The first and second volumes of Chronicles. [vol. 3 (i.e. The Third Volume of Chronicles)] comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes.

Henrie the fift, prince of Wales, sonne and heire to Henrie the fourth. (Book Henry V)

HEnrie prince of Wales, son and heire to K. Henrie the fourth,* 1.1 borne in Wales at Monmouth on the riuer of Wie, after his father was departed tooke vpon him the regiment of this realme of England, the twentith of March, the morrow after proclamed king, by the name of Henrie the fift, in [line 10] the yeare of the world 5375, after the birth of our sa∣uiour, by our account 1413, the third of the emperor Sigismund: the thrée and thirtith of Charles the sixt French king, and in the seuenth yeare of gouer∣nance in Scotland vnder Robert brother to him that (before entrance into his kingdome 1390) had Iohn to name,* 1.2 which by deuise and order of the states was changed into Robert the third, who at Rotsaie (a towne in the Iland of Got, 1406) deceassed by occa∣sion thus. As vpon hope in this gouernor to himselfe [line 20] conceiued how to come to the crowne, he at the ca∣stell of Falkland, latelie had famisht his coosine Da∣uid the kings elder sonne and heire (a dissolute yoong prince) yet to his fathers excéeding sorrow, at whose deceasse the father verie carefull, and casting for the safegard of Iames his yoonger son and heire, from Basse the rocke in a well appointed ship, vnder charge of Henrie Saintcleere earle of Orkeneie, into France to his old fréend king Charles for good educa∣tion and safetie this yoong prince he sent: who in the [line 30] course, whether for tempest or tendernes of stomach, tooke land in Yorkeshire at Flamborrow, that after by wisedome and good consideration of the king and his councell was thought verie necessarie here to be reteined. But by the sudden newes of this staie, the father (at supper as he sat) so stroken at hart that well nie streight had he fallen downe dead, yet borne into his chamber, where for greefe and pine within thrée daies next he deceassed. The yoong king Iames his sonne after an eightéene yeares staie, in which time [line 40] he had béene well trained in princehood, at last with right honorable marriage at saint Marie Oueries vnto I••ne daughter to the earle of Summerset, coo∣sine vnto Henrie the sixt then king, and with manie other high gratuities here beside was sent and set in his rule and kingdome at home.

Such great hope, and good expectation was had of this mans fortunate successe to follow, that within thrée daies after his fathers deceasse, diuerse noble men and honorable personages did to him homage,* 1.3 [line 50] and sware to him due obedience, which had not béene seene doone to any of his predecessors kings of this realme, till they had beene possessed of the crowne. He was crowned the ninth of Aprill being Passion sundaie,* 1.4 which was a sore, ruggie, and tempestuous day, with wind, snow and sléet, that men greatlie maruelled thereat, making diuerse interpretations what the same might signifie. But this king euen at first appointing with himselfe, to shew that in his person princelie honors should change publike man∣ners, he determined to put on him the shape of a new man. For whereas aforetime he had made him∣selfe a companion vnto misrulie mates of dissolute order and life,* 1.5 he now banished them all from his pre∣sence (but not vnrewarded, or else vnpreferred) inhi∣biting them vpon a great paine, not once to approch, lodge, or soiourne within ten miles of his court or presence: and in their places he chose men of graui∣tie, wit, and high policie, by whose wise counsell he might at all times rule to his honour and dignitie; calling to mind how once to hie offense of the king his father, he had with his fist striken the chéefe iustice for sending one of his minions (vpon desert) to pri∣son, when the iustice stoutlie commanded himselfe al∣so streict to ward, & he (then prince) obeied. The king after expelled him out of his priuie councell, banisht him the court, and made the duke of Clarence (his yoonger brother) president of councell in his steed. This reformation in the new king Christ. Okl. hath reported, fullie consenting with this. For saith he,

Ille inter iuuenes paulo lasciuior antè, Defuncto genitore grauis constáns{que} repentè,* 1.6 Moribus ablegat corruptis regis ab aula Assuetos soc••os, & nugatoribus acrem Poenam (si quisquam sua tecta reuiserit) addit, At{que} ita mutatus facit omnia principe digna, Ingenio magno post consultoribus vsus, &c.

But now that the king was once placed in the roi∣all seat of the realme, he vertuouslie considering in his mind, that all goodnesse commeth of God, deter∣mined to begin with some thing acceptable to his di∣uine maiestie, and therefore commanded the cleargie sincerelie and trulie to preach the word of God, and to liue accordinglie, that they might be the lanternes of light to the temporaltie, as their profession required. The laie men he willed to serue God, and obeie their prince, prohibiting them aboue all things breach of matrimonie, custome in swearing; and namelie, wil∣full periurie. Beside this, he elected the best learned men in the lawes of the realme, to the offices of iu∣stice; and men of good liuing, he preferred to high de∣grées and authoritie.* 1.7 Immediatlie after Easter he called a parlement, in which diuerse good statutes, and wholesome ordinances, for the preseruation and ad∣uancement of the common-wealth were deuised and established.* 1.8 On Trinitie sundaie were the solemne exequies doone at Canturburie for his father, the king himselfe being present thereat.

About the same time, at the speciall instance of the king, in a conuocation of the cleargie holden at Paules in London, it was ordeined, that saint Ge∣orge his daie should be celebrate and kept as a dou∣ble feast.* 1.9 The archbishop of Canturburie meant to haue honored saint Dunstanes daie with like reue∣rence, but it tooke not effect. When the king had set∣led things much to his purpose, he caused the bodie of

king Richard to be remooued with all funerall digni∣tie conuenient for his estate, from Langlie to West∣minster, where he was honorablie interred with quéene Anne his first wife, in a solemne toome erec∣ted and set vp at the charges of this king.* 1.10 ¶ Poly∣chronicon saith, that after the bodie of the dead king was taken vp out of the earth, this new king (happi∣lie tendering the magnificence of a prince, and abhor∣ring obscure buriall) caused the same to be conueied to Westminster in a roiall seat (or chaire of estate) [line 10] couered all ouer with blacke veluet, & adorned with banners of diuers armes round about. All the horsses likewise (saith this author) were apparelled with blacke, and bare sundrie sutes of armes. Manie other solemnities were had at his interrement, according to the qualitie of the age wherein he liued and died.

Also in this first yéere of this kings reigne, sir Iohn Oldcastell, which by his wife was called lord Cob∣ham, a valiant capteine and a hardie gentleman, was accused to the archbishop of Canturburie of [line 20] certeine points of heresie, who knowing him to be highlie in the kings fauour, declared to his highnesse the whole accusation. The king first hauing compas∣sion of the noble man, required the prelats, that if he were a straied shéepe, rather by gentlenes than by ri∣gor to reduce him to the fold. And after this, he him∣selfe sent for him, and right earnestlie exhorted him, and louinglie admonished him to reconcile himselfe to God and to his lawes. The lord Cobham not one∣lie thanked him for his most fauourable clemencie, [line 30] but also declared first to him by mouth, and after∣wards by writing, the foundation of his faith, and the ground of his beliefe, affirming his grace to be his supreme head and competent iudge, and none other person, offering an hundred knights and esquiers to come to his purgation, or else to fight in open lists in defense of his iust cause.

The king vnderstanding and persuaded by his councell, that by order of the lawes of his realme, such accusations touching matters of faith ought [line 40] to be tried by his spirituall prelats, sent him to the Tower of London, there to abide the determinati∣on of the clergie, according to the statutes in that case prouided, after which time a solemne session was appointed in the cathedrall church of saint Paule, vp∣on the thrée and twentith day of September, and an other the fiue and twentith daie of the same moneth, in the hall of the Blacke friers at London, in which places the said lord was examined, apposed, and ful∣lie heard, and in conclusion by the archbishop of Can∣turburie denounced an heretike, & remitted againe [line 50] to the Tower of London,* 1.11 from which place, either by helpe of fréends, or fauour of kéepers, he priuilie esca∣ped and came into Wales, where he remained for a season.

After this, the king kéeping his Christmasse at his manor of Eltham,* 1.12 was aduertised, that sir Roger Ac••on knight, [year 1414] a man of great wit and possessions, Iohn Browne esquier, Iohn Beuerlie priest, and a great number of other were assembled in armour a∣gainst the king,* 1.13 his brethren, the clergie and realme. [line 60] These newes came to the king, on the twelfth daie in Christmasse, wherevpon vnderstanding that they were in a place called Fi••ket field beside London, on the backe side of saint Giles, he streight got him to his palace at Westminster, in as secret wise as he might, and there calling to him certeine bands of ar∣med men, he repaired into saint Giles fields, néere to the said place (where he vnderstood they should fullie méet about midnight) and so handled the matter,* 1.14 that he tooke some, and siue some, euen as stood with his pleasure. The capteins of them afore mentioned, be∣ing apprehended, were brought to the kings presence, and to him declared the causes of their commotion & rising,* 1.15 accusing a great number of their complices.

The king vsed one policie, which much serued to the discomfiting of the aduersaries (as Thom. Wal∣singham saith) which was this: he gaue order, that all the gates of London should be streictlie kept and garded, so as none should come in or out, but such as were knowen to go to the king. Hereby came it to passe, that the chiefest succour appointed to come to the capteins of the rebels, was by that meanes cut off, where otherwise suerlie (had it not beene thus preuented and staied) there had issued foorth of Lon∣don to haue ioined with them,* 1.16 to the number (as it was thought) of fiftie thousand persons, one and o∣ther, seruants, prentises, and citizens, confederate with them that were thus assembled in Ficket field. Diuerse also that came from sundrie parts of the realme, hasting towards the place, to be there at their appointed time, chanced to light among the kings men, who being taken and demanded whither they went with such spéed, answered, they came to meet with their capteine the lord Cobham.

But whether he came thither at all, or made shift for himselfe to get awaie, it dooth not appeare; for he could not be heard of at that time (as Thomas Wal∣singham confesseth) although the king by proclamati∣on promised a thousand marks to him that could bring him foorth; with great liberties to the cities or townes that would discouer where he was. By this it maie appeare, how greatlie he was beloued, that there could not one be found, that for so great a re∣ward would bring him to light. Among other that were taken was one William Murlie,* 1.17 who dwelt in Dunstable, a man of great wealth, and by his occu∣pation a brewer, an earnest mainteiner of the lord Cobhams opinions, and (as the brute ran) in hope to be highlie aduanced by him if their purposed deuise had taken place, apparant by this; that he had two horsses trapped with guilt harnesse led after him, and in his bosome a paire of gilt spurs (as it was déemed) prepared for himselfe to weare, looking to be made knight by the lord Cobhams hands at that present time. But when he saw how their purpose quailed, he withdrew into the citie with great feare to hide him∣selfe; howbeit he was perceiued, taken, and finallie executed among others.

To conclude, so manie persons herevpon were apprehended, that all the prisons in and about Lon∣don were full,* 1.18 the chiefe of them were condemned by the cleargie of heresie, and atteinted of high treason in the Guildhall of London, and adiudged for that offense to be drawen and hanged, and for heresie to be consumed with fire, gallowes and all, which iudge∣ment wis executed the same moneth, on the said sir Roger Acton, and eight and twentie others. ¶ Some saie, that the occasion of their death was onelie for the conueieng of the lord Cobham out of prison. O∣thers write, that it was both for treason and heresie, and so it appeareth by the record. Certeine affirme, that it was for feined causes surmized by the spiritu∣altie, more vpon displeasure than truth, and that they were assembled to heare their preacher (the foresaid Beuerlie) in that place there, out of the waie from re∣sort of people, sith they might not come togither open∣lie about any such matter, without danger to be ap∣prehended; as the manner is, and hath beene▪ euer of the persecuted flocke, when they are prohibited pu∣blikelie the exercise of their religion. But howsoeuer the matter went with these men, apprehended they were, and diuerse of them executed (as before ye haue heard) whether for rebellion or heresie, or for both (as the forme of the indictment importeth) I néed not to spend manie words, sith others haue so largelie treated thereof; and therefore I refer those that wish to be more fullie satisfied herein vnto their reports.

Whilest in the Lent season the king laie at Kil∣lingworth, there came to him from Charles Dolphin of France certeine ambassadors,* 1.19 that brought with them a barrell of Paris balles, which from their maister they presented to him for a token that was taken in verie ill part, as sent in scorne, to signifie, that it was more méet for the king to passe the time with such childish exercise, than to attempt any wor∣thie exploit. Wherfore the K. wrote to him, that yer ought long, he would tosse him some London balles [line 10] that perchance should shake the walles of the best court in France. ¶This yeare, Thom. Arundell arch∣bishop of Canturburie departed this life, a stout prelat, and an earnest mainteiner of the Romish re∣ligion:* 1.20 Henrie Chichelie bishop of saint Dauid suc∣ceeded the same Arundell in the sée of Canturburie, and the kings confessor Stephan Patrington a Car∣melite frier was made bishop of S. Dauid. Henrie Persie then but a child, sonne to the lord Henrie Per∣sie surnamed Hotspur, after his fathers deceasse, [line 20] that was slaine at Shrewesburie field, was conueied into Scotland, and there left by his grandfather, where euer since he had remained: the king there∣fore pitied his case,* 1.21 and so procured for him, that he came home, and was restored to all his lands and earledome of Northumberland, which lands before had béene giuen to the lord Iohn, the kings brother.

A case verie strange, and for manie causes alwaies right worthie of remembrance,* 1.22 in this yeare 1414, the second of this kings reigne did befall,* 1.23 which con∣teining [line 30] in it so manie matters for knowledge of Gods great power and iustice, of wilfull breaking his diuine lawes, of the easie slip into ruine where his mercie dooth not s••aie vs, the busie bogging of the di∣uell alwaies, our weakenesse in combat with him, into what outrage and confusion he haleth where he is not withstood, with what tyrannie he tormenteth where he vanquisheth, what the will and power of a souereigne ouer a subiect may force in cases of ini∣quitie, where by vertue and grace he be not restrai∣ned: [line 40] the zeale of a parent, the pangs of a child, but chéeflie the verie plague of Gods wrath and in∣dignation vpon wilfull and obstinate offendors, all which at those daies though touched in Naples, yet at all times and euerie where so well seruing for exam∣ple and warning, it hath beene thought verie conue∣nient the same in our stories also héere to be noted, which was thus. At this time newes were brought into France, how king Lancelot (the aduersarie to Lewes king of Sicill) was departed, and in man∣ner [line 50] thus. It hapned that he fell in loue with a yoong damosell his owne physicians daughter (a puzell ve∣rie beautifull) and he in hope to inioy hir the easilier, caused hir father for his consent to be talked withall in the matter, which he vtterlie refused to grant, and shewed foorth manie reasons for him; but at last all causes & excuses reiected, sith (though constreined) he must néeds assent, feined himselfe willing and content. And forceing talke with his daughter vp∣on his mind in the matter, cheeflie how méet it were [line 60] she vsed his counsell how best with the king to keepe hir still in grace, he gaue hir a little box of ointment, and instruction withall, that when the king should come to haue his will, she should afore with that balme annoint all hir wombe; the damosell on good obseruation did after (at oportunitie) as hir father taught hir. Héerevpon so pittifullie came it to passe, that the verie same night the king laie with hir, his bellie and hirs were by and by set as it were all on a sindging fier, with torments of such vnquench∣able scorching and burning euen into the verie en∣trailes, that he of his kingdome, his life, his loue; and she of hir princelie promotion, thus soone both togi∣ther made a sorrowfull end. After the plaie of this la∣mentable tragedie, the physician fled for his safetie, and straight vpon the newes king Lewes gathered a great assemblie, wherewith to passe towards Na∣ples, and sent before a good companie vnder the lord Longnie marshall of France.

In the second yeare of his reigne, king Henrie called his high court of parlement,* 1.24 the last daie of A∣prill in the towne of Leicester, in which parlement manie profitable lawes were concluded, and manie petitions mooued, were for that time deferred. A∣mongst which, one was, that a bill exhibited in the parlement holden at Westminster in the eleuenth yeare of king Henrie the fourth (which by reason the king was then troubled with ciuill discord, came to none effect) might now with good deliberation be pondered, and brought to some good conclusion. The effect of which supplication was,* 1.25 that the temporall lands deuoutlie giuen, and disordinatlie spent by re∣ligious, and other spirituall persons, should be seized into the kings hands, sith the same might suffice to mainteine, to the honor of the king, and defense of the realme, fiftéene earles, fiftéene hundred knights, six thousand and two hundred esquiers, and a hundred almesse-houses, for reliefe onelie of the poore, impo∣tent, and needie persons, and the king to haue cleere∣lie to his coffers twentie thousand pounds, with ma∣nie other prouisions and values of religious houses, which I passe ouer.

This bill was much noted, and more feared among the religious sort, whom suerlie it touched verie neere, and therefore to find remedie against it, they deter∣mined to assaie all waies to put by and ouerthrow this bill: wherein they thought best to trie if they might mooue the kings mood with some sharpe in∣uention, that he should not regard the importunate petitions of the commons. Wherevpon, on a daie in the parlement, Henrie Chichelie archbishop of Can∣turburie made a pithie oration, wherein he declared,* 1.26 how not onelie the duchies of Normandie and Aqui∣taine, with the counties of Aniou and Maine, and the countrie of Gascoigne, were by vndoubted title ap∣perteining to the king, as to the lawfull and one∣lie heire of the same; but also the whole realme of France, as heire to his great grandfather king Ed∣ward the third.

Herein did he much inueie against the surmised and false fained law Salike,* 1.27 which the Frenchmen alledge euer against the kings of England in barre of their iust title to the crowne of France. The verie words of that supposed law are these, In terram Sali∣cam mulieres ne succedant, that is to saie, Into the Sa∣like land let not women succeed. Which the French glossers expound to be the realme of France, and that this law was made by king Pharamond; where∣as yet their owne authors affirme, that the land Sa∣like is in Germanie, betwéene the riuers of Elbe and Sala; and that when Charles the great had ouer∣come the Saxons, he placed there certeine French∣men, which hauing in disdeine the dishonest maners of the Germane women, made a law, that the fe∣males should not succéed to any inheritance within that land, which at this daie is called Meisen,* 1.28 so that if this be true, this law was not made for the realme of France, nor the Frenchmen possessed the land Sa∣like, till foure hundred and one and twentie yeares after the death of Pharamond, the supposed maker of this Salike law, for this Pharamond deceassed in the yeare 426, and Charles the great subdued the Saxons, and placed the Frenchmen in those parts beyond the riuer of Sala, in the yeare 805.

Moreouer, it appeareth by their owne writers, that king Pepine, which deposed Childerike, claimed the crowne of France, as heire generall, for that he was descended of Blithild daughter to king Clo∣thair

the first: Hugh Capet also, who vsurped the crowne vpon Charles duke of Loraine, the sole heire male of the line and stocke of Charles the great, to make his title seeme true, and appeare good, though in déed it was starke naught, conueied himselfe as heire to the ladie Lingard, daughter to king Charle∣maine, sonne to Lewes the emperour, that was son to Charles the great. King Lewes also the tenth o∣therwise called saint Lewes, being verie heire to the said vsurper Hugh Capet, could neuer be satisfied in [line 10] his conscience how he might iustlie keepe and pos∣sesse the crowne of France, till he was persuaded and fullie instructed, that quéene Isabell his grand∣mother was lineallie descended of the ladie Er∣mengard daughter and heire to the aboue named Charles duke of Loraine, by the which marriage, the bloud and line of Charles the great was againe vni∣ted and restored to the crowne & scepter of France, so that more cléere than the sunne it openlie appea∣reth, that the title of king Pepin, the claime of Hugh [line 20] Capet, the possession of Lewes, yea and the French kings to this daie, are deriued and conueied from the heire female, though they would vnder the colour of such a fained law, barre the kings and princes of this realme of England of their right and lawfull inhe∣ritance.

The archbishop further alledged out of the booke of Numbers this saieng:

When a man dieth without a sonne, let the inheritance descend to his daughter.

At length, hauing said sufficientlie for the proofe of the kings iust and lawfull title to the crowne of France, [line 30] he exhorted him to aduance foorth his banner to fight for his right, to conquer his inheritance, to spare nei∣ther bloud, sword, nor fire, sith his warre was iust, his cause good, and his claime true. And to the intent his louing chapleins and obedient subiects of the spiritu∣altie might shew themselues willing and desirous to aid his maiestie, for the recouerie of his ancient right and true inheritance, the archbishop declared that in their spirituall conuocation, they had granted to his [line 40] highnesse such a summe of monie, as neuer by no spi∣rituall persons was to any prince before those daies giuen or aduanced.

* 1.29When the archbishop had ended his prepared tale, Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, and as then lord Warden of the marches against Scotland, vn∣derstanding that the king vpon a couragious desire to recouer his right in France, would suerlie take the wars in hand, thought good to mooue the king to begin first with Scotland, and therevpon declared [line 50] how easie a matter it should be to make a conquest there, and how greatlie the same should further his wished purpose for the subduing of the Frenchmen, concluding the summe of his tale with this old sai∣eng: that Who so will France win, must with Scot∣land first begin. Manie matters he touched, as well to shew how necessarie the conquest of Scotland should be, as also to prooue how iust a cause the king had to attempt it, trusting to persuade the king and all other to be of his opinion.

But after he had made an end, the duke of Exce∣ster, [line 60] vncle to the king, a man well learned and wise, who had béene sent into Italie by his father, inten∣ding that he should haue béen a preest) replied against the erle of Westmerlands oration,* 1.30 affirming rather that he which would Scotland win, he with France must first begin. For if the king might once com∣passe the conquest of France, Scotland could not long resist; so that conquere France, and Scotland would soone obeie.* 1.31 For where should the Scots lerne policie and skill to defend themselues, if they had not their bringing vp and training in France? If the French pensions mainteined not the Scotish nobi∣litie, in what case should they be? Then take awaie France, and the Scots will soone be tamed; France being to Scotland the same that the sap is to the trée, which being taken awaie, the trée must néeds die and wither.

To be briefe, the duke of Excester vsed such ear∣nest and pithie persuasions, to induce the king and the whole assemblie of the parlement to credit his words, that immediatlie after he had made an end, all the companie began to crie; Warre, warre; France, France. Hereby the bill for dissoluing of re∣ligious houses was cléerelie set aside, and nothing thought on but onelie the recouering of France, ac∣cording as the archbishop had mooued. And vpon this point, after a few acts besides for the wealth of the realme established, the parlement was proroged vn∣to Westminster. ¶ Some write, that in this parle∣ment it was enacted, that Lollards and heretikes with their mainteiners and fauourers should be Ipso facto adiudged guiltie of high treason: but in the sta∣tute made in the same parlement against Lollards, we find no such words: albeit by force of that statute it was ordeined, that persons so conuicted & execu∣ted, should lose their lands holden in fée simple, and all other their goods and cattels, as in cases of fe∣lonie.

During this parlement,* 1.32 there came to the king ambassadors, as well from the French king that was then in the hands of the Orlientiall faction, as also from the duke of Burgognie, for aid against that faction; promising more (as was said) than laie well in his power to performe. The king shortlie after sent ambassadors to them both, as the bishop of Dur∣ham, and Norwich, with others.* 1.33 Moreouer at this parlement, Iohn the kings brother was created duke of Bedford, and his brother Humfrie duke of Glocester. Also, Thomas Beaufort,* 1.34 marquesse Dor∣set, was created duke of Excester. Immediatlie af∣ter,* 1.35 the king sent ouer into France his vncle the duke of Excester, the lord Greie admerall of Eng∣land, the archbishop of Dubline, and the bishop of Norwich, ambassadors vnto the French king, with fiue hundred horsse, which were lodged in the temple house in Paris, keeping such triumphant cheere in their lodging, and such a solemne estate in their ri∣ding through the citie, that the Parisiens and all the Frenchmen had no small meruell at their honora∣ble port.

The French king receiued them verie honorablie, and banketted them right sumptuouslie, shewing to them iusts and Martiall pastimes, by the space of thrée daies togither, in the which iusts the king him∣selfe, to shew his courage and actiuitie to the Eng∣lishmen, manfullie brake speares and lustilie tourni∣ed. When the triumph was ended, the English am∣bassadors, hauing a time appointed them to declare their message▪ admitted to the French kings pre∣sence, required of him to deliuer vnto the king of England the realme and crowne of France, with the entier duchies of Aquiteine, Normandie and An∣iou, with the countries of Poictiou and Maine. Ma∣nie other requests they made: and this offered with∣all, that if the French king would without warre and effusion of christian bloud, render to the king their maister his verie right & lawfull inheritance, that he would be content to take in mariage the la∣die Katharine, daughter to the French king, and to indow hir with all the duchies and countries before rehearsed: and if he would not so doo, then the king of England did expresse and signifie to him, that with the aid of God, and helpe of his people, he would re∣couer his right and inheritance wrongfullie with∣holden from him, with mortall warre, and di••t of sword.* 1.36 ¶This in effect dooth our English poet com∣prise in his report of the occasion, which Henrie the

fift tooke to arrere battell against the French king: putting into the mouthes of the said king of Eng∣lands ambassadors an imagined speech, the conclusi∣on whereof he maketh to be either restitution of that which the French had taken and deteined from the English, or else fier and sword. His words are these,

—raptum nobis aut redde Britannis, Aut ferrum expectes, vltrices insuper ignes.

The Frenchmen being not a little abashed at these demands, thought not to make anie absolute answer in so weightie a cause, till they had further [line 10] breathed; and therefore praied the English ambassa∣dors to saie to the king their maister, that they now hauing no opportunitie to conclude in so high a mat∣ter, would shortlie send ambassadors into England, which should certifie & declare to the king their whole mind, purpose, and intent. The English ambassadors returned with this answer, making relation of eue∣rie thing that was said or doone. King Henrie after the returne of his ambassadors, determined fullie to [line 20] make warre in France, conceiuing a good and per∣fect hope to haue fortunate successe, sith victorie for the most part followeth where right leadeth, being aduanced forward by iustice, and set foorth by equi∣tie.

And bicause manie Frenchmen were promoted to ecclesiasticall dignities, as some to benefices, and some to abbeies and priories within the realme, and sent dailie innumerable summes of monie into France, for the reléefe of their naturall countrimen [line 30] and kinsfolke, he therefore in fauour of the publike wealth of his realme and subiects,* 1.37 in a councell called at London, about Michaelmas, caused to be ordei∣ned, that no stranger hereafter should be promoted to anie spirituall dignitie or degree within this realme, without his especiall licence, and roiall con∣sent; and all they that should be admitted, should find sufficient suerties, not to disclose the secrets of this realme to anie forren person, nor to minister aid or succour to anie of them with monie, or by anie other [line 40] meanes. This was confirmed in a conuocation cal∣led at the same time by the new archbishop of Can∣turburie.

Moreouer, such as were to go vnto the generall councell holden at Constance,* 1.38 were named and ap∣pointed to make them readie: for the king hauing knowledge from the emperor Sigismund, of the as∣sembling of that councell, thought it not conuenient to sit still as an hearer, and no partaker in so high a cause, which touched the whole state of the christian [line 50] common-wealth, as then troubled by reason of the schisme that yet continued. Wherefore he sent thither Richard earle of Warwike, the bishops of Salisbu∣rie,* 1.39 Bath, and Hereford, the abbat of Westminster, and the prior of Worcester, with diuerse other doc∣tors and learned men of the spiritualtie; besides knights and esquiers. They were in number eight hundred horsses, so well appointed and furnished, as well the men as horsses, that all nations meruelled to see such an honorable companie come from a coun∣trie [line 60] so far distant.

Diuerse other things were concluded at that pre∣sent: for the king had caused not onelie the lords o•• the spiritualtie, but also of the temporaltie to assem∣ble here at London the same time,* 1.40 to treat speciallie of his iournie that he purposed to make shortlie into France: and herevpon meanes was made for the gathering of monie;* 1.41 which was granted with so good a will both of the spiritualtie and temporaltie, that there was leuied the summe of thrèe hundred thou∣sand markes English: and herewith order was gi∣uen to gather a great hoast of men, thorough all his dominions. And for the more increasing of his na∣uie, he sent into Holland, Zeland, and Frizeland, to conduct and hire ships for the transporting and con∣ueieng ouer of his men and munitions of war, and finallie prouided for armour, victuals, monie, artille∣rie, cariage, boates to passe ouer riuers couered with leather, tents, and all other things requisite for so high an enterprise.

The Frenchmen hauing knowledge hereof, the Dolphin, who had the gouernance of the realme, bi∣cause his father was fallen into his old disease of frensie, sent for the dukes of Berrie and Alanson, and all the other lords of the councell of France: by whose aduise it was determined, that they should not onelie prepare a sufficient armie to resist the king of England, when so euer he arriued to inuade France, but also to stuffe and furnish the townes on the frontiers and sea coasts with conuenient garri∣sons of men: and further to send to the king of Eng∣land a solemne ambassage, to make to him some of∣fers according to the demands before rehearsed. The charge of this ambassage was committed to the earle of Uandosme, to maister William Bouratier archbishop of Burges, and to maister Peter Fre∣mell bishop of Liseux, to the lords of Yvry and Bra∣quemont, and to maister Gaultier Cole the kings secretarie, and diuerse others.

These ambassadors accompanied with 350 hors∣ses, passed the sea at Calis, and landed at Douer,* 1.42 be∣fore whose arriuall the king was departed from Windsore to Winchester, intending to haue gone to Hampton, there to haue surueied his nauie: but hearing of the ambassadors approching, he tarried still at Winchester, where the said French lords shewed themselues verie honorablie before the king and his nobilitie. At time prefixed, before the kings presence, sitting in his throne imperiall, the archbi∣shop of Burges made an eloquent and a long orati∣on, dissuading warre, and praising peace; offering to the king of England a great summe of monie, with diuerse countries, being in verie déed but base and poore, as a dowrie with the ladie Catharine in mari∣age, so that he would dissolue his armie, and dismisse his soldiers, which he had gathered and put in a rea∣dinesse.

When his oration was ended, the king caused the ambassadors to be highlie feasted, and set them at his owne table. And after a daie assigned in the fore∣said hall, the archbishop of Canturburie to their ora∣tion made a notable answer, the effect whereof was, that if the French king would not giue with his daughter in mariage the duches of Aquiteine, An∣iou, and all other seigniories and dominions some∣times apperteining to the noble progenitors of the king of England, he would in no wise retire his ar∣mie, nor breake his iournie; but would with all dili∣gence enter into France, and destroie the people, waste the countrie, and subuert the townes with blood, sword, and fire, and neuer ceasse till he had reco∣uered his ancient right and lawfull patrimonie. The king auowed the archbishops saieng, and in the word of a prince promised to performe it to the vttermost.

The archbishop of Burges much gréeued,* 1.43 that his ambassage was no more regarded, after certeine brags blustered out with impatience, as more presu∣ming vpon his prelasie, than respecting his dutie of considerance to whom he spake and what became him to saie, he praied safe conduct to depart. Which the king gentlie granted, and added withall to this effect: I little estéeme your French brags, & lesse set by your power and strength;* 1.44

I know perfectlie my right to my region, which you vsurpe; & except you denie the apparant truth, so doo your selues also: if you neither doo nor will know it, yet God and the world knoweth it. The power of your master you sée, but my puis∣sance

ye haue not yet tasted▪ If he haue louing sub∣iects, I am (I thanke God) not vnstored of the same: and I saie this vnto you, that before one yeare passe, I trust to make the highest crowne of your countrie to stoope, and the proudest miter to learne his humi∣liatedo. In the meane time tell this to the vsurper your master, that within thrée moneths, I will enter into France, as into mine owne true and lawfull patrimonie, appointing to acquire the same, not with brag of words, but with déeds of men, and dint of [line 10] sword, by the aid of God, in whome is my whole trust and confidence. Further matter at this present I impart not vnto you, sauing that with warrant you maie depart suerlie and safelie into your coun∣trie, where I trust sooner to visit you, than you shall haue cause to bid me welcome.

With this answer the ambassadors sore displeased in their minds (al∣though they were highlie interteined and liberallie rewarded) departed into their countrie, reporting to the Dolphin how they had sped. [line 20]

After the French ambassadors were departed, the king like a prouident prince, thought good to take or∣der for the resisting of the Scots, if (according to their maner) they should attempt anie thing against his subiects in his absence. For that point appointed he the earle of Westmerland, the lord Scroope, the baron of Greistocke, sir Robert Umfreuill, & diuerse other valiant capteins to kéepe the frontiers & mar∣ches of Scotland, which sir Robert Umfreuill on the daie of Marie Madgdalen fought with the Scots [line 30] at the towne of Gedering, hauing in his companie onelie thrée hundred archers,* 1.45 and seuen score spears, where he (after long conflict) slue of his enimies sixtie and odde, tooke thrée hundred and sixtie prisoners, dis∣comfited and put to flight one thousand and more, whome he followed in chase aboue twelue miles, but their hands full of preies and prisoners, retired home∣ward (not vnhurt) to the castell of Rockesborough, of the which he was capteine.

When the king had all prouisions readie, and or∣dered [line 40] all things for the defense of his realme, he lea∣uing behind him for gouernour of the realme,* 1.46 the quéene his moother in law, departed to Southamp∣ton, to take ship into France. And first princelie ap∣pointing to aduertise the French king of his com∣ming, therefore dispatched Antelope his purseuant at armes with letters to him for restitution of that which he wrongfully withheld, contrarie to the lawes of God and man▪ the king further declaring how sorie he was that he should be thus compelled for re∣peating [line 50] of his right and iust title of inheritance, to make warre to the destruction of christian people, but sithens he had offered peace which could not be re∣ceiued, now for fault of iustice, he was forced to take armes. Neuerthelesse erhorted the French king in the bowels of Iesu Christ, to render him that which was his owne, whereby effusion of Christian blo••d might be auoided. These letters chéeflie to this effect and purpose▪ were written and dated from Hampton the fift of August. When the same were presented to [line 60] the French king, and by his councell well perused, answer was made, that he would take aduise, and prouide therein as time and place should be conueni∣ent, so the messenger licenced to depart at his plea∣sure.

When king Henrie had fullie furnished his naui•• with men, munition, & other prouisions, perceiuing that his capteines misliked nothing so much as de∣laie, determined his souldiors to go a ship-boord and awaie. But see the hap, the night before the daie ap∣pointed for their departure, he was crediblie infor∣med, that Richard earle of Cambridge brother to Edward duke of Yorke, and Henrie lord Scroope of Masham lord treasuror, with Thomas Graie a knight of Northumberland,* 1.47 being confederat togi∣ther, had conspired his death: wherefore he caused them to be apprehended. The said lord Scroope was in such fauour with the king, that he admitted him sometime to be his bedfellow, in whose fidelitie the king reposed such trust, that when anie priuat or pu∣blike councell was in hand, this lord had much in the determination of it. For he represented so great gra∣uitie in his countenance, such modestie in behauiour, and so vertuous zeale to all godlinesse in his talke, that whatsoeuer he said was thought for the most part necessarie to be doone and followed. Also the said sir Thomas Graie (as some write) was of the kings priuie councell.

These prisoners vpon their examination, confessed, that for a great summe of monie which they had re∣ceiued of the French king, they intended verelie ei∣ther to haue deliuered the king aliue into the hands of his enimies, or else to haue murthered him before he should arriue in the duchie of Normandie. When king Henrie had heard all things opened, which he desired to know,* 1.48 he caused all his nobilitie to come before his presence, before whome he caused to be brought the offendors also, and to them said.

Hauing thus conspired the death and destruction of me, which am the head of the realme and gouernour of the peo∣ple,* 1.49 it maie be (no doubt) but that you likewise haue sworne the confusion of all that are here with me, and also the desolation of your owne countrie. To what horror (O lord) for any true English hart to con∣sider, that such an execrable iniquitie should euer so bewrap you, as for pleasing of a forren enimie to imbrue your hands in your bloud, and to ruine your owne natiue soile. Reuenge herein touching my per∣son, though I séeke not; yet for the safegard of you my déere fréends, & for due preseruation of all sorts, I am by office to cause example to be shewed. Get ye hence therefore ye poore miserable wretches to the re∣ceiuing of your iust reward, wherein Gods maiestie giue you grace of his mercie and repentance of your heinous offenses. And so immediatlie they were had to execution.

This doone,* 1.50 the king calling his lords againe afore him, said in words few and with good grace. Of his enterprises he recounted the honor and glorie, where∣of they with him were to be partakers, the great confidence he had in their noble minds, which could not but remember them of the famous feats that their ancestors aforetime in France had atchiued, whereof the due report for euer recorded remained yet in register. The great mercie of God that had so gratiouslie reuealed vnto him the treason at hand, whereby the true harts of those afore him made so e∣minent & apparant in his eie, as they might be right sure he would neuer forget it. The doubt of danger to be nothing in respect of the certeintie of honor that they should acquire, wherein himselfe (as they saw) in person would be lord and leader through Gods grace. To whose maiestie as chéeflie was knowne the equitie of his demand: euen so to his mercie did he onelie recommend the successe of his trauels. When the king had said, all the noble men knéeled downe, & promised faithfullie to serue him, dulie to obeie him, and rather to die than to suffer him to fall into the hands of his enimies.

This doone, the king thought that suerlie all treason and conspiracie had beene vtterlie extinct: not suspec∣ting the fire which was newlie kindled, and ceassed not to increase, till at length it burst out into such a flame, that catching the beames of his house and fa∣milie, his line and stocke was cleane consumed to ashes. ¶ Diuerse write that Richard earle of Cam∣bridge did not conspire with the lord Scroope & Tho∣mas Graie for the murthering of king Henrie to

please the French king withall, but onelie to the in∣tent to exalt to the crowne his brother in law Ed∣mund earle of March as heire to Lionell duke of Clarence: after the death of which earle of March, for diuerse secret impediments, not able to haue issue, the earle of Cambridge was sure that the crowne should come to him by his wife, and to his children, of hir begotten. And therefore (as was thought) he ra∣ther confessed himselfe for need of monie to be corrup∣ted by the French king, than he would declare his [line 10] inward mind, and open his verie intent and secret purpose, which if it were espied, he saw plainlie that the earle of March should haue tasted of the same cuppe that he had drunken, and what should haue come to his owne children he much doubted. There∣fore destitute of comfort & in despaire of life to saue his children, he feined that tale, desiring rather to saue his succession than himselfe, which he did in déed: for his sonne Richard duke of Yorke not priuilie but openlie claimed the crowne, and Edward his sonne both claimed it, & gained it, as after it shall appeare. [line 20] Which thing if king Henrie had at this time either doubted, or foreséene, had neuer béene like to haue come to passe, as Hall saith.

But whatsoeuer hath beene reported of the confes∣sion of the earle of Cambridge, certeine it is, that in∣dicted he was by the name of Richard earle of Cam∣bridge of Connesburgh in the countie of Yorke knight,* 1.51 and with him Thomas Graie of Heton in the countie of Northumberland and knight; for that they the twentith daie of Iulie, in the third yeare of king [line 30] Henrie the fifts reigne, at Southampton, and in di∣uerse other places within this realme, had conspired togither with a power of men to them associat, with∣out the kings licence, to haue led awaie the lord Ed∣mund earle of March into Wales, and then to haue procured him to take vpon him the supreme gouern∣ment of the realme, in case that king Richard the se∣cond were dead: and herwith had purposed to set foorth a proclamation there in Wales, in name of [line 40] the said earle of March, as heire of the crowne a∣gainst king Henrie, by the name of Henrie of Lan∣caster the vsurper, to the end that by such meanes they might draw the more number of the kings liege people vnto the said earle; and further to haue con∣ueied a banner of the armes of England, and a cer∣teine crowne of Spaine set vpon a pallet, and laid in gage to the said earle of Cambridge,* 1.52 by the king, to∣gither with the said earle of March into the parties of Wales aforesaid.

Further, that the said earle of Cambridge, and sir [line 50] Thomas Graie had appointed certeine of the kings liege people to repaire into Scotland, and to bring from thence one Thomas Trumpington; also an o∣ther resembling in shape, fauour, and countenance king Richard, and Henrie Persie, togither with a great multitude of people to fight with the king, and him to destroie in open field. Beside this, that they had meant to win certeine castels in Wales, and to kéepe them against the king: and manie other trea∣sons [line 60] they had contriued, as by the indictement was specified, to the intent they might destroie the king and his brethren, the dukes of Bedford and Glocester, and other the great lords & peers of the realme. And Henrie Scroope of Masham, of Flaxflet, in the coun∣tie of Yorke wasli kewise indicted, as consenting to the premisses. So that it appeareth their purpose was well inough then perceiued, although happilie not much bruted abroad, for considerations thought ne∣cessarie to haue it rather husht and kept secret.

About the selfe same time the lord Cobham with his freends, whether as one of counsell in the conspi∣racie with the earle of Cambridge or not, was deter∣mined to haue made some attempt against the lord of Aburgauennie, who being aduertised thereof, got for his defense from Worcester, Persore, Teukes∣burie, and other places thereabout, to the number of fiue thousand archers, and other armed men, which came to him vnto his castell of Haneleie: whereof when the lord Cobham was aduertised, he withdrew againe to such secret places about Maluerne, as he had prouided for his suertie, to resort vnto: but a priest that belonged vnto him, was taken, and di∣uerse other, who disclosed to the lord Aburgauennie, one of the places where the said lord Cobham with his men vsed to kéepe themselues close. Unto that place the lord Aburgauennie went, where he found in déed monie and armor piled vp betwixt two wals, handsomelie conueied and framed for the purpose; but the lord Cobham with his folkes were withdrawne into some other place, after they once heard, that the earle of Cambridge and the lord Scroope were executed.

But now to proceed with king Henries dooings. After this, when the wind came about prosperous to his purpose,* 1.53 he caused the mariners to weie vp an∣chors, and hoise vp sailes,* 1.54 and to set forward with a thousand ships, on the vigill of our ladie daie the As∣sumption, and tooke land at Caux, commonlie called Kidcaux, where the riuer of Saine runneth into the sea, without resistance. At his first comming on land, he caused proclamation to be made,* 1.55 that no person should be so hardie on paine of death, either to take anie thing out of anie church that belonged to the same, or to hurt or doo anie violence either to priests, women, or anie such as should be found without weapon or armor, and not readie to make resistance: also that no man should renew anie quarell or strife,* 1.56 whereby anie fraie might arise to the disquieting of the armie.

The next daie after his landing, he marched toward the towne of Harflue, standing on the riuer of Saine betwéene two hils; he besieged it on euerie side,* 1.57 rai∣sing bulwarks and a bastell, in which the two earles of Kent & Huntington were placed, with Cornwall, Graie, Steward, and Porter. On that side towards the sea, the king lodged with his field, and the duke of Clarence on the further side towards Rone. There were within the towne the lords de Touteuill and Gaucourt, with diuerse other that valiantlie de∣fended the siege, dooing what damage they could to their aduersaries; and damming vp the riuer that hath his course through the towne, the water rose so high betwixt the kings campe, and the duke o•• Cla∣rence campe (diuided by the same riuer) that the Englishmen were constreined to withdraw their ar∣tillerie from one side, where they had planted the same.

The French king being aduertised, that king Henrie was arriued on that coast, sent in all hast the lord de la Breth constable of France, the sene∣shall of France, the lord Bouciqualt marshall of France, the seneshall of Henault, the lord Lignie with other, which fortified townes with men, victuals, and artillerie on all those frontiers towards the sea. And hearing that Harflue was besieged,* 1.58 they came to the castell of Caudebecke, being not farre from Harflue, to the intent they might succor their freends which were besieged, by some polici•• or meanes: but the Englishmen, notwithstanding all the damage that the Frenchmen could worke against them, for∣raied the countrie, spoiled the villages, bringing ma∣nie a rich preie to the campe before Harflue. And dai∣lie was the towne assaulted: for the duke of Gloce∣cester, to whome the order of the siege was commit∣ted, made thrée mines vnder the ground, and appro∣ching to the wals with his engins and ordinance, would not suffer them within to take anie rest.

For although they with their countermining som∣what disappointed the Englishmen, & came to fight with them hand to hand within the mines, so that they went no further forward with that worke; yet they were so inclosed on ech side,* 1.59 as well by water as land, that succour they saw could none come to them: for the king lieng with his battell on the hill side on the one partie, and the duke of Clarence beyond the riuer that passeth by the towne, and runneth into Saine on the other partie, beside other lords and cap∣teins [line 10] that were lodged with their retinues for their most aduantage: none could be suffered to go in, or come foorth, without their licence; insomuch that such pouder as was sent to haue béene conueied into the towne by water, was taken by the English ships that watched the riuer.

The capteins within the towne, perceiuing that they were not able long to resist the continuall as∣saults of the Englishmen, knowing that their wals were vndermined, and like to be ouerthrowne (as [line 20] one of their bulwarks was alredie,* 1.60 where the earles of Huntington and Kent had set vp their banners) sent an officer at armes foorth about midnight after the feast daie of saint Lambert,* 1.61 which fell that yeare vpon the tuesdaie, to beseech the king of England to appoint some certeine persons as commissioners from him, with whome they within might treat a∣bout some agréement. The duke of Clarence, to whome this messenger first declared his errand, ad∣uertised the king of their request, who granting there∣to, [line 30] appointed the duke of Excester, with the lord Fitz Hugh, and sir Thomas Erpingham, to vnderstand their minds, who at the first requested a truce vntill sundaie next following the feast of saint Michaell, in which meane time if no succour came to remooue the siege, they would vndertake to deliuer the towne into the kings hands, their liues and goods saued.

The king aduertised hereof, sent them word, that except they would surrender the towne to him the morow next insuing, without anie condition, they [line 40] should spend no more time in talke about the mat∣ter. But yet at length through the earnest sute of the French lords, the king was contented to grant them truce vntill nine of the clocke the next sundaie, be∣ing the two and twentith of September;* 1.62 with condi∣tion, that if in the meane time no rescue came, they should yeeld the towne at that houre, with their bo∣dies and goods to stand at the kings pleasure. And for assurance thereof, they deliuered into the kings hands thirtie of their best capteins and merchants [line 50] within that towne as pledges. But other write, that it was couenanted, that they should deliuer but one∣lie twelue pledges, and that if the siege were not rai∣sed by the French kings power within six daies next following, then should they deliuer the towne into the king of England hands, and thirtie of the chéefest personages within the same, to stand for life or death at his will and pleasure: and as for the residue of the men of warre and townesmen, they should depart whether they would, without carieng foorth either ar∣mour, weapon, or goods. [line 60]

The king neuerthelesse was after content to grant a respit vpon certeine conditions, that the capteins within might haue time to send to the French king for succour (as before ye haue heard) least he intending greater exploits, might lose time in such small matters. When this composition was agreed vpon, the lord Bacqueuill was sent vnto the French king, to declare in what point the towne stood. To whome the Dolphin answered, that the kings power was not yet assembled, in such number as was conuenient to raise so great a siege. This an∣swer being brought vnto the capteins within the towne, they rendered it vp to the king of England, after that the third daie was expired, which was on the daie of saint Maurice being the seuen and thirtith daie after the siege was first laid.* 1.63 The souldiors were ransomed, and the towne sacked, to the great gaine of the Englishmen. ¶Some writing of this yeelding vp of Harflue,* 1.64 doo in like sort make mention of the distresse whereto the people, then expelled out of their habitations, were driuen: insomuch as parents with their children, yoong maids and old folke went out of the towne gates with heauie harts (God wot) as put to their present shifts to séeke them a new abode. Be∣sides that, king Henrie caused proclamation to be made within his owne dominions of England, that whosoeuer (either handicraftesman, merchantmen, gentleman, or plowman) would inhabit in Har∣flue, should haue his dwelling giuen him gratis, and his heire after him also inioy the like grace and fa∣uour: insomuch that great multitudes flocked to the sea coasts, waiting wind and wether for their trans∣portage into Harflue, where being arriued, woonder∣full it is to tell, within how short a time the towne was peopled. This doth Anglorum praelia report, saieng (not without good ground, I beléeue) as followeth:

—tum flentes tenera cum prole parentes Virgineúsque chorus veteres liquêre penates: Tum populus cunctus de portis Gallicus exit Moestus, inarmatus, vacuus, miser, aeger, inóps{que} Vtque nouas sodes quaerat migrare coactus: Oppidulo belli potiuntur iure Britanni, &c.

All this doone, the king ordeined capteine to the towne his vncle the duke of Excester, who establi∣shed his lieutenant there, one sir Iohn Fastolfe, with fifteene hundred men, or (as some haue) two thousand and thirtie six knights, whereof the baron of Carew, and sir Hugh Lutterell, were two councellors. And bicause manie of his nobles whilest this siege laie be∣fore Harflue, fell sicke of the flix and other diseases, diuerse also dead, amongst whom the earle of Staf∣ford, the bishop of Norwich, the lords Molins and Burnell were foure (beside others) the king licenced his brother the duke of Clarence, Iohn earle mar∣shall, and Iohn earle of Arundell, being infected with that disease, to returne into England.

King Henrie, after the winning of Harflue, de∣termined to haue procéeded further in the winning of other townes and fortresses: but bicause the dead time of the winter approched, it was determined by aduise of his councell, that he should in all conueni∣ent spéed set forward, and march through the countrie towards Calis by land, least his returne as then homewards should of slanderous toongs be named a running awaie: and yet that iournie was adiudged perillous,* 1.65 by reason that the number of his people was much minished by the flix and other feuers, which sore vexed and brought to death aboue fifteene hun∣dred persons of the armie: and this was the cause that his returne was the sooner appointed and con∣cluded.

But before his departing thence, he entred into the towne of Harflue, & went to the church of saint Martines, and there offered. All the men of warre which had not paid their ransoms,* 1.66 he sware them on the holie euangelists, to yeeld themselues prisoners at Calis by the feast of saint Martine in Nouember next. There were two strong towers standing on the hauen side at Harflue, which looking for aid, did not yéeld, till ten daies after the towne was rendered. When the king had repared the walles, bulwarks and rampiers about the towne, and furnished it with vittels and artillerie, he remooued from Harflue to∣ward Ponthoise, intending to passe the riuer of Some with his armie, before the bridges were ei∣ther withdrawen or broken. Such vittels and other necessaries as were to be caried wich the armie, he

appointed to be laid on horsses, leauing the carts and wagons behind for lesse incombre.

The French king hearing that the towne of Har∣flue was gotten, and that the king of England was marching forward into the bowels of the realme of France, sent out proclamations, and assembled peo∣ple on euerie side, committing the whole charge of his armie to his sonne the Dolphine and duke of Aquitaine, who incontinentlie caused the bridges to be broken, and the passages to be kept. Also they cau∣sed all the corne and vittels to be conueied awaie,* 1.67 or [line 10] destroied in all places, where it was coniectured that the Englishmen would passe. The king of England nothing dismaied herewith, kept his iournie in spite of his enimies, constreining them within diuerse townes and holds to furnish him with vittels: but yet as he passed by the towne of Ew,* 1.68 the garrison of the towne issued foorth, and gaue the Englishmen a skirmish, who beat them into the towne with losse, namelie of a right valiant man of armes,* 1.69 named Lancelot Piers. There were manie Englishmen [line 20] hurt with quarels shot off from the loops and wals, as they pursued the enimies vnto the gates.

At length the king approched the riuer of Some, & finding all the bridges broken, he came to the passage of Blanchetake,* 1.70 where his great grandfather king Edward the third a little before had striken the bat∣tell of Cressie: but the passage was now so impeached with stakes in the botome of the foord, that he could not passe, his enimies besides there awaie so swar∣ming [line 30] on all sides. He therefore marched forwards to Arames, marching with his armie, and passing with his carriage in so martiall a maner, that he ap∣peared so terrible to his enimies, as they durst not of∣fer him battell. And yet the lord Dalbreth constable of France, the marshall Boncequault, the earle of Uendosme great master of France, the duke of A∣lanson, and the earle of Richmont, with all the puis∣sance of the Dolphin laie at Abuile, but euer kept the passages, and coasted aloofe, like a hauke though ea∣ger [line 40] yet not hardie on hir preie. The king of England kept on his iournie till he came to the bridge of saint Marence, where he found aboue thirtie thousand Frenchmen, and there pitched his field, looking suer∣lie to be fought withall.

Wherefore to incourage his capteins the more, he dubbed certeine of his hardie and valiant gentle∣men knights,* 1.71 as Iohn lord Ferrers of Grobie, Re∣ginald of Greistocke, Piers Tempest, Christopher Morisbie, Thomas Pikering, William Huddleston, [line 50] Iohn Hosbalton, Henrie Mortimer, Philip Hall, and William his brother, Iaques de Ormond, and di∣uerse other: but the French making no semblance to fight, he departed in good order of battell by the towne of Amiens, to another towne néere to a ca∣stell called Bowes, and there laie two daies looking for their bidding of battell euerie houre.* 1.72 From thence he came néere to Corbie, where he was staied that night, for that the common people and pezants mightilie there assembled, hauing gotten them some [line 60] head and hartening by meanes of their number that was great, and by trust of a strength (then ioined vn∣to them) made of men at armes (manie too tall and well appointed for fight) all of the garrison of Cor∣bie:* 1.73 a strong towne well walled and warded. Here∣vpon at a streict (which they had preoccupied) they stoutlie from our armie not onelie kept the passage, but also vpon vs gaue a proud onset: wherein sir Hugh Stafford knight lord Bourghchier, chéefteine of a wing to the king vnder his standard of Guien,* 1.74 and as then neerest to the enimie, though far inferior in number, yet with readie and valiant incounter receiued them. The force and slaughter grew great both on the one side and the other, by the French in e∣speciall at first right fiercelie pursued, in so much as with an hardie charge vpon our men, they had both beat downe the standard, and also from vs quite woone it awaie, to their hie incouragement, and our incredible despite and dismaie.* 1.75 Whereat one Iohn Bromley of Bromley in Staffordshire esquier, a neere kinsman vnto the lord Bourghchier, was euen streight so pearsed at hart, as he could not conteine him, but by and by ran eagerlie vpon the French; and with his souldiers (in whom wrath and teene had al∣readie inflamed furie and desire of reuenge) did so fiercelie set vpon them, that they were not onlie bea∣ten backe, but also forced to abandon the place. At this push the capteine cutting through the thickest, strake downe the champion that bare the standard,* 1.76 and so gloriouslie recouered it againe, and after du∣ring the fight (where as manie of the French lost their liues) couragiouslie ouer his souldiers auanced it himselfe. The rest that fled awaie our people pur∣sued in chasing & slaughter vnto Corbie verie gates. So in victorie, honor, and great ioy, with our small losse (in comparison) thanks vnto Gods maiestie, the cheefteine brought his host into his campe and order againe. The singular prowes of this worthie capteine the noble man highlie regarding, in an ample testi∣monie thereof and vpon his owne honorable consi∣deration, [year 1585] by a faire ancient déed yet extant at these daies did giue him reward of fortie pounds annuitie for his life. The monument so plainelie declaring the truth of the matter, with the maner and dignitie of the feat, as it was doone, hath béene thought verie meet for the storie in hand here now to place it as fol∣loweth.

A copie of the said deed.

HOc praesens scriptum testatur, quòd nos Hugo de Stafford dominus le Bourgh∣chier concessimus & per praesentes con∣firmauimus praedilecto consanguineo nostro Iohanni Bromley de Bromley armigero, pro suo magno auxilio nobis impenso in oppugna∣tione contra Francos prope le Corbie; & praeci∣puè pro suo laudabili seruitio in recuperatione & supportatione vexilli domini regis de Guien sub nostra conductione, vnam annuitatem siue annua∣lem redditum quadraginta librarum legalis mone∣tae annuatim percipiendum, durante tota vita na∣turali praedicti Iohannis de Bromley, de & in om∣nibus manerijs, terris, & tenementis nostris cum pertinentibus in comitatu Stafford & Warwik, ad festa Penthecostes & sancti Martini in hyeme aequis portionibus. Et si contingat praedictam an∣nuitatem siue annualem redditum quadraginta li∣brarum, à retro fore in parte velin toto, ad aliquod festum quo solui debeat, tunc bene licebit praedi∣cto Ioh̄ani & assignatis suis in praedictis manerijs, ac in omnibus alijs terris & tenementis cum suis pertinentibus praescriptis, distringere & distri∣ctiones effugare & retinere, quousque de praedicta annuitate simul cum arreragijs, si quae fuerint, ple∣nariè sibifuerit satisfactum & persolutum. Et vt haec nostra concessio, & scripti huius confirmatio (durante tota vita praedicti Iohannis de Bromley vt praefertur) rata & stabilis permaneat, hoc scrip∣tum impressione sigilli armorum meorum robora∣ui. Hijs testibus, Iohanne de Holland, Richardo le Greuyll, Richardo de Horwood, Thoma le Fo∣restar, & alijs. Datum apud Madeley decimo die mensis Martij, anno regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum quarto.

* 2.1For that by the armes in the seale it may the bet∣ter be knowne of what stem this noble man sproong (a matter which this storie seemes iustlie to require) vnderstand yée thus were the same. In his shield, a cheuorne charged with a mullet; his crest, a swans head couped betweene two wings displaied all out of a crowne supported by two greihounds; about the shéeld ingrauen, Signa Hugonis de Stafford militis. Héereby is gathered that he was a third brother of the duke of Buckinghams house.] This feat thus [line 10] well doone,* 2.2 the king the same daie found a shallow, betwéene Corbie and Peron, which neuer was e∣spied before, at which he with his armie and carria∣ges the night insuing, passed the water of Some without let or danger, and therewith determined to make haste towards Calis, and not to seeke for bat∣tell, except he were thereto constreined, bicause that his armie by sicknesse was sore diminished,* 2.3 in so much that he had but onelie two thousand horssemen and thirteene thousand archers, bilmen, and of all [line 20] sorts of other footmen.

* 2.4The Englishmen were brought into some dis∣tresse in this iornie, by reason of their vittels in ma∣ner spent, and no hope to get more: for the enimies had destroied all the corne before they came. Rest could they none take, for their enimies with alarmes did euer so infest them: dailie it rained, and nightlie it fréesed: of fuell there was great scarsitie, of fluxes plentie: monie inough, but wares for their reléefe to bestow it on, had they none. Yet in this great ne∣cessitie, [line 30] the poore people of the countrie were not spoi∣led, nor anie thing taken of them without paiment, nor anie outrage or offense doone by the English∣men, except one, which was, that a souldiour tooke a pix out of a church, for which he was apprehended, & the king not once remooued till the box was restored,* 2.5 and the offendor strangled. The people of the coun∣tries thereabout,* 2.6 hearing of such zeale in him, to the maintenance of iustice, ministred to his armie victu∣als, and other necessaries, although by open procla∣mation [line 40] so to doo they were prohibited.* 2.7

The French king being at Rone, and hearing that king Henrie was passed the riuer of Some,* 2.8 was much displeased therewith, and assembling his councell to the number of fiue and thirtie, asked their aduise what was to be doone. There was amongst these fiue and thirtie, his sonne the Dolphin, calling himselfe king of Sicill;* 2.9 the dukes of Berrie and Bri∣taine, the earle of Pontieu the kings yoongest sonne, and other high estates. At length thirtie of them a∣gréed, that the Englishmen should not depart vn∣fought [line 50] withall, and fiue were of a contrarie opinion, but the greater number ruled the matter:* 2.10 and so Montioy king at armes was sent to the king of England to defie him as the enimie of France, and to tell him that he should shortlie haue battell. King Henrie aduisedlie answered:* 2.11

Mine intent is to doo as it pleaseth God, I will not séeke your maister at this time; but if he or his séeke me, I will meet with them God willing. If anie of your nation attempt once to stop me in my iournie now towards Calis, [line 60] at their ieopardie be it; and yet with I not anie of you so vnaduised, as to be the occasion that I die your tawnie ground with your red bloud.

When he had thus answered the herald, he gaue him a princelie reward, and licence to depart. Upon whose returne, with this answer, it was incontinent∣lie on the French side proclamed, that all men of warre should resort to the constable to fight with the king of England. Wherevpon, all men apt for armor and desirous of honour, drew them toward the field. The Dolphin sore desired to haue béene at the battell, but he was prohibited by his father: likewise Philip earle of Charolois would gladlie haue béene there, if his father the duke of Burgognie would haue suf∣fered him: manie of his men stale awaie, and went to the Frenchmen. The king of England hearing that the Frenchmen approched, and that there was an other riuer for him to passe with his armie by a bridge, and doubting least if the same bridge should be broken, it would be greatlie to his hinderance, appointed certeine capteins with their hands, to go thither with all speed before him, and to take possessi∣on thereof, and so to keepe it, till his comming thi∣ther.

Those that were sent, finding the Frenchmen busie to breake downe their bridge, assailed them so vigorouslie, that they discomfited them, and tooke and slue them; and so the bridge was preserued till the king came, and passed the riuer by the same with his whole armie. This was on the two and twentith day of October. The duke of Yorke that led the vaunt∣gard (after the armie was passed the riuer) mounted vp to the heigth of an hill with his people, and sent out scowts to discouer the countrie, the which vpon their returne aduertised him, that a great armie of Frenchmen was at hand, approching towards them. The duke declared to the king what he had heard,* 2.12 and the king therevpon, without all feare or trouble of mind, caused the battell which he led himselfe to staie, and incontinentlie rode foorth to view his ad∣uersaries, and that doone, returned to his people, and with chéerefull countenance caused them to be put in order of battell, assigning to euerie capteine such roome and place, as he thought conuenient, and so kept them still in that order till night was come, and then determined to seeke a place to incampe & lodge his armie in for that night.

There was not one amongst them that knew any certeine place whither to go, in that vnknowne countrie: but by chance they happened vpon a bea∣ten waie, white in sight; by the which they were brought vnto a little village, where they were refre∣shed with meat and drinke somewhat more plenti∣ouslie than they had béene diuerse daies before. Or∣der was taken by commandement from the king after the armie was first set in battell arraie, that no noise or clamor should be made in the host; so that in marching foorth to this village, euerie man kept him∣selfe quiet: but at their comming into the village, fiers were made to giue light on euerie side, as there likewise were in the French host, which was incam∣ped not past two hundred and fiftie pases distant from the English. The cheefe leaders of the French host were these: the constable of France, the mar∣shall, the admerall, the lord Rambures maister of the crosbowes, and other of the French nobilitie, which came and pitched downe their standards and ban∣ners in the countie of saint Paule,* 2.13 within the terri∣torie of Agincourt, hauing in their armie (as some write) to the number of thréescore thousand horsse∣men, besides footmen, wagoners and other.

They were lodged euen in the waie by the which the Englishmen must needs passe towards Calis, and all that night after their comming thither, made great cheare and were verie merie, pleasant, and full of game. The Englishmen also for their parts were of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter, and yet they were both hungrie, wearie, sore trauel∣led, and vexed with manie cold diseases. Howbeit re∣conciling themselues with God by hoossell and shriff, requiring assistance at his hands that is the onelie giuer of victorie, they determined rather to die, than to yéeld, or flée. The daie following was the fiue and twentith of October in the yeare 1415,* 2.14 being then fridaie, and the feast of Crispine and Crispini∣an, a day faire and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowfull and vnluckie to the French.

In the morning, the French capteins made thrée battels,* 2.15 in the vaward were eight thousand healmes of knights and esquiers, foure thousand archers, and fifteene hundred crosbowes which were guided by the lord de la Breth, constable of France, hauing with him the dukes of Orleance and Burbon, the earles of Ewe and Richmond, the marshall Bouci∣quault, and the maister of the crosbowes, the lord Dampier admerall of France, and other capteins. The earle of Uandosme with sixtéene hundred men of armes were ordered for a wing to that battell. [line 10] And the other wing was guided by sir Guichard Dolphine, sir Clugnet of Brabant, and sir Lewes Bourdon, with eight hundred men of armes, of elect chosen persons. And to breake the shot of the Eng∣lishmen, were appointed sir Guilliam de Saueuses, with Hector and Philip his brethren, Ferrie de Mail∣lie, and Alen de Gaspanes, with other eight hundred of armes.

* 2.16In the middle ward, were assigned as manie per∣sons, [line 20] or more, as were in the formost battell, and the charge thereof was committed to the dukes of Bar and Alanson, the earles of Neuers, Uaudemont, Blamont, Salinges, Grant Prée, & of Russie. And in the rereward were all the other men of armes guided by the earles of Marle, Dampmartine, Fau∣conberg, and the lord of Lourreie capteine of Arde, who had with him the men of the frontiers of Bolo∣nois. Thus the Frenchmen being ordered vnder their standards and banners,* 2.17 made a great shew: for [line 30] suerlie they were estéemed in number six times as manie or more, than was the whole companie of the Englishmen, with wagoners, pages and all. They rested themselues, waiting for the bloudie blast of the terrible trumpet, till the houre betwéene nine and ten of the clocke of the same daie, during which sea∣son, the constable made vnto the capteins and other men of warre a pithie oration, exhorting and incou∣raging them to doo valiantlie, with manie comforta∣ble words and sensible reasons. King Henrie also [line 40] like a leader, and not as one led; like a souereigne, and not an inferior, perceiuing a plot of ground ve∣rie strong & méet for his purpose, which on the backe halfe was sensed with the village, wherein he had lod∣ged the night before, and on both sides defended with hedges and bushes, thought good there to imbattell his host, and so ordered his men in the same place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his most aduan∣tage.

* 2.18First, he sent priuilie two hundred archers into a [line 50] lowe medow, which was néere to the vauntgard of his enimies; but separated with a great ditch, com∣manding them there to keepe themselues close till they had a token to them giuen, to let driue at their aduersaries: beside this, he appointed a vaward, of the which he made capteine Edward duke of Yorke, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of an haultie courage had desired that office, and with him were the lords Beaumont, Willoughbie, and Fanhope,* 2.19 and this battell was all of archers. The middle ward was gouerned by the king him∣selfe, [line 60] with his brother the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Marshall, Oxenford, and Suffolke, in the which were all the strong bilmen. The duke of Exce∣ster vncle to the king led the rereward, which was mi••ed both with bilmen and archers. The horssemen like wings went on euerie side of the battell.

* 2.20Thus the king hauing ordered his battels, feared not the puissance of his enimies, but yet to prouide that they should not with the multitude of horssemen breake the order of his archers, in whome the force of his armie consisted [¶ For in those daies the yeo∣men had their lims at libertie,* 2.21 sith their hosen were then fastened with one point, and their iackes long and easie to shoot in; so that they might draw bowes of great strength, and shoot arrowes of a yard long; beside the head] he caused stakes bound with iron sharpe at both ends,* 2.22 of the length of fiue or six foot to be pitched before the archers, and of ech side the foot∣men like an hedge, to the intent that if the barded horsses ran rashlie vpon them, they might shortlie be gored and destroied. Certeine persons also were appointed to remooue the stakes, as by the mooue∣ing of the archers occasion and time should require, so that the footmen were hedged about with stakes, and the horssemen stood like a bulwarke betwéene them and their enimies, without the stakes.* 2.23 This de∣uise of fortifieng an armie, was at this time first in∣uented: but since that time they haue deuised cal∣traps, harrowes, and other new engins against the force of horssemen; so that if the enimies run hastilie vpon the same, either are their horsses wounded with the stakes, or their féet hurt with the other engins, so as thereby the beasts are gored, or else made vnable to mainteine their course.

King Henrie, by reason of his small number of people to fill vp his battels, placed his vauntgard so on the right hand of the maine battell, which himselfe led, that the distance betwixt them might scarse be perceiued, and so in like case was the rereward ioi∣ned on the left hand, that the one might the more rea∣dilie succour an other in time of néed. When he had thus ordered his battels, he left a small companie to kéepe his campe and cariage, which remained still in the village, and then calling his capteins and soldi∣ers about him, he made to them a right graue orati∣on, moouing them to plaie the men,* 2.24 whereby to ob∣teine a glorious victorie, as there was hope certeine they should, the rather if they would but remember the iust cause for which they fought, and whome they should incounter, such faint-harted people as their ancestors had so often ouercome. To conclude, ma∣nie words of courage he vttered, to stirre them to doo manfullie, assuring them that England should neuer be charged with his ransome, nor anie Frenchmen triumph ouer him as a captiue; for either by famous death or glorious victorie would he (by Gods grace) win honour and fame.

It is said, that as he heard one of the host vtter his wish to another thus:

I would to God there were with vs now so manie good soldiers as are at this houre within England! the king answered: I would not wish a man more here than I haue,* 2.25 we are in∣deed in comparison to the enimies but a few, but if God of his clemencie doo fauour vs, and our iust cause (as I trust he will) we shall spéed well inough. But let no man ascribe victorie to our owne strength and might, but onelie to Gods assistance, to whome I haue no doubt we shall worthilie haue cause to giue thanks therefore. And if so be that for our offenses sakes we shall be deliuered into the hands of our eni∣mies, the lesse number we be, the lesse damage shall the realme of England susteine: but if we should fight in trust of multitude of men, and so get the vic∣torie (our minds being prone to pride) we should ther∣vpon peraduenture ascribe the victorie not so much to the gift of God, as to our owne puissance, and thereby prouoke his high indignation and displea∣sure against vs: and if the enimie get the vpper hand, then should our realme and countrie suffer more da∣mage and stand in further danger. But be you of good comfort, and shew your selues valiant, God and our iust quarrell shall defend vs, and deliuer these our proud aduersaries with all the multitude of them which you sée (or at the least the most of them) into our hands.

Whilest the king was yet thus in spéech, either armie so maligned the other, being as then in open sight, that euerie man cried; Forward, forward. The dukes of Clarence, Glocester, and Yorke, were of

the same opinion, yet the king staied a while, least anie ieopardie were not foreséene, or anie hazard not preuented. The Frenchmen in the meane while, as though they had béene sure of victorie, made great triumph, for the capteins had determined before, how to diuide the spoile, and the soldiers the night before had plaid the Englishmen at dice. The noble men had denised a chariot, wherein they might trium∣phantlie conueie the king captiue to the citie of Pa∣ris, crieng to their soldiers; Haste you to the spoile, [line 10] glorie and honor; little weening (God wot) how soone their brags should be blowne awaie.

Here we may not forget how the French thus in their iolitie,* 2.26 sent an herald to king Henrie, to inquire what ransome he would offer. Wherevnto he an∣swered, that within two or thrée houres he hoped it would so happen, that the Frenchmen should be glad to common rather with the Englishmen for their ransoms, than the English to take thought for their deliuerance, promising for his owne part, that [line 20] his dead carcasse should rather be a prize to the Frenchmen, than that his liuing bodie should paie anie ransome. When the messenger was come backe to the French host, the men of warre put on their hel∣mets, and caused their trumpets to blow to the bat∣tell. They thought themselues so sure of victorie, that diuerse of the noble men made such hast towards the battell, that they left manie of their seruants and men of warre behind them, and some of them would not once staie for their standards: as amongst other the duke of Brabant▪ when his standard was not [line 30] come, caused a baner to be taken from a trumpet and fastened to a speare, the which he commanded to be borne before him in stéed of his standard.

But when both these armies comming within danger either of other, set in full order of battell on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding either others demeanor, being not distant in sunder past thrée bow shoots. And when they had on both parts thus staied a good while without dooing anie thing, [line 40] (except that certeine of the French horsemen aduan∣cing forwards, betwixt both the hosts, were by the English archers constreined to returne backe) aduise was taken amongst the Englishmen, what was best for them to doo. Therevpon all things considered, it was determined, that sith the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his armie imbat∣telled (as yee haue hard) should march towards them, and so leauing their trusse and baggage in the village where they lodged the night before, onelie with their [line 50] weapons, armour, and stakes prepared for the pur∣pose, as yée haue heard.

These made somewhat forward, before whome there went an old knight sir Thomas Erpingham (a man of great experience in the warre) with a war∣der in his hand;* 2.27 and when he cast vp his warder, all the armie shouted, but that was a signe to the ar∣chers in the medow, which therwith shot wholie alto∣gither at the vauward of the Frenchmen, who when they perceiued the archers in the medow,* 2.28 and saw they could not come at them for a ditch that was be∣twixt [line 60] them, with all hast set vpon the fore ward of king Henrie, but yer they could ioine, the archers in the forefront, and the archers on that side which stood in the medow, so wounded the footmen, galled the horsses, and combred the men of armes, that the foot∣men durst not go forward, the horssemen ran togi∣ther vpō plumps without order, some ouerthrew such as were next them, and the horsses ouerthrew their masters, and so at the first ioining, the Frenchmen were foulie discomforted, and the Englishmen high∣lie incouraged.

When the French vauward was thus brought to confusion, the English archers cast awaie their bowes, & tooke into their hands, axes, malls, swords,* 2.29 bils, and other hand-weapons, and with the same slue the Frenchmen, vntill they came to the middle ward. Then approched the king, and so incouraged his peo∣ple, that shortlie the second battell of the Frenchmen was ouerthrowne, and dispersed,* 2.30 not without great slaughter of men: howbeit, diuerse were releeued by their varlets, and conueied out of the field. The Eng∣lishmen were so busied in fighting, and taking of the prisoners at hand, that they followed not in chase of their enimies, nor would once breake out of their ar∣raie of battell. Yet sundrie of the Frenchmen stronglie withstood the fiercenesse of the English, when they came to handie strokes, so that the fight sometime was doubtfull and perillous. Yet as part of the French horssemen set their course to haue en∣tred vpon the kings battell, with the stakes ouer∣throwne, they were either taken or slaine. Thus this battell continued thrée long houres.

The king that daie shewed himselfe a valiant knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of Alanson;* 2.31 yet with plaine strength he slue two of the dukes companie, and felled the duke himselfe; whome when he would haue yelded, the kings gard (contrarie to his mind) slue out of hand. In conclusion, the king minding to make an end of that daies iornie, caused his horssemen to fetch a compasse about, and to ioine with him against the rereward of the Frenchmen, in the which was the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceiued his intent,* 2.32 they were suddenlie amazed and ran awaie like sheepe, without order or arraie. Which when the king percei∣ued, he incouraged his men, and followed so quicke∣lie vpon the enimies, that they ran hither and thither, casting awaie their armour: manie on their knees desired to haue their liues saued.

In the meane season, while the battell thus conti∣nued, and that the Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certeine Frenchmen on horsse∣backe, whereof were capteins Robinet of Borne∣uill, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of Agincourt, and other men of armes, to the number of six hun∣dred horssemen, which were the first that fled, hearing that the English tents & pauilions were a good waie distant from the armie, without anie sufficient gard to defend the same, either vpon a couetous meaning to gaine by the spoile, or vpon a desire to b•• reuen∣ged, entred vpon the kings campe,* 2.33 and there spoiled the hails, robbed the tents, brake vp chests, and ca∣ried awaie ••askets, and slue such seruants as they found to make anie resistance. For which treason and haskardie in thus leauing their campe at the verie point of fight, for winning of spoile where none to de∣fend it, verie manie were after committed to prison, and had lost their liues, if the Dolphin had longer li∣ued.

But when the outcrie of the lackies and boies, which ran awaie for feare of the Frenchmen thus spoiling the campe, came to the kings eares, he doub∣ting least his enimies should gather togither againe▪ and begin a new field; and mistrusting further that the prisoners would be an aid to his enimies, or the verie enimies to their takers in déed if they were suf∣fered to liue, contrarie to his accustomed gentlenes, commanded by sound of trumpet, that euerie man (vpon paine of death) should incontinentlie slaie his prisoner. When this dolorous decree,* 2.34 and pitifull pro∣clamation was pronounced, pitie it was to sée how some Frenchmen were suddenlie sticked with dag∣gers, some were brained with pollaxes, some slaine with malls, other had their throats cut, and some their bellies panched, so that in effect, hauing respect to the great number, few prisoners were saued.

When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the

Englishmen disposed themselues in order of battell, readie to abide a new field, and also to inuade, and newlie set on their enimies, with great force they as∣sailed the earles of Marle and Fauconbridge, and the lords of Louraie,* 2.35 and of Thine, with six hundred men of armes, who had all that daie kept togither, but now slaine and beaten downe out of hand. ¶ Some write, that the king perceiuing his enimies in one part to assemble togither, as though they meant to giue a new battell for preseruation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to [line 10] depart out of his sight, or else to come forward at once, and giue battell: promising herewith, that if they did offer to fight againe,* 2.36 not onelie those priso∣ners which his people alreadie had taken; but also so manie of them as in this new conflict, which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption.

The Frenchmen fearing the sentence of so terrible a decrée, without further delaie parted out of the field. And so about foure of the clocke in the after noone, the [line 20] king when he saw no apperance of enimies, caused the retreit to be blowen; and gathering his armie to∣gither, gaue thanks to almightie God for so happie a victorie,* 2.37 causing his prelats and chapleins to sing this psalme: In exitu Israel de Aegypto, and comman∣ded euerie man to knéele downe on the ground at this verse: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam.* 2.38 Which doone, he caused Te Deum, with cer∣teine anthems to be soong, giuing land and praise [line 30] to God, without boasting of his owne force or anie humane power. That night he and his people tooke rest,* 2.39 and refreshed themselues with such victuals as they found in the French campe, but lodged in the same village where he laie the night before.

In the morning, Montioie king at armes and foure other French heralds came to the K. to know the number of prisoners, and to desire buriall for the dead. Before he made them answer (to vnderstand what they would saie) he demanded of them whie they [line 40] made to him that request, considering that he knew not whether the victorie was his or theirs? When Montioie by true and iust confession had cléered that doubt to the high praise of the king, he desired of Montioie to vnderstand the name of the castell néere adioining: when they had told him that it was called Agincourt, he said, Then shall this conflict be called the battell of Agincourt.* 2.40 He feasted the French offi∣cers of armes that daie, and granted them their re∣quest, which busilie sought through the field for such [line 50] as were slaine. But the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone, for they searched with them, & found manie hurt, but not in ieopardie of their liues, whom they tooke prisoners, and brought them to their tents. When the king of England had well refreshed him∣selfe, and his souldiers, that had taken the spoile of such as were slaine, he with his prisoners in good or∣der returned to his towne of Calis.

When tidings of this great victorie, was blowne into England, solemne processions and other prai∣sings [line 60] to almightie God with boune-fires and ioifull triumphes, were ordeined in euerie towne, citie, and burrow,* 2.41 and the maior & citizens of London went the morow after the daie of saint Simon and Iude from the church of saint Paule to the church of saint Peter at Westminster in deuout maner, rendring to God hartie thanks for such fortunate lucke sent to the king and his armie. The same sundaie that the king remooued from the campe at Agincourt to∣wards Calis, diuerse Frenchmen came to the field to view againe the dead bodies; and the pezants of the countrie spoiled the carcasses of all such apparell and other things as the Englishmen had left: who tooke nothing but gold and siluer, iewels, rich apparell and costlie armour. But the plowmen and pezants left nothing behind, neither shirt nor clout: so that the bodies laie starke naked vntill wednesdaie. On the which daie diuerse of the noble men were con∣ueied into their countries, and the remnant were by Philip earle Charolois (sore lamenting the chance, and mooued with pitie) at his costs & charges buried in a square plot of ground of fifteene hundred yards; in the which he caused to be made thrée pits,* 2.42 wherein were buried by account fiue thousand and eight hun∣dred persons, beside them that were caried awaie by their fréends and seruants, and others, which being wounded died in hospitals and other places.

After this their dolorous iournie & pitifull slaugh∣ter, diuerse clearks of Paris made manie a lamen∣table verse, complaining that the king reigned by will, and that councellors were parciall, affirming that the noble men fled against nature, and that the commons were destroied by their prodigalitie, de∣claring also that the cleargie were dumbe, and durst not saie the truth, and that the humble commons du∣lie obeied, & yet euer suffered punishment, for which cause by diuine persecution the lesse number vanqui∣shed the greater: wherefore they concluded, that all things went out of order, and yet was there no man that studied to bring the vnrulie to frame. It was no maruell though this battell was lamentable to the French nation, for in it were taken and slaine the flower of all the nobilitie of France.

There were taken prisoners,* 2.43 Charles duke of Orleance nephue to the French king, Iohn duke of Burbon, the lord Bouciqualt one of the marshals of France (he after died in England) with a number of other lords, knights, and esquiers, at the least fiftéene hundred, besides the common people.* 2.44 There were slaine in all of the French part to the number of ten thousand men, whereof were princes and noble men bearing baners one hundred twentie and six; to these, of knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, so manie as made vp the number of eight thousand and foure hun∣dred (of the which fiue hundred were d••bbed knights the night before the battell) so as of the meaner sort, not past sixteene hundred. Amongst those of the nobi∣litie that were slaine, these were the cheefest, Charles lord de la Breth high constable of France, Iaques of Chatilon lord of Dampier admerall of France, the lord Rambures master of the crossebowes, sir Guischard Dolphin great master of France, Iohn duke of Alanson, Anthonie duke of Brabant brother to the duke of Burgognie, Edward duke of Bar, the earle of Neuers an other brother to the duke of Bur∣gognie, with the erles of Marle, Uaudemont, Beau∣mont, Grandprée, Roussie, Fauconberge, Fois and Lestrake, beside a great number of lords and barons of name.

Of Englishmen, there died at this battell,* 2.45 Ed∣ward duke Yorke, the earle of Suffolke, sir Richard Kikelie, and Dauie Gamme esquier, and of all other not aboue fiue and twentie persons, as some doo re∣port; but other writers of greater credit affirme, that there were slaine aboue fiue or six hundred persons.* 2.46 Titus Liuius saith, that there were slaine of English∣men, beside the duke of Yorke, and the earle of Suf∣folke, an hundred persons at the first incounter. The duke of Glocester the kings brother was sore woun∣ded about the hips, and borne downe to the ground, so that he fell backwards, with his féet towards his eni∣mies, whom the king bestrid, and like a brother vali∣antlie rescued from his enimies, & so sauing his life, caused him to be conueied out of the fight, into a place of more safetie.* 2.47 ¶ The whole order of this con∣flict which cost manie a mans life, and procured great bloudshed before it was ended, is liuelie described in Anglorum praelijs; where also, besides the manner of di∣sposing

the armies, with the exploits on both sides, the number also of the slaine, not much differing (though somewhat) from the account here named, is there touched, which remembrance verie fit for this place, it were an errour (I thinke) to omit; and there∣fore here inserted (with the shortest) as followeth.

—equitatus ordine primo, Magnanimi satrapae, post hos cecidere secundo Nauarrae comes, & tuus archiepiscopus (ô Sans) Praeterea comites octo periere cruentis [line 10] Vulneribus, trita appellant quos voce barones Plus centum, clari generis plus mille cadebant Sexcenti, notí{que} decem plus millia vulgi Ex Francorum, ter centum perdidit Anglus: Et penes Henricum belli victoria mansit.

* 2.48After that the king of England had refreshed him∣selfe, and his people at Calis, and that such prisoners as he had left at Harflue (as ye haue heard) were come to Calis vnto him, the sixt daie of Nouember, he with all his prisoners tooke shipping, and the same [line 20] daie landed at Douer, hauing with him the dead bo∣dies of the duke of Yorke, and the earle of Suffolke, and caused the duke to be buried at his colledge ••f Fodringhey, and the earle at new Elme. In this pas∣sage, the seas were so rough and troublous, that two ships belonging to sir Iohn Cornewall, lord Fan∣hope, were driuen into Zeland; howbeit, nothing was lost, nor any person perisht. ¶The maior of Lon∣don, and the aldermen, apparelled in orient grained scarlet, and foure hundred commoners clad in beau∣tifull [line 30] murrie, well mounted, and trimlie horssed, with rich collars, & great chaines, met the king on Black∣heath, reioising at his returne: and the clergie of London, with rich crosses, sumptuous copes, and massie censers, receiued him at saint Thomas of Waterings with solemne procession.

The king like a graue and sober personage, and as one remembring from whom all victories are sent,* 2.49 séemed little to regard such vaine pompe and shewes as were in triumphant sort deuised for his welcom∣ming [line 40] home from so prosperous a iournie, in so much that he would not suffer his helmet to be caried with him,* 2.50 whereby might haue appeared to the people the blowes and dints that were to be seene in the same; neither would he suffer any ditties to be made and soong by minstrels of his glorious victorie, for that he would wholie haue the praise and thanks altogi∣ther giuen to God. The news of this bloudie battell being reported to the French king as then soiour∣ning at Rone, filled the court full of sorrow. But to remedie such danger as was like to insue, it was de∣creed [line 50] by councell, to ordeine new officers in places of them that were slaine: and first, he elected his chiefe officer for the wars, called the constable, the earle of Arminacke, a wise and politike capteine, and an ancient enimie to the Englishmen, Sir Iohn de Corsie was made maister of the crosse∣bowes. Shortlie after, ••ither for melancholie that he had for the losse at Agincourt, or by some sudden di∣sease Lewes Dolphin of Uiennois,* 2.51 heire apparant [line 60] to the French king, departed this life without issue, which happened well for Robinet of Bourneuill, and his fellowes, as ye haue heard before, for his death was their life, & his life would haue béene their death.

After the French king had created new officers, in hope to relieue the state of his realme and coun∣trie, [year 1416] sore shaken by the late great ouerthrow, it chan∣ced, that Thomas duke of Excester capteine of Har∣flue, accompanied with thrée thousand Englishmen, made a great rode into Normandie, almost to the ci∣tie of Rone, in which iournie he got great abundance both of riches and prisoners: but in his returne, the earle of Arminacke newlie made constable of France, intending in his first enterprise to win the spurs, hauing with him aboue fiue thousand horsse∣men, incountred with the duke.* 2.52 The fight was hand∣led on both parts verie hotlie, but bicause the Eng∣lishmen were not able to resist the force of the Frenchmen, the duke was constreined to retire with losse at the least of thrée hundred of his footmen.

Howbeit being withdrawen into an orchard, which was stronglie fensed and hedged about with thornes, the Frenchmen were not able to enter vpon the Englishmen; but yet they tooke from them all their horsses and spoile, & assaulted them till it was night, and then retired backe to the towne, not far distant from the place where they fought, called Uallemont: this was vpon the 14 day of March. In the mor∣ning vpon the breake of the daie, the Englishmen is∣sued foorth of the orchard, where they had kept them∣selues all the night, & drew towards Harflue, wherof the Frenchmen being aduertised, followed them, & ouertooke them vpon the sands néere to Chiefe de Caux, & there set on them: but in the end, the French∣men were discomfited, and a great number of them slaine by the Englishmen, which afterwards retur∣ned without more adoo vnto Harflue. The French writers blame the constable for this losse, bicause he kept on the high ground with a number of men of war, and would not come downe to aid his fellowes.

In this fourth yeare of king Henries reigne, the emperour Sigismund,* 2.53 coosine germane to king Henrie, came into England, to the intent that he might make an attonement betwéene king Henrie and the French king: with whom he had beene before, bringing with him the archbishop of Remes, as am∣bassadour for the French king.* 2.54 At Calis he was ho∣norablie receiued by the earle of Warwike lord de∣putie there, and diuerse other lords sent thither of pur∣pose to attend him. Moreouer, the king sent thither thirtie great ships to bring him and his traine ouer. At Douer the duke of Glocester,* 2.55 and diuerse other lords were readie to receiue him, who at his approch∣ing to land, entered the water with their swords in their hands drawen; and by the mouth of the said duke declared to him, that if he intended to enter the land as the kings fréend, and as a mediator to intreat for peace, he should be suffered to arriue: but if he would enter as an emperour into a land claimed to be vn∣der his empire, then were they readie to resist him. This was thought necessarie to be doone for sauing of the kings prerogatiue, who hath full preheminence within his owne realme, as an absolute emperour.

When the emperour herevpon answered that he was come as the kings fréend, and as a mediator for peace, and not with any imperiall authoritie, he was of the duke and other his associats receiued with all such honor as might be deuised. The king with all his nobilitie receiued him on Blackheath, the seuenth day of Maie, and brought him through London to Westminster with great triumph. Shortlie after there came also into England Albert duke of Hol∣land, who was likewise fréendlie interteined.* 2.56 Both these princes, the emperour and the duke of Holland were conueied to Windsore to saint Georges feast, and elected companions of the noble order of the gar∣ter, and had the collar and habit of the same to them deliuered, and sat in their s••als all the solemnitie of the feast. Shortlie after that the feast was finished, the duke of Holland returned into his countrie; but the emperour tarried still, and assaied all maner of meanes to persuade the king to a peace with the Frenchmen.

But their euill hap, as they that were appointed by Gods prouidence to suffer more damage at the Eng∣lishmens hands, would not permit his persuasions to take place: for whereas peace was euen almost entring in at the gates, the king was suddenlie stir∣red

to displeasure vpon a new occasion, for he being aduertised of the losse of his men at the late conflict in the territorie of Rone (as ye haue heard) refused to heare this word peace once named. The emperour like a wise princ•• p••ssed ouer that time till another season,* 2.57 that some fauourable aspect of the planets should séeme to f••rther his purpose. And when he thought the same was come, he br••••••ed againe the vessell of concord and amitie, which he put in so faire a cup, and presented it with such effectuous words, [line 10] that ••uerlie the king had tasted it, if word had not béen brought about the same time, that Harflue was besieged of the French both by water and land,* 2.58 as it was indéed; for the constable of France incouraged by his last conflict (though the same was not much to his praise) assembled an armie, and vpon a sudden laid siege to the towne. At the same instant Iohn vi∣count of Narbon the vice-admerall of France, brought the whole nauie to the riuage and shore ad∣ioining to the towne, in purpose to haue entered by [line 20] the waterside; but the duke of Excester defeated his intent, and defended the towne verie manfullie.

King Henrie aduertised hereof, meant at the first to haue gone with his nauie in person to the succors of his men; but the emperor dissuaded him from that purpose, aduising him rather to send some one of his capteins. The king following his louing and reaso∣nable aduertisement, appointed his brother the duke of Bedford accompanied with the earles of March, Marshall, Oxford, Huntington, Warwike, Arun∣dell, [line 30] Salisburie, Deuonshire, and diuerse barons, with two hundred saile to passe into Normandie, for rescue of the towne of Harflue;* 2.59 which vsing great di∣ligence shipped at Rie, and after some hinderance by contrarie winds, at length came to the mouth of the riuer of Seine on the daie of the Assumption of our ladie. When the vicount of Narbon perceiued the English nauie to approch, he couragiouslie set for∣ward, and gat the possession of the mouth of the ha∣uen. The duke of Bedford séeing his enimies thus [line 40] fiercelie to come forward,* 2.60 set before certeine strong ships, which at the first incounter vanquished and tooke two French ships, the capteins whereof were too rash and forward.

The duke followed with all his puissance, and set on his enimies. The fight was long, but not so long as perillous, nor so perillous as terrible (for battels on the sea are desperate) till at length the victorie fell to the Englishmen, so that almost all the whole nauie of France, in the which were manie ships, hulkes, [line 50] carikes,* 2.61 and other small vessels, to the number of fiue was sunke & taken. Amongst other vessels that were taken, thrée great carikes of Genoa▪ a citie in Italie, were sent into England. In the same conflict were slaine of the Frenchmen no small number, as appea∣red by the dead bodies, which were séene euerie daie swimming about the English ships.* 2.62 After this, the duke of Bedford sailed vp to Harflue, & refreshed the towne both with vittels and monie; notwithstanding certeine other French gallies did what they could [line 60] to haue letted that enterprise. When the erle of Armi∣nacke heard that the puissant name of France was vanquished, he raised his siege & returned to Paris.

After this discomfiture and losse, the puissance of the Frenchmen began to decaie, for now the princes and nobles of the realme fell into diuision and dis∣cord among themselues▪ studieng how to reuenge their old priuat iniuries, & refused to take paine for succour of the publike weale and safegard of their countrie:* 2.63 wherevpon their power began to wax slender, their state brought into imminent danger of perpetuall bondage; which thing no doubt had fallen vpon them if king Henrie had longer liued. For as vpon one inconuenience suffered, manie doo follow, so was it in France at that time:* 2.64 for the king was not of sound memorie, the warre that was toward both doubtfull and perillous: the princes vntrustie and at discord: with a hundred things more (which might bring a realme to ruine) out of frame and or∣der in France in those daies. After that the duke of Bedford was returned backe againe into England with great triumph and glorie, he was not so much thanked of the king his brother, as praised of the em∣perour Sigismund, being to him a stranger, which said openlie, that happie are those subiects which haue such a king, but more happie is the king that hath such subiects.

When the emperor perceiued that it was in vaine to mooue further for peace, he left off that treatie, and entered himselfe into a league with king Henrie, the contents of which league consisted cheeflie in these articles, that both the said emperour and king,* 2.65 their heires, and successors, should be freends ech to other, as alies and confederats against all manner of per∣sons, of what estate or degrée so euer they were (the church of Rome, and the pope for that time being on∣lie excepted) and that neither they, nor their heires,* 2.66 nor successors should be present in councell or other place, where either of them, or his heires or successors might susteine damage, in lands, goods, honors, states, or persons: and that if anie of them should vn∣derstand of losse or hinderance to be like to fall or happen to the others, they should impeach the same, or if that laie not in their powers, they should aduertise the others thereof with all conuenient spéed: and that either of them, and their heires and successors should aduance the others honor and commoditie without fraud or deceipt. Moreouer, that neither of them, nor their heires and successors should permit their sub∣iects to leauie warres against the others; and that it should be lawfull and frée for ech of their subiects, to passe into the others countrie, and there to remaine and make merchandize, either by sea or land, paieng the customes, gabels, and duties due and accustomed, according to the lawes and ordinances of the places and countries where they chanced to traffike.

Furthermore, that neither of the said princes, nor their heires nor successors should receiue any rebell, banished man, or traitor of the others wittinglie; but should cause euerie such person to auoid out of their countries, realmes, dominions, and iurisdicti∣ons. Againe, that neither of the said princes, their heires, nor successors should begin any wars against any other person, other than such as they had warres with at that present, without consent of the other his confederate, except in defense of themselues, their countries and subiects, in case of inuasion made vp∣on them. Also, that it should be lawfull for the king of England, to prosecute his warres against the Frenchmen for recouerie of his right, as should séeme to him expedient; and likewise to the emperor, for recouerie of any part of his right in Fance, so that neither of them did preiudice the others right in that behalfe. Lastlie, that either of them should assist other, in recouerie & conquest of their rights, lands, and dominions, occupied, with-holden, and kept from them, by him that called himselfe king of France, and other the princes and barons of France. This a∣liance, with other conditions, agréements, and arti∣cles, was concluded & established on the ninetéenth daie of October, in the yeare of our Lord 2416. This doone, the emperor returned homewards,* 2.67 to passe in∣to Germanie; and the king partlie to shew him ho∣nor, and partlie bicause of his owne affaires, associa∣ted him to his towne of Calis.

During the time of their abode there, the duke of Burgognie offered to come to Calis, to speake with the emperor and the king, bicause he had knowledge

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wind and weather to his desire, the first daie of Au∣gust he landed in Normandie, néere to a castell called Touque, where he consulted with his capteins, what waie was best for him to take concerning his high enterprise.

* 2.68His armie conteined the number of sixtéene thou∣sand and foure hundred soldiers and men of warre of his owne purueiance, beside others. The duke of Clarence had in his retinue a hundred lances, and thrée hundred archers: and beside him, there were [line 10] thrée earles,* 2.69 which had two hundred and fortie lances, and seauenteene hundred and twentie archers. The duke of Glocester foure hundred and seauentie lan∣ces, and foureteene hundred and ten archers. The earles of March, Marshall, Warwike, and Salisbu∣rie, each of them one hundred lances, and thrée hun∣dred archers a peece. The earle of Huntington fortie lances, and six score archers. The earle of Suffolke thirtie lances, and fourescore and ten archers. Beside these, there were thirtéene lords, as Aburgauennie, Matreuers, Fitz Hugh, Clifford, Graie, Willough∣bie, [line 20] Talbot, Courtnie, Burchier, Roos, Louell, Fer∣rers of Chartleie, and Harington, the which had in their retinue the number of fiue hundred and six lan∣ces, and fiftéene hundred and fourescore archers. Also, there were in this armie thréescore and seauentéene knights, which had vnder them nine hundred and for∣tie fiue lances, and two thousand eight hundred and fiftie two archers; so that in all, there were fiue and twentie thousand, fiue hundred, and eight and twen∣tie fighting men: of which number euerie fourth [line 30] man was a lance. Beside the soldiers and men of warre, there were a thousand masons, carpenters, and other labourers.

* 2.70The Normans hearing of the kings arriuall, were suddenlie striken with such feare, that they fled out of their houses, leauing the townes and villages, and with their wiues and children, bag and baggage, got them into the walled townes, preparing there to de∣fend themselues, & with all speed sent to the French [line 40] king, requiring him to prouide for the defense and preseruation of his louing subiects. Héerevpon, the men of war were appointed to resort into the strong townes, to lie within the same in garrisons, to resist the power of the Englishmen, so that all the walled townes and castels in Normandie were furnished with men, munition, and vittels. The king of Eng∣land,* 2.71 when he had resolued with his counsell for his proceeding in his enterprises, laid siege vnto the ca∣stell of Touque. The duke of Glocester that led the fore ward, had the charge of that siege, the which by [line 50] force of assaults, and other warlike meanes, brought to that point, that they within yeelded the place into his hands, the ninth daie of August. The earle of Sa∣lisburie,* 2.72 who led the battell, tooke the castell of Am∣beruilliers, the which was giuen to him by the king, and so this earle was the first that had anie territorie giuen him of the king in this new conquest. The king made at the winning of Touque eight and twentie knights, and left sir Robert Kirkelie cap∣teine [line 60] there.

After this, on deliberate aduise taken how to pro∣céed; the K. set forward toward the towne of Caen in most warlike order, wasting the countrie on eue∣rie side as he passed. Which towne standeth in a plaine fertile countrie, no stronger walled, than deepe ditched, and as then well vittelled and repleni∣shed with people: for the citizens fearing the kings comming, had there prouided all things necessarie and defensible. But his maiestie doubting least the Frenchmen, vpon their vnderstanding of his ap∣proch to the towne, would haue burned the suburbs and buildings without the walles, sent the duke of Clarence with a thousand men before him, to pre∣uent that mischéefe. The duke comming thither, found the suburbs alreadie set on fire, but vsed such diligence to quench the same, that the most part was saued. He also wan the abbeie church of saint Ste∣phan, which the Frenchmen were in hand to haue o∣uerthrowne, by vndermining the pillers; but the duke obteining the place, filled vp the mines, and so preserued the church. He also wan a cell of nunnes, verie stronglie fensed, after the manner of warre.

Then came the king before the towne,* 2.73 who caused foorthwith to be cast a deepe trench, with an high mount, to kéepe them within from issuing foorth, and that doone, began fiercelie to assault the towne: but they within stood manfullie to their defense, so that there was sore and cruell fight betwixt them, and their enimies. But when king Henrie perceiued that he lost more than he wan by his dailie assaults, he left off anie more to assault it, and determined to ouerthrow the wals, with vndermining. Wherefore with all diligence, the pioners cast trenches, made mines, & brought timber; so that within a few daies, the wals stood onelie vpon posts, readie to fall, when fire should be put to them.* 2.74 The king meaning now to giue a generall assault, caused all the capteins to assemble before him in councell, vnto whome he de∣clared his purpose, commanding them not before the next daie to vtter it; till by sound of trumpet they should haue warning to set forward towards the wals, least his determination being disclosed to the enimies, might cause them to prouide the better for their owne defense. He also prescribed vnto them,* 2.75 what order he would haue them to keepe, in giuing the assault, and that was this; that euerie capteine de∣uiding his band into three seuerall portions, they might be readie one to succéed in an others place, as those which fought should happilie be driuen backe and repelled.

In the morning next following, being the fourth of September, somewhat before the breake of the daie, he caused his people to approch the wals, and to shew countenance, as though they would giue a ge∣nerall assault; and whilest they were busied in assai∣ling and defending on both sides, the Englishmen pearsed and brake thorough the wals by diuerse holes and ouertures made by the pioners, vnder the foun∣dation: yet the king vpon diuerse respects, offered them within pardon of life, if they would yeeld them∣selues and the towne to his mercie; but they refusing that to doo, the assault was newlie begun, and after sore fight continued for the space of an houre, the Englishmen preuailed, and slue so manie as they found with weapon in hand, readie to resist them.

The duke of Clarence was the first that entred with his people,* 2.76 and hauing got the one part of the towne, assailed them that kept the bridge, & by force beating them backe, passed the same, and so came to the wals on the other side of the towne, where the fight was sharpe and fierce betwixt the assailants and defendants; but the duke with his people setting on the Frenchmen behind, as they stood at defense on the wals, easilie vanquished them, so that the Eng∣lishmen entred at their pleasure. Thus when the king was possessed of the towne,* 2.77 he incontinentlie com∣manded all armours & weapons of the vanquished, to be brought into one place, which was immediatlie doone.

Then the miserable people came before the kings presence, and kneeling on their knées, held vp their hands, and cried; Mercie, mercie: to whome the king gaue certeine comfortable words, & bad them stand vp. All the night following, he caused his armie to kéepe themselues in order of battell within the towne, and on the next morning called all the magi∣strats & gouernors of the towne to the senat house,

where some for their wilfull stubbornesse were ad∣iudged to die, other were sore fined and ransomed. Then he calling togither his souldiers and men of warre,* 2.78 not onelie gaue them great praises and high commendations for their manlie dooings, but also di∣stributed to euerie man, according to his desert, the spoile and gaine gotten in the towne, chéeflie bicause at the assault they had shewed good proofe of their manhood and valiant courages.

After that the towne was thus woone, the lord Montainie, capteine of the castell, would not yéeld, [line 10] but made semblance,* 2.79 as though he meant to defend the place, to the vtterance: but after that he was sharplie called vpon by king Henrie, either to yéeld it, or else that he should be assured to haue all mercie and fauour sequestred from him, he tooke better ad∣uise, and therevpon being in despaire of reléefe, made this composition, that if he were not rescued of the French power by a certeine daie, he should render the fortresse into the kings hands, with condition, [line 20] that he and his souldiers should be suffered to depart with all their goods, the habiliments of warre onelie excepted. Herevpon twelue hostages were deliuered to the king, and when the daie came, being the twen∣tith of September,* 2.80 they within rendred the castell in∣to the kings hands; and thus, both the towne and ca∣stell of Caen became English.

Whilest the king was thus occupied about his warres in Normandie, the Scots in great number, entring England,* 2.81 wasted the countrie with fire and [line 30] sword whersoeuer they came. The English lords that were left in trust with the keeping of those parties of the realme, raised the whole power of the countries, so that there came togither the number of an hun∣dred thousand men vpon Baw moore, where the gene∣rall assemblie was made,* 2.82 and as it chanced, the duke of Excester, vncle to the king, who had latelie before mustered a certeine number of men to conueie them ouer to the king as a new supplie to his armie there, was the same time in the north parts on pilgrimage at Bridlington; and hearing of this inuasion made [line 40] by the Scots,* 2.83 tooke vpon him to be generall of the armie prepared against them, and to giue them bat∣tell. Also, the archbishop of Yorke, although he was not able to sit on horssebacke by reason of his great age, caused himselfe to be caried foorth in a charet in that iournie, the better to incourage other. But the Scots hearing that the Englishmen approched to∣ward them with such a puissance, withdrew backe in∣to their countrie,* 2.84 and durst not abide the bickering; [line 50] either because they mistrusted an infortunat euent on their side, by reason of the English prowesse; or else for that they had learned by others ouerthrowes to auoid the like, wherein standeth a profitable point of wisedome, as the poet verie sententiouslie saith,

* 2.85Feliciter sapit qui in alieno periculo sapit.

* 2.86The same time, the lord Cobham, sir Iohn Oldca∣stell, whilest he shifted from place to place to escape the hands of them, who he knew would be glad to laie hold on him, had conueied himselfe in secret [line 60] wise into an husbandmans house, not farre from S. Albons, within the precinct of a lordship belonging to the abbat of that towne. The abbats seruants get∣ting knowledge hereof, came thither by night, but they missed their purpose, for he was gone; but they caught diuerse of his men, whome they caried streict to prison. The lord Cobham herewith was sore dis∣maied, for that some of them that were taken were such as he trusted most, being of counsell in all his deuises. In the same place, were found books written in English, and some of those books in times past had beene trimlie gilt, liuined, and beautified with ima∣ges, the heads whereof had béene scraped off, and in the Letanie they had blotted foorth the name of our ladie, and of other saints, till they came to the verse Parce nobis Domine. Diuerse writings were found there also, in derogation of such honour as then was thought due to our ladie. The abbat of saint Albons sent the booke so difigured with scrapings & blottings out, with other such writings as there were found, vnto the king; who sent the booke againe to the arch∣bishop, to shew the same in his sermons at Paules crosse in London, to the end that the citizens and o∣ther people of the realme might vnderstand the pur∣poses of those that then were called Lollards, to bring them further in discredit with the people.

In this meane time that the king of England was occupied about Caen, the Frenchmen had neither a∣nie sufficient power to resist him, nor were able to as∣semble an host togither in their necessitie, by reason of the dissention among themselues: for their king was so simple, that he was spoiled both of treasure and kingdome, so that euerie man spent and wasted he cared not what. Charles the Dolphin being of the age of sixtéene or seauentéene yeares,* 2.87 bewailed the ruine and decaie of his countrie, he onlie studied the reléefe of the common-wealth, and deuised how to resist his enimies; but hauing neither men nor mo∣nie, was greatlie troubled and disquieted in mind. In conclusion, by the aduise and counsell of the earle of Arminacke the constable of France, he found a meane to get all the treasure & riches which his moo∣ther queene Isabell had gotten and hoorded in diuerse secret places: and for the common defense and profit of his countrie he wiselie bestowed it in waging souldiers, and preparing of things necessarie for the warre.

The quéene forgetting the great perill that the realme then stood in,* 2.88 remembring onelie the displea∣sure to hir by this act doone, vpon a womanish malice, set hir husband Iohn duke of Burgognie in the high∣est authoritie about the king, giuing him the regi∣ment and direction of the king and his realme, with all preheminence & souereigntie.* 2.89 The duke of Bur∣gognie hauing the sword in his hand, in reuenge of old iniuries, began to make warre on the Dolphin, determining, that when he had tamed this yoong vn∣brideled gentleman, then would he go about to with∣stand, and beat backe the common enimies of the realme. The like reason mooued the Dolphin, for he minded first to represse the authours of ciuill discord, before he would set vpon forreine enimies, and there∣fore prepared to subdue and destroie the duke of Bur∣gognie, as the cheefe head of that mischeefe, whereby the realme was vnquieted, decaied, and in manner brought to vtter ruine. Thus was France afflicted, and in euerie part troubled with warre and diuision, and no man to prouide remedie, nor once put foorth his finger for helpe or succour.

King Henrie in the meane time following victo∣rie and his good successe, sent the duke of Clarence to the sea coast, where (with great difficultie) he got the towne of Baieux, whereof the lord Matreuers was appointed capteine.* 2.90 The duke of Glocester also fin∣ding small resistance, tooke the citie of Liseaux,* 2.91 of which citie sir Iohn Kirkleie was ordeined capteine. King Henrie himselfe taried still at Caen, forti∣fieng the towne and castell, and put out fiftéene hun∣dred women and impotent persons, replenishing the towne with English people.* 2.92 Where while the king soiourned, he kept a solemne feast, and made manie knights; beside that, he shewed there an ex∣ample of great pitie and clemencie: for in sear∣ching the castell, he found innumerable substance of plate and monie belonging to the citizens, whereof he would not suffer one penie to be touched, but re∣stored the same to the owners, deliuering to euerie man that which was his owne.

When the fame of his mercifull dealing herein, of his bountie to captiues, and of his fauourable v∣sing of those that submitted themselues to his grace, was spred abroad, all the capteins of the townes ad∣ioining, came willinglie to his presence, offering to him themselues, their townes, and their goods, wher∣vpon he made proclamation, that all men, which had, or would become his subiects, and sweare to him al∣legiance, should inioy their goods, and liberties, in as large or more ample maner,* 2.93 than they did be∣fore: [line 10] which gentle interteining of the stubborne Nor∣mans, was the verie cause, why they were not onlie content, but also glad to remooue and turne from the French part, and become subiects to the crowne of England.

When the king had set Caen in good order, he left there for capteins, the one of the towne, the other of the castell, sir Gilbert Umfreuill earle of Kime or Angus, & sir Gilbert Talbot, and made bailiffe there sir Iohn Popham, and so departed from Caen the [line 20] first of October,* 2.94 and comming to the castell of Cour∣fie, within three daies had it rendred to him. From whence, the fourth of October, he came vnto Argen∣ion; they within that towne and castell offered, that if no rescue came by a daie limited, they would deli∣uer both the towne and castell into the kings hands, so that such as would abide and become the kings faithfull subiects should be receiued, the other to de∣part with their goods and liues saued whither they would: the king accepted their offer. When the daie [line 30] limited came, and no succours appeared, they yéelded according to the couenants,* 2.95 and the king performed all that on his behalfe was promised. The lord Graie of Codnor was appointed capteine there.* 2.96 After this, resorted dailie to the king, of the Normans, people of all sorts and degrées, to sweare to him fealtie and homage.* 2.97 The citie of Sées which was well inhabited, and wherein were two abbeies of great strength, one of them yéelded to the king, and so likewise did di∣uerse other townes in those parties, without stroke [line 40] striken.

The towne of Alanson abode a siege for the space of eight daies,* 2.98 they within defending it right vali∣antlie at the first; but in the end, considering with themselues, what small hope there was for anie suc∣cours to come to remooue the siege, they grew to a composition, that if within a certeine daie they were not reléeued, they should yéeld both the towne and ca∣stell into the kings hands, which was doone: for no succours could be heard of. The king appointed cap∣teine [line 50] of this towne, the duke of Glocester, and his lieutenant sir Ralfe Lentall. The duke of Britaine vnder safe conduct came to the king,* 2.99 as he was thus busie in the conquest of Normandie, and after sun∣drie points treated of betwixt them, a truce was taken,* 2.100 to indure from the seuenth daie of Nouem∣ber, vnto the last of September, in the yeare next following, betwixt them, their souldiers, men of warre, and subiects. The like truce was granted vn∣to the quéene of Ierusalem and Sicill, & to hir sonne [line 60] Lewes, for the duchie of Aniou, and the countie of Maine, the duke of Britaine being their deputie for concluding of the same truce.

About the same time also, at the sute of Charles the Dolphin, a treatie was in hand at Tonque, for a finall peace, but it came to none effect. From Alan∣son the king set forward towards the towne and ca∣stell of Faleis, meaning to besiege the same, where the Frenchmen appointed to the kéeping of it, had fortified the towne by all meanes possible, and pre∣pared themselues to defend it to the vttermost. The earle of Salisburie was first sent thither before with certeine bands of souldiers to inclose the enimies within the towne, & to view the strength therof. After him came the king with his whole armie,* 2.101 about the first of December, and then was the towne besieged on ech side. The king lodged before the gate that lea∣deth to Caen, the duke of Clarence before the castell that standeth on a rocke, and the duke of Glocester laie on the kings right hand, and other lords & noble men were assigned to their places as was thought expedient. And to be sure from taking damage by a∣nie sudden inuasion of the enimies, there were great trenches and rampiers cast and made about their seuerall campes, for defense of the same.

The Frenchmen notwithstanding this siege, va∣liantlie defended their wals, and sometimes made issues foorth, but small to their gaine: and still the Englishmen with their guns and great ordinance made batterie to the wals and bulworks. The win∣ter season was verie cold, with sharpe frosts, & hard weather; but the Englishmen made such shift for prouision of all things necessarie to serue their turns, that they were sufficientlie prouided, both against hunger and cold: so that in the end,* 2.102 the Frenchmen perceiuing they could not long indure against them, offered to talke, and agreed to giue ouer the towne, if no rescue came by a certeine daie appointed. A∣bout the same season was sir Iohn Oldcastell, lord Cobham taken, in the countrie of Powes land, in the borders of Wales, within a lordship belonging to the lord Powes, not without danger and hurts of some that were at the taking of him: for they could not take him, till he was wounded himselfe.

At the same time, the states of the realme were assembled at London, for the leuieng of monie, to furnish the kings great charges, which he was at a∣bout the maintenance of his wars in France: it was therefore determined, that the said sir Iohn Oldcastell should be brought, and put to his triall, yer the assemblie brake vp. The lord Powes there∣fore was sent to fetch him, who brought him to Lon∣don in a litter, wounded as he was: herewith, being first laid fast in the Tower, shortlie after he was brought before the duke of Bedford, regent of the realme, and the other estates, where in the end he was condemned; and finallie was drawen from the Tower vnto saint Giles field,* 2.103 and there hanged in a chaine by the middle, and after consumed with fire, the gallowes and all.

When the daie was come, on the which it was co∣uenanted that the towne of Faleis should be deliue∣red, to wit, the second of Ianuarie, [year 1418] * 2.104 because no suc∣cours appeared, the towne was yéelded to the king: but the castell held out still, into the which the cap∣teine and gouernour both of the towne and castell had withdrawne themselues, with all the souldiers; and being streictlie besieged, the capteine defended himselfe and the place right stoutlie, although he was sore laid to, vntill at length, perceiuing his people wearied with continuall assaults, and such approches as were made to and within the verie wals, he was driuen to compound with the king, that if he were not succoured by the sixt of Februarie, then should he yeeld himselfe prisoner, and deliuer the castell; so that the souldiers should haue licence to depart, with their liues onelie saued. When the daie came, the coue∣nants were performed, and the castell rendered to the kings hands, for no aid came to the rescue of them within. The capteine named Oliuer de Mannie was kept as prisoner, till the castell was repared at his costs and charges, because the same, through his obstinat wilfulnesse, was sore beaten and defaced, with vnderminings and batterie. Capteine there, by the king, was appointed sir Henrie Fitz Hugh.

After this, king Henrie returned to Caen, and by reason of a proclamation which he had caused to be made for the people of Normandie,* 2.105 that had with∣drawne

themselues foorth of the baliwi••ks of Caen and Faleis, he granted awaie to his owne people the lands of those that came not in vpon that procla∣mation, and in speciall, he gaue to the duke of Cla∣rence, during his life, the vicounties of Ange, Or∣be••, and Ponteau de Mer, with all the lands of those that were withdrawne foorth of the same vicounties. This gift was made the sixteenth of Februarie, in this fift yeare of this kings reigne. All the Lent sea∣son,* 2.106 the king laie at Baieux with part of his armie, [line 10] but the residue were sent abroad, for the atchiuing of certeine enterprises, because they should not lie idle.

¶In this yeare 1418, and in the first yeare of the reigne of this victorious king,* 2.107 Henrie the fift, on Ea∣ster daie in the after noone (a time which required de∣uotion) at a sermon in saint Dunstans in the east of London, a great fraie happened in the said church, where through manie people were sore wounded, and one Thomas Petwarden fishmonger that dwelt at [line 20] Sprots keie was slaine outright;* 2.108 as they (vpon a good intent) did what they could (to their owne perill as vnfortunatlie it befell) to appease the turmoile, and to procure the kéeping of the kings peace. Here∣vpon the church was suspended, and the beginners of the broile, namelie the lord Strange and sir Iohn Trussell knight (betwéene whome such coles of vn∣kindnesse were kindled (at the instigation of their wiues,* 2.109 gentlewomen of euill disposition and at curs∣sed hatred one with another) that their husbands ment at their méeting in the said church to haue [line 30] slaine one another) were committed to the counter in the Pultrie. Two wise gentlemen (I wisse) and well aduised (no doubt) who without regard of day, place, people, preacher, or perill that might insue; were so forward to become the instruments of their mischieuous wiues malice; the fulfilling wherof they would haue forborne, if with discretion they had pon∣dered the verdict of the poet concerning the said sex:

Foemina laetalis, foemina plena malis. [line 40]

* 2.110The archbishop of Canturburie, when he had in∣telligence giuen of this outragious prophanation of the church, caused the offendors to be excommunicat, as well at Paules, as in all other parish churches of London. Shortlie after, to wit on the one and twen∣tith of Aprill, the said archbishop sat at saint Mag∣nus, vpon inquisition for the authors of the said disor∣der, and found the fault to consist speciallie in the lord Strange and his wife. So that vpon the first daie of Maie next following in Paules church, before the said archbishop,* 2.111 the maior of London, and others, the [line 50] said offendors submitted themselues to doo penance, and sware to doo it in such sort as to them it was in∣ioined; namelie, as followeth. That immediatlie all their seruants should (in their shirts) go before the parson of saint Dunstans, from Paules to the said saint Dunstans church; and the lord Strange bare∣headed, with his ladie barefooted; Reignold Kenwood archdeacon of London following them. Also it was appointed them, that at the consecrating or hallow∣ing of the said church (which they had prophaned) the la∣die [line 60] should fill all the vessels with * 2.112 water▪ and offer likewise to the altar an ornament of ten pounds; and the lord hir husband a pix of siluer of fiue pounds. Which doone by waie of a satisfactorie expiation, it is likelie they were absolued: but the lord Strange had first made the wife of the said Petwarden slaine in the fraie, large amends: as Fabian saith, though in what sort he maketh no mention.]

Whilest the king of England wan thus in Nor∣mandie, his nauie lost nothing on the sea, but so scow∣red the streames, that neither Frenchmen nor Bri∣tons durst once appeare; howbeit, on a daie there a∣rose such a storme and hideous tempest, that if the earles of March and Huntington had not taken the hauen of Southhampton, the whole nauie had peri∣shed; & yet the safegard was strange,* 2.113 for in the same hauen, two balingers, and two great carickes, la∣den with merchandize were drowned, and the broken mast of another caricke was blowen ouer the wall of the towne.* 2.114 When the furie of this outragious wind and weather was asswaged, and the sea waxed calme, the earles of March and Huntington passed o∣uer with all their companie, and landing in Norman∣die, they marched through the countrie, destroieng the French villages, and taking preies on each hand, till they came to the king where he then was.

In the sixt yeare of king Henries reigne,* 2.115 he sent the earle of Warwike, and the lord Talbot, to be∣siege the strong castell of Dampfront. The duke of Clarence was also sent to besiege and subdue other townes, vnto whome, at one time and other, we find, that these townes vnderwritten were yéelded, where∣in he put capteins as followeth.* 2.116 In Courton Iohn Aubin, in Barney William Houghton, in Cham∣bis Iames Neuill, in Bechelouin the earle Mar∣shall, in Harecourt Richard Wooduill esquier, in Fangernon Iohn S. Albon, in Creuener sir Iohn Kirbie to whom it was giuen, in Anuilliers Robert Hornebie, in Bagles sir Iohn Arthur, in Fresnie le vicont sir Robert Brent.

The duke of Glocester the same time, accompani∣ed with the earle of March, the lord Greie of Cod∣ner, and other, was sent to subdue the townes in the Ile of Constantine, vnto whome these townes here∣after mentioned were yeelded, where he appointed capteins as followeth. At Carentine the lord Bo∣treux, at Saint Lo Reginald West, at Ualoignes Thomas Burgh, at Pont Done Danie Howell, at the Haie de Pais sir Iohn Aston, at saint Sauieur le vicont sir Iohn Robsert, at Pontorson sir Robert Gargraue, at Hamberie the earle of Suffolke lord of that place by gift, at Briqueuill the said earle al∣so by gift, at Auranches sir Philip Hall bailiffe of Alanson, at Uire the lord Matreuers, at S. Iames de Beumeron the same lord.

After that the duke had subdued to the kings do∣minion, the most part of all the townes in that Ile of Constantine, Chierburgh excepted, he returned to the king,* 2.117 and forthwith was sent thither againe to be∣siege that strong fortresse, which was fensed with men, munition, vittels, and strong walles, towers, and turrets, in most defensible wise, by reason where∣of it was holden against him the space of fiue mo∣neths, although he vsed all waies and meanes possi∣ble to annoie them within, so that manie fierce as∣saults, skirmishes, issues, and other exploits of warre were atchiued, betwixt the Frenchmen within, and the Englishmen without: yet at length, the French∣men were so constreind by power of baterie, mines, and other forceable waies of approchings, that they were glad to compound to deliuer the place, if no re∣scue came to raise the siege, either from the Dolphin, that their was retired into Aquitaine, or from the duke of Burgognie that then laie at Paris, within the terme of thrée score and two daies (for so long re∣spit the duke granted) but they trusting further vpon his lenitie and gentlenesse hoped to get a far longer terme.

Now were the Dolphin and the duke of Burgog∣nie growen to a certeine agréement, by mediation of cardinals sent from the pope, so that the English∣men suerlie thought, that they would leauie a power, and come downe to rescue Chierburgh. The duke of Glocester therefore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his camps to be stronglie intrenched, and manie defensi••le blocke∣houses of timber to be raised, like to small turrets, that the same might be a safegard to his people, and

to conclude, left nothing vnforeséene nor vndoone, that was auailable for the defense of his armie. The king doubting least some power should be sent downe, to the danger of his brother, and those that were with him at this siege, caused two thousand men to be imbarked in thirtie ships of the west countrie, by order sent vnto certeine lords there.

The Frenchmen within the towne, perceiuing those succors to approch neere to the towne,* 2.118 thought verelie that there had béene a power of Frenchmen comming to their aid: but when they saw them re∣ceiued [line 10] as fréends into the English campe, their com∣fort was soone quailed: and so when the daie appoin∣ted came, being the ninetéenth of October, or rather about the later end of Nouember (as the historie of the dukes of Normandie hath) they rendred vp both the towne and castell, according to the couenants. The lord Greie of Codnore was made the kings lieu∣tenant there, and after his deceasse, sir Water Hun∣gerford. About the same time, or rather before, as Titus Liuius writeth, to wit, the two and twentith of [line 20] Iune,* 2.119 the strong castell of Dampfront was yéelded into the hands of the earle of Warwike, to the kings vse. But the historie writen of the dukes of Norman∣die affirmeth, that it was surrendred the two and twentith of September, after the siege had cōtinued about it from Aprill last. The king by honorable re∣port of other,* 2.120 and of his owne speciall knowledge, so rightlie ascerteined of the great valure that (for feats at armes and policie in warre) was alwaies found in the person of that Iohn Bromley esquier (spoken [line 30] of a little here before) for which his maiestie so sun∣drie waies roiallie rewarded him againe; some spe∣cialtie yet of the gentlemans merits togither with the souereignes bountie to him among other, seemes here (at mention of this Dampfront, whereof short∣lie after he was capteine) verie well to deserue a place: and to that purpose as the king in Iulie went ouer againe, and this Iohn Bromley in Iune the same yeare, with conduct of charge was sent afore, imploieng himselfe still in venturous actiuitie with [line 40] great annoie to the enimie: his highnesse for good liking of the same, and for hartening and example to other (in Aprill next following) gaue fourtie pounds land to him and his heires males by letters patents in words as followeth, and remaining yet of record in the Tower of London.

A copie of the said letters patents. [line 50]

HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae & dominus Hiberniae, omni∣bus ad quos praesentes litterae perue∣nerint salutem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali & pro bono seruitio quod dilectus serui••ns noster Iohannes Bromley nobis impendit & impendet in futurum: dedimus & concessimus ei hospitium de Molay Bacon, infra comitatum no∣strum [line 60] de Baieux, ac omnes terras, tenementa, red∣ditus, haereditates, & possessiones infra ducatum no∣strum Normandiae, quae fuerunt Alani de Beau∣mont nobis rebellis, vt dicitur. Habendum & te∣nendum praefato Iohanni & haeredibus fuis mascu∣lis de corpore suo procreatis, hospitium, terras, & tenementa, redditus, haereditates, & possessiones supradictas, vna cum omnimodis franchesijs, pri∣uilegijs, iurisdictionibus, wardis maritagijs, rele∣••ijs, eschetis, forisfacturis▪ feodis militum, aduoca∣tionibus ecclesiarum, & aliorum beneficiorum ec∣clesiasticorū quorumcún{que} terris, pratis, pasturis, boscis, warēnis▪ chaseis, aquis, vijs, stagnis, molēdi∣nis, viuarijs, moris, mariscis, ac alijs cōmoditatibus quibuscún{que} dictis hospitio, terris, tenementis, redditibus, haereditatibus, & possessionibus perti∣nentibus siue spectantibus, ad valorem quadragin∣ta librarum sterlingorum per annum, tenendis de nobis & haeredibus nostris per homagium, &c: ac reddendo nobis & eisdem haeredibus nostris apud castrum nostrum de Baieux vnam zonam pro lori∣ca, ad festum Natuitatis sancti Iohannis Baptistae singulis annis: nec non faciendo alia seruitia, &c. Reseruato, &c. Prouiso semper, &c. Castro seu ci∣uitati nostro de Baieux, &c. Quód{que} praedictum hospitium, &c. In cuius rei, &c. Teste me ipso a∣pud dictam ciuitatem nostram de Baieux, 18 die Aprilis, anno regni nostri sexto, per ipsum regem.

Yet heere at the noble prince not staieng his boun∣tie, but rather regarding euer how iustlie new me∣rits doo deserue new dignities, and peraduenture the more mooued somewhat to reare vp the degrée of this esquire, toward the state of his stocke, who a long time before had béene indued with knighthood, and al∣so bicause that vnto the duke of Buckingham he was of bloud, which his behauiour alwaies had from staine so farre preserued, as rather brought to it some increase of glorie, did (in the most worthie wise which to that order belongeth) dub him knight of warfare in field, made him also capteine generall of this strong castell of Dampfront,* 3.1 seneshall and great constable of Bosseuile le Rosse, with other offices and titles of worship, as partlie may appeare by a déed, in which this knight taking patterne at his princes benigni∣tie had giuen an annuitie of twentie pounds to his kinsman Walter Audeley.

A copie of that writing sundrie waies so well seruing to the truth of the storie was thought right necessarie heere to be added, thus.

OMnibus ad quos hoc praesens scriptum peruenerit, Iohānes de Bromley miles, capitaneus generalis de Dampfront, se∣nescallus & magnus constabularius de Bosseuile le Rosse & March ibidem, salutem. Scia∣tis quòd pro bono & fideli seruitio quod dilectus consanguineus meus Gualterus de Audeley mihi fecerit, tam infra regnum Angliae quàm extra, & praecipuè contra Francos: dedisse & concessisse, & hac praesenti chartamea confirmasse eidem Gualte∣ro vnum annualem redditum viginti librarum, exeuntem de manerio meo de Bromley, & omnibus alijs terris & tenementis meis infra regnum An∣gliae, vna cum herbagio pro quatuor equis ha∣bendo infra boscos meos de Bromley & Willough∣bridge, & octo carucatis foeni capiendis infra prat a mea de Shurlebrooke & Foordsmedo annuatim, durante tota vita praedicti Gualteri, infesto sancti Iacobi apostoli. Et si contingat praedictum annua∣lem redditum, a retrò fore in aliquo festo, du∣rante termino praedicto; tunc bene licebit eidem Gualtero, in manerio meo, & omnibus alijs ter∣ris meis praedictis distringere, & districtiones in∣de captas penes se retinere, quous{que} de redditu praedicto, vna cum arreragijs (si quae fuerint) plenarie fuerit persolutum & satisfactum. Et vlterius volo, quòd praedictus Gualterus habebit liberumegressum & regressum cum equis suis prae∣dictis, & ad asportandum foenum praedictū, quan∣docún{que} voluerit, per omnes semitas & vias, sine

aliqua contradictione mei praedicti Iohannis, aut haeredum meorum aliquali. Reddendo inde mihi ip∣si Gualtero annuatim in festo sancti Georgij martyris, si tunc fuerim infra regnum Angliae, v∣num par calcarium deauratorum, pro omnibus. Et etiam volo & concedo quòd praedictus Gualterus liber sit, durante tota vita sua, ad volandum, ve∣nandum, piscandum, & alias commoditates perci∣piendum, tam infra manerium meum de Bromley quàm in omnibus alijs manerijs, terris, & tene∣mentis [line 10] meis infra regnum Angliae, sine aliqua contradictione vel impedimento mei praefati Io∣hannis de Bromley militis, haeredum, aut assigna∣torum meorum aliquali. Et vt fidele testimonium praesentibus habeatur, sigillum meum apposui: hijs testibus, Roberto de Bruyn milite, Iohanne de Holland, Gulihelmo de Brereton, Richardo le Gre∣uill, Iohanne de Egerton, Richardo le Beston, Thomale Creu, & alijs. Datum apud Dampfront [line 20] praedicto, 12 die mensis Augusti, anno regni re∣gis Henrici quinti post conquestum sexto.

The old armes of the house of Bromley being quarterlie gules and ore per fesse indented, had in the seale to this déed, an inscutchen charged with a griffin surgiant; his creast, out of a crowne, a demi∣lion supporting a standard charged with a lion pas∣sant gardant: about the shield was ingrauen, Sigillum [line 30] Iohannis de Bromley militis. That inscutchen and creast (as like is) giuen him in laudable remembrance for his valiant recouerie of the standard at the sharpe and bloodie skirmish by Corbie.] The earle of War∣wike, and the lord Talbot, after the winning of this fortresse, made speed to come vnto the siege of Rone, where they were imploied, as after shall ap∣peare. And in like manner, the duke of Glocester, ha∣uing once got the possession of Chierburgh, hasted to∣wards the same siege: for the better furnishing of [line 40] which enterprise, he had first caused an armie of fif∣téene thousand men to be brought ouer to him, vnder the leading of his vncle the duke of Excester, who imbarking with the same, about the feast of the ho∣lie Trinitie, was appointed by the king to besiege the citie of Eureux, as the earle of Angus, otherwise called earle of Kime, was sent to win the castell of Millie Leuesche. These townes being deliuered to the kings vse, the duke ordeined capteine of Eureux sir Gilbert Halsall knight. [line 50]

The king now determining with all spéed to be∣siege Rone, prepared all things necessarie for his purpose. Into this citie the Normans had conueied out of euerie part their monie, iewels, and houshold stuffe, as into the most sure and strongest place of the whole duchie. For since his arriuall, they had not onlie walled that citie, and fortified it with rampiers and strong bulworks, but also furnished it with valiant capteins, and hardie soldiers, to the number of foure thousand, beside such of the citizens as were appoin∣ted [line 60] for the warre, according to their estates, of the which there were at the least fiftéene thousand readie to serue in defense of the citie, as soldiers, and men of warre in all places where they should be assigned. King Henrie, to haue the countrie free, before he would besiege this citie, thought good first to win such townes as laie in his waie, and therefore departing from Caen (where he had kept the feast of saint George) the ninth daie of Iune,* 4.1 he marched streight vnto the towne of Louiers, and laid his siege about the same.

They within the towne, being well furnished of all things necessarie for the defending of a siege, manfullie resisted the Englishmens inforcements, which spared not to deuise all waies and means how to approch the walles, and to batter the same with their great artil••erie, till at length they brought the Frenchmen to that extremitie, that they were con∣tented to yéeld the towne on these conditions; that if by the thrée and twentith of Iune there came no suc∣cour from the French king to raise the siege, the towne should be deliuered into the kings hands, the soldiers of the garrison should serue vnder the king for a time, and the townesmen should remaine in their dwellings as they did before, as subiects to the king:* 4.2 but the gunners that had discharged anie péece against the Englishmen should suffer death. When the daie came, and no aid appeared, the couenants were performed accordinglie. From thence went the king with all spéed vnto Pont de Larch, stand∣ing vpon the riuer of Seine, eight miles aboue Rone towards Paris: he came thither about the seauen and twentith of Iune.

When the Frenchmen which kept the passage there heard of the kings approach, they gathered togither a great number of men of warre, minding to de∣fend the passage against him, appointing an other band of men (if they failed) to kéepe the further side of the bridge; and to watch, that neither by boate nor vessell he should come ouer the riuer by anie maner of meanes. At his comming néere to the towne, he perceiued that it was not possible to passe by the bridge without great losse of his people, and therfore he retired almost a mile backeward, where, in a plea∣sant and commodious place by the riuer side he pit∣ched his campe, and in the night season, what with boates and barges, and what with hogsheads and pipes,* 4.3 he conueied ouer the broad riuer of Seine a great companie of his soldiers, without anie resi∣stance made by his enimies. For they which were on the hither side of Seine, thinking that the English∣men had gone to winne some other place, followed them not, but studied how to defend their towne, which was inough for them to doo.

And to put the French men in doubt, least the Englishmen should séeke passage somewhere else, the king appointed certeine of the soldiers which had skill in swimming,* 4.4 to go to a place thrée miles from the siege by the riuer side, and there to enter into the water, making great clamor and noise, as though they had meant to haue passed; but they had in com∣mandement not to trauerse past halfe the riuer, so to procure the Frenchmen to make thitherwards, whilest the king in one place, and his brother the duke of Clarence in another, got ouer their men, and that in such number, before the Frenchmen had anie vn∣derstanding thereof, that when they made towards them, and perceiued that they were not able to in∣counter them, they fled backe, and durst not abide the English footmen, which would faine haue beene doo∣ing with them.

When the king saw that his men were on the o∣ther side of the water, he (the next daie earlie) retur∣ned to the towne, & assaulted it on both sides. When the inhabitants therefore saw themselues compassed on both sides, contrarie to their expectation, with humble heart and small ioy they rendered vp the towne vnto the kings hands.* 4.5 After this, the king ha∣uing no let nor impediment, determined foorthwith to besiege the citie of Rone, and first sent before him his vncle the duke of Excester, with a great compa∣nie of horssemen & archers to view the place, & ther∣vpon with banner displaied came before the citie, and sent Windsore an herauld at armes to the cap∣teins within, willing them to deliuer the citie vnto the king his maister, or else he would pursue them with fire and sword. To whome they proudlie answe∣red, that none they receiued of him, nor anie they

would deliuer him, except by fine force they were therevnto compelled: and herewith there issued out of the towne a great band of men of armes, and in∣countered fiercelie with the Englishmen, the which receiuing them with like manhood, and great force, draue the Frenchmen into the towne againe to their losse, for they left thirtie of their fellowes behind pri∣soners and dead in the field.

The duke returned with this good speed and proud answer of the Frenchmen vnto the king, who re∣mained [line 10] yet at Pont de Larch, and had giuen the towne of Louiers to his brother the duke of Cla∣rence, which made there his deputie sir Iohn Godard knight. After that the duke of Excester was retur∣ned to Pont Larch, the French capteins within Rone set fire on the suburbs, beat downe churches, cut downe trées, shred the bushes, destroied the vines round about the citie, to the intent that the English∣men should haue no reléefe nor comfort either of lod∣ging or ••ewell.* 4.6 When the king heard of these despite∣full [] dooings, he with his whole armie remooued from Pont Larch, and the last daie of Iulie came before the citie of Rone, and compassed it round about with a strong siege. This citie was verie rich in gold, sil∣uer, and other pretious things, in so much that when the same was taken and seized vpon by the English, the spoile was verie great and excéeding aduantag∣able: which the compiler of Anglorum praelia hath ve∣rie well noted, in a few lines, but pithie; saieng:

Vltima Rothomagus restat, quae mercibus, auro, [line 30] * 4.7Argento, vasis pretiosis diues abundat: Rothomagus capitur, iám{que} Anglus adeptus opimas Praedas, in patriam perpulchra trophaea remittit.

The king laie with a great puissance at the Char∣treux house, on the east side of the citie, and the duke of Clarence lodged at S. Geruais before the port of Ca•••• on the west part.* 4.8 The duke of Excester tooke his place on the north side: at port S. Denis, be∣tweene the dukes of Excester and Clarence, was appointed the earle marshall,* 4.9 euen before the gate of [line 40] the castell; to whome were ioined the earle of Or∣mond,* 4.10 and the lords Harington and Talbot, vpon his comming from Dampfront: and from the duke of Excester toward the king, were incamped the lords Ros, Willoughbie, Fitz Hugh, and sir Willi∣am Porter, with a great band of northerne men, e∣uen before the port of saint Hilarie. The earles of Mortaigne and Salisburie were assigned to lodge about the abbie of saint Katharine.* 4.11 Sir Iohn Greie was lodged directlie against the chappell called [line 50] mount S. Michaell: sir Philip Léech treasuror of the warres kept the hill next the abbeie, and the baron of Carew kept the passage on the riuer of Seine, and to him was ioined that valiant esquier Ienico Dar∣tois.

On the further side of the riuer were lodged the earles of Warren and Huntington, the lords Ne∣uill and Ferrers, sir * 4.12 Gilbert Umfreuile with a well furnished companie of warlike soldiers directlie be∣fore the gate called Port de Pont. And to the intent [line 60] that no aid should passe by the riuer toward the citie, there was a great chaine of iron deuised at Pont Larch, set on piles from the one side of the water to the other: and beside that chaine, there was set vp a new forced bridge▪ sufficient both for cariage and pas∣sage, to passe the riuer from one campe to another. The erle of Warwike that had latelie woone Damp∣front,* 4.13 was sent to besiege Cawdebecke, a towne standing on the riuer side, betweene the sea and the citie of Rone▪ [A memorable fea•• in seruice néere to that place was doone at that time by a well minded man then noted soone after in writing:* 4.14 which mat∣ter vnable to be better reported than by him that had so well marked it, nor like to be more trulie expressed than by the ancient simplicitie (and yet effectuall) of the selfe same words wherein they were written, therefore thought méetest to haue them rehearsed as they were in order, thus.

The truth of the said memorable feat as it was reported in writing.

MEmorandum, that my lord the earle of Warwike did send out my cosin sir Iohn Bromley and my cosin George Umfreuile with an hundred archers, and about two hun∣dred soldiers a strett,* 5.1 to keepe at a little ca∣stell called the Stroo neere to Cawdebeke where they wearen met with aboue eight hundred Frenchmen & the fraie betweene them long yfought, and the Englishmen in great dread and perill: till at length by the might of God and saint George, the feeld did fall to our Englishmen, & the French∣men wearen put to flizt, and thear wearen yslaine aboue two hundred Frenchmen, and as manie ytaken prisoners, and their capteine who was ycalled the lord of Estri∣sles was thear also yslaine,* 5.2 and thear wea∣ren yslaine of our Englishmen my said co∣sin George Umfreuile and about twentie mo: on whose solles Iesus haue mercie,* 5.3 and thear wearen hurt in the face my said cosin sir Iohn Bromley & my cosin Wal∣ter Audeley sore wounded and maimed in the right arme of his bodie,* 5.4 he then being but of the age of eighteene yeares. But thankes be giuen to the blessed Trinitee, thear wearen manie noble victories ywoon by the said noble erle of Warwike and his folke, as in his officiall booke (written by Maister Iohn le Tucke then present with the said noble earle) is amplie recorded. My said cosin Walter Audeley died at War∣wike the seauenteenth daie of Iulie * 5.5 anno Domini one thousand foure hundred and twentie, and was buried at Acton in Che∣shire, neere the bodie of my said cosin sir Iohn Bromley: on whose solles Iesus haue mercie. By me sir Richard Braie, chapleine to my ladie the old countesse of Warwike; Iesus Maria, Amen, Pater noster, Aue Maria.

After this conflict, this towne was so hardlie hand∣led with fierce and continuall assaults, that the cap∣teins within offered to suffer the English nauie to passe by their towne without impeachment, vp to the citie of Rone. And also if Rone yeelded, they promi∣sed to render the towne without delaie. Héerevpon the English nauie, to the number of an hundred sailes, passed by Cawdebecke, and came to Rone, and so besieged it on the water side. There came also to this siege the duke of Glocester, with the earle of Suffolke, and the lord Aburgauennie, which had ta∣ken (as before yee haue heard) the towne of Chier∣burgh, & lodged before the port of S. Hilarie, néerer to their enimies by fortie rodes than any other per∣son of the armie.

During this siege also, there arriued at Har••lue the lord of Kilmaine in Ireland,* 5.6 with a band of six∣teene hundred Irishmen, in maile, with darts and skains after the maner of their countrie, all of them being tall, quicke, and nimble persons, which came

and presented themselues before the king lieng still at the siege, of whom they were not onelie gentlie re∣ceiued & welcomed; but also because it was thought that the French king and the duke of Burgognie would shortlie come, and either attempt to raise the siege, or vittell and man the towne by the north gate, they were appointed to kéepe the north side of the ar∣mie, and speciallie the waie that commeth from the forest of Lions. Which charge the lord of Kilmaine and his companie ioifullie accepted, and did so their [line 10] deuoir therein, that no men were more praised, nor did more damage to their enimies than they did:* 5.7 for suerlie their quickenesse & swiftnesse of foot did more preiudice to their enimies, than their barded horsses did hurt or damage to the nimble Irishmen. Also the kings coosine germane and alie (the king of Por∣tingale) sent a great nanie of well appointed ships vnto the mouth of the riuer of Seine,* 5.8 to stop that no French vessels should enter the riuer, and passe vp the same, to the aid of them within Rone. [line 20]

Thus was the faire citie of Rone compassed about with enimies, both by water and land, hauing nei∣ther comfort nor aid of King, Dolphin, or Duke. And yet although the armie was strong without, there lacked not within both hardie capteins and manfull souldiers. And as for people, they had more than inough: for as it is written by some that had good cause to know the truth, and no occasion to erre from the same, there were in the citie at the time of the siege,* 5.9 two hundred and ten thousand persons. Dailie [line 30] were issues made out of the citie at diuerse gates, sometime to the losse of the one partie, and sometime of the other, as chances of warre in such aduentures happen. The Frenchmen in déed preferring fame be∣fore worldlie riches, and despising pleasure (the eni∣mie to warlike prowesse) sware ech to other neuer to render or deliuer the citie, while they might either hold sword in hand or speare in rest.

The king of England aduertised of their haultie courages, determined to conquer them by famine, [line 40] which would not be tamed with weapon. Wherefore he stopped all the passages, both by water and land, that no vittels could be conueied to the citie: he cast trenches round about the wals, and set them full of stakes, and defended them with archers, so that there was left neither waie for them within to issue out, nor for anie that were abroad to enter in without his licence. To rehearse the great paines, trauell and di∣ligence, which the king tooke vpon him in his owne person at this siege,* 5.10 a man might woonder. And be∣cause [line 50] diuerse of the souldiers had lodged themselues for their more ease, in places so farre distant one from an other, that they might easilie haue béene surprised by their enimies, yer anie of their fellowes could haue come to their succors; he caused proclama∣tion to be made, that no man vpon paine of death should lodge without the precinct appointed them, nor go further abroad from the campe than such bounds as were assigned.

Now as it chanced, the king in going about the campe, to surueie and view the warders, he espied [line 60] two souldiers that were walking abroad without the limits assigned, whom he caused straightwaies to be apprehended and hanged vpon a tree of great height, for a terrour to others,* 5.11 that none should be so hardie to breake such orders as he commanded them to ob∣serue.* 5.12 Whilest the king laie thus with his power a∣bout the mightie citie of Rone, the Frenchmen sought to indamage as well those that were at that siege, as other of the Englishmen that laie in garri∣sons within the townes that were alreadie in the king of Englands possession, insomuch that (as some haue written) within the octaues of the Assumption, three notable victories chanced to the Englishmen in thrée seuerall places.* 5.13 First an hundred Englishmen at Kilbuef tooke three great lords of the Frenchmen, besides fourescore other persons, and put thrée hun∣dred to flight.

Also vpon the thursdaie within the same octaues, foure hundred Frenchmen that were entered with∣in the suburbes of Eureux were repelled by eleuen Englishmen, that tooke foure of those Frenchmen prisoners, siue twelue of them, and tooke fortie hors∣ses. On the saturdaie following, the Frenchmen tooke in hand to steale vpon them that laie in garri∣son within Louiers, in hope to surprise the towne earlie in the morning: but the capteine perceiuing their purpose, sallied foorth with a hundred of his men, and putting the Frenchmen to flight, being a thou∣sand, tooke an hundred and fourescore of them being all gentlemen. But to returne to them before Rone. The siege thus continuing from Lammas, almost to Christmas, diuerse enterprises were attempted, and diuerse policies practised, how euerie part might in∣damage his aduersaries: no parte greatlie reioised of their gaine. But in the meane time vittels began sore to faile them within, that onelie vineger and water serued for drinke.

If I should rehearse (according to the report of di∣uerse writers) how déerelie dogs, rats, mise,* 5.14 and cats were sold within the towne, and how greedilie they were by the poore people eaten and deuoured, and how the people dailie died for fault of food, and yoong infants laie sucking in the stréets on their moothers breasts, lieng dead, starued for hunger; the reader might lament their extreme miseries. A great num∣ber of poore sillie creaturs were put out at the gates, which were by the Englishmen that kept the tren∣ches beaten and driuen backe againe to the same gates, which they found closed and shut against them. And so they laie betweene the wals of the citie and the trenches of the enimies, still crieng for helpe and reléefe, for lacke whereof great numbers of them dai∣lie died.

Howbeit, king Henrie mooued with pitie, vpon Christmasse daie, in the honor of Christes Natiuitie,* 5.15 refreshed all the poore people with vittels, to their great comfort and his high praise: yet if the duke of Burgognies letters had not béene conueied into the citie, it was thought they within would neuer haue made resistance so long time as they did; for by those letters they were assured of rescue to come. Diuerse lords of France hauing written to them to the like effect, they were put in such comfort herewith, that immediatlie, to expresse their great reioising, all the bels in the citie were roong foorth chéerefullie, which during all the time of the siege till that present had kept silence. In déed by reason of a faint kind of a∣gréement procured betwixt the Dolphin and the duke of Burgognie, it was thought verelie that a power should haue béene raised for preseruation of that noble citie, the loosing or sauing thereof being a mat∣ter of such importance.

The king of England, to preuent the enimies pur∣pose,* 5.16 caused a large trench to be cast without his campe, which was pight full of sharpe stakes, with a great rampire fensed with bulworks, and turne∣pikes, in as defensible wise as might be deuised, Sir Robert Bapthorpe, knight, was appointed comptroller, to see this worke performed, which he did with all diligence accomplish; in like case as he had doone, when the other trench and rampire strong∣lie staked and hedged was made at the first betwixt the campe and the citie, to restreine such as in the be∣gining of the siege rested not to pricke foorth of the gates on horsse backe. And so by this meanes was the armie defended both behind and before.

Finallie, [year 1419] the whole number of the Frenchmen

within the citie were brought to such a•• extremitie for want of vittels, that they were in danger all to haue starued. Wherevpon being now pas•• hope of reléefe, they determined to treat with the king of England, and so vpon Nowyeares euen there came to the wals such as they had chosen amongst them for commissioners, which made a sign•• to the Eng∣lishmen lieng without the gate of the bridge, to speake with some gentleman, or other person of au∣thoritie. The earle of Huntington, which kept that part, sent to them sir Gilbert Umfrouile; vnto whom [line 10] they declared, that if they might haue a safe conduct, they would gladlie come foorth to speake with the king. Sir Gilbert repairing to the duke of Clarence, and other of the kings councell, aduertised them of this request.

Herevpon the duke of Clarence with the other councellors resorted to the kings lodging, to informe him of the matter, and to know his pleasure therein; who after good aduisement and deliberation taken, willed sir Gilbert to aduertise them, that he was [line 20] content to heare twelue of them, which should be safelie conueied into his presence. This answer be∣ing brought to the Frenchmen by the said sir Gil∣bert,* 5.17 on the next daie in the morning, foure knights, foure learned men, and foure sage burgesses, all clo∣thed in blacke, came foorth of the citie, and were re∣ceiued at the port saint Hilarie by sir Gilbert Um∣freuile, accompanied with diuerse gentlemen and yeomen of the kings houshold, commonlie called yeomen of the crowne, by whome they were conuei∣ed [line 30] to the kings lodging, whome they found at masse, which being ended, the king came out of his tra∣uerse, sternelie, and princelie beholding the French messengers, and passed by them into his chamber. And incontinentlie after he commanded that they should be brought in before his presence, to heare what they had to say.

One of them séene in the ciuill lawes, was appoin∣ted to declare the message in all their names, who shewing himselfe more rash than wise, more arro∣gant [line 40] than learned,* 5.18 first tooke vpon him to shew wher∣in the glorie of victorie consisted, aduising the king not to shew his manhood in famishing a multitude of poore, simple, and innocent people, but rather suffer such miserable wretches as laie betwixt the wals of the citie, and the trenches of his siege, to passe through the campe, that they might get their liuing in other places, and then if he durst manfullie assault the citie, and by force subdue it, he should win both [line 50] worldlie fame, and merit great méed at the hands of almightie God, for hauing compassion of the poore, needie, and indigent people.

When this orator had said, the king who no request lesse suspected, than that which was thus desired, be∣gan a while to muse; and after he had well conside∣red the craftie cautell of his enimies, with a fierce countenance,* 5.19 and bold spirit he reprooued them, both for their subtill dealing with him, and their malapert presumption, in that they should seeme to go about [line 60] to teach him what belonged to the dutie of a conque∣rour.

And therefore since it appeared that the same was vnknowne vnto them, he declared that the goddesse of battell called Bellona, had thrée handmai∣dens, euer of necessitie attending vpon hir, as blood, fire, and famine. And whereas it laie in his choise to vse them all thrée; yea, two, or one of them at his pleasure, he had appointed onelie the méekest maid of those thrée damsels to punish them of that citie, till they were brought to reason.

And whereas the gaine of a capteine atteined by anie of the said thrée handmaidens, was both glori∣ous, honourable, and woorthie of triumph: yet of all the thrée, the yoongest maid, which he meant to vse at that time was most profitable and commodious. And as for the poore people lieng in the ditches, if they died through famine, the fault was theirs, that like cruell tyrants had put them out of the towne, to the intent he should slaie them; and yet had he saued their liues, so that if anie lacke of charitie was, it rested in them, and not in him. But to their cloked request, he meant not to gratifie the them within so much, but they should kéepe them still to helpe to spend their vittels. And as to assault the towne, he told them that he would they should know, he was both able and willing thereto, as he should see occasion: but the choise was in his hand, to ••am•• them either with blood, fire, or famine, or with them all, whereof he would take the choise at his pleasure, and not at theirs.

This answer put the French ambassadors in a great studie, musing much at his excellent wit and hawtinesse of courage. Now after they had dined (as his commandement was they should) with his offi∣cers, they vpon consultation had togither, required once againe to haue accesse to his roiall presence, which being granted, they humbling themselues on their knees,* 5.20 besought him to take a truce for eight daies, during the which they might by their commis∣sioners take some end and good conclusion with him and his councell. The king like a mercifull prince granted to them their asking, with which answer they ioifullie returned. After their departure were appoin∣ted and set vp three tents, the one for the lords of Eng∣land, the second for the commissioners of the citie, and the third for both parties to assemble in, and to treat of the matter.

The commissioners for the English part were the earles of Warwike and Salisburie, the lord Fitz Hugh, sir Walter Hungerford, sir Gilbert Umfre∣uile, sir Iohn Robsert, and Iohn de Uasques de Al∣mada. And for the French part were appointed, sir Guie de Butteler, and six others.* 5.21 These commissio∣ners met euery daie, arguing and reasoning about a conclusion, but nothing was doone the space of eight daies, nor so much as one article concluded: wherfore the Englishmen tooke downe the tents, & the French∣men tooke their leaue: but at their departing they re∣membring themselues, required the English lords (for the loue of God) that the truce might indure till the sunne rising the next daie, to the which the lords assented.

When the French commissioners were returned into the citie without any conclusion of agréement, the poore people ran about the streets, crieng, and cal∣ling the capteins and gouernors murtherers and manquellers, saieng that for their pride and stiffe sto∣machs all this miserie was happened, threatning to slea them if they would not agrée vnto the king of Englands demand. The magistrats herewith ama∣zed, called all the townesmen-togither to know their minds and opinions. The whole voice of the com∣mons was, to yeeld rather than to sterne. Then the Frenchmen in the euening came to the tent of sir Iohn Robsert, requiring him of gentlenes to mooue the king, that the truce might be prolonged for foure daies. The king therevnto agréed, and appointed the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other seuen be∣fore named for his part, and the citizens appointed a like number for them.

The tents were againe set vp,* 5.22 and dailie they met togither, and on the fourth daie they accorded on this wise, that the citie and castell of Rone should be deli∣uered vnto the king of England, at what time after the middest of the ninetéenth daie of that present mo∣neth of Ianuarie, the said king willed the same; and that all the capteins and other men whatsoeuer, dwel∣ling or being within the said citie and castell, should submit them in all things to the grace of the said

king: and further, that they should paie to the said king thrée hundred thousand scutes of gold, where∣of alwaies two should be woorth an English noble, or in stead of euerie s••ute thirtie great blankes white, or fiftéene grotes.

Moreouer it was accorded, that euerie soldier and stranger, being in the said citie and castell, should sweare on the euangelists before their departure, not to beare armour against the king of England, before the first daie of Ianuarie next to come. Also they [line 10] within the towne should suffer all the poore people li∣eng in ditches, or about the ditches of the citie, which for penurie were chased out, to enter the citie againe▪ and to find them sufficient food till the said ninetéenth daie of Ianuarie. There were diuerse other articles, in all to the number of two and twentie agréed as∣well on the behalfe of the citizens, as of king Hen∣rie, who granted, that all the souldiers, strangers, and other within the said citie and castell at that time, be∣ing not willing to become his lieges, should depart, [line 20] after that the citie and castell was once yéelded, frée∣lie without let, leauing to the said king all their ar∣mors, horsses, harnesse, & goods, except the Normans, which if they should refuse to become lieges to him, were appointed to remaine as his prisoners, togither with one Luca Italico,* 5.23 and certeine others.

When the daie of appointment came, which was the daie of saint Wolstane, sir Guie de Buttler, and the burgesses, deliuered the keies of the citie and ca∣stell vnto the king of England, beséeching him of fa∣uour [line 30] and compassion. The king incontinentlie ap∣pointed the duke of Excester, with a great companie to take possession of the citie, who like a valiant cap∣teine mounted on a goodlie courser first entered into the citie, and after into the castell. The next daie being fridaie, the king in great triumph like a conquerour, accompanied with foure dukes, ten earles, eight bi∣shops, sixtéene barons, and a great multitude of knights, esquiers, and men of warre entered into Rone, where he was receiued by the cleargie, with [line 40] two and fourtie crosses; and then met him the senat, and the burgesses of the towne, offering to him di∣uerse faire and costlie presents.

In this manner he passed through the citie to our ladie church, and there hauing said his orisons, he caused his chapleins to sing this antheme: Quis est tam magnus dominus: Who is so great a lord as our God. This doone, he came to the castell, where he con∣tinued a good space after, receiuing homages and fe∣alties of the burgesses and townesmen, and setting orders amongst them. He also reedified diuerse for∣tresses, [line 50] and townes, during which time he made pro∣clamation, that all men which would become his sub∣iects, should inioy their goods, lands & offices, which proclamation made manie townes to yéeld, and ma∣nie men to become English the same season.

The duke of Britaine, vnderstanding that if the king of England should continue in possession of Normandie,* 5.24 his countrie could not but be in great danger, if he prouided not to haue him his freend, vp∣on [line 60] safe conduct obteined for him & his retinue, came to Rone with fiue hundred horsses, and being hono∣rablie receiued of the king, after conference had be∣twixt them of diuerse things, at length they agréed vpon a league on this wise,* 5.25 that neither of them should make warre vnto the other, nor to any of the others people or subiects, except he that meant to make war denounced the same six moneths before. Thus this league being concluded, the duke tooke leaue of the king, and so returned into Britaine.

About the same time, at the sute of certeine bishops and abbats of Normandie, the king confirmed vnto them their ancient priuileges, granted by the former dukes of Normandie and kings of France, except such as were granted by those whome he reputed for vsurpers, and no lawfull kings or dukes. He also e∣stablished at Caen the chamber of accounts of the re∣uenues of his dukedome of Normandie. In Rone he began the foundation of a strong tower behind the castell, that from the castell to the tower, and from the tower to his palace, the men of warre appointed there in garrison, might passe in suertie without dan∣ger of the citie, if herhaps the citizens should attempt any rebellion.

In this sixt yeare, whilest these things were adoo∣ing in Normandie,* 5.26 quéene Io••e late wife of king Henrie the fourth, and mother in law to this king, was arested by the duke of Bedford the kings lieute∣nant in his absence, and by him committed to safe kéeping in the castell of Leeds in Kent, there to a∣bide the kings pleasure▪ About the same time, one frier Randoll of the order of Franciscanes that pro∣fessed diuinitie, and had béene confessor to the same queene, was taken in the Ile of Gernesey; and being first brought ouer into Normandie, was by the kings commandement sent hither into England, and committed to the Tower, where he remained till the parson of the Tower quarelling with him, by chance slue him there within the Tower ward. It was reported that he had conspired with the quéene by forcerie and necromancie to destroie the king.

Whilest the king remained in Rone, to set things in order for the establishment of good policie in that citie, he sent abroad diuerse of his capteins, with con∣uenient forces to subdue certeine townes & castels in those parties, as his brother the duke of Clarence,* 5.27 who wan the strong towne of Uernon and Mante. In Uernon was sir William Porter made cap∣teine, and in Mant the earle of March. The earle of Salisburie wan Hunflue,* 5.28 after he had besieged it from the fourth of Februarie vntill the twelfth of March. This towne was giuen afterwards vnto the duke of Clarence. Also the said earle of Salisburie wan the townes of Monster de Uilliers, Ew, New∣castell, and finallie all the places in that quarter, which till that present were not vnder the English obei∣sance. At Newcastell sir Philip Léech was made cap∣teine.

After Candlemasse, the king departed from Rone to go to Eureux, whither he promised to come in like case, as the Dolphin promised to be at Dreux, to the end that they might aduise vpon a conuenient place where to méet, to intreat of peace to be conclu∣ded betwixt the two realms. But the Dolphin by si∣nister persuasion of some enimies to concord, brake promise, and came not. When the king saw that tho∣rough default of his aduersarie, no treatie would be had, he remooued to Uernon, and there a while remai∣ned.* 5.29 Now from Eureux the king had dispatched the earle of Warwike vnto the siege of la Roch Guion, which fortresse he so constreined,* 5.30 that it was yeelded into his hands, the sixt of Aprill, in the beginning of this seuenth yeare of king Henries reigne, and giuen to sir Guie Buttler late capteine of Rone, of the kings frée and liberall grant.

About the same time, the duke of Excester laid siege vnto Chateau Galiard,* 5.31 which siege continued from the last of March, vnto the latter end of Sep∣tember, or (as some write) vnto the twentith of De∣cember, as after shall appeare.* 5.32 The duke of Gloce∣ster being sent to win the towne and castell of Yuri, tooke the towne by assault, and the castell was deliue∣red by composition after fortie daies siege. After this the Englishmen ouerran the countrie about Char∣tres, and did much hurt to their enimies in all places where they came. The hearts of the Frenchmen were sore discouraged with the losse of Rone, and the other townes which yeelded one after another thus to the

Englishmen, so that such as loued the wealth of their countrie sore lamented the imminent mischéefes, which they saw by the diuision of the nobilitie, like shortlie to fall on their heads, namelie bicause they saw no remedie prepared.

But who euer else was disquieted with this mat∣ter, Iohn duke of Burgognie raged and swelled, yea and so much freated therewith, that he wist not what to saie, and lesse to doo: for he knew well that he was neither free from disdaine, nor yet deliuered from the [line 10] scope of malice, bicause that he onelie ruled the king, and had the whole dooings in all matters about him. And therefore he considered, that all such mishaps as chanced to the state of the common-wealth would be imputed to his negligence and disordred gouerne∣ment. To find some remedie against such dangers at hand, he thought first to assaie, if he might by any reasonable means conclude a peace betwixt the two mightie kings of England and France, which if he might bring to passe, he doubted not to reuenge his [line 20] quarell easilie inough against the Dolphin Charles, and to represse all causes of grudge and disdaine.

Herewith intending to build vpon this fraile foundation, he sent letters and ambassadors to the king of England,* 5.33 aduertising him, that if he would personallie come to a communication to be had be∣tweene him and Charles the French king, he doubted not but by his onlie meanes, peace should be brought in place, and bloudie battell cléerelie exiled. King Henrie giuing courteous eare to these ambassadors, [line 30] sent with them the earle of Warwike as his ambas∣sador,* 5.34 accompanied with two hundred gentlemen to talke with the duke, as then remaining in the French court at the towne of Prouince. The earle was assailed by the waie as he iournied, by a great number of rebellious persons, gotten into armour of purpose to haue spoiled him of such monie and things as he and his companie had about them. But by the high valiancie of the English people, with the aid of their bowes, the Frenchmen were discomfi∣ted [line 40] and chased.

The earle at his comming to Prouince was ho∣norablie receiued, and hauing doone the effect of his message, returned; and with him the earle of saint Paule, and the sonne and heire of the duke of Bur∣bon were also sent as ambassadors from the French king, to conclude vpon the time and place of the mée∣ting, with all the circumstances. Whervpon the king of England agréed to come to the towne of Mante, with condition that the duke of Burgognie, and o∣ther [line 50] for the French king should come to Pontoise, that either part might méet other in a conuenient place betwixt those two townes néere to Meulan. According to this appointment, K. Henrie came to Mante, where in the feast of Pentecost he kept a libe∣rall house to all commers, and sate himselfe in great estate. Upon the which daie, either for good seruice al∣readie by them doone, or for the good expectation of things to come,* 5.35 he created Gascoigne de Fois, o∣therwise called the captau or captall de Buef a vali∣ant [line 60] Gascoigne, earle of Longueuile; and sir Iohn Greie earle of Tankeruile, and the lord Bourchier earle of Ew.

After this solemne feast ended, the place of enter∣uiew and méeting was appointed to be beside Meu∣lan on the riuer of Seine, where in a faire place eue∣rie part was by commissioners appointed to their ground.* 5.36 When the daie of appointment approched, which was the last daie of Maie, the king of England accompanied with the dukes of Clarence, and Glo∣cester, his brethren, the duke of Excester his vncle, and Henrie Beauford clerke his other vncle, which after was bishop of Winchester and cardinall, with the earles of March, Salisburie, and others, to the number of a thousand men of warre, entered into his ground, which was barred about and ported, wher∣in his tents were pight in a princelie maner.

Likewise for the French part came Isabell the French quéene,* 5.37 bicause hir husband was fallen into his old frantike disease, hauing in hir companie the duke of Burgognie, and the earle of saint Paule, and she had attending vpon hir the faire ladie Katharine hir daughter, with six and twentie ladies and damo∣sels; and had also for hir furniture a thousand men of warre. The said ladie Katharine was brought by hir mother, onelie to the intent that the king of Eng∣land beholding hir excellent beautie, should be so in∣flamed and rapt in hir loue, that he to obteine hir to his wife, should the sooner agrée to a gentle peace and louing concord.* 5.38 But though manie words were spent in this treatie, and that they met at eight seue∣rall times, yet no effect insued, nor any conclusion was taken by this freendlie consultation, so that both parties after a princelie fashion tooke leaue ech of o∣ther, and departed; the Englishmen to Mante, and the Frenchmen to Pontoise.

Some authors write that the Dolphin to staie that no agréement should passe,* 5.39 sent sir Taneguie de Chastell to the duke of Burgognie, declaring that if he would breake off the treatie with the English∣men, he would then common with him; and take such order, that not onelie they but the whole realme of France should thereof be glad and reioise. Howso∣euer it came to passe, truth it is,* 5.40 that where it was a∣gréed, that they should eftsoones haue met in the same place on the third of Iulie; the king according to that appointment came: but there was none for the French part, neither quéene nor duke that once ap∣peared; so that it was manifest inough how the fault rested not in the Englishmen, but in the French∣men. By reason wherof no conclusion sorted to effect of all this communication, saue onlie that a certeine sparke of burning loue was kindled in the kings heart by the sight of the ladie Katharine.

The king without doubt was highlie displeased in his mind, that this communication came to no bet∣ter passe. Wherefore he mistrusting that the duke of Burgognie was the verie let and stop of his desires, said vnto him before his departure:

Coosine, we will haue your kings daughter, and all things that we de∣mand with hir, or we will driue your king and you out of his realme. Well (said the duke of Burgognie) before you driue the king and me out of his realme, you shall be well wearied, and therof we doubt little.

Shortlie after, the duke of Burgognie and the Dol∣phin met in the plaine fields besides Melun, and there comming togither, concluded apparantlie an open peace and amitie, which was proclamed in Paris, Amiens, and Pontoise.

This agréement was made the sixt of Iulie in the yeare 1419. It was ingrossed by notaries,* 5.41 signed with their hands, and sealed with their great seales of armes: but as the sequele shewed, hart thought not what toong spake, nor mind meant not that hand wrote. Whiles these things were a dooing,* 5.42 diuerse of the Frenchmen in Rone went about a conspiracie against the Englishmen, whereof the king being well aduertised, sent thither certeine of his nobles, which tried out these conspirators,* 5.43 caused them to be apprehended, had them in examination, and such as they found guiltie were put to death; and so setting the citie in quietnes, returned to the king, who coun∣ted it great honor to kéepe the countries which he woone by conquest in obedience and aw; sith such vi∣ctories are not obteined without sore labour and toile, both of prince and people, as the poet rightlie saith:

Quaerere regna, labor; virtus est parta tueri Maxima.* 5.44

The king of England, perceiuing by this new a∣liance, that nothing was lesse to be looked for, than peace at the hands of the Frenchmen, deuised still how to win townes and fortresses, which were kept against him: and now that the truce was expired, on the thirtith daie of Iulie,* 5.45 he being as then within the towne of Mante, appointed certeine bands of souldi∣ers in the afternoone to passe out of the gates, giuing onelie knowledge to the capteins what he would haue them to doo. And to the intent that no inkling of the enterprise should come to the enimies eare, he [line 10] kept the gates himselfe as porter. These that were thus sent foorth being guided by the earle of Longue∣uile, otherwise called the captau de Buef, were com∣manded in as secret maner as they could to draw toward the towne of Pontoise, and to keepe them∣selues in couert till the darke of the night, and then approch the walles of that towne, and vpon espieng their aduantage to enter it by scaling, hauing lad∣ders and all things necessarie with them for the pur∣pose. [line 20]

* 5.46Moreouer, about the closing of the daie and night in the euening, he sent foorth the erle of Huntington with other bands of soldiers, to succor and assist the other, if they chanced to enter the towne according to the order taken. Those that were first sent foorth (according to their instructions) conueid themselues so closelie to their appointed places, that the enimies heard nothing of their dooings. Wherevpon when the night was come,* 5.47 they came in secret wise vnder the [line 30] walles, and there watched their time till the morning began to draw on. In the meane time, whilest the watch was departed, and before other were come in∣to their places to relieue it,* 5.48 the Englishmen setting vp their ladders, entered and brake open one of the gates to receiue the other that followed.

The Frenchmen perceiuing that the walles were taken, and their enimies entered into the towne, at the first were sore amazed: but after perceiuing the small number of the Englishmen, they assembled [line 40] togither and fiercelie assailed them, so that they were constreined to retire to the walles and turrets which they had taken, and with much adoo defended the same; some leaping downe into the diches, and hi∣ding them in the vines, till at length the earle of Huntington,* 5.49 with his companies came to their suc∣cors, and entring by the gate which was open, easilie did beat backe the enimies, & got the market place. Which when the lord Lisle Adam capteine of the towne perceiued, he opened the gate towards Pa∣ris,* 5.50 [line 50] by the which he with all his retinue, and diuerse of the townesmen to the number of ten thousand in all, (as Enguerant de Monstr. recounteth) fled towards Paris, taking awaie with them their coine, iewels, and plate. Some of them fleeing towards Beauuois were met with, and stripped of that they had, by Ie∣han de Guigni, and Iehan de Claw, two capteins that serued the Orlientiall faction.

There were within the towne of Pontoise at that time when it was thus taken by the Englishmen, a [line 60] thousand lances, and two thousand arc••balisters, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, and of Englishmen and Gascoignes that went first foorth of Mante with the captau de Buef, not past fiftéene hundred, as Hall reporteth; although Enguerant de Monstrellet saith, they were about thrée thousand. But how manie soeuer they were, they durst not at the first, by reason of their small number (as may be thought) once di∣uide themselues, or deale with booties, till about the houre of prime, that the duke of Clarence came to their aid with fiue thousand men, who much praising the valiantnesse of the earle and his retinue that had thus woone the towne, gaue to them the chéefe spoile of the which there was great plentie.

Then went the duke foorth towards Paris,* 5.51 and comming thither, lodged before it two daies and two nights, without perceiuing anie proffer of issue to be made foorth against him by his enimies, and there∣fore seeing they durst not once looke vpon him, he re∣turned to Pontoise, for the taking of which towne the whole countrie of France, and speciallie the Pa∣risians were sore dismaied: sith now there was no fortresse able to withstand the English puissance;* 5.52 for that the Irishmen ouerran all the Isle of France, did to the Frenchmen damages innumerable (as their writers affirme) brought dailie prcies to the English armie, burst vp houses, laid beds on the backes of the kine, rid vpon them, carried yoong children before them, and sold them to the English∣men for slaues. These strange dooings so feared the Frenchmen within the territorie of Paris, and the countrie about, that the sorie people fled out of the villages with all their stuffe into the citie.

The French king, and the duke of Burgognie li∣eng at saint Denis, in this season, departed from thence with the quéene and hir daughter, and went to Trois in Champaigne, there to consult of their businesse, hauing left at Paris the earle of S. Paule, and the lord Lisle Adam, with a great puissance to defend the citie. The king of England immediatlie after that Pontoise was woone (as before yee haue heard) came thither in person, as well to giue order for the placing of a sufficient garrison there for de∣fense thereof; as to proce••d further into the countrie for the getting of other townes and places: and so after he had well prouided for the good gouernment, & safe kéeping thereof, the eighteenth daie of August he departed out of the same with his maine armie.

And bicause they of the garrison that laie in the castell of Uancon Uillers had doone,* 5.53 & dailie did di∣uerse and sundrie displeasures to the Englishmen, he pight downe his field néere to the same, the better to restraine them from their hostile attempts, and withall sent part of his armie to besiege the castell,* 5.54 which put them in such feare, that they despairing of all reléefe or succour, and perceiuing they should not be able long to defend the place against the kings puissance, yéelded the place, with all their coine and other goods into the kings hands.* 5.55 The soldiers of that garrison, and the inhabitants, at the contempla∣tion of a certeine ladie there amongst them, were li∣cenced by the king to depart without armor or wea∣pon, onelie with their liues saued. Iohn of Burgh that was after basliffe of Gisours, was appointed capteine of this castell.

After this,* 5.56 all the townes and castels within a great circuit offered to yéeld themselues vnto the English obeisance; the strong towne and castell of Gisours onelie excepted, which still held out, & would shew no token of will to yeeld. Héerevpon the king the last of August began to approch the same, but at the first he could not come néere, by reason of the marishes and fennes: but yet such was the diligence of the Englishmen, aduanced by the presence of the king, readie in all places to commend them that were forward in their businesse, and to chastise such as slacked their duetie, that dailie they came neerer and néerer, although the Frenchmen issued foorth dai∣lie to encounter them, giuing them manie sharpe skirmishes. For the towne being double walled and ••ensed with those broad marishes, so incouraged them within, that they thought no force had béene able to haue subdued them.

But at length calling to remembrance, that the king of England came before no towne nor for∣tresse, from which he would depart before he had brought it vnder his subiection, they offered to come to a parlée, and in the end compounded to render the

towne into the kings hands the eight daie of Sep∣tember next insuing, and the castell (bicause it was the stronger péece) they couenanted to deliuer the foure and twentith of the same, if in the meane time no rescue came to raise the siege.* 5.57 Herevpon when no such releefe could be heard of, at the daies limited, the soldiers of the garrison, & the more part of the towns∣men also submitted themselues, and receiued an oth to be true subiects to the king,* 5.58 and so remained still in their roomes. The earle of Worcester was made cap∣teine [line 10] there.

* 5.59About the same time, to wit, the thrée and twentith of September (as some write) was castell Galiard surrendred to the hands of the duke of Excester, which had beene besieged euer since the last daie of March (as before yée haue heard.) But others write that it held out seauen moneths, and was not deliuered vp till the twentith of December. This castell was not onelie strong by situation, standing vpon the top of a stéepe hill, but also closed with mightie thicke walles, [line 20] and furnished with men, and all maner of munition and things necessarie. The king appointed the lord Ros capteine of it. After that Gisours and castell Galiard were thus yéelded to the English obeisance, all the other townes and castels thereabout, and in the countrie of Ueulquessin, shortlie after yéelded to the king, as Gourneie, Chaumount, Neaufle, Dan∣gu, and other small fortresses. Of Gourneie, was sir Gilbert Umfreuile made capteine; at Neaufle, the earle of Worcester; and at Dangu, Richard Wood∣uile. [line 30] Shortlie after was the castell Daumall yéelded to the earle of Warwike,* 5.60 to whome it was giuen. And thus was the whole duchie of Normandie (Mont saint Michael onelie excepted) reduced to the possessi∣on of the right heire, which had béene wrongfullie de∣teined from the kings of England euer since the daies of king Iohn, who lost it about the yeare one thousand two hundred and seauen.

To satisfie those that be desirous to know what capteins were appointed by the king in diuerse townes that were yéelded to him (of which we haue [line 40] made no mention heretofore but in generall) here their names doo follow, and of the townes, as we find them in the chronicles of maister Hall. At Crew∣leie, sir Henrie Tanclux an Almaine; at Torignie, sir Iohn Popham, to whome it was giuen; at Cham∣boie, the lord Fitz Hugh; at Uernueil in Perch, sir Iohn Neuill; at Essaie, sir William Huddleston bailiffe of Alanson; at Crulie sir Lois Robsert; at Conde Norean sir Iohn Fastolfe; at Cawdebecke, [line 50] sir Lois Robsert; at Deepe, William lord Bourchi∣er earle of Eu; at Aubemarle, the earle of War∣wike, and his deputie thereof William Montfort; at Bellincombre, sir Thomas Ramston lord thereof by gift; at Longueuille, the capitall de Beuf or Buz, earle thereof by gift; at Danuille, sir Christopher Burden; at Couches, sir Robert Marburie; at Chi∣erburg, sir Iohn Gedding; at Bacqueuille, the lord Ros; at Arques sir Iames Fines, bailiffe of Caux; at Monceaux, sir Philip Leech; at Estrie Pagnie, [line 60] Richard Abraham; at Sentler Surget, William Basset; at Bretueill, sir Henrie Mortimer bailiffe of Hunflew.

* 5.61But now to returne where we left. The wise and graue personages of the realme of France, sore la∣menting & bewailing the miserie of their countrie, saw they had puissance inough to defend their eni∣mies, if they were of perfect concord amongst them∣selues. And therefore to remooue all rancor and dis∣pleasure betwixt the Dolphin, and the duke of Bur∣gognie, they procured a new méeting, which was ap∣pointed to be at Monstreau on fault Yonne, where the two princes at the daie assigned met. But such was the fortune of France, that the duke of Bur∣gognie was there murthered, as he knéeled before the Dolphin: wherevpon insued greater debate than before. For Philip earle of Charolois, the sonne and heire of the said duke, tooke the matter verie gree∣uouslie, as he had no lesse cause, and determined to be reuenged on the Dolphin, and other that were guiltie of the murther: so that now there was great expecta∣tion of slaughter and bloudshed, but no hope for the most part of tranquillitie & peace. France therefore, what with ouerthrowes giuen by the English, & diui∣sion among themselues, was verie sore afflicted; in∣somuch that one miserie riding on anothers necke, the whole land was in danger of desolation by ciuill dissention & mutuall mutinies; as the poet noteth:

—accessit ad ista Tunc mala Celtarum Burgundio fraude peremptus* 5.62 Sparsa{que} ciuilis tota dissensio terra.

When he had well considered of the matter,* 5.63 and taken aduise with his councell, he first sent ambassa∣dours to the king of England, then lieng at Gisours to treat and conclude a truce betwéene them both for a certeine space, that they might talke of some con∣clusion of agréement. King Henrie receiued the am∣bassadors verie courteouslie, and granted that com∣munication might be had of peace, but vtterlie deni∣ed anie abstinence from warre,* 5.64 bicause he would not lose time, if the treatie sorted not to good effect. Here∣vpon hauing his armie assembled at Maunt, he di∣uided the same into thrée parts,* 5.65 appointing the duke of Glocester with one part to go vnto the castell of S. Germane in Laie, and to laie siege therevnto. The duke according to his commission, comming before that castell, within a while constreined them within by continuall skirmishes and assaults to deliuer vp the place into his hands. An other part of the armie was sent vnto the castell of Montioie, which likewise by such fierce assaults and manfull approches, as the Englishmen made thereto, was shortlie giuen ouer and yéelded. The third part of the hoast went to Meu∣lanc, a verie strong towne compassed about with the riuer of Seine.

But the king deuised to fasten botes and barges togither,* 5.66 and to rere vp certeine frames of timber a∣loft on the same for defense of his soldiers, that should by that meanes approch the walles, wherewith those that had the towne in kéeping were so put in feare, that their capteine was glad to come to a communi∣cation, & agréed to deliuer the towne into the kings hands, if no rescue came before the thirtith daie of October next insuing. On which daie, for that no suc∣cours appeared, the towne (according to the coue∣nants) was giuen vp into the kings hands. Sir Thomas Ramston was made capteine there, and after him sir Iohn Fastolfe. The king, whilest these places were besieged,* 5.67 and thus brought vnder his subiection, continued for the most part at Maunt; but yet oftentimes he went foorth to visit his campes, and to sée that nothing should be wanting, that might further the spéedie dispatch of his enterprises.

About the same time, there came againe ambassa∣dours to him from Charles the French king, & from the yoong duke of Burgognie to treat with him of some good conclusion of peace to be had; who had no such trust in their sute, but that he doubted their mea∣ning, and therefore ceassed not to procéed in the win∣ning of townes and castels, as he was in hand. Now when Christmasse approched, the king withdrew to Rone, and there kept the solemnization of that feast, appointing in the meane time his men of warre to be occupied as occasion serued. [year 1420] The earle of Salisburie was sent to besiege the towne of Fresneie, the which after stout resistance made at the first, shortlie after was deliuered to him to the kings vse.* 5.68 The earles Marshall and Huntington, sir Iohn Gréene Corne∣wall,

sir Philip Léech, and diuerse other, were sent in∣to the countrie of Maine, where, not farre from the citie of Mens they were incountered by a power of Frenchmen, which the Dolphin had sent against them.* 5.69 There was at the first a sharpe bickering be∣twixt them, but in the end the victorie remained with the Englishmen; so that manie of the Frenchmen were slaine, and taken, and the residue chased out of the field. There were slaine (as Thomas Walsing∣ham saith) at the point of fiue thousand, and two hun∣dred taken prisoners, among whome was the mar∣shall [line 10] de Rous, and diuerse other of good account. The two English earles remained there as victors, in the countrie which was by the king to them assigned.

Whilest these victorious exploits were thus happi∣lie atchiued by the Englishmen, and that the king laie still at Rone, in giuing thanks to almightie God for the same, there came to him eftsoones am∣bassadours from the French king and the duke of Burgognie to mooue him to peace. The king min∣ding [line 20] not to be reputed for a destroier of the countrie, which he coueted to preserue, or for a causer of chri∣stian bloud still to be spilt in his quarell,* 5.70 began so to incline and giue eare vnto their sute and humble re∣quest, that at length (after often sending to and fro) and that the bishop of Arras, and other men of honor had béene with him, and likewise the earle of War∣wike, and the bishop of Rochester had béene with the duke of Burgognie, they both finallie agreed vpon certeine articles, so that the French king and his [line 30] commons would thereto assent.

Now was the French king and the quéene with their daughter Katharine at Trois in Champaigne gouerned and ordered by them, which so much fauou∣red the duke of Burgognie, that they would not for anie earthlie good, once hinder or pull backe one iot of such articles as the same duke should séeke to pre∣ferre. And therefore what néedeth manie words, a truce tripartite was accorded betwéene the two kings and the duke,* 5.71 and their countries, and order ta∣ken [line 40] that the king of England should send in the com∣panie of the duke of Burgognie his ambassadours vnto Trois in Champaigne sufficientlie authorised to treat and conclude of so great matter. The king of England, being in good hope that all his affaires should take good successe as he could wish or desire, sent to the duke of Burgognie his vncle,* 5.72 the duke of Excester, the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of Elie, the lord Fanhope, the lord Fitz Hugh, sir Iohn Rob∣sert, and sir Philip Hall, with diuerse doctors, to the [line 50] number of fiue hundred horsse, which in the companie of the duke of Burgognie came to the citie of Trois the eleuenth of March. The king, the quéene, and the ladie Katharine them receiued, and hartilie welco∣med, shewing great signes and tokens of loue and amitie.

After a few daies they fell to councell, in which at length it was concluded,* 5.73 that king Henrie of Eng∣land should come to Trois, and marie the ladie Ka∣tharine; and the king hir father after his death should [line 60] make him heire of his realme, crowne and dignitie. It was also agréed, that king Henrie, during his fa∣ther in lawes life, should in his stéed haue the whole gouernement of the realme of France, as regent thereof, with manie other couenants and articles, as after shall appeere. To the performance whereof, it was accorded, that all the nobles and estates of the realme of France, as well spirituall as temporall, and also the cities and commonalties, citizens and burgesses of townes, that were obeisant at that time to the French king, should take a corporall oth. These articles were not at the first in all points brought to a perfect conclusion. But after the effect and mea∣ning of them was agréed vpon by the commissio∣ners, the Englishmen departed towards the king their maister, and left sir Iohn Robsert behind, to giue his attendance on the ladie Katharine.

King Henrie being informed by them of that which they had doone, was well content with the agréement and with all diligence prepared to go vnto Trois, and therevpon hauing all things in a readinesse, he being accompanied with his brethren the dukes of Clarence and Glocester, the earles of Warwike, Salisburie, Huntington, Eu, Tankeruile, and Lon∣guile, & fiftéene thousand men of warre, went from Rone to Pontoise; & departing from thence the eight daie of Maie, came to saint Denis two leagues from Paris, and after to Pontcharenton, where he left a strong garison of men,* 5.74 with sir William Gas∣coigne, to keepe the passage; and so then entering in∣to Brie, he tooke by the waie a castell which was kept against him, causing them that so kept it,* 5.75 some to be hanged, and the residue to be led foorth with him as prisoners. And after this keeping on his iournie by Prouins, and Nogent, at length he came to Trois.

The duke of Burgognie accompanied with ma∣nie noble men, receiued him two leagues without the towne, and conueied him to his lodging. All his armie was lodged in small villages thereabout. And after that he had reposed himselfe a little,* 5.76 he went to visit the French king, the quéene, and the ladie Ka∣tharine, whome he found in saint Peters church, where was a verie ioious méeting betwixt them (and this was on the twentith daie of Maie) and there the king of England,* 5.77 and the ladie Katharine were af∣fianced. After this, the two kings and their councell assembled togither diuerse daies, wherein the first concluded agreement was in diuerse points altered and brought to a certeinetie, according to the effect aboue mentioned. When this great matter was fi∣nished, the kings sware for their parts to obserue all the couenants of this league and agreement. Like∣wise the duke of Burgognie and a great number of other princes and nobles which were present, recei∣ued an oth, the tenor whereof (as the duke of Burgo∣gnie vttered it in solemne words) thus insueth,* 5.78 ac∣cordinglie as the same is exemplified by Titus Liuius De Foro Luuisiis in Latine.

The oth of the duke of Burgognie.

EGo Philippus Burgundiae dux, per me meósque haeredes, ad sacra Dei euan∣gelia domino regi Henrico Angliae, Franciaeque, pro Carolo rege regenti iuro, quòd humiliter ipsi Henrico fide∣lit ér{que} cunctis in rebus, quae rempublicam spectant & Franciae coronam, obediemus, & statim post mortem Caroli domini nostri, domino Henrico re∣gi suísque successoribus in perpetuum ligei fideles erimus; nec alium quempiam pro domino nostro supremo Franciae rege, quàm Henricum & suos haeredes habebimus, néque patiemur. Non eri∣mus praeterea in consilio vel consensu cuiusquam damni regis Henrici, suorúmue successorum, vbi quicquam detrimenti patiantur capitis siue mem∣bri, vel vitam perdant; sed praedicta (quantum in nobis fuerit) quàm citissimis literis vel nuntijs, vt sibi meliùs prouidore valeant, eis significabi∣mus.

The same in English.

I Philip duke of Burgognie, for my selfe, and for mine heires, doo here sweare vpon the holie euan∣gelists of God, to Henrie king of

England, and regent of France for king Charles, that we shall humblie and faith∣fullie obeie the said Henrie in all things which concerne the common-wealth and crowne of France. And immediatlie after the deceasse of our souereigne lord king Charles, we shall be faithfull liegemen vn∣to the said king Henrie, and to his succes∣sors for euer. Neither shall we take or suf∣fer anie other souereigne lord and supreme [line 10] king of France, but the same Henrie and his heires: neither shall we be of counsell or consent of anie hurt towards the said king Henrie or his successors, wherby they may suffer losse & detriment of life or lim, but that the same so farre as in vs may lie, we shall signifie to them with all speed, by letters or messengers, that they may the better prouide for themselues in such cases. [line 20]

The like oth a great number of the princes and nobles both spirituall and temporall, which were pre∣sent, receiued at the same time. This doone, the mo∣row after Trinitie sundaie, being the third of Iune, the mariage was solemnized and fullie consummate betwixt the king of England, and the said ladie Ka∣tharine. Herewith was the king of England named and proclamed heire and regent of France. And as the French king sent the copie of this treatie to eue∣rie [line 30] towne in France: so the king of England sent the same in English vnto euerie citie and market towne within his realme, to be proclamed and publi∣shed. The true copie whereof, as we find it in the chro∣nicles of maister Hall, we haue thought good here to set downe, for the more full satisfieng of those that shall desire to peruse euerie clause and article there∣of, as followeth.

The articles & appointments of peace [line 40] betweene the realmes of England and France.

HEnrie by the grace of God king of Eng∣land, heire and regent of France, lord of Ireland, to perpetuall mind of christian people, and all those that be vnder our obeisance, we notifie and declare, that though there hath béene here before diuerse treaties betwéene the most excellent prince Charles our father of France [line 50] and his progenitors, for the peace to be had betwéene the two realmes of France and England, the which heretofore haue borne no fruit: we considering the great harmes, the which haue not onelie fallen be∣twéene those two realmes, for the great diuision of that hath béene betwéene them, but to all holy church; we haue taken a treatie with our said father, in which treatie betwixt our said father and vs, it is con∣cluded & accorded in the forme after the manner that followeth.

1 First, it is accorded betwéene our father and [line 60] vs, that forsomuch as by the bond of matrimonie made for the good of the peace betweene vs and our most deere beloued Katharine, daughter of our said father, & of our most déere moother Isabell his wife; the same Charles and Isabell beene made our father and moother: therefore them as our father and moo∣ther we shall haue and worship, as if fitteth and sée∣meth so worthie a prince and princesse to be worship∣ped, principallie before all other temporall persons of the world.

2 Also we shall not distrouble, diseason or let our father aforesaid, but that he hold and possede as long as he liueth, as he holdeth and possedeth at this time, the crowne and dignitie roiall of France, with rents and profits for the same, of the sustenance of his e∣state and charges of the realme. And our foresaid moother also hold as long as she liueth, the state and dignitie of quéene, after the manner of the same realme, with conuenable conuenient part of the said rents and profits.

3 Also that the foresaid ladie Katharine shall take and haue dower in our realme of England as queenes of England here tofore were woont for to take and haue, that is to saie, to the summe of fortie thousand scutes, of the which two algate shall be a noble English.

4 And that by the waies, manners, and meanes that we without transgression or offense of other made by vs, for to speake the lawes, customes, vsa∣ges and rights of our said realme of England, shall done our labour and pursuit, that the said Katharine, all so soone as it maie be doone, be made sure to take, and for to haue in our said realme of England, from the time of our death, the said dower of fortie thou∣sand scutes yearelie, of the which twaine algate be worth a noble English.

5 Also if it happe the said Katharine to ouerliue vs, we shall take and haue the realme of France im∣mediatlie, from the time of our death, dower to the summe of twentie thousand franks yearelie, of and vpon the lands, places and lordships that held and had Blanch sometime wife of Philip Beasaill to our said father.

6 Also that after the death of our said father a∣foresaid, and from thence forward, the crowne and the realme of France, with all the rights and appur∣tenances, shall remaine and abide to vs, and béene of vs and of our heires for euermore.

7 And forsomuch as our said father is withholden with diuerse sickenesse, in such manner as he maie not intend in his owne person for to dispose for the néeds of the foresaid realme of France: therefore du∣ring the life of our foresaid father, the faculties and exercise of the gouernance and disposition of the pub∣like & common profit of the said realme of France, with councell, and nobles, and wisemen of the same realme of France, shall be and abide to vs: so that from thencefoorth we maie gouerne the same realme by vs. And also to admit to our counsell and assi∣stance of the said nobles, such as we shall thinke méet. The which faculties and exercise of gouernance thus being toward vs, we shall labour and purpose vs spéedfullie, diligentlie, and trulie, to that that maie be and ought for to be vnto the worship of God, and our said father and moother, and also to the com∣mon good of the said realme, and that realme with the counsell & helpe of the worthie and great nobles of the same realme for to be defended, peased and go∣uerned after right and equitie.

8 Also that we of our owne power shall doo the court of parlement in France to be kept and obser∣ued in his authoritie and souereignetie, and in all that is doone to it in all manner of places that now or in time comming is or shall be subiect to our said father.

9 Also we to our power shall defend and helpe all and euerie of the péeres, nobles, cities, townes, communalties, and singular persons, now or in time comming, subiects to our father in their rights, cu∣stomes, priuileges, freedomes, and franchises, long∣ing or due to them in all manner of places now or in time comming subiect to our father.

10 Also we diligentlie and truelie shall trauell to our power, and doo that iustice be administred and doone in the same realme of France after the lawes, customes, and rights of the same realme, without personall exception. And that we shall kéepe and hold

the subiects of the same realme in tranquillitie and peace, and to our power we shall defend them against all manner of violence and oppression.

11 Also we to our power shall prouide, and doo to our power, that able persons and profitable béene taken to the offices as well of iustices and other offi∣ces belonging to the gouernance of the demaines, and of other offices of the said realme of France, for the good right and peaceable iustice of the same, and for the administration that shall be committed vnto [line 10] them; and that they be such persons, that after the lawes and rights of the same realme, and for the vti∣litie and profit of our said father, shall minister, and that the foresaid realme shall be taken and departed to the same offices.

12 Also that we of our power, so soone as it may commodiouslie be doone, shall trauell to put into the obedience of our said father, all manner of cities, townes, and castels, places, countries, and persons within the realme of France, disobedient, and rebels [line 20] to our said father, holding with them which beene cal∣led the Dolphin or Arminacke.

13 Also that we might the more commodiouslie, suerlie and fréelie doone, exercise, & fulfill these things aforesaid, it is accorded that all worthie nobles and estates of the same realme of France, as well spiri∣tuals as temporals, and also cities notable and com∣munalties, and citizens, burgesses of townes of the realme of France, that béene obeisant at this time to our said father, shall make these othes that fol∣lowen. [line 30]

14 First to vs hauing the facultie, exercise, dis∣position, and gouernance of the foresaid common profit to our hests and commandements, these shall meekelie & obedientlie obeie and intend in all man∣ner of things concerning the exercise of gouernance of the same realme.

15 Also that the worthie, great, and noble estates of the said realme, as well spirituals as temporals, and also cities and notable communalties, and citi∣zens and burgesses of the same realme, in all man∣ner [line 40] of things well and trulie shall kéepe and to their power shall doo to be kept of so much as to them be∣longeth, or to anie of them, all those things that béene appointed and accorded betwéene our foresaid father and moother and vs, with the counsell of them whome vs list to call to vs.

16 And that continuallie from the death, and af∣ter the death of our said father Charles, they shall be our true liegemen, and our heires; and they shall re∣ceiue and admit vs for their liege and souereigne and [line 50] verie king of France, and for such to obeie vs with∣out opposition, contradiction, or difficultie, as they béene to our foresaid father during his life, neuer af∣ter this realme of France shall obey to man as king or regent of France, but to vs and our heires. Also they shall not be in counsell, helpe, or assent that we léese life or limme, or be take with euill taking, or that we suffer harme, or diminution in person, estate worship, or goods; but if they know anie such thing for to be cast or imagined against vs, they shall let it [line 60] to their power, & they shall doone vs to weeten there∣of, as hastilie as they maie by themselfe, by message, or by letters.

17 Also that all maner of conquests that should be made by vs in France vpon the said inobedients, out of the duchie of Normandie, shall be doone to the profit of our said father; and that to our power we shall doo, that all maner of lands and lordships that béene in the places so for to be conquered, longing to persons obeieng to our foresaid father, which shall sweare for to kéepe this present accord, shall be resto∣red to the same persons to whom they long to.

18 Also that all manner of persons of the holie church, beneficed in the duchie of Normandie, or any other places in the realme of France, subiect to our father, and fauouring the partie of the dukes of Bur∣gognie, which shall sweare to kéepe this present ac∣cord, shall inioy peaceablie their benefices of holie church in the duchie of Normandie, or in other places next aforesaid.

19 Also likewise, all maner of persons of holie church, obedient to vs, and beneficed in the realme of France, and places subiect to our father, that shall sweare to keepe this present accord, shall inioy peace∣ablie their benefices of holie church in places next a∣bouesaid.

20 Also that all maner of churches, vniuersities, and studies generall, and all colleges of studies, and other colleges of holie church, being in places now or in time comming subiect to our father, or in the du∣chie of Normandie, or other places in the realme of France subiect to vs, shall inioy their rights and pos∣sessions, rents, prerogatiues, liberties, & franchises, longing or due to them in any maner of wise in the said relme of France, sauing the right of the crowne of France, and euerie other person.

21 Also by Gods helpe, when it happeneth vs to come to the crowne of France, the duchie of Nor∣mandie, and all other places conquered by vs in the realme of France, shall bow vnder the commande∣ment, obeisance, and monarchie of the crowne of France.

22 Also that we shall force vs, & doo to our power, that recompense be made by our said father without diminution of the crowne of France to persons obei∣eng to him, and fauoring to that partie that is said Burgognie, to whom longeth lands, lordships, rents, or possessions in the said duchie of Normandie, or o∣ther places in the realme of France, conquered by vs hither toward, giuen by vs in places and lands gotten or to be gotten, and ouercome, in the name of our said father vpon rebels and inobedients to him. And if so be that such maner of recompense be not made to the said persons, by the life of our said father, we shall make that recompense in such maner and places, of goods, when it happeneth by Godsgrace to the crowne of France. And if so be that the lands, lordships, rents, or possessions, the which longeth to such maner of persons in the said duchie and places be not giuen by vs, the same persons shall be restored to them without any delaie.

23 And during the life of our father, in all places now or in time comming subiect to him, letters of common iustice, and also grants of offices and gifts, pardons or remissions, and priuileges shall be writ∣ten and proceed vnder the name and seale of our said father. And for somuch as some singular case maie fall, that maie not be foreséene by mans wit▪ in the which it might be necessarie and behoouefull, that we doo write our letters; in such maner case, if any hap for the good and suertie of our father, and for the go∣uernance that longeth to vs, as is beforesaid; and for to eschewen perils that otherwise might fall, to the preiudice of our said father, to write our letters, by the which we shall command, charge, and defend after the nature and qualitie of the néed, in our fathers be∣halfe and ours as regent of France.

24 Also, that during our fathers life, we shall not call nor write vs king of France; but verelie we shall absteine vs from that name, as long as our father liueth.

25 Also that our said father, during his life, shall name, call, and write vs in French in this maner: Nostre treschier filz Henry roy d' Engleterre heretere de France. And in Latine in this maner: Praeclarissimus fi∣lius noster Henricus rex Angliae & haeres Franciae.

26 Also that we shall put none impositions or

exactions, or doo charge the subiects of our said father without cause reasonable and necessarie, ne other∣wise than for common good of the realme of France, and after the saieng and asking of the lawes and cu∣stomes reasonable approoued of the same realme.

27 Also that we shall trauell to our power to the effect and intent, that by the assent of the thrée estates of either of the realmes of France and England, that all maner of obstacles maie be doone awaie, and in this partie, that it be ordeined and prouided; that from the time that we or any of our heires come to [line 10] the crowne of France, both the crownes, that is to saie, of France and England perpetuallie be togi∣ther in one & in the same person, that is to saie, from our fathers life to vs, and from the tearme of our life thenceforward in the persons of our heires, that shall be one after an other, and that both realms shall be gouerned from that we or any of our heires come to the same, not seuerallie vnder diuerse kings in one time, but vnder the same person which for the time shall be king of both realms, and our souereigne [line 20] lord (as it is before said) kéeping neuerthelesse in all maner of other things to either of the same realmes, their rights, liberties, customes, vsages, and lawes, not making subiect in any maner of wise one of the same realmes, to the rights, lawes, or vsages of that other.

28 Also that thenceforward, perpetuallie, shall be still rest, and that in all maner of wise, dissentions, hates, rancors, enuies and wars, betweene the same realmes of France and England, and the people of [line 30] the same realmes, drawing to accord of the same peace, may ceasse and be broken.

29 Also that there shall be from henceforward for euermore, peace and tranquillitie, & good accord, and common affection, and stable friendship betwéene the said realmes, and their subiects before said. The same realmes shall kéepe themselues with their councell, helps, and common assistance against all maner of men that inforce them for to dooen or to imagine wrongs, harmes, displeasures, or grieuances to [line 40] them or either of them. And they shall be conuersant and merchandizen fréelie and suerlie togither, paieng the custome due and accustomed. And they shall be conuersant also, that all the confederats and alies of our said father and the realme of France aforesaid, and also our confederats of the realme of England aforesaid, shall in eight moneths from the time of this accord of peace, as it is notified to them, declare by their letters, that they will draw to this accord, and will be comprehended vnder the treaties and ac∣cord [line 50] of this peace, sauing neuerthelesse either of the same crownes, and also all maner actions, rights and reuenues, that longen to our said father and his sub∣iects, and to vs and our subiects, against all maner of such alies and confederats.

30 Also neither our father, neither our brother the duke of Burgognie shall begin, ne make with Charles, cleping himselfe the Dolphin of Uiennes, any treatie, or peace, or accord, but by councell and assent of all and ech of vs sorée, or of other the three [line 60] estates of either of the said realmes aboue named.

31 Also that we with assent of our said brother of Burgognie, and other of the nobles of the realme of France, the which thereto owen to be called, shall or∣deine for the gouernance of our said father s••kerlie, louinglie, & honestlie, after the asking of his roiall estate and dignitie, by the maner that shall be to the worship of God, and of our father, and of the realme of France.

32 Also all mane•• of persons, that shall be about our father to doo him personall seruice, not onelie in office, but in all other seruices, aswell the nobles and gentlenes as other, shall be such as hath beene borne in the realme of France, or in places longing to France, good, wise, true, and able to that foresaid ser∣uice. And our said father shall dwell in places nota∣ble of his obedience, and no where else. Wherefore we charge and command our said liege subiects, and o∣ther being vnder our obedience, that they keepe and doo to be kept in all that longeth to them, this accord and peace, after the forme and maner as it is accor∣ded; and that they attempt in no maner wise, any thing that may be preiudiciall or contrarie to the same accord and peace, vpon paine of life and lim, and all that they may forfeit against vs. Yeuen at Troes, the thirtith day of Maie, 1420, & proclamed in London the twentith day of Iune.

33 Also that we for the things aforesaid, and eue∣rie one of them, shall giue our assent by our letters patents, sealed with our seale vnto our said father, with all approbation and confirmation of vs, and all other of our bloud roiall, and all other of the cities and townes to vs obedient. Sealed with our seales accustomed. And further our said father, besides his letters patents sealed with our great seale, shall make or cause to be made letters approbatorie, and confirmations of the peeres of his realme, and of the lords, citizens, and burgesses of the same, vnder his obedience. All which articles we haue sworne to kéepe vpon the holie euangelists.

On the fourtéenth of Iune being fridaie,* 8.1 there was a solemne procession at London, and a sermon at Paules crosse, in which the preacher openlie declared the effect of the kings mariage, and the articles con∣cluded vpon the same, by reason wherof (he said) there must be a new great seale deuised, and the old bro∣ken, and in the new the kings name with a new ad∣dition of his title as regent of France, and heire ap∣parant of that kingdome was to be ingrauen. Be∣side the league thus concluded by king Henrie with the French king,* 8.2 and the whole bodie of the realme of France, there was a priuat league accorded be∣twixt him and the duke of Burgognie, the effect wher∣of was comprehended in articles as followeth.

First, that the duke of Burgognie should procure this peace latelie before concluded, to be obserued [line 1] firme and stable in all couenants and points therof, so far as he by any meanes might further the same: in consideration whereof, one of the brethren of king Henrie should take to wife one of the said duke of Burgognies sisters. That king Henrie should euer [line 2] haue in singular fauour the said duke of Burgognie, as his most déere brother, and support him in all his rights. That the said duke, after the deceasse of king [line 3] Charles, should take an oth of fealtie to be true to K. Henrie & his heires, according to the forme & te∣nor therof before expressed, & should in all things be friend to king Henrie and his heires for euer. That [line 4] king Henrie should doo his vttermost indeuour, that due punishment might be had for the murther of duke Iohn, father to the said duke of Burgognie, as∣well vpon Charles that named himselfe Dolphin, as vpon others that were guiltie and priuie to that murther.

If the said Dolphin chanced to be taken, either in battell or towne besieged, or if anie other chanced [line 5] so to be taken, that should be prooued guiltie or priuie to the murther of the said duke Iohn, he should not be deliuered without iust punishment for his deeds, nor without the consent of the two kings Charles and Henrie, & of the thrée estates of both the realmes. In consideration of the great diligence, and pain∣full trauell susteined by the duke of Burgognie, it [line 6] was also agreed, that he should haue by patent gran∣ted of king Charles and queene Isabell a fée of twen∣tie thousand pounds Parisien, of yéerelie reuenues, assigned foorth néere to the confines of his countrie,

to inioy the same to him and to his wife the duches Michaell, and to the heires males betwixt them two, lawfullie begotten, to the obteining whereof, king Henrie should shew all his furtherance; & if it might not be brought to passe till king Henrie had obtei∣ned the crowne of France, then should he sée the same performed, vpon the receiuing of his ho∣mage.

The king of England, after all the articles of the said treaties and agréements were concluded,* 8.3 passed [line 10] and sworne vnto, made to the French king, the duke of Burgognie, and other the French lords, a sumptu∣ous banket; and before they departed from the same, he sadlie and with great grauitie made to them a right pithie and sententious oration, declaring to them both how profitable the ioining of the two kingdomes should be to the subiects of the same, and also the right that he had thereto, being by lineall des∣cent of the womans side (which is the furest) rather a Frenchman than an Englishman. And though he [line 20] was an Englishman borne, yet he assured them to tender the wealth of the realme of France, as much as he would the aduancement of his owne natiue countrie of England.

Herewith, he inueied against Charles the Dol∣phin, being the head and onelie mainteiner of all the ciuill discord, whose wicked nature, and cruell disposi∣tion, did well appeare in the murther of the late duke of Burgognie. He therefore willed them, according to their dutie, oth, and agréement, to stand with him, [line 30] and helpe to reduce such a stubborne and disloiall sonne vnto the obeisance of his father king Charles, that he might shew himselfe conformable vnto such orders and decrées, as they had taken, appointed, and agréed vpon: and for his part, he promised to worship, loue, and honor his father in law the said K. Charles, in place of his owne father, according to the true me∣ning of this concord and agréement, trusting the same to be a peace finall.

And to conclude, he promised, that if they shewed [line 40] themselues true and loiall to him, according to the same agréement; the Ocean sea should sooner ceasse to slow, and the bright sunne lose his light, than he would desist from dooing that which became a prince to doo to his subiect, or a father to his naturall child. When he had thus persuaded the nobilitie, and dis∣patched his businesse at Troies, he with all his ar∣mie, hauing with him the French king, and the duke of Burgognie, departed from thence the fourth of Iune;* 8.4 and vpon the seauenth daie of the same mo∣neth came before the towne of Sens in Burgognie, [line 50] which held on the Dolphins part: but after foure daies siege, it was yéelded vnto the king, and there he made capteine, the lord Genuille. From thence, he remooued to Monstreau on fault Yonne, which towne was taken on the three and twentith daie of Iune, by assault, so that manie of the Dolphins part were apprehended, before they could get to the castell.

Whilest the siege laie there, and before the towne [line 60] was entred, the duke of Bedford came thither vnto the king, bringing with him a faire retinue of soldi∣ers out of England. After the getting of the towne, the castell being well vittelled and manned, denied to render, and therefore was it enuironed with a strong siege. During the which, the duke of Burgognie was informed, in what place of the towne the duke his father was buried, who was slaine there (as before you haue heard) and now his corps was taken vp a∣gaine by his sonnes appointment, and ••eared, and so conueied vnto Digeon in high Burgognie, and there buried by his father Philip; to the end that the remembrance of him should remaine to posterities, by the reseruation of some monument abiding in the place of his interment, after that his bodie was consumed, and his naturall countenance forgotten. Which is the last point of reuerend dutie (as we may well thinke) which pietie of children towards their pa∣rents dooth require; namelie, that they be decentlie buried when they be departed, and that their graues or toome stones may put vs that are aliue in mind of going the same waie, and to set no more by this flit∣ting life, than standeth with the vncerteintie and shortnesse of the same; as one right well saith:

Cùm tumulum cernis, cur non mortalia spornis? Esto memor mortis, quo viuis tempore fortis.

Bicause they within the castell of Monstreau, gaue opprobrious words vnto the kings herald that was sent to them, the king caused a gibet to be set vp before the castle, on the which were hanged twelue of those spitefull offendors, all gentlemen & freends to the capteine named monsieur de Guitrie, who at length, perceiuing that by no means he could be suc∣coured; and fearing to be taken by force▪ began to treat with the king of England,* 8.5 who for the space of eight daies would hearken to none of his offers; but in conclusion, he and his rendred themselues simplie, their liues onelie saued, six wéekes after they had béene besieged. The earle of Warwike was made capteine, both of the towne and castell, who fortified it with men, munition, and vittels.

[About this time Robert the gouernour of Scot∣land,* 8.6 the fiftéenth yéere after his brothers reigne, and in the thirtith yeare of his owne regiment deceassed, in whose steed and office his sonne Mordac duke of Albanie was by and by chosen, who had sonnes three, Walter, Alexander, and Iames, whereof the two el∣dest beginning betimes to be obstinate, grew soone after verie graceles and wicked: that in one flagiti∣ous feat among the rest by this Walter verie impi∣ouslie against his parents was vttered. The gouer∣nour had a faire, a gentle, and well flieng falcon, whereby he set great store. The sonne verie desirous of the same, made manie meanes and motions to haue hir, not without note of malapert importunitie and lacke of reuerence toward his parents pleasure, which the father dissembling to sée, would not yet in anie wise forgo his hawke. Whereat this child reiec∣ting regard of dutie, and receiuing an vnnaturall hate and heat by broth of iniquitie set a boiling in his brest, came in on a time, where standing a while at a sudden braid, pluckt awaie the bird from his fathers fist, and straight before his face wrang of hir necke. The gouernour heereat sore astonied, for verie greefe gaue a great grone; Well sonne (quod he) since yée cannot bridle your brunts for dutie and reuerence toward me your parent and souereigne, I will bring in one that shall bridle vs both. Heerevpon soone af∣ter, he with one Calen Campbell, a noble man & of much authoritie (vnto whome this Walter had doone a great despight) and with other of the nobilitie fell straight in consultation about the calling home of their king. Which all with one assent they did right well allow, whereby soone after (as is touched afore, and followeth more at large) he was by them in his kingdome right roiallie placed. But this came of it. These mischéefous children Walter and Alexander, the verie cause of their fathers confusion and their owne, within few yeares after condemned by law, vpon a hill by Sterling castell, had their heads chopt off at once. Walters wife with hir two sonnes, An∣drew and Alexander, ran for refuge awaie into Ire∣land; thus for their long iniquities their hires iustlie paid all in a daie.]

Now to procéed in our processe of France. After the thus winning of the towne and castell of Mon∣streau; the king departing from thence,* 8.7 came to Melun vpon Seine, the thirteenth daie of Iulie, and

besieged it round about, hauing then in companie with him the French king, and the yoong king of Scots, the dukes of Burgognie, Clarence, Bedford, Glocester,* 8.8 and Bar, the prince of Orainge, and one and twentie earles, besides lords, barons, & knights, equall to lords in degree, to the number of seauen and fiftie, what of England and France; and beside also fiftéene maister soldiers. This siege continued the space almost of seuen moneths,* 8.9 or (as Thomas Wal∣singham saith) fouretéene wéekes, and foure daies, with skirmishing, scaling, assaulting, and defending, [line 10] to the losse (no doubt) of both parts. Capteine of this towne was one monsieur de Barbason, a Gascoine of such experience and approoued valiancie in wars,* 8.10 that his renowme and fame was spred through the world.

At the first laieng of the siege, he called all the sol∣diers there in garrison, and likewise the townesmen afore him, and warned them all on paine of death, that none of them should be so hardie, as to treat, or once to motion anie word of surrendring the towne, [line 20] or of comming to anie composition or agréement with the two kings; except they made him being their capteine priuie thereto, before they attempted anie such thing. ¶ In the meane season, the French queene, the queene of England, and the duches of Burgognie, lieng at Corbeill, came diuerse times to visit their husbands, and to sée their fréends; whome the king of England highlie feasted, and louinglie interteined, that euerie creature reported great ho∣nour of him.* 8.11 This towne of Melun séemed verie [line 30] strong, both by reason of the riuer of Seine, which compassed part thereof, and also by strong walles, turrets, ditches, and bulworks made about it.

The king therefore, to take awaie all the issues and entries from them within, made a bridge ouer the riuer, able to beare horsses and carriage: and a∣gaine, appointed diuerse botes furnished with men of warre, to kéepe the streame; so that they within should haue no waie to come abroad, either by water or land: yet on a daie, the Frenchmen sailed foorth, [line 40] and assailed the English lodgings, where the earle of Warwike was incamped on the east side of the towne, not farre from the duke of Burgognie; but by the valiant prowesse and manlie courage of the Englishmen, the enimies were easilie beaten backe and constreined to retire into the towne againe, with their losse. Héere is to be remembred, that du∣ring this siege before Melun, there came to the king the duke of Bauiere,* 8.12 the kings brother in law (but the kings sister that had beene married to him, was [line 50] not then liuing) and brought with him seauen hun∣dred well appointed horssemen, which were reteined to serue the king, and right worthilie they bare them∣selues, and therefore most liberallie recompensed at the kings hand, for the time they continued in his seruice.

The king inforced this siege by all waies and meanes possible, to bring the towne into subiection, as well by mines as otherwise, but they within the [line 60] towne so valiantlie behaued themselues, as well by countermines (whereby at length they entered into the kings mines) as by other waies of resistance, that by force of assaults it was not thought anie ea∣sie matter to win the same. It fortuned on a daie, that whilest there rose a contention betwixt two lords of the kings host,* 8.13 who should haue the honor to go first into the mine, to incounter with the French∣men, that now had brought their mine through into the English mines, and made barriers betwixt, that they might safelie come and fight with the English∣men:* 8.14 the king (to auoid the strife) entered the mine himselfe first of all other, and by chance came to fight hand to hand with the lord Barbason, who was likewise entered the mine before all other of them within the towne.

After they had fought a good season togither, at length they agreed to discouer either to other their names; so as the lord Barbason; first declaring what he was; the king likewise told him, that he was the king of England. Wherevpon, Barbason percei∣uing with whome he had fought, caused the barriers foorthwith to be closed, and withdrew into the citie, and the king returned backe to his campe. At length, vittels within the towne began to faile, and the pesti∣lence began to wax hot, so that the lord Barbason began to treat; and in conclusion, about the middest of Nouember (as Fabian saith) the towne was yeel∣ded vpon certeine conditions, where of one was,* 8.15 that all that were consenting to the death of the duke of Burgognie, should be deliuered to the king of Eng∣land, of whome the lord Barbason was suspected to be one.* 8.16 The king sent them vnder the conduct of his brother the duke of Clarence, to the citie of Paris, whereof the French king made him capteine, and so at his comming thither, he tooke possession of the Ba∣still of S. Anthonie, the Loure, the house of Néelle, and the place of Bois de Uincennes.

Monsieur de Barbason was accused by the duke of Burgognie,* 8.17 and his sisters as guiltie to their fa∣thers death; but he in open court defended himselfe as not guiltie of that crime, granting indeed and con∣fessing, that he was one of the familiar seruants to the Dolphin, but that he was priuie or consenting to the death of the duke of Burgognie, he vtterlie deni∣ed. Wherevpon he was not condemned, neither yet acquited, by reason of such presumptions and coniec∣tures as were alledged and brought against him, so that he remained in prison at Paris and else-where, the space of nine yeares, till at length, being brought vnto castell Galliard, it chanced that the same castell was woone by those of the Dolphins part, and he be∣ing as then prisoner there, escaped out of danger, and so by that means was set at libertie, as after shall appeare.

Some write, that he had béene put to death,* 8.18 if he had not appealed from king Henries sentence, vnto the iudgement of the officers at armes; alledging, that by the lawe of armes,* 8.19 no man hauing his bro∣ther in armes within his danger, afterwards ought to put him to death for any cause or quarell. And that he was the kings brother in armes he prooued it, for that he had fought with him hand to hand within the mines (as before yee haue heard) which combat was thought of equall force by the heralds, as if he had fought with the king bodie to bodie, within solemne lists. The credit of this matter we leaue to the con∣sideration of the readers. The earle of Huntington was made capteine of Melum. In defense of this towne and castell,* 8.20 the French had gotten vnto them manie Scots. At the siege héere the king kept with him yoong Iames of Scotland, who sent to those Scots, that they should come out and yéeld them vn∣to him, and not to stand in armes against their liege lord and king; but they gaue word backe againe, they could not take him for king, that was in the power of another, and so kept them in hold and in their ar∣mor still. King Henrie vpon winning of these forts, for their rebellion against their prince, which they would haue to be counted constancie, and for their contemptuous answer vnto him, twentie of the proudest, in example of the rest, caused he there to be hanged at once.

From thence the king departed with his armie vnto Corbeill, where the French king and the two queenes then soiourned; and after, both the kings, ac∣companied with the dukes of Bedford, Burgognie, Glocester, and Excester, and the earls of Warwike

and Salisburie, with a great number of noble men and knights, set foorth towards Paris, whome the ci∣tizens in good order met without the gates, and the cleargie also with solemne procession. All the streets were hanged with rich clothes,* 8.21 the two kings rode togither (the king of England giuing the vpper hand to his father in lawe) through the great citie of Pa∣ris, to our ladie church, where after they had said their deuotions, they departed vnto their lodgings; the French king to the house of S. Paule, and the king [line 10] of England to the castell of Louer.

The next daie, the two queenes made their entrie and were receiued with like solemnities, as their husbands were the day before. During all the season that these two kings laie in Paris, there was a great assemblie called, as well of the spiritualtie, as of the nobles of the temporaltie, in the which, the kings sat as iudges,* 8.22 before whom the duches of Bur∣gognie by hir proctor, appealed the Dolphin, and sea∣uen other, for the murther of duke Iohn hir husband. [line 20] To the which appeale, the counsell of the other part made diuerse offers of amends, as well of foundati∣ons of chantries for préests, to praie for the soule, as recompense of monie to the widow and children: for the finall determination whereof, the kings, to take further aduise and counsell therein, appointed another daie.

At this same time, the thrée estates of the realme of France assembled at Paris, and there euerie per∣son seuerallie sware vpon the holie euangelists,* 8.23 to keepe, support, mainteine and defend the treatie and [line 30] finall accord, which was concluded betwéene the two kings, and thereto euerie noble man, spirituall go∣uernour and temporall ruler, set to their seales, which instruments were sent to the kings treasurie of his eschecker at Westminster safelie to be kept, where they yet remaine. The French king at the same time being in good and perfect state of health, openlie there in parlement declared, that peace was concluded, accorded, and made by his frée assent, and with the ad∣uise [line 40] of all the councell of France, and that he would for his owne part, and that his successors ought for their parts, obserue and kéepe the same, with all the articles therein conteined. And likewise, that all his subiects were bound for euer, to obserue and kéepe the same, without breaking or dooing anie thing preiudi∣ciall therevnto.

During the time that the two kings thus soiour∣ned in Paris, the French king kept a small port, ve∣rie few, and those of the meaner sort resorting vnto [line 50] his court: but the king of England kept such a so∣lemne state, with so plentifull an house, and shewed himselfe so bountifull in gifts, and setting foorth of warlike shewes and princelie pastimes, that all the noble men and other resorted to his palace,* 8.24 to see his estate, and to doo him honor. He tooke vpon him as re∣gent of France, to redresse causes, remooue officers, reforme things that were amisse, and caused a new coine to be made, called a salute, wherein were the armes of France,* 8.25 and the armes of England and [line 60] France quarterlie stamped. Also, to set all things in quiet, he constituted sir Gilbert Umfreuile capteine of Melun, with a good number of valiant soldiers, to remaine there in garrison, and the earle of Hun∣tington (coosine germane to the king) was deputed capteine at Blois de Uincenes; and the duke of Ex∣cester, with fiue hundred men of warre, was assigned to keepe Paris. Thus had king Henrie (when he was constituted gouernour of the land) the disposing of prouinces, townes, and castels at his pleasure; and the making of lawes and ordinances, standing with the drift of his policie to kéepe both people in due obe∣dience; as Anglorum praelia bréefelie noteth; saieng:

Rectorem patria postquam rex Gallus & omnes Vnanimes proceres Henricum constituerunt; Plantageneta dabat princeps iam iura duabus Gentibus, effraenes ductis cohibebat habenis.

The duke of Bauier about the same time,* 8.26 with the kings licence, departed into his countrie, both he and his retinue, receiuing large gifts of the kings great liberalitie, and amongst other things, the king gaue him a cup of gold, garnished and set with pretious stones of great price and value. Moreouer, he had a pension giuen him of a thousand markes by yeare, vnder the kings letters patents, to be had and recei∣ued of the kings frée and liberall grant, during the life of the said duke. A right roiall reward & worthie the maiestie of a king, bestowed vpon the said duke; and his retinue, partlie in respect of the aliance be∣twixt the king and him (for he had maried the kings sister) but speciallie for the notable seruice which they did him at the siege before Melun. So that hereby is commended vnto vs an example of gratitude and beneficence; teaching vs, that to such as haue béene good and gratious vnto vs, we should be alwaies for∣ward with a right hand and readie mind to make a∣mends in some proportion and measure.

When the king had thus ordered his businesse, he with the quéene his wife, the princes, [year 1421] & nobles of the realme departed from Paris, the sixt of Ianuarie, and came to Rone, but first before his departing, he caused processe to be made and awarded foorth a∣gainst Charles the Dolphin, commanding him to appéere at the marble table at Paris; where for lacke of appearance,* 8.27 he was with all solemnitie in such case requisite, denounced guiltie of the murther and homicide of Iohn duke of Burgognie, and by the sentence of parlement banished the realme: but the Dolphin withdrew into Languedoc, and after to Poictiers, getting to him such fréends as he could; and namelie, he found the earle of Arminacke verie faithfull to him, not onelie aiding him with men, but also with his owne person he continuallie serued him against all his aduersaries.

The king of England comming to Rone,* 8.28 soiour∣ned there a certeine time, and receiued the homage of all the nobles of Normandie, amongst whome, the earle of Stafford did homage for the countie of Perch, and Arthur of Britaine likewise for the coun∣tie of Yurie. He also ordeined his lieutenant gene∣rall, both of France and Normandie, his brother Thomas duke of Clarence; and his deputie in Nor∣mandie was the earle of Salisburie. When the feast of Christmasse was passed, he departed from Rone, with the quéene his wife, and by Ami••ns came to Calis, where he tooke ship the morow after Candle∣masse daie, and landed at Douer,* 8.29 and came to Can∣turburie, and from thence to Eltham, and so through London to Westminster. I passe ouer to write what ioy and triumph was shewed by the citizens of Lon∣don, and of all other his subiects in euerie place where he came.

The king himselfe, to render vnto God his most humble & hartie thanks,* 8.30 caused solemne processions to be obserued and kept fiue daies togither in euerie citie and towne. After that doone, he made great purueiance for the coronation of his quéene & spouse, the faire ladie Katharine: which was doone the daie of S. Matthew, being the twentie fourth of Febru∣arie, with all such ceremonies and princelie solemni∣tie as apperteined. Which because it was full of roial∣tie and honour (the qualitie of the principall perso∣nages requiring no lesse) and recorded by writers of former ages, it séemeth necessarie and conuenient in this place to report it, in such sort as it is found at large in some, though others glansinglie passe by it, as a matter of no great obseruation. But it is worth the noting, to consider and take a view of the goodlie

order and reuerend dutifulnesse exhibited on all sides to the new quéene; of whome Anglorum praelia saith,

More coronatur maiorum regia coniux, Ingeminans rex ô viuat, regináque vulgus, Al••isonis suprema ferit clamoribus astra.

¶After the great solemnization at the foresaid coronation in the church of saint Peters at West∣minster was ended,* 8.31 the queene was conueied into the great hall of Westminster, and there set to din∣ner. Upon whose right hand sat at the end of the [line 10] table the archbishop of Canturburie,* 8.32 & Henrie sur∣named the Rich cardinall of Winchester. Upon the left hand of the quéene sat the king of Scots in his e∣state, who was serued with couered messe, as were the forenamed bishops; but yet after them. Upon the same hand and side, néere the boords end, sat the duchesse of Yorke and the countesse of Huntington. The earle of March, holding a scepter in his hand, knéeled vpon the right side: the earle marshall in like manner on the left of the quéene. The countesse of Kent sat vnder the table at the right foot, and the [line 20] countesse marshall at the left. The duke of Glocester sir Humfrie was that daie ouerseer, and stood before the queene bareheaded. Sir Richard Neuill was that daie caruer to the quéene, the earles brother of Suffolke cupbearer, sir Iohn Steward sewar, the lord Clifford pantler in the earle of Warwikes stéed, the lord Willoughbie buttler in steed of the erle of Arundell, the lord Graie Ruthin or Riffin nape∣rer, the lord Audleie almoner in stéed of the earle of Cambridge, the earle of Worcester was that daie [line 30] earle marshall in the earle marshals absence; who rode about the hall vpon a great courser with a mul∣titude of tipped staues about him, to make and kéepe roome in the said hall. Of the which hall the barons of the cinque ports began the table vpon the right hand, toward saint Stephans chappell; and beneath them at the table sat the vowchers of the chancerie. Upon the left hand next to the cupboord sat the ma∣ior and his brethren the aldermen of London. The [line 40] bishops began the table against the barons of the cinque ports; and the ladies against the maior. Of which two tables, for the bishops, began the bishop of London and the bishop of Durham; and for the la∣dies, the countesse of Stafford, and the countesse of March.

The feast was all of fish: for the ordering of the seruice whereof were diuerse lords appointed head of∣ficers, as steward, controller, surueior, and other ho∣nourable officers. For the which were appointed the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, the [line 50] lord Fitz Hugh, the lord Furneuall, the lord Graie of Wilton, the lord Ferres of Grobie, the lord Poi∣nings, the lord Harrington, the lord Darcie, the lord Dacres, and the lord de la Ware. These with o∣thers ordered the seruice of the feast as followeth; and thus for the first course.* 8.33 Brawne and mustard, eeles in burneux, frument with balien, pike in herbarge, lamprie powdered, trowt, codling, plaice fried, mar∣tine fried, crabs, leech lumbard flourished, tartes; [line 60] and a deuise called a pellican, sitting on hir nest with hir birds, and an image of saint Katharine holding a booke, and disputing with doctors, holding this poe∣sie in hir right hand, written in faire and legible let∣ters, Madame le Royne; and the pellican answering,

C••eest la signe & du roy, pour tenir ioy, Et a tout sa gent, elle mette sa entent.

* 8.34The second course was: gellie coloured with co∣lumbine flowers, white potage or creame of al∣monds, breame of the sea, coonger, soles, cheuen, bar∣bill and roch, fresh salmon, halibut, gurnard, rochet broiled, smelts fried, creuis or lobster; léech damaske, with the kings po••sie flourished therevpon, Vne sans plus; lamprie fresh baked, flampeine flourished with a s••utchion roiall, and therein thrée crownes of gold planted with flourdeluces and floure of camomill wrought of confections: with a deuise of a panther, and an image of saint Katharine with a whéele in one hand, & a scroll with a poesie in the other, to wit,

La royne mafile, in cestaile, Per bon resoun, aues renoun.

The third course was, dates in compost,* 8.35 creame motle, carpe deore, turbut, tench, pearch with goion, fresh sturgion with welks, porperous rosted, mennes fried, creuisse de cau doure, pranis, éeles rosted with lamprie, a léech called the white leech flourished with hawthorne leaues & red hawes; a marchpane garni∣shed with diuerse figures of angels, among which was set an image of S. Katharine, holding this pos••e,

Il est escrit, pur voir & eit, Per marriage pure, cest guerre ne dure.

And lastlie a deuise of a tiger looking in a mirror, and a man sitting on horsse-backe all armed, holding in his armes a tigers whelpe with this poesie▪ Per force sans resounie ay prise ceste best: and with his owne hand making a countenance of throwing of mirrors at the great tiger, which held this poesie; Gile che mirrour ma feste distour. Thus with all honour was finished the solemne coronation, after which the quéene soiour∣ned in the palace of Westminster till Palmesun∣daie following; and on the morow she tooke hir iour∣nie towards Windsor; where the king and she held their Easter.]

After the solemne feast of the coronation was en∣ded, the king as well to visit certeine places for de∣uotion by waie of pilgrimage, as also to see in what state and order diuerse parts of his realme stood, de∣parted from the queene, appointing daie and place where she should méet him, and so iournied foorth from place to place, thorough sundrie countries, as well of Wales as England, and in euerie quarter where he came,* 8.36 he heard with diligent eare the com∣plaints of sutors, and tooke order for the administra∣tion of iustice both to high and low, causing manie misdemeanours to be reformed. At length he came to the towne of Leicester, where he found the quéene according to the appointment before taken. Here at Leicester, he held the feast of Easter. ¶ How then standeth this with the report of Fabian, who saith,* 8.37 that the king and quéene kept their Easter at Windsor; and that when the said festiuall time was expired, the king made prouision for his warres in France, du∣ring the tearme of Richard Whitinghams meral••ie of London, which was in the eight yeare of this king Henries reigne? Suerlie there must needs be an errour, either in mistaking the yeare or the place: vn∣lesse we will grant the king and queene (with their court of attendants) to haue béene Hîc ibi simul, which priuilege is granted to none but Ubiquitaries.

But while these things were thus adooing in Eng∣land, the duke of Clarence,* 8.38 the kings lieutenant in France and Normandie, assembled togither all the garrisons of Normandie, at the towne of Bernaie, and from thence departed to the countrie of Maine, and at Pont le Gene he passed the riuer of Yonne, and rode through all the countrie to Lucie, where he passed the riuer of Loire, and entered into Aniou,* 8.39 and came before the citie of Angiers, where he made ma∣nie knights, that is ••o saie, sir William Ros, sir Henrie Goddard, sir Rowland Rider, sir Thomas Beaufort, called the bastard of Clarence, and diuerse other; and after that he had ••or••aied, burnt, and spoiled the countrie, he returned with preie and pillage to the towne of Beaufort in the vallie, where he was aduertised, that a great number of his enimies, Frenchmen, Scots, Spaniards, and other were as∣sembled togither, at a place called Uiell Bauge, that is, Old Baugie, with the duke of Alanson,* 8.40 calling

himselfe lieutenant generall for the Dolphin.

The duke of Clarence had a Lombard resorting vnto him, reteined with the part aduerse (his name was Andrew Forgusa) of whom the duke inquired the number of his enimies,* 8.41 to whome he reported, that their number was but small, & not of puissance to match with halfe the power of his strong armie, intising him with assurance of victorie, to set on the Frenchmen. The duke like a couragious prince, as∣sembled togither all the horssemen of the armie, and [line 10] left the archers vnder the guiding of the bastard of Clarence, and two Portingales, capteins of Fres∣nie le vicount, saieng, that he onelie and the nobles would haue the honor of that iournie. When the duke was passed a certeine streict and narrow passage, he espied his enimies ranged in good order of battell, by the monition of the Lombard, which had sold him to his enimies, & his aduersaries had laid such ambush∣ments at the streicts, that the duke by no waie with∣out battell could either retire or flée. [line 20]

The Englishmen séeing this, valiantlie set on their enimies,* 8.42 who were foure to one, by reason whereof at length the Englishmen were oppressed with mul∣titude, and brought to confusion. There were slaine, the duke of Clarence, the earle of Tankeruile, the lord Ros,* 8.43 sir Gilbert Umfreuile earle of Angus, and sir Iohn Lomlie, sir Robert Uerend, and almost two thousand Englishmen: & the earles of Summerset, Suffolke, and Perch, the lord Fitz Water, sir Iohn Berkelie, sir Rafe Neuile, sir Henrie Inglis, sir [line 30] Wiliam Bowes, sir Wiliam Longton, sir Thomas Borough, and diuerse other taken prisoners. And of the Frenchmen were slaine aboue twelue hundred of the best men of warre they had, so that they gained not much.

The bastard of Clarence which tarried at Beau∣fort, being informed of the great number of the Frenchmen, made forward with all the archers, to come to the succor of the duke, but they came too late. For the Frenchmen hearing of the approching of the [line 40] archers, fled with their prisoners, and left the bodie of the duke, and other the dead carcases behind them. The archers buried them all sauing the dukes corpse, which with great solemnitie was sent to England, and buried at Canturburie beside his father. After this the Englishmen burnt and spoiled the countrie of Maine, and so returned to Alanson, and after de∣parted euerie man to his garrison. This battell was fought on Easter euen, in the yeare 1421. But now to returne to the king. [line 50]

After he had kept his Easter at Leicester, he with the quéene remooued and went northward, till they came to Yorke, where they were receiued with great ioy of the citizens, and other the nobles and gentle∣men of the countrie. The king went vnto Beuerlie, to visit the shrine of saint Iohn, and immediatlie vp∣on his departure from thence, the sorowfull newes of his brother the duke of Clarences death, came to him, for which he was right pensife. But sith mour∣ning would not auaile, he called to remembrance [line 60] what he had to doo, and therevpon without delaie, sent Edmund earle of Mortaigne,* 8.44 brother to the earle of Summerset into Normandie, giuing to him like au∣thoritie and preheminence, as his brother the late de∣ceassed duke of Clarence had before enioied.

After this, he called his high court of parlement, in the which he declared with such great wisedome & grauitie,* 8.45 the acts which had béene doone in France, the state of the time present, and what was necessa∣rie to be prouided for the time to come (if they would looke to haue that iewell and high kingdome, for the which they had so long laboured and sought) that the communaltie gladlie granted a fiftéenth, & the cler∣gie beneuolentlie offred a double disme. And bicause no delaie should be in the kings affaires for lacke of paiment,* 8.46 the bishop of Winchester the kings vncle lent vnto him twentie thousand pounds, to be paid him againe of the same dismes. When all things ne∣cessarie for this iournie were readie and prepared, he sent his brother the duke of Bedford before him to Calis with all his armie, being (as some write) foure thousand men of armes, and twentie thousand ar∣chers and others; though some haue written,* 8.47 that the whole armie passed not twelue thousand of one and other.

The king himselfe shortlie after, about the middle of Maie, passed the seas to Calis,* 8.48 and so from thence he marched through the countrie vnto Boies de Uin∣cennes, where the French king and the queene a•• then soiourned. The duke of Burgognie also that had receiued him at Monstruell, attended him to Do∣wast in Ponthieu, and there hauing taken leaue of him for six daies, returned now againe to him, accor∣ding to his promise. Then did they consult togither about their affaires, and appointed in all hast to fight with the Dolphin, and to raise the siege of Chartres which he had there planted. Herevpon, the king of England with all his puissance, came to the towne of Mante, and thither repaired the duke of Burgognie; but yer they departed from thence, they had know∣ledge, that the Dolphin hearing of the puissant armie of the king of England approching towards him, was recoiled with his people towards Towers in Touraine.

Herevpon the king of England incontinentlie, did not onlie send backe the duke of Burgognie into Picardie,* 8.49 to resist the attempts of sir Iaques de Harecourt, which made war in that countrie for the Dolphin; but also appointed the king of Scots, with the duke of Glocester, to besiege the towne of Dreux. They comming thither about the eighteenth of Iulie, planted siege on euerie side, both of the towne and castell; and what with power of batrie, and other for∣cible meanes, so constreined them within, that on the eight daie of August they compounded, that if no suf∣ficient rescue came to raise the siege, before the end of twelue daies next insuing, both the towne and castell should be deliuered to the king of Englands vse, so as the soldiers might depart with their goods whither they would, except one Englishman, which was knowen to be amongst them, being fled for treason out of the kings dominions.

On the twentith daie of August, which was the day of the appointment, the king of Scots receiued the towne and castell to the behoofe of his souereigne lord the king of England, who (during all the time of the siege) laie at Moraumall. The townesmen that would remaine still in their houses, were sworne to be true subiects to the king; and the other which refu∣sed, departed with the souldiers. The Englishman that was excepted, was deliuered according to the couenants; and after executed, as he had deserued. The earle of Worcester was made capteine of Dreux, and sir Henrie Mortimer bailiffe there. This doone, the king hearing that the Dolphin should be at Baugencie, assembling his power, hasted thither∣wards: but at his comming into those parties, he found no appearance of enimies in the field, and so he remained there fiftéene daies.

In which meane while, the earle of Suffolke was sent foorth to discouer the countrie, and the king wan by assault the towne of Baugencie, and after when vittels began to faile, he marched forward, meaning to pursue the Dolphin.* 8.50 But the Dolphin douting the English puissance, conueied all the vittels foorth of those quarters, and retired himselfe to Burges in Berrie, choosing that place as his first refuge, & there∣fore determined there to remaine, till fortune tur∣ning

hir whéele, shuld looke on them with a more fauo∣rable countenance,* 8.51 hereof in scorne was he com∣monlie called king of Berrie. The king of Eng∣land followed, till vittels and forrage began ••ore to faile on all sides, and then returning, passed towards Orleance, taking the castell of Rouge Mont by as∣sault.

He staied thrée daies before Orleance, and from thence, for want of vittels, marched through Gasti∣nois, till he came to Uignie sur Yonne, where he re∣mained [line 10] for a season, to refresh his people that were sore trauelled,* 8.52 in that painefull passed iournie: in which the king lost not onelie manie of his men for lacke of vittels, but also a great number of horsses and carriages. Some haue written, that about the same time, he should win the citie of Sens, other∣wise called the kings new towne by surrender; but after he had remained for a time at Uignie,* 8.53 we find that he remoued to Paris, where he was honorablie receiued.* 8.54 ¶For he came among them as one hauing [line 20] empire and dominion in his hand, so that to him they were no lesse forward in submission for feare of his indignation, than readie to giue him all the inter∣teinement that they could deuise for the keeping of his fauour: the lacke whereof they knew stood with the hazard of their safetie, as the contrarie tended to their welfare.

Shortlie after, considering with himselfe that the towne of Meaux in Brie, being replenished with e∣nimies, was not to be suffered to remaine in that [line 30] state, in the middes of his new gotten subiects; he de∣termined to take awaie the open scruple that might poison and infect the members, dwelling hard by: wherefore with a great number of earles and barons in his companie, he came to besiege it. This towne was no lesse well vittelled than manned, and no bet∣ter manned than fortified; so that the king could nei∣ther haue it to him deliuered at his pleasure, nor gaine it by assault, without the great losse of his peo∣ple: yet neuerthelesse, he determined not to depart, [line 40] till he had got it by one meane or other. The riuer of Marne diuided this towne into two parts, so that there was no enterie from the one into the other, but by a bridge, raised vp, and made ouer the riuer, sustei∣ned with manie arches. The one part is called the ci∣tie, and the other la March, being the strongest and best fortified.* 8.55 The king first lodged a mile off in a ca∣stell, and sent the duke of Excester to begin the siege, which he did, according to his instructions, vpon the sixt of October. [line 50]

Shortlie after, the king himselfe came, and lodged in the abbeie of Pharon, the duke of Excester in the abbeie de Chage, the earle of March at the greie fri∣ers, and the earle of Warwike directlie against that part that is called la March. They within defended themselues right valiantlie, so that the Englishmen were not all at their ease, but specialie through lacke of vittels manie died, and manie fell sicke, by reason whereof, no small number returned home into Eng∣land; where in the meane time, on the first of Decem∣ber, [line 60] a parlement was called and holden at West∣minster,* 8.56 by the duke of Bedford, gouernour of the realme in the kings absence. ¶ In this parlement, a fifteenth was granted to the king towards the main∣tenance of the warres, the one moitie to be paid at Candlemasse, and the other at Martinmasse, of such monie as at the time of the grant was currant.

* 8.57This yeare at Windsore on the daie of saint Ni∣cholas in December, the quéene was deliuered of a sonne named Henrie, whose godfathers were Iohn duke of Bedford, and Henrie bishop of Winchester, and Iaquet, or (as the Frenchmen called hir) Iaque∣line of Bauie••, countesse of Holland was his god∣mother. The king being certified hereof, as he laie at siege before Meaux, gaue God thanks, in that it had pleased his diuine prouidence to send him a sonne, which might succeed in his crowne and scepter. But when he heard reported the place of his natiuitie; were it that he warned by some prophesie,* 8.58 or had some foreknowledge, or else iudged himselfe of his sonnes fortune, he said vnto the lord Fitz Hugh his trustie chamberleine these words;

My lord, I Henrie borne at Monmouth, shall small time reigne, & much get; and Henrie borne at Windsore, shall long reigne, and all loose: but as God will, so be it.

The king held his Christmasse at the siege before Meaux, for he would not giue ouer that siege, al∣though his armie was greatlie diminished, by reason of lacke of vittels, extreame cold, foule weather, and other discommodities that bred great store of disea∣ses and sickenesse among his people;* 8.59 notwithstan∣ding, all the helps and means that might be, he deui∣sed to remedie the same: so that beside such as died, as well of sickenesse as by the enimies hand, manie returned home into their countries. [year 1422] But yet he ceas∣sed not to continue the siege, beating the walles with his ordinance, and casting downe bulworkes and rampiers on ech side the towne, made approches as well by water as land, with mightie engines deui∣sed of boords to defend the Englishmen, as they ap∣proched the walles, and gaue assaults. The walles al∣so were in diuerse places vndermined.

After this, the Englishmen found meanes, by bridges made of boats, to passe the riuer; but yet the souldiers and other within defended their rampiers and breaches most stoutlie, and with guns and quar∣rels still shot at the Englishmen, of whome they slue manie, and among other the earle of Worcester was slaine, with a bullet of the great artillerie, & the lord Clifford with a quarrell of a crossebow; yet the Eng∣lishmen still wan ground, and got neerer and neerer to the walles. They also woone the chiefest part of a bridge from the enimies, and kept watch and ward vpon and about the same. The earle of Warwike had also taken a Uaumure from them of the market place, built on the southside thereof, able to receiue and lodge a good number of men, which seruing to good purpose, for the better brideling of them within, he caused to be kept, and thus were they within Me∣aux sore oppressed on euerie side.

Herevpon in Februarie, the capteins doubting least the citie could not be defended long, caused all the vittels and goods to be conueied into the market place, and retired all the men of warre into the same, leauing none in the other part of the citie, but the commons, and such as were not able to doo any a∣uaileable seruice in the warre. The king aduertised hereof, commanded in all hast to assault the citie, which was quicklie doone;* 8.60 so that the citie by fine force was within thrée houres taken and spoiled; and the same daie the market place besieged round a∣bout, and a mill woone adioining vnto the same. In Aprill, the quéene passed ouer into France,* 8.61 with a faire retinue of men, vnder the conduct of the duke of Bedford, the duke of Glocester remaining lord gouernour of the realme in his place. At hir com∣ming thither, she was so welcommed and honorablie receiued, first of hir husband, and after of hir father and mother, that she appeared to be no lesse loued of hir noble husband, than of hir déere and naturall pa∣rents.

Whilest the siege still continued before Meaux,* 8.62 O∣liuer Mannie a valiant man of warre of the Dol∣phins part (which before was capteine of Faleise, and yéelding it, sware neuer to beare armour against the king of England) assembled a great number of men of warre, as well Britaines as Frenchmen, that is to saie, the lord Montborchier, the lord of Coinon, the

lord of Chatelgiron, the lord Tintignace, the lord de la Howssaie, and diuerse other, which entered into the countrie of Constantine in Normandie, and robbed and killed the Englishmen, where they might either espie or take them at their due aduantage. But the earle of Suffolke kéeper of the marches, hearing of their dooings, sent for the lord Scales, sir Iohn As∣ton bailiffe of Constantine, sir William Hall, sir Iohn Banaster, and many other, out of the garrisons within that territorie, the which incountred with [line 10] their enimies at a place called Le parke leuesque, in En∣glish, The bishops parke.

* 8.63There was a sore fight and a long betwixt them, but finallie, the Frenchmen were put to flight, so that in the conflict and chase were slaine, the lord of Coinon, the lord of Chatellgiron, and thrée hundred other: and there were taken prisoners, the lord de la Howssaie, and sir Oliuer Mannie, with threescore o∣thers. The king pardoned sir Oliuer Mannie his life, though he ill deserued so great a benefit, for that he [line 20] had broken his oth and promise, but he was sent into England, there to learne to speake English, and so being brought to London, shortlie after died, being as then a verie aged man, & was buried in the white friers.* 8.64 ¶ But here note (by the waie) the roiall hart of this king, who as he tempered all his actions with singular circumspection; so with a pitifull mind he pondered the miserie of his enimies; so that when he might (Iure belli, by the law of armes) haue spoiled them of goods and life, he diuerse times spared both; [line 30] with clemencie cōmonlie making conquest of them, who séemed by open hostilitie scarse conquerable.

The king lieng still before the market place at Meaux in Brie (as ye haue heard) sore beat the wals with his ordinance, and cast downe bulworkes and rampiers on euerie side the towne, so that he had made an open breach for his people to enter. Wherof the lord of Offemont being aduertised, with a com∣panie of chosen persons sent by the Dolphin, assaied in the night season to enter the towne, to the suc∣cours of them within. But though diuerse of his peo∣ple [line 40] got ouer the walles, by helpe of ladders which they had set vp; yet such was his chance, that as he passed a planke, to haue come to the walles, he fell into a déepe ditch; and in the meane time, the Englishmen perceiuing by the noise what the matter meant, came running to the ditch, tooke the lord of Offemont, and slue diuerse of his companie that stood in defense.

* 8.65The capteins within, perceiuing in what case they stood, by reason their succours were thus intercep∣ted, and doubting to be taken by assault, for that they [line 50] wanted munition and weapon, began to treat with the king of England, who appointed the earle of Warwike, and the lord Hungerford, to commune with them; and in conclusion an accord was taken, and so the towne and market place with all the goods were deliuered into the king of Englands hands, the tenth daie of Maie, in the yeare 1422. The ap∣pointment taken with them of this towne was this, that they should yéeld themselues simplie vnto the kings pleasure,* 8.66 their liues onlie saued: and herevp∣on [line 60] manie of them were sent ouer into England, a∣mongst whome was the bishop of that towne, which shortlie after his arriuall here fell sicke and died.

There were also foure persons excepted, against whome the king might by order of law and iustice procéed as he saw cause, for their faults and trespas∣ses committed. As first, the capteine of the towne, named the bastard of Uauren, the which had doone manie gréeuous oppressions to the people of the countrie thereabouts, in spoiling them of their goods and ransoming them at his pleasure. He had also put diuerse to death most cruellie, when they were not able to paie such finance and ransomes as he deman∣ded. Wherevpon, being now put to death himselfe, his bodie was hanged vpon a trée that stood on an hill without the towne, on the which he had caused both husbandmen and townesmen, with other priso∣ners, to be hanged before time. His standard also, which was woont to be borne before him in battell, was set vp in the same trée. The bailiffe also of the towne, and two of the chéefest burgesses that had béene of counsell with him in his vnlawfull dooings, were likewise executed. Also beside these, there were found in this towne diuerse that were accused to be guiltie of the duke of Burgognies death, wherefore they were put to their triall, in the parlement at Pa∣ris, and some of them being found guiltie, were exe∣cuted.

When the deliuerie of the strong towne of Me∣aux was published thorough out the countrie, all the townes and fortresses in the Ile of France, in Lan∣nois, in Brie, & in Champaigne, yéelded themselues to the king of England, which appointed in the same valiant capteins, and hardie soldiers. After that he had thus got possession of Meaux, and the other for∣tresses, he returned againe to Bois de Uincennes, and being there receiued of the king and quéene of France, and of the queene his wife the thirtith daie of Maie, being Whitsun éeuen, they remooued all togi∣ther vnto Paris, where the king of England lodged in the castell of Loure, and the French king in the house of saint Paule. These two kings kept great e∣state with their quéenes,* 8.67 at this high feast of Pente∣cost, but the king of Englands court greatlie excée∣ded, so that all the resort was thither. The Parisiens that beheld his princelie port & high magnificence, iudged him rather an emperour than a king, and their owne king to be in respect of him like a duke or marquesse.

The Dolphin hauing knowledge by espials where the king of England and his power laie, came with all his puissance ouer the riuer of Loire, and besieged Cosneie, a towne situate vpon that riuer,* 8.68 a six score miles distant from Paris, and appointed part of his armie to waste and destroie the confines of the du∣chie of Burgognie, to the intent to diuide the power of the king of England, from the strength of the duke of Burgognie, supposing (as it came to passe in∣déed) that the duke would make hast towards Bur∣gognie, to defend his owne lands. In the meane time, they within Cosneie were so hard handled, that they promised to render their towne to the Dolphin, if they were not rescued by the king of England within ten daies. King Henrie hearing these newes would not send anie one creature, but determined to go himselfe to the raising of that siege, and so with all diligence came to the towne of Corbeill, and so to Senlis, where (whether it were with heat of the aire, or that he with his dailie labour were féebled or wea∣kened) he began to wax sicke, yea and so sicke,* 8.69 that he was constreined to tarrie, and send his brother the duke of Bedford to rescue them of Cosneie,* 8.70 which he did to his high honor. For the Dolphin hearing that the duke of Bedford was comming to raise his siege departed thence into Berrie, to his great dishonor, and lesse gaine.

About the same time,* 8.71 the duke of Britaine sent his chancellor the bishop of Maunts, with the bishop of Uannes, and others of his councell, as ambassa∣dors from him vnto king Henrie, with full commissi∣on, to ratifie and allow for him and his people the peace concluded at Troies: but by reason of the kings gréeuous sicknesse, nothing was then doone in that matter. Neuerthelesse, the duke himselfe in per∣son came afterwards to Amiens, and there perfor∣med that which he had appointed his ambassadors at this time, in his name, to haue doone and accompli∣shed.

In the meane season,* 8.72 king Henrie waxed sicker and sicker, and so in an horsselitter was coueied to Bois de Uincennes, to whome shortlie after repai∣red the dukes of Bedford and Glocester, & the earles of Salisburie and Warwike, whome the king lo∣uinglie welcomed, and séemed glad of their presence.

Now, when he saw them pensife for his sicknesse, and great danger of life wherein he presentlie laie, he with manie graue,* 8.73 courteous, and pithie words, recomforted them the best he could, and therewith ex∣horted them to be trustie and faithfull vnto his sonne, [line 10] and to see that he might be well and vertuouslie brought vp. And as concerning the rule and gouer∣nance of his realms, during the minoritie and yoong yeares of his said sonne, he willed them to ioine to∣gither in fréendlie loue and concord, keeping conti∣nuall peace and amitie with the duke of Burgognie, and neuer to make treatie with Charles that called himselfe Dolphin of Uienne, by the which anie part either of the crowne of France, or of the duches of [line 20] Normandie and Guien may be lessened or dimini∣shed; and further, that the duke of Orleance, and the other princes should still remaine prisoners, till his sonne came to lawfull age, least returning home a∣gaine, they might kindle more fire in one daie than might be quenched in thrée.

He further aduised them, that if they thought it necessarie, that it should be good to haue his brother Humfreie duke of Glocester to be protector of Eng∣land, during the nonage of his sonne, and his brother [line 30] the duke of Bedford, with the helpe of the duke of Burgognie to rule and to be regent of France, com∣manding him with fire and sword to persecute the Dolphin, till he had either brought him to reason and obeisance, or else to driue and expell him out of the realme of France.* 8.74 And herewith he protested vnto them, that neither the ambitious desire to inlarge his dominions, neither to purchase vaine renowme and worldlie fame, nor anie other consideration had mooued him to take the warres in hand; but onelie that in prosecuting his iust title, he might in the end [line 40] atteine to a perfect peace, and come to enioie those péeces of his inheritance, which to him of right be∣longed:* 8.75 and that before the beginning of the same warres, he was fullie persuaded by men both wise and of great holinesse of life, that vpon such intent he might and ought both begin the same warres, and follow them, till he had brought them to an end iust∣lie and rightlie, and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule.

The noble men present, promised to obserue his [line 50] precepts, and to performe his desires; but their hearts were so pensife, and replenished with sorrow, that one could not for weeping behold an other. Then he said the seauen psalmes, and receiued the sacrament, and in saieng the psalmes of the passion ended his daies héere in this world, at Bois saint Uincent, the last of August,* 8.76 in the yeare a thousand foure hundred twentie and two. This Henrie was a king, of life without spot, a prince whome all men loued, and of [line 60] none disdained, a capteine against whome fortune neuer frowned, nor mischance once spurned, whose people him so seuere a iusticer both loued and obei∣ed (and so humane withall) that he left no offense vn∣punished, nor fréendship vnrewarded; a terrour to rebels, and suppressour of sedition, his vertues nota∣ble his qualities most praise-worthie.

In strength and nimblenesse of bodie from his youth few to him comparable, for in wrestling, lea∣ping, and running, no man well able to compare. In casting of great iron barres and heauie stones he ex∣celled commonlie all men, neuer shrinking at cold, nor slothfull for heat; and when he most laboured, his head commonlie vncouered; no more wearie of harnesse than a light cloake, verie valiantlie abiding at needs both hunger and thirst; so manfull of mind as neuer seene to quinch at a wound, or to smart at the paine; not to turne his nose from euill sauour, nor close his eies from smoke or dust; no man more moderate in eating and drinking, with diet not de∣licate, but rather more meet for men of warre, than for princes or tender stomachs. Euerie honest person was permitted to come to him, sitting at meale, where either secretlie or openlie to declare his mind. High and weightie causes as well betweene men of warre and other he would gladlie heare, and either determined them himselfe, or else for end committed them to others. He slept verie little, but that verie soundlie, in so much that when his soldiers soong at nights, or minstrels plaied, he then slept fastest; of courage inuincible, of purpose vnmutable, so wise-hardie alwaies, as feare was banisht from him; at euerie alarum he first in armor, and formost in orde∣ring. In time of warre such was his prouidence, bountie and hap, as he had true intelligence, not one∣lie what his enimies did, but what they said and inten∣ded: of his deuises and purposes few, before the thing was at the point to be done, should be made priuie.

He had such knowledge in ordering and guiding an armie, with such a gift to incourage his people, that the Frenchmen had constant opinion he could neuer be vanquished in battell. Such wit, such pru∣dence, and such policie withall, that he neuer enter∣prised any thing, before he had fullie debated and fore∣cast all the maine chances that might happen, which doone with all diligence and courage he set his pur∣pose forward. What policie he had in finding present remedies for sudden mischeeues, and what engines in sauing himselfe and his people in sharpe distresses: were it not that by his acts they did plainlie appeare, hard were it by words to make them credible. Wan∣tonnesse of life and thirst in auarice had he quite quenched in him; vertues in deed in such an estate of souereigntie, youth, and power, as verie rare, so right commendable in the highest degrée. So staied of mind and countenance beside, that neuer iolie or triumphant for victorie, nor sad or damped for losse or misfortune. For bountifulnesse and liberalitie, no man more frée, gentle, and franke, in bestowing re∣wards to all persons, according to their deserts: for his saieng was, that he neuer desired monie to kéepe, but to giue and spend.

Although that storie properlie serues not for theme of praise or dispraise, yet what in breuitie may well be remembred, in truth would not be forgotten by sloth, were it but onlie to remaine as a spectacle for mag∣nanimitie to haue alwaies in eie, and for incourage∣ment to nobles in honourable enterprises. Knowen be it therefore, of person and forme was this prince rightlie representing his heroicall affects, of stature and proportion tall and manlie, rather leane than grose, somewhat long necked and blacke haired, of countenance amiable, eloquent and graue was his spéech, and of great grace and power to persuade: for conclusion, a maiestie was he that both liued & died a paterne in princehood, a lode-starre in honour, and mirrour of magnificence: the more highlie exalted in his life, the more déepelie lamented at his death, and famous to the world alwaie. Peter Basset (a chéefe man in his chamber) affirmed that he deceassed of a pleurisie, though the Scots and French set it downe to be of saint Feacres disease, that they saie was a palsie with a crampe, which Enguerant reports to be saint Anthonies fire, but neither of them trulie. ¶Anglorum praelia saith, that it was a sharpe feuer,* 8.77 which happening vnto him (wearied with the broiles of warre) in a verie vnseasonable time of the yeare, namelie the dog daies, tormented him the sorer, and

grew to be not onelie dangerous, but also desperat; for it left him not till life was extinguished: the poets report is, as followeth:

Interea fractúm{que} aestu nimió{que} labore Corripit Henricum languentem febris acuta, Coeli intemperies, sextili Sirius ardens Virus * 8.78 pestiferi fecit ingrandescere * 8.79 morbi.

His bodie imbalmed and closed in lead, was laid in a chariot roiall, richlie apparelled with cloth of gold. Upon his coffin was laid a representation of his person, adorned with robes, diadem, scepter, & ball, [line 10] like a king; the which chariot, six horsses drew richlie trapped, with seuerall appointments; the first with the armes of S. George, the second with the armes of Normandie, the third of king Arthur, the fourth of saint Edward, the fift of France, and the sixt with the armes of England and France. On this same chariot gaue attendance Iames K. of Scots, the principall mourner, king Henries vncle Tho∣mas duke of Excester, Richard earle of Warwike, the earle of March Edmund, the earle of Stafford [line 20] Humfrie, the earle of Mortaigne Edmund Beau∣fort, the lord Fitz Hugh Henrie, the lord Hunger∣ford Walter, sir Robert Robsert lord Bourchier, sir Iohn Cornwall lord Fanhope, and the lord Crum∣well were the other mourners.* 8.80 The lord Louell, the lord Audeleie, the lord Morleie, the lord Sowch bare the baners of saints and auoouries, as then they were called; the baron of Dudleie bare the standard, and the earle of Longuile the baner. The hachments were caried onelie by capteins to the number of [line 30] twelue; and round about the chariot rode fiue hun∣dred men of armes all in blacke armour, their hors∣ses barbed blacke, and they with the but ends of the•••• speares vpwards.

The conduct of this dolorous funerall was com∣mitted to sir William Philip, treasuror of the kings houshold, and to sir William Porter, his cheefe car∣uer, and others. Beside this, on euerie side of the cha∣riot went thrée hundred persons, holding long tor∣ches, & lords bearing baners, ba••er••ls, and penons. [line 40] With this funerall appointment was he conue••ed from Bois de Uincennes, to Paris, and so to Rone, to Abuile, to Calis, to Douer, from thence thorough London to Westminster, where he was interted with such solemne ceremonies▪ mourning of lords, praier of priests, and such lamenting of commons, as neuer before then the like was se••ne ••n England. Shortlie after this solemne buriall, his sorowfull quéene returned into England, and kept hir estate [line 50] with the yoong king hir sonne.

Thus ended this puissant prince his most noble and fortunate reigne, whose life (saith Hall) though cruell Atropos abbreuiated; yet neither fi••e, malice, nor ••retting time shall appall his honour, or blot out the glorie of him that in so small time had doone so ma∣nie and roiall acts.* 8.81 [In this yeare, the one and twen∣tith of October deceassed the gentle and welbeloued Charles French king the sixt of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 name, who was buried at S. Denis.* 8.82] ¶So that betwéene the death [line 60] of these two kings, namelie the one of England, the other of France, there was no great space of time; sith Charles departed in October, and Henrie in Au∣gust: by the priuation of whose liues, which of the two realmes susteined the greater losse, it is a question not to be discussed. Certeine it is that they were both souereigns tenderlie loued of their subiects, as they were princes greatlie fauouring their people. Fi∣nallie, in memorie of this Henrie the fift, a king of a roiall hart, and euerie waie indued with imperiall vertues, I find so fit a report co••spiring in truth with his properties and disposition, that I thinke it verie conuenient here to be inserted in place of an epitaph:

Henrici illustris properans mors occupat artus, Ille suae patriae decus immortale per aeuum Venturum, virtutis & indelebile lumen, Celso anim•• prorsus, leni quoque pectore ciues N••n solum, at iustos hostes fideíqu•• probatae Dilexit, niueo raro ira••undior ore.

Of learned men and writers, these I find remem∣bred by Bale and others, to haue liued in the daies of this noble and valiant king Henrie the fift. First, Alaine de Lin, borne in Lin, and professed a Car∣melite frier in that towne, he at length became prior of that conuent, proceeded doctor of diuinitie in Cam∣bridge, and wrote manie treatises; Thomas Otter∣borne that wrote an historie of England, is thought to liue about this season, he was a Franciscan or graie frier, as they called them, a great student both in diuinitie and philosophie; Iohn Seguard an excel∣lent poet, and a rhetorician, kept a schoole, and read to his scholers in Norwich, as is supposed, writing sundrie treatises, reproouing as well the profaning of the christian religion in monks and priests, as the abuse of poetrie in those that tooke vpon them to write filthie verses and rimes; Robert Rose a frier of the Carmelites order in Norwich commonlie cal∣led the white friers, both an excellent philosopher, and diuine, procéeded doctor at Oxenford, promoted to be prior of his house, and writing diuerse treatises: a∣mongst all the sophists of his time (as saith Bale) he offended none of the Wickleuists, who in that season set foorth purelie the word of God, as maie appeare by his workes.

Moreouer, Iohn Lucke, a doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, a sore enimie to the Wiekleuists; Richard Caister borne in Norfolke, vicar of saint Stephans in Norwich, a man of great holinesse and puritie in life, fauouring (though secretlie) the doctrine of the Wickleuists, and reproouing in his sermons, the vn∣chast manners and filthie example that appeared in the cleargie. Of sir Iohn Oldcastell lord Cobham ye haue heard before; William Walleis a blacke frier in Lin, and prouinciall of his order here in Eng∣land,* 8.83 made a booke of moralizations vpon Ouids Me∣tamorphôseis, comparable to postils vpon Aesops Fables; Richard Snetisham, a student in Oxenford, where he profited so greatlie in learning and wise∣dome, that he was accounted the chéefest in all that vniuersitie, in respect whereof he was made chancel∣lor of the same, chosen also to be one of the twelue to examine and iudge vpon Wickliffes doctrine by the archbishop of Canturburie; Iohn Langdene a monke of Christes church in Canturburie, an other of those twelue; William Tailor a priest, and a ma∣ster of art in Oxenford, a stedfast follower of Wic∣kliffes doctrine, & burnt for the same in Smithfield at London, the second day of March, in the yeare of our Lord 1422, & last of king Henrie the fift his reigne.

Furthermore, Richard Grasdale student in Oxen∣ford, one of those twelue also; William Lindwood a lawier excellentlie learned, as well in the ciuill as canon lawes, aduanced to the seruice of this king, and made by him kéeper of the priuie seale, sent in ambassage both to the kings of Spaine and Por∣tingale, about businesse of most weightie impor∣tance. It is said that he was promoted to the bishop∣rike of saint Dauid; Bartholomew Florarius, sup∣posed (as Bale saith) by Nicholas Brigham, to be an Englishman, wrote a treatise called Florarium, whereof he tooke his surname▪ and also an other trea∣tise of abstinence, in which he reprooueth certeine cor∣rupt manners in the cleargie, and the profession of friers mendicants; Adam Hemmelington, a Car∣melite frier, studied both in Oxenford and Paris; William Batecombe is placed by Bale about the time of other learned men that liued in this kings time, he was an excellent mathematician, as by the

the title of his works which he wrote it should ap∣peare.

Titus Liuius de Foro Luuisiis liued also in these daies, an Italian borne: but sith he was both resiant here, and wrote the life of this king, I haue thought good to place him among other of our English wri∣ters. One there was that translated the said historie into English, adding (as it were by waie of notes in manie places of that booke) sundrie things for the more large vnderstanding of the historie: a copie [line 10] whereof I haue séene belonging to Iohn Stow citi∣zen of London. There was also about the same time an other writer, who (as I remember) hath followed the said Liuius in the order of his booke, as it were chapter for chapter, onelie changing a good, familiar and easie stile, which the said Liuius vsed, into a cer∣teine poeticall kind of writing: a copie whereof I haue séene (& in the life of this king partlie followed) belonging to master Iohn Twine of Kent, who (as I was informed) meant to leaue to posteritie some fruits of his labours for the due vnderstanding thereof.

Thus farre Henrie the fift sonne and successor to Henrie the fourth.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Reg. 1.
• * 1.2

  Wil. Pa••ten. Buchanan. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scoticar. ••ib. 10
• * 1.3

  ••omage doone 〈◊〉〈◊〉 K. Henrie before his co∣••••••cation.
• * 1.4

  The day of king Henries 〈…〉〈…〉 tempe∣••tuous day.
• * 1.5

  A notable ex∣ample of a woorthie prince.
• * 1.6

  In Angl. proael. sub Hen. 5.
• * 1.7

  A parlement.
• * 1.8

  Thom. Walsin. The funerals of king Hen∣rie the fourth kept at Can∣turburie.
• * 1.9

  S. Georges day made a double feast.
• * 1.10

  Abr. ••l. out Polychron.
• * 1.11

  Sir Iohn Oldcastell escaped out of y^e Tower.
• * 1.12

  Titus Liuius.
• * 1.13

  Hall. A commotion raised by sir Roger Acton and others. Titus Liuius.
• * 1.14

  The rebels surprised.
• * 1.15

  Thom. Walsin.
• * 1.16

  By this ex∣cessiue num∣ber it may a••••peare, that Walsingham reporteth th•••• matter accor∣ding to the ••••••∣mon ••ame, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not as one that search•••• out an exq••••∣site truth.
• * 1.17

  William Murlie.
• * 1.18

  Sir Roge•• Acton & his complices condemned of treason and heresie.
• * 1.19

  Eiton. A disdainefull ••mbassage.
• * 1.20

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 1.21

  Persie resto∣red to the erle∣dome of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 1.22

  W. P.
• * 1.23

  Le Rosier la second partie.
• * 1.24

  Anno Reg. 2. 1414
• * 1.25

  A bill exhibi∣ted to the par∣lemēt against the clergie.
• * 1.26

  The archbi∣shop of Can∣turburies o∣ration in the parlement house.
• * 1.27

  The Salike law.
• * 1.28

  Mesina▪
• * 1.29

  The earle of Westmerland persuadeth y^e king to the conquest of Scotland.
• * 1.30

  The duke of Excester his wise and pi∣thie answer to the earle of Westmerlāds saieng.
• * 1.31

  A true saieng.
• * 1.32

  Ambassadors from y^e Frēch king and from the duke of Burgognie▪
• * 1.33

  Creation of dukes.
• * 1.34

  Harding.
• * 1.35

  Ambassadors sent to Frāce.
• * 1.36

  Abr. Fl. out of In Ang••. c••p. sub He••. ••.
• * 1.37

  Thom. Wall. It is not like that in this councell wri∣ters meane y^e parlement that was ad∣iorned from Leicester to Westminster, where it be∣gan in the oc∣taues of saint Martin, in this second yeare 1415.
• * 1.38

  The councell of Constance.
• * 1.39

  The earle of Warwike and others sent to the generall councell.
• * 1.40

  Enguerant.
• * 1.41

  Great prepa∣ration for the French wars
• * 1.42

  Anno Reg. 3. Ambassadors out of France
• * 1.43

  A proud pre∣sumptuous prelat.
• * 1.44

  The wise an∣swer of the K. to the bishop.
• * 1.45

  Harding. An ouer∣throw to the Scots by sir Robert Um∣freuill.
• * 1.46

  The quéene mother gouer∣nour of the realme.
• * 1.47

  The earle of Cambridge•• other lor••s apprehended for treason. Thom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.48

  Hall.
• * 1.49

  King Henries words to the traitours.
• * 1.50

  The earle of Cambridge and the other traitors exe∣cuted.
• * 1.51

  The effect of the earle of Cambridges indictement.
• * 1.52

  A iewell.
• * 1.53

  Titus Liuius.
• * 1.54

  The king sai∣leth ouer into France with his host.
• * 1.55

  Titus Liuius. A charitable proclamation.
• * 1.56

  Princelie and wiselie.
• * 1.57

  Harding.
• * 1.58

  The king be∣sieged Har∣flue.
• * 1.59

  Titus Liuius.
• * 1.60

  Harding. Thom. Walsi.
• * 1.61

  The seuen∣téenth of Sep∣tember they within Harflue praie par∣lée.
• * 1.62

  A fiue daies respit.
• * 1.63

  Harflue yé••••ded and sac∣ked.
• * 1.64

  Abr. Fl. out of Angl. pr••••. sub Hen. 5. and Polychron.
• * 1.65

  Great death in the host by the flix.
• * 1.66

  The kings mercifull dea∣ling with the French pri∣soners.
• * 1.67

  Corne & vit∣tels destroied where the Englishmen should passe.
• * 1.68

  A skirmish with the gar∣rison of Ew.
• * 1.69

  Enguerant.
• * 1.70

  Blanchetake.
• * 1.71

  Diuerse cap∣teins knights
• * 1.72

  W.P.
• * 1.73

  Standing in Picardie be∣twéene Ami∣ens & Peron all vpō the ri∣uer of Some.
• * 1.74

  Sir Hugh Stafford lord Bourghchier.
• * 1.75

  Iohn Brom∣ley.

  He came of a yoonger bro∣ther in the li∣nage of the right honora∣ble the lord chancelor that now is 1585.
• * 1.76

  The kings standard re∣couered.
• * 2.1

  W. P.
• * 2.2

  King Henrie pass••th the ri∣uer of Some with his host.
• * 2.3

  The kings armie but of 15000.
• * 2.4

  The English armie sore af∣flicted.
• * 2.5

  Iustice in warre.
• * 2.6

  Note y^e force of iustice.
• * 2.7

  Hall.
• * 2.8

  The French king cōsulteth how to deale with y^e Eng∣lishmen.
• * 2.9

  Dolphin king of Sicill.
• * 2.10

  The French K. sendeth de∣fiance to king Henrie.
• * 2.11

  K. Henries answer to the defiance.
• * 2.12

  King Henrie rideth foorth to take view of the French armie.
• * 2.13

  The number of the French mē threé 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thousand. Engueran••.
• * 2.14

  The battell of Agincourt, the 25 of Oc∣tober 1415.
• * 2.15

  The order of the French armie.
• * 2.16

  As manie in the battell.
• * 2.17

  The French esteemed six to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 English.
• * 2.18

  The order of the English armie and archers.
• * 2.19

  The vaward all of archers.
• * 2.20

  Archers the greatest force of the English armie.
• * 2.21

  Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 392▪ and Polychron.
• * 2.22

  A politike in∣uention.
• * 2.23

  Hall.
• * 2.24

  K. Henries oration to his men.
• * 2.25

  A wish. A noble cou∣rage of a vali∣ant prince.
• * 2.26

  Hall.
• * 2.27

  The English gaue the on∣set.
• * 2.28

  The two ar∣mies ioine battell.
• * 2.29

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Fren•••• discomfited.
• * 2.30

  Their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 beaten.
• * 2.31

  A valiant king.
• * 2.32

  The French rereward dis∣comfited.
• * 2.33

  The king•• campe rob∣bed.
• * 2.34

  All the pris••••ners slaine.
• * 2.35

  A fresh onset.
• * 2.36

  A right wise and valiant challenge of the king.
• * 2.37

  Thanks gi∣uen to God for the victo∣rie.
• * 2.38

  A worthie example of a godlie prince.
• * 2.39

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.40

  The battell of Agincourt.
• * 2.41

  The same day that the new maior went to Westminster to receiue his ••th, the aduer∣tisement of this noble vic∣••orie came to the citie in the morning be∣times y•••• men were vp from their beds. Register of ••a••ors.
• * 2.42

  Thrée grau••s that held fi••e thousand and eight hundred corpses.
• * 2.43

  Noble men prisoners.
• * 2.44

  The number slaine on the French part. Englishmen slaine.
• * 2.45

  Englishmen slaine.
• * 2.46

  Rich. Grafton. Titus Liuius.
• * 2.47

  Abr. Fl. out of Anglorum prae∣lijs sub Henr. 5.
• * 2.48

  Hall.
• * 2.49

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.50

  The great modestie of the king.
• * 2.51

  The death of the Dolphin of France. Part of those that spoiled the English campe.
• * 2.52

  A sore con∣flict.
• * 2.53

  Anno Reg. 4. The emperor Sigismund commeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England.
• * 2.54

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.55

  The stran•••• manner of re∣ceiuing the emperour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Douer.
• * 2.56

  Albert duke of Holland cōmeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England.
• * 2.57

  The emperor ••n earnest me∣diator for peace.
• * 2.58

  Harflue besie∣ged by the French.
• * 2.59

  Titu•• Liuius.
• * 2.60

  A great ouer∣throw by sea giuen to the French by the duke of Bed∣ford.
• * 2.61

  The French name of fiue hundred ves∣sels vanqui∣shed.

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.62

  Titus Liuius. Harflue res∣cued by the Englishmen.
• * 2.63

  Ciuill discord amongst the ••••bles of France.
• * 2.64

  Charles the French king not of sound memorie.
• * 2.65

  Titus Liuius. The emperor entereth into league with king Henrie.
• * 2.66

  The cōtents of the league.
• * 2.67

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.68

  The number of the armie 16••00, of his owne pur∣••ciance.
• * 2.69

  Tit. Liuius.
• * 2.70

  The Normās 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the wal∣••••d townes.
• * 2.71

  Touque 〈◊〉〈◊〉 besieged 〈◊〉〈◊〉 y^• English∣••••n & taken.
• * 2.72

  Amberuilli∣ers castell taken.
• * 2.73

  Caen besieged
• * 2.74

  Tit. Liuius.
• * 2.75

  The order of the assault.
• * 2.76

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.77

  Caen taken by the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 2.78

  Diuision of spoile.
• * 2.79

  The capteine of the castell held out.
• * 2.80

  Titus Liuius. Caen castell yéelded.
• * 2.81

  Titus Liuius. The Scots inuade the English bor∣ders.
• * 2.82

  Titus Liuius. A great armie to resist the Scots.
• * 2.83

  Thom. Walsin.
• * 2.84

  The Scots recoile home.
• * 2.85

  Plautus.
• * 2.86

  Sir Iohn Oldcastell. The seruants of the abbat of S. Albons go about to catch the lord Cobham.
• * 2.87

  Commenda∣tion of the Dolphin of France.
• * 2.88

  The yoong Dolphin 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his old moother of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 treasure, what mischéefe ••ose vpon it.
• * 2.89

  The duke of Burgognie chéefe dooer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 France.
• * 2.90

  Baieux takē.
• * 2.91

  Liseaux taken.
• * 2.92

  Caen people•• with Engl•••••• inhabitants. A woorthie•• rare example of equitie in king Henri••.
• * 2.93

  The Nor∣mans wil∣linglie sworne English.
• * 2.94

  The castell of Courfie ren∣dered.
• * 2.95

  Argenton builded.
• * 2.96

  The volunta∣rie subiection of the French.
• * 2.97

  Sées yéelded
• * 2.98

  Alanson be∣sieged and yeelded vp.
• * 2.99

  Titus Liuius.
• * 2.100

  A truce taken betwéene king Henrie and the duke of Brit••ine.
• * 2.101

  Faleis besie∣ged.
• * 2.102

  Thom. Wals. Sir Iohn Oldcastell taken.
• * 2.103

  Sir Iohn Oldcastell executed.
• * 2.104

  Faleis rende∣red vp to king Henrie.
• * 2.105

  Histoir des ducs de Nor∣mandie.
• * 2.106

  Tho. Walsin. Titus Liuius.
• * 2.107

  Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 397. and Iohn Stow pag. 598.
• * 2.108

  Slaughter and bloudshed in S. Dun∣stans church on Easter day.
• * 2.109

  Women full of mischéefe.
• * 2.110

  Record. Cant.
• * 2.111

  The princi∣pall offendors punishment.
• * 2.112

  Not teares of hir cōplaint (I trust) for sorrow of hir sinne.
• * 2.113

  A sore 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.114

  A violent tempest of wind.
• * 2.115

  Anno Reg. ••▪
• * 2.116

  Townes in Normandie yeelded to K. Henrie.
• * 2.117

  Chierburgh besieged by the English.
• * 2.118

  Chierburgh yeelded to the Englishmen.
• * 2.119

  The castell of Dampfront yeelded.
• * 2.120

  W.P.
• * 3.1

  Sir Iohn Bromley made capteine of Dampfrōt.
• * 4.1

  Titus Liuius. Louiers be∣sieged.
• * 4.2

  Louiers yel••ded vp.
• * 4.3

  The English armie passeth the riuer of Seine.
• * 4.4

  A good 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.5

  Pont de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rendred vp 〈◊〉〈◊〉 y^e English••••.
• * 4.6

  Rone besieged by K. Henrie.
• * 4.7

  Angl. prael. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hen. 5.
• * 4.8

  Before Pont S. Hilarie. Titus Liuius.
• * 4.9

  The order of the siege.
• * 4.10

  Before the gate called Markeuile. Titus Liuius.
• * 4.11

  Salisburie & Huntington on the other side of the ri∣uer of Seine.
• * 4.12

  Umfreuile.
• * 4.13

  The lord Talbot.
• * 4.14

  W. P.
• * 5.1

  A conflict néere to Caw∣debecke.
• * 5.2

  The L. of E∣strisles slaine.
• * 5.3

  George Um∣freuile slaine.
• * 5.4

  Walter Aude∣ley sore woū∣ded.
• * 5.5

  And this sir Iohn Brom∣ley departed from this life the fourth day of Sept. 1419. which w••s in anno reg. 7. as by the office takē after his death remain∣ing of record in y^e castell of Chester dooth manifestlie appeare.
• * 5.6

  The lord of Kilmaine capteine of the Irishmen.
• * 5.7

  The good ser∣uice of the I∣rishmen at this siege.
• * 5.8

  Titus Liuius. The king of Portingale sendeth aid to king Henrie.
• * 5.9

  The number within Rone.
• * 5.10

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.11

  King Henrie his iustice.
• * 5.12

  Thom. Wals.
• * 5.13

  Thrée 〈◊〉〈◊〉 victories 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Engl•••••• side 〈◊〉〈◊〉 short time ••••••gither.
• * 5.14

  Extreame fa∣mine within Rone.
• * 5.15

  A vertuous and charita∣ble prince.
• * 5.16

  Chron. S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ A large 〈◊〉〈◊〉 without the campe.
• * 5.17

  They within ••••one demand parlee.
• * 5.18

  A presumtu∣ous orator.
• * 5.19

  The kings answer to this proud mes∣sage.
• * 5.20

  A truce for eight daies.
• * 5.21

  Cōmissioners appointed.
• * 5.22

  The articles cōcerning the yéelding vp of Rone.
• * 5.23

  Luca Italico. The vicar generall of the archbi∣shoprike of Rone for de∣nouncing the king accursed was deliuered to him and de∣teined in pri∣son till he died. Titus Liuius. One Alane Blanchart was likewise deliuered to him, & by his cōmandement ••ut to death. Trāslator of Titus Liuius. King Hēries entrie into Rone.
• * 5.24

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.25

  A league con∣cluded be∣twéene king Henrie and the duke of Britaine.
• * 5.26

  She was cō∣mitted to the safe kéeping of Pelham, who appointed hir nine seruants to attend hir •• conueied h••r to the castell of Pompsey Tho. Walsin. Frier Rādoll.
• * 5.27

  Uernon and Mante taken by the Eng∣lish.
• * 5.28

  Titus Liuius. Hunflue takē.
• * 5.29

  Anno Reg. 7.
• * 5.30

  Roch Guio•• rendered vp.
• * 5.31

  Chateau G••∣liard besieged.
• * 5.32

  Yuri taken by assaul••.
• * 5.33

  Ambassadors sent on either side.
• * 5.34

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.35

  Creation of earles.
• * 5.36

  Either part was appoin∣ted to bring with them not past two thou∣sand and fiue hundred men of warre as T••t. Liu. saith.
• * 5.37

  A treatie of peace.
• * 5.38

  Seuen times the last being on the last day of Iune.

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.39

  Chro. of Flan∣ders.
• * 5.40

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.41

  An agréement betwéene the duke of Bur∣gognie & the Dolphin.
• * 5.42

  Titus Liuius▪
• * 5.43

  A conspiracie in Rone.
• * 5.44

  In Angl. prel. sub Hen. 5.
• * 5.45

  Hall. These bands belonged to the earle of Longueuile & to the lord de Lespar Gas∣coignes.

  Hist. dez duez de Normand. The king plaieth the porters part.
• * 5.46

  This captau was brother to the earle of Fois.
• * 5.47

  Hall.
• * 5.48

  Pontoise sur∣prised by the Englishmen.
• * 5.49

  Hall.
• * 5.50

  Hall.
• * 5.51

  The duke o•• Clarence s••∣meth befo••e Paris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his armie.
• * 5.52

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 spoile the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of France.
• * 5.53

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.54

  The castell of Uancon ••••∣lers bes••eged and taken.
• * 5.55

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.56

  Gisours be¦sieged & yeel∣ded to the Englishm••n▪
• * 5.57

  Thom. Wals.
• * 5.58

  Duke of Cla∣rence saith Rich. Grafton.
• * 5.59

  Titus Liuius.
• * 5.60

  Normandie brought into y^e kings sub∣iection, that had béene lost & deteined a long time frō the English.
• * 5.61

  The duke of Burgognie murthered.
• * 5.62

  Anglorum prae∣lia sub Henr. 5.
• * 5.63

  Ambassadors sent to king Henrie.

  Titus Liu••us.
• * 5.64

  A wise and princelie caution.
• * 5.65

  The castell of S. Germane in Laie and Montioie yéel¦ded to the Englishmen.
• * 5.66

  A policie for redie bridges.
• * 5.67

  The strong town of Meu∣lanc yéelded to the English.
• * 5.68

  Anno Reg. 8.
• * 5.69

  A great victo∣rie on the English side.
• * 5.70

  King Henrie condescendeth to a treatie of peace.
• * 5.71

  A truce tri∣partite.
• * 5.72

  Ambassadors from K. Hen∣rie to the French king.
• * 5.73

  The articles of the peace concluded be∣twéene king Henrie and the French king.
• * 5.74

  Thom. W••••▪
• * 5.75

  Titus 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.76

  King Henrie commeth to Trois to the French king.
• * 5.77

  King Henrie affieth the French king•• daughter▪
• * 5.78

  Titus Liuius▪
• * 8.1

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 8.2

  A league be∣twéene king Henrie & the duke of Bur∣gognie.
• * 8.3

  The effect of king Henries oration to the French king.
• * 8.4

  It was ren∣dered vp the tenth of Iune Titus Liuius. Sens & Mō∣streau besie∣ged and taken. The siege was laid the 16. of Iune.
• * 8.5

  It held not out so long as should appeare by Tit. Liuius, who saith, y^t it was ren∣dred y^e fourth of Iulie.
• * 8.6

  W.P. Buchan. lib. ••.
• * 8.7

  Melun be••••∣ged by king Henrie.
• * 8.8

  The king of Scots in K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 armie
• * 8.9

  Eightéene w••••kes haue the chronicles of Flanders. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Liuius.
• * 8.10

  Monsieur de Barbason a valiāt captein.
• * 8.11

  Titus Liuius.
• * 8.12

  The d••ke of Bauiere com∣meth to king Henrie with a ••••••ber of horssemen.
• * 8.13

  The trāslator of Ti••. Liuius.
• * 8.14

  K. Henrie and mōsieur Bar∣bason fight hand to hand.
• * 8.15

  It was sur∣rendred about Alhalontide, as▪ Thom. Wal. noteth.
• * 8.16

  Melun yéel∣ded vp to king Henrie.
• * 8.17

  Titus Liuius▪
• * 8.18

  Note this ap••peale.
• * 8.19

  A note in law of armes.
• * 8.20

  W. P.
• * 8.21

  King Henrie is receiued in at Paris.
• * 8.22

  The duches of Burgognie hir appeale.
• * 8.23

  The oth of the threé esta∣tes of Frāce.
• * 8.24

  King Henrie taketh vpon him the office of regent of France.
• * 8.25

  The coine salute.
• * 8.26

  The duke of Bauier & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 troope with the kings ••••∣uor departed▪
• * 8.27

  Sentence a∣gainst the Dolphin.
• * 8.28

  These coun∣ties they in∣ioied of the kings gift.
• * 8.29

  He landed at Douer vpon Candlemasse eéue saith Tho. Walsingham.
• * 8.30

  King Henrie returneth into England with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wife.

  Thomas Wal∣singham saith she was c••••••∣ned the first in Lent. which that yere fell vpon the ninth of Februarie. The corona∣tion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Katharine.
• * 8.31

  Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 4••2, 403.
• * 8.32

  A roiall ban∣ket.
• * 8.33

  The first course.
• * 8.34

  The second course.
• * 8.35

  The third course.
• * 8.36

  Iustice mini∣stred by king Henrie in pro∣gresse.
• * 8.37

  Abr. Fl.
• * 8.38

  Anno Reg. 9.
• * 8.39

  The duke of Clarēce made a rode into Aniou.
• * 8.40

  Uiell Bauge or Baugie.
• * 8.41

  Forgusa, a Lumbard be∣tra••••th the duke of Cla∣rence.
• * 8.42

  The English men discomfi∣ted.
• * 8.43

  The duke of Clarence and diuerse nobles of England slaine.
• * 8.44

  The earle of Mortaigne ••ade lieute∣nant of Nor∣mandie.
• * 8.45

  A parlement.
• * 8.46

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 Winchester lent the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 20000.
• * 8.47

  King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saileth into France a∣gaine.
• * 8.48

  He tooke sea at Douer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fourth of Iune, as Tiu•• Liuius saith, and so saie the chronicles 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Flanders.
• * 8.49

  The king o•• Scots ser∣ueth king Henrie. Dreux besie∣ged & rendred to the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 8.50

  King 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pursueth the Dolphin▪
• * 8.51

  The Dol∣phin, why cal∣led king of Berrie.
• * 8.52

  Titus Liuius.
• * 8.53

  Les histories des ducz de Normandie.
• * 8.54

  Abr. Fl.
• * 8.55

  The strong towne of Me∣aux besieged by the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 8.56

  A parlement called by the duke of Bed∣ford, the king being in France.
• * 8.57

  Windsore. The birth of king Henrie the sixt.
• * 8.58

  King Henrie prophesieth of his sonne.
• * 8.59

  Titus Liuius.
• * 8.60

  Meaux taken by assault.
• * 8.61

  Anno Reg. 10. Queéne Ka∣tharine saileth into France.
• * 8.62

  Oliuer Man∣nie.
• * 8.63

  A sore cōflict.
• * 8.64

  Abr. Fl.
• * 8.65

  Continuation de la chroni∣cles de Flan∣ders.
• * 8.66

  Titus Liuius. The conditi∣ons of the surrender of Meaux into the kings hands.
• * 8.67

  The roiall port of the K. of England▪
• * 8.68

  Cosneie besie∣ged by the Dolphin.
• * 8.69

  The king ••••••∣leth sicke.
• * 8.70

  Cosneie res∣cued by the duke of Bed∣ford.
• * 8.71

  Titus Liuius. The duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Britaine s••••∣deth ambassa∣dors to the •• of England.
• * 8.72

  The king of England is ••rought sicke to Bois de Uincennes.
• * 8.73

  His aduise vpon his death bed.
• * 8.74

  Titus Liuius.
• * 8.75

  Chéeflie Chi∣••helie archb. of Cantur. for dashing y^• bill against the cleargie, as appeares before, pag. 545, 546.
• * 8.76

  He departed this life the last of August 1422.

  The commē∣dation of king Henrie the fi•••• as is expressed by maist. Hall.
• * 8.77

  Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. sub Hen. ••.
• * 8.78

  A pestilent feuer.
• * 8.79

  A pestilent feuer.
• * 8.80

  Lord Crum∣well.
• * 8.81

  W. P.
• * 8.82

  Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael.
• * 8.83

  W. P.