Portugall tongue, and their Indian affaires, which happened verie luckily to the Hol∣landers ignorant of their course. These told them that in Manilla were two great Shippes, which from new Spaine yeerely sayle thither; that there was also a Dutch Shippe bought at Malaua: These ride before Manilla, and there are two Castles or Forts to secure them; the Citie also walled about, and without it aboue fifteene thousand Chinois Inhabitants, occu∣pied [ 20] in marchandize and handy-crafts: And that foure hundred China Shippes come thi∣ther yeerely from Chincheo, with Silke and other precious marchandise, betwixt Decem∣ber and Easter. They added that two were shortly expected from Iapon with Iron, other met∣talls and victualls. On the fifteenth, they tooke two Barkes laden with Hennes and Hogges, which were to bee paid for tribute to the Spaniards, for which they gaue them some lin∣nen bolts in recompence.* 3.42 They passed by the Isle Bankingle, and another called Mindore, right against which is the Isle Lon-bou, two miles distant, and betwixt them both, is another lesser Island, neere which is safe passage for Ships.

They agreed vpon consultation to stay in expectation of the Iaponian Ships, at an Anchor (for the East wind hath the Monarchy of that season in those parts) in fifteene degrees of North Latitude.* 3.43 The Isle Lusson is bigger then England and Scotland, to which many Islands adioyne. [ 30] The riches arise more out of trafficke, then fertilitie. On the third of December they tooke one of the Iapon Ships of fiftie tunnes, which had spent fiue and twentie dayes in the voyage. The forme was strange, the forepart like a Chimney, the sayles of Reed, or Matt twisted, the Anchors of Wood,* 3.44 the Cables of Straw. The Iapanders make themselues bald, except a tuft left in the hinder part of the head. The Iesuites haue the managing of the Portugall trafficke in Iapon, hauing made way thereto by their preaching, and are in reputation with their con∣uerts,* 3.45 as Demi-gods: neither admit they any other order of Religion to helpe them. The Ge∣nerall obtained at easie rate one of these woodden Anchors for his vse, and some quantitie of pro∣uision. On the ninth, they tooke a Barke laden with Coquo Wine, like Aqua-vitae, the people all fled; and another with Rice and Hennes. [ 40]

On the fourteenth, the Ships came from Manilla, and there passed betwixt them a Sea-fight. The Spanish Admirall came so neere, and was stored with men, that they entred the Dutch Admirall, and thought themselues Masters thereof, sixe or seuen still laying at one Hollander: the Vice-Admirall also set vpon the smaller Ship.* 3.46 All day the two Admiralls were fast together, and the Dutch ouer-wearied with multitudes, were now vpon point to yeeld, when the Admi∣rall rated their cowardise, and threatned to blow them vp with Gun-powder presently. This feare expelled the other, and the dread of fire, added reall fire to their courages, insomuch that they renued the fight, and cleared the Ship of her new Masters, which had no lesse labour to cleare their owne Shippe from the Dutch, which was no sooner done, but the Sea challenged her for his owne,* 3.47 and deuoured her in one fatall morsell, into his vnsatiable paunch. The people [ 50] swamme about, crying, Misericordia, Misericordia, which a little before had cried in another dialect, Maina peros, Maina peros. Of these miserable wretches were two hundred, be∣sides such as were before drowned or slaine. But the fire was almost as dangerous to the Dutch, as the water to the Spanish; by often shooting, the Timbers being ouer-heat, threatned by light flames to make the Dutch accompanie the Spaniards into Neptunes en∣trailes. But feare awaked diligence, and diligence cast this feare also into a dead sleep, the blessed Trinitie in almost an vnitie of time, diuerting a trinitie of deaths, by yeelding, sinking, firing. But in this diuine mercie, they forgate not their inhumane feritie to the swimming re∣mainders of the enemie, entertaining them with Pikes, Shot, yea (especially a Priest in his ha∣bite) [ 60] with derision. In the Shippe were fiue Spaniards found dead with siluer Boxes a∣bout them, containing little consecrated Schedules, testimonies of great and bootlesse super∣stition, in which they exceed the Europaean Papists in the midst of Spaine and Rome. Fiue

Hollanders were slaine and twentie six wounded in the fight, the whole company in the Ship being but fiue and thirtie. The Pinnasse had but fiue and twentie,* 3.48 and could not withstand the violence of fiue hundred armed men in the enemies Vice-Admirall, some Spaniards, some Indians, which after long fight tooke her. These two were the Mexican Shippes, which yeerely trade in the Philippinas for Silke, Gold, and Muske, with other commodities of China.

Hence they departed for Borneo, to repaire the torne Ship, distant from Manilla one hun∣dred and eightie miles, this being in fiue degrees, Manilla in fourteene degrees forty fiue minutes, (Miles you must in all this storie vnderstand in the Dutch account.) They sayled by Bolutan,* 3.49 a [ 10] great Island, one hundred and eightie miles long. On the sixe and twentieth they arriued at Borneo in a great Bay, containing some three miles in compasse, the water still,* 3.50 the ground good for ancorage, the neighbour Riuer well stored with Fish, which the Fisher-men there dwelling changed plentifully for linnen clothes. The Generall sent to the King for license to trade. The people were very desirous of China peeces of linnen, which they had taken before Manilla, but little respected that which they brought out of Holland. On the eight and twen∣tieth, the Pilot which hee had sent to the King returned, and a Praw of the Kings with him, in which were two brasse Peeces, and the Kings Banner. The Gunner was of Patana, in much re∣pute with the King. He misdoubted that they were Spaniards, vntill his officers had searched, and found the contrary. Here they traded for Pepper, with the Patanees, which seeme to bee of Chinese originall and obserue their customes, inhabiting in a Region of their owne. Meane [ 20] while they had learned that the Borneans intended treason toward them, and to begin the new yeare, Ianuarie first, 1601. saw an hundred Prawes assembled,* 3.51 and vnder colour of presents from the King, they sought to enter the Ship, till the Dutch vigilance and threats made them giue ouer their designe, with colourable excuses. A Patane was the author of this treacherie, which had slaine the Portugalls not long before, and taken their shippe, with like wile in vnlike securitie.

This Island Borneo, is one of the greatest in East India. The Citie of the same name,* 3.52 is sci∣tuate in a mirie soyle, and in their Praw they may passe from one house to another. It contai∣neth three thousand houses, besides many further vp-land. It is very populous, the Inhabitants tall, subtle; goe armed all of them be they poore Husband-men, or Fisher-men. Their armes are [ 30] Bowes, Iauelins pointed with Iron, Forkes, Quiuers with venomed Darts, which poyson to death where they draw bloud. They are all Mahumetans, and will die sooner then taste of lard, neither keepe they any swine. They haue many wiues, those wittie, warie in trading, bold and couragious: one of them rudelier handled by a Hollander, with a Iauelin had dispatched him, if her force had not beene intercepted. They are clothed with linnen, from the wast downe∣wards: the baser sort goe all naked: they weare on their heads a cotten Turbant. The King a child, was vnder a Protector. The Nobles are proud, graue, and much obserued. In the midst of their Prawes stood a table with siluer vessels, for their Bettele and Arec••a, which they vsually are chewing. Seeing little hope of trade, they determined to set sayle for Bantam. The third of Ianuarie, in the darke night foure Borneans came to the Ship, with purpose to cut the Cable, so [ 40] to bring the Ship on ground: neither had they any more anchors but one left them on boord, and that one by which they road. But being perceiued and shot at, they left their Praw, which the Hollanders tooke with them, hauing lost their Boat at Manilla. The next morning they set saile, and espying a Iunke of Iapan, learned of them that they were bound for Manilla, and for∣ced for succour to Borneo, had spent foure moneths waiting for their voyage. The Captaine was Emanuel Powis a Portugall, then dwelling at Languasacke in Iapan, the Pilot a Chinese, the company Iapanders. These told them of a great Holland Ship by tempests shaken,* 3.53 to haue put in at Iapan, the company by famine and sickenesse all but fourteene dead. They came first to Bongo in thirtie foure degrees, fortie minutes, and by the Kings direction remooued to Atonza, in 36 1/••. They road there in safe harbour, with foure anchors, and had freedome of their persons [ 50] and trade, and to make a new Ship to goe whether they would. They coniectured hereby that it was Verhagens his Admirall Ship of two hundred and fiftie Tunnes: being as this Captaine told them, well furnished with Ordnance, Ryalls of eight, and commodities. The Generall desired this Captaine at his returne, to remember his kindest greeting to his Countrey-men, and after other kindnesses departed, hauing giuen him a Passe at his request, in the name of Graue Maurice. On the thirteenth they passed the line the third time. They sayled at this time in much feare and danger for want of a Pilot, and good Cards. On the sixteenth they tooke a Iunke of Ior, and furnished themselues with a skilfull Pilot out of hers, without whom he had small likelihood in those dangerous Seas to haue escaped shipwracke. The Islands were many, [ 60] Banta, Crimati (which yeelds Diamonds, which-they sell at Malacca) and others,* 3.54 besides sholds. They had now but one Anchor left, and the Cable thereof worne and weake. On the twentie eight they came to Iortan, and heard of Holland Ships at Bantam. Heere they bought Mace and prouision. Iortan hath a thousand houses all of Timber.* 3.55 The King was absent at Passaruan, fiue yeres before he had besieged Balamboa, & destroyed the King with all his kindred.* 3.56

He is also called King of Sorbay,* 3.57 a Citie not far distant, all which foure Cities are Mahumetan, and very rigid in that swinish superstition. The Pagodes and Idols argue permission of Ethnike, & an∣cienter Indian Rites, The chiefe Priest resides in a place without the Citie of Iortan, a man of an hundred and twentie yeres, which hath many wiues to keepe him warm••, & with their milke to nourish him▪ eating no other meat. Departing hence, they saw a great Portugall Ship of sixe hundred Tunnes set fast on the shoalds,* 3.58 which was going to Amboyna, to fortifie there against the Inhabitants, and to prohibite all other Nations trade. The fift of Februarie, they passed the straight betwixt Balamboa and Baly. And leaning Iaua North East from them, on the eleuenth day they found themselues in thirteene degrees,* 3.59 & directed their course to Cape Bona Esperança. On the eighteenth, the Sunne was right ouer them at noone, in the eleuenth degree, twentie [ 10] minutes, and a calme continued tenne dayes. The nineteenth of March, the height was twenty foure degrees, fortie fiue minutes, and on the foure and twentieth, twentie eight degrees, tenne minutes. On the first of April, thirtie degrees, fiftie minutes. On the nineteenth, the calmes and crosse windes caused a set allowance of water to be proportioned. On the twentie-fourth at night they saw a light like fire about foure miles to the North-West,* 3.60 whereby they were by Gods grace preserued from hazard. For by their reckoning they held themselues two hundred miles distant from the Cape, whereas this fire gaue notice of land neere. The next day their height was thirtie foure degrees, and thirtie fiue minutes. The calmes gaue them license to mend their Sayles. At night they saw another fire, and the next morning land, bearing North Easter∣ly. On the twentie seuen they were in thirtie foure degrees and fortie minutes, within sixe or [ 20] seuen miles of the said land.

May the second they were in thirtie fiue deg. & fifteen minutes, & the next morning betwixt East and North, had sight of a low land like the end of some Iland about sixe miles off in eightie fathome, whereby they thought themselues neere the Cape. The Winde being at East they made Westward, and shaped their course for Saint Helena in fifteen degrees fiftie eight minutes, where on the sixe and twentieth they arriued and refreshed themselues with fresh water,* 3.61 store of fish, and some flesh, for the Goates and Fowles are wilde and hardly taken. They found no Oranges. On the thirtieth day they departed, and Iune the fourteenth, they passed the Line the fourth time. On the sixteene day they encountred sixe Dutch ships, the Generall whereof was Iames Heemeskerk, bound for the East Indies. They had spent two monethes on the way, and lost [ 30] their Vice-Admirall and Pinnace, hauing fought with thirteene Spanish Ships neere the Salt I∣lands. The Pinnace was taken, the other (they hoped) escaped. Iuly the eight, they were in twentie seuen degrees, and had store of Weedes in the Sea called Saragossa. On the thirteenth were in thirtie two degrees,* 3.62 thirtie minutes, and then had fifteene dayes calme, and the Sea all full of Weed. On the twentie two they were driuen to allowance of their Worme-eaten Bread.

August the first they were in fortie degrees, and left Flores and Corues to the West some forty fiue miles.* 3.63 On the eleuenth they saw a Ship, and making toward it in vaine, they shot off a Peece, and strooke their maine saile: whereupon the Ship stayed, and signified the same by a shot, which when these would answere, the Peece broke and cut off the Guns foote, killed his [ 40] Boy and brake the maine Mast in three pieces, whereupon they were forced to make a new. The other Ship passed from them. Three Ships of Embden encountred them on the eighteenth, and gaue them bread and flesh for Pepper and Rice: and told them they were not yet attayned so neere England as their Master supposed, which had promised the Lysart the day before. On the nineteenth they had sight of the Sorlings. On the twentie fiue they had like to runne on ground by the Brill, and the next day anchored at Amsterdam.

Of SEBALD DE WERT his Voyage to the South Sea, and miserie in the Straights nine Moneths, wherein WILLIAM * 3.64 ADAMS Englishman was chiefe Pilot.

[ 50]

BEcause mention is made of Verhagens Fleete, which passed the Straights a little before Noort I haue thought good to adde somewhat touching that Voyage, Anno 1598. fiue Ships of Amsterdam The Hope Admirall of two hundred and fiftie Tunnes with one hundred & thirtie persons. The Charitie Vice-Admirall of one hundred and sixtie Tunne, with an hundred and ten men. The Faith, of one hundred and sixtie Tun, with one hundred and nine men. The Fidelitie, of one hundred Tun with fourescore and sixe men. The Good Newes, of threescore and fifteeene Tun with fiftie six men furnished with all necessarie prouision, (Sir Iaques Mahu being Generall, Simon de Cordes Vice-Admirall, Benninghen, Bockholt and Sebalt de Wert, the three Captains of the three other Ships set saile Iune the seuen and twentieth. And after much a-do & [ 60] little helpe at the Islands of Cape V••rd where they lost their Generall, to whom Cordes succee∣ded and receiued Oath a-new of his Companie (as did each other Captaine of his owne Ship, being remoued in successiue order) they were forced by their owne wants and the Portugall wiles, the Scorbute or Scuruie also infecting and infesting euery Ship, to depart with intent to refresh

their men and make better prouision of water and other necessaries at the Isle Anno Bueno, or Anobon. But espying land vnexpected a hundred and twentie miles or more sooner then their reckoning about three degrees of South Latitude,* 3.65 they determined to goe to Cape Lopo Consal∣ues. The people of Guinnee as they passed along the Coast yeelded a pedling Trade. The sicke men were set on shore the tenth of Nouember. On the three twentieth a French Sayler came abord, which promised to doe them all fauour with the Negro King. To him was sent Captaine Wert, who found him on a Throne scarsly one foot high with a Lambes skinne vnder his feet, his Garment of violet coloured cloth with guilded lace, attyred like a Rower, without shirt, shooes, or stockings, hauing a particoloured cloth on his head and many glasse Beades about his necke; at∣tended [ 10] with his Courtiers adorned with Cockes Feathers. The Palace was not comparable to a Stable. His prouision was brought him by women, a few rosted Plantans, and smoke dryed Fish in Wooden Vessels, with Wine of Palme in such sparing measure, that Masicissa and the re∣nowmed Examples of Temperance might hane beene this Negro's Disciples. Once the Dutch Captaine was faine (vnder colour of courtesie to shew the King his manner of Dyet) to call for some of his Holland prouision to satisfie his barking, and thus more prouoked entrailes. But in the Spanish Wine the Guinean forgot his Temperance and was carryed to his rest. Little refreshing was here to be had. A Bore and two Buffals they killed in the Woods: a little they bought, a few Birds they tooke, and (which worse was) as the Scorbuto forsooke the sicke, Feuers posses∣sed the stronger. On the eight of December they departed, and on the sixteenth arriued at An∣nobon. [ 20] Some prouision they got there by force, and that scuruie exchange of the Scuruie and F••∣••er, and lost by sicknesse thirtie men,* 3.66 amongst which Thomas Spring an English yong man of great towardnesse. In the beginning of the yeare 1599. they departed for the Magellane straits. In the tenth of March in fortie two degrees, the Sea was all red as if it had beene mixed with bloud, being full of red Wormes, which taken vp leaped like Fleas. On Aprill the sixt they en∣tred the straights. At Pinguine Islands they stored themselues with thirteene or fourteene hun∣dred. On the eighteenth they anchored in the Greene Bay in fiftie foure degrees, where they had fresh Water and large Muscles. Here they stayed till the three and twentieth of August in a perpetuall stormie Winter, and lost a hundred of their Companie. Alway the storme found them worke, and miserable was their toyle without any furtherance to their intended Voyage. Raine, [ 30] Winde, Snow, Hayle, Hunger, losses of Anchors, spoyles of Ship and Tackling, Sicknesse, Death, Sauages; want of store, and store of wants, conspired a fulnesse of miseries. But speci∣ally colde increased their appetite; and this decreased their Prouision and made them seeke out for supply. On the seuenth of May, they went to take Gudgeons towards the South ouer a∣gainst the Greene Bay, and their descryed seuen Canoas of wilde men, of ten or eleuen foot as they coniectured in stature with red bodies and long haire, which amazed the Dutch,* 3.67 and terrified them with stones and cryes, and after got into their Boates againe to assaile them, but seeing foure or fiue fall downe dead with Dutch Thunder, they fledde to Land and plucking vp bigge Trees, barricadoed themselues, and threw stones at the Hollanders, which their left them in their sudden erected Fort. But afterwards three of their Companie were slaine, who in seeking food for life, found death at the hand of naked Sauages, whose weapons were Saw-toothed Darts, which if [ 40] they entred, must be cut out of the flesh. This Greene Bay they called the Bay of Cordes, for their long stay. In another Bay called the Horse Bay, they erected a new Guild or Fraternitie, which Societie bound themselues by Oath to certaine Articles, which was done with more solemnitie of Ceremonie then prosperous effect. They stil••d it the Fraternitie of the freed Lion. The Ge∣nerall added sixe choice men to himselfe in this Societie and caused their names to bee carued in a Table fastened on high Pillers, to be seene of all Passengers, which was defaced, neuerthelesse by the Sauages who also plucked out the Corpses from the Graues and dismembred them, and carried one away. On the third of September, they passed out of the straight and continued till the seuenth, when Captaine Weert was forced by a storme to stay, and the Faith and Fidelitie [ 50] were left behind in much Miserie, Tempest, Hunger Leaks, &c. the death of their Master also at∣tending the losse of their Company, & thus in the end of the Moneth entred the straights againe. Straights againe, indeed, for in two Moneths they had not one faire day to dry their Sayles. The Faith lost the foureteenth of October two Anchors. Their troubles left Name of Perillous Bay, to one place of their miserie, and to another, Vnfortunate, which yet followed them to euerie place not without Diuine assistance and deliuerance. The Deuill added also Mutinie in this miserable Companie, and Theeuerie. They tooke a Sauage woman with two children one halfe yeare old, yet able to goe readily and hauing all the teeth. Their lothsome feeding with the bloud running out of their mouthes, I loath to rehearse. Here they met with Generall Noort, his men lustie, but not able to spare them any reliefe. After a world of straights in the Straights too [ 60] long to recite, they depart thence the two & twentieth of Ianuary 1600. & arriued in the Maes, the fourteenth of Iuly, without the straights homeward in fiftie degrees and fortie minutes, they saw three Ilands threescore miles from land stored with Penguins, called * 3.68 Sebaldinae of the Indies.

CHAP. VI. The Voyage of GEORGE SPILBERGEN, Generall of a Dutch Fleet of sixe Shippes, which passed by the Magellane straits, and South Sea, vnto the East Indies, and thence (hauing encompassed the whole Circum∣ference of the Earth) home: gathered out of the Latine Iournall, beeing the fift Circum-Nauigation.

[ 10]

ON the eight of August, 1614. they set forth from the Tessell. After much tem∣pestuous weather, on the third of October they attained the height of Madera. On the tenth they lost sight of the Ca••aries.* 3.69 On the twentie third, they had sight of the Islands Braue and Fogo. From the thirtieth of October, to the seuenteenth of Nouember, was a continuall calme, with many showres. And they were forced to stint euery man his Water.* 3.70 December the ninth, they gaue thankes to the Almightie, because they had passed the dangerous sands of Abrolbos. On the thirteenth, we saw Brasil, and by reason of sholds the Great Sunne shot off, to giue warning to the rest not to come very neere the shore. On the twentieth, they came to the Islands Grandes, where they anchored, and went on shore. They tooke much fish, and amongst them small Cro∣codiles, [ 20] of the bignesse of a man. On the thirtieth, whilest they stayed to refresh their sicke men on shore, hearing the Huntsman (one of their ships) to discharge so often, they sent to see, and found that fiue Barkes of Portugals and Indians had set vpon three boats, and slaine the men; whereupon they assailed them, but others came in to their succour, and frustrated the at∣tempt.

Anno 1615. Ianuary the first, a conspiracie of certaine mutinous persons was found out, for which two were executed, beeing hanged vp at yard arme, shotte through with sixe Muskets, and buried on shore, the Preacher hauing all the night before laboured to fit them for a more hap∣py life: others were put in irons, and distributed to diuerse shippes. Before their departure, they called a Councell, and ordained, that if any ship lost the rest, they should set vp a marke in Corde•• [ 30] Hauen, or some other vsuall landing place, and how long they should stay for each other, and af∣ter should hasten to La Mocha. They agreed to remooue thence for want of meet prouision for their sicke, to the Isle of S. Vincent. There the Portugals delayed, and dallied with them trifling away time. On the twenty sixth, they tooke a Barke with eighteene Portugals, whom they denied to exchange for fewer Hollanders, although they offered also many fayre Manuscripts, Pictures, Plate, and other things taken in the prize, pertaining to the Iesuites. They found also that intelligence of them had been giuen by some traitors of their owne Country-men out of Holland. And thus in the beginning of February they departed, freeing foure of their Cap∣tiue Portugals, detaining the rest, for one of which also, another Portugall had offered himselfe, with diuers petty presents, pretending himselfe a Batchelour, and the other his kinsman to haue [ 40] wife and children; but was not accepted. They burned the Prize, and some buildings pertaining to the Portugals, and had well furnished themselues with Oranges and Pome-citrons.

March the seuenth, a cruell storme encountred them, in 52. degrees, and sixe minutes, which continued diuerse dayes, and separated them. And on the one and twentieth, a worse storme happened amongst some mutunous persons,* 3.71 and some of them (to still that tempest) were cast in∣to the Sea, by the better part getting the better. It was the eight and twentieth before they en∣tred the strait, whence the winde and tide forced vs out. Some by contrariety of windes, de∣sired to winter in Port Desire,* 3.72 others to hold their course to the Cape of Good Hope.

Aprill the second, they reentred and anchored, because of sholds, one of which they sounded next day a quarter of a league ouer, and found but fiue Cubits water. They saw here a man * 3.73 of Gi∣antly [ 50] stature, climbing the hils to take view of them. This was in the land of Fogo, or Fire, which is the South of the strait. On the seuenth, they went on shore, found no men, but two Ostriges, and a great Riuer of fresh water, with store of shrubs with sweet blacke berries. On the South-side they found pleasant woods full of Parrots, in fiftie foure degrees, the mountaines full of snow. They called one place Pepper-hauen, of the barke of a tree there, biting like Pepper. On the sixteenth,* 3.74 they conferred with the Sauages, and gaue them Sacke, and certaine Kniues, for Pearles ioyned together in fashion of hornes. But some of the company going on May day on shore, to take certaine goodly Birds, were surprized by some of the Sauages, and two slaine. On the sixt, they passed into the South sea, not without terror both from the depth in the way the day before, scorning the law of anchorage, and after that the dangerous sholds and Islands, be∣twixt [ 60] the Northern and Southern iawes of the not straight Mouth of the Straits, opening into the wide Sea. They were welcomed into this Peaceable Sea, with a terrible storme, which they feared would haue split them on the Sorlings (so for likenesse to ours they called the Islands in that sea a little without the straits.) These straits are dangerous for high Ilands, sholds, and want

of ancorage. Also tedious stormes attended their ingresse and egresse. On the one and twentieth, they had sight of Chili and La Mocha. This Island is low and broad to the North, full of rockes to the South. On the twentie sixth they sent out boats to traffique with the people; the Gouer∣nour and his sonne dined with the Admirall, and seemed glad to see such munition against the Spaniards, as likewise did all the Chilesians at sight of their training and mustering their Souldi∣ers. They exchanged Hatchets, Corall, and the like, for great plenty of Sheep, of which they had two for one Hatchet, with great curtesie. But they brought all to the Boat, nor would suf∣fer any to goe to their Houses, iealous, it seemes, of their wiues. One of these sheep was of legs, and necke very long, hare-mouthed, and bunch-backed, which they vse for carriage and culture [ 10] as asses. They had many Hennes and other Fowles. On the twenty seuenth we set sayle, and twentie eighth came neere the shore, hard by the Island of S. Mary, broken and rockie. On the twenty ninth, we came to harbour therein. A Spaniard came aboord them, hauing a pledge left for him. But inuiting them to a dinner on shore, one of the boats espied a conuoy of Souldiers, tending to that place where they should dine: wherupon they returned aboord, with the Spaniard prisoner. The next morning they went on shore with three Ensignes. The Spaniards set their Church on fire, and fled. In the skirmish two Hollanders were wounded, and foure Spaniards slaine. Their houses built of Reed, yeelded a goodly flame. They found store of Hennes, tooke fiue hundred sheepe, with other spoile. Here they vnderstood of three Ships which had departed thence in Aprill to seeke these Dutch Ships, furnished with a thousand Spaniards, the Admirall [ 20] hauing fortie Brasse Pieces, the rest proportionable. Hereupon the Dutch determined now to seeke them, in the Isle of Conception, and after that in Valparisa, and then on the shore of Ari∣ca. The Spaniard also reported of the like preparation in Lima, hauing Dutch Gunners. They enacted certaine orders of Militarie discipline, how each Ship, and each person should carry himselfe in the fight, if they encountred the enemie, and to die rather then yeeld.

Iune the first, they set sayle, and passed not farre from Auroca,* 3.75 a Towne with fiue hundred Spaniards in Garrison, continually assaulted by the Chilesians. On the third, they approached the Isle Quiriqueynam, neere the Continent, and behind it came vp to the Towne of Conception,* 3.76 wherein besides many Indians, were two hundred Spaniards. On the twelfth, they entred the safe rode of Valparisa. There was a Spanish ship, on which the Mariners set fire, and fled. On the [ 30] thirteenth, they had at none thirty two degrees, fifteene minutes, and in the afternoone came to the faire and secure Harbour of Quintero. They went on shore, and sawe many wilde Horses which fled. Here they watered, and tooke many fish, and for wood and other things found the place very commodious. Euery where Fame had beene their ouer-hasty Harbenger, which cau∣sed Spanish preparation for an vnwelcome intertainment, so that no matter of weight was effected.

Iuly the second, they came to Arricca, in twelue degrees, and fortie minutes.* 3.77 Whether the siluer is brought from Potosi, and carried thence to Panama. But finding no ships there, they de∣parted. On the tenth, they had a calme and raine, not without wonder, because the Prisoner had reported a perpetual serenitie or fairenesse of weather in those parts. On the sixteenth, they tooke a small shippe, with some store of Treasure, most of which was embezelled by the Mari∣ners. [ 40] They tooke out the commodities, and sunke her. They had sight of eight saile, which the Spanish Master of the former Shippe said, was the Fleet-Royall, come forth to seeke the Hol∣landers, against the minde of the Counsell of Peru, which would rather haue had them stay. But Roderigode Mendoza, the Vice-Royes kinsman and Admirall, conceited of himselfe, sayd that two of his shippes would take all England, how much more those Hennes of Holland, after so long a iourney which had spent and wasted them: yea, he was sure they would yeeld to him at the very first. Whereupon the Vice-Roy bid him, Goe and bring them bound vnto him, and Mendoza sware he would neuer returne till they were taken or slaine.* 3.78 Thus he departed out of the road of Calliou, on the eleuenth of Iuly. The Iesu Maria Admirall, had twentie foure brasse [ 50] Pieces, foure hundred and sixtie men of all sorts, and had cost the King, 158000. Ducats. The Vice-admirall S. Anne, had three hundred men, the Captaine Aluares de Piger,* 3.79 which had ta∣ken an English ship in the South sea before; this ship had stood the King in 150000. Ducats, and was the fairest that euer was seene in the Indies. The Carmer had eight brasse Pieces, two hun∣dred Souldiers and Mariners, besides the Commanders and their retinew. To it was the next not next but equall, the S. Iames. The Rosary had one hundred and fiftie men, and foure brasse Ordnance. The S. Francis had no Ordnance, but seuentie Musketiers, and twentie Mariners. Saint Andrew had eightie Musketiers, and twentie fiue Mariners. The eight was sent after the rest, vncertaine with what furniture.

Iuly the seuenteenth they came neere each other in the Euening,* 3.80 and the Dutch Admirall sent [ 60] word to the Spanish, if he pleased to forbeare fight that night. But Roderigo could not be so pa∣tient, but about ten of the clocke set vpon the great Sunne, in which the Admirall himselfe was, and exchanged mutuall Thunders on both sides. The Saint Francis being next raked thorow by the Sunne, by the Hunter (another Holland ship) was sent into a waterie Mansion and perpetu∣all Night. She was presently assaulted by the Spanish Admirall, and had soone followed to tri∣umph

ouer the Francis, her new Conquest in the Chanels bottome, had not her Admirall succoured her with a Boate ful of men, and caused the Vice-Admirall to do the like. The Admirals Boat mi∣staken was by a Peece from the Huntsman drowned, one man alone escaping. The next morning fiue ships sent word to the Admirall, that they would do their best to escape▪ but the Dutch Ad∣mirall and Vice-Admirall set vpon the Spanish Admirall and Vice-Admirall, and entred a blou∣die fight; the Aeolus another Hollandship came in also. The two Spanish ships were fastened together and gaue greater aduantage. At last they forsooke the Vice-Admirall, and leapt into the Admirall▪ not finding therein aboue fiftie persons aliue, as by their Confessions after appea∣red. Meane while they hung out a white flag of Peace, which was diuers times plucked in by the Gentlemen, chusing rather to dye then yeeld. The Dutch pressing them, the Vice-Admi∣rals [ 10] men returned againe and renewed the fight, and the Dutch Vice-Admirall was in great pe∣rill, the Spaniards leaping into her out of their Admirall, but repelled or slaine. And the Spa∣nish Admirall not further enduring fled, and by benefit of night escaped the pursuit of the Dutch Admirall if out of the fire into the water be an escape. For such was the fame that she went to visit the Saint Francis, as also was said of another of them called the Saint Mary. The Vice-Admirall and Aeolus bestirred them so with fierie Rhetorikes and yron Disputes, that the Spanish Vice-Admirall past hope of escaping set vp a flag of Truce. The Dutch Vice-Admirall sent two Boats to bring the Commander abord. But he refused, saying, he would stay that night except the Vice-Admirall himselfe would fetch him: or send some Captaine to remaine in pledge, and rather desired death then disgrace. One of the Aeolus men in this while had taken [ 20] away their flag, and the Boats departed, ten or twelue staying aboord contrarie to command that they might bee first in the spoile. They did together with the Dutch what they could doe in the night to preserue the ship from sinking, but seeing their labour vaine, they lighted many lights and with horrible clamours for helpe, were of the relentlesse Sea swallowed vp in the Hollanders sight. The next morning they sent out foure Boates which found thirtie swimming on the bords, crying for mercie, which to some of the chiefe they shewed leauing the rest to the Seas crueltie, or preuenting it by humane inhumanitie, some of the Dutch against command, slaying some Spaniards. The Commander, or Vice-Admirall had perished before of his wounds. Some fortie Dutchmen were wounded and sixteene slaine in those three ships. In the rest eigh∣teene wounded, and foure and twentie slaine. The same day they went for Caliou de Lima, but [ 30] the Calme suffered them not.* 3.81 The twentieth they passed by the Iland and saw in the Hauen four∣teene ships going to and fro neere the shore, but could not come neere for the shold: and therefore went to the Road of Caliou de Lima to seeke for the Spanish Admirall, whom afterwards they learned in Guarme and Peyta to haue beene sunke. From the shore the Spaniards shot off their great Ordnance, one of which carried a Bullet of thirtie sixe pound, and had almost sunke the Huntsman. They saw also on shore a great Armie in which the Vice-roy himselfe was present with eight Troupes of Horse, and foure thousand foot: they agreed to goe backe out of the reach of their shot and cast anchor at the mouth of the Hauen, where they stayed to the fiue and twen∣tieth with intent to take some of their ships, but in vaine, they being lighter of saile. On the sixe and twentieth they tooke a little Barke laden with Salt, and eightie Vessels of Sirrup, the [ 40] men all fled. They ordered that if they met with the fleet of Panama, in regard they were in the enemies Countrey, where they could not repayre their losses, & were also bound to the Manillas, that they would not giue audacious on-sets, and should take heed of being separated, which had much endangered them in the last fight: and if any hostile ship should yeeld, the Masters & chiefe Officers should not forsake their owne ships, but cause the enemie to come in Boats aboord them, lest confusion, as lately through greedinesse of spoyle, should happen. The seuen and twentieth they set sayle: the eight and twentieth, they came to the Roade of Guarme, in ten degrees, be∣yond the Line, a pleasant place with a large Hauen. Neere vnto it is a Lake of standing water. They went on shore but found the people all fled who had left little pillage. Some Hennes, O∣ranges, Hogges and Meale they tooke. [ 50]

* 3.82August the third they dismissed some of their Spanish Prisoners. They passed betwixt the Ile Loubes (so called of certaine fishes) and the continent. The eight they cast Anchor neere to Peyta.* 3.83 The ninth they set three hundred men on shore, which after a few skirmishes returned aboord, the Citie being too strongly defended. They tooke an Indian ship of strange sayles, with sixe lustie Indians which had beene two moneths a fishing, and had many delicate fishes dryed which they distributed thorow the Fleet. The tenth the Aeolus, Lucifer, and Huntsman batte∣red the Towne with their Ordnance, and sent a greater number of men on shore, which found the Citie forsaken and the people with their goods fled to the Mountaines. They sent fiue of their Indians on shore to get fruits and to learne more certaintie of the Spanish Admirall, which brought word of her buriall in the waues, only sixe escaping. The Indians also brought the Let∣ters [ 60] of Captaine Gaspar Caldron to Paula the Commendators Wife of Peyta, who had fled to the Towne of Saint Michael twelue leagues from shore. Shee sent the Hollanders in commiseration of the Captiues, many Citrons and Oranges with other prouision. This Woman both for Beau∣tie, Wisdome, and Vertue, is of singular reputation in all those parts.

Peyta to the Sea-ward is strong and impregnable. There were in it two Churches,* 3.84 one Mo∣nasterie and many goodly Buildings, an excellent Hauen to which all the ships of Panama re∣sorted, and then they passed by Land to Caliou de Lima, because of the perpetuall rage of both Elements, the Windes and Waters in that place. They tooke in the Isle Loubes, two foules of admirable greatnesse, in the beake, wings and talons not vnlike the Eagle, necked somewhat like a Sheepe, their heads combed as a Cocke: they were two elles in height, and three in breadth when their wings were displayed.

They learned of Pedro de Madriga of Lima, that Peru, Chili, and Terra firma,* 3.85 are comman∣ded by Iohn de Mendoza Marquesse Des Montes Claros, the Vice-Roy: which Office the King [ 10] conferreth for sixe or eight yeares with yeerely allowance of fortie thousand Duckets, adding further a thousand Pesos for extraordinary expenses in the Feast of Christmas, Epiphanie, S. Spi∣rito and Easter, each of twelue Rials and halfe, because at those times he is to entertaine all the Counsellers of the Audience: two thousand Pesos also yeerely when hee furnisheth the Siluer Fleete. The Vice-Roy is serued with great Pompe in his Palace, goeth not forth without his Guard or Pensioners, and if he goeth into the Countrey, hath a hundred Lances, (which haue eight hundred Pesos stipend) and fiftie Muskets (which haue foure hundred Pesos yeerely) atten∣ding. There are foure Courts or Audiences, in Panama, Quito, Charlas, Lima: one also in Chili. In them are the Kings Counsellers, to whom both Ciuill & Criminall Causes are committed; but with appellation in Ciuill Cases to the Oijdors, (certaine Commissioners) and in Criminall to the Alcalds. These all goe in one Habit, and are allowed three thousand Pesos annuall Pension.

[ 20] The Vice-Roy resideth in the Citie of Kings or Los Reyes, called also Lima,* 3.86 situate in a plea∣sant Valley, extended a mile and halfe in length, in breadth three quarters, hauing aboue a hun∣dred thousand Inhabitants, besides Merchants of other places. It hath foure Market places. There are two thousand Indian Artificers dwelling in the Cercado. Here resides the Archbishop Bar∣tholmew Lobo Guorero, which hath sixtie thousand Pesos of Reuenue. The chiefe Temple hath foure and twentie Prebends, one Archdeacon, besides Schoolemasters and other Priests. There are foure principall Pastors, to each of which are assigned fifteene thousand Pesos. Besides this Tem∣ple of Saint Iohn Euangelist are foure other, one of Saint Marcellus, with two Pastors and a thousand Pesos reuenue: the second of Saint Sebastian, the third of Saint Anne, with like sti∣pend; the fourth is an Hospitall of Orphans, with fiue hundred Pesos. Monasteries here are of [ 30] Saint Francis, of Saint Dominicke, and of Saint Augustine, and of our Ladie de las Meriedes,* 3.87 each of which hath two Cloysters of their owne Order, that of Saint Francis three, to wit, one of bare-foot Friers of our Ladie of Guadalupe. They haue there two Colledges of Iesuites which the Spaniards call Teatines, * 3.88 both there and in Europe. In each chiefe Monasterie are two hundred and fiftie Religious. There are fiue Monasteries of Nuns, called of the Incarnation, Conception, Trinitie, Saint Ioseph, and Saint Clare. Our Ladie also hath her Temple by the title of Monferrat, & del Prado & de Loretto. They haue foure Hospitals for the poore of Saint An∣drew, [ 40] in which are foure hundred sicke, of Saint Anna for the Indians, of Saint Peter for the Ecclesiasticks, of Charitie for women: another of Saint Spirito for Saylers, and one of Saint La∣zaro for inueterate diseases. There are sixe hundred Priests, and a thousand Students.

Allowance is giuen to twentie foure in the Kings Colledge by the King, to as many in Saint Torines by the Archbishop. There are further reported to be two hundred Doctors in the Vniuersitie of all faculties. The professors receiue of the King a thousand Pesos pension. The two professors of Ciuill Law, haue each sixe hundred Pesos.* 3.89 There are foure hundred Masters of Art. Euerie yeare they chuse a new Rector or Chancellor. In this Citie and the Suburbes are aboue twentie thousand slaues. There are seene more women then men. The Indians * 3.90 are free as well as the Spaniards, sauing that they pay euerie sixe moneths, two Pesos, a Henne, a Fenega [ 50] of eight Royalls, and a piece of cloth of cotten or wollen. They are bound to serue the King * 3.91 yearely in the Mines or Husbandrie diuers dayes, beginning in May, and continuing their times and courses til Nouember. Those of Arrica bring to Potosi, Beasts, Wheat, Meale, Mays, Axicoca, an hearb which they perpetually chew; they vse for carriages a certaine Camel-fashioned-sheep. By this Citie the Riuer runneth close to the walls, which by showers sometimes so swells, that it hath carried away the stone Bridge, of nine Arches. Here is the Kings Contractation house, and his Treasurie; the Court also of Inquisition, with two Inquisitors (each of which hath three thousand Pesos pension) and a prison peculiar. The two Notaries haue foure thousand Pesos a piece. Here is the Court, or office of the Crusada, or the Popes Bulls, with officers and like sti∣pends. [ 60] This Citie is two leagues from the Sea, hath eight bands of foot, and as many of horse in Garrison. The next Port is called Callao, in which are some eight hundred Inhabitants. From the Citie to Potossi are all Spanish merchandise conueyed. Potossi is called La Valla Im∣perial, comprehending a great mountaine in which are Siluer Mines. Into them is an horrible de∣scent of foure hundred steps, nor may the Sunne be admitted spectator of those Acts in perpetu∣tuall

night,* 3.92 which exercise aboue twenty thousand Indians in digging, and an hundred more in carrying, grinding, and other their mettall workes.

This place is so cold that nothing growes in foure leagues space, but an herbe called Ycho. Their prouision is all brought from Aricca: a pound of bread is there worth two Ryals. The hauen of Aricca is an hundred and eighty Spanish leagues from thence; but many Villages are well inhabited by the way. Not farre hence is Chuquisaca, the Bishop whereof hath 30000. Ducats revenew: there are the like Monasteries to those at Lima, but not so full of Monkes. At Potossi liue fifteen hundred shifting Card-players, and nimming companions which liue by their wits. Seuentie miles from thence is another Siluer Mine, called Eruco. Neerer Pima is Chocola Choca an other Mine, cold as Potossi, where dwell fiue thousand Spaniards. Cusco is like to Li∣ma, [ 10] hath sixe thousand Spanish inhabitants, a Bishop, and Monkes, and two Colledges, with some sixe hundred Students. Arequipa hath also a Bishop, two thousand Spaniards, and a Cori∣gidoor. But it were tedious to relate the full Story.

Of Chili▪ the Mother-City is S. Iago, where is a Gold Mine. Coquimbo hath store of brasse. Baldinia is rich in Gold.* 3.93 In the yeare 1599. the Inabitants or Natiues of the Countrey killed the Spanyards, and captiued their Wiues, eight hundred in number, which they offered to exchange, giuing for each, a paire of Shooes, a Bridle, a Sword, and a paire of Stirrops. But the King forbad Armour to be ca••ried to them. They powred molten Gold into the Gouernours mouth made a Cup of his skull, and made Pipes of his shank-bones, in memory of their victory. Auroca hath neere it a Fort with a Spanish garrison, but very poore. Of Conception is spoken before. It hath [ 20] fowre hundred souldiers to keepe it, with some Ordnance. But you haue listened too long to this Dutch Intelligence from the Spanish Captiue. Let vs now with our Hollanders to Sea: so did they the one and twentieth of August, but easily perceiued the next day, the strength of the Current to be such,* 3.94 that without a faire and stiffe gale, they preuailed nothing. On the twentie third, they anchored before Rio de Tumba, for the barre and tide forbad them entrance. They a∣greed to turne backe to the Isle Coques in fiue degrees Southerly, to refresh themselues. But stormes, raines, thunders, so haunted them to the thirteenth of September, that they could not finde the Island,* 3.95 and manifold diseases easily found them. On the twentieth they had sight of land in Noua Hispania: they had thirteene degrees, and thirty minutes. And the weather be∣came againe very tempestuous.* 3.96 October the first, after much sea-trouble, they had sight of plea∣sant [ 30] land, but the sea wrought so, that they could not haue safe landing, and so beat off and on, till the eleuenth, that they entred the hauen of Aquapolque, within shot of the Castle. And han∣ging out a f••agge of peace, two Spaniards came aboord, and they agreed to exchange Prisoners for Sheep, Fruits, and Prouision, which was accordingly performed. On the fifteenth, Melchi∣or Hernardo came aboord, to take view of the fleete, which had vanquished the Kings. He was Nephew to the Vice-Roy of New Spaine, and was kindly entertained of the Admirall, his men well appointed in their Armes. The Castle had seuentie Brasse Pieces, hauing intelligence eight moneths before of their comming. On the eighteenth they departed. The Calme kept them from doing any thing of moment, saue that they tooke a shippe which was bound for Pearle-fish∣ing, and in her eleuen men, two of them Friars, twelue others escaping before by flight. They [ 40] manned it with two and twenty D••tch to followe the Fleet.

* 3.97Nouember the tenth, they cast anchor before the Port Selagues in nineteene degrees▪ Vnder∣standing by the Prisoners of a Riuer neere this place full of fish, and set with Citrons, and other Fruits, and Meadowes not farre off full of Cattell▪ they sent out their Boates, which espying shoo-prints, were afraid of Spaniards, and returned. After a hot skirmish, on the eleuenth they departed, and came to Port Natiuidad▪ where they watered and furnished themselues with other necessaries. On the twentieth they departed. On the twentie sixth, they had twenty degrees and twentie sixe minutes. They determined the next way to the Ladrones. On December the third,* 3.98 not without great maruell, they beheld two Islands farre in the Sea. On the fourth, they saw a Rocke, and had thought it a Shippe which they expected. It was in nineteene degrees, [ 50] fiftie three leagues from the Continent. In the sixt, they had sight of a newe Island with fiue hills seeming as so many Islands.

Anno 1616. in Ianuary many died of diseases. On the three and twentieth the Ladrones appeared.* 3.99 The Land was low, and therefore kept aloofe that night. The next day the Sauages came about them with their Boates, and they went on land. On the fiue and twentieth, Sibrand Cornelison, a Marchant, was taken with a sudden giddinesse at dinner, and presently died: at his buriall the Ordnance and Shot so dismayed the Indians which brought them prouision▪ that they durst come no more. They set sayle the twenty sixth for the Maniles. They perceiued these La∣drones to be witty, strong, and to obserue some kind of Idolatrie. There is store of Fowle and fish. [ 60]

On February the ninth, they had sight of Cape Spirito Santo, and the same night anchored at the Maniles.* 3.100 In the tenth they had speech with the Indians, which refused all trade, because (they said) they came to warre with the Spaniard. They did not so in Capul, whither they came on the eleuenth, but brought them Hogges and Hennes with other things for trifles. They stay∣ed

till the nineteenth, and then by the helpe of two Indian Pilots, passed the Straights to the Manilian Port or Bay. The fruits much releeued and recouered the sicke. The people weare long garments like shirts, haue Friars in such reuerence, that to one of our Prisoners they pro∣strated themselues, and kissed his hands with incredible honour. On the nineteenth, they an∣chored before the Isle Lucon, the greatest of them in which is the City Manilla. Here they saw an house artificially framed on the tops of diuers trees, and seemed farre off as a Palace Finding no people, they proceeded. On the eight and twentieth, they saw as they passed an exceeding high hill vomiting flames, named Albaca. On the foure and twentieth they had sight of the other strait in the egresse, and sent their Boats to found the way. The calme kept them prisoners [ 10] that they could not passe. On the twenty eighth, they anchored before the Isle Mirabelles, whose two Rockes seeme to threaten the skie, behind which is the city Manilla. Here they per∣petually watch the comming of Ships, from China, to Pilote them to the City, the way beeing dangerous. Neither could the Hollanders make this strait, to passe through it all the time of their staying with all their labour, hindred by Calmes.

On March the first, they saw two sayles, and sent out their Boats to take them,* 3.101 but they were too swift. On the the third they tooke one laden with prouision of Rice, Oyle, Hens, Fruits, and on the fifth two more, with a Spaniard in them with like prouision, and after that three others. These were going to gather in the Tribute, which the places adioyning pay to the City Manil∣la. Here they had intelligence of a Fleet of tenne great Ships, built here, and sent forth vnder the Command of Iohn de Silues to the Moluccas, to fight with the Hollanders; together with [ 20] foure Gallies, and two other Ships; in them two thousand Spaniards, besides Chineses, Iapan∣ders, and Indians. Their purpose was to reduce all the Moluccas vnder the Spaniard. Where∣upon they freed all their Prisoners, except one Spaniard and an Indian, and hasted after them. On the eleuenth, they encountred so many Islands that they doubted of ••gresse, and by the Spa∣nish Marriners aduise, anchored all night: and by his helpe next day recouered the wide Sea. On the foureteenth, they rode at Anchor all night before the Isle Paney by reason of sholds.* 3.102 On the eighteenth, they sayled close by Mendanao, but hearing of dangerous shelues, they in the Eue∣ning set further off into the Sea. On the nineteenth, they sayled againe close to the shore, and had prouision of the Islanders very cheape. On the twentieth, they reached Cape de Cadera, where the Spaniards as they passe to the Moluccas, vse to take in water. Till the three and [ 30] twentieth, the calme permitted no further saile then the tide forced▪ betwixt Mendanao and Tagimo, a contrary tide stayed them. These Islanders shewed themselues enemies to the Spany∣ards, and offered fiftie of their ships in aide. On the twenty seuenth, they passed the Isle San∣guin, and many others. On the twentie ninth, they came to Ternata, in which is Maleia a Towne subiect to the Hollanders, where of their Countrey-men they were gladly entertained. These at Maleia reckoned this the eight and twentieth of March, which we reckoned the nine and twentieth, so that with following the Sunne in his course, they had one day lesse.

The Straight of Bouton is full of sholds: without them is deepe water. On the East is fresh wa∣ter. To the West two leagues is a rockie shold.

Aprill the eighth, Cornelius de Vianen went for Banda.* 3.103 The Gouernour shewed his Charter [ 40] for the Moluccas, Banda, and Amboina, without preiudice to the Admiralls authoritie. And the souldiers went on land after so long a Nauigation.

May the second, they sent sixe ships for Macian, that the enemie should not haue any Cloues,* 3.104 and there anchored before Maurice Fort. The English here told them of the taking of Coteway by the Dutch on the tenth of Aprill, rich in Nutmegs. And the Indians mooued with this suc∣cesse, made a new league with the Hollanders. On the eighteenth, they exchanged Prisoners, Spaniards for Dutch. The rest of this moneth, and Iune and Iuly following, they spent the time in these parts as occasion was offered, not so necessary to our purpose.

September the fifteenth, they came to Iocatra, and repaired there their Ships,* 3.105 not without feare of Iohn de Silues with his Spanish Fleete. But on the thirtieth, wee heard of his sudden [ 50] death at Malacca as was thought by poison, and the returne of the Armada to the Maniles, ••••th great shame to the Spaniard after foure yeares preparation, doing little or nothing. Whiles they were at Iacatra foure ships of huge burthen came out of Holland, with exceeding store of Spanish Ryalls, and an other out of Iapon laden with Spanish Ryals, and Siluer vnwrought▪ with Brasse, Yron, and other Commodities, the most of which they had taken from a Portugall shippe bound for Marico.

October the twentieth, the Concord a shippe of Horne which had departed out of Holland,* 3.106 Iune, 1615. came to Iacatra (of which you shall haue a peculiar Relation) and because it was not of the Companie of the Indies, it was by the Generall annexed to the Fleet, the men beeing di∣stributed [ 60] into other Ships.

Nouember the tenth came the Nassau to Ba••tam from Mocha in the red Sea,* 3.107 well prouided thence of Spanish Ryals, and Turkish Ducats. December the twelfth came thither the Amster∣dam, and the Middleborough from the straits of Malla••ca, the one of seuen hundred, the other of sixe hundred tunnes, in which the Admirall Spilberg prepared for returne. On the seuen∣teenth

of Ianuary, 1617. they came to the Isle Mauritius. The thirtieth of March to Saint He∣lena,* 3.108 where they found the Middleburgh, which they had not seene in three moneths. Hence they departed the seuenth of Aprill, and came into Zeland in Iuly following.

A discourse of the present state of the Moluccos, annexed to the former Iournall, extracted out of APOLLONIVS SCHOT of Middleborough.

THe Portugalls hauing, to the griefe of the Venetians, and their owne inriching, made them∣selues Masters of almost all the trade of Spicerie, by their possession of the Moluccas: their grew some distasts, first, betwixt them and the Spaniards (as in Magellanes voyage is expres∣sed.) After the English, by the conduct of Sir Francis Drake, and since in their East Indian trade [ 10] haue had traffique there. Lastly, the Hollanders haue dispossessed the Portugalls: and the Spaniards or Castilians, by meanes of the Tidorians haue their fortified. The King of Ternate being taken with some chiefe men, the rest fled, and by Mateliefe his ayd were reduced, and there erected the Fort Orange,* 3.109 and entred league with the Hollanders, and so wrought that Motir, Machian and Bachian yeelded to the Dutch, the Spaniards holding Tidor, and the chiefe Citie of Ternate, and some places in Gilolo, as shall after follow more particularly.

* 3.110In the Isle of Ternate, the Dutch haue three Forts, Maleia otherwise Grania, the seat of the King and Nobilitie, taken by Matelief: Molucco, which they call Holland distant from Maleia halfe a mile North-wards, seated on a Hill, and built with lime and stone for the safetie of the [ 20] Hauen of Maleia: Tacome, called also Willemstat, in the North-west Coast of Ternate, commo∣dious for the places betwixt Malacca and Tacome.

The Isle Motir, was by the warres of Ternate and Tidore for a time desolate, till Admirall Wit∣tert, by intreatie of the Ternateis erected a Fort in the North part thereof, and brought thither a Colonie of the Inhabitants out of Gilolo, whither they had fled. The Spaniards had thought to haue brought those Motirians thither, which had fled to Tidore. The Inhabitants are aboue two thousand. Admirall Van Caerden tooke Machian, and raised therein three Forts, Tafason to the West,* 3.111 Noffaguia to the North, and Tabelole East-ward, all which places are populous. This Island numbreth about nine thousand.* 3.112 From Cayoe a neighbour Island, for feare they remooued to Ta∣belole. It is the most fertile of all the Moluccas, and nourisheth with her fruits Ternate and Ti∣dore, which are so addicted to warre, that they neglect culture of their grounds. Bachian is a [ 30] great Kingdome and fruitfull,* 3.113 but not populous. The Inhabitants are idle and voluptuous, and haue brought vpon themselues the present miserie. In Lahoua the Spaniards had a Fort, and there are yet some seuenteene Portugalls,* 3.114 and eightie Families of the Natiues become Christi∣ans. The Vice-Admirall 1600. tooke and fortified it with a strong Garrison. In the Continent they haue Guammequorre, to whom the Sabougians haue added themselues, forsaking the Spa∣niard.* 3.115 In it is a Garrison of thirtie Souldiers. The Natiues calling the Dutch to their ayd were franke in promises, as the Dutch also to them, further then either partie doth, or well can per∣forme, being too grieuous; as that the Dutch should haue all the customes of the Natiues and For∣reiners, should be free from all paiments: yea they now deny such composition, & are alienated from the Dutch for not keeping word with them. The people are persidious, ambitious, incon∣stant, [ 40] hardned in the insolencies and mischiefes which alwayes attend warres. The Kings in time past had absolute rule, now are contemned; vpon occasion the people seeking new patro∣nage.* 3.116 The Spaniards by bountie and liberalitie wonne their hearts, and made them auerse to the Hollander. These haue the chiefe Citie in Ternate, and call it now Our Lady of the Rosarie, strong, and fortified with all munition from the Moluccas. Heere are two hundred Spaniards, ninetie Papoos (Inhabitants of the Philippinas) besides thirtie Portugall housholders, eightie Chineses, sixtie Moluccans, with their Families. Betwixt this and Maleia, they haue a Fort called Saint Peter and Saint Paul,* 3.117 strongly seated on a Hill, with sixe and twentie Spaniards, twentie Papoos and some Manilians.

Tidore they haue wholly, and therein three Forts, one in the chiefe Citie where the King [ 50] resides,* 3.118 called Taroula, in which are ordinarily fiftie Spaniards, tenne Papoos, eight Natiues, with fiue brasse Pieces very large. The second hath thirteene Spaniards, besides the Na∣tiues, and two Pieces. The third called Marico, within sight of Our Lady Citie, is a Towne well inhabited, walled, and hath a Garrison like the former. The Island scarcely yeelds a thousand armed men.

In Gilolo (which comparatiuely to those Moluccas seemes a Continent, as our Bri∣taine to the Hebrides) the Spaniards haue, first Sabongo, which Iohn de Silua tooke from the Dutch, 1611. against the truce (as they say) and fortified strongly, imposing a Garrison of six∣tie Spaniards, and fortie Papoos: secondly, Pilolo craftily taken from the Dutch also, and well prouided with sixtie Spaniards, and some Manilians. The third, at the West side of Gilolo ouer [ 60] against Machian, called Aquilamo, with few Spaniards, and fortie Tidorians. To the Moren or Easterne Coast of Gilolo they haue three other Iolo, Isiau and Iaffongo, with them fortie fiue Spaniards, with the Natiues. They haue a Gally or two at Sea besides, some Lari (a kind of

smaller Gally) and are alwayes well prouided of Armes, often destitute of victualls, which cau∣seth diuers of them to flie away. Halfe the Cloues belong to the King, and the marchandise of them is in the Portugalls hands. The Kings costs for sixe yeeres were very great, with little pro∣fit. Ieronimo de Sylua, is now Commander in those parts, an old warie Souldier, with other officers vnder him.

A briefe description of the Forts, Souldiers, and Militarie prouision, as also of their Trade and Shipping in the East Indies, vnder the seruice of the Generall States of the vnited Prouinces, and his Excellencie, as it was in Iuly 1616. [ 10] extracted out of the Author of the Iournall.

IN the Isle of Ternate, at Maleia are these Captaines; Captaine Fridericke Hamel, William Ertueli, Peter Barker, Rowland Philips, Goswine a Mammerent, with their seuerall bands,* 3.119 each of ninetie, or a hundred men, the Citie walled and strongly fortified. Tabucke is a Fort neere, kept by the Inhabitants, as Tacome and Tabou, two others in Gilolo. In Tidore is the Fort Ma∣rico, vnder Captaine William ab Amsing, very strong. In Motir, Captaine Henry Maier hath an able Garrison and Fortresse. Macian is gouerned by Gilbert Vianen, and hath three Forts as before. Bartholmen Spilbergen is chiefe in Bacian, where is the Fort Barne-velt built of stone, and well furnished with armes and men.

[ 20] In Amboina is a royall Fort or Castle, commanded by Henry Steur, with one hundred and fiftie Souldiers: besides other Fortresses, as Conbellam, Hitton, and Low;* 3.120 This last is kept by the Ternatois. Adrian Blockhousen is Gouernour of the Island. In Banda are two Forts, Nassau, with a Garrison of an hundred and twentie Hollanders besides a very great number of Iapan∣ders, Chineses and others; and the Belgike, furnished as well.* 3.121 Captaine Henry Beuerlincke com∣mands both. In the Island Poleway, they haue the Reuenge,* 3.122 with an hundred sixtie Souldiers vn∣der two Captaines, Dussen, and Verhoeren.

In the Coast of Coromandel, in Palataque, is a strong and goodly Castle,* 3.123 with a Garrison of an hundred and twentie Souldiers: the Cities Negapatan, and Massepatan, shew them great fa∣uour. Iohn de Hase a Counsellor of the Indies, is Commander in these parts. In Iaua the grea∣ter, [ 30] at Iacatra a dayes iourney from Bantam, is built a Magnificent store-house or Arsenale,* 3.124 for Artificers, and prouision for the warre, and for the Nauie, furnished therefore with brasse Ord∣nance. In all these are Souldiers three thousand; Brasse Peeces, an hundred ninetie three, of Iron Ordnance three hundred and twentie, of Stone three hundred.

Places forsaken vpon better consideration, are Gemmalanor, a Fort in the Isle of Boutton;* 3.125 an∣other in Salor and Timor; a Magazine, or Store-house in Gresei and Achin, and Macassar in Se∣libes. The King of Ior is their great friend, but admits no Fort. They haue their most profitable trade at Iambi, in one of the Islands of Sumatra, at the straight of Malacca. In Fieos, Priaman,* 3.126 and Silbe, on the West of Sumatra they haue trading. In Borneo they trade for Diamants, and Bezoar stones. In Iapon, Iames Spex hath erected a great store-house. At Bantam is their chiefe Factorie, where all Shippes are laden vnder the command of Sir Iohn Peters Coenen Generall [ 40] president of the Indies, which heere keepes an exact register and accounts of all the Indian affa••••es.

Their shipping in Iuly, 1616. was as followeth; In the Moluccas, The Old Sun, the Old Moone, the New Sun, the New Moone, the Flushing, the Angel of Delph, the Hope, the Lucifer, and the Larus. In Iapatra, the Holland. At Bantam, the Faith, the Nassau, the Horne, the Larus of Ia∣pon, the Blacke Lion. In Timor and S••lor, the Eagle, and the Starre. In Achin, the Falcon and the Huntsman. In Coromandel, the Neptune, the Golden Lion. At Iambi, the Bargen Boat, the Halfe Moone. The Concord, and Little Holland, were sent to the Isle Ingane, to receiue those which had beene shipwracked in the Aeolus. At Iacatra, the Enchusen. At Bantam were [ 50] also the New Horne, the Amsterdam, the Middleborough. The Tergoes expected from Coroman∣del. The Blacke Beare lately departed, and the Amsterdam, and the New Zeland. Then at Sea towards the Indies, the Concord of Amsterdam, and the Aeolus of Zeland. They haue more∣ouer in Banda two small Gallies, and in Iacatra, and Bantam many smaller Sayle.

[ 60]

CHAP. VII. The Sixth Circum-Nauigation, by WILLIAM CORNELISON SENOVTEN of Horne: Who South-wards from the Straights of Magelan in Terra-Del-fuogo, found and discouered a new passage through the great South-Sea, and that way sayled round about the World: Describing what Islands, Countries, People, and strange Aduentures hee found in his said Passage.

[ 10]

BEcause the Generall States of the vnited Nether-land Prouinces, had granted Pattents of trade to the East Indian Company, with prohibition to all others to passe the Cape of Good Hope East-ward, or thorough the Magelen straights West-ward: Isaak le Maier a Marchant of Amsterdam, and William Cornelison Schouten of Horne (a man which had beene thrice in the East Indies) deuised and consulted of some new way, without impeachment of the said Pattents, which they confi∣dently supposed might bee done by some passage South-wards from the Magelan straights. And to that end agreed, betweene them to enterprise such a Voyage, taking order that Isaac le Maire should prouide the one halfe of the money, and William Cornelison Schouten the other [ 20] halfe to furnish the said Voyage, by the helpe and furtherance of their friends, the care there∣of, and to make prouision for the said Voyage, being referred to William Cornelison Schouten.

And to finish the said Voyage, the Marchants aforesaid prepared and rigged a great and a small Ship of Horne, the great Ship called the Vnitie, of three hundred sixtie Tunnes, whereof William Cornelison Schouten was Master and chiefe Pilot, and Iacob le Maire Marchant and principall Factor, in it hauing sixtie fiue men, and nineteene great Pieces, and twelue Slings, with Muskets and other munition for warre proportionably, with a Pinasse to sayle, another to row, a Boat, and a Scute, Anckors, Cabels, Ropes, Sayles, and all other necessaries belonging there∣unto. The lesser Ship called the Horne, of an hundred and tenne Tunnes, whereof Iohn Corne∣lison Schouten was Master, and Aris Clawson Marchant, in it twentie two men, eight great [ 30] Pieces, foure Slings, and other furniture, as need required, and was necessarie for such a Voyage. And for that they would not make knowne to any man, as I said before whether they meant to goe, they hyred all their men, both common Saylers and Officers, to sayle vnto euery place whe∣ther the Masters and the Marchants would go, which made the common Saylers and people to speake and ghesse of that Voyage diuersly, and at the last gaue them the name of the Gold-Finders, but the Marchants named them the South Company. The Ships being readie, vpon the sixteenth of May 1615. the men were mustred by the Scout and Schepen of Horne, and the twentie fiue of the same moneth the Vnitie set sayle, and arriued at the Tessell vpon the twentie seuen.

The third of Iune the lesser departted from Horne, and the next day came to the Tessell. [ 40]

* 3.127Vpon the fourteenth of Iune 1615. we sayled out of the Tessell, and the sixteenth of the same moneth, being in the sight of Dunkerke, past betweene Douer and Callis: the seuenteenth anko∣ring in the Downs, William Cornelison Schouten went on shoare at Douer, to get men to bring vs Fresh-water, and the same day set sayle from thence.

The fourth of Iuly, it was ordered that euery man should haue a Can of Beere a day, foure pound of Bisket, and halfe a pound of Butter (besides sweet Suet) a weeke, and fiue Cheeses for the whole Voyage.

The thirteenth in the morning wee saw the Islands of Tenerifa, and great Canaria, and the same day about noone we sayled betweene them both, with a stiffe North North-east wind, and a swift streame. [ 50]

Betweene the fourteenth and the fifteenth, with the same wind and streame we passed Tropi∣cus Can••ri.

The twentieth on the morning, we fell on the North side of Cape Verde, and had eight fa∣thome deepe when we first saw the Land, sayling along by the Coast, and at Sunne-rising the Cape lay West and by South from vs, so that with a North North-east wind wee could not get beyond it, and were forced to Ankor at thirtie two fathome deepe: that night it blew hard, with a great storme of raine and thunder. We had ill weather diuers dayes.

The fiue and twentieth the Alkaide, or gouernour came aboord our ship, with whom wee a∣greed for eight States of Iron; that we should peaceably fetch Fresh-water from the shoare. The first of August wee set sayle from the Cape. [ 60]

* 3.128The one and twentieth of August in the morning, by Sunne rising we set sayle, and saw the high Land of Sierra Liona, about sixe Leagues from vs North-east and by North: wee likewise saw the Islands of Madrabomba, which lye on the South point, or corner of the high land of Sierra Liona, North from the Baixos, or shallows of Saint Annas Island. Sierra Liona is a very

high land, there is no land so high as it, betweene Capo Verde, and the Coast of Guinea, where∣by the point is most easie to be knowne: that day we laboured as wee could to get to land, for the most part hauing stormie weather, running to the point, and ouer the Baixos, or shallowe, of Saint Anna, at tenne, nine, eight, seuen and fiue fathome water, and as wee sayled North-ward, the water waxed deeper, but East-ward shallower, so that about euening wee anchored with a high water, at foure fathome and a halfe soft ground, and in the night time wee had but three fa∣thome and a halfe, but it was fine cleare weather.

The two and twentieth in the morning at Sun-rising, William Schouten went aboord the Horne, and sayled in it before vs, the great ship following, holding our course North North-east, [ 10] with a North-west wind, and an ebbe vnder the bough, and so got off from the Baixos, to eigh∣teene fathome water, and from thence to the Islands of Mabrabomba, which are very high,* 3.129 and lye all three on a row, South-west and North-east, halfe a league from Sierra Liona to sea-ward, there wee had shallow water, at fiue and foure fathome, soft muddie ground, we anchored about a league from the land, and going on shoare found no man dwelling therein, but perceiued the footsteps of many great beasts, but all the land lay wast like a wildernesse, with low marshes or bogges, and high hils.

The three and twentieth in the morning, Iacob le Maire went aboord the Horne, and from it with both the boates on shoare, where hee found a Riuer, at the mouth thereof ha∣uing many Cliffes, Sands, and Rockes, whereby no Shippe could goe into it, but within it was very deepe and broad enough for ships to turne and wind, there they could perceiue no people [ 20] to dwell but saw three wild Oxen, and a great many Monkies, and some Birds that barked like Dogs. They rowed at least three leagues vp into it with the floud. After long search they found eight or nine Limon trees which they shook, and got about seuen hundred and fifty Limons, most r••pe, ready to dry. There also they saw great store of Tortoyses & some Crocodiles, but no people. We determined to trie if we could get into the fresh riuer with both our ships, therein to make pouision of fresh water and Limonds, and to that end set sayle, but found the water so shallow, that we were forced to anchor at sixe fathome. The Horne anchored before the riuer, on the lower land, but there found shallow water. They found vp the riuer no signes of men, onely a Buffe and a Calfe, and here and there got some Limons.

The nine and twentieth, perceiuing that we were not in the riuer of Sierra Liona, wee deter∣mined [ 30] early in the morning to set sayle, and to goe North-ward of the high land, and about noone vvee got aboue the Islands of Mabrabomba, West-ward, along tovvards the North part of the high land, till wee had twelue and fiftteene fathome vvater, and in the euening got about the point, vvhere vve anchored at fifteene fathome deepe.

The thirtie in the morning, vvee hoysed Anchor, and draue vvith the streame, and a South vvind before the Village, in the right roade of Sierra Liona, * 3.130 vvhere vve anchored at eight fa∣thome, sandie ground, about a Musket shot from the land, there vvee savv eight or nine houses couered vvith Stravv. The Moores called vnto vs in their language, to fetch them aboord our ship, and because they had no Canoes vvee sent our boat on land, vvhich presently came backe a∣gaine vvith fiue Moores in it▪ vvhereof one vvas their Interpreter: but before they came, they [ 40] desired that vve vvould leaue some of our men, to stay vvith them as pledges, for that not long before there had beene a French ship there, vvhich had taken and carryed avvay tvvo of their Moores. Aris Clawson the Marchant, that vvent a shoare vvith the boat, stayed there vvith them, and hauing certaine Beades, he there bartered them for Limons, and Bananas. The In∣terpreter spake all kind of languages, one vvith another. In the meane time, our men hauing faire weather, laded fresh water, which is there easie to bee had, by reason it fals downe out of the hill into the road, so that wee held the Barrels vnder the shoare, or fall of the water, and fil∣ling them, put them straight into the Scute, the water was very good. For a few Beades, and some slight Norremburgh Kniues, wee might haue had an hundred thousand Limons there at the least, if we would, for there they grew by vvhole * 3.131 Woods full: the same night we bartered [ 50] with the Negroes for a shoale of Fish.

The first of September vve hoysed Anchor, and draue before the streame, and that Euening anchored at the mouth of the Sea, before a Small Riuer. The second, vve set the Horne vpon the Strand to make her cleane, hauing a good place to doe it, for there the vvater fals seuen foote vp and dovvne: in the euening our men came on boord againe, and brought a little beast named an Antelop, vvhich they found in a Wood▪ in a net or snare set there by the Negroes, and some Limons, and after that the Boat vvent out to fish, and got a great number, and some Palmitas which they had not cut dovvne in the vvood.

The third in the afternoone, the Horne being made cleane vvas lancht into the vvater againe, [ 60] and our Master vvent out to fish, in the euening bringing a great shole of fish vvith him▪ in fashion like to a Sho••makers cutting knife, and euery man an hundred and fiftie Limons for his part.

The fourth early in the morning vve hoysed anchor, and set sayle out of Sierra Liona.

The fift of October, we were vnder foure degrees, seuen and twentie minutes, the same day a∣bout noone, there was such a noyse in the Bough of our Shippe, that the Master being behnid in

the Gallerie, thought that one of the men had fallen out of the Fore-ship, or from the Boe-sprit into the Sea, but as hee looked out ouer the side of the Ship, hee saw the Sea all red, as if great store of bloud had beene powred into it, whereat hee wondred, knowing not what it meant, but afterward hee found, that a great Fish, or a Sea monster hauing a horne, had therewith stricken * 3.132 against the Ship, with most great strength. For when wee were in Porto Desire, where we set the Ship on the Strand to make it cleane, about seuen foot vnder water before in the Ship, wee found a Horne sticking in the Ship, much like for thicknesse and fashion to a common Ele∣phants tooth, not hollow, but full, very strong hard Bone, which had entred into three Plankes of the Ship, that is two thicke Plankes of greene, and one of Oken wood, and so into a Rib, where it turned vpward, to our great good fortune: for if it had entred betweene the Ribbes in∣to [ 10] the Ship, it would happily haue made a greater hole, and haue brought both Ship and men in danger to be lost, it stucke at least halfe a foote deepe into the Ship, and about halfe a foote with∣out, where with great force it was broken off, by reason whereof the great monster bled so much.

The fiue and twentieth, the wind continuing, we held on the same course. Vntill that time we had sayled, and no man in our Ship, (vnlesse it were the Master, William Cornelison Schouten, and Iacob le Maire our Marchant) knew whether we should goe, and then they told vs what voyage they intended, which was, to seeke by another way then the straights of Magelan, to en∣ter into rhe South Sea, there to discouer new countries in the South parts, where they thought to find great riches, and that if it fell not as they desired and pretended, then that they would saile along through the great South Sea, South-ward to the East Indies. This being knowne, our men [ 20] were very glad and reioyced, hoping euery man for his part, to benefit by that voyage, to their aduancement.

The sixe and twentieth, we were vnder sixe degrees, fiue and twentieth Minutes, with faire weather, and a good gale, and all the rest of that moneth for the most part sayling South-ward, with an East, and a North-East wind, we were vnder tenne degrees, and thirtie minutes.

The first of Nouember we past the Sunne, whereby at noone time, it was North from vs.

The third we were vnder nineteene degrees, twentie minutes, then we saw some Black-birds, and two or three fowles called Sea-mewes, and after noone, wee had a sight of Martin vads Islands called Ascension, which lay South-East, and by East from vs, vnder twentie degrees, there wee found our Compasse to varie North-East-ward twelue degrees: The wind being [ 30] North North-East, as the day before, and held our course South: That day our men had dou∣ble allowance of Wine,* 3.133 because we had past the dangerous Sands, called Abrolhos.

The one and twentieth, wee were vnder eight and thirtie degrees, fiue and twentie minutes, and had alteration of water, there wee cast our Lead, but found no ground, the Compasse then varied seuenteene degrees North-East-ward, that morning wee saw the new Moone, being one and twentie howers old.

The sixt of December, we saw Land not very high, but white and somewhat flat, we fell (ac∣cording to our desire) on the North side of Porto Desire, and at night anchored at tenne fathom deepe, about a league and a halfe from the shoare, with an ebbe that ran South-ward, as strongly as the Sea runnes betweene Flushing heads. [ 40]

The seuenth in the morning wee hoysed Anchor, and sayled South vntill noone, then wee were before the Hauen of Porto Desire,* 3.134 lying vnder seuen and fortie degrees, fortie minutes, and made towards the entrie thereof, where we had very high water, so that the Cliffes (whereof Oliuer van Noort writeth, which sailing into that Hauen must be left North-ward from vs) were cleane vnder water, but on the South point there lay certaine Cliffes open, which we tooke to be those, and therefore went South-ward on, but sayled South-ward of the right channell into a crooked Bay, and there at high water anchored at foure fathom and a halfe, and when the wa∣ter was low, we had but foureteene foot-water, whereby the Vnitie lay with her Sterne fast on ground, it being full of Cliffes, the wind was West from the Land, and smooth water to our great fortune, for if we had had an East wind, with any gale, for certaine, we had lost our Ship: [ 50] vpon the Cliffes we found many Egges, and tooke great Muscles and other Fish, and among the rest, Smelts of sixteene inches long, and for that cause we called that place the Smelt Bay. Our Shallop went to the Penguins Island,* 3.135 lying East South-East two leagues from Porto Desire, and came aboord againe late in the euening, bringing two Sea Lyons, and an hundred and fiftie Pen∣guins,* 3.136 which we eate the next day.

* 3.137The eight in the morning, with the Land-wind we sayled out of the Smelt Bay, and ancho∣red right before the Hauen of Porto Desire, and sent our Shallop out to sound the depth of the channell, and found twelue and thirteene fathom, entering in after noone, with a high water, and a North-East wind, we set sayle, the Horne first, and so entred into the Hauen. When wee had sayled about a league and a halfe into the riuer, the wind turned, and we anchored at twentie [ 60] fathoms: there the ground was slippery stones, for about halfe an houre after, the winde blow∣ing hard North-West, both our Ships lying with two Anchors a Peece out: presently draue vp∣on the South shoare, for there fiue and twentie anchors could not haue holden them, so that wee verily thought both our Ships would there bee cast away. The great Ship sate with her side

vpon the Cliffes, and shoke with the falling vvater somevvhat lovver, and still kept stanch, but the Horne fell vpon the Cliffes, so that the vvater vvent cleane from it, vvhereby at a lovv vva∣ter a man might haue gone dry foote vnder the Keele, right against the maine Mast: the Keele vvas aboue a fathome out of vvater, fearefull to behold, but as the vvinde blevve hard Northvvest it kept it from falling ouer, vvhich appeared to be so, for that vvhen the vvinde ceased, it fell from the land against the vvinde vpon the side, at least three foote lovver then the Keele, where∣at vve vvere all abasht, thinking vve had surely lost her, but vvhen the Flood came vvith still vveather, it rose vp againe, vvhereat vve all reioyced. In the morning vvith calme vveather vve vvound off from the vvall, and the same night the Horne came to vs.

[ 10] The ninth in the morning, we set saile againe, and went further into the Riuer,* 3.138 and came to Kings Island, so called by Oliuer van Noort, the Horne went behind it, and there anchored, but we could not get in with the Vnitie, because the wind was contrary. Our men went on shore in∣to the Island, which was almost couered ouer with egges; for a man standing still on his feete, with his hands might reach to fiftie foure neasts, each hauing three or foure egges a piece, much like (but somewhat greater) then Sea-Mues egges, the birds were blackish Sea-Mues, we carri∣ed thousands of them aboord, and eate them.

The eleuenth, the boat went lower into the Riuer on the South side, to seeke for men and wa∣ter, and found nothing but brackish water: there they saw some Estriges, and beasts like Harts,* 3.139 with very long neckes, which were afraid of vs. Vpon the highest part of the hilles wee found [ 20] some burying places, which were heapes of stones, and we not knowing what that meant, pul∣led the stones off from one of them,* 3.140 and vnder them found mens bones of tenne and eleuen foot long: they buried the dead vpon the top of the hils, flat on the ground, and couer them also with stones, which keepes them from beeing deuoured by beasts or birds.

The twelfth, thirteenth, foureteenth, fifteenth▪ and sixteenth, our men went continually on land to seeke for water, but found none, euery day bringing good store of birds and fishes on boord.

The seuenteenth, we laid our shippe within Kings Island on the wall, with an high water, to make it cleane, where it was drie, that we might goe round about it dry foot.

The eighteenth, the Horne was also laid on shore about two Musket shot from our Shippe to [ 30] make it cleane. The nineteenth, as we were busie about both the ships to make them cleane, and burnt reeds vnder the Horne, the flame of the fire sodainly got into the Ship, and presently tooke such hold thereof, that in the twinckling of an eye it was so great, that we could by no meanes quench it, by reason it lay fiftie foote drie from the water side, and by that meanes wee were constrained to stand still, and see it burne before our eyes, not able to doe any thing to saue it.

The twentieth, at a high water we lancht the Vnitie into the water againe, and went to the Horne and quencht the fire, but the ship was burnt cleane downe to the water. The next day when we had cast the water out of that part of it that was left, we saued all the wood, Iron-worke, Anchors, Ordnance, and what else that was to be gotten, and put it into our shippe.

The twenty fifth our men found certaine holes full of fresh water, which was white and very [ 40] thicke, from whence some of them daily fetch water in little rondlets on their shoulders: some went armed with Muskets to defend them, others fetcht birds, and egges,* 3.141 and yong sea Lyons which we eate, and are of a reasonable good tast.

The thirteench about noone, we sailed out of Porto Desire, but the sea beeing calme, wee an∣chored before the hauen, and when the winde began to rise, hoysed anchor and put to Sea.

The eighteenth we saw Sebaldes Islands South-east from vs about three leagues, they lie,* 3.142 as Se∣bald Dewert writes, distant from the Strait, East Northeast, and West Southwest, about fiftie leagues, then we were vnder fiftie one degrees.

The twentieth, we saw Steencrosse driue, and perceiued that we had a great streame that went Southwest, then we were vnder fiftie three degrees, and ghest that we were about twentie [ 50] leagues Southward from the Straits of Magelan. The eleuenth we were vnder three and fiftie degrees.

The three and twentieth in the morning, we had a South winde, and about noone it waxt calme, then the wind blew West, and we had ground at fiftie fathome blacke sandy, with small stones, after that the winde turned North, with smooth water and faire weather. The water shewed as white, as if we had beene within the land, we held our course South and by West, a∣bout three of the clocke afternoone we saw land West, and West Southwest from vs, and not long after that we saw it also in the South, then hauing a North winde, we went East South-east, to get aboue the land, it blew so hard in the hollow water, that we were forced to take in our Toppe-sayles.

[ 60] The foure and twentieth in the morning, wee sawe land on starre-boord, not aboue a great league distant from vs, there wee had ground at fortie fathome, and a West-winde, the land stretcht East and South, with very high hills, that were all couered ouer with Ice. We sayled a∣long by that land, and about noone past it▪ and saw other land East from it, which also was very high and ragged.

These lands as we ghest lay about eight leagues one from the other, and seemed as if there were a good passage betweene them, which we were the better perswaded vnto, for that there ranne a hard streame Southward betweene both those lands.

Then about noone we were vnder fiftie foure degrees and fortie sixe minutes, and after noone wee had a North wind, and made towards this opening, but about euening it calmed, and that night wee draue forwards with a hard streame, and little wind. There we saw an innumerable number of Pengwins,* 3.143 and thousands of Whales, so that we were forced to looke well about vs, and to winde and turne to shunne the Whales, least we should sayle vpon them.

The fiue and twentieth in the morning, we were close by the East land, which was very high and craggie, which on the North side reacheth East South-east, as farre as we could see, that land [ 10] we called Statesland,* 3.144 but the land that lay West from vs, we named Maurice-land. We percei∣ued that on both sides thereof, there were good roades, and sandy Bayes, for on either side it had sandy strands, and very faire sandie ground. There are great store of fish, Pengwins and Por∣posses, as also birdes and water enough, but we could see no Trees: we had a North-wind in the entrie, and went South South-west, with a stiffe course, at noone we were vnder fiftie fiue de∣grees, thirty sixe minutes, and then held our course South-west, with a good sharpe wind and raine,* 3.145 and a stiffe gale: we saw the land on the South side of the passage vpon the West ende of Maurice van Nassawes land, reach West South-west and South-west, as farre as we could see it, all very high and craggie-land. In the Euening the wind was South-west, and that night wee went South with great waues or billowes out of the South-west, and very blew water, whereby [ 20] we iudged and held for certaine that we had great deepe water to loefward from vs, nothing doubting but that it was the great South-sea, whereat we were exceeding glad, to think that we had discouered a way, which vntill that time was vnknowne to men, as afterward we found it to be true.

There we saw extreame great Sea-mewes, bigger of body then Swannes, their wings beeing spread abroad, each of them aboue a fathome long. These birds being vnaccustomed to see men, came to our ship,* 3.146 and sat thereon, and let our men take and kill them.

The sixe and twentieth, we were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees, with a flying storme out of the West and South-west, the whole quarter, with very high and blevv vvater, vve held our course South-vvard, and in the North-vvest savv very high land, in the night vve turned North-West-vvard. [ 30]

The seuen and tvventieth, vve vvere vnder sixe and fiftie degrees, and one and fiftie minutes, the vveather very cold, vvith haile, and raine, the vvind West and West and by South, and vve vvent South-vvard, and then crost North-vvard vvith our maine Sailes.

The eight and tvventieth vve hoysed our top-sayles, then vve had great billovves out of the West, vvith a West vvind and then a North-east, and therevvith held our course South, and then West and West and by South, and vvere vnder fiftie sixe degrees and fortie eight minutes.

The nine and twentieth, we had a Northeast wind, and held our course South-west, and saw two Islands before vs, lying West Southwest from vs: about noone we got to them, but could not saile aboue them, so that we held our course North: about them they had dry gray Cliffes, and [ 40] some low Cliffes about them, they lay vnder fiftie seuen degrees, South-ward of the Equinoctiall line,* 3.147 we named them Barneuels Islands. From them we sayled West North-west: about Euening we saw land againe, lying North West and North North-west from vs, which was the land that lay South from the straits of Magellan which reacheth South-ward, all high hilly land, co∣uered ouer with snow, ending with a sharpe point, which we called Cape Horne, it lieth vnder fiftie seuen degrees and fortie eight minutes.* 3.148

Then wee had faire weather, and a North wind, with great Billowes out of the West, we held on course West, and found a strong streame that ranne West-ward.

The thirtieth, we still had great Billowes out of the West, with hollow water and a strong streame that went West-ward, which assured vs that we had an open way into the South sea, then [ 50] we were vnder fiftie seuen degrees, thirty foure minutes.

The one and thirtieth, wee had a North wind, and sayled West, and were vnder fiftie eight degrees: then the wind turning West, and West South-west, somewhat variable, wee passed by Cape Van Horne, and could see no more land, and had great billowes out of the West, and verie blew water, which then fully assured vs that we had the broad South sea before vs, and no land▪ the wind was very variable, with great store of haile and raine, which forced vs oftentimes to winde to and fro.

The first of February, we had cold weather, with a storme out of the South-west, and sayled with our maine sayles, lying North-west, and West North-west. The second, the wind West, we sayled South-ward, and were vnder fiftie seuen degrees, fiftie eight minutes, and found twelue [ 60] degrees North-ward variation of the Compasse. That day we saw many great Sea-mewes and other Birds.

The third, we were vnder fiftie nine degrees twentie fiue minutes, with indifferent weather, and a hard West wind, and guessed that wee were that day vnder fiftie nine degrees and a halfe,

but saw no land, nor any signe thereof in the South. The fourth, we were vnder fiftie sixe de∣grees fortie three minutes, with variable windes, most Southwest, and wound to and fro as the wind blew, with eleuen degrees Northeastward variation of Compasse.

The fift wee had a strong streame out of the West, with hollovv vvater, vvhereby vve could beare no sayle, but vvere forced to driue vvith the vvinde.

The tvvelfth, our men had each of them three cups of vvine in signe of ioy for our good hap, for then the Straits of Magellan lay East from vs: the same day by aduice of all our Counsell, at the request of our chiefe Marchant, the nevv passage (by vs discouered betvveene Mauritius land, and the Statesland,) vvas named the Straights of le Maire, although by good right it [ 10] should rather haue beene called William Schoutens Straight▪ after our Masters Name, by vvhose vvise conduction and skill in sayling, the same vvas found.

During the time that vve passed through that Nevv Strait, and sayling Southward about that New-found land, till vve got to the West side of the Straits of Magellan, for the most part vve had a very strong streame, hollovv vvater, continuall raine, mists, moist and thicke vveather, with much haile and snovv: vvhereby vvee endured much trouble, miserie and disease. But in regard that vve had so luckily discouered that Passage, and hoping that the places vvhich vve vvere yet to discouer, vvould likevvise fall out vvell, vve vvere encouraged; and not once thinking vpon our former hard passage, vvith assured mindes determined to goe forvvard on our Voyage.

The foure and tvventieth, vve hoysed our vpper Ordnance out of the hold, and placed it aboue [ 20] vpon our Decke. The fiue and tvventieth of Ianuary, vve hoysed all our sayles, because vve en∣tered into a peaceable Sea, and had past all stormes and hard vveather.

The seuen and tvventieth, vve hoysed vp our second tyre of Ordnance, and placed it in our second Orlope, for in Porto Desire vve had laid it dovvne in the hold, and all things that might hinder the vvind, and then vvere vnder fortie degrees vvith faire vveather, a South, and South Southeast vvind, and a good gal••, as the day before, and held our course Northvvard.

The eight and tvventieth, our Counsell, and the foure Masters determined to sayle to the Isles of Iohn Fernando, there to refresh vs, because some of our men by meanes of the great paines and labour taken by them vvere extreame vveary, and some had the fluxe: that day vve vvere vnder thirtie fiue degrees, fiftie three minutes. In the euening vve bare but small sayle, fearing to fall [ 30] vpon the land by night, and because vve vvould not passe beyond it in the night, vvee sayled Northeast.

The first of March in the morning wee saw the Islands of Iohn Fernando, right before vs,* 3.149 North North-east, with a South wind, faire weather, and a good gale. About noone wee got to them, vnder thirtie three degrees and fortie eight minutes.

These are two Islands, both of them very high land: the smallest lying most West-ward, is a very dry bare Island with nothing in it, but bare Hils and Cliffes, the greatest (lying East-ward) is also full of very high Hils, but hath many Trees, and very fruitfull. Therein are many Beasts, as Hogs, and Goates, vpon the Coast admirable numbers of good fish; which makes the Spaniards oftentimes come thither to fish, and in short time fill their ships and carrie them [ 40] to Peru. Wee went on the West side of those Islands, which was not well for vs, for there wee must haue gone about East-ward to get into the Road, which lyeth on the East point of the greatest Island, for going about on the West side behind the land, wee should haue gotten vnder the land in the calme water, because the land there is high and calme, so that wee could not get to the land to anchor with our ship, and therefore sent our Boat out to sound the depth, which came aboord againe in the Euening, and told vs, that close by the land we had fortie and thirtie fathome sandy ground which still lesseneth till it come to three fathome good to anchor in, besides a faire greene Valley, full of greene Trees, pleasant to behold, but because of the shortnesse of the time they went not on shore, and in diuers places saw fresh water in great streames run downe off the Hils, they likewise saw many Goats and other Beasts, [ 50] vpon the Hils, which they could not well know, being so farre off: they had also in short time taken a great number of good fish▪ for the Hooke was no sooner in the water, but presently they tooke fish, so that continually without ceasing, they did nothing but draw vp fish, most of them being Corcobados, and Steen-brasses, and saw many Sea-Wolues: these newes cheared vp our men, specially those that were troubled with loosenesse hoping there to refresh themselues: that night it was calme weather, so that the streame draue vs somewhat back-ward.

The second day we were with our ship close vnder the land againe, but could not get so neere (what meanes soeuer wee vsed) to finde ground, wee once againe sent our men on land, some to fish, and some to seeke for Cattell, they saw many Hogs, Goats, and other Beasts, but by reason that the Woods were thicke they could not get them: and the while that some of them fetch [ 60] water, they that were in the Boat had taken almost two Tunnes of fish, all with Hookes, and so we were forced to leaue that faire Island, and could get nothing else there.

The third day wee draue at least foure leagues beneath the Islands, notwithstanding that all that quarter we did the best we could to sayle neere to it, whereof at last being wearie, (seeing it was vnpossible to bee done) wee determined to leaue them, and to hold on our course, to per∣forme

our Voyage, euery day hauing a good fore-wind, to the great griefe of our sicke men, who thereby were cleane out of comfort, but God holpe them.

These Islands are vnder thirtie three degrees, fortie minutes: this resolution taken, we set our course North-west and by West, with a good South gale of wind and faire weather.

The eleuenth day wee past Tropicus Capricorni the second time, with a South-east wind, our course North-west, there we had the generall East and East South-east wind, and held our course North North-west to the fifteenth, till we were vnder eighteene degrees, then we changed our course, and went West, and made our rowing Shallop readie, to vse it when we came neere any land.

The third of April being Easter day, we were vnder fifteene degrees twelue minutes, at which [ 10] time we had no variation of Compasse, for the Needle stood right North and South, then the flux began much to trouble our men, for at times, halfe of them at the least had it.

* 3.150The tenth day we saw three leagues from vs a low Iland, not very great, with great numbers of Sea-mewes and fish, and set our course to the Island thinking to haue some refreshing, whereof in regard of the flux we had great need, About noone we got to the Island, and cast out our Lead, but found no ground, and therefore put out our Shalop. About Euening they came aboord againe, and could get nothing, but onely some greene Herbs, which tasted like vnto Holland Tuinkars, they said, that there they had seene three Dogs, that neither barkt, nor made any noyse, and in it found some places full of raine water, that had fallen that day.

The Island as we perceiued, seemed at high water for the most part to be ouer-flowne, it had [ 20] nothing about it but a kind of wall like a Ditch, full of greene Trees, pleasant to behold, and in the middle of them and else-where, much Salt-water. It is vnder fifteene degrees twelue mi∣nutes, distant from the Coast of Peru, by our estimation nine hundred twentie and fiue leagues. That quarter the wind was North, and we held our course West, towards the Islands of Salomon, and called that Island Dogs Island.

In the night it blew hard, with a great showre of raine.

* 3.151The fourteenth the winde East and East South-east, we sayled West, and West and by North, with wind and weather aforesaid, and saw much fish, and many Birds: after noone we saw ano∣ther low Island North-west from vs being very great, and reached North-east and South-west, whereat we reioyced, hoping to get water and some refreshing there, and made to it, holding [ 30] our course North-west.

About Euening, being with our ship about a league from the Land, there came a Canoe to meet vs, with foure Indians in it, all naked, of a reddish colour, very blacke long haire: they kept a good way from our ship, first calling to vs, making signes to haue vs come on Land, but we vn∣derstood them not, nor they vs, notwithstanding that we answered and called to them in Spa∣nish, Molucus, Iauan, and our owne Netherland speech.

About Euening at Sunne-setting, we got to the land, but found no ground, nor no changing of water, although we were so neere to the shore, that with a Musket we might shoot into it, and therefore put to Sea againe, and the Canoe to land, where a great many Indians stood vpon the shore to watch for them: not long after againe there came another Canoe from the land to our [ 40] ship, but would not (as the first) come aboord, they called to vs, and we to them, but vnderstood not one the other, at last their Canoe ouerthrew in the water, but they soone turned it vp againe, and leapt quickly into it, they shewed and pointed towards the land, and wee the like to them towards the ship, but they would not come, wherwith we held on our course and left the Island, sayling South and South-west to get aboue the land: the Island was not broad, but somewhat long, and full of Trees, which as we ghessed were Palmitas and Cocus Trees, it lyes vnder fifteene degrees fifteene minutes, hauing white sand ground: that night we saw fire vpon the land in di∣uers places.

The fifteene day in the Morning, hauing in the night sayled about ten leagues South South-west, we sayled close along by the land, where we saw many naked men standing on shore, cal∣ling [ 50] and crying (as it seemed) to bid vs come on land, and then againe there came another Canoe, from the land towards our ship, with three Indians in it, which also called to vs, and would not come abord, but rowed to the Shalop, and went close to it, our men shewing them all the friend∣ship they could, giuing them some Beads and Kniues, but they vnderstood not one another ha∣uing beene a little while by the Shalop, they left it, and came so neere to our ship, that we cast out a small Rope to them, which they tooke, but would not enter into the ship, but went into the Shalop, which came backe from the land without doing any thing, and hauing beene a good while in it, at the last one of them came into the Gallerie, and drew out the nayles of the windowes in the Marchants and Masters Cabines, and taking them away, hid them in his haire, they were desirous of Iron; for they ventured to pull out the bolts with their hands, and to [ 60] carrie them away,* 3.152 we sought to keepe one of them in the ship, and to send one of our men with the other two in their Canoe to land, to make friendship with them but they would not. They were very theeuish people, all naked, only a piece of a Mat hanging before their priuie Mem∣bers. Their skinne was marked with diuers figures, as Snakes, Dragons, and such like things

which shewed very blew, as if they had beene burnt thereon with Gun-powder, we gaue them wine, as they sat in the Canoe, but they would not giue vs the Cup againe. Wee sent our Shalop once againe to the land, with eight Musketiers, and sixe men with Swords. Claus Iohnson our vnder Marchant, and Arice Clauson the Marchant of the Horne, went with them, to see what was to be gotten in the Island, and to make friendship with them. But as soone as they were by the strand and the men went on shore, there came at least thirtie Indians out of the Wood, with great Clubs or Cudgels and would haue taken our mens armes from them and thought to draw the Shalop vpon the land, ventred to take two of our men out of the Shalop, thinking to carrie them into the Wood, but our Musketiers, hauing their Muskets readie, discharged three of them [ 10] amongst them, and verily thought that they either killed or sore wounded some of them. They likewise had long staues, with very long sharpe things at the ends thereof, which (as we thought) were finnes of blacke fishes, they also cast stones with Slings, but (God bee thanked) hurt none of our men. Bowes they had not, as farre as we could see. Our men saw some of their women, that cryed and claspt their men about the neckes, but knew not what they meant, and thought they did it to get them from thence.* 3.153 That Iland (by reason we could there find no ground to anchor) we called the Iland without ground. On the out side it was low plaine ground, full of Palme Trees, but within full of salt water. At last when we saw that there was nothing to be gotten, we de∣termined to leaue it, and with an East wind held our course West to Sea-ward. There wee had slight water and no billowes as the day before wee had out of the South, and therefore wee ghest [ 20] that South-ward there was more land: it is vnder fifteene degrees, about a hundred leagues distant from Dogs Iland.

The sixteenth day in the morning betimes, we saw another Iland, North-ward from vs,* 3.154 which we made to, but found it as the other, without anchor ground, within also being all drowned land, yet on the sides it was full of Trees, but no Palme nor Cocos Trees. Wee put out our Shalop to sound the depth, but, going to the shore, found no ground, and therefore came abord againe, with∣out doing any thing, or seeing any men. We sent our Shalop once againe to see if we could get any refreshing or water vpon the land, who returning againe told vs that they had found fresh wa∣ter not farre from the shore, in a Pit or Keele, which they might bring with Buckets to the strand, but hard to get into the ship, for the Shalop, by reason of the billowes, lay fast at a dreg, by which [ 30] meanes the men were forced, to draw one another with a Rope on land, and in like sort on boord againe, so that it was very troublesome and dangerous to goe on the land, and therefore fetcht but foure small fats of water. There also we found such herbes as we had in the Dogs Iland, whereof we brought a sackfull aboord, and some Crabs, as also some Shels and Hornes, that had fish in them of very good taste. That euening we held on our course West-ward, with an East-wind, and an indifferent gale, rainie weather and smooth water.* 3.155 The same day wee were vnder fourteene de∣grees, fortie sixe minutes. That Iland was fifteene leagues distant from the other, wee called it the water Iland, because there we got some water.

The seuenteenth day we gaue our men six cups of water, and sod a great Kettle with Pottage, made of the greene herbes that we had in water Iland, which did our men some good, and eased [ 40] them of their loosenesse.

The eighteene day in the morning, we saw another low Iland South-west from vs,* 3.156 lying West North-west, and East South-East, as farre as we could see, at the least twentie leagues, distant from the other. We made to it, and being hard by it, sent out our Boate to sound the depth, they told vs they found ground by a point of land, from whence there came a streame at twentie, fiue, and fortie fathome, running softly downe, about a Musket shot from the land, whereupon we sent the Boat with our emptie Caske thither, hoping to find water, when it came to the land, they let the Schut lye fast at a Dreg in the water and drew one another with a Rope through the water, to land as they did before, there they sought a good way within a Wood for fresh water, but because they had no Armes with them, and saw a wild man, who as they thought had a Bow [ 50] in his hand, they turned presently backe to the Shalop, and came aboord againe without doing a∣ny thing, and lying a good way from the shore, there came fiue or sixe wilde men to the strand, who seeing that our men were gone, went backe againe into the Wood. Vpon that Iland there were great store of greene wilde trees, being also full of salt-water within. When our men came into the ship they were couered all ouer with Flyes, in such abundance that wee could not know them, their faces, hands, and Scute, all full, and the Oaers also as farre as they were out of the water, were couered ouer with blacke Flyes, wonderfull to behold: those Flyes came with them aboord our ship, and flue so thicke vpon our bodie, and in our faces, that wee knew not how to shunne them, for we could hardly eate or drinke, but all was full of them: wee still wip't our faces and hands, and made flaps to kill as many as we could, this continued two or three dayes [ 60] with great trouble vnto vs all: at last we had a good gale of winde, whereby, and with continu∣all killing them, in the end when three or foure dayes were past we were rid of them: wee called that Iland, the Flye Iland, and therewith set forward from it, and had some raine, as also the next day, whereby we gathered so much water, with Clothes and Sailes, that it holpe vs well. In the

night we made no great way, but often times let the shippe driue, that wee might not by night fall vpon such low Islands, and spoyle our shippe.

The three and twentieth, we were vnder fifteene degrees, foure minutes, and then againe had great hollow billowes out of the South, which the next day also continued; the wind was North∣east, and most part East, and East and by South. There they said, that Terra Australis which we sought for, lay yet two hundred and fiftie leagues further.

The fiue and twentieth, we filled foure vessels full of raine water, and still had hollow billowes out of the South, as we commonly haue in the Spanish Seas out of the North-west.

* 3.157The third of May the wind was still East South-east, and we sayled West, and at noone were vnder fifteene degrees, three minutes. That day we saw many great Dorados which were the first [ 10] that we had seene in the South Sea.

The ninth, vve vvere vnder fifteene degrees, tvventy minutes, and at that time as vve thought vvere 1510. leagues distant from the coast of Peru and Chili.* 3.158 About noone vvee savve a sayle, vvhich as vve guessed vvas a Barke, comming out of the South, and vvent North-vvard tovvards vs, vve presently made tovvards it, and as it came neere to vs, vve shot at it vvith one of our Pieces right ouer her, to make them strike, but they vvould not; then vve shot againe, but yet they vvould not strike, vvith that vve put out our Shalop vvith tenne Musketiers in it, to take her, vvhich calling to them vve shot another Piece, yet vvithout any intent to reach or to hurt them, but they vvould not strike, but sought as vvell as they could to get avvay from vs, and got to loofe-vvard of vs, but our Shalop beeing too craftie for them rovved to them, and bee∣ing [ 20] about halfe a musket shot from them, s••ot foure Muskets one after another, as they drevve neere to her, and before they could reach her, some of her men in great feare leapt ouer-boord, vvhereof one of them had a little child, and another vvas hurt, and had three holes in his backe, but not very deepe, for it was ha••leshot, those we fetcht out of the water againe: they also threw much of their goods ouer-boord, and amongst the rest three Hennes, our men leapt into their ship and carried them into our ship, they not once resisting; for in truth they had no armes, when they were in our ship, we fetcht two men more that were left in theirs, which presently fell downe before vs, and kist our feet and hands, one of them was a very old man, the other a young man, we could not vnderstand them, but vsed them kindly, and presently the Shalop rowed to fetch those that leapt ouer-boord, to saue their liues, but they got but two of them, that droue vpon [ 30] one of their oares, and pointed to our men with their hands to the ground, as much to say, that the rest were drowned: one of those two that was hurt, whom we drest, had long yeallowish haire. In that shippe there was at least eight women, three young sucking children, and some of nine or tenne yeeres old, so that we made account they were three and twentie in all, cleane na∣ked people, both men and women, onely something hanging before their priuy members. About euening we set the men on boord their ship againe, that were welcome to their wiues, which claspt them about the necks, and kissed them. We gaue them beades, (which they hung about their necks,) and some kniues, and shewed them all the friendship we could, and they the like to vs, giuing vs two fine Matiens, and two Cocos nuts, for they had not many: that was all they had to eate and drinke, and they had drunke out all the water out of the Nuttes, so that they had [ 40] no more drinke. Wee saw them drinke salt water out of the Sea, and gaue it also to their young children to drinke,* 3.159 which we thought to be against Nature. They had certaine cloathes which they ware before their priuy members, and therewith couered themselues against the heate of the Sunne, of a yeallowish colour. They were reddish people, that anoynted themselues with Oyle: the Women had short haire, like our men in Holland: Mens haire was long, curled, and very blacke:* 3.160 their ship was of a strange fashion. It was made of two long faire Canoas with a good space betweene them, in each Canoa about the middle thereof, there lay two whole broad planckes of faire red wood, to keepe out the water, and diuers planckes laid crosse ouer, from the one Canoa to the other, which were made fast together, and hung a good way ouer on both endes, without the Canoas, very close aboue to keepe out the water, before at the ende of one of the Ca∣noas, [ 50] on starre-boord, there stood a Mast, at the ende thereof hauing a Forke, whereon the yard lay. The Sayle was made of Mats, and as the wind blew they sayled, without Compasse, or any Instruments for the Sea, but hookes to fish withall, whereof the vpper part was stone, the other blacke bone, or Tortoyses shells, and some of them were mother of Pearle. Their ropes were very faire, and almost as thicke as a Cable, made of such stuffe as the figge-frayles in Spaine are. When they sayled from vs, they held their coruse South-east.

The tenth wee had the wind South South-east, and South-east and by South, and held our course West and South-west. In the morning after breake-fast, wee saw very high land on Lar∣boord, lying South-east and by South, about eight leagues from vs: wee made to it, and sayled all that day with a good gale, but could not reach it. [ 60]

The eleuenth in the morning, wee were neere a high Island, and about two leagues South-ward from thence, another long low Island, that day wee sayled ouer a Banke of fourteene fathome deepe, stony ground, lying about two leagues from the land, and as soone as wee were ouer it,

wee could find no more ground. One of the shippes aforesaid came to vs: they also carrie a Canoe in their shippe, which what time soeuer, they can put out: and are very good Sea-men. Their ships were of the fashion aforesaid, with good sayles, and are so swift of sayle, that few ships in Holland can ou•• sayle them. They steere behind with two Oares, on each Canoe a man, and sometimes row with their Oares before, when they will wind, the ship also windes of it selfe when they pull the Oares out of the water and let it goe, or alone with the wind, wee put out our Shalop to found, which came and told vs that they had found ground at fifteene, fourteene, and twelue fathomes, sheluie ground, about a Canon shot from the land, wee presently made to it to Anchor, and tooke in our sayles. The Negroes seeing that, made signes to vs to goe to the [ 10] other Island, and sayled thither before vs, but wee anchored at the end of the Island, at fiue and twentie fathome sandie ground, a great Canon shot from the land. That Island is a high hill, almost like one of the Moluccos Island, full of trees, most Cocos trees, therefore wee called it Cocos Island.* 3.161

The other Island is much longer, but lower, lying East and West. As soone as wee were at an Anchor, there came three small ships, that sayled vp and downe about our shippe, and at least nine or tenne Canoes boorded vs, some from the land, and some out of the little shippes, among the which two of them put out little white Flags in signe of peace, and wee did the like. Their Ca∣noes, which had three and foure men a peece in them, were flat before, and sharpe behind, hewed out of a whole peece of reed wood. Wherewith they could row exceeding swift, and when they came neere the ship, they leapt into the water, and swamme to our ship, with their hands [ 20] full of Cocos nuts, and Vbes rootes, which they bartred with vs for nayles and beades, whereof they were verie desirous, they gaue foure or fiue Cocos nuts, for one nayle, or a small string of beades, so that the same day we bartered for an hundred eightie Cocos nuts, and at last there came so many on boord, that we scarce knew how to bestirre our selues. Wee sent our Shalop towards the other Island, to see if there we could not lie better, for there we lay in the open Sea, but the Shalop was no sooner off from the ship, rowing along by the land, but it was inclosed round a∣bout by twelue or thirteene Canoes of the other Island, and still more came to them, the people within them shewing as if they were mad, hauing certaine staues of hard wood in their hands like clubbes, sharpe at the point, and a little burnt. They boorded our Shalop, and thought to haue taken it from vs, but our men being thereby constrained to defend themselues, let flee three [ 30] Muskets among them, whereat first they laught and mockt, thinking it but a sport, but the third time one of them was shot into the breast clean•• through his bodie, which his fellowes seeing went presently to helpe him, & finding him to be so sore hurt, all of them kept off from the Sha∣lop, and went to one of their small ships with sayles, and call••ng to it, would haue had them to ouer row the Shalop, as we ghest, but they would not, for their Canoes had been aboord our ship, where they had beene well vsed, and friendly dealt withall. Those people were very theeuish. They were lustie men, well proportioned, and of great stature,* 3.162 and went all naked and vnarmed onely their priuie members couered. Their haire was drest after diuers fashions, some short, and some finely curled, some had long haire bound vp in pleits in seuerall manner, they were notable swimmers. That Cocos Island lies vnder sixteene degrees, tenne minutes. The twelfth in the [ 40] morning after breake-fast-time, there came more Canoes aboord our shippe, with Cocos nuttes, Bananas, Vbas rootes, and some little Hogges, and some vessels full of fresh water; that day wee bartered with them for one thousand two hundred Cocos nuts, wee were eightie fiue men aboord, and euery one had twelue nuts. They stroue who should get first aboord, and those that could not get to the ship, leapt out of their Canoes, and diued vnder the other Canoes, to get to the shippe to sell their ware, holding Vbas rootes, and bunches of Cocos nuts in their mouthes, and climed so many, and so fast vp to the shippe, that wee were forced to keepe them downe with staues. When they had sold their wares, they leapt out of the ship and swamme to their Canoes againe. They wondered at the greatnesse and strength of the shippe, and some of them crept downe be∣hind at the rother, vnder the ship, and knockt with stones vpon the bottome thereof, to proou•• [ 50] how strong it was. There came a Canoe from the other Island, that brought vs a young blacke wilde hogge, which the King sent vs for a present, wee would haue giuen the messenger some∣what for it, but he would not take it, making signes that the King had charged him not to take any thing. At noone the King himselfe came in a great shippe with a sayle, of the fashion afore∣said, like an Ice Slead, with at least thirtie fiue Canoes to accompany him. Thi•• King was by his men called Lato••, wee receiued him with Drummes and Trumpets, whereat they wondred, be∣cause they neuer had seene nor heard the like before. They shewed vs great honour and much friendship outwardly, with bowing their heads, clapping their fists together ouer their heads, and other strange Ceremonies. When he was a little way from vs, hee began to call and to crie out [ 60] aloud, as if hee had prayed after his manner, all the rest of his men did the like, wee not know••ing what it meant, but ghest that it was in stead of a welcome.

Presently thereupon the King sent vs a Matien by three of his men, ••o whom wee gaue an old hatchet, a few beades, some old nayles, and a peece of linnen cloth, which hee willingly re∣ceiued, laying it three times vpon his head, and bowing it, in token of reuerence or thankes and

curtesie. Those that came into our ship, fell on their knees, and kist our feet, and wondred much at our shippe. We could not know the King from the other Indians, for he was likewise cleane naked, but onely that they shewed him reuerencee, and he commanded ouer his men. We made signes that the King should come aboord of our Shippe: his sonne came aboord, and we entertai∣ned him well, but he himselfe durst not or would not come, but they altogether made signes to haue vs come to the further Island, with our Shippe, where there was enough of all things to be had. Among other things, we bartered with them for angles of haire, that were made of reede, as in Holland, but somewhat thicker, with hookes of mother of Pearle. The Kings sonne went to land againe, and the Canoa wherein he went had a great piece of wood on lar-boord, where∣with it kept vpright, vpon that piece of wood their angle lay, readie to take fish. [ 10]

The thirteenth in the morning, there came at least fortie fiue Canoas aboord, to traffique with vs, with an Armado of three and twenty small shippes, made like Ice-sleads, each of them one with an other, hauing fiue and twentie men a piece in them, and euery small Canoa foure or fiue, we not knowing what their intent was. The Canoas dealt with vs, bartering Cocos nuttes for nayles, and made show, as if they were our great friends, but afterward we found it otherwise: all of them made signes to vs to sayle to the other Island: the King who the day before had been at our Shippe, came likewise in his ship with a saile to our shippe, and all of them made a great noyse. We would gladly haue had him aboord, but he would not; wherewith wee suspected treason, fearing some mischiefe, and the rather, because all the Shippes and Canoas kept close round about our ship, and that the King went out of his ship into a Canoa, and his sonne into an [ 20] other, and presently they stroke vpon a kind of drumme that was in his shippe, whereat all the Indians began to crie out alowd, which we esteemed to be a warning giuen vnto them, altogether to fall vpon vs, to take our shippe from vs, and then the ship wherein the King sayled before he went out of it, boorded vs, comming so hard vpon vs, as if it would haue sunke vs: but it strucke against our shippe with such a force, that the two heads of the Canoas before brake in pieces, wherewith the men that were in it, (among them hauing some women) leapt into the water, and swam to windward: the rest beganne to fling great number of stones at vs, thinking there∣with to feare vs, but we shot at them with Muskets, and three great pieces (laden with Musket shot, and old nayles) wherewith all they that were in the shippe and Canoas that lay a∣bout our ship, leapt into the water. We made reckoning that some of them had forgotten the [ 30] way to goe home againe, and that diuers of them also were sore wounded, and therewith they went backe: they knew not what such manner of shooting meant, but yet when they saw how we had handled them with our shot, they kept aloofe out of the reach of our Pieces, and we hoy∣sing anchor, set forward againe on our Voyage, holding our course West, and West and by South. We were of opinion, that the King at that time had assembled all his forces, for he had at the least a thousand men, or rather more: among them we saw one that was cleane white.

When we were about foure leagues off from the Islands, many of our men would haue had vs goe backe againe to the Islands by force, to goe on land, to refresh our selues, in regard that we had but little water, but the Master and the Marchant would not. The first Island that was so high, we named Cocos Island; and the other that lay a league distant from it, we called Traitors Island, [ 40] because the most part of the Indians that sought to betray vs,* 3.163 came from that Island.

The foureteenth in the morning, we saw another Island right before vs, about seuen leagues di∣stant from vs, which seemed to be round, and as we ghest was thirty leagues distant from the I∣slands aforesaid. That Island we called the Hope, and made towards it, hoping there to get wa∣ter,* 3.164 and better refreshing; but comming to it, could find no ground, and therefore put out our Shalop to found a long the shore, which about a Musket shot from the land, found ground at forty fathome, small blacke and soft stony ground, sometimes also they had twenty and thirty fa∣thomes, but as soone as they were a Shalops length or two from it, they had no ground againe Then tenne or twelue Canoas came to our Shippe, but we would not let them come aboord, but shewed them friendly countenance, and bartered with them for foure flying fishes, for the which [ 50] we gaue them some beades, which we let downe by a rope at the sterne of the Shippe, and they taking them, tyed the fishes to the rope, and we puld them vp: in the meane time our Shalop founded along by the Land, which they in the Canoas seeing, presently made towards it, and beeing close by it, at first spake vnto the men, but withall compassed them about with foureteene Canoas; and therewith some of them leapt ouer-boord, thinking to fall vpon the Shalop, or to draw it away with them; which our men perceiuing, shot with their muskets among them (there beeing sixe Muskets, and other armes, Courtelasses and Pikes in the Shalop) and therewith kil∣led two of the Indians as they sate in their Canoas, where of one presently fell dead ouer-boord, the other sate still with his hand wiping off the blood vpon his breast, but at last f••ll likewise o∣uer-boord: the rest in the Canoas, were thereat in so great feare, that in all haste they made away, [ 60] at which time we saw many men standing vpon the shore, that cryed and made a great noyse. But for that we there could finde no fit anchoring ground, we tooke our Shalop in againe, and went forward on our Voyage, holding our course South-west, the better to get to the South, ho∣ping there to finde firme land. And it was so rough neere to the Island, that it was a very badde

place for a Boat to goe on shore. The Iland was all full of blacke Cliffes, greene on the top, and blacke earth, and was full of Cocos Trees, and greene herbes. Wee also saw many houses along by the Sea-side, and close by the strand there was a great Village, the land was hilly, but not very high.

The eighteenth, being vnder sixteene degrees, fiue minutes, wee had variable West windes, that day we cald our Councell together, to whom William Cornelison Schouten our Master shewed, that then we were at the least one thousand six hundred leagues East-ward from the Coast of Peru, and Chili, and had not discouered any part of Terra Australis, as our intent was; that there was not any appearance to discouer any thing to our contentments; that we also had sayled fur∣ther [ 10] West-ward, then we intended; that sayling forward in that manner, without all doubt we should fall South-ward vpon Noua Guinea; and that if there we should find no passage or way to get through (it being very dangerous, vncertaine and not knowne) that then both ship and goods would be lost, and we our selues likewise should perish, it being vnpossible to come East-ward backe againe from thence, by reason of the stedfast East-winds, that in the West parts continually blow; that we also had but small store of victuals, and saw no meanes as yet to in∣crease them; and therefore asked their counsell, whether it was not their best way to alter their course, and to saile North-ward, thereby to get North-ward to Noua Guinea, and so to the Mo∣luccoes, which they considering of, and well weighing, found his reasons to be true, and thought it necessarie to be done, and therefore all with one consent agreed to saile North-ward, not to [ 20] fall South-ward vpon Noua Guinea, being an vncertaine way, but rather North-ward, to hold a certaine course: which was presently put in effect, and we set our course North North-west.

The nineteenth, the wind South, and our course North, at noone wee saw two Ilands, North-East and by East, about eight leagues from vs, which seemed to lye about a Canon shot distant one from the other. Then we went North-East, to saile about the land, with faire weather, but no great gale.

The twentieth, the wind was North-East, and wee did the best by labouring to get to the land.

The one and twentieth, the wind was East, with a small gale: and when wee were about a league from the land, there came twentie Canoes to our ship, to whom wee shewed all signes of [ 30] friendship, but one of them with a woodden Assagay (sharpe at the point) in his hand, threatned to shoot at one of our men, and cryed aloud, as they did in the other Iland, which we thought was a signe among them, to fall vpon vs, whereupon we discharged two of our great Peeces, and therewithall some of our Muskets, whereby two of them were hurt, and the rest present∣ly made away, as they fled throwing a shirt ouer-boord, which they had stolne out of our Gallerie.

The two and twentieth day there came diuers Canoes to our ship, bringing some Cocos Nuts, and Vbas Roots, others brought a liue Hog, and two rosted Hogs, for the which we bartered, and gaue them slight Kniues, Beades, and Nailes. Those people also were theeuish, and would swim and diue exceeding well, as those in the other Ilands could doe, their houses stood along the strand, [ 40] which were round and made of leaues sharpe on the top and close like a paint-house, to let the water fall downe, about fiue and twentie foot in Compasse, and ten or twelue foot high, with a low hole to go in stooping: in them there was nothing to be seene, but some dryed herbs, like hay, to sleepe vpon, and an Angling Rod or two, and in some a woodden club or staffe, that was all their house-hold stuffe, the both best and worser sort, for the King himselfe had no more. Here wee found a conuenient watering place.

The foure and twentieth day, Aris Clauson, Reymie Simonson Snocke, and Cornelison Schouten went on land to be Hostages, to make friendship with the Indians, and for them wee had sixe of their principall men in our ship, whom wee vsed friendly, giuing them meate and drinke, and some presents, as they did to our men, giuing them Cocos, and Vbas Rootes to eate, and water to [ 50] drinke. The King shewed our men great reuerence, and gaue them foure little Hogs: that day our men fetcht fiue fats full of water peaceably without quarrelling, for when any of the Indians came neere our Boat, the King himselfe came thither and draue them thence, or sent one of his men to doe it. His men were very obedient vnto him: for as it chanced that one of our Courte∣lasses was stolne away from vs, and we told one of the Kings Gentlemen thereof, hee gaue some of the Indians charge to fetch it againe, and presently hee that had taken it, was sought for, and although he was gone a good way of, they brought him backe; who being come, the Courtelasse was laid downe at our feet, and hee was beaten with staues, they making signes vnto vs with their fingers vpon their throats, that if the Herico (that is the King) knew of it, his head should be cut off: and after that, we had nothing stolne from vs, neither on the shore, nor in the ship, [ 60] nor else-where: neither durst they take a fish that we angled for. Those people were very feare∣full of our shooting, for when we shot off a Musket, they all ranne quaking and shiuering away, and we put them in more feare, when we shewed them that we could shoot with the great Pee∣ces, which the King desired vs once to do; which being done, they were all so fearefull and abasht thereat, that all of them, as also the King, (sitting vnder his Belay, or Canopie, notwithstanding

all that we could say or doe to perswade thew,) sore amazed ranne into the Woods, and left our men sitting there alone. But not long after they came againe, scarce halfe well assured.

The fiue and twentieth day, Aris Clawson, Claus Iohnson, and Daniel le Maire, went on land againe, to barter for hogs, but they would not barter. But after the King had said his Prayers, (which he vsed to doe euery time that we went on shore,) shewed vs great friendship, and we the like to him.

The six and twentieth day, Iacob le Maire our Marchant and Aris Clawson went on shore but could get no Hogs of the Indians, because they themselues had great need of them, hauing little else to eate but Vbas Roots, Cocos Nuts, a few Hogs, and some Bananas: our men were very welcome vnto them, and had great reuerence shewed them, for they trod vpon Mats, and the [ 10] King and his Lieutenant gaue them their Crownes, which they tooke off from their owne heads, and set them on their heads, in recompence whereof, Iacob le Maire gaue them some presents of little worth, wherewith they were very well pleased.

* 3.165The Crownes were made of long small white Feathers and vnderneath and aboue mixt with some red, and greene Feathers, for they haue many Parrots, and some Doues, whereof they make great account: for euery one of the Kings Councell had a Doue by him sitting vpon a sticke, those Doues are white on their backes, and all the rest blacke sauing their brests, which are reddish: all that day we fetcht water, and bartered for good store of Cocos Nuts, and Vbas Roots.

The seuen and twentieth, and eight and twentieth dayes, we got all our water into the ship, then William Cornelison Schouten oure Master, and Aris Clawson went on land with the Trumpets, [ 20] which the Kings tooke great pleasure to heare, and with much adoe got two Hogs.

The Kings Lieutenant putting a string about his feet, or his hands, climed quickly vp a smooth high Tree, and in a trice fetched down ten Cocos Nuts, which at one crush with a stick or a piece of wood, he so soone opened, that our men wondred to see it. They told vs that they alwayes had warre with the men of the other Iland, and shewed vs many Holes and Caues in the Hill, and Bushes and Groues in the way, from whence they issued out, and spoiled and killed each o∣ther: and would gladly haue had vs goe with our ship, to the other Iland to helpe them there, to fight against those Indians with our Peeces, but it being no profit vnto vs, we refused it.

They were in great feare of vs, (although we shewed them all the friendship we could,) and doubted that wee would take their Countrey from them. The King promised vs that if wee would goe thence in two dayes, he would giue vs ten Hogs, and a great number of Cocos Nuts, [ 30] which they called Ali.

When he entred into the ship, he fell downe vpon his face, and prayed, then we led him in∣to the hold, and there againe he prayed, he wondred much at that hee saw, as wee also did at his behauiour: his men kist our feet, and tooke them in their hands, and laid them on their heads and their neckes, in signe of submission.

In the Euening by Moone-shine, Aris Clawson went out to fish, and hauing taken a great shole of fish, went to the King; there he found a number of yong Wenches dancing before him, one played on a hollow piece of wood like a Pumpe, which made a noyse, whereat the yong Wen∣ches danced after their manner, very finely, and with a good grace, according to the measure of [ 40] the noyse of the Instrument.

The thirtieth day in the morning, the King sent vs two little Hogs for a Present: the same day, the King of the other Iland came to see the King of that Iland, and with him brought six∣teene Hogs, and three hundred men in his Companie, all of them hauing certaine greene herbes hanging about their midles, whereof they make their drinke. When the King was neere vnto the other King, he began a farre off with strange Ceremonies and Reuerence to bow downe his bodie, falling with his face vpon the ground, and praying with a great noyse, and much zeale, as we thought. The other King went to meet him, and likewise with a great noyse and strange ge∣stures, vsed him very reuerently, and after much adoe, they both rose vp on their feete, and went and sate together vnder the Kings Belay, and there were assembled together at least nine hundred [ 50] men. When they went to sit downe they prayed againe, according to their manner, hanging downe their heads, and bowing downe to the ground, holding their hands one in another, which we admired. After noone, Aris Clawson being on shore, Iacob le Maire, Claus Iohnson Ban, were sent for, who went a shore, with foure Trumpets and a Drumme, to the two Kings, there the Trumpets blue, and the Drumme played before them, wherein they tooke great plea∣sure: after that came a companie of Pesants, bringing with them a quantitie of greene herbes, which they called Caua,* 3.166 such as the three hundred men aforesaid had about their middles, and all together at once began to chaw the herbes in their mouthes, which being chawd they tooke it out of their mouthes, and laid it all in a wooden vessell, like a Tray, or Trough, and when they had chawd a great deale, they powred water into it, and so stirred and prest it together, and gaue [ 60] the liquor thereof to the Kings to drinke, who dranke thereof with their Gentlemen: they al∣so presented that notable Drinke (as a speciall and a goodly Present) to our men, but they had e∣nough, and more then enough of the sight thereof. They also brought a great number of Vbas Rootes, which they had rosted, and sixteene Hogs that were onely ript, and the guts taken out,

but all blody, and not washt, and hauing certaine hot stones put into their bellies, and outwardly their haire singed off by the fire, were wel rosted after their manner, and they eat them as sauourly and with as good an appetite, as we could do when they are well sodden or rosted after our man∣ner. Those people yeeld great reuerence and respect vnto their Kings, for all the meate which they brought before their King, (who in their Language they call Herico) they laid it vpon their heads, and kneeling on their knees, set it downe before the King. Of those sixteene Hogs afore∣said, each King gaue vs one, presenting vs therewith in this sort, first they laid them vpon their heads, and kneeling laid them with great humilitie at our feet, and with them gaue vs eleuen little liue Hogs, and some indifferent great. And wee gaue them three Copper Beakers, foure [ 10] Kniues, twelue old Nayles and some Beades, wherewith they were well pleased.

Those people were men of good vnderstanding, and of great stature, for the least man of them was as big as the tallest of vs, and the tallest of them was farre higher then any of vs, they were strong men, and well proportioned of bodie and limbes, they went very fast, and swamme and diued vnder the water excellent well, their colour was altogether browne yellow, they were very curious in the dressing and trimming of their haire, some had it curled, some frizled, some wore it bound vp in long folds, foure, fiue, or six, together, as our women doe in Haire-laces, and some (which was strange to see) had their haire standing vpright vpon their heads, about a quarter of an elle long like Hogs bristles. The King had a long Locke of haire on the left side of his head, that hung downe beneath his hips, bound vp with a knot or two. His Gentlemen had two such [ 20] Lockes, on each side of their heads one, they went naked all alike both men and women, onely some little thing handsomely tyed before their priuie members. The women were very vnsight∣ly both in face and bodie, of small stature, Their haire cut close to their heads, as our mens in Holland, their brests long hanging downe to their bellies like lether Satchels. They are very le∣cherous, for they suffer themselues to be vsed by their men openly in all mens sight, and in the Kings owne presence, only vnder a Mat. We could not perceiue that they worshipped God, or any Gods, or vsed any deuotion, neither the one nor the other, but liued without care,* 3.167 like Birds in the Wood. They had no skill of buying or selling, but with flags they deliuered vs some-what, and we in like sort to them againe. They neither sowe, nor reape, nor doe any worke, There the Earth of it selfe yeelds all that they need to sustaine their liues: as Cocos, [ 30] Vbas, Bananas, and such like fruit. When the water fals, The women looke vpon the shore on the Sea side for fishes, and when they will, they take them with their Hookes, and eate them raw, so that there men may plainly behold and see the golden World, whereof the Poets write. When we left that Island, we called it Horne Iland, after the name of the Towne from whence we came, and the Bay wherein we anchored, the Vnities Bay, after our ships name: that day for the most part, we were busie to get out, and to hoyse vp our Anchors, one of our Cables was fretted in peeces with the sharpnesse of the ground where it lay, so we lost that Anchor, and the Cable fretting vpon a Cliffe, brake as we wound it vp and lost that Anchor also. This Bay lyes on the South side of the land, in a Docke vnder fourteene degrees fiftie six minutes.* 3.168 We departed the first of Iune; the one and twentieth we made towards land which we saw very low and go∣ing [ 40] neere vnto it, found many sands which stretcht North-west of from the land, there were three or foure Ilands, all very small but full of Trees. There a Canoe boorded vs, being of the same fashion as afore, but somewhat greater, able to hold fiue or sixe men. The men in all re∣spects as the former, and spake the same Language, but somewhat blacker hauing some thing before their priuie members. Their armes were Bowes and Arrowes, which were the first Bowes that we saw among the Indians in the South Sea, we gaue them some Beades and Nayles, but they pointed towards the West to tell vs that there was more land, where their King dwelt, and many things to be had. Therefore we held our course West-ward againe, finding no fit place to anchor in. This Iland lay South South-west, and West from vs, vnder foure degrees, fortie seuen minutes.

[ 50] The two and twentieth the wind East South-East, we sayled West, and West and by North, vnder foure degrees, fortie fiue minutes, that quarter we had a good gale of wind, and faire wea∣ther, and that day saw at least twelue or thirteene Ilands, one close by another, West South West from vs, reaching South-East, and North-west about halfe a league, but sayled along by them, leauing them on Lar-boord.

The foure and twentieth the wind South, at noone we saw land on Lar-boord, being three low Ilands, that lay South-west from vs, very greene and full of Trees, two of them were two miles long a piece, the third very little: the shore was hard cliffie ground, there likewise wee could find no anchoring: we called them the Greene Ilands. We also saw a high Iland that had se∣uen or eight houels forth right, lying West and by North from vs, in the night wee held off and [ 60] on, staying till day.

The fiue and twentieth in the morning, as we were all sailing by the aforesaid Iland, we saw other land before vs, in the South-west, which was exceeding high, which wee thought to bee the point of Noua Guinea, we made towards it, leauing the other high Iland that lay West-ward, which we called Saint Iohns Iland, because it was Saint Iohn Baptists day.* 3.169 About noone

we got to it, and sailed along by it with an East South-East wind, but could find no anchor ground, we sent out our Shalop to found the depth, and went along by the shore betweene the Ship and it, and being somewhat neere the shoare, there came two or three Canoas to it, with blacke Indians in them all naked, without any thing before their members, which fiercely cast stones at our men with ••lings, but as soone as our men began to shoote at them they fled away. The Shalop came on boord againe, without finding any ground, telling vs that the peoples language was cleane contrary to the former. Wee sayled along by the coast, vvhich vvas verie high and greene, pleasant to behold where vve savv much land as it had beene houses; at euening vve got about the point into a Bay, there vvee anchored at fiue and fortie fathome, vnfit and vn∣euen ground. The same euening there came two Canoas to the Ship, and spake to vs, but vvee [ 10] vnderstood them not all that night they held vvatch against vs, vvith fire all along their coast: vve lay about a Cannon-shot distant from the shoare, against a running riuer: that night it was very still calme moone-shine vveather, the vvind on the land, there came some Canoes close vn∣der the Gallery of our Ship, from vvhence vve threvv them some beades, shewing them all the friendship wee could, vvithall making signes vnto them, to bring vs some Cocos nuttes, hogges, oxen or goates, if they had any, but they stayed still most part of the night by vs, crying and hollovving after their manner. They vvere vvild, blacke, and rude men. This land as vve ghest, lay distant from the coast of Peru, one thousand eight hundred fortie leagues.

The sixe and twentieth in the morning, there came eight Canoas about our Spippe, whereof one had eleuen men in it, the others foure, fiue, sixe and seuen men. They rowed close about our [ 20] shippe, and were well furnished with armes after their manner, as Assagayes or Clubs, wood∣den Swords and Slings, we shewed them what friendship wee could, and gaue them Beades and other trash, making signes to them to goe on shoare to fetch vs Hogges, Hennes, Cocos nuttes, and other fruit, such as they had, but they had another meaning, and altogether began fiercely to Sling with their Slings and other weapons, thinking to master vs, but wee standing vpon our guard, shot with our Muskets and great shot amongst them, and slew at least tenne or twelue of them. They left the great Canoa, and three other, and leaping into the Sea swamme to land: we put out our Shalop, and rowed it among those that swamme away, and slaying some of them, brought three of them prisoners into our shippe, that were sore wounded, and foure of their Ca∣noas, which we hewed in peeces, to make fire for the Cooke. The hurt men were cured, but one of them died▪ about noone our men rowed with the two wounded men to the land, along the shore: [ 30] th••re the prisoners cryed to their fellowes to bring vs Hogs, Bananas and Cocos nuttes, where∣with one Canoa came aboord, that brought a little Hog, and a bunch of Bananas, wee set one of the men at tenne Hogs ransome, the other that was sore hurt, wee let goe in the Canoa, because we doubted he would not liue, those men had two holes bored in their noses, on either side one, wherein they ware rings, strange to behold. There wee saw another Island lying North from that great Island.

The seuen and twentieth, wee fild our emptie vessels full of water, and that day wee got a Hog from the land, and there saw diuers red Birds.

The eight and twentieth, there came certaine Canoas aboord our Shippe, but brought nothing [ 40] with them, neither would they ransome their man, therefore wee let him goe on shore againe. We thought those people to bee Papoos, for all their haire was short, and they eate Betell and Chalke mingled with it, that night wee hoysed Anchor, and set sayle, with a small gale of wind.

The nine and twentieth, the wind was variable, and our course was North-west, and North-west and by North, with faire weather till noone, then it calm'd. At euening wee were still in the sight of the Point of the Island, and yet we sayled along by the land, which reached North-west, and North and by West, with many Bayes and Crookes. The same day we saw three high Islands more, that lay North-ward from the great Island, about fiue or sixe miles. Then we were vnder three degrees, twentie minutes.

The thirtieth in the morning, driuing in a calme, diuers Canoas, with blacke Indians came a∣boord [ 50] our Ship, who in signe of peace, as they entred, brake their Assagayes ouer their heads: they brought vs nothing, but desired something of vs. They seemed to be better and friendlier people then the other, for they couered their priuie members with leaues, and had better kind of Canoas, set out before and behind with some carued workes; they are very proud of their beades, which they paint with chalke, and the haire of their heads also. Vpon the three or foure Islands, from whence those Canoas came, there was great store of Cocos trees.

* 3.170The first of Iuly in the morning, we anchored betweene an Island of two miles long, and the firme land of Guinea: about noone there came twentie fiue Canoas toward our Ship, with many men well armed: being the same people, who the day before brake their Assagayes ouer their [ 60] heads, and made a friendly shew vnto vs, but with intent to abuse vs, as after it appeared, who seeing vs to lie in a calme, thought to take our Ship from vs. We had two Anchors hanging out before at the bough, a little puld vp, whereon they sate, on each Anchor a man, with a Pin∣gay or Girdle in their hands, wherewith they vse to hold or draw forth their Canoas, and so

thought to draw the Ship to shore: the rest hung fast vpon the ship, wee still standing vpon our guard: at last, they began fiercely to throw at vs with stones and other weapons, and thereby hurt one of our men, being the first that was hurt in all our voyage, but wee shot among them with our Muskets, and with our vpper tyre of Ordnance, and kild at least twelue or thirteene of them, and hurt many more: and while they fled away, our men rowed with the Shalop, (well armed) after them, and tooke one prisoner, being a young man about eighteene yeeres old, whom we named Moses, after our mans name that was hurt. Those people eate bread made of rootes of trees. After this fight we sayled all along by the land, with a good gale, West North-west, and North-west and by West.

The second, wee were vnder three degrees, twelue minutes, and that day saw low-land on [ 10] Lar-boord, and also a great high hill, and right before vs a low Island, wee sayled softly West North-west, with slight water East North-east.

The third, we saw high land againe, West from vs, about fourteene leagues from the other Island, vnder two degrees and fortie minutes.

The fourth, as we were busied to passe by the aforesaid foure Islands, we saw at least twentie two or twentie three others, great and small, high and low, which we left on Star-brood,* 3.171 onely two or three on Lar-boord. They lay close one by the other, some a league, or a league and a halfe, and some more then a Cannon shot, distant one from another, vnder two degrees twentie fiue or thirtie minutes little more or lesse.

[ 20] The sixth, sometimes we had a hard wind, and sometimes calme with raine, lightening and thunder, and before noone saw a very high hill, being South-west from vs which we sayled vn∣to: our Master was of opinion that it was Banda, by reason it was very like to the hill called Geomenapi in Banda, and very like for height, but going neere vnto it, wee might see two or three hills more l••ke vnto it, that l••y on the North side of the first hill, about sixe or seuen leagues distant, whereby we knew that it was not so. Behind that hill, we saw very much land, east and Westward, which was so long, that on either side wee could not see an end thereof, sometimes high, and then low, reaching East South-east, whereby wee ghest it to bee Noua Guinea, and for that night came vpon vs wee held off from it.

The seuenth in the morning, before day we wound againe towards the high hils, which was a [ 30] burning Island, casting fire and flame from the top thereof,* 3.172 and therefore we called it Vulcans Island, the wind then was South-west with faire weather. This Island was well inhabited, and had many Cocos trees in it, the people came with some Canoas to our Ship, but were very feare∣full of vs: they called vnto vs, but wee vnderstood them not, neither could our blacke Moores tell what they said: they were all naked, onely their priuie members couered, their haire some short, some long. There we found no ground, and so could not anchor. In the North and North-west we saw more Islands, at which time wee went North-west and by West to a low Island that we saw before vs, which in the euening we got vnto. Then we took in our sayles, and let the Ship driue. There we found diuers colours of water, greene, white and yellow, which wee ghest to be water comming out of riuers, for it was sweeter then the Sea-water. There many trees, [ 40] leaues, and boughs draue in the water, whereon some Birds and Crabs sate.

The eighth, the wind beeing variable, we held our course West South-west, and West North-west, with faire weather, and a reasonable gale of wind, hauing on Starre-boord a high, and on Lar-boord a low Island, reasonable high, we made toward the land, which about Euening we got vnto, and found good sandy ground at seuentie fathome deepe, about a Cannon shot from the land. There certaine Canoas came to vs, with a kind of ill-fauoured people, all Papoos, their haire short, and curled, hauing Rings in their noses & eares, and strings about their heads or armes, and Hogs teeth hanging about their neckes, for an ornament. They also eate Betel, and were all defectiue persons, some great legs, others swolne armes, and so forth; whereby it is to bee thought, that thereabout it is vnholesome land, and the rather, because their houses stood vpon [ 50] stakes, about eight or nine foote from the ground, there wee had three degrees fortie three mi∣nutes, and found a little shew of Ginger.

The ninth in the Morning, lying at Anchor, our Shalop rowed to looke for a fit place to an∣chor the shippe in, and returning told vs, that they had found a fit Bay, where vnto wee went, and anchored at twentie sixe fathome good sandy ground mixt with clay. There about stood two small Villages, from whence there came many Canoas a••o••rd our Ship, that brought a few Cocos nuts, but they esteemed them very deare, for foure nuts asking a fathome o•• linnen cloth, whereof they were very desirous. They also had some Hogges, which they held at a deerer rate, and what neede soeuer we said we had thereof and made signes to them to bring vs some, they would not doe it. That day euery man in our Ship had allowance of fiue pound of bread, and [ 60] a measure and a halfe of oyle a weeke, a cup and a halfe of Sacke a day, and a Niperkin of Aqua∣uita, all our Pottage, as Pease, Beanes, Gurts, and our Flesh, Bacon, and Fish beeing spent, and we knew not where we were, beeing vncertaine whether we were far or neere to the Indian I∣slands, as also what place we were in, though we sayled continually by the land, not knowing whether it was Noua Guinea or no: we onely gh••st at it, for all the Cardes that we had did not

agree, nor were like to the land that we saw. That land for the most part reacheth North-west and by West, sometimes some what more Westerly, and sometimes againe more Northerly. The twelfth, we sayled still West North-west, along by the Coast with faire weather, and without Sunne-shine, at noone beeing vnder two degrees fiftie eight minutes, with helpe of the streame, that set vs about the West, as it did all along the Coast of Noua Guinea.

The thirteenth and foureteenth, we sayled along by the afore-said Coast, sometime by high and then by low land. The fifteenth, we had the wind, and held our course as afore-said, along by the Coast, with good weather, after noone we came to two low inhabited Islands, about halfe a league from the maine land, which stood full of Cocos trees. We made towards them, and there found good anchor ground, at forty, thirty, twentie fiue, and twenty, to sixe and fiue fa∣thome [ 10] deepe, and there anchored at thirteene fathome good ground. The Master rowed with the Boate and the Shalop well armed, to the land, thinking to get some Cocos nuts, which there were vpon the land in great abundance: but going on shore, the Indians lay in ambush right a∣gainst the place where we came to land, and watching for vs, shot so fiercely at vs with their Bowes, that they hurt at least sixteene of our men, some in the arme, others in the legge, necke, and hands, and other places. And we shot at them with Muskets and Slings, but at last by rea∣son that the Indians shot so thicke, we were forced to retire, there we were vnder two degrees fiftie foure minutes.

The sixteenth in the morning, we sailed in with our Ship betweene both the Islands, and an∣chored at nine fathome, where we had good lying, after noone our Boat and Shalop rowed to the [ 20] lesser Island, to fetch some Cocos, and burnt two or three of the Indians houses: about Euening our men came aboord againe, and brought so many Cocos nuts, that euery one of vs had three nuts for his part. Those people are cleane naked, their priuie members and all.

The seuenteenth in the morning, there came two or three Canoas towards our shippe, and threw Cocos nuts into the water, making signes to vs to fetch them, whereby they sought to be friends with vs. We made signes to them to come aboord, at last taking better courage, they came close to the Shippe, and brought vs as many Cocos nuts, and Bananas as we desired, which we drew vp by ropes into the gallery, giuing them old nayles, rustie kniues, and beads in barter; they also brought vs a little greene Ginger, and yellow Rootes, which are vsed in stead of Saf∣fron, bartered also with vs some of their Bowes and Arrowes, so that at last wee were great [ 30] friends with them.

The eighteenth, wee bartered still for Cocos nuts and Bananas, and some Cassauie and Pa∣pede, which is also to be had in East India. There we saw some Iarres or earthen pots, which as we thought came from the Spaniards. Those people were not so inquisitiue to looke into our ship as others were; for they knew what shooting with great Pieces meant, and called the Island wherein they dwelt Moa,* 3.173 which lay most Easterly, the other ouer against it they called Iusou, and the vttermost (beeing a very high Island) lying about fiue or sixe leagues from Noua Guinea, they named Arimoa. We bought as many Cocos nuts and Bananas as we desired, so that euery man had fiftie nuts, and two bunches of Bananas. Those people vse Cassauie for their bread, but it is nothing like to that of the West Indies, they bake it also in round cakes. [ 40]

The twentieth in the morning we set sayle, after we had againe bartered for more victualls, they made signes to vs to lie still, and they would bring vs more.

The one and twentieth, we sayled along by the land West North-west, and at noone were vn∣der one degree thirteene minutes. Then we saw a number of Islands, whereunto the streame draue vs, and about noone we got to them, and anchored at thirteen fathome. That euening we had much raine, thunder, and lightning.

The three and twentieth in the morning we set sayle, with good weather and a good gale, and beeing a little from the land, sixe great Canoas followed vs, (and yet wee saw no men on land) bringing dried fish, (which wee tooke to be Steenbrasses,) Cocos nuts, Bananas▪ Tabacco, and some small fruits like Prunes. There also came some Indians from an other Island that brought vs [ 50] some Victualls, that also had some China porceline, for we bartered for two dishes, whereby we were perswaded that many Christian shippes had been there, for they wondered not, as others did, at our shippe. They were another kind of people then the former, of a yellower colour, and greater of body; some of them had long haire, some short, and also vsed Bowes and Arrowes, whereof wee had some in barter. They were very desirous of beads, and iron-worke, and had greene, blewe, and white glasse rings, sticking in their eares: which we ghest they had from the Spaniards.

The foure and twentieth we were vnder halfe a degree, with a little gale, and sayled North∣west, West and South-west, along by a faire great Island, very greene and pleasant to behold, which we called William Schoutens Island,* 3.174 after our Masters name, and the West point thereof, the [ 60] Cape of Good Hope.

The fiue and twentieth, we saw much land on Larboord lying South South-west from vs, some very high, and some very low. The seuen and twentieth we saw three Islands more, the Coast reacht North-west and by West.

The seuen and twentieth, we were vnder nine and twentie minutes South-ward of the line, and saw much land South-ward from vs, some high, and some very low, and past West North-west along by it.

The eight and twentieth and nine and twentieth the weather was variable,* 3.175 that night wee had an Earthquake, which made our men for feare to runne out of their cabbins, our Shippe see∣ming as if it stroke against the ground, but we cast out our lead, and found no ground.

The thirtieth, we sayled in a great Bay or hollow place, so that we seemed to be round about inclosed with the land; wee did our best to find an opening, but could not, and therefore sayled North-ward againe: that day it thundred and lightened so sore, that our Shippe shooke there∣with, [ 10] and sometime seemed to be on a light fire, wherewith we were in no small feare, and after it ensued so great a shower of raine that we neuer had seene the like before.

The one and thirtieth we perceiued that we were entred into a place where wee had the land round about vs, therefore we held our course North, and that Euening past the Equinoctiall line the second time, and beeing closed by the land, anchored at twelue fathome good ground, about a Cannon shot from an Island, that lay close by the firme land, but there we saw no men nor any thing growing.

The first of August, wee hoysed anchor with great labour, for it lay vnder a Cliffe,* 3.176 but at last we got it vp, we were then fifteene minutes North-ward of the line, in the Euening with the hard streame, we went close to the land, and by reason it was calme, anchored in vneuen ground, and not deepe.

[ 20] The second it was very calme, and we draue with the streame West and West and by North, with rainy weather.

The third, vvee held our course as before, vvith a calme, and found a Banke, so farre in the Sea that vvee could scarce see the Land, in some places being fortie, in an other tvventie, fif∣teene, and tvvelue fathom sandie ground, vvee anchored at tvvelue fathom, because it vvaxt night, and the Master desired to see hovv the streame vvent, it vvas West South-vvest. The same day vvee vvere vnder fiue and thirtie minutes North-vvard of the line, and savv many Whales, and Tortices. Wee ghest by the height, that vvee vvere at the end of the land of Noua Guinea, hauing sayled along by the Coast two hundred and eightie leagues, that day we sawe two Islands more West-ward from vs. Raynes and Calmes troubled vs.

[ 30] The fift, in the morning, as our Shalop rowed to land, wee saw first two, and then three Canoas more come off from the land, and made towards our Shalop, and being hard by it, put out a Flagge of Peace, and our men the like, and then went aboord: the Ca∣noas followed them and also came aboord, they brought vs nothing but a muster, or shew of Indian Bounties and Erties, with some Rice, Tabacco, and two Paradice Birds:* 3.177 wee barte∣red for one of them that was white and yellow. Wee could vnderstand them reasonable well, for they spake Tarnata words, and one of them spake good Malaian, which language Aris Clawson our Marchant could speake well, some of them spake some Spanish, and among them they had a Spanish Felt. They wore faire clothes, about their middles, and some had Silke Breeches on of diuers colours, some also had Wreathes about their heads, which they say were [ 40] Turkes or Moores in Religion. They ware Gold and Siluer Rings vpon their fingers, their haire was all coale blacke. They bartered their ware with vs for Beades, but rather desired Linnen: They were very warie and fearefull of vs. Wee askt them what the name of this Countrie was, but they would not tell vs, but by many circumstances vvee iudged and verily beleeued, that vvee vvere at the East end of Gilolo, on the middle-most Point of the Land,* 3.178 (for Gilolo reacheth out vvith three Points to the East) and that they vvere men of Tidore, friends to the Spaniards, as vve also found it so to be, vvhich made vs all reioyce, that after so many vvindings and turnings, and troubles endured, vve vvere come to the place which vvee knevv, and hoped in short time to come among our Country-men, a thing vvhich vvee so long, and so much had hoped for and desired.

[ 50] The sixth day in the Morning we hauing a good gale, South South-east, and bad lying there, hoysed Anchor to goe on our Voyage to the Moluccos, and held our course North, with a good gale to goe North, about the North point of Gilolo. The seuenth it rained,* 3.179 and we saw the North-east point of Gilolo, called Moratay, which lay South-east from vs.

The eighth about noone, we were vnder foure degrees three minutes North-ward of the line, that night it rained hard with thunder and lightening, there we found the streame to go North-ward. The ninth and tenth the Wind was variable, with rainie weather, and we were vnder the height of three degrees fiftie minutes. The eleuenth in the Morning, we sawe the land of Gilolo called Moratay againe, on the North-east point of Gilolo,* 3.180 we did the best wee could [ 60] to reach it, but the streame put vs off from the land towards the North, and could not reach it that day.

The twelfth and thirteenth, we were vnder two degrees fiftie eight minutes, with variable winds, and much raine; and the like the foureteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth. The seuenteenth

with great labour and much trouble we got vnder the land, late in the Euening, and draue along by the Coast with faire weather: that night we saw many fires vpon the land.

The eighteenth it was still weather, and we ••raue along by the Land: about noone two Ca∣noes came to vs with a flag of Peace,* 3.181 from the Village called Soppy; they were Tarnataens, with whom we could speake well, and some of them were of Gammacanor: they shewed vs, that a Pin∣nace of Amsterdam had laine there three moneths to lade Rice, and that about a moneth or two before, also an English ship had beene there. How glad we were then when we were so well assu∣re••, that wee were come to so good and long desired a place, after so much paine and trouble that we had endured, with eightie fiue sound men, when we had spent all our victuals, euery man may iudge that hath proued the like aduenture. There we were vnder two degrees, fortie seuen minutes, and anchored at ••ight and twentie fathome: some of those men stayed that night with vs, the next [ 10] day to bring vs to the Road of Soppy.

The nineteenth we sayled into the Bay, and there anchored at ten fathome sandie ground, about a Canon shot from the shore. That day we bartered for some Sagow, some Hennes, two or three Tortoyses, and a little Rice.

The seuenteenth of September we had a good gale, and did our best to get to Tarnata: that morning besides we saw a sayle to looseward from vs,* 3.182 which also made towards Tarnata, being the Morning Starre of Roterdam, of three hundred Tunnes burthen, hauing in her sixe and twentie grea•• Peeces. At noone our Shalop came from that sh••p, where she had lyen three nights, they be∣ing in ••he Creeke o•• Sabou, found there the Admirall Verhaghen there, in one of the Admirall Speilberg his sh••ps, by whose men we vnderstood of Speilbergh his Acts and Voyage. [ 20]

They also told vs, that there were ten ships well furnished at the Manillas, their Generall be∣ing Iohn D••rickeson Lam of Horne, to set vpon the Spanish fleet, that were comming to Tarnata. We also vnderstood, that Peter Bot sayling home with foure ships, was cast away, vpon Mauri∣cius Iland, with three ships, by meanes of a storme that cast him vpon the Cliffes, where many of his men and himselfe also was drowned, the fourth ship scapt.

* 3.183The three and twentieth of October we set sayle, and the eight and twentie went by Iacatra, where we anchored without the Iland: there we found three ships of Holland; the Horne, the Eagle, and the Trou, and three English ships. The next night one of our men dyed, which was the first man that dyed that voyage, in the Vnitie, besides two more that dyed in the Horne: the one Iohn Cornelison Schouten, our Masters brother, in the South Sea, by the Dogs Island, and one about [ 30] the Coast of Portugall: so that vntill then, there dyed but three men in both the ships, and then we had left eightie foure men liuing, all indifferently well.

The one and thirtieth, the ship called Bantam, with Iohn Peterson Koeuen of Horne, Presi∣dent of Bantam, for the East India Company, came before Iacatra.

The fi••st of Nouember, the President Iohn Peterson Koeuen sent for William Cornelison Schou∣ten our Mast••r, and the Marchants, to come on land, where being come (in the presence of his Councell there assembled) he told them in the name of the East Indian Companie, that they must leaue their ship and goods there, and deliuer it vp into his hands: and although our Master shewed him many reasons, to perswade the contrarie, saying, that they did them great wrong, they were forced to doe as the President appointed them, who told them, that if they thought they did [ 40] them wrong, that they should right themselues in Holland: and so our ship and goods was stayed and att••ched there. To receiue the ship and all her furniture, the President appointed two Ma∣sters of ships, and two Marchants, which was deliuered by Inuentory vnto them, by our Master & the Marchant. This was done vpon Munday the first day of Nouember, after our reckoning; but vpon a Tues••ay the second of Nouember, by our Countrimens reckoning there. The reason of the difference of the time fell out thus:* 3.184 as we sayled Westward from our owne Countrey, and had with the Sunne compassed the Globe of the World, wee had one night, or Sun-setting, lesse then they: and they that come out of the West, and sayle to the East, thereby had one day or Sun-setting more then wee, which make a quarter diff••rence, and so as we made our reckoning of the time then with our selues, and did the like with our Countrimen, that weeke wee lost the [ 50] Tuesday, leaping from Munday to Wednesday, and so had one weeke of six dayes.

Our sh••p being in this manner taken from vs, some of our men put themselues into seruice with the East Indian Company. The rest were put into two ships, (that were to goe home into Holland) called the Amsterdam, and the Zeland: their Generall, being George van Speilberghen. The Master William Cornelison Schouten, Iacob le Maire, and ten of our men, went with the Ge∣nerall in the Amsterdam, the Masters name Iohn Cornelison May, alias Meuscheater: and Aris Clawson, and the Pilot Claus Peterson, with ten others, in the Zeland, the Masters name Cornelis Riemlande of Midleburgh, which set sayle from Bantam the fourteenth of December.

The two and thirtieth our Marchant Iacob le Maire dyed.

The first of Ianuary, 1617. we lost the sight of the Zeland. [ 60]

The foure and twentieth, we were vnder the Iland Mauricius at anchor, where wee refresht our selues; and the thirtieth set sayle from thence.

The sixt of March, as we ghest, we past the Cape, but saw it not.

The one and thirtieth, we were vnder the Iland of Saint Helena. Where we found the Zeland, which arriued there certaine dayes before vs.

The sixt of Aprill after we had refresht our selues, and taken in fresh water, both our ships set sayle, and the fourteenth of Aprill saw the Iland of Ascention.

The three and twentieth we saw two ships to loose-ward from vs vnder one degree South-ward of the Line, but because we could not reach them, wee held on our course. The foure and twentieth in the morning, we were the fift time vnder the Equinoctiall Line, and the eight and twentieth we saw the North-starre, which wee had not seene in twentie [ 10] moneths before. The first of Iuly we came with the Amsterdam into Zeland, where the day before the Zeland likewise was arriued: And so performed our Voyage in two yeares, and eighteene dayes.

[ 20] FINIS.

[ 30] [ 40] [ 50] [ 60]

Notes

• * 1.1

  In the sweat of thy Browes thou shalt eat, &c.
• * 1.2

  Os homini subl me dedit, Coelum{que} vide••c, &c.
• * 1.3

  Faith is the euidence of things vnseene. Heb. 11.1. Deut. 34.
• * 1.4

  Ps. 104.
• * 1.5

  — Nil nisi pontus & aether.—Coelum vndi{que} & vndi{que} pontus.
• * 1.6

  Two later helpes of Na∣uigation vn∣knowne to Antiquitie.
• * 1.7

  Gilbertus de Magnete.
• * 1.8

  Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyrus.
• * 1.9

  Vid. §. 7.
• * 1.10

  1503. Vert. c. 14.
• a 1.11

  A Towne in the Kingdome of Naples: of which is this Ver••, Prima dedit ••••••tis vsum Magnetis Ama••phis.
• b 1.12

  Lo••. de Go∣mara, cap. 9. Bellon. O••s. ••. 2. c. 16.
• c 1.13

  America. Vide Epist. Ed. Wright. ante Gilb. op. de Mag.
• d 1.14

  How vaine •• thing is Man? who can by reason mani∣fest the num∣ber of the Sph••res? of the Elements? or that there are Spheres? their substance, ope∣ration m••tion? yea, whether the Earth or the Heauens moue, or both, is yet vndeci∣ded. How many opinions of the Ancients are now proued false by experi∣ence? And had not God giuen vs his Word for the ground of our faith (which the Deuill en∣uying, hath here also ob∣truded Traditi∣on) what cer∣taintie had re∣mained, but knowledge of euill vnto his Posteritie, who for knowledge lost Paradise?
• e 1.15

  Scalig. Exerc. 131.
• f 1.16

  By helpe of the Loadstone, rich ve••nes of Iron and other Metals are dis∣couered. In Militarie Af∣faires, both in Mining, leuel∣ling of Pe••ces in the darke, al••o in Buil∣ding, conuey∣ing of Wat••r-workes, and a thousand other Deui••es, is vse of the Load∣sto••••
• g 1.17

  Hauing dou∣bled the Cape of Good Hope, the Variation doubles and lookes to the West from the Pole, as the Land doth.
• h 1.18

  All Com∣passes are not fi•• ••or all Naui∣gations i•• ap∣pe••res by the differences of those in the Straits, and here &c. the variation least neere the Line in 60.70. or 80. very great, &c.
• * 1.19

  Portugals prayse.
• a 1.20

  P. Pilg. l. 3. c. 2. §. 2.
• * 1.21

  Some say 714.
• b 1.22

  See Spanish Hist. Turquet. li. 1. Bar. Dcc. 1. li. 1.
• c 1.23

  T. Wals. Hist. Ang. An. 1415.
• d 1.24

  A.D. 1188. vid. Mat. Paris. in fine Hen. 2.
• e 1.25

  See Dam. a Goes de Aethiop. Mor. Barrius, Dec. 1. l. 1. Osor. de Reb. Eman. l. 1. Maffaeus Hist. Ind. l. 1.
• f 1.26

  Vide P. Pilg. l. 7. c. 12. §. 2.
• g 1.27

  Of which their Prouerbe was, He which shall passe the Cape of Non, shall turne a∣gaine, or else be gone.
• h 1.28

  Porto, for that it was their Hauen: and Santo, for that it was found on the day of All Saints.
• i 1.29

  Conies strangely mul∣tiplied.
• k 1.30

  The Iland of Madera or Wood disco∣uered.
• * 1.31

  Macham an Englishman.
• l 1.32

  Ant. Galuano, An. Do. 1344.
• m 1.33

  ••ar. Dec. ••. l. 1. c. 3.
• n 1.34

  Madera Sugar.
• o 1.35

  Po••to Sant•• peopled▪
• p 1.36

  Diffi••ulties pret••••ded, to stay the Prince from discoue∣ring further.
• q 1.37

  Baiadore first passed.
• r 1.38

  Cape Blanco.
• s 1.39

  Popes Dona∣tion, as security against Forei∣ners and an in∣centiue to the vulgar, accor∣ding to the conceit of those times.
• t 1.40

  1443.
• u 1.41

  1444.
• x 1.42

  Sanaga and Cape Verde.
• y 1.43

  Canaries. Ant. Galuano. Macham first discouerer of Madera and the Canaries.
• z 1.44

  Prince Henry his death.
• * 1.45

  Ilands of Cape Verde d••scou••red. Bo••ero d. Iso••••.
• * 1.46

  Terceras dis∣couered, or A••ores, or Flemmish Ilands.
• * 1.47

  Mina.
• * 1.48

  One of the Captaines was an Englishman called Diego or Iames Ruiz.
• * 1.49

  Stone Crosses or Pillars ere∣cted in places discouered.
• a 1.50

  Zaire & Congo.
• b 1.51

  Newes from Benin of Pres∣byter Iohn.
• c 1.52

  King of Be∣nin tributarie to him.
• d 1.53

  Enquirie for him by Sea and Land.
• e 1.54

  Cabo Tormen∣toso, or of good Hope, first dis∣couered.
• f 1.55

  Death caused by sudden ioy. The like hap∣ned to an En∣glishman, left 14. moneths in S. Helena.
• g 1.56

  Peter Couilian first discouerer of Prester Iohn, and of the In∣dies, & Sofala.
• * 1.57

  Francis Aluares.
• * 1.58

  Rules of A∣stronomie first applyed to Nauigation.
• * 1.59

  Astrolabe, and Tables of De∣clinations.
• * 1.60

  Herera Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 7. Gomara Hist. Gen. c. 14. See Ede••s Pre∣face to Pet. Mart. Dec.
• * 1.61

  Botero Rel. vn. parte 4. l. 2.
• * 1.62

  Ps. 25.
• * 1.63

  Herera Dec. 1. l. 1. Ouiedo l. 2.
• * 1.64

  Columbo's grounds for discouerie of the new World
• * 1.65

  Gen. 1.28. & 9.••▪
• * 1.66

  Her. Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.67

  Why America called India.
• * 1.68

  I. di Barros in his Dec. 1. lib. 3. cap. 11. saith, that he was not beleeued at all, and li∣cenced by the King to goe for Cast••le. But we haue followed He∣rera in the most part of this relation.
• * 1.69

  Ouied. Hist. del Ind. l. 2. c. 5. Herera Dec. 1. l. 1. c. 10.
• * 1.70

  Ouiedo hath Gallega.
• * 1.71

  Mart. Dec. & Ouiedo.
• * 1.72

  When he had runne aboue 700. he recko∣ned lesse then 600. nor their Pilots much more deceiued by the wind alway large.
• * 1.73

  This Grasse they call Sal∣gazzi, or Sara∣gasso, floting in diuers places this and ••hat way, which at first terrified them, as if they had en••oūtred sunken Lands.
• * 1.74

  Rod. de Triana first saw Land.
• * 1.75

  Guanahani, or San Saluador.
• * 1.76

  A Conoa is a Boat made of one tree, which they wrought into that forme with sharpe stones, & helpe of fire: some caried but one, & some aboue 40. or 50. men in them. S. Maria de la Conception. Fernandina. Isabella.
• * 1.77

  Cuba.
• * 1.78

  A Fort.
• * 1.79

  Three Mer∣maids.
• * 1.80

  Pilgrimages vowed.
• * 1.81

  Ps. 107.24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31.
• * 1.82

  Prouidence, lest the Voyage should mis∣carry.
• * 1.83

  Bar. Dec. 1. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.84

  Enuy.
• * 1.85

  Impatientiae ••a∣tales ab ipso Diab. depre∣hendo. Diabolus iam tum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Deus vniuersa opera h••mi••i subiecisset, im∣patienter 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Nec enim dolu∣isset si sustinu∣isset, nec inui∣disset si non do∣luisset. Tert. de patien∣tia. Cyp. de beno pat. Diabo••us homi∣nem ad imagi∣n••m Dei factum impatienter tu∣lit, inde & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 primus & per∣didit.
• * 2.1

  Hanc Bullam habet Lopez de Gomura, in hist. gen. parte 2. c. 19. & R. Eden.
• * 2.2

  This was Eng∣lished and pub∣lished by R. Eden, 1577
• a 2.3

  Seneca.
• b 2.4

  Cice••o.
• c 2.5

  He was be∣fo••e c••lled Ro∣der••cus Borgia, a Spaniard of Val••n••ia.
• d 2.6

  Lucan.
• e 2.7

  Aug. de Ciu. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c. 4. Qu•••• tibi vt O••••em terra∣rum? sed quia id ego exiguo facio nauigio, latro vocor, quia tu magna classe, imperator.
• f 2.8

  B••n. Card. Bal. &c. vid. script. vit. Pontif. de hoc & seq. PP.
• g 2.9

  This History hath many Te∣stimonies of their owne Authors: see it main••ained agai••st Baron. by Morn. Myst. Iniq. pag 323. in Fol. V••d. ••im. Schard ex v••a. Ge••m. scr••••ta.
• h 2.10

  He maintai∣ned the Popes po••e•• against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 K••ng and the Clergies immunitie (which had committed a∣boue a hundred Murthers, as Neubrig. l. 2. then liuing, te∣stifieth) from the King and iustly therefore by Diuine Prouiden••e (though with humane Iniustice) was murthered himselfe.
• i 2.11

  King Henry the second held the Bridle to the Popes Legate twice, and suffered many stripes on his naked flesh with Roddes.
• k 2.12

  Etsi illa Curia fide••es Christi multoties excruciauerit, nunquam tamen tam lethaliter sauciau••t, &c. Mat. Par. 1255.
• l 2.13

  See Theod. de Ni••m, whi••h li∣ued with him, his three last Chapters of the third book.
• m 2.14

  Whence those Verses, Vendit Alexan∣der C••uces, Alta∣ria, Christum, Vendere iu••e potest, emerat ille prius.
• * 2.15

  Bal. ex H. Mar. Euseb. Cap.
• n 2.16

  See Onuph. in vit. Al. 6.
• o 2.17

  Bel. de R. Pont. in praefat.
• p 2.18

  Onuph. in vit. Al. 6. Pontifex in eam totus in∣cubuit curam vt ingentes filio opes vel summa cum omnium iniuria pararet. And, Inopiae, m••tu ra∣pax at{que} ingenio immani saevus. opulentiss quem{que} in Aula Sacerdo∣tem & in his Cardinales A••i∣quot caeteris diti∣ores veneno tol∣lendos constituit.—Homo ad Ita∣liae exitium na∣tus &c. So Guic. l. 1. non sincer••ta, non fede, non religi∣one auaritia in∣satiabi••e crudelta piuche barbara & ardentiss. cu∣pidita di essal∣tare in qualun{que} modo ei figliuol▪ iquali erano molti. Vid. Iou. Volat &c.
• q 2.19

  Guic. l. 16. Ne nostri cor∣rotti costumi è laudata la bonta del Pontefice quando non tra∣passa la malig∣nità de gli altri huomini.
• * 2.20

  Volat. Roma Nobilis iam car∣nific••na facta.
• r 2.21

  200000 Du∣cats▪ & Christs seame-lesse Coat. Ion. Hist. l. 2:
• * 2.22

  Pontanus of Lucretia▪ the Popes daughter, Hoc iacet in tumulo Lucretia nomine, sed re Thais, Alexandri filia, spo••sa, nurus.
• s 2.23

  Volater. & Bal.
• t 2.24

  Conuersio à conuerrendo. Cic. in Ver. ac. 4. O verrea praeclara. Etenim quam tu Domum, quam Vrbem adijsti, quod fanum deni{que} quod non cu••rsum at{que} extersum reliqueris?
• u 2.25

  2. Reg. 21.13.
• x 2.26

  Mat. 23.
• y 2.27

  See the last Chapter of my Pilgrimage, lib. 9.
• z 2.28

  Lu. 16.
• a 2.29

  2. Cor. 4.4.
• b 2.30

  Bar. Ius Regis, l. ••. c. 3. at pos∣sessio malae fidei 〈◊〉〈◊〉 procedit? ••ercle non in primo possessore nec in haerede proximo aut ne∣cessario, sed legi∣time in posteris & valide &c. licite suff. ad conti••uat. domi∣nij non ad in∣choationem.
• c 2.31

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lu. 4.5. hoc ille titulo & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Oecu∣menicus Papa.
• d 2.32

  Taurum Nep∣tuno taurum tibi pulcher Apollo. Virg.
• e 2.33

  2. Sam. 6.
• f 2.34

  Ter. beaut.
• g 2.35

  Se•• the Hist. of that Coun∣cell published in English, translated out of Italian by M. Brent, which d••scouers the pa••ti••ular wor∣kings of that Mysterie.
• h 2.36

  Mat. Paris in Hen. 3. An. 1245.
• * 2.37

  Yet Michael the Archangell, when he stroue against the De∣uill, durst not blame him with cursed speaking. Iude 9.
• i 2.38

  Mirum est quòd is qui in angulo Septen∣trionis d••as in∣sulas subiectas habet, ita de se praesumat, vt di∣cat, nulla expar∣te me Pontifice esse inferiore a credo. Apolog. p. 26. Vid. resp. E••. E••. pag. 78.
• * 2.39

  Ad An. 1245.
• k 2.40

  Matth. Paris verè ho••tus no∣ster deliciarum, est Anglia verè puteus ine•• bau∣sius est, & vbi multa abundant, multa possunt extorquers de multis.
• l 2.41

  Idem. A. 1245.
• m 2.42

  Vid. ••esp. ad Apol. R.P. Epist. El. pag. 82. vid. & T••rt. T. pag. 217.
• n 2.43

  Constat ab Ad. ••. Po••t. da∣t••m fuiss•• Hib. Hen 2. An. 1126. pag. 29.
• o 2.44

  Hist. Con. Trent.
• * 2.45

  Balaams counsell for Peor, his idola∣trous Priests are more to be feared then his Bulls.
• q 2.46

  Primus titulus ius est. socialis belli &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. tit. verus profecto & Germanus est inuitatio ordi∣num regni & totius Cleri, 4. Archiep. 28. E∣pis••. &c.
• r 2.47

  Baron. to. 12. An. 1171.
• s 2.48

  Vid. Ep. El. est Card. Bel. Apa••. resp. pag. 86.
• p 2.49

  G. ••arret I.C. li. 3. c. 3. ••d Lud. 13. Gal. K.
• t 2.50

  Lu. 16.
• u 2.51

  Matth Paris ad An. ••155.
• x 2.52

  Onuph in vita Bonifac. 3.
• * 2.53

  Nonne Rex A••glor••m noster est vasallus & vt pius d••cam mancipium, said the Pope, an∣gred with a Letter o•• Rob. Gro••••ed A. 1253. ap. Mat. Par. t••rao aspectu & s••••e••bo &c.
• y 2.54

  Mat. Paris A••. 1155.
• * 2.55

  The very word 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are 〈…〉〈…〉 &••.
• * 2.56

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de Mag. R.E. l. 2 c. ••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tit. R. E. potestas in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Principes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 creaadospunc; and hauing named very many, hee con••••u••e••, E••t 〈…〉〈…〉 S. Sedis e••••mia ••ot ••••as in Prouincijs Ch••i••tianis su••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉 h••••••tate Reges 〈…〉〈…〉 &c.
• * 2.57

  〈…〉〈…〉 ap. Stench. l. 2. cont. Vallam pro Dan. Const. Bodin. de Re••ub. l. 1. c. 9. vid. & Tort. Tort. p. 21••.
• a 2.58

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• b 2.59

  Mat. Paris, An. 1254. Idem e••t acs••••••is dic••ret, ven••o vel do tibi lu∣nam, as••ende & appr••hende eam.
• c 2.60

  Phi••. R. Hisp. Cath. Edictum cont. tractat. C. Bar. de ••ion. Sic.
• d 2.61

  Heb. 1.
• e 2.62

  Col. 1.
• f 2.63

  Ap 3.
• g 2.64

  Ph. 2.
• h 2.65

  Lu••. 2••.
• i 2.66

  Luc. 2.
• k 2.67

  Mat••. 22.
• l 2.68

  Io. 18.
• m 2.69

  6.15.
• n 2.70

  Luc. 12.
• o 2.71

  ••on. 8. vnam s••nc.
• p 2.72

  Mat. ••0. Luc. 22.
• q 2.73

  1. Pet. 5. These places are produ••ed by Victoria in his Relect. de▪ Indis, n. 27. & de pet. Ecclesiae.
• r 2.74

  2. Cor. 10.
• s 2.75

  2. Tim. 2. vid. Amb. ad istum lo••.
• t 2.76

  Mat. Par. An. 1196.
• u 2.77

  Io. 18.36.
• x 2.78

  Bern. ••e consid. l. 2.
• y 2.79

  Can. Ap. 80. & 82.
• z 2.80

  See my Pilg. l. 6. c. 11. §. 3.
• a 2.81

  D.D. Epis••. El. T••rt. T. & Resp. & D. Morten & Abbat. & B••ck. & Down. & Arch. Spalat. l. ••. c. 10. D. Sutl. de Pont. R. l. 4. c. 14. D. Whitak. & Rain. & Col. &c.
• b 2.82

  Barclayus P. & F. G. Barret. Ioan. Paris. Iac. Alma••n. Serbona ••n Tanquerelli Pali••od. Relect. Victoriae &c.
• c 2.83

  Bulla Iura∣menti de profes. ••d.
• d 2.84

  See my Pilg. l. 3. c. 3.
• e 2.85

  See twentie such Articles against the state of Kings, drawne out of Bellarmine by the B. of W. in his learned Answer to the Apologie. Pag. 62.
• f 2.86

  Bon. Ex∣ti••••. vn••m sanc.
• g 2.87

  Reg. Pol••. de sum. P. c. 47.
• h 2.88

  Mat. Par. in H. 3. An. 1252. nonne dom. Papa m••ltoties factum suum reuocat? Nonne opposito hoc repagu••o Non Obstante chartas cassat pr••concessas? Sic & ego &c.
• i 2.89

  Idem A. 1251. 1254. & 1256. &c.
• k 2.90

  Mat. 18.
• l 2.91

  1. Cor. 5.12, 13.
• m 2.92

  Fr. à Vict. Relec. de Pot. Eccl. s.
• n 2.93

  Rom. 13.
• o 2.94

  Relect. de Ind. n. 38.
• p 2.95

  Ca••et. ad sum. 22. q. 66. ar. 8. Do••ini quamuis Infidel••s l••giti∣mi D••min sunt, nec sunt ••••op••er i fid. à D••••inio suo••um 〈…〉〈…〉, cù 〈…〉〈…〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex D••uino iure &c.
• q 2.96

  Caiet. vbi s••p.
• r 2.97

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• f 2.98

  Bart. Cas. of the Spanish Cruelties.
• * 2.99

  See P. Pilg. lib. 2. cap. 20. Of Egypt, their Mneuis, Apis, Ba••is, Onuphis, &c. l. 6▪ c. 4.
• t 2.100

  Cort. Narrat. ad Imp ••ar.
• u 2.101

  Benzo l. 3. c. 3. See the whole Oration groū∣ded on th••s Bull, the Pope thereby giuing Terras incogni∣••as, id{que} vi co∣actum &c. S••c Lop. Vaz, L., Gomera, G••rc. de la Vega, &c.
• x 2.102

  ••••ter arma sil ni Leges. Non ex iure ma∣nu consertum, sed mage ferro Rem repetent. I. Acosta de pro∣curanda Indo∣rum salut••, l. 1. c. 13, 14. l▪ 2. c. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13, 14, 15. l. 3. c. 3, 4, 5. l. 4. c. 4, 5, &c. He also shewes how naturall Merchandise is, and how vniust it is to prohibite it: producing he example of the Chinois; he might, of this Bull.
• * 2.103

  In the last Chapter of my Pilgrimage.
• a 2.104

  1. Co. 1.13.
• b 2.105

  Bon. 8. Extr. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & ob.
• c 2.106

  B••llar. in his Ma••. Tort. vid. T••rturam T. pag. 32.
• d 2.107

  1. Cor. 12.13.
• e 2.108

  Gal. 3.27, 28.
• f 2.109

  Vict. de Carb. l. 1. c. 4, 5.
• g 2.110

  Tort. T••••ti. pag. 201.
• h 2.111

  Acost. sae i••in l••b. de proc. ••••d. sal.
• i 2.112

  2. Th. 2. vid. Down. de An∣tich. l 5. c. 6.
• k 2.113

  2. Th. 2. vid. Down l. 4. c. 1.
• * 2.114

  Ch. Col.
• * 2.115

  Barr••us quo sup. M••ff. hist. ••nd. l. 1. H••rera, Dec. 1. l. 2. c. 8, 9, 10.
• * 2.116

  The Popes au∣thoritie infrin∣ged by a latter accord.
• * 2.117

  Emanuel King of Portugall.
• * 2.118

  Bar. Dec. 1. l. 4. c. 1.
• * 2.119

  Osor. de reb. Eman. l. 1. Bay of Saint Helena.
• * 2.120

  The folly of a cowardly fol∣low.
• * 2.121

  Mutinie the fore-runner of greatest Ex∣ploits.
• * 2.122

  Benefit of condemned persons.
• * 2.123

  Mozambique discouer••d.
• * 2.124

  The Compas, and Sea-Cards and Quad••ants in vse with Mor••s in the Indian Seas▪ before the Por∣tugals discoue∣red them.
• * 2.125

  Mores, who are vsually cal∣led: I thinke that they were first so called, because out of Mauritania, they passed first into Spain: and therefore ••ll of that Religion, which the Spa∣nish Na••ion found in their Discoueries of Africa and In∣dia, they called Mores. But the other Nations Mahumetan, of which, the knowledge hath come to vs ouer land, & not by the Ca∣stilian or Por∣tugall▪ retayne their own titles, as Turks, &c. His question is, whether they came out of Barbary▪ which before called Mauritania, gaue them this name of Mores, or out o•• Tur∣kie?
• a 2.126

  Quiloa.
• b 2.127

  Mombaza.
• c 2.128

  Morish tre∣cherie.
• d 2.129

  Melinde.
• e 2.130

  Christians of India.
• * 2.131

  Nairos are the Guard and Souldiors.
• * 2.132

  Images at the first sight, &c.
• * 2.133

  How neere a consanguini••ie is in all k••nds o•• Idolatry? How e••sie a passage from ye worship ye know not what, to the worship of the Deuill himse••fe? Of these Deuoti∣ons, see my Pilgrimage▪ l. 5. The like hap∣pened to the Iapon Christi∣ans, which see∣ing the Picture o•• Venus and Adonis in Cap∣taine S••ris his Ship, wo••ship∣ped the same, m••st king it for the Picture of the Virgin, &c.
• * 2.134

  Osor. l. 2.
• * 2.135

  Malice of Mores.
• * 2.136

  Timoia a Py∣rate.

  Anchediva. Goa, and their trecherie.
• * 2.137

  Magadoxo.
• * 2.138

  Melinde.
• * 2.139

  Zanzibar.
• * 2.140

  Watering of S. Blase.
• * 2.141

  1500.
• * 2.142

  Land of Brasil first discouered
• * 2.143

  Puerto Seguro
• * 2.144

  Difficulties in all great At∣tempts.
• * 2.145

  Zofala.
• * 2.146

  Quiloa.
• * 2.147

  Mores treche∣rie.
• * 2.148

  Melinde.
• * 2.149

  Anchediva.
• * 2.150

  Calicut.
• * 2.151

  Cananor.
• * 2.152

  Warre begun twixt Mores and Portugals.
• * 2.153

  Cochin.
• * 2.154

  Coulam.
• * 2.155

  Staple erected at Cochin.
• * 2.156

  The third, and fourth, and fi••t Voyages to India.
• * 2.157

  Commission to mak•• them∣selues LL. of the Sea.
• * 2.158

  Molucca's.
• * 2.159

  Maff. l. 4. Malacca. Cape Cory. G. of Bengala. Samotra.
• * 2.160

  Chryse, or Aurea Chersonessus.
• * 2.161

  Mores treche∣rie at Malacca.
• * 2.162

  Chesse-play in India.
• * 2.163

  Ormuz tribu∣tarie to Portu∣gall.
• * 2.164

  Bar. Dec. 2. l. 10. Maff. l. 4. in fine. See Bar. Dec. 2. l. 5, 6 & 7. Osor. de reb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7, 8, 9, 10.
• * 2.165

  Goa wonne and lost, and recouered a∣gaine.
• * 2.166

  Red Sea.
• * 2.167

  Malacca won.
• * 2.168

  A Chayne of strange vertue. Cabis, a strange Beast.
• * 2.169

  Amboino, B••n∣da, Molucca's.
• * 2.170

  Maldiva.
• * 2.171

  Pigaf••tta's Booke is ex∣tant in Ramu∣sio's first Tome; and a great part th••reof Englished by R. Ede••, to which here is added other necessary p••rts thereof, out of Ram. his Copy.
• * 2.172

  Os••r. l. 11. Maff. l. 8.

  Magal Voyage translated out of Portug.

  Ma. Transiluano Epist. ad Ramus. Herera Dec. 2. l. ••. c. 10.

  Lop. Vaz. &c.
• * 2.173

  They lost the sight of the North starre. The Iland of Brasile.

  The South Pole.

  Sugar.
• * 2.174

  Canibals. Giants.
• * 2.175

  Insule Gemma∣rum.

  Cap. S. Maric.
• * 2.176

  The Pole An∣tartike.

  Pengwins and Seales.
• * 2.177

  The 49. degree of the South Pole.
• * 2.178

  Giants.
• * 2.179

  The bign••sse of the Giants.
• * 2.180

  Another Gi∣ant.
• * 2.181

  Foure other Giants.
• * 2.182

  Two Giants are taken by a policie.
• * 2.183

  The Deuill Setebos.
• * 2.184

  Deuils appeare to the Giants when they die.
• * 2.185

  Patagoni.
• * 2.186

  The Giants feeding.
• * 2.187

  They conspire against their Captaine.
• * 2.188

  Confession.
• * 2.189

  The Strait of Magellanus.
• * 2.190

  The South Sea.

  Mare Pacifi∣cum.

  The Giants died for heat.
• * 2.191

  Capo Desiderato.
• * 2.192

  Short nights in the moneth of October.
• * 2.193

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.194

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.195

  Th•• Giant is 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.196

  Three moneths s••y••i••g with∣out the sight of Land.

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.197

  Diseases of Famine.
• * 2.198

  Vnf••r••unate Ilands.
• * 2.199

  What they say∣led dayly.
• * 2.200

  The starres a∣boue the Sou••h Pole.
• * 2.201

  The N••edle of the Comp••s.
• * 2.202

  The Lead-stone.
• * 2.203

  The Equinoc∣tiall Line.
• * 2.204

  The Ilands of Cipan••hu and Sumbdit.
• * 2.205

  Insulae Latro¦num.
• * 2.206

  People with long ••ayre.
• * 2.207

  The Iland of Zamal.
• * 2.208

  Wine of Date-trees.
• * 2.209

  The maruelous Fruit Cocus.
• * 2.210

  The Iland of Zuluan.
• * 2.211

  The Sea called Archipelago di San Lazaro: this name Archipela∣go, is giuen to Seas full of Ilands.
• * 2.212

  Gentiles.
• * 2.213

  Foure Ilands.
• * 2.214

  The Iland of Buthuan.
• * 2.215

  The Iland of Caleghan.
• * 2.216

  Plentie of Gold.
• * 2.217

  The King of Buthuan.
• * 2.218

  Mores and Gentiles.
• * 2.219

  Many Ilands.
• * 2.220

  The Iland of Messana.
• * 2.221

  Bats as big as Eagles.
• * 2.222

  Fowles with hornes.

  Egges hatched in Sand.
• * 2.223

  The Iland of Zubut.
• * 2.224

  A shippe laden with Gold and Slaues.
• * 2.225

  Calecut. Malacha.
• * 2.226

  Shedding of blood is a to∣ken of friend∣ship.
• * 2.227

  The King of Zubut is bap∣tized.
• * 2.228

  The King of Zubut his Ap∣parrell.
• * 2.229

  Well fauoured Women.
• * 2.230

  Bartering.
• * 2.231

  Pesus what it is.
• * 2.232

  They breake their Idols, and erect the Crosse.
• * 2.233

  Fiue hundred men baptized.
• * 2.234

  The Queene of Zubut.
• * 2.235

  The Queenes Apparrell.
• * 2.236

  The Iland of Mathan.
• * 2.237

  The Captaine Magellanus is slaine.
• * 2.238

  The Iland of Bohol.

  They burnt one of their ships.

  Black men.
• * 2.239

  The Iland of Chippit.
• * 2.240

  The Iland of Caghaian.
• * 2.241

  The Iland of Pulaoan.
• * 2.242

  The Iland of Burnei, or Porne.
• * 2.243

  A great Citie.
• * 2.244

  Elephants.
• * 2.245

  The Iland of Cimbubon.
• * 2.246

  Leaues of trees which seeme to liue.
• * 2.247

  A Sea full of Weedes.
• * 2.248

  Pearles.
• * 2.249

  Men ouer-growne with hayre.
• * 2.250

  The Ilands of Molucca.
• * 2.251

  The Portugals are reproued.
• * 2.252

  Tidore one of the Ilands of Molucca.
• * 2.253

  A Vision in the Planets.
• * 2.254

  The fiue Ilands of Molucca. Tarenate.
• * 2.255

  The Iland of Gilolo.

  Mores and Gentiles.
• * 2.256

  Gold. Water in Reedes.
• * 2.257

  Their manner of bartering.
• * 2.258

  Water of a strange qua∣litie.
• * 2.259

  Birds of a strange forme.
• * 2.260

  They leaue one of their shippes behind them.
• * 2.261

  The Ilands of Molucca.
• * 2.262

  Hony of Flyes.
• * 2.263

  Popingayes.
• * 2.264

  The Iland of T••dore.
• * 2.265

  Terenate. Mutir. Macchian. Bacchian.
• * 2.266

  Many Ilands.
• * 2.267

  The Iland of Mallua.
• * 2.268

  Pepper.
• * 2.269

  Little men with long eares; a ••a∣bulous report. Such hath bin the ground of fabulous Mon∣sters in Pliny, &c.

  The Iland of Timor.

  White Saun∣ders and Gin∣ger.

  The Deuill ap∣peareth.

  Saint Iob his disease.
• * 2.270

  Cinnamome.
• * 2.271

  The Ilands of Giaua.

  Malacha.
• * 2.272

  The Sea of Lantchidol.
• * 2.273

  Malacha. The Iland of Sumatra. Cap. de Buona Speranza.
• * 2.274

  The Port of Mozambique.
• * 2.275

  The Port of S. Lucar, neere vnto Siuile.
• * 2.276

  What became of the other shippe. Dariena.
• * 2.277

  This Voyage is in Romusio his first Tome.
• * 2.278

  The Isle of Mogador on the Coast of Barbarie.
• * 2.279

  Ianuarie.
• * 2.280

  The Isle of Mayo.
• * 2.281

  Ripe Grapes in Winter.
• * 2.282

  The descripti∣on of the Tree that beareth Cocos.
• * 2.283

  Or Goats.
• * 2.284

  The Isle of S. Iago.
• * 2.285

  A Pri••e, and Nuno da Si••ua, a Portugall Pilot, taken.
• * 2.286

  The Isle of Fogo.
• * 2.287

  Aprill. 33. Degrees.
• * 2.288

  The Cape of Ioy.
• * 2.289

  Their entrance into the Riuer of Plate.
• * 2.290

  Abundance of Seales.
• * 2.291

  May.
• * 2.292

  The Flie-boat cast off and burnt.
• * 2.293

  The people of the Countrey.
• * 2.294

  The Cape of Good Hope.
• * 2.295

  Iune.
• * 2.296

  Port S. Iulian.
• * 2.297

  M. Thomas Doughtie exe∣cuted.
• * 2.298

  August.
• * 2.299

  The Strait of Magellan.
• * 2.300

  The bredth of the Straits of Magellan.
• * 2.301

  Abundance of Pengwins in the Strait.
• * 2.302

  September.
• * 2.303

  57. Degrees and a terce of Southerly la∣titude.

  Botero writeth, that another hath found this place all Ilands.
• * 2.304

  M. Winter sepa∣rated and re∣turned.
• * 2.305

  The trending of the Coast of Chili.
• * 2.306

  The Ile la Mocha, in 38. degrees and 30. minutes.
• * 2.307

  The Port of Valparizo, in 33. degrees, 40. minutes.
• * 2.308

  Wine of Chili.
• * 2.309

  The Towne of S. Iago taken.
• * 2.310

  Wine of Chili.
• * 2.311

  Iohn Gr••ego, a Pilot, taken.
• * 2.312

  Gold of Bal∣diuia.
• * 2.313

  Coqu••mbo in 29. degrees, 30. minutes.
• * 2.314

  Tarapaxa.
• * 2.315

  Arica in 1••. degrees 30. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.316

  Lima in 11. de∣grees, 50. mi∣nutes.
• * 2.317

  The rich ship called the Ca∣cafuego, taken.
• * 2.318

  Cape de San Francisco, in 1. degree to the North.
• * 2.319

  China si••kes, and Porcellan.
• * 2.320

  Guatulco.
• * 2.321

  The Portugall Pilot set on land: his name was Nu••oda Syl••a.

  The Iland of Canno.

  A ship with a Gouernour for the Ilands of Philippina's.
• * 2.322

  It was the more stormie at his being there, because it was then the Winter sea on in those parts.
• * 2.323

  Iune. Sir Francis Drake sayled on the back∣side of America to 43. degrees of Northerly latitude. 38. degrees.
• * 2.324

  A description of the People and Countrey of Noua Albion.
• * 2.325

  A long Ora∣tion.
• * 2.326

  Chaynes like those of Canada
• * 2.327

  The King re∣signes his Crowne and Kingdome to Sir ••rancis Drake.
• * 2.328

  The like they did in Hoche∣laga.
• * 2.329

  Great Herds of Deere.
• * 2.330

  Abundance of strange Conies.
• * 2.331

  Noua Albion.
• * 2.332

  Gold and Sil∣uer in the Earth of Noua Albion.
• * 2.333

  Their depar∣ture.

  October. Certaine I∣lands in eight degrees.

  Strange Ca∣noas, like those of Iaua.
• * 2.334

  Ilands.
• * 2.335

  Nouember.
• * 2.336

  The Ile of Ternate.
• * 2.337

  The King of Ternate offre••h himselfe and his K••ngdome to the seruice of the Queene of England.
• * 2.338

  The great and strange Canoas of the King of Ternate.
• * 2.339

  The King of Ternate came to visite S••r Francis Drake.
• * 2.340

  Sagu, a kind of Meale.
• * 2.341

  A Castle in Ternate.
• * 2.342

  The Turkes sent from Con∣stantinople, which is called New Rome.
• * 2.343

  The Maiestie of the King.
• * 2.344

  Ternate the chiefest of the Molucca Iles.
• * 2.345

  A little Iland to the South∣ward of Celebes.
• * 2.346

  Fierie Worms.
• * 2.347

  Bats. Cray-fishes.
• * 2.348

  Ianuarie, in Anno 1579.
• * 2.349

  Their danger vpon a Rocke.
• * 2.350

  Cloues.
• * 2.351

  The helpe of a Current in the deliuerie.
• * 2.352

  February. Barateue Iland.
• * 2.353

  Linnen Cloth good Mar∣chandize.
• * 2.354

  Nutmegs and long Pepper growing in Barateue.
• * 2.355

  Commendati∣on of the Iland of Barateue.
• * 2.356

  Iaua Maior.
• * 2.357

  Red & Greene clothes much esteemed.
• * 2.358

  The manners of the people of Iaua.
• * 2.359

  A strange fa∣shion o•• boy∣ling Rice.
• * 2.360

  The French pocks.
• * 2.361

  This rather is to be imputed to varietie of weather.
• * 2.362

  Sierra Leona.
• * 2.363

  Oister-trees.
• * 2.364

  Sierra Leona
• * 2.365

  Two Buffes. Their depar∣ture from Sier∣ra Leona.
• * 2.366

  The Iles of Madrabumba inhabited by Negros.
• * 2.367

  A Towne.
• * 2.368

  Fresh water.
• * 2.369

  October. Cape Frio in Brasil.
• * 2.370

  Nouember. S. Sebastians Iland.
• * 2.371

  December.
• * 2.372

  48. Degrees.
• * 2.373

  Port Desire.
• * 2.374

  Seales and Pengwins.
• * 2.375

  They graue and trim their Ships.
• * 2.376

  Al kinde of Giants.
• * 2.377

  Their depar∣ture from Port Desire.
• * 2.378

  Ianuary 1587.
• * 2.379

  They enter the Straits the 6. of Ianuary. A Spanish ta∣ken in the Straits of Magellan.
• * 2.380

  The Barke Iohn Thomas, one of Sir Francis Drakes Con∣sorts.
• * 2.381

  King Philips Citie left deso∣late in the Straits of Ma∣gellan, which our Generall called, Port Fa∣mine.
• * 2.382

  God enemy to the Spaniards Auarice, which would entayle the wide world in the East and West, to Spain.
• * 2.383

  Port Famine in 53. degrees.
• * 2.384

  Cape Froward in 54. degrees.
• * 2.385

  Muskle-Coue.
• * 2.386

  Elizabeth Bay.
• * 2.387

  The most bru∣tish Sauages that euer were seene.
• * 2.388

  The Channell of Saint Ierome.
• * 2.389

  February, 1587.
• * 2.390

  The Straits of Magellan are a∣bout 90. leagues long.

  The Westerne mouth of the Straits is in 52. degrees and 2. terces.

  Their entrance into the South Sea the 24. of February. Ilands in the South Sea, cal∣led Las Anega∣das.

  March 1. Extreme dan∣ger of the Hugh Gallant, by a great Leake.
• * 2.391

  The Ile of Mo∣cha in 38. de∣grees, not sub∣iect to the Spa∣niards.

  Arauco is the richest place in the South Sea for Gold, and is not subdued by the Spani∣ards as yet.
• * 2.392

  S. Mary Iland in 37. degrees and 1. terce, which is sub∣dued to the Spaniards.
• * 2.393

  A Church, with Crosses and Altars.
• * 2.394

  The Indians of S. Mary Iland made all Chri∣stians.
• * 2.395

  Arauco rich in Gold.
• * 2.396

  The Conception.
• * 2.397

  Quintero stan∣deth in 33. de∣grees 50. mi∣nutes.

  Our men marcht 7. or 8. miles into their enemies land.
• * 2.398

  24. Spaniards slaine.
• * 2.399

  A little Island full of Penguins
• * 2.400

  Morro moreno in 23. degrees and a halfe.
• * 2.401

  Most artificiall boates.
• * 2.402

  Tribute payd in fish.
• * 2.403

  A barke taken, which they ca∣led The Geo••ge. Arica standeth in 18. degrees 31. minutes. A ship taken.
• * 2.404

  The first barke of aduise taken
• * 2.405

  The bay of Pis∣ca in 13. degr. ••••;
• * 2.406

  An Island of Seales.
• * 2.407

  A ship of 300. tunnes taken after halfe an houres fight. Seuen degrees of Southerly latitude.
• * 2.408

  They met their fleet againe. Two rich ships taken.

  One shippe worth 20000. pounds.
• * 2.409

  The bay of Paita in 5. de∣grees 4. min.
• * 2.410

  A new fort in building.
• * 2.411

  The towne of Paita taken and burnt.
• * 2.412

  25. pounds weight in siluer
• * 2.413

  The towne of Paita had 200. houses in it. A barke set on fire.
• * 2.414

  The Island of Puna within 1. degree the E∣quinoctiall to the South. A great Ship burnt.
• * 2.415

  Great store of cables made in Puna.
• * 2.416

  A little Island neere vnto Puna.
• * 2.417

  The Isle of Pu∣na is almost as big as the Isle of Wight.

  Cotton trees.
• * 2.418

  An excellent Orchyard.
• * 2.419

  The second grauing of their ships.
• * 2.420

  The second skirmish with the Spaniards. The chiefe towne in Puna burnt.
• * 2.421

  They arriued at Puna the 25. of May.

  The Hugh Gal∣lant a Barke of 40. tuns sunke. Rio dolce.
• * 2.422

  Michael Sancius a Marsillian.
• * 2.423

  A great newe shippe burnt. The second Barke of aduise taken.

  The riuer of Copolita. Aguatul••o in 15 degrees and 40. minuts Northward. A bark•• burnt. A••ile. Ca••a••s. Aguatulco a towne of 100. houses 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.424

  Cacaos goe for money in Nue∣ua Espanna.
• * 2.425

  Our Generall entred two miles into the maine land with 30. men.
• * 2.426

  Puerto de Nati∣uidad in 19. de∣grees.
• * 2.427

  The third posie of aduise taken Puerto de Nati∣uidad burnt. Two new ships burnt.

  The riuer of Sant Iago. Pearles taken.
• * 2.428

  The bay of Malacca.
• * 2.429

  The towne of Acatlan burnt.
• * 2.430

  The road of Chaccalla.
• * 2.431

  The Isle of S. Andrew.
• * 2.432

  Iguanos good meate.
• * 2.433

  Massatlan in 23. degrees and an halfe.
• * 2.434

  An Island a league North∣wards of Mas∣satlan.

  The escape of one Domingo, a Spaniard.
• * 2.435

  Chiametla.
• * 2.436

  Fresh water at two or three foote deepe in the sand.
• * 2.437

  The Cape of S. Lucar on the point of Cali∣fornia.

  Aguada Segura.
• * 2.438

  California in 23. degrees & two thirds.
• * 2.439

  The fight be∣tweene the great S. Anna and vs.
• * 2.440

  The second in∣counter.
• * 2.441

  The third en∣counter.
• * 2.442

  The great S. Anna yeeldeth.
• * 2.443

  One hundred and two and twenty thou∣sand pezos of Gold.

  A pezo is 8. shillings. The merchan∣dise in the great shippe. The Spaniards set on shore to the number of 190.
• * 2.444

  Mutinie a∣gainst the Ge∣nerall.
• * 2.445

  Two boyes of Iapon.
• * 2.446

  Three boyes of Manilla.
• * 2.447

  Nicholas Rode∣rigo, a Portu∣gall.
• * 2.448

  A Spanish Pi∣lote.
• * 2.449

  Acapulco is the hauen whence they set forth to the Philippi∣nas.

  Good wate∣ring at the La∣drones.

  The winde at East northeast. The Content whereof Steuen Hare was ma∣ster, left be∣hind in the road.
• * 2.450

  The Island of Guana one of the Ladrones in 13. degrees & two thirds. Commodities of the Isles of Ladrones.
• * 2.451

  The colour & stature of the people of the Isles of La∣drones.

  Their images. Artifficiall Ca∣noas.
• * 2.452

  Canoas sayling right against the winde. The nimble∣nesse of the people of the Ladrones.

  Cabo del Spirito Sancto one of the Isles of the P••ili••pinas in 13. degre••s.
• * 2.453

  From Guana an Isle of the La••rones to Ca∣bo del Spirito Santa is 310. leagues.
• * 2.454

  The descripti∣on of the town of Manilla. Trade from A••apulco to Manilla. Mar∣chants of Chi∣na Marchants called Sangue∣los. Siluer ex∣changed waight for waight for Gold.
• * 2.455

  The Island of Capul at which our men stay∣ed 9. dayes.
• * 2.456

  One of the chiefe Gouer∣nours of the Island came aboord vs.
• * 2.457

  Hennes and hogges.
• * 2.458

  The manner of the people of Capul.
• * 2.459

  A strange nail•• in the yards of men to pre∣uent Sodomy, for which pur∣pose in Pegu they weare in the same part balls.
• * 2.460

  Circumcision.
• * 2.461

  The inhabi∣tants of Capul, with all the Islands adioy∣ning, promise to ayde the English against the Spaniards. Our departure from the I∣sland of Capul. The Isle of Malbat.
• * 2.462

  The Island of Panama.
• * 2.463

  Mines of very fine Gold, in the Island of Panama.

  The Island of Negros, in nine degrees.

  Their depar∣ture from the Philippina's.
• * 2.464

  Batochina.
• * 2.465

  11. or 12. small Ilands, in 3. de∣grees, 10. mi∣nutes to the Southward.
• * 2.466

  March, 1588. Our arriuall at Iaua maior.
• * 2.467

  The Morisco or Arabian Tongue com∣mon in Iaua.
• * 2.468

  Nine or ten of the Kings Ca∣noas.
• * 2.469

  Raia Bolambo∣am.
• * 2.470

  The wiues kill themselues af∣ter their hus∣bands deaths.
• * 2.471

  A strange or∣der.
• * 2.472

  Faire women in Iaua.

  Don Antonio might be recei∣ued as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the East Indies.
• * 2.473

  They depart from Iaua the 16. of March, 1588.
• * 2.474

  Cabo Falso.
• * 2.475

  They double the Cape de Bona Speranza.
• * 2.476

  From Iaua to the Cape of Bona Speranza is but 1850. leagues. Iune 1588.
• * 2.477

  They anchor at the Iland of S. Helena the 9. of Iune.
• * 2.478

  S. Helena is in the latitude of 15. degrees 48. min. to the Southward.
• * 2.479

  The great store of diuerse excellent fruits in S. Helena.
• * 2.480

  Abundance of partridges in S. Helena.
• * 2.481

  Great store of Feasants. Turkies in great quantity.
• * 2.482

  Exceeding numbers of goats.
• * 2.483

  Plentie of Swine.
• * 2.484

  Our departure from S. Helena.
• * 2.485

  Coruo and Flo∣res, two Islands of the Azores.
• * 3.1

  Captaine Melis an En∣glish man in this Voyage, M. Adams in the next, Guides and Pilots to the Hollanders in their Circum∣nauigations; as M. Dauies, and others after∣wards in their first Indian Voyages. Their exploits are honours to the English.
• * 3.2

  Ila del Principe.
• * 3.3

  Treachery of the Islanders.
• * 3.4

  Cape Consaluo.
• * 3.5

  1599.
• * 3.6

  Cape Saint Thomas. Faire Cape. Cape Frio. Rio Iauero. S. Sebastian.
• * 3.7

  S. Clara.
• * 3.8

  By Miles vn∣derstand Dutch Miles.
• * 3.9

  Port Desire.
• * 3.10

  Cape Virgines.
• * 3.11

  Cape Nassau.
• * 3.12

  Castemme. Talcke.

  Manners of the Inhabi∣tants.
• * 3.13

  Giants: see the next storie an∣nexed of Seb. de Weert.
• * 3.14

  Summer Bay Port Famine. Pantagoms. Terra Fuego is the Land on the South of the S••raights, since found to bee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Islands.

  Philips Citie. Cape Froward.
• * 3.15

  Sir Iaques M••••u (or as Adams ••alls him, Man••y) went out Ge∣nerall of this Fleet: who died in the Isle of Braua, and Simon de Coor∣••es succeeded. It is here cal∣led Peter Ver∣hagens compa∣ny, because be was then chief of the Indi∣an company which set them forth.
• * 3.16

  1600. Maurice Bay. Ice all the yeere long in the Straights. The same re∣port hath Seb. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Meni••te Bay. G••••se Bay. Po••••sh Bay.
• * 3.17

  Cape Desire.
• * 3.18

  La Mocha.
• * 3.19

  Cici drinke.
• * 3.20

  S. Maries an Island rich in Gold.
• * 3.21

  Val Paraiso.
• * 3.22

  Note the helpe which the Dutch had by English∣mens notes. W. Adams makes menti∣on of this fight, who in the same ship came to Iap••n.
• * 3.23

  S. Iago.
• * 3.24

  Sheep plenty.
• * 3.25

  Warres be∣twixt the Spa∣niards & Chili. Baldiuia. Imperial.
• * 3.26

  Fertility of Chili.
• * 3.27

  la Guasco.
• * 3.28

  Morre Gorch▪ & M. Morrene.
• * 3.29

  Cloud of dust.
• * 3.30

  Lyma.
• * 3.31

  Intelligence of Gold in Saint Maries.
• * 3.32

  I. Coquos.
• * 3.33

  Guana, an Island of the Ladrones.
• * 3.34

  Philippinae.
• * 3.35

  Cape Sancto Spirito.
• * 3.36

  Bay la bay.
• * 3.37

  Straight of Manilla.
• * 3.38

  Note.
• * 3.39

  Capul.
• * 3.40

  Caldwey a Londoner.
• * 3.41

  Mexican trade yeerely at Manilla.
• * 3.42

  Bankingle. Mindore. Lon-bou.
• * 3.43

  Lusson.
• * 3.44

  Iaponian ships and men.
• * 3.45

  There are some Francis∣cans also.
• * 3.46

  Fight with Spaniards and Indians.
• * 3.47

  Dutch victory.
• * 3.48

  Dutch Pin∣nasse taken.
• * 3.49

  Bolutan.
• * 3.50

  Borneo.
• * 3.51

  1601.
• * 3.52

  Borneo Cap••.
• * 3.53

  William Adams an English∣man, went chiefe Pilot in this Ship, and liued aboue twentie yeeres in Iapan. Of him you may read more hereafter. He lately died, as I heare, at Fizando a Iapo∣nian Island.
• * 3.54

  Crimati.
• * 3.55

  Iortan.
• * 3.56

  Passaruan. Balamboa.
• * 3.57

  Sorba.
• * 3.58

  Amboyna.
• * 3.59

  Baly. Sunne in their Zenith.
• * 3.60

  Note.
• * 3.61

  Saint Helena.
• * 3.62

  Weedie Sea.
• * 3.63

  Flores and Corues.
• * 3.64

  Of W. Addams his comming to Iapon fol∣loweth after in the next Book.
• * 3.65

  This land was in Congo.
• * 3.66

  Thomas Spring Englishman in this Voyage.
• * 3.67

  Giants.
• * 3.68

  Sebaldinae 3. Ilands not mentioned in Maps.
• * 3.69

  Braue and Fogo.
• * 3.70

  Abrolbos dan∣gerous sands.
• * 3.71

  Magel••ne strait.
• * 3.72

  Sholds in the straits.
• * 3.73

  A Giant.
• * 3.74

  May.
• * 3.75

  Iune.
• * 3.76

  Conception I∣sland in 36. de∣grees, 40. min.
• * 3.77

  Iuly.
• * 3.78

  The Fleet Roy∣all of Peru.
• * 3.79

  Sir Richard Hawkins, in which fight he was a Cap∣taine but not Generall.
• * 3.80

  A Sea fight by night.
• * 3.81

  The Admirall and Vice-Ad∣mirall of the Spaniards both sunke.
• * 3.82

  August.
• * 3.83

  It consisted of many Timbers fastened strangely toge∣ther, as in the Picture of the Latine Booke is seene.
• * 3.84

  Peyta.
• * 3.85

  Relations of the Gouern∣ment of Peru, and of the Ci∣tie of Kings, or Lima.
• * 3.86

  See M. Ellis Narration hereof in the Tractate pro∣per to America
• * 3.87

  Foure Mona∣steries.
• * 3.88

  Iesuites called Teatines: of which name a merry Wit in Spaine, earnestly iested in an Embleme or Picture, in which was pain∣ted a Purse full of Money, and one of euery Order pictured in his Habit reaching but short, and his Motto according, Yo no te atino, the Iesuite laying fast hold on it, saying, Yo te atino, the words bearing a double sense, I am a Teatine, or, I attayne thee the Conceit almost lost in the Translation. This was related to mee by a Spaniard.
• * 3.89

  M. Ellis saith they are Ne∣gros.
• * 3.90

  This seemes spoken of Ci∣tizens.
• * 3.91

  These the Ca∣ciques bring in by course, some at one time, and some at another. Ellis.

  Linchoten saith, this publicati∣on of the Popes Indul∣gences is worth to the King of Spaine yeerely▪ 1470 ••58. pounds.
• * 3.92

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.93

  Chili.
• * 3.94

  A Current.
• * 3.95

  September.
• * 3.96

  October.
• * 3.97

  Nouember.
• * 3.98

  December. New Islands. A dangerous Rocke.
• * 3.99

  Ianuary. 1616.
• * 3.100

  February.
• * 3.101

  Mar••h.
• * 3.102

  Paney. Mendanao.
• * 3.103

  Aprill.
• * 3.104

  May.
• * 3.105

  September.
• * 3.106

  October.
• * 3.107

  Nouember.
• * 3.108

  Ianuary 1617·
• * 3.109

  Orange in Ter∣nate.
• * 3.110

  Maleia or Gra∣nia.

  Molucco or Hollandia. Tacome or Willems••at. Motir.
• * 3.111

  Machian with three Forts.
• * 3.112

  Cayoe.
• * 3.113

  Bachian.
• * 3.114

  Lahoua.
• * 3.115

  Guammequorre in Gilolo which is a great Island before which lye the smaller Islands of the Moluc∣cas.
• * 3.116

  Spaniards in Moluccas. Nuestra Sen̄ora del Rosario.
• * 3.117

  S.S. Pedro & Paulo.
• * 3.118

  Tidore. Taroula.
• * 3.119

  Molucca••.
• * 3.120

  Amboina▪
• * 3.121

  Banda.
• * 3.122

  Poleway.
• * 3.123

  Palataque.
• * 3.124

  Iaua.
• * 3.125

  Forts giuen ouer.
• * 3.126

  Places of trade and factories.
• * 3.127

  Ann. 1615.
• * 3.128

  Sierra Liona.
• * 3.129

  Baixos or shal∣lowes of Saint Anna Mabra∣bomba.
• * 3.130

  The road of Sierra Liona.
• * 3.131

  Store of Limons.
• * 3.132

  Strange acci∣dent of a Fish striking against the Ship.
• * 3.133

  Abrolhos sands.
• * 3.134

  Port Desire.
• * 3.135

  Penguins.
• * 3.136

  S••ale••.
• * 3.137

  Smelt Bay.
• * 3.138

  Kings Island almost coue∣red with eggs.
• * 3.139

  Est••iges.
• * 3.140

  Gyants: see the Voyage of Magel••an.
• * 3.141

  Seales.
• * 3.142

  Sebalds Islands.
• * 3.143

  Store of Whales.
• * 3.144

  S••t••sland and Maurice-land.
• * 3.145

  The New 〈◊〉〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ma••re.
• * 3.146

  Great fowles very tame.
• * 3.147

  ••arneue••s I∣lands.
• * 3.148

  Cape Horne.
• * 3.149

  Islands of Iohn Fernando.
• * 3.150

  Dogs Island in 15. degrees 1••. minutes, 92••. leagues from Peru.
• * 3.151

  Another Iland.
• * 3.152

  Louers of Iron, as in the La∣drones.
• * 3.153

  Iland without ground.
• * 3.154

  Another Iland▪
• * 3.155

  Water Iland.
• * 3.156

  Flye Iland.
• * 3.157

  May.
• * 3.158

  A strange sayle.
• * 3.159

  Drinkers of Sea-water.
• * 3.160

  The manners and C••onas of the Negroes.
• * 3.161

  Cocos Island.
• * 3.162

  Theeuish people.
• * 3.163

  Traytors Iland.
• * 3.164

  Hope Iland.
• * 3.165

  Crowns made of Feathers.
• * 3.166

  Homely drink.
• * 3.167

  It is likely they haue some Re∣ligion by the I∣mages, which M. Candish saw in other Ilands of the Ladro∣nes, and by the prayers before mentioned. Horne Iland.
• * 3.168

  Iune.
• * 3.169

  S. Iohns Iland.
• * 3.170

  Iuly.
• * 3.171

  Many Islands.
• * 3.172

  Vul••ans Island.
• * 3.173

  Moa Island. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arimoa. Cassauie.
• * 3.174

  Schoutens I∣sland.
• * 3.175

  An Earth∣quake.
• * 3.176

  August.
• * 3.177

  Bean•• or Pease.
• * 3.178

  Gilolo.
• * 3.179

  Moratay.
• * 3.180

  The Current.
• * 3.181

  Soppy.
• * 3.182

  September.
• * 3.183

  October.
• * 3.184

  A day d••ff••∣rence in ••om∣putation of time, now caused.