The first and second volumes of Chronicles. [vol. 3 (i.e. The Third Volume of Chronicles)] comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes.
Holinshed, Raphael, d. 1580?, Stanyhurst, Richard, 1547-1618., Fleming, Abraham, 1552?-1607., Stow, John, 1525?-1605., Thynne, Francis, 1545?-1608., Hooker, John, 1526?-1601., Harrison, William, 1534-1593., Boece, Hector, 1465?-1536., Giraldus, Cambrensis, 1146?-1223?

Henrie the second, the second sonne ofGeffrey Plantagenet.

HEnrie the second of that name, a French man borne, the second sonne of Geffrey Plantagenet earle of An∣iou, begotten of Maud the empresse,* daughter to Hen∣rie the first, began his reigne ouer England the fiue and twentith of October, in the yeare after the creation of the world 5121. [year 1154] and in [line 10] the yeare after the incarnation of our sauiour 1154. about the beginning of the third yeare of the empe∣rour Frederike the first, the second of pope Anasta∣sius the fourth, the seuenteenth yeare of Lewes the seuenth king of France, and second of Malcolme then king of Scotland. Immediatlie after he was aduertised of the death of king Stephan, he came o∣uer into England, landing at Ostreham about the seuenth day of December.* After he had got his com∣panies togither, which by tempest were scattered in his passage, he came first to Winchester, where he [line 20] receiued homage and fealtie of the Nobles of the realme resorting vnto him. This doone he set foorth to∣wards London, where he was crowned king by Theobald archbishop of Canturburie the twentith daie of December.

*The archbishop of Rouen, with thrée of his suffra∣gans, the archbishop of Yorke, and manie other bi∣shops of England: Theodorus the earle of Flan∣ders, with a great number of other earles, lords and barons were present there at his coronation. He [line 30] was at that time about the age of three and twentie yeares,* and to win the peoples loue, he spake manie comfortable words vnto them, to put them in hope (as the manner is) that they should find him a louing prince. He vsed the lords also verie coueteouslie. And first of all, after his atteining to the crowne, he chose to him councellers of the grauest personages,* and best learned in the lawes of the realme, with whose prudent aduice be perused those lawes, and amended [line 40] them where he thought necessarie, commanding chieflie, that the lawes established by his grandfa∣ther Henrie the first should be obserued:* and in ma∣nie things he relied vpon the aduice of Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, at whose sue he admit∣ted Thomas Becket to be his chancellour,* which Becket the said archbishop had made archdeacon of Canturburie the yeare before.

Moreouer, by the sentence and doome of his coun∣cellers, to the intent that peace and quiet order might take place, and be the better mainteined, he commanded by waie of publishing a proclamation,* that all strangers (which to get somwhat by the wars had flocked into the realme,* during the time of the ciuill discord betweene him and king Stephan) shuld depart home without further delaie: wherefore he appointed them a daie, before the which they should a∣uoid vpon perill that might insue. It was a worlds woonder to sée and marke how suddenlie these ali∣ens were quite vanished,* as though they had béene phantasmes. Their abiding here was nothing pro∣fitable to the subiects of the realme, as they that were accustomed to attempt one shrewd turne vp∣on an others necke, and thought it lawfull for them so to doo. Amongst them was a great number of Flemings, whom the king hated more than the re∣sidue.

By vertue also of this edict, William of Ypres,* whom king Stephan (as ye haue heard) had made earle of Kent, was constreined with others to de∣part the realme, king Henrie seizing all his possessi∣ons into his owne hands.* Diuerse castels were throwne downe and made plaine with the ground at the kings commandement, which priuate men by king Stephans permission had builded, or else for that they stood not in such places as was thought meet and expedient;* yet some he caused to be fortifi∣ed: and furthermore, tooke into his hands againe such lands and possessions as apperteined to the crowne, and were alienated vnto any manner of person, of what degrée so euer he was. This wounded the minds of many with an inward grudge, as well e∣nough perceuing that the king would looke so néere to his owne commoditie, that nothing should be left for them that might any way be recouered and got∣ten to his vse.

In this yere queene Elianor being then in the citie of London, on the last of Februarie was deliuered of hir second sonne named Henrie.* About the same time also, William Peuerell of Notingham a noble man and of great possessions was disherited by the king for sorcerie and witchcraft, which he had practi∣sed to kill Ran••fe earle of Chester, as it was reuea∣led openlie, and brought to light. In accomplishing of which hainous crime and detestable act, many o∣thers were of counsell, and found giltie with him, which escaped not vnpunished.

On the tenth of Aprill, king Henrie assembled the Page  66 péeres & great lords of his realme togither at Wal∣lingford,* and caused them to sweare allegiance vnto his eldest sonne William: prouiding, that if he chan∣ced to die,* then they should doo the like vnto his bro∣ther Henrie. Also whereas Hugh de Mortimer had fensed his castels against king Henrie, he besieged the same, and taking the castell of Cleberie, he de∣stroied it. Wherevpon, the foresaid Hugh shortlie af∣ter was at peace with the king, and surrendred to him the two castels of Wigmore and Bridgenorth, [line 10] which hitherto he had holden. Moreouer, whereas there was variance kindled betwixt the king, and Roger Fitz Miles of Glocester (who was earle of Hereford) for the lands of Glocester,* that variance was also quenched: for after the same Roger was dead, his brother Walter succeeding him in the earl∣dome of Hereford, was constreined to depart with the citie of Glocester, which the king held and retei∣ned in his owne hands.

In the second yeare of his reigne, king Henrie [line 20] went to Yorke,* and in that countrie tooke into his hands diuers castels which had béene long in possessi∣on of priuate men; namelie, the castell of Scarbor∣rough, which William earle of Albemarle held, and now was constreined to resigne it vp, full sore a∣gainst his will. This yeare William the kings el∣dest sonne departed this life, and was buried at Rea∣ding. The realme of England was brought on all sides into verie good quiet; but yer long, word came to K. Henrie,* that his brother Geffrey had begun a [line 30] rebellion on the other side of the sea. For their father Geffrey (when he died) left thrée sonnes behind him, Henrie, Geffrey, and William, ordeining by his te∣stament, when Henrie should haue gotten possession of England and Normandie, that then the countrie of Aniou should remaine vnto Geffrey, and in the meane time, he to haue these three townes, Chinon, Lodun, and Mirabell, to mainteine his estate; and when the time came that the whole heritage should fall vnto him, he ight by possession of these thrée [line 40] haue a readier meane to come by all the rest. Fur∣thermore, fearing least his eldest sonne Henrie (who as then was absent) would not consent to the perfor∣mance of this his will,* he caused certeine bishops and other of the Nobles to sweare, that they should not suffer his bodie to be committed to buriall, till his sonnes had sworne to fulfill his last will and te∣stament in all other things, but especiallie in this be∣halfe, wherin he iudged not amisse. For though Hen∣rie was loth to take his oth, yet bicause his fathers [line 50] bodie should not remaine vnburied, he was conten∣ted to sweare.

But after he had obteined the kingdome of Eng∣land, his couetous desire, increasing still with abun∣dance alreadie obteined, found meanes to procure of pope Adrian the fourth (who was an Englishmn borne) a dispensation for that oth:* wherevpon (hauing got licence to depart from the office both of right, law and equitie) neglecting his fathers ordinance, he passed ouer into Normandie, and making war a∣gainst [line 60] his brother the said Geffrey, easilie expelled him out of those places, which were assigned him by bequest in his fathers testament, and so tooke the earledome of Aniou into his owne possession. How∣beit, he gaue vnto his said brother a pension of a thousand pounds English, & two thousand pounds of the monie of Aniou, with the towne of Lodun, and certeine other lands to liue vpon; who neuerthelesse thinking himselfe euill vsed at the kings hands, re∣belled and died.

¶ Here we haue to note the lacke of conscience and religion, not onlie in the pretended successor of Peter in giuing a dispensasion for an oth, but also in his good ghostlie sonne, who was no lesse forward in reuolting from his oth, than the other was willing to acquite him from the force thereof. But if these men had beene profiting scholers in the vniuersitie of the pagans, as they were arrand truants and ranke dullards in the schoole of christians, they might haue learned by profane examples, that as oths are not to be rashlie taken, so they are not to be vnaduisedlie broken. Herevnto alludeth Aristotle in his Meta∣physikes, shewing the cause why poetrie hath feig∣ned that the gods in old time vsed to sweare by wa∣ter, as Iupiter is reported to haue doone in this manner;

—per flumina iuro
Infera sub terra Stygio labentia luco.*

To signifie vnto vs, that as water is a verie anci∣ent and excellent element, and so necessarie that with∣out it the life of man cannot consist; euen so we ought to estéeme of an oth, than the which we should thinke nothing more religious, nothing more holie, nothing more christian. Herevnto also tendeth the fable of the transmutation of mariners into dolphins for periurie:* importing thus much for our instructi∣on, that the breaking of an oth, in a case that may pre∣iudice, procureth greeuous punishments from God against them that so lewdlie doo offend. But such is the impudencie of the pope, that he will not grant di∣spensations onlie for oths, but for incest, for treason, and for any other sinne: which he may doo (as he boa∣steth) by vertue of his absolute and vniuersall iuris∣diction: as we haue latelie in most lamentable sort séene exemplified. But to the course of our storie.

Shortlie after, when king Henrie had dispatched his businesse in Normandie, [year 1156] and made an end of troubles there betwixt him and his brother Geffrey, he returned into England,* bicause he receiued ad∣uertisement, that Malcolme king of Scotland be∣gan to make war against his subiects that bordered next vnto him, wherevpon he hasted northwards: and comming first into Cumberland, he tooke the ci∣tie of Carleil, seizing all that counrie into his hands; and going after into Northumberland,* he wan the towne of Newcastell, with the castell of Bamburg, and tooke into his possession all that coun∣trie which his mother the empresse had sometimes granted vnto king Dauid, as before ye haue heard: howbeit, bicause he would not seeme to offer too much wrong, and be esteemed vnmindfull of former bene∣fites receiued, he suffered king Malcolme to enioy the earledome of Huntington,* which king Stephan had giuen vnto his father earle. Henrie, sonne to king Dauid, as before is partlie touched.

William also the earle of Mortaigne,* and War∣ren sonne of king Stephan, were compelled to sur∣render to king Henrie, the castell of Pemsey, the ci∣tie of Norwich, and other townes and castels which he held, apperteining to the demeane of the crowne: to whom the king in recompense restored those lands which his father king Stephan held in the daies of king Henrie the first.

About this time Theodorike earle of Flanders (going with his wife vnto Ierusalem) committed his sonne Philip with all his lands,* to the custodie of the king of England.* Hugh Bigot also resigned his castels into the kings hands.

But whilest king Henrie was about (as before ye haue heard) to recouer and get backe the portions of his kingdome made away and dismembred by his predecessors,* he was informed that the Welshmen raised a rebellion against him; to represse whose at∣tempts, he hasted foorth with all diligence. Now at his first approch to their countrie,* his souldiers being set vpon in the straits, were verie fiercelie put back by the enimies, in somuch that a rumor ran how king Henrie was slaine, which puffed vp the Welsh∣men Page  67 with no small hope, and dawnted the English∣men with great feare. In déed, diuerse of the Eng∣lish nobilitie were slaine, and (amongst others) Eu∣stace Fitz Iohn, and Robert de Curcy, men of great honor and reputation.*

Those which escaped in returning backe, not know∣ing that the king passed through the straits without danger, declared to their fellowes that followed and were approching to the said straits, that (so farre as they knew) the king and all the residue were lost. These newes so discomforted the companies, that [line 10] Henrie of Essex, which bare the kings standard by right of inheritance,* threw downe the same, and fled: which dishonorable déed was afterward laid to his charge by one Robert de Mountfort, with whom (by order taken of the king) he fought a combat in triall of the quarrell, and was ouercome: but yet the king qualifieng the rigor of the iudgement by mercie par∣doned his life, and appointed him to be a shorne moonke, and put into the abbey of Reading, taking [line 20] his lands and possessions into his hands as forfeited: howbeit this combat was not tried till about the 9. yeare of this kings reigne.

Now the king, hearing that his armie was dis∣comfited, came to his men, and shewing himselfe to them with open visage, greatlie reuiued the whole multitude, and then procéeding against the enimies, his people were afterwards more warie in looking to themselues, insomuch that at length (when the K. prepared to inuade the Welshmen both by water & [line 30] land) they sought to him for peace,* and wholie submit∣ted themselues vnto his grace and mercie.

About the same time, king Henrie builded the ca∣stell of Rutland, the castell of Basingwerke, and one house also of Templers. In the moneth of Septem∣ber also this yeare, the kings third sonne was borne at Oxenford, & named Richard. This yeare was Tho∣mas Becket preferred to be the kings Chancellor. The king holding his Christmas at Worcester in great royaltie, [year 1158] sat in the church at seruice, with his [line 40] crowne on his head,* as the kings vsed in those daies to doo on solemne feasts: but as soone as masse was ended, he tooke his crowne from his head, and set it downe vpon the altar in signe of humblenes, so that he neuer after passed for the wearing of a crowne. The same yeare also the king altered his coine, abro∣gating certeine peeces called basels.

In the moneth of August he went ouer into Nor∣mandie, and came to an enteruiew with the French king neere to the riuer of Eata, where they intreated [line 50] of a league, and of a marriage, which was after a∣gréed vpon,* betwixt Henrie the sonne of king Hen∣rie; and the ladie Margaret, daughter to the French king: at which time Thomas Becket (then being the kings chancellor) was sent to Paris in great araie to fetch hir: who among other furnitures had nine long charrets (as Matthew Paris writeth.) Now when this ladie was deliuered to Thomas Becket the lord chancellor, and brought from Paris, she was appointed from thencefoorth to remaine in the house [line 60] of Robert de Newburge, a Noble man of great ho∣nor, vntill such time as the mariage should be solem∣nized.

After the two kings were departed in sunder, K. Henrie prepared an armie against Conan duke of Britaine, who had seized the citie of Naunts into his hands, after the decease of Geffrey the kings brother, who was earle of Naunts. At length, the same Co∣nan perceiuing himselfe not able to resist the king of England, vpon the daie of the feast of saint Micha∣el the archangell came to king Henrie, and surren∣dred the citie of Naunts into his hands, with all the whole countrie therevnto belonging. Soone after which resignation, and vpon the 24. of August, Gef∣frey the kings fourth sonne was borne of his wife queene Elianor.*

In December following, Theobald earle of Blois was accorded with king Henrie, to deliuer to him two of his castels. Likewise Petroke earle of Perch surrendred two castels vnto king Henrie,* which he had vsurped of the demeanes of Normandie in the daies of king Stephan: one of which castels the king gaue him againe, receiuing homage of him for the same.

Moreouer king Henrie and Raimond earle of Barzelone met togither at Blaime,* where they con∣cluded a league by waie of allegiance, so that Ri∣chard the sonne of king Henrie should take to wife the daughter of the said Raimond in time conueni∣ent▪ and that the king of England should giue vnto the said Richard the duchie of Aquitane, & the coun∣tie of Poictow. This earle Raimond had married the daughter and heire of the king of Aragon.

In the meane time, a secret grudge that had long depended betwéene king Henrie and king Lewes of France did still continue, and though there was a friendship agreed betweene them (as ye haue heard) to haue extinguished the same;* yet was it but a fai∣ned friendship: for vpon euerie new occasion they were readie to breake againe, as it came to passe shortlie after.

William duke of Aquitane, grandfather to queene Elianor, married the daughter and heire of the earle of Tholouze, and going vnto the warres of the holie land, he engaged that earledome vnto Raimond the earle of saint Giles, and died before he could returne.* His sonne William, father to quéene Elianor, suf∣fered his earledome to remaine still vnredéemed, ei∣ther for want of sufficiencie, or through negligence and carelesnesse: so that the earle of saint Giles kée∣ping possession thereof vnto his dieng daie, left it to his sonne Raimond, who inioyed it likewise. Now when king Lewes (hauing married the foresaid E∣lianor) demanded restitution as in the right of his wife, earle Raimond flatlie at the first denied to re∣store it, but after considering his lacke of power to resist the kings puissance, he plied the K. with hum∣ble petitions, and so preuailed by faire words, that in the end king Lewes granted him his sister Con∣stance in marriage (which Constance, as ye haue heard, was married before vnto Eustace the sonne of king Stephan) & with hir granted him libertie to reteine the earldome of Tholouze as it were by waie of endowment: whereto the other accorded. How∣beit king Henrie hauing maried the foresaid quéene Elianor,* after the diuorse had betwixt hir and king Lewes,* made claime to the said countie of Tho∣louze in the right of his wife. Herevpon earle Rai∣mond, trusting now to the aid of his brother in law king Lewes, denied to restore it; so that king Hen∣rie determined to recouer it by force, and entring by and by into Gascoine with an armie, he drew to∣wards the countrie of Tholouze, & began to inuade the same with great force and courage.

Diuers great lords of those parties ioyned with king Henrie in his war which he attempted against the earle of saint Giles, as the earle of Barzelone,* and the lord William Trencheuile, a man of great power in those quarters,* hauing vnder his rule ma∣nie cities, castels and townes, notwithstanding that he had of late lost many of them by violence of the foresaid earle of Tholouze, but now by the aide of king Henrie he recouered them all. Malcolme also king of Scotland came vnto king Henrie,* whilest he was foorth in this iournie, to associate him in this businesse.

The earle hearing of king Henries comming with an armie, was put in great feare, and therevp∣on Page  68 wrote letters to his brother in law king Lewes, requiring him with all spéed possible to come vnto his aid. King Lewes vpon receipt of the letters, & vn∣derstanding the present danger of the earle, made such hast in continuing his iournie both daie and night, that he came to Tholouze, before king Henrie could arriue there. Which when king Henrie vnder∣stood, and perceiued how he was preuented, he chan∣ged his purpose of besieging the citie, and fell to spoi∣ling of the countrie thereabouts: at which time he [line 10] recouered certaine places that latele before had re∣uolted from his gouernment, & (amogst the rest) the citie of Cahors,* which he furnished with men, 〈◊〉 on and vittels, appointing his chancellor Thomas Becket to the custodie and keeping thereof: he for••∣fied other places also which he had gotten, placing capteines and men of warre to looke vnto the de∣fense of the same. Whilest the king was thus abrode on his iournie in the parties of Aquitaine,* William earle of Bullongne and Mortaine the sonne of king [line 20] Stephan, and Hannon earle of Glocester departed this life, which two earles went thither with him.

Finallie, when he had set things at a staie in those parties, he returned towards Normandie, and com∣ming to the citie of Toures, he gaue the order of knighthood vnto Malcolme king of Scotland, and so in the moneth of October he came backe into Nor∣mandie, and there augmenting his armie with new supplies,* entred into the countie of Beauoisin, bur∣ned manie villages in the same, and destroied the strong castell of Gerberie, except one turret, which [line 30] his souldiers could not take, by reason of the fire and smoke which staied and kept them from it. Moreouer, Simon earle of Auranches deliuered vnto king Henrie such fortresses as he held in France, as Roch∣fort, Montfort, and such like, which was no small dis∣commoditie and inconuenience to the French king, bicause the garisons placed in those fortresses im∣peached the passage betwixt Paris and Orleance. But shortlie after, a truce was taken to last from the moneth of December,* vnto the feast of the holie [line 40] Trinitie in the yeare next following.

In the moneth of Maie also insuing, a peace was concluded vpon the former articles and conditions: [year 1160] for further confirmation whereof,* the mariage was solemnized betwixt Henrie the kings sonne being seuen yeares of age, and the ladie Margaret daugh∣ter to the French king, being not past three yeares old:* as writers doo report. The marriage was cele∣brated at Newborough on the second daie of No∣uember,* [line 50] by the authoritie of two legats of the apo∣stolike sée, Henrie bishop of Pisa, and William bi∣shop of Pauia, both preests and cardinals.

About the same time came certeine Dutchmen of the sort called Ualdoies ouer into this realme,* to the number of thirtie or more, who held opinions in reli∣gion contrarie to the faith of the Romane church, for (as one author affirmeth) they which first spred the o∣pinions which these men held, came from Gascoigne, and preuailed so greatlie in setting foorth their do∣ctrine, [line 60] that they mightilie increased through the large regions of Spaine, France, Italie, and Germanie: simple men (God wote) they were for the most part, as is written of them, and of no quicke capacitie. Howbeit, those which at this time came ouer into England, were indifferentlie well learned, and their principall or ringleader was named Gerard. Now also was a councell assembled at Oxford,* whereat these dogmatists were examined vpon certeine points of their profession. The forsaid Gerard vnder∣taking to answere for them all, protested that they were good christians,* and had the doctrine of the apo∣stles in all reuerence. Moreouer, being examined what they thought of the substance of the godhead and the merits of 〈◊〉, they answered rightlie, and to the point▪* but being further examined vpon o∣ther articles of the religion then receiued, then swar∣ed from the church, and 〈◊〉, in the vse of the di∣uine sacraments, derogating such grace 〈◊〉 the same, as the church by hir authoritie had then ascri∣bed thereto. To conclude, they would in no wise re∣nounce their opinions▪* in somuch that they were condemned, burned in the fo••head with an hot iron, and in the cold season of winter •••ipped naked from the girdle 〈◊〉 vpward▪ and so whipped out of the towne; with proclamation 〈◊〉 that o man should be so hardi as to 〈◊〉 them into any house 〈◊〉 haue them with meat, drinke▪ 〈◊〉 any other kind of meanes:* wherevpon it fell out in fine that they were starued to dea•• through cold and hunger: howbeit in this their affliction the séemed to reioise▪ in that they suffered for Gods c••se▪ as they made account.

The same yeare, Mattew sonne to the earle of Flanders married the ladie Marie the abbesse of Ramsie, daughter to king Stephan,* and with hir had the countie of Bullongne. About this mariage grew the first falling out betwixt the king and his chancel∣lor Thomas Becket (as some haue written) but none more than the said Matthew was offended with the said chancellor,* bicause he was so sore against the said contract.

King Henrie, shortlie after the marriage was consummate betwixt his sonne & the French kings daughter, got into his hands the castell of Gisors, [year 1161] with two other castels▪ situate vpon the riuer of Ea∣ta in the confnes of Normandie and France. For it was accorded betwixt the two kings, that when the marriage should be finished, king Henrie should haue those thrée castels, bicause they apperteined to Normandie; in the meane time, the same castels were deliuered into the hands of Robert de Poi∣ron, Tostes de Saint Omer, and Robert Hastings,* thrée knights templers, who vpon the consumma∣tion of the marriages before said, and according to the trust committed to them, surrendred the pos∣session of the said castels into the hands of king Henrie.

But the French king was not a little moued, for that king Henrie had seized vpon them without his licence, in so much that he raised a power of armed men, and sent them into Normandie, where they had one cruell conflict aboue the rest with the Normans, till the night parted them in sunder,* by meane where∣of the Frenchmen withdrew to Chaumount, and the Romans to Gisors. The next daie, as the French∣men came foorth againe, purposing to haue won Gi∣sors, they were beaten backe by the Normans, who issued out of the towne to skirmish with them. Thus was the warre renewed betwixt these two princes;* and by setting on of Theobald earle of Blois, the matter grew to that point, that the English and French powers comming foorthwith into the field, and marching one against an other, they approched so neere togither, that battell was presentlie looked for, first in Ueulgessine, and after in the territorie of Dune; but yet in the end such order was taken be∣twixt them, that their armies brake vp.

The three Templers also ran in displeasure of the French king,* for the deliuerie of the castels before they knew his mind, so that he banished them the realme of France for euermore: but king Henrie receiued them, and gaue them honorable enterteine∣ment. Some write that there were but two castels, Gisors and Meall, which were thus put into their hands, and by them deliuered as before is menti∣oned.*

About this time Theobald archbishop of Cantur∣burie departed this life, after he had gouerned that Page  69 sée the space of 22. yeares, who at his going to Rome, and receipt of the pall of pope Innocent the second, was also created legat of the see apostolike, which of∣fice he exercised so diligentlie, and so much to the auaile of the church,* that the dignitie of legatship re∣mained euer after to the archbishop of Canturburie by a speciall decrée, so that they were intituled Legati nati, that is to say Legats borne (as mine author dooth report.) This Theobald greatlie fauoured Thomas Becket. [line 10]

This Becket was borne in London, his father hight Gilbert, but his mother was a Syrian borne, and by religion a Saracen: howbeit (no regard had of his parents) he grew so highlie in fauour with the king,* and might doo so much in England, that he see∣med to reigne as if he had beene associat with him al∣so in the kingdome, and being Lord chancellor, the king sent him ouer into England (Richard Lucie be∣ing in his companie) with sundrie letters in his fa∣uour, thereby to procure his election to that sée: which [line 20] was brought to passe according to the kings desire at Westminster. Afterward he was ordeined at Canturburie on saturdaie in Whitsunwéeke,* by Henrie bishop of Winchester (although there be that write how Walter bishop of Rochester did conse∣crate him) which consecration was in the 44. yeare of his age, [year 1162] * and in the fift yere after his first aduance∣ment to the office of Lord chancellor, so that he was the eight and thirtith archbishop which gouerned in that see. [line 30]

Toward the end of the same yeare, Henrie the kings sonne receiued homage of the barons, first in Normandie, and after in England. In the yeare en∣suing,* the king his father committed him to archbi∣shop Becket, that he might sée him brought vp and trained in maners and courtlie behauiour, as apper∣teined to his estate: wherevpon the archbishop in iest called him his sonne.

*This yeare Quéene Elianor was brought to bed at Rohan of a daughter named Elianor.

In like maner the kings of England and France [line 40] receiued pope Alexander the third at Cocie vpon Loire with all honor and reuerence,** insomuch that they attended vpon his stirrup on foot like pages or lackies, the one vpon his right side, and the other on his left.

¶Note here the intollerable pride of this antichri∣stian pope in assuming, and the basemindednesse of these two kings in ascribing vnto that man of sinne such dignitie as is vtterlie vnfit for his indignitie. [line 50] But what will this monster of men, this Stupor mun∣di, this Diaboli primogenitus & haeres not arrogate for his owne aduancement; like yuie climing aloft, & choking the trée by whose helpe it créepeth vp from the root to the top. But the end of this seauen horned beast so extolling and lifting it selfe vp to heauen, is

— Erebo miserè claudetur in imo
Atque illic miris cruciatibus afficietur.

*In Ianuarie ensuing, the king returned into England, and the same yeare the king of Scots did [line 60] homage vnto Henrie the yonger, and deliuered his yonger brother Dauid to the king his father, with di∣uerse other the sonnes of his lords and barons in pledge, for assurance of a perpetuall peace to be kept betweene them, with some such castels as he re∣quired.

In the meane time archbishop Thomas went to the councell holden by pope Alexander at Tours in the Octaues of Pentecost,* where he resigned his bi∣shoprike into the popes hands (as the ame went) be∣ing troubled in conscience for that he had receiued it by the kings preferment. The pope allowing his purpose, committed the same pastorlike dignitie to him againe by his ecclesiasticall power, whereby the archbishop was eased verie well of his greefe, and shortlie after his returne from his councell, seemed desirous to reduce & cause to be restored such rights as he pretended to belong vnto the church of Can∣turburie, whereby he ran into the displeasure of ma∣nie, and namelie of the mightiest.

Moreouer he required of the king the kéeping of Rochester castell, & the custodie of the tower of Lon∣don. He alledged also that Saltwood & Hith belong∣ed peculiarlie to the seigniorie of his see.* He called Roger earle of Clare vnto Westminster, to doo his homage vnto him for the castell of Tunbridge▪ but the earle denied it through the setting on of the king,* alledging all the fee thereof to apperteine rather to the king than to the archbishop. Thus was the archbi∣shop troubled, and he grew dailie more and more out of the kings fauour. For yee must vnderstand, that this was not the first nor the second, but the eight time that the king had shewed tokens of his displea∣sure against him.

After this, vpon the first day of Iulie, Rice prince of Southwales,* with diuerse other lords and nobles of Wales, did homage both to the king and to his sonne Henrie at Woodstocke. Hamline the kings bastard brother married the countesse of Warren, the widow of William earle of Mortaigne bastard sonne to king Stephan.* This countesse was the sole daughter and heire of William the third earle of Warren, [year 1164] which went with Lewes king of France into the holie land, and there died. Soone after,* the Welshmen rebelling with their prince Rice and his vncle Owen, did many mischéefes on the marshes: and by the death of Walter Gifford earle of Buc∣kingham (who deceased this yeare without heire) that earledome came to the kings hands.

On the 20. daie of September were three circles seene to compasse the sun,* and so continued the space of thrée houres togither: which when they vanished a∣waie, two sunnes appeared and sprang foorth after a maruellous maner. Which strange sight the com∣mon people imagined to be a signe or token of the controuersie then kindling betwixt the king and the archbishop.

About this time the king called a parlement at Westminster, to treat of matters concerning the commonwealth,* wherein great discord arose betwixt the king & archbishop Becket, about certeine points touching the liberties of the church. For the king ha∣uing an earnest zeale vnto iustice, and commanding the iudges to punish offenders without respect, vn∣derstood by their information, that manie things by them of the spiritualtie (against whome their authori∣tie might not be extended) were committed contra∣rie to common order: as theft, rapine, murther, and manslaughter; in so much that in his presence it was made notorious, that sith the beginning of his reigne, aboue an hundred manslaughters had béene committed within his realme of England by préests and men of religious orders. Herevpon being moo∣ued in mind,* he set forth lawes against the spiritual∣tie, wherein he shewed his zeale of iustice. For as the cause procéeded from the bishops of that age, so did the fault also, sith contrarie to their owne canons they permitted préests to liue ouer licentiouslie with∣out due correction, studieng onelie to mainteine the liberties and immunities of the church,* and not to re∣forme the irregularitie of the regulars.* Of this crew was one Philip de Broc, a canon of Bedford, who being arreigned before the kings iusticer for a mur∣ther, vttered disdainefull words against the same i∣sticer: which when he could not denie before the arch∣bishop, he was depriued of his prebend, and banished the land for two yeares space.

These things troubled the king, who therefore ha∣uing Page  70 alreadie set down such 〈◊〉 as should bridle the spiritualtie from their wicked dooings, thought that if he might get them confirmed in parlement by consent of the bishops and clergie▪ 〈◊〉 the same should take place and be receiued for 〈◊〉. Where∣fore he earnestlie required at this parlement,*ha it might be enacted against all such of the spirital∣tie, as should be taken and conuicted for 〈…〉 offense, they should loose he priuiledge of the church, and be deliuered vnto the ciuill magistrate, 〈◊〉 [line 10] should see them uffer execution for teir 〈◊〉, in like maner as he might any of the kings 〈◊〉 being laie men. For otherwise the 〈…〉, that they would boldlie presume 〈…〉, if after ecclesiasticall discipline, no secu∣lar 〈◊〉 should follow. And liklie it was hat they would passe but little for their disgrading and lo••e of their order, who in contempt of their calling would not absteine from committing most mischie∣uous abhominations and hainous 〈◊〉. [line 20]

Unto these reasons thus propoed by the king (to 〈◊〉 his purpose take effect) the archbishop and his 〈…〉 the rest of the bishops, answered verie pithilie, labouring to proue that it was more a∣gainst the liberties of the church, than that they might with reason well allow. Wherevpon the king being moued exceedinglie against them, demanded whether they would obserue his roiall lawes and cu∣stomes, which the archbishops and bishops in the time of his grandfather did hold and obie or not? Where∣vnto [line 30] they made answere, that they would obserue them,*Salu ord••• suo, Their order in all things saued. But the king being highlie offended with such excep∣tions▪ vrged the matter so, that he would haue them to take their oth absolutely, & without all exceptions, but they would none of that. At length he departed from London in verie great displeasure with the bi∣shops,* hauing first taken from the archbishop Tho∣mas all the offices and dignities which he enioied since his first being created chancellor.

Howbeit, after this, manie of the bishops séeing [line 40] whervnto this broile would grow, began to shrinke from the archbishop, and inclined to the king. But the archbishop stod stiflie in his opinion, and would not bend at all, till at length not onelie his suffra∣gans the bishops, but also the bishop of Liseur (who came ouer to doo some good in the matter) and the ab∣bat of Elemosina (who was sent from the pope) per∣suaded him to agree to the kings will,* in so much that being ouercome at last with the earnest suit of [line 50] his freends, he came first to Woodstocke, and there promised the king to obserue his lawes, Bona fide, Faithfullie,* and without all collusion or deceit.

Shortlie after, in the feast of S. Hilarie, a councell was holden at Clarendon, whereto the archbishop, and in manner all the lords spirituall and temporall of the land made their repaire. Here the archbishop would haue willinglie started from his promise, if first the bishops, and after the earles of Leicester and Cornewall,* Robert and Reignald (which Reignald was vncle to the king) and lastlie two knights tem∣plers, [line 60] had not moued him to yéeld to the kings will. But (among the rest) these two knights, namelie Ri∣chard de Hastings, and Hostes de Boloigne were verie earnest with him, & at length preuailed, though not for conscience of dutie, wherewith he should haue beene touched; yet with feare of danger, which (by re∣fusing to satisfie the kings will) he should haue brought not onelie vpon himselfe, but also vpon the the other bishops there present.

These knights séemed to lament his case, as if al∣readie they had séene naked swords shaken about his eares. And indeed, certeine of the kings seruants that attended vpon his person after the manner of a 〈…〉Saluo ordine meo,* Mine order saued, which he had vsed before. The like 〈◊〉 did all the bishops sake. But the archbishop refused at that 〈◊〉 to sele to the •••∣ting that conteined the articles of the oth which he should haue obserued, requiring as it were 〈◊〉 to consider of them, sith in so weightie a master no∣thing ought to be done without good and deliberate aduice, wherefore he tooke wih him a copie thereof, and so did the archbishopof Yorke an other, and the third remained with the king.

Shorlie after, the archbishop considering further of this oth which he had taken,* repente himselfe greeuouslie therof, in so much that he 〈◊〉 from 〈…〉 masse, till he had by confession and fruits of penance (as saith Matth. Paris) obteined 〈◊〉 of the pope. For addressing and sending out mes∣sengers with all spéed vnto the pope, with a certifi∣cat of the whole matter as it laie, he required to be assiled of the bond which he had vnaduisedlie entred into. This suit was soone granted, in so much that the pope directed his especiall letters vnto him, con∣teining the same absolution in verie ample and large manner, as Matth. Paris dooth report it. And thus began a new broile.

The archbishop in the meane time, perceiuing that the liberties of the church were now not onelie em∣bezelled, but in maner extingu••hed, and being losh to make any further attempt against his former dea∣lings, would now (without the kings knowledge) haue departed the realme, wherevpon comming to Romnie, he tooke shipping, to haue passed ouer into France, and so to haue gone to the popes court.* But by a contrarie wind he was brought backe into England, and thereby fell further into the kings dis∣pleasure than before, in so much that, whereas an ac∣tion was commensed against him of late for a ma∣nor, which the archbishops of Canturburie had of long time held: now the matter was so vsed, that the archbishop lost the manr, and was moreuer con∣demned to paie the ar••rages, and thus his troubles increased euen through his owne malapernesse and brainesicknesse; whereas all these tumults ight haue béene composed and laid asléepe, if he had béene wise, peaceable, patient, and obedient. For,

Vir bnus & sapiens quaerit super omnia pacem,
Vidque minra pati, metuens grauiora,*〈◊〉
Ne parus ex igni seelerata incendi surgnt.

In the end,* the archbishop was cited to appeere be∣fore the king at Northampton, where the king vsed him somewhat roughlie, placing his horsses at his Inne, and laid disobedience to his charge, for that he did not personallie appeare at a certeine place before his highnesse,* vpon summons giuen vnto him for the same purpose. Wherevnto though the archbishop alledged that he had sent thither a sufficient deputie to make answere for him;* yet could he not be so ex∣cused, but was found giltie, and his goods cofiscat to the kings pleasure.

Now when the archbishop heard that sentence was in such wise pronounced against him;

What maner of iudgement (saith he) is this? Though I hold my peace, yet the age that shall hereafter follow, will not hide it in silence; for sithens the world began, it hath not beene heard, that any archbishop of Canturburie hath béene iudged in any of the king of Englands Page  71 courts for any maner of cause; partlie in regard of the dignitie and authoritie of his office, and partlie bicause he is spirituallie the father of the king and all his people. This is therefore a new forme and or∣der of iudgement, that the archbishop should be iud∣ged by his suffragans, or the father by his sons.

The next daie the king required of him the repai∣ment of fiue hundred marks, which he had lent him when he was chancellor. Now although he affirmed that he receiued the same by waie of gift, and not by waie of lone;* yet bicause he confessed the receit, he [line 10] was condemned in that debt, forsomuch as he could not prooue the title of the gift.

*On the morrow after, the archbishop with his fe∣low bishops being set in councell, by commande∣ment of the king (& the doores fast locked that they should not get out) this was proponed against the archbishop, that whereas he held certeine bishops sées as then vacant, with abbeies, and other reuenues of his souereigne lord the king in his hands, and had made none account to him for the same of long [line 20] time;* the king required now to be answered at his hands, and that with all spéed, for he would haue no delaie. The summe amounted to thirtie thousand markes.

When the archbishop had heard the variable sen∣tences of the bishops in this case, he answered after this manner:

I would (said he) speake with two earles which are about the king, and named them. Who be∣ing called, and the doores set open, he said vnto them; [line 30] We haue not héere at this present to shew whereby the thing may be more manifest: therefore we aske respit for answer till to morrow.
The councell there∣fore brake vp, and the multitude of people, which came with the archbishop thither, being afraid of the kings displeasure, fell from him. Wherefore he caused his seruants to fetch a great number of poore and impo∣tent people to his lodging, saieng that by the seruice of such men of warre, a more speedie victorie in short space might be gotten, than by them which in time of temptation shamefullie drew backe. Herevpon his [line 40] house was filled full, and the tables set with such as his seruants had brought in, out of the lanes and streats abroad.

Upon the tuesdaie, the bishops all amazed and full of care, came vnto him; and bicause of the displea∣sure which the king had conceiued against him, coun∣selled him to submit himselfe to the kings will, or else in fine,* they told him plainelie, that he would be iud∣ged a periured person; bicause he had sworne vnto the king as to his earthlie souereigne, touching all [line 50] temporall honor in life, lim, and member; and name∣lie to obserue all his roiall lawes and customes, which of late he had established.

*Wherevnto he answered:

My brethren, ye see how the world roreth against me, and the enimie riseth vp, but I more lament that the sonnes of my mother fight against me. If I should hold my peace, yet would the world come to declare how ye leaue me alone in the battell, and haue iudged against me [line 60] now these two daies past, I being your father, though neuer so much a sinner. But I command you by vertue of your obedience, and vpon perill of your order, that you be not present in any place of iudge∣ment, where my person may fortune to be adiudged: in testimonie whereof I appeale to our mother the church of Rome.* Furthermore, if it chance that tem∣porall men laie their hands vpon me, I charge you likewise by vertue of your obedience, that ye exer∣cise the censures of the church in the behalfe of your father the archbishop as it becommeth you. This one thing know ye well, that the world roreth, the flesh trembleth and is weake, but I (by Gods grace) will not shrinke, nor leaue the flocke committed vn∣to me.

After this he entred into the church, and celebrated the masse of saint Stephan (otherwise than he was accustomed to doo) with his pall: which being ended, he put on his sacrificing vestures,* with a cope vpon them all, and so went to the court. Furthermore, bi∣cause he was afraid, he receiued the sacrament se∣cretlie with him, and bearing the crosse in his right hand, and the reine of his bridell in his left, he came in that order to the court, where he alighted, and entred the place, still bearing the crosse himselfe, till he came to the kings chamber doore, the other bishops follow∣ing him with great feare and trembling. Now being come thither, the bishop of Hereford would gladlie haue taken the crosse, and haue borne it before him, but he would not suffer him, saieng:

It is most rea∣son that I should beare it my selfe, vnder the defense whereof I may remaine in safetie: and beholding this ensigne, I néed not doubt vnder what prince I serue.

At length, when the king had exhibited great com∣plaints vnto them all generallie against him,* they cried that he was a traitor, sith he had receiued so manie benefits at the kings hands, and now refused to doo him all earthlie honor as he had sworne to doo. To be short, when the bishops came to sit vpon the matter in councell, they appealed to the sée of Rome against the archbishop, accusing him of periurie: and in the word of truth bound themselues by promise, to doo what they might to depose him, if the king would pardon them of that iudgement which now hanged ouer the archbishops head. Then comming to the archbishop they said:

Thou wast sometime our arch∣bishop, and we were bound to obeie thée: but sith thou hast sworne fealtie to the king, that is, life, member, and earthlie honour, & to obserue his lawes and customes, and now goest about to destroie the same, we say that thou art guiltie of periurie,* and we will not from hencefoorth obey a periured archbishop. Therefore we cite thée by appellation to appeare be∣fore the pope, there to answer thine accusors. Then they appointed him a day, in which they ment to pro∣secute their appeale. I heare you well (said the arch∣bishop.)

The princes and péeres of the realme did also iudge him a periured person and a traitour. Among whome (manie then being present) the earle of Lei∣cester accompanied with Reignald earle of Corne∣wall, came vnto him and said;

The king comman∣ded thée to come and render an accompt of that which is obiected against thée, or else heare thy iudgement. Iudgement? said the archbishop, [and therewith ri∣sing vp said,] Naie sonne earle, first heare thou: It is not vnknowne to thée how faithfull I haue béene to the king, in consideration whereof he aduanced me to the archbishops see against my will (as God can be my iudge:) for I knew mine owne infirmitie, and I was contented to take it vpon me rather for his pleasure, than for Gods cause, and therfore dooth God both withdraw himselfe and the king from me. In the time of mine election he made me frée, and dis∣charged me of all courtlie bondage. Wherefore as touching those things from which I am frée and de∣liuered, I am not bound to answer, neither will I. So much as the soule is more worth than the bodie, so much the more art thou bound to obeie God and me, rather than any earthlie creature. Neither will law nor reason permit, that the sonnes should iudge or condemne the father: and therefore I refuse to stand to the iudgement either of the king, or of any other, and appeale to the pope, by whome (vnder God) I ought to be iudged, referring all that I haue vnto Gods protection and his, and vnder the defense of his authoritie I depart out of this place.
Hauing thus Page  72 spoken, went incontinent to fake horsse.

Now as he passed on his waie, the kings seruants and others of the court did cast out manie reproch∣full words against him, calling him traitor and false forsworne caitife.* At which words turning himselfe, and looking backe with a sterne countenance he said; That if it were not for his order of priesthood, and that it were lawfull for him, he would suerlie cléere himselfe of periurie and treason, in defending and mainteining his cause against them with wea∣pon in hand. [line 10]

When he was come to the vtter gate, he found the same fast locked, whereat they began all to be ama∣zed: but one of his seruants espieng where a bunch of keies tied to a clubs end were hanging on a pin, he tooke them down, & tried which was the right key, by proofe whereof he found it at the last, opened the gate, and let the archbishop out, the porters standing still as men amazed, and speaking not one word a∣gainst it.

Now when he was got out, a great number of [line 20] poore, weake and impotent people met him, saieng:

Blessed be God, which hath deliuered his seruant from the face of his enimie.
Thus with a great rout or companie, and with the clergie, he was honorablie conueied to the abbeie of S. Andrews: and looking behind and before him, as he passed thitherward, he said vnto those that went with him;
How glorious a procession dooth bring me from the face of the eni∣mie? Suffer all the poore people to come into the place, that we may make merie togither in the Lord.
[line 30] Hauing thus spoken the people had entrance, so that all the hall, parlours, and chambers being furnished with tables and stooles, they were conuenientlie pla∣ced, and serued with vittls to the full.

The verie same night before the cockcrowing he issued foorth by a little posterne gate,* and taking with him onelie two moonks of the Cisteaur order, the one named Robert Canne, and the other S. Cap∣man, with one of his owne seruants called Roger de Broc, he fled awaie disguised in a white vesture [line 40] and a moonks coule, and changing his name, caused himselfe to be called Dereman, & iourneied still all the night, and by daie laie close in one fréends house or other; till at last he got to Sandwich, and there ta∣king ship, he sailed ouer into Flanders, and so went to France, where at the citie of Sens he found pope Alexander, into whose bosome he emptied whole cart lodes of complaints and greeuances.

The king vpon knowledge that the archbishop was fled the realme,* sent Gilbert Follioth bishop of [line 50] London, and William earle of Arundell in spedie ambassage to the king of France, to signifie vnto him the whole matter and circumstance of the fal∣ling out betwixt him and the archbishop, requiring him not to receiue the archbishop into his realme, but this request was little regarded of the French king, as appeared: for the archbishops cause was fa∣uoured of manie, and the blame imputed to king Henrie, so that the archbishop found great grace with the French king, and no small fauour at the [line 60] hands of the pope.

Now when king Henrie heard that he was accu∣sed by the archbishop vnto the pope, he appointed Ro∣ger archbishop of Yorke,* the foresaid Gilbert bishop of London, Hilarius bishop of Chichester, Roger bi∣shop of Worcester, Bartholomew bishop of Exce∣ster, with diuerse bishops, deanes, archdeacons, & o∣ther learned men of good accompt, to the number of 15. to passe in ambassage vnto the pope, that they might excuse his dooings, and burden the archbishop with the note of rebellion, whereof he had good proofe.

Being admitted to declare their message in the consistorie before the pope,* they opened the whole cir∣cumstance of the matter, from the beginning to the end, declaring that betwixt Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie and the king there was a controuer∣sie moued, and by both their consents a daie appoin∣ted for the hearing and determining thereof, as iu∣stice should require. At the which daie (by the kings commandement) all the chéefest lords of the realme both spirituall and temporall were assembled, to the end that the more generall the méeting should be, the more manifest might the discouerie of the fraud and malice of the archbishop appeere.

At the daie appointed (saie they) there came before the catholike prince his presence, the Nobles of his realme: and amongst other, the archbishop the dis∣quieter both of the kingdome & church, who (as one not well assured of the qualitie of his owne deser∣uings) blessed himselfe with the signe of the crosse at his comming into the court, as though he should haue come before some tyrant or schismaticall per∣son. Notwithstanding all which contemptuous and ambitious behauiour, the kings maiestie was no∣thing offended, but committed the iudgement of his cause to the faithfull order of the bishops, meaning so to deliuer himselfe of all suspicion of wrong dea∣ling. Then it rested in the bishops hands to make an end of the controuersie, and to set a small vnion and agréement betwixt them. But the archbishop would none of that, alleging how it should be a de∣rogation to the sée apostolike and his metropoliticall dignitie, to stand before the king in iudgement, or a∣nie other temporall magistrate. And albeit (saie they) some diminution or eclipse might haue chanced to the dignitie of the church by that iudgement, yet it had beene his part to haue dissembled the matter for the time, to the end that peace might haue béene re∣stored to the church. He further obiected (ascribing to himselfe the name of father, which seemed to sauour somewhat of arrogancie) that the children ought not to come togither to iudge the fathers cause, but it had béene far more necessarie that the humblenesse of the sons should mitigate the pride and temper the ambition of the father.

To conclude, the kings ambassadors made ear∣nest suit, that two legats might be sent from the pope,* to haue the hearing & discussing of all the mat∣ter betwixt the king and the archbishop without any other appealing. But the kings tale could not be heard in that court, the archbishop hauing alreadie persuaded the pope to the contrarie. For comming to the pope, he vttered his complaint as followeth:*

Most holie father, I doo here come for succour to your audience, lamenting that the state of the church, and the liberties hereof are brought to ruine by the couetous dealing of kings and princes. Wher∣fore when I thought to resist the disease approching, I was suddenlie called before the king, to render ac∣compts as a laie man about certeine wards, for whom (while I was the kings chancellor) I had not∣withstanding giuen accounts; and also, when I was made bishop, and entred into the dignitie of ruling the archbishops sée, I was released and discharged of all reckonings and bonds by the kings eldest sonne, and by the cheefe iusticer of the realme: so that now, where I looked to haue found aid, I was destitute thereof, to my great hinderance and vexation. Con∣sider furthermore (I praie you) how my lords and brethren the bishops are readie at the pleasure of the Noble men of the court to giue sentence against me, so that all men being about to run vpon me, I was almost oppressed: and therfore am now come as it were to take breath in the audience of your clemen∣cie, which dooth not forsake your children in their ex∣treme necessitie, before whom I here stand, readie to declare and testifie that I am not to be iudged there, Page  73 nor yet at all by them. For what other thing should that be, but to plucke awaie the right of the church▪ What else then to submit spirituall things to tempo∣rall? This example therefore once sproong vp, might giue an occasion to manie enormities to follow. The bishops doo say, Those things that are Cesars, ought to be restored to Cesar. But admit that in manie things the king is to be obeied, is he therefore to be obeied in things wherein he is no king? For those belong not to Cesar, but to a tyrant▪ Wherein if for [line 10] my sake they would not, yet ought the bishops for their owne sakes to haue resisted him. For what should be the cause of such deadlie and vnnaturall ha∣tred, that to destroie me, they should destroie them∣selues? Therefore whilest for temporall things they neglect spirituall, they faile in both. Weigh then most holie father, my fleeing awaie, and my persecu∣tion, and how for your sake I haue beene prouoked with iniuries, vse your rigour, constraine them to amendement, through whose motion this hath chan∣ced; [line 20] let them not be borne out by the king, who is ra∣ther the obstinate minister, than the finder out of this practise.

The pope hauing heard his words, tooke delibera∣tion in the matter, with the aduice of his cardinals, and therevpon answered the archbishop in effect as followeth:

That the lower power may not iudge the higher,* and chéefelie him whome he is bound to obeie, all the lawes both of God and man doo witnesse, and the ordinances of the ancient fathers doo manifestlie [line 30] declare: Herevpon we (to whome it apperteineth to reforme disorders) doo clearelie reuerse and make void the iudgement pronounced against you by the barons and bishops, whereby as well against the or∣der of law, as against the customes of the church, your goods were adiudged forfeit, whereas the same goods were not yours, but the churches of Canturbu∣rie, ouer which you haue the onelie cure and charge. But if those that haue violentlie entred vpon the pos∣sessions and goods of your church, and haue thereby [line 40] wronged either you or yours, will not vpon admoni∣tion giuen to them, make restitution with sufficient amends, then may you (if you shall thinke conueni∣ent) exercise ecclesiasticall iustice vpon them, and we shall allow of that which you shall reasonablie doo in that behalfe. Howbeit as touching the king himselfe we will not giue you any speciall commandement, neither yet doo we take from you any right belong∣ing to your bishoplike office, which you receiued at your consecration.
But the king onlie we will spare, [line 50] and exempt from your excommunications and cen∣sures. After these and manie by-matters were ouer∣passed,* the archbishop resigned his pall vnto the pope, but the pope gaue it him againe, and appointed him to remaine at Pountney an abbeie of moonks Ci∣steaux in the diocesse of Auxerre, till the variance were brought to some good end betwixt the king and him. This was doone in the yeare of our Lord 1164.

The king hauing knowledge by his ambassadors [line 60] what answer the pope had made, became gréeuouslie offended in his mind, and therevpon confiscated all the goods that belonged to the archbishop and his complices, and seized their reuenues into his hands, appointing one Randall de Broc to haue the custodie of all that belonged to the see,* which Broc was no∣thing fréendlie to the archbishop, being his knowne enimie of old, but fauoured the moonkes, and would not suffer that they should take wrong or displeasure at any hand.

[year 1165] In the yeare 1165. queene Elianor was deliue∣red of a daughter which was named Ioane.* Also on the 26. day of Ianuarie, there chanced a maruellous earthquake in Northfolke, in the Ile of Elie, and in Suffolke, so that men as they stood on the ground were ouerthrowne therewith, and buildings so sha∣ken, that the belles in stéeples knolled: the like had also chanced in the Aduent season then last before passed.

The Welshmen this yeare spoiled a great part of those countries that bordered vpon them:* where∣with the king being sore mooued, leuied an armie with all spéed as well of Englishmen as strangers, and (without regard of difficulties and dangers) did go against the rebels,* and finding them withdrawne into their starting holes (I meane the woods ad strait passages) he compassed the same about in verie forceable maner. The Welshmen perceiuing them∣selues now to be brought into such ieopardie, as that they could not well deuise how to escape the same, consulted what was best to be doone. After consulta∣tion, casting awaie their weapons, they came foorth to the king, asking mercie; which somewhat hardlie they obteined. Few of them were executed in com∣parison of the numbers that offended: but yet the capteines and chéefe authors of this rebellion were so punished, that it was thought they would neuer haue presumed so rashlie to offend him in like sort a∣gaine.* For (as some writers affirme) he did iustice on the sonnes of Rice or Rees, & also on the sonnes and daughters of other noble men that were his compli∣ces verie rigorouslie: causing the eies of the yoong striplings to be pecked out of their heads, and their noses to be cut off or slit: and the eares of the yoong gentlewomen to be stuffed.

But yet I find in other authors, that in this iour∣nie king Henrie did not greatlie preuaile against his enimies, but rather lost manie of his men of warre, both horssemen and footmen: for by his seuere proceeding against them, he rather made them more eger to séeke reuenge, than quieted them in any tu∣mult. They tooke the castell of Cardigan,* and in be∣sieging of Briges, the king was in no small danger of his life: for one of the enimies shooting directlie at him, had persed him through the bodie, if Hubert de Saint Clere conestable of Colchester,* perceiuing the arrow comming, had not thrust himselfe betwixt the king and the same arrow, and so preseruing his maister, receiued the stripe himselfe, whereof he died presentlie after, beséeching the king to be good lord to one onelie daughter which he had, whome the king bestowed in mariage vpon William de Langualée,* togither with hir fathers inheritance, which William begat of hir a sonne that bare both his name and surname. ¶A president of gratitude & thankfulnes is here committed to memorie. And surelie the king could doo no lesse, than some way requite the ventu∣rous courage and hartie zeale of the gentleman, who with the losse of his owne life preserued the king, if not from death, yet from some dangerous wound that might haue put him to extreame anguish and paine. This may incite men to be mindfull of bene∣fits receiued, a vertue no lesse rare than the contra∣rie is common, and as one saith,

—inueniuntur
Quidam sed rari, acceptorum qui meritorum
Assiduè memores, &c.

But to conclude with this iourneie which king Henrie made at this time against the Welshmen,* although by reason of the cumbersome difficulties of the places, he could not enter within the countrie so farre as he wished, yet he so impounded and constrei∣ned them to kéepe within the woods and mountains, that they durst not come abroad, insomuch that at the length they were glad to sue for peace.

William king of Scots,* successor of Malcolme (who departed this life in the yeare last past) after he had receiued the crowne of Scotland, came about Page  74 this present time into England, and finding king Henrie at London, did his homage to him as his predecessour Malcolme had doone before. He made suit also to haue Northumberland restored vnto him, which the king of Englands mother the empresse had in times past giuen vnto king Dauid. But king Henrie gaue diuerse reasons to excuse himselfe whie he might not deliuer that countrie to him at that present, namelie, without consent of a parlement: where vpon king William perceiuing how the ma∣ter went, gaue ouer his suit for that present, meaning [line 10] (when occasion serued) to attempt the getting thereof by force, sith that by praier and suit he sawe well in∣ough he should not obteine it.

Moreouer, the Scottish king being required by king Henrie to go ouer with him into Normandie, granted so to doo; insomuch that king Henrie, hauing set all things in order within his realme of England, in the Lent following passed ouer into Normandie. But before he tooke his iourneie,* he set foorth a decree consisting of these points in effect as followeth. [line 20]

1 That no man should bring any letters or com∣mandement from pope Alexander, or Thomas arch∣bishop of Canturburie into England, conteining an interdiction of the realme: vpon perill to be appre∣hended and punished as a traitour to the king, and an enimie to the realme.

2 That no religious person or préest should be permitted to passe the seas, or to come into the relme of England, except he had letters of safe conduct [line 30] from the iusticers for passage ouer, and of the king for his returne from thence.

*3 That no man should appeale to the said pope or archbishop, nor by their appointment hold any plée: and if any person were found dooing the contrarie herevnto, he should be taken and committed to pri∣son.

4 That if any maner of person, either spirituall or temporall, were obedient to the sentence of the in∣terdiction, the same person should be banished the [line 40] realme without delaie, and all his linage with him, so as they should not conueie with them any of their goods, the which togither with their possessions should be seized into the kings hands.

5 That all spirituall persons, which had any bene∣fices within England, should haue warning giuen to returne into England within foure moneths af∣ter the same summons pronounced, and that if they failed hereof, then should the king seize vpon their goods and possessions. [line 50]

6 That the bishops of London and Norwich, should be (and by vertue hereof were) summoned to appeare before the kings iusticers, to make answer for that they had interdicted the lands of erle Hugh, and excommunicated him.

7 That the Peter pence should be gathered and kept.

In the octaues of Easter king Henrie came to an enterview with the French king at Gisors,* where they had conference togither of sundrie mat∣ters. [line 60]

This yeare the quéene was deliuered of a sonne named Iohn, who afterward was king of this realme.

Moreouer, king Henrie calling a councell of his bishops and barons in Normandie,* caused and ordei∣ned a collection (by their aduise) to be made through all his countries and dominions,* of two pence in the pound of euerie mans lands and goods, iewels and apparell onelie excepted: to be paid this yeare 1166. and for the space of foure yeares next ensuing, one penie of euerie pound to be paid yearelie: and those that were not worth twentie shillings in goods or lands (being housholders notwithstanding) or bare any office, should paie a penie to this contribution, which was onelie granted for the releefe of the christi∣ans in the east parts, and those that warred against the miscreants there. The paiment thereof was ap∣pointed to be made in the feast daie of saint Remi∣gius, or within fiftéene daies after. It was also ordei∣ned, that all such as departed this life, within the terme that this collection was in force (their debts being paid) should giue the tenth part of the residue of all their goods vnto this so necessarie a contri∣bution.

King Henrie remaining now in Normandie, and vnderstanding that diuerse lords and barons of Maine, and the marshes of Britaine, would not in his absence shew themselues obedient vnto his wife quéene Elianor, but were about to practise a rebelli∣on, raised an armie, and went against them, easilie subduing them whom he found obstinate: and besie∣ging the castell of Foulgiers,* tooke and vtterlie de∣stroied it.

Soone after the archbishop of Canturburie came from Pountney to Uizeley, and there (on Ascension daie) when the church was most full of people, got him into the pulpit, and with booke, bell, and candell solemnelie accurssed all the obseruers, defenders, and mainteiners, with the promoters of such cu∣stoms, as within the realme of England they terme the custome of their elders: amongst others that were accursed, was Richard de Lucie, Richard the archdeacon of Poictiers, Iocelin de Bailleuille, A∣lane de Neuille, and manie other. But they being absent, & neither called nor conuinced (as they alleged notwithstanding they were thus excommunicated) sent their messengers vnto the archbishop, and appea∣led from him, and so feared not to enter into their churches.

He had before this also written certeine letters vnto his suffragans,* denouncing some of these and other persons by expresse name accursed, not onelie for mainteining the matter against him, touching the ancient custome of the realme: but also for the schisme raised in Almaine by Reignald archbishop of Colein, for the which he accursed one Iohn of Ox∣ford. Moreouer, he accursed Ranulfe de Broc, Hugh de S. Clete, & Thomas Fitz Bernard, for violentlie seizing vpon and deteining the goods and possessions belonging to his archbishoprike, without his consent or agréement therevnto.

The king on the other part banished out of Eng∣land, and all parts of his other dominions, all those persons that were knowen to be of kin vnto the archbishop, both yoong and old: and furthermore sent aduertisement to the abbat of Pountney and to his moonks, with whom the archbishop by the popes ap∣pointment remained, that if they kept him still in their house, he would not faile to banish all the moonks of their order out of England. Now the archbishop, after he had remained there scarse two yeares, departed from thence of his owne accord, and came to the king of France, who courteouslie re∣ceiued him, and sent him to the abbeie of saint Co∣lumbes neere to the citie of Sens, where he remai∣ned a certeine season, as shall be shewed hereafter.

Shortlie after this, two legats named William of Pauia, and Iohn of Naples both cardinals,* came from the pope to Montmiriall, whom the archbishop suspected rather to fauour the kings cause than his: yet he was contented that they should haue the iudg∣ment thereof committed vnto them: so that first (ac∣cording to the rules of the church) restitution might be made both to him and his, of such goods as had beene taken from them. For being spoiled, as he was, he would not stand to any iudgement, nor could not be compelled thervnto by any reason (as he said.) Page  75 Now when the two legats saw that they could not bring any thing to passe, they departed without any thing concluded.

*About this time William Taiuan earle of Sa∣gium (by the consent of his sons and nephues) deliue∣red into the hands of king Henrie the castels of Ale∣rium,* and Roch Laberie, with all the appurtenances to the castels belonging.

About this season also Conan the duke of Britaine departed this life,* leauing behind him no issue, but one onelie daughter begot of his wife the dutchesse [line 10] Constance, the daughter of the king of Scotland, which succéeded him in the estate. Wherevpon king Henrie made earnest suit to procure a marriage be∣twixt hir and his sonne Geffrey,* which at length he brought to passe, to the great comfort and contenta∣tion of his mind, in that his sonne had by such good fortune atteined to the dukedome of Britaine.

At that season in Britaine were certeine Noble men of such strength and power, that they disdained [line 20] to acknowledge themselues subiect to any superior, in somuch that through ambitious desire of rule and preheminence, they warred continuallie one against an other, to the great destruction and vtter vndooing of their miserable countrie, so that the land some∣time fruitfull by nature, was as it were a wildernes. Wherevpon, those that were the weaker, perceiuing themselues too much oppressed by the stronger, sub∣mitted themselues vnto king Henrie, and required his aid and succour. King Henrie reioising to haue so good an occasion and opportunitie to reduce them [line 30] to reason, with all speed aided these supplicants and subdued the resistants,* notwithstanding their great puissance, & the strength of the places which they kept.

[year 1167] In the meane while Henrie came ouer to his fa∣ther,* and found him at Poictiers, from whence (short∣lie after Easter) he remoued, and with an armie en∣tred into the lands of the earle of Aluergnes, which he wasted and spoiled, bicause the said earle had re∣nounced his allegiance to king Henrie, and made [line 40] his resort to the French king, séeking to sow discord betwixt the foresaid two kings: which was kindled the more by a challenge pretended about the sending of the monie ouer into the holie land, which was ga∣thered within the countie of Tours: for the French king claimed to send it, by reason that the church there apperteined to his dominion: and the king of England would haue sent it, bicause it was gathe∣red within the countrie that belonged to his go∣uernement. [line 50]

*This yeare a great preparation of ships was made by the earle of Bullongne, to haue inuaded Eng∣land, but by the warlike prouision of Richard Lucie, lord gouernour of the realme, the sea-coasts were so prouided of sufficient defense, that the earles at∣tempts came to nothing. The cause why he made this brag, was for that the king withheld from him cer∣teine reuenues which he claimed to haue here in England▪ and therefore he ment to recouer them by force. The empresse Maud mother to the king of [line 60] England (a woman in stoutnesse of stomah and warlike attempts more famous than commonlie a∣ny of that sex) deceassed this yere the 10▪ of Septem.*

Also Robert bishop of Lincolne departed this life, after whose deceasse the 〈◊〉 of Lincolne was vacant by the space of seuentéene yeares,* the king in all that meane time receiuing the profits.* The 〈◊〉 of Co∣lein came ambassadour from the emperour vnto the king of England,* requiring to haue ou of his daughters giuen in marriage vnto the emperour sonne▪ and an other of them vnto Henrie duke of Saxonie: which request he K. bid w•••inglie grant, and therevpon was the queene sent for to come ouer into Normandie, an to bring hiaithe the lord Ri∣chard and hir daughter the ladie Maud with hir: which ladie was married vnto the duke of Saxonie, [year 1168] in the beginning of the yeare next insuing; and had issue by him three sons, Henrie, Otho, and William, of which the middlemost came to be emperour.*

The variance still depending betwixt the king and the archbishop of Canturburie: there was also about the same time a great debate betwixt the em∣perour Frederike the first and pope Alexander the third: whervpon king Henrie wrote to the emperor,* and signified vnto him, that he would aid him if néed should require against the pope,* who mainteined such a runnagate traitor as the archbishop Becket was. Moreouer at the same time the king caused all his subiects within the realme of England, from the child of twelue yeares old vnto the aged person, to forsweare all obedience that might be pretended as due to the same pope Alexander. The king for the space of two yeares togither, remaining still in Nor∣mandie, and in other places beyond the seas, subdued diuerse rebels, as the earle of Angoulesme, Aime∣rike de Lucignie, and his sonnes Robert and Hugh.

Also he came to an enterview with the king of France betwixt Pacie and Maunt,* where they com∣muned of such iniuries as were thought to be at∣tempted on either part. For the Poictouins had made their resort to the French king, and were con∣federate with him against their supreme lord king Henrie, and had deliuered pledges for assurance thereof, which pledges the French king would not re∣store. But yet there was a truce concluded betwixt them, to endure till the feast of S. Iohn Baptist.

About the feast of Easter Patrike the earle of Salisburie was slaine by treason of the Poictouins,* and was buried at Saint Hilaries: after whome his sonne William succeeded in the earledome.

The Britons practised rebellions dailie: but king Henrie entring their countrie, wan diuerse strong townes and castels, and brought them at length vn∣der his subiection. Moreouer in this summer season the two kings met againe at Fert Bernard to treat of peace, but they departed without concluding any agréement at all. For there were manie of the Poic∣touins and Britons, which tooke part with the king of France, and hauing deliuered vnto him hostages, had a promise made them, that the French king should not conclude an agréement with the king of England without their consent. Hervpon they made warres either vpon other, till finallie (about the feast of the Epithanie) a peace was accorded betwixt them:* and then Henrie the king of Englande sonne made his homage vnto the French king for the countie of Aniou:* and the French king granted him the office of the Seneschalcie of France, which ancientlie belonged vnto the earles of Aniou. Also Geffrey duke of Britaine did homage to his elder brother the aforesaid Henrie,* by commandement of his father, for the ducie of Britaine. And afterwards the same Geffrey went into Britaine, and at Rhei∣nes receiued the homage and fealtie of the lords and barons of that countrie.

King 〈◊〉 in the mean while sudued certeine rebels in Gascoin, and returning into Normandie, built a goodlie towne and fortresse neere to Haie de 〈…〉.

About 〈◊〉 same time one Haruey de Yuon,* who had married the daughter of one William Goieth, 〈…〉 in his iournie which he tooke into the holie 〈…〉 into the hands of king Henrie, 〈◊〉 he was in despaire to keepe them 〈…〉 of Chartres, who through the French kings 〈…〉 to dispossesse him of the same castels: wherevpon the war was renewed be∣twixt the king of England and the said earle of Char∣tres. Page  76 Neuerthelesse king Henrie making no great accompt of those wars, went into Britaine with his sonne Geffrey, where going about the countrie to visit the cities and townes, he reformed many disor∣ders, laieng as it were a maner of a new foundati∣on of things there, fortifieng the castels, cities and townes, and communing in courteous manner with the lords and péeres of the countrie, sought to win their good wils: and so in such exercises he spent a great part of the time. [line 10]

*He kept his Christmasse at Nauntes, whither all the great lords and barons of Britaine resorted to him. The solemnitie of which feast being past, he en∣tred into the lands of earle Eudo, and wasted the same, till the said earle submitted himself. At length, after the king had taken order for the good gouerne∣ment of Normandie, and his other countries on that side the sea, he returned into England in the first wéeke of March, but not without great danger, by reason of a tempest that tooke him on the seas, begin∣ning [line 20] about midnight, and not ceassing till 9. of the clocke in the morning, about which houre he came on land at Portesmouth, not with many of his ships, the rest being tossed and driuen to séeke succour in sun∣drie créeks and hauens of the land, and one of them which was the cheefest and newest, was lost in the middle of the flouds, togither with 400. persons, men & women: among whome was Henrie de Aguell with two of his sons, Gilbert Sullemuy, and Rafe Beumount the kings physician & houshold seruant. [line 30]

*After this the king held his Easter at Winsor, whither William the Scotish king came with his brother Dauid, to welcome him home, and to con∣gratulat his happie successe in his businesse on the further side the seas. They were honorablie entertei∣ned, and at their departure princelie rewarded. The king thus returned into England, punished the shi∣riffes of the land very gréeuouslie for their extortion, briberie,* and rapine. After this, studieng how to as∣sure the estate of the realme vnto his sons, vpon good [line 40] consideration remembring that no liuing creature was more subiect to the vncerteintie of death than Adams heires, and that there is ingraffed such a fer∣uent desire in the ambitious nature of man to go∣uerne,* that so oft as they onee come in hope of a kingdome, they haue no regard either of right or wrong, God or the diuell, till they be in possession of their desired prey: he thought it not the worst point of wisedome to foresee that which might happen. For if he should chance to depart this life, and leaue his [line 50] sons yoong, and not able to mainteine wars through lacke of knowledge, it might fortune them through the ambition of some to be defrauded and disappoin∣ted of their lawfull inheritance. Theref••e to pre∣uent the chances of fortune, he determined whilest he was aliue to crowne his eldest sonne Henrie, being now of the age of 17. yeares, and so to inuest him in the kingdome by his owne act in his life time: which deed turned him to much trouble, as after shall ap∣peare. [line 60]

Being vpon this point 〈…〉 called togither a parlement of the lords both sprituall and tem∣porall at London,* and there (〈◊〉 S▪ Brtholomew daie) proclaimed his said sonne Henrie fellow 〈◊〉 him in the kingdome, whom after this on the 〈◊〉 following,* being the fouretéenth daie of Iune 170. Roger archbishop of 〈…〉 to the manner, being 〈…〉 the king. This 〈◊〉 a••erteined 〈…〉 of Canturburie, but bicause he was 〈◊〉 the realme, the king appointed the archbishop of Yorke to doo it, which he ought not to haue doone without li∣cence *of the archbishop of Canterburie within the precinct of his prouince (as was lledged by arch∣bishop Becket) who complained thereof vnto pope Alexander, and so incensed the pope, that he being highlie moued by his letters, for bad not onelie the archbishop of Yorke, but also Gilbert bishop of Lon∣don,* and Iocelin bishop of Salisburie (who were pre∣sent at the coronation) the vse of the sacraments, which made king Henrie far more displeased with the archbishop Thomas than he was before.

Upon the daie of coronation,* king Henrie the fa∣ther serued his sonne at the table as sewer, bringing vp the bores head with trumpets before it, according to the maner. Whervpon (according to the old adage,

(Immutant mores homines cùm dantur honores)
the yoong man conceiuing a pride in his heart,* be∣held the standers-by with a more statly countenance than he had béen woont. The archbishop of Yorke, who sat by him, marking his behauior, turned vnto him, & said;
Be glad my good sonne, there is not an other prince in the world that hath such a sewer at his ta∣ble.* To this the new king answered, as it were dis∣dainefullie, thus: Why doost thou maruell at that? My father in dooing it, thinketh it not more than be∣commeth him, he being borne of princelie bloud onlie on the mothers side, serueth me that am a king borne hauing both a king to my father, and a queene to my mother. Thus the yoong man of an euill and per∣uerse nature, was puffed vp in pride by his fathers vnseemelie dooings.

But the king his father hearing his talke, was verie sorrowfull in his mind, and said to the archbi∣shop softlie in his eare:

It repenteth me, it repenteth me my lord, that I haue thus aduanced the boy.
For he gessed hereby what a one he would prooue after∣ward, that shewed himselfe so disobedient and fro∣ward alreadie. But although he was displeased with himselfe in that he had doone vndiscréetlie, yet now when that which was doone could not be vndoone, he caused all the Nobles and lords of the realme, togi∣ther with the king of Scots and hi brother Dauid, to doo homage vnto his said sonne thus made fellow with him in the kingdome: but he would not release them of their oth of allegiance, wherein they stood bound to obeie him the father, so long as he li••d.

¶ Howbeit some write that he renounc•• his estate, first before all the lords of the land, and after caused his sonne to be crowned: but in such vncer∣teine points set foorth by parciall writers, tha is to be receiued as a truth, which is confirmed by the or∣der and sequele of things after doone and put in pra∣ctise. For true it is, that king Henrie the father (so long as his sone liued) did shew himselfe 〈◊〉 as fellow with his sonne in gouernment, and some∣time as absolute king: and after his sons decease, he continued in the entier gouernment, so long as he liued. But to procéed.

The French king hearing that his sonne in law was hus crowned,* and not his aughter the wife of Henrie the sonne, was highlie offended there∣with, and threatned to make war against king Hen∣rie the father, except 〈◊〉 daughter Margaret might 〈…〉 crowne also as quéene immediat••e.

〈1 paragraph〉*

The French king 〈…〉Page  77 homewards, and king Henrie returning came to Uernon, where he fell into so great a sicknesse, that anon it was noised ouer all the countrie. Insomch that he was in such despaire of life, that he made his testament:* wherein he assigned his sonne Richard the dutchie of Aquitaine, and all those lands which came by quéene Elianor the mother of the same Ri∣chard. And to his sonne Geffrey he bequeathed Bri∣taine (with the daughter of earle Conan) which he had purchased to his vse of the French king. And to [line 10] his sonne king Henrie he gaue the dutchie of Nor∣mandie, and all those lands which came by his father Geffrey earle of Aniou. And to his yoongest sonne Iohn he bequeathed the earledome of Mortaine. And finallie appointed where he would haue his bodie to be buried.

*In the meane time Henrie the sonne remaining at home in England, fell from all good order of mea∣sure kéeping, and gaue himselfe to all excessiue riot, spending and wasting his reuenues inordinatelie. [line 20] Of which behauiour his father being aduertised, re∣turned into England, where he taried not long, but passed ouer againe into Normandie, hauing his said sonne in his companie,* meaning thereby to remooue him from the companie of those that were verie like to corrupt his nature, and frame the same to all lewd∣nesse: for he knew that

—commercia turpia sanctos
Corrumpunt mores: multi hoc periere veneno,
Labimur in vitium & facilè ad pior mouemur. [line 30]

In this meane while Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie remained in exile almost six yeares, and could not be restored, till partlie by swelling threats of the pope, and partlie at the earnest suit of Lewes the French king, Theobald earle of Blois, and others, king Henrie began somewhat to shew himselfe conformable towards an agréement.

Wherevpon the two kings met diuerse times, and the archbishop Thomas comming with the French king,* at one time humbled himselfe so to the king of [line 40] England, that knéeling downe at his féet, he said:

My souereigne liege lord, I commit the whole cause of the controuersie betwixt your grace and me, vn∣to your maiesties order, Gods honour onelie reser∣ued.

The king offended with that ambiguous excepti∣on, said to the king of France:

Whatsoeuer displea∣seth this man, is taken (as he interpreteth it) contra∣rie to Gods honour, and so by that shift will he cha∣lenge to himselfe all that belongeth vnto me. But bi∣cause [line 50] you shall not thinke that I go about to resist Gods honour, or him, in any reasonable order, looke what the greatest and most holie of all his ancestors haue doone vnto the meanest of mine ancestours, let him doo the same vnto me, and I am contented therewith.

All the companie present cried, that the king hum∣bled himselfe enough. My lord archbishop (said the French king) will you be greater than saints, and better than saint Peter? Wherof stand you in doubt? [line 60] Behold, your peace is at hand. The archbishop made answer in commendation of the present state of ho∣lie church, as thus: My holie predecessours in their time,* although they cut not all things away that ex∣tolled it selfe against God, yet did they cut off diuers: but if they had plucked vp all by the hard roots, which might offend, who should now haue raised the fire of temptation against vs? We are in much better case (thanks be to God) and as we haue laboured in their lot and number, so are we partakers of their labour and reward. What if any of them had béene defectiue or excessie in any point, are we bound to ollow the example of their defection or excesse? We blame Pe∣ter for his denieng of Christ, but we praise him in re∣proouing of Neros violence with danger of his life. The church hath risen and increased out of manie dangerous oppressions, our fathers haue suffered ma∣nie things, bicause they would not forsake the name of Christ; and ought I to suppresse his honour, to be reconciled vnto any mans fauour? God forbid, God forbid.

When the Noble men present heard this answer of a subiect against his souereigne,* they all held against him, imputing the fault to the archbishops arro∣gancie, that the peace was not made betweene the king and him, insomuch that there was an erle which openlie said;

Sith he resisteth the will of both the realmes, he is not worthie to be succoured by either of them from hencefoorth: and therefore being cast out of England, let not France receiue him.

The councell then being broken vp, the kings de∣parted without bidding the archbishop farewell, and such as were mediatours for peace, in departing from this meeting, spake manie reprochfull words to him,* alledging that he had béene euer stout and wise in his owne conceit, and a folower of his owne will and opinion: adding that it was a great hinderance to the church, that he was ordeined archbishop, and that by him the church was alreadie in part destroi∣ed, and would shortlie be altogither brought to vt∣ter ruine.

But the archbishop setting a watch before his mouth, kept silence (as though he had not heard) and folowed the French king with his people. Manie said by the waie as they iourneied,

Behold the arch∣bishop yonder, which in talke the last night would not for the pleasure of the king denie God, nor kéepe his honor in silence.

After this, when the archbishop was come to Sens, and aduised with himselfe whether it should be best for him to go, at length he said,

God is able in the last point of miserie and distresse, to helpe those that be his.
Herewith came a messenger from the French king to bring him to the court, for the French king (as one that had béene better instructed in the mat∣ter) repented himselfe that he had iudged euill of his answers at the last meeting,* and herevpon receiued him againe into his fauour, and rested not to trauell so much in his cause, that at length another méeting was assigned at a certeine place neere the confines of Normandie, whither king Henrie came, and there found king Lewes, the archbishop of Rouen, and di∣uerse other bishops together,* with the foresaid arch∣bishop, who after they had reasoned of the matter throughlie as they saw cause, king Henrie receiued the archbishop into his fauour againe, and promised to redresse all that had béene doone amisse, and pardon all those that had followed him out of the realme. Wherevpon the king and the archbishop being recon∣ciled, the archbishop the same day came before the king, and talked with him.

Now among other things he required of the K. that it might be lawfull for him (without offending of his maiestie) to punish (according to the censures of the church) the iniurie doone vnto him by the archbi∣shop of Yorke, and other bishops in the coronation of his sonne. The king granted this, and shewed him∣selfe so courteous at that time, that (as it is said) he held his stirrp whiles he munted on horssebacke. ¶ Notwithstanding which obsequiousnes of the king, it is to be presumed that all inward rep••ig 〈◊〉 not be so abolished, as that no fragments remained; but that the archbishop for his part, for the mainte∣nance of his great title, & the K. for the sppo••ation of his souereigntie, when opportunitie srued, ought to get aduantage one of another, & acqit their harts with a new reuenge of an old grdg: for

Immortal odium & nunqum snabile vulum.*

Page  78*But whereas twise within a few daies after, the king and the said archbishop met at masse, the king refused to kisse the pax with him. This was marked as a signe of a fained reconciliation, though in déed he afterwards interteined him verie courteouslie, and at his departure ouer into England, tooke leaue of him in fréendlie manner, and directed letters vn∣der his seale to his sonne the new king in forme as followeth.*

A letter of the king touch∣ing [line 10] the pacification betweene him and Thomas Becket.

KNow ye that Thomas the archbi∣shop of Canturburie hath made his peace with me at my will and pleasure; and therefore I command you, that both he and his may re∣maine [line 20] in peace; and that he and al those which for his cause departed out of the realme, may haue all their goods restored, and in such quiet estate be now possessed of them as at any time within three moneths before their departure from thence. And further, cause to come be∣fore vs of the best and most ancient knights of the honor of Saltwood,* that vpon their oths they may find what fee the archbishop ought to haue within that honor, & that which shall [line 30] appeare to apperteine vnto him, as in fee, let him inioy the same. And thus farewell.

The archbishop (before he tooke his iournie into England) went to visit the French king, and to giue him thanks for his great paines and trauell sustei∣ned in his cause,* who aduised him in no wise as yet to commit himselfe to present danger amongst his new reconciled enimies, but rather to staie till their malice were somewhat asswaged. For he perceiued [line 40] by king Henries words & countenance such a deepe rooted displeasure in his hart, that he agréed to re∣ceiue him into fauour rather by compulsion and a∣gainst his will than otherwise.

But when the archbishop would needs depart & go ouer into England, the French K. suffered him so to doo, dooing him all the honor he could at his leaue ta∣king. Then the archbishop departing out of France, came into England,* and landed at Sandwich about the first of December, in the seuenth yeare after his [line 50] first departure out of the realme. Shortlie after his arriuall, Roger the archbishop of Yorke, Gilbert bi∣shop of London, and Iocelin bishop of Salisburie, with diuerse other, came vnto him as to the popes le∣gat, and required that it might please him to restore them to the ministration of their offices againe: whose request he granted, but yet vpon condition, that they should vndertake to stand to his iudge∣ment and order in all things, which (by the counsell [line 60] of the archbishop of Yorke) they vtterlie refused.

¶ Here authors agrée not (as Polydor trulie saith) for some write that archbishop Thomas (immediatlie vpon his returne into England) denounced the arch∣bishop of Yorke with the bishops of Salisburie and London accurssed, whereas before they were depri∣ued of the vse and administration of the sacraments. Soe ••hers write, that now at his comming ouer into England from his ••ile, he depriued them onlie of the ministration of the sacraments, togither with the bishops of E••ester, Chester, Rochester, S. Asaph, & Landa••, which had •••sonallie béene present at the coronation of king Henrie the sonne, to the deroga∣tion of the dignitie of their primat the archbishop of Canturburie (as before you haue heard.) It shuld seeme yet by Gr. Doro••e▪ that the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Durham were suspended, and the bishops of London, Salisburie, and diuerse other excommunicated.

But how soeuer he vsed them, the archbishop of Yorke, the two bishops London and Salisburie,* being offended with his dooings, sailed ouer in∣to Normandie, and there complained to king Hen∣rie of iniuries doone to them by archbishop Thomas, gréeuouslie accusing him that he went about to take awaie their libertie of priesthood, to destroie, corrupt, and finallie to abolish both the lawes of God and man, togither with the ancient decrées and statutes of their elders; in somuch that he tooke vpon him to exclude bishops at his pleasure from the companie of christian men, and so being excluded, to banish them for euer: to derogat things meerelie preiudiciall to the kings roiall prerogatiue; and finallie to take a∣waie from all men the equitie of lawes and ciuill orders.

The king giuing eare to their complaint, was so displeased in his mind against archbishop Thomas, that in open audience of his lords, knights, and gen∣tlemen, he said these or the like words:* In what mi∣serable state am I, that can not be in rest within mine owne realme, by reason of one onelie préest? Neither is there any of my folkes that will helpe to deliuer me out of such troubles.

There were some that stood about the king, which gessed by these words, that his mind was to signifie how he would haue some man to dispatch the archbi∣shop out of the waie. The kings displeasure against the archbishop was knowne well inough, which cau∣sed men to haue him in no reuerence at all, so that (as it was said) it chanced on a time, that he came to Strowd in Kent, where the inhabitants meaning to doo somewhat to his infamie, being thus out of the kings fauour, and despised of the world, cut off his horsses taile.

There were some also of the kings seruants, that thought after an other maner of sort to reuenge the displeasure doone to the kings maiestie,* as sir Hugh Moreuile, sir William Tracie, sir Richard Bri∣taine, and sir Reignold Fitz Urse, knights, who ta∣king aduice togither, and agréeing in one mind and will, tooke shipping, & sailed ouer into England, lan∣ding at a place called Dogs hauen, néere Douer.

Now the first night they lodged in the castell of Saltwood, which Randulfe de Broc had in keeping. The next morning (being the 29. of December, and fift daie of Christmasse, which as that yeare came a∣bout fell vpon a tuesdaie) hauing gotten togither certeine souldiers in the countrie thereabouts, came to Canturburie, and first entring into the court of the abbeie of S. Augustine, they talked with Claren∣bald the elect abbat of that place: and after confe∣rence had with him, they proceeded in their businesse as followeth.

The first knight sir Reignold Fitz Urse came to him about the eleuenth houre of the daie,* as the archbishop sat in his chamber, and sitting downe at his feet vpon the ground without any manner of greeting or salutation, at length began with him thus:

Being sent of our souereigne lord the king from beyond the seas, we doo here present vnto you his Graces commandements, to wit, that you should go to his sonne the king, to doo vnto him that which apperteineth vnto you to doo vnto your souereigne lord, and to doo your fealtie vnto him in taking an oth, and further to amend that wherein you haue of∣fended his maiestie. Wherevnto the archbishop an∣swered: For what cause ought I to con•••me my fe∣altie vnto him by oth? or wherin am I giltie in offen∣ding Page  79 the kings Maiestie?* Sir Reignold said: For your baronie, fealtie is demanded of you with an oth, and an other oth is required of those clerkes, which you haue brought with you, if they meane to continue within the land. The archbishop answered: For my baronie I am readie to do to the king what∣soeuer law or reason shall allow: but let him for certeine hold, that he shall not get any oth either of me or of my clerks. We knew that (said the knight) that you would not doo any of these things which we [line 10] proponed vnto you. Moreouer the king commandeth you to absolue those bishops that are excommunica∣ted by you without his licence. Wherevnto he said: The bishops are excommunicated not by me, but by the pope, who hath therto authoritie from the Lord. If in déed he hath reuenged the iniurie doone to my church, I confesse that I am not displeased therwith. Then said the knight: Sith that such things in des∣pite of the king doo please you, it is to be thought that you would take from him his crowne, and be called [line 20] and taken for king your selfe, but you shall misse of your purpose surelie therein. The archbishop answe∣red: I doo not aspire to the name of a king, rather would I knit three crownes vnto his crowne if it lay in my power.

At length after these and such words, the knights turning them to the moonks,* said:

In the behalfe of our souereigne lord the king, we command you, that in any wise ye keepe this man safe, and present him to the king when it shall please his grace to send for [line 30] him.
The archbishop said:
Doo ye thinke that I will runaway? I came not to run away, but looke for the outrage and malice of wicked men. Truelie (said they) you shall not runne away, and herewith went out with noise and threatnings. Then maister Iohn of Salisburie his chancellor said vnto him:* My lord, this is a woonderfull matter that you will take no mans counsell: had it not beene méet to haue giuen them a more méeke and gentle answer? But the arch∣bishop said: Surelie I haue alreadie taken all the counsell that I will take,* I know what I ought to [line 40] doo. Then said Salisburie, I pray God it may be good. Now the knights departing out of the place, and go∣ing about to put on their armour, certeine came to the archbishop,* & said; My lord, they arme themselues. What forceth it? said he, let them arme themselues.

Now when they were armed, and manie other a∣bout them, they entred into the archbishops palace. Those that were about the archbishop cried vpon him to flée, but he sat still and would not once remooue, [line 50] till the moonks brought him euen by force & against his will into the churth. The comming of the armed men being knowne,* some of the moonks continued singing of euensong, and some sought places where to hide themselues, other came to the archbishop, who was loth to haue entred into the church, and when he was within, he would not yet suffer them to make fast the doores, so that there was a great stur among them, but cheeflie when they perceiued that the armed men went about to séeke for the archbishop, by meane whereof their euensong was left vnfinished. [line 60]

At length the knights with their seruants hauing sought the palace, came rushing into the church by the cloister doore with their swords drawne,* some of them asking for the traitor, and some of them for the archbi∣shop, who came and met them, saieng; Here am I, no traitor, but the archbishop. The formost of the knights said vnto him:

Flee, thou art but dead. To whome the archbishop said, I will not flée. The knight sept to him taking him by the sléeue, and with his sword cast his cap besides his head, and said, Come hither, for thou art a prisoner. I will not (said the arch∣bishop) doo with me here what thou wilt: and plucked his sleeue with a mightie strength out of the knights hand. Wherewith the knight stepped backe two or thrée paces. Then the archbishop turning to one of the knights, said to him, What meaneth this,* Reig∣nold? I haue doone vnto thée manie great pleasures, and commest thou now vnto me into the church ar∣med? Unto whome the knight presentlie answered and said; Thou shalt know anon what is ment, thou art but dead: it is not possible for thee any longer to liue. Unto whom the archbishop answered: I am readie to die for my God, and for the defense of his iustice and the libertie of the church; gladlie doo I im∣brace death, so that the church may purchase peace and libertie by the shedding of my blood.
And here∣with taking on other of the knights by the haberge∣on, he floong him from him with such violence, that he had almost throwne him downe to the ground. This was sir Will. Tracie, as he after confessed.

Then the archbishop inclined his head after the maner of one that would praie, pronouncing these his last words:

To God, to saint Marie, and to the saints that are patrones of this church, and to saint Denise, I commend my selfe and the churches cause.
Therewith sir Reignold Fitz Urse striking a full blow at his head,* chanced to light vpon the arme of a clerke named Edward of Cambridge, who cast vp his arme to saue the archbishop: but when he was not able to beare the weight of the blow, he plucked his arme backe, and so the stroke staied vpon the arch∣bishops head, in such wise that the bloud ran downe by his face. Then they stroke at him one after an o∣ther, and though he fell to the ground at the second blow,* yet they left him not till they had cut and pash∣ed out his braines, and dashed them about vpon the church pauement. All this being doone, they rifled his house, spoiled his goods, and tooke them to their owne vses, supposing it lawfull for them being the kings seruants so to doo.

But doubting how the matter would be taken, after they had wrought their feat, they got them into the bishoprike of Duresme, there to remaine till they might heare how the king would take this their vn∣lawfull enterprise: though (as they alledged) they had lustilie defended his cause, and reuenged his quarell as faithfull seruants ought to doo. Howbeit, it chan∣ced otherwise than they looked it should haue doone: for king Henrie gaue them so litle thankes for their presumptuous act,* sounding to the euill example of other in breach of his lawes, that they despairing vt∣terlie of pardon, fled one into one place, and another into another, so that within foure yeares they all di∣ed an euill death (as it hath béene reported.) Some write, that they went to Rome by the kings com∣mandement, and there presented themselues before the pope, to receiue such penance for their wicked act as he should enioine them. Herevpon the pope ap∣pointed them to go vnto Ierusalem, there to doo their penance, where they remained certeine yeares, ap∣plieng themselues verie diligentlie to performe the satisfaction of their offense, according to the maner prescribed to them by the pope, and so at length died.

This was the end of Thomas Becket archbishop of Canturburie,* which was after he had entred into that see eight yeares and six moneths, [year 1171] in the yeare after the birth of our Lord 1171.* On Christmas day before his death, which fell that yeare on the fridaie, he preached a sermon to the people, and when he had made an end thereof, he accurssed Nigell de Sacke∣uille, the violent incumbent of the church of Berges, and Robert de Broc, both which had (vpon spite) curtailed the horsse of the said archbishop: and as the same day whilest he was at the altar, according to his custome, altogither in teares and lamenati∣on; so at dinner he shewed himselfe verie pleasant & merrie, insomuch that when those that were at the Page  80 table séemed somewhat doubtfull to eat of the flesh that was set before them, bicause it was friday; Why doo ye abhorre (saith he) to eat flesh? This day flesh hath a great priuilege, for this same day the word was made flesh, and came into light, and appeared vnto vs. These his words greatlie contented all the com∣panie.

¶Thus you haue heard the tragicall discourse of am∣bitious Becket, a man of meane parentage, and yet through the princes fauour verie fortunate, if he had not abused the beneuolence of so gratious a soue∣reigne [line 10] by his insolencie and presumption. Wherein we haue to note, how vnseemelie a thing it was for him, being called to so sacred a function, to lead so se∣cular and prophane a life, as if he had professed open hostilitie to the vocation which he pretended to ho∣nour and reuerence. We are also taught, that promo∣tions atchiued by ambition are not permanent, and are so farre from procuring fame and renowne to the obteiners, that they turne them in the end to shame, infamie and reproch, after losse of life and effu∣sion [line 20] of bloud. The issue of all which tragedie is to be imputed to the prouidence and counsell of almightie God, as one writeth verie agréeablie to this pur∣pose, saieng,

*Nam facile extolli facilè elatúm{que} refraenat,
Et clarum obscurans, obscuri nomen adauget.
Erigit & miserum facilè extinguitque superbum
Iuppiter altifremus, cui celsum regia coelum.

But to let this matter passe. King Henrie doubt∣lesse was right pensiue for his death,* bicause he wist [line 30] well inough that it would be iudged, that he himselfe was priuie to the thing: and euen so came it to passe, for immediatlie vpon notice giuen into France of the archbishops death,* king Lewes, and Theobald the earle of Blois, as they that loued him most deerelie were most sorowfull for it, and iudging straightwaie that king Henrie was the procurer, they wrote their letters vnto pope Alexander, giuing him to vnder∣stand both of the slaughter, and how king Henrie had caused it to be put in execution, requiring most in∣stantlie, [line 40] that such an iniurie doone to the Christian religion, might spéedilie be punished. The pope was much offended, and determined to haue the matter throughlie considered and ordered, so as might stand with his dignitie, and accordinglie as the hainous state of the case required. King Henrie whilest these things were a dooing, lay certein daies at Argenton, so much displeased in his mind, that he would suffer no man once to speake to him about any maner of businesse. [line 50]

At length, he sent his ambassadors to Rome, part∣lie to purge himselfe of the archbishops death,* partlie to excuse his fault, for that in his furie he had vtte∣red words against the archbishop, which had giuen oc∣casion to naughtie men to contriue his death, & part∣lie to require the pope to send his legats into Eng∣land, to make inquirie both for the death of the arch∣bishop, and also of the state of the clergie. The kings ambassadors found the pope at Tiuoli, and there were heard to declare their message: but little cre∣dit [line 60] was giuen to their words, in so much that the pope plainelie told them, that he vnderstood the mat∣ter to be much otherwise than they had declared. Yet according to the kings request, he sent two of his cardinals into England, which vpon due examinati∣on, might vnderstand the truth of the matter tho∣roughlie as apperteined.

There be that write, that the king sent ambassa∣dours twice vnto the pope,* for the first that went, could not come to his presence, nor be suffered to de∣clare their message: those that were sent the second time, were receiued of some of the cardinals, but yet onelie with words without anie other way of freend∣lie interteinement. At length, when the feast of Ea∣ster drew néere, on the which either absolution or ex∣communication was to be denounced against eue∣rie man, there were certeine of the cardinals which gaue intelligence to the English ambassadours, that the pope by aduice of the colledge, meant on the thursdaie before Easter daie to declare the sentence of interdiction against the king of England, and a∣gainst all his dominions, and to confirme that which had beene alreadie pronounced against Richard the archbishop of Yorke, and the other bishops his com∣plices.

The ambassadours being brought to a streict issue herewith, by helpe of some of the cardinals found meanes to haue it put into the popes head, how the English ambassadours had commission to vnder∣take, that the king of England should obeie in all things what order soeuer it pleased the pope and his court to award him. Herevpon they tooke their oth, that it should so be, and by that meanes they auoi∣ded the interdiction. The messengers of the archbi∣shop of Yorke & the other bishops vsed the like shift, but yet the same daie the pope did excommunicate the knights that had murthered the archbishop Tho∣mas, and all those that had procured, aided, succoured, or abetted them therein. Some write,* that those am∣bassadours which the king sent to the court of Rome, could not be suffered to come to the popes presence,* till according to the fashion, they had giuen 500. marks in reward, and so at length were admitted to his presence.

Howsoeuer that matter passed, the king stood in great feare least his land should be interdicted, in so much that he commanded the wardens of the ports both on this side the sea and beyond, to take good héed, least any cōming with letters of interdiction should passe into England; but if any such came, that the bringer should be arrested and committed to prison. Also he commanded, that no clearke were suffered to come ouer into England, except he first tooke an oth that he came about no businesse that might turne to the preiudice of the king or his realme. This com∣mandement he set forth, at what time he transported ouer into England himselfe, where he landed this yeare at Portesmouth the third daie of August. A∣bout which time it came into the kings mind, to make a conquest of Ireland vpon this occasion.

It chanced,* whereas diuerse rulers or (as we may call them) petie kings reigned the same seson in that Iland (which was diuided into seuerall estaes or kingdomes) that continuall strife and dissention re∣mained amongst them, so that oftentimes they made sore war after the manner of their countrie one a∣gainst an other, (for

Nulla fides regnisocijs, omnisque potestas*
Impatiens consortis erit.)

Herevpon it fortuned, that one of those kings or rulers, about the 14. yeare of this kings reigne, was sore afflicted and oppressed by his neighbours, where∣vpon taking aduice what he might best doo for reme∣die in that case, at length he sent his son into Eng∣land to reteine souldiours and men of warre,* and to bring them ouer vnto his aid in hope of gaine, & such commodities as he assured them of.

Now it came to passe, that by the assistance of such Englishmen as then came ouer, the foresaid Irish king began to recouer his losses, and in the end waxed so strong, that he subdued all his enimies. When he had thus obteined the victorie, he did not onelie not send backe his aiders, but so liberallie re∣teined them still with him, that they had no hast to re∣turne home, but setled themselues in that countrie, where they liued a pleasant and verie licentious life. For this cause also the stoutest lords and rulers of Page  81 and Irish nation began sore to stomach the matter against him that had thus brought the English nati∣on into their countrie, in so much that the English∣men perceiuing their malice, and therewithall ha∣uing some feare of themselues, bicause of their small number, they sent ouer into England for such as wanted liuing, and were willing to seeke for it in o∣ther countries, of which sort, great numbers went o∣uer thither within a short space, whereby the multi∣tude of the English greatlie increased: but for as [line 10] much as they had no ruler to gouerne them, they pro∣cured Richard Strangbow earle of Struguille, aliàs Chepstow in Wales to come ouer thither, and to receiue the souereigne gouernement,* with such honorable prouision for maintenance of his estate, as should séeme requisit.

*¶ Some write, that this earle Richard (being also earle Marshall of England) for a rebellion moued a∣gainst king Henrie, had before this time forfeited all his lands; but others affirme that through riot and [line 20] more sumptuous port than his abilitie might beare, he had made awaie and consumed the most part of his liuing, and was run so far in debt, that he knew not how to satisfie his creditors, and therefore was he the readier to incline to their request, which made labour vnto him to come ouer into Ireland to haue the gouernance of such English people, as had alrea∣die planted themselues there to inhabit & remaine. Herevpon he prepared a nauie, and assembled togi∣ther a great number of such as lacked liuing, and shortlie determined to passe ouer into Ireland. But [line 30] euen as he was readie to set forward,* there came vn∣to him messengers from king Henrie, comman∣ding him to staie, and not to take that iournie in hand. Howbeit the earle hauing nothing in Eng∣land whereof to make anie great accompt, notwith∣standing the kings commandement, tooke the sea, and passed ouer into that countrie, where he great∣lie delited such Englishmen as dailie had looked for his repaire and comming thither. [line 40]

Shortlie after, ioining those which he brought ouer with him, with the other that were there before his comming, he thought to worke some feat, whereby he might make his name famous, & cause the Irish∣men to haue him in feare.* Wherevpon he first assai∣led the citie of Dublin, and by force wan it. He like∣wise wan Waterford, & diuerse other townes neere vnto the sea side. Also to haue some freendship a∣mongst those barbarous people,* he maried the daugh∣ter of the confederate king, and so grew into verie [line 50] great estimation in that countrie and region.

Howbeit, with these and the like dooings of the earle, king Henrie tooke such displeasure (but chéeflie for disobeieng his commandement) that he confined him the realme,* seized his lands as forfeited, and by proclamation restreined all his subiects from passing into Ireland with any kind of merchandize, prouisi∣on of vittels, or other commodities whatsoeuer. By reason whereof, earle Strangbow, partlie by con∣streint, and partlie in hope to returne into fauour [line 60] with king Henrie, and for other respects as may be coniectured,* aduertised him of the whole state of the countrie of Ireland, promising him, that if it would please his grace to come ouer thither, he would so worke that he should be admitted souereigne lord of all the land. Heerevpon king Henrie pardoned him of all former trespasses, and restored vnto him all his lands and inheritances within England and Nor∣mandie:* and further, confirmed to him such liuings abroad in Ireland out of the walled townes, as he held alreadie in right of his wife: and furthermore ordeined, that he should be high steward of Ire∣land vnder him.

King Henrie then returning out of Normandie into England about the sixt day of August (as is a∣foresaid) caused a nauie of 400. ships to be made readie, and to assemble at Milford hauen in Pen∣brokshire,* with all such prouision and furniture as was thought necessarie for such a iournie. Herewith also he leuied a great armie both of horssemen and footmen,* and came forward with the same vnto Pen∣broke, and so when all his prouision and ships were readie, he entred the sea at Milford hauen aforesaid the sixtéenth daie of October, and landed in Ireland, at a place called Crowch,* not past seauen miles from Waterford the day next folowing, about nine of the clocke: and on the morrow after being S. Luke the euangelists day, he with all his armie marched foorth to Waterford, where he found William Fitz Al∣delme his sewer, and Robert Fitz Bernard, with other whome he had sent thither before him for such purposes as he thought most conuenient. He re∣mained at Waterford fiftéene daies, during which time, there came in vnto him the king of Corke, the king of Limerike, the king of Ossorie, the king of Méeth, Reignald de Waterford, and diuerse other great princes of Ireland. At his first arriuall,* the foresaid earle Richard surrendred into his hands all those townes and places which he had subdued in that countrie.

Herewithall the whole land began to tremble, so that the rulers of townes and countries sent vnto him messengers; offering to become tributaries, and to deliuer hostages: for whilest euerie of those rulers which had the gouernment of Ireland in their hands,* feared their owne estate, and mistrusted their owne powers, they all in maner submitted themselues, so that this victorie chanced to king Henrie, without the drawing foorth of his sword, and in such wise, that he could not haue wished for better or more speedie successe therein. For whereas the whole Iland was diuided into sundrie dominions, and ruled by sundrie gouernours, not drawing all one waie, but through factions and contrarie studies one enuieng an others wealth (for

Non bene cum socijs regna venúsque manent,*
—Socijs{que} comes discordia regnis)
nothing more hindred the fierce and vnquiet na∣tion from making resistance, than in that they could not agrée to take councell togither for defending of their liberties, and entier state of the commonwelth. Whervpon, whilest euerie of them apart by himselfe was in doubt to attempt the hazard of war against so mightie a king, they were all ouercome, as were the Britons likewise in the time of Cesar and the Saxons. King Henrie therefore gladlie receiued their humble submission, and they dooing homage vnto him, sware to be his liege and faithfull subiects. Onelie Roderike gouernour of Connagh refused to submit himselfe.

This Roderike pretended to be the chéefe king of Ireland,* and therefore kept continuall war with the other rulers, which was partlie the cause wherefore they submitted themselues so soone vnto king Hen∣rie. The said Roderike held that part of Ireland which lieth toward the west,* being full of great and thicke woods, and defended with verie high & great mountaines, closed also with waters and marishes, so that it should be verie hard, and speciallie in the winter season, to bring an armie vnto it: which was the onelie cause whie king Henrie attempted no∣thing against Roderike at that time, but tooke in hand to plant garisons of souldiers in places con∣uenient to kéepe the land in quiet, which he had woone alreadie, and to giue order for the gouernement of the whole estate of the countrie to his behoofe and commoditie. Hervpon going to Dublin, which is the cheefest citie of all Ireland, he assembled all the ru∣lers Page  82 and lords as well spirituall as temporall togi∣ther in councell, consulting with them for the as∣surance of the dominion of the land to him and his heires for euermore.

*The Irish men alleged for themselues, that his deuise therin could not be compassed, vnles the popes authoritie were therein first obteined: for they affir∣med, that immediatlie vpon receiuing the christian faith, they did submit themselues, & all that they had, vnto the see of Rome, so that they could not acknow∣ledge [line 10] any for their souereigne lord, but onelie the pope. Which opinion some of them (although vaine∣lie, haue holden vnto these our daies. King Henrie then vnderstanding this matter, dispatched ambassa∣dours to Rome, requiring of pope Alexander, that he would by his authoritie grant him licence to ioine the countrie of Ireland vnto the realme of En∣gland, who went thither with all expedition according to their charge.

And certeinelie, these ambassadors whom the king [line 20] sent now out of Ireland to Rome in this behalfe, re∣turned with better spéed in their message, than did the other whom he had sent to him out of Norman∣die, to excuse him of the death of the archbishop Tho∣mas. For the pope vpon good aduice taken in this matter considering that he had now no profit grow∣ing to him by that Ile, and that the Irish people be∣ing wild and rude, were far off from all good order of christianitie in diuerse points) thought it would be a meane to bring some gaine to his cofers, and the peo∣ple [line 30] more easilie from their naughtie customes, if they were once made subiect vnto some christian prince of puissance able to tame them, and constreine them by force to be more meeke and tractable. In con∣sideration wherof, he was content to grant vnto the king all that herein he required.

Herevpon, king Henrie considering in what re∣spect the pope was so readie to accomplish his re∣quest,* called a councell of the bishops to assemble at Cassill, where manie things were decréed and ordei∣ned for the reforming of diuerse customes vsed be∣fore [line 40] amongst the Irish men, and méerelie repugnant to the lawes of the christian religion. There were al∣so appointed as solicitors in these matters,* and to sit as assistants with the Irish bishops, one of the kings chaplaines named Nicholas,* and one Rafe the arch∣deacon of Landaf.

1 Amongst other things there concluded, it was ordeined, that children shuld be brought to the church, there to receiue baptisme in faire water, with thrée [line 50] dippings into the same, in the name of the father, the sonne, and the Holie-ghost, and that by the préests hands, except in case where danger of death was fea∣red, which then might be doone by any other person, and in any other place.

2 Also it was ordeined, that tithes should be paid to churches, and that such laie men as would kéepe wiues, should keepe them according to the lawes of holie church, and not otherwise.

3 The Peter pence also that Adrian reserued in [line 60] his buls, sent to the king touching the same matter in the beginning of his reigne (with diuerse other things) were in like maner appointed to be paid, so that nothing was omitted that might pleasure the pope, or recouer his gratious fauour alreadie lost in the matters of Thomas Becket, whereof you haue alreadie heard. Thus you heare what successe our ambassadours had in this voiage. ¶ Now will I tell you (yer I procéed any further) what strange things did happen in England whilest the king was thus oc∣cupied in Ireland, and within the compasse of that yeare,* and first of all, in the night before Christmas day last passed, there chanced such a tempest of light∣ning and thunder, that the like had not bin heard of, which tempest was not onelie generallie throughout all England, but also in other forreine parts néere adioining, namelie in Ireland, where it continued all that night, and Christmas daie following, [year 1172] to so great terror of the people, that they looked for present death.

The same night at Andeuer in Hamshire, a préest being in his praiers before the altar, was striken with the tempest, so that he died ye it was nine of the clocke in the morning. Also, a temporall man that was there the same time, was burned with the light∣ning,* and whereas his brother being present, ran to him to haue succoured him, he likewise was caught with the fire, and in like maner consumed.* In Ire∣land also, euill diet in eating of fresh flesh and drin∣king of water, contrarie to the custome of the En∣glishmen, brought the flix and other diseases in the kings armie, so that manie died thereof, for

Graissimum est imperium consuetudinis.*
Wherfore, about the beginning of Lent, the king re∣moued from Dublin, & went vnto the citie of Wer∣ford, where he remained till toward Easter, and then prepared to returne into England: but before he tooke the sea, he gaue and by his charter confirmed to Hugh Lacie, all the lands of Meeth, with the appurte∣nances,* to hold of him & his heires in fee by knights seruice, as to find him an hundred knights or men of armes (as we may terme them) for euermore. He gaue also vnto the same Hugh, the kéeping of the ci∣tie of Dublin, and made him chéefe iusticer of Ire∣land. Unto Robert Fitz Bernard he committed the cities of Waterford, and Wesseford, that he should kéepe the same to his vse, and build in them castels, for a more sure defense against the enimies.

Thus when the king had planted garisons of soul∣diers in those & other places also where was thought néedfull; and further had giuen order for the politike gouernement of the whole countrie, so far as he had conquered; he first sent ouer his houshold seruants, which tooke the water on Easter daie, and landed at Milleford, but he himselfe and other of the Nobles staid there all that daie, by reason of the high solem∣nitie of that feast: howbeit the daie next after they tooke the sea togither, and landed néere to S. Dauids in south Wales,* from whence (without delaie) he ha∣sted foorth to Douer, and hauing his sonne the yoong king with him, he sailed ouer into Normandie in the crosse weeke to meet the popes legats,* whom he vn∣derstood to be alreadie come thither. At his méeting with them there, he gaue them verie good counte∣nance, and right honorable enterteinment, omit∣ting nothing that might doo them pleasure.

Here when the matter came to be discussed tou∣ching the death of archbishop Thomas, bicause it could not be certeinelie tried out in whom the fault rested, much reasoning to and fro passed, about obie∣ctions and excuses laid (as in doubtfull cases it of∣ten happeneth) so that welneere the space of foure moneths was spent in debating of that matter. In which meane time, the king to auoid all contention and strife betwixt him and king Lewes, sent his son Henrie togither with his wife ouer into England, there eftsoones to receiue the crowne, and with them came Rotrod the archbishop of Rouen,* Giles bishop of Eureux, Roger bishop of Worcester, and diuerse others.

Herevpon the yoong king being arriued in Eng∣land, called an assemblieof the lords spirituall and temporall at Winchester, where both he and his said wife Margaret daughter to the French king was crowned with all solemnitie,* by the hands of the said Rotrod archbishop of Rouen vpon the twentie one of August.

In the meane time (saith one writer) his father Page  83 king Henrie might haue foreséene and found means to haue auoided the discord, which euen now began to spring vp betwixt him and his children, causing a sore and ciuill warre, if he had not beene a man that vt∣terlie did detest all superstitious admonitions. For being told (I wot not by whome) that if he did not re∣pent, and take more regard to minister iustice, which is a vertue that conteineth in it selfe all other ver∣tues; it would come to passe, that within short time he should fall into great and manifold calamities. [line 10]

In his returne also out of Ireland (saith an other) vpon the sundaie next after the feast of Easter,* com∣monlie called Lowsundaie, as he should take his horsse at Cardiffe in Wales, there appeared vnto him a man of pale and wanne colour, barefooted, and in a white kirtell, who boldlie in the Dutch lan∣guage spake vnto him, and admonished him of a∣mendment of life, and to haue regard that the sab∣both daie (commonlie called the sundaie) might be more duelie kept and obserued, so that no markets [line 20] nor bodilie workes be holden, vsed, or doone vpon that day within the bounds of his dominions, except that which apperteineth to dressing of meats. And if thou doo (saith he) after this commandement, I assure thée that all things which thou dooest enterprise of good in∣tent and purpose, shall sort to good effect and verie luckie end.

But the king was not greatlie pleased with these words, and in French said to the knight that held his bridle; Aske of this churle, whether he hath dreamed all [line 30] this that he telleth or not. When the knight had ex∣pounded it in English, the man answered, Whether I haue dreamed it in my sleepe or not, take thou héed to my words, & marke what day this is: for if thou amend not thy life, and doo as I haue aduertised thée, before a twelue moneth come to an end, thou shalt heare such tidings as will make thee sorowfull all the daies of thy life after.

The man hauing thus spoken, vanished awaie suddenlie, and the king tooke his words but in sport: howbeit he woondered that he [line 40] was so suddenlie gone, as he did likewise at his sud∣den appearing. Manie other warnings the king had (saith mine author) but he set little thereby.

The second warning he receiued of an Irishman, that told him of tokens verie priuie. The third time a knight of Lindsey called Philip de Chesterby, pas∣sing the sea, came to the king into Normandie, and there declared vnto him seauen articles, which he should amend, which if he did, then he should reigne seauen yeares in great honor, and subdue Gods eni∣mies. [line 50] If he did not amend and redresse those points, then should he come to death with dishonour in the fourth yeare.

1 The first article or point was, that he should séeke to mainteine holie church.

2 The second, that he should cause rightfull lawes to be executed.

3 The third, that he should condemne no man without lawfull processe.

4 The fourth, that he should restore the lands, [line 60] goods and heritages to those rightfull owners from whome he had taken them by any wrong or vnlaw∣full meanes.

5 The fift, that he should cause euerie man to haue right, without bribing and giuing of méed.

6 The sixt, that he should paie his debts as well due to any of his subiects, for any stuffe taken vp of them to his vse, as to his seruants and souldiers, who bicause they could not haue their wages true∣lie paid them, fell to robbing and spoiling of true la∣bouring men.

7 The seauenth and last article was, that he should cause the Iewes to be auoided out of the land, by whom the people were sore impouerished with such vnmercifull vsurie as they exercised.

The king (notwithstanding these and other like warnings) tooke no regard to the amendment of his sinfull life, wherevpon (as is thought) the troubles which ensued did light vpon him by Gods iust ap∣pointment.

¶ Howsoeuer this may séeme a fable, but no writ∣ten veritie, & therefore esteemed as the chaffe of sum∣mer flowers; yet as in the tales of Asop many good morals are comprised, so the scope whereto this appa∣rition tendeth being necessarie, maketh the argu∣ment it selfe of the more authoritie. The end therefore being (as you sée) to reuoke the king from woorse to better, from the swines-stie of vice to the statelie throne of vertue, from the kennell of sinne to the ri∣uers of sanctitie, prooueth that euen verie fictions of poets (though of light credit) haue their drift manie times to honest purpose, and therefore bring with them a competent weight of profit to the readers. So the scope of this tale being the same that Dauid pointeth at in the second psalme, when he saith,

(At vos in populos quibus est permissa potefias,*
Et ius ab alta sede plebi dicitis,
Errorum tenebras depellite, discite verum, &c.)
maketh the narration it selfe (though otherwise sée∣ming méere fabulous) to be somewhat authenticall. But to returne to the course of our storie, and now to saie somewhat of this Henrie the seconds sonne the yoong king, by whom the troubles were moued, (note you this) that after he had receiued the crowne togither with his said wife, they both passed the seas incontinentlie backe againe into Normandie,* where on the seauen and twentith of September, at a ge∣nerall assemblie holden within the city of Auranches in the church of the apostle S. Andrew,* king Henrie the father, before the cardinals the popes legats, and a great number of bishops and other people, made his purgation, in receiuing an oth vpon the ho∣lie relikes of the saints, and vpon the sacred euange∣lists, that he neither willed, nor commanded the arch∣bishop Thomas to be murthered, and that when he heard of it, he was sorie for it. But bicause he could not apprehend them that slue the archbishop, and for that he feared in his conscience least they had execu∣ted that vnlawfull act vpon a presumptuous bold∣nesse, bicause they had perceiued him to be offended with the archbishop, he sware to make satisfaction (for giuing such occasion) in this maner.

1 In primis,* that he would not depart from pope Alexander, nor from his catholike successours, so long as they should repute him for a catholike king.

2 Item, that he would neither impeach appeales, nor suffer them to be impeached, but that they might freelie be made within the realme vnto the pope, in causes ecclesiasticall; yet so, that if the king haue the parties suspected, they shall find him suerties that they shall not procure harme or hinderance whatsoe∣uer to him or to his realme.

3 Item, that within thrée yeares after the natiui∣tie of our lord next ensuing, he should take vpon him the crosse, and personallie passe to the holie land, ex∣cept pope Alexander or his successours tooke other or∣der with him.

4 Prouided, that if vpon any vrgent necessitie he chanced to go into Spaine to warre against the Saracens there, then so long space of time as he spent in that iournie, he might deferre his going in∣to the east parts.

5 Item, he bound himselfe in the meane time by his oth, to emploie so much monie as the templers should thinke sufficient for the finding of two hun∣dred knights or men of armes, for one yeares terme in the defense of the holie land.

6 Item, he remitted his wrath conceiued against Page  84 those which were in exile for the archbishop Thomas his cause, so that they might returne againe into the realme.

7 Item, to restore all the lands and possessions which had béene taken awaie from the sée of Can∣turburie, as they were belonging thereto in the yere before the departure of the archbishop Thomas out of England.

8 Item, he sware to take awaie and abolish all those customes, which in his time had béene brought [line 10] in against the church, as preiudiciall thereto.

All these articles faithfullie, and without male∣ingene to performe and fulfill in euerie degrée, he re∣ceiued a solemne oth, and caused his sonne the yoong king being there present, to receiue the same for per∣formance of all those articles, such as touched his owne person onelie excepted. And to the intent the same should remaine in the popes consistorie as matter of record, he put his seale vnto the writing wherein the same articles were ingrossed, togither [line 20] with the seales of the aboue mentioned cardinals.

Shortlie after king Henrie the father suffered the yoong king his son to go int France, togither with his wife, to visit his father king Lewes, according as their deputies required, which iournie verelie bred the cause of the dissention that followed betwixt him and his father. King Lewes most louinglie re∣ceiued them (as reason was) and caused diuers kinds of triumphant plaies and pastimes to be shewed for the honour and delectation of his sonne in law and [line 30] daughter.

Neuerthelesse, whilest this yoong prince soiour∣ned in France, king Lewes not hartilie fauouring the king of England, and therewithall perceiuing the rash and headstrong disposition of the yong king did first of all inuegle him to consider of his estate, and to remember that he was now a king equall vnto his father,* and therefore aduised him so shortlie as he could, to get the entire gouernment out of his fathers hands: wherevnto he furthermore promised [line 40] all the aid that laie in him to performe.

The yong king being readie inough not onelie to worke vnquietnesse, but also to follow his father in lawes counsell (as he that was apt of nature to as∣pire to the sole gouernement, and loth to haue any partener in authoritie (according to that of the tra∣gedie-writer,

Nec regna socium ferre nec tedae sciunt)
and namelie such one as might controll him) was the more encouraged thereto by a number of prodi∣gall [line 50] currie fauours,* who by flatterie set him aloft, de∣claring vnto him that he was borne to rule, and not to obeie, and therefore it became not his highnesse to reigne by the appointment of an other, but rather to haue the gouernement fréelie in his owne hands, that he might not be counted prince by permission. Herevpon the youthfull courage of the yong king be∣ing tickled, began to wax of a contrarie mind to his father: who suspecting indéed that which chanced; to wit (least his sonnes yoong yeares not able yet to dis∣cerne [line 60] good and wholesome counsell from euill, might easilie be infected with some sinister practise) thought it not good to suffer him to be long absent from him, and therefore sent for him: who taking leaue of his father in law king Lewes in courteous maner,* re∣turned and came to his father king Henrie into Nor∣mandie,* who when the feast of Christmas drew néere, repaired towards Aniou, where in the towne of Chi∣non, he solemnized that feast, hauing left his sonne the yong king and his wife all that while in Norman∣die: but sending for him after the feast was ended, they went both into Auvergne, where being at mount Ferrat,* Hubert earle of Morienne came vn∣to them, bringing with him his eldest daughter A∣lice, whom king Henrie the father bought of him for the summe of fiue thousand markes, that he might bestow hir in mariage vpon his yongest sonne Iohn with the heritage of the countie of Morienne,* if hir father died without other issue, or at the leastwise the said Hubert chanced to haue any sonne lawfullie begotten, that then he should leaue vnto them and to their heires the countie of Russellon,* the countie of Belle, as he then had and held the same, Pierre ca∣stell with the appurtenances, the vallie of Noual∣leise, also Chambrie with the appurtenances, Aiz, Aspermont, Rochet, mont Magor, and Chambres, with Burg, all which lieng on this side the moun∣taines with their appurtenances, the said Hubert granted to them immediatlie for euer. And beyond the mountaines he couenanted to giue vnto them Turine with the appurtenances, the colledge of Ga∣uoreth with the appurtenances, and all the fées which the earles of Canaues held of him, togither with the fealties and seruices. And also, the fées, fealties, and seruices which belonged to him in the countie of A∣mund, and in the vallie called Uale Dosta; and in like maner, the towne of Castellone.

All the forenamed places the said earle gaue and granted to the said Iohn, sonne to the king of Eng∣land for euermore, with his daughter, so fréelie, who∣lie and quietlie (in men and cities, castels, fortresses, or other places of defense, in medowes, leassewes, milnes, woods, plaines, waters, vallies and moun∣taines, in customes and all other things) as euer he or his father had held or enioied the same. And fur∣thermore, the said earle would, that immediatlie (when it pleased the king of England) his people should doo homage and fealtie to the king of Eng∣lands sonne, reseruing the fealtie due to him so long as he liued. Moreouer, the said earle Hubert granted to the said Iohn and his wife all the right that he had in the countie of Granople, and whatsoeuer might be got and euicted in the same countie. It was also co∣uenanted,* if the elder daughter died, that then the said Iohn should marrie the yoonger daughter, and enioy all the like portions and parts of inheritance as he should haue enioied with the first.

Finallie, that these couenants, grants and agrée∣ments should be performed on the part and behalfe of the said earle Hubert, both he, the said earle, and the erle of Geneua, and in maner all the great lords and barons of those countries receiued an oth, and vndertooke to come and offer themselues as hostages to remaine with the king of England, in case the said earle Hubert failed in performance of any of the a∣foresaid articles, till he framed himselfe to satisfie the kings pleasure in such behalfe.

Furthermore, Peter the reuerend archbishop of Tarenfasia, and Ardune the bishop of Geneua, and also William the bishop of Morienne, with the abbat of S. Michell promised vpon their oth to be readie at the appointment of the king of England, to put vn∣der the censures of the church the said earle and his lands, refusing to performe the foresaid couenants, and so to kéepe him and the same lands bound, till he had satisfied the king of England therein.

William earle of Mandeuill,* and William earle of Arundell sware on the part of king Henrie, that he should performe the articles, couenants and agrée∣ments on his part, as first to make paiment imme∣diatlie vnto the said Hubert of one thousand marks, and assoone as he should receiue his daughter, he should pay him an other thousand markes at the least, and the residue then remaining of the said sum of fiue thousand markes, should be paid when the ma∣riage was consummate.

It was prouided also, that the said earle Hubert might marrie his yoonger daughter where he would, Page  85 without any great diminishing of the earledome af∣ter the first marriage consummate with the lord Iohn, the king of Englands sonne. And that if either the said lord Iohn, or his affianced wife chanced to die before the consummation of the marriage, then should the monie which the earle had receiued, be re∣paied to the king, or bestowed as the king should appoint.

Shortlie after that the parties were agreed vpon the couenants afore cited, the marques of Montfer∣rat [line 10] & one Geffrey de Plozac with his sonne Miles and other Noble men came to the king as ambassa∣dors from the earle of Morienne, and receiued an oth, that they should see and procure the said earle to performe the couenants and agreements concluded betwixt the king and him. When these things were thus ordered, as séemed good to both parties, for the e∣stablishment of the foresaid marriage, the king the father, and the king the sonne remoued to Limoges, whither the earle of S. Giles came,* and was there [line 20] accorded with king Henrie and his sonne Richard duke of Guien, concerning the controuersie that had béene moued for the countie of Tholouze, dooing his homage as well vnto the father as to the sonne for the same countie,* and further couenanted to serue them with an hundred knights or men of armes (as we may call them) for the terme of fourtie daies at all times, vpon lawfull summons. And if the king or his sonne duke Richard would haue his seruice longer time after the fourtie daies were ex∣pired, [line 30] they should paie wages both to him and his men in reasonable maner. Moreouer, the said earle condescended & agreed to giue yearelie for Tholouze an hundred marks,* or else 10. horsses with 10. marks a péece. Now also, whilest the king soiourned at Li∣moges, the earle of Morienne came thither to him, and required to vnderstand what parcels of land he would assigne vnto his sonne Iohn. Wherevpon the king resolued to allot vnto him the chappell of Chi∣non,* Lodun and Mirabell, whereby he offended his [line 40] eldest sonne the yoong king (as after may appeare) who was glad to haue occasion (whome the poets faine to be bald behind and hairie before, as this monastich insinuateth,

Fronte capillata est post est occasio calua)
offered to broch his conceiued purpose of rebellion which of late he had imagined, and now began to put in practise, vsing the opportunitie of the time and the state or qualitie of the quarell then taken for his best aduantage, and meaning to make it an ingredience [line 50] or entrance to the malicious conceit which he had kept secret in his hart.

This yeere the moonks of Canturburie (by the kings assent) chose for their archbishop one Richard, who before was prior of Douer, this man was the 39. in number that had ruled the church of Canturburie,* being of an euill life, as he well shewed, in that he wasted the goods of the church inordinatlie. Roger the abbat of Bechellouin was first chosen, but he re∣fused that dignitie rather for slothfulnes and idlenes [line 60] (as some take it) than for modestie or wisedome: so hard a thing it is to please the people, which measure all things to be honest or dishonest, as they eb or flow in profit and gaine.*

The said Richard, after that he was elected, did ho∣mage vnto king Henrie, and sware fealtie vnto him (Saluo semper ordine suo, His order alwaies saued) with∣out making mention of the customes of the king∣dome. This was doone at Westminster in the chap∣pel of S. Katharine,* the kings iusticer giuing his as∣sent therevnto, where a councell was held the same time, and a letter of the popes read there before the bishops and barons of the realme, conteining a∣mongst other things this that followeth.

A breefe extract or clause of a letter which the pope sent to the clergie of England, &c: for the making of a new holie daie.

WE admonish you all, & by the autho∣ritie which we reteine, doo streight∣lie charge you, that you celebrat the daie of the suffering of the blessed man Thomas the glorious martyr, sometime archbishop of Canturburie, euerie yere in most solemne sort, & that with deuout praiers ye en∣deuour your selues to purchase forgiuenes of sins; that he which for Christes sake suffered banishment in this life, and martyrdome in death by constancie of vertue, through conti∣nuall supplication of faithful people, may make intercession for you vnto God.

The tenor of these letters were scarslie read, but euerie man with a lowd voice began to recite this psalme or hymne, Te Deum laudamus. Furthermore bicause his suffragans had not exhibited due reue∣rence to him their father, either in time of his ba∣nishment, or at his returne from the same, but ra∣ther persecuted him; that they might openlie con∣fesse their errour and wickednesse to all men, they made this collect: Be fauourable good Lord to our supplication and praier,*that we which acknowledge our selues guiltie of iniquitie, may be deliuered by the intercession of Thomas thy blessed martyr and bishop, Amen.

This praier was vsed by the couent of S. Albons on the daie of his martyrdome. Thus

—caeca superstitionis
Est facilísque via & cunctis iam cognita saeclis.

¶ Notwithstanding all which honour of the pope then exhibited to his saint, as his canonization, with other solemnities procured for the maintenance of his memoriall in all ages succeeding; what remem∣brance is there now of Thomas Becket? Where be the shrines that were erected in this church and that chappell for perpetuities of his name and fame? Are they not all defaced? are they not all ruinated? are they not all conuerted to powder and dust? And al∣though the pope ment by causing such ikons to be e∣rected, to prefer Thomas as a perpetuall saint to all posterities, and thought as he that said of his poems,

Exegi monumentum aere perennius,
Regalíque situ pyramidum altius,
Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens
Possit diruere aut innumerabilis
Annorum series & fuga temporum,

Yet is he growne not into renowme, but infamie and shame in England, as our chronicles declare, which haue published that Romish rakehels ambiti∣ous and traitorous heart to all successions. Naie, whereas in times past he was reckoned in the popes rubricke for a saint and a martyr, now it is come to passe (by the meanes belike of other saints whose me∣rits haue surpassed Beckets) that he is growne in ob∣liuion euen at Rome, and his name raced out of the popes calendar (as a learned man preached in a so∣lemne audience at a high festiuall time) by whom he was so magnified.* In which kind of discontinuing his fauour to his sworne children, he sheweth him∣selfe verie ingratefull, and not worthie of the duti∣fulnesse wherewith (like buzzards as they be) they ouercharge their hellish (holie I would saie) father.

This yeare the sister of the said archbishop Ri∣chard was made abbesse of Berking.* But now tou∣ching the new elected archbishop Richard, we find, that comming to Canturburie on the saturdaie af∣ter his election, in hope to be there consecrated, he Page  85〈1 page duplicate〉Page  86 was disappointed by letters that came from king Henrie the sonne, in forme as followeth.

A letter of yoong king Henrie touching the disappointment of archbishop Richards consecration.

HEnrie by the grace of God king of England, duke of Normandie, and earle of Aniou, sonne of king Hen∣rie; [line 10] to our deere and faithfull freend Odo, prior of the church of Canturburie, and to all the conuent there, sendeth greeting. By the assured report of some we vnderstand, that in your church and in other churches also, my father goeth about to institute certein persons not verie meet for such calling: and bicause (without our consent) it ought not so to be doone, who by reason of our kinglie annoin∣ting [line 20] haue taken vpon vs the kingdome and charge of the whole realme: hervpon we haue in the presence of many persons appealed to the see of Rome, and haue signified our appeale in that behalfe, made vnto our reuerend fathers and freends Albert and Theodorike, cardinals and legats of the apostolike see, by our writing and messenger, who like wise and discreet per∣sonages haue assented therevnto. We haue likewise signified the same our appeale to our [line 30] faithfull freends the bishops of London, Exce∣ster, and Worcester, and as we haue appealed, so likewise we doo appeale vnder your testi∣monie.

After the perusall of this letter, and the due consi∣deration of the substance and summe of the same, (albeit no such afterclaps were suspected before) the bishops were altogither driuen to their shifts, [line 40] some of them desiring to go forward with the conse∣cration, and some supposing it better to yéeld vnto the appeale. The elect archbishop therefore first sent messengers to Rome with letters, not written onelie by himselfe, but also by all the bishops and conuent of Canturburie. After this he followed himselfe in person, and comming to the popes court, found there diuers aduersaries to his cause. For some were there that tooke part with the king the father, and some with the king the sonne, and so his businesse could [line 50] haue no spéedie dispatch. In the meane time the ran∣cor which king Henrie the sonne had conceiued a∣gainst his father was so ripened, that it could not but burst out, and shew it selfe to the breach of all dutifull obedience which nature requireth of a sonne towards his father.

You haue heard how king Henrie promised the earle of Morienne, when the marriage was conclu∣ded betwixt his son Iohn and the said earles daugh∣ter, to giue vnto the said Iohn certeine townes in [line 60] Normandie, for the better mainteining of his estate and his wiues. This gift of the fathers caused his el∣dest sonne the yong king Henrie, the sooner to powre out his poison which he had sucked before at his being with his father in law king Lewes. For conceiuing an offense, that his father should giue away any por∣tion of his inheritance,* he would not condescend to any such gifts, but alledged that sithens he was king of England, and that all belonged to him, his father could not now haue any title to giue awaie that which did in no wise apperteine vnto him.

There was another cause that troubled his mind also, and mooued him to grudge at his father, which was; for that the proportion of his allowance for maintenance of his houshold and port was verie slender, and yet more slenderlie paied. Also his father remooued from him certeine of his seruants, as As∣tulfe de S. Hilarie,* and other whome he suspected to giue him euill counsell. Wherefore those that were procurers of him to attempt the seizing of the go∣uernement into his hands, vpon this occasion slept not, but put into his head such matter, that at length he openlie demanded to haue the whole rule commit∣ted to him: which when he saw would not be obtei∣ned of his father by quiet meanes, he fled secretlie a∣waie vnto his father in law king Lewes,* requiring aid of him to recouer his right, which king Henrie the elder vniustlie deteined from him.

The French king comforted him, and bad him be of good cheare, for he ment to doo for him all that in him laie. Herewith he proclaimed him duke of Nor∣mandie, and receiued homage of him for the same. King Henrie the father vnderstanding that his sonne was thus fled to the French king, sent am∣bassadours foorthwith to the same king, requiring him to giue his son some good & wholesome counsell, that he might repent, and not follow such wilfulnesse of mind in swaruing from his fathers freendship, but rather with spéed to returne home againe; & to pro∣mise in his name, that if any thing were otherwise than well, he would be contented the same should be reformed by his order and correction. But so farre was king Lewes from meaning to set a quietnesse betwixt the father and the sonne, that he would not heare the ambassadors declare their message, bicause they named the father, king,* to the derogation of the sonnes right, to whome he said he offered mani∣fest wrong in vsurping the gouernement, which he had alreadie giuen ouer and resigned. Insomuch that when the ambassadours had declared some part of their message, he asked them what he was that willed such things of him: and when they answered that the king of England had sent them with that message, That is a false lie (saith he) for behold here is the king of England, who hath giuen you no commission to declare any message from him vnto me at all.

¶ Here we sée philautie or selfe-loue, which rageth in men so preposterouslie, that euen naturall dutie and affection quite forgotten, they vndertake what mis∣chéefe soeuer commeth next to hand, without excepti∣on of place or person; and all for the maintenance of statelie titles, of loftie stiles, of honorable names, and such like vanities more light than thistle-downe that flieth in the aire. A vice that hath beene noted to reigne in all ages, among all péeres and people of all nations, both at home and abroad, as one verie well noteth and giueth his verdict therevpon, saieng,

— proh dij,* nunc nomina tantùm
Magnifica, & claros titulos sibi quilibet optat,
Arrogat, affectat, sequitur, rapit; vt meritò iam
Et 〈◊〉 asinus pardum vocet & formica leonem.
Quid tituli illustres praeclará{que} nomina prosunt?
Quae citò mors rapit, & lethaeas mergit in vndas.

King Henrie the father perceiuing hereby that warres would follow,* prepared the best he could for his owne defense: but he was in great doubt on e∣uerie side, not knowing whome he might trust. And to increase this mischéefe, his wife quéene Elianor studied to mainteine the strife betwixt hir sonnes. The yoong king then getting an armie togither en∣tred into Guian.

King Henrie was not hastie to go against him,* but sought rather with gentlenesse and all courteous meanes to reconcile him: insomuch that whereas diuerse graue personages being of the yoong kings counsell, and doubting to runne into the displeasure of his father, reuolted from the sonne to the father, and brought with them the sonnes seale, which he vsed Page  87 in sealing of letters. Howbeit, the father receiued them not, but sent them backe againe to his sonne, commanding them to continue faithfull in seruing him as he should appoint them, and herewith he sent ambassadours vnto his sonne to entreate with him of peace and concord.

Now whilest the father went about to asswage the sonnes displeasure, the mother queene Elianor did what she could to pricke him forward in his dis∣obedient attempts. For she being enraged against [line 10] hir husband bicause he kept sundrie concubines, and therefore delited the lesse in hir companie, cared not what mischéefe she procured against him. Herevpon she made hir complaint so greeuouslie vnto hir sons Richard and Geffrey, that they ioined with their bro∣ther against their father, & came to him into Guien, to aid him to the vttermost of their powers.

¶ This may well séeme to be brought vpon the king as a plague of his incontinent, vnchast and li∣bidinous life; who hauing Chara coniugij pignora, a no∣table motiue to kindle and continue honest loue in [line 20] wedlocke, did notwithstanding most inordinatlie a∣bandon his bodie to beastlie and vnlawfull compa∣nie kéeping with strange flesh. Note heere how God stirreth vp the wife of his owne bosome, & the sonnes descending of his owne loines to be thornes in his eies and godes in his sides for profaning so diuine and holie an ordinance; which the verie pagans did so honour and reuerence, that they did not onlie giue precepts touching the due obseruation thereof, but denounced vndoubted vengeance for the violation [line 30] of the same, as appeareth in this old testimonie,

*Patrat & ingreditur quicun{que} cubilia fratris
Vxorem maculans, & sancta cubilia stupro,
Hunc pater ipse deûm Saturnius odit, & ipsi
Hunc malè dij vexant, &c.

But we will remit this to the readers considerati∣on, and note the issue of this mischéefe now broched. The yoong king reioising that he had his brethren thus on his side, readie to take his part, became more [line 40] stout than before, and for answere vnto the messen∣gers that came to him from his father, he declared that if his father would deliuer vp the whole gouern∣ment into his hands, he would be content to breake vp his armie. As for such souldiers as would willing∣lie take his part in this quarell, he caused them to sweare that they should faithfullie serue him against his aduersaries: and those that had rather serue on the other side, he licenced them fréelie to depart and go to his father. [line 50]

King Henrie the father receiuing such a rebelli∣ous answer from his sonne, much lamented the mat∣ter,* and so much the more, for that he saw there was no remedie, but to haue the controuersie decided by the sword. Therefore least he should be taken vnpro∣uided, he kept his armie in a readinesse about him, hauing reteined certeine bands of Brabanders cal∣led the Rowts.

The lords that tooke part with his sonne, being ad∣uertised by espials of the dooings of the father, and hearing that he was readie (if he were constreined) [line 60] to defend himselfe by battell,* and yet willing to re∣ceiue his sons into his fauour againe, if they would be reformed, they tooke great care how to cause his sons to persist in their enterprise, till the father were compelled by force to resigne the gouernment vnto them. But none more than the French king coueted to mainteine the discord, till it might be ended by force of armes: and therfore sent vnto king Henrie the sonne, willing him to come to Paris, where he caused a councell to be called, & there made a league betwixt the said Henrie and himselfe, with William king of Scotland, Hugh earle of Chester, William Patrike the elder,* the thrée sons of Robert earle of Mellent, whose castels king Henrie the elder had in possession, Roger Moumbray, Hugh Bigot, and di∣uerse other complices of the conspiracie, Flabella sedi∣tionum, that tooke part with Henrie the sonne.

Here after they had consulted of the maner how to mainteine warre, bicause they would assure the yoong king that they ment not to forsake him, first king Lewes, and after all the residue tooke an oth to aid him with men and monie,* till his father should either be driuen out of his kingdome, or brought to agrée with him at his will and pleasure. On the o∣ther part, he sware neuer to conclude any peace with his father without their consent and good will. He also promised vpon his oth to giue, & by his char∣ter vnder his sale he confirmed vnto Philip earle of Flanders (for his homage) a thousand pounds of yearelie reuenues in England,* and the countie of Kent, with the castels of Douer and Rochester. And to Matthew earle of Bullongne (for his homage) he likewise promised and confirmed the Soke of Kir∣keton in Lindsey, and the earldome of Morton, with the honour of Hey. Also to Theobald earle of Blois (for his homage) he gaue and granted fiue hundred marks of yearelie reuenue in Aniou with the castell of Ambois, and all that which he claimed as his right within the countrie of Touraine, and surrendred to him all the right which he and his father claimed and demanded to haue in Chateau Reignold.* To the K. of Scots (for his assistance) he gaue and granted all Northumberland as far as the riuer of Tine. And to his brother Dauid (to haue his seruice) he granted the counties of Huntington and Cambridge.* To Hugh Bigot (for his seruice) he gaue the castell of Norwich.* All these gifts and grants (with diuerse o∣ther to other persons) promised & granted, he confir∣med with his new seale, which the king of France had caused him to make. These things being thus ordered at Paris, euerie man resorted to his charge,* that he might prouide for the warre with all spéed conuenient.

King Henrie the father aduertised of this new league of the conspirators against him, was in great perplexitie of mind, for that he saw himselfe in dan∣ger, not onelie of outward enimies, but also of his owne subiects at home. Yet bicause the winter sea∣son was alreadie at hand, taking awaie all conueni∣ent occasions of attempting any great exploit by war for that time, he was in hope to compasse some agreement with his sons yer the spring of the yeare should returne, and therefore he made not so great prouision for his defense, as had béene necessarie in so dangerous a case. But the Frenchmen, who were bent to set forward this war with all diligence, were readie in the field immediatlie vpon the comming of the spring with king Henrie the sonne,* and euen at one instant made their inuasions vpon the lands of king Henrie the father in three seuerall parties; namelie, in Normandie, Guien, and Britaine, which (against the will of his sonne Geffrey duke thereof) king Henrie the father did hold and reteine in his owne hands. The Frenchmen thus inuading the for∣said countries, did much hurt with robbing and spoi∣ling, and also tooke diuerse castels and townes.

Moreouer, about the same time,* William king of Scotland entred with a great power, first into Cum∣berland, and besieged Carleil: but hearing that an armie was prepared against him in the south par∣ties of the realme, and readie to set forward, he raised his siege, and entred into Northumberland, (which prouince king Henrie the sonne had giuen him in the last assemblie holden at Paris) endeuouring to bring it into his possession. But the more earnestlie he went about to inforce the people to his will, the more stilie did they withstand his purpose, hating Page  88 him so much, that in no condition they were willing to come vnder his rule, whereby the Scots were put backe and repelled, and that to their great losse. The kings power also comming into the countrie fol∣lowed them,* and passing ouer the water of Tweed, which diuided then (as it dooth at this daie) the two realmes, made the like spoile in the land of the eni∣mies, as they had made in the countries of Nor∣thumberland and Cumberland.

But in Normandie, whilest others in other places, [line 10] made their hand in fetching preies and booties out of the enimies countrie, king Lewes besieged Uernu∣eil,* which towne being strong of it selfe, Hugh Beau∣champe and others that had charge thereof valiant∣lie defended,* so that the French king was a moneth before it, yer he could win anie part thereof. This towne of Uernueil was in those daies diuided into three portions, beside the castell, euerie of them a∣part from other with mightie wals and déepe ditches full of water. One of these parts was called the [line 20] great Burrow without the wals, where the French king had pitcht his field & planted his engins. About a moneth after whose cōming thither, vittels began to faile them within, so that at length they required a truce onlie for thrée daies, & if no succour came with∣in those thrée daies, they promised to yeeld that part of the towne called the great Burrow, & the perempto∣rie daie was the vigill or eeue of S. Laurence. Here∣vpon were hostages deliuered by the burgesses vnto the French king. Now it was agréed that if they [line 30] yéelded the towne at the daie appointed for want of succor, king Henrie the son, and Robert the French kings brother, with the earls of Trois & Blois, Hen∣rie and Theobald, and William archbish. of Sens, vndertooke vpon their othes that the hostages should then be restored free & without any hurt or damage.

King Henrie being certified from them within of the composition thus made, was driuen to a verie hard shift: for he doubted nothing lesse than that any such thing should haue chanced. Yet considering with [line 40] himselfe, that the sauing of the towne stood in his speedie comming to the rescue, he hasted thither with∣out any staie, and came to the place the daie before the third and last daie of the truce.* King Lewes per∣ceiuing him to be come, doubting least he should lose the preie which he looked for, sent vnto the king, and required that he might common with him on the next daie, touching some means of agréement to be had betwixt him and his sons. This did he of policie, to féed him with hope of some end to be made in the [line 50] troubles betwixt him and his sons, till he had gotten possession of the towne.

Now as he forecast that matter, euen so it came to passe, for whilest a great péece of the next daie was spent in feined talke about an agréement; K. Lewes appointed a great part of his host to close the towne about, and to declare vnto them within, that king Henrie was put to flight; which talke they within Uernueil beléeuing, yéelded the towne & themselues to the French men. Soone after, king Lewes mi∣strusting [line 60] least he should not be able to kéepe it, set it on fire, and so burnt it, contrarie to the composition betwixt him and them agréed and concluded vpon. He kept also the souldiers that had yeelded it into his hands,* togither with the hostages as prisoners, and doubting to cope with his enimie,* went awaie in the night with as still noise as was possible. Which euill dealing had not inuaded his hart, but that euill mea∣ning had possessed it before, euen at the composition making: but he neuer learned that,

*Fidem qui perdit nihil potest vltra perdere.

King Henrie at length perceiuing the fraud, sent certeine bands of his horssemen after to pursue the enimie: but for that king Lewes was alreadie got∣ten into the inner parts of his owne countrie, those which were sent, turned vpon those that were left in the hindermost ward, of whome they slue a great number both horssemen and footmen.

K. Henrie following his men, came to Uernueil, and staieng there that night, tooke order for the repai∣ring and new fortifieng of the towne. On the mor∣row after he went to the castell of Danuille, and wan it,* taking diuerse knights and yeomen within it: this castell belonged to one Gilbert de Tileres.* And thus it came to passe touching the attempt of the French king for the winning of Uernueil, as in some authors we find reported.* ¶Other write other∣wise of the mater, as thus, the French K. being sum∣moned by K. Henrie the father, either to depart from the siege of Uernueil, or to looke for battell; & hearing also that in performance of the message K. Henrie approched with his power, he sent a bishop & an ab∣bat vnto him to vnderstand if he meant to giue bat∣tell in deed.* The messengers met king Henrie as he was aduanced before his host vpon some occasion, with a small companie about him, vnto whom they declared that their maister the French king requi∣red to be assured whether he should haue battell or no. King Henrie armed as he was, with fierce counte∣nance and dreadfull voice made this short answere;

Get you hence, and tell your king that I am here at hand.
The messengers returning to their maister, declared what they had séene and heard. Wherevpon (without longer staie) he raised his field, and with a gallant and mightie armie departed home to his great dishonour, not winning the towne at all, as by the same author it should appeere.

About the same time the earle of Flanders, one of the confederats besieged the towne of Albe∣marle,* and the earle therof within it, which earle was thought to betraie the towne, bicause it was so easi∣lie woone, and both he himselfe, and those which king Henrie the father had sent thither to defend the towne were taken prisoners. Diuerse other places which belonged to the same earle were also immedi∣atlie deliuered into the enimies hands, which increa∣sed the suspicion.

After this towne of Newcastell (otherwise called Drincourt) in those frontiers was besieged,* and fi∣nallie woone by surrender, by the said earle of Flan∣ders, who reioised nothing at the gaine of that towne: for his brother Matthew the earle of Bullongne who should haue béene his heire, was shot into the knée with an arrow, as he approched to the wals, and died of the hurt within a few daies after. The earle of Flanders was so pensife for his brothers death, that he brake vp his iournie and returned, blaming his euill hap and follie in that he had attempted war against his coosen germane king Henrie, who neuer had harmed him, but rather had doone him manie great and singular pleasures from time to time.

¶ Good cause had the earle to giue ouer the prose∣quuting of violence against his souereigne, being dawnted with so heauie a chance, & griped also with the grudge of conscience, in so vnkindlie rewarding his welwiller, at whose hands he confessed himselfe to haue receiued manie a benefit. Wherein we are to note, that ingratitude neuer hurieth anie so much as him or them in whom it is nestled. And hereto allu∣deth the comedie-writer, when he saith verie neatlie,

—morem hunc homines habent, quod sibi volunt*
Dum id impetrāt, boni sunt: sed id vbi iam pene se habēt,
Ex bonis pessimi & fraudulentissimi sunt.

Moreouer Henrie the elder (after the iournie of Uernueil ended) came backe to Rouen, and there vnderstanding that Hugh earle of Chester, and Raft de Foulgiers, men of singular prowesse (who long be∣fore were reuolted to his sonne Henrie) had taken Page  89 the castell of Dole in Britaine, and there making warre, brought all the countrie into trouble, he sent foorth streightwaies certeine of his capteines with the Brabanders to aid his people in those parts who on the twentith day of August (being monday) encountring with the enimies,* discomfited them in battell, tooke seauenteene knights, besides diuerse o∣thers both horssemen and footmen, slue aboue fifteene hundred of the enimies being Britaines, and pursu∣ing the residue, entred the towne which they wan, and droue their aduersaries into the castell, where [line 10] they besieged them, and with all spéed aduertised the king of that enterprise, who immediatlie with all pos∣sible hast came thither, applieng his whole diligence to win the place, that he might haue them which were within the same at his commandement.

To be short, it was not long yer he had his desire, for being such a multitude, that they were not able long to continue within so streict a roome, for want of vittell they fell to a composition, yeelding the ca∣stell [line 20] vnto the king, their bodies liues and lims saued, on the 25. day of August. There were taken within this castell 80. knights, besides yeomen and other common souldiers. In like maner, and with the sem∣blable good fortune, about the same time, his capteins in England ouercame his enimies: for whereas Robert earle of Leicester that tooke part with king Henrie the sonne, had assembled at the towne of Leicester a great host of men, in purpose to set vpon Reignold earle of Cornewall and Richard Lucie capteines on the side of king Henrie the father: they [line 30] vnderstanding his meaning, marched streight to∣wards Leicester, and by the way met with their eni∣mie earle Robert, whome they so fiercelie assailed, that they put him to flight, and after approching the towne,* had it surrendered vnto them, permitting the inhabitants to depart with bag and baggage, and then burned the towne: but the castell (which in those daies was of great strength by reason of the situati∣on) they could not win. [line 40]

*Howbeit some write, that by vndermining, the walles of the towne were subuerted and throwne downe, so that the towne was entred by force, al∣though they within withdrew themselues into the castell and other strong houses, which they defended for a time, till at length they surrendered all, one par∣cell of the castell excepted, for the which by compositi∣on they paied by way of a fine the sum of thrée hun∣dred pounds to the vse of K. Henrie the father. The siege began the seauenth day of Iulie, and on the 28. [line 50] day of the same moneth the armie departed from thence, a truce being granted to those that still defen∣ded a certeine tower of the castell into the which they were withdrawne.

*William also the Scotish king, with an armie of Scots and Gallowaimen inuaded Northumber∣land, and passing by the confines of the bishoprike of Durham did much hurt by slaughter, burning and spoiling the countrie. Neuerthelesse, hearing of a power raised by the English lords in those parts [line 60] to resist him,* he withdrew into his countrie. The English armie folowing him,* wasted the countrie of Louthian, till at length by mediation of certeine re∣ligious men, a truce was granted to the Scots to in∣dure till the feast of S. Hilarie.* For the which truce happilie some rewards went betwixt, and so the Eng∣lish lords with spoiles and gaines returned home∣wards.

A few daies after these luckie chances thus happe∣ning to king Henrie, king Lewes perceiuing for∣tune to be on that side, determined to assaie whether he could obteine his purpose by some means of trea∣tie▪ or at the least put king Henrie in hope of a peace for a time, knowing that he would rather suffer all discommodities whatsoeuer, than once to trie the matter by battell with his sonnes:* wherefore he of∣fered to come to a communication with him betwixt Gisors and Trie, shewing bread in the one hand (as they say) and hiding a stone in the other.

King Henrie was easilie intreated to heare of a∣nie talke for peace, and therefore comming to the place on tuesdaie the fiftéenth daie of September, made so large offers, that he had almost conuerted the yoong mens minds vnto concord. First he offe∣red to his sonne Henrie the yoong king,* the moitie or one halfe of all the reuenues belonging to the de∣maines of the crowne within England, and foure conuenient castels within the same. Or if his sonne had rather remaine in Normandie, he offered the halfe of all the reuenues of that dutchie, with all the rents and profits that were his fathers perteining to the earledome of Aniou, with certeine castels in Normandie, one castell in Aniou, one in Maine, and one in Towraine. To his sonne Richard, he offered halfe the reuenues of Guien, and foure conuenient castels in the same. And to his sonne Geffrey he offe∣red all those lands that belonged by right of inheri∣tance vnto the daughter of Conan erle of Britaine, if he might by the popes good licence marrie hir. And further king Henrie the father yéelded him∣selfe to stand to the order of the archbishop of Tharent and other the popes legats, not refusing to giue his sonnes what rents and reuenues soeuer they should say were reasonable, reseruing onelie to himselfe the administration of iustice, and the power roiall.

These séemed to be large offers, but yet they could not be accepted. For certeine sonnes of Beliall, set vpon nothing but mischéefe, troublers of common peace and quietnesse, wrought so with them, that no conditions of peace (were the same neuer so reaso∣nable) could content them, so that without effect this communication brake vp, but not without contume∣lious words passed betwixt the parties, insomuch that the earle of Leicester (who being put from all his aid in England, was come ouer to the French king to purchase aid at his hands) could not restraine but giuing credit to the old adage,

Homo extra corpus suum est cùm irascitur,*
after many opprobrious words vttered against king Henrie the father,* laid hand on his sword to haue striken him, but the standers by would not suffer him and so they departed; which rash attempt or rather disloiall enterprise,
Non sani esse hominis non sanus iuret Orestes.

On the morrow after, the French and English skirmished togither betwixt Curseils and Gisors, in which conflict Enguerane Chastillone de Trie was taken prisoner by earle William de Mandeuille, who presented him to the king of England. King Lewes though he iudged it his part to preserue his sonne in law from danger, yet he ment nothing lesse than to ioine battell with the English at that pre∣sent. But within a few daies after, he sent Robert earle of Leicester into England with an armie of Flemings and others, there to ioine with Hugh Bi∣got, that both of them might as well by force as faire promises and gentle persuasions bring the whole realme vnto the obedience of king Henrie the sonne.

The earle of Leicester therefore landing at Wal∣ton the 21. of September,* passed through the coun∣trie vnto Fremingham, where he was receiued of Hugh Bigot earle of Northfolke; and after that an other fléet of Flemings were arriued for their aid, they went vnto Gipswich, where when they had re∣mained a few daies,* and augmented their forces by certeine bands of men of warre that belonged vnto earle Bigot, they went to the castell of Haghenet Page  90 (that belonged vnto Ranulph Broc) which they tooke, spoiled & burned, & then returned to Fremingham.

After this, hearing that the countesse of Leicester ws arriued at Orreford with an other power of Flemings, they went to méet hir: and so the earle of Leicester, hauing now a strong armie about him, tooke leaue of earle Bigot, and ment to passe through the countrie into Leicestershire, there to succour his freends, and to worke some feat for the behoofe and furtherance of their quarell. [line 10]

In the meane time the arriuall of the earle of Leicester being knowne, the people of the countrie were assembled togither. Also Richard Lucie lord cheefe iustice, and Humfrey de Boun high conesta∣ble of England,* with the kings power of horssemen which latelie before had béene in Scotland and made inrodes there (as before is mentioned) came with all spéed to saue the countrie from spoile, hauing first ta∣ken a truce (as before is said) with the king of Scots, till the feast of Saint Hilarie next ensuing (or rather [line 20] Ester) hostages being deliuered on both sides. Upon knowledge then had where the enimies were lodged, and what they intended to doo, the said Richard Lucie & Humfrey de Boun came to Saint Edmundsbu∣rie, whither Reignold earle of Cornewall the kings vncle,* Robert earle of Glocester, and William erle of Arundell resorted.

In the meane while, the earle of Leicester passed forward on his waie so farre as Fornham a little village beside S. Edmundsburie. The lord chéefe ius∣tice [line 30] & the earls before mentioned with a great armie, and amongst others the said Humfrey de Boun, who had the leading of 300. knights, or men of armes at the kings wages, came out of S. Edmundsburie, ha∣uing the baner of S. Edmund borne before them, & in a marish ground betwixt Fornham & Edmunds∣burie, they encountred with the said earle of Leice∣ster, and after long and cruell fight discomfited his people,* and tooke him prisoner, togither with his wife the countesse Petronill, after he had doone all that [line 40] belonged to a valiant capteine.

*Some write that there were killed on that day of his people to the number of ten thousand [and almost as manie taken] verelie [all the footmen of the Fle∣mings being in number foure or fiue thousand were either taken or slaine:] the residue that escaped fled towards Leicester, that they might both defend the towne & themselues from the danger of their foes.*

¶ But here is to be noted, that it séemeth by the re∣port of some writers, how the earle of Leicester had [line 50] not so great an armie there at that battell, as by o∣thers account of the number slaine and taken it should appeare he had. For at his departure from his companion in armes Hugh Bigot, he tooke vp∣on him to passe through the countrie (as some write) partlie vpon trust that he had of the force and num∣ber of his souldiers, being about foure or fiue thou∣sand stout and valiant footmen, besides 80 chosen and well appointed horssemen; and partlie in hope that manie of those which were in his aduersaries campe, [line 60] would rather turne to him than fight against him.

He had a great confidence in the Flemings, who indéed presumed much vpon their owne strength, so that they made account of some great conquest, in such wise, that when they came into any large plaine where they might rest, they would take ech others by the hand, and leading a danse, sing in their countrie language,

*Hop hop Wilkine, hop Wilkine,
England is mine and thine.

King Henrie receiuing aduertisement of the vic∣torie which his capteines had thus gotten in Eng∣land, was maruellous ioifull, and commanded that the prisoners should be brought ouer vnto him into Normandie: which being doone, he went into Aniou, and there fortified the towns and castels of the coun∣trie with sure garrisons of men, to resist all sudden inuasions, secret practises,* and other attempts of the enimies. On the feast of S. Andrew the apostle, he tooke the towne of Uandosme by force, which Bu∣chard de Lauerdin held against him, hauing first ex∣pelled his father the earle of Uandosme.

About this season, or rather somewhat before,* king Henrie the father (contrarie to the prohibition of the king his sonne) and after the appeale made vnto the pope) gaue not onelie vnto Richard prior of Douer, the archbishoprike of Canturburie; but also to Reig∣nold Fitz Ioceline the bishoprike of Bath; to Ri∣chard de Worcester archdeacon of Poictiers the bishoprike of Winchester; to Robert Foliot the bi∣shoprike of Hereford; to Geffrey Ridell archdeacon of Canturburie he gaue the bishoprike of Elie, and to Iohn de Oxenford the bishoprike of Chichester.

But now to our purpose.* The nobles of the realme of England (after the * battell of S. Edmundsburie) with an infinit number of men went against Hugh Bigot in purpose to abate his pride. But whereas they might easilie haue had him at their pleasure, by meanes of such summes of monie as he gaue in bribes, a peace was granted to him till Whitsuntide, within which time hauing gotten togither fourteene thousand Flemings, he passed through Essex, and so getting ouer into Kent, came to Douer, where he tooke ship and transported ouer into France.

King Henrie the father held his Christmasse this yeare at Caen in Normandie,* about which time a truce was made betwixt him and king Lewes to endure till Easter, or (as others write) for the terme of six moneths. For ye haue to vnderstand, that the fame of the victorie gotten by the capteines of king Henrie the father against the earle of Leicester (be∣ing not onlie spred through England, but also blown ouer into France) put those that tooke part with him in great feare; but speciallie king Lewes mistrus∣ting the matter began to wax wearie that he had at∣tempted so far, and susteined so great trauell and ex∣penses in another mans cause.

Whilest this truce indured, the archbishop of Can∣turburie being readie to returne home in despaire of his businesse,* vpon a feigned rumor spred that there was a peace concluded betwixt the two kings, the father and sonne, he was called backe and conse∣crated by the pope the sundaie after Easter: and then furnished with the dignities of primat and le∣gat of England, and other priuileges according, he tooke his waie homewards towards England, after he had laid foorth great summes of monie to disap∣point the purposes of his aduersaries.

This yeare in Iune, the lord Geffrey the elect of Lincolne the kings sonne besieged the castell which Roger de Mowbray had repaired at Kinard Ferie, within the Ile of Oxholme, and compelling the soul∣diers within to yéeld, he beat downe and raced the same castell vnto the verie ground. Robert Mow∣bray conestable of that castell, as he passed thorough the countrie towards Leicester, there to procure some aid, was taken by the men of Claie, and kept as prisoner. Moreouer, the said elect of Lincolne tooke the castell of Malesert that belonged to the said Roger Mowbray, which being now taken, was deli∣uered vnto the keeping of the archbishop of Yorke. The said elect also fortified a castell at Topclife, and tooke it to the kéeping of William Stuteuille. In this meane while the king tooke the strengths and for∣tresses which his sonne Richard had fortified at Xan∣ctes, and in the same forts and church (which was also fortified against him) 60. knights or men of armes, and 400. archbalisters, that is, the best of them that Page  91 bare crossebowes.

*Philip earle of Flanders in the presence of the French king and other the peeres of France, laieng his hand vpon the holie relikes, sware that within 15. daies next insuing the feast of S. Iohn then in∣stant to enter England with an armie, and to doo his best to subdue the same to king Henrie the son. Upon trust whereof the yoong king the more presu∣ming came downe to Whitsand,* the 14. daie of Iu∣lie, that he might from thence send ouer into Eng∣land [line 10] Rafe de la Haie with certeine bands of soul∣diers. Before this the earle of Flanders had sent o∣uer 318. knights or men of armes, as we may call them. But after their arriuall at Orwell, which chan∣ced the 14. of Iune, by reason that their associats were dispersed, and for the more part subdued, they tooke with them earle Hugh Bigot, and marching to Norwich, assaulted the citie and wan it, gaining there great riches, and speciallie in readie monie, and led awaie a great sort of prisoners whome they [line 20] ransomed at their pleasure.* This chanced the 18. of Iune.

¶ I remember that William Paruus writeth, that the citie of Norwich was taken by the Flemings that came ouer with the earle of Leicester in the yeare last past, by the conduct of the said earle before he was taken, and that after he had taken that citie, being accompanied with earle Bigot, he led those Flemings also vnto Dunwich, purposing to win and sacke that towne also: but the inhabitants be∣ing [line 30] better prouided against the comming of their e∣nimies than they of Norwich were, shewed such countenance of defense, that they preserued their towne from that danger, so that the two earles with Flemings were constreined to depart without at∣chiuing their purpose. But whether that this at∣tempt against Dunwich was made by the earle of Leicester (before his taking) in companie of earle Bigot, I haue not to auouch. But verelie for the win∣ning of Norwich, I suppose that William Paruus mi∣staketh [line 40] the time, except we shall saie that it was twise taken, as first by the earle of Leicester in the yeare 1173. For it is certeine by consent of most writers, and especiallie those that haue recorded par∣ticularlie the incidents that chanced here in this land during these troubles betwixt the king and his sons, that it was taken now this yeare 1174. by earle Bi∣got (as before we haue shewed.)

But now to procéed. The lords that had the rule of the land for king Henrie the father, perceiuing [line 50] earle Bigots procéedings, sent knowledge thereof with all expedition to the king, as yet remaining in the parties beyond the seas. Whilest these things were a dooing, although the minds of manie of the conspirators against king Henrie the father were inclined to peace,* yet Roger Mowbray, and Hugh Bigot (by reason of this new supplie of men got out of Flanders) ceassed not to attempt fresh exploits: and chéeflie they solicited the matter in such wise with William king of Scotland, that whilest they in [line 60] other quarters of the realme plaied their parts, he entred into the confines of Cumberland,* and first be∣sieged the citie of Carleil, but perceiuing he could not win it in any short time, he left one part of his armie to keepe siege before it, and with the residue marched into the countrie alongst by the riuer of E∣den,* taking by force the castels of Bourgh and Apple∣bie, with diuerse other. This doone, he passed ouer the riuer, and came through Northumberland (wasting the countrie as he went) vnto Alnewike, which place he attempted to win, though his labour therein pro∣ued but in vaine.

This enterprise which he made into Northumber∣land, he tooke in hand chéefelie at the suit and request of Roger Mowbray, from whome Geffrey (who after was bishop of Lincolne) K. Henries eldest base son had taken two of his castels, so that he kept the third with much adoo. He had giuen his eldest sonne in ho∣stage vnto the said king of Scots for assurance of such couenants to be kept on his behalfe as were passed betwixt them.* In the meane time one Dun∣cane or Rothland, with an other part of the Scotish armie entered into Kendall, and wasted that coun∣trie in most cruell wise, neither sparing age nor sex, insomuch that he brake into the churches, slue those that were fled into the same for safegard of their liues as well preests as other. The English power of horssemen which passed not the number of 400. was assembled at Newcastell, vnder the leading of Ro∣bert de Stouteuille, Rae Glanuille,* William Ur∣sie, Bernard Balliolle [and Odonet de Umfrei∣uille.]

These capteines hauing knowledge that Dun∣cane was in one side of the countrie, and king Wil∣liam in another, determined to issue foorth and trie the chance of warre (which is doubtfull and vncer∣teine, according to the old saieng,

Fortuna belli semper ancipiti in loco est)*
against the enimies, sith it should be a great rebuke to them to suffer the countrie to be wasted after that sort without reuengement. Herevpon riding foorth one morning, there arose such a thicke fog and mist that they could not discerne any waie about them, so that doubting to fall within the laps of their enimies at vnwares, they staied a while to take aduise what should be best for them to doo. Now when they were almost fullie resolued to haue turned backe againe, by the comfortable words and bold exhortation of Bernard Balliolle, they changed their purpose,* and rode forward, till at length the northerne wind be∣gan to waken, and droue awaie the mist, so that the countrie was discouered vnto them, and perceiuing where Alnewike stood, not knowing as yet whether the Scots had woone it or not, they staied their pace, and riding softlie, at length learning by the inhabi∣tants of the countrie, that the Scotish king despai∣ring to win Alnewike, had raised his siege from thence the same day, they turned streight thither, and lodging there all night, in the morning got to their horsses verie earelie, riding foorth towards the eni∣mies that were spred abroad in the countrie to forrey the same. They had anon espied where the king was, and incontinentlie compassed him about on euerie side, who perceiuing the English horssemen readie thus to assaile him, with all diligence called backe his men from the spoile; but the more part of them being straied far off through the swéetnes they found in getting of preies, could not heare the sound of the trumpets, yet notwithstanding with those his horsse∣men which he could get togither, he encountred the English men which came vpon him verie hastilie.

The battell was begun verie fiercelie at the first, and well fought for a time, but the Scotish horsse∣men being toiled before in forreieng the countrie, could not long continue against the fierce assault of the English, but were either beaten downe, or else constreined to saue themselues by flight. The king with a few other (who at the first had begun the bat∣tell) was taken.* Also manie of the Scots who being far off, and yet hearing of the skirmish, came run∣ning toward the place, & were taken yer they could vnderstand how the matter had passed. This taking of the king of Scots was on a saturdaie, being the seuenth of Iulie.*

The English capteines hauing thus taken the Scotish king in the midst of his armie, conteining the number of 80000 men, returned to Newcastell,* greatlie reiising of their good successe, aduertising Page  92 king Henrie the father hereof with all speed, who as then was come ouer from Normandie,* and was (the same day that the Scotish king was taken) at Can∣turburie, making his praiers there before the sepul∣ture of the archbishop Becket (as after it shall ap∣péere.)

*In the meane while and somewhat before this time, the earle of Leicesters men, which laie at Leicester vnder the conduct of Robert Ferreis earle of Dar∣bie (as some write) or rather of Anketille Malorie [line 10] constable or gouernour (if we shall so call him, as Roger Houeden saith) came to Northampton, where they fought with them of that towne, and getting the victorie,* tooke two hundred prisoners, and slue or wounded néere hand as manie more, and so with this good successe in that enterprise returned againe to Leicester, from whence they first set foorth. The kings horssemen herevpon came streightwaies to Northampton, and following the enimies, could not ouertake them. [line 20]

*Robert Ferreis earle of Darbie being now come vnto Leicester in aid of them that laie there, staied not past ten daies: but finding meanes to increase his number of horssemen,* suddenlie made to Notin∣gham, which Reignold de Lucie had in kéeping, and comming thither earelie in the morning tooke it, droue out the kings souldiers that laie there in gari∣son, burned the towne, slue the inhabitants, and di∣uided their goods amongst his souldiers: which thing put the countrie about in such feare, that manie of [line 30] the inhabitants submitted themselues vnto him.

King Henrie the sonne being hereof aduertised by letters oftentimes sent vnto him by this Robert Ferreis, and other his fréends here in England, est∣soones conceied some good hope to obteine his pur∣pose: and therefore determined to prepare for the warre. Herevpon he purchased aid of king Lewes, who (bicause the truce which he had taken with king Henrie the father was now expired) thought it was reason to further his sonne in lawes enterprise so [line 40] farre as in him laie.* Wherfore he made his prouision at Graueling, and there incamping with his people, staied till his ships were readie to transport him and his armie, which consisted of certeine horssemen, and of a number of Brabanders.

King Henrie the father being informed both of his sonnes purpose, and of the dooings in England, with all possible spéed determined to passe ouer into England, and therefore got his souldiers a shipboord, among whom were certeine bands of his Braban∣ders:* [line 50] and so soone as the wind blew to his mind, he caused the sailes to be hoised vp, and the nauie to set forward. Being landed, he repaired first vnto Can∣turburie, there to make his praiers, doubting least the bloud of the archbishop Thomas Becket being shed through his occasion,* did yet require vengeance against him for that fact. From Canturburie he came to London, and tooke order for the placing of capteins with their bands in certeine townes about the coast, to defend the landing places, where he [line 60] thought his sonne was like to arriue. Then went he to Huntington,* and subdued the castell there the 19. of Iulie: for the knights and other souldiers that were within it yéelded themselues to the kings mer∣cie, their liues and lims saued.

After this, assembling his people on all sides, he made his generall musters at S. Edmundsburie,* and determined to besiege the castels of Bunghey and Fremingham,* which the earle Hugh Bigot held against him, who mistrusting that he was not able to defend himselfe and those places against the king, agréed with the king to haue peace, paieng him the summe of a thousand markes by composition. This agréement was concluded the 25. of Iulie. Herevp∣on a multitude of the Flemings which Philip earle of Flanders had sent into England (as before is men∣tioned) vpon their oth receiued,* not afterwards to come as enimies into England, had licence to re∣turne into their countrie. Also the bands of souldiers that came into the realme with Rafe de la Haie de∣parted without impechment by the kings sufferance.

The king hauing thus accomplished that which stood with his pleasure in those parties,* remoued from thence and drew towards Northampton. To which towne after his comming thither,* the king of Scots was brought with his féet bound vnder the horsses bellie. Thither also came the bishop of Dur∣ham, and deliuered to the king the castels of Dur∣ham, Norham, and Allerton. Thither also came to the king Roger Mowbraie, and surrendred to him the castell of Treske, and Robert earle Ferreis deli∣uered vp into his hands the castels of Tutburie and Duffield, and Anketill Mallorie, and William de Diue constables to the earle of Leicester yeelded to the king the castels of Cicester, Grobie, and Mount∣sorell, to the intent that he should deale more courte∣ouslie with the earle their maister.* Also William earle of Glocester, and earle Richard of Clare sub∣mitted themselues to the king, and so he brought all his aduersaries within the realme of England vnto such subiection as he himselfe wished; so that the king hauing atchiued the vpper hand of his enimies re∣turned to London.

¶ All this hurlie burlie and bloudie tumult, was partlie to be ascribed to the king himselfe, who ouer tenderlie fauouring his sonne, did deiect and abase himselfe to aduance the other; partlie to the ambiti∣ous disposition of the youth, who was charged with roialtie, before he had learned sufficient loialtie, else would he not haue made insurrections against his father, that himself might obteine the monarchie, and the old king doo him homage: and partlie to the quéenes discontented or rather malicious mind, whose dutie it had béene (notwithstanding such disho∣nour doone hir by the king in abusing his bodie vn∣lawfullie) so little to haue thought of stirring com∣motions betwixt the father and the sonnes, that she should rather haue lulled the contention asléepe, and doone what she possiblie could to quench the feruent fier of strife with the water of pacification. But true it is that hath béene said long ago,

Mulier nihil nouit nisi quod vult,
Et plenum malorum est onus.*

But what insued herevpon euen by waie of cha∣stisement, but that which commonlie lighteth vp∣on tumult-raisers; namelie, either losse of life, or at least restraint of libertie? For the king after this happie atchiuement of his warlike affaires, being ruled by reason and aduise (as it is likelie) would not that so smoking a fierbrand (as quéene Elianor had prooued hirselfe to be) should still annoie his eies,* and therefore (whether in angrie or quiet mood, that is doubtfull) he committed hir to close prison, bicause she had procured his sons Richard and Geffrey to ioine with their elder brother against him their fa∣ther (as before ye haue partlie heard).

But to procéed, king Lewes being aduertised that there was no great number of men of war left in Normandie to defend the countrie, raised a power, and comming to Rouen, besieged it verie streitlie.* Shortlie after also king Henrie the sonne and Philip earle of Flanders came thither, meaning to obteine the possession of Normandie first, and af∣ter to go into England.* The citizens of Rouen per∣ceiuing in what danger they stood, without faint harts prepared all things necessarie for defense, and did euerie thing in order, purposing not to giue ouer their citie for any threats or menaces of their eni∣mies. Page  92〈1 page duplicate〉Page  93 Now whilest they within were busie in deui∣sing how to repell the assault, and to defend them∣selues, the aduersaries about midnight came forth of their campe, and approching the walles with their ladders, raised them vp, and began to scale the citie. But the citizens being aduised thereof, boldlie got them to the loops and towers, ouerthrew the lad∣ders of the enimies that were comming vp, and with arrowes, stones and darts beat them backe, to their great losse and ouerthrow. Howbeit though the eni∣mies [line 10] could not preuaile thus to get the citie by this assault, yet they continued the siege, and suffered not them within to be in quiet, but daie and night assai∣led them by one meanes or other.

*King Henrie the father being aduertised héereof, after he had set his businesse in order, touching the suertie and safe defense of the English estate, he re∣turned into Normandie, and landed at Harfleet on a thursdaie being the eight daie of August, bringing backe againe with him his Brabanders, and a thou∣sand [line 20] Welshmen. In this meane while, king Lewes continued still his siege before Rouen, constreining them within by all meanes he could deuise to yeeld vp their citie. At length came the feast of Saint Lau∣rence, on which daie the French king commanded that no man should attempt any enterprise against the citizens, granting them truce for that day, in worship of that saint. This truce was so acceptable a thing to them within, that they forgetting them∣selues, without all respect to the danger wherein the [line 30] citie stood, threw off their armour, and gaue them∣selues to sléepe and rest. Some also fell to banketting and other pastimes in verie dissolute maner.

¶ But through this their remisse vsage and loose behauiour, and forgetting that a temporarie truce is no safe warrant of securitie and peace, they deriued danger and destruction to themselues; which it had beene their parts prouidentlie to haue preuented, and not through their carelesnesse to set open a gap of aduantage to their enimies, who pursued them with [line 40] professed hostilitie, notwithstanding they reposed confidence in the truce that was granted. Héerein they are to be resembled to the cooks of whome Plau∣tus speaketh verie neatlie, saieng,

—coquos equidem nimis
Demiror, qui tot vtuntur condimentis, eos eo
Condimento non vtier quod praestat omnibus,
Meaning sobrietie: so these delighting more in their dishes, than mistrusting their enimies, remem∣bred to take the vse of any pleasure that the conueni∣entnesse [line 50] of this present time might proffer; onelie as cookes among all their sawces doo mind nothing lesse than sobernesse: so these in the abundance of their ioies, thought nothing of afterclaps, which af∣terwards made them (like fooles) to sing an vnhappie had I wist. For the Frenchmen, perceiuing this their negligence, required licence of the French king to giue assault to the citie, declaring in what state the matter presentlie stood; who not meaning to violate the reuerence of that day, and his promi∣sed [line 60] faith, with any such vnlawfull attempt, comman∣ded his men of warre that made the request in no wise to stirre.* Howbeit the souldiers vpon couetous∣nesse of the spoile, raised the ladders to that part of the wall which they iudged to be most without war∣ders, so that some of them mounting aloft, got vp, and were about to helpe vp their fellowes.

Now it happened (as God would haue it) that two préests being gone vp into the steeple of the cheefe church, to looke about them for their pleasures, fortu∣ned to sée where the French men were about to en∣ter the citie, and streightwaies gaue knowledge to the citizens beneath. Wherevpon the alarum rose, in∣somuch that with all spéed the people ran to the place, and with such violence came vpon their enimies which were entred vpon the walles,* that streight∣waies they slue manie of them, and chased the resi∣due out of the ditches, so that they returned with blee∣ding wounds to their campe, repenting them of their vnhappie enterprise, that turned them to such wo and greeuance.

The same day a little before night,* king Henrie the father came vnto Rouen, and was receiued into the citie with great ioy and gladnesse: for he came thi∣ther by chance, euen about the time that the citie had thus like to haue bin surprised & taken at vnwares.

¶There be that write,* how the French king (im∣mediatlie vpon the arriuall of king Henrie) left his field and departed, greatlie to his dishonor, bur∣ning vp his engines of warre, and not staieng till his men might haue leisure to charge their wagons with their armor and other stuffe, which they were glad to leaue behind for a prey to the English men issuing foorth vpon them. But other declare, that the French king being nothing abashed of king Hen∣ries comming, continued the siege, in hope to win the citie.

The next day earlie in the morning (or as other say in the night season) the king did send foorth a cer∣teine number of Welshmen to passe ouer the riuer of Saine, which they did,* and by force made them∣selues waie through the French campe, getting without losse or danger vnto a great wood, and slue that day of their aduersaries aboue an hundred men. After this, lieng abroad in the countrie, they skirmi∣shed dailie with the French horssemen,* and oft times cut off such prouision of vittels as came to nourish the campe. The king himselfe on the other side remai∣ning within the citie, caused his people to issue out at the gates, and to kéepe the enimies occupied with skirmishes afore the citie. And moreouer,* where there was a great trench cast betwixt the French campe and the walles of the citie, he caused the same to be filled vp with fagots, stones, and earth. But although the French men sawe this the kings deed well en∣ough, yet none of them issued foorth of their tents to hinder the English of their purpose.

Now king Lewes being sore vexed with his eni∣mies on ech side, and perceiuing the citie would not be woone within any short time, began to wax wea∣rie, and to repent himselfe (as afore) for taking in hand so chargeable and great a warre for another mans quarell.* Wherevpon he caused William bi∣shop of Sens, and Theobald earle of Blois to go to king Henrie, and to promise vpon forbearance from warre for a time, to find means to reconcile him and his sonnes, betweene whome vnnaturall variance rested. Whereof K. Henrie being most desirous, and taking a truce, appointed to come to Gisors [in the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie] there to meet king Lewes,* that they might talke of the matter and bring it to some good end.

The French king,* so soone as he knew that truce was taken, raised his siege, and returning home, within a few daies after (according to the appoint∣ment) came to Gisors, and there communed with king Henrie: but bicause he could not make any a∣gréement betwixt him and his sonnes at that time, he appointed another time to meet about it. King Henrie the father (whilest the truce continued with the French king) and his sonne Henrie went to Poictou, where his sonne Richard (whilest his father had beene occupied in other places) had gotten the most part of the countrie into his possession. But now hearing of his fathers comming, and that a truce was taken with the French king and with his brother, he considered with himselfe, that without their assistance he was not able to withstand his fa∣thers Page  94 power. Howbeit at length choosing rather to trie the matter with force of armes,* than cowardlie to yéeld, he prepared for defense, furnishing diuerse townes and castels with garisons of men: and as∣sembling togither all the other power that he was able to make, cme into the field, & pitched his tents not far off from his father. In the meane while, which way soeuer his father passed, the townes and castels submitted themselues vnto him,* so that Richard be∣gan to despaire of the matter, insomuch that he durst [line 10] not approch néere his father, but kept aloofe, doubting to be entrapped.

At length when he had considered his owne state, and weled how vnthankefullie the French king and his brother had dealt with him, in hauing no consi∣deration of him at such time as they tooke truce,* he determined to alter his purpose, and hauing some good hope in his fathers clemencie, thought best to trie it, which he found to be the best waie that he could haue taken. For oftentimes it chanceth, that latter [line 20] thoughts are better aduised than the first, as the old saieng is,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Herevpon Richard laieng armour aside, came of his owne accord vnto his father on the 21. of Sep∣tember,* and asked pardon. His father most courte∣ously receiuing him, made so much of him as though he had not offended at all. Which example of courte∣sie preuailed much to the alluring of his other sons to come to a reconciliation. For the bringing where∣of [line 30] to speedie effect, he sent this Richard vnto king Lewes, and to his other sonne Henrie, to commen with them of peace, at which time earle Richard did so effectuallie his message, that he brought them both in good forwardnesse to agree to his fathers purpose, so that there was a daie appointed for them to meet with their father, betwixt Towres in Touraine and Ambois.

*King Henrie reioising hereat, kept his daie (be∣ing the morrow after the feast of S. Michaell) and [line 40] there met him both king Lewes, and his two sonnes Henrie and Geffrey, where finallie the father and the sonnes were accorded; he promising to receiue them into fauour vpon these conditions.*

1 First the prisoners to be released fréelie with∣out ransome on both sides, and their offenses, which had taken either the one part or the other, to be like∣wise pardoned.

*2 Out of this article were excepted all those which before the concluding of this peace had alreadie [line 50] compounded for their raunsomes, as the king of Scots, the earles of Leicester and Chester, and Rafe Fulgiers, with their pledges.

3 It was also agréed, that all those castels which had beene builded in time of this warre, should be ra∣ced and throwne downe, and all such cities, townes, castels, countries and places, as had beene woone by either part during these wars, should be restored vn∣to those persons that held the same, and were in pos∣session of them 15. daies before the departure of the [line 60] sonnes from king Henrie the father.

4 That king Henrie the father should assigne to his sons more large reuenues for maintenance of their estates, with a caution included, that they should not spend the same riotouslie in any prodigall sort or maner.

5 To the king his sonne, he gaue two castels in Normandie,* with an increase of yearelie reuenues, to the summe of 15. thousand pounds Aniouin.

6 To his sonne Richard he gaue two houses in Poictou,* with the one halfe of all the reuenues of the countie of Poictou to be receiued and taken in readie monie.

*7 And to his sonne Geffrey he granted in monie, the moitie of that which he should haue by the ma∣riage of earle Conans daughter, and after he had maried hir by licence purchased of the pope, he should enioy all the whole liuings and reuenues that de∣scended to hir, as in hir fathers writing therof more at large was conteined.

8 On the other part, king Henrie the son couenan∣ted to & with the king his father, that he would per∣forme and confirme all those gifts, which his father should grant out of his lands, & also all those gifts of lands which he either had made and assured, or here∣after should make and assure vnto any of his men for any of their seruices: & likewise those gifts which he had made vnto his sonne Iohn the brother of king Henrie the sonne; namelie,* a thousand pounds in lands by yeare in England of his demaine and ex∣cheats with the appurtenances, and the castell and countie of Notingham, with the castell of Marle∣brough, & the appurtenances. Also a thousand pounds Aniouin of yearelie reuenues in Normandie, and two castels there. And in Aniou a thousand pounds Aniouin, of such lands as belonged to the earle of Aniou, with one castell in Aniou, and one in Tou∣raine, and another in Maine.

Thus were the father and sons agréed and made freends, the sonnes couenanting neuer to withdraw their seruices and bounden dueties from their fa∣ther, but to obeie him in all things from that day for∣ward. Herewith also the peace was renewed betwixt king Henrie and king Lewes, and for the further confirmation,* a new aliance was accorded betwixt them, which was, that the ladie Adela the daughter of king Lewes should be giuen in mariage vnto earle Richard the sonne of king Henrie, who bicause she was not yet of age able to marie, she was con∣ueied into England to be vnder the guiding of king Henrie, till she came to lawfull yeares.

Thus the peace being concluded, king Henrie forgetting all iniuries passed, brought home his sons in maner aforesaid, who being well pleased with the agreement, attended their father into Normandie,* where Richard and Geffrey did homage to him, re∣ceiuing their othes of allegiance according to the maner in that case required. But king Henrie the sonne did no homage,* for his father (in respect that he was a king) would not suffer him, and therefore tooke onelie sureties of him for performance of the coue∣nants on his part, as was thought expedient.

¶ All this dissention and strife was kindled (no doubt) by the meanes of certeine sowers of discord, sycophants, parasits, flatterers, clawbacks, & picke∣thanks, who had learned their lesson, that

Principibus placuisse viris non vltima laus est,
and thinking by their embossed spéech to tickle the eares and harts of the yoong princes, who by reason of their yoong yeares and nakednesse of experience in the course of worldlie maters, sought their owne aduancement, euen by flinging firie faggots of dis∣sention betweene them, whose harts naturall affecti∣on had vnited. For by the tenor of the storie (marke it who will) we shall fée that no attempt of the sons against the father but had originall from the sugge∣stions of euill disposed persons, who (like eeles that fatten not in faire running water, but in muddie motes and ponds) sought honour in hurlie burlies, & reached out long armes to riches by manie a ones impouerishment. This to be true, the small euent and issue prooueth; namelie, the mutuall attonement and reconciliation wouen betweene the father and the sonnes; their remorse for their vndutifulnes, his louing fauour and gratiousnesse; their promptnesse to yéeld to conditions of agreement, his forwardnes to giue consent to couenants required; their readi∣nesse to doo the old king homage, his acceptable ad∣mission Page  95 of their proferred seruice; with other circum∣stances to be collected out of the storie, all which doo prooue that this their disloiall resistance sprang ra∣ther by others incitement, than of their owne seek∣ing. Thus we sée what alterations happen in the acti∣ons of men, and that euill things manie times (though naturallie bad) doo inferre their contraries, as one aptlie saith,
Discordia fit charior concordia.

*At length king Henrie went to Faleise, and there deliuered out of captiuitie William king of Scot∣land, [line 10] Robert earle of Leicester, Hugh earle of Che∣ster, with diuerse other Noble men which were kept there as prisoners, putting them to their ransomes, and receiuing of them pledges with an oth of alle∣giance. This king Henrie the father released for his part the number of nine hundred 69. knights or men of armes (if yée list so to terme them) which had beene taken since the beginning of these passed warres.*

As for king Henrie the sonne he also set at liber∣tie aboue an hundred, and that without ransome [line 20] paieng, according to the articles of the peace (as be∣fore you haue heard.) But yet some (as is alreadie specified) were excepted out of the benefit of that arti∣cle, as William king of Scotland, who being not a∣ble to paie his ransome in present monie, deliuered vp in gage foure of the strongest castels within his realme into king Henries hands, namelie, Bar∣wike,* Edenbourgh, Roxbourgh, and Sterling, with condition, that if he brake the peace, and paied not the monie behind due for his raunsome, king Henrie [line 30] and his successours should enioy for euer the same castels. He also couenanted, not to receiue any English rebels into his realme. Other write that the king of Scots did not onelie become the king of Englands liegeman at this time,* and couenanted to doo homage vnto him for the realme of Scotland, and all other his lands, but also deliuered the castels of Barwike, and Roxbourgh to be possessed of the same king of England and his heires for euer, with∣out any couenant mentioned of morgage. [line 40]

Things being setled thus in good order, king Hen∣rie leauing his sonne Henrie at Rouen, went to Ar∣genton, and there held his Christmasse, and after∣wards, namelie in the feast of the purification of our ladie,* both the kings (as well the father as the sonne) were at Mauns, [year 1175] and vpon their returne from thence into Normandie, came to a communication with the French king at Gisors,* and then being come backe into Normandie at Bure, the sonne (to put the father out of all doubt and mistrust of any euill mea∣ning [line 50] in him) sware fealtie to him against all persons, and so became his liegeman in the presence of Ro∣throd archbishop of Rouen, Henrie bishop of Baieux William earle of Mandeuille, Richard de Hunez his conestable, and manie other.

After this they kept their easter at Chirebourgh▪ from whence they came to Caen, where they met with Philip earle of Flanders,* who had latelie before taken on him the crosse, to go to the holie land: where king Henrie the father required him to release all [line 60] such couenants as king Henrie the sonne had made vnto him in time of his last warres, which he fréelie did, and deliuered vp the writing that he had of the same king concerning those couenants, and so they confirmed vnto him the yearelie rent which he was woont to receiue out of England, before the said warres.

*Finallie, when king Henrie had visited the most part of the countrie, he came to Harflew, and caused his nauie to be decked and rigged, that he might saile ouer into England. Whilest he tarried heere till his ships were readie, he sent letters to his sonne king Henrie, willing him to repaire vnto him, and meaning that he should accompanie him into England.* Who at the first was loth to obeie his fa∣thers will and pleasure herein, bicause some enui∣ous persons about him had put in his head a doubt, least his father had not altogither forgot his former grudge, and that he ment at his comming into Eng∣land to commit him to prison. Which was a surmize altogither void of likeliehood, considering that the fa∣ther, in the whole processe of his actions betweene himselfe and his sonnes, was so farre from the desire of inflicting any corporall punishment, or leuieng a∣nie fine vpon them for their misdemenour, that he alwaies sought meanes of reconcilement and paci∣fication. And though this Henrie the sonne for his part deserued to be roughlie dealt withall; yet the fa∣ther handled him so gentlie with courteous letters & messages, that shortlie after he came of his owne accord vnto Harflew, from whence shortlie after they sailed both togither ouer into England, landing at Portsmouth on a fridaie being the ninth of Maie,* from thence they tooke their iournie streight to Lon∣don, all the waies being full of people that came to see them, and to shew themselues glad and ioifull of their concord and happie arriuall. At their comming to the citie they were receiued with great reioising of the people, beseeching God long to preserue them both in health and honour.

The same yeare William de Breause hauing got a great number of Welshmen into the castell of Abergauennie,* vnder a colourable pretext of com∣munication, proponed this ordinance to be receiued of them with a corporall oth; That no traueller by the waie amongst them should beare any bow, or other vnlawfull weapon. Which oth when they refused to take,* bicause they would not stand to that ordinance he condemned them all to death. This deceit he vsed towards them in reuenge of the death of his vncle Henrie of Hereford, whom vpon easter euen before, they had through treason murthered, and were now acquited with the like againe.

The same yeare died Reignold earle of Cornwall,* bastard sonne to king Henrie the first without heirs male, by reason whereof the king tooke into his hands all the inheritance of lands and liuings which he held within England, Normandie and Wales, except cer∣teine portions which the daughters of the same earle had by assignement allotted to them. Also Richard earle of Glocester deceassed this yeare, and his sonne Philip succeeded him.

The same yeare was a synod of the cleargie kept at Westminster,* wherein many things were decréed for the conseruation of religion. Amongst other things it was prouided, that those abbeies and chur∣ches which were void of gouernours, and could haue none placed in them by the time of the late ciuill warres, should now be committed vnto men wor∣thie to enioy the same, for the reformation of disor∣ders growne and plentifullie sproong vp in time of the vacations.

The realme now brought into good order and de∣liuered from the troubles of warre, as well at home as abroad,* the king being at good leisure determined to ride about a great part of the realme, and com∣ming to Yorke, sent for the king of Scots to come and doo his homage. Now the king of Scots (accor∣ding to couenants before concluded) came vnto Yorke in the moneth of August, where dooing his ho∣mage about the twentith day of the same moneth in S. Peters church, the king granted further by his letters patents, that he and his successours kings of Scotland, should doo homage and fealtie to the kings of England, so often as they should be necessarilie required therevnto. In signe and token of which sub∣iection, the king of Scots offered his hat and his sad∣dle Page  96 vpon the altar of S. Peter in Yorke, which for a remembrance hereof was kept there many yeares after that day.

The charter conteining the articles of the peace and agreement concluded betwixt the two kings, which was read in S. Peters church at the same time, exemplified as followeth. [line 10]

WIlhelmus rex Scotiae deuenit homo ligius domi∣ni regis Angliae contra omnes homines,* de Sco∣tia & de alijs terris suis, & fidelitatem ei fecit vt ligio domino suo sicut alij homines sui ipsi fa∣cere solent. Similiter fecit homagium Henrico filio regis salua fide domini regis patris sui.

2 Omnes vero epis. abbates & clerus terrae Scotiae & suc∣cessores suifacient domino regi sicut ligio domino fidelitatem, de quibus habere voluerit, sicut alij episcopi sui ipsi facere solent, & [line 20] Henric filio suo & Dauid & haeredibus eorum.

3 Concessit autem rex Scotiae, & frater eius, & barones, & alij homines sui domino regi, quòd ecclesia Scotiae talem subie∣ctionem amodò faciet ecclesiae Angliae, qulem facere debet, & solebat tempore regum Angliae praedecessorum suorum.

4 Similiter Richardus episcopus Sancti Andreae, & Richar∣dus episcopus Dunkelden▪ & Gaufridus abbas de Dunfermlin. & Herbertus prior de Coldingham concesserunt, vt ecclesia Anglicana illud habeaius in ecclesia Scotiae, quod de iure de∣bet habere: & quod ipsi non erunt contraius Anglicanae ec∣clesiae. [line 30] Et de hac concessione sicut quando ligiam fidelitatem domino regi & domino Henrico filio suo fecerint, ita eos inde assecurauerint.

5 Hoc idem facient alij episcopi & clerus Scotiae, per conuen∣tionem inter dominum regem Scotiae & Dauid fratrem suum & barones suos factam, comites & barones & alij homines de terra regis Scotiae (de quibus dominus rex habere voluerit) fa∣cient ei homagium contra omnem hominem, & fdelitatem vt ligio domino suo sicut alij homines sui facere ei solent, & Hen∣rico filio suo & haeredibus suis salua fide domini regis patris [line 40] fui. Similiter haeredes regis Scotiae & baronum & hominum suorum homagium & ligiantiam facient haeredibus domini re∣gis contra omnem hominem.

6 Praeterea rex Scotiae & homines sui nullū am••o fugitiuum de terra domini regis pro felonia receptabunt, vel in alia terra sua nisi voluerit venire ad rectum in curia domini regis & stare iudio curiae. Sed rex Scotiae & homines sui quàm citius poterunt eum capient, & domino regi reddent, vel iusticiarijs suis aut balliuis suis in Anglia. [line 50]

7 Si autem de terra regis Scotiae aliquis fugitiuus fuerit pro felonia in Anglia, nisi voluerit venire ad rectū in curia do∣mini regis Scotiae, &▪ stare iudicio curiae, non receptabitur in terra regis, sed liberabitur hominibus regis Scotiae▪ per balliuos domini regis vbi inuentus fuerit.

8 Praeterea homines domini regis habebunt terras suas quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege, & hominibus su∣is, & de rege Scotiae & de hominibus suis. Et homines regis Scotiae habebunt terras suas, quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege & hominibus suis. Pro ista vero conuentione [line 60] & fine firmiter obseruando domino regi & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis à rege Scotiae & haeredibus suis, liberauit rex Scotiae domino regi castellum de Roxburgh, & castellum Puel∣larum, & castellum de Striueling, in manu domini regis, & ad custodienda castella assignabit rex Scotiae de redditu suo mesurabiliter ad voluntatem domini regis.

9 Praeterea pro praedicta conuentione & fine exequendo, libe∣rauit rex Scotiae domino regi Dauid fratrem suum in obside & comitem Duncanum, & comitem Waldenum, similiter alios comites & barones cum alijs viris potentibus quorum nu∣merus 18. Et quando castella reddita fuerint illis, rex Scotiae & Dauid frater suus liberabuntur. Comites quidem & baro∣nes praenominati vnusquis{que} postquam liberauerit obsidem suum, scilicet filium legitimum, qui habuerit, & alij nepotes suos vel propinquiores sibi haeredes, & castellis vt dictum est redditis liberabuntur.

10 Praeterea rex Scotiae & barones sui praenominati assecura∣uerunt, quòd ipsi bona fide, & sine malo ingenio, & sine occasio∣ne facient vt episcopi & barones & caeteri homines terrae suae, qui non affuerunt quando rex Scotiae cum domino rege finiuit eandem ligiantiam & fidelitatem domino regi & Henrico fi∣lio suo quam ipsi fecerunt, & vt barones, & homines qui affu∣erunt obsides, liberabunt domino regi de quibus habere voluerit.

11 Praeterea episc. comites & barones conuentionauerunt do∣mino regi & Henrico filio suo, quòd sirex Scotiae aliquo casu à fidelitate domini regis & filij, & à conuentione praedicta rece∣deret, ipsi cum domino rege tenebunt sicut cum ligio domino suo contra regem Scotiae, & contra omnes homines ei inimican∣tes. Et episcopi sub interdicto ponent terram regis Scotiae donet ipse ad fidelitatem domini regis redeat.

12 Praedictam ita{que} conuentionem firmiter obseruandam bo∣na fide, & sine malo ingenio domino regi & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis à Wilhelmo rege Scotiae & Dauid fratre suo & baronibus suis praedictis, & haeredibus eorum assecurauit ipse rex Scotiae, & Dauid frater eius, & omnes barones sui praenominati sicut ligij homines domino regis contra omnem hominem, & Henrici filij sui (salua fidelitate patris sui) hijs testibus, Richardo episcopo Abrincensi, & Iohanne Salisbu∣riae decano, & Roberto abbate Malmesburiae, & Radulpho ab∣bate Mundesburg, nec non alijs abbatibus, comitibus & baro∣nibus, & duobus filijs suis scilicet Richardo & Galfrido.

These things being recited in the church of S. Pe∣ters in Yorke, in the presence of the said kings, & of Dauid the king of Scots brother, and before an in∣numerable number of other people, the bishops, earles, barons and knights of Scotland sware feal∣tie to the king of England and to Henrie his sonne, and to their heires against all men, as to their liege and souereigne lords.

King Henrie hauing ended his businesse at Yorke with the king of Scots and others, which likewise did homage to him there, returned to London, in the oc∣taues of S. Michaell,* and he called a parlement at Windsor, whereat were present king Henrie the sonne, Richard archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops of England, Laurence archbishop of Dublin with a great number of earles and barons of this realme.* About the same time the archbishop of Tua∣mon, and the abbat of S. Brandon, with Laurence the chancellor of Roderike king of Connagh in Ireland were come as ambassadours from the said Roderike, vnto king Henrie, who willinglie heard them, as he that was more desi•••s to grow to some accord with those sauage people by some freendlie or∣der, than to war with them that had nothing to lose: so that he might in pursuing of them seeme to fish with an hooke of gold. Therefore in this parlement the matter was debated, and in the end a peace con∣cluded at the request of the said ambassadours, the king appointing Roderike to paie vnto him in token of subiection, a tribute of ox hides.*

The charter of the agreement was written and subscribed in forme as followeth.

HAec est finis & concordia quae facta fuit apud Windshore in octauis sancti Michaelis an. Gra∣tiae 1175. inter dominum regem Angliae Henr. secundum,* & Rodericum regem Co∣naciae, per catholicum Tuamensem archiep. & abbatem C. san∣cti Brandani, & magistrum L. cancellarium regis Conaciae.

1 Scilicet quòd rex Angliae concedit praedicto Roderico ligi homini suo regnum Conaciae, quamdus ei fideliter seruiet, vt sit rex sub eo, paratus ad seruicium suum sicut homo suus, & vt teneat terram suam ita bene & in pace, sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex Angliae intraret Hiberniam, reddendo ei trilu∣tum Page  97 & totam aliam terram, & habitatores terrae habeat sub se, & iusticiet vt tributum regi Angliae integrè persoluant, & per manum eius suaira sibi conseruent. Et illi qui modò tenent, teneant in pace quamdiu manserint in fidelitate regis Angliae, & fideliter & integrè persoluerint tributum & alia iura sua quae ei debent per manum regis Conaciae, saluo in omnibus iure & honore domini regis Angliae & suo.

2 Et si qui ex eis regi Angliae & ei rebelles fuerint, & tributum & alia iura regis Angliae per manum eius soluere noluerint, & à fidelitate regis Angliae recesserint, ipse [line 10] eos iusticiet & amoueat. Et si eos per se insticiare non poterit, constabularius regis Angliae, & familia sua de terra illa iuua∣bunt eum ad hoc faciendum, cùm ab ipso fuerint requisiti, & ipsi viderint quòd necesse fuerit. Et propter hunc finem reddet praedictus rex Conaciae domino regi Angliae tributum singulis annis, scilicet de singulis decem animalibus vnum corium placabile mercatoribus, tam de tot terra sua, quám de a∣liena.

3 Excepto quòd de terris illis quas dominu rex Angliae retinuit in dominio suo, & in dominio baronum suorum, ni∣hil [line 20] se intromittet, scilicet Duuelin cum pertinentijs suis, & Midia cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, sicut vnquam Marchat Wamailethlachlin eam meliùs & pleniùs tenuit, aut aliqui qui eam de eo tenuerint. Et excepta Wesefordia, cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, scilicet cum tota lagenia. Et excepta Water∣fordia cum tota terra illa, quae est à Waterford vs{que} ad Dun∣carnam, ita vt Duncarnam sit cum omnibus pertinentijs suis infra terram illam.

4 Et si Hibernenses qui aufugerint, redire voluerint ad terram baronum regis Angliae, redeant in pace, reddendo tri∣lutum [line 30] praedictum quod alij reddunt, vel faciendo antiqua ser∣uicia quae facere solebant pro terris suis. Et hot sit in arbitrio dominorum suorum. Et si aliqui eorum redire noluerint, domi∣ni eorum & rex Conaciae accipiat obsides ab omnibus quos ei commisit dominus rex Angliae ad voluntatem domini regis & suam. Et ipse dabit obsides ad voluntatem domini regi Angliae illos vel alios, & ipsi seruient domino de canibus & auibus suis singulis annis de praesentis suis. Et nullum omninò de quacunque terra regis sit, retinebunt contra voluntatem domini regis & mandatum. Hijs testibus, Richardo episcopo [line 40] Wintoniae, Gaufrido episcopo Eliensi, Laurentio Duuelinensi archiepiscopo, Gaufrido, Nicholao, & Rogero capellanis regis, Guilhelmo comite de Essex, & alijs multis.

Moreouer, at this parlement the king gaue an Irishman named Augustine, the bishoprike of Wa∣terford, which see was then void, and sent him into Ireland with Laurence the archbishop of Dubline to be consecrated of Donat the archbishop of Cassels. The same yeare, both England and the countries ad∣ioining [line 50] were sore vexed with a great mortalitie of people,* and immediatlie after followed a sore dearth and famine.

King Henrie held his Christmas at Windsor, and about the feast of the conuersion of saint Paule he came to Northampton,* & after the mortalitie was well ceassed,* he called a parlement, whereat was pre∣sent a deacon cardinall intituled of S. Angelo, being sent into England as a legat from the pope, to take order in the controuersies betwixt the two archbi∣shops [line 60] of Canturburie and Yorke. This cardinall whose name was Hugh Petro Lion, assembled in the same place a conuocation or synod of the bishops and cleargie,* as well of England as Scotland: in which conuocation, after the ceassing of certeine strifes and decrées made as well concerning the state of common-wealth, as for the honest behaui∣our of mans life, the cardinall consented that (accor∣ding as by the kings lawes it was alreadie ordei∣ned) all maner of persons within the sacred orders of the cleargie,* which should hunt within the kings grounds and kill any of his deare, should be conuen∣ted and punished before a temporall iudge. Which li∣bertie granted to the king, did so infringe the immu∣nitie which the cleargie pretended to haue within this realme, that afterwards in manie points, préests were called before temporall iudges, and punished for their offenses as well as the laitie, though they haue grudged indéed and mainteined that they had wrong therein, as they that would be exempted and iudged by none,* except by those of their owne order.

Moreouer, in this councell the matter came in question touching the obedience which the bishops of Scotland did owe by right vnto the archbishop of Yorke,* whom from the beginning the popes of Rome had constituted and ordeined to be primat of all Scotland, and of the Iles belonging to that realme, as well of the Orkeneis as all the other. Which con∣stitution was obserued by the bishops of those parts manie yeares togither, though after they renounced their obedience. Whervpon the archbishops of Yorke (for the time being) continuallie complained, so that these popes, Paschall the second, Calyxt the second, Honorius, Innocentius, Eugenius the third, and A∣drian the fourth, had the hearing of the matter, and with often sending their letters, went about to re∣duce them to the prouince of Yorke. But the Scots still withstanding this ordinance, at length the mat∣ter thus in controuersie was referred to pope Alex∣ander, who sent the foresaid cardinall Hugh as well to make an end of that contention, as of diuerse o∣ther: but yet he left it vndecided.

William king of Scotland came personallie vn∣to this parlement at Northhampton,* by commande∣ment of king Henrie, and brought with him Richard bishop of S. Andrew, and Iosseline bishop of Glas∣cow, with other bishops and abbats of Scotland, the which being commanded by king Henrie to shew such subiection to the church of England as they were bound to doo by the faith which they owght to him, and by the oth of fealtie which they had made to him, they made this answer, that they had neuer shewed any subiection to the church of England, nor ought. Against which deniall, the archbishop of Yorke replied, and brought foorth sufficient priuileges gran∣ted by the forenamed popes, to prooue the subiection of the Scotish bishops, and namelie Glascow and Whiterne vnto the see of Yorke. But bicause the archbishop of Canturburie meant to bring the Sco∣tish bishops vnder subiection to his see, he wrought so for that time with the king, that he suffered them to depart home, without yéelding any subiection to the church of England. The letters which the foresaid popes did send touching this matter, were remain∣ing safe and sound amongst other writings in the colledge at Yorke, when Polydor Virgil wrote the histories of England, the copies whereof in an old ancient booke he confesseth to haue séene and read.

But to speake further of things ordered and doone at this parlement holden at Northampton,* the king by common consent of his Nobles and other states, diuided his realme into six parts, appointing thrée iustices itinerants in euerie of them, as here follow∣eth, Hugh de Cressie, Walter Fitz Robert, and Ro∣bert Mantell, were deputed vnto Northfolke, Suf∣folke, Cambridgeshire, Huntingtonshire, Bedford∣shire, Buckinghamshire, Essex and Hertfordshire: Hugh de Gundeuille, William Fitz Rafe, and William Basset were appointed to Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, Derbishire, Staffordshire, War∣wikeshire, Northamptonshire, and Leicestershire: Robert Fitz Bernard, Richard Gifford, Roger Fitz Remfrey, were assigned to Kent, Surrey, Hamp∣shire, Sussex, Berkshire and Oxfordshire: William Fitz Stephan, Berthram de Uerdon, Thurstan Fitz Simon were ordeined to Herefordshire, Glocester∣shire, Worcestershire, and Salopshire: Rafe Fitz Page  98 Stephan, William Ruffe, and Gilbert Pipard were put in charge with Wilshire, Dorsetshire, Summer∣setshire, Deuonshire & Cornwall: Robert de Wals, Ranulf de Glanuile, and Robert Pikenet were ap∣pointed to Yorkeshire, Richmondshire, Lancashire, Copeland, Westmerland, Northumberland, and Cumberland.

*The king caused these iustices to sweare vpon the holie euangelists, that they should kéepe his assi∣ses which he first had ordeined at Clarendon, and af∣ter had renewed here at Northampton, & also caused [line 10] all his subiects within the relme of England to kéepe and obserue the same.

*Moreouer at this councell, king Henrie restored vnto Robert earle of Leicester all his lands, both on this side the sea, and beyond, in maner as he held the same fiftéene daies before the warre. To William de Albenie earle of Arundell, he gaue the earledome of Sussex. About midlent, the king with his sonne and the legat came to London, where at Westmin∣ster a conuocation of the cleargie was called, but [line 20] when the legat was set, and the archbishop of Can∣turburie on his right hand as primat of the realme, the archbishop of Yorke comming in,* and disdaining to sit on the left, where he might séeme to giue prehe∣minence vnto the archbishop of Canturburie (vn∣manerlie inough indeed) swasht him downe, mean∣ing to thrust himselfe in betwixt the legat, and the archbishop of Canturburie. And where belike the said archbishop of Canturburie was loth to remooue, he set his buttocks iust in his lap, but he scarslie touched [line 30] the archbishops skirt with his bum, when the bishops and other chapleins with their seruants stept to him, pulled him away, and threw him to the ground, and beginning to lay on him with bats and fists, the arch∣bishop of Canturburie yeelding good for euill, sought to saue him from their hands. Thus was verified in him that sage sentence,

*Nunquam periculum sine periculo vincitur.
The archbishop of Yorke with his rent rochet got vp, [line 40] and awaie he went▪ to the king with a great com∣plaint against the archbishop of Canturburie: but when vpon examination of the matter the truth was knowne, he was well laught at for his labour, and that was all the remedie he got. As he departed so be∣buffeted foorth of the conuocation house towards the king, they cried out vpon him;
Go traitor that did∣dest betray that holy man Thomas, go get thee hence, thy hands yet stinke of bloud.
The assemblie was by this meanes dispersed, and the legat fled and got him out of the waie, as he might with shame enough, [line 50] which is the common panion and waiting-woman of pride, as one verie well said,
*Citò ignominia fit superbi gloria.

*After this, followed appealings, the archbishop of Yorke appealed to Rome, and the legat also for his owne safegard appealed the archbishop of Canturbu∣rie vnto Rome, which archbishop submitting him∣selfe and his cause vnder the popes protection, made a like solemne appeale from the legat to the pope. The [line 60] legat perceiuing that the matter went otherwise than he wished, and séeing little remedie to be had at that present, gaue ouer his legatship as it had béene of his owne accord, though greatlie against his will, and prepared himselfe to depart. Neuerthelesse, through mediation of fréends that tooke paines be∣twixt them, they gaue ouer their appeales on either side, and dissembled the displeasures which they had conceiued either against other, but yet the conuoca∣tion was dissolued for that time,* and the two archbi∣shops presented their complaints to the king, who kept his Easter this yeare at Winchester, and about the same time or shortlie after, licenced his sonne Henrie to saile ouer into Normandie, meaning shortlie after to go vnto Compostella in Spaine, to visit the bodie of saint Iames the apostle, but beeing otherwise aduised by his fathers letters, he disconti∣nued his purpose and staied at home.

The same yeare, the ladie Iohan the kings daugh∣ter was giuen in marriage vnto William king of Sicill. Also the same yeare died the lord cheefe iustice of Ireland, Robert earle of Striguill otherwise Chepstow,* then was William Fitzaldelme ordeined lord cheefe iustice in his place, who seized into the kings hands all those fortresses which the said earle of Striguill held within the realme of Ireland.** The Irishmen also paied to the king a tribute of twelue pence yearelie for euerie house,* or else for euerie yoke of oxen which they had of their owne. William earle of Arundell died also this yeare at Wauerley, and was buried at Wimondham.

This yeare,* when it might haue beene thought that all things were forgotten touching the rebellious at∣tempts made against king Henrie the father by his sons, and other (as before ye haue heard) he caused the wals both of the towne and castell of Leicester to be raced,* and all such castels and places of strength as had béene kept against him during the time of that rebellion, to be likewise ouerthrowne and made plaine with the ground, as the castels of Hunting∣ton, Waleton, Growby, Hey, Stutesbirrie or Ster∣desbirrie, Malasert, the new castell of Allerton, the castels of Fremingham and Bungey, with diuers o∣ther both in England and Normandie. But the ca∣stels of Pascie, and Mountsorell he reteined in his owne hands as his of right, being so found by a iurie of fréeholders impanelled there in the countrie; fur∣ther, he seized into his hands all the other castels of bishops, earles and barons,* both in England and Normandie, appointing keepers in them at his plea∣sure. This yeare also he married his daughter E∣lianor vnto Alfonse king of Castile.

Moreouer, Gilbert the sonne of Fergus lord of Galloway,* who had slaine his brother Uthred coosen to king Henrie, came this yeare into England, vn∣der conduct of William king of Scotland, and be∣came king Henrie the fathers man, swearing fealtie to him against all men: and to haue his loue and fa∣uour gaue him a thousand marks of siluer, and de∣liuered into his hands his son Duncane as a pledge. It is to be remembred also, that in this yeare,* Ri∣chard earle of Poictow sonne to king Henrie, fought with certeine Brabanders his enimies betwixt S. Megrine and Buteuille, where he ouercame them.

¶ Here I haue thought good to aduertise the rea∣der, that these men of war, whom we haue general∣lie in this part of our booke named Brabanders, we find them written in old copies diuerslie, as Breba∣zones, Brebanceni, and Brebationes, the which for so much as I haue found them by the learned transla∣ted Brabanders, and that the French word some∣what yeeldeth thereto, I haue likewise so named them: wherein whether I haue erred or not, I must submit mine opinion to the learned & skilfull search∣ers of such points of antiquities. For to confesse in plaine truth mine ignorance, or rather vnresolued doubt herein, I can not satisfie my selfe with any thing that I haue read, whereby to assure my con∣iecture what to make of them, although verelie it may be, and the likelihood is great, that the Braban∣ders in those daies for their trained skill and vsuall practise in warlike feats, wan themselues a name, whereby not onelie those that were naturallie borne in Brabant, but such also as serued amongst them, or else vsed the same warlike furniture, order, trade and discipline, which was in vse among them, passed in that age vnder the name of Brabanders. Or else I must thinke, that by reason of some od kind of ha∣bit Page  99 or other speciall cause, a certeine sort of souldi∣ers purchased to themselues the priuilege of that name, so to be called Brabanceni or Brebationes (whe∣ther ye will) as hath chanced to the Lansquenetz and Reisters in our time, and likewise to the compa∣nions Arminaes and Escorchers in the daies of our forefathers, and as in all ages likewise it hath fortu∣ned amongst men of warre. Which if it so chanced to these Brabanceni, I know not then what countrie∣men to make them: for as I remember, Marchades [line 10] that was a chiefe leader of such souldiers as were knowne by that name (as after ye shall heare) is re∣ported by some authors to be a Prouancois.

It should séeme also that they were called by other names, as the Routs (in Latine Ruptarij) which name whether it came of a French word, as ye would say some vnrulie and headstrong companie, or of the Dutch word Rutters, that signifieth a rider, I can∣not say. But it may suffice for the course of the histo∣rie to vnderstand that they were a kind of hired soul∣diers, in those daies highlie estéemed, and no lesse fea∣red, [line 20] in so much that against them and others there was an article conteined among the decrées of the Laterane councell holden at Rome, in the yeare 1179,* whereby all those were to be denounced ac∣cursed, which did hire, mainteine or any way nourish those Brebationes, Aragonois, Nauarrois, Basques and Coterelles, which did so much hurt in the christi∣an world in those daies.

But to returne where we left to earle Richard, beside the aboue mentioned victorie against those [line 30] Brabanders, if we shall so take them; he also van∣quished Hamerike vicount of Limoges, and Willi∣am earle of Angolesme, with the vicounts of Uen∣tadore and Cambanais, who attempted rebellion a∣gainst him, whome earle Richard subdued, and tooke prisoners, with diuerse castels and strong holds which they had fortified.

*About the feast of Peter and Paule, the legat de∣parted out of the realme, of whom we find that as he granted to the king some liberties against the priui∣leges [line 40] which the cleargie pretended to haue a right vnto:* so he obteined of the king certeine grants in fauour of them and their order, as thus.

1 First, that for no offense, crime or transgression any spirituall person should be brought before a tem∣porall iudge personallie, except for hunting, or for some laie fee, or that for which some temporall seruice was due to be yéelded, either to the king, or some o∣ther that was cheefe lord thereof. [line 50]

2 Secondlie, that no archbishops see, nor bishops sée, nor any abbaie should be kept in the kings hands more than one yeare, except vpon some euident cause or necessitie constreining.

3 Thirdlie, that such as slue any spirituall per∣son, and were of such offense conuicted, either by eui∣dence or confession before the iustice of the realme in presence of the bishop, should be punished as the temporall law in such cases required.

4 Fourthlie, that spirituall men should not be compelled to fight in lists for the triall of any matter [line 60] or cause whatsoeuer.

It should appeare by Nicholas Triuet, that the archbishop of Canturburie procured the bishops of Winchester,* Elie, and Norwich, thrée prelats high∣lie at that present in the kings fauour, to further these grants; namelie, that such as slue any préest or spirituall person might haue the law for it: where be∣fore, there was no punishment for a season vsed a∣gainst such offendors but onelie excommunication. But now to leaue préests, we will passe to other matters.

In this meane time, king Henrie the sonne re∣maining in Normandie, began to deuise new practi∣ses how to remooue his father from the gouernment and to take it to himselfe:* but one of his seruants named Adam de Cherehedune being of his secret counsell, aduertised king Henrie the father thereof, for the which his maister king Henrie the sonne

(Cereus in vitium flecti, monitoribus asper)
put him to great shame and rebuke, causing him to be stripped naked, and whipped round about the streets of the citie of Poictiers, where he then was vpon his returne from his brother earle Richard, with whome he had beene to aid him against his enimies. King Henrie the father perceiuing the naughtie mind of his sonne,* and that he ceassed not from his wilfull maliciousnesse, thought to dissemble all things, sith he saw no hope of amendment in him: but yet to be prouided against his wicked attempts, he furnished all his fortresses both in England & in Normandie with strong garisons of men, and all necessarie munition.

About this time, the sea rose on such a heigth, that manie men were drowned thereby. Also a great snow fell this yeare, which by reason of the hard frost that chanced therewith, continued long without wa∣sting away, so that fishes both in the sea and fresh water died through sharpenesse and vehemencie of that frost, neither could husbandmen till the ground. A sore eclipse of the sunne chanced also the sixt ides of Ianuarie. The monasterie of Westwood or Les∣nos was begun to be founded by Richard de Lucie Lord chéefe iustice. The same yeare also at Wood∣stocke the king made his sonne the lord Geffrey knight.

In the yeare 1177. king Henrie held his Christ∣mas at Northampton,* with his two sonnes Geffrey and Iohn, [year 1177] his other two sonnes the yoong king Hen∣rie, and Richard earle of Poictou, were in the parts beyond the seas, as the king in Normandie, and the earle in Gascoigne, where he besieged the citie of Aques,* which the vicount of Aques and the earle of Bigorre had fortified against him, but he wan it within ten daies after his comming thither. Within the like terme also he wan the citie of Baion, which Arnold Berthram had fortified against him, and cōming to the vttermost frontiers of that countrie adioining to Spaine, he tooke a castell called saint Piero which he destroied, and constreined the Bas∣ques and Nauarrois to receiue an oth, that from thencefoorth they should suffer passengers quietlie to come and go through their countrie, and that they should liue in quiet and keepe peace one with an o∣ther, and so he reformed the state of that countrie, and caused them to renounce manie euill customes which they before that time had vnlawfullie vsed.

Moreouer, king Henrie, to auoid further slander,* placed for bishop in the see of Lincolne a bastard son which he had named Geffrey, after h had kept that bishoprike in his hands so long till he had almost cleerelie destroied it. And his sonne that was now made bishop to helpe the matter for his part, made hauocke in wasting and spending in riotous man∣ner the goods of that church, and in the end forsooke his miter, and left the sée againe in the kings hands to make his best of it.

Furthermore, the king in times past made a vow to build a new monasterie in satisfaction of his of∣fenses committed against Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie: wherefore he required of the bishops and other spirituall fathers, to haue some place by them assigned, where he might begin that foundati∣on. But whilest they should haue taken aduise here∣in, he secretlie practised with the cardinals, and with diuerse other bishops, that he might remoue the se∣cular canons out of the colledge at Waltham, and place therein regular canons, so to saue monie in his Page  100 cofrs, planting in another mans vineyard. How∣beit, bicause it should not be thought he did this of such a couetous meaning, he promised to giue great possessions to that house,* which he after but slender∣lie performed, though vpon licence obteined at the bishops hands, he displaced the preests, and brought in to their roomes the canons as it were by waie of exchange.

*The same yeare also he thrust the nunnes of A∣mesburie out of their house, bicause of their inconti∣nent [line 10] liuing, in abusing their bodies greatlie to their reproch, and bestowed them in other monasteries to be kept in more streightlie. And their house was committed vnto the abbesse and couent of Founte∣uered, who sent ouer certeine of their number to fur∣nish the house of Amesburie, wherein they were pla∣ced by the archbishop of Canturburie, in the presence of the king and a great number of others.

Philip earle of Flanders by sending ouer ambas∣sadours to king Henrie,* promised that he would not [line 20] bestow his two néeces, daughters to his brother Matthew earle of Bullongne, without consent of the same king: but shortlie after he forgot his pro∣mise, & married the elder of them to the duke of Za∣ringes, & the yoonger to Henrie duke of Louaine.

Iohn de Curcie lord cheefe iustice of Ireland dis∣comfiting a power of Irishmen, wan the citie of Dun in Ulnestre,* where the bodies of S. Patrike and S. Colme confessors, and S. Brigit the virgin are buried, for the taking of which citie, Roderike king of Ulnestre being sore offended, raised a migh∣tie [line 30] host,* and comming into the field, fought with the lord cheefe iustice, and in the end receiued & tooke the ouerthrow at his hands, although the lord cheefe iu∣stice at that encounter lost no small number of his men. Amongst prisoners that were taken, the bishop of Dun was one, whom yet the lord cheefe iustice re∣leased and set at libertie, in respect of a request and suit made to him by a cardinall the popes legat that was there in Ireland at that time. [line 40]

*This cardinals name was Uiuiano, intituled the cardinall of S. Stephan in Mount Celio; he was sent from the pope the yeare before, and comming in∣to England, though without licence, was pardoned vpon knowledging his fault for his entring without the kings leaue first obteined, and so permitted to go into Scotland, whither (as also into other the north∣west regions) he was sent as legat, authorised from the pope. Now when he had ended his businesse in Scotland, he passed ouer into Man, and there held [line 50] his Christmasse with Euthred king of Man, and af∣ter the feast of the Epiphanie, sailed from thence in∣to Ireland, and chanced (the same time that the Eng∣lishmen inuaded that countrie) to be in the citie of Dun,* where he was receiued of the king & bishops of that land with great reuerence.

The inuasion then of the Englishmen being signi∣fied to them of the countrie aforehand, they asked counsell of the legat what he thought best to be doone in that matter; who streightwaies told them, that [line 60] they ought to fight in defense of their countrie, and at their setting forward, he gaue them his benedicti∣on in waie of their good speed. But they comming (as ye haue heard) to encounter with the Englishmen, were put to flight, and beaten backe into the citie, which was herewith also woone by the Englishmen, so that the Romane legat was glad to get him into the church for his more safegard, and like a wise fel∣low had prouided afore hand for such haps if they chanced, hauing there with him the king of Eng∣lands letters directed to the capteins in Ireland in the legats fauour,* so that by the assistance and autho∣ritie of the same, he went to Dublin, and there (in the name of the pope and the king of England) held a councell.

But when he began to practise, after the manner of legats in those daies, somewhat largelie for his owne aduantage, in the churches of that simple rude countrie, the English capteins commanded him ei∣ther to depart, or else to go foorth to the wars with them: whervpon he returned into Scotland, hauing his bags well stuffed with Irish gold, for the which it seemed he greatlie thirsted.

¶ Where we haue to note the drift of the pope and all popelings to be far otherwise than they pretend. For who (vnlesse he will be wilfullie ignorant) know∣eth not, that he and his neuer attempt any thing, but the same beareth the hew and colour of holinesse and honestie? Hereto tend the sendings out of his legats and cardinals to make pacifications, to redresse dis∣orders, to appease tumults, & I wot not what infinit enormities (for he must haue his ore in euerie mans bote, his spoone in euerie mans dish, and his fingers in euerie mans pursse) but the end and scope of all his dooings consisteth in this; namelie, to set himselfe aboue all souereigntie, to purchase and assure to him∣selfe an absolute and supereminent iurisdiction, to rob christian kingdomes, to impouerish churches, chapels, and religious places. Our chronicles are full of these his pranks, and here we haue one practi∣sed by a lim of his, who (as you sée) verie impudentlie and licentiouslie preied vpon the church-goods, and conuerted the same to his owne profit and commodi∣tie: which he had if not trembled, yet blushed to doo, considering that the goods of the church are the trea∣surie of Christ (or at leastwise ought to be) and that none ought to alienate or change the propertie of such goods, as the canon law hath prouided. Besides, the wretch ought to haue remembred that which euen the verie pagans did not forget; namelie,

Haud vllas portabis opes Acherontis ad vnds,*
Nudus ad infernas stulte vehere rates.

But now to the dooings of Iohn de Curcie, and of those Englishmen that were with him, who did not onelie defend such places as they had woone out of the Irishmens hands against those kings and their powers, but also inlarged dailie more and more their frontiers, and wan the towne of Armach (wherein is the metropolitane see of all that land) with the whole prouince thereto belonging.

About the same time came ambassadours vnto king Henrie from Alfonse king of Castile and Gar∣sias king of Nauarre, to aduertise him,* that in a controuersie risen betwit the said two kings tou∣ching the possession of certeine grounds néere vnto the confines of their realms, they had chosen him for iudge by compromise, promising vpon their oths to stand vnto & abide his order and decrée therein. Ther∣fore they required him to end the matter by his au∣thoritie, sith they had wholie put it to his iudgement.* Furthermore, either king had sent a most able and valiant knight furnished with horsse and armour readie in their princes cause to fight the combat, if king Henrie should happilie commit the triall of their quarrell vnto the iudgement of battell. King Henrie gladlie accepted their request,* so that thervp∣on calling his councellors togither, he consulted with them of the thing, and hearing euerie mans opini∣on, at length he gaue iudgement so with the one, that the other was contented to be agreeable therevnto.

Within a while after, Philip earle of Flanders came ouer into England to doo his deuotions at the toome of Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, of whome the most part of men then had conceiued an opinion of such holinesse, that they reputed him for a saint. The king met him there, and verie fréendlie enterteined him, and bicause he was appointed short∣lie after to go ouer into the holie land to war against Page  101 Gods enimies, the king gaue him fiue hundred marks in reward, and licenced William Mandeuile earle of Essex to go in that iourneie with other lords, knights and men of warre of sundrie nations that were of his dominions.

The king then returning vnto London, tooke order for the establishing of things touching the suertie of the realme,* and his owne estate. And first he appoin∣ted the custodie of such castels as were of most im∣portance by their situation, vnto the keeping of cer∣teine worthie capteins. To sir William de Stute∣uille [line 10] he assigned the custodie of Rockesburgh castell, to sir Roger de Stuteuille the castell of Edenburgh, to sir William Neuille the castell of Norham, to sir Geffrie Neuille the castell of Berwike, and to the archbishop of Yorke he deliuered the castell of Scar∣borough, and sir Roger Coniers he made capteine of the tower of Durham, which he had taken from the bishop,* bicause he had shewed himselfe an vnsted∣fast man in the time of the ciuill warre, and therfore to haue the kings fauour againe, he gaue to him two [line 20] thousand marks, with condition that his castels might stand, and that his sonne Henrie de Putsey aliàs Pudsey,* might enioy one of the kings manor places called Wighton.

After this, the king went to Oxenford, and there held a parlement, at the which he created his sonne Iohn king of Ireland, hauing a grant and confirma∣tion thereto from pope Alexander. About the same time it rained bloud in the Ile of Wight,* by the space of two daies togither, so that linen clothes that hoong [line 30] on the hedges were coloured therewith: which vn∣vsed woonder caused the people, as the manner is, to suspect some euill of the said Iohns gouerne∣ment.

Moreouer, to this parlement holden at Oxenford, all the chéefe rulers and gouernours of Southwales and Northwales repaired, and became the king of Englands liege men,* swearing fealtie to him a∣gainst all men. Héerevpon he gaue vnto Rice ap Griffin prince of Southwales the land of Merio∣nith, [line 40] and to Dauid ap Owen he gaue the lands of Ellesmare. Also at the same time he gaue and confir∣med vnto Hugh Lacie (as before is said) the land of Meth in Ireland with the appurtenances, for the ser∣uice of an hundred knights or men of armes, to hold of him and of his sonne Iohn by a charter which he made thereof. Also he diuided there the lands and possessions of Ireland with the seruices to his sub∣iects, as well of England as Ireland, appointing some to hold by seruice to find fortie knights or men [line 50] of armes, and some thirtie, and so foorth.

Unto two Irish lords he granted the kingdome of Corke for the seruice of fortie knights, and to other three lords he gaue the kingdome of Limerike for the seruice of the like number of knights to be held of him & his sonne Iohn, reseruing to himselfe & to his heires the citie of Limerike with one cantred. To William Fitz Adelme his sewer,* he gaue the citie of Wesseford with the appurtenances and seruices: and to Robert de Poer his marshall, he gaue the ci∣tie [line 60] of Waterford; and to Hugh Lacie, he committed the safe keeping of the citie of Diueline. And these persons, to whome such gifts and assignations were made, receiued othes of fealtie to beare their allegi∣ance vnto him and to his sonne for those lands and possessions in Ireland, in maner and forme as was requisite.

The cardinall Uiuian hauing dispatched his bu∣sinesse in Ireland, came backe into England, and by the kings safe conduct returned againe into Scot∣land, where in a councell holden at Edenburgh, he suspended the bishop of Whiterne, bicause he did re∣fuse to come to that councell: but the bishop made no account of that suspension, hauing a defense good inough by the bishop of Yorke, whose suffragane he was.

After the king had dissolued and broken vp his parlement at Oxenford, he came to Marleborrough, and there granted vnto Philip de Breause all the kingdome of Limerike for the seruice of fortie knights:* for Hubert and William the brethren of Reignold earle of Cornewall, and Iohn de la Pu∣meray their nephue, refused the gift thereof, bicause it was not as yet conquered. For the king thereof, surnamed Monoculus, that is, with one eie, who had held that kingdome of the king of England, being latelie slaine, one of his kinsemen got possession of that kingdome, and held it without acknowledging any subiection to king Henrie, nor would obeie his officers, bicause of the losses and damages which they did practise against the Irish people, without occasi∣on (as they alleadged) by reason whereof the king of Corke also rebelled against the king of England and his people, and so that realme was full of trouble.

The same season,* quéene Margaret the wife of king Henrie the sonne was deliuered of a man child which liued not past thrée daies.* In that time there was also through all England a great multitude of Iewes, and bicause they had no place appointed them where to burie those that died, but onelie at London, they were constreined to bring all their dead corpses thither from all parts of the realme. To ease them therfore of that inconuenience, they obteined of king Henrie a grant, to haue a place assigned them in e∣uerie quarter where they dwelled, to burie their dead bodies. The same yeare was the bodie of S. Amphi∣bulus the martyr, who was instructor to saint Albone found, not farre from the towne of S. Albones, and there in the monasterie of that towne buried with great and solemne ceremonies.

In the meane time, king Henrie passed ouer into Normandie, hearing that the old grudge betwixt him & king Lewes began to be renewed vpon this occasion, that whereas king Henrie had receiued the French kings daughter Alice, promised in mariage vnto his sonne Richard, to remaine in England with him, till she were able to companie with hir husband, king Henrie being of a dissolute life, and giuen much to the pleasure of the bodie (a vice which was graffed in the bone and therefore like to sticke fast in the flesh, for as it is said,

Quod noua testa capit inueterata sapit)
at leastwise (as the French king suspected) began to fantasie the yoong ladie, and by such wanton talke and companie-kéeping as he vsed with hir, he was thought to haue brought hir to consent to his fleshlie lust, which was the cause wherefore he would not suf∣fer his sonne to marrie hir, being not of ripe yeares nor viripotent or mariable. Wherefore the French king imagining (vpon consideration of the other kings former loose life) what an inconuenience & in∣famie might redound to him and his,* bethought him∣selfe that
Turpe senex miles turpe senilis amor,
and therefore déemed iustlie that such a vile reproch wrought against him in his bloud, was in no wise to be suffered, but rather preuented, resisted & withstood. Herevpon he complained to the pope, who for re∣dresse thereof, sent one Peter a preest, & cardinall in∣tituled of saint Grisogone as legat from him into France, with commission to put Normandie and all the lands that belonged to king Henrie vnder in∣derdiction, if he would not suffer the mariage to be solemnized without delaie betwixt his sonne Richard and Alice the French kings daughter. The king ad∣uertised hereof, came to a communication with the French king at Yurie, vpon the 21. of September,*Page  102 and there offered to cause the mariage to be solemni∣zed out of hand, if the French king would giue in marriage with his daughter the citie of Burges, with all the appurtenances as it was accorded, and also vnto his sonne king Henrie the countrie of Ue∣ulgesine, that is to say, all the land betwixt Gisors and Pussie, as he had likewise couenanted.

But bicause the French king refused so to doo, king Henrie would not suffer his sonne Richard to marrie his daughter Alice: howbeit at this enter∣vew [line 10] of the two princes, by the helpe of the cardinall, and other Noble men of both sides, they agreed to be freends, and that if they could not take order betwixt them, to end all matters touching the controuer∣sies depending betwixt them for the lands in Anuer∣gne and Berrie, and for the fée of Chateau Raoul; then should the matter be put to twelue persons, six on the one side, and six on the other, authorising them to compound and finish that controuersie and all o∣ther which might rise betwixt them. For the French [line 20] king these were named, the bishops of Claremount, Neuers, and Trois; and three barons, erle Theobald, Robert, and Peter de Courtneie, the kings brethe∣ren. For the king of England were named the bi∣shops of Mauns, Peregort, and Naunts; with three barons also, Maurice de Croume, William Maigot and Peter de Mountrabell.

At the same time also, both these kings promised and vndertooke to ioine their powers togither, and to go into the holie land to aid Guido king of Ierusa∣lem, whome the Saracen Saladine king of Aegypt [line 30] did sore oppresse with continuall and most cruell war. This doone,* the French king returned home, and king Henrie came to Uernueil, where he made this ordi∣nance, that no man should trouble the vassall or ten∣nant, as we may call them, for his lords debt.

After this, king Henrie went into Berrie, and tooke Chatean Roux or Raoul, and marching to∣wards Castre, the lord of that towne came and met him on the waie, surrendring into his hands the [line 40] daughter of Rafe de Dolis latelie before deceassed, whome the king gaue vnto Baldwine de Riuers, with the honour of Chateau Roux or Raoul. Then went he vnto Graundemont, where Audebert earle of March came vnto him, and sold to him the whole countrie of March for the summe of fifteene thou∣sand pounds Anionin,* twentie mules, and twentie palfreis. The charters of this grant and sale made and giuen vnder the seale of the said earle of March, bare date in the moneth of September Anno Chri∣sti [line 50] 1177. Then did the king receiue the fealtie and homages of all the barons and knights of the coun∣trie of March,* after he had satisfied, contented, and paid the monie vnto the earle according to the co∣uenants.

The king this yeare held his Christmas at Angi∣ers, [year 1178] and meaning shortlie after to returne into Eng∣land, he sent to the French king for letters of pro∣tection, which were granted, and sent to him in forme as followeth. [line 60]

The tenour of the French kings letters of protection.

LVdouicus rex Francorum, omnibus ad quos prae∣sentes literae peruenerint salutem. Nouerit vni∣uersitas vestra quòd nos recipimus in protectione & custodia nostra totam terram Henrici regis Angliae charissimi fratris nostri, in cismarinis partibus sitam, si contigerit eumin Angliam transfretare vel peregrè profici∣sci. Ita planè, vt quādo balliui sui de terra transmarina nos re∣quisierint, bona fide & sine malo ingenio eis consilium & aux∣ilium praestabimus, ad eiusdem terrae defensionem & protectio∣nem. Actum apud Nicenas. The English wherof is thus.

Lewes king of France, to all those to whom these present letters shall come greeting. Know all ye that we haue receiued into our protection & custodie all the lands of Henrie king of England our deare bro∣ther, lieng and being in the parts of this side the sea, if it chance him to passe ouer into England, or to go any waie foorth from home, so that when the bailiues of his lands on this hither side the sea shall require vs, we shall helpe them and counsell them faithfullie and without male-engine for defense and protecti∣on of the same lands. Giuen at Nicens.

Shortlie after, king Henrie returned into Eng∣land from Normandie, and at Woodstocke made his sonne Geffrey knight. This yeare pope Alexander sent into all parts legats to summon the bishops and prelates to a generall councell to be holden at Rome in the beginning of the Lent in the yere next follow∣ing. Whereabout two legats came into England,* the one named Albert de Suma, who had in commis∣sion to summon them of England and Normandie: and the other called Petro de Santa Agatha, who was appointed to summon them of Scotland, Ire∣land, and the Iles about the same: wherevpon obtei∣ning licence to passe through the king of Englands dominions, he was constreined to sweare vpon the holie euangelists, that he should not attempt any thing in his legatship that might be hurtfull to the king or his realme, and that he should come and visit the king againe as he returned homewards.

This yeare on the sundaie before the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, being the 18 of Iune,* after the set∣ting of the sunne, there appeared a maruellous sight in the aire vnto certeine persons that beheld the same. For whereas the new moone shone foorth verie faire with his hornes towards the east,* streightwais the vpper horne was diuided into two, out of the mids of which diuision a burning brand sprang vp, casting from it a farre off coles and sparks, as it had beene of fire. The bodie of the moone in the meane time that was beneath, séemed to wrest and writh in resemblance like to an adder or snake that had béene beaten, and anon after it came to the old state a∣gaine. This chanced aboue a dozzen ties, and at length from horne to horne it became blacke.

In September following, the moone being about 27. daies old, at six of the clocke, a partile eclipse of the sunne happened,* for the bodie thereof appeared as it were horned, shooting the horns towards the west as the moone dooth; being twentie daies old. The resi∣due of the compasse of it was couered with a blacke roundell, which comming downe by little and little, threw about the horned brightnesse that remained, till both the hornes came to hang downe on either side to the earthwards; and as the blacke roundell went by little & little forwards, the hornes at length were turned towards the west, and so the blacknesse passing awaie, the sunne receiued his brightnesse a∣gaine. In the meane time, the aire being full of clouds of diuerse colours, as red, yellow, greene, and pale, holpe the peoples sight with more ease to dis∣cerne the maner of it.

The king this yeare held his Christmasse at Win∣chester,* at which time newes came abroad of a great wonder that had chanced at a place called Oxenhale, [year 1179] within the lordship of Derlington,* in which place a part of the earth lifted it selfe vp on high in appea∣rance like to a mightie tower, and so it remained from nine of the clocke in the morning, till the euen tide, and then it fell downe with an horrible noise, so that as such as were thereabout, were put in great feare. That péece of earth with the fall was swallow∣ed Page  110 vp, leauing a great déepe pit in the place, as was to be seene many yeares after.

¶ Touching these celestiall apparitions, the com∣mon doctrine of philosophie is, that they be méere na∣turall, and therefore of no great admiration. For of eclipses, as well such as are proper to the sunne, as also those that are peculiar to the moone, the position is not so generallie deliuered, as it is constantlie be∣léeued. For the philosophers giue this reason of e∣clipses. [line 10]

*—radios Phoebi luna interiecta repellit,
Nec sinit in terras claram descendere lucem.
Quippe aliud non est quàm terrae atque aequoris vmbra,
Quae si fortè ferit nocturnae corpora lunae,
Eclipsin facit.

In somuch as obseruing them to be ordinarie ac∣cidents, they are ouerpassed and nothing regarded. Howbeit Lucane maketh a great matter of eclip∣ses,* and of other strange sights precéeding the blou∣die battels betweene Pompeie and Cesar; intima∣ting thereby, that prodigious woonders, and other [line 20] rare and vnaccustomed accidents are significations of some notable euent insuing, either to some great personage, to the common-wealth, or to the state of the church. And therefore it is a matter woorth the marking, to compare effects following with signes and woonders before going; since they haue a do∣ctrine in them of no small importance. For not ma∣nie yeares after, the kings glorie was darkened on earth, nay his pompe and roiall state tooke end; a pre∣diction [line 30] whereof might be imported by the extraordi∣narie eclipse of the sunne, a beautifull creature, and the ornament of the skie.

Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and Catholicus the archbishop of Tuamon, with fiue or six other I∣rish bishops, and diuerse both bishops and abbats of Scotland, passed through England towards the ge∣nerall councell, and withall tooke their oth, that they shuld not procure any damage to the king or realme of England. There went but onelie foure bishops [line 40] out of England, to wit, Hugh Putsey or Pudsey bi∣shop of Durham, Iohn bishop of Norwich, Reig∣nold bishop of Bath, and Robert bishop of Hereford, beside abbats: for the English bishops firmelie stood in it, that there ought but foure bish. onlie to go foorth of England to any generall councell called by the pope.* This yeare Richard de Lucie lord chéefe iu∣stice of England gaue ouer his office, and became a canon in the abbeie of Westwood or Lesnos, which he had founded, and built vpon his owne ground, en∣dowing [line 50] it with great reuenewes, and in Iulie after he died there.

*King Henrie the father called a parlement at Windsore, at the which was present king Henrie the sonne, and a great number of lords, earles and ba∣rons. At this parlement, order was taken for parti∣tion of the realme, so that it was diuided into foure parts, certeine sage personages being allotted vnto euerie part to gouerne the same, but not by the name of iustices,* albeit that Ranulfe de Glanuille was [line 60] made ruler of Yorkeshire, & authorised iustice there, as he that best vnderstood in those daies the ancient lawes and customes of the realme. The same yeare, Geffrey earle of Britaine by his fathers comman∣dement leuied an armie,* and passing ouer into Bri∣taine, wasted the lands of Guidomer de Leons, and constreined him to submit himselfe vnto him. The 18. day of August, the moone was eclipsed, which was séene of king Henrie and his companie as he rode all that night towards Douer there to méet the French king,* who was comming towards Eng∣land to visit the toome of archbishop Thomas Bec∣ket, as he had before time vowed. He landed at Do∣uer the 22. day of August. There came ouer with him Henrie duke of Louaine, Philip earle of Flanders, Baldwin earle of Guines, earle William de Man∣deuille, and diuerse other earles, lords, barons and knights; whome king Henrie was readie to receiue at the water side, and the morow after brought them with great honor to Canturburie, where they were with due reuerence and vnspeakeable ioy re∣ceiued of archbishop Richard, and diuerse other bi∣shops there assembled togither with the couent of Christes-church, and an infinit multitude of Nobles and gentlemen.* The French king offered vpon the toome of the said archbishop Thomas, a rich cup of gold; and gaue to the moonks there an hundred tuns of wine to be receiued yearelie of his gift for euer at Poissie in France. Further he granted to the same moonks, that whatsoeuer was bought in his domini∣ons of France to their vse, should be free from toll, tallage, and paieng any maner of excise for the same. These grants he confirmed with his charter there∣of, made & deliuered to them by the hands of Hugh Putsey, son to the bishop of Duresme that was his chancellor. King Lewes hauing performed his vow,* and receiued manie rich gifts of king Henrie, retur∣ned home into France, and shortlie after causing his sonne to be crowned king, resigned the gouernment to him (as by some writers appeareth.*) About the same time, Cadwallon prince of Wales, being brought before the king to make his answer to di∣uerse accusations exhibited against him, as he retur∣ned toward his countrie vnder the kings safe con∣duct, was laid for by his enimies, and slaine, to the kings great slander, though he were not giltie in the matter. After this, king Henrie the father held his Christmasse at Notingham,* and William king of Scotland with him.*

The same yeare fell discord betwixt the yoong king of France, and his mother and vncles, hir brethren,* earle Theobald and earle Stephan, who thinking themselues not well vsed, procured king Henrie the sonne to ioine with them in fréendship, and to go ouer into England to purchase his fathers assistance in their behalfe against their nephue. Who being come ouer to his father, informed him of the whole mater, and did so much by his earnest suit therin, that before the feast of Easter, his father went ouer with him in∣to Normandie, and immediatlie vpon their arriuall in those parts, the old French queene, mother to the yoong king Philip, with their brethren the said earles, and manie other Noble men of France, came vnto him, and concluding a league with him, deliuered hostages into his hands, and receiued an oth to fol∣low his counsell and aduice in all things.

Herevpon king Henrie assembled a great armie, in purpose after Easter to inuade the French kings dominions: but before any great exploit was made, he came to an enteruew with the new king of France, betwixt Gisors and Treodsunt, where part∣lie by gentle words,* and partlie by threatnings which king Henrie vsed for persuasion, the French king released all his indignation conceiued against his mother and vncles, and receiued them againe into his fauour, couenanting to allow his mother for e∣uerie day towards hir expenses seuen pounds of Paris monie, during his father king Lewes his life time; and after his death, she should inioy all hir dower, except the casels which king Philip might re∣teine still in his hands. Also at this assemblie, king Henrie the father in the presence of the French king, receiued homage of Philip earle of Flanders,* and granted to him for the same a thousand markes of siluer, to be receiued yearelie out of the checker at London, so that in consideration thereof he should find fiue hundred knights or men of armes, to serue the king of England for the space of 40. daies, when Page  104 soeuer he should haue warning giuen vnto him.

Moreouer, the two kings at this assemblie con∣cluded a league togither, and whereas certeine lands were in controuersie betwixt them, as the fée of Cha∣teau, Raoul, and other small fees, if they could not a∣gree among themselues concerning the same, either of them was contented to commit the order thereof, and of all other controuersies betwixt them vnto six bishops, to be chosen indifferentlie betwixt them, the one to choose three, and the other thrée. [line 10]

*In this yeare, or (as the annales of Aquitaine say) in the yeare last passed, Richard earle of Poictou sub∣dued the strong fortresse of Tailbourg, which was iudged before that time inexpugnable: but earle Ri∣chard oppressed them that kept it so sore with streight siege, that first in a desperate mood they issued foorth, and assailed his people verie valiantlie, but yet ne∣uerthelesse they were beaten backe, and forced to re∣tire into their fortresse, which finallie they surren∣dred into the hands of earle Richard, who caused the [line 20] wals thereof to be raced. The like fortune chanced to diuers other castels and fortresses that stood in rebel∣lion against him within a moneth space.

Tailbourg belonged vnto one Geffrey de Ran∣cin, who of a proud and loftie stomach practising rebel∣lion against duke Richard, tooke this enterprise in hand,* and when he had atchiued the same to his owne contentation, he passed ouer into England, and was receiued with great triumph, pompe & magnificence.

*About the same time, the forme of the kings coine [line 30] was altered and changed, bicause manie naughtie and wicked persons had deuised waies to counter∣feit the same, so that the alteration thereof was verie necessarie, but yet gréeuous and chargeable to the poore inhabitants of the realme.

*King Henrie the father, whilest he was at Ma∣uns after Christmasse made this ordinance, that eue∣rie man being worth in goods to the value of an hun∣dred pounds Aniouin,* should keepe one horsse able for seruice in the wars, and complet armour for a [line 40] knight or man of armes, as we may rather call them. Also that such as had goods woorth in value from 40. pounds to 25. of the same monie, should at the least haue in his house for his furniture an ha∣bergeon, a cap of stéele, a speare, and a sword, or bowe and arrowes. Furthermore he ordeined, that no man might sell or laie to gage his armour and weapon, but should be bound to leaue it to his next heire. When the French king and the earle of Flanders were aduertised that king Henrie had made this or∣dinance [line 50] amongst his subiects, they gaue commande∣ment that their people should be armed after the like manner.

This yeare after Candlemasse, Laurence archbi∣shop of Dublin came ouer to the king into Norman∣die,* and brought with him the son of Roderike king of Conagh, to remaine with him as a pledge, for per∣formance of couenants passed betwixt them, as the paiment of tribute and such like. The said archbishop died there in Normandie, wherevpon the king sent [line 60] Geffrey de Haie one of his chapleins, and chapleine also to Alexius the popes legat into Ireland, to seize that archbishops sée into his hands. He also sent Iohn Lacie conestable of Chester, and Richard de Peake, to haue the citie of Dublin in kéeping, which Hugh Lacie had in charge before, and now was dis∣charged, bicause the king tooke displeasure with him, for that without his licence he had maried a daugh∣ter of the king of Conagh, according to the manner of that countrie.

This yeare also, Geffrey the kings bastard sonne, who was the elect of Lincolne, and had receiued the profits of that bishoprike by the space of seuen years, and had his election confirmed by the pope in the feast of the Epiphanie at Marlebridge, in presence of the king and bishops renounced that preferment, of his owne free will.* Within a while after the pope sent a streit commandement vnto Richard archbi∣shop of Canturburie, either to cause the same Gef∣frey by the censure of the church to renounce his mi∣ter, or else to take vpon him the order of préesthood. Wherefore vpon good aduice taken in the matter with his father and other of his especiall fréends, iud∣ging himselfe insufficient for the one, he was con∣tented to part with the other; and therevpon wrote letters vnto the said archbishop of Canturburie, in forme as followeth.

A letter of Geffrey the kings base sonne elect of Lincolne to Richard archbishop of Canturburie.

VEnerabili patri Richardo Dei gratia Cantuari∣ensi archiepiscopo apostolicae sedis legato, Galfri∣dus domini regis Angliae filius & cancellarius salutem & reuerentiam debitam ac deuotam. Placuit maiestati apostolicae vestrae iniungere sanctitati, v me certo tempore vocaretis ad suscipendum ordinem sacerdotis, & pontificalis officij dignitatem. Ego verò considerans quam∣plures episcopos maturiores ac prouectiores prudentia & aetate vix tantae administrationi sufficere, nec sine periculo anima∣rum suarum sui officium pontificatus ad perfectum explere, ve∣ritus sum onus importabile senioribus mihi imponere iuniori: faciens haec nō ex leuitate animi, sed ob reuerentiam sacramen∣ti. Habito itaque tractatu super eo cum domino rege patre meo, dominis fratribus meísque rege & Pictauensi & Britannorum comitibus: episcopis etiam Henrico Baiocensi, Frogerio Sagien∣si, Reginaldo Batoniensi, Sefrido Cicestrensi, qui praesentes ade∣rant, aliter de vita & statu meo disposui, volens patris mei obsequijs militare ad tempus, & ab episcopalibus abstinere: omne itaque ius electionis inde & Lincolnensem episcopatum spontaneè, liberè, quietè, & integrè, in manu vestra pater sa∣cte resigno, tam electionem quàm episcopatus absolutionem po∣stulans à vobis, tanquam à metropolitano meo, & ad hoc ab a∣postolica sede specialiter delegato. Bene vale.

The king for his maintenance, now after he had resigned his bishoprike, gaue him 500. markes of yearelie rent in England, and as much in Norman∣die, and made him moreouer lord chancellor.

This yeare also after Easter, the kings of Eng∣land and France came to an enteruew togither, at a place in the confines of their countries called by some writers Vadum Sancti Remigij, on a mondaie being the 17. of April, in which assemblie of those two princes, the knights templers and hospitallers pre∣sented to them letters directed from pope Alexander vnto all christian princes, aduertising them of the danger wherein the holie land stood at that present,* if spéedie remedie were not the sooner prouided. Where∣fore he exhorted them to addresse their helping hand towards the releefe thereof, granting vnto all such as would enterprise to go thither in person (to re∣maine there vpon defense of the countrie against the infidels) great pardon, as to those that did conti∣nue there the space of two yéeres, pardon of penance for all their sins, except theft, extortion, roberie, and vsurie; in which cases restitution was to be made, if the partie were able to doo it; if not, then he should be absolued as well for those things as for other. And those that remained one yeare in those parties were pardoned of halfe their whole penance due for all their sinnes. And to those that went to visit the holie sepulchre, he also granted great pardon, as remission of their sinnes, whether they came thither or perad∣uenture died by the waie. He also granted his frée indulgence vnto those that went to warre against the common, the professed and open enimies of our Page  105 religion in the holie land, as his predecessors the popes Urbanus and Eugenius had granted in time past: and he receiued likewise their wiues, their chil∣dren, their goods and possessions vnder the protection of S. Peter and the church of Rome.

The two kings hauing heard the popes letters read, and taken good aduice thereof, promised by Gods fauour shortlie to prouide conuenient aid for reléefe of the holie land, and of the christians as yet remaining in the same. This was the end of their [line 10] communication for that time, and so they departed, the French king into France, and the king of Eng∣land into Normandie.

In the meane time, by the king of Englands ap∣pointment, William king of Scotland went ouer into Normandie, and by the aduice and good admo∣nition of king Henrie, he granted licence vnto two bishops of his realme of Scotland, to wit, Aberdene and saint Andrewes, to returne into Scotland, whom he had latelie before banished, and driuen out of his [line 20] realme. Moreouer, as king Henrie laie at Harfléet readie to saile ouer into England, discord fell betwixt the king of France and the erle of Flanders, so that the king of England at desire of the French king returned backe, and came vnto Gisors, where the French king met him, and so did the earle of Fland∣ers, betwixt whom vpon talke had in the matter de∣pending in controuersie, he made a concord, and then comming downe to Chirburge, he and the king of Scots in his companie passed ouer into Eng∣land, [line 30] landing at Portesmouth the 26. of Iulie.

The king now being returned into England, or∣deined a statute for armour and weapon to be had a∣mongst his subiects heere in this realme, which was thus.* Euerie man that held a knights fée should be bound to haue a paire of curasses, an helmet, with shield and speare; and euerie knight or man of arms should haue as manie curasses, helmets, shields and speares as he held knights fées in demaine. Euerie man of the laitie hauing goods or reuenues to the [line 40] value of sixteene marks, should haue one paire of cu∣rasses, an helmet, a speare, and a shield. And euerie free man of the laitie hauing goods in value worth ten marks, should haue an habergeon, a steele cap, & a speare; and all burgesses, and the whole communal∣tie of frée men should haue a wambais, a cap o stéele, and a speare.

Further it was ordeined, that euerie man thus bound to haue armour, should be sworne to haue th same before the feast of S. Hilarie, and to be true vn∣to [line 50] king Henrie Fitz empres, in defense of whome and of his realme they should kéepe with them such armour and weapon, according to his precept and commandement thereof had and made. And no man being furnished with such armour, should sell, pledge, lend, or otherwise alien the same, neither may his lord by any means take the same from him, either by waie of forfeiture, by distresse or pledge, nor by any other means: and when any man died, hauing such armour, he shall leaue it to his heire, and if his [line 60] heire be not of lawfull age to weare it into the field, then he that hath the custodie of his bodie shall haue the armour, and find an able man to weare it for him, till he come to age.

If any burgesse of any good towne haue more ar∣mour than he ought to haue by this statute, he shall sell it or giue it to some man that may weare it in the kings seruice. No Iew might haue armour by this statute:* but those that had anie, were appointed to sell the same to such as were inhabitants within the realme, for no man might sell or transport anie armour ouer the sea, without the kings licence. For the better execution of which ordinance, it was ordei∣ned, that inqusts should be taken by sufficient iu∣rors, what they were that were able to haue armour by their abilitie in lands and goods. Also the K. would, that none should be sworne to haue armour, except he were a frée man of birth and bloud.

The same yeare, the king being at Waltham, as∣signed an aid to the maintenance of the christian souldiers in the holie land, that is to wit,* 42. thousand marks of siluer, and fiue hundred marks of gold. Hugh Bosun otherwise called Keuelocke the sonne of Ranulfe the second of that name earle of Chester, died this yeare, and was buried at Léeke.* He left be∣hind him issue by his wife the countesse Beatrice daughter of Richard Lacie lord iustice of England, a sonne named Ranulfe, who succéeded him, being the first erle of Chester, & third of that name after the conquest. Besides this Ranulfe he had foure daugh∣ters by his said wife; to wit, Maud married to Da∣uid earle of Angus, Huntington and Galloway; Ma∣bell coupled with William Daubignie earle of A∣rundell, Agnes married to William Ferrers earle of Derbie, and Hauise ioined with Robert Quincie earle of Lincolne.

The 21. of Nouember, Roger archbishop of Yorke died,* who (when he perceiued himselfe in danger of death by force of that his last sicknesse) deliuered great summes of monie vnto certeine bishops and other graue personages to be distributed amongst poore people: but after his death, the king called for the monie, and seized it to his vse, alleadging a sen∣tence giuen by the same archbishop in his life time, that no ecclesiasticall person might giue any thing by will, except he deuised the same whilest he was in perfect health: yet the bishop of Durham would not depart with foure hundred marks which he had recei∣ued to distribute amongst the poore, alledging that he dealt the same awaie before the archbishops death, and therefore he that would haue it againe, must go gather it vp of them to whom he had distributed it, which he himselfe would in no wise doo. But the king tooke no small displeasure with this vndiscréet an∣swer, insomuch that he seized the castell of Durham into his hands, and sought means to disquiet the said bishop by diuerse maner of waies.

The king held his Christmasse this yeare at Win∣chester, and afterwards sailed ouer into Normandie, [year 1182] bicause he heard that the king his sonne was gone to his brother in law king Philip,* and began to prac∣tise eftsoones new trouble, which was true indéed: but yet at length he came backe,* and was reconciled to his father, and tooke an oth, that from thenceforth he would neuer swarue from him, nor demand more for his maintenance but an hundred pounds Anio∣nin by the daie, and ten pounds a day of the same mo∣nie for his wife. His father granted this, and also co∣uenanted, that within the tearme of one yeare he would giue him the seruices of an hundred knights. Neuerthelesse all this did little amend the matter, for though he set a new copie of countenance there∣vpon, yet he reteined his old peruerse purpose in his discontented mind, hauing learned that

Qui nescit fingere nescit regere.
After this, king Henrie the father as a mediator be∣twixt the king of France, and the earle of Flanders touching controuersies betwixt them did so much in the matter, that he set them at one for that time.

About the same season, king Henrie the father sent William de Mandeuille earle of Albemarle, and other ambassadors vnto the emperour Frede∣rike,* to intreat for his sonne in law the duke of Sax∣onie,* that he might be againe restored into his fauor, which could not be obteined: for he was alreadie condemned to exile, but yet thus much to pleasure the king of England the emperour granted, that so ma∣nie as went with him out of their countrie, might re∣turne Page  106 againe at their pleasure, and that his wife the dutches Maud the K. of Englands daughter, should inioy hir dowrie, and be at libertie, whether she would remaine vpon it, or follow hir husband into exile, therefore when the daie came that he must depart out of his countrie, he set forward with his wife and children, and a great number of the Nobles of his countrie, and finallie came into Normandie, where he was right ioifullie receiued of his father in law king Henrie. [line 10]

Shortlie after his comming thither, he gaue li∣cence to the Noble men that were come thither with him, to returne home, and then he himselfe went into Spaine to visit the bodie of S. Iames the apostle. His wife being great with child,* remained with hir father in Normandie, and at Argenton she was de∣liuered of a sonne. This yeare the Welshmen slue Ranulfe Poer shirife of Glocestershire. King Hen∣rie held his Christmasse at Caen, with his thrée sons, Henrie the king,* Richard earle of Poictow, and Gef∣frey [line 20] earle of Britaine. There was also Henrie duke of Saxonie, with his wife and their children, besides the archbishops of Canturburie and Du∣blin, with other bishops earles and barons in great number.

Here would king Henrie the father, that his son the king should receiue homage of his brethren Ri∣chard earle of Poictow, and Geffrey earle of Bri∣taine. The earle of Britaine did not staie at the matter, but the earle of Poictow refused, alledging [line 30] that it was not conuenient so long as their father li∣ued, to acknowledge any superioritie to their bro∣ther:* for as the fathers inheritance was due to the eldest sonne, so he claimed the lands which he held due to him in right of his mother. This deniall so much offended his brother the king, that afterwards when Richard would haue doone homage, he would not receiue it, whervpon Richard departed from the court in great displeasure,* & comming into Poictow, began to fortifie his castels & townes, that he might [line 40] be in a readinesse to stand vpon his safegard, if his father or brethren should come to pursue him. King Henrie the sonne followed him, set on by the earles and barons of Poictow, which for the sharpe and cru∣ell gouernement of earle Richard, hated him mortal∣lie.* Againe on the other side; the fauourable courte∣sie, séemelie personage, and other noble qualities which they saw in the yoong king, moued them to take part with him against Richard, and shortlie af∣ter their brother Geffrey came with a great armie in aid of his brother the king,* in so much that earle [line 50] Richard not knowing how to shift off the present danger, sent to his father for aid, who being verie so∣rie in his mind to sée such vnnaturall dealing among his sonnes, gathered an armie and set forward.

He had a little before trauelled to set them at one, in somuch that where earle Richard held a ca∣stell named Clareualx, which after the fathers de∣ceasse ought to remaine vnto king Henrie the son, vpon his complaint thereof made, th father did so [line 60] much with the earle, that he surrendered it into his fathers hands.* Immediatlie after all the three sonnes came to Angers, and there sware to be obedient vn∣to their fathers will, and to serue him against all men: whervpon he appointed them a daie to meet at Mirabell, where the barons of Guien should also be, vnto whom king Henrie the sonne had sworne to aid them against earle Richard. Herewith was earle Geffrey sent vnto them to persuade them to peace and quietnesse,* and to come vnto Mirabell according to king Henrie the fathers appointment: but in stéed of persuading them to peace (contrarie to his oth so oftentimes receiued) he procured them to pur∣sue the warre both against his father and his brother earle Richard: and no maruell, for

Malè sarta gratia nunquam benè coalescit.

King Henrie the sonne remaining with his fa∣ther, shewed outwardlie that he wished for peace, but his meaning was all contrarie, and so obteined licence of his father to go vnto Limoges, that he might labour to reduce both his brother Geffrey, and the barons of Guien vnto quietnesse. But such dis∣sembling was put in practise by king Henrie, that when the father followed with an armie, and came vnto Limoges, in stéed of receiuing him with honor, as it had béene their duties to haue doone, they shot at him, and pearsed through his vppermost armor, so that both he and his sonne Richard were constrei∣ned to depart. Howbeit afterwards he entered that citie, and comming foorth of it againe to talke with his sonnes, those within Limoges eftsoones rebelled, so that certeine of them within, shot the horsse where∣on king Henrie the father rode into the head. And if it had so chanced, that the horsse in casting vp his head had not receiued the blow, the arrow had light in the kings brest, to the great danger & perill of his person. Neither did his sonnes the king and his bro∣ther Geffrey go about to sée such an heinous attempt punished, but rather séemed to like well of it, and to mainteine those most malicious enimies of their so∣uereigne lord and father, for they ioined with them a∣gainst him, although king Henrie the sonne made countenance to be willing to reconcile his brother and the barons of Guien to his father by waie of some agréement:* but his double dealing was too ma∣nifest, although indeed he abused his fathers patience for a while, who was desirous of nothing more than to win his sonnes by some courteous meanes, and therfore diuerse times offered to pardon all offenses committed by his enimies, at the suit of his sonne the king, who in déed offered himselfe now and then as an intreatour, but that was onelie to win time that his brother with such Brabanders and other souldi∣ers as he had with him in aid, beside the forces of the barons of Guien, might worke the more mischéefe a∣gainst their father and their brother earle Richard, in wasting and destroieng their countries that stood stedfast on their side.

In the meane time Richard the archbishop of Canturburie, and diuerse other bishops and abbats both of England and Normandie assembled togither at Caen, and in the abbeie church of S. Stephan pro∣nounced the sentence of excommunication against all those that did hinder and impeach their purpose, which was to haue peace and concord concluded be∣twixt the king and his sonnes, the same sonnes onlie out of the said sentence excepted.

Diuerse shiftes were made by king Henrie the sonne, and his brother earle Geffrey also to get mo∣nie for the paiment of their souldiers, as spoiling of shrines, and such like. But at length when things framed not to their purpose, and that the harme which they could doo against their father was much lesse than they wished, if power had béene answerable to their w••es,* king Henrie the sonne through indigna∣tion and displeasure (as some write) fell into a grée∣uous sicknesse in a village called Mertell, no farre from Limoges, where his father laie at siege.

At the first he was taken with an extreame fe∣uer, and after followed a sore flixe. Now perceiuing himselfe in danger of death, and that the physicians had giuen him ouer,* he sent to his father (better late than neuer) confessing his trespasse committed a∣gainst him, and required of all fatherlie loueth 〈◊〉 & sée him once before he died▪ But for that the father thought not good to commit himselfe into the hands of such vngratious persons as were about his sonne, he sent his ring vnto him in token of his blessing, Page  107 and as it were a pledge to signifie that he had forgi∣uen him his vnnaturall doings against him. The son receiuing it with great humilitie, kissed it, and so en∣ded his life in the presence of the archbishop of Bur∣deaux and others, on the day of saint Barnabie the apostle. He died (as some write) verie penitent and sorowfull.

And whereas in his life time he had vowed to make a iourneie into the holie land against Gods enimies,* and taken vpon him the crosse for that in∣tent, he deliuered it vnto his familiar freend Willi∣am [line 10] Marshall to go thither with it in his stead. More∣ouer when he perceiued present death at hand, he first confessed his sinnes secretlie, and after openly before sundrie bishops and men of religion, and receiued absolution in most humble wise. After this, he caused his fine clothes to be taken from him, and therewith a heare cloth to be put vpon him,* and after tieng a cord about his necke, he said vnto the bishops and o∣ther that stood by him;

I deliuer my selfe an vnwor∣thie and greeuous sinner vnto you the ministers of [line 20] God by this cord, beséeching our Lord Iesus Christ, which pardoned the théefe confessing his faults on the crosse, that through your praiers and for his great mercies sake it may please him to be mercifull vn∣to my soule; wherevnto they all answered, Amen. Then he said vnto them,* Draw me out of this bed with this cord, and laie me on that bed strawed with ashes (which he had of purpose prepared) and as he commanded so they did: and they laid at his feet and at his head two great square stones. Thus being pre∣pared [line 30] to die, he willed his bodie after his deceasse to be conueied into Normandie, and buried at Rouen.
And so after he had receiued the sacrament of the bo∣die and bloud of our Lord,* he departed this life as a∣fore is said, about the 28. yeare of his age.

His bodie after his death was conueied towards Rouen,* there to be buried accordinglie as he had willed: but when those that had charge to conueie it thither were come vnto the citie of Mauns, the bi∣shop there and the cleargie would not suffer them to [line 40] go any further with it, but committed it to buriall in honourable wise within the church of saint Iulian. Whereof when the citizens of Rouen were aduerti∣sed, they were sore offended with that dooing, and streightwaies sent vnto them of Mauns, requiring to haue the corps deliuered, threatening otherwise with manie earnest oths to fetch it from them by force. Wherefore king Henrie, to set order in this matter, commanded that the corps of his sonne the king should be deliuered vnto them of Rouen to be [line 50] buried in their citie, as he himselfe had willed before his death.* And so it was taken vp and conueied to Rouen, where it was eftsoones buried in the church of our ladie.

¶Thus ended this yoong king in his floorishing youth, to whome through his owne iust deserts long life was iustlie denied, sith he delighted to begin his gouernement with vnlawfull attempts, as an other Absolon against his owne naturall father, seeking [line 60] by wrongfull violence to pull the scepter out of his hand. He is not put in the number of kings, bicause he remained for the more part vnder the gouernance of his father, so that he rather bare the name of king as appointed to reigne, than that he may be said to haue reigned in deed. So that héere by the waie a no∣table obseruation dooth occurre and offer it selfe to be noted of vs; namelie, that euen princes children, though borne to great excellencie, and in high dege of dignitie, ae to consider with themselues, that not∣withstanding their statelie titles of souereigntie, they haue a dutie to discharge vnto their parents, which if it be neglected, and that in place thereof diso∣bedience is substituted, God himselfe (when politike lawes prouide not to punish such offenses) will take the cause in hand, & will powre vengeance vpon such vngratious children. For he will be true of his word both in blessing and curssing, in blessing the dutifull child with long life and happie daies, and in curssing the obstinate and froward with short life and vnfor∣tunate daies, according to the tenure of his law. If this man had liued in the old Romans time, when a∣ged persons were so reuerenced and honoured (much more parents) he had beene cut off in the prime of his disobedience, and present death had beene inflicted vp∣on him as a due and deserued reward; which Iuuenal noteth excellentlie well in these words,

Credebant hoc grande nefas, & morte piandum,
Si iuuenis vetulo non assurrexerat,* & si
Barbato cuicun{que} puer, licèt ipse videret
Plura domi farra, & maioris glandis aceruos,
Tam venerabile erat praecēdere quattuor annis,
Primá{que} par adeò sacrae lanugo senectae.

King Henrie (after his sonne the king was thus dead) inforced his power more earnestlie than be∣fore to winne the citie and castell of Limoges which he had besieged,* and at length had them both surren∣dered into his hands, with all other castels and places of strength kept by his enimies in those parts, of the which some he furnished with garisons, and some he caused to be laied flat with the ground.

There rose about the same time occasion of strife and variance betwixt king Henrie and the French king, about the enioieng of the countrie lieng vpon Gisors, called Ueulquesine, on this side the riuer of Hept, which was giuen vnto king Henrie the sonne,* in consideration of the marriage betwixt him and queene Margaret the French kings sister. For the French king now after the death of his brother in law king Henrie the sonne, required to haue the same restored vnto the crowne of France: but king Henrie was not willing to part with it.* At length they met betwixt Trie and Gisors to talke of the matter, where they agréed that quéene Margaret the widow of the late deceased king Henrie the son, should receiue yearelie during hir life 1750 pounds of Aniouin monie at Paris, of king Henrie the fa∣ther and his heires; in consideration whereof she should release and quit claime all hir right to those lands that were demanded, as Ueulquesine and o∣thers. Shortlie after, Geffrey erle of Britaine came to his father, and submitting himselfe, was reconci∣led to him, and also to his brother Richard earle of Poictow.* Also I find that king Henrie at an enter∣uiew had betwixt him and the French king at their accustomed place of meeting betwixt Trie and Gi∣sors on saint Nicholas day, did his homage to the same French king for the lands which he held of him on that side the sea, which to doo till then he had refu∣sed. The same yeare king Henrie held his Christmas at the citie of Mauns.

When the king had set the French king and the earle of Flanders at agréement for the controuersie that chanced betwixt them about the lands of Uer∣mendois, [year 1584] he passed through the earle of Flanders countrie, and comming to Wi••nd, tooke ship and sailed ouer into England, landing at Douer the tenth day of Iune,* with his daughter the dutches of Saxonie, who was afterwards deliuered of a sonne at Winchester, and hir husband the duke of Saxonie came also this yeare into England, and was ioifullie receiued and honourablie interteined of the king his father in law.

And whereas the archbishop of Colen came ouer into England this yeare to visit the toome of Tho∣mas late archbishop of Canturburie,* the king tra∣uelled to make an agréement betwixt him and the Saxonish duke touching a certeine variance depen∣ding Page  108 betwixt them, wherin the king did so much, that the archbishop forgaue all iniuries past, and so they were made fréends. Also by the counsell of the same archbishop the king sent Hugh Nouant archdeacon of Liseux and others,* ambassadours from him vnto pope Lucius, that by his helpe there might be made some waie to obteine a pardon for the said duke, and licence for him to returne into his countrie. Those that were sent demeaned themselues so discréetly in dooing their message, that the emperour comming [line 10] where the pope then was, that is to say, at Uerona in Italie, at the earnest suit of the said pope was contented to release all his euill will which he bare towards the duke,* pardoned him for all things past, and licenced him now at length to returne home in∣to his countrie, his condemnation of exile being cléerlie reuoked.

There died this yeare sundrie honorable perso∣nages, as Simon earle of Huntington son to Si∣mon earle of Northampton, after whose decease the [line 20] king gaue his earledome vnto his brother Dauid, or (as Radulfus de Diceto saith) bicause the said Si∣mon died without issue,* the king gaue the earledome of Huntington vnto William king of Scots sonne to earle Henrie that was sonne to king Dauid. Also the earle of Warwike died this yeare, and Thomas Fitz Bernard lord chéefe iustice of the forests, which roome Alaine de Neuill had inioied before him. Now after the death of this Thomas Fitz Bernard, the king diuided his forests into sundrie quarters,* and [line 30] to euerie quarter he appointed foure iustices, two of the spiritualtie, and two knights of the temporaltie, beside two generall wardens that were of his owne seruants, to be as surueiers aboue all other fore∣sters of vert and venison, whose office was to sée that no disorder nor spoile were committed within any grounds of warren contrarie to the assises of fo∣rests. Diuerse prelates died this yeare also, as foure bishops, to wit, Gerald surnamed la Pucelle bishop of Chester, Walran bishop of Rochester, Ioceline [line 40] of Salisburie, and Bartholomew of Excester.

Besides these, diuerse abbats, & on the 16. of Fe∣bruarie died Richard archbishop of Canturburie in the 11. yeare after his first entring into the gouern∣ment of that sée. His bodie was buried at Cantur∣burie. He was noted to be a man of euill life, and wa∣sted the goods of that church inordinatlie. It was re∣ported that before his death there appeared to him a vision, which said;

Thou hast wasted the goods of the church, and I shall root thée out of the earth.
Where∣vpon [line 50] he tooke such a feare, that he died within eight daies after. Then Baldwin who before was bishop of Worcester succéeded him, he was the 40. archbi∣shop that had ruled the church of Canturburie. The king and bishops procured his election not without much adoo: for the moonks pretending a right there∣to, were sore against it. It is reported of him, that after he was made a white moonke, he neuer eat flesh to his liues end. On a time an old woman met him, and asked him if it were true that he neuer eat [line 60] any maner of flesh;
It is true said he. It is false quoth she, for I had but one cow to find me with, and thy seruants haue taken hir from me. Wherevnto he answered, that if it so were, she should haue as good a cow restored to hir by Gods grace as hir wne was.
The same time also Margaret the wife of the late de∣ceased king Henrie the son, returned into France to hir brother king Philip, and was after ioined in mariage with Bela king of Hungarie.

But after long digression to returne againe to our purpose. The king being aduertised of the de∣struction and spoile which the Welshmen daitie did practise against his subiects, both in their persons and substance, assembled a mightie armie, and came with the sae vnto Worcester, meaning to inuade the e∣nimies countries. But Rées ap Griffin fearing his puissance thus bent against him and other the lea∣ders of the Welshmen, came by safeconduct vnto Worcester, and there submitting himselfe, sware f∣altie to the king, and became his liegeman, promi∣sing to bring his sonne and nephues vnto him as pledges. But when (according to his promise) he would haue brought them, they refused to go with him, and so the matter rested for a time.

After this, king Henrie held his Christmasse at Windsore, and the same yeare Heraclius the patri∣arch of Ierusalem,* and Roger master of the house of S. Iohns of Ierusalem came into England, to make suit vnto king Henrie for aid against the Sa∣racens that dailie wan from the christians, townes and holds in the holie land, taking and killing the people most miserablie, as in the description of the holie land may more plainelie appeare, where the doo∣ings of Saladine the Saracen are touched. The pa∣triarch made earnest request vnto the king, proffe∣ring him the keies of the citie of Ierusalem, and of the holie sepulchre (with the letters of Lucius the third then pope of Rome) charging him to take vpon him the iournie, and to haue mind of the oth which be∣fore time he had made.

The king deferred his answer for a time, and cal∣ling a councell of his lords togither at Clerkenwell,* on the 15. of Aprill, asked their aduice in this mat∣ter: who declared to him, that as they tooke it, he might not well depart so far out of his realme and o∣ther dominions, leauing the same as a prey to his e∣nimies. And wheras it was thought by some, that he might appoint one of his sonnes to take vpon him that iournie, yet bicause they were not as then with∣in the realme, it was iudged that in their absence there was no reason why it should be so decréed.

Howbeit in the meane time vpon licence granted by the king, that so manie might go as would,* Bald∣win the archbishop of Canturburie preached, and ex∣horted men to take vpon them the crosse so effectual∣lie, that a great number receiuing it, fullie purposed to go on in that iournie. At length the king gaue an∣swer to the patriarch, excusing himselfe in that he could go, for he declared that he might not leaue his land without keeping, being in danger to remaine as a prey to the robberie and spoile of the French¦men: but he offered to giue large summes of gold and siluer to such as would take vpon them that voi∣age.* With this answer the cardinall was nothing pleased, and therefore said;

We séeke a man and not monie: euerie christian region well neere sendeth vs monie, but no countrie sendeth vs a prince;* and therfore we require a prince that néedeth monie, and not monie that needeth a prince.
But the king still alledged matter for his excuse, so that the patriarch departed from him comfortlesse, and greatlie discon∣tented in his mind: whereof the king hauing know∣ledge, and intending somewhat to recomfort him with sweet and pleasant words, followed him to the sea side. But the more the king thought to satisfie the patriarch with words, the more wroth and disconten∣ted he shewed himselfe to be; in so much that at the last he said vnto him,*
Hither to hast thou reigned glo∣riouslie, but hereafter shalt thou be forsaken of him, whom thou at this time forsakest. Consider of him, and remember what he hath giuen thee, and what thou hast yéelded to him againe, how first thou wast false to the king of France, and after ••uedst archbishop Becket, and now lastlie thou forsakest the protection of Christes faith.

The king was stirred with these words, and said vnto the patriarch,

Though all the men of the land were one bodie, and spake with one mouth, they durst Page  109 not vtter such words against me. No woonder (said the patriarch) for they loue thine and not thée; that is to say, they loue thy temporall goods, and stand in feare of thée for losse of promotion, but thy soule they loue not. And when he had so said, he offered his head to the king; saieng, Doo by me euen as thou diddest by archbishop Becket, for all is one to me, either to be slaine heere in Europe of a wicked christian, or in the holie land by a Saracen, for thou art woorse than a Saracen, and thy people follow the prey and spoile and not a man. The king kept his patience, and said, [line 10] I may not go out of my land, for if I should, mine owne sonnes would rise and rebell against me. No maruell (said the patriarch) for of the diuell they came, and to the diuell they shall. And thus he depar∣ted from the king in great displeasure. ¶Thus haue some written: but by others it appeareth that the pa∣triarch remained here till the king went ouer into Normandie himselfe,* in companie of whom the pa∣triarch went also (as after shall appeare.) [line 20]

*This yeare the last of March, king Henrie made his sonne Iohn knight, and shortlie after sent him ouer into Ireland, of which countrie he had made him king. At his comming into Ireland, he was ho∣nourablie receiued of the archbishop of Diueline, and other noble men that had béene sent thither be∣fore him. The king allowed him great abundance of treasure, but he hauing learned that

Non minor est virtus quàm quaerere parta tueri,
keeping it in his coffers (as one now come into a [line 30] strange place, and not knowing what he shuld want) would not depart with it so fréelie amongst his soul∣diers and men of warre as they looked for: by reason whereof their seruice was such, that in diuerse con∣flicts he lost manie of his men, and at length was driuen through want of conuenient aid, to returne againe into England, hauing appointed his cap∣teins and souldiers to remaine in places most expe∣dient for the defense of that countrie. ¶ But héere∣of yée may read more at large in the historie of Ireland. [line 40]

On the mondaie in the wéeke before Easter, chan∣ced a sore earthquake thorough all the parts of this land,* such a one as the like had not beene heard of in England sithens the beginning of the world. For stones that laie couched fast in the earth, were remoo∣ued out of their places, stone houses were ouer∣throwne, and the great church of Lincolne was rent from the top downwards.

The day next after this terrible woonder, the king [line 50] and the patriarch with the bishop of Durham and a great sort of other Noble men of this realme,* pas∣sed the seas from Douer to Wissand, and so rode foorth towards Normandie, where immediatlie vpon his comming thither he raised a power, and sent word to his sonne Richard earle of Poictou (which had fortified the townes and castels of Poictou a∣gainst him,* and taken his brother Geffrey prisoner) that except he deliuered vp into his mothers hands the whole countrie of Poictou, he would surelie come [line 60] to chastise him with an iron rod, and bring him vn∣der obedience smallie to his ease. Upon this message earle Richard being somewhat better aduised, obeied his fathers commandements in all points,* rendring vp into his mothers hands the earldome of Poictou, and comming to his father as an obedient sonne, shewed himselfe readie to serue him at commande∣ment with a glad and willing mind. Soone after this, and about the seauenth houre of the day,* the sunne suffered a generall eclipse,* so that no part of it appea∣red, and therwith followed great thunder with light∣ning and sore tempest, with the violence whereof both men and beasts were destroied, and manie hou∣ses burned.

Shortlie after this, the kings of England and France met and communed togither for the aiding of them in the holie land, and they promised indéed to send thither both men and monie: but the patriarch made small account thereof, for he was much decei∣ued of that which he hoped to haue brought to passe, which was, either to haue got the king of England, or one of his sonnes, or some other man of great autho∣ritie with him into the holie land: but bicause that would not be, he departed from the court verie sor∣rowfull and sore displeased, so that it may be thought, that then (and not before his departure out of Eng∣land) he spake his mind so plainlie vnto the king (as before yee haue heard.)

Moreouer, about this time king Henrie obteined of pope Urbane the third,* that he might crowne which of his sonnes it should please him king of Ire∣land, in token of which grant and confirmation, the said pope sent vnto him a crowne of peacocks fea∣thers, after a feat maner wouen in with gold.

This yeare the king held his Christmasse at Dan∣frount, [year 1186] and shortlie after came to a communication with the French king, at the which he tooke a solemne oth that he would deliuer the ladie Alice the French kings sister (whome he had as yet in his custodie) vnto his sonne Richard erle of Poictou in mariage. For the which mariage to be had and solemnized, the French king granted to deliuer vnto the said Ri∣chard the towne of Gisors, with all that which his fa∣ther king Lewes promised vnto king Henrie the sonne (latelie deceassed) in marriage with quéene Margaret the wife of the same Henrie, receiuing an oth thereto, neuer to make anie claime or chalenge to the same towne and lands.

King Henrie (after he had thus concluded and finished his affaires with the French king) returned backe into England in Maie,* and then was Hugh prior of Witham instituted bishop of Lincolne af∣ter that the see there had béene void and without any lawfull gouernour almost the space of seauenteene yeares. This Hugh was reputed a verie godlie and vertuous man. Before him Walter Constance was nominated to that sée, but bicause he was made archbishop of Rouen before he was inuested in the church of Lincolne, he is not accounted in number of the bishops of Lincolne.

Moreouer king Henrie shortlie after his returne at this time into England, assembled a great armie, and went with the same to Caerleill, in purpose to haue entred Galloway, and there to haue chastised Rouland lord of that countrie, who was sonne to U∣thred the sonne of Fergus, for the iniuries doone to his coosine germains, namelie to Duncane sonne to Gilbert, who was sonne to the same Fergus, in spoi∣ling him and the residue (after the deceasse of the said Gilbert) of their parts of inheritance, vsurping the whole to himselfe. But as the king was now readie to inuade his countrie, Rouland came to him, and vsed such meanes vnder pretense of satisfaction, that he made his peace with the king, who therevpon brought backe his armie, and did no more at that time.

About the same time came newes to the king,* that Hugh Lacie was slaine in Ireland by an Irish gentleman that was his confederate (or rather by a labourer, as in the Irish historie you may read) whereof the king was nothing sorie, bicause the same Hugh was growne to so high degrée of puis∣sance in that countrie, that he refused to obeie the kings commandement when he sent for him.

¶ It is to be noted, that when king Henrie had conquered the most part of Ireland, and set the coun∣trie in some good order, after his comming from thence, such capteines as he left there behind him, Page  103 were not idle, but still did what they could to inlarge the confines which were committed to their gouer∣nance: but amongst them all this Hugh Lacie was the chéefest, in somuch that after the death of Richard earle of Striguile,* the king made him gouernour of the countrie in place of the said earle, by reason whereof he so inlarged his possessions, that within a while he became dreadfull, not onelie to the enimies, but also to his associats, as to such English capteins as were abiding in Ireland vpon gard of the Eng∣lish [line 10] frontiers. For if any of them disobeied his com∣mandement, he would not sticke to chastise them at his pleasure, so that by such meanes he seemed rather to conquer the countrie to his owne vse, than to the kings. Wherein he dealt not so directlie or discréetlie as he might; for,

Homines volunt allici non impelli.

He had also ioined himselfe in mariage with a daughter of the king of Unlester, not making king Henrie priuie to the same. Wherevpon the king ha∣uing sundrie informations presented to him of such [line 20] his presumptuous demeanour, commanded him by his letters to returne home, and come before his pre∣sence, which to doo (as before I haue said) he refused, by reason whereof he confirmed the suspicion which was conceiued of him, to rise vpon no vaine conie∣ctures, and therefore the euill that came to him was nothing lamented of king Henrie,* who with good cause was highlie offended towards him for the con∣tempts and considerations aforesaid. [line 30]

This yeare Geffrey the kings son who was earle of Britaine died at Paris,* and was buried in the same citie, leauing behind him (besides two daugh∣ters) one onlie sonne as then in his mothers wombe, of whom she was deliuered in the night of the feast of Easter next insuing hir husbands death: he was named Arthur, and succeeded his father in the earle∣dome of Britaine. His fathers death was occasio∣ned (as men iudge) by a fall which he caught at a iour∣nie, for he was sore bruised therewith, and neuer had his health, but finallie fell into a flix and so died. [line 40]

About this season pope Urbane wrote vnto Bald∣win archbishop of Canturburie, granting him li∣cence to build a church at Alkinton, in honour of S. Stephan and Thomas Becket now reputed a mar∣tyr, and that the fourth part of the offerings which came to the box of Thomas the martyr should be as∣signed to the vse of the moonks, & an other fourth part to the buildings of that church, and an other fourth part to be giuen to the poore, and the other fourth part [line 50] remaining he might reserue to himselfe to bestow at his pleasure. But within a while after, at the suit and supplication of the prior and couent of Can∣turburie (who liked nothing of the former partition) the pope sent letters of prohibition to the said archbi∣shop, that he should ceasse from building of the fore mentioned church, bicause the building therof would be preiudiciall to the church of Canturburie.

* About the same time also king Henrie gaue his coosen the ladie Ermengard (who was daughter to Richard Uicount Beaumount) in marriage vnto [line 60] William king of Scotland, causing the archbishop of Canturburie to ioine them togither in the bond of matrimonie within the chappell at Woodstocke, where he kept great cheere in honour of that marri∣age for the space of foure daies togither. And further he gaue at the same time vnto the king of Scots the castell of Edenbourgh:* and the king of Scots streit∣waies gaue it vnto his wife the forsaid Ermingard, as a portion of hir dower, augmented with an hun∣dred pounds of lands by the yeare, and 40. knights fées.

The French king required to haue the custodie of the infant Arthur, heire to Geffrey earle of Bri∣taine: but king Henrie would in no wise grant thereto.* Wherefore he sent Walter archbishop of Rouen, William de Mandeuille earle of Albe∣marle, and Ranulfe de Glandeuille lord cheefe iustice of England to the French court, to talke with king Philip about that matter, so that king Philip hauing heard them, was contented to staie from attemp∣ting force till the feast of S. Hilarie. But in the meane time it chanced,* that one sir Richard de Wal∣les a knight of the realme of France went about to fortifie a castell in a village that belonged to him cal∣led Walles, situated betwixt Trie & Gisors. Where∣vpon Henrie Uere (constable of Gisors vnder Wil∣liam earle of Albemarle) was nothing content ther∣with, and therefore got a companie togither, & went foorth to disturbe the worke. Upon this occasion the seruants of the said sir Richard de Walles came foorth, and encountred with him in the field, in somuch that Rafe the sonne of sir Richard de Walles was slaine, and the residue that were with him fled, many of them being sore beaten and wounded.

When the French king was informed hereof,* he caused all the kings of England his subiects, that could be found within his countries and dominion of France to be apprehended, and their goods seized. The stewards, bailifes,* & officers then of king Hen∣rie, did the like by the French kings subiects that chanced to be at that present within the king of En∣glands countries, on that further side of the sea. But within a little while after, the French king set the English subiects at libertie, and so likewise did the K. of Englands officers release the French subiects.

At this time king Henrie held his Christmasse at Gilford,* and shortlie after came one Octauianus a subdeacon cardinall,* and Hugh de Nouant from the court of Rome, sent as legats from pope Urbane into Ireland, that they might crowne earle Iohn the kings sonne king of that land. But king Henrie made a delaie therein,* taking the legats with him into Normandie, whither he sailed at the same time, and landing at Wissand, he went from thence into Normandie, and shortlie after came to a communi∣cation with the French king, at a place called Va∣dum Sancti Remigij, where after much talke they could not agrée, by reason the French king deman∣ded things vnreasonable,* and so they departed with∣out any thing concluded [sauing a truce] till after Whitsuntide.

About the same time, the citie of Ierusalem was taken by Saladine the chéefe prince of the Sara∣cens.* Wherevpon much conference was had among the christian princes for the succoring of those christi∣ans, which as yet held and defended other péeces in the holie land, so that by publishing of the popes buls, manie tooke on them the crosse: and amongst other Richard the sonne of king Henrie (without anie li∣cence obteined of his father) receiued the same, vow∣ing to go thither out of hand, and to fight against Gods enimies to the vttermost of his power.

In the meane time the grudge still increased be∣twixt king Henrie and Philip the French king, part∣lie for one cause, and partlie for an other,* but special∣lie one cheefe occasion was for that earle Richard de∣ferred the dooings of his homage vnto king Philip for the dutchie of Poictou, which by his fathers ap∣pointment he now inioied and held. The French king to preuent his enimies, immediatlie vpon the expiring of the truce raised a power, and entring in∣to the dominions belonging to king Henrie, wasted the countrie till he came vnto Chateu Raoul: about which castell also he foorthwith planted his siege.

When king Henrie was aduertised hereof, he raised his power also, and togither with his sonne earle Richard came with all spéed to succour his peo∣ple, Page  111 and to saue his castell from the hands of his eni∣mies. Now when he approched néere vnto the place, he pitcht downe his tents ouer against the one side of the French campe, and earle Richard on the other, so that they were readie to assaile the French king on both sides at once, but before they came to ioine bat∣tell, by the mediation of a cardinall (as some write) or (as other saie) through meanes made by the earle of Flanders,* the matter was taken vp. For earle Richard through persuasion of the said earle of Flan∣ders came to the French king, and agréed with him, [line 10] before that his father king Henrie was resolued of any such matter for his part, so that he was now in a maruellous perplexitie, & almost to séeke what was best to doo, as a man fearing his owne suertie, by rea∣son of mistrust which he had in his sonne Richard: but yet at the length through humble suit made by his said sonne vnto the French king,* a truce was gran∣ted by the space of two yeares.

Earle Richard, after the matter was thus taken vp, went into France with the French king, of [line 20] whom he was so honoured whilest he was there, that they kept one table at dinner and supper in the daie time, and (as was said) one bed serued them both to sléepe on in the night.

In the meane time king Henrie hearing of all this, fell into great suspicion whereto this great fa∣miliaritie betwixt the French king and his sonne would tend, and doubting the likeliest, sent for him to returne vnto him.* But earle Richard perceiuing his father to mistrust his loialtie, gaue faire words, [line 30] and promised to returne with all conuenient spéed. Howbeit he ment an other matter, and so departing from the French court, came to Chinon, where he got into his hands a great portion of his fathers trea∣sure that was kept there, against the will of him that had the custodie of it,* and taking it thus awaie with him, he began to fortifie his castels and townes within his countrie of Poictou, and clearlie refused to come backe to his father for a time, although at length forsaking the counsell of naughtie men, he [line 40] turned home vnto him, and humblie submitted himselfe, in such wise as to his dutie apperteined. And for the more assurance therof, he renewed his fealtie, in receiuing an oth vpon the holie euangelists. Which doone, king Henrie went into Britaine with an armie, and woone the castell of Mountreleis by siege, which one Henrie de Lions, and one Guine∣mer his brother had gotten into their hands, after the deceasse of Geffrey earle of Britaine. [line 50]

This yeare the twentie of October, the citie of Chichester was almost wholie consumed to ashes by mischance of fire. The head church with the bishops palace, and the houses of the canons were burnt e∣uen downe to the ground. After this king Henrie held his Christmasse at Caen,* from whence he went to Harfleet,* and there taking the sea passed ouer into England. The French king hearing by and by of his departure, assembled a great armie, and threatned to destroie the countrie of Normandie, and other [line 60] lands on that side the sea, except king Henrie would deliuer into his hands the towne of Gisors, with the appurtenances, or cause his sonne Richard earle of Poictou to take to wife his sister Alice, according to his promise.

*When king Henrie was aduertised hereof, he turned with all speed into Normandie, that he might prouide for timelie resistance, if the French king came forward to inuade his dominions. About the selfe same time came newes out of the holie land,* that Saladine after the winning of Ierusalem, pur∣sued his victorie with such successe, that he had taken from the christians the more part of all other towns and strengths within the land. These newes were no∣thing pleasant to the christian princes, and namelie the two kings Henrie and Philip séemed sorowfull for the same, and therefore came to an enterview to∣gither on the 21. day of Ianuarie betwixt Trie and Gisors, where the archbishop of Tire was present,* through whose earnest exhortation the two kings were made freends, and the same day receiued the crosse at his hands in purpose to make a iourneie to∣gither against those Saracens that had doone such iniuries to the christian name.* And for a difference that one nation might be knowne from an other, the French king and his people tooke vpon them to weare read crosses,* the king of England and his subiects white crosses: but the earle of Flanders and his men ware gréene.

Herewith they departed asunder, each one repai∣ring to their countries to prouide their armies, and make them in a readinesse to set forward by a day towards this necessarie iournie. King Henrie com∣ming to Chinon, by aduise of his councell, ordeined that euerie one of his subiects should yeeld a tenth part of his reuenues and mooueable goods for that yeare towards the aid of them in the holie land (corne of that yeares growth excepted, and also all armour,* horsses, bookes, apparell, ornaments of chappels, and pretious stones, which should not come in the rate of goods now taxed, nor be charged with this paiment.) Moreouer those knights and men of warre that were appointed to go in this iourneie paied nothing, but had that monie also towards their furniture, which were gathered of their tenants and farmers, how∣beit burgesses and others that tooke vpon them the crosse without licence of their lords, paied his tenth, so that none of them went free.

There were also good orders deuised,* both for the aduancement of Gods glorie, and the releefe of the common-wealth, as that no man should sweare in any outragious maner, that no man should plaie at cards, dice or tables, and that no maner of person af∣ter Easter should weare any costlie furs or cloth of scarlet, nor that men should vse to haue their tables serued with more than two dishes of meat at one meale, nor should haue their apparell cut, iagged, or laced: and further, that none of them should take any women foorth with them in this iourneie, except such a landresse, of whome there might not growe a∣nie suspicion of wanton life. It was also ordeined, that the monie of such as died in this iournie, should go towards the finding and maintenance of their seruants and of poore people, and towards the aid of the christians in the holie land. Moreouer, the pope granted that all those that went foorth in this iournie, repenting and confessing their sinnes, should be ab∣solued and pardoned of the same.* The king hauing thus taken order for his businesse in the parts on the further side the sea, came now ouer into England againe, landing at Winchelsey on a saturday the thirtith day of Ianuarie, and calling a councell togi∣ther at Gaitington,* which is eight or nine miles from Northampton, he there declared what orders he had taken for his iournie into the holie land. Wherevpon the bishops of Norwich and Lincolne, and a great number of other people tooke vpon them the crosse at the preaching of the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Rochester.

This doone, king Henrie tooke order also for the le∣uieng of the tenth, as well here in England,* as he had doone in the parts subiect to him on the further side the sea. He also sent Hugh bishop of Durham, and other both spirituall and temporall persons, vnto William king of Scots, to gather the tenth likewise within his countrie, but he met them betwixt Wrk and Brightham,* and would not suffer them to enter into Scotland, but he offered to giue vnto the king of Page  112 England in recompense of the tenths, and for to haue againe his castels, the summe of 5000. marks of siluer, which could not be accepted. The French king likewise gathered the tenths in his countrie to∣wards this intended iournie. But by the working of some wicked spirit (as we may well thinke) which en∣uied the aduancement of the christian common∣wealth,* that good meaning of the two kings was broken and disappointed: for the peace latelie conclu∣ded betwixt them continued not long vnuiolated. [line 10]

The French writers impute the fault thereof vn∣to English men, and the English writers laie it to French men.* The French writers say, that earle Ri∣chard the son of king Henrie in breach of the league, made warre vpon Reimond earle of Tholouze. The English writers reproue the French king as a wic∣ked man, in that he should of purpose breake the peace and moue warre against king Henrie, to with∣draw him from going to make warre against the Saracens, to the which enterprise he was wholie [line 20] bent and inclined. Such is the maner of manie wri∣ters, who more affectionat to the loue of their coun∣trie than to the truth, doo not obserue the law of histo∣ries in their writings, but rather inueie one against another in a bralling and reprouing maner.

¶ Examples hereof are more than by any possibi∣litie may be remembred, and namelie for breuitie sake George Bucchanan in the 8. booke of his Sco∣tish historie verie reprochfullie speaketh of Richard Grafton (a right reuerend man whiles he liued and [line 30] of entier name also being dead) charging him with ignorance, and the report of a shamelesse lier. Whose case, bicause it is not so conuenient to be handled in this place as els where, we will remit to the reigne of* Edward the third, in whose time Iohn Balioll was king of Scots, and cleere him (as well as we can) from a Scotish slander. Another example also we haue, and that most notorious, of Gabriel Pra∣teolus the Iesuit, who hauing neuer beene in Eng∣land, nor yet vnderstanding the English toong, blush∣eth [line 40] not to say that the translation of the English bi∣ble hath in it a thousand faults. O singular and in∣sufferable impudencie, when men passe not what they vomit and cast vp out of a full gorge surfetting with malice and rancour! But what shall we say,

*Omne superuacuum pleno de pectore manat.

Indeed (as Roger Houeden and other doo witnes) the foresaid earle Reimond, and also Aimer earle of Angolesme,* Geffrey de Racon, and Geffrey de Lu∣signan, with the most part of all the Nobles of [line 50] Poictou, made warre against earle Richard, and he held tacke against them all, and in the end ouercame them. Amongst other of earle Reimonds part whom he tooke, was one Peter Seille, by whose counsell earle Reimond had taken diuerse merchants of Poictou that were subiects to earle Richard,* & doone manie other displeasures to him and to his countrie, wherefore earle Richard kept this Peter in verie close prison, and would not put him to his ransome: in somuch that earle Reimond tooke two of the king [line 60] of Englands knights, sir Robert Poer, and sir Ri∣chard Fraser, as they were returning from Compo∣stella, where they had béene to visit the bodie of S. Iames, but they were quicklie set at libertie by the French kings commandement, for the reuerence of S. Iames whose pilgrims they were.

*After this, earle Richard entred with a great ar∣mie into the lands of earle Reimond, wasted the same, and tooke by siege a castell of his situate néere vnto Tholouze, called Moisac: whereof the French king hearing, sent out of hand to the king of Eng∣land, requiring to know if the damages doone by his sonne earle Richard vnto him & his people in Tho∣louze, were doone by his commandement, for the which he demanded restitution. Herevnto the king of England answered, that his sonne earle Richard did nothing in that behalfe, either by his knowledge or commandement: but that as he had signified to him by the archbishop of Dublin, what soeuer he did therin, was doone by the counsell of the French king himselfe.

Howsoeuer this matter went, certeine it is, that king Philip taking weapon in hand, vpon a sudden entred into Berrie, and tooke from king Henrie Chasteau Raoull, Brezancois, Argenton,* Mountri∣chard, Mountresor, Uandosine, Leprose, Blanc en Berrie, Culan and Molignon. Wherfore king Hen∣rie (who was at this time in England about to pre∣pare an armie to go therewith into the holie land) when he heard thereof,* with all spéed possible he sent Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, and Hugh bi∣shop of Durham ouer into France, to appease the French kings displeasure with courteous words and reasonable persuasions if it might be: but when that could not be brought to passe, he sailed ouer into Nor∣mandie himselfe, with an armie of Englishmen and Welshmen, landing with the same at Herflue the 10. daie of Iulie,* after he had beene sore tossed by a cruell tempest that rose as he was on the sea, to the great danger of his person, & all that were with him.

Now after his comming to land, he repaired vn∣to Alencon, increasing his power by gathering vp souldiers and men of warre out of Normandie and other his countries on that side the sea. In the meane time his sonne Richard earle of Poictou entred into Berrie with a mightie armie, and the French king deliuering Chateau Raoull vnto the keeping of sir William de Berres returned into France,* so that earle Richard spoiled and wasted the lands of those earls and barons which tooke the French part excee∣dinglie. The French king kept him as yet within France, and durst not come foorth now after the arri∣uall of king Henrie, but manie enterprises were at∣chiued by the capteines on both sides. Philip bishop of Beauuois inuading the frontiers of Normandie, burned Blangeuille, belonging to the earle of Angi, and the castell Albemarle (that belonged to Willi∣am de Mandeuille, whereof he bare the title of earle) and wasted the countrie round about. The French king alse came to the towne of Trow, and burned it, and tooke 40. men of armes there, but the castell he could not win. On the other part, Richard earle of Poictou tooke a strong place called Les Roches,* be∣yond Trow towards Uandosme, with 25. men of armes, and 60. yeomen.

About this time king Henrie sent ambassadours vnto the French king, as Walter the archbishop of Rouen, Iohn bishop of Eureux, and William Mar∣shall, to require restitution for the damages doone to him and his people. And furthermore, that if the French king refused to make restitution, then had they in commandement to declare defiance against him. Wherevnto the French king answered, that he would not giue ouer to make warre till he had Ber∣rie, and the countrie of Ueuxin or Ueulgesine wholie in his possession. Wherefore king Henrie with a mightie armie (on the tuesdaie after the feast of the decollation of S. Iohn) entred into the realme of France, and burned manie townes and villages, ap∣proching the same day néere to the towne of Maunt▪ where the French king was thought to be. Now as it chanced, William de Berres and Drogo de Mer∣lo encountred with Richard earle of Poictou and William de Mandeuille earle of Albemarle, so that William de Berres was taken by earle Richard, but by negligence of them that should haue taken héed to him, he escaped awaie vpon his page horsse. The morrow after also, earle Richard departed Page  113 from his father towards Berrie, and vpon the thurs∣daie the Welshmen burned manie villages,* with the castell of Danuille that belonged to Simon Daneth, and tooke manie rich preies and booties. Also William Mandeuille earle of Albemarle burned a place called saint Clare, that was belonging vnto the demaine of the French king.

But see, when the English were fullie bent to pro∣secute the warres (with all extremitie) now in hand, there came messengers vnto king Henrie from the [line 10] French king, requiring him that he would grant a peace to be had betwixt them, with promise that if he would condescend therevnto, that he should receiue by way of restitution all that the French king had now taken from him in Berrie. Herevpon they came to a communication betwixt Trie & Gisors, and when they could not agrée,* the French king cau∣sed a great elme standing betwixt those two places to be cut downe, at which the kings of England and France were accustomed to méet when they treated [line 20] of matters in controuersie betwixt them,* swearing that from thencefoorth there should neuer be anie more méetings holden at that place.

Afterward, when the earle of Flanders and the earle of Blois with diuerse other earles and barons of the Realme of France, laid their armor aside, pro∣testing openlie that they would not put on the same againe to make warre against any christian,* till they should returne from their iournie which they had vowed into the holie land, the French king destitute [line 30] of men to serue him, made sute once againe to king Henrie, that they might méet and talke of peace, which was hardlie granted, and so they met on the morrow after saint Faithes daie, or the seauenth of October, at Chatellon, where they entreated of a forme of peace,* so that the French king should haue restored all that he had taken within the coun∣tries belonging to king Henrie, and likewise Ri∣chard earle of Poictou should deliuer vp vnto the earle of saint Giles (otherwise called earle of Tho∣louse) [line 40] all that he had taken from him since the breach of the last truce. But when king Henrie would not deliuer the castell of Pascie in pledge to the French king, they departed in sunder (as before) without any thing concluded. The king of France after this tooke the castell of Paiuell.

Upon the eightéenth day of August the two kings came againe togither about a new treatie of peace betwixt Bonsemblance and Sukennie,* where the French king offered king Henrie, to restore to him [line 50] all that he had taken by his last warres, if his sister Alice might be ioined in marriage with Richard erle of Poictou, now eldest sonne aliue to king Henrie, and that all king Henries subiects might doo homage and sweare fealtie to the same Richard. But king Henrie after the old prouerbe, Ictus piscator sapit, ha∣uing bought his experience with the féeling of smart, & bearing in memorie the iniuries done to him by his sonne Henrie, after such his aduancement to king∣lie degrée, would not grant the French kings re∣quest [line 60] herein. Wherevpon a further mischeefe happe∣ned, for his sonne earle Richard (taking displeasure that his father should denie him that honour, which made altogither for his more assurance to succeed him as king) fell from his said father manifestlie, and became the French kings man,* dooing homage to him also without consent of king Henrie, for all those lands that belonged to his said father on that further side the sea. The French king for his homage and fealtie gaue him Chateau Raoull and Ysoldun, with all the honour thereto belonging.

¶ Some write, that the cheefest cause which mooued king Henrie to refuse to ioine his sonne earle Ri∣chard and the ladie Alice,* daughter vnto the French king in marriage togither, was, for that he was lin∣ked in the combersome chaine of hot burning loue with the same ladie, and therefore he sought all the shifts of excuses & delaies that might be imagined; so that it appeared he had no mind to part with hir. The truth was (as writers affirme) he had alreadie persuaded hir to satisfie his lust, insomuch that he li∣ked hir so well, that he ment to be diuorsed from his wife quéene Elianor, and to marrie this yoong ladie, which if he might bring to passe, and haue children by hir, he purposed to disherit those which he had by Elianor, and to make the other which he should haue by Adela his legitimat and lawfull heires.* Yet before they departed from this communication, a truce was taken to endure till the feast of S. Hilarie. And Henrie bishop of Alba a cardinall that was sent from the pope to end this controuersie betwixt these two mightie princes, accursed Richard earle of Poi∣ctou, for that by his meanes the troubles rose and were continued betwixt them.

The towne of Beuerley,* with the church of saint Iohn the archbishop, was in maner wholie consumed with fire, on the 20. of September. Also the same yeare died William of Sempringham,* the author and first founder of the religious order of Sem∣pringham. Moreouer Gilbert de Ogerstan a knight templer put in trust by king Henrie, with others,* to gather the tenths towards the reléefe of the holie land, was prooued to vse falshood in the receipt, and so was deliuered vnto the maister of the temple at London to be punished according to the statutes of his order. Also this yere in the vigill of S. Laurence, there was séene at Dunstable by diuerse persons a figure of the crosse verie long and large in the aire, with the shape of a crucifix thereon,* and streames of bloud to their sight seemed to run out of the wounds of the feet, hands and sides. This strange appearance continued in sight from noone till almost night.

¶ Some will déeme this a méere fable, and saie it sauoureth of grosse superstition and idolatrie, where∣vpon they will conclude that no such fragments pou∣dered with papistrie should be inserted into a chroni∣cle. But (to auoid all suspicion of iustifieng the fan∣sies of men) note you this, that in the ecclesiasticall historie, no small number of things no lesse strange and true than this seemeth vaine and false, are recor∣ded; yea euen touching the verie crosse. But consi∣dering that this our age is verie nice and deintie in making choise of matter pleasing their owne humor we will not wade too farre in this kind of argu∣ment, which we know may as soone offend as it is ta∣ken, as a thorne may pricke, or a netle sting when it is touched. Neuerthelesse, we would not wish that the forme of a thing should be quite condemned for some scandalous peoples pleasures, whome nothing will please, vnlesse it come out of their owne drie∣uat or casket of conceits.

King Henrie held his Christmas at Saumur in Aniou,* but manie of his earles and barons were gon from him, and tooke part with the French king, and with his sonne Richard earle of Poictou. Now when the day was come, in which the truce expired, the Bri∣tains (which had a charter of couenants of the French king and earle Richard, that if they conclude any peace with king Henrie, the Britains should be par∣takers in the same) entred into the confines of those countries, which still continued their due obedience towards king Henrie, spoiling and wasting the same on each side with barbarous crueltie.* At which time also a legat came from the pope named Iohn de Anagnia, who assaied both by courteous meanes and also by threats and menacings to reduce the par∣ties vnto peace and concord: insomuch that by his procurement they met this yeare after Easter néere Page  114 vnto Fler Bernard, twise within a few daies togi∣ther, to trie if by talke they might sort to some reaso∣nable conditions of agreement.

The last time of those their meetings was in the Whitsunwéeke,* at what time the French king requi∣red not onelie to haue his sister Alice deliuered vnto earle Richard for wife, according to the former coue∣nants, but also some assurance giuen vnto the same earle Richard, that he should inherit his fathers lands after his deceasse. Also he required that earle [line 10] Iohn might take vpon him the crosse to passe ouer into the holie land also, for otherwise earle Richard would not go.* Howbeit king Henrie would in no wise consent to any of these demands: but yet as some write, he offered thus much vnto king Philip, that if he could be so content, his sonne Iohn should marrie his sister Alice, and inioy with hir all such things as he demanded in preferment of his sonne Richard, and that in more large maner than he had requested the same. But king Philip would none [line 20] of that.

Thus how soeuer it was, whilest the one deman∣ded that which the other thought no reason to grant, they departed without concluding any agréement, so that king Philip hauing got by this meanes a good occasion to further his enterprises,* with all his whole puissance entred into Maine, where he destroi∣ed a great part of that countrie, and approched to the citie of Mauns, where king Henrie as then laie, in purpose to besiege it. But king Henrie being war∣ned of his comming set the suburbs on fire, bicause [line 30] his enimies should haue no succour in them. Howbe∣it the flame of the fire was by force of the wind dri∣uen so directlie into the citie, that what with heat and assault of the enimie, the king being without any store of souldiers to defend it longer, was constrei∣ned to forsake it.* Herewith he was so mooued, that in departing from the citie, he said these words of his sonne Richard to himselfe: Sith thou hast taken from me this daie the thing that I most loued in this world, I will requite thee, for after this daie, I shall [line 40] depriue thée of that thing which in me should most please thée, euen mine owne hart.

Being thus driuen to leaue the defaced citie of Mauns,* he repaired vnto Chinon, the citizens where∣of being left destitute of aid, yéelded themselues to the French king, who taking a great pride in his doo∣ings for that victorie, passed ouer Loire, and wan the citie of Towrs, wherein he placed a garison, and so hauing sped his businesse with good successe, [line 50] brought home his armie laden with preies & booties. King Henrie being thus put to the worsse, and not perceiuing anie readie meane how to recouer his losses,* began to despaire in himselfe, and therefore of necessitie thought it best to séeke for peace, but his suit was in vaine: for the enimie hauing now the aduantage,* would not grant to agrée vpon any rea∣sonable conditions.

At the last Philip the earle of Flanders and Wil∣liam archbishop of Reimes, with Hugh duke of [line 60] Burgoine, came to king Henrie to moue waies of agréement, and to conclude the same betwixt him on the one partie, and the French king and earle Ri∣chard on the other partie. Earle Richard had the Bri∣taines and them of Poictou confederate with him, vnder such conditions, as he might not agrée with his father, vnlesse they might be comprised in the a∣gréement. At length they agreed vpon conditions,* not altogither aduantageable to the king of Eng∣land, yet in the end, Chateau Raoul was restored to king Hnerie with all that had béene taken from him since the time that the French king & he tooke vpon them the crosse: on the other part king Henrie did homage to the French king, which in the beginning of this warre he had surrendred and renounced. He was bound also to paie to the French king 20.* thousand markes for the aid which earle Richard had receiued of him: moreouer to resigne and acquite vnto the French king, all that which either he or his predecessours held or possessed within Aluergue. Other articles there were which king Henrie a∣gréed vnto sore against his will, as the deliuerie of the ladie Alice or Adela, and such other, which (as not much materiall) we passe ouer.

This peace was concluded not farre from Towrs,* in a place appointed conuenient for both the kings to méet in, about the feast of the apostles Peter and Paule. And (as writers record) there chanced great thunder and lightening at the verie time when the two kings came to enteruiew and talke togither, so that the thunderbolt did light betwixt them two: & yet (notwithstanding such thunder & lightening) the aire was cleare and nothing troubled.* The two kings parted a sunder through feare thereof for that day, and on the next day the like chance happened, greatlie to the terrour of them both. Which mooued king Henrie the sooner to condescend to the agree∣ment.

Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, that when all matters were quieted and accorded amongst them, King Henrie required to haue all their names deli∣uered vnto him in writing, which had promised to take part (and were ioined as confederates) with the French king and earle Richard. This was granted, and when the roll was presented vnto him, he found his sonne Iohn the first person that was named in that register, wherewith he was so troubled and dis∣quieted in his mind, that comming to Chinon he felt such gréefe hereof, that he curssed euen the verie daie in which he was borne, and as was said, gaue to his sonnes Gods cursse and his, the which he would ne∣uer release, although he was admonished to doo it both of sundrie bishops and other religious and god∣lie men. Thus saith Houeden.

Howbeit, it is not like that earle Richard at this time had procured his brother Iohn to be confede∣rate with him in his rebellious dealings, but rather bicause earle Richard had some suspicion, least his father would make Iohn his heire and successour in the kingdome, it might be a policie wrought by the French king and earle Richard, to alienate his fa∣thers mind from the said Iohn.

¶ These euils were estéemed to fall vnto king Henrie by the iust iudgement of God, for that being admonished diuerse waies, as well by diuine reuela∣tion, as by the wholesome aduise of graue men, as Hugh bishop of Lincolne and others, he would not reforme his licentious appetite of heaping vp sinne vpon sinne, but still wallowed therein to his owne destruction. Wherevpon being brought to such an ex∣tremitie as ye haue heard, he was taken with a gree∣uous sicknesse, which bringing him to vtter despera∣tion of recouering of health, he finallie departed this life, though more through verie anguish and gréefe of his late losse and troubles susteined, than by the force of his bodilie disease (as writers haue affir∣med.) But howsoeuer it was,* he ended his life the sixt of Iulie in the 61. yeare of his age, and after he had reigned 34. yeares, nine moneths, and two daies, which was in the yeare after the birth of our sa∣uiour 1189. and of the creation of the world 5155. His bodie was buried at Founteuerard, [year 1189] which is an abbeie situate not farre from the towne of the eagle within the dutchie of Alanson.

Immediatlie vpon his death, those that were about him, applied their market so busilie in catching and filching awaie things that laie readie for them, that the kings corps laie naked a long time, till a child co∣uered Page  115 the neher parts of his body with a short cloke,* and then it séemed that his surname was fulfilled that he had from his childhood, which was Shortman∣tell, being so called, bicause he was the first that brought short clokes out of Aniou into England. As his sonne Richard met the corps going towards the buriall, suddenlie there issued bloud out of the dead bodies nosthrilles, which was taken for a significa∣tion that it abhorred the presence of so wicked a son, which in his life time had so persecuted the father. His death was signified by a maruellous strange woon∣der,* [line 10] for a few daies before he died, all the fishes in a certeine méere or poole in Normandie, leapt foorth on land in the night season, and fought togither with such a noise, that a great multitude of men came running thither to behold the woonder, and could not find on fish aliue in the meere.

*He had issue by his wife quéene Elianor (as may appeare by that which alreadie is rehearsed) foure sonnes, Henrie, Richard, Geffrey, and Iohn, besides two other that died yoong, as some authors haue re∣corded: [line 20] also three daughters, Maud, married vnto Henrie the duke of Saxonie;* Elianor the wife of Alfonse the eight of that name king of Castile, and Ioane giuen in marriage vnto William king of Sicill. He had also two bastard sonnes by a concu∣bine, the one named William, & the other Geffrey. He was one of bodie fleshie and strong,* and could abide verie patientlie the displesures both of cold and heat, he had a large head, a broad breast, a broken voice, and was furthermore verie spare of diet, cheefelie [line 30] bicause he would not be too fat; and therefore when he was at quiet without any trouble of warres, he would exercise himselfe in hunting or trauelling a∣broad. He was of a good stature and verie well for∣med,* of a comelie countenance, partlie red heared, with graie eies, of wit quicke, and of a perfect good memorie, so that he would long remember those things which he had either read,* heard, or seene. He was stout of stomach, and more constant in time of aduersitie than in time of prosperitie, except at the [line 40] time of his death, when being destitute in maner of all hisfréends, he shewed himselfe almost in despaire. He was liberall towards all men, oftentimes gi∣uing rewards to his souldiers ouer and besides their wages.

Moreouer, of nature he was pitifull towards the poore,* as it well appeared by diuerse his charitable deeds; as for example. When in the yeare 1176. there was a great dearth & scarsitie of bread in the parts of Aniou & Maine, he fed euerie daie with sufficient sus∣tenance [line 50] ten thousand persons, from the begining of Aprill, till the time that new corne was inned: and what prouision soeuer was laid vp in garners, cellers and storehouses, for the kings necessarie vses, he cau∣sed the same to be imploied towards the reléefe of re∣ligious houses, and poore people. He tooke of his sub∣iects but sildome times any great tributes. He was verie expert in feats of warre, and right fortunate therein. He praised his capteins and men of warre [line 60] when they were dead, and lamented their losse more than he shewed to loue them when they were aliue. And this did he of policie, that they might vnder∣stand that they should be honoured after death, and therefore feare it the lesse. He was somwhat learned, and also knowne to be wise.

*His care to haue iustice dulie ministred in his realme was exceeding great, insomuch that finding how the shirifes were rather inclined to seeke their owne gaine, than to deale vprightlie with his sub∣iects, he appointed other officers to haue a regard to their dooings, as if they had béene controllers, that they knowing how there were such appointed to haue a sound ouersight in their dealings, might be the more circumspect in their duties. He ordei∣ned also punishments for hunters in forrests and grounds of warren, either by fining them, or by im∣prisonment.

Moreouer, he ordeined that murtherers should suffer death by hanging: and so for other transgres∣sours he appointed other kinds of punishments, as some to be condemned to exile, and other to losse of lims, &c: according to the qualitie of the offense com∣mitted. And to haue the lawes dulie executed, and iustice vprightlie ministred on all hands, he was so carefull that he tried all orders of men, in placing them in roomes of iustice. And lastlie, trusting to find among the cleargie such as would not be cor∣rupted with bribes, nor for respect of feare or freend∣ship decline from right iudgement, he chose foorth the bishops of Winchester, Elie,* and Norwich to be principall iustices of the relme, so as they might end and determine all matters, except in certeine cases reserued to the hearing of the prince himselfe.

His vices were these, as they are remembred. In time of aduerse fortune no man could shew himselfe more courteous, gentle, méeke,* and promising more largelie than he would. But when fortune once be∣gan to smile, no man was more sharpe, hard to deale with, nor more redie to breake his promise and faith. He was also partlie noted of couetousnesse: for al∣though he was liberall towards souldiers and stran∣gers, yet was he streict inough towards his owne people, and namelie towards his sonnes, which cau∣sed them to estrange themselues and their good wils from him. He was not so zealous toward the execu∣tion of right and equitie as to the furtherance of his owne priuat commoditie.

He was out of measure giuen to fleshlie lust,* and satisfieng of his inordinate concupiscence. For not contented with the vse of his wife, he kept manie concubines, but namelie he delited most in the com∣panie of a pleasant damsell, whom he called the Rose of the world (the common people named hir Rosa∣mund) for hir passing beautie, propernesse of person, and pleasant wit, with other amiable qualities, be∣ing verelie a rare and péerelesse péece in those daies. He made for hir an house at Woodstocke in Oxford∣shire,* like a labyrinth, with such turnings and wind∣dings in & out as a knot in a garden called a maze, that no creature might find hir nor come to hir, ex∣cept he were instructed by the king, or such as were secret with him in that matter. But the common re∣report of the people is, that the quéene in the end found hir out by a silken thread, which the king had drawne after him out of hir chamber with his foot, and dealt with hir in such sharpe and cruell wise, that she liued not long after. She was buried in the nun∣rie of Goodstow beside Oxford, with these verses vp∣on hir toome:

Hîc iacet in tumulo, Rosa mundi non Rosa munda,
Non redolet sed olet, quaeredolere solet.
The meaning whereof may be found in Graftons large chronicle, page 77. in an English septenarie.

Long time after the death of this damsell, in the said abbeie was shewed a cofer,* that sometimes was hirs, of the length of two foot, in the which appeared gi∣ants fighting, startling of beasts, swimming of fi∣shes, and flieng of foules, so liuelie, that a man might woonder at the fine deuise thereof.

Moreouer, king Henrie was noted not to be so fauourable to the liberties & fréedoms of the church as he might haue béene. For besides the persecuting of the foresaid Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, he would not suffer the legats sent from the pope, to enter within the bounds of his dominion, till they had sworne that they should doo nothing preiudiciall to the customs of his kingdome, neither by prescri∣bing Page  116 orders, nor any other maner of act or meanes. He was thought to be negligent in aiding the chri∣stian common-wealth in the holie land.* For though he had appointed twice or thrice to go thither in per∣son, yet being letted by light occasions, he staied at home, and sent small reléefe thither, though he was earnestlie called vpon for the same. His estimation was such amongst forren princes, that Philip king of France being newlie entred into the gouerne∣ment of that realme after his fathers deceasse, com∣mitted [line 10] himselfe and his kingdome to the disposition and order of king Henrie, as if he had béene regent of his realme, and gouernour of his person.

There liued in the daies of this king Henrie the second, diuerse honourable personages and capteins of great fame, for their approoued valiancie and expe∣rience in warlike enterprises, as Robert earle of Leicester, Hugh Bigot earle of Northfolke, Reig∣nold earle of Cornewall, Robert Ferreis earle of Darbie, Richard Lacie, Roger Mowbray, Rafe de Fulgiers, Humfrey Bohun conestable of England, [line 20] Ranulfe Glandeuille, William Uesey, & Bernard de Ballioll. Also there flourished in his time here in this land,* men of singular learning in arts and scien∣ces, as Nicholas Breakespeare, Serlo surnamed Grammaticus, William Rheualensis, Adam de Euesham, Thomas of Munmouth, Adelbertus Le∣uita, Geruasius Cicestrensis, Odo Cantianus, Eal∣red Rhieuellensis, Iohannes Sarisburiensis, Cle∣mens Lanthoniensis, Walter Daniell, Robert [line 30] Knought aliàs Camtus, Robert Folioth, William Ramsey, Senatus Brauonus, Robert the Scribe, Odo Miremuth, Hugh of Reading, Richard of Do∣uer, William of Peterburough, Cicerciensis, Bar∣tholomew Iscanus, and Gilbert de Sempringham, with others.

¶And here to make an end with this high and mightie prince Henrie the second, I haue thought good to make you partaker of an epitaph, which we find in Matthew Paris and others written of him as [line 40] followeth.

Epitaphium in Henricum secundum regem mortuum & hîc sepultum.

REx Henricus eram, mihi plurima regna subegi,
Multiplicí{que} modo dúx{que} comés{que} fui,
Cui satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae
Climata, terra modò sufficit octo pedum.
Qui legis haec, pensa discrimina mortis, & indè [line 50]
Humanae specula conditionis habe.
Quod potes instanter operare bonum, quia mundus
Transit, & incautos mors inopina rapit.

Aliud.

TVmuli regis superscriptio breuis exorna,
Sufficit hic tumulus, cui non suffecerat orbis,
Res breuis est ampla, cui fuit ampla breuis.

An epitaph vpon king Henrie the second dead and heere in∣toomed.

OF late king Henrie was my name,
which conquerd manie a land,
And diuerse dukedoms did possesse,
and earledoms held in hand.
And yet while all the earth could scarse
my greedie mind suffice,
Eight foot within the ground now serues,
wherein my carcase lies.
Now thou that readest this, note well
my force with force of death,
And let that serue to shew the state
of all that yeeldeth breath.
Doo good then here, foreslowe no time,
cast off all worldlie cares,
For brittle world full soone dooth faile,
and death dooth strike vnwares.

An other.

SMall epitaph now serues, to decke
this toome of statelie king:
And he who whilome thought whole earth
could scarse his mind content,
In little roome hath roome at large,
that serues now life is spent.

¶ Here may be thought that the reigne of the Nor∣mans and French men ouer the realme of England tooke end, a hundred twentie two yeares after the comming in of the Conquerour; for those that reig∣ned after this Henrie the second, we may rightlie estéeme to be Englishmen, bicause they were borne in England, and vsed the English toong, customes, and maners, according to the nature and qualitie of the countrie.

Thus farre the succession and regiment of the Frenchmen ouer this Iland; namelie, Stephan of Bul∣longne and Henrie the second.