The first and second volumes of Chronicles. [vol. 3 (i.e. The Third Volume of Chronicles)] comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes.

Richard the second, the second sonne to Edward prince of Wales. (Book Richard II)

RIchard, the second of that [line 40] name, and sonne to prince Edward, called the blacke prince, the sonne of king Ed∣ward the third, a child of the age of eleuen yeares, began to reigne ouer the realme of England the two and twen∣tith daie of Iune,* 1.1 in the yeare of the world 5344, of our Lord 1377, after the conquest 310, about the two and thirtith yeare of the emperour Charles the [line 50] fourth, and in the fouretéenth yeare of Charles the fift king of France, and about the seuenth yeare of the reigne of Robert the second king of Scotland:* 1.2 he was named Richard of Burdeaux, bicause he was borne at Burdeaux in Gascoigne, whilest his father ruled there. The day before it was vnderstood, that his grandfather king Edward was departed this life,* 1.3 being the one and twentith of Iune (on which daie neuerthelesse he deceassed) the citizens of Lon∣don hauing certeine knowledge that he could not escape his sicknesse,* 1.4 sent certeine aldermen vnto Kingston, where the prince with his mother the prin∣cesse then laie, to declare vnto the said prince their readie good wils, to accept him for their lawfull king and gouernour▪ immediatlie after it should please God to call to his mercie his grandfather, being now past hope of recouerie of health. Wherefore they

〈…〉〈…〉,* 1.5 [line 10] and so were they sent home to bring a ioifull answer of their message to the citie. The mor∣row after, there were sent to London from the king, the lord Latimer, sir Nicholas Bond, sir Simon Burlie, & sir Richard Adder••urie, knights; to bring them sorowfull newes of the assured death of king [line 20] Edward, who (as we haue said) deceassed the day be∣fore; but comfortable newes againe, of the great to∣wardlinesse and good meaning of the yoong king, who promised to loue them and their citie, and to come to the same citie, as they had desired him to doo. And fur∣ther▪ that he had spoken to the duke of Lancaster in their behalfe,* 1.6 and that the duke had submitted him∣selfe to him in all things touching the cause; wherevp∣on the kings pleasure was, that they should likewise submit themselues, and he would doo his indeuor, that an agreement might be had to the honor of the citi∣zens, [line 30] and profit of the citie.

The citizens liked not of this forme of procéeding in the dukes matter, bicause the king was yoong, and could not giue order therein, but by substitutes: yet at length with much adoo, they were contented to submit themselues, as the duke had doone before, though not, till that the knights had vndertaken vp∣on their oth of fidelitie and knighthood, that their sub∣mission should not redound to the temporall or bodi∣lie harme of any of them, consenting to the kings [line 40] will in this point. And so with this caution they tooke their iournie towards Sheene, where they found the new K. with his mother, the duke of Lancaster & his brethren, vncles to the king, and diuerse bishops, a∣bout the bodie of the deceassed king. When it was knowen that the Londoners were come, they were called before the king, by whom the matter was so handled, that the duke and they were made fréends. After this, when the king should ride through the citie [line 50] towards the coronation, the said duke and the lord Percie riding on great horses before him, as by ver∣tue of their offices appointed to make way before, v∣sed themselues so courteouslie, modestlie, and plea∣santlie, ••hat where before they two were greatlie sus∣pected of the common people, by reason of their great puissance in the realme, and huge rout of reteiners, they ordered the matter so, that neither this day, nor the morrow after, ••eing the day of the kings corona∣tion, they offended any maner of person, but rather [line 60] by gentle and swéet demeanour they reclaimed the harts of manie, of whome before they were great∣lie had in suspicion, and thought euill of. ¶But now, sith we are entred into the matter of this kings co∣ronation, we haue thought good breefelie to touch some particular point thereof (as in Thomas Wal∣singham we find it) though nothing so largelie here, as the author himselfe setteth it foorth, bicause the pur∣pose of this worke will not so permit.

The king, in riding thorough the citie towards Westminster,* 1.7 on the 15 daie of Iulie being wednes∣daie, was accompanied with such a traine of the no∣bilitie and others, as in such case was requisite. Sir Simon Burlie bare the sword before him, and sir 〈…〉〈…〉 foorth wine abun∣dantlie. In the towers were placed foure beautifull virgins, of stature and age like to the king, apparelled in white vestures, in euerie tower one, the which blew in the kings face, at his approching néere to them, leaues of gold▪ and as he approched also, they threw on him and his horsse f••orens of gold counterfeit.

When he was come before the castell, they tooke cups of gold, and filling them with wine at the spouts of the castell, presented the same to the king and to his nobles. On the top of the castell, betwixt the foure towers, stood a golden angell, holding a crowne in his hands, which was so contriued, that when the king came, he bowed downe & offered to him the crowne. But to speake of all the pageants and shewes which the citizens had caused to be made, and set foorth in honour of their new king, it were superfluous; e∣uerie one in their quarters striuing to surmount o∣ther, and so with great triumphing of citizens, and ioy of the lords and noble men, he was conueied vn∣to his palace at Westminster, where he rested for that night. The morrow after being thursdaie, and the 16 day of Iulie, he was fetcht to the church with procession of the bishops and monks, and comming before the high altar, where the pauement was coue∣red with rich clothes of tapistrie, he there kneeled downe and made his praiers, whilest two bishops soong the Letanie, which being finished, the king was brought to his seat, the quéere singing an an∣theme, beginning, Firmetur manus tu••.

That doone, there was a sermon preached by a bi∣shop touching the dutie of a king, how he ought to be∣haue himselfe towards the people, and how the peo∣ple ought to be obedient vnto him. The sermon being ended, the king receiued his oth before the archbishop and nobles: which doone, the archbishop hauing the lord Henrie Percie lord marshall going before him, turned him to euerie quarter of the church, decla∣ring to the people the kings oth, and demanding of them, if they would submit themselues vnto such a prince & gouernor, and obeie his commandements: and when the people with a lowd voice had answered that they would obeie him, the archbishop vsing cer∣teine praiers, blessed the king; which ended, the arch∣bishop came vnto him, and tearing his garments from the highest part to the lowest, stripped him to his shirt. Then was brought by earles, a certeine co∣uerture of cloth of gold, vnder the which he remai∣ned, whilest he was annointed.

The archbishop (as we haue said) hauing stripped him, first annointed his hands, then his head, brest, shoulders, and the ioints of his armes with the sacred oile, saieng certeine praiers, and in the meane time did the quéere sing the antheme, beginning, Vnx••runt regem Salomonem, &c. And the archbishop added ano∣ther praier, Deus Dei filius, &c. Which ended, he and the other bishops soong the hymne, Veni creator spiritus, the king knéeling in a long vesture, & the archbishop with his suffraganes about him. When the hymne was ended, he was lift vp by the archbishop, and clad first with the coate of saint Edward, and after with his

〈…〉〈…〉

〈…〉〈…〉 In [line 10] the meane time, whilest the archbishop blessed the kings crowne, he to whose office it apperteined, did put spurs on his héeles. After the crowne was bles∣sed, the archbishop set it on his head, saieng, Coronet te Deus, &c. Then did the archbishop deliuer to him a ring, with these words, Accipe annulum, &c. Immedi∣atlie herewith came the lord Furniuall by vertue of his office, offering to him a red gloue, which the arch∣bishop blessed, and putting it on his hand, gaue to him the scepter, with these words, Accipe sceptrum, &c. [line 20] Then did the archbishop deliuer to him in his other hand a rod, in the top whereof stood a doue, with these words, Accipe virgam virtutis, &c. After this the arch∣bishop blessed the king, saieng, Benedicat de Deus, &c.

These things doone, the king kissed the bishops and abbats, by whome he was lead afterwards vnto his seat, the bishops beginning to sing (Te deum) which ended, the archbishop said to him, Sta & retine amodo locum, &c. When these things were finished, they be∣gan masse, the bishop of Worcester read the epistle, [line 30] and the bishop of Elie the gospell. At the offertorie, the king rose from his seat, and was brought to offer. He therfore offered first his sword, and after so much gold as he would, but no lesse than a marke, by rea∣son of the custome; for more he might offer to God and S. Peter, but lesse he could not. After this, he of∣fered bread and wine, with which he and the archbi∣shop did after communicate. This doone, the earle, to whome it apperteined to beare the sword before the king, redéemed the sword which the king had offered [line 40] with monie, and receiuing the same, bare it afore the king. When masse should be soong, the king was brought againe to the altar, & there knéeling downe, and saieng Confiteor to the archbishop, did communi∣cate, and so was brought backe to his seat. The war∣dens of the cinque ports by their office, as well in time of the procession, as when he was annointed al∣so at masse time, and as he returned from the church to the palace to dinner, held ouer him a large cano∣pie of blew veluet, fastened vnto foure slaues at the [line 50] foure corners.

In the meane time, sir Iohn Dimmocke that clai∣med to be the kings champion, had béen at the kings armorie and stable, where he had chosen according to his tenure, the best armour saue one, and the best stéed saue one: albeit, sir Baldwine Freuill claimed the same office, but could not obteine it; so that the said sir Iohn Dimmocke hauing armed himselfe, and being mounted on horssebacke, came to the ab∣beie gates, with two riding before him, the one carri∣eng [line 60] his speare, and the other his shield, staieng there till masse should be ended. But the lord Henrie Per∣cie lord marshall, appointed to make waie before the king with the duke of Lancaster lord Steward, the lord Thomas of Woodstoke lord constable, and the lord marshals brother sir Thomas Percie, being all mounted on great horsses, came to the knight, and told him, that he ought not to come at that time, but when the king was at dinner, and therefore it should be good for him to vnarme himselfe for a while, and take his ease and rest, till the appointed time were come.

The knight did as the lord marshall willed him, and so after his departure, the king hauing those 〈…〉〈…〉

To shew what roiall seruice was at this feast, it passeth our vnderstanding to describe: but to con∣clude, the fare was excéeding sumptuous, and the fur∣niture princelie in all things, that if the same should be rehearsed, the reader would perhaps doubt of the truth therof. ¶In the midst of the kings palace was a marble piller raised hollow vpon steps, on the top whereof was a great gilt eagle placed, vnder whose feet in the chapiter of the piller, diuers kinds of wine came gushing foorth at foure seuerall places all the daie long, neither was anie forbidden to receiue the same, were he neuer so poore or abiect. On the mor∣row after the coronation, there was a generall pro∣cession of the archbishop, bishop, and abbats then present, with the lords, and a great multitude of people, to praie for the king and the peace of the kingdome.

At the going foorth of this procession, the bishop of Rochester preached, exhorting them, that the dissenti∣ons and discords which had long continued betwixt the people and their superiours, might be appeased and forgotten, proouing by manie arguments, that the same highlie displeased God. He admonished the lords, not to be so extreme and hard towards the peo∣ple. On the other part, he exhorted the people in ne∣cessarie causes, for the aid of the king and realme, chéerefullie, and without grudging, to put to their helping hands, according to their bounden duties. He further exhorted those in generall that were ap∣pointed to be about the king, that they should forsake vice, and studie to liue in cleanesse of life and vertue. For if by their example the king were trained to goodnesse, all should be well; but if he declined through their sufferance from the right waie, the people and kingdome were like to fall in danger to perish. After the sermon and procession were ended, the lords and prelats went to their lodgings.

But now, bicause the Englishmen should haue their ioies mingled with some sorrowes, it chanced that the Frenchmen (which about the same time that the kings grandfather departed this life, were waf∣ting on the seas) within six or seauen daies after his deceasse, burnt the towne of Rie. Wherevpon,* 1.8 imme∣diatlie after the coronation, the earles of Cambridge and Buckingham were sent with a power vnto Do∣uer, and the earle of Salisburie vnto Southampton: but in the meane time, to wit,* 1.9 the one and twentith of August, the Frenchmen entring the Ile of Wight, burnt diuerse townes in the same. And though they were repelled from the castell, by the valiant man∣hood of sir Hugh Tirrell capteine thereof, who laid no small number of them on the ground; yet they con∣streined the men of the Ile to giue them a thousand marks of siluer to saue the residue of their houses and goods, and so they departed from thence,* 1.10 sailing still along the costs, and where they saw aduantage, set on land, burning sundrie towns néere to the shore, as Portesmouth, Dartmouth, and Plimmouth.

They made countenance also to haue set on South∣hampton, if sir Iohn Arundell, brother to the earle of Arundell had not beene readie there with a number of men of armes and archers, by whom the towne was defended, and the enimies chased to their ships. From thence the Frenchmen departed, and sailing towards Douer,* 1.11 burnt Hastings; but Winchels•••• they could not win, being valiantlie defended by the abbat of Battell,* 1.12 and others. After this, they landed one day not far from the abbeie of Lewes, at a place [line 10] called Rottington, where the prior of Lewes, and two knights, the one named sir Thomas Cheinie, and the other sir Iohn Falleslie, hauing assembled a number of the countrie people, incountred the Frenchmen, but were ouerthrowen; so that there were slaine a∣bout an hundred Englishmen; and the prior, with the two knights, and an esquier called Iohn Brokas, were taken prisoners, but yet the Frenchmen lost a great number of their owne men at this conflict, and so with their prisoners retired to their ships and gal∣lies, and after returned into France. [line 20]

* 1.13But now touching the dooings about the new K. You shall vnderstand, that by reason of his yoong yeares, as yet he was not able to gouerne himselfe, and therefore Iohn duke of Lancaster,* 1.14 and Edmund earle of Cambridge, with other péeres of the realme, were appointed to haue the administration. He was of good disposition and towardnesse, but his age being readie to incline which way soeuer a man should bend it, those that were appointed to haue the gouerne∣ment [line 30] of his person, did what laie in them now at the first, to keepe him from all maner of light demeanor. But afterwards, when euerie one began to studie more for his owne priuate commoditie, than for the aduancement of the common-wealth, they set open the gates to other, which being readie to corrupt his good nature, by little and little grew familiar with him, and dimming the brightnesse of true honour, with the counterfeit shine of the contrarie, so maske∣red his vnderstanding, that in the end they brought [line 40] him to tract the steps of lewd demeanor, and so were causers both of his and their owne destruction. This séemeth to be touched by C. Okland, who speaking of the death of the old king and the erection of the new, saith of him according to our annales, as followeth:

* 1.15Vndecimum puer hic nondum transegerat annum, Cùm iuuenile caput gessit diademate cinctum. Qui postquam princeps iustis adoleuerat annis. Dicere non facile est quantum distaret auitis Moribus atque animo, fuit hic quàm disparemente, [line 50] Dissimili ingenio clarae matríque patríque.

The Frenchmen not ignorant of such mischéefes as were like to grow in England, suffered no time to passe, but tooke occasions of aduantage when they were offered.* 1.16 ¶ Among other enterprises I find, that shortlie after the deceasse of king Edward, the duke of Burgognie wan Arde, and two or three other fortresses in those marches. The Scots this yeare al∣so wan the castell of Berwike by stealth one mor∣ning,* 1.17 but shortlie vpon knowledge had, the earles of [line 60] Northumberland and Notingham, the lords Ne∣uill, Lucie, Graistoke, & Stafford, with other lords, knights, and esquiers, came with their powers in all hast thither, and entring the towne, besieged the ca∣stell, and finallie, assaulting them that kept it, wan it of them by force, and slue all those Scotishmen which they found within it, except Alexander Ramsie their capteine.* 1.18 When the Englishmen had thus recouered the castell, they entered into Scotland, in hope to find the Scots, and to fight with them whom they knew to be assembled.

The English host was thrée thousand men of armes, & seuen thousand archers, but they sent foorth sir Thomas Musgraue with thrée hundred speares, 〈…〉〈…〉* 1.19 * 1.20

Gouernour of this siege at the first, was Yuan or Owen of Wales, but he was murthered one mor∣ning as he sat alone viewing the castell, and com∣bing his head, by one of his owne countriemen, which vnder colour to serue him, was become with him verie familiar. This Owen or Yuan whether ye will (for all is one) was sonne to a noble man of Wales, whom K. Edward had put to death for some offense by him committed, where this Yuan got him into France, being as then verie yoong, and was brought vp in the French court, and prooued an ex∣pert man of warre, so that great lamentation was made for his death by the Frenchmen. But the Eng∣lishmen, although they misliked the maner of his death, yet they were not greatlie sorrowfull for the chance, sith they were rid thereby of an extreame eni∣mie.

After that the Englishmen had raised the French∣men from the siege of Mortaigne, they returned to Burdeaux, and after recouered sundrie castels and fortresses in the marches of Burdelois, and about Baionne. Also they aided the king of Nauarre, a∣gainst the king of Castile, and made a road into the confines of Castile. But shortlie after, a peace was concluded betwixt those two kings, so that the lord Charles of Nauarre should marrie the daughter of the king of Castile vpon certeine conditions: and so the Englishmen had their wages trulie paid them to their full contentation, and therevpon returned. About Michaelmasse began a parlement that was summoned at Westminster,* 1.21 which continued till the feast of saint Andrew. In this parlement the foresaid sir Peter de la Mere and other the knights that had beene so earnest against dame Alice Peres in the last parlement holden by king Edward the third, so prosecuted the same cause now in this parlement, that the said dame Alice Peres was banished the realme, and all hir goods mooueable and vnmooueable forfeited to the king, bicause contrarie to that she had promised by oth in the said last parlement, she had presumed to come within the court, and to obteine of the king what soeuer was to hir liking.

There were two tenths granted by the clergie to the king in this parlement,* 1.22 and two fiftéenes of the temporaltie, to be paid the same yeare; and two citi∣zens of London, William Walworth, and Iohn Philpot were appointed to haue the kéeping of that monie, to the end it might be imploied to the kings necessarie vses, for the defense of the realme. Sir Hugh Caluerlie being deputie of Calis,* 1.23 comming one morning to Bullongne, burnt certeine ships which laie there in the hauen, to the number of six and twentie, besides two proper barkes, being vessels of no small accompt: and hauing spoiled and burnt the most part of the base towne, he returned to Calis with a great rich bootie of goods and cattell.

Also, where the castell of Marke, in absence of the

capteine sir Robert de Salle, that was gone ouer in∣to England, was lost through negligence of them that were left in charge within it; the same sir Hugh Caluerlie made such spéed in the matter, that he re∣couered it againe the same daie it was lost, by force of assault, taking the Frenchmen prisoners that were gotten into it, and hanging certeine Picards stipendarie soldiers in the said castell,* 1.24 vnder the said sir Robert de Salle, for that whilest the Englishmen were gone foorth, to see the shooting of a match which [line 10] they had made amongst themselues, a little off from the castell, those Picards being left within, shut the gates against them, and receiued in the Frenchmen, with whome they had practised in treason, kéeping the Englishmen foorth, to whome the safe kéeping of that castell was committed.

This yeare was a bull sent from the pope vnto the vniuersitie of Oxenford,* 1.25 to apprehend Iohn Wic∣liffe, parson of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, with∣in the diocesse of Lincolne.* 1.26 Also, there were other [line 20] bulles to the same effect, sent vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London. Likewise to the king were letters directed from the pope, to re∣quire his fauour against the said Wickliffe, so gree∣uouslie was the pope incensed against him, and not without cause, for if his conclusions in doctrine tooke effect, he well perceiued his papisticall authoritie would shortlie decaie. As for the popish cleargie, to them not onelie the sect but also the name of Wick∣liffe was so odious, that in recording his opinions [line 30] and sectaries, they excéed the bounds of all modestie, aggrauating such reports as they infer concerning him or his with more than hyperbolicall lies: as ap∣peereth by that long and tedious discourse which he wrote, that compiling certeine annales intituled De euentibus Angliae, prefixeth this verse in the front of his volume, in letters of red vermilon, as desiring to haue his name notoriouslie knowne to the world;

* 1.27Autoris nomen capitales litterae pandunt:

He (I say) in that copious treatise hauing spoken as [line 40] maliciouslie & viperouslie as he might both of Wick∣liffes life, which he concludeth to be lewd; of his opi∣nions, which he auoucheth to be hereticall; and of his fauourers and followers, to whom (at his pleasure) he giueth vnreuerent epithets (all which to prosecute at length, as by him they are in ample sort laid downe, would but detect the mans malignitie, and procure an ouerthrow of credit to be attributed vnto his declarations) he maketh vp his mouth with a tristichon of poeticall imitation, to bring Wickliffe [line 50] and his adherents into perpetuall obloquie and de∣famation, saieng as followeth in verse and prose;

Si totum membrana solum, calamus nemus omne, Et Thetis encaustum, scriptor & omnis homo, Istorum facinus scribere non poterunt.

Maledictus conuentus eorum, quoniam pertinax, propterea Deus destruat eos, in finem euellat, & emigrare faciat de tabernaculis fidelium suorum, & radicem eorum de terra regni; & hoc videant iusti, & laetentur; vt dicere pos∣sint; Ecce populus qui se exaltauit super electos doctores Do∣mini, [line 60] & sperauit in multitudine vanitatis suae: confun∣dantur & pereant cum doctrina eorum in aeternum, &c.

But of Wickliffes life and doctrine to read at large, I remit the reader to the acts and monuments of the church, published by maister Iohn Fox: and now will we returne to matters of state and policie. There went foorth this yeare a verie great nauie of ships to the sea, vnder the guiding of the earle of Buckingham, the duke of Britaine, the lord Lati∣mer, the lord Fitz Walter, sir Robert Knolles, and other valiant capteins,* 1.28 meaning to haue intercep∣ted the Spanish fléet that was gone to Sluse in Flanders, but thorough rage of tempest, and contra∣rie winds, they were driuen home, although twise they attempted their fortune: but sir Hugh Caluer∣lie, deputie of Calis, slept not his businesse,* 1.29 dooing still what displeasures he could to the Frenchmen. Shortlie after Christmasse, he spoiled the towne of Estaples the same daie the faire was kept there, to which a great number of merchants of Bullougne were come to make their markets, but the sellers had quicke vtterance, for that that might easilie be cari∣ed awaie, the Englishmen laid hands on, and caused the owners to redéeme the residue with great sums of monie, which they vndertooke to paie; or else sir Hugh threatned to haue burnt all that was left, to∣gither with the houses.

Yée haue heard, how at the first the duke of Lan∣caster was one of the chéefe about the yoong king in gouernement of his person and realme, who pru∣dentlie considering, that sith there must néeds be an alteration in the state, & doubting least if any thing chanced otherwise than well,* 1.30 the fault and blame might be chéefelie imputed to him, and thanks (how∣soeuer things went) he looked for none, he gaue there∣fore the slip, obteining licence of the king to depart, and so got him home to his castell of Killingworth, permitting other to haue the whole swaie: for before his departure from the court, there were with his consent ordeined such as should be attending on the kings person, and haue the rule and ordering of mat∣ters perteining to the state, as William Courtnie, then bishop of London (though shortlie after remoo∣ued to the archbishops see of Canturburie) Edmund Mortimer earle of March, & diuerse other, of whome the people had conceiued a good opinion: but yet bi∣cause the bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Latimer were admitted amongst the residue, the commons murmured greatlie against them.

The earle of Northumberland resigned his office of lord marshall, in whose place succeeded sir Iohn Arundell, brother vnto the earle of Arundell. ¶ The duke of Lancaster, although retired from the court, yet desirous to haue the monie in his hands that was granted the last parlement, at length obteined it, vpon promise to defend the realme from inuasion of all enimies for one yeares space: he therefore pro∣uided a great nauie to go to the sea, hiring nine ships of Baionne, to assist his enterprise herein, the which in making saile hitherwards, incountred with the Spanish fléet, and tooke fouretéene vessels laden with wines and other merchandize. But in the meane time, one Mercer a Scotishman, with cer∣teine saile of Scots, Frenchmen, and Spaniards, came to Scarburgh, and there tooke certeine ships, and led them awaie to the sea, as it were in reuenge of his fathers imprisonment, named Iohn Mercer, who before being caught by certeine ships of the north parts, and deliuered to the earle of Northum∣berland, was committed to prison within the castell of Scarburgh.

Iohn Philpot that worshipfull citizen of London,* 1.31 lamenting the negligence of them that should haue prouided against such inconueniences, made foorth a fléet at his owne charges, stronglie furnished with men of warre and munition necessarie: the men of warre méeting with the same Mercer, accompa∣nied with his owne ships, and fiftéene other Spa∣niards that were newlie ioined with him, set vpon them, and so valiantlie behaued themselues, that they tooke the said Mercer with all them that were then in his companie, so recouering againe the ships that were taken from Scarburgh, besides great riches which were found aboord, as well in the fiftéene Spa∣nish ships, as the other that were of the old retinue, belonging to the same Mercer. Iohn Philpot was af∣terwards blamed of the lords, for presuming thus far, as to set foorth a nauie of men of warre, without

the aduise of the kings councell: but he made his answer in such wise vnto the earle of Stafford, and others that laid the fault to his charge, that he was permitted to depart, without further trouble for that matter.

Before all such prouision as the duke of Lancaster prepared for his iournie to the sea could be readie, the earles of Salisburie and Arundell sailed ouer into Normandie, where, by such composition as was ta∣ken betwixt the king of England and the king of [line 10] Nauarre, who of new was become enimie to the French king,* 1.32 the towne of Chierburg was deliuered vnto the said earles, who sending knowledge thereof backe into England, there were sent ouer such as should haue in charge the kéeping of that towne; and so the two earles returned. ¶ We find, that the king of Nauarre,* 1.33 hauing beene heere in England with the king and his councell, had agréed with the king for a certeine yearelie rent, to demise vnto him the said fortresse of Chierburg, whereby the Englishmen [line 20] might haue frée entrie into Normandie, when they would, as well to aid the king of Nauarre in his ne∣cessitie, as to worke anie enterprise that should be thought expedient to the aduantage of the king of England as occasion serued. But the obteining of possession of Chierburg brought not so much ioy to the English nation, as the mishap that happened at the going foorth of the said earles did cause lamen••a∣tion and heauinesse.

For vpon the first entring into the sea, it fortuned that sir Philip,* 1.34 and sir Peter Couetenie, discouered a [line 30] certeine number of ships that were enimies, and vn∣discréetlie entered amongst them, there suddenlie came vpon them the Spanish fléet, so that the Eng∣lish ships that were in companie with the said Phi∣lip and sir Peter, were not able to make their partie good, in somuch that finallie after that sir Philip had lost diuerse of his men that were there slaine, he go•• awaie by flight himselfe, though gréeuouslie woun∣ded, but sir Peter was taken prisoner with a few o∣ther [line 40] knights that were with him; and the most part of all the valiant esquiers of Summer se••shire & De∣uonshire, being there abroad with him, were slaine and drowned, which was estéemed no small losse to the whole common-wealth.

Thus were the Englishmen occupied in this first yeare of king Richard with troubles of warre, and not onelie against the Frenchmen, but also against the Scots. For euen in the beginning of the same yeare,* 1.35 the Scots burnt Rokesburgh, in reuenge [line 50] whereof the new earle of Northumberland entered Scotland with ten thousand men, and sore spoiled the lands of the earle of March for the space of thrée daies togither; bicause the said earle of March was the chéefe author and procurer of the burning of Rokes∣burgh, & so for that time th' Englishmen were well re∣uenged of those enimies. But at an other time, when the Northerne men would néeds make a road into Scotland, entring by the west borders, they were incountered by the Scots and put to flight, so that [line 60] manie of them being slaine, the Scots tooke the more courage to inuade the borders, till at length, Edmund Mortimer earle of March came at the daie of truce, and tooke an abstinence of warre betwixt both nations for the time, though the same continued not long.

* 1.36Anon after Midsummer, the duke of Lancaster with a strong power tooke the sea, and landing in Bri∣taine, besieged the towne of saint Mallo de Lisle, a fortresse of great importance. There went ouer with him the earles of Buckingham, Warwike, Staf∣ford, and diuerse other of the English nobilitie, the which made their approches, and fiercelie assailed the towne, but it was so valiantlie defended, that in the end, the duke with his armie raised from thence, and returned without atchiuing his purpose. ¶ About the same time, there was a notable and hainous murther committed within saint Peters church at Westminster, by occasion of variance betwéene the lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferters on the one partie,* 1.37 and two esquiers, the one called Robert Hall and the other Iohn Shakell on the other partie, about a priso∣ner which was taken at the battell of Nazers in Spaine, called the earle of Deane, who (as some write) was taken by one sir Franke de Hall at the said battell;* 1.38 and bicause he remained in his hands at the death of the said sir Franke, he bequeathed him vnto his sonne the said Robert Hall esquier.

But as other write, the said earle was taken by the said Robert Hall himselfe & Iohn Shakell ioint∣lie, and iudged to be their lawfull prisoner,* 1.39 by the sen∣tence of the prince of Wales, and sir Iohn Chandois that was master to the said esquiers. Wherevpon af∣terwards the said earle obteined so much fauor, that by leauing his sonne and heire in gage for his ran∣some, he returned into Spaine, to prouide monie to discharge it; but he was so slow in that matter, after he was at libertie, that he departed this life before he made any paiment, and so his lands fell to his sonne that remained in gage for the monie with the two esquiers. Wherevpon it happened afterwards, that the duke of Lancaster, desirous to haue the yoong earle in his hands (in hope through his meanes the better to accomplish his enterprise which he meant to take in hand against the king of Castile, for the right of that kingdome) procured his nephue king Richard to require the said earle of Deane, at the hands of the said esquiers.

But they refused to deliuer him, keeping their priso∣ner foorth of the waie, so that none wist were he was become: the esquiers therefore were committed to the tower, out of the which they escaped vnto West∣minster, and there registred themselues for sanctuarie men. The duke of Lancaster was herewith sore of∣fended, and their enimies the said lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferrers tooke counsell togither, with sir A∣lane Boxhull and others, how they might be reuen∣ged of this despite. This sir Alane Boxhull was con∣stable of the tower, and therefore it greeued him not a little, that the esquiers had broken from him, and kept themselues thus at Westminster, vnder protec∣tion of that priuileged place. Herevpon it was con∣cluded, that sir Rafe Ferrers, and the said Alane Boxhull, taking with them certeine men in armour, to the number of fiftie persons, should go and fetch them by force from Westminster, vnto the tower a∣gaine.

The morrow therefore after saint Laurence daie, being the eleuenth of August, these two knights ac∣companied with certeine of the kings seruants and other, to the number afore mentioned, came into the church at Westminster, whilest the said esquiers were there hearing of high masse, which was then in celebrating; and first laieng hands vpon Iohn Shakell, vsed the matter so with him, that they drew him foorth of the church, and led him streight to the tower. But when they came to Robert Hall, and fell in reasoning with him, he would not suffer them to come within his reach, and perceiuing they meant to take him by force, he drew out a falcheon or short sword which he had girt to him, and therewith laid so fréelie about him, trauersing twise round about the moonks quier, that till they had beset him on ech side, they could doo him no hurt.

Howbeit,* 1.40 at length when they had got him at that aduantage, one of them cloue his head to the verie braines, and an other thrust him through the bodie be∣hind with a sword, and so they murthered him among

them. They slue also one of the moonkes that would haue had them to haue saued the esquiers life. Much adoo was about this matter, for the breaking thus of the sanctuarie, in somuch that the archbishop of Can∣turburie, and fiue other bishops his suff••agans, o∣penlie pronounced all them that were present at this murder accurssed, and likewise all such as aided or counselled them to it, cheeflie and namelie sir Alane Boxhull, and sir Rafe Ferrers, capteins and leaders of them. The king, the queene, and the duke of Lanca∣ster [line 10] were yet excepted by speciall names. The bishop of London a long time after, euerie sundaie, Wednes∣daie, and fridaie, pronounced this excommunication in the church of S. Paule at London.

The duke of Lancaster (though excepted in the same) yet in behalfe of his fréends was not a little offended with the bishops dooings, in so much that in a councell holden at Windsore (to the which the bi∣shop of London was called, but would not come, nor yet ceasse the pronouncing of the cursse, albeit the [line 20] king had requested him by his letters) the duke said openlie, that the bishops froward dealings were not to be borne with, but (saith he) if the king would command me, I would gladlie go to London, and fetch that disobedient prelat, in despite of those ri∣baulds (for so he termed them) the Londoners. These words procured the duke much euill will, as well of the Londoners, as of other: for it was commonlie said, that whatsoeuer had béene doone at Westmin∣ster, concerning the murther there committed in the [line 30] church, was doone by his commandement.

* 1.41About the feast of S. Luke, a parlement was hol∣den at Glocester, for the displeasure (as was thought) which some of the councell had conceiued against the Londoners, or rather (as some tooke it) for feare of them, least if any thing were doone contrarie to their minds, they should be about to hinder it, if the parle∣ment had beene kept neere them: for manie things (as some iudged) were meant to haue beene put foorth and concluded in this parlement, albeit few in effect [line 40] came to passe of those matters that were surmised, sauing that it was inacted, that the king should haue a marke of the merchants for euerie sacke of their woolles, for this present yeare; and for euerie pounds worth of wares that was brought in from beyond the seas, and here sold, six pence of the buiers. ¶Also, certeine priuileges were granted in this parlement to merchant-strangers, that they might buie and sell in grosse, or by retaile within this realme, as in the printed booke of statutes it appeareth.

* 1.42This yeare came messengers from the new elec∣ted [line 50] pope Urbane, with letters to require the kings assistance and aid against such cardinals as he named schismatikes, that had elected an other pope whome they named Clement, which cardinals sent likewise their messengers with letters, to beséech the king to aid them with his fauourable assistance: but through persuasion of the archbishop of Canturburie, Ur∣bans request was granted, and Clements reiected. About the same time,* 1.43 to wit, on thursdaie before the [line 60] feast of S. Andrew th'apostle, the Scots by stelth en∣tred by night into the castell of Berwike, and slue sir Robert Bointon, a right valiant knight, that was constable thereof, permitting his wife, children, and seruants to depart, with condition, that within three weekes next insuing, they should either paie them thrée thousand marks, or else yeeld their bodies againe to prison.

The morrow after, the same Scots fetched a great bootie of cattell out of the countries next adioining, but immediatlie after the earle of Northumberland being aduertised hereof, hasted thither with foure hundred armed men, and assaulting the castell on ech side, after two houres defense, wan it, slaieng of the defendants about eight and fortie,* 1.44 reseruing onelie one of the whole number aliue, that he might informe the Englishmen thoroughlie of the Scotishmens purposes. At this enterprise was the earle of Nor∣thumberlands eldest sonne,* 1.45 spreading there first his banner, and dooing so valiantlie, that he deserued singular commendation; as likewise did sir Alane de Heton, and sir Thomas de Ilderton, with those of the surname of the Herons, euerie of these hauing their quarters assigned to assault. Thus was the castell re∣couered the ninth daie after the Scots had entered the same, so that they enioied not long that victorious exploit.

And bicause this enterprise was taken in hand a∣gainst the couenant of the truce, the earle of Nor∣thumberland, before he attempted to recouer the ca∣stell, sent to the earle of March in Scotland, to vn∣derstand if he would anow that which his countri∣men had doone, touching the winning of that castell, who sent him knowledge againe, that he neither vn∣derstood of their enterprise, nor would be partaker with them therein: but if it so pleased the earle of Northumberland, he would come himselfe, and helpe to recouer it to the K. of Englands vse, out of those Scotishmens hands, which without publike authori∣tie had made that exploit. This yeare, sir Robert Rous, capteine of Chierburg, was called home,* 1.46 after he had taken sir Oliuer de Clisson, and atchiued ma∣nie other worthie aduentures against the kings eni∣mies.* 1.47 In his place was sent sir Iohn Herleston, to remaine vpon the gard of that castell. Also, sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputie of Calis, that had so valiantlie borne himselfe against the Frenchmen, was like∣wise discharged; and comming home, was made ad∣merall, being ioined in commission in that office with sir Thomas Percie.

Sir William Montacute earle of Salisburie was sent ouer to Calis, to be the kings lieutenant there, who shortlie after his comming thither fetcht a great bootie of cattell out of the enimies countrie adioining, so that Calis was furnished with no small number of the same. ¶ Sir Hugh Caluerlie, and sir Thomas Percie, going to sea, tooke seauen ships la∣den with merchandize, and one ship of warre. ¶The archbishop of Cassils in Ireland, returning from Rome, brought with him large authoritie of bind∣ing and loosing, granted to him by pope Urbane, in fauour of whome at his comming to London, in a sermon which he preached, he declared to the people, how the French king, holding with the antipape Clement, was denounced accurssed; and therefore now was the time for Englishmen to make warre in France, hauing such occasion, as greater could not be offered; speciallie, sith it was like that the ex∣communicated king should haue no courage to make resistance. This is I will not saie the diuini∣tie (for what heauenlinesse can there be in such dam∣nable doctrine, to set people together by the eares?) of the Romanists; so farre off are they from the stu∣die of peace and concord betwixt man and man, that they set whole monarchies and empires vp to the mid leg in streams of bloud, imitating their great grand∣father sashan, who hath béene a makebate and a mur∣therer from the beginning: renouncing the footsteps of Christ with open mouth, and forswering to follow him either in demeanour or doctrine, and therefore;

Quis nisimentis inops, vt sanctum tale probabit? Haeccine mens Christi? Talia nulla docet.

In a parlement holden at Westminster this yeare after Easter, it was ordeined,* 1.48 that the priui∣leges and immunities of the abbeie of Westminster should remaine whole and inuiolate; but yet there was a prouiso against those that tooke sanctuarie, with purpose to defraud their creditors, that their

lands & goods shuld be answerable to the discharging of their debts. In the same parlement was granted to the king a subsidie,* 1.49 to be leuied of the great men of the land. To the end the commons might be spared, the dukes of Lancaster and Britaine paid twentie markes, euerie earle six marks, bishops and abbats with miters as much, and euerie moonke thrée shil∣lings foure pence: also, euery iustice, shiriffe, knight, esquier, parson, vicar, and chapleine, were charged af∣ter a certeine rate, but not any of the commons that [line 10] were of the laitie.

Ye haue heard how sir Iohn Harleston was sent to Chierburg as capteine of that fortresse, who issuing abroad on a day,* 1.50 with such power as he might take foorth, leauing the fortresse furnished, came to a place, where within a church and in a mill, the Frenchmen had laid vp, as in storehouses, a great quantitie of vittels, for prouision; which church and mill the Eng∣lishmen assaulted so valiantlie, that notwithstanding there were within a good number of the enimies, that did their best to defend themselues, yet at length they [line 20] were taken, and sir Iohn Harleston with his com∣panie, returned with the vittels towards Chierburg, but by the way they were incountred by one sir Wil∣liam de Bourds, whome the French king had ap∣pointed to lie in Mountburg with a strong power of men of war, to countergarison Chierburg.

Herevpon insued a sore conflict, and manie an har∣die man was beaten to the ground. And although it séemed that the Englishmen were ouermatched in number, yet they stucke to it manfullie. Their cap∣teine [line 30] sir Iohn Harleston, fighting in the foremost presse, was felled, and laie on the ground at his eni∣mies féet in great hazard of death. The Englishmen neuerthelesse continued their fight, till at length sir Geffrie Worslie, with a wing of armed footmen with axes, came to the rescue (for to that end he was left behind, of purpose to come to their aid if néed re∣quired) with whose comming the Frenchmen were so hardlie handled, that to conclude, they were bro∣ken insunder, beaten downe and wholie vanquished: [line 40] there were of them slaine aboue six score, and as ma∣nie taken prisoners, among which number was their chéefe capteine sir William de Bourdes taken, and brought to Chierburg with the residue, and there put in safe keeping. This exploit was atchiued by the En∣glishmen, on saint Martins day in winter, in this third yeare of king Richard his reigne.

But least any ioy should come to the English peo∣ple in that season, without some mixture of gréefe, one sir I. Clearke a right valiant knight,* 1.51 & fellow in [line 50] armes with sir Hugh Caluerlie, chanced this yeare to lie in garrison in a castell in Britaine, where was an hauen, & diuerse English ships lieng in the same, whereof the French gallies being aduertised, came thither, to set those ships on fire, appointing one of their gallies first to attempt the feat, and if fortune so would, to traine the Englishmen foorth, till they should fall into the laps of foure other gallies which they laid as it had béene in ambush.* 1.52 Now as the eni∣mies [line 60] wished so it came to passe, for the Englishmen perceiuing their vessels in danger to be burnt of the enimies, ran euerie man aboord to saue the ships and goods within them; and amongst the rest, sir Iohn Clearke their capteine, meaning to take such part as his men did, got aboord also, and streight falling in pursute of the gallie that withdrew for the purpose a∣foresaid, the Englishmen were shortlie inclosed with the other gallies before they were aware, not know∣ing what shift to make to auoid the present danger.

Sir Iohn Clearke, perceiuing how the case stood, laid about him like a giant, causing his companie still to draw backe againe, whilest he resisting the e∣nimies, did shew such proofe of his valiancie, that they were m••••h astonished therewith. To be short, he so manfullie behaued himselfe, that the most part of his companie had time to recouer land; but when he that had ••hus preserued others shuld leape forth of the ship to saue himselfe, he was striken in the thigh with an ax, that downe he fell, and so came into the enimies hands, being not able to recouer that hurt, for his thigh was almost quite cut off from the bodie, so that he died of that and other hurts presentlie, leauing a remembrance behind him of manie worthie acts through his valiancie atchiued, to his high praise and great commendation. The barke of Yorke was also lost the same time, being a proper vessell, and now ta∣ken suddenlie, sanke with all that were aboord in hir, both Englishmen, and the enimies also that were en∣tered into hir, thinking to carrie hir awaie.

About the same time the duke of Britaine retur∣ning into his countrie, vnder the conduct of sir Tho∣mas Percie and sir Hugh Caluerlie, landed at a ha∣uen not far from saint Malo, the fourth day of Au∣gust, being receiued with vnspeakeable ioy of the Britaines, as well lords as commons, so that the lo∣uing harts which they bare towards him, might well appeare,* 1.53 although the loue which he bare to the king of England had caused his subiects, in fauor of France, to kéepe him manie yeares foorth of his dukedome as a banished prince, but at length, they being ouer∣come with irkesomnesse of his long absence, with generall consents sent for him home, so that there were but few of the British nobilitie that withdrew their dutifull obedience from him, and those were on∣lie such as firmelie linked in seruice with the French king, were loth to forgo such roomes and dignities as vnder him they inioied; namelie, the constable of France, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the lord Clisson, the lord de Rohen, and the lord Rochfort, and certeine others.

The lord de la Uall amongst other, came to him (as we find in Thomas Walsingham) offering him his seruice as well as the residue. At his landing, he was likelie to haue lost all such furniture, as well of vit∣tels, apparell, hangings, bedding, armour, and other things, which either he or his traine had brought with them. For the French gallies espieng their time, im∣mediatlie as he and his companie were set on land, before the ships in which the said furniture was fraught, could enter the hauen, which was somewhat streight and narrow, came vpon them, and had them at such aduantage,* 1.54 that if sir Hugh Caluerlie with his archers had not caused the master of his ship, e∣uen against his will to returne againe to the rescue, the gallies had taken and gone awaie with the other ships; but through the manfull prowes of sir Hugh, the gallies were repelled, & the ships saued: for accor∣ding to his woonted valiancie he would not returne, till he saw all other in safetie, & then defending him∣selfe so well as he might, withdrew into the hauen, and landed safelie with the residue.

About the same time was an hainous murther committed in London, of a merchant Genowes,* 1.55 whom certeine English merchants vpon spite and enuie, which they bare towards him, caused to be slaine one euening in the stréet before his own gates. The cause that mooued the merchants so to procure his death was, for that he vndertooke to furnish this land, hauing the staple allowed him at Southhamp∣ton, of all such wares as came foorth of Leuant, so plentifullie as was to be had in any place in all the west parts of christendome.* 1.56 In the summer of this yeare, a greeuous mortalitie afflicted the north parts of this land, so that the countrie became almost deso∣late. And to the increase of that miserie,* 1.57 the Scots thinking the time to serue th••ir turne, inuaded the borders, and most cruellie harried, robbed, and spoiled

the same, not letting passe any part, of most cruell murthering of the people that were left aliue, and not made awaie by that sore contagious sicknesse. The number of cattell was infinite which they droue out of the land with them, not sparing heards of swine which they tooke at this time, where they ne∣uer medled with that kind of cattell before that pre∣sent.

Before the Scots made this iournie into Eng∣land, whilest the mortalitie was most in force, they calling to certeine of the English borderers, asked [line 10] of them how it came to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that so great a death reigned amongst them. The Englishmen, as good, plaine, and simple meaning men, told them, that trulie they knew not the cause, for Gods iudgements were hid from them in such behalfe. But one thing they knew, that all calamitie, death, and aduersitie that chanced vnto them, came by the speciall grace of God, to the end that being punished for their sinnes, they might learne to repent and amend their wicked liues. The Scots hearing this, when they should en∣ter [line 20] this land, vnderstanding lewdlie what the Eng∣lishmen had told them concerning the disease, and the grace of God, deuised a blessing forsooth to be said euerie morning, of the most ancient person in eue∣rie familie, as; Benedicite, said he: Dominus, said the residue. Then began he againe, saieng; God and saint Mango, saint Romane and saint Andro, shield vs this daie fra Gods grace, and the fewle death that Englishmen dien vpon. Thus the senselesse men misconstruing this word the grace of God, praied for [line 30] their owne destruction, which if not in this world, yet for their brutish crueltie vsed at that present, against the miserable creatures, whom the hand of God had spared in time of that gréeuous mortalitie, it is to be feared, least in another world it came to them, as the verie words of their praiers imported.

About the same time, Iohn Schakell esquier was set at libertie, the king compounded with him for his prisoner, giuing fiue hundred marks in redie monie, and lands to the value of a hundred marks by yeare. [line 40] When he should bring foorth his prisoner, and deliuer him to the king, this is to be noted, as a thing verie strange and woonderfull. For when he should appeare, it was knowne to be the verie groome that had ser∣ued him in all the time of his trouble, and would ne∣uer vtter himselfe what he was before that time, ha∣uing serued him as an hired seruant all that while in prison, and out of prison, in danger of life, when his o∣ther maister was murthered,* 1.58 where, if he would haue vttered himselfe, he might haue beene enterteined in [line 50] such honorable state, as for a prisoner of his degrée had beene requisit, so that the faithfull loue and assu∣red constancie in this noble gentleman was highlie commended and praised, and no lesse maruelled at of all men.

About the feast of S. Nicholas, in this third yeare of king Richards reigne, there went to sea an armie of men, that should haue passed ouer into Britaine, to the aid of the duke there, vnder the conduct of sir Iohn Arundell, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Thomas Percie, [line 60] sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morews, sir Tho∣mas Banester, & manie other knights and esquires, too long to rehearse, a sufficient power vndoubted∣lie to haue doone a great enterprise: but they were no sooner on the sea, but suddenlie there arose such an hideous tempest of wind and stormes, that they loo∣ked presentlie to be all cast awaie, they were scatte∣red here and there,* 1.59 and driuen they wist not whither. The ship wherein sir Iohn Arundell was aboord, chanced to be cast on the coast of Ireland, and there driuen to forsake his ship, that was readie to be bro∣ken in péeces by rage of waues, beating it there a∣gainst the rocks: he was drowned before he could win to land, in an Ile, neere to the which they had thrust in the ship.

To the like end came sir Thomas Banester, sir Nicholas Trumpington, and sir Thomas Dale, im∣peaching each others, as they leapt foorth of the ship: also one Musard an esquire, a most séemelie perso∣nage and a bold; and an other esquier named Deni∣••ke, being almost out of danger, were fetched awaie by the surges of the sea, and so perished, with manie other. Robert Rust a cunning seaman, belonging to Blacknie in Northfolke, & maister of the ship where∣in sir Iohn Arundell was imbarked, was the first that got to land, giuing example to others how to shift for themselues. But when he saw his cheefe cap∣teine, the said sir Iohn Arundell got foorth to the sands, and as one thinking himselfe past all danger, to shake his wet garments about him; the said Rust waieng the dangerous state wherein the said sir Iohn Arundell yet stood, came downe, and raught to him his hand, inforsing himselfe to plucke him to the shore: but whilest he tooke care for an other mans safetie, and neglected his owne, he lost his life, and so they both perished togither; for through a mightie bil∣low of the raging seas, they were both ouerthrowne, and with returning of the waues backe, drawne into the deepe, so that they could neuer recouer foot-hold a∣gaine, but were drowned.

The said Rust was much lamented, bicause he was not onelie knowne to be a skilfull maister, but also counselled the said sir Iohn Arundell in no wise to go to sea, at what time he would needs set forward, forsing the said Rust and the marriners to hoist vp sailes and make awaie. They that scaped to land in that Ile, found nothing there to releeue their mise∣ries, but bare ground, so that diuerse starued through cold, wanting fier and other succour: the residue that were lustie and wise withall, ran vp and downe, and sometime wrestling, and otherwise chafing them∣selues, remained there in great miserie, from the thursdaie, till sundaie at noone next insuing. At what time, when the sea was appeased and waxen calme, the Irishmen that dwelled ouer against this Ile on the maine, came and fetched them thence, and relée∣ued them the best they could, being almost dead, through trauell, hunger, and cold.

The said sir Iohn Arundell lost not onelie his life, but all his furniture and apparell for his bodie,* 1.60 which was verie sumptuous, so that it was thought to sur∣mount the apparell of any king. For he had two and fiftie new sutes of apparell of cloth of gold or tissue, as was reported, all the which, togither with his hors∣ses & geldings, amounting to the value of ten thou∣sand marks, was lost at the sea. And besides this, there were lost at the same time fiue and twentie ships, with men, horsses, and other riches,* 1.61 which atten∣ded him in that voiage. Yet sir Thomas Percie, and sir Hugh Caluerlie, with sir William Elmham, and certeine others escaped, but cruellie tormented with vnmercifull tempest: and before sir Thomas Per∣cie could get to land, after the sea was quieted, he was assaulted by a Spaniard, against whome he so defended himselfe, that in the end he tooke the Spa∣nish vessell, and brought hir, with all that he found aboord in hir, vnto the next shore, and sold the same for an hundred pounds, and without long delaie, tooke the sea, & passed ouer to Brest, of which fortresse he was capteine, iointlie with sir Hugh Caluerlie, and therefore doubting least some inconuenience might chance thereto now in both their absence, he made the more hast, not taking rest till he came thi∣ther, notwithstanding his passed painefull trauels. Sir Hugh Caluerlie was neuer in his life in more danger of death, than at that time: for all that were in his ship (as Froissard writeth) were drowned, ex∣cept

himselfe & s••auen mariners. We find, that there were drowned in one place & other, aboue a thousand Englishmen in that most vnluckie voiage. ¶ Some writers impute this calamitie to light on the said sir Iohn Arundell & his companie, for the lasciuious and filthie rule which they kept before their setting foorth, in places where they laie, till their prouision was rea∣die;* 1.62 who not content with that which they did before they tooke ship, in rauishing mens wiues, maids and daughters, they caried them aboord, that they might [line 10] haue the vse of them whilest they were vpon the sea,

(Saeua libido furens, quid non mortalia cogis Pectora? Quídue tuo non est violabile telo?)

and yet when the tempest rose, like cruell and vn∣mercifull persons they threw them into the sea, ei∣ther for that they would not be troubled with their la∣mentable noise and crieng, or for that they thought so long as they had such women aboord with them (whome they had abused so long) God would not ceasse the rage of the tempest. But it should appeare [line 20] that this tempest was generall, for where the Spa∣nish and French fléets were abroad at the same time, being assembled togither to annoie the coasts of this land, their ships were likewise tossed and turmoiled, so as no small number of them were lost, in so much that the damage which they susteined, was thought far to passe that which hapned to the English nauie.

[year 1380] In this yeare about Christmasse, sir William de Montacute earle of Salisburie, after he had remai∣ned twelue moneths space at Calis, the kings lieute∣nant [line 30] there was called home,* 1.63 & sir Iohn Deuereux a right valiant knight, and an old man of warre, was sent thither in his place. ¶ Also, sir Iohn Harleston was called home from Chierburg, and sir William Windeshore a noble knight was sent thither to be capteine of that fortresse. ¶After the Epiphanie, was a parlement called at London, which continued till the beginning of the kalendes of March. ¶Also wher∣as the yeare before there had beene certeine bishops, earles, barons, and iustices appointed, to haue the go∣uernement [line 40] and rule about the king; now at the re∣quest of the lords and commons in this parlement as∣sembled;* 1.64 the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was chosen to remaine continuallie with the king, as chéefe gouernour, both of his person, and to giue answer to all strangers that should come hi∣ther about any businesse whatsoeuer, and further to haue the rule and order of all things, in lieu of those that were chosen thereto before: it was perceiued that they had sought to inrich themselues, & had doone [line 50] little to the aduancement of the kings honor, or state of the common-wealth, but rather emptied the kings cofers.

In this parlement also, the lord Richard Scrope gaue ouer the office of chancellor,* 1.65 and Simon Sud∣burie archbishop of Canturburie tooke it vpon him. ¶ In this parlement was granted a tenth by the cleargie, and a fifteenth by the laitie, with condition that from hencefoorth, to wit, from the kalends of March, to the feast of S. Michaell, which then should [line 60] be in the yeare 1381, there should be no more parle∣ments, but this condition was not performed, as af∣ter appeared. In the octaues of Easter, the lord Ua∣leran earle of saint Paule married the kings halfe sister,* 1.66 the ladie Ione de Courtnie: the solemnizati∣on of this marriage was holden at Windsore, with great triumphing. ¶ The princesse that was mother to the bride, was greatlie against the marriage, but the bride hir selfe had such a liking to the earle, that the king was contented that they should match togi∣ther, and set him free of his ransome which he should haue paid, for that he had béene taken prisoner in the marches of Calis, and further, gaue with his sister by waie of endowment, the towneship and manour of Bie••léet.

On the seuenth of Iune,* 1.67 a combat was fought afore the kings palace at Westminster, on the pauement there, betwixt one sir Iohn Anneslie knight, and one Thomas Katrington esquier: the occasion of which strange and notable triall rose hereof. The knight ac∣cused the esquier of treason, for that where the for∣tresse of saint Sauiour within the Ile of Constan∣tine in Normandie, belonging som••time to sir Iohn Chandois, had béene committed to the said Katring∣ton, as capteine the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••o keepe it against the eni∣mies, he had for 〈…〉〈…〉 and deliuered it ouer to the Frenchmen, where he was sufficientlie proui∣ded of men, munition and vittels, to haue defended it against them; and sith the inheritance of that fortresse and landes belonging thereto, had apperteined to the said Anneslie in right of his wife, as neerest cousine by affinitie vnto sir Iohn Chandois, if by the false conueiance of the said Katrington, it had not béene made awaie, and alienated into the enimies hands: he offered therefore to trie the quarrell by combat, a∣gainst the said Katrington, whervpon was the same Katrington apprehended, and put in prison, but short∣lie after set at libertie againe.

Whilest the duke of Lancaster, during the time that his father king Edward laie in his last sicke∣nesse, did in all things what liked him, & so at the con∣templation of the lord Latimer (as was thought) he released Katrington for the time, so that sir Iohn An∣neslie could not come to the effect of his sute in all the meane time, till now. Such as feared to be char∣ged with the like offenses staied the matter, till at length, by the opinion of true and ancient knights it was defined,* 1.68 that for such a forren controuersie that had not risen within the limits of the realme, but tou∣ched possession of things on the further side the sea, it was lawfull to haue it tried by battell, if the cause were first notified to the constable and marshall of the realme, and that the combat was accepted by the parties. Herevpon was the day and place appointed, and all things prouided readie, with lists railed and made so substantiallie, as if the same should haue in∣dured for euer. The concourse of people that came to London to sée this tried, was thought to excéed that of the kings coronation, so desirous men were to be∣hold a sight so strange and vnaccustomed.

The king, his nobles,* 1.69 and all the people being come togither in the morning of the daie appointed, to the place where the lists were set vp, the knight be∣ing armed and mounted on a faire courser seemelie trapped, entered first as appellant, staieng till his ad∣uersarie the defendant should come. And shortlie af∣ter was the esquier called to defend his cause in this forme: Thomas Katrington defendant, come and appeare to saue the action, for which sir Iohn Annes∣lie knight and appellant hath publikelie and by wri∣ting appealed thée. He being thus called thrise by an herald at armes, at the third call did come ar∣med likewise; and riding on a courser trapped with traps imbrodered with his armes, at his approching to the lists he alighted from his horsse, lest according to the law of armes the constable should haue cha∣lenged the horsse if he had entered within the lists. But his shifting nothing auailed him, for the horsse after his maister was alighted beside him, ran vp & downe by the railes, now thrusting his head ouer, and now both head & breast,* 1.70 so that the earle of Buc∣kingham, bicause he was high constable of Eng∣land, claimed the horsse afterwards, swearing that he would haue so much of him as had appeared ouer the railes, and so the horsse was adiudged vnto him.

But now to the matter of the combat (for this challenge of the horsse was made after, as soone as the esquier was come within the lists) the indenture

was brought foorth by the marshall and constable, which had béene made and sealed before them, with consent of the parties, in which were conteined the articles exhibited by the knight against the esquier, and there the same was read before all the assemblie. The esquier (whose conscience was thought not to be cleare, but rather guiltie, and therefore seemed full of troublesome and grudging passions, as an offendor alreadie conuinced, thought (as full well he might)

Multamiser timeo, quia feci multa proteruè)

went about to make exceptions, that his cause by [line 10] some means might haue séemed the sounder. But the duke of Lancaster hearing him so staie at the mat∣ter, sware, that except according to the conditions of the combat, and the law of armes, he would admit all things in the indentures comprised, that were not made without his owne consent, he should as guiltie of the treason foorthwith be had foorth to execution. The duke with those words woone great commenda∣tion, and auoided no small suspicion that had béene conceiued of him as parciall in the esquiers cause. [line 20] The esquier hearing this, said, that he durst fight with the knight, not onelie in those points, but in all other in the world whatsoeuer the same might be: for he trusted more to his strength of bodie, and fauour of his freends, than to the cause which he had taken vpon him to defend. He was in déed a mightie man of stature, where the knight among those that were of a meane stature was one of the least. Freends to the esquier, in whom he had great affiance to be borne [line 30] ••ut through their assistance, were the lords Latimer and Basset, with others.

Before they entered battell, they tooke an oth, as well the knight as the esquier, that the cause in which they were to fight, was true, and that they delt with no witchcraft, nor art magike, whereby they might obteine the victorie of their aduersarie, nor had about them any herbe or stone, or other kind of experiment with which magicians vse to triumph ouer their eni∣mies. This oth receiued of either of them, and there∣with [line 40] hauing made their praiers deuoutlie, they be∣gan the battell, first with speares, after with swords, and lastlie with daggers.* 1.71 They fought long, till final∣lie the knight had bereft the esquier of all his wea∣pons, and at length the esquier was manfullie o∣uerthrowne by the knight. But as the knight would haue fallen vpon the esquier, through sweat that ran downe by his helmet his sight was hindered, so that thinking to fall vpon the esquier, he fell downe sideling himselfe, not comming néere to the esquier, [line 50] who perceiuing what had happened, although he was almost ouercome with long fighting, made to the knight, and threw himselfe vpon him, so that manie thought the knight should haue beene ouercome: other doubted not but that the knight would recouer his feet againe, and get the victorie of his aduersarie.

The king in the meane time caused it to be pro∣clamed that they should staie, and that the knight should be raised vp from the ground, and so meant to take vp the matter betwixt them. To be short, such [line 60] were sent as should take vp the esquier; but com∣ming to the knight, he besought them, that it might please the king to permit them to lie still, for he thanked God he was well, and mistrusted not to ob∣teine the victorie, if the esquier might be laid vpon him, in manner as he was earst. Finallie, when it would not be so granted, he was contented to be rai∣sed vp, and was no sooner set on his féet, but he cheer∣fullie went to the king, without anie mans helpe, where the esquier could neither stand nor go without the helpe of two men to hold him vp, and therefore was set in his chaire to take his ease, to see if he might recouer his strength.

The knight at his comming before the king, be∣sought him & his nobles, to grant him so much, that he might be eftsoones laid on the ground as before, and the esquier to be laid aloft vpon him: for the knight perceiued that the esquire through excessiue heat, and the weight of his armor, did maruellouslie faint, so as his spirits were in manner taken from him. The king and the nobles perceiuing the knight so couragiouslie to demand to trie the battell foorth to the vttermost, offring great summes of monie, that so it might be doone, decreed that they should be resto∣red againe to the same plight in which they laie when they were raised vp: but in the meane time the es∣quire fainting, and falling downe in a swoone, fell out of his chaire,* 1.72 as one that was like to yéeld vp his last breath presentlie among them. Those that stood about him cast wine and water vpon him, seeking so to bring him againe, but all would not serue, till they had plucked off his armor, & his whole apparell,* 1.73 which thing prooued the knight to be vanquisher, and the es∣quier to be vanquished.

After a little time the esquier began to come to himselfe, and lifting vp his eies, began to hold vp his head, and to cast a ghostlie looke on euerie one a∣bout him: which when it was reported to the knight, he commeth to him armed as he was (for he had put off no péece since the beginning of the fight) and spea∣king to him, called him traitor, and false periured man, asking of him if he durst trie the battell with him againe: but the esquier hauing neither sense nor spirit whereby to make answer, proclamation was made that the battell was ended, and euerie one might go to his lodging. The esquier immediat∣lie after he was brought to his lodging, and laid in bed, began to wax raging wood, and so continuing still out of his wits, about nine of the clocke the next day he yéelded vp the ghost. ¶ This combat was fought (as before yée haue heard) the seuenth of Iune to the great reioising of the common people, and dis∣couragement of traitours.

About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the lord Oliuer de Clisson, with a number of ships and gallies of France and Spaine, tooke the sea, and comming on the coast of England, landed in diuerse places of the west countrie, and also in the south parts, spoiling and burning sundrie townes,* 1.74 taking such ships and vessels as they might laie hold vpon, and so continued to indamage the English people that inhabited néere to the sea side, all that summer following. ¶In the beginning of the fourth yeare of this king,* 1.75 Thomas of Woodstoke earle of Bucking∣ham, vncle to the king,* 1.76 with an armie of seauen or eight thousand men of armes and archers, was sent ouer to Calis, that he might inuade France, and passe through the same to come into Britaine vnto the aid of the duke there. ¶ You haue heard how the French king had seized into his hands the more part of the duchie of Britaine, bicause that the duke had ioined himselfe in league with the king of England: but yet there were diuerse of the good townes, and also manie of the barons and nobles of the countrie which kept themselues as neuters a long season; but at length, longing to see the re••urne of their naturall lord and duke, sent for him into England, requi∣ring him to repaire home, and to sée to the quieting of the troubled state of his countrie.

The duke being thus earnestlie desired to re∣turne home, by the aduise of the king of England and his councell, granted to their request that had so instantlie required him, both by letters and sufficient messengers: wherevpon he tooke the sea, and sailing foorth, arriued in Britaine, hauing with him sir Ro∣bert Knolles, and a certeine number of Englishmen both armed men and archers (as before yée haue heard.) The king also promised to send him a new

supplie verie shortlie, which was not forgotten. But fortune was so contrarie, that sir Iohn Arundell ge∣nerall of those that were sent, and manie of his com∣panie, were drowned by force of tempest, and the o∣ther driuen backe againe into England (as b••fore ye haue heard.) In the meane time, though the duke of Britaine with aid of his subiects, did manfullie de∣fend his townes and countrie against the French∣men, yet he was in doubt to be oppressed by the great puissance of the Frenchmen, if aid came not the soo∣ner. [line 10] Which being signified ouer into England, moo∣ued the king and his councell to appoint the earle of Buckingham to take vpon him this voiage. He lan∣ded at Calis three daies before the feast of Marie Magdalene.

There went ouer with him in that armie, the earls of Stafford and Deuonshire, the lord Spenser con∣stable of the host, the lord Fitz Walter marshall, the lord Basset, the lord Bourchier, the lord Ferrers, the lord Morlie, the lord Darcie, sir William Windsore, [line 20] sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Hugh de la Sente, sir Thomas Percie, sir Thomas Triuet, sir Hugh Tirell, sir William Farrington; sir Iohn and sir Nicholas Daubriticourt, Thomas Camois, Rafe Neuill sonne to the lord Neuill, sir Henrie ba∣stard Ferrers, sir Hugh Broe, sir Geffrie Wourslie, sir William Clinton, sir Iuon Fitz Warren, and diuerse other. After they had rested them at Calis two daies, they remooued the third day out of the towne, and came to Marque••gnes, where they re∣mained [line 30] thrée daies, till all their companie, cariages, and prouisions were come to them out of Calis: from thence they remooued and came before Arde, where the earle of Buckingham made knights these that follow:* 1.77 the earle of Deuonshire, the lord Morlie, the son of the lord Fitz Walter, sir Roger Strange, sir Iohn Ipre, sir Iohn Colle, sir Iames Tirel••, sir Thomas Ramston, sir Iohn Neuill, and sir Thomas Ros or Roslie, as some copies haue. These persons were made knights, bicause they went in the va∣ward, [line 40] which was sent to win a strong house called Follant, which the owner had fortified against them. But though he defended himselfe manfullie for a time, yet in the end both he and all his companie were taken prisoners.

After this the duke passed by saint Omers, shew∣ing himselfe (about a mile off) with his host in order of battell aloft vpon a mounteine. Some of the Englishmen rode to the barriers, requiring that some of them within would come foorth and breake [line 50] staues with them, but they could not be answered. The same day that the Englishmen thus came before S. Omers,* 1.78 the earle of Buckingham made againe new knights, as sir Rafe Neuill, sir Bartholomew Bourchier, sir Thomas Camois, sir Foulke Corbet, sir Thomas Danglure, sir Rafe Petipas, sir Lewes saint Albine, and sir Iohn Paulie or rather Paulet. These Englishmen rode through the countrie, de∣manding iusts and déeds of armes, but they could not be answered.* 1.79 In déed the townes of the frontiers [line 60] were well replenished and stuffed with men of war, and still were the Englishmen coasted, but they kept themselues so close togither, without breaking their order, that their enimies could find them at none ad∣uantage.

They passed by Tirwine and by Betwine, where they lodged one day. They made but easie iournies, and seemed to require nothing but battell. They pas∣sed by Arras, by Miramont, and so to Clerie on the water of Some, and taried there thrée daies, and in other places about in that countrie. The fourth day they dislodged, and drew towards Cambraie, and so to S. Quintines, & after vp towards Reimes. They found little riches, and small store of vittels abroad in the countrie, for the French king had abandoned all to his men of warre, who either wasted or conuei∣ed all things of any value into the fortresses and walled townes. The Englishmen ther••fore sent to them of Reimes, requiring to haue some vittels sent to the host, for the which they would spare the countrie from wasting: but they of Reimes would not con∣sent herevnto. Whervpon the Englishmen began to light them such candels, as their eies within the citie aked to behold the same a far off.

Moreouer, the Englishmen approched so néere to the walles and diches of the citie, that they brought a∣waie twentie thousand head of cattell, which the citi∣zens had gotten within the compasse of their diches; and further sent to them within, that if they would not send bread and wine foorth to vittell the host,* 1.80 in that behalfe they would burne all their corne: for doubt whereof, the citizens sent foorth to the host six charets laden with as much bread and wine as they might carie. Thus was their corne saued from de∣struction, and the Englishmen by soft and easie iour∣nies drew towards the citie of Trois, in the which was the duke of Burgognie, with the dukes of Bur∣bon and Bar, the earle of Ewe, the lord Coucie, sir Iohn de Uien high admerall of France, and a great number of others of the French nobilitie. They had made a bastide without the towne able to receiue a thousand men of armes, but vpon the Englishmens approch to assault it, they did forsake that strength, and withdrew to the towne.* 1.81 Sir Thomas Triuet was here made a baronet. Also there were certeine new knights made, as sir Peter Berton, sir Iohn and sir Thomas Paulie or Paulet, sir Iohn St••u∣gulie, sir Thomas Dortingues, sir Iohn Uassecoque,* 1.82 sir Thomas Brasie, sir Iohn Brauin, sir Henrie Uernier, sir Iohn Colenile, sir William Euerat,* 1.83 sir Nicholas Stiugulie, and sir Hugh Lunit.

The English host perceiuing the Frenchmen to withdraw into the towne, drew togither, and stood in order of battell for the space of two houres, and then returned to their lodgings. The next day they remoo∣ued to Maillerois le vicount neere vnto Sens, and there they remained two daies, and after drew into Gastinois, and so into Beause. They were coasted all the waie by a great power of men of war, as ma∣ny or more in number as they were themselues. But the French king being a politike prince, wiselie con∣sidered what losses the realme of France had sustei∣ned afore time, by giuing battell to the Englishmen, and therefore was fullie resolued, that in no wise he would giue licence to his people to fight with the earle of Buckingham;* 1.84 but thought better (as he had learned by good experience) to keepe his townes close against his enimies, and so in the end to wearie them, than by giuing battell to put things in hazard, where∣as he knew they could not take from him his coun∣tries by this kind of warre, though they sore in dama∣ged the same for a time.

There chanced manie small skirmishes amongst those that rode foorth to discouer the countrie, but no notable incounter at all. For the Englishmen in those daies were cats not to be catched without mit∣tens (as Iacob Meir in one place saith) & againe the French men were as warie how they aduentured to come néere them, peraduenture for feare, as in the reigne of king Edward the 3, as C.O. noteth, saieng,

Contra aciem magnam tremebundo corde Valesus* 1.85 In campum adiunctum & vicina coēgerat arua, Non tamen Anglig••nas aduersum est ausus aperto Tendere Marte feris confligere fortiter armis.

Onelie they sought how to inclose them vp in the countrie, and to famish them, that they might then fight with them at some great aduantage; but still the English host passed forward, holding on their

voiage towards Britaine by Uandosme, Pont Uo∣laine,* 1.86 and so ouer the riuer of Sartre. In this meane while the French king Charles the fift was taken with a sore sicknesse, whereof he departed this life the same daie that the English armie passed ouer the ri∣uer of Sartre, which was on the six and twentith of September, his brethren the dukes of Aniou, Ber∣rie, Burbon, and Burgognie were at Paris with him at the houre of his death, where as a little before they had béene abroad in the countrie with their [line 10] powers, to defend the cities and townes of impor∣tance against the Englishmen, and meant indeed (if they could haue espied their aduantage, and gotten licence thereto of the king) to haue giuen their eni∣mies battell. But now they were otherwise occupi∣ed: howbeit they had left their men abroad in the countrie to coast the Englishmen as they had doone before. All the French power was assembled in the citie of Mans, vnder the leading of the duke of Bar, the lord Coucie, and others. [line 20]

In this meane while that the earle of Bucking∣ham was passing through the realme of France,* 1.87 the French and Spanish gallies did much mischéefe on the coast of England: but about the latter end of Iune, by a fléet of Englishmen of the west countries part of them were forced to retire,* 1.88 and take harbour in an hauen in Ireland called Kingsale, where being assailed of the Englishmen and Irishmen, they were vanquished; so that to the number of foure hundred of them were slaine, and their chéefe capteins taken, [line 30] as Gonsalue de Uerse, and his brother Iohn Martin de Motrigo, Turgo lord of Morants; also the lord of Reith, Péers Martin of Uermew, Iohn Modit of Uermew, the seneshall of Wargarie, the seneshall of S. Andrew, Cornelis of S. Sebastiano, Paschale de Biskey, Iohn Martinis, Sopogorge of S. Sebastia∣no, and diuerse other.

There were taken foure of their barges with a bal∣lenger, and one and twentie English vessels recoue∣red, which they had robbed and taken awaie from [line 40] their owners. There scaped yet foure of their notable capteins frō the hands of our men, Martin Grantz, Iohn Peris Mantago, Iohn Husce Gitario, and one Garcias of S. Sebastiano, so that the malice of those robbers ceased not. For they with the French gallies still lieng on the seas,* 1.89 when they espied anie aduantage, would land their people, and doo what mis∣cheefe they could, in taking preies, and burning townes and villages, although now and then they came short to their vessels againe, losing sometimes [line 50] an hundred, sometimes fourescore that were ouer∣taken by the Englishmen that came foorth against them.* 1.90 But among other inuasions which they made this summer on the coasts, we find that they burnt the towne of Winchelsie, & put the abbat of Battell to flight with his people, comming to succor that towne and tooke one of his moonks that was there in armor with the abbat. ¶Some write also, that they burnt Rie, Hastings, and Portsmouth. Finallie, their bold∣nesse so farre increased, that in August they entring [line 60] with their gallies into the riuer of Thames,* 1.91 came vp to Grauesend, where they burnt the most part of the towne, and on the other side of the riuer, as well in Essex as Kent, they burnt and spoiled diuerse places, and with their prisoners and booties returned without receiuing anie hurt, bringing with them to France, both rich spoiles and good prisoners.

But to returne to the earle of Buckingham where we left. The English armie drew still towards Bri∣taine, but with so small doubt of their aduersaries, that they laie three or foure daies sometimes still in one place.* 1.92 At their approching to the marches of Bri∣taine, they came to Uitrie, a towne situate at the first entring into that countrie, and from thence went to Chateau Briant, and there rested, whither came to them certeine knights sent from the duke of Britaine, which signified to the erle of Buckingham what the dukes meaning was. Indéed by the death of the French king, the dukes malice was greatlie abated towards the Frenchmen, so that he had not much passed if the Englishmen had béene at home againe. Moreouer, his townes were not determined to receiue the Englishmen, as enimies to the crown of France: so that he was in a perplexitie how to order his businesse. At length, to shew himselfe a sted∣fast fréend to the Englishmen, and one that was no changeling, he determined by their support, to force all those to allow the league which he had established with the Englishmen, who had denied to beare ar∣mour against the crowne of France. And first,* 1.93 bi∣cause they of Naunts were the ringleaders of that rebellious demeanour, he appointed first to besiege their citie. They hauing knowledge thereof, sent into France for aid.

The dukes of Aniou, Berrie, Burgognie, and Burbon, brethren to the late king, and vncle to his sonne the yoong king, hauing the gouernance of the realme vnder him, sent six hundred speares with all spéed to strengthen them of Naunts, which defended the citie in such wise from the puissance of the Eng∣lishmen, who enuironed the same with a strong s••ege, that in the end, bicause the duke came not to them (according to his promise) the siege was raised the morrow after New yeares daie,* 1.94 two moneths and foure daies after the same was first laid. The duke of Britaine would gladlie haue come to the siege of Naunts, in strengthening of the English host, but he could not persuade his lords to aid him in anie such enterprise. And therefore now that the earle of Buckingham had broken vp his siege, he caused him to be lodged in the citie of Uannes, & his men abroad in the countrie, some here, and some there, acquiting himselfe as well towards them as he might.

But suerlie the hearts of the Britains were won∣derfullie changed, and in no wise would consent to haue anie warre with the Frenchmen, if anie reaso∣nable peace might be concluded. For manie that ha∣ted the father, bare good will and heartie loue to∣wards the sonne, whose yoong yeares and great to∣wardnesse allured the hearts of manie to wish him well. Hervpon was meanes made for a peace, which by the duke of Aniou his consent (who bare the grea∣test rule in France in that season) a finall accord was made,* 1.95 betwixt the yoong king and the duke of Bri∣taine, so that the duke should come and doo his ho∣mage vnto the French king, and sweare to be true and faithfull vnto him:* 1.96 also that he should rid the Englishmen out of his countrie, and helpe them with ships and vessels to transport them home into England.

The earle of Buckingham, when he vnderstood of this peace, was not a little displeased in his mind, considering that the duke of Britaine had delt so vn∣iustlie with him and his nephue the king of Eng∣land. But the duke still excused him by his subiects, as though if he had not thus agreed, he should haue beene in danger to haue lost his heritage of that countrie. Finallie, the earle after he had ships proui∣ded for his passage, the eleuenth of Aprill departed out of Uannes, and came to the hauen where his ships laie, and so went aboord in like maner as oth••r of his men did from other hauens, and shortlie after (when the wind serued) tooke the sea▪ and returned in∣to England,* 1.97 sore displeased with the duke of Bri∣taine for his great vntruth and dissimulation (as he tooke it) notwithstanding all excuses to cloake the matter by him alledged.

Whilest the Englishmen were thus occupied in warres against the Frenchmen (as before ye haue heard) the Scots could not rest in quiet, but in re∣uenge for a ship, which the townesmen of Newca∣stell and Hull had taken on the sea, knowing them to be pirates, determined to doo what mischéefe they could vnto the English borders: for the losse of that ship grieued them, bicause it was esteemed to be ve∣rie rich, the goods that were in it being valued at se∣uen thousand marks. Herevpon the Scots entring [line 10] by the west borders, inuaded & spoiled the countries of Westmerland and Cumberland, and comming into the forrest of Inglewood, they tooke awaie with them such a number of beasts and cattell, that they were reckoned at fourtie thousand heads of one and other.* 1.98 Besides this, they cruellie slue all such as they could laie hands vpon, and burnt vp all the townes, villages, and houses as they passed: and not content herewith, they stale vpon the towne of Penreth, when the faire was kept there, slaieng, taking, and [line 20] chasing awaie the people, and after gathering togi∣ther all the goods and riches there found, tooke it a∣waie with them, whereof there was such plentie as might haue satisfied the couetous desire of a most greedie armie. They returned by Carleil, but hearing that there were gotten into it a great number of men out of the countries adioining, they durst not staie to make any attempt against that towne, but compassed their waie to escape with their booties home into their countrie, which they did, although [line 30] they lost some of their companie as they passed by an ambushment of certeine archers of Westmerland and Cumberland, that were laid for them of purpose. When the earle of Northumberland would haue gone foorth to reuenge those iniuries doone to the countrie by the Scots, he was written to from the king and his councell, to forbeare till the daie of truce, at what time it might be knowen what was further to be doone in the matter.

* 1.99About Michaelmasse the duke of Lancaster, the [line 40] earles of Warwike, and Stafford, with other lords and men of honor, hauing with them a great power of souldiers and men of warre, went into the north parts, and comming to the borders, they laie there till they had consumed no small summes of monie, and indamaged the countrie as much as if the Sco∣tish armie had inuaded the same. The good they did, was, that after long treatie with the Scotish com∣missioners, a truce was agreed vpon till Easter fol∣lowing, which being concluded, they returned home [line 50] without any more adoo.* 1.100 For the space of halfe a score yeares togither now last past, the Englishmen eue∣rie yeare had one or two such treaties with the Scots about the incursions and rodes which they yearelie made into the English borders, sore indamaging the inhabitants of those north parts of the realme, not∣withstanding any truce or abstinence of warre that might be concluded.

Whilest the armie (as ye haue heard) laie idle in the north parts, there were certeine letters found by [line 60] a poore man about London,* 1.101 who deliuered them vn∣to the worthie citizen Iohn Philpot, who calling vnto him certeine other worshipfull citizens, opened one of them, in which was conteined matter of high trea∣son: and perceiuing by the scale that it belonged vn∣to sir Rafe Ferrers knight, one of the kings priuie councell, deliuered that letter with foure other let∣ters closed with the same seale, first to the lord chan∣cellor, and after to the king, the which being read and the seale knowne to be the said sir Rafe Ferrers his seale, manie greatlie maruelled that so ancient a knight, and one in whom so great trust was put, should go about any such treasons.

One of the letters was directed to sir Bertram de Cleaquin, an other to the lord de la Riuer the cham∣berlaine of France, an other to the lord Clisson, and an other to the patrone of the gallies, and to the cap∣teine of the armie of Frenchmen and Spaniards, which at the same time wasting alongst the coasts, did much hurt in diuerse places of the land. Foorthwith the said Philpot and others were sent in post from the king to the duke of Lancaster, that for somuch as the said sir Rafe Ferrers was then in the north parts with him, intreating with the Scots, he should ar∣rest him and put him in safe kéeping, which comman∣dement the duke did accomplish, and committed him to be safelie kept in the castell of Duresme, but short∣lie after in the next parlement he was set at libertie, foure barons being bound for his foorth comming, till time that he might more euidentlie declare his innocencie.

About the feast of S. Martine, was a parlement holden at Northampton to the more trouble of them that came to it,* 1.102 bicause in that season of the yeare they were constreined to come where there was no store of fewell to make them fiers: and beside that, lodgings were verie streict for so great a multitude. But the cause that mooued the councell to appoint this parlement there, was to the end that they might the more fréelie procéed to the triall of Iohn Kirkbie a citizen of London,* 1.103 that had murthered the Geno∣w••is (as before ye haue hard) which Kirkbie was con∣demned at this parlement, and drawne and hanged in the sight of the Londoners that were come thi∣ther, which execution if it should haue beene doone at London, the lords doubted least some tumult might haue béene raised by the citizens, who were reckoned in those daies verie rash and presumptuous in their dooings.

But now to the effect of this parlement. There was a new and strange subsidie or taske granted to be le∣uied for the kings vse,* 1.104 and towards the charges of this armie that went ouer into France with the earle of Buckingham; to wit, of euerie préest secular or regular six shillings eight pence, and as much of euerie nunne, and of euerie man & woman married or not married being 16 yeares of age (beggers cer∣tenlie knowne onlie excepted) foure pence for euerie one.* 1.105 Great grudging & manie a bitter cursse follow∣ed about the leuieng of this monie, & much mischéefe rose thereof, as after it appeared. ¶ In this fourth yeare of king Richards reigne, [year 1381] immediatlie after Christmasse,* 1.106 Thomas Brantingham bishop of Exe∣ter and lord treasuror, was discharged of his office of treasurorship, and sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns was aduanced in his place, a right noble and manlie knight, but not beloued of the commons.

About this time did Iohn Wicliffe chieflie set foorth his opinion touching the sacrament of the al∣tar, denieng the doctrine of transubstantiation,* 1.107 and that it ought not in any wise to be worshipped in such sort as the church of Rome then did teach. ¶ There were ambassadors sent into Germanie, to treat with the emperour for a marriage to be had, betwixt the king of England, and the emperours sister. About the beginning of March they returned, bringing with them the cardinall, intituled of saint Praxed, and the duke of Tarsilia, and other nobles that came from the emperor, to treat with the king & his coun∣cell about the same marriage. This cardinall,* 1.108 whe∣ther he passed the bounds of his commission and au∣thoritie to him granted by the pope (as some write) or whether he was furnished with such faculties, he was very liberall in bestowing of them abrode on all such as would come with monie. Indulgences, which the pope had vsed onelie to reserue for himselfe to be∣stow, this man granted the same liberallie, both bi∣ennals and triennals.* 1.109 He gaue also letters confes∣sionall,

to all those that would paie for them, admit∣ting aswell beneficed men as other,* 1.110 to be the popes chapleins. He made notaries for monie, and denied not altars portatiue to anie that would pay for them.

He receiued fortie pounds, besides other gifts, of the moonks of the Cisteaux order, to grant to them a generall licence to eat flesh indifferentlie▪ as well abroad, as they had béene accustomed to doo at home within their monasteries. To those that were excom∣municate he gaue absolution: those that had vowed [line 10] to go in pilgrimage to Rome, to the holie land, or to saint Iames, he would not first release them, till he had receiued so much monie, according to the true valuation, as they should haue spent in their iornies: and to be bréefe, nothing could be asked, but for monie he was readie to grant it. And when he was reque∣sted to shew by what power he did all these things, with great indignation he answered, that he would let them vnderstand at Rome, if they would needs know the authoritie which he had. At length his males [line 20] were so filled with siluer, that his seruants disdained to make them anie answer, except they brought gold saieng; Bring vs gold, for we are full of your siluer. But at his departure he tooke all awaie with him, both gold and siluer in such abundance as was mar∣uellous. This hath beene the practise of the Roma∣nists from time to time, wherevpon grew this com∣mon byword (taxing the polling and shauing shifts of that execrable see, gaping gulfe, and insatiable sea)

Curia Romana non quaerit ouem sine lana. [line 30]

But now to returne to other matters concerning the state of the realme. After the returne of the earle of Buckingham, it was ordeined by aduise of the councell, that the duke of Lancaster should eftsoones go as ambassador from king Richard into Scotland, to see if he might renew the truce (which shortlie would haue beene expired) for three yéeres longer. Al∣so whereas there was variance and open war main∣teined, betwixt Iohn king of Castile, and Iohn king of Portingale, the earle of Cambridge, the lord Wil∣liam [line 40] de Beauchampe, the lord Botreux, and sir Mat∣thew Gournie,* 1.111 were sent into Portingale with fiue hundred armed men, and fiue hundred archers to aid the king of Portingale against the king of Castile, who was sonne to the bastard Henrie: for the duke of Lancaster reioised greatlie, that he might haue such a fréend as the king of Portingale, to ioine with him in aid against the king of Castile; meaning (as soone as opportunitie would serue) to go ouer with an armie to chalenge his right, and pursue his claime to the crowne of Castile and Leon, against [line 50] the vsurper, in right of his wife quéene Constance, eldest daughter to the late lawfull king Peter, whom Henrie the bastard as before (yée haue heard) did still persecute, till he had bereft from him both his life and kingdome.

It was meant therefore that if the duke of Lan∣caster could compasse his purpose, for the which he went at that time into Scotland, to the honour of the king and realme, then should he shortlie after fol∣low [line 60] his brother of Cambridge with a great power, to trie what chance God would send to him, against his aduersarie the king of Castile. ¶In the meane time other incidents fell within the realme in the fourth yeare of king Richard, sore to the disquieting of the same, and vtter disappointing for that time of the duke of Lancasters intent. The commons of the realme sore repining, not onelie for the pole grotes that were demanded of them,* 1.112 by reason of the grant made in parlement (as yée haue heard) but also (as some write) for that they were sore oppressed (as they tooke the matter) by their land-lords, that demanded of them their ancient customes and seruices, set on by some diuelish instinct & persuasion of their owne beastlie intentions, as men not content with the state wherevnto they were called, rose in diuerse parts of this realme, and assembled togither in com∣panies, purposing to inforce the prince to make them frée, and to release them of all seruitude,* 1.113 where∣by they stood as bondmen to their lords and superi∣ours.

Where this rebellion of the commons first began, diuerse haue written diuerslie. One author writeth; that (as he learned by one that was not farre from the place at that time) the first beginning should be at Dert¦ford in Kent: for when those pole shillings,* 1.114 or rather (as other haue) pole grotes, were to be col∣lected, no small murmuring, curssing, and repining among the common people rose about the same, and the more indeed, through the lewd demenour of some vndiscréet officers, that were assigned to the gathe∣ring thereof, insomuch that one of those officers be∣ing appointed to gather vp that monie in Dertford aforesaid, came to the house of one Iohn Tiler, that had both seruants in his house, and a faire yong maid to his daughter. The officer therefore demanding monie for the said Tiler and for his wife, his ser∣uants, and daughter, the wife being at home, and hir husband abroad at worke in the towne, made an∣swer that hir daughter was not of age, and there∣fore she denied to paie for hir.

Now here is to be noted, that this monie was in common speech said to be due for all those that were vndergrowne, bicause that yoong persons as well of the man as of the womankind, comming to the age of fouretéene or fifteene yeares, haue commonlie haire growing foorth about those priuie parts, which for honesties sake nature hath taught vs to couer and keepe secret. The officer therefore not satisfied with the mothers excuse, said he would feele whether hir daughter were of lawfull age or not, and there∣with began to misuse the maid, and search further than honestie would haue permitted. The mother streightwaies made an outcrie, so that hir husband being in the towne at worke, and hearing of this a∣doo at his house, came running home with his la∣thing staffe in his hand, and began to question with the officer, asking who made him so bold to keepe such a rule in his house: the officer being somewhat pre∣sumptuous, and highminded, would foorthwith haue flowne vpon this Tiler; but I. Tiler auoiding the officers blow, raught him such a rap on the pate, that his braines flue out, and so presentlie he died.

Great noise rose about this matter in the stréets, and the poore folks being glad, euerie man arraied himselfe to support Iohn Tiler, & thus the commons drew togither, and went to Maidestone, and from thence to Blackheath, where their number so increa∣sed, that they were reckoned to be thirtie thousand. And the said Iohn Tiler tooke vpon him to be their cheefe capteine, naming himselfe Iacke Straw. ¶Others write, that one Thomas Baker of Fob∣hings was the first that procured the people thus to assemble togither: and that one of the kings ser∣uants named Iohn Leg, with three of his fellowes, practised to féele yoong maids whether they were vn∣dergrowne (as yée haue hard the officer did at Dert∣ford) which dishonest and vnséemelie kind of dealing did set the people streight in such a rage and vprore, that they cared not what they did to be reuenged of such iniuries.

But Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, that the first sparkes of this rebellion kindled in Essex,* 1.115 where the inhabitants of two townes onelie at the first, that were the authors and first stirrers of all this mis∣chéefe, did send vnto euerie little towne about, that all manner of men, as well those that were aged, as others that were in their lustiest time and youthfull

yeares, should come to them with speed, setting all ex∣cuses apart, in their best arraie and furniture for warre, threatening to such as came not, that their goods should be spoiled, their houses burnt or cast downe, and they to lose their heads when th••y were taken. The terror of this threatning caused the igno∣rant people to flo••ke to them by heaps, leauing all their businesse, letting plough and cart stand, forsak∣ing wife, children, and houses, so that in a short time there were fiue thousand gotten togither of those [line 10] commons and husbandmen, of which number manie were weaponed onelie with staues, some with rustie swords and billes,* 1.116 and other with smokie bowes, more ruddie than old yuorie, not hauing past two or thrée arrowes, and the same happilie with one feather a peece.

Among a thousand of those kind of persons, yée should not haue séene one well armed: and yet by reason of their multitude, when they were once got togither, they thought the whole relme had not beene [line 20] able to resist them; and supposed that they could with facilitie (in respect of the aduerse part) make the states of the land stoope to them, and by their permission to reteine or compulsion to resigne their roomes of dignitie. But the sond conceited rowt considered not the euent of this insurrection, that the woorst would be their owne; for the old saieng is true, namelie▪

Laeditur a stimulo quicun{que} fricatur ab illo.

Moreouer, to make their part the stronger, these Essexmen sent ouer into Kent, aduertising the peo∣ple [line 30] there of their enterprise, and therefore willed them to make them readie to ioine with them for their obteining of libertie, and reforming of the euill customs of the realme. Whether the Kentishmen through persuasions of their neighbors of Essex, by occasion of that which had chanced at Dertford (as before yée haue heard) or (as it may be) the same chan∣cing at that selfe time, they being mooued as well by the one as the other, vp they got (as yée haue heard) and gathering their power out of the next quarters [line 40] adioining, by the like policie which had béene practised by the Essexmen, they stirred vp the most part of the countrie to ioine with them, and foorthwith stopping the waie that led to Canturburie, and arresting all such as passed by the same, they caused them to swere that they should be true to king Richard,* 1.117 and to the commons, & neuer to receiue anie king that should be called Iohn. And this was for the enuie which they bare to Iohn of Gant the duke of Lancaster, who in right of his wife Constance, that was daughter to [line 50] king Peter of Castile, did name himselfe king of Castile.

Also they caused them to sweare that they should be readie to come to them whensoeuer they sent for them, and induce all their neighbours to take part with them. And further, that they should neuer yéeld to anie tax to be leuied in the realme, except a fif∣téenth onelie. Thus it came to passe, that after it was spred abroad what stur these Essex and Kentishmen kept;* 1.118 the commons also in the counties of Sussex, Hertford, Cambridge, Suffolke, and Norffolke, and [line 60] other shires about, bustled vp and ran togither on heapes, so that the number of those vnrulie people maruellouslie increased, in such wise as now they fea∣red no resistance, and therefore began to shew proofe of those things which they had before conceiued in their minds,* 1.119 beheading all such men of law, iustices, and iurors as they might catch, and laie hands vpon, without respect of pitie, or remorse of conscience, al∣ledging that the land could neuer enioy hir natiue and true libertie, till all those sorts of people were dispatched out of the waie.

* 1.120This talke liked well the eares of the common vplandish people, and by the lesse conueieng the more, they purposed to burne and destroie all records, eui∣dences, court-rolles, and other minuments, that the remembrance of ancient matters being remooued out of mind, their landlords might not haue whereby to chalenge anie right at their hands. Their number still increased: for all such as were in debt or danger of law for their misdemeanors and offenses, came out of all coasts vnto them, so that when the Essex∣men, and other of the hither side the Thames,* 1.121 were passed ouer and ioined with the Kentishmen, & those that were assembled on that side the riuer vpon Blackheath;* 1.122 they were esteemed to be an hundred thousand, hauing diuerse capteins besides the said Iacke Straw, as William Wraw, Wat Tiler, Iacke Sheepheard, Tom Milner, and Hob Carter. Whilest they were lodged on Blackheath, the king sent to them certeine knights, to vnderstand of them the cause of their gathering thus togither, to whome answer was made, that they were come togither to speake with the king, about certeine causes and bu∣sinesse, & therefore they bad the messengers returne,* 1.123 and declare to the king that there was no remedie but he must needs come and speake with them.

When this tale was told to the king,* 1.124 there were some that thought it best that he should go to them, and know what their meaning was: but Simon de Sudburie the archbishop of Canturburie, that was lord chancellor, and also sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns, and as then lord treasuror, spake earnestlie a∣gainst that aduise, and would not by anie meanes that the king should go to such a sort of barelegged ribalds; but rather they wished that he should take some order to abate the pride of such vile rascals. Af∣ter the commons vnderstood that the king would not come to them, by reason of the contrarie aduise giuen to him by those two persons, the lord chancel∣lor and the lord treasuror, they were maruellouslie mooued against them, and sware that they would not rest till they had got them, & chopped off their heads, calling them traitors to the king and realme.

Neuerthelesse there be that write, that the king (to cut off the branches of such mischeefe now in the first budding thereof) to satisfie in part the desire of those rude people,* 1.125 went downe the riuer in his barge to Rethereth, and there néere the shore keeping himselfe still on the water, talked with a great number of them that came downe to the riuer side. But forso∣much as he would not come foorth of his barge to them on land, which they seemed most to desire, they were in a great rage, and so for that they could not haue him amongst them (as they wished) in furious wise they ran to the citie, and at the first approach,* 1.126 they spoiled the burrough of Southwarke, brake vp the prisons of the Marshalsea, & the Kings bench, set the prisoners at libertie, & admitted them into their companie.

This was on Corpus Christi daie, as the same au∣thors write, that the king should thus talke with them: but their first entring into Southwarke, was on Corpus Christi euen, as Thomas Walsingham saith, passing at their pleasure to and fro the bridge all that night: for although the lord maior,* 1.127 and other of the best citizens would gladlie haue closed the gates against them, yet they durst not doo it, for feare of the commons of the citie, who seemed to fauour the cause of the rebels so apparantlie, that they threat∣ned to kill both the lord maior, & all other that would take vpon them to shut the gates against the com∣mons. The Londoners liked better of the com∣mons,* 1.128 for that they protested the cause of their as∣sembling togither, was not but to seeke out the trai∣tors of the realme, and when they had found them foorth, and punished them according to that they had deserued, they ment to be quiet. And to giue the more

credit to their saiengs, they suffered none of their companie to rob or spoile, but caused them to paie for that they tooke.

On the morrow being Corpus Christ day, on the which day it is reported that the king should talke with them at Rethereth (as before ye haue heard) af∣ter that they saw that they could not haue him to come and talke with them on land, as they wished, and that now they had filled their heads full with the fume of such wines as they dranke in euerie mans [line 10] celler that was set open for them, enter who would: they fell in talke with the Londoners of manie lewd deuises, as of the apprehending of traitors, and speci∣allie concerning such misliking as they had of the duke of Lancaster, whom they hated aboue all other persons. And herevpon agréeing in one mind, after diuerse other of their outragious dooings, they ran the same day to the said dukes house of the Sauoie,* 1.129 to the which in beautie and statelinesse of building, with all maner of princelie furniture, there was not [line 20] any other in the realme comparable, which in despite of the duke, whom they called traitor, they set on fire, and by all waies and means indeuoured vtterlie to destroie it.

The shamefull spoile which they there made was wonderfull, and yet the zeale of iustice, truth, and vp∣right dealing which they would seeme to shew, was as nice and strange on the other part, speciallie in such kind of misgouerned people: for in that spoiling of the dukes house, all the iewels, plate, and other rich [line 30] and sumptuous furniture which they there found in great plentie▪ they would not that any man should fare the better by it of a mite, but threw all into the fire,* 1.130 so to be consumed; and such things as the fire could not altogither destroie, as plate and iewels, they brake and crashed in péeces, throwing the same into the Thames. One of them hauing thrust a faire siluer peece into his bosome, meaning to conueie it awaie, was espied of his fellowes, who tooke him, and cast both him and the péece into the fire; saieng they [line 40] might not suffer any such thing, sith they professed themselues to be zealous of truth and iustice,* 1.131 and not théeues nor robbers.

There were 32 of them, that being gotten into the celler of the Sauoie, where the dukes wines laie, dranke so much of such swéete wine as they found there, that they were not able to come foorth, but with stones & wood that fell downe as the house bur∣ned, they were closed in, so that out they could not get. They laie there showting & crieng seuen daies [line 50] togither, and were heard of manie, but none came to helpe them, and so finallie they perished. Now af∣ter that these wicked people had thus destroied the duke of Lancasters house, and done what they could deuise to his reproch;* 1.132 they went to the temple, and burnt the men of lawes lodgings, with their bookes, writings, and all that they might lay hand vpon. Also the house of saint Iohns by Smithfield they set on fire, so that it burned for the space of seuen daies to∣gither. On Friday a great number of them, estée∣med [line 60] to 20 thousand, went to the manor of Heiburie that belonged vnto the lord of saint Iohns, and set∣ting fire on it, sought vtterlie to destroie the whole buildings about it.

They were now diuided into thrée parts, one vn∣der the leading of Iacke Straw, tooke in hand to ru∣inate that house, and an other number of them lay on mile end greene, and the third companie kept vpon the tower hill, and would not suffer anie vittels to be conueied into the tower, where the king at that time was lodged, and was put in such feare by those rude people, that he suffered them to enter into the tower,* 1.133 where they sought so narowlie for the lord chancelor, that finding him in the chappell, they drew him foorth togither with the lord treasuror, and on the tower hill without reuerence of their estates and degrees, with great noise and fell cries, they stroke off their heads. There were also beheaded at the same time by those rude people, one of the kings seruants that was a sergeant at armes called Iohn Leg, who had vsed himselfe somewhat extremelie in gathering vp of the pole monie, as by one writer it appeareth. Also to make vp the messe,* 1.134 they beheaded a Francis∣cane Frier, whom they had taken there at the same time, for malice of the duke of Lancaster, bicause he was verie familiar with him. ¶ Some write that this frier was confessor, and other say that he was physician to the king; but what soeuer he was, the commons chopped off his head, to beare the other companie, not sparing for anie respect that might be alledged in any of their behalfes.

On the same day also they beheaded manie others, as well Englishmen as Flemings, for no cause in the world, but onelie to satisfie the crueltie of the com∣mons, that then were in their kingdome, for it was a sport to them, when they gat any one amongst them, that was not sworne to them, and séemed to mislike of their dooings,* 1.135 or if they bare but neuer so little ha∣tred to him, streightwaies to plucke of his hood, with such a yelling noise as they tooke vp amongst them, and immediatlie to come thronging into the stréets, and strike off his head. Neither had they any regard to sacred places; for breaking into the church of the Augustine friers,* 1.136 they drew foorth thirteene Fle∣mings, and beheaded them in the open streets; and out of the parish churches in the citie, they tooke foorth seuentéene, and likewise stroke off their heads, with∣out reuerence either of the church or feare of God.

But they continuing in their mischéefous purpose, shewed their malice speciallie against strangers, so that entring into euerie stréet, lane, and place, where they might find them, they brake vp their houses, murthered them which they found within, and spoiled their goods in most outragious manner. Likewise they entered into churches (as before ye haue heard) into abbeies, monasteries, and other houses,* 1.137 namelie of men of law, which in semblable sort they ransac∣ked. They also brake vp the prisons of newgate, and of both the counters, destroied the books, and set pri∣soners at libertie, and also the sanctuarie-men of saint Martins le grand. And so likewise did they at Westminster, where they brake open the eschequer, and destroied the ancient bookes and other records there, dooing what they could to suppresse law, and by might to beate downe equitie and right, as it is said,

Tunc ius calcatur violentia cum dominatur.

They that entered the tower, vsed themselues most presumptuouslie, and no lesse vnreuerentlie against the princesse of Wales, mother to the king: for thru∣sting into hir chamber, they offered to kisse hir, and swasht downe vpon hir bed, putting hir into such feare, that she fell into a swoone, and being taken vp and recouered, was had to the water side, and put in∣to a barge, & conueied to the place called the quéenes wardrobe, or the tower riall, where she remained all that day and the night following, as a woman halfe dead, till the king came to recomfort hir. It was strange to consider, in what feare the lords, knights & gentlemen stood of the cruell procéedings of those rude & base people. For where there were six hundred armed men, and as manie archers in the tower at that present, there was not one that durst gainesaie their dooings.

Finallie, when they had eased their stomachs, with the spoiling, burning, and defacing of sundrie places, they became more quiet, and the king by the aduise of such as were then about him,* 1.138 vpon good delibera∣tion of counsell, offered to them pardon, and his

peace, with condition that they should cease from burning and ruinating of houses, from killing and murthering of men, and depart euerie man to his home without more adoo, and there to tarrie for the kings charters confirmatorie of the same pardon. The Essexmen were content with this offer, as they that were desirous to see their wiues and children, be∣ing waxen wearie of continuall trauell and paines which they were constreined to take. The king went foorth vnto Mile end,* 1.139 and there declared vnto the [line 10] commons that they should haue charters made to them of his grant, to make them all free. And further that euerie shire, towne, lordship and libertie should haue banners of his armes deliuered vnto them, for a confirmanion of his grant. Herevpon they séemed well appeased, and the king rode to the queenes ward∣robe, otherwise called the tower roiall, to visit his mother, and so did comfort hir so well as he could, and taried with hir there all night.

The Essexmen satisfied with the kings promises, [line 20] immediatlie departed homeward; howbeit they ap∣pointed certeine of their companie to remaine still and tarie for the kings charters. The Kentishmen al∣so remained, and were as busie in maner the next day being saturdaie, in all kind of mischiefous dea∣lings, as they had béene before, to wit, in murthering of men, ouerthrowing and burning of houses. The king therefore sent vnto them such as declared in what sort their fellowes were gone home well satisfi∣ed, & from thencefoorth to liue in quiet, and the same [line 30] forme of peace he was contented to grant to them, if it liked them to accept the same. Herevpon their chéefe capteine Wat Tiler, a verie craftie fellow, and indued with much wit (if he had well applied it) said, that peace indeed he wished, but yet so, as the conditions might be indited to his purpose.

He was determined to driue off the king and his councell (bicause he was of greater force than they) with cauils and shifts till the next daie, that in the night following he might the more easilie haue com∣passed [line 40] his resolution,* 1.140 which was, hauing all the poorer sort of the citie on his side, to haue spoiled the citie, and to set fire in foure corners of it, killing first the king and the lords that were about him: but he that resisteth the proud, and giueth his grace to the hum∣ble, would not permit the vngratious deuises of the naughtie and lewd lozzell to take place, but suddenlie disappointed his mischeefous drift. For whereas di∣uerse formes of charters had béene drawne accor∣ding to the effect of the agréement with the Essex∣men, [line 50] and none of them might please this lordlie re∣bell, at length the king sent to him one of his knights called sir Iohn Newton, to request him to come to him, that they might talke of the articles which he stood vpon to haue inserted in the charter,* 1.141 of the which one was to haue had a commission to put to death all lawiers, escheaters, and other which by any office had any thing to doo with the law; for his meaning was that hauing made all those awaie that vnderstood the lawes, all things should then be ordered according to [line 60] the will and disposition of the common people. It was reported in deed, that he should saie with great pride the day before these things chanced, putting his hands to his lips, that within foure daies all the lawes of England should come foorth of his mouth. The wretches had vtterlie forgotten all law, both di∣uine and humane; otherwise they would haue béene content to liue vnder law, and to doo vnto others as they would be doone vnto, as the verie law of nature (than which there cannot be a better guide) teacheth,

Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac, quod non tibi, noli, Sic potes in terris viuere iure poli.

* 1.142When therefore the said sir Iohn Newton called vpon him to come awaie to the king, he answered as it were with indignation:

If thou (saith he) hast so much hast to returne to the king, thou maist depart, I will come at my pleasure. When the knight there∣fore was come from him, he followed indéed, but somwhat slowlie.

And when he was come néere to the place in Smithfield where the king then was, with certeine lords and knights, & other companie about him, the said sir Iohn Newton was sent to him a∣gaine, to vnderstand what he meant. And bicause the knight came to him on horssebacke, & did not alight from his horsse, Wat Tiler was offended, & said in his furie, that it became him rather on foot than hors∣backe to approach into his presence. The knight not able to abide such presumptuous demeanour in that proud and arrogant person, shaped him this answer:

It is not amisse that I being on horssebacke, should come to thée sitting on horssebacke.

With which words Wat Tiler taking indigna∣tion, drew out his dagger, menacing to strike the knight, calling him therewith traitor: the knight dis∣daining to be misused at the hands of such a ribald, told him that he lied falselie, and with that plucked foorth his dagger. Wat Tiler being among his men, shewed that he would not beare that iniurie, and foorthwith made towards the knight to run vpon him. The king perceiuing the knight in danger, bad him alight from his horsse, and deliuer his dagger to Wat Tiler: but when that would not pacifie his proud and high mind, but that he would néeds flée vp∣on him, the maior of London William Walworth, and other knights and esquiers that were about the king, told him that it should be a shame for them all,* 1.143 if they permitted the knight in their presence before the eies of their prince so to be murthered: wherfore they gaue counsell to succor him foorthwith, and to apprehend the vile naughtie ribald. The king though he was but a child in yeares, yet taking courage to him, commanded the maior to arrest him. The maior being a man of incomparable boldnesse, foorthwith rode to him and arrested him, in reaching him such a blow on the head, that he sore astonied him there∣with: and streightwaies other that were about the king, as Iohn Standish an esquier, and diuers more of the kings seruants drew their swords,* 1.144 and thrust him through in diuerse parts of his bodie, so that he fell presentlie from his horsse downe to the earth, and died there in the place.

When the commons beheld this, they cried out▪

Our capteine is traitorouslie slaine, let vs stand to∣gither and die with him: let vs shoot and reuenge his death manfullie:

and so bending their bowes, made them readie to shoot. The king shewing both hardi∣nesse and wisedome at that instant, more than his age required, set his spurs to his horsse, and rode to them, saieng; What is the matter my men, what meane you? Will you shoot at your king? Be not troubled nor offended at the death of a traitor and ribald; I will be your king, capteine and leader,* 1.145 fol∣low me into the fields, and you shall haue all things that you can desire. This did the king, to the end he might appease them, least they should haue set fire on the houses there in Smithfield, and haue attempted some further mischéefe, in reuenge of the displeasure which they tooke for the death of their chéefe leader. They mooued with these the kings words, followed him and the knights that were with him, into the o∣pen fields, not yet resolued whether they should set vpon the king and slea him, or else be quiet, and re∣turne home with the kings charter.

In the meane time, the lord maior of London was returned into the citie, with one man onelie attend∣ing vpon him, and cried to the citizens;* 1.146 Oh yée good and vertuous citizens, come foorth out of hand, and helpe your king readie to be slaine, & helpe me your

maior standing in the same perill; or if yée will not helpe me for some faults committed by me against you, yet forsake not your king, but helpe and succour him in this present danger. When the worshipfull ci∣tizens and other, that in their loiall hearts loued the king, had heard these words, incontinentlie they put themselues in strong and sure armor,* 1.147 to the number of a thousand men, and gathering themselues togi∣ther into the stréets, tarried but for some lord or knight that might conduct them to the king: and by chance there came vnto them sir Robert Knolles, [line 10] whome all of them requested that he would be their leader, least comming out of arraie and order, they might the sooner be broken, who willinglie led one part of them, and certeine other knights led other of them, clad in faire bright armour vnto the kings pre∣sence. The king with the lords, knights and esquires, not a little reioised at the comming of those armed men, and streightwaies compassed the commons a∣bout, as they had béene a flocke of sheepe that should haue béene closed within some fold, till it pleased the [line 20] sheepheard to appoint foorth, which should be thrust into pasture, and which taken to go to the shambels.

* 1.148There was to be seene a maruellous change of the right hand of the lord, to behold how they throwing downe stanes, bils, axes, swords, bowes and arowes, humblie began to sue for pardon, which a little before gloried to haue the life of the king and his seruants wholie and altogither in their hands, power, and dis∣position. The poore wretches sought to hide them∣selues in the corne that grew in the fields, in ditches, [line 30] hedges, and dennes, and wheresoeuer they might get out of the way, so to safe gard their liues. The knights that were with the king would gladlie haue beene dooing with them, and requested licence of him to strike off the heads of some one or two hundred of them, that it might be a witnesse in time to come, that the force of the order of knighthood was able to doo somewhat against the carters and ploughmen: but the king would not suffer them, alledging that manie of them were come thither by compulsion, and [line 40] not of their owne accord, and therfore it might come to passe that those should die for it, that had nothing offended: but he commanded that there should be proclamation made in London, that the citizens should haue no dealings with them, nor suffer anie of them to come within the citie that night, but to cause them to lie without doores.

* 1.149¶In the report of this commotion chronographers doo somewhat varie, as by this present extract out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie, liuing [line 50] at the time of this tumult may appeare: which Abra∣ham Fleming hath faithfullie and trulie translated out of the annales of the said canon written in parch∣ment in old Latine letters, as followeth. Upon a sa∣turdaie, these malcontents [to wit, Thomas Baker the first moouer but afterwards the principall lea∣ders, Iacke Straw, Iacke Miler, Iacke Carter, Iacke Trewman, and their trecherous traine] met togither in Smithfield, whither also the king repaired [line 60] in the morning, who although in yeares he was but yoong, yet in wisedome and discretion he was well growne. The ringleader of this tumultuous rowt, whose right name was Wat Tiler, which he had now changed into Iacke Straw, approched neere the king, in so much that he might in a maner touch him, be∣ing the mouth of all the residue, and hauing in his hand a drawne dagger, which he tossed from hand to hand, boy-like plaieng with it, & watching due time therewith, if not to ••••ab, yet suddenlie to smite the king, if he denied their requests. Wherevpon they that were next and about the king were greatlie af∣feard, least his pretended mischeefe should come to passe.

Now he craued of the king that all warrens, wa∣ters, parks and woods should be common, so that as well poore as rich might fréelie in any place where∣soeuer practise fishing in ponds, pooles, riuers, or any waters, and might hunt déere in forrests and parkes, and the hare in the fields, with diuerse other requests, which he would haue granted without contradiction or gainesaieng, and exercise without controlment. Now when the king in the grant hereof by delibera∣tion vsed some delaie, Iacke Straw drew neerer vn∣to him, and speaking vnto him certeine thretening words, tooke hold of the horsses bridle whereon the king rode, vpon what presumptuous enterprise I wot not. Which Iohn Walworth a burgesse of Lon∣don beholding, and fearing present death to hang o∣uer the kings head, caught a weapon in his hand, and therwith thrust Iacke Straw through the throte, which when another that was by being an esquier, named Rafe Standish did see, with his weapon also ran him through the sides; in so much that he fell flat on his backe to the ground, and beating with his hands to and fro a while, at last he gaue vp his vnhap∣pie ghost.

Then a great clamor and lamentable outcrie was made, and heard a great while togither, saieng; Our guide is dead, our capteine is dead. And indéed so he was, being dragged by the hands and féet in a vile and contemptible sort into saint Bartholomewes church hard by. Then did manie of the vnrulie multi∣tude withdraw themselues, and vanishing awaie betooke them to their héeles, being about the number (as it was thought) of ten thousand. Then the king minding to make amends and to requite receiued courtesie, knighted the said Iohn Walworth, & Rafe Standish, with foure burgesses more of the citie, namelie Iohn Philpot, Nicholas Brembre, Iohn Laund, and Nicholas Twifeld, girding them about the wast with the girdle of knighthood, which was the maner of their graduating. Then the king hauing ordeined and made the foresaid six knights, com∣manded that the residue of the curssed crue should de∣part and get them into the field, that méeting togi∣ther in a companie, he might fall vnto a treatie of a∣greement with them.

The rowt being there assembled, behold a multi∣tude of armed men ran rusting out of the citie, sir Robert Knols being their capteine, who with these his soldiers compassed & hedged in the poore cattiues distressed in the field like shéepe that haue lost their shéepheard. Then the king of his accustomed cle∣mencie, being pricked with pitie, would not that the wretches should die, but spared them being a rash and foolish multitude, and commanded them euerie man to get him home to his owne house; howbeit manie of them, at the kings going awaie suffered the danger of death. In this miserable taking were reckoned to the number of twentie thousand. Thus saith Knighton, not as an eie-witnesse, but as taught by heare-saie, whereby he compiled the greatest part of his annales, as he himselfe confesseth, seeming sor∣rie that he was so constreined, as by part of the octa∣s••ichon at the foot of the first page, intituled Lamentum compilatoris, appeareth in maner and forme following:

Sum caecus factus subita caligine tactus, Nec opus inceptum iam corrigo forsan ineptum, Me metuo dubium pro veris saepe locutum, Plus audita loquor quàm mihi visa sequor, &c.

All the foresaid villanies notwithstanding against the king and the state, tending wholie to the subuer∣sion of law and ciuill gouernement, albeit the wre••∣••hes deserued no sparke of fauour, but ex••••eame so∣ueritie of iudgement to be executed vpon them; yet (as yee haue heard) besides the great clemencie of the king, exhibited vnto them in remitting their

offense, and acquiting them from the rigor of the law, he granted and gaue to them the charter, which they had requested, faire written and sealed, to auoid a greater mischiefe, & commanded it for a time to be deliuered them, knowing that Essex and Kent were not so pacified, but that if they were not the sooner contented, and that partlie after their minds, they would vp againe. The tenor of the charter which was gotten thus by force of the king was as followeth: [line 10]

The forme of the kings charter of Manumission.

* 2.1RIchardus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae: om∣nibus balliuis & fidelibus suis, ad quos praesentes litterae peruenerint, salu∣tem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali manumi∣simus vniuersos ligeos & singulos subditos nostros [line 20] & alios comitatus Hertfordiae, & ipsos & eorum quemlibet ab omni bondagio exuimus, & quietos facimus per praesentes, ac etiam perdonamus eisdem ligeis ac subditis nostris omnimodas felonias, pro∣ditiones, transgressiones, & extortiones, per ipsos vel aliquem eorum qualitercúnque factas siue perpetratas, ac etiam vtlagariam & vtlagarias, si qua vel quae in ipsos, vel aliquem ipsorum fuerit vel fuerint hijs occasionibus promulgata vel pro∣mulgatae, & summam pacem nostram eis & eorum [line 30] cuilibet inde concedimus. In cuius rei testimo∣nium, has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud London 15 die Iunij. Anno regni nostri quarto.

The commons hauing obteined this charter de∣parted home, but ceassed not from their riotous de∣meanour in sundrie parts of the realme, and especi∣allie at saint Albons,* 2.2 where after the townesmen [line 40] were returned home, they kept such a coile against the abbat and moonks, to haue certeine ancient char∣ters deliuered them that concerned their liberties, and to haue such new made and deliuered to them as might serue their purpose; that bicause such old char∣ters as they requested were not to be had, the abbat and moonks looked euerie houre when their house should be set on fire and burnt ouer their heads. The prior and certeine other as well moonks as laie men that were seruants to the abbat, fled for feare of the [line 50] rage of those misgouerned people, knowing that they hated them deadlie, and therefore looked for no cour∣tesie at their hands. They had obteined the kings let∣ters vnto the abbat, commanding him to deliuer vn∣to them such charters as they had giuen information to be remaining in his hands, so that vnder colour thereof, they called for those writings in most impor∣tunate wise, threatning sore, if they were not brought to light, vtterlie to destroie the house by setting it on fire. [line 60]

But to speake of all the vnrulie parts of those vn∣rulie people, it were too long a processe: yet at length after they vnderstood how their grand capteine and chéefe ringleader Wat Tiler was slaine, they be∣gan somewhat to asswage their presumptuous at∣tempts, the rather for that there came a knight with the kings letter of protection in behalfe of the abbat and his house, and yet they were not so calmed, but that they continued in requiring to haue chapters made to them by the abbat, of the like forme and ef∣fect ••o that which the king had made, concerning the infranchising them from bondage, whereby they that obteined such charters tooke themselues to be dis∣charged of all seruices and accustomed labors, so that they meant not to doo any further works, nor yeeld such customes as before time they vs••allie had béene accustomed to doo and yéeld vnto their landlords.

Neither did the townesmen of S. Albons, and the tenants of other townes and villages thereabout, that belonged to the abbeie of S. Albons, thus outra∣giouslie misdemeane themselues, but euerie where else the commons kept such like stur, so that it was rightlie called the hurling time,* 2.3 there were such hur∣lie burlies kept in euerie place, to the great danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of all good gouern∣ment in this land. For euen the selfe same saturdaie after Corpus Christi day, in Suffolke there were got togither to the number of fiftie thousand men, by the setting on of Iohn Wraw, a naughtie lewd priest, that had beene first among the Essexmen at Lon∣don,* 2.4 and was sent downe in all post hast from Wat Tiler, to stir the commons in those parts to commit the like mischéefe as he had séene begun about Lon∣don. These fellowes therfore, after they were assem∣bled togither, fell to the destroieng of the manors and houses of men of law, & such lawiers as they caught, they slue, and beheded sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice of England,* 2.5 and set his head vpon the pillorie in the market place in S. Edmunsdburie.

Also sir Iohn of Cambridge the prior of saint Ed∣mundsburie, as he would haue fled from them, was taken not far from Mildenhale, and likewise behea∣ded,* 2.6 his bodie being left naked in the open field, and no man presuming to burie it, during the space of fiue daies, for feare of the cruell commons. His head was set vpon a pole, and caried before Iohn Wraw and other of those wicked people; the which comming to Burie, and entring the towne in maner of a pro∣cession, when they came into the market place where the pillorie stood, as it were in token of the old friendship betwixt the lord chiefe iustice, and the said prior, they made sport with their heads, making them sometime as it were to kisse, other whiles to sound in either others eare. After they had taken their pastime inough herewith, they set both the heads againe aloft vpon the pillorie. After this, they beheaded an other moonke called Dan Iohn de Lakinghuith, whose hed was likewise set by the other two vpon the pillorie. Moreouer, they caused the moonks to come foorth and bring vnto them all such obligations, in which the townesmen stood bound vnto the monasterie for their good abearing; likewise such charters of liberties of the towne of Burie, which king Cnu••e the founder of the said monasterie, and his successors had granted to the same: which writings when they had brought foorth, and protested that they knew of no more, the commons would scarselie beleeue them, and there∣fore called the townesmen foorth, and bad them sée if that there were all such writings as they thought stood with their aduantage to haue brought to light. The townesmen feigned as though they had beene sorie to see such rule kept against the moonks, where in déed they had set the commons in hand with all these things. To conclude, the commons tooke this order with the moonks, that if the townesmen might not obteine their ancient liberties, by the hauing of those writings, they should declare what the same li∣berties were, which they were woont to inioy, and the abbat of Burie, Edmund Brumfield,* 2.7 being then in prison at Notingham whom they purposed to deliuer (so that he should celebrat diuine seruice in his mo∣nasterie on Midsummer daie next) within fourtie daies after his comming home, should confirme with his seale such charter as was to be deuised and made concerning the same liberties of the said townes∣men, and the couent should likewise put there vnto their common seale.

Moreouer, they constreined the moonks to deliuer

vnto the townesmen, a crosse and a chalice of fine gold, and other iewels that belonged to the abbeie, be∣ing in value aboue the worth of a thousand pounds in monie, the which was to remaine in the hands of the townsmen, vpon this condition, that if Edmund Brumfield being deliuered out of prison inioied the dignitie of abbat there, and with all put his seale to∣gither with the couent seale within the time limited, vnto a writing that should conteine the liberties of the towne, that then the same crosse, chalice, and o∣ther [line 10] iewels should be restored vnto the monasterie, or else the same to remaine for euer to the townes∣men as forfeited. Such were the dooings of those re∣bels in and about the towne of Burie: and the like disorders & breach of peace followed by the commo∣tions of the commons in Cambridgeshire, and in the Ile of Elie, resembling the others in slaughters of men, destroieng of houses, and all other sorts of mis∣chéefe.

In like maner in Norffolke there was assembled [line 20] an huge number of those vnrulie countrie people,* 2.8 which vnder the guiding of a dier of cloth, common∣lie called Iohn Littester, that had dwelt in Norwich, attempted and did all such vngratious feats, as they had heard that other did in other parts of the realme, yea and greater also, putting foorth their hands vnto rapine and robberie. And whereas they were wholie conspired togither, and bent to commit all kind of mischéefe, yet estéeming their owne authoritie to be small,* 2.9 they purposed to haue brought William Uf∣ford [line 30] earle of Suffolke into their felowship, that if af∣terwards they might happilie be impeached hereaf∣ter, for such their naughtie and most wicked doo∣ings, they might haue had some shadow or colour, as it were through him, whie they had delt in such vnru∣lie sort. But the earle aduertised of their intention, suddenlie rose from supper, and got him awaie by vn∣knowne waies, still fleeing from the commons, till at length he got to S. Albons, and so from thence to the king. [line 40]

The commons missing of their purpose for the ha∣uing of him,* 2.10 laid hold vpon all such knights and o∣ther gentlemen as came in their waie, and were found at home in their houses, compelling them to be sworne to them, and to ride with them through the countrie, as the lord Scales, William lord Morlie, sir Iohn Brewes, sir Stephan Hales, and sir Robert Salle:* 2.11 which sir Robert continued not long aliue a∣mong them, for he could not dissemble as the residue, but began to reprooue openlie their naughtie doo∣ings, [line 50] for the which he had his braines dasht out by a countrie clowne, one that was his bondman, and so he ended his life, who if he might haue come to haue tried his manhood and strength with them in plaine battell, had beene able to haue put a thousand of those villaines in feare, his valiancie and prowesse was such. The residue taught by his example that they must either dissemble or die for it, were glad to currie fauour, praising or dispraising all things as they saw the commons affected, and so comming into credit [line 60] with their chéefteine Iohn Littester, that named himselfe king of the commons,* 2.12 they were preferred to serue him at the table, in taking the assaie of his meats and drinks, and dooing other seruices, with knéeling humblie before him as he sat at meat, as sir Stephan Hales who was appointed his caruer, and others had other offices assigned them.

At length, when those commons began to war wearie of taking paines in euill dooings, they tooke counsell togither, and agreed to send two knights, to wit, the lord Morlie, and sir Iohn Brewes, and three of the commons, in whom they put great confidence, vnto the king; to obteine their charter of manumissi∣on and infranchising, and to haue the same charter more large than those that were granted to other countries. They deliuered great summes of monie vnto those whome they sent, to bestow the same for the obteining of pardon, and such grants as they su∣ed for, which monie they had got by force of the citi∣zens of Norwich, to saue the citie from fire and sac∣king. These knights as they were on their iournie,* 2.13 at Ichingham not farre distant from Newmarket, not looking for anie such thing, met with sir Henrie Spenser bishop of Norwich, a man more fit for the field than the church, & better skilled (as may appéere) in arms than in diuinitie. This bishop had aduertise∣ments at his manor of Burlie néere to Okam in the parties about Stamford, of the sturre which the commons in Norffolke kept, and there vpon resol∣ued streightwaies to see what rule there was holden. He had in his companie at that time, not passing eight lances, and a small number of archers.

The bishop méeting thus with the knights, exa∣mined them streightwaies if there were anie of the traitours there with them. The knights at the first were doubtfull to bewraie their associats: but at last imboldened by the bishops words, declared that two of the chéefe dooers in the rebellion were there present, and the third was gone to prouide for their dinner. The bishop streightwaies commanded those two to be made shorter by the head, and the third he himselfe went to seeke, as one of his shéepe that was lost; not to bring him home to the fold, but to the slaughter-house, as he had well deserued (in the bi∣shops opinion) sith he had so mischéefouslie gone a∣straie, and alienated himselfe from his dutifull allegi∣ance. These persons being executed, and their heads pight on the end of poles, and so set vp at Newmar∣ket, the bishop with the knights tooke their waie with all spéed towards Northwalsham in Norffolke,* 2.14 where the commons were purposed to staie for an∣swer from the king: and as he passed through the countrie, his number increased, for the knights and gentlemen of the countrie, hearing how their bishop had taken his speare in hand, and was come into the field armed, ioined themselues with him.

When therefore the bishop was come into the place where the commons were incamped,* 2.15 he perceiued that they had fortified their campe verie stronglie with ditches, and such other stuffe as they could make shift with, as doores, windowes, boords, & tables, and behind them were all their cariages placed, so that it séemed they meant not to flie. Herewith the bishop being chased with the presumptuous boldnesse of such a sort of disordered persons, commanded his trum∣pets to sound to the battell,* 2.16 and with his speare in the rest, he charged them with such violence, that he went ouer the ditch, and laied so about him, that through his manfull dooings, all his companie found means to passe the ditch likewise, and so therewith followed a verie sore and terrible sight, both parts doo∣ing their best to vanquish the other. But finallie the commons were ouercome,* 2.17 and driuen to seeke their safegard by flight, which was sore hindered by their cariages that stood behind them, ouer the which they were forced to clime and leape so well as they might. Iohn Littester and other cheefe capteins were ta∣ken aliue. The bishop therefore caused the said Litte∣ster to be arreigned of high treason, and condemned, and so he was drawne, hanged, and headed according to the iudgement.

The bishop heard his confession, and by vertue of his office absolued him: and to shew some parcell of sorrowing for the mans mischance, he went with him to the galowes. But it séemed that pitie wrought not with the bishop▪ to quench the zeale of iustice: for he caused not Littester onelie to be executed, but sought for all other that were the chéefe dooers in that

rebellion, causing them to be put vnto death, and so by that meanes quieted the countrie. ¶ To recite what was doone in euerie part of the realme in time of those hellish troubles, it is not possible: but this is to be considered, that the rage of the commons was vniuersallie such, as it might séeme they had general∣lie conspired togither, to doo what mischeefe they could deuise. As among sundrie other, what wickednesse was it, to compell teachers of children in grammar schooles to sweare neuer to instruct any in their art? Againe, could they haue a more mischeefous mea∣ning, [line 10] than to burne and destroie all old and ancient monuments, and to murther and dispatch out of the waie all such as were able to commit to memorie, ei∣ther any new or old records? For it was dangerous among them to be knowne for one that was lerned, and more dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and inkhorne at his side:* 2.18 for such seldome or neuer escaped from them with life.

But to returne to saie somewhat more concerning [line 20] the end of their rebellious enterprises, you must vn∣derstand,* 2.19 how after that Wat Tiler was slaine at London in the presence of the king (as before ye haue heard) the hope and confidence of the rebels greatlie decaied: and yet neuerthelesse, the king and his councell being not well assured, granted to the commons (as ye haue heard) charters of manumis∣sion and infranchisement from all bondage, and so sent them awaie home to their countries: and foorth∣with herevpon he assembled an armie of the Londo∣ners, [line 30] and of all others in the countries abroad that bare him good will, appointing none to come, but such as were armed and had horsses, for he would haue no footmen with him. Thus it came to passe, that within thrée daies he had about him fourtie thousand horsse∣men,* 2.20 as was estéemed; so that in England had not béene heard of the like armie assembled togither at one time. And herewith was the king aduertised, that the Kentishmen began eftsoones to stir,* 2.21 where∣with the king and the whole armie were so grieuous∣lie [line 40] offended, that they meant streight to haue set vp∣on that countrie, and to haue wholie destroied that rebellious generation. But thorough intercession made by the lords and gentlemen of that countrie, the king pacified his mood, and so resolued to procéed against them by order of law and iustice, causing iudges to sit and to make inquisition of the malefac∣tors, and especiallie of such as were authors of the mischéefes.

And about the same time did the maior of London [line 50] sit in iudgement, as well vpon the offendors that were citizens, as of other that were of Kent, Essex, Southsex, Norffolke, Suffolke, and other counties, being found within the liberties of the citie; and such as were found culpable, he caused them to lose their heads,* 2.22 as Iacke Straw, Iohn Kirkbie, Alane Tre∣dera, and Iohn Sterling, that gloried of himselfe, for that he was the man that had slaine the archbishop. This fellow (as it is written by some authors) streight waies after he had doone that wicked deed, fell out of [line 60] his wits, and comming home into Essex where he dwelt, tied a naked sword about his necke, that hoong downe before on his brest, and likewise a dagger na∣ked, that hanged downe behind on his backe, and so went vp and downe the lanes & stréets about home, crieng out, and protesting, that with those weapons he had dispatched the archbishop; and after he had re∣mained a while at home, he came to London againe, for that he shuld receiue (as he said) the reward there of the act which he had committed: and so indéed, when he came thither, and boldlie confessed that he was the man that had beheaded the archbishop, he lost his head in steed of a recompense: and diuerse other both of Essex and Kent, that had laid violent hands vpon the archbishop came to the like end at London, where they did the deed, being bewraied by their owne con∣fessions.

Here is to be remembred, that the king, after the citie of London was deliuered from the danger of the rebels (as before ye haue heard) in respect of the great manhood, and assured loialtie which had appea∣red in the maior, and other of the aldermen, for some part of recompense of their faithfull assistance in that dangerous season,* 2.23 made the said maior William Walworth knight, with fiue other aldermen his bre∣thren, to wit, Nicholas Bramble, Iohn Philpot, Ni∣cholas Twiford, Robert Laundre, and Robert Gai∣ton, also Iohn Standish, that (as ye haue heard) holpe to slaie Wat Tiler. Moreouer, the king granted, that there should be a dagger added to the armes of the citie of London, in the right quarter of the shield,* 2.24 for an augmentation of the same armes, and for a re∣membrance of this maior his valiant act, as dooth ap∣peare vnto this daie; for till that time, the citie bare onelie the crosse, without the dagger.

Although the kings authoritie thus began to shew it selfe, to the terror of rebels; yet the commons of Essex eftsoones assembled themselues togither,* 2.25 not far from Hatfield Peuerell, and sent to the king to know of him if his pleasure was, that they should in∣ioy their promised liberties: and further, that they might be as frée as their lords, and not to come to a∣ny court, except it were to the great léet, twise in the yeare. When the king heard such presumptuous re∣quests, he was in a great chafe, & dispatched the mes∣sengers awaie, with a sore threatning answer, saieng that bondmen they were, and bondmen they should be, and that in more vile manner than before, to the terrible example of all other that should attempt any the like disorders: and foorthwith, the earle of Buc∣kingham, and the lord Thomas Percie, brother to the earle of Northumberland,* 2.26 were sent with an armie to represse those rebels, whome they found fortified within woods, hedges and ditches verie stronglie, but with small adoo they were put to flight, & about fiue hundred of them slaine; the residue saued themselues as well as they might, by succour of the woods. There were eight hundred horsses also taken, which those rebels had there with them, to draw and carrie their baggage.

Those of the rebels that escaped, were not yet so tamed by that ouerthrow, but that assembling them∣selues togither in a rowt, they made towards Col∣chester: and comming thither, would haue persuaded the townesmen to haue ioined with them in a new rebellion. But when they could not bring their pur∣pose to passe, they marched towards Sudburie. The lord Fitz Walter, and sir Iohn Harleston, vnder∣standing which waie they tooke, followed them with a companie of armed men, and suddenlie setting vpon them as they were making their proclamations, slue of them so manie as it liked them, and the other they saued, and suffered to depart, or else committed them to prison. After this, the king came to Hauering at the bowre, and from thence to Chelmisford, where he appointed sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement of the offendors and rebels of that countrie, wherevpon an inquest being chosen, a great number were indi∣ted, arreigned, & found giltie, so that vpon some one gallowes there were nine or ten hanged togither.

In euerie countrie were like inquiries made,* 2.27 and the chéefe offendors apprehended and put to death in euerie lordship through the realme, where anie of them were detected, by ten, twelue, twentie, thirtie, yea and in some places by fortie at once; so that the whole number grew to fifteene hundred and aboue. At the first, when the kings iustices began to sit in Essex, Kent, and at London, by reason of the multi∣tude

that were to be executed, they onelie chopped off their heads, but afterwards when that kind of death seemed too close and secret for so open offenses, they proceeded according to the accustomed law of the realme, by condemning them to be drawne and hanged, and according thervnto they were executed. In the meane time,* 2.28 the king by the aduise of his councell, directed his letters reuocatorie into euerie countie there, to be proclamed in euerie citie, bor∣row, towne, and place, as well within the liberties as without; by the which letters he reuoked, made void [line 10] and frustrate his former letters of infranchising the bondmen of his realme, and commanded that such as had the same letters, should without delaie bring them in, and restore them to him and his councell to be cancelled, as they would answer vpon their faith and allegiance which they owght to him, and vpon paine of forfeiting all that they had. The date of which letters reuocatorie was at Chelmesford, the second daie of Iulie, in the fift yeare of his reigne.

* 2.29When the king had quieted the countie of Essex, [line 20] and punished such as were the chéefe sturrers of that wicked commotion in those parts, he went to saint Albons, to sée iustice doone vpon such as had demea∣ned themselues most presumptuouslie against the kings peace in that towne, namelie against the ab∣bat and his house, who sought to defend themselues vnder a colour of fréendship, that they trusted to find in some persons about the king. But that trust deceiued them, and procured the more displeasure a∣gainst them, for that they would not sue for fauour [line 30] at the abbats hands in time, by submitting them∣selues vnto his will and pleasure. To be breefe, the king came thither with a great number of armed men and archers, and caused his iustice sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement vpon the malefactors, that were brought thither from Hertford gaile.

Thither was brought also to the king from Couen∣trie, Iohn Ball preest,* 2.30 whome the citizens of Couen∣trie had taken, and now here at saint Albons they presented him to the kings presence, wherevpon he [line 40] was arreigned and condemned, to be drawne, hang∣ed, and headed for such notable treasons as he was there conuicted of. He receiued iudgement vpon the saturdaie the first daie that the said sir Robert Trisi∣lian sat in iudgement, but he was not executed till the mondaie following. This man had beene a prea∣cher the space of twentie yeares, and bicause his doc∣trine was not according to the religion then by the bishops mainteined, he was first prohibited to preach in anie church or chappell; and when he ceassed not for [line 50] all that, but set foorth his doctrine in the streets & fields where he might haue audience, at length he was committed to prison,* 2.31 out of the which he prophesied that he should be deliuered with the force of twentie thousand men, and euen so it came to passe in time of the rebellion of the commons.

When all the prisons were broken vp, and the pri∣soners set at libertie, he being therefore so deliuered, followed them, & at Blackeheath when the greatest multitude was there got togither (as some write) [line 60] he made a sermon, taking his saieng or common prouerbe for his theame, wherevpon to intreat,

* 2.32When Adam delu'd, and Eue span, Who was then a gentleman?

and so continuing his sermon, went about to prooue by the words of that prouerbe, that from the begin∣ning, all men by nature were created alike, and that bondage or seruitude came in by iniust oppression of naughtie men. For if God would haue had anie bondmen from the beginning, he would haue ap∣pointed who should be bond & who free. And therefore he exhorted them to consider, that now the time was come appointed to them by God, in which they might (if they would) cast off the yoke of bondage, & recouer libertie. He counselled them therefore to remember themselues, and to take good hearts vnto them, that after the manner of a good husband that tilleth his ground, and riddeth out thereof such euill wéeds as choke and destroie the good corne, they might destroie first the great lords of the realme, and after the iud∣ges and lawiers, questmoongers, and all other whom they vndertooke to be against the commons, for so might they procure peace and suertie to themselues in time to come, if dispatching out of the waie the great men, there should be an equalitie in libertie, no difference in degrées of nobilitie, but a like dig∣nitie and equall authoritie in all things brought in among them.

When he had preached and set foorth such kind of doctrine, and other the like fond and foolish toies vnto the people, they extolled him to the starres, affirming that he ought to be archbishop and lord chancellour, where he that then enioied that roome, meaning sir Simon de Sudburie that then was aliue, was a traitor to the king and realme, and worthie to lose his head, wheresoeuer he might be apprehended. Ma∣nie other things are reported by writers of this Iohn Ball, as the letter, which vnder a kind of darke rid∣dle he wrote to the capteine of the Essex rebels, the copie whereof was found in one of their pursses that was executed at London.

The tenor of the said seditious preests letter.

IOhn Scheepe S. Marie preest of Yorke, and now of Colchester, greeteth well Iohn namelesse, and Iohn the Miller, and Iohn Carter, & biddeth them that they beware of guile in Bourrough, & stand togither in Gods name, & biddeth Piers ploughman go to his worke, and chastise well Hob the robber, & take with you Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes, and no mo. Iohn the Miller Y ground small, small small, the kings sonne of heauen shall paie for all. Beware or yee be wo, know your freend from your fo, haue inough and saie ho, and doo well and better, flee sinne and seeke peace, and hold you therein, and so biddeth Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes.

This letter he confessed himselfe to haue written, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, with manie o∣ther things which he had doone and committed, to the disquieting of the realme,* 3.1 for the which he was drawne, hanged, and beheaded at saint Albons, the fiftéenth of Iulie, being monday, in this fift yeare of king Richards reigne. On the same daie, the kings iustice sir Robert Trisilian sat vpon the rebels of saint Albons, and other of the countrie of Hertford, afore whome, by such policie as he vsed, there were a great number indicted, and diuerse being arreigned, were found guiltie, as William Grindecob, Willi∣am Cadindon, Iohn Barbor, and certeine others, which were hanged and drawne, to the number of fif∣teene persons in all; diuerse chéefe men of the towne were committed to prison, as Richard Wallingford, Iohn Garleeke, William Berewill, Thomas Putor and others of the countrie about. There were com∣mitted to prison to the number of fourescore per∣sons, the which neuerthelesse, by the kings pardon, were released and dismissed.

The hatred which the townesmen had conceiued

against the abbat and conuent of S. Albons, was s••erlie great, and manie deuises they had to haue sa∣ued, those that were executed. And where as well the townesmen, as other of the abbats and conuents tenants, both of Hertfordshire, and Buckingham∣shire, had gotten of the abbat and conuent letters of discharge, from dooing anie bound seruice, the king directed his letters vnto certeine commissioners, as to Iohn Ludowicke, Iohn Westwicombe, Iohn Kenting, Richard Perers, Walter Saunford, Ri∣chard [line 10] Gifford,* 3.2 Thomas Eidon, and William Ec∣cleshall, commanding them to cause proclamation to be made in all such townes and places as were thought necessarie, through the whole countries of Buckingham and Hertford, that all and euerie per∣son and persons that ought and had beene accustomed to doo or yeeld anie manner of seruices, customes, or duties, whether they were bondmen or free, vnto the said abbat and couent of S. Albons, should doo and yéeld the same seruices, customes, and duties, in such l ke forme & manner, as they had beene used to doo, be∣fore [line 20] the time of the late troubles, & not to chalenge or claime any libertie or priuilege which they inioied not before the same troubles, vpon their faith & allegi∣ance in which they stood bound to him, and vpon paine to forfeit all that they might forfeit: and in case anie were found to doo contrarie thervnto, the same com∣missioners had authoritie, and were commanded to arrest and imprison them, till for their further punish∣ment, order might be taken and agreed vpon in that [line 30] beha••••e accordinglie.

On saint Margarets daie, the king being readie to take his iournie to Berkhamstéed, in the great court of the abbeie of S. Albons had all the com∣mons of the countie of Hertford before him,* 3.3 that had summons there to appeare, all that were betwixt fifteene and thréescore yéeres of age, where they tooke an oth togither from thenc••foorth, to be faithfull sub∣iects vnto him, and neuer to rise or make anie com∣motion, to the disturbance of his peace; and rather to [line 40] die, than to consent vnto anie rebellious persons, whome they should to the vttermost of their powers doo their best, to apprehend and deliuer them to the kings prison, that they might be foorth comming. Af∣ter they had receiued this oth, they were licenced to depart, and the king rode to Berkhamsteed, where he remained for a time, and went to Esthamstéed to re∣create himselfe with hunting, where he was infor∣med, that those which were hanged at S. Albons, were taken from the gallowes, and remooued a good waie from the same: with which presumption he was [line 50] so stirred, that he sent foorthwith his letters to the bai∣liffes of the towne of S. Albons, commanding them vpon the sight of the same, to cause cheines to be made, and to bring the said bodies backe vnto the gallowes, and to hang them in those chaines vpon the same gallowes, there to remaine, so long as one peece might sticke to another, according to the forme of the iudgement giuen. The test of this writ thus di∣rected to the bailiffes of saint Albons, was at Est∣hamstéed [line 60] the third of August, in the fift yeare of this kings reigne, and in the yeare of our lord a thousand three hundred foure score and one.

The townesmen of S. Albons durst not disobeie the kings commandement, and so hanged vp againe in chaines the dead bodies of their neighbors, great∣lie to their shame and reproch, when they could get none other for anie wages to come néere the stink∣ing carcasses, but that they were constreined them∣selues to take in hand so vile an office. And such was the end of the tumults at S. Albons, where as well as in other places, the vnrulie commons had plaied their parts. To conclude and make an end of these diuelish troubles, to the end it may appeare, in what danger as well the K. as the whole state of the realme stood, by the mischéefous attempts of the vnrulie peo∣ple, I haue thought good to declare the confession of Iacke Straw one of their chéefe capteins (and next in reputation amongst them vnto Wat Tiler) when he came to be executed in London, according to iudi∣ciall sentence passed against him.

¶ At the same time (said he) that we were assembled vpon Blackeheath,* 3.4 and had sent to the king to come vnto vs, our purpose was to haue slaine all such knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, as should haue gi∣uen their attendance thither vpon him: and as for the king, we would haue kept him amongst vs, to the end that the people might more boldlie haue repaired to vs, sith they should haue thought, that whatsoeuer we did, the same had béene doone by his authoritie. Finally, when we had gotten power inough, that we needed not to feare anie force that might be made against vs, we would haue slaine all such noble men, as might either haue giuen counsell, or made anie resistance against vs, speciallie the knights of the Rhodes; and lastlie we would haue killed the king and all men of possessions, with bishops, moonks, cha∣nons and parsons of churches, onelie friers Mendi∣cants we would haue spared, that might haue suffi∣ced for ministration of the sacraments. And when we had made a riddance of all those, we would haue deuised lawes, according to the which the subiects of this realme should haue liued, for we would haue created kings, as Wat Tiler in Kent, and other in other countries. But bicause this our purpose was disappointed by the archbishop of Canturburie, that would not permit the king to come to vs, we sought by all meanes to dispatch him out of the waie, as at length we did. Morouer, the same euening that Wat Tiler was killed, we were determined, hauing the greatest part of the commons of the citie bent to ioine with vs, to haue set fire in foure corners of the citie, and so to haue diuided amongst vs the spoile of the cheefest riches that might haue beene found at our pleasure. And this (said he) was our purpose, as God may helpe me now at my last end.

This may you see, after what sort they were con∣spired to the destruction of the realme, and to haue aduanced and inriched themselues; not considering or foreséeing the euill successe of their tumultuous broile, and that it would tend but little to their profit in the end, by a common spoile to amend their state, and to become mightie and rich with goods euill got∣ten, which though for a time (if lucke had serued them to haue possessed) they had enioied, yet could they not long prosper nor bring good vnto the possessors: for

Non habet euentus sordida praeda bonos.

And lest this one mans confession might séeme in∣sufficient, diuerse other of them confessed the same, or much what the like in effect, when they saw no re∣medie but present death before their eies. To declare the occasion whie such mischeefes happened thus in the realme, we leaue to the iudgement of those that may coniecture a truth thereof, by conferring the manners of that age & behauiour of all states then, sith they that wrote in those daies, may happilie in that behalfe miffe the trueth, in construing things according to their affections. But truelie it is to be thought, that the faults,* 3.5 as well in one degrée as an other, speciallie the sinnes of the whole nation, procu∣red such vengeance to rise, whereby they might be warned of their euill dooings, and séeke to reforme the same in time conuenient. But as it commeth still to passe; when the danger is once ouershot, re∣pentance likewise is put ouer, and is no more regar∣ded, till an other scourge commeth eftsoones to put men in remembrance of their duetie; so in like man∣ner (as séemeth) it chanced in this kings daies, as by

that which followeth may more plainelie appeare.

In this meane time that these troubles were at the hottest in England, the duke of Lancaster being in Scotland, so behaued himselfe (in the treatie which he had in hand with the Scots) dissembling the mat∣ter so, as if he had not vnderstood of any trouble in England at all, that finallie before the Scots had knowledge thereof,* 3.6 a truce was concluded to indure for two yeares, or (as other haue) for three yeares. When he had made an end there, and that all things [line 10] were agréed vpon and passed, for the confirmation of that accord, he returned to Berwike, but at his com∣ming thither, the capteine sir Matthew Redman would not suffer him to enter the towne,* 3.7 bicause of a commandement giuen to him from the earle of Northumberland, lord warden of the marches: wherefore the duke was glad to returne into Scot∣land againe, obteining licence of the Scots to re∣maine amongst them, till the realme of England was reduced to better quiet. Hervpon, the commons [line 20] in England that fauored him not, tooke occasion to report the worst of him that might be deuised, calling him now in time of their rebellious commotions, a traitor to the realme, declaring that he had ioined himselfe to the Scots, and meant to take part with them against his owne natiue countrie.

The king indéed had sent commandement, during the time of the rebellious troubles, vnto the earle of Northumberland, that he should haue good regard to the safe keeping of all the townes & castels vnder his [line 30] rule, & not to suffer any person to enter the same, ha∣uing forgotten to except the duke of Lancaster being then in Scotland: whervpon the duke tooke no small displeasure with the earle of Northumberland, as af∣ter he well shewed at his comming home. But be∣fore he returned foorth of Scotland, he wrote to the king to vnderstand his plesure, in what sort he should returne, humbling himselfe in such wise, as he made offer to come with one knight, one esquier, and a groome, if it should please the king so to appoint him; [line 40] or if it so were that by his presence it was thought the realme was like to fall in any trouble, he was readie to depart into exile, neuer to returne into his countrie againe, if so be that through his absence the king and realme might inioy peace and quietnesse.

The king hearing such offers, wrote to him, that his pleasure was to haue him to returne home, with all his whole traine; and if the same were not thought sufficient to gard him, he should take of euerie towne by the which he passed, a certeine number of men to [line 50] attend him vnto the next towne for his safegard, and so it was doone, the king sending him commission to that effect, and thus comming to the court, he was of the king right honorablie receiued. Within few daies after his comming, he exhibited, a grieuous complaint against the earle of Northumberland, for abusing him in diuerse sorts,* 3.8 in time of the late trou∣bles, so as his honour was greatlie thereby touched, for which the earle was sent for, and commanded to come vnto Berkhamstéed, where all the lords in ma∣ner [line 60] of the land were assembled in councell.

Here, after the duke had laid diuerse things to the earles charge, for his disobedience, vnfaithfulnesse, and ingratitude, the earle after the manner of his countrie, not able to forbeare, brake out into reproch∣full words against the duke, although he was com∣manded by the king to ceasse, where the duke kept si∣lence in humble maner, at the first word, when the K. commanded him to hold his peace, so that by reason of the earles disobedience in that behalfe, he was ar∣rested. But yet the earls of Warwike and Suffolke vndertaking for his appearance at the next parle∣ment, he was suffered to depart, and so the councell brake vp. About the feast of All saints the parle∣ment began,* 3.9 to the which the duke of Lancaster came bringing with him an excéeding number of armed men, and likewise the earle of Northumberland with no lesse companie came likewise to London, & was lodged within the citie, hauing great friend∣ship shewed towards him of the citizens, who promi∣sed to assist him at all times, when necessitie requi∣red, so that his part séemed to be ouerstrong for the duke,* 3.10 if they should haue come to anie triall of their forces at that time.

The duke laie with his people in the suburbs, and euerie daie when they went to the parlement house at Westminster, both parts went thither in armour, to the great terror of those that were wise and graue personages,* 3.11 fearing some mischiefe to fall foorth of that vnaccustomed manner of their going armed to the parlement house, contrarie to the ancient vsage of the realme. At length, to quiet the parties and to auoid such inconueniences,* 3.12 as might haue growen of their dissention, the king tooke the matter into his hands, and so they were made fréends, to the end that some good might be doone in that parlement, for refor∣mation of things touching the state of the realme, for which cause it was especiallie called: but now af∣ter it had continued a long time, and few things at all concluded, newes came that the ladie Anne sister to the emperour Wenslaus, & affianced wife to the king of England, was come to Calis, whervpon the parlement was proroged till after Christmas, that in the meane time the marriage might be solemnized, which was appointed after the Epiphanie: and foorth∣with great preparation was made to receiue the bride, that she might be conueied with all honor vn∣to the kings presence.

Such as should receiue hir at Douer repaired thi∣ther, where at hir landing,* 3.13 a maruellous and right strange woonder happened; for she was no sooner out of hir ship, and got to land in safetie with all hir com∣panie, but that foorthwith the water was so troubled and shaken, as the like thing had not to any mans remembrance euer béene heard of: so that the ship in which the appointed queene came ouer, was terri∣blie rent in péeces, and the residue so beaten one a∣gainst an other, that they were scattered here and there after a woonderfull manner. Before hir com∣ming to the citie of London, she was met on Black∣heath by the maior and citizens of London in most honorable wise, [year 1382] and so with great triumph conueied to Westminster, where (at the time appointed) all the nobilitie of the realme being assembled,* 3.14 she was ioi∣ned in marriage to the king, and crowned quéene by the archbishop of Canturburie, with all the glorie and honor that might be deuised. There were also hol∣den for the more honour of the same marriage, so∣lemne iustes for certeine daies togither, in which, as well the Englishmen as the new quéenes countrie∣men shewed proofe of their manhood and valiancie, whereby praise & commendation of knightlie prow∣esse was atchiued, not without damage of both the parties.

After that the solemnitie of the marriage was fi∣nished, the parlement eftsoones began, in the which many things were inacted, for the behoofe of the com∣monwealth. And amongst other things it was ordei∣ned, that all maner manumissions, obligations, re∣leasses, and other bonds made by compulsion, dures, and menace, in time of this last tumult and riot a∣gainst the lawes of the land; and good faith, should be vtterlie void and adnihilated. And further, that if the kings faithfull liege people did perceiue any gathe∣ring of the cōmons in suspected wise, to the number of six or seauen, holding conuenticles togither, they should not staie for the kings writ in that behalfe for their warrant, but foorthwith it should be lawfull for

them to apprehend such people, assembling togither, and to laie them in prison, till they might answer their dooings. These and manie other things were established in this parlement, of the which, the most part are set foorth in the printed booke of statutes, where ye may read the same more at large.

In time of this parlement William Ufford the earle of Suffolke, being chosen by the knights of the shires, to pronounce in behalfe of the common∣wealth, certeine matters concerning the same: the [line 10] verie daie and houre in which he should haue serued that turne,* 3.15 as he went vp the staires, towards the vp∣per house, he suddenlie fell downe and died in the hands of his seruants, busie about to take him vp, whereas he felt no gréefe of sickenesse when he came into Westminster, being then and before merrie and pleasant inough, to all mens sights. Of his sudden death, manie were greatlie abashed, for that in his life time, he had shewed himselfe courteous and ami∣able to all men. ¶ The parlement shortlie therevpon [line 20] tooke end, after that the merchants had granted to the king for a subsidie certeine customes of their wools, which they bought and sold, called a maletot, to endure for foure yeares. ¶ The lord Richard Scroope was made lord chancellor, & the lord Hugh Segraue lord treasuror.

* 3.16About the same time, the lord Edmund Mortimer earle of March, the kings lieutenant in Ireland, de∣parted this life, after he had brought in manner all that land to peace and quiet, by his noble and pru∣dent [line 30] gouernement. In this season, Wicliffe set forth diuerse articles and conclusions of his doctrine, which the new archbishop of Canturburie, William Courtneie, latelie remooued from the sée of London, vnto the higher dignitie, did what he could by all shifts to suppresse, and to force such as were the set∣ters foorth and mainteiners thereof, to recant, and vtterlie to renounce. What he brought to passe, in the booke of acts and monuments set foorth by mai∣ster I. Fox, ye may find at large. The tuesday next af∣ter [line 40] the feast of saint Iohn Port latine, an other par∣lement began, in which at the earnest sute and re∣quest of the knights of the shires,* 3.17 Iohn Wraie priest that was the chiefe dooer among the commons in Suffolke, at Burie, and Mildenhall, was adiudged to be drawen, and hanged, although manie beleeued, that his life should haue béene redeemed for some great portion of monie.

A lewd fellow that tooke vpon him to be skilfull in physicke and astronomie, caused it to be published [line 50] thorough the citie of London, that vpon the Ascensi∣on euen, there would rise such a pestilent planet, that all those which came abroad foorth of their chambers, before they had said fiue times the Lords praier, then commonlie called the Pater noster, and did not eate somewhat that morning, before their going foorth, should be taken with sicknesse, & suddenlie die there∣of. Manie fooles beléeued him, and obserued his or∣der; but the next day, when his presumptuous lieng could be no longer faced out, he was set on horsse∣backe, [line 60] with his face towards the taile, which he was compelled to hold in his hand in stéed of a bridle,* 3.18 and so was led about the citie, with two iorden pots a∣bout his necke, and a whetstone, in token that he had well deserued it, for the notable lie which he had made.

About the same time, certeine English ships of Rie,* 3.19 and other places, went to the sea, and meeting pirats, fought with them, and ouercame them, ta∣king seuen ships, with thrée hundred men in them. One of those ships had béene taken from the Eng∣lishmen afore time, and was called the falcon, be∣longing to the lord William Latimer. They were all richlie laden with wine, wax, and other good mer∣chandize. This yeare the maior of London Iohn de Northampton,* 3.20 otherwise called Iohn de Comber∣ton, did punish such as were taken in adulterie, ve∣rie extremelie: for first he put them in the prison, cal∣led the tunne, that then stood in Cornehill, and after caused the women to haue their haire cut, as théeues in those daies were serued that were appeachers of others, and so were they led about the stréets with trumpets & pipes going before them. Neither were the men spared more than the women, being put to manie open shames and reproches. But bicause the punishment of such offenses was thought rather to apperteine vnto the spirituall iurisdiction, than to the temporall, the bishop of London, and other of the cleargie, tooke it in verie euill part: but the maior be∣ing a stout man, would not forbeare, but vsed his au∣thoritie héerein to the vttermost.

About the same time also, when the archbishop of Canturburie sate in iudgement vpon a processe that was framed against one Iohn Aston,* 3.21 a maister of art, that was an earnest follower of Wicliffes doctrine, the Londoners brake open the doores, where the archbishop with his diuines sate, and caused them to giue ouer, so that they durst procéed no further in that matter. The same yéere were the fishmoongers of London sore disquieted by the foresaid maior,* 3.22 who sought to infringe their liberties, granting licence to forreners to come and sell all manner of fish, as freelie and more fréelie than any of the companie of fishmoongers: for they might not buie it at the forre∣ners hands to sell it againe by any meanes, and so that companie which before had beene accompted one of the chiefest in the citie, was now so brought downe, as it séemed to be one of the meanest, being compelled to confesse, that their occupation was no craft, nor worthie so to be accompted amongst other the crafts of the citie.

In this yeare, the one and twentith of Maie being wednesdaie, a great earthquake chanced about one of the clocke in the after noone; it was so vehement,* 3.23 and namelie in Kent, that the churches were shaken therewith in such wise, that some of them were ouer∣throwen to the ground. On the saturdaie after, be∣ing the foure and twenti••h day of Maie, earelie in the morning, chanced an other earthquake, or (as some write) a watershake, being of so vehement & vi∣olent a motion,* 3.24 that it made the ships in the hauens to beat one against the other, by reason wherof they were sore brused by such knocking togither, to the great woonder of the people, who being amazed at such strange tokens, stood a long time after in more awe of Gods wrath and displeasure than before, for these so strange and dreadfull woonders thus shewed amongst them: howbeit when these terrors were for∣gotten, they followed their former dissolutenes, from the which for a time they were withdrawne through feare of Gods heuie hand hanging ouer their heads; but afterward like swine they wallowed afresh in their puddels of pollusions, & as dogs licked vp their filthie vomit of corruption and naughtinesse, for

Sordida natura semper sequitur sua iura.

About this season,* 3.25 the lord Richard Scroope lord chancellor was deposed from that roome, and the king receiuing the great seale at his hands, kept it a certeine time, and sealed therewith such grants and writings as it pleased him: at length,* 3.26 it was deliue∣red to Robert Braibrooke bishop of London, who was made lord chancellor. The cause why the lord Scroope was remooued from that dignitie, was this. When the king vpon certeine respects had granted certeine gentlemen the lands and possessions that belonged to the late earle of March, and other that were deceassed (which he, during the time of their heires minorities, ought to inioy by the lawes of the

realme) the said lord chancellor refused to seale such grants, alledging that the king being greatlie in debt, which he was to discharge, stood in need of such profits himselfe, and therefore (as he said) he tooke not them for faithfull seruants, nor dutifull subiects to his grace, that respecting their owne priuat commo∣ditie more than his or the realmes, did sue for such grants at his hands, aduising them to hold them∣selues contented with such other things, as it had pleased or might please the king to bestow vpon [line 10] them: for suerlie he would not consent, that they should inioy such gifts as those were. They that were thus reiected, made their complaint in such sort to the king, that he taking displeasure with the said lord Scroope, deposed him from his office, to the great offense both of the nobles and commons, by whose consent he was preferred vnto that dignitie.

About Michaelmasse this yeare, certeine naugh∣tie disposed persons in Norffolke,* 3.27 not warned by the successe of the late rebellion, went about a new [line 20] commotion, intending to murther the bishop of Nor∣wich, and all the nobles and gentlemen of that coun∣trie. And to bring their wicked purpose the better to passe, they determined to haue assembled togither at S. Faithes faire, and to haue compelled all those that should haue béene present at the same faire, to haue taken part with them, or else to haue lost their liues: and this being doone, they would haue taken S. Benets abbeie at Holme, which they would haue kept for a fortresse, to haue withdrawne into vpon a∣nie [line 30] force that had beene against them. But yer they could bring their purpose to passe, one of the conspi∣racie bewraieng the matter, they were taken, & lost their heads at Norwich, for their malicious deuises.

About the same time a parlement was called, to the which certeine commissioners from the countrie of Flanders came, to treat of certeine agréements betwixt the king and realme, and the states of their countrie: but bicause those that came ouer at this time, seemed not sufficient to conclude such treatie [line 40] as then was in hand, they were sent backe to fetch other more sufficient,* 3.28 as from euerie towne in Flan∣ders some such as might haue full authoritie to go through, and confirme the agréements then in hand. In this parlement, the maior of London, with a great part of the commoners of the citie, vpon sug∣gestion by them made against the fishmongers, for vsing great deceit in vttering of their fishes, obtei∣ned to haue it inacted,* 3.29 that from thencefoorth, none of that companie, nor anie of the vinteners, butchers, [line 50] grossers, or other that sold anie prouision of vittels, should be admitted maior of the citie; and so by this shift they sought to cut off all meanes from the fish∣mongers to recouer againe their old former degrée. And bicause it was knowne well inough of what au∣thoritie sir Iohn Philpot knight was within the citie, and that he fauoured those whome the lord maior the said Iohn de Northampton fauoured not, he was put off from the bench, and might not sit with them that were of the secret councell in the cities affaires, [line 60] whereas neuerthelesse he had trauelled more for the preseruation of the cities liberties than all the resi∣due. Sir Henrie Spenser bishop of Norwich, recei∣ued buls a little before this present from pope Ur∣bane, to signe all such with the crosse, that would take vpon them to go ouer the seas with him, to warre a∣gainst those that held with the antipape Clement, that tooke himselfe for pope,* 3.30 and to such as would re∣ceiue the crosse in that quarrell, such like beneficiall pardons were granted by pope Urbane, as were ac∣customablie granted vnto such as went to fight a∣gainst the Infidels, Turkes, and Saracens, to wit free remission of sinnes, and manie other graces. The bishop of Norwich that had the disposing of the bene∣fits granted by those buls, to all such as either would go themselues in person, or else giue anie thing to∣ward the furtherance of that voiage, & maintenance of them that went in the same, shewed those buls in open parlement, & caused copies to be written forth, & sent into euerie quarter, that his authoritie & power legantine might be notified to all men, for the better bringing to passe of that he had in charge. And true∣lie it should appeare, there wanted no diligence in the man to accomplish the popes purpose: and on the other part yée must note, that the priuileges which he had from the pope, were passing large, so that as the matter was handled, there were diuerse lords, knights, esquires, and other men of warre in good numbers, that offered themselues to go in that voi∣age, and to follow the standards of the church with the bishop, and no small summes of monie were leuied and gathered amongst the people, for the furnishing foorth of that armie, as after yée shall heare.

In this meane time the earle of Cambridge re∣turned home from Portingale,* 3.31 whither (as yee haue heard) he was sent the last yeare, and promise made, that the duke of Lancaster should haue followed him; but by reason of the late rebellion, and also for o∣ther considerations, as the warres in Flanders be∣twixt the erle and them of Gaunt, it was not thought conuenient that anie men of warre should go foorth of the realme: and so the king of Portingale not a∣ble of himselfe to go through with his enterprise a∣gainst the king of Spaine, after some small exploits atchiued by the Englishmen, and other of the earle of Cambridge his companie, as the winning of cer∣teine fortresses belonging to the king of Castile, and that the two kings had laine in field, the one against the other by the space of fifteene daies without bat∣tell, the matter was taken vp, and a peace concluded betwixt them, sore against the mind of the earle of Cambridge, who did what in him laie, to haue brought them to a set field: but when there was no remedie, he bare it so patientlie as he might, and re∣turned home with his people, sore offended (though he said little) against the king of Portingale, for that he dealt otherwise in this matter than was looked for. He had affianced his sonne,* 3.32 which he had by the daughter of Peter, sometime king of Castile, vnto the king of Portingales daughter, now in the time of his being there: but although he was earnestlie requested of the said king, he would not leaue his sonne behind him, but brought him backe with him againe into England (togither with his mother) doubting the slipperie faith of those people.

In the Lent season of this sixt yeare of king Ri∣chards reigne, [year 1383] an other parlement was called at London, in the which there was hard hold about the buls sent to the bishop of Norwich from pope Ur∣bane, concerning his iournie that he should take in hand against the Clementines (as we may call them, for that they held with pope Clement) whome the Urbanists (that is,* 3.33 such as held with pope Urbane) tooke for schismatikes. Diuerse there were, that thought it not good that such summes of monie shuld be leuied of the kings subiects, and the same togither with an armie of men to be committed vnto the guiding of a prelat vnskilfull in warlike affaires. Other there were that would needs haue him to go, that the enimies of the church (as they tooke them) might be subdued.

And although the more part of the lords of the vpper house, and likewise the knights and burgesses of the lower house were earnestlie bent against this iournie; yet at length those that were of the contra∣rie mind, preuailed; & so it was decreed, that it should forward, and that the said bishop of Norwich should haue the fiftéenth granted to the king in the last par∣lement,

to paie the wages of such men of warre as should go ouer with him: for soldiers without monie passed not much of pardons, no not in those daies, ex∣cept at the verie point of death, if they were not as∣sured how to be answered of their wages, or of some other consideration wherby they might gaine. ¶ The tenth that was granted afore by the bishops at Ox∣ford, was now in this same parlement appointed to remaine to the king for the kéeping of the seas, whi∣lest the bishop should be foorth of the realme in follow∣ing [line 10] those wars.

These things being thus appointed, the bishop sent foorth his letters firmed with his seale into euerie prouince and countrie of this land, giuing to all par∣sons, vicars, and curats, through this realme, power and authoritie to heare the confessions of their pari∣shioners, and to grant vnto those that would bestow any parcell of their goods,* 3.34 which God had lent them towards the aduancing of the iournie to be made by the crossed souldiers against pope Urbans enimies, [line 20] the absolution and remission of all their sinnes by the popes authoritie, according to the forme of the bull before mentioned. The people vnderstanding of so great and gratious a benefit (as they tooke it) thus of∣fered to the English nation, at home in their owne houses, were desirous to be partakers thereof, and those that were warlike men, prepared themselues to go foorth in that iournie with all spéed possible. The residue that were not fit to be warriors, according to that they were exhorted by their confessors, be∣stowed [line 30] liberallie of their goods to the furtherance of those that went: and so, few there were within the whole kingdome, but that either they went, or gaue somewhat to the aduancing foorth of the bishop of Norwich his voiage.

This bishop chose diuerse to be associat with him, as capteins that were expert in warlike enterprises.* 3.35 The first and principall was sir Hugh Caluerlie an old man of warre, and one that in all places had borne himselfe both valiantlie and politikelie; next [line 40] vnto him was sir William Farington, who stoutlie spake in the bishops cause, when the matter came in question in the parlement house, touching his going ouer with this cro••sie. Besides these, there went di∣uerse noble men and knights of high renowme, as the lord Henrie Beaumount, sir William Elmham, and sir Thomas Triuet,* 3.36 sir Iohn Ferrers, sir Hugh Spenser the bishops nephue by his brother, sir Mat∣thew Redman capteine of Berwike, sir Nicholas Tarenson or Traicton, sir William Farington, and [line 50] manie other of the English nation: & of Gascogne there went le sire de Chasteauneuf, and his brother sir Iohn de Chasteauneuf, Raimund de Marsen, Guillonet de Paux, Gariot Uighier, Iohn de Cachi∣tan, and diuerse other. Sir Iohn Beauchampe was appointed marshall of the field, but bicause he was at that present in the marches of the realme towards Scotland, he was not readie to passe ouer when the bishop did. The duke of Lancaster liked not well of the bishops iournie, for that he saw how his voiage [line 60] that he meant to make into Spaine was hereby for the time disappointed, and he could haue béene better contented (as appeareth by writers) to haue had the monie imploied vpon the warres against the king of Castile that was a Clementine, than to haue it bestowed vpon this voiage, which the bishop was to take in hand against the French king, and other in these néerer parts. Herevpon there were not manie of the nobilitie that offered to go with the bishop.

* 3.37But to saie somewhat of other things that were concluded in this last parlement, we find, that the fishmongers, which through meanes of the late lord ma••or Iohn of Northampton and his complices were put from their ancient customes and liberties, which they inioied aforetime within the citie, were now restored to the same againe, sauing that they might not kéepe courts among themselues, as in times past they vsed, but that after the maner of o∣ther crafts and companies, all transgressions, offen∣ses, and breaches of lawes and customes by them committed, should be heard, tried, and reformed in the maiors court. ¶ All this winter the matter touch∣ing the gathering of monie towards the croisie, was earnestlie applied, so that there was leuied what of the disme, and by the deuotion of the people for obtei∣ning of the pardon, so much as drew to the summe of fiue and twentie thousand franks.

When the bishop therefore had set things in good forwardnesse for his iournie, he drew towards the sea side, and was so desirous to passe ouer,* 3.38 and to in∣uade his aduersaries, that although the king sent to him an expresse commandement by letters to re∣turne to the court, that he might conferre with him before he tooke the seas; yet excusing himselfe, that the time would not then permit him to staie longer, he passed ouer to Calis, where he landed the 23 of A∣prill, in this sixt yeare of king Richards reigne. The armie to attend him in this iournie,* 3.39 rose to the num∣ber of two thousand horssemen, and fifteene thousand footmen (as some write) though other speake of a far lesser number.* 3.40 But it should seeme that they went not ouer all at one time, but by parts, as some before the bishop, some with him, and some after him.

Now when he and the capteins before named, were come ouer to Calis, they tooke counsell togither into what place they should make their first inuasion; and bicause their commission was to make warre onelie against those that held with pope Clement, the more part were of this mind, that it should be most expedient for them to enter into France, and to make warre against the Frenchmen, whom all men knew to be chiefe mainteiners of the said Clement. But the bishop of Norwich was of this opinion, that they could not doo better than to inuade the countrie of Flanders, bicause that a litle before, earle Lewes hauing intelligence that king Richard had made a confederacie with them of Gaunt, had on the other part expelled all Englishmen out of his dominions and countries, so that the merchants which had their goods at Bruges, and other places in Flanders, su∣steined great losses.* 3.41 Howbeit there were that replied against the bishops purpose herein, as sir Hugh Cal∣uerlie and others; yet at length they yeelded thereto, and so by his commandement they went streight to Grauelin, the 21 day of Maie, and immediatlie wan it by assault.* 3.42 Whervpon Bruckburge was yeelded vnto them, the liues and goods of them within saued. Then went they to Dunkirke,* 3.43 & without any great resistance entred the towne, and wan there excéeding much by the spoile, for it was full of riches, which the Englishmen pilfered at their pleasure. The earle of Flanders lieng at Lisle was aduertised how the Englishmen were thus entered his countrie,* 3.44 where∣vpon he sent ambassadors vnto the English host, to vnderstand why they made him warre that was a right Urbanist.

The bishop of Norwich for answer, declared to them that were sent, that he tooke the countrie to ap∣perteine to the French king, as he that had of late conquered it, whom all the whole world knew to be a Clementine, or at the least he was assured that the countrie thereabouts was of the inheritance of the ladie of Bar, which likewise was a Clementine: and therefore, except the people of that countrie would come and ioine with him to go against such as were knowne to be enimies to pope Urbane, he would suerlie séeke to destroie them. And whereas the earls ambassadors required safe conduct to go into Eng∣land

by Calis, to vnderstand the kings pleasure in this mater, the bishop would grant them none at all; wherefore they went backe againe to the earle their maister with that answer.

The Englishmen after the taking and spoiling of Dunkirke, returned to Grauelin and Bruckburge, which places they fortified, and then leauing garri∣sons in them, they went to Mardike, and tooke it, for it was not closed. In the meane time, the countrie∣men of west Flanders rose in armour, and came [line 10] to Dunkirke, meaning to resist the Englishmen: whereof when the bishop was certified, with all spéed he marched thither, and comming to the place where the Flemings, to the number of more than twelue thousand were ranged without the towne, he sent an herald vnto them to know the truth,* 3.45 of whether pope they held; but the rude people, not vnderstand∣ing what apperteined to the law of armes, ran vpon the herald at his approching to them, and slue him before he could begin to tell his tale.

The Englishmen herewith inflamed, determined [line 20] either to reuenge the death of their herald, or to die for it, and therewith ordered their battels readie to fight,* 3.46 and being not aboue fiue thousand fighting men in all, the bishop placed himselfe amongst the horsse∣men,* 3.47 and set the footmen in a battell marshalled wedgewise, broad behind and sharpe before, hauing with them a banner wherein the crosse was beaten. The archers were ranged on either side: the stan∣dard of the church went before, the field gules, and two keies siluer, signifieng that they were souldiors [line 30] of pope Urbane. Moreouer, the bishop had his penon there siluer and azure quarterlie, a freat gold on the azure, a bend gules on the siluer: and bicause he was yoongest of the Spensers, he bare a border gules for a difference. At the approching of the battels togither the trumpets blew vp, and the archers began to shoot against the battell of the Flemings, the which vali∣antlie defended themselues, & fought egerlie a long time, but at length they were so galled with arrowes which the archers shot at them a flanke, that they [line 40] were not able to indure, but were compelled to giue backe.

They were diuided into two battels, a vaward, and a rereward.* 3.48 When the vaward began to shrinke, the rereward also brake order, and fled, but the Eng∣lishmen pursued them so fast, that they could not es∣cape, but were ouertaken and slaine in great num∣bers.* 3.49 Some saie, there died of them in the battell and chase fiue thousand, some six thousand; and others write,* 3.50 that there were nine thousand of them slaine: [line 50] and Thomas Walsingham affirmeth twelue thou∣sand. Manie of them fled into the towne of Dun∣kirke for succour, but the Englishmen pursued them so egerlie, that they entered the towne with them, and slue them downe in the streets. The Flemings in diuerse places gathered themselues togither a∣gaine as they fled, and shewed countenance of de∣fense, but still they were driuen out of order, and brought to confusion.* 3.51 The préests and religious men [line 60] that were with the bishop fought most egerlie, some one of them slaieng sixtéene of the enimies.

* 3.52There died of Englishmen at this battell about foure hundred. The Flemings had no horssemen a∣mongst them, nor anie number of gentlemen, for they stood in such dread of English bowes, that they durst not come to anie battell with them, but kéeping themselues out of danger, set the commons of the countrie in hand to trie what they against the Eng∣lishmen were able to doo without them. This battell was fought vpon a mondaie being the fifteenth of Maie. The countrie was put in a woonderfull feare by this ouerthrow, so that the townes and fortresses were in great doubt, and some yeelded themselues to the Englishmen, as Berghen and others; some were woone by force, as the castell of Drinchan, and the towne of S. Uenant. To be short, the Englishmen became maisters of all the countrie alongst the sea side, euen from Grauelin to Sluis,* 3.53 and got such ri∣ches by pillage and spoile, as they could not wish for greater. They preuailed so much, that they wan in maner all the close towns within the bailiffewéekes of Cassell, of Popering, Messines, and Furneis, with the townes of Newport, Blankberke, and di∣uerse other.

Also entring into the woods Nepse and Rutholt, they found a great bootie of sheepe and beasts, and tooke a great sort of prisoners of the countrie people, which were fled into those woods for feare of the eni∣mies: but the Englishmen, plaieng the part of good bloudhounds, found them out, & sent all their booties and preie vnto Grauelin and Bruckburge. On the eight daie of Iune they came before the towne of Y∣pres, and laid siege thereto,* 3.54 whereat they continued the space of nine wéekes. Thither came to their aid twentie thousand Gauntiners vnder the leading of Francis Akreman, Peter Wood, and Peter Win∣ter: so that they within Ypres were streictlie besie∣ged, but there were within it in garrison diuerse va∣liant knights & capteins,* 3.55 which defended the towne right manfullie: it was fensed with a mightie ram∣pire, and a thicke hedge, trimlie plashed and woond with thornes, as the manner of fortifieng townes was in ancient time amongst them in that countrie (as Strabo witnesseth.)

During the time that the siege laie before Ypres, the Englishmen swarmed abroad in the countrie, for when it was once knowne what good successe the first companie that went ouer had found, there came dailie foorth of England great numbers to be parta∣kers of the gaine.* 3.56 Sir Iohn Philpot that fauoured the bishops iournie, prouided them of vessels for their passage, till the bishop vnderstanding that the more part of those that came thus ouer were vnarmed, and brought nothing with them from home, but onelie swords, bowes and arrowes, did write vnto the said sir Iohn Philpot, that he should suffer none to passe the seas, but such as were men able and likelie to doo seruice: where a great number of those that were come to him, were fit for nothing but to consume vittels, much like the popish shauelings and the Ro∣mish rascalitie, of whome the like is spoken thus:

Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati.

The multitude of Englishmen and Gauntiners at this siege was great, so that diuerse skirmishes chan∣ced betwixt them, and such as were appointed by the earle to lie in garrisons about in the countrie a∣gainst them: but still the victorie abode on the Eng∣lish side. Also there was an English préest, one sir Iohn Boring that went to Gaunt with fiue hundred English archers,* 3.57 by whose aid Arnold Hans one of the capteins of Gaunt ouercame his enimies in bat∣tell, which were laid in a castell neere to the hauen of Allost, and stopped that no vittels might safelie come out of Holland or Zeland to be conueied to Gaunt. The earle of Flanders was not well contented in his mind,* 3.58 that the Englishmen were thus entred in∣to his countrie, and therefore earnestlie laboured to the duke of Burgognie (that had married his daugh∣ter, and should be heire of all his dominions and seigniories after his deceasse) to find some remedie in the matter.

The duke, whome the matter touched so néere, did so much with his nephue the French king, that eftsoones he raised his whole puissance, and came downe into Flanders, so that the Englishmen perceiuing them∣selues not of power to incounter with this huge and mightie armie, were constreined after a great as∣sault,

which they gaue the eight of August, to raise their siege from Ypres the mondaie after,* 3.59 being S. Laurence daie, and to withdraw into Bruckburge, Berghen, Dixmew, Newport, Cassell, Dunkirke, Grauelin, and other places which they had woon. But at Newport the townesmen set vp the earles ban∣ner, and assailing those that were come into the towne,* 3.60 slue diuerse of them. The Englishmen being sore offended therewith, came running thither with certeine Gauntiners, and made great slaughter of [line 10] them that had so murthered their fellowes. The towne was sacked, and all the goods aswell church iewels as other were sent awaie, partlie by sea into England, and partlie by waggons vnto Berge. Af∣ter this, they set fire in more than thirtie places of the towne, so that there remained nothing vnburnt. The Englishmen & Gauntiners that were withdrawne into Berge, got togither all the waggons in the countrie about, placing the same vpon the diches and rampiers, to fortifie the same against their enimies. [line 20]

* 3.61Some write, that after the breaking of the siege at Ypres, the bishop of Norwich would gladlie haue persuaded the lords and knights that were there with him,* 3.62 to haue entred into Picardie, and there to haue offered the French king battell, before his whole puissance had beene assembled: but sir Thomas Tri∣uet and sir William Elmham with other, would in no wise consent therevnto, so that the bishop taking with him sir Hugh Caluerlie, that did neuer forsake him, bad the other farewell; and first making a road [line 30] into Picardie, he after withdrew into Grauelin, whiles the other went to Bruckburge. But by Frois∣sard, and other writers it appeareth, that sir Hugh was certeinlie at Berge, with other that were reti∣red thither, in purpose to defend it against the French king, who still followed them, and recouered diuerse places out of their hands by force, as Mont Cassell, the castell of Crincham, and other. Also at his com∣ming to Berghen, the said sir Hugh Caluerlie, and other that were within it, perceiuing that they were [line 40] not able to defend it against such a puissance as the French king had there with him, being greater than euer sir Hugh Caluerlie that ancient capteine wold haue thought that France had béene able to haue set foorth, departed, and left the towne to be spoiled of the Britons, and other French souldiers, which executed there all kinds of crueltie. The more part of the En∣glishmen went to Bruckburge, but sir Hugh Cal∣uerlie went to Grauelin, and so to Calis, as one sore displeased in his mind, for that his counsell could not [line 50] be regarded in all this voiage, which if it had béene followed, would haue brought it to a better issue than now it was, as was supposed.

The French king following the tract of good for∣tune,* 3.63 that guided his sterne, marched foorth to Bruck∣burge, so that the vaward of his armie came before that towne on Holie rood daie in September, vn∣der the leading of the earle of Flanders, the duke of Britaine, the lord Oliuer de Clisson high constable of France, and the lord Ualeran earle of S. Paule, [line 60] the which demeaned themselues in such sort,* 3.64 that al∣though the Englishmen within valiantlie defended the Frenchmens assault; yet the third daie after the Frenchmens comming thither, the Englishmen by composition that they might depart with bag and bagage, yeelded vp the towne, which on the ninetenth of September being saturdaie, as that yeare came about, was abandoned to the French souldiers, to rifle and spoile at their pleasure, in the which feat the Britons bare the bell awaie, dooing more mischeefe vnto the poore inhabitants, than with toong can be recited.* 3.65 The duke of Britaine holpe greatlie to make the composition, that the Englishmen might depart in safetie: for the which dooing he was in great hatred and obloquie of the souldiers, who affirmed that he was not onelie a friend to the Englishmen, but an enimie to his countrie, and a traitour to the common-wealth.

The Englishmen comming to Grauelin, set it on fire, and departed streight to Calis, leauing the countrie of Flanders to the Frenchmen, and so re∣turned into England, where they were not greatlie commended for their seruice, but were put so farre in blame, that sir Thomas Triuet, & sir William Elm∣ham were committed to prison within the tower of London, as men suspected of euill dealing in the deli∣uerie of Bruckburge and Grauelin to the French∣mens hands:* 3.66 for immediatlie after that they had left Grauelin, the Frenchmen came thither, and fortified it for a countergarison to Calis. ¶ There be that write how the French king offered to giue the bi∣shop of Norwich fiftéene thousand marks to race the towne of Grauelin, and so to leaue it vnto him, the bishop hauing libertie with all his people and goods to depart in safetie. The bishop required to haue li∣bertie for certeine daies, to make herevnto a full and deliberate answer; which was granted, and in the meane time he sent into England to aduertise the king in what state he stood, and how the French king laie before him with a mightie armie: and therefore if he meant euer to trie battell with the Frenchmen, now was the time.

In the same summer, the king with the queene went abroad in progresse,* 3.67 visiting in their waie the rich abbeis of the realme, as Burie, Thetford, Nor∣wich, & other; going about a great part of the realme. And when these newes came to him from the bishop of Norwich, he was at Dauentrie in Northampton∣shire, and being the same time at supper, he put the ta∣ble from him, and rising with all hast, got him to hors∣backe, and rode in post that night, changing horsse diuerse times, with such spéed that he came to S. Al∣bons about midnight, and making no staie there lon∣ger than he had borowed the abbats gelding, hasted foorth till he came to Westminster: so that it appea∣red he would neuer haue rested till he had passed the sea, and giuen battell to the Frenchmen. But after his comming to Westminster, wearied with that ha∣stie iournie, he got him to bed, and liked so well of ease,* 3.68 that he thought good to send a lieutenant in his stead to passe the seas, to deliuer the bishop from dan∣ger of his enimies.

Herevpon was the duke of Lancaster sent for, that he might with such power as was readie to passe the seas, go ouer with the same, and giue battell to the French king: but he protracted time, till the respit granted to the bishop to make answer was expired, and so the bishop when he saw no succour come foorth of England, raced the towne as the couenant was: but monie he would not or did not receiue, bicause he thought in so dooing he should offend the councell. At his comming backe into England, he found the duke of Lancaster at the sea side with a great power of men readie to haue come ouer:* 3.69 although some thought that he deferred time of purpose, for that he misliked of the bishops whole enterprise; and now bi∣cause it had thus quailed, he blamed the bishop for his euill gouernement therein: but sir Hugh Caluerlie he reteined with him a time, dooing him all honour, by reason of the old approoued valiancie, that had béene euer found in him. And this was the end of the bishop of Norwich his iournie.

The Scots in the meane while sate not still, but made roades into England,* 3.70 tooke and burnt the ca∣stell of Warke. Moreouer, whilest the siege laie be∣fore Ypres, the Frenchmen armed certeine vessels, and sent them to the sea, namelie fiue balengers, as well to intercept such as should passe betwéene Eng∣land

and Flanders, as also to stop such as were ap∣pointed to go ouer into Gascoine, that were soldiers also of the croisie, appointed thither vnder the lea∣ding of the lord Britrigale de la Bret, and certeine others. When they of Portesmouth vnderstood that these fiue ships were abroad, they made foorth to the sea, and meeting with their aduersaries, fought with them a sore & cruell battell, and in the end slue all the enimies, nine excepted, and tooke all their vessels. An other fleet of Englishmen tooke eight French ships,* 3.71 [line 10] which had aboord 1500 tuns of good wines, that com∣forted the Englishmen greatlie.

About the feast of All saints was a parlement holden at London,* 3.72 in which was granted to the king one moitie of a fifteenth by the laitie, and shortlie af∣ter a moitie of a tenth by the cleargie. Moreouer, the king tooke into his hands the temporalties that be∣longed to the bishop of Norwich,* 3.73 bicause he obeied not the kings commandement when he was sent for at the time when he tooke the seas to passe into Flan∣ders. [line 20] The knights also that had not shewed such obe∣dience to the bishop as was requisit in that iornie, were committed to prison; but shortlie after they were set at libertie vpon suerties that vndertooke for them. ¶ It was also decréed in this parlement, that the erle of Buckingham the kings vncle should go to the borders against Scotland, with a thousand lances, and two thousand archers, to represse the pre∣sumptuous attempts of the Scots, who aduertised thereof, sent ambassadors to treat of peace; but they [line 30] were dispatched home againe, without obteining that which they came to sue for.

At the motion and instance of the duke of Bri∣taine, immediatlie vpon the returne of the English armie out of Flanders, there was a méeting of cer∣teine commissioners in the marches of Calis, at a place called Lelleghen,* 3.74 for the treatie of a peace to be concluded betwixt the two realmes of England and France. There appeared for king Richard, the duke of Lancaster, and his brother the erle of Buckingham, [line 40] sir Iohn Holland brother to the king, sir Thomas Percie, and a bishop. For the French king, thither came the dukes of Berrie and Burgogni••, the bishop of Laon, and the chancellor of France. There were also the duke of Britaine, and the earle of Flanders. Also there came a bishop with other commissioners from the king of Spaine: for the Frenchmen would doo nothing, except the king of Spaine might be also comprised in the treatie and conclusion. They were thrée wéekes in commoning of an agreement:* 3.75 but [line 50] when nothing else could be brought to passe, they con∣cluded a truce to indure till the feast of S. Michaell, which should be in the yeare 1384.

The earle of Flanders was iudged most in blame, for that no peace could be accorded, bicause he would not that the Gauntiners should be comprised therin, but the Englishmen would not agree either to truce or peace, except regard might be had of the Gaunti∣ners, as their fréends and alies. The kings of Spaine and Scotland were comprised in this truce as confe∣derats [line 60] to the Frenchmen, which should haue signified the same into Scotland, but did not, till great harme followed through negligence vsed in that matter, as after yée shall perceiue.* 3.76 ¶ The same yeare in the night of the feast of the Purification of our ladie, great lightenings and thunders chanced, which p••t manie in no small feare, so huge and hideous was that tempest. Shortlie after, there rose no small 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the citie of London about the election of their ma∣ior:* 3.77 for such as fauoured the late maior Iohn de Northampton, otherwise called Iohn de Comber∣ton, stood against sir Nicholas Bram••re knight that was chosen to succéed the said Iohn de Northamp∣ton, insomuch that a shoomaker who was one of the same Iohn de Northamptons partakers, presumed through a number of voices that were readie to fa∣uour him, to take vpon him as maior:* 3.78 but through the counsell of sir Robert Knolles knight, he was suddenlie apprehended, drawne, and beheaded, as a rebell and troubler of the kings peace.

In the Lent season, the duke of Lancaster with his brother the earle of Buckingham went towards the borders,* 3.79 hauing with him a mightie power of knights, esquiers, and archers, and after he had re∣mained a certeine time vpon the borders, about Ea∣ster he entered Scotland, and comming within thrée miles of Edenburgh, he staied there three daies,* 3.80 in which meane time the Scots conueied all their goods out of the towne ouer the water of Firth: so that when the armie came thither, they found nothing but bare walles, which gréeued the soldiers not a little. The Scots would not come foorth to giue anie bat∣tell to the Englishmen, but got them into woods and mounteines, or else passed ouer the riuer of Firth, suffering the Englishmen to fight with the vehe∣ment cold wether that then sore annoied those parts, in so much that on Easter daie at night, through snow that fell, and such extreame cold and boisterous stormes as sore afflicted the armie, being incamped within the compasse of a marish ground for their more suertie there died aboue fiue hundred horsses, to let passe the losse of men that perished at the same time, of whom we make no mention. To conclude,* 3.81 after the duke and his brother the earle had remai∣ned a time thus in Scotland, and burned certeine townes, they returned into England.

About the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Easter,* 3.82 a parlement of the nobles was holden at Salisburie, during the which an Irish frier of the or∣der of the Carmelits, being a bacheler in diuinitie,* 3.83 exhibited to the king a bill against the duke of Lan∣caster, charging him with heinous treasons: as that he meant vpon a sudden to destroie the king, and to vsurpe the crowne, shewing the time, the place, and circumstances of the whole contriued matter. The king being yoong both in yeares and discretion, when he had heard the friers information, called two of his chapleins vnto him, one sir Nicholas Slake, and an other, and asked their aduise what they thought good to be doone in such a weightie cause. Now as they were busie in talke about the same, the duke of Lancaster came into the kings chamber after his woonted manner, not vnderstanding anie thing of the matter wherof they were in talke. The king with a sterne countenance beheld the duke, not dooing him the honor that he was accustomed. The duke suspecting that the king had somewhat in his head that touched his person, withdrew. In the meane time those two that were thus in counsell with the king, fearing happilie the dukes power, or el••e vpon good will they ••are towards him, persuaded the king that in anie wise he should call him, to see and heare what was laid to his charge.

The duke, after he had read the bill of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on, made such answer, and so excused himselfe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de∣claring his innocencie, that the king gaue credit to his words, and receiued his excuse. Herewith the duke besought the king, that the frier might be kept in safe gard, till the time came that he might purge himselfe of that he had charged him with; and that the lord Iohn Holland ••he kings halfe brother might haue the custodie of him, till the day appointed that the duke should come to his full trial. The night be∣fore which day, the said lord Holland, and sir Henrie Gréene knight, came to this frier, and putting a cord about his necke,* 3.84 tied the other end about his priuie members, & after hanging him vp from the ground; laid a stone vp on his bellie, with the weight whereof,

and peise of his bodie withall, he was strangled and tormented, so as his verie backe bone burst in sun∣der therewith, besides the straining of his priuie members: thus with thrée kind of tormentings he ended his wretched life. On the morow after, they caused his dead corps to be drawne about the towne, to the end it might appeare he had suffered worthilie for his great falshood & treason. Which extreame pu∣nishment and exquisite kind of execution, had it not béene meritoriouslie inflicted vpon so impudent an offendor, had deserued perpetuall record of vnaccu∣stomed [line 10] crueltie, with this vehement exclamation,

O fera barbaries aeuo non nota priori, Sed nec apud saeuos inuenienda Scythas.

But now to the parlement. At length, when the K. had obteined of the laitie a grant of an halfe fiftéenth the same parlement was dissolued. In the summer following the borderers of England and Scotland made rodes ech into others countries,* 3.85 to the great disquieting of both the realmes. Among other rodes [line 20] that the Englishmen made, shortlie after Easter (as Froissard saith) the earles of Northumberland and Nottingham, raising an armie of 2000 speares, and six thousand archers, entered Scotland by Rockes∣burgh, burnt the countrie euen to Edenburgh, and so returned without damage. In the meane time came messengers from the French king, to aduertise the Scots of the conclusion of the truce. But the Scots prouoked with this last inuasion made by the Englishmen into their countrie, would not heare of [line 30] any truce, till they had in part reuenged their disple∣sure vpon the Englishmen: and so with certeine men of armes of France,* 3.86 that latelie before were come thither, not yet vnderstanding of any truce, they ro∣ded into Northumberland, doing what mischiefe they might: so that for the summer season of this yeare, either part sought to indamage other (as Walsing∣ham saith) though Froissard writeth, that through the earnest trauell of the messengers that came to inti∣mate the abstinence of war taken, the parties now [line 40] that their stomachs were well eased with the inter∣change of indamaging either others confins, agréed to be quiet, and so the truce was proclamed in both realmes, and accordinglie obserued.

* 3.87About the beginning of August in the eight yéere of this kings reigne, the duke of Lancaster went o∣uer againe into France, to treat of peace; but after he ha•• remained there a long time, & spent no small store of treasure, he returned with a truce, to indure onelie till the first daie of Maie then next insuing. [line 50] While the duke of Lancaster was foorth of the relme, Iohn de Northampton,* 3.88 that had borne such rule in the citie of London▪ whilest he was maior, and al∣so after (as partlie ye haue heard) was accused by a chaplaine (that he had in his house) of seditious slurs, which he went about, so that being arreigned thereof, he was in the end condemned to perpetuall prison, and the same not to be within the space of one hun∣dred miles at the least of the citie of London. All his goods were confiscated, and so he was sent to the ca∣stell [line 60] of Tintagill in Cornewall, and the Kings offi∣cers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon his goods & cattels. ¶ About the feast of saint Martine, a parlement was called at Lon∣don, in which, monie, was demanded of the cleargie and temporaltie, towards the maintenance of the kings 〈◊〉〈◊〉,

* 3.89During this parlement also a combat was fought within lists betwixt an English esquier▪ named Iohn Walsh, and an esquier of Nauarre that accused the said Walsh of treason, though not iustlie, but moo∣ued through displeasure, conceiued of an iniurie doone to him by the same Walsh whilest he was vn∣der capteine or vicedeputie (as we may call him) of Chierburgh, in abusing the Nauarrois wife. Where∣vpon when the Nauarrois was vanquished and con∣fessed the truth,* 3.90 he was adiudged by the king to be drawne vnto the place of execution and hanged, not∣withstanding that the queene and diuerse other made sute for him. ¶ Henrie Knighton maketh report hereof in somewhat a differing maner: but the issue of his tale falleth out to be like to the other. On a wednesdaie (saith he) at S. Andrews tide, Iohn Wal∣lise of Grimsbie fought in lists with Martilet of Nauarre esquier, at Westminster, in presence of K. Richard & of Iohn the good duke of Lancaster: in so much that the said Iohn Wallise slue his aduersarie, whervpon at the kings cōmandement being made knight, he was inriched with manie gifts, as well of the kings and the dukes bestowing, as also of other great men and peeres of the realme. As for Martilet, after he was slaine, he was presentlie drawne, han∣ged, and headed.

Furthermore before the said parlement was dis∣solued, newes came foorth of the north parts, that the Scots had woone the castell of Berwike:* 3.91 for which the earle of Northumberland, that was capteine thereof, was put in high blame, for that he had not committed the kéeping thereof to more circumspect persons. The duke of Lancaster, who bare no good will to the said earle, was well appaid that he had so good matter to charge his aduersarie withall, so that through his meanes the earle of Northumberland was sore accused, and had much adoo to escape the danger of being reputed a traitor. Wherevpon great occasion of malice and displeasure grew betwixt those two noble personages, as after it well appeared. But howsoeuer the matter was handled, the earle was li∣cenced by the king to go into his countrie, and séeke to recouer possession of the castell thus latelie lost. Wherevpon raising an armie,* 3.92 & besieging the Scots that were within the castell, he so constreined them, that for the summe of 2000 marks they surrendred the fortresse into his hands, their liues and goods sa∣ued: and so the earle of Northumberland recouered the castell out of the Scotishmens hands, being taught to commit it to more warie keepers than the other before.

The king being incensed against the duke of Lan∣caster, [year 1385] meant that he should haue béene arrested and arreigned of certeine points of treason before sir Ro∣bert Trissillian cheefe iustice (as Thomas Walsing∣ham saith) and peraduenture there might be some such report, that such was the kings meaning: but yet how this may stand, considering he was to be tri∣ed by his peeres, in case that any the like matter had beene pretended, I sée not. But how soeuer it was,* 3.93 he being warned thereof by some of the councell, got him to his castell of Pomfret, which he fortified, and banded himselfe so with his fréends, that it appeared he would defend his cause with force of armes, ra∣ther than to come to his triall by order of law afore such a iudge: and by reason hereof, it was greatlie doubted, least some ciuill warre would haue broken foorth. But through the earnest labour of the kings another,* 3.94 that (notwithstanding 〈◊〉〈◊〉 indisposition of bo∣die to trauell, by reason of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉) riding to and fro 〈…〉〈…〉, made an agréement betwixt the king hir sonne, and the duke, to hir great comfort and 〈…〉〈…〉, and no lesse suertie of qui∣••••nesse to 〈…〉〈…〉.

About the same 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the French king had a great fléet of ships in Flanders, so that it was doubted least he meant 〈…〉〈…〉 England. Where∣vpon there sons sent to 〈…〉〈…〉 the lord of S. Iohns, and sir 〈…〉〈…〉 with a strong nauie, but they did no good, suffering the 〈…〉〈…〉 diuerse times to passe by 〈…〉〈…〉 to set vpon them. But the ships of Portesmouth & Dertemouth▪

bestirred themselues better:* 3.95 for entering into the ri∣uer of Saine, they drowned foure of their enimies ships, and tooke other foure, with a barke of the lord Clissons, one of the fairest that was to be found ei∣ther in France or England. In these vessels the Englishmen had a rich preie of wines, and other merchandizes. ¶The king vpon some occasion tooke great displeasure against William Courtnie arch∣bishop of Canturburie, so storming against him, as few durst speake anie thing in his excuse. The lord chancellor Michaell de la Poole seeming to fauour [line 10] his cause, waslikelie to haue run in high displeasure. Sir Thomas Triuet, and sir Iohn Deuereux intrea∣ting for him, were sore rebuked at his hands. Yet at length, after that the archbishop was withdrawne, and had kept him close for a time, he was thorough mediation of some fréends reconciled to the kings fauour.

About the same time the French king sent into Scotland the admerall of France,* 3.96 with a thousand men of armes, knights, and esquiers, besides crosse∣bowes [line 20] and other to ioine with the Scots, and to make warres in England. The Scots incouraged with this new aid, sent to them out of France, leuied a power, & so togither with the Frenchmen, entered into the English confines,* 3.97 and began to rob & spoile, and further tooke certeine castels and houses of de∣fense. The king of England aduertised hereof, assem∣bled an huge power of men of warre, and first sent before him the duke of Lancaster with part of the [line 30] armie,* 3.98 and afterward followed himselfe, with all conuenient spéed that might be. At his comming in∣to the parts about Yorke, he was informed that the Scots and Frenchmen were withdrawne vpon the duke of Lancasters approch towards them, but the king thought to kéepe on his iournie. Whilest he was lodged in those parts, a great mischance happe∣ned,* 3.99 by reason of variance that fell betwixt certeine persons of the retinue of sir Iohn Holland brother vnto the earle of Kent and halfe brother to the king, [line 40] and other of the retinue of the lord Richard Stafford sonne to the earle of Stafford.

The cause of their falling out was about a knight of Boheme, called sir Miles, that was come to see the queene. This knight kept companie most an end with the lord Richard Stafford: and chancing to be at words with two of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, there came two archers perteining to the lord Staf∣ford, which blamed them, that were so about to misuse the stranger in words, as they tooke it: the strife here∣by [line 50] grew to that point in the end,* 3.100 that one of the ar∣chers shot at one of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, and slue him. This mishap being reported to sir Iohn Holland, set him in such a furie (by reason of the loue which he had to his seruant) that immediatlie he rush∣ed foorth of his lodging, to reuenge his death, and through misfortune méeting with the lord Stafford, slue him, and doubting in what sort his déed might be taken, fled streight vnto Beuerlie, and there tooke sanctuarie. The erle of Stafford tooke this misaduen∣ture [line 60] right heauilie, as reason was: yet bicause he would not trouble the host, nor disappoint the iournie which they had in hand, vpon the kings promise that he would doo vpright iustice in the matter, as should be thought meet and conuenient, he bare his gréefe so patientlie as he might, so that he wan himselfe much praise for his wisedome therein shewed.

* 3.101The king aduancing forwards with his armie, came to the borders, and entring into Scotland, pas∣sed thorough Mers and Louthian, wasting and spoi∣ling all the townes, houses and villages in his waie. The abbeies of Melros, Driburgh, and Newbottell were burnt, and those moonks and other people that were found in the same were slaine. At his comming to Edenburgh,* 3.102 he found all the people fled out of the towne, but the houses and buildings he consumed with fire, togither with the church of saint Giles. At the humble sute of his vncle the duke of Lancaster, Holie rood house was preserued from hurt, for that the same duke in time of the rebellion of the com∣mons here in England, was lodged in that house, and found much gentlenesse and freendship in the ab∣bat and conuent; so that he could doo no lesse than re∣quite them with kindnesse, at whose hands he found kindnesse; for we are bound in conscience to tender them by whome we haue béene benefited (vnlesse we will be counted vnciuill, according to the old adage)

Arbor honoretur cuius nos vmbra tuetur.

Thus when the king had reuenged the displeasure afore receiued at the Scots and Frenchmens hands, (and remained in Edenburgh fiue daies) he retur∣ned without proffer of battell, or anie notable in∣counter.* 3.103 The admerall of France was earnestlie in hand with the Scotish lords to persuade them to haue giuen battell to the English armie, till he and diuers other knights of France were brought to the top of a mounteine, from whence they might behold all the English armie, as the same passed vnderneath them by a passage that laie by the foot of that mounteine: for after that they had viewed the puissance of the Englishmen, and (as neere as they could) numbered them, they had no such eger minds to fight with them as before, for they esteemed them to be six thousand men of armes, and threescore thousand archers, and other men of warre; where the Scots and French∣men were not past a thousand speares, and thirtie thousand of all other sorts, and the most part of those but euill armed. Therefore they determined vpon an other point, which was, to inuade England in an o∣ther quarter, whilest the Englishmen burnt vp their countrie, and so they set forward towards the west borders, and passing ouer the mounteins that diuide Northumberland from Scotland, they entered into Cumberland, dooing much hurt in the lands that be∣longed to the lord Mowbraie,* 3.104 to the earles of No∣tingham, and Stafford, to the baron of Graistocke, and to the Musgraues.

Lastlie, they came to Carleill,* 3.105 and boldlie assal∣ted the citie: but sir Lewes Clifford, and sir Thomas Musgraue, Dauie Holgraue, and diuerse other wor∣thie capteins being within it, so defended the waues and gates, that their enimies got small aduantage: and finallie hearing that the English armie was re∣turning homewards, the Scots and Frenchmen drew backe into Scotland, doubting to be inclosed by the Englishmen, as they had béene in deed, if the duke of Lancaster and his brethren (vncles to the king) might haue béene beleeued,* 3.106 who counselled the king to pursue the enimies, and stop the passages through which they must needs passe in their com∣ming backe. But the earle of Oxenford being most in fauour and credit with the king in those daies, as one that ruled all things at his pleasure, did aduise him to the contrarie, by putting him in beléefe (as was said) that his vncles went about to bring him in danger to be lost and surprised of his enimies, where∣vpon he tooke the next way home, and so brake vp his iournie.

When the Scots and Frenchmen were returned into Scotland,* 3.107 the Scotish king hauing conceiued a iust displeasure towards the French admerall, for that by his meanes the realme of Scotland had susteined such damage in that season, caused him and his Frenchmen to be despoiled of the most part of their goods, and sent them so awaie out of his coun∣trie,* 3.108 that the Scots might receiue some comfort by those warres. In this yeare was the battell of Al∣geberota in Portingale, where king Iohn of Portin∣gale

discomfited a great host of Spaniards and Frenchmen by the helpe and policie of certeine En∣glishmen which he had there with him,* 3.109 vnder the lea∣ding of two esquiers Norberie and Hartell. There were slaine diuers earls & great lords of Spaniards, but for that our writers do not rightlie note the Spa∣nish names, but write them corruptlie as strangers vse to doo, we here omit them. The king of Portin∣gale (after this victorie obteined against his enimies) sent six gallies vnto the king of England to aid [line 10] him against his aduersaries,* 3.110 the which were well re∣ceiued and highlie made of by the Londoners and o∣ther, so that the Portingales had no cause to repent of their comming hither.

The French king this yeare besieged and wan the towne of Dam, after he had béene at great charges about it. Whilest his nauie returned from Scluis, where the same had laien at anchor a long time, the ships by tempest were scattered & wether-driuen, so that in the feast daie of the exaltation of the crosse, [line 20] two of their gallies, a great ship, a barge, and seauen balengers were cast on shore about Calis, & the Ca∣lisians tooke fiue hundred Frenchmen and Normans that escaped to land. An other day 72 French ships (as they were comming from Scluis,* 3.111 to passe by Ca∣lis, were met with by them of Calis, who behaued themselues so manfullie, that they tooke 18 of those French ships, and a great barke, in which thrée score armed men were slaine before it could be taken. Within three daies after this, the Calisians met 45 [line 30] other French ships, and after six houres fight obtei∣ned the victorie, taking thrée of the most principall vessels, whereof one being a hulke of Eastland was hired by the Normans, to gard the residue. The other two that were taken were of such mold, that they could not enter into the hauen at Calis, and there∣fore were sent to Sandwich, the one of them being a new ship, which the lord Clisson had bought at Scluis,* 3.112 paieng for hir 3000 franks. ¶Henrie Knigh∣ton saith it was prised or valued at 20000 florens, it [line 40] was so tall, big, and large a vessell; and therefore of great capacitie.

On saint Denise daie the soldiors of Calis and o∣ther English fortresses thereabouts,* 3.113 made a secret iournie into France, and got a bootie of foure thou∣sand shéepe, and three hundred head of great cattell, which they droue towards their holds; and as the lord de Rambures gouernour of Bullongne would haue recouered the preie, he was vnhorssed with the ren∣counter of an English speare, and being relieued by [line 50] his companie, and mounted againe, withdrew him∣selfe, not attempting to trie any further masteries, and so the Englishmen safelie passed foorth with their bootie of cattell, and aboue a hundred good prisoners which they had taken at this rode. In this 9 yeare a∣bout the feast of S. Martine,* 3.114 the king called his high court of parlement at Westminster, in the which a∣mongst other things there concluded, he created two dukes,* 3.115 a marques, and fiue earles. First Edmund Langlie earle of Cambridge the kings vncle was [line 60] created duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstoke his other vncle earle of Buckingham was created duke of Glocester, Robert Uéere earle of Oxford was made marques of Deuelin,* 3.116 Henrie of Bollingbrooke sonne and heire to Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lanca∣ster was created earle of Derbie: Edward Plan∣tagenet sonne and heire to the Duke of Yorke was made earle of Rutland, Michaell lord de la Poole chancellor of England was created earle of Suf∣folke, & sir Thomas Moubraie earle of Notingham was made earle marshall.

Also by authoritie of this parlement, Roger lord Mortimer earle of March,* 3.117 sonne and heire of Ed∣mund Mortimer earle of March, and of the ladie Phi∣lip eldest daughter and heire vnto Lionell duke of Clarence, third sonne to king Edward the third, was established heire apparant to the crowne of this realme, and shortlie after so proclaimed. The which earle of March, anon after the end of the same par∣lement, sailed into Ireland to his lordship of Ulster, whereof he was owner by right of his said mother: but whilest he remained there to pacifie the rebelli∣ons of the wild Irish,* 3.118 a great number of them togi∣ther assembled, came vpon him and slue him, togither with the most part of his companie. This Roger earle of March had issue Edmund, Roger, Anne,* 3.119 Ales, & Eleanor, which Eleanor was made a nunne. The two sonnes died without issue, and Anne the el∣dest of the daughters was married to Richard earle of Cambridge, sonne vnto Edmund of Langlie be∣fore remembred: the which Richard had issue by the said Anne, a son called Richard, that was after duke of Yorke, and father to king Edward the fourth; also a daughter named Isabell, afterwards married to the lord Bourcher. This Richard earle of Cambridge was put to death by Henrie the fift, as after ye shall heare.

Moreouer, in this yeare Henrie of Bollingbrooke earle of Derbie married the daughter and heire of Humfrie Bohun earle of Hereford, in whose right he was after made duke of Hereford, and by hir he had issue Henrie that after him was king of this relme, the ladie Blanch duches of Bar, and the ladie Philip married to the king of Denmarke: also Thomas duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of Bedford, and Hum∣frie duke of Glocester. ¶The Gauntiners still main∣teined warre against the earle of Flanders during his life, and after his deceasse against Philip duke of Burgogne, by such aid and comfort as they had from time to time of the king of England, till finallie this yeare about the eightenth daie of December, a peace was concluded betwixt the said duke and the towne of Gaunt: and sir Iohn Bourchier that had laine a long season there, as capteine vnder the K. of Eng∣land, and Peter de Bois one of the chéefe capteins of the Gauntiners (before the concluding of this peace) were safelie conducted to Calis by vertue of the duke of Burgogne his safe conduct, and so they came ouer into England,* 3.120 and the king gaue vnto Peter de Bois a pension of an hundred marks sterling, yearelie to be paid to him out of the staples of the woolles in London.

This yeare king Richard holding his Christmasse at Eltham,* 3.121 thither came to him Leo king of Arme∣nia, whose countrie and realme being in danger to be conquered of the Turks, he was come into those west parts of christendome for aid and succour at the hands of the christian princes here. The king honora∣blie receiued him, and after he had taken counsell touching his request, he gaue him great summes of monie and other rich gifts, with a stipend (as some write) of a thousand pounds yearely to be paid to him during his life.* 3.122 After he had remained here two moneths space, he tooke leaue of the king and depar∣ted. The chiefest point of his errand was, to haue pro∣cured a peace betwixt the two kings of England and France, but destinie would not permit so good a pur∣pose to take effect: for the hatred which either nation bare to other, would not suffer their loftie minds to yeeld in any one point, further than seemed good in their owne opinions.

In this ninth yeare of king Richard (though by other writers it should séeme to be rather in the yeare following) the duke of Lancaster with a great pow∣er of men of warre went into Spaine,* 3.123 [year 1386] and lead with him thither his wife the ladie Constance,* 3.124 & a daugh∣ter which he had by hir named Katharine, and two o∣ther daughters which he had by his former wife. He

had béene about the preparing of an armie, and all furniture necessarie for this iournie two or thrée yéeres before, and therefore hauing now seauen gal∣lies and eightéene ships sent to him out of Portin∣gale (which arriued at Bristow) he caused all such ves∣sels as he had prouided to resort likewise thither, where making his generall assemblie, when all his men of warre were come togither, he bestowed them aboord, with all their horsses and purueiances, and causing sailes to be hoissed vp, set forward on his [line 10] long wished iournie. This was in the moneth of Maie, when the seas were calme, the aire swéet, and the winds pleasant and agréeable to his purpose. He appointed for admerall of his whole fléet sir Thomas Percie; and sir Iohn Holland that was after created earle of Huntington and had married one of his daughters was ordeined constable of the hoast; and sir Thomas Moreaux hauing married his bastard daughter was one of his marshals.

There were that attended him in this iournie ma∣nie [line 20] other lords and knights of honor, as the lord Lu∣cie, the lord Talbot, the lord Basset, the lord Wil∣loughbie, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Poinings, the lord Bradston, the lord of Pōmiers a Gascoigne, the lord Yonne fitz Warren, Henrie lord Beau∣mont, William lord Beauchampe, sir Richard Bur∣lie that was another of the marshals of the armie, sir Hugh Spenser, sir William Windsore, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir Hugh Hastings, sir William Farrington, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Mauburin [line 30] de Liniers, sir Thomas Worcester, sir Iohn Sow∣trie, sir Robert Clinton, sir Philip Tirrell, sir Lewes Rochester, Huguelin Caluerlie, Dauid Holgraue, Thomas Alerie, Hobequin Beaucester, and diuerse other: they were in all to the number of fifteene hun∣dred men of armes, whereof a thousand at the least were knights and esquiers, besides foure thousand archers, and other men of warre, so perfectlie appoin∣ted and arraied, as could be thought méet and conue∣nient. Of this chosen companie attendant vpon the [line 40] duke of Lancaster, & of this his voiage into Spaine, the said C. Okland speaketh no lesse trulie & accor∣ding to the report of our annales, than honorablie:

* 3.125Ocyus instructa pro bello classe futuro, Milite stipatus generoso traijcit aequor Fluctisonum, cum vxore pia natís{que} duabus, &c.

* 3.126¶Henrie Knighton reporteth of this voiage as fol∣loweth, in somewhat a differing sort from this alrea∣die laid downe. On Easter daie (saith he) Iohn the duke of Lancaster with his wife came to the king, [line 50] to take their leaue; to the which duke the king gaue a crowne of gold, and the quéene likewise gaue an o∣ther crowne of gold to the duchesse. Besides this, the king commanded his people that they should call him king of Spaine, and doo him honour in all things. He had with him a power of 20000 chosen men; of which number noted in the marshals bill or scroll, 2000 were men of armes,* 3.127 and 8000 were archers.

As they passed by Britaine, they landed at Brest, the capteine whereof, at that time named sir Iohn [line 60] Roche, finding himselfe greatlie annoied by the Frenchmen that were lodged in two bastides erec∣ted before the castell, declared to the duke in what state he stood. Wherevpon he caused the said bastides to be assailed, which was doone by the lord Fitz Wal∣ter, and others, who bare themselues so manfullie, that the bastides were woone, broken downe, and a great preie with prisoners obteined, although not without losse of diuerse valiant personages. Thus were they within Brest castell deliuered of their vn∣freendlie neighbours by the duke of Lancaster and his people.* 3.128 Who hauing doone their feat tooke the seas, and sailed foorth till they came on the coasts of Gallis, where on S. Laurence eeuen, they arriued in the hauen of Groigne, otherwise called Coron,* 3.129 and there they vnshipped all their prouisions, determining to inuade the countrie on that side. ¶ Héere, bicause it is not vnprofitable to know the absolute truth of things doone, by the collection of writers,* 3.130 I haue translated the beseeging of Brest, as the same is set downe by Henrie Knighton in his annales, in a lar∣ger and more ample sort, with a fuller certificat of circumstances than hath hitherto béene declared. At the same time (saith he) the duke of Britaine had laid siege both by sea and land, to a certeine towne in Britaine, in old time subiect to the king of England, which was called Brest, with a great multitude of Frenchmen and Britains. Now on the twelfth of the kalends of Iulie, he began to build a fort before the said towne of Brest, of a woonderfull bignesse, the walles thereof being ten foot thicke, and seauen towres about it. A thousand workemen did worke daie by daie vpon it, and to defend the said worke∣men (that they might not be hindered in their busi∣nesse by the citizens) ten thousand fighting men were appointed. So that this fort was begun and en∣ded in ninetéene daies space, and called the Dooue∣house, bicause a doouehouse stood in the same place be∣fore. Furthermore he stored this fort with all necessa∣ries, as vittels, armour, guns, and other engins, and he placed therin as capteine of the warriors the lord Iohn Maletret with a hundred and fiftie armed men, and as manie other soldiors, the whole number be∣ing thrée hundred.

The good duke of Lancaster hauing knowledge hereof, directed his fléet or nauie towards the hauen of Brest, where when he had arriued, they all fled from the siege, both by sea and land, those onlie, which were in the fort, remaining behind. Now the prior of S. Iames in Calis desired the good duke that he might giue the first assault against the fort; who ta∣king the repulse with his retinue, he ceased and gaue ouer. In like sort did manie more giue the assault to the same for the space of two daies and more: in so∣much that some digging vnder the wals, and vnder∣mining the foundations of one towre, the same fell downe vpon sir Robert Swinarton a valiant knight of Staffordshire, and manie more, among whome was Iohn de Bolton a couragious gentle∣man and an esquire by degree of Yorkeshire. As for those that were vpon the towre, they also came tum∣bling downe, and were presentlie slaine.

In the meane time the lord Maletret gardian of the fort, sent word to the duke of Lancaster, that he would yeeld and surrender the hold into his hands vpon condition, that he and all his might freelie de∣part with such armour, goods, chatels and victuals as they had reposed and laid vp in store for their necessa∣rie prouision: wherevnto the good duke (as he was al∣waies good) verie gentlie agréed; vpon condition al∣so, that before their departure, they should ruinate the said fort, and laie it eeuen with the ground; and should likewise allow and paie him towards his costs and charges defraied in the siege of the same, twentie thousand s••utes of gold. Then might you sée the people flocking from all parts of the countrie, some with beires, some with cabbins, some with carts, and some with crutches to fetch awaie the dead and the wounded: in so much that there was not one, either slaine outright, or deadlie maimed, for whome his freends did not mou e and lament. Yea, the lord Maletret himselfe was so mangled and hurt, that he could not go on his legs, but as he leaned on mens shoulders, and was borne vp on either side. It was reported, that manie dead bodies were hidden in heaps of salt, to the end that the Englishmen should not glorie and triumph in the multitude of the slaine, of whome [in sight] the number amounted to aboue

150. Thus farre goeth Henrie Knighton, whose re∣port giueth no small light to the matter vnder hand. After the duke had remained a moneth at Groigne, he went to Compostella, and there soiourned for a season, during the which, his constable sir Iohn Hol∣land woone diuerse townes and fortresses which the enimies kept: diuerse yeelded to the duke with better will, for that the duchesse his wife was there with him, whom they knew to be right inheritour to the realme. ¶ At Mouson a towne on the confines be∣twixt [line 10] Spaine and Portingale, the king of Portin∣gale and the duke of Lancaster met, where they com∣muned and tooke counsell togither for the more spée∣die procéeding in their enterprise against their ad∣uersaries of Castile. Also there was a mariage con∣cluded betwixt the said king of Portingale,* 3.131 and the ladie Philip daughter to the said duke, which marri∣age shortlie after was wholie consummated, the said ladie being first married by procuration at Compo∣stella, and after sent into Portingale right honorablie [line 20] accompanied.

The duke continued at Compostella all the win∣ter season, till towards March, and then (according to appointment taken betwixt him, and the king of Portingale, at their being togither at Mouson, for their iournie to be made into Castile) the said king assembled an armie of a thousand men of armes,* 3.132 and ten thousand other souldiers, with the which entring the confines of Castile, he first tooke the towne of Feroule, and after ioining with the duke, who had [line 30] in the meane while by his marshall taken the towns of Ruelles, Uille Lopes, Pounceuoide, Dighos, Ba∣ionne in la Maroll, Ribadan, Maures, Besanses, and Orens, with others in the countrie of Gallis, they marched foorth with their whole powers both togi∣ther, and passing ouer the riuer of Dure, entered into the countrie de Campo.

¶ Here the English writers make mention of a battell, which the constable of Castile should giue to the duke, and that the victorie remained on the dukes [line 40] side, and the Spaniards chased out of the field. But Froissard (who liued in those daies,* 3.133 and learned that which he wrote of those that were with the duke in his iournie) maketh no remembrance of any such thing, but that contrarilie the king of Castile folow∣ing the aduise of such Frenchmen as were sent into Spaine to aid him, caused all the riches of the coun∣trie to be brought into the walled townes and for∣tresses, which he stuffed with men of warre, to defend them from the Englishmen and Portingales; and [line 50] further to cut off their vitels, and to kéepe them from hauing forrage abroad in the countrie, vnlesse such as were sent were garded with the greater troops for their suertie and defense.

Thus bestowing the most part of all such men of warre, both Frenchmen and Spaniards, as he could make in places most conuenient for that purpose, he fullie determined not to giue battell till his enimies had wearied themselues in keeping of the fields, and that a new power was come to his aid out of [line 60] France, which he dailie looked for. By which means it came to passe,* 3.134 that the Englishmen not vsed to such hot aire as they found in those parts in that season of the yeare (for it was about Midsummer) fell dailie into manie perillous diseases, whereof no small num∣ber died; and other became so faint, that they were not able to helpe themselues, that to consider the mi∣serie in which they were, it would haue rued the harts of their verie foes. Herevpon was the duke constrei∣ned to fall to a communication for a peace, which in the end was accorded, though not at this instant.

Howbeit a truce was granted, in such wise as it might be at the Englishmens choise to returne into their countrie▪ either by sea or by land, thorough France. Such as passed through Spaine to France, had safe conducts sealed and signed by the king of Spaine; but scarse the halfe of those that came out of England with the duke, returned thither againe, they died so fast, aswell after the breaking vp of their campe, as before. Amongst other, there died before the breaking vp of the campe,* 3.135 one of the greatest ba∣rons of all the companie, named the lord Fitz Wal∣ter; and afterwards within the towne of Uille Ar∣pent,* 3.136 there died (as Froissard saith) three great barons of England, and men of great possessions: sir Ri∣chard Burlie a knight of the garter, who had béene as it were high marshall of the armie, the lord Poi∣nings, and sir Henrie Percie cousine germane to the earle of Northumberland.

In the towne of Noic deceassed sir Mauburin de Liniers a Poictouin, and in the towne of Ruelles died the lord Talbot, and so here and there (saith Frois∣sard) there died in all twelue great lords,* 3.137 foure score knights, two hundred esquiers, and of the meaner sort of souldiers aboue fiue hundred. After that the armie was broken vp, the duke of Lancaster and the duchesse his wife went into Portingale, and there re∣mained a season, and then taking the sea, sailed to Baionne in the marshes of Gascoigne, where he re∣sted a long time after. ¶ In this meane while, there was communication and offers made for a marri∣age to be had betwixt the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king; and the ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, and of the duchesse his wife the ladie Constance.

When the king of Spaine vnderstood of that trea∣tie, he began to doubt, least if that marriage tooke place, it might turne to his disaduantage; and there∣fore to be at quietnesse with the duke of Lancaster, whose puissance he doubted, and whose wisedome he perfectlie vnderstood, by politike meanes and earnest sute, at length concluded a peace with him on this wise;* 3.138 That his eldest son Henrie should haue in ma∣riage the ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, begot on his wife the duchesse Constance, and be intituled prince of Austurgus. In considera∣tion of which marriage to be had, and all claimes to ceasse, which the duke in right of his wife might cha∣lenge or pretend; it was agreed, that the said duke should receiue yearelie the summe of ten thousand marks, to be paid to him,* 3.139 or to his assignes in the ci∣tie of Baionne in Gascoigne, during the terme of the liues of the said duke and duchesse; and further to haue in hand the summe of two hundreth thousand nobles.* 3.140 ¶ Henrie Knighton in his relation of this composition betwéene these persons of great estate, dooth say, that it was told him by one of the good duke of Lancasters owne houshold, and attendant vpon him in this voiage into Spaine, that the Spanish king did send seuen and fourtie mules loden with coffers full of gold for the second paiment wherevpon they were agréed. As touching the first paiment (saith Knighton) I asked no question of the partie. So that (besides the annuitie, which mine author reporteth to be 16000 marks, during the parties liues iointlie, and 12000 marks, if it fortuned that the dukes daughter should suruiue and outliue hir husband) it should séeme there were other large allowances, which if they were (as it is likelie) after this rate, it was a right roiall munificence. And to this report of Knighton dooth Ch. Okland make a kind of allusi∣on, who speking of the conditions of peace betweene the duke of Lancaster, and the king of Spaine, saith:

Causae diffidens extemplò Hispanus,* 3.141 agebat De pace, acceptis & conditionibus, offert Argenti ac auri plaustrorum protinùs octo Iustum onus, argentíque decem soluenda quotannis Millia nummorum, &c.

The aforesaid agreement and marriage was not concluded, till about the thirteenth yeare of king Ri∣chards reigne, so that in the meane while manie inci∣dents chanced in England and in other regions, which in their time and places shall be touched, as to purpose serueth.

And first it is not to be forgotten, that the French∣men neuer shewed more vanitie than they did this yeare,* 3.142 since the linage of the Capetes began first to rule in France. All the ships that they could prouide [line 10] from the confines of Spaine, vnto the mouth of the Rhene, all alongst the coast, they assembled at Sluis and thereabouts, and made so great preparation for the warre, that the like had not béene heard of (mea∣ning, as they boasted, and made their vants) to passe ouer into England, and to deuoure the whole coun∣trie, in dooing sacrifice to the soules of their elders with the bloud of the English people. Howbeit these words were wind, & to them accorded the prouerbe,

Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. [line 20]

There were numbred in the moneth of September about Sluis,* 3.143 Dam, and Blankberke 1287 ships, besides those which were rigged in Britaine by the constable, who had caused an inclosure of a field to be made of timber, like railes or barriers, that when they were landed in England, they might there∣with inclose their field, and so lodge more at suertie, and when they remooued, it was so made with ioints, that they might take it vp in péeces and easilie con∣ueie it with them. [line 30]

* 3.144This inclosure or wall of wood was twentie foot in height, and conteined in length or in compasse, when it was set vp, three thousand pases, and at the end of euerie twelue pases stood a turret able to receiue ten men, that was higher than the rest of the wall by ten foot at the least. There were appointed to haue passed ouer in those ships twentie thousand men of armes,* 3.145 twentie thousand crosbowes, and twentie thousand other men of warre. To haue séene the great apparell, furniture and prouision, the shipping, [line 40] trussing, bearing, and carrieng to and fro of things needfull for this iournie, a man might haue meruel∣led; for suerlie the like hath sildome beene remem∣bred.* 3.146 All that was doone there on that side the sea by the Frenchmen, was notified into England, so that the Frenchmen were not more occupied to prepare themselues to inuade England, than the English∣men were to make themselues readie to defend their countrie from all danger of enimies;* 3.147 so that euerie hauen towne, especiallie alongst the west, south, and [line 50] eastcoasts, were kept and warded with notable num∣bers of armed men and archers.

¶Notwithstanding the great confidence which the French king reposed in the fortification which he had imbarked,* 3.148 thinking thereby to haue wrought great woonders, to the discomfiture of the English: yet (contrarie to his expectation) it so fortuned, that a∣bout Michaelmas, the lord William Beauchampe capteine of Calis tooke two ships; whereof one was loden with a péece of the said inclosure or wall of [line 60] wood, and in the same ship was the maister carpen∣ter of the inclosure, being an Englishman borne, but banished his countrie before that time for some of∣fense. He also tooke another ship, wherein were en∣gins, guns, gunpowder & other instruments of war. Not long after this, two more ships were taken like∣wise, whose burthen was parcels of the foresaid frame or inclosure: so that three ships were met withall and seized vpon, each of them loden with one kind of stuffe. Whereof king Richard hearing, he caused the said inclosure to be reared and set vp about Winchelsie towne. In the meane while, namelie in September, the foresaid armie came into Flanders, and arriued at the hauen of Sluis, intending to make their progresse into England: but by prolong∣ing of the time there, they were driuen to great dis∣tresse and want of vittels: for it was reported that a loafe of bread, sold in England for a penie, was sold there for eightéene pence; and a hens eg for a pe∣nie: so that in the end of Nouember they returned to France, missing their purpose as much as if they had neuer ment it.

There were readie within the realme at that sea∣son, in one part and other 100000 archers, and ten thousand men of armes, besides those that were gone into Spaine with the duke of Lancaster. All this preparation lasted for the more part of the sum∣mer, euen till the beginning of winter: and still the French king that was come downe into Flanders, staied for the comming of his vncle the duke of Ber∣rie: who at length in the moneth of Nouember came to Sluis, hauing protracted time, of purpose, that he might by the excuse of winter, cause this ior∣nie to be put off till another season. Wherin he shew∣ed more wit than all the councellors which the French king had about him: for if he had not politikelie shif∣ted off the matter, the king had landed here in Eng∣land, to the great danger of his person and losse of his people. And yet if we shall beléeue writers that liued in those daies, by reason of the brute that was spred through the realme, of that huge preparation which the French king made to inuade this land, no small feare entered into the harts of manie, namelie of the Londoners,* 3.149 who (as if the enimies had beene alredie landed) bestirred them, in making what prouision they might for their defense, though it séemed by their manner of dooings, they stood in doubt least the whole realme had not béene able to make sufficient resis∣tance.

In déed diuerse were the more afraid,* 3.150 for that they perceiued how the barons and great lords agreed not in manie points among themselues, and so being not of one mind, the wiser sort doubted least through their disagréeing in that troublesome time, some danger might grow to the state of the whole realme. Notwithstanding,* 3.151 no small number of others wished nothing more, than that the French king in going forward with his purpose, might haue come ouer, not doubting but that he should haue found such a wel∣come, as would haue beene little to his ease.* 3.152 About the feast of saint Michaell, a parlement was called and holden at London, and withall great numbers of men of armes & archers were appointed to come and lie about London, that they might be readie to march foorthwith against the enimies whensoeuer it chanced them to land. Thus all the townes and vil∣lages twentie miles in compasse round about Lon∣don, were full of men of armes and archers, lieng as it had beene in campe; and wanting both vittels and monie, they were driuen to spoile and to take by vio∣lence what they might get. At length, after they had lame thus to small purpose a long season, they were licenced to depart home, with commandement to be readie to returne againe vpon the first summons. Manie of them were constreined through necessitie, to sell their horsses, and armour, and some to spoile and to rob as they went homewards, not sparing what they might laie their hands vpon. Although the men of warre were dismissed home, the parlement yet continued, and the lords still remained at Lon∣don, hearkening still for the French kings com∣ming.

The lord Robert Uéer earle of Oxenford,* 3.153 whome the king in the last parlement had made marquesse of Dubline, was now in this parlement created duke of Ireland: the other lords sore enuieng so high preferment in a man that so little deserued, as they tooke it. For by reason of the kings great affection

which he bare not onelie to this noble man, but also to the lord Michaell de la Poole, whom he had latelie created earle of Suffolke, and after aduanced him to the office of lord chancellor (as before ye haue heard) not onelie the lords, but also the commons sore grud∣ged at such their high preferrement, in somuch that in this present parlement, the knights & burgesses in the lower house, exhibited a bill against the lord chan∣cellor, of diuerse crimes which they laid to his charge, and so vsed the matter, with the helpe of the lords, [line 10] that in the end in some respect they had their willes against him, contrarie to the kings mind, as after may appeare.

And where the king had demanded a reliefe of mo∣nie towards the maintenance of his estate, and char∣ges of the warres, it was answered, that he néeded not any tallage of his subiects, sith he might furnish himselfe with such a summe at the hands of the said earle, that was iustlie indebted vnto him therein, as they were able well to prooue. But the king was no∣thing [line 20] herewith contented, conceiuing no small dis∣pleasure, aswell against them of the lower house, as against the lords in the vpper, for fauouring them in the lower, in matters that went so sore against his mind. Herevpon (as was said, whether trulie or o∣therwise, the lord knoweth) by a conspiracie begun betwixt the king & such as were most in fauour with him, it was deuised, that the duke of Glocester (as principall (and such other lords as fauored the knights and burgesses in their sute, against the earle of Suf∣folke, [line 30] and were otherwise against the king in his de∣mand of monie, should be willed to a supper in Lon∣don, there to be murthered.

But the duke comming by some meanes to vnder∣stand of this wicked practise, had no desire to take part of that supper, where such sharpe sauce was proui∣ded▪ and withall gaue warning to the residue, that they likewise should not come there, but to content themselues with their owne suppers at their lodg∣ings. It was said, that sir Nicholas Brember, who [line 40] had béene maior the yeare before, had promised his as∣sistance in the execution of this horrible fact: but tho∣rough the commendable constancie of Richard Ex∣ton that was maior this yeare, being mooued by the king for his furtherance therein,* 3.154 and denieng flatlie to consent to the death of such innocent persons, that heinous practise was omitted. This matter being brought to light, the hatred and malice which men bare to such councellors of the king greatlie increa∣sed, and the duke of Glocester and such as withstood [line 50] the king, dailie grew more and more into the peo∣ples fauour.

* 3.155Howbeit at length, through the earnest sute of some of the great lords, there was granted to the king halfe a tenth and halfe a fiftéenth, which should not be spent at the pleasure of the prince, but by the order and appointment of the said lords, & so at length the earle of Arundell was appointed to receiue it, to furnish him with a nauie to the seas. But before this paiment might be granted, there was much adoo, [line 60] & hard bold: for where the said earle of Suffolke then lord chancellor, at first had demanded of the com∣mons in the kings name, foure fiftéens (for with lesse (said he) the king could not mainteine his estate and the warres which he had in hand) the whole bodie of the parlement made answer thereto, that without the king were present (for he was then at Eltham) they could make therein no answer at all: and here∣with they tooke occasion at length to say further, that except the said earle of Suffolke were remooued from the office of chancellorship, they would meddle no further with any act in this parlement, were it ne∣uer of so small importance.

The king being aduertised hereof, sent againe to the commons,* 3.156 that they should send vnto Eltham (where he laie) fortie of the wisest and best learned of the common house, the which in the name of the whole house should declare vnto him their minds. And then the house was in no small feare, by reason of a brute that was raised, how the king sought meanes to in∣trap and destroie them that followed not his purpose. Herevpon aswell the lords of the vpper house as the commons of the lower assembled togither, and a∣gréed with one consent, that the duke of Glocester,* 3.157 and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie, should in the name of the whole parlement be sent to the king vn∣to Eltham: which was doone, and the king was well contented that they should come. When they came before his presence, with humble reuerence they de∣clared their message, which consisted in these points: That the lords and commons assembled at that pre∣sent in parlement,* 3.158 besought him of his lawfull fa∣uour, that they might liue in peace and tranquillitie vnder him.

They further declared, that one old statute and laudable custome was approued, which no man could denie, that the king once in the yeare might lawfullie summon his high court of parlement,* 3.159 and call the lords and commons therevnto, as to the highest court of his realme, in which court all right and equi∣tie ought to shine as the sunne being at the highest, whereof poore and rich may take refreshing; where al∣so reformation ought to be had of all oppressions,* 3.160 wrongs, extortions, & enormities within the realme; and there the king ought to take counsell with the wise men of his realme, for the maintenance of his estate, and conseruation of the same. And if it might be knowen that any persons within the realme or without, intended the contrarie; there must also be deuised how such euill weeds may be destroied. There must also be studied and foreséene, that if any charge doo come vpon the king and realme, how it may be honorablie borne and discharged.

Further, they declared that till that present, his subiects (as was thought) had louinglie demeaned themselues towards him, in aiding him with their substance to the best of their powers, & that their de∣sire was to vnderstand how those goods were spent. And further they said, they had one thing to declare vnto him, how that by an old ordinance it was ena∣cted, that if the king should absent himselfe fourtie daies, not being sicke,* 3.161 and refuse to come to the parle∣ment, without regard to the charges of his people, and their great paines, they then may lawfullie re∣turne home to their houses: and therefore sith he had béene absent a long time, and yet refused to come a∣mong them, it was greatlie to their discomfort. To this the king (as we find) made this answer:

Well,* 3.162 we doo perceiue that our people and commons go a∣bout to rise against vs: wherefore we thinke we can∣not doo better than to aske aid of our cousine the French king, and rather submit vs vnto him than to our owne subiects.

The lords answered, that it should not be good for him so to doo, but a waie rather to bring him into ex∣treame danger, sith it was plaine inough, that the French king was his ancient enimie and greatest aduersarie, who if he might once set foot in the realme of England, he would rather despoile and dispossesse the king of his kingdome, than put his helping hand to relieue him. He might (they said) call to re∣membrance, how his noble progenitour king Ed∣ward the third, his grandfather, and prince Edward his father had trauelled in heat and cold, with great anguish and troubles incessantlie, to make a con∣quest of France, that rightfullie apperteined vnto them, and now to him, in which wars he might like∣wise remember how manie lords, noble men, and

good commons of both realmes had lost their liues, and what charges both the realmes likewise bare in mainteining those warres: and now (the more pitie) greater burthens were laid vpon the necks of the English subiects for the supportation of his charges, by reason whereof, they were so low brought (said they) that they haue not to paie their rents, and so by such meanes was his power decaied, his lords brought behind hand, and all his people sore impoue∣rished.* 3.163 And as that king cannot be poore that hath [line 10] rich people, so cannot he be rich that hath poore com∣mons. And as he tooke hurt by such inconueniences chancing through euill councellors that were about him, so the lords and noblemen susteined no lesse hurt each one after his estate and calling. And if remedie were not in time prouided through his helping hand, the realme must needs fall in ruine, and the default should be imputed to him and to those his euill coun∣cellors.

By these and the like persuasions the king was [line 20] induced to come to the parlement, and according to his appointment he came indeed. Soone after his comming was Iohn Fortham bishop of Durham discharged of his office of lord treasuror, and in his place was appointed one Iohn Gilbert bishop of Hereford,* 3.164 that was a frier of the order of preachers, a man more eloquent than faithfull, as some repor∣ted of him. Also the earle of Suffolke was dischar∣ged of his office of lord chancellor, and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie placed in his roome, by [line 30] whole consent of parlement. The same earle of Suf∣folke was charged with manie & verie great enor∣mious crimes, frauds, falshoods, and tresons, which he had practised, to the great preiudice of the king and realme,* 3.165 and therevpon was committed to ward in the castell of Windsore. Notwithstanding they ad∣iudged him not to death (as some write) nor disgra∣ded him of the honor of knighthood, but condemmed him to paie a fine of twentie thousand marks, and also to forfeit one thousand pounds of yéerlie rents [line 40] which he had purchased.

But other write, that notwithstanding the king was sore offended for the accusations brought a∣gainst the said earle of Suffolke and others, whome he loued, and was loth to heare anie euill of: yet he was constreined at length, after he had shifted off the matter by sundrie deuises, to appoint certeine persons with full power and authoritie to heare, and in iudgement to determine those matters. The duke of Glocester therfore, and the earle of Arundell were [line 50] appointed as iudges; which (whilest the king as yet was absent, who got him foorth of the waie of pur∣pose, bicause he would not be present at the condem∣nation of those whome he most entierlie loued and fauoured) went earnestlie in hand with their busi∣nesse, and so at length (as Walsingham saith) the earle of Suffolke was conuicted, & found giltie of sundrie crimes, trespasses, and naughtie parts: for which it was thought that he deserued to lose his life & goods, but yet he was suffered (as the same Walsingham [line 60] saith) to go abroad vnder suertie, certeine great men being bound for him in great sums of monie. But what order soeuer was taken for the punishment of him, sure it is he was displaced from his office of chancellorship, as before yée haue heard.

Furthermore, the lords, and other estates in this parlement, considering that through couetousnesse of the new deposed officers, the kings treasure had béene imbezeled,* 3.166 lewdlie wasted, & prodigallie spent, nothing to his profit: there were in this parlement thirteene lords chosen, to haue ouersight vnder the king of the whole gouernment of the realme, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth yeare of this king it dooth in the booke of statutes at large ap∣peare. Of those thirteene there were thrée of the new officers named, as the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and Nicholas abbat of Waltham lord keeper of the priuie seale: the other ten were these, William archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Ed∣mund Langlie duke of Yorke, Thomas duke of Glocester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Excester, Richard earle of Arundell, Ri∣chard lord Scroope, and Iohn lord Debereux. But this participation of the gouernement fell out to be inconuenient, as by processe of the storie shall ap∣peare, euen to those vnto whome it was allotted: so that no small a doo happened among them and their partakers: according to the old prouerbe, which saith;

Vae sibi quando canes veniunt os rodere plures.

Moreouer, at the kings instance and earnest sute it was granted, that Robert de Uéer late marquesse of Dubline, and now newlie created duke of Ire∣land, should haue and receiue to his owne vse thirtie thousand marks, that the Frenchmen were to giue for the heires of the lord Charles de Blois, that re∣mained here in England, which Charles in times past chalenged as his rightfull inheritance the dut∣chie of Britaine, against the earle of Montfort. This grant was made to the duke of Ireland, with condi∣tion, that being furnished with this monie, he should passe ouer into Ireland, before the next Easter, there to recouer such lands as the king had giuen to him. For aswell the lords as the commons were so desi∣rous to haue him gone, that they wished the realme rather to spare so much treasure, than to haue his pre∣sence about the king, to allure him to follie.* 3.167 The same time the king of Armenia sued for a safe conduct to come againe ouer into this land, to speake with the king as it had been about the moouing of some peace betwixt the two realms of England and France; but sith his meaning was suspected to be to no good end, but to benefit himselfe by receiuing of some great gifts at the kings bountifull hands, his sute was not granted.

In this meane time also, whilest the French king with such a companie of dukes, earls and other lords, as had not béene heard of, still continued in Flan∣ders, staieng as well for a conuenient wind, as for the comming of the duke of Berrie; it chanced that certeine English ships, as they wasted the seas,* 3.168 met with two of the French ships, that were sailing to∣wards Sluis, and fighting with them, tooke them, and brought them both to Sandwich. There was found aboord the same ships, a maister gunner, that sometime had serued the Englishmen at Calis, when sir Hugh Caluerlie was lieutenant there; also diuerse great guns and engins to beat downe wals were found and taken in the same ships,* 3.169 with a great quantitie of powder that was more worth than all the rest.

About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the Englishmen also tooke certeine hulks and six ca∣riks of the Genowais, laden with great riches: but bicause they were merchants, they found such fauor at the kings hands through means of Michaell de la Poole then lord chancellor (whome they had made their fréend) that they had their vessels and all their goods restored,* 3.170 and streightwaies they passed with the same vnto Sluis, where the enimies laie, to make sale of their wares there. Wherevpon much murmu∣ring rose among the kings subiects, taking it in euill part, that they should be suffered so to go their waies to releeue the enimies of the realme, with such goods as were once brought into the Englishmens posses∣sion, and speciallie the lord chancellor was verie e∣uill thought of, for shewing so much fauour vnto those strangers.

The French king still remaining in Flanders, ta∣rieng for the comming of the duke of Berrie, and al∣so for a conuenient wind, at length on the euen of All saints,* 3.171 the wind came about very fauourablie for the Frenchmens purpose: wherevpon they weied anchors, and lanched from the hauen of Sluis, but they were not past twentie miles forward on their way, when the wind suddenlie turned contrarie to their course againe, and brought them backe with such violence, that diuerse of them as they should en∣ter [line 10] the hauen, were broken and brused, and so by this occasion, and the counsell of the duke of Berrie togi∣ther, the French king brake vp his iournie for that yeare, and returned into France. ¶ Ye haue heard what was doone by the states assembled in parle∣ment against the earle of Suffolke, whom the most part of the realme so greatlie hated, but yet neuer∣thelesse, the king had such an affection towards him, that immediatlie after the parlement was dissolued, he vndid all that had béene enacted against him, re∣ceiuing [line 20] him into more familiaritie than before, and caused him to continue with the duke of Ireland,* 3.172 and Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, which two lords trauelled most earnestlie to mooue the king a∣gainst the other lords, and to disannull all that had béene doone in the last parlement.

There increased therefore in the king an inward hatred, which he conceiued against the lords, these men putting into his eare, that he was like no king but rather resembled the shadow of one; saieng, it [line 30] would come to passe that he should be able to doo no∣thing of himselfe, if the lords might inioy the autho∣ritie which they had taken vpon them. The king gaue credit to these tales, and therefore had the lords in great gelousie, notwithstanding they were thought to be his most true and faithfull subiects, and the o∣ther craftie, deceitfull, and vntrustie; but such an affe∣ction had the king to them, that no informations, nor accusations, though neuer so manifestlie prooued, could bring them out of his fauour, in so much as at [line 40] the feast of Christmasse next following, [year 1387] he caused the earle of Suffolke to sit with him at his owne table, in robes accustomablie appointed for kings to weare, and not for meaner estates, which was much noted, and no little increased the enuie against him.

About the beginning of March in this tenth yeere, Richard earle of Arundell, being appointed lord ad∣merall,* 3.173 & Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham, the earle of Deuonshire, and the bishop of Norwich (as Froissard saith) went to the sea with a warlike [line 50] power of men of armes and archers, so well trimmed and appointed as was possible. For the lord admerall vnderstanding that the duke of Glocester, and ma∣nie other noblemen would sée the muster of his men, vsed all diligence, and spared for no costs, to haue the most choisest and pikedst fellowes that might be got∣ten, not following the euill example of others in times past, which receiued tag and rag to fill vp their numbers,* 3.174 whom they hired for small wages, and re∣serued the residue to their pursses. And when to the [line 60] aduancement of the realms commoditie they should haue incountered the enimies, they shifted off all oc∣casions thereto, and onelie prolonged time, without atchiuing any enterprise auaileable, to the end they might receiue the whole wages, and kéepe themselues from danger, which they should hardlie haue auoi∣ded, when they had not about them such able men as were like to match the enimies: but the earle of A∣rundell contrarilie got the ablest men he might, not sparing his owne pursse, to the end that by their ser∣uice he might atchiue some worthie enterprise, to re∣dound vnto the commoditie of his countrie.

After the duke of Glocester had beheld so faire and chosen a power of men of warre, they were streight∣waies appointed to get them on shipbrood, & so being imbarked, the whole nauie passed foorth to the Thams mouth, where they staied to watch for the fléet of Flanders, that was readie to come from Rochell with wines. At length, vpon a sundaie, being the e∣uen of the Annuntiation of our ladie, the Flemish fleet was discouered a good way off, by one that was mounted into one of the tops of a ship of the Eng∣lish fléet. The earle of Arundell greatlie reioising at those newes, foorthwith with his whole fléet made to the sea. When the Flemings approched neere to our nauie, they made saile, as if they would set vpon the same;* 3.175 and our men of purpose made countenance as if they would haue retired, as mistrusting them∣selues to be able to match their aduersaries,* 3.176 who co∣ueting rather a safe passage than battell, passed by: but the Englishmen hauing once got the wind fit for their purpose, suddenlie set vpon the Flemish ships, and fought with them right fiercelie: at length, after a sore conflict which indured foure houres, the victorie fell to the Englishmen.

There were taken fourescore ships, with diuerse capteins and men of armes, namelie their chiefe ad∣merall, named Iohn Buicke, a perfect good seaman, and one that had aforetime doone much hurt to the English nation. Diuerse of their ships were bouged, and some escaped from the battell. But the earle of Arundell pursued them so egerlie for the space of two daies togither, that at length he tooke them, and brought them backe to his nauie, so that what in the battell and in the chase, there were taken of great and small, to the number of an hundred vessels, all fraught with wines, so that there was found aboord the same nine thousand tuns,* 3.177 or rather (as other saie) ninetéene thousand, which togither with the ves∣sels were streight sent vnto Orwell hauen, and to o∣ther hauens abroad in the realme, beside that which fell to the kings share, as due to him by his preroga∣tiue. Part of the Flemish fléet escaping (as before ye haue heard) was pursued vnto the hauen of Sluis and Blankerke.

The citizens of Middleburgh came to the earle, and requested him that they might buie those wines of him, and paie for the same after the rate of an hun∣dred shillings the tunne, alledging how they were the kings fréends, and stood in néed of wines: but the earle of Arundell, thinking it more reason that those which had borne the charges of his iournie, to wit, the commons of the realme of England should haue the commoditie thereof than any other, he denied their sute.* 3.178 But yet to shew them some plea••••re as his fréends, he gaue them twentie tuns to make mer∣rie with. As for that which fell to the earles share, he vsed such bountifulnesse in bestowing it among his fréends, that he left not to himselfe so much as one tunne. He wan therefore no small praise, that forbea∣ring his owne commoditie, which he might haue rea∣ped in selling those wines to strangers, he had more regard to the profit of the commons, whereby they might vnderstand, that that which they had laid foorth towards the setting forward of his iournie, was not altogither lost nor cast awaie. By this meanes (be∣sides the commendation which he drew to himselfe) he also wan the harts & good will of the people, whose freendship is purchased by gifts and good déeds, sith they make profit the metrod of amitie, & bound in be∣neuolence with receiued benefits, as the poet saith,

Vulgus amicitias vtilitate probat.

All the countrie of Flanders neere to the sea coasts,* 3.179 was in great feare: for the Englishmen landed, and euerie day went abroad into the countrie, burning diuerse townes and villages, as Mude, Osiburge, Houckam, Monachacedam, & others. And at length, after they had taken their pleasure in the countrie,

for the space of ten daies togither, they hoissed vp sailes, and returned with all their preie and booties, which being sold,* 3.180 and vttered abroad in the realme, made wine so plentifullie here in England, that it was sold for thirtéene shillings foure pence the tun, and twentie shillings the best and choisest. The earle of Arundell not satisfied with this happie atchiued enterprise, but minding to doo more seruice to the be∣nefit of his countrie, gathered his ships together, and hiring new souldiers to supplie the roomes of them that were hurt, maimed, or slaine, turned his sailes [line 10] towards the castell of Brest, which seemed to be a keie to the lesse Britaine, and being (as yee haue heard) in the Englishmens possession, the French∣men were about to raise vp and build farre greater and stronger bastillions,* 3.181 than those were that the duke of Lancaster had taken and destroied, as he sailed forward on his iournie toward Spaine.

One of these two new bastiles the earle of Arun∣dell woone by force from them that kept it: and bi∣cause [line 20] it séemed necessarie to be kept for a defense to the castell, if it were in the Englishmens hands, he committed it to the custodie of certeine English∣men. The other being not yet finished, but begun in sumptuous wise to be builded, he set on fire and burned. This doone, furnishing the garison with suffi∣cient vittels and munition to serue them for one whole yeare, he returned home into England, with great praise and commendation of the commons for his dooings. But the duke of Ireland, the earle of [line 30] Suffolke, sir Simon de Burlie, and sir Richard Sturrie, that still continued about the king, séemed rather to enuie the earle of Arundels good name, than otherwise to commend him and others to the king,* 3.182 that had béene foorth in that iournie, in so much that when the earle of Nottingham, otherwise called earle Marshall, that had béene euer the kings plai∣fellow, and of equall age to him, came now to the court, hoping to be right welcome, and to receiue great thankes at the kings hands, he had no good [line 40] countenance shewed vnto him, neither of the king, nor of the duke of Ireland, who disdaining once to talke with him, séemed to enuie the worthie prow∣esse in other, which he knew defectiue and wanting in himselfe.

Shortlie after, by the counsell of those lords and knights that remained about the king, the lord Hen∣rie Percie,* 3.183 sonne to the earle of Northumberland, was sent to the seas, to beate backe the attempts of the enimies, but he was slenderlie appointed to at∣chiue [line 50] anie great enterprise. This was doone of some enuious purpose, bicause he had got a name amon∣gest the common people, to be a verie hardie and va∣liant gentleman, as well among Englishmen, as Scots. But he either ignorant, or not much waieng of that which they craftilie had imagined against him, boldlie and valiantlie executed the businesse in∣ioined him, and hauing remained abroad, during the whole time of his appointed seruice, returned safelie home. ¶ About the same time, a frier Carmelite, na∣med [line 60] Walter Disse, that had béene confessor to the duke of Lancaster, obteined in fauour of the same duke, at pope Urbans hands, certeine faculties, to be distributed to such as would praie & paie for them. Among other of those faculties, one was, to make all those whome he thought good, the popes chapleines, according to forme of law, and the custome vsed in the court of Rome.

* 3.184Now bicause such as obteined this fauour, inioied great liberties, manie were glad to bestow largelie, to be so preferred, the frier being redie to admit those that offered most. Among other, one Peter Pate∣shull, a frier of the Augustines order, was made by him the popes chapleine, a man not vnlearned, and one that fauoured Wicliffes doctrine, and there vp∣on forsaking his priuate profession, gaue himselfe to a publike trade of life, which might séeme to him more holie, commendable, and sure. Héerevpon, he tooke vpon him to preach against his owne order, namelie in a sermon which he made in saint Christo∣phers church in London. He inueied so earnestlie a∣gainst the abuses and heinous crimes which the fri∣ers, sometimes his brethren, vsed to put in practise, that it was an horror to heare.* 3.185 There were present an hundred at the least of Wicliffes opinion at his ser∣mon. Now in the meane while that he so laid foorth what he knew against his late brethren, some per∣sons there were that ran to the Augustine friers, and declared the whole matter; wherevpon a dozen of the hardiest and lustiest fellowes among them came to the church, where this Pateshull was preaching, and hearing what was said, they began to be sore moo∣ued, insomuch that one of them more zealous in his religion than the other, stepped foorth, and gainesaid those things which the preacher proponed.

When the Wicleuists perceiued this, they set vp∣on him that so disquieted the congregation, and lai∣eng hands on him, threw him downe, trode him vn∣der their féet, and lent him manie a good buffet: and chasing all the other friers awaie, they were fullie bent to haue killed them, and set their house on fier, crieng out with lowd voices;

Let vs destroie these murtherers, let vs burne these Sodomits, and hang vp such traitors of the king and realme. And run∣ning thus with such a furious noise and outrage, they purposed verelie to haue set fire on the friers lod∣gi••••s, but that through the humble praier of frier Thomas Ashborne, and one that was his fellow, be∣ing reputed for two good men, and doctors of diuini∣tie, they were staied.

The comming also of one of the shirifes of London holpe much to appease them, so that by his persuasion, they returned home to their houses. But Peter Pateshull, being mainteined a∣mong them, was counselled, sith he was interrupted in his sermon, to set downe in writing all such mat∣ters as he was about to intreat of,* 3.186 & what he knew further. He therefore deuised a libell, in which he accu∣sed diuerse of his brethren, of murthering sundrie of their fellowes.

And for more proofe to be giuen to his saiengs, he told the names of them that were made awaie, and the names also of the murtherers, and shewed where those that were murthered were buried. He affirmed further, that the said friers his brethren of late, were Sodomits and traitors, both to the king and realme, and manie other things he declared (too too bad) in that his writing or libell which he fastned vpon the church doore of S. Paule in London, that the more confusi∣on might thereby redound vnto his late brethren, the friers aforesaid. In the beginning of the same libell ••e protested, that he was got foorth of the diuels dun∣geon, and through the grace of God escaped from a∣mongst wicked and filthie persons; by reason where∣of, and for that he was an auoucher of the veritie, he said, he was sure to suffer great aduersities at the friers hands, if they might laie hold on him. But he thanked pope Urbane, for that through his grant he had obteined such libertie, that by help of his fréends, he might lawfullie withdrawe himselfe from the hands of his enimies.

There were diuerse men of good worship that mainteined this Pateshull, and caused a transcript of this libell to be written foorth, affirming all to be true that was therein mentioned.* 3.187 Amongst other that thus fauoured this cause, were diuerse knights, as sir William Neuill, Sir Lewes Clifford, sir Iohn Clanbowe, sir Richard Sturrie, and sir Thomas La∣timer, and the chéefest of all was one sir Iohn Mon∣tacute,

who caused all the images to be taken downe and set aside in corners, which Iohn Aubreie, and his successour sir Ala••e Buxhull, or any their ancestors had set vp in their chappell of Cheneleie. ¶ About the same time, the duke of Ireland sought to be diuorsed from his lawfull wife, a trim yoong ladie, daughter to the ladie Isabell, that was one of king Edward the third his daughters; and tooke to wife one Lance∣grone a Bohemer one of the quéenes maids; by rea∣son whereof, great occasion of slander and reproch grew, and diuerse lords, speciallie the duke of Gloce∣ster, [line 10] that was vncle to the ladie that was forsaken, tooke great displeasure herewith. But sith the king allowed of all the duke of Irelands dooings, the duke of Glocester dissembled such iniuries doone to his neece for the time, till opportunitie might serue to re∣uenge the same.

The duke of Ireland vnderstood all these things, and therefore was the more circumspect for his owne safetie, and studied how by some meanes he might dispatch the duke of Glocester out of the waie, as the [line 20] man whom he most feared; least his life should be his destruction, by one means or other. Easter was now past, the time (as ye haue heard) appointed before the which the duke of Ireland should haue transported o∣uer into Ireland, & yet was he not set forward. But least somewhat might be thought in the matter, and for feare of some stir to be raised by the lords of the realme, that wished him gone, according to the order prescribed at the last parlement,* 3.188 the king as it were to bring him to the water side, went with him into [line 30] Wales, where being out of the waie, they might de∣uise how to dispatch the duke of Glocester, the earles of Arundell, Warwike, Derbie, and Notingham, with others of that faction. There were with the king, beside the duke of Ireland▪ Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice, and diuers other, which doubtfull of their owne safegards did what they could (as writers report) to mooue the king forward to the destruction of those noblemen. After the king had remained in those parties a good [line 40] while,* 3.189 he returned, and brought the duke of Ireland backe with him againe so that it seemed his voiage into Ireland was now quite forgotten.

* 3.190About the same time, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England came to Couentrie, and indicted there two thousand persons. The king and the quéene came to Grobie, and thither came by his commande∣ment the iustices of the realme. There were also with him at the same time, Alexander archb. of Yorke, Ro∣bert Ueere duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole [line 50] earle of Suffolke,* 3.191 Robert Trisilian, & his fellowes; of whom it was demanded, if by the lawes of the realme the king might reuoke the ordinances made in the last parlement, to the which he had giuen his consent in manner by constraint; and they made an∣swer that he might. Then were the iustices comman∣ded to come vnto Notingham, where the king ap∣pointed to meet them, and thither he came according to his appointment, and held a solemne councell in the castell of Notingham,* 3.192 the morrow after S. Bar∣tholomews [line 60] day.

In this councell were the aforesaid archbishop of Yorke, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian iustice, Robert Bramble iustice, and sundrie other, all which iustices were comman∣ded to set their hands vnto the question vnder writ∣ten▪ that by meanes thereof, those persons that were about the king thought they might haue good occa∣sion to put the duke of Glocester, and other lords that were his complices vnto death, which in the last par∣lement were ordeined to haue the gouernance of the realme, and all such as were consenting to the same. Diuerse of the iustices refused to subscribe, but yet they were cons••reined to doo as the rest did, among the which was Iohn Belknap, who vtterlie refused,* 3.193 till the duke of Ireland, and the earle of Suffolke compelled him thereto; for if he had persisted in the refusall, he had not escaped their hands, and yet when he had set to his seale, he burst out into these words;

Now (said he) here lacketh nothing but a rope,* 3.194 that I might receiue a reward worthie for my desert, and I know, if I had not doone this, I might not haue esca∣ped your hands, so that for your pleasures and the kings I haue doone it, and deserued thereby death at the hands of the lords.

Which indéed shortlie follow∣ed, for in the next parlement he was condemned and executed. All this remained in record.

An act of councell touching this matter, in manner as followeth.

MEmorandum that on the fiue and twentith day of August,* 4.1, in the 11 yeare of the reigne of king Ri∣chard the second, at the castell of Notingham aforesaid, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England, Robert Bel∣knap lord chiefe iustice of the cōmon plees, Iohn Holt, Roger Fulthorpe, & William Borough, knights and associats of the said Robert Belknap, and Iohn Lockton one of the kings sergeants at the law, being personalie required in presence of the lords and other witnesses vnder written by our said souereigne lord the king, in that faith and allegiance in which to him they were bounden, that they should trulie answer to certeine questions vnderwritten, and vpon the same by their discretions, to saie the law.

1 First, it was asked of them,* 4.2 whether the new statute, ordinance, and commission made in the last parlement held at West∣minster, be hurtfull to the kings preroga∣tiue. Wherevnto all of one mind answe∣red, that they were hurtfull, and speciallie bicause they be against the kings will.

2 Item, it was inquired of them, how they ought to be punished, that procured the said statute, ordinance, and commission to be made. Wherevnto with one assent they answered, that they deserued death, except the king of his grace would pardon them.

3 Item, it was inquired, how they ought to be punished, which moued the king to consent to the making of the said statute, ordinance, and commission. Wherevnto they answered, that vnlesse the king would giue them his pardon, they ought to lose their liues.

4 Item, it was inquired of them what punishment they deserued, that compelled the king to the making of that statute, or∣dinance and commission. Wherevnto they gaue answer, that they ought to suffer as traitors.

5 Item, it was demanded of them how they ought to be punished that interrup∣ted the king so, that he might not exercise those things that apperteined to his re∣galitie and prerogatiue. Wherevnto an∣swer was made, that they ought to be pu∣nished

as traitors.

6 Item, it was inquired of them, whe∣ther that after the affaires of the realme, and the cause of the calling togither of the states of the parlement, were once by the kings commandement declared and ope∣ned, and other articles on the kings be∣halfe limited, vpon which the lords and commons of the realme ought to intreat and proceed; if the lords neuertheles would [line 10] proceed vpon other articles, and not med∣dle with those articles which the king had limited, till time the king had answered the articles proponed by them, notwith∣standing the king inioined them to the contrarie: whether in this case the king might rule the parlement, and cause them to proceed vpon the articles by him limi∣ted, before they proceeded any further? To [line 20] which question it was answered, that the king should haue in this part the rule, for order of all such articles to be prosecuted, vntill the end of the parlement. And if any presumed to go contrarie to this rule, he was to be punished as a traitor.

7 Item, it was asked, whether the king when soeuer it pleased him might not dis∣solue the parlement, and command the lords and commons to depart from thence [line 30] or not? Wherevnto it was answered that he might.

8 Item, it was inquired, that for somuch as it was in the king to remooue such iu∣stices and officers as offend, and to punish them for their offenses; whether the lords commons might, without the kings will, impeach the same officers and iustices, vp∣on their offenses in parlement or not? To [line 40] this answer was made, that they might not, and he that attempted contrarie, was to suffer as a traitor.

9 Item, it was inquired, how he is to be punished, that mooued in the parlement, that the statute wherin Edward, the sonne of king Edward, great grandfather to the king that now is, was indicted in parle∣ment, might be sent for; by inspection of [line 50] which statute, the said new statute or ordi∣nance and commission were conceiued, and deuised in the parlement?

To which question, with one accord, as in all the residue they answered, that as well he that so summoned, as the other, which by force of the same motion, brought the said statute into the parlement house, be as publike offendors and traitors to be [line 60] punished.

10 Item, it was inquired of them, whe∣ther the iudgement giuen in the parle∣ment against Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, were erronious and reuocable, or not?

To which question likewise with one as∣sent they said, that if the same iudgement were now to be giuen, the iustices and ser∣geant aforesaid would not giue the same: bicause it seemed to them, that the said iudgement is reuocable and erronious in euerie part.

In witnesse of the premisses, the iusti∣ces & sergeant aforesaid to these presents haue set their seals, these being witnesses; Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Robert archbishop of Dubline, Iohn bishop of Durham, Thomas bishop of Chester, Iohn bishop of Bangor, Robert duke of Ireland, Michaell erle of Suffolke, Iohn Ripon clearke, and Iohn Blake.

Now beside these iustices and sergeant,* 4.3 there were called at that present vnto Notingham, all other iu∣stices of the realme, and the shiriffes. Also, diuerse of the citie of London, which the king knew would in∣cline to his will, the rather; for that some of them, hauing aforetime confessed treason against the king by them imagined, and obteining pardon for the same, were readie at his commandement, to recom∣pense such fauour, in the accomplishment of whatso∣euer they knew might stand with his pleasure. Here∣vpon, they being impanelled to inquire of certeine treasons that were supposed to be committed by the lords, which in the last parlement had so caused things to passe, contrarie to the kings pleasure,* 4.4 indicted the same lords of manie crimes informed against them, ¶The Londoners indeed were euill reported of in those daies, by some writers, for their vnstablenesse, one while holding on the kings part, and with such as were chéefe in counsell about him; and an other while on the lords side that were of a contrarie faction: ac∣cording as the streame of their affections draue them, and as they were carried awaie perforce by the floud of their variable willes, whereby they were di∣uided into differing passions, as they were assaul∣ted by sundrie and vncerteine desires: which is the nature of the people, as the poet noteth, saieng:

Scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus.

But now, as concerning the cause whie the shi∣riffes were called hither,* 4.5 it was chéeflie to vnder∣stand what power of men they might assure the king of, to serue him against the lords and barons, whome he tooke to be his enimies: and further, that where he meant to call a parlement verie shortlie, they should so vse the matter, that no knight might be chosen, but such as the king and his councell should name. But answer was made herevnto by the shiriffes, that the lords were so highlie beloued of the com∣mons, that it laie not in their powers to assemble any great forces against the lords; and as for choosing the knights of the shires, they said that the com∣mons would vndoubtedlie vse their ancient liber∣ties, and priuileges, in choosing such as they thought meetest. But yet, after that the indictments were found, according to the desire of the king and his councellors, and that those which had béene called a∣bout this matter, were licenced to depart home; the king and the duke of Ireland sent messengers into euerie part of the realme,* 4.6 to reteine men of warre to assist them in the quarell against the lords, if néed were. Manie made answer, that sith they knew the lords to be faithfull and loiall to the king, euen from the bottome of their hearts, and were readie to stu∣die, to deuise, and to doo all things that might tend to his honor, and wealth of the realme; they might not by anie meanes beare armour against them. But a great number of other, that tooke it that they were reteined for a good and necessarie purpose, promised to be readie, whensoeuer it should please the king to send for them.

The lords being in this meane while aduertised of these dooings, were striken with great heauinesse, for that not knowing themselues (as they tooke it) giltie of anie offense, the king should thus seeke their de∣struction. Herewith the duke of Glocester, meaning

to mitigate the kings displeasure, receiued a solemne oth before the bishop of London,* 4.7 and diuerse other lords, protesting by the same oth, that he neuer ima∣gined, nor went about any thing, to the kings hin∣derance, but to his power had alwaies doone what he might to aduance the kings honor, prosperous state and good liking, except onelie that he had giuen no good countenance to the duke of Ireland, whom the king so much loued. And suerlie for that the said duke had dishonored his kinswoman, and the kings [line 10] also, he was firmelie determined to reuenge that in∣iurie vpon him; and herewith he besought the bishop of London to declare what his words were vnto the king.

The bishop comming to the king, made report of the duke of Glocesters protestation, confirmed with his oth, in such wise, as the king began somewhat to be persuaded that it was true. But when the earle of Suffolke perceiued that, fearing least the reconcilia∣tion of the king and the duke his vncle should turne [line 20] to his undooing, he began to speake against the duke, till the bishop bad him hold his peace; and told him, that it nothing became him to speake at all.* 4.8 And when the earle asked why so;

Bicause (said the bishop) thou wast in the last parlement condemned for an euill person, and one not worthie to liue, but onelie it plea∣seth the king to shew thée fauour.

The king offen∣ded with the bishops presumptuous words, com∣m••nded him to depart & get him home to his church, who foorthwith departed, and declared to the duke of [line 30] Glocester what he had heard and séene. Herevpon, the great misliking that had beene afore time be∣twixt the king and the lords, was now more vehe∣mentlie increased, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, the archbishop of Yorke, the lord chiefe iu∣stice Robert Trisilian, and others, still procuring, stirring, and confirming the kings heauie displea∣sure against the lords.

The duke of Glocester considering to what con∣clusion these things tended, came secretlie to confe∣rence [line 40] with the earles of Arundell, Warwike, and Derbie,* 4.9 who were in like danger, if they prouided not more spéedilie for their safetie, wherevpon he dis∣couered to them the perill wherein they all stood in common, so that when they weied what was the most expedient meane to safe gard their liues, they gathered their power togither, determining to talke with the king with their armour vpon their backes, for their more suertie, as well concerning his pre∣tense to bring them to their deaths, as for the fauour [line 50] which he bare to those whom they reputed to be trai∣tors, both to him, and to the whole state of the realme, whereby the same could not auoid spéedie ruine, if re∣medie were not the sooner prouided. The king on the other part tooke aduise, how he might apprehend these lords (whom he tooke to be plaine traitors) ech one a∣part, before they might gather their strengths about them; and first, he sent the earle of Northumberland and others, vnto the castell of Reigate, to take the earle of Arundell, who laie there at that present. But [line 60] howsoeuer it fortuned,* 4.10 the earle of Northumberland came backe, and failed to accomplish that which he had in commandement.

After this, a great number were sent by night, to haue laid hands on him, and to haue brought him to the kings presence; or in case he resisted, to haue slaine him, if by any meanes they might: but he be∣ing warned by a messenger, that came to him from the duke of Glocester, conueied himselfe awaie, and with such bands as he had got togither,* 4.11 rode all that night, so that in the morning hauing passed thirtie miles, not without great trauell, and all speed possi∣ble, he was in the morning aduanced to Haringie parke, where he found the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Warwike, with a great power of men about them. ¶ At the same time the king was about to set forward towards Canturburie, there to performe some vow of pilgrimage, which he had vndertaken to make vnto the shrine of Thomas Becket. But a brute was raised, and a slander (belike) contriued, to bring him in further hatred of his subiects, that he meant to steale ouer into France, vnto the French king hauing promised to deliuer vp into his hands the towne of Calis, with the castell of Guines, and all the fortresses which his predecessors had possessed in those parties, either by right from their ancestors, or by warlike conquest.

Howbeit this his iournie to Canturburie was suddenlie staied, vpon knowledge had of the gathe∣ring togither of the lords in Haringie parke, where∣with the king being sore amazed, called togither such as he trusted, to vnderstand what their opinion was of the matter; and vnderstanding that the purposed intention of the lords, for which they were so assem∣bled, was to this end (as they pretended) to bring him vnto a better trade of life, and more profitable or∣der of gouernement, he was streight striken with no small feare, demanding of them their aduise,* 4.12 what was best for him to doo in such troublesome state of things. Some were of this mind, that it should be best to séeke to appease the lords with faire promises, assuring them, that they should haue their desires. O∣ther thought it better to assemble the kings friends, and ioining them with the Londoners, to go foorth and trie the hazard of battell with the lords. Among them that were of this mind, the archbishop of Yorke was the chiefest. But other that were thought to vn∣derstand more of the world than he did, iudged it not wisedome so to doo, considering that if the king lost the field, then should great harme and dishonor fol∣low; and if the victorie fell to his side, yet could he gaine naught, but lose a great number of his sub∣iects.

This was in Nouember, at what time the king, vp∣on his returning from Canturburie, meant to haue holden a parlement; but through those stirs, neither his iournie to Canturburie, nor the parlement went forward: yet he caused order to be giuen, that no ci∣tizen of London should fell to the duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell, or any other of the lords, any armour, bowes, arrowes, or other munition, or mat∣ter that might tend to the furniture of warre, vpon a great paine. But notwithstanding, the lords went forward with their businesse;* 4.13 and before they approch∣ed the citie of London, they sent to the king the arch∣bishop of Canturburie, the lord Iohn Louell, the lord Cobham, and the lord Iohn Deuereux, requiring to haue deliuered vnto them such as were about him, that were traitors and seducers both of him and the realme, that sought nothing else, but to trouble both poore and rich, and to sow discord and variance betwixt the king and his nobles. And further, they declared that their comming was for the honor and wealth both of the king and realme.

But the king being ruled altogither by the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, and two or three o∣ther, was fullie persuaded that the lords intended to bring him vnder their gouernement, and therfore he was counselled to make the French king his sure friend in all vrgent necessities. And to be assured of him, it was reported, that those councellors aduised him to render vp into the French kings hands the towne of Calis, and all that he had else in possession, on the further side of the sea. Howsoeuer this matter went, truth it is, that the king sent for the maior of London,* 4.14 requiring to know of him how manie able men they thought the citie could make. The maior answered, that he thought verely the citizens might

make in time of need, fiftie thousand men, within an houres respit. Well said the king, then I beseech you go and prooue what will be doone. But when the maior began to attempt the matter, he was answered ge∣nerallie,* 4.15 that they would neuer fight against the kings freends, and defenders of the realme (as indeed they tooke the lords to be) but against the enimies of the king and realme they would alwaies be readie to fight, and shew what resistance they were able. This answer the maior reported to the king. [line 10]

At the same time there was about the king the lord Rafe Basset, who said thus to the king flatlie and plainelie:

Sir, I haue béene, and euer will be your true liege man, and my bodie and goods shall euer be at your graces commandement, in all iustice and trueth.* 4.16

But neuerthelesse, hereof I assure you, that if my hap be to come into the field, I will with∣out faile alwaies follow the true part; and it is not I that will aduenture to haue my head broken for the duke of Irelands pleasure. Likewise, the earle of [line 20] Northumberland, being at that time in the court, spake these words to the king;

Sir, there is no doubt but these lords, who now be in the field, alwaies haue beene your true and faithfull subiects, and yet are, not intending to attempt anie thing against your state, wealth, & honor. Neuerthelesse, they féele themselues sore molested and disquieted, by the wicked deuises of certeine persons about you, that seeke to oppresse them. And verelie without faile, all your realme is sore greeued therewith, both great and small, as well [line 30] lords as commons; and I sée not the contrarie, but they mind to aduenture their liues with the lords that are thus in armes, speciallie in this case, which they reckon to be yours and your realmes. And sir, now yée be in the cheefe place of your realme, and in the place of your coronation, order your selfe now therefore wiselie and like a king. Send to them to come before your presence in some publike place, where they may declare vnto you the intent and pur∣pose of their comming, accompanied with so great a [line 40] number of people into these parts, and I beléeue it verelie, they will shew such reasons that you will hold them excused.

The archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord chan∣cellor bishop of Elie, and other of the bishops also there present, affirmed the earles aduise to be good. And the king considering wiselie the case as it stood, began to be appeased, and accorded to follow their ad∣uise, desiring the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Elie, to aduertise them of his plesure, which [line 50] was, that he willed them to come to him to West∣minster, on sundaie then next following; and so they repairing to the lords, made report to them of the kings mind and purpose.* 4.17 But the duke of Glocester, and the other lords, were so fullie bent in their opini∣on, that they swore all whole togither, that they would neuer giue ouer their enterprise, so long as they had a penie to spend, in maintenance of their cause: and if it chanced anie of them to depart this life, the o∣uerliuers should persist therein, vntill the time that [line 60] they had brought their purpose to some good effect.

And bicause they doubted least the king might stirre the citie of London against them,* 4.18 they deter∣mined first to aduertise the maior and the citie, how their comming was onlie to reforme certeine great enormities, which they set downe in writing, & sent it to the maior and citizens, beseeching them of their fauour and counsell therin. This doone, they determi∣ned yet to kéepe their daie on the sundaie following, to appeare before the kings presence: but this was not got of them, till that the lord chancellor, with di∣uerse other noblemen of good credit, had vndertaken vpon their oths for the kings behalfe,* 4.19 that no fraud nor deceipt, no perill nor euill pretense should be put in practise against the lords, wherby they might come to losse either of life, limme, or goods, or otherwise, through the kings means; but that if he should go a∣bout anie such things, the said lord chancellor, and o∣ther the mediators should forwarne the lords therof.

When therefore the lords were readie, according to couenant, to come vnto Westminster,* 4.20 they were secretlie aduertised, that there was an ambush laid in a place called the Mewes, and so they staied, and came not at the appointed houre. Wherevpon, when the king demanded, how it fortuned that the lords kept not promise, the bishop of Elie lord Chancellor made him this answer;

Bicause saith he, there is an ambush of a thousand armed men or more laid in such a place (and named it) contrarie to couenant, and therefore they neither come nor hold you for faithfull of your word.

The king hearing this, was astonied, and said with an oth, that he knew of no such thing, & withall sent to the shiriffes of London, commanding them to go to the Mewes, and (vpon search made) if they found anie force of men there assembled, to take and kill all such as they could laie hands vpon. But sir Thomas Triuet, and sir Nitholas Brambre, knight, that had in déed assembled such a number of men, when they vnderstood what order the king had giuen therein, they sent their men backe to London.

The lords, after this, receiuing a safe conduct from the king, and perceiuing all to be safe and cleare, came vnto Westminster with a strong power of men about them. The king, when he heard they were come, apparelled himselfe in his kinglie robes, and with his scepter in hand came into the great hall at Westminster.* 4.21 The lords as soone as they had sight of him, made to him their humble obeisance, & went foorth till they came to the nether steps, going vp to the kings seat of state, where they made their second obeisance; & then the king gaue them countenance to come néerer to him, & they so did, kneeling downe before him, & foorthwith he rose from his place, and lo∣uinglie welcomming them, tooke each of them by the hand, and that doone sate him downe againe. Here∣with the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, as mouth to the king, declared vnto these lords in effect as fol∣loweth.

My lords (said he) our souereigne lord the king,* 4.22 hearing that you were assembled in Haringie parke, in other maner than was conuenient, would not foorthwith run vpon you with force to destroie you, as he might easilie haue doone, if he had not wi∣shed your safetie; for no man doubteth, but if his plea∣sure had béene to gather an armie, he might haue had more people than you could haue got to haue ta∣ken part with you against him, and so happilie much bloud might haue béene spilt, which thing certeinlie our souereigne lord the king vtterlie abhorreth: and therefore vsing patience and mildnesse, he hath ra∣ther chosen to talke with you in peaceable wise, that he may vnderstand the cause whie yée haue assembled so great a number of people togither.

The lords for answer héerevnto said,

that they as∣sembled their forces togither,* 4.23 for the profit both of the king and realme, and speciallie to take awaie from him such traitors as remained continuallie about him; to wit, Robert de Ueer duke of Ireland, Alexan∣der Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Michaell de la Poole erle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian that false iustice, and sir Nicholas Brambre that disloiall knight of London; for so they tearmed them all. And to prooue their accusations true, they threw downe their gloues, protesting by their oths to prosecute it by bat∣tell. Naie (saith the king) not so, but in the next parle∣ment, which we doo appoint before hand to begin the morrow after the Purification of our ladie, both they and you appearing, shall receiue (according to law) all that which reason shall appoint. And now to you

my lords I speake,* 4.24 by what meane or by what reason durst you so presumptuouslie take vpon you within this my land to rise thus against me? Did you thinke to feare me with such your presumptuous boldnesse? Haue I not armed men sufficient to haue beaten you downe, compassed about like a sort of deere in a toile?

If I would: trulie in this behalfe I make no more account of you, than of the vilest skullions in my kitchen.

When he had said these words, with much more, he lift vp the duke of Glocester that all this while knée∣led [line 10] afore him, and commanded the residue to rise also. After this,* 4.25 he led them courteouslie to his chamber, where they sate and dranke togither. And finallie it was concluded, that they should all méet togither a∣gaine at the next parlement, and ech one to receiue according to iustice: and in the meane time the king tooke aswell the duke of Glocester, as the duke of Ireland into his protection, so that neither part in the meane time should hurt the other, nor presume to make any gathering of people vntill the time prefix∣ed: [line 20] and so this councell brake vp, and the lords depar∣ted.* 4.26 These things yet were doone in absence of the forenamed persons whom the lords accused, for they durst not appeare in presence of the lords; for if they had béene espied, they had smarted for it, as was thought, without any respect that would haue béene had of the kings presence. And now, for somuch as it should be well knowne through all the citie, that these lords had nothing offended him with their comming, the king caused a proclamation to be made, the te∣nour [line 30] whereof was as followeth.

A proclamation clearing the lords of treason.

RIchard by the grace of God, &c. We will that it be knowne to all our liege people throughout our realme of England, that [line 40] whereas Thomas duke of Glocester, Ri∣chard earle of Arundell, & Thomas earle of Warwike, haue beene defamed of trea∣son by certeine of our councellors: we as it apperteineth, diligentlie searching the ground & cause of this defamation, find no such thing in them, nor any suspicion there∣of: wherfore we declare the same defama∣tion to be false, and vntrue, and doo receiue [line 50] the same duke and earles into our speciall protection. And bicause these accusers shall be notoriouslie knowne, their names are Alexander archbishop of Yorke, sir Robert Ueere duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice, and sir Nicholas Bram∣bre of London knight, who in like case shall remaine till the next parlement, and there shall stand to their answers. But in the [line 60] meane time we likewise take them into our protection, streictlie charging and com∣manding, that no maner of person charge any of the forenamed, either priuilie or a∣pertlie, in word or deed, to hurt them, or cause any hurt to be doone to them, but all quarels & demands against them to be re∣mitted, vntill the next parlement prefixed.

Now to haue all things in more perfect readinesse and remembrance when the estates should be assem∣bled, certeine of the lords were appointed to sit in the meane time, to deuise how they might procéed order∣lie in redresse of such matters, as séemed to require some spéedie reformation: neither did they thinke it good to depart in sunder, for feare to be intrapped through the malicious practise of their aduersaries. Which doubt of theirs seemed afterwards to stand them in stéed of great wisedome. For immediatlie after, their said aduersaries came to the king, and de∣clared how they were dailie in danger of their liues, by reason of the malice which the lords had conceiued against them onelie for the kings sake, and not for a∣ny matter of their owne. And whereas the king had promised that they should appeare at the next parle∣ment, which was at hand, they told him plainelie that they neither durst nor would put their bodies in such manifest danger. The king considering hereof, with∣drew himselfe from the companie of the lords that were assigned to fit at London, to deliberate of mat∣ters that were to be talked of and ordered in the par∣lement; and so that councell was deferred and laid aside: and the kings councellors that stood in danger of their liues through the malice of the lords confede∣rated with the duke of Glocester, got them from the court, and withdrew some into this place and some into that.

Among other the earle of Suffolke fled ouer vnto Calis in secret wise,* 5.1 by the helpe of a knight called sir William Hoo, who holpe to conueie him thither. He had changed his apparell, and shauen his beard, and so disguised, counterfeited himselfe to be a poul∣ter, and to sell certeine foule which he had gotten, by which means he was not knowne, till at length com∣ming to the gates of the castell (wherof his brother sir Edmund dela Poole was capteine) he discouered to him (scarselie knowing who he was, by reason he was so disguised) the whole occasion of his repairing thither, requiring him to keepe his counsell, and that he might remaine with him in priuie maner for a time, till he might heare more how things went in England, from whence he was thus fled, to auoid the bloudie hands of his enimies, that sought his life. His brother doubting what might be laid to his charge if he shuld conceale this matter from the lord William Beauchampe lord deputie of the towne, streightwaies aduertised him thereof, who tooke or∣der that the earle should foorthwith be sent backe a∣gaine into England to the king,* 5.2 who receiued him with small thanks to them that brought him ouer, so that (as some write) his brother being one, was committed to prison for disclosing him. But yet bi∣cause it should not séeme that he imprisoned him for that cause, he was shortlie after set at libertie, and returned againe to his charge at Calis. The earle was also permitted to go whither he would, although the king had vndertaken to present him and others at the next parlement to answer their offenses, as the same might be laid to their charge.

¶ But here it may be doubted by the vncertentie of writers, whether the earle of Suffolke thus fled ouer to Calis, before the iournie at Ratcote bridge, or af∣ter. But whether it chanced either after or before, it is certeine that since the time that the lords had forced the king to promise to exhibit him and others at the next parlement to abide their trials, he durst not o∣penlie remaine in the court, but taking leaue of the king departed from him. Whervpon the king being out of quiet for the absence of him and other his best beloued councellors, whom he so much estéemed, and namelie of the duke of Ireland,* 5.3 and the said earle of Suffolke, he appointed one Thomas Molineux con∣stable of the castell of Chester, a man of high valian∣cie, and great power in the parties of Cheshire and Lancashire, to raise an armie of men, with the assi∣stance of the shiriffe of Cheshire, to whom his com∣mission

of authoritie in that behalfe, vnder the great seale was directed, to the end that they might con∣ueie the duke of Ireland in all safetie vnto the kings presence.

The shiriffe hauing receiued this commission, to∣gither with the foresaid Thomas Molineux raised a power, and such as refused to serue, in respect of such good will as they bare to the lords, he committed to prison, commanding the gailors to kéepe them streict in irons with bread and water till his returne. More∣uer, [line 10] the king sent to sir Rafe Uernon, & sir Richard Ratcliffe, willing them to assist the other. And so thus they set forward with the number of fiue thousand men.* 5.4 When the lords vnderstood that the duke of Ire∣land was marching towards London, with such a power of men, meaning to ioine with the Londo∣ners, and so to make as it had beene an inuincible ar∣mie, they bestirred themselues, and fell in hand to arme their men, and to exhort one another, that now they should not be negligent in their owne defense, [line 20] but make hast for the dispatching of those that craf∣tilie had gone about to conspire their deaths. And so these lords, to wit, the duke of Glocester, the earles of Derbie, Arundell, Warwike, and Notingham, as∣sembled their powers out of all quarters, to incoun∣ter with the duke of Ireland; and when they had got their companies togither, they forelaied all the waies by which he was thought to come.

But the duke of Ireland hauing with him Moli∣neux, Uernon, and Ratcliffe, rode forward in statelie [line 30] and glorious araie, with an armie (as ye haue heard) of fiue thousand men, supposing that none durst come foorth to withstand him. Neuerthelesse when he came to Ratcote bridge, not past foure miles from Cheping Norton (which bridge if he could haue passed, he had béene out of the danger of all enimies) he suddenlie espied where the armie of the lords laie, not far di∣stant from him, readie in the midst of a vallie to a∣bide his comming. Some of the earle of Derbies companie had broken the bridge, & so stopped his pas∣sage. [line 40] He therefore perceiuing his enimies intention, staied, and caused the kings banner to be spred, and began to set a good countenance of the matter, and to exhort his people to shew themselues valiant; and herewith caused the trumpets to sound. But when it appeared that as some were readie to fight in his quarell,* 5.5 so there were other that quite forsooke him, and said flatlie they would not fight against so ma∣nie noble men, in so vniust a cause: he being thereof aduertised, began to wax faint-harted, and to prepare [line 50] himselfe to escape by flight; and declaring no lesse o∣penlie vnto them, said:

Before we come to ioine, I will séeke to withdraw my selfe out of the waie, and saue my selfe if I can; for me they onlie seeke, against you they haue no quarell, so that I being shifted a∣waie, you shall easilie be preserued. Herewith one of the knights said to him; You haue brought vs out of our countrie, you haue procured vs to giue you our promise, you haue caused vs to take this iournie in hand: here therefore are we readie to fight & win the [line 60] victorie with you, if our hap be such; or if fortune will not so fauour vs,* 5.6 we are readie to spend our liues with you.

No said he, ye shall not so doo, and forthwith striking his horsse with spurs, he fled from them for feare which had set wings on his héeles, as one saith:

* 5.7—pedibus timor addidit alas.

Herevpon manie that were with him, cursing this his demeanour, prepared to yeeld themselues to the lords. But Thomas Molineux determined to fight it out, sith the lords were not yet all come togi∣ther to that place, but onelie the earle of Derbie and certeine others. Neuerthelesse, after he had fought a while, and perceiued it would not auaile him to tarie longer, as one despairing of the victorie, betooke him likewise to flight, as the duke of Ireland had led him the waie: and plunging into the riuer, which was at hand, it chanced that sir Thomas Mortimer being present amongst other at the same place, willed him to come out of the water vnto him; for if he would not, he threatened to shoot him through with arrowes in the riuer where he stood.

If I come (said Moli∣neux) will ye saue my life? I will make thée no such promise (said sir Thomas Mortimer) but notwith∣standing, either come vp, or thou shalt presentlie die for it. Well then (said Molineux) if there be no other remedie, suffer me to come vp, and let me trie with hand-blowes, either with you or some other, and so die like a man.

But as he came vp, the knight caught him by the helmet, plucked it off his head, & streight∣waies drawing foorth his dagger,* 5.8 stroke him into the braines, and so dispatched him. This was the end of sir Thomas Molineux, which through his bold and rash aduenture, in a most dangerous and desperat case, he pulled vpon himselfe; and might as well haue auoided as incurred, if the same prouident care of safetie had taken him in the head that mooued the duke of Ireland to take flight for his indemnitie: wherein he séemed to remember that there is no safe attempting of any perilous enterprise without dread of danger: for he that can tell when a thing is to be feared, can tell in like sort when it is to be vnder∣taken; as the wiseman verie sententiouslie saith:

Animus vereri qui scit, scit tutò aggredi.

In the meane time, the duke of Ireland (as ye haue heard) séeking to escape by flight, came to the riuers side; but finding the bridge broken, he galoped till he found an other bridge, where he found a num∣ber of archers readie to stop his passage. When he saw that he was thus inclosed with his enimies on the one side, and the riuer of Thames on the other, he thought to put all in aduenture; and casting awaie his gantlets, and sword (to be the more nimble) gaue his horsse the spurres, and lept into the riuer; but mis∣sing the foord, and not able to land with his horsse on the further side, he forsooke him, and swimming ouer so well as he might, got to the banke, and so escaped. It was now night, and therefore his enimies ha∣uing no knowledge of the countrie, followed him not; but his horsse, helmet, curasses, gantlets, and sword being found, it was thought verelie that he had béene drowned. The next newes heard of him, was that he had passed the seas, and was got into Holland,* 5.9 where he had no great freendlie welcome, by reason that Albert duke of Bauiere, who was lord of that countrie, bare such good will to his coosins of Eng∣land, the dukes of Lancaster, Yorke, and Glocester, that he commanded this duke of Ireland to depart foorth of his countrie, as immediatlie therevpon he did, from thence resorting to the bishoprike of Utreict, and after into other countries, till finallie he ended the course of his life, as after in place conuenient shall appeare.

But now to returne to the armies where we left them. After the duke was fled, and Thomas Moli∣neux slaine (as before ye haue heard) the armie of the lords set vpon the people that were come with the duke of Ireland (as hath béene said) foorth of Ches∣shire, Lancashire, and Wales; and taking them as enimies, spoiled them of their horsse, armor, bowes and arrowes. The knights and esquiers had their ar∣mor and horsses againe to them restored, and were re∣teined with the lords to serue them: but the com∣mons without either armor or weapon were sent home, and had no other harme done vnto them.* 5.10 The duke of Irelands cariage being taken, letters were found in his trunkes or males, which the king had written to him, exhorting him with all spéed to re∣paire vnto London, with what power he might

make, and there he should find him readie to liue and die with him. Such was the conclusion of this battell, which happened néere vnto Burford,* 5.11 fast by Ba∣blake, to the great reioising of manie through the realme, for that the enimies thereof (as they tooke the matter) were thus ouerthrowne. But yet the esca∣ping awaie of the duke of Ireland did somewhat mi∣tigate their ioy, for what was become of him it was vncerteine. After this the duke of Glocester, and the other lords went to Oxford, being sorie that their for∣tune was not to haue taken the duke of Ireland. [line 10]

At the same time, or rather before, the archbishop of Yorke, and the lord chiefe iustice sir Robert Tri∣silian, fearing the indignation of the lords, withdrew out of the waie,* 5.12 and durst not be séene. But now the lords, who after the iournie at Radcote bridge, were come (as ye haue heard) to Oxford; we find that the same time a brute was raised (whether of truth or not,* 5.13 we haue neither to affirme nor denie) how there was a messenger taken being sent from the French [line 20] king with letters, in which was conteined a licence of safe conduct, for the king of England, the duke of Ireland, and others, to come to Bullongue, with a certeine number limited, where they should find the French king come downe thither readie to receiue them, to the end that for a certeine summe of monie, which the French king should giue to the king of England, the towne of Calis, and all the fortresses in those parts, which were in the Englishmens hands, should be deliuered to the Frenchmen; and further [line 30] that the king of England should doo his homage to the French king, for the lands which he held in Gas∣coigne, and so to haue acknowledged himselfe his liege man. The lords (as was reported) hauing got these letters, and taken counsell togither how to pro∣céed in their businesse, to bring the same to good end, remoued from Oxford, and on Christmas euen they came to S. Albons, and there staied that daie and the next.

On saint Stephans daie they tooke their waie to [line 40] London with an armie of fortie thousand men,* 5.14 as some write; & comming into the fields besides Cler∣kenwell, mustered their men, being diuided in thrée seuerall battels verie well appointed with armor and weapon, that it was a beautifull sight to behold them. The king kept his Christmas,* 5.15 not at Westminster, but in the Tower; not douting but there to be defen∣ded what chance soeuer should happen. The lords mis∣trusting the Londoners, lodged them with their peo∣ple in the suburbs. They sent yet two knights, and [line 50] two esquiers, vnto the Maior and Aldermen of the citie, to vnderstand whether they were minded to take part with them, or with the duke of Ireland, and his adherents, traitors (as they tearmed them) both to the king and the realme. The Londoners were now in no small feare and perplexitie, not knowing well what waie was best for them to take, weieng di∣uers perils; as first the kings displeasure, if they ope∣ned their gates vnto the lords; and if they shut them foorth, they feared the indignation and wrath of the [line 60] commons that were come thither with the lords, and were readie to breake downe their wals and gates,* 5.16 if they were neuer so little prouoked. Besides this, they stoode most in doubt, least if the wealthiest citizens should not giue their consent to receiue the lords in∣to the citie, the meaner sort, and such as wished rather to sée some hurlie burlie than to continue in peace, would séeke by force to set open the gates, and make waie for the lords and their people to enter, that they might make hauocke, and spoile whatsoeuer might be found of value in the rich mens houses.

These doubts with all the circumstances being well weied and considered,* 5.17 the Maior Nicholas Ex∣ton, and certeine of the chiefe men in the citie, went foorth to the lords, and offered them to lodge in the ci∣tie at their pleasure, with all things necessarie as they should deuise. The Mai•••• caused also wine, ale, bread, and chéese, to be distributed among the armie, so as ech one had part, which courtesie turned greatlie afterwards to the commoditie of the citie. The lords vpon search made,* 5.18 perceiuing that there was no guile meant by laieng of men in ambushes within the citie to intrappe them, or otherwise, but that all was sure inough and cleare without anie such euill me••ning, they entred the citie and there abode quiet∣lie. Then went the archbishop of Canturburie and o∣thers betwixt the king and the lords to make peace betwixt them. But the king at the first séemed little to estéeme the matter, saieng to the archbishop; Well let them lie here with their great multitude of people hardlie till they haue spent all they haue,* 5.19 and then I trust they will returne poore inough and néedie, and then I doubt not but I shall talke with them; and vse the matter so as iustice maie require.

The lords being informed hereof, were marue∣louslie mooued, and sware that they would not depart till they had spoken with him face to face, and foorth∣with they sent part of their companies to watch the Thames, for feare the king should scape their hands, and then laugh them to scorne. When the king then perceiued himselfe to be inclosed on ech side, he tal∣ked eftsoones with the archbishop and his associats that were messengers betwixt him and the lords, wil∣ling them to declare to the lords that he would be contented to treat with them in reasonable order; wherevpon they required that he should on the mo∣row next insuing come vnto Westminster, where he should vnderstand their demands. When the king heard that, he refused to come vnto Westminster, but willed that they should come to him there in the Tower. The lords sent him word againe,* 5.20 that the Tower was a place to be suspected, for that they might there be surprised by some guilefull practise deuised to intrap them. The king herevnto made answer, that they might send some two hundred men, or so manie as they should thinke good, to make a through search, whether they néeded to feare anie such thing; and this accordinglie was doone: they ha∣uing the keies of the gates and of all the strong chambers, turrets, and places within the Tower sent vnto them.

On the fridaie, the duke of Glocester,* 5.21 the earls of Derbie, and Notingham, came to the king, where he was set in a pauillion richlie arraied;* 5.22 and after their humble salutations done, and some talke had betwixt them,* 5.23 they went at the kings request with him into his chamber, where they recited vnto him the conspi∣racie of their aduersaries, through which they had béen indicted. They also shewed forth the letters which he had sent to the duke of Ireland, to leauie an ar∣mie vnto their destruction. Likewise the letters, which the French king had written to him, contei∣ning a safe conduct for him to come into France, there to confirme things to the diminishing of his honor, to the decaie of his power, & losse of his fame. ¶ During the time of this communication also, the earle of Derbie desired the king to behold the peo∣ple that were assembled in sight before the Tower, for the preseruation of him and his realme: which he did, and maruelling to sée such a goodlie armie and strength, as he declared to them no lesse, the duke of Glocester said vnto him; Sir this is not the tenth part of your willing subiects that haue risen to de∣stroie those false traitors, that haue misled you with their wicked and naughtie counsell.

The king being brought to his wits end, aswell with those things which the lords had charged him with, as otherwise with the sight of that great mul∣titude

of people, seemed greatlie amazed. Wherevp∣on the lords, vnder condition that the next daie he should come to Westminster to heare more of their minds, and to conclude further for the behoofe of the common-wealth of the realme, began to take leaue of him,* 5.24 meaning so to depart: but the king desired them to tarrie all night with him and the quéene. The duke thinking to make all sure, made excuse that he durst not be absent from all those folks, which they had brought with them, for feare that some disorder [line 10] might arise, either in the armie, or in the citie: yet at the kings instance, the earles of Notingham and Derbie taried there all night. The king before his going to bed,* 5.25 was quite turned concerning his de∣termination and promise made to go the next daie to Westminster, through such whispering tales as was put into his eares, by some that were about him, tel∣ling him that it stood neither with his safetie, nor ho∣nour, so lightlie to agree to depart from the tower, vnto such place as the lords had thus appointed him, [line 20] to serue more for their purpose than for suertie of his person.

When the lords therefore vnderstood that he would not keepe promise with them, they were greatlie of∣fended, insomuch as they sent him flat word, that if he would not come (according to promise) they would suerlie choose another king, that would and ought to obeie the faithfull counsell of his lords. The king with this message being touched to the quicke,* 5.26 to satisfie their minds, and to auoid further perill, remooued the [line 30] next morning vnto Westminster, where the lords comming before his presence, after a little other talke, they declared vnto him, that aswell in respect of his owne honour, as the commoditie & wealth of his kingdome, it was behouefull, that such traitors, and most wicked & slanderous persons, as were no∣thing profitable, but hurtfull to him and his louing subiects, should be remooued out of his court; and that other that both could and would serue him more ho∣norablie and faithfullie were placed in their roomes. [line 40] The king, although sore against his mind, when he saw how the lords were bent, and that he wanted power to withstand their pleasures, condescended to doo what they would haue him.

So when he had granted thereto, they iudged that Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Iohn Fourd∣ham bishop of Durham lord tresuror, Thomas Ru∣shoke a frier of the order of the preachers, bishop of Chichester, and confessor to the king, were worthie to be auoided the court. But the archbishop of Yorke, [line 50] and the bishop of Chichester would abide no recko∣nings, but got them out of the waie, and fled, it was not knowne whither.* 5.27 The lords did expell out of the court the lord Zou••h of Haringworth, the lord Bur∣nell, the lord Beaumont, Albrey de Uéer, Baldwin de Bereford, Richard Aderburie, Iohn Worth, Tho∣mas Clifford, and Iohn Louell knights. These were dismissed out of the court, and remooued from the king, but not discharged, for they were constreined to put in suerties to appeare at the next parlement. [line 60] There were also certeine ladies expelled the court,* 5.28 as those that were thought to doo much harme about the K. to wit, the ladie Poinings, wife to Iohn Worth of Mowen, and the ladie Moulinge, with others, which also found suerties to answer at the next parle∣ment, to all such things as might be obiected against them. Moreouer there were arrested and committed to seuerall prisons, sir Simon Burlie, William Elmham, Iohn Beauchampe of Holt steward of the kings house, sir Iohn Salisburie, sir Thomas Triuet, sir Iames Barneis, sir Nicholas Dag∣worth, and sir Nicholas Brambre knights. Also Ri∣chard Clifford, Iohn Lincolne, Richard Mitford the kings chapleins, and Nicholas Sclake deane of the kings chappell, whose word might doo much in the court. There was also apprehended Iohn Blake an apprentise of the law: all which persons were kept in streict ward till the next parlement, in which they were appointed to stand vnto their triall and an∣swers.

Shortlie after, to wit, the morrow after the Puri∣fication of our ladie, the parlement began,* 5.29 the which was named the parlement that wrought woonders. The king would gladlie haue proroged the time of this parlement, if by anie meanes he might.* 5.30 The lords came to the same parlement, with a sufficient armie for their owne safeties.* 5.31 On the first day of this parlement, were arrested as they sat in their places, all the iustices (except sir William Skipworth) as sir Roger Fulthrop, sir Robert Belknap,* 5.32 sir Iohn Carie, sir Iohn Holt, sir William Brooke, and Iohn Alocton the kings sergeant at law, all which were sent to the tower, and there kept in seuerall places. The cause whie they were thus apprehended, was for that, where in the last parlement,* 5.33 diuerse lords were made gouernours of the realme, both by the assent of the same parlement, and also by the aduise and counsell of all the iustices then being, and indentures tripartite thereof made, of the which one part remai∣ned with the king, an other with the lords so chosen to gouerne the realme, and the third part with the iusti∣ces: and yet notwithstanding, the said iustices at a councell holden at Notingham (as yee haue heard before) did go contrarie to that agreement. Wherevp∣on it was now determined, that they should make answer to their dooings.

Moreouer, in the beginning of this parlement,* 5.34 were openlie called Robert Uéer duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, sir Robert Trisilian lord cheefe iustice of England, to answer Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester, Richard earle of A∣rundell, Henrie earle of Derbie, and Thomas earle of Notingham, vpon certeine articles of high trea∣son, which these lords did charge them with. And forso∣much as none of these appeared, it was ordeined by the whole assent of the parlement, that they should be banished for euer, and their lands and goods moouea∣ble and vnmooueable to be forfeit and seized into the kings hands, their lands intailed onelie excepted. Shortlie after was the lord chéefe iustice,* 5.35 Robert Tri∣silian found in an apothecaries house at Westmin∣ster, lurking there, to vnderstand by spies dailie what was doone in the parlement: he was descried by one of his owne men, and so taken and brought to the duke of Glocester, who caused him forthwith the same daie to be had to the tower, and from thence drawne to Tiburne, and there hanged.

On the morrow after, sir Nicholas Brambre, that sometime had beene maior of London, was brought foorth to iudgement and condemned, although he had manie fréends that made sute to saue his life. This man had doone manie oppressions within the citie of London (as was reported.) In his maioraltie, he caused great & monstruous stocks to be made to im∣prison men therein, and also a common axe to strike off the heads of them which should resist his will and pleasure, for he was so highlie in the kings fauour, that he might doo what he would. And the report went, that he had caused eight thousand or more to be indicted, which before had taken part with the lords, intending to haue put them all to death, if God had not shortened his daies. Manie other euill fauoured reports went abroad of him, as that he meant to haue changed the name of London, and to haue na∣med it little Troie, of which citie baptised with that new name, he purposed to be intituled duke. But these were forged rumors deuised and spred abroad

in those daies, as manie other were, partlie by the vaine imagination of the people, and partlie of pur∣pose, to bring those whome the king fauoured further out of the peoples liking.* 5.36 But now touching sir Ni∣cholas Brambre: in the end being thus called to an∣swer his transgressions, he was found giltie, and had iudgement, neither to be hanged, nor drawne, but to be beheaded with his owne are which before he had deuised: seruing him heerein as Phalaris the tyrant sometime serued Perillus, the inuentor of that ex∣quisite [line 10] torment of the brasen bull, wherein the offen∣dor being put (and the counterfet beast by force of fier made glowing hot) hauing his toong first cut out, through extreamitie of paine made a bellowing al∣waies as he cried, as if it had béene the verie noise of a naturall bull. Of which strange torment Perillus himselfe first tasted, suffering death by an engine of his owne deuising, which he thought should haue purchased him a good liuing, whereof the poet saith:

* 5.37V•• Phalaris tauro violentus membra Perilli [line 20] Torruit, infelix imbuit autor opus.

After this, sir Iohn Salisburie, & sir Iames Ber∣neis,* 5.38 both knights and lustie yoong men, were by iudgement of parlement drawne and hanged. Then folowed Iohn Beauchampe of the Holt, lord steward of the kings house, that had serued king Edward the third, and his sonne Lionell duke of Clarence: who likewise by decrée of this parlement was drawne and hanged. Also Iohn Blake esquier, who in an infortunate houre stood against the lords in the coun∣cell [line 30] at Notingham, was now drawne and hanged, and so was one Thomas Uske. Last of all (or as some hold, first of all) was sir Simon Burlie beheaded, al∣though the earle of Derbie did what he could to saue his life, by reason whereof, great dissention rose be∣twixt the said earle, and the duke of Glocester: for the duke being a sore and a right seuere man,* 5.39 might not by any meanes be remooued from his opinion and purpose, if he once resolued vpon any matter. Some spite he bare (as was thought) towards the [line 40] said sir Simon Burlie, both as well for the faithfull fréendship,* 5.40 which was growne betwixt the duke of Ireland, and the said sir Simon, as also for that he looked to haue had such offices and roomes which sir Simon inioied, by the kings gratious fauour and grants thereof to him made, as the Wardenship of the cinque ports, and constableship of the castell of Douer, and the office of high chamberleine.

¶ But now, bicause of all these which were condem∣ned and executed at this parlement, in our common chronicles there is least written; and in Froissard, and [line 50] diuerse priuate pamphlets I haue read most of this sir Simon, I haue thought good to set downe some part of his life, so largelie as this volume may well beare▪ although a great deale more briefe than where I found it. This sir Simon was the son of sir Iohn Burlie knight of the garter, and brought vp in his youth vnder his kinsman doctor Walter Burlie, who (as in the latter end of king Edward the third you haue heard) was one of the chiefe that had charge in [line 60] the bringing vp of the Blacke prince, eldest sonne to the said king Edward. By this occasion he grew in∣to such fauour with the prince, that afterwards the said prince committed vnto him the gouernance of his sonne Richard of Burdeaux, who as he was of a gen••le and courteous nature, began then to conceiue so great loue and liking towards him, that when he came to the crowne and was king, he aduanced him highlie to great honours and promotions, in somuch that at one time & other he was made knight of the gart••r, constable of Douer, lord Wa••den of the cinque ports, lord chamberleine, * 5.41 earle of Hunting∣ton, and also one of the priuie councell to the king.

Neither was there any thing doone concerning the affaires apperteining vnto the state without his counsell, appointment, and direction, wherein he so much fauoured and leaned to the partie of the duke of Ireland, that he was sore enuied, and greatlie ha∣ted of diuerse of the rest of the nobilitie, speciallie of the kings vncle the duke of Glocester, who vpon ma∣lice that he bare to the man, not so much for his owne demeanour, as for his alies, and peraduenture for desire of his roomes, more than of his life, caused him to be accused of diuerse offenses against the crowne, realme, and church; namelie, for that he had (as they surmized against him) spoiled and wasted the kings treasure, and withholden the paie of the souldiers and men of warre, wherevpon he was arrested, called to account, & hauing no clerke allowed him to make vp the same, was found in arrerages 250000 franks. And although for one part thereof he demanded al∣lowance of monie, which be had defraied and laid out in Almaine, and in Boheme, about the kings mar∣riage, and for the residue desired daies of paiment, yet he could obteine neither. Further, he was accused that the duke of Ireland and he had gathered great summes of monie, conueied the same to Douer, and from thence sent it in the night by sea into Ger∣manie.

Lastlie, the archbishop (forsooth) and the moonks of Canturburie charged him that he sought the means to remooue ••he shrine of the archbishop Thomas, o∣therwise called Thomas Becket, from Canturburie vnto Douer, vnder a colour of feare, least the French∣men being assembled in Flanders to inuade Eng∣land, should land in Kent and take Canturburie, and spoile it, where indeed (as they surmized against him) he meant to send it ouer the seas vnto the king of Boheme.* 5.42 Herevpon he was first committed to the tower, and before the king or his other friends could procure his deliuerance, he was without law or iu∣stice, before any of the residue (as some hold) brought foorth and beheaded on the tower hill, by commande∣ment of the duke of Glocester, and other of his facti∣on, quite contrarie to the kings will or knowledge, in somuch that when he vnderstood it, he spake manie sore words against the duke, affirming that he was a wicked man, and worthie to be kept shorter, sith vn∣der a colour of dooing iustice, he went about to de∣stroie euerie good and honest man. The king was al∣so offended with the duke of Yorke, for his brothers presumptuous doings, though the said duke of Yorke being verelie a man of a gentle nature, wished that the state of the common-wealth might haue béene re∣dressed without losse of any mans life, or other cru∣ell dealing: but the duke of Glocester, and diuerse o∣ther of the nobilitie, the lesse that they passed for the kings threatening speach, so much more were they readie to punish all those whom they tooke to be their enimies.* 5.43 In deed the said sir Simon Burlie was thought to beare himselfe more loftie, by reason of the kings fauour, than was requisite, which procured him enuie of them, that could not abide others to be in any condition their equals in authoritie.

It should appeare by Froissard, that he was first of all, in the beginning of these stirs betwixt the king and the lords, committed to the tower, and notwith∣standing all the shift that either the king, or the duke of Ireland, or anie other of his fréends could make for him, by the duke of Glocesters commandement he was cruellie beheaded, so greatlie to the offense of the king, and those that were his trustie councellors, that therevpon the king caused the duke of Ireland the sooner to assemble an armie against the said duke and his complices, therby ••o r••s••raine their presump∣tuous proceedings. But whether he was thus at the first or last executed, to please the king the better, now at this parlement, amongst others that were con∣demned

in the same: his lands were giuen to the king, a great part whereof he afterwards disposed to diuerse men as he thought expedient. But yet in the parlement holden in the one and twentith yeare of this kings reigne, the act of atteindor of the said sir Simon was repealed: and at an other parlement holden in the second yeare of king Henrie the fourth, all his lands which then remained vngranted and vn∣sold, were restored to sir Iohn Burlie knight, sonne and heire of sir Roger Burlie, brother to the said Si∣mon, of whom lineallie is descended Thomas Eins [line 10] esquier, now secretarie to the queenes maiesties councell in the north parts. And thus far touching sir Simon Burlie, of whom manie reports went of his disloiall dealings towards the state, as partlie ye haue heard, but how trulie the lord knoweth. Among other slanderous tales that were spred abroad of him, one was that he consented to the deliuering of Do∣uer castell by the kings appointment to the French∣men for monie. But as this was a thing not like to be true, so (no doubt) manie things that the persons [line 20] aforesaid, which were executed, had béene charged with, at the least by common report among the peo∣ple, were nothing true at all; although happilie the substance of those things, for which they died, might be true in some respect.

Sir William Elmham that was charged also for withdrawing of the soldiers wages, discharged him∣selfe therof, and of all other things that might be laid to his charge.* 5.44 As touching the iustices, they were all condemned to death by the parlement, but such [line 30] meanes was made for them vnto the queene,* 5.45 that she obteined pardon for their liues. But they forfeited their lands and goods, and were appointed to remaine in perpetuall exile, with a certeine portion of monie to them assigned for their dailie sustentation: the names of which iustices so condemned to exile were these, Robert Belknap, Iohn Holt, Iohn Craie, Ro∣ger Fulthorpe, William Burgh, and Iohn Lokton. Finallie, in this parlement was an oth required and [line 40] obteined of the king, that he should stand vnto and a∣bide such rule and order as the lords should take: and this oth was not required onelie of the king,* 5.46 but also of all the inhabitants of the realme. ¶ In these trou∣bles was the realme of England in these daies, and the king brought into that case, that he ruled not, but was ruled by his vncles, and other to them associat.

In the latter end of this eleuenth yeare was the earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie of ships and men of warre.* 5.47 There went with him in [line 50] this iournie, of noble men, the earles of Notingham & Deuonshire, sir Thomas Percie, the lord Clifford, the lord Camois, sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morieux, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir William Shel∣lie, sir Iohn Warwike or Berwike, sir Stephan de Liberie,* 5.48 sir Robert Sere, sir Peter Montherie, sir Lewes Clanbow, sir Thomas Coque or Cooke, sir William Paulie or Paulet, & diuerse others. There were a thousand men of armes, and three thousand ar∣chers. The purpose for which they were sent, was to [line 60] haue aided the duke of Britaine (if he would haue re∣ceiued them) being then eftsoones run into the French kings displeasure, for the imprisoning of the lord Clisson constable of France.

But after that (contrarie to expectation) the duke of Britaine was come to an agréement with the French king,* 5.49 the earle of Arundell drew with his nauie alongst the coasts of Poictou, and Xaintonge, till at length he arriued in the hauen that goeth vp to Rochell, and landed with his men at Marrant, foure leagues from Rochell, and began to pilfer, spoile, and fetch booties abroad in the countrie. The Frenchmen within Rochell issued foorth to skirmish with the Eng∣lishmen, but they were easilie put to flight, and folow∣ed euen to the bariers of the gates of Rochell. ¶ Pe∣rot le Bernois a capteine of Gascoigne, that made warre for the king of England in Limosin, and lay in the fortresse of Galuset, came foorth the same time, and made a roade into Berrie with foure hundred spears. The earle of Arundell,* 5.50 after he had laine at Marrant fiftéene daies, returned to his ships, and fi∣nallie came backe into England, and Perot le Ber∣nois likewise returned to his fortresse. ¶About the same time was a truce taken betwixt the parties English and French on the marches of Aquitaine, to begin the first daie of August, and to indure till the first of Maie next insuing.

¶ In this yeare 1388, in Lent,* 5.51 the Scots entred in∣to the westerne borders, & what with killing as also with burning they did much mischiefe. Moreouer they shewed extreme crueltie against young children and sucklings, against women bigge with child and in trauell, against weake and weerish men and crooked with age, in the countrie of Gildisland, within the lordship of the lord Dacres, gathering them togither into houses, and shutting them vp, and locking the doores, they burned without mercie or pitie to the number (as it was said) of two hundred and aboue.

This yeare in August,* 5.52 the Scots inuaded the coun∣trie of Northumberland, and at Otterburne ouer∣threw a power of Englishmen, which the earle of Northumberland and his sonnes had leauied against them. In this battell the earle Dowglas chiefe of that armie of Scots was slaine, and the lord Henrie Percie, and his brother sir Ralfe, sonnes to the said earle of Northumberland, were taken prisoners, as in the Scotish chronicles ye may read more at large. After the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie,* 5.53 a parle∣ment was holden at Cambridge, in the which di∣uerse statutes were ordeined; as For the limiting of seruants wages; For punishment of vagarant persons; For the inhibiting of certeine persons to weare weapons; For the debarring of vnlawfull games; For maintenance of shooting in the long bow; For remouing of the staple of woolles from Middleburgh vnto Calis; For labourers not to be receiued, but where they are inhabiting, except with licence vnder seale of the hundred where they dwell. There was also an act made, that none should go foorth of the realme, to purchase anie benefice with cure or without cure, except by licence obteined of the king; and if they did contrarie herevnto, they were to be excluded out of the kings protection. There was granted to the king in this parlement, a tenth to be leuied of the clergie, and a fiftéenth of the laitie. More∣ouer, during the time of this parlement,* 5.54 as sir Tho∣mas Triuet was riding towards Barnewell with the king, where the king lodged, by forcing his horsse too much with the spurs, the horsse fell with him so rudelie to the ground, that his entrails within him were so burst and perished, that he died the next daie after. Manie reioised at this mans death, as well for that men iudged him to be excéeding haultie and proud; as also for that he was suspected not to haue dealt iustlie with the bishop of Norwich, in the iour∣nie which the bishop had made into Flanders: but speciallie men had an ill opinion of him, for that he stood with the king against the lords, counselling him in the yeare last past to dispatch them out of the way. ¶ Sir Iohn Holland, the kings brother on the mo∣thers side, that was latelie returned out of Spaine, where he had béene with the duke of Lancaster, was now made earle of Huntington.

¶ In Iulie, whiles the king was at Shéene, [year 1389] there swarmed togither in his court great multitudes of flies and gnats,* 5.55 insomuch that in maner of skirmi∣shing they incountered ech other; and making great slaughters on both sides, were in the end swept a∣waie

from the place where they lay dead,* 5.56 with bru∣shes and béesoms by heaps. This was deemed an vn∣luckie prognosticat of some mischiefe like to fall vpon the necke of the land.

Also in this twelfth yeare, were commissioners ap∣pointed to méet at Balingham,* 5.57 betwixt Calis and Bullongne, to treat a truce to be had betwixt the realmes of England, France and Scotland. Walter Skirlow bishop of Durham, that had béene latelie before remoued from Bath vnto Durham, from [line 10] whence Iohn Fordham had béene translated vnto Elie, was sent as head commissioner for the king of England, and with him were ioined sir Ihon Clan∣bow, and sir Nicholas Dagworsh, knights, and Ri∣chard Rowhale clearke,* 5.58 a doctor of law. By Frois∣sard it appeareth that the earle of Salisburie was one, & sir Thomas Beauchampe lord deputie of Calis ap∣pointed likewise as an assistant with them. The bi∣shop of Baieux, the lord Ualeran earle of S. Poule, sir Guillam de Melin, sir Nicholas Bracque, and sir [line 20] Iohn le Mercier came thither for the French king. And for the king of Scots there appeared the bishop of Aberdeine, sir Iames and sir Dauid Lindsey, and sir Walter Sankler, knights. After long treatie, and much a doo, at length a truce was concluded to begin at Midsummer next, and to last thrée years after.

¶ In this yeare of Grace 1389, in the Lent time, there sprang a pitifull strife in Oxford,* 5.59 the variance in the yeare before being not fullie allaied, but both sides alwaies prouoking ech other. For the Welsh [line 30] scholers being euermore quarelous, and hauing the southerlie scholers taking their parts, rose against the scholers of the north, so that to and fro manie a deadlie mischiefe happened betwéene them. In the end, this strife did so increase, that there was a dai•• of skirmish appointed and agreed vpon by both sides to be tried in the field. But by the meanes of Tho∣mas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester all this sturre was appeased, and manie of the Welsh scholers ba∣nished from the vniuersitie. ¶ On the thursdaie be∣fore [line 40] Easter (being mawndaie thursdaie) the lord Beaumont gardian of Carleill in the west marches entred Scotland fortie leagues, & spoiling Fowike, made wast at his pleasure, and brought awaie with him manie Scots prisoners & captiues. ¶ About this time a truce of thrée years was taken betwéene king Richard,* 5.60 the kings of France, Scotland, Spaine, Portingale, and of Nauarre. This truce began on the first daie of August in the néerer parts of the realme both by sea and land; and on the fiftéenth of [line 50] August in the further parts, because knowledge could not be giuen thereof without some long time.

* 5.61Whilest the commissioners were occupied in the marches betwixt Calis and Bullongne about this truce, the Scots entring into Northumberland, did much mischiefe, leading awaie manie prisoners, men and women, besides other great booties and preies which they got abroad in the countrie. The lord Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham was sent with fiue hundred spears to reuenge those attempts [line 60] of the enimies: but for that his power was small in comparison to theirs, he preuailed litle or nothing a∣gainst them. Sir Iohn Clanbow, and sir Richard Rouale clerke, tooke the French kings oth; and the earle of saint Paule that had maried the ladie Maud Courtnie with other noblemen, came into Eng∣land, and receiued the kings oth here for the confir∣ming of this last mentioned truce.* 5.62 The Scots might not without much adoo be persuaded to accept this truce, being readie the same time with an armie to enter into England, but yet through the diligence of such Frenchmen as went thither for that purpose, at length they agreed.

This yeare the king by counsell of some that were about him, called the nobles and great men of the realme togither, and as they were set in the councell chamber staieng till he came: at length he entring into the same chamber, and taking his place to sit a∣mong them, demanded of them,* 5.63 of what age he was now? Whereto answer was made, that he was full twentie years old. Then (said he) I am of years suffi∣cient to gouerne mine owne house and familie, and also my kingdome: for it séemeth aginst reason that the state of the meanest person within my kingdome should be better than mine. Euerie heire that is once come to the age of twentie years, is permitted, if his father be not liuing, to order his businesse himselfe: then that thing which is permitted to euerie other person of meane degrée by law, why is the same de∣nied vnto me? These words vttered he with the cou∣rage of a prince, not without the instigation and set∣ting on of such as were about him, whose drift was by discountenancing others to procure preferment to themselues, abusing the kings tender years and gréene wit, with ill counsell for their aduantage: where as it had béene more méete to haue giuen him those precepts which Claudianus hath in his tract of the institution of a prince; and among others this:

Non tibi quid liceat,* 5.64 sed quid fecisse decebit Occurrat, mentém{que} domet respectus honesti.

When the barons had hard the words of the king, being therewith astonied, they made answer, that there should be no right abridged from him, but that he might take vpon him the gouernment as of rea∣son was due. Well said he, yée know that I haue beene a long time ruled by tutors, so as it hath not béene lawfull to me to doo anie thing, were it of neuer so small importance, without their consents. Now therefore I will, that they meddle no further with matters perteining to my gouernment,* 5.65 & after the maner of an heire come to lawfull age, I will call to my councell such as pleaseth me, and I will deale in mine owne businesse my selfe. And therfore I will first that the chancellor resigne to me his seale. When the archbishop of Yorke (who in the yeare last past ha•• béene remooued from Elie vnto Yorke, and Alexander Neuill displaced) had deliuered vnto him the seale, the king receiuing it of him, put it in his bosome, and suddenlie rising, departed foorth of the chamber, & after a little while returning, sat downe againe, and deliuered the seale to the bishop of Win∣chester, William Wickham,* 5.66 and so made him chan∣cellor, although sore against the same bishops will. He made also manie other new officers, remoouing the old, and vsed in all things his owne discretion and authoritie. The duke of Glocester, the earle of War∣wike, & other honorable and worthie men, were dis∣charged and put from the councell, and others placed in their roomes, such as pleased the king to appoint. At the same time he made fiue new iustices.

¶Of this assuming the regiment to himselfe,* 5.67 as di∣uerse diuerslie report: so Henrie Knighton a man li∣uing in those daies, and committing to writing the occurrents of that tumultuous time, saith as follow∣eth. In the moneth of Maie, the king held a councell at Westminster, and in the feast of the Inuention of the crosse, comming personallie to the councell house he remooued all the great officers (contrarie to expec∣tation and thinking) from their offices, and at his pleasure placed in their roomes whome he list. He re∣mooued the archbishop of Yorke lord chancellor, and put in his place the bishop of Winchester: he remoo∣ued the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and put an∣other in his place: he remooued the clearke of the priuie seale, and all other: so likewise did he the iusti∣ces of either bench. But least the affaires of the realme should in the meane while be hindered, he commanded the iustices of law to follow and prose∣cute

things requisite as they were woont, till such time as he was better aduised touching the proui∣ding of other iustices. The erle of Arundell likewise, vnto whome the gouernment of the parlement was committed, and the admeraltie of the sea, was remoo∣ued; and the earle of Huntington put in his roome. In like sort dealt the king with the residue of his offi∣cers, saieng that he ought not to be inferior in degree & of lesse account than an other ordinarie heire what∣soeuer within the realme of England; sith the law [line 10] and custome of the realme of England auerreth, that euerie heire being in the gardianship of anie lord, when he is growne to be one and twentie yeares of age, ought presentlie to inioy the inheritance left him by his father, and is lawfullie to possesse his pa∣trimonie, and freelie to dispose and order his owne goods and chattels to his liking. But now it is come to passe, that I thus manie yeares haue liued vnder your counsell and gouernement; and now first to God, secondlie to you, I giue manifold thanks, that [line 20] you haue gouerned and supported me, mine inheri∣tance, and my realme of England, as well within as without, & speciallie against our enimies round about vs, all renowme of honour and praise to vs and our kingdome alwaies safelie reserued. But now God hath so dealt for vs, that we are of full age, so that we are two and twentie yeares old at this present: and we require that we may fréelie and at libertie from this time forward rule and gouerne both our selues and our inheritance; and we will [line 30] haue our kingdome in our owne hands, and officers and seruitors of our owne appointing at our plea∣sure; secondlie, as shall seeme to vs more auaileable, by Gods grace, to elect, choose, and preferre vnto offi∣ces such as we doo well like of, and at our pleasure to remooue such as be presentlie resiant, and in their roomes to substitute and set others wheresoeuer and whomsoeuer we list. The king hauing thus spoken, there was not one that went about to breake him of his will, but they all glorified God, who had proui∣ded [line 40] them such a king, as was likelie to prooue discreet and wise.

* 5.68In this season, the followers of Wickliffes doc∣trine maruellouslie increased, speciallie in the dio∣cesse of Sarum, where they had manie that tooke vp∣on them as ministers, both to preach the word, and to dispense the sacraments. This they did in secret: but they were discouered by one that had beene of their fellowship, who declared to the bishop of Salisburie at his man or of Sonning, all the whole circumstan∣ces [line 50] thereof, as he knew. There were of them that preached in those daies earnestlie against pilgrima∣ges, calling such images as the people had in most veneration, as that at Walsingham, and the rood of the north doore at Paules in London, rotten stocks, and worme eaten blocks, through which the vnskil∣full people being mocked and deceiued, were com∣pelled most manifestlie to commit idolatrie. The bi∣shops (saith Thomas Walsingham) hearing, behol∣ding, and knowing these things with much more, to [line 60] be true, did little or nothing to redresse the same, saue onlie the bishop of Norwich who stirred coles, swea∣ring and staring, that if anie of that sect presumed to preach anie peruerse doctrine within his diocesse, he would cause them either to hop headlesse, or to frie a fagot for it: he was therefore not a little praised and extolled by the moonks and other religious men (as should appeare) for that his zeale.

* 5.69In Nouember, the duke of Lancaster came foorth of Gascoigne into England, after he had remained first in Spaine, and after in Gascoigne, thrée yeares togither. Of his successe in Spaine is spoken before, & likewise of the agréement betwixt the king of Ca∣st••le, & the said duke, which was not in all points con∣firmed, till a little before his returne now into Eng∣land.* 5.70 About the same time the king had called a coun∣cell of his nobilitie at Reading, to the which the duke of Lancaster made the more hast to come, bicause he knew that the king would shew no good countenance to some of the noblemen; and therefore he doubted least malicious offenses might arise betwixt them, which to appease he meant the best he could, and his trauell came to good effect: for he did so much, that as well the king as the lords departed from the councell as freends, the lords taking their leaues of him in lo∣uing maner, and he courteouslie bidding them fare∣well: and so each of them resorted vnto their homes well pleased for that present. ¶ The king held his Christmasse this yéere at Woodstoke, and the duke of Lancaster laie at his castell of Hertford.

At the same time the lord Iohn de Hastings earle of Penbroke, as he was practising to learne to iust, [year 1390] through mishap was striken about the priuie parts,* 5.71 by a knight called sir Iohn S. Iohn, that ran against him, so as his inner parts being perished, death pre∣sentlie followed. The losse of this earle was greatlie bemoned by men of all degrees, for he was liberall, gentle, humble, and courteous to each one, aboue all the other yoong lords in the land of his time. Of this earles ancestors this is reported for a thing strange and maruelous, that from the daies of Aimer de Ua∣lence earle of Penbroke, that was one amongst o∣ther that sat in iudgement of Thomas earle of Lan∣caster, there was not anie earle of Penbroke succée∣ding the same Aimer de Ualence, vnto the daies of this yoong earle by misfortune thus slaine, that euer saw his father, nor yet anie of their fathers might reioise in the sight of anie of their sonnes, being still called hence, before the time came for them so to doo.

¶Now héere, bicause this Iohn Hastings, being the last of that surname and armes of the whole blood,* 5.72 which of that line inioied anie title of honor, I thinke it not vnfit for this place (since other occasion will not be giuen therefore) to talke of the Hastings som∣what higher than this man: though not from the shell to perpetuate the memorie of them, the which I haue now doone, least otherwise by ingrate obliuion it might neuer hereafter come to light. In which I will not begin from the first honourable Hastings, whose bloud by manie descents continued, is thought by most ancient monuments, which I haue séene and read, to haue béene a baron before the con∣quest in this land, and to haue borne the same cote in the field, which this now slaine earle of Penbroke did: whereof hereafter in my descriptions and lines of the earles of Penbroke I will make more ample discourse in a new booke (if God giue good successe therein) onelie at this time making some small repe∣tition from that Henrie Hastings, from whome the Hastings (in respect of the mariage of Alda daugh∣ter to Dauie earle of Huntington, brother to Wil∣liam king of Scots) did descend: who (amongst o∣thers) in the reigne of Edward the first, made title to the kingdome of Scotland. The originall of which name in this treatise I will neither flatteringlie de∣fend, nor obstinatlie reiect, to haue growne from Ha∣stings the Dane, who in the reigne of Alured (long before the conquest, about the yeare of our redempti∣on 890) came with Rollo into England, and for a cer∣teine space infes••ed this nation, departing aside to France. And now to the purpose.

Henrie lord Hastings (who bare for his armes gold a manche gules) married Alda (or Ada) the fourth daughter of Dauid earle of Huntington, she being one of the heires to Iohn Scot earle of Chester, & of Huntington (which died without issue) son of the said Dauid, and brother to the said Ada. To this Henrie

and Ada did Henrie the third king of England, in the two & twentith of his reigne (in place of the portion of hir brothers lands, which should haue descended to hir as parcell of the earledome of Chester, for that the king would not haue the said earledome diuided a∣mongst distaues) giue in exchange certeine lands mentioned in this déed following.

The grant of Henrie the third, to Hen∣rie Hastings and Ada his wife, for the ex∣change of lands for hir part of the [line 10] earledome.

OMnibus, ad quos, &c: salutem. Sciatis quòd concessimus pro nobis & haeredi∣bus nostris, Henrico de Hastings, & Adae vxorieius, pro rationabili parte sua, qùae praedictam Adam contingent, de hae∣reditate Iohannis quondam comitis Cestriae fra∣tris ipsius Adae in Cestershire, faciēdo eis rationabi∣le excambium, ad valentiam praedictae partis ip∣sam [line 20] Adam contingentis de praedicto com. Cester∣shire. Et ad maiorem securitatem cōcessimus eidem Henrico & Adae manerium nostrum de Bremes∣graue cum pertinentibus in comitatu Wigorniae, manerium nostrum de Bolisoure cum castris & pertinentibus in com. Derby, manerium no∣strum de Mountesfeld cum Soka cū pertinentibus in comitatu Notingham, manerium de Wors∣feld cum pertinentibus in com. Salop. manerium [line 30] de Stratton cum pertinentibus in eodem com.* 6.1 ma∣nerium de Wiggutton cum pertinent. in com. Staf∣ford, & maneriū de Woluerhamton cūpert. in eodē com. in tenentiam. Tenendum eisdem Henrico & Adae & haeredibus ipsius Adae, quo vs{que} praedicta pars ipsam Adam contingens & de praedicta haere∣ditate extenta fuerit, & rationabile excambium in praedictis terris vel alias eis assignauerimus. In cuius, &c. Teste rege apud Ditton 11. Innij, anno [line 40] regni nostri 22.

The which manours the said Henrie and Ada did hold during the life of the said Ada, in peaceable and quiet possession. After hir death the said Henrie goeth into Gascoigne, where he remained stew∣ard vntill the comming of Henrie the third, at what time the said Henrie surrendered his office, but the king importunate with him still to reteine the same, he flatlie denied it, and would no longer remaine there, suddenlie returning into England without li∣cence [line 50] or knowledge of the king, for which contempt the king greeuouslie incensed, in reuenge and for sa∣tisfaction of the same, made the same lands to be ex∣tended by Thomas Paslew and others, who by the kings processe extended part thereof to a ••reble va∣lue, after which extent returned into the chancerie, the king seized the manour of Bremesgraue, Bole∣soure, Strattondale in Norton, & left in his hands the manours of Lierton, Oswardbecke, Cundoner, Wourfeld, and Wigutton, whereof the said Henrie [line 60] died seized. Two yeares before which grant of the lands before said to this Henrie, to wit, in the twen∣tith yeare of Henrie the third, the said Henrie Ha∣stings made his petition to serue in the pantrée (as he was bound by tenure) at the coronation of eue∣rie prince, the record whereof in the ancient written booke of the earls of Huntington, is in these words following.

The record by which Henrie Hastings executed the office of the panteller.

VIcesimo Henr. tertij quo coronata fuit regina Elionara filia Hugonis comitis Prouinciae a∣pud Westm. factae sunt contentiones magnae de ser∣uitijs ministralibus, & de iuribus pertinentibus ad eorum ministeria, sed respectuatur, iuribus sin∣gulis saluis, vt tumultus requiesceret vs{que} ad quin∣dena Paschae sequētis, &c. Et Henricus de Hastin∣ges, cuius officium seruiendi de mappis à veteri vendicauit officiū illud, & habuit. Nam quamuis Thurstanus vendicauit officium illud, asserens suum esse debere à veteri, tamen rex repulsat, & admisit Henricum de Hastinges, ea die assignans eisdem diem de contentione finienda ad praedictum terminum. Extractas verò post prandium map∣pas tanquam suas ad officium pertinentes recepit.

This Henrie had by Ada his wife, his sonne & heire Henrie Hastings, from whome Buchanan dooth saie that Henrie Hastings now earle of Penbroke is descended, whereof I will not now heere dispute.

Henrie Hastings knight, sonne of Henrie, after the death of his father, finding himselfe greeued that the inheritance, which should haue descended vnto him from his mother, was so withholden from him for the offense of his father, contrarie to law and iu∣stice, and without iudgement, but by the kings pow∣er, pursued a bill against the king, therby to haue re∣medie and restitution, for the supposed false returne of the extent which was made against his father; and vpon the same bill, this Henrie Hastings obteined a new writ to make a fresh extent directed to maister Thomas of Wimundham, Robert de la Laie, Ro∣bert de Solham, Hugh Peeche, & Thomas de Braie, to vnderstand if the remnant of the lands to him des∣cended, beside that by the king extended, would coun∣teruaile the value of such lands as he should haue by descent from and of the earle and earledome of Che∣ster, which ma••ter neuer being ended in his time, was afterward prosecuted of the Hastings from par∣lement to parlement, vntill the thirtie fourth yeare of Edward the first, as more plainelie shall after ap∣peare▪ Of this Henrie, Hollingshed intreateth much in the reigne of Henrie the third: this man (being he that in the time of Edward the first, made title to the crowne of Scotland) maried Ione one of the daugh∣ters of William Cantulpe lord of Aburgauenie, in the right of Eua, one of the daughters and heires of William Bewsa or Brewcusa, for I find both writ∣ten, of which Ione this Henrie had issue Iohn Ha∣stings his sonne and heire, Edmund which maried Isabell, & had great possessions in Wales: Ada first maried to Robert de Champane: Lora maried to sir Thomas the sonne of sir Iohn de Latimer, and Ione which was a nun at Notingham.

Iohn Hastings knight, sonne of the last Henrie, was borne at Asleghe, in the yéere of our Lord 1262, and in the six & fortith yeare of the reigne of Henrie the third. This man after his fathers death did (in the yeare of our Lord 1274, and the second yeare of the reigne of Edward the first, being the kings ward) demand the execution of his office of the pantrie, at the coronation of queene Elianor wife to Edward the first, but could not execute the same by reason of his nonage, and also for that he was in ward to the said king. After, when he was growne to full yeares, there arose in the yeare of our Lord 1305, and in the thirtie third yeare of the reigne of Edward the first, great contention betweene Anto∣nie Beake bishop of Durham, this Iohn Hastings, Iohn Balioll, and Robert Bruse, for the manors of Penrith, Castlesoure, Salgkill regis, Lange Worth∣bie, Carlaton, and of Werkine Tinehale, whereof Henrie king of Scots (kinsman of the said Robert Bruse, Iohn Balioll, and Iohn Hastings, whose heire they were) died seized in his demesne of fee. In

which sutes after manie delaies made, and manie summons against the said bishop, the plée went with∣out daie, bicause the bishop must go to Rome. But after his returne the sute being reuiued and continu∣ed, it went once more without daie, bicause the king seized the same into his hands, and held it all the time of his reigne. These things thus doone, and Edward the first departed, this Iohn Hastings as yet not ha∣stie to renew his sute of the land, but rather to exe∣cute his right of the pantrie, did in the first yeare of Edward the second, demand the executing of that of∣fice, [line 10] at the coronation of the said Edward the second and Isabell his wife at Westminster, which he ob∣teined, and laid the clothes and napkins in the great hall by him and other his knights, one the tables whereat the king, the quéene, and other great states should dine, which (according as I haue seene noted) was in this sort.

The order and number of clothes laied [line 20] at the kings table, and how Iohn Hastings had them for his fee.

AD altam sedem ipsius regis tres map∣pas, & super alias mensas in eadem aula 28 mappas, vnde quaelibet pecia continebat 4, & in parua aula coram regina, & alibi in illa parua aula 14, quarū quaelibet pecia continebat 3. Et dum fuerūt ad comestum, mappas per se & suos custodiebat, & [line 30] post comestum illas trahebat, & deferre faciebat seruientes ad seruiendum, & istas cum suis loquelis ••abebat sine voluntate vel cum voluntate, & eas de••inebat per totum festum coronationis, licèt pe∣titae erant deliberatione, primò à senescallo regis, postea ab ipso rege, per quod idem rex praecepit do∣mino Willielmo Martin, & alijs senescallis suis, quòd plenam & celerem iusticiam ei facerent, & deliberationem de mappis praedictis si fuerit faci∣endum. [line 40] Qui inde postea nihil facere voluerunt, aut non curauerunt toto festo coronationis prae∣dictae, nec postea in congregationibus. Per quod po∣stea dominus Iohannes de Hastings f••cit petitiones suas domino regi, & concilio suo, quòd feodum su∣um mapparum praedictarum ei deliberaretur, pro vt ei de iure fuerit deliberandum. Et quòd fecit seru••tium suum debito modo, prout antecessor su∣us fecit longo tempore Henrici regis, quando ha∣buit feodum suum, tempore quādo desponsauit Eli∣onaram [line 50] filiam comitis Prouinciae, tanquam perti∣nens ad manerium suum de Asheley in comitatu North. pro vt patet in Memorandum ipsius regis in camero suo de scaccario diuersis locis in istis verbis.

* Williame de Hastinges tient demye fee de chiualer in Asheley du roy a fayre le seruice per seriante deestree pane∣tre le roye, which is found in the fourth leafe of Che∣ster beginning, Le counte Roger le Bigot, in the title of ••schetes of seriantie in the countie of Northfolke. [line 60] Touching which it is thus further found in the same place. * Henrie de Hastings tient en Asheley du roye per s••••giante de la panetre, fo. Syesme. * Henrie de Hastings tient vn seriante de la panetre le roy en Asheley, & vaut•• per an. ••. sol. fol. 9. * Williame de Hastings tient vn fee de chiualer en Asheley sertante deestree despenser en le de∣spons. le roy. fo. 4. * Henrie de Hastings tient vn terr en la ville de Asheley per le seruice deestree le despens••••.

Which petitions and all other petitions for his part of his land in the kings hands, by the censure made in the time of Henrie the 3, the said Iohn Hastings lord of Aburgauennie did pursue from parlement to ••arlement, vntill the parlement holden at Yorke a••ter Michaelmas, where supplication was made to the king, by him and others, that he might remaine with the king in Gascoigne, as his steward or mar∣shall: which if he would performe, all his forsaid pe∣titions and all other petitions which were reasonable, should be granted vnto him. By occasion whereof he granted vnto the kings and the nobles request: so that the king would find him pledges due therefore, and that he might obteine iustice in his inheritances, and those his lawfull sutes, which had beene hitherto denied vnto him, which thing the king faithfullie pro∣mised in euerie respect to be performed towards him: wherevpon he sailed into Gascoigne, in the yeare of Christ 1302, being the 31 of Edward the firs••, the wednesdaie after the feast of S. Lucie. But for this faire shew, it séemeth he sped neuer the better: for which cause not being restored in the 34 yeare of Ed∣ward the first, he pursued his sute afresh, and had from the king at Yorke this definitiue sentence, deli∣uered by the mouth of Walter Langhton, then the kings treasuror (as I find by such notes as I haue séene) that he should séeke the records of the chance∣rie, and bring them to the next parlement, which the said Iohn did. At what time he brought foorth the for∣mer grant of Henrie the third, of the said lands gi∣uen in recompense of his part of the earledome of Chester. After which yet it was agréed by the king and his councell for diuerse considerations (and most∣lie (as I suppose) because he had refused to serue in Gascoigne, and onelie went as it were inforced) not∣withstanding all that the said Iohn could alledge▪ that he should take nothing for his petition, but fur∣ther to be in the kings mercie for his false claime: the whole processe whereof I haue seene in an ancient written monument of French. All which (as I ga∣ther) was done in the life of Edward the first (not∣withstanding that I haue a little vnorderlie before treated of the executing of his office of the pantrie at the coronation of Edward the second, sonne to Edward the first) as may be confirmed by Piers Longtoft in these verses:

Et pour peril escheuer toutz apres promist Ke Iean de Hastin cheualier e lit Emerie de la Bret barone ne pas petit Alan•• in Gascoigne touz sans contredit Pour la terme attendue del trevis auant dit.

This Iohn married two wiues both called Isabell, whereof the first was Isabell de Ualence, one of the daughters and heirs of William Ualence earle of Penbroke & lord of Aburgauennie, but how the said Wil. Ualence came to the honor of Aburgauennie, since William Cantelupe before named was once lord thereof, and much about that time, I can not yet certeinlie learne. But yet I following good authori∣tie haue set downe this Ualence to be lord of Abur∣gauennie,* 8.1 & that he gaue the same to one Iohn Ha∣stings, which must néeds be this man, marieng his daughter. The other wife of this Iohn Hastings, was Isabell the daughter of Hugh Spenser earle of Winchester. By his first wife he had six children, to wit, Iohn Hastings his heire, William Hastings that maried Elianor the daughter of sir William Martin, which died without heires; Henrie Hastings that was a clerke, and Elizabeth Hastings maried to Roger Greie lord of Ruthine sonne of sir Iohn Greie, of whom is descended Henrie earle of Kent now liuing. Ione maried to Edmund Mortimer, by whom she had no issue, being after maried to Wil∣liam de Huntingfield, by whom she had Roger de Huntingfield: and Margaret Hastings maried to William the sonne of William Martin lord of Keminies' By Isabell Spenser his second wife▪ he had thrée children, to wit, Hugh Hastings lord of

Folliot, of whom shall be more intreated, when we come to the last Iohn Hastings erle of Penbroke slaine at tilt, as before. Thomas Hastings, and Pe∣lagia de Huntington. His first wife Isabell Ua∣lence died 1305, being the 31 of Edward the first, and was buried at the frier minors in Couentrie. His second wife ouerliuing hir husband, was after maried to sir Rafe Monthermer, for which mariage the said Rafe was fined by Edward the second at a thousand marks, as appeareth in the rols of the chan∣cerie [line 10] of 13 of Edward the second: she died the 9 of Edward the third, & was buried in the frier minors of Salisburie. This Iohn Hastings departed this life 1313, the sixt yeare of the reigne of Edward the second.

Iohn Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, was borne in the fiftéenth yeare of Edward the first, in the yeare of Christ 1287. For at the death of his father, which happened (as before) in the sixt yeare of Edward the second, he was found to be of the age of [line 20] six & twentie years, which if it be added to the yeare of our Lord 1287, make vp the full number of 1313, in which his father died. This man in the eight yeare of Edward the second at the parlement holden at Lon∣don in the Carmelite friers, b••ing about the yeare from the birth of Christ 1314, renewing the sute to the king (after the death of Antonie Beke bishop of Durham, which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1••10) for the lands, whereof his father had the said bishop in sute, and which were after seized into the [line 30] kings hands, as before appeareth, in the life of his father. It was then found vpon search, that sir Iohn Ballioll (who was partie to the said sute before) had the realme of Scotland by award: by reason of cer∣teine lands that he gaue to sir Antonie de Beke the bishop of Durham: for which cause it séemed king Edward the first seized the same lands into his hands as forfeit to him, in that they were after the maner of a bribe giuen to the said bishop, to support the sute of the said Iohn Balioll for the obteining of the [line 40] crowne of Scotland. And for that cause this Iohn Hastings was counselled by such as willed him well, that he should surceasse his sute, and so he did. This Iohn Hastings maried Iulian the daughter of Thomas lord Leiburne the sonne of William lord Leiburne, and had by hir Laurence de Hastings: af∣ter which this Iohn Hastings died in the eightéenth yeare of Edward the second, and in the yeare of our Lord 1325. His wife Iulian liued manie yeers after, and surrendred hir life in the fortie one yeare of Ed∣ward [line 50] the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1366.

Laurence Hastings lord Hastings and Aburga∣uennie, was also afterward earle of Penbroke, he was borne about the thirtéenth yeare of Edward the second, being also about the yeare of our redemption 1320: which is proued by this, that the said Laurence was fiue yeares old at the death of his father, which (as before is said) happened in the yeare 1325, and in the eightéenth of Edward the second, at what time he was seized as the kings ward, and committed to [line 60] the gouernement of tutors, appointed him by the said Edward the second. This Laurence Hastings for the nobilitie of his race, the actiuitie of him selfe, the largenesse of his possessions, and his familiaritie with the king, was created earle of Penbroke, a∣bout the one and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third. He maried Anne or Agnes the third daughter of sir Roger Mortimer the first earle of March, by whom he had issue Iohn Hastings.

Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgauennie and Weifford in Ireland, the sonne of Laurence Hastings the first earle of Penbroke of that name, did in the fortie one yeare of Edward the third, being about the yeare of our Lord 1369, infeoffe diuerse persons of the manor of Lidgate in Suffolke, of which towne was Iohn Lidgate the monke of Berie and famous poet of England sur∣named. After which in the fortie six yeare of Edward the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1371, when the Frenchmen besieged Rochell, he was sent with an armie of men to the rescue of the same. But being set vpon by the Spanish nauie in the hauen of Ro∣chell, they slue and tooke manie of the English, burnt their nauie, and caried the earle with sundrie other prisoners into Spaine; where this earle a long time remained prisoner. Which misfortune was iustlie supposed to haue fallen vpon him, because he was a man of euill life, giuen greatlie to lecherie, an infrin∣ger of the liberties of the church, and a persuader of the king that he should (for his warres) more grie∣uouslie exact manie subsidies and contributions vpon the clergie than vpon the laitie. After that he had béene long prisoner in Spaine (by the space almost of thrée yeares) he was ransomed for a grreat summe of monie, by Bertram Cleikine, and died (as I con∣iecture by some sufficient proofe) betwéene Paris and Calis, as he came into England, in the fortie ninth yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374: so that he neuer fullie paied his ransome. He had two wiues, Margaret the daughter of Edward the third, & Anne the daughter of sir Walter Mannie and of Margaret Segraue made dutchesse of North∣folke in the time of Richard the second: but when he maried these wiues, I can not certeinlie find. And in the earle of Kents booke (which treateth of the contention of the Hastings and the Greies, for bea∣ring of the armes of Hastings) there is no mention made (as farre as my memorie serueth) of the said Margaret; the reason whereof I suppose to be, for that this Iohn Hastings had no issue by hir: and that booke onelie serued to conueie a lineall descent from the Hastings to intitle the Greies. This Iohn Ha∣stings had by his second wife (Anne) a sonne called Iohn Hastings, which after succéeded his father in all his inheritances.

But before I saie anie more of the Hastings, I thinke it not amisse to giue some warning of an error in Polydor of Vrbin, writing that Anne the coun∣tesse of Penbroke (wife to this man, for none of the earles of Penbrokes had anie wife so named with∣in the compasse of years wherein Polydor appointeth this time) descended of a noble house of S. Paule in France, a woman of great vertue, and a louer of learning and of learned men, founded a house in Cambridge, to this daie called Penbroke hall: which in truth was not builded by hir, but by Marie the wife of Odomare or Aimer de Ualence earle of Penbroke, who was slaine at tilt in the one & twentie yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374: which was thirtie seauen yeares before the death of this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke: which Marie was in verie déede the daughter of Guie earle of S. Paule, the kinswoman of Edward the third, and a French woman. This woman being in one daie (& that the daie of hir mariage) a maid, a wife, & a widow (hir husband being that day slaine at tilt) did in hir widowhood (in the one & twentith yeare of Edward the 3, in the yeare of our Lord 1374) erect that house in Cambridge vpon hir owne ground, and appointed the same to be called the hall of Marie Ua∣lence, or Penbroke hall; by meanes whereof it was long after called Aula Valentiae Mariae.

Now to returne (where I left) to the last wife of this Iohn Hastings called Anne, she (after the death of hir husband) did at ••he coronation of Richard the second, in the yeare of Christ 1382, being about the fift yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, sue by petition to execute by hir deputie the office of the

panteler by reason of the manor of Ashley, which she had for hir iointure, whervnto she was admitted, & by hir deputie sir Thomas Blunt knight did performe the same: as this record dooth testifie, in which is set both hir petitions, and the iudgement thereof in this forme.

The record whereby dame Anne Hastings clameth the office of the pantrie. [line 10]

ITem Anna quae fuitvxor Iohannis Ha∣stings nuper comes Penbrochiae porrex∣it in curia quandam petitionem suam in haec verba. A treshonore seigneur le duc de Lancast. & senescall d' Angliter supplie Anne que fuit le femme Iohn de Hastinges nad∣gares countie de Penbroke, qui come le mannor de Asheley in le com. de Northfolke soit tenens de nostre seigneur le roy par le seruice de faire le office [line 20] de napperie al coronement le roy, quel mannor soel tient en dower del dowement son dit baron. Ore plest luy accepter del faire son office person deputie, a cestie coronement nostre seigneur le roye, per∣nant les fees du dit office ceastascauoir les nappes quant il sont sustreytz. Et quia post ostensionem verisimilium euidentiarum & rationum ipsius Annae, ac proclamationem in curia praedicta debitè factam, in hac parte nullus huiusmodi clamor ipsius [line 30] Annae contradixit: consideratum fuit quòd ipsa ad officium praedictum per sufficientem deputatum su∣um faciendum admitteretur, & sic officium illud per Thomam Blunt militem, quem ad hoc deputa∣uit, dicto die coronationis in omnibus perfecit, & peracto prandio mappas de mensis subtractis pro feodo suo recepit.

Thus this much touching this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke and dame Anne Mannie his wife. [line 40]

Iohn hastings (the sonne of Iohn Hastings last re∣cited) was earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Abur∣gauennie & Weisford, who being verie yoong at the time of his fathers death, was ward first to Edward the third, and then to Richard the second, but neuer saw his full age of one and twentie yeares, nor euer possessed the lands wherevnto he was borne: for not long after that he had married Philip the second daughter of Edmund Mortimer (earle of March Ul∣ster and lord of Wigmore) he was [about the nine∣tenth [line 50] yeare of his age, the fiftéenth yeare of king Ri∣chard the second, and the yeare of our redemption 1391, being a youthfull and lustie yoong gentleman (but tender and slender) in the Christmasse time, when the K. held that feast at Woodstoke in Oxfordshire] willing to learne to iust, whervpon in the parke then incountring with a knight called Iohn saint Iohn (a valiant and stout person) he was slaine when they ran togither, as the said knight did cast his speare [line 60] from him, and so the said earle receiuing this manner of death, no man knew whether it happened by mis∣hap or of purpose. To which Iohn Hastings now slaine, Margaret Segraue duchesse of Northfolke his grandmother (by his mother the daughter of sir Walter Mannie) was executrix and disposer of all his substance. After his death, his widow the ladie Philip was married to Richard earle of Arundell, & after that to Iohn lord saint Iohn, being the same man (as I suppose) which slue hir first husband this Iohn Hastings. But here before the death of this Iohn I must not forget, that though he were within age at the coronation of Richard the second, as not being past nine or ten yeares old; he sued to execute at the said coronation, the offices which his ancestors had afore performed. But bicause his mother had the mannor of Ashley in dower (as is before expressed) he did not sue to serue in the pantrie, but leauing that, demandeth the carieng of the second sword and the golden spurs before the king. The records of both which I haue here set downe.

The petition for the second sword which the earle of Arundell also clai∣med to beare, was in this sort.

IOhannes de Hastings nuper comes Pen∣brochiae protulit quandam petitionē in haec verba. A treshonoree seigniour le duc de Lancastre & seneschall d' An∣gleterre, Iohn fitz & heyre Iohn de Hastinges counte de Penbroke, que cōme il tient le Chastell de la ville de Tynbye, le grange de Kingswood, le cō∣mote de Craytrath, le mannor de Chastell Martin, & le mannor de Traygaire per seruice de porter le second espee deuant le roy a son coronement: qui pleast a luy, accepter a son dit office a faire ore a ceste coronement. Et super hoc Richardus comes Arundell & Surrey exhibuit in curia quandā ali∣am petitionē in haec verba. A roy de Chastell & de Lion duc de Lancastre & senescall d'Angleterre, supplie Richard counte de Arundell & Surrey, de luy receuer afaire son office, a porter le s••conde∣spee deuant le roy ore a son coronement, que luy ap∣per••ient de droit pur le countie de Surrey. Quibus petitionibus intellectis & auditis, & hinc inde di∣ctorum ••omitum rationibus, pro eo quod dictus Io∣hannes comes Penbrochiae (qui infra aeta••ē in custo∣dia regis existit) ostendit curiae meliores & veri∣similiores rationes pro se, quàm praedictus comes Arundell pro ipso monstrauit. Dominus rex decla∣rata coram eo materia praedicta, praecepit Edmundo comiti mariscallo, quòd ipse gladium praedictum ista vice in nomine iure praedicti comitis Penbro∣chiae deferret, saluo iure alterius cuiuscun{que}. Qui quidem mariscallus gladium illum ex hac causa die coronationis gestabat calcaribus deauratis.

The other bill exhibited for the gol∣den spurs, is registred in this order.

IOhannes filius & haeres Iohannis de Hastings nuper comitis Pēbrochiae ex∣hibuit in curia quandam petitionem in haec verba. A treshonore seigneur le roy de Chastell, &c. Et seneschall d'Ang••terre, supplie Iohne fitz & heyre Iohne Hastings nadga∣res counte de Penbroke, de estre receue a son office de porter les grandes esperon, d'oores deuant le roy nostre seigneur ore a son coronement, en mannor cōme William le marischall son ancester les porta il coronoment de roy. Edw. audita & intellecta bill•• praedicta, pro eo quòd Iohannes est infra aetatem & in custodia domini regis, quanquam sufficientes ostendit curiae recorda & euidētias, quòd ipse ser∣uitium praedictum de iure facere deberet; conside∣ratum extitit, quòd esset ad voluntatem regis, quis dictum seruitium ista vice in iure ipsius Iohannis faceret. Et super hoc rex assignabat Edmundum comitē mariscallum, ad deferēdum dicto die coro∣nationis praedicta calcaria in iure ipsius haeredis▪ Saluo iure alterius cuiuscunque, & sic idem comes mariscallus illa calcaria praedicta in dicto die co∣ronationis coram ipso domino rege deferebat.

In this Iohn Hastings ended all the honorable ti∣tles of the Hastings, bicause this man dieng without issue, his inheritances were dispersed to diuerse persons; for the honour of Penbroke came to Fran∣cis at court by the kings gift, the baronies of Ha∣stings and Weisford came to Reinold Greie of Ru∣thine, the baronie of Aburgauennie was granted to William Beauchampe of Bedford: for all which lands, and for the bearing of the armes of this same Iohn Hastings without difference, great contenti∣on [line 10] grew betwéene sir Edward Hastings knight (des∣cended of Isabell Spenser) and Reinold Greie lord Greie of Ruthine, sonne of Reinold Greie, sonne of Roger Greie, that married Elizabeth daughter of Isabell Ualence, for both the said lord Greie and sir Edward Hastings were descended by two venters (as partlie before and partlie hereafter shalbe shew∣ed) from one man Iohn Hastings, husband to both said Isabels. For the explanation whereof, and line∣all descent to conueie the said sir Edward Hastings [line 20] from the said Iohn Hastings, first lord of Aburga∣uennie of that surname; I must here repeat a little of that which I haue alreadie written: which is, that the said Iohn Hastings first lord of Aburgauennie, hauing two wiues, both Isabels, by his first wife Isa∣bell Ualence had Elizabeth maried to Roger Greie, and by his second wife Isabell Spenser, he had issue sir Hugh Hastings knight, from whome we are to deduce the said sir Edward Hastings in this sort. Hugh Hastings knight lord of Folliot (in the right [line 30] of his wife) being sonne of the second wombe of Isa∣bell Spenser, and Iohn Hastings sonne of Henrie Hastings married Margerie the daughter and heire of sir Richard Folliot, by whom he came to be lord of Folliot, and alwaies bare the armes of Hastings with a difference of a second brother of a second ven∣ter. This marriage was procured and made by Isa∣bell his mother, who purchased the said ward for him. This Hugh died in the yeare of Christ 1347, in the one and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and [line 40] was buried in the church of Elsing, in Elsrug in Northfolke which he builded; his wife Margerie died in the yeare 1349, being the thrée and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and was buried in the chappell of Fornewell. This Hugh had issue by his wife Hugh Hastings his heire, and a daughter married to sir Robert de la Mare.

Hugh Hastings knight, the sonne of Hugh and Margerie Folliot did marrie the daughter of Adam de Eueringham, by whom he had Hugh Hastings [line 50] his sonne and heire, and two daughters, the one mar∣ried to Winkfield, and the other to a knight called Elmham. This Hugh died at Calkewelhell or Gwines, and was buried in the friers of Doncaster, in the yeare of our Lord 1369, about the foure & for∣tith yéere of Edward the third. This man for him and his heires in difference from the other Hastings, earles of Penkroke his kinsmen by the halfe blood, did beare the Hastings armes with the labell, quar∣tered with the armes of Folliot. Hugh Hastings [line 60] knight the sonne of Hugh and Margaret Euering∣ham married Anne the daughter of Edward Spen∣ser earle of Glocester, by whom he had issue Hugh Hastings and Edward Hastings, which contended with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine. This Hugh tooke his pilgrimage to Ierusalem & died in Spaine, after whose death dame Anne Spenser his wife was maried to Thomas lord Morleie. Hugh Hastings eldest son of Hugh Hastings and dame Anne Spen∣ser, married the daughter of sir Wil. Blunt knight; this Hugh died at Calis at the mariage of Richard the second, to Isabell the daughter of the king of France, about the 19 yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, being the yeare of our redemption 1395, who dieng without issue, all his right and title came to his brother Edward.

Edward Hastings knight brother of the last Hugh began the contention with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine, for the right of the lands, honors, and armes without difference of the last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke. This sute began about the eight yeare of Henrie the fourth, and continued at least vntill the fift yeare of Henrie the fift, if not longer; but in the end (notwithstanding manie false pedegrees coun∣terfeited by this Hastings, and his vncle Henrie bi∣shop of Norwich, one of the house of the Spensers) yet it was adiudged against the said sir Edward Ha∣stings in the marshals court, that the lands, honors, and armes without difference, as the last Iohn Ha∣stings earle of Penbroke did beare them, with the armes of William Ualence earle of Penbroke, should be onelie borne by the said lord Greie of Ru∣thine and his heires, as being of the whole blood, and next heire to the said last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke: and that the said Edward Hastings should vtterlie be barred to beare the armes of Ha∣stings, but quartered with the armes of Folliot, as onelie descending of the halfe blood to the said last earle of Penbroke of that name. And that all other pedegrees what so euer (except this) are false, and of purpose contriued, as appeareth by a notable booke and monument thereof remaining in the hands of Henrie Greie now earle of Kent (descended of the said Reinold Greie of Ruthine) conteining all the processe, examinations, witnesses, pedegrees & iudge∣ments thereof, more plainelie maie appeare. In which contention there was shewed a matter by the deposition of sir William Hoo knight not vnworthie to be remembred (though it touch not the Hastings) concerning armorie and bearing of differences in armes, which was, that the said sir William said on his oth in the tenth yeare of Henrie the fourth, that before the times of Edward the third, the labell of three points was the different appropriat and appur∣tenant for the cognizance of the next heire; but the same king made his sons to beare the entire armes with labels of thrée points, with certeine differences in the said labels, to be knowen the one from the o∣ther, except his sonne the duke of Glocester, who bare a border about the armes of France and England. And thus, this much Francis Thin touching the name of Hastings.

In this yeare Thomas earle of Lancaster, for the opinion which had béene conceiued of him, by reason of miracles and other respects,* 11.1 was canonized for a saint. The mondaie next after the feast of saint Hi∣larie, a parlement was begun at Westminster, in which there was a bill exhibited by the commons, that the lords and great men of the realme should not giue to their men badges to weare as their cog∣nizances; by reason that through the abuse thereof,* 11.2 manie great oppressions, imbraseries, vnlawfull maintenances, and wrongs were practised, to the hin∣derance of all good orders, lawes, and iustice. The lords would not consent altogither to laie downe their badges;* 11.3 but yet they agreed that none should weare any such cognizance except their seruants of houshold, and such as were in ordinarie wages by the yeare. ¶ In the same parlement, certeine persons that had gone about some new rebellion in Kent, be∣ing apprehended, were condemned, and so were drawne and hanged. ¶ There was also an act made against such as should passe the seas, to purchase pro∣uisions (as they termed them) in any church or chur∣ches. And if any from thencefoorth attempted so to doo, he should be reputed and taken as a rebell.* 11.4 Also there was an act prouided against those that com∣mitted any wilfull murder, that none should presume

to sue for their pardon. A duke or an archbishop that so sued, should forfeit to the king an hundred pounds. Likewise an earle or a bishop, an hundred marks, &c.

Moreouer, in this parlement it was granted, that the king should haue of euerie sacke of wooll fortie shillings, of the which ten shillings should be applied presentlie to the kings vses, and thirtie shillings resi∣due of the fourtie shillings should remaine in the hands of the treasurors, towards the bearing forth of the charges of wars when any chanced. ¶ Also there [line 10] was a subsidie granted of six pence in the pound, foure pence to the vse last mentioned, and two pence to be imploied at the kings pleasure. In the same parlement, Iohn duke of Lancaster was created duke of Aquitaine,* 11.5 receiuing at the kings hand the rod and cap, as inuestures of that dignitie. Also the duke of Yorke his sonne and heire was created earle of Rutland.* 11.6 In the fift of March a sore and terrible wind rose, with the violence whereof, much hurt was doone, houses ouerthrowne, cattell destroied, and trees [line 20] ouerturned. After this insued great mortalitie by pestilence,* 11.7 so that much youth died euerie where, in ci∣ties and townes, in passing great numbers. Here∣with followed a great dearth of corne, so that a bushell of wheat in some places was sold at thirtéene pence,* 11.8 which was thought to be at a great price.* 11.9 ¶ About the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula, Iohn duke of Lan∣caster caused a great méeting of the nobles and péeres of the realme to hunt at Leicester in the for∣rest and all the parkes there to him apperteining. On [line 30] the saturdaie the king and quéene were present, the archbishop of Yorke, the duke of Yorke, Thomas Woodstoke duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell Iohn of Holland, the earle of Huntington, with o∣ther bishops, lords and ladies a great manie, and on thursdaie next following the king departing from thence towards Notingham soiourned with the lord of Beaumont besides Loughborrow.

In this thirtéenth yeare of king Richards reigne, the christians tooke in hand a iournie against the Sa∣racens [line 40] of Barbarie,* 11.10 through sute of the Genowais, so that there went a great number of lords, knights, and gentlemen of France and England, the duke of Burbon being their generall. Out of England there went one Iohn de Beaufort bastard son to the duke of Lancaster (as Froissard hath noted) also sir Iohn Russell, sir Iohn Butler and others. They set forward in the latter end of this thirtéenth yeare, and came to Genoa, where they remained not long, but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genowais were rea∣die [line 50] to passe them ouer into Barbarie. And so about Midsummer in the beginning of the fourteenth yeare of this kings reigne,* 11.11 the whole armie being imbar∣ked,* 11.12 sailed foorth to the coasts of Barbarie, where neare to the citie of Affrike they landed, at which in∣stant the English archers (as some write) stood all the companie in good stead, with their long bowes, bea∣ting backe the enimies from the shore, which came downe to resist their landing.

After they had got to land, they inuironed the ci∣tie [line 60] of Affrike (called by the moores Mahemedia) with a strong siege: but at length constrained with the in∣temperancie of the scalding aire in that hot coun∣trie, bréeding in the armie sundrie diseases, they fell to a composition vpon certeine articles to be perfor∣med in the behalfe of the Saracens, and so 61 daies after their first arriuall there, they tooke the seas a∣gaine, & returned home, as in the histories of France and Italie is likewise expressed. Where, by Polydor Virgil it may séeme, that the lord Henrie of Lanca∣ster earle of Derbie, should be capteine of the Eng∣lish men, that (as before ye haue heard) went into Barbarie with the Frenchmen, and Genowais. It should otherwise appeare by other writers, who af∣firme that the said earle made a iournie in deed the same time against the miscreants,* 11.13 not into Barba∣rie, but into Prutzenland, where he shewed good proofe of his noble and valiant courage: for ioining with the masters and knights of the Dutch order there, the armie of the Lithuanians that came a∣gainst the said order was vanquished, and foure chiefe leaders of the Lithuanians were taken priso∣ners, thrée other being slaine, with thrée hundred of their chiefest and best approoued soldiers. Through the policie also and worthie manhood of the earle of Der∣bie, there was a certeine citie taken, where the said earle and his men first entring vpon the walles, did set vp his banner: other being slouthfull, or at the least vnskilfull how to deale in such exploits. There were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common people, and amongst them that were found dead, the king of Polognies brother was one. The castell of the same citie was besieged fiue weekes space: but by reason of sickenesse and such infirmities as chan∣ced in the armie, the masters of Prutzen, and Life∣land would not tarie any longer, but brake vp their siege and returned. The master of Lifeland led with him into his countrie thrée thousand prisoners.

In the meane time, whilest the christians were thus occupied, as well against the infidels in Barbarie, as in the east parts towards Littawe, a roiall iusts and martiall turnament was proclaimed to be hol∣den within Smithfield in London,* 11.14 to begin on sun∣daie next after the feast of saint Michaell. And bi∣cause this triumphant pastime was published, not onelie in England, but also in Scotland, in Almaine, in Flanders, in Brabant, in Heinault, & in France, manie strangers came hither foorth of diuerse coun∣tries, namelie Ualeran erle of saint Paule, that had married king Richards sister the ladie Mauld de Courtnie, and William the yoong erle of Osteruant, sonne to Albert de Bauiere earle of Holland and Heinault. At the daie appointed, when all things were prepared, there issued foorth of the tower about thrée of the clocke in the after noone sixtie coursers apparelled for the iustes, and vpon euerie one an es∣quier of honor, riding a soft pace. Then came foorth foure and twentie ladies of honour (three score saith Froissard) mounted on palfries,* 11.15 riding on the one side richlie apparelled, and euerie ladie led a knight with a chaine of gold. Those knights being on the kings part, had their armor and apparell garnished with white hearts and crownes of gold about their necks, and so they came riding through the stréets of Lon∣don vnto Smithfield,* 11.16 with a great number of trum∣pets and other instruments before them.

The king and the queene, with manie other great states were readie placed in chambers richlie ador∣ned to see the iusts: and when the ladies that led the knights, were come to the place, they were taken downe from their palfries, and went vp into cham∣bers readie prepared for them. Then alighted the esquires of honor from their coursers, & the knights in good order mounted vpon them. And so when their helmets were set on their heads, and that they were redie in all points, after proclamations made by the heraults, the iusts began, and manie commendable courses were run, to the great pleasure, comfort, and recreation of the king, the queene, and all other the beholders. The prise that daie on the answerers part was giuen to the earle of saint Paule; and on the cha∣lengers side, to the earle of Huntington. On the mondaie, ••he king himselfe, with dukes, earls, lords, and knights, came to the iusts, he being cheefe of the inner part. That daie the prise was giuen to the erle of Osteruant, for the best dooer of the vtter part: and of the inner part, to a knight of England called sir Hugh Spenser. On the tuesdaie, all manner of e∣squiers

iusted, and likewise on the wednesday all ma∣ner of knights and esquires that would, on which daie was a sore and rude iusts, enduring till night. And so manie a noble course and other martiall feats were atchiued in those foure daies, to the great contentation and pleasure of manie a yoong batche∣l••r desirous to win fame, & also highlie to the kings honour, who by all that season held his court in the bishops palace by Paules church,* 11.17 kéeping open hou∣shold for all honest persons that thither resorted, es∣peciallie euerie night after the iusts were ended, a [line 10] right sumptuous and princelie supper was prepared for the strangers and other, and after supper, the time was spent in dansing and reuelling after the most courtlike maner.* 11.18 On the thursdaie, the king made a supper to all the lords, knights, and gentlemen stran∣gers, and the quéene to all the ladies and gentlewo∣men.* 11.19 On the fridaie the duke of Lancaster feasted at dinner all the said lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, in most sumptuous and plentifull maner. On the saturdaie, the king and all the whole compa∣nie [line 20] departed from London vnto Windsore, where new feasting began, and speciallie the king did all the honour that might be deuised vnto the earls of saint Paule and Osteruant. The earle of Osteruant, at the earnest request of the king, receiued of him the order of the Garter, for the which he was euill thought of afterwards by his freends, namelie the French king and others. Finallie, after the king had thus feasted the strangers and others at Windsore, [line 30] each man tooke leaue of the king, the queene, and the kings vncles, and other lords and ladies, and so de∣parted, the strangers into their owne countries, and other home to their houses, or whither they thought b••st.

* 11.20¶This solemne iusts or tornement being touched, or rather in ample maner described by Ch. Okland. is reported of him to haue béene kept for actiuitie sake, and to set the youth & lustie blouds of the court on worke, who otherwise (bicause the king was yong [line 40] and loued to liue in peace and ease, feats of armes and warlike prowesse both abroad and at home lan∣guished and laie as it were a fainting) through idle∣nesse and want of exercise, degenerating and grow∣ing out of kind from their woonted warlike valiant∣nesse, should giue themselues to filthie lecherie, riot, sléepe, loitering pastimes, and slouthfulnesse, all which doo greatlie impaire prowesie. Wherevpon (saith he)

Rege priùs de re consulto, ludicra diri Martis opus simulatum inter se bella mouebant, [line 50] At{que} dies totos viginti quattuor hastis Assumptis, studio statuunt decurrere fixo. Deinde idem numerus procerum par•• primalacessens Mittit ad externas gentes qui talia pandant. Iudus ab Angligenis mense exercebitur vno Hasticus Vrbi haerens * 11.21 fabrorum dictus * 11.22 agellus Extra Londini muros, spatiosus & amplus Est locus: hìc stadium cursuris, certá{que} meta Ponitur, huc veniant quacun{que} ex gente creati Sanguine magnorum heroum. Certamine victor [line 60] Qui fuerit, terris prosternens corpora p••••ra▪ Aut plures hasta•• frangens, donabitur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Multa vi, capiet quàm plurima ditia dona Praemia virtutis, Richardo haec dantel ••••baea, &c.

Hauing thus described the place where the iusts should be kept, with the rewards, and other circum∣stances; he toucheth the countries from whence the forren nobilitie came, that should vndertake triall of chiualrie with these foure▪ and twentie challen∣gers: who at the daie appointed (saith he) came pran∣sing out of the Towre vpon their great b••rded hors∣ses through the broad stréets, and their ladies of honor with them gorgiouslie decked with bracelets, ow∣ches, cheines, iewels, spangles, and verie sumptuous attire: a goodlie sight for the people to behold. At last, when they were come to Smithfield, and althings readie, the trumpets sounded to the exercise; and both parties, as well the English as the outlandish cheua∣liers ran togither, and tried their strengths till they did sweat and were tired, their horsses panting and braieng with the violence of their bodilie motion; their staues being crasht in sunder, flue vp into the aire, and the broken stocke or stumpe hitting the ad∣uersarie ouerthrew him to the ground: the behold∣ers with ioy of heart gaue a shout thereat, as great∣lie delighted with the sight. Then came the night and brake off the first daies tornement. On the next daie when they should renew and fall afresh vnto it a∣gaine, they shewed themselues in courage equall to their ancestors, and handled their matters so well, that they got them great renowme. The third daie came, and the multitude of people still gathered togi∣ther woondered at the right valiant deeds of the valo∣rous horssemen, how they did tosse, hoisse vp, and wind their speares, and with what force they vsed their armes, what courage appeared in their statelie horsses, and how the verie heauens rang with the ratling of their armor, and the strokes giuen to and fro. Euerie daie brought with it his portion of plea∣sure, both to the contenders, and to the beholders. When the time was expired of this tried chiualrie, necessarie occasion mooued the king of England to set his mind on other matters, so that commending the prowesse of the outlandish lords, he bestowed vp∣on them massie cheines of gold, & loding them with other gifts of great valure, dismissed them into their countries. But the English challengers requi∣red nothing but renowme for their reward, being allured onelie with the loue of praise; and thus when these pastimes of chiualrie were quite ended, euerie man got him home to his owne house. Thus farre Christopher Okland, touching the description of this Hippomachia ludicra inter concertatores Anglos & ex∣ternos.

Ambassadors were sent from the French king, vnto the king of England, [year 1391] to make an ouerture of peace to be had,* 11.23 and to indure for euer betwixt the two realmes of England and France, sith that by warre it was apparant inough, that neither realme, could greatlie benefit it selfe, but rather sore inda∣mage either other, as afore time it had come appa∣rantlie to passe. Therefore the matter being well considered, both parts séemed well affected towards some good conclusion by treatie to be had of a full and perfect peace. About the same time, by the king with the aduise of his councell, proclamation was made and published at London, that all beneficed men a∣biding in the court of Rome,* 11.24 being Englishmen borne, should returne home into England before the feast of S. Nicholas, vnder paine to forfeit all their benefices; and such as were not beneficed, vnder a paine likewise limited. The Englishmen hearing such a thunder clap a farre off, fearing the blow, left the popes court, and returned into their natiue soile.

The pope troubled with such a rumbling noise,* 11.25 sent in all hast▪ as abbat as his nuncio vnto the king of England, as well to vnderstand the causes of this proclamation, as of statutes deuised and made latelie in parlement against those that prouided themselues of benefices in the court of Rome by the popes buls, which séemed not a little preiudiciall to the church of Rome: in consideration whereof the said nuncio re∣quired that the same statutes might be repealed and abolished, so farre as they tended to the derogation of the church liberties: but if the same statutes were not abolished, the pope might not (said his nuncio) with a safe con••••ience otherwise doo than procéed a∣gainst them that made those statutes, in such order as

the canons did appoint. Moreouer the said nuncio de∣clared to the king certeine dangerous practises be∣twixt the antipape and the French king, as to make the duke of Touraine the French kings brother king of Tuscane and Lombardie, and to establish the duke of Aniou in the kingdome of Sicile.

Moreouer, he gaue the king to vnderstand, that if the French king might compasse by the antipapes meanes to be chosen emperour,* 11.26 he would séeke to v∣surpe vpon ech mans right, and therefore it stood the [line 10] king of England chieflie in hand to prouide against such practises in time. And as for the treatie of peace which the Frenchmen séemed so much to fauour, it was to none other end, but that vpon agreement once had, they might more conuenientlie compasse their purpose in the premisses. Furthermore the nun∣cio earnestlie besought the king of aid in the popes behalfe against the French king,* 11.27 if (as he threatned to doo) he should inuade him in Italie with open force. The king séemed to giue fauourable eare vnto [line 20] the nuncio, and after aduise taken, appointed to staie till after Michaelmasse, at what time a parlement was appointed to be assembled, wherein such things as he had proponed should be weied and considered, and some conclusion taken therein.

About this time or in the yeare 1391, according to Henrie Knightons account,* 11.28 there was a prophane statute made against the church & churchmen; name∣lie▪ that no ecclesiasticall person or persons should possesse manors, glebeland, houses, possessions, lands, [line 30] reuenues or rents whatsoeuer, at the hands of the feoffer, without the kings licence & the chiefe lords. And this statute extended it selfe, as well to parish-churches, chappels, chanteries, as abbeies, priories, & other monasteries whatsoeuer: likewise to citizens of cities, to farmers, & burgesses, hauing such rents or possessions for the common profit. For men in those daies, that would bestow land or liuelod vpon church, fraternitie, or conuent, and were notable for cost and charges to procure a mortmane, vnder the [line 40] kings licence and chiefe lords; were woont to feoffe some speciall men, in whom they had confidence and trust; vnder whose name and title, churchmen, or anie other fraternitie or conuent might inioy the profit of the gift, and might haue the commoditie thereof in possession. And it was prouided by that statute, that all and euerie as well persons ecclesiasticall as pari∣shioners, both citizens, burgesses, and farmers, or a∣nie other whatsoeuer, hauing such rents, possessions, manors, or anie reuenues whatsoeuer, in the hands [line 50] of such feoffers, without the licence of the king and chiefe lords; that either they should obteine and get a licence of the king and the chiefe lords to make it a mortmaine; or else set such things to sale, & raise profit of them, on this side or before the feast of Michael∣masse next insuing: or the said feast being past and expired, that then the king and the chiefe lords, in things not ordered and disposed accordinglie, may enter and seize vpon the same, and them haue and hold at his and their pleasure. [line 60]

* 11.29About the same time, the duke of Glocester went into Prutzen land, to the great griefe of the people, that made account of his departure, as if the sunne had beene taken from the earth, doubting some mis∣hap to follow to the common wealth by his absence, whose presence they thought sufficient to stay all de∣triments that might chance, for in him the hope of the commons onelie rested. In his returne home, he was sore tormented with rough weather and tempe∣stuous seas. At length he arriued in Northumber∣land, and came to the castell of Tinmouth, as to a sanctuarie knowen to him of old, where after he had refreshed him certeine daies, he tooke his iournie homewards to Plaschie in Essex, bringing no small ioy for his safe returne to all the kingdome.* 11.30 ¶On the ninth of Iulie the sunne séemed darkened with cer∣teine grosse and euill fauored clouds comming be∣twixt it and the earth, so as it appeared ruddie, but gaue no light from noone till the setting thereof. And afterwards con••••nualli•• for the space of six weeks, a∣bout the middest of the daie, clouds customablie rose, and sometimes they continued both daie and night, not vanishing awaie at all. ¶ At the same time, such a mortalitie and death of people increased in North∣folke, and in manie other countries of England, that it seemed not vnlike the season of the great pesti∣lence. In the citie of Yorke there died eleuen thou∣sand within a short space.* 11.31 ¶ Henrie Persie earle of Northumberland lieutenant of Calis, was called home from that charge, and created warden of the marches against Scotland, and Robert Mowbraie was sent to Calis to be the kings lieutenant there.

On friday next after All soules day,* 11.32 the parlement began at London, in which the knights would in no wise agrée, that the statute made against spirituall men, for the prouiding themselues of benefices in the court of Rome should be repealed: but yet they a∣gréed thus much, that it should be tollerated, so as with the kings licence such spirituall men might purchase to themselues such benefices till the next parlement. ¶ In this parlement aforsaid,* 11.33 there was granted vnto our lord the king one tenth of the cler∣gie, and one fiftéenth of the people towards the expen∣ses of Iohn duke of Lancaster, who in Lent next fol∣lowing went ouer into France to the citie of A∣miens for a finall peace betweene the kingdoms of England and France: where the king of France met him with a shew of great pompe and honor, sen∣ding before him first of all to welcome him thither the citizens of the same citie on horssebacke in a ve∣rie great number. Then afterwards, he sent earles and barons a great manie to the same end, then his two vncles, last of all went the king himselfe to meet him, and saluting him called him by the name of The most worthie warrior of all christendome, the inuincible woorthinesse of the king onelie excepted. And the duke had seauentéene daies (by couenant) to compasse this treatie of peace: at last he returned, hauing attendant vpon him in his traine the bishop of Durham, and the sonne of the duke of Yorke the earle of Rutland, with a thousand horssemen, set foorth in a woonderfull sumptuous sort with goodlie furni∣ture. ¶ Also conditionallie a whole tenth and a whole fiftéenth were granted to him, if it chanced that he made anie iournie that yeare against the Scots. ¶ In this yeare,* 11.34 the duke of Gelderland sent to the king of England letters of commendation & praise, wherein also were prouocations and stirrings vp to warre and warlike actiuitie, and to the exercise of kinglie noblenesse, the tenor whereof followeth:

The tenor of the said dukes letter to king Richard.

MAgnifice princeps, innata vobis probi∣tas, & prudentum consilia (vt opina∣mur) simul agerent in officium, quòd singula haereditaria iura, quae ex nata∣litio vestram magnificant regiam maiestatem, tem∣poribus vestrae discretionis altissima prouidentia munirentur illaesa; etsi quaeuis oppugnaret violen∣tia, clypeo militari studeat regalis industria fortiter defendere sua iura. Et quòd vestram regiam per∣sonam cōtingamus in affinitate, ni vetet Deus ipse, quin semper parati erimus vobis in vestris iuribus defendendis assistere cum duobus milibus lancearū,

quando & quotiens disponemini ad bellica conuo∣lare. Nec perire debeant iura propter verba aut pr••missa, quomodolibet ad hoc laborat versutia Gallicorum. Sanè serenissime princeps in orbem volat fama, nec ambigitur quòd propter lanam & innumerabilia vestra singularia commoda, sine quibus non viuit oriens neque auster, regna singu∣la in pecunijs vos salutant. In comparatione igitur ad alios reges vobis confert Deus ipse diuitias cen∣tuplatas. Probitas etiam militaris, & arcuum aspe∣ritas, [line 10] sine pari, taliter huc vsque extulere gentem magnanimam occidentis, quòd timor non paruus vestros inuadit aduersarios; & ad hunc diem im∣pariter victoriosè dimicauit cum Gallicis Angliae gens austera. In pusillanimitate igitur (poten••issi∣me princeps) contra naturam non obdormiat cor leonis; sed & quales vobis contulit vires natura, ipsas applicare dignemini actibus bellicosis, in de∣fensionem reipublicae, iuris haereditarij sustenta∣tionem, [line 20] augmentúmque meriti, & incomparabi∣liter chronicabilem probitatem cordis magnanimi tanti regis.

The same letter in plaine phrase verbatim Englished by A. F.

MOst mightie prince, your roiall prowesse and the counsels of the [line 30] sage, should altogither (as we thinke) moue you in dutie, by the most profound & deepe foresight of your discretion in time to mainteine and de∣fend all and singular your rights & inheritance vnharmed, which by birth doo magnifie and make great your roiall maiestie, and if anie vio∣lence whatsoeuer gainstand & assault the same, your kinglie diligence should indeuor with the shield of a warrior valiantlie to defend your title [line 40] and right. And bicause we are neere you, & doo as it were touch your roiall person in aliance, vnlesse God himselfe doo forbid and hinder vs, we will alwaies be readie in all your rights to as∣sist and aid you with two thousand pikes, when and how often soeuer you shall be disposed to rush out to battell. Your right ought not to be lost for words and promises, howsoeuer the craftinesse of the French labor to this purpose. [line 50] Trulie most excellent prince, your renowme doth flie into the world, neither is it doubted but for your wooll sake, and other your singu∣lar commodities being innumerable (without the which the east and the south can not liue) all realmes with their coines doo greet you. In comparison therefore of other kings God him∣selfe hath bestowed vpon you riches a hundred fold. Your warlike prowesse also, & the rough∣nesse [line 60] of your bowes, being peerelesse, haue hi∣therto so extolled the couragious nation of the west, that no small feare dooth inuade your ad∣uersaries; and to this day the sterne people of England haue (none like them) victoriouslie incountered with the French. Therefore ô most puissant prince, let not the hart of a lion sleepe in cowardlinesse against nature: but what force and valiantnesse nature hath giuen you, the same vouchsafe to put in practise with feats of armes in defense of your common wealth, the maintenance of your right by inhe∣ritance, the increase of your desert, and the peerelesse prowesse of so great a kings coura∣gious hart right worthie to be chronicled.

The price of corne that had continued at an high rate, almost for the space of two yeares,* 13.1 began to fall immediatlie after haruest was got in, to the great reliefe of the poore, which before through immoderate eating of nuts and apples, fell into the disease cal∣led the flix, whereof manie died, and suerlie (as was thought) the death and dearth had beene greater, if the commendable diligence of the lord maior of London had not béene,* 13.2 in relieuing the commons by such prouision as he made for corne to be brought to London, from the parties of beyond the seas, where otherwise neither had the countrie béene able in anie thing to haue sufficed the citie, nor the citie the coun∣trie. H. Knighton referreth this scarsitie to the yeare 1390, and maketh a large discourse both of the mise∣ries which it brought with it, as also of the cause whereby it was procured, and of the notable meanes whereby the same in most places was remedied.

In this yeare (saith he) was a great dearth in all parts of England,* 13.3 and this dearth or scarsitie of corne began vnder the sickle, and lasted till the feast of saint Peter ad vincula, to wit, till the time of new corne. This scarsitie did greatlie oppresse the people, and chieflie the commoners of the poorer sort. For a man might sée infants and children in stréets and houses, through hunger, howling, crieng, and cra∣uing bread: whose mothers had it not (God wot) to breake vnto them. But yet there was such plentie and abundance of manie yeares before, that it was thought and spoken of manie housekéepers and hus∣bandmen, that if the séed were not sowen in the ground, which was hoord••d vp and stored in barnes, lofts, and garners, there would be inough to find and susteine all the people by the space of fiue yeares fol∣lowing. But the cause of this penurie,* 13.4 was thought to be the want of monie in a great manie. For mo∣nie in these daies was verie scant, and the principall cause hereof was, for that the wooll of the land lay a sléepe and hoong heauie in some mens hands by the space of two yeares; and in others thrée yeares, with∣out a chapman. For it was enacted in a certeine parlement, that the merchants of England should not passe out of the land with wooll and other mer∣chandize, but should bring the same vnto twelue pla∣ces within the realme appointed for the same pur∣pose, that the merchants strangers might haue re∣course thither with their commodities and so by ex∣change should transport our merchandize for theirs. By meanes whereof the merchants of England did forbeare to buy wooll and other wares vntill the next parlement insuing, wherein it was granted them to traffike whither they would with their commodities. In these daies wooll was dogcheape:* 13.5 for one stone of good wooll of the chosen and piked sort, was sold for thrée shillings, and in Leicester and Kent at some times for two shillings or two and twentie pence. This scarsitie of victuals was of greatest force in Leicester shire, & in the middle parts of the realme. And although it was a great want, yet was not the price of corne out of reason. For a quarter of wheat, when it was at the highest, was sold at Leiceister for 16 shillings 8 pence at one time, and at other times for a marke or fourteene shillings: at London and o∣ther places of the land a quarter of wheat was sold for ten shillings, or for litle more or lesse. For there arriued eleuen ships laden with great plentie of vic∣tuals at diuerse places of the land, for the reliefe of the people. Besides this,* 13.6 the citizens of London laid out two thousand marks to buy food out of the com∣mon chest of orphans: and the foure and twentie al∣dermen, euerie of them put in his twentie pound a

peece for necessarie prouision, for feare of famine, likelie to fall vpon the citie. And they laid vp their store in sundrie of the fittest and most conuenient places they could choose, that the néedie, and such as were wroong with want, might come & buy at a cer∣teine price so much as might suffice them and their familie: and they which had not readie monie to paie downe presentlie in hand, their word and credit was taken for a yeares space next following,* 13.7 and their turne serued. Thus was prouision made that people should be relieued, and that none might perish for [line 10] hunger.

On Christmasse day, a dolphin that came foorth of the sea vp the Thames vnto London-bridge, was es∣pied of the citizens as he plaied in the water, and be∣ing followed & pursued, with much adoo was taken. He was ten foot long,* 13.8 and a monstrous growne fish, so as the sight of him was strange to manie that be∣held him. He was thought by his comming so farre into the landward, to foreshew such stormes and tem∣pests [line 20] as within a wéeke after did raginglie follow. Ye haue heard how the matter for a treatie of peace had béene first broched by the French king, [year 1392] by sending ambassadors to the king of England, to mooue the same. Which motion being throughlie con∣sidered of the estates assembled in this last parle∣ment, it was decréed, that it should go forward (as before ye haue heard) and so about Candelmasse, the lord Thomas Persie,* 13.9 sir Lewes Clifford, and sir Ro∣bert Briquet, with diuerse other in their companie, were sent ouer to the French king, and comming to [line 30] Paris, found him lodgd in his house of Loure, where they declared to him the good affection of the king their maister toward peace. And the better to bring it to passe, they shewed that king Richards desire was to haue some place and time appointed for com∣missioners to méet, with authoritie to treat and con∣clude vpon articles, as should be thought expedient. The French king greatlie honored these ambassa∣dors, in feasting and banketting them for the space of six daies togither, and for answer, concluded with [line 40] them, that he himselfe, with his vncles and other of his councell, would be at Amiens by the middest of March next insuing, there to abide the king of Eng∣lands comming, and his vncles, if it should please them thither to come.

The English ambassadors said there was no doubt, but that either the king himselfe, or his vncles shuld be there at the day assigned, with full authoritie to conclude anie agréement that should seeme reasona∣ble, [line 50] and so those ambassadors returned with great gifts presented on the kings behalfe to ech of them, sir Robert Briquet excepted,* 13.10 vnto whome it séemed the French king bare no great good will, for that be∣ing a Frenchman borne, he had euer serued the Na∣uarrois or Englishmen, and was now one of king Richards priuie chamber. The king of England (as some write) was once minded to haue passed the seas himselfe,* 13.11 to haue met the French king at Amiens, at the time appointed, but finallie the duke of Lanca∣ster, [line 60] the bishop of Durham, and others, were sent thi∣ther with a traine néere hand of a thousand horsses. At their comming into France, they were roiallie receiued: for the French king had made no lesse pre∣paration for the duke of Lancasters comming, than if he had béene emperor. The duke of Lancaster ve∣relie was estéemed to be a verie mightie prince, and one of the wisest and sagest princes in all christen∣dome, in those daies; so that it séemed the French king reioised greatlie, that he might come to haue conference with him. There were with the French king héere at Amiens, his brother the duke of Thou∣reigne; his vncles, the dukes of Berrie, Burbon, and Burgognie, & a great number of earles, lords, and other nobles of the realme of France. Before the Englishmens comming, for auoiding of strife and debate that might arise betwixt the English and French, a proclamation was set foorth conteining certeine articles, for the demeanor which the French men should obserue towards the Englishmen.

Whilest they there remained, all the English∣mens charges were borne by the French king, from their setting foorth from Calis, till they came backe thither againe. As touching their treatie, manie things were proponed, diuerse demands made, and some offers, though to small purpose, for they tooke not effect, insomuch as they departed without con∣cluding anie thing, further than that the ••ruce which was to end at Midsummer next,* 13.12 was prolonged to continue one yéere more, that in the meane time, the lords and estates of the realme of England might as∣semble, and with good aduise deliberate, whether it were more expedient to agrée vnto a determinate peace, or to pursue the doubtfull chances of warre. And such was the end of that roiall ambassage, to the furnishing foorth whereof, the king demanded an aid as well of the abbats and priors, as of the cities and good townes through the whole realme.

Anon after the returne of the duke of Lancaster, and other the ambassadors that had béene at Amiens, a councell of the lords and chiefe states of the realme was called at Stamford,* 13.13 the which (as if it had béene vnto a parlement) there came foorth of euerie good towne certeine persons appointed to deliberate and take aduise in so weightie a matter, as either to con∣clude vpon peace, or else vpon warre. But in the end they brought little or nothing to passe, sauing that they agréed to haue the truce to indure for twelue moneths longer: both kings sware to obserue the same, afore such as were appointed to sée their othes receiued.* 13.14 About the same time came the duke of Gel∣derland into this realme, being the kings cousine, a right valiant and hardie gentleman: he was hono∣rablie receiued and welcomed of the king, and of his vncles, the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester. This duke of Gelderland counselled the king not to con∣clude peace, either with the Frenchmen or Scots,* 13.15 ex∣cept vpon such conditions as might be knowne to be both profitable and honorable to him and his realme, promising that if he had occasion to make warre a∣gainst either of those two nations, he would be rea∣die to serue him with a conuenient power of men at armes of his countrie. After he had béene here a time, and highlie feasted and banketted, aswell by the king as other great estates of the realme, he retur∣ned home, not without diuerse rich gifts.

The king about this season sent to the Londoners,* 13.16 requesting to borrow of them the summe of one thousand pounds, which they vncourteouslie refused to lend: and moreouer they fell vpon an Italian or Lombard (as they termed him) whom they beat and néere hand slue: bicause he offered to lend the king that monie. Whereof when the king was aduertised, he was sore mooued against them, and calling togi∣ther the most part of the péeres and noble men of his realme, declared vnto them the froward dealings of the Londoners, complaining sore of such their pre∣sumption. The lords and great men, séeming not greatlie to fauour the Londoners, gaue counsell that the insolent pride of those presumptuous per∣sons might with speed be repressed. The citizens of London in those daies (as should appeare) vsing their authoritie to the vttermost, had deuised and set foorth diuerse orders and constitutions to abridge the liber∣tie of forreners that came to the citie to vtter their commodites. Religious men that wrote the dooings of that age, seemed also to find fault with them, for that they fauored Wicliffes opinions, & therefore did

charge them with infidelitie, and mainteining (I know not how) of Lollards & heretikes: but howso∣euer the matter, went they fell at this present into the kings heauie displeasure.

Some there be that write, how the king piked the first quarell against the maior and shiriffes, for a riot committed by the vnrulie citizens,* 13.17 against the ser∣uants of the bishop of Salisburie: for that where one of the same bishops seruants had taken a horsse-lofe frō a bakers man, as he passed by in Fléetstréet with [line 10] his basket to serue his masters customers, and would not deliuer it againe, but brake the bakers mans head, when he was earnest to haue recouered the lofe, the inhabitants of the stréet rose, and would haue had the bishops man to prison for breaking the kings peace: but he was rescued by his fellowes, and esca∣ped into Salisburie house, that stood there within the allie, and as then belonged to his master the bishop of Salisburie, being at that time high treasuror of England.* 13.18 The people being set in a rage for the re∣scue [line 20] so made, gathered togither in great multitudes about the bishops palace gate, and would haue fetch∣ed out the offendor by force.

To conclude, such a hurling was in the stréet, that the maior, with the shiriffes, & diuers aldermen came thither with all speed, to take order in the matter, and to sée the peace kept; but after the cōming thither of the maior, the commons of the citie resorted to the place in far greater numbers than before; and the more they were, the worsse they were to rule, and [line 30] would not be persuaded to quiet themselues, except the bishops seruant,* 13.19 whose name was Walter Ro∣mane, might be had out of the house, and committed to prison: but at length, after manie assaults, lifts, & other indeuours made to haue broken vp the gates of the house, the maior & aldermen, with other discréet commoners appeased the people so, as they brought them to quiet, and sent euerie man to his house.

The bishop was then at Windesor where the court laie, who being informed of this matter, by a grée∣uous [line 40] report, and happilie in worsse manner than the thing had happened indeed, tooke such indignation therewith, that taking with him Thomas Arundell archbishop of Yorke, then lord chancellor of Eng∣land,* 13.20 he went to the king and made an heinous com∣plaint against the citizens for their misdemeanor, so that his displeasure was the more kindled against the citizens, in so much that, whether in respect of this last remembred complaint, or rather for their vncourte∣ous deniall to lend him the thousand pounds, and mis∣using [line 50] the Lombard that offered to lend the same,* 13.21 I cannot saie; but sure it is, that the maior and shiriffe, and a great sort more of the citizens, were sent for to come to the court, where diuerse misdemeanors were obiected and laid to their charge: and notwithstan∣ding, what excuse they pretended, the maior and shi∣riffes with diuerse other of the most substantiall citi∣zens, were arrested. The maior was committed to the castell of Windesor, and the other, vnto other ca∣stels and holds, to be safelie kept, till the king, by the aduise of his councell, should determine further what [line 60] should be doone with them.

* 13.22The liberties of the citie were seized into the kings hands, and the authoritie of the maior vtterlie ceassed, the king appointing a warden to gouerne the citie, named sir Edward Darlingrug knight,* 13.23 that should both rule the citie, and see that euerie man had iustice ministred, as the case required. This sir Edward Darlingrug began to gouerne the citie of Lon∣don by the name of lord warden,* 13.24 the one and twen∣tith of Iune, on which day the king entered into the 16 yeare of his reigne: by reason it was thought that the said sir Edward Darlingrug was ouer∣fauourable to the citizens, he continued in his office but till the first of Iulie, and being then discharged,* 13.25 one sir Baldwine Radington, a right circumspect and discréet knight, was put in that roome, who knew how both to content the kings mind, and to comfort the citizens, and put them in hope of the kings fauour in time to be obteined, to the reliefe of their sorow and heauinesse.

At length, the king, through sute and instant la∣bour made by certeine noble men, speciallie the duke of Glocester, began somewhat to relent and pa∣cifie himselfe, as touching his rigorous displeasure a∣gainst the Londoners, calling to mind the great ho∣nour he had diuerse waies receiued at their hands, with the great gifts which they had likewise bestowed vpon him, wherevpon he purposed to deale the more mildlie with them, and so sent for diuerse of the chiefe citizens to come vnto Windesor, where he then kept his court, there to shew foorth the priuileges, li∣berties, and lawes of their citie, as well the new as old, that with the aduise of his councell, he might de∣termine which should remaine in force, and which should be abolished. Herevpon,* 13.26 when the said priui∣leges, and liberties were laid foorth, to the view of such persons as had to consider of them, some were ratified, some permitted by tolleration, and some vi∣terlie condemned and abrogated.

Neither might they recouer at that present, ei••her the person or dignitie of their maior, nor obteine the kings entire fauour, till they had satisfied the king of the damages and iniuries by them doone, either to him or his people. And where he had beene at great charges, in preparing forces to chastise them, as he was determined, if they had not submitted them∣selues vnto him, they were sure that their pursses must answer all that he had laid foorth about that matter. They therfore with humble submission, in re∣compense & sa••isfaction of their trespasses, offered to giue him ten thousand pounds, but they were for this time sent home, and appointed to returne againe at a certeine day, not vnderstanding what they must pay, till the king with the aduise of his councell had ta∣ken further order for them. At length, through such dailie sute as was made for the quieting of the kings hot displeasure towards the Londoners, he was contented to pardon all offenses past. But first, the ci∣tizens were told, that the king meant to come from his manor of Shene, to the citie of London, and then vndoubtedlie, vpon knowledge had of their good meanings, hereafter to beare themselues like lo∣uing subiects, they should obteine his fauour.

The citizens aduertised hereof, did not onelie pre∣pare themselues to meet him,* 13.27 and to present him with gifts in most liberall manner; but also to adorne, decke, and trim their citie with sumptuous page∣ants, rich hangings, and other gorgeous furniture, in all points like as is vsed at anie coronation. At the day appointed, there met him (beside other) foure hundred of the citizens on horsebacke, clad in one li∣uerie, presenting themselues in that order,* 13.28 vpon the heath on this side Shene, and in most humble wise, crauing pardon for their offenses past, besought him to take his waie to his palace of Westminster, tho∣rough the citie of London. this sute made by the re∣corder, in name of all the citizens, he gratiouslie granted, and so held on his iournie, till he came to London bridge,* 13.29 where vnto him was presented a pas∣sing faire stéed, white, saddled, brideled, and trapped in rich cloth of gold, parted with red and white. And like∣wise to the quéene was giuen a milke white palfrie, saddled, brideled, and trapped in the same sort, as the other was. These presents were thankefullie accep∣ted, and so both the king and the queene passing for∣ward, entered the citie, prepared and hanged with rich clothes (as before you haue heard) the citizens

standing on ech side the stréets in their liueries, cri∣eng; King Richard, king Richard.

At the standard in Cheape, was a right sumptuous stage ordeined, on which were set diuerse personages, and an angell that put a rich crowne of gold, garni∣shed with stone and pearle vpon the kings head, as he passed by, and likewise an other on the queenes head. This doone, the king rode to Paules, and there offered, and so tooke his horsse againe, and rode to Westminster, where the maior and his companie ta∣king their leaue, returned to London. On the mor∣row,* 13.30 [line 10] the maior and his brethren went againe to Westminster, and there presented the king with two basens gilt, & in them two thousand nobles of gold, beséeching him to be good and gratious lord to the ci∣tie; he receiued their present in courteous manner, and gaue them manie comfortable words. The third daie after,* 13.31 they receiued a new confirmation of all their old liberties (at the least such as might be an aid to the citie, and no detriment to forreners) wherefore, by counsell of their freends, they ordeined a table for [line 20] an altar of siluer and gilt, ingrauen with imagerie, and inameled in most curious wise, conteining the storie of saint Edward, it was valued to be worth a thousand marks. This was presented to the king, the which he shortlie after offered to the shrine of saint Edward within the abbeie. The Londoners belée∣ued, that by these gifts they had beene quite rid of all danger; but yet they were compelled to giue the king after this, ten thousand pounds, which was collected of the commons in the citie, not without great of∣fense [line 30] and grudging in their minds.

¶You haue heard hitherto, what means was made by the maior,* 13.32 aldermen, and whole bodie of the com∣monaltie of London to procure the kings maiesties (in whose disfauour they were deeplie drowned) grati∣ous reconciliation. Wherein though there hath beene large matter deliuered; yet to set foorth the dignitie thereof the fuller, take heere by the waie the report of Henrie Knighton. In the yeare (saith he) 1392, the king called a great councell on the morrow after [line 40] Trinitie sundaie at Stamford, about certeine af∣faires concerning the Frenchmen, in which councell he assembled togither all the old soldiers of his relme, that by the aduise of the elder sort he might sée what were best for him to doo in the premisses. The king al∣so held a great councell at Notingham, on the feast of S. Iohn the Baptist, whereat he caused the maior of London with the foure and twentie aldermen, the two shiriffes, and foure and twentie of the best com∣moners of the citie in the second degrée to be con∣uented [line 50] before him. Héere he charged them that they had forfeited a certeine bond of 9000 pounds to the king, besides the losse of their liberties and priuile∣ges. Which obligation or bond they had made in for∣mer time to the king, their deserts requiring the same. Now the king, after rehearsall made of their new offenses & faults, discharged the maior, the two shiriffes, and the rest of his officers of their offices, and sent the maior and the two shiriffes to certeine places of custodie as his prisoners, defeating the ci∣tie [line 60] of London of the honour of all their priuileges; in so much that a citizen or fréeman should haue no more prerogatiue than a forrener or stranger. He appointed also the lord Edward Balerige to be go∣uernor therof, to kéepe and see kept the kings lawes and his liege people within London in due order, vn∣till such time as the king had otherwise prouided for them. And he set them a day to answer the king and his councell to certeine interrogatories on the feast of S. Marie Magdalen then next insuing, at Wind∣sore. In the meane while, at the mediation of certeine freends and welwillers, the kings indignation was somewhat mitigated and asswaged towards them; in so much that at length he released the maior and the shiriffes, and sent them home to their houses; set∣ting ouer them notwithstanding a new kéeper or go∣uernour of the citie, and reseruing in his hand all the priuileges of the citie. In the meane time, on the sun∣daie next after the feast of the Assumption of the bles∣sed virgin Marie; all the wealthiest and worthiest commoners of the citie came to the king, and sub∣mitted themselues and all their goods to his grace, and then did he first receiue and take them into his fauour. On the wednesdaie insuing, the ki••g was purposed to come into London, and the citizens in multitudes innumerable met him on horssebacke; & they ••hat had no horsses went out on foot to welcome him thither; women also and infants shewed them∣selues vnto him; likewise the bishop of London, with all the clergie, no order, degree, condition, estate, or sex of ecclesiasticall dignitie being excused, went out in procession to meet the king and the quéene with great reioising. It was reported how in that proces∣sion there were aboue fiue hundred boies in surplis∣ses. Moreouer, the citizens of London trimmed the outsides of their houses and chambers in euerie stréet through which the king and the queene were to passe, from S. Georges to Westminster. As for the hou∣ses of the welthier sort, they were brauelie garnished with ••loth of gold, siluer, tissue, veluet, & other sump∣tuous stuffe whatsoeuer by any possible means could be gotten. In Cheapside there was a conduit, out of the which two spouts ran with read wine & white, and vpon the conduit stood a little boie apparelled in white like an angell, hauing a golden cup in his hand, who presented wine to the king and queene to drinke as they passed by. In the meane time they offered to the king a golden crowne of great value, and another golden crowne to the quéene; and a while after pas∣sing forwards, they presented to the king a golden tablet of the Trinitie, to the value of eight hundred pounds; and to the queene another golden tablet of S. Anne, whome she had in speciall deuotion and re∣uerence, bicause hir owne name was Anne. Such, and so great, and so wonderfull honors did they to the king, as the like in former times was neuer doone to anie king of this realme: and so going forward, they brought the king and the quéene to Westminster hall. The king sitting in his seat roiall, & all the peo∣ple standing before him; one in the kings behalfe as his speaker, gaue the people thanks for the great ho∣nour and princelie presents which they had bestowed vpon the king; and being bidden to fall euerie man to his businesse and affaires, it was told them that in the next parlement they should haue their finall answer.

At the same time, the duke of Glocester, hauing re∣ceiued monie to leauie an armie,* 13.33 which he should haue conueied ouer into Ireland, of which countrie, a good while before that present, the king had made him duke, was now readie to set forward, when suddenlie through the malice of some priuie detractours about the king, he was contermanded,* 13.34 and so his iournie was staied, to the great hinderance and preiudice of both the countries of England and Ireland: for e∣uen vpon the fame that was bruted of his comming into Ireland, in manner all the Irish lords determi∣ned to submit themselues vnto him, so greatlie was his name bo••h loued, reuerenced, and feared,* 13.35 euen a∣mong those wild and sauage people. This yeare Ro∣bert Uéere, late earle of Oxenford, and duke of Ire∣land, departed this life at Louaine in Brabant, in great anguish of mind, & miserable necessitie: which yoong gentleman (doubtlesse) was apt to all com∣mendable exercises and parts fit for a noble man, if in his youth he had béene well trained and brought vp in necessarie discipline.

[year 1393] This yeare after Christmasse, a parlement was called at Winchester,* 13.36 in which onelie a grant was made by the cleargie, of halfe a tenth, for the expen∣ses of the duke of Lancaster & Glocester, that were appointed to go ouer into France, to treat of peace, betwixt the two kingdomes. The courts of the kings bench and chancerie, which had béene remooued from Westminster to Yorke,* 13.37 either in disfauour onelie of the Londoners, or in fauour of the citizens of Yorke, for that the archbishop of that citie, being lord chan∣cellor, [line 10] wished to aduance (so farre as in him laie) the commoditie and wealth thereof, were neuerthelesse about this season brought backe againe to West∣minster, after they had remained a small time at Yorke, to the displeasure of manie. ¶ This yeare, the lord Auberie de Ueere, vncle to the late duke of Ireland, was made earle of Oxenford. ¶ The two and twentish of Februarie,* 13.38 Iohn Eures, constable of Douer castell, & lord steward of the kings house departed this life, in whose roome the lord Thomas [line 20] Persie that before was vicechamberlaine was cre∣ated lord steward; and the lord Thomas Beaumont was made constable of Douer,* 13.39 and lord warden of the cinque ports: and the lord William Scroope was made vicechamberlaine, who about the same time, bought of the lord William Montacute the Ile of Man, with the regalitie therof, for it is a kingdome; as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth.

* 13.40The dukes of Lancaster and Glocester went o∣uer vnto Calis, and downe to Bullongne came the [line 30] dukes of Berrie and Burgognie. These noblemen were sufficientlie furnished with authoritie, to con∣clude a perfect peace, both by sea and land, betweene the two realmes of France and England, and all their alies. The place appointed for them to treat in, was at Balingham, where tents and pauilions were pight vp, for the ease of both parties. They met there twise or thrise a wéeke, in a faire tent prepared for the purpose, about nine of the clocke in the forenoone. This was about the beginning of Maie. When they [line 40] entered first into communication,* 13.41 and had séene each others authoritie, one of the first demands that the Frenchmen made, was to haue Calis raced, in such wise, as there should neuer be anie habitation there after that time. The dukes of Lancaster and Gloce∣ster answered herevnto, how they had no authoritie to conclude so farre, but that England should hold Calis still, as in demesne, and true inheritance; and therefore, if they purposed to enter any further in the treatie of peace, they should ceasse from that demand and speake no more thereof. When the dukes of Ber∣rie [line 50] and Burgognie heard their two cousins of Eng∣land answer so roundlie, they spake no more of that matter.

* 13.42Then the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester de∣manded to haue restitution of all such lands as had béene deliuered, either to king Richard, or to king Edward the third, or to anie their deputies or com∣missioners, and also to haue fullie paid the summe of florens that was left vnpaid, at the time when the [line 60] warre reuiued betwixt England and France: and this the English lawiers prooued to stand with equi∣tie and reason. But neuerthelesse, the lords and chan∣cellor of France argued to the contrarie, and so a∣grée they could not, insomuch as the Frenchmen re∣quired, that if the Englishmen meant to haue anie conclusion of peace, they should draw to some neerer points.* 13.43 At length, the foure dukes tooke order, that all their demands on either side should be set downe in writing, and deliuered to either partie interchangea∣blie, that they might be regarded at length, and such as should be found vnreasonable, to be raced or re∣formed. After they had communed togither diuerse times, and remained there fiftéene daies, they ap∣pointed to aduertise the two kings of their whole doo∣ings, and after nine daies space to meet againe. The French dukes rode to Abbeuile, where the French king then laie: and the English dukes returning to Calis, wrote to the king of England, of all the whole matter. The duke of Glocester was harder to deale with in each behalfe, concerning the conclusion of peace, than was the duke of Lancaster, for he rather desired to haue had warre than any peace, except such a one as should be greatlie to the aduantage and ho∣nour of the realme of England: and therefore the commons of England vnderstanding his dispositi∣on, agreed that he should be sent, rather than anie other.* 13.44 For where in times past the Englishmen had greatlie gamed by the warres of France, as well the commons, as the knights and esquires, who had by the same mainteined their estate, they could not giue their willing consents, to haue anie peace at all with the Frenchmen, in hope by reason of the wars, to profit themselues, as in times past they had doone. The French king & nobles of France were great∣lie inclined to peace, and so likewise was the king of England, & the duke of Lancaster.* 13.45 But the French∣men were so subtill, and vsed so manie darke and co∣loured words, that the Englishmen had much a doo to vnderstand them: which offended much the duke of Glocester. But neuerthelesse, at the daie prefixed, these foure dukes met againe at Balingham,* 13.46 and with the French lords came the king of Armenie, newlie returned into France foorth of Grecia, for in∣to his owne countrie he durst not come, the Turkes hauing conquered it, the strong towne of Conich, which the Genowaies held, excepted.

The king of Armenie would gladlie that peace might haue béene established betwixt France and England,* 13.47 in hope to procure the sooner some aid of the kings to recouer his kingdome. But to conclude after that the dukes, and other with them associat as assistants, had diligentlie perused and examined the articles of their treatie,* 13.48 they would not passe nor seale to anie, till all darke and obscure words were cléerelie declared, opened, and made perfect, so that no generall peace might be concluded. Notwith∣standing, as Froissard saith,* 13.49 a truce for foure yeares space, vpon certeine articles was agreed to be kept as well by sea as by land. It was thought, that when they were at point to haue growne to agreement concerning manie articles, if the French king had not newlie fallen into his former disease of frensie, there had better effect followed of this treatie; but by occasion of his sicknesse, each man departed, before that anie principall articles could be fullie ordered and made perfect. The same time, sir Thomas Per∣sie the yoonger was made lord warden of Burde∣aux and Aquitaine.

In Sepermber, much hurt was doone,* 13.50 thorough excéeding great thunder, lightening, and tempests, which chanced in manie parts of England, but speci∣allie in Cambridgeshire, where manie houses were burned, with no small quantitie of corne. Great in∣undations and flouds of water followed shortlie af∣ter in October, which did much hurt at Burie,* 13.51 and Newmarket in Suffolke, where it ouerthrew wals of houses, and put men and women in great danger of drowning. In Essex also in September,* 13.52 great mortalitie fell by pestilence amongst the people, whereof manie died. ¶The towne of Chierburg was restored againe to the king of Nauarre, who had in∣gaged it to the king of England, for two thousand markes. [year 1394] ¶ A parlement was holden at Westmin∣ster, which began in the octaues of saint Hilarie. ¶The king purposing to go ouer into Ireland, requi∣red a subsidie, the cleargie granted to him a whole tenth, toward the furnishing foorth of that iournie, if

he went himselfe; if he went not, yet they agréed to giue to him the moitie of a tenth. In time of this par∣lement, there appeared great euill will to remaine betwixt the duke of Lancaster and the earle of A∣rundell,* 13.53 for the duke imposed to the earle, that about the Exaltation of the crosse, he laie with a companie of armed men in the castell of Holt by Chester, the same time that the countrie there rose against the duke, with their capteine Nicholas Cliffon, and his complices, whome he ment (as the duke alledged) to [line 10] haue aided against him: but this the earle flatlie de∣nied, and with probable reasons so excused himselfe, as the quarrell at length was taken vp, and the par∣ties for the time well quieted.

* 13.54This yeare on Whitsundaie being the seauenth of Iune, quéene Anne departed this life, to the great greefe of hir husband king Richard, who loued hir in∣tirelie. She deceassed at Shene, and was buried at Westminster, vpon the south side of saint Edwards shrine.* 13.55 The king tooke such a conceit with the house of [line 20] Shene, where she departed this life, that he caused the buildings to be throwne downe and defaced, where∣as the former kings of this land, being wearie of the citie, vsed customablie thither to resort, as to a place of pleasure, and seruing highlie to their recreation. Thus the king, the duke of Lancaster, and his sonne the earle of Derbie, were widowers, all in one sea∣son: for the ladie Constance duchesse of Lancaster daughter to Peter king of Spaine, deceassed the last yeare, whilest hir husband the duke of Lancaster [line 30] was at the treatie in France: at the same time al∣so deceassed the countesse of Derbie, wife to the lord Henrie earle of Derbie. ¶Moreouer, in this yeare 1394, Isabell duchesse of Yorke departed this life, that was halfe sister to the duchesse of Lancaster, be∣ing borne of one mother. She was buried at Lang∣leie.

* 13.56This yeare in August, was a proclamation set foorth, that all Irishmen should auoid this land, and returne home into their owne countrie, before the [line 40] feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, on paine of death. The occasion of which proclamation was, for that such multitudes of Irishmen were come ouer into this region, in hope of gaine, that the countries in Ireland,* 13.57 subiect to England, were in manner left void of people, so that the enimies spoiled and wasted those countries at their pleasure, finding few or none to withstand them. And where king Edward the third had placed in Ireland his bench and iudges, with his excheker, for the good administration of iu∣stice [line 50] and politike gouernement to be vsed there, he receiued from thence yearelie in reuenues and pro∣fits, comming to his owne cofers, the summe of thir∣tie thousand pounds:* 13.58 the king now laid foorth no lesse a summe to repell the enimies, which by absence of those that were come ouer hither, could not other∣wise be resisted, sith the power of the rebels was so increased, and the force of the countries subiect, tho∣rough lacke of the former inhabitants, so dimini∣shed. ¶About the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, [line 60] the king set forward to passe into Ireland, hauing made such preparation for that iournie, as the like for Ireland had not béene heard of at anie time be∣fore. There went out with him the duke of Glocester, the earles of March, Notingham, and Rutland, the lord Thomas Persie lord steward, and diuerse other of the English nobilitie.

The duke of Lancaster, that in the thirteenth yeare of king Richards reigne had beene created by autho∣ritie of parlement, duke of Aquitaine, was about this present time sent thither,* 13.59 with fiue hundred men of armes, & a thousand archers, to take posses∣sion of that duchie, according to the kings grant, by his letters patents thereof had, made, and confir∣med with his seale, in presence of the most part of all the nobles and great lords of England, to hold all that countrie to the said duke and his heires for euer in as large manner and forme, as his father king Edward the third, or anie other kings of England, or dukes of Aquitaine before time had holden, and as king Richard at that season had & held the same, the homage alwaies yet reserued to the kings of England for euer. But all this notwithstanding, at his comming thither, so farre were the Gascoignes,* 13.60 and other people of those marches from receiuing him with ioy and triumph, that they plainelie told him, they would not atturne to him, nor be vnder his iurisdiction at anie hand, although he had brought ouer with him commissioners sufficientlie authori∣sed, both to discharge them of their former allegiance to the king, and to inuest him in possession of that du∣chie, in maner and forme as before is said.

But now to returne to king Richard, ye shall vn∣derstand, that when all his prouision and roiall ar∣mie was readie, about Michaelmas, he tooke the sea, and landed at Waterford the second of October,* 13.61 and so remained in Ireland all that winter: his people were lodged abroad in the countrie, and lay so wari∣lie as they might. For although the Irishmen durst not attempt anie exploit openlie against the Eng∣lishmen, after the kings arriuall with so puissant an armie, yet they would steale sometimes vpon them, where they espied anie aduantage, and disquiet them in their lodgings. But when the English still pre∣uailed, diuerse of the greatest princes among them came in, and submitted themselues. Amongst other,* 13.62 foure kings are mentioned, as the great Onell king of Meth, Brine of Thomond king of Thomond, Ar∣thur Macmur king of Lineister, and Conhur king of Cheueno and Darpe: these kings were courteous∣lie interteined and much made of by king Richard, who kept his Christmas this yeare at Dubline. [year 1395] And after that feast was ended, he held a parlement there,* 13.63 to the which all his subiects of Ireland, vnto whom it apperteined, resorted, as well those that had conti∣nued vnder the English gouernement aforetime, as those that were latelie yéelded.

Also at the same time, after the octaues of the E∣piphanie, the duke of Yorke,* 13.64 lord warden of Eng∣land, now in the kings absence, caused a parlement to be called at Westminster, to the which was sent forth of Ireland the duke of Glocester, that he might declare to the commons the kings necessitie, to haue some grant of monie to supplie his want, hauing spent no small quantitie of treasure in that iournie made into Ireland. The dukes words were so well heard and beléeued, that a whole tenth was granted by the clergie, and a fiftéenth by the laitie; but not without protestation, that those paiements were granted of a meere good will, for the loue they bare to the king, and to haue his businesse go forwards, which because it required great expenses, both for that his owne roiall person was abiding in Ireland about the subduing of the rebels, as also because his retinue and power could not be mainteined without excessiue charges; they seemed to be no lesse desirous to haue the same ended, than they which were dailie agents in the same, not without feare of misfortune likelie to befall them, hauing to deale with a people of such barbarous and rebellious behauior.

At the same time, those that followed Wickliffes opinions,* 13.65 set vp publikelie on the church doore of Paules in London, and the church doores of West∣minster, certeine writings, conteining accusations of the clergie, and conclusions, such as had not com∣monlie béene heard, against ecclesiasticall persons, and the vse of the sacraments, as the church then mainteined. They were incouraged thus to doo, as it

was said, by some noble men, and knights of great worship, as sir Richard Sturrie, sir Lewes Clifford, sir Thomas Latimer, sir Iohn Montacute, & others, who comforted & pricked forward those kind of men, then called heretikes & Lollards, to the confounding of monks, friers, and other religious persons, by all waies they might. Herevpon, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of London, and certeine other as messengers from the whole state of the clergie,* 13.66 passed ouer into Ireland, where, to the king they made a [line 10] grieuous complaint, as well against those that had framed and set foorth such writings, as against them that mainteined them in their dooings, and therefore besought him with spéed to returne home into Eng∣land, there to take such order, for the restreining of those misordered persons, as vnto the reliefe of the church might be thought expedient, being then in great danger of susteining irrecouerable losse and damage, if good reformation were not the sooner had. King Richard hearing these things, vpon good deli∣beration [line 20] had in the matter, determined to returne home, but first on the day of the Annuntiation of our ladie,* 13.67 he made the foure aboue remembred kings, to wit, Onell, Brine of Thomond, Arthur of Mack∣mur, and Conhur, knights, in the cathedrall church of Dublin, and one likewise sir Thomas Orphen, sir Ioatas Pado, and his coosine sir Iohn Pado.

This doone, and now after that they were set in quiet in that countrie (the rebels not being so hardie as to stirre, whilest such a mightie armie was there [line 30] readie at hand to assaile them) the king about Ea∣ster came backe into England without anie more a∣doo,* 13.68 so that the gaine was thought nothing to coun∣teruaile the charges, which were verie great: for the king had ouer with him in that iournie, foure thou∣sand men of armes, and thirtie thousand archers, as Froissard saith he was informed by an English es∣quier that had béene in that iournie. The king at his comming ouer, did not forget what complaint the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of London had [line 40] exhibited to him, against those that were called Lol∣lards, and heretiks, wherevpon immediatlie, he cal∣led before him certeine of the noble men,* 13.69 that were thought and knowne to fauour such kind of men, threatning terriblie, if from thence foorth they should in anie wise comfort and relieue them. He caused sir Richard Sturrie to receiue an oth, that he should not mainteine from that day forward anie such erro∣nious opinions, menacing him, and as it were, co∣uenanting with him by an interchangeable oth, that [line 50] if euer he might vnderstand, that he did violate and breake that oth, he should die for it a most shamefull death.

¶ By the report of H. Knighton it should séeme, that this sect (as he calleth them) mightilie increased, to the no small offense of the lords temporall and spi∣rituall, wherevpon after sundrie complaints, and se∣rious solicitations for the supplanting of them, com∣missions were granted, and the tenure of them (as it should séeme) though not absolutelie, yet in part ex∣ecuted. [line 60] Now therefore listen what mine author saith, whose addition, though by his owne supputation of yeares it require to be placed elsewhere; yet for the consonancie of the matter, and because writers varie greatlie in their accounts of time, I haue here inser∣ted the same, as in a verie conuenient place of the historie. The noblemen and the commons (saith Hen∣rie Knighton) séeing the ship of the church,* 13.70 with these & other innumerable errors, & verie lewd opinions as it were on all sides from day to day with ceasse∣lesse violence and force to be shaken; besought the king in the parlement, that redresse might be had herof; lest the arke of the faith of all the church by such violences and inforcements giuen in those daies, should through want of gouernement be battered without remedie, and the glorious realme of Eng∣land by corrupting of faith should by little and little be drawne into a distresse of grace and losse of honor. Wherefore the king vsing the sound counsell of the whole parlement, commanded the archbishop of Canturburie, & the rest of the bishops of the realme, to execute their charge and office, all and euerie of them in his and their diocesse, according to the canon lawes, more seuerelie and zealouslie; to correct the offendors, to examine their English books more ful∣lie and substantiallie, to root out errors with all their indeuors, to bring the people into an vnitie of the right faith, to wéed vp out of the church all netles, thistles, and brambles wherewith she is disgraced; and to beautifie hir with lillies and roses; and should cause an establishment of his roiall power more boldlie and stoutlie. And the king foorthwith com∣manded, without delaie, that his letters patents should be sent abroad into all and euerie shire of his kingdome; and appointed in euerie shire certeine searchers for such books and their fauourers; charging them to applie a spéedie remedie vnto these disorders, and to lay vp the rebels in the verie next gaoles, till the king sent vnto them. But verie slow execution or none at all followed, because the houre of correc∣tion was not yet come. [Howbeit, to prepare and make an entrance to the purposed reformation and correction of those enormities, he gaue out a commis∣sion against the Wickleuists, a copie whereof fol∣loweth both in Latine and English. Whereby the world may see how the springing church of Christ was hated and abhorred of the antichristian rout.]

Copia regiae commissionis aduer∣sus Lollardos & Lollardorum sequaces.

RIchardus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae, dilectis sibi magistro Thomae Brightwell in the∣ologia doctori, decano collegij noui ope∣ris Leicestriae, & Gulielmo Chesulden praebenda∣rio praebendae eiusdem collegij, ac dilectis & fideli∣bus nostris Richardo de Barow Chinall, & Rober∣to Langham, salutem. Quia ex insinuatione cre∣dibili certitudinaliter informatur, quòd ex insana doctrina magistrorum Iohannis Wickliffe dum vixit, Nicholai Herford, Iohannis Liston, & suo∣rum sequaciū, quàm plures libri, libelli, schedulae, & quaterni, haeresibus & erroribus manifestis in fidei catholicae laesionem, & sanae doctrinae deroga∣tionem, expresse, & palàm, & notoriè redundan∣tes, frequentiùs compilantur, publicantur, & con∣scribuntur, tam in Anglico quàm in Latino, ac ex∣inde opiniones nefariae sanae doctrinae contrarian∣tes, oriuntur, crescunt, & manutenentur, ac prae∣dicantur, in fidei orthodoxae eneruationem, eccle∣siae sanctae subuersionem, & ex consequenti (quod absit) quàm plurium incredulitatem, eorúm{que} ani∣marum periculum manifestum. Nos zelo fidei ca∣tholicae, cuius sumus & esse volumus defensores in omnibus (vt tenemur) moti salubriter & inducti, nolentes huiusmodi haereses aut errores infra ter∣minos nostrae potestatis, quatenùs poterimus, oriri, seu quomodolibet pullulare: assignamus vos con∣iunctim & diuisim, ad omnes & singulos libros, li∣bellos, schedulas, & quaternos huiusmodi doctrinā dictorū Iohannis, Nicholai, Iohannis, & sociorum sequacium, seu opinionum aliquam minùs sanam continentes, vbicún{que}, & in quorumcún{que} mani∣bus,

possessione, seu custodia inueniri poterunt, in∣fra libertates vel extra, inuestigandum, capien∣dum, & arrestandum, & penes concilium nostrum cum omni celeritate possibili deferri faciendum, vt tunc ibidem de ijsdem ordinare vale amus, prout de auisamento concilij nostri praedictifore videri∣mus faciendum: ac etiam ad proclamandum, & ex parte nostra firmiter inhibendum, ne quis cuius∣cún{que} status, gradus, seu conditionis fuerit, sub poe∣na imprisionamenti & forisfacturationum, quae no∣bis [line 10] forisfacere poterit, aliquas huiusmodi prauas & nefarias opiniones manutenere, docere, pertinaci∣terque defendere, clàm vel palam, seu huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos detinere, scribere, vel scribi facere, aut emere vel vendere praesumat quouis modo; sed omnes & singulos hu∣iusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos se∣cum habitos & inuentos, ad mandatum nostrum vobis reddat, seu reddifaciat indilatè. Et ad om∣nes [line 20] illos, quos post proclamationem & inhibitionem praedictis contrarium inueneritis facientes, & hu∣iusmodi nefarias opiniones manutentes, coràm vo∣bis praefato Thoma decano & Gulielmo euocan∣dum, & diligenter examinandum: & cùm inde legitimè euicti fuerint, ministris proximís{que} priso∣nis committendum, in ijsdem detinendum, quoús∣que à suis erroribus, haeresibus, & prauis opinioni∣bus resipiscant, seu nos pro deliberatione eorundem [line 30] aliter duxerimus ordinandum. Et ideo vobis man∣damus, quòd dicta praemissa cum omni diligentia & efficacia intendatis, & ea faciatis & exequa∣mini in forma praedicta. Damus autem tàm vni∣uersis & singulis viris ecclesiasticis, quàm vice∣comitibus, maioribus, balliuis, ministris, & alijs fidelibus & subditis nostris, tàm infra libertates quàm extra tenore praesentium firmiter in manda∣tis, quòd vobis, & cuilibet vestrum, in praemissis faciendis assistentes sint, consulentes, & auxilian∣tes, [line 40] prout decet. In cuius rei testimonium has li∣teras nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vice simo tertio die Maij, anno regni nostri vndecimo.

A copie of the kings commission a∣gainst the Lollards or Wickleuists and their followers: Englished by A.F.

[line 50]

RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of I∣reland, to his beloued, maister Tho∣mas Brightwell doctor in diuinitie, deane of the college of the new worke of Lei∣cester, and to William Chesulden prebendarie of the prebend of the same college; and to our beloued and trustie subiects, Richard of Barow Chinall, and Robert Langham; greeting. For so [line 60] much as we are certeinelie informed by credi∣ble report, that by the vnsound doctrine of mai∣ster Iohn Wickliffe, whiles he liued, of Nicho∣las Herford, Iohn Liston, and their followers, many bookes, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets ex∣presselie, euidentlie, and notoriouslie swarming with manifest heresies and errors to the hurt of the catholike faith, & the abolishment of sound doctrine, are commonlie compiled, published, and written, as well in English as in Latine, and therevpon wicked opinions contrarie to sound doctrine, doo spring, grow, and are mainteined and preached to the weakening of the right faith, the ouerthrow of holie church, and con∣sequentlie (which God forbid) the misbeleefe of a great many, & the manifest danger of their soules. We being moued with zeale to the ca∣tholike faith, whereof we are, and will be defen∣ders in all things, as we are bound, vnwilling that such heresies or errors within the limits of our iurisdiction, so far as we are able, should grow, or by any meanes spring vp: doo assigne you iointlie and seuerallie, all and singular the books, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets conteining such doctrine of the said Iohn, Nicholas, Iohn, and their fellow-followers, or any of their cor∣rupt opinions, wheresoeuer, & in whose hands, possession, or keeping soeuer they shalbe found within the liberties or without; them to search, take, arrest, and cause to be brought before our councell with all possible speed, that then and there we may take order for the same accor∣dinglie, as by the aduise of our foresaid councell we shall see requisite to be doone. And also to proclaime, and on our behalfe firmelie to for∣bid all and euerie one, of whatsoeuer state, de∣gree, or condition he be, vnder paine of impri∣sonment and forfeitures, which to vs he shall forfeit, any of these wicked and lewd opinions to mainteine, teach, obstinatlie to defend, pri∣uilie or openlie, or any of these bookes, libels, scheduls & pamphlets to keepe, write, or cause to be written; but all and euerie such booke and bookes, libels, scheduls, and pamphlets with them had & found, at our commandement vn∣to you to deliuer, or cause to be deliuered with∣out delaie. And all them, whome after pro∣clamation and inhibition you shall find dooing contrarie to the premisses, and such lewd opini∣ons mainteining, to call foorth before you the said Thomas the deane, & William, and them to examine: & when they shalbe lawfullie con∣uinced therein, to commit them to the next of∣ficers & prisons, there to be kept, till they haue recanted their errors, heresies, and wicked opi∣nions; or till we for their deliuerance shall o∣therwise thinke order to be taken. And there∣fore we command, that you intend the said premisses, with all diligence and effect, and the same doo and execute in forme aforesaid. We doo also giue in streict commandement and charge, to all and euerie as well churchman & churchmen, as shiriffes, maiors, bailiffes, offi∣cers, and other our trustie subiects, as well with∣in the liberties as without, by the tenor of these presents, to assist, counsell, and helpe you and e∣uerie of you in doing the premisses, as it is con∣uenient. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these our letters patents to be made. Witnesse our selues at Westminster the twentie third day of Maie, and the eleuenth yeare of our reigne.

¶ About this time, or (as Henrie Knighton saith) in the yeare 1392, maister William Courtenie archbi∣shop of Canturburie, brother to the earle of Den∣shire visited the diocesse of Lincolne, and on the feast of saint Faith the virgine he visited maister Iohn Bokingham bishop of Lincolne in the cathedrall church of Lincoln••, with the chapter,* 15.1 and an hundred of the canons, and he came to Leicester abbeie in vi∣sitation, the sundaie before the feast of All saints, where he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all the tuesdaie, and on the eeue also

of All saints being mondaie, calling togither all the canons of the said monasterie, with the chaplines of his owne chappell, euerie of them hauing in their hands burning candels.* 15.2 The same archbishop confir∣med sentence of excommunication against the Lol∣lards or Wickleuists, with their fauourers, which either now mainteined or caused to be mainteined, or hereafter did mainteine or should mainteine the errours and opinions of master Iohn Wickliffe, in the diocesse of Lincolne. On the morrow next after All saints, the same bishop flashed out his sentence of [line 10] excommunication like lightning in open sight, with a crosse set vpright, with candels burning bright, and with bels roong alowd, and namelie against those of Leicester towne that had too too much defiled and in∣fected the said towne and countrie. The archbishop departing from thence, went to saint Peters church, to a certeine anchoresse named Matildis there kept as in a closet, whom he reprouing about the foresaid errors and opinions of the Lollards, and finding hir [line 20] answers scarse aduisedlie made, cited hir that she should appeare before him, on the sundaie next insu∣ing, in saint Iames his abbeie at Northampton, to answer vnto the foresaid erronious and prophane points. Now she appeared at the day appointed, and renouncing hir errours, and hauing penance inioi∣ned hir, she went awaie reformed. But till the se∣cond day before the feast of saint Lucie, she kept hir selfe out of hir closet, and then entred into the same a∣gaine. Other Lollards also were cited, and appea∣red [line 30] at Oxford, and in other places, as the archbishop had commanded them: who renouncing their super∣stitious errours, and for swearing their prophane opi∣nions, did open penance. Also one William Smith was made to go about the market place at Leice∣ster,* 15.3 clothed in linnen [or in a white sheet] holding in his right arme the image of the Crucifix, and in his left the image of saint Katharine, bicause the said Smith had sometimes cut in peeces and burned an image of saint Katharine, whereof he made a fire to [line 40] boile him hearbes in his hunger.

In those daies there was a certeine matrone in London, which had one onelie daughter, whome ma∣nie daies she instructed and trained vp to celebrat the masse, and she set vp an altar in hir priuie or se∣cret chamber with all the ornaments therevnto be∣longing, and so she made hir daughter manie daies to attire hir selfe like a priest, and to come to the al∣tar, and after hir maner to celebrate the masse. Now when she came to the words of the sacrament, she [line 50] cast hir selfe flat on hir face before the altar, & * 15.4 made not the sacrament; but rising vp, dispatched the rest of the masse euen to the verie end, hir mother helping hir therein, and dooing hir deuotion. This errour a long time lasted, till at last by a certeine neighbour that was secretlie called to such a masse, it was told abroad, and came to the bishops eares, who causing them to appeare before him, talked with them about that errour, and compelled the yoong woman openlie to shew the priestlie shauing of hir haire, whose head [line 60] was found to be all bare and bald. The bishop sigh∣ing and sorrieng that such an errour should happen in the church in his time, made manie lamentations, and hauing inioined them penance, dispatched and sent them away. Thus far Henrie Knighton. [It is not to be doubted, but that in these daies manie of the female sex be medling in matters impertinent to their degrée,* 15.5 and inconuenient for their knowledge; debating & scanning in their priuat conuenticles of such things as wherabout if they kept silence, it were for their greater commendation; presuming, though not to celebrat a masse, or to make a sacrament; yet to vndertake some publike peece of s••ruice incident to the ministerie: whose ouer-saw••ie rashnesse being bolstered and borne vp with abbettors not a few, whe∣ther it be by ecclesiasticall discipline corrected, I wot not; but of the vniformed presbiterie I am sure it is lamented.]

A certeine thing appeared in the likenesse of fier in manie parts of the realme of England,* 15.6 now of one fashion, now of another, as it were euerie night, but yet in diuerse places all Nouember and Decem∣ber. This fierie apparition, oftentimes when any bo∣die went alone, it would go with him, and would stand still when he stood still. To some it appeared in the likenesse of a turning whéele burning; to other∣some round in the likenesse of a barrell, flashing out flames of fier at the head; to othersome in the like∣nesse of a long burning lance; and so to diuerse folks at diuerse times and seasons it shewed it selfe in diuerse formes and fashions a great part of winter, speciallie in Leicestershire and Northamptonshire: and when manie went togither, it approched not neere them, but appeared to them as it were a far off. In a parlement time there was a certeine head of war made by the art of necromancie (as it was reported) which head at an houre appointed to speake,* 15.7 vttered these words following at thrée times, and then ceas∣sed to speake any more. These be the words; first, The head shall be cut off; secondlie, The head shall be lift vp aloft; thirdlie, The feet shall be lift vp aloft aboue the head. This happened in the time of that parle∣ment which was called the mercilesse parlement, not long before the parlement that was named the par∣lement which wrought woonders.* 15.8 In Aprill there was séene a fierie dragon in manie places of Eng∣land; which dreadfull sight as it made manie a one amazed, so it ministred occasion of mistrust to the minds of the maruellors, that some great mischéefe was imminent, whereof that burning apparition was a prognostication.* 15.9 In this kings daies (as saith Thomas Walsingham) whose report, bicause I am here dealing with certeine prodigious accidents importing some strange euents, I am the more bold to interlace) about the troublesome time when discord sprang betwéene the king and his youthlie compani∣ons with the duke of Lancaster,* 15.10 in the moneth of Maie, there happened a coniunction of the two grea∣test planets, namelie Iupiter and Saturne, after the which did follow a verie great commotion of kingdoms, as in the processe of this historie may ap∣peare.

The French king about this time summoned a conuocation of the French cleargie,* 15.11 to decide and search out the power of the two popes, which of them had fuller right and authoritie in S. Peters chaire, for the schisme and diuision betwéene the two popes was not yet ended. The French clergie wrote in the behalfe of Clement their pope, & cōfirmed their script or writing with the vniuersitie seale of Paris. Which writing Charles the French king sent ouer to Ri∣chard king of England, that touching these doubts and difficulties he with (the councell of his cleargie might deliberat. Wherefore king Richard summo∣ned a conuocation at Oxford of the lerneder diuines as well regents as not regents of the whole realme; who wrote for and in the behalfe of Urbane their pope of Rome, and confirmed their writing with the vniuersitie seale of Oxford, & sent it ouer sea to Pa∣ris vnto the French king. But nothing was doone further in the premisses, both popes, vnder the shrowd or shelter of schisme preuailing betwéene them, iu∣stifieng these title & interest. [This is the last record found in Henrie Knighton, who for that which he hath doone touching chronographie, hath written (the blind∣nesse of the time wherein he liued, and his order con∣sidered) though not so well as the best, yet not so ill as the woorst: and whose collections, if they were laid

togither, would affoord a large augmentation to ma∣ters of chronicle: but O spite that so abruptlie he brea∣keth off, and continueth his an ••ales no further than this yeare, 1395.]

This yeere, the Danes that laie rouing on the seas did much hurt to the English merchants, taking and robbing manie English ships, and ••hen the hauen townes alongst ••he coasts of Northfolke,* 15.12 made foorth a number of ships, and ventured to fight with those pirats, they were vanquished by the Danes, so that [line 10] manie were slaine, and manie taken prisoners, which were constreined to paie great ransoms. The eni∣mies also found in ransacking the English ships,* 15.13 twentie thousand pounds, which the English mer∣chants had aboord with them to buy wares with, in place whither they were bound to go. ¶In the same yeare, William Courtneie archbishop of Cantur∣burie, hauing more regard to his owne priuat com∣moditie, than to the discommoditie of others, purcha∣sed a bull of the pope, whereby he was authorised to leauie through his whole prouince foure pence of the [line 20] pound of ecclesiasticall promotions, as well in pla∣ces exempt, as not exempt, no true nor lawfull cause being shewed or pretended, why he ought so to doo; and to see the execution of this bull put in practise, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of London, were named and appointed.

Manie that feared the censures of such high exe∣cutioners, chose rather to paie the monie foorthwith, than to go to the law, and be compelled happilie, man∣ger their good willes. Some there were that appea∣led [line 30] to the sée of Rome, meaning to defend their cause and to procure that so vnlawfull an exaction might be reuoked. Speciallie, the prebendaries of Lincolne stood most stiffelie against those bishops, but the death of the archbishop that chanced shortlie after, made an end of those so passing great troubles. This yeare, Iohn Waltham bishop of Salisburie,* 15.14 and lord trea∣suror of England departed this life, and by king Ri∣chard his appointment had the honor to haue his bo∣die interred at Westminster amongst the kings. Af∣ter [line 40] this decease, Roger Walden that before was se∣cretarie to the king, and treasuror of Calis, was now made lord treasuror.

Yée haue heard, that in the yeare 1392, Robert Uéer duke of Ireland departed this life in Louaine in Brabant.* 15.15 King Richard therefore this yeare in Nouember, caused his corps being imbalmed, to be conueied into England, and so to the priorie of Col∣nie in Essex,* 15.16 appointing him to be laid in a coffine of cypresse, and to be adorned with princelie garments, [line 50] hauing a chaine of gold about his necke, and rich rings on his fingers. And to shew what loue and af∣fection he bare vnto him in his life time, the king caused the coffine to be opened, that he might behold his face bared, and touch him with his hands: he ho∣nored his funerall exequies with his presence, ac∣companied with the countesse of Oxenford, mother to the said duke, the archbishop of Canturburie, and manie other bishops, abbats, and priors: but of no∣ble [line 60] men there were verie few, for they had not yet digested the enuie and hatred which they had concei∣ued against him.

* 15.17In this meane while, the duke of Lancaster was in Gascoigne, treating with the lords of the coun∣trie, and the inhabitants of the good townes, which vtterlie refused to receiue him otherwise than as a lieutenant or substitute to the king of England,* 15.18 and in the end addressed messengers into England, to signifie to the king, that they had beene accustomed to be gouerned by kings, and meant not now to be∣come subiects to anie other, contrarie to all reason, sith the king could not (sauing his oth) alien them from the crowne. The duke of Lancaster vsed all waies he might deuise, how to win their good wils, and had sent also certeine of his trustie councellors ouer hither into England, as sir William Perreer, sir Peter Clifton, and two clearkes learned in the lawe, the one called maister Iohn Huech, and the o∣ther maister Iohn Richards a canon of Leicester, to plead and sollicit his cause.

But to be breefe, such reasons were shewed, and such matter vnfolded by the Gascoignes, whie they ought not be separated from the crowne of Eng∣land, that finallie (notwithstanding the duke of Glo∣cester, and certeine other were against them) it was decréed, that the countrie and duchie of Aquitaine should remaine still in demesne of the crowne of England, least that by this transporting thereof,* 15.19 it might fortune in time, that the heritage thereof should fall into the hands of some stranger, and eni∣mie to the English nation, so that then the homage and souereigntie might perhaps be lost for euer. In∣deed, the duke of Glocester, being a prince of an high mind, & loth to haue the duke of Lancaster at home, being so highlie in the kings fauor, could haue béene well pleased, that he should haue enioied his gift, for that he thought thereby to haue borne all the rule a∣bout the king, for the duke of Yorke was a man ra∣ther coueting to liue in pleasure, than to deale with much businesse, and the weightie affaires of the realme.

About the same time, or somewhat before, the king sent an ambassage to the French king, the archbi∣shop of Dublin, the earle of Rutland,* 15.20 the earle Mar∣shall, the lord Beaumont, the lord Spenser, the lord Clifford named Lewes, and twentie knights with fortie esquiers. The cause of their going ouer, was to intreat of a marriage to be had betwixt him, and the ladie Isabell, daughter to the French king, she be∣ing as then not past eight yeares of age, which be∣fore had beene promised vnto the duke of Britaines sonne: but in consideration of the great benefit that was likelie to insue by this communication and a∣liance with England, there was a meane found to vndoo that knot, though not presentlie. These Eng∣lish lords, at their comming to Paris, were ioifullie receiued, and so courteouslie interteined, banketted, feasted, and cherished, and that in most honorable sort, as nothing could be more: all their charges and expenses were borne by the French king, and when they should depart, they receiued for answer of their message, verie comfortable words, and so with hope to haue their matter sped, they returned.

But now when the duke of Lancaster had,* 15.21 by lai∣eng foorth an inestimable masse of treasure purcha∣sed in a manner the good wils of them of Aquitaine, and compassed his whole desire, he was suddenlie countermanded home by the king, and so to satisfie the kings pleasure, he returned into England, and comming to the king at Langleie, where he held his Christmasse, was receiued with more honor than loue, as was thought; wherevpon he rode in all hast that might be to Lincolne, where Katharine Swin∣ford as then laie, whom shortlie after the Epiphanie, [year 1396] he tooke to wife. This woman was borne in Hei∣nault, daughter to a knight of that countrie, called sir Paou de Ruet: she was brought vp in hir youth, in the duke of Lancasters house,* 15.22 and attended on his first wife the duchesse Blanch of Lancaster, and in the daies of his second wife the duchesse Con∣stance, he kept the foresaid Katharine as his concu∣bine, who afterwards was married to a knight of England, named Swinford, that was now deceas∣sed. Before she was married, the duke had by hir three children, two sonnes and a daughter; one of the sons was named Thomas de Beaufort, & the other Henrie, who was brought vp at Aken in Almaine,

prooued a good lawyer, and was after bishop of Win∣chester.

For the loue that the duke had to these his chil∣dren, he married their mother the said Katharine Swinford, being now a widow, whereof men mar∣uelled much, considering hir meane estate was farre vnmeet to match with his highnesse, and nothing comparable in honor to his other two former wiues. And indeed, the great ladies of England, as the du∣ches of Glocester, the countesses of Derbie, Arundell and others, descended of the blood roiall, greatlie dis∣deined, [line 10] that she should be matched with the duke of of Lancaster, and by that means be accompted se∣cond person in the realme, and preferred in roome be∣fore them, and therefore they said, that they would not come in anie place where she should be present, for it should be a shame to them that a woman of so base birth, and concubine to the duke in his other wiues daies, should go and haue place before them. The duke of Glocester also, being a man of an high mind and stout stomach, misliked his brothers [line 20] matching so meanlie, but the duke of Yorke bare it well inough, and verelie, the ladie hir selfe was a wo∣man of such bringing vp, and honorable demeanor, that enuie could not in the end but giue place to well deseruing.* 15.23 About this season, the doctrine of of Iohn Wickliffe still mightilie spred abroad héere in England. ¶The schisme also still continued in the church, betwixt the two factions of cardinals French and Romane▪ for one of their popes could no sooner be dead, but that they ordeined an other in his [line 30] place.

In this eighteenth yeare also was a woonderfull tempest of wind in the months of Iulie and August, and also most speciallie in September, by violence whereof, in sundrie places of this realme, great and woonderfull hurt was doone, both in churches and houses. ¶The ambassadors that had béene latelie in France, about the treatie of the marriage (as before yée haue heard) went thither againe, and so after that the two kings by sending to and fro were growne [line 40] to certeine points and couenants of agreement,* 15.24 the earle marshall, by letters of procuration, married the ladie Isabell, in name of king Richard, so that from thencefoorth she was called quéene of England. Amongst other couenants and articles of this mar∣riage, there was a truce accorded, to indure betwixt the two realms of England and France, for tearme of thirtie yeares. The pope wrote to king Richard, beseeching him to assist the prelats against the Lol∣lards (as they tearmed them) whom he pronounced to [line 50] be traitors, both to the church and kingdome, and therefore he besought him to take order for the pu∣nishment of them, whom the prelats should denounce to be heretikes.

* 15.25At the same time, he sent a bull reuocatorie con∣cerning religious men, that had either at his hands or at the hands of his legats or nuncios purchased to be his chapleins, and accompting themselues there∣by exempt from their order; so that now they were by this reuocatorie bull, appointed to returne to their [line 60] order, and to obserue all rules thereto belonging. This liked the friers well, namelie the minors, that sought by all means they might deuise, how to bring their brethren home againe, which by such exemptions in being the popes chapleins, were segregated & di∣uided from the residue of their fraternitie or brother∣hood. The king in this twentith yeare of his reigne, went ouer to Calis with his vncles the dukes of Yorke and Glocester,* 15.26 and a great manie of other lords and ladies of honour, and thither came to him the duke of Burgognie, and so they communed of ••he peace. There was no enimie to the conclusion thereof but the duke of Glocester, who shewed well by his words that he wished rather war than peace, in somuch as the king stood in doubt of him, least he would procure some rebellion against him by his subiects, whome he knew not to fauour greatlie this new aliance with France.

The king after the duke of Burgognie had tal∣ked with him throughlie of all things, and was de∣parted from him, returned into England (leauing the ladies still at Calis) to open the couenants of the marriage and peace vnto his subiects, and after he had finished with that businesse, and vnderstood their minds, he went againe to Calis, and with him his two vncles, of Lancaster and Glocester, and diuerse prelats and lords of the realme; and shortlie after came the French king to the bastide of Arde, accom∣panied with the dukes of Burg••gnie, Berrie, Bri∣taine and Burbon. There was set vp for the king of England a right faire and rich pauilion a little be∣yond Guisnes within the English pale;* 15.27 and ano∣ther the like pauilion was pight vp also for the French king on this side Arde, within the French dominion; so that betwéene the said pauilions was the distance of thréescore & ten pases, and in the mid∣waie betwixt them both,* 15.28 was ordeined the third pa∣uilion, at the which both kings comming from either of their tents sundrie times should méet and haue communication togither.

The distance betwixt the two tents was beset on either side in time of the interview with knights ar∣med with their swords in their hands; that is to say, on the one side stood foure hundred French knights in armor with swords in their hands,* 15.29 and on the o∣ther side foure hundred English knights armed with swords in their hands, making as it were a lane be∣twixt them through the which the two kings came and met, with such noble men as were appointed to at∣tend them.* 15.30 And a certeine distance from the two first pauilions, were appointed to stand such companies of men as either of them by appointment had coue∣nanted to bring with them. The two kings before their méeting,* 15.31 receiued a solemne oth for assurance of their faithfull and true meaning, to obserue the sa∣cred lawes of amitie one toward an other in that their interview, so as no damage, violence, molesta∣tion, arrest, disturbance, or other inconuenience should be practised by them, or their friends and sub∣iects: and that if anie disorder rose through anie mis∣happe, arrogancie, or strife mooued by anie person, the same should be reformed, promising in the words of princes to assist one an other in suppressing, the ma∣lice of such as should presume to doo or attempt anie thing that might sound to the breach of friendlie a∣mitie, during the time of that assemblie eight daies before, and seuen daies after.

On the six and twentith of October, the king of England remooued from Calis toward the castell of Guisnes, and wi••h him the duke of Berrie, who was sent to take his oth. The morow after, being the euen of Simon and Iude, the kings met, and the lords of France, to wit, the duke of Berrie, Burgogne, Or∣leans, and Burbon, the earle of Sauoie, the vicount of Meaux, and others conueied the king of England; and from him were sent to conduct the French king diuerse of the English lords, as the two dukes of Lancaster and Glocester, foure earles; to wit, of Derbie, Rutland, Notingham, and Northumber∣land. After the two kings were come togither into the tent for that purpose prepared, it was first accor∣ded betwixt them, that in the same place where they thus met, should be builded of both their costs a cha∣pell for a perpetuall memorie,* 15.32 which should be called The chapell of our ladie of peace. On saturdaie be∣ing the feast daie of the apostles Simon and Iude, the kings talked togither of certeine articles tou∣ching

the treatie of peace, and hauing concluded vp∣on the same, they receiued either of them an oth vpon the holie Euangelists, to obserue and kéepe all the couenants accorded vpon.

On the mondaie the French king came to the king of England his pauillion, and the same time was brought thither the yoong quéene Isabell daugh∣ter to the French king,* 15.33 who there deliuered hir vnto king Richard, who taking hir by the hand kissed hir, & gaue to hir father great thanks for that so honorable [line 10] and gratious a gift, openlie protesting, that vpon the conditions concluded betwixt them, he did receiue hir, that by such affinitie both the realmes might con∣tinue in quietnesse, and come to a good end and per∣fect conclusion of a perpetuall peace. The quéene was committed to the duchesses of Lancaster & Glocester, to the countesses of Huntington and Stafford, to the march••onesse of Dublin daughter to the lord Con∣cie, to the ladies of Namure, Poinings, and others; which with a noble traine of men and horsses, con∣ueied [line 20] hir to Calis: for there were twelue charrets full of ladies & gentlewomen. This d••one, the kings came togither into the king of Englands pauillion to dinner. The French king sate on the right side of the hall, and was roiallie serued after the maner of his countrie,* 15.34 that is to saie, of all maner of meats appointed to be serued at the first course in one migh∣tie large dish or platter, and likewise after the same sort at the second course. But the king of England was serued after the English manner. When the [line 30] tables were taken vp, and that they had made an end of dinner, the kings kissed ech other, and tooke their horsses. The K. of England brought the French king on his waie, and at length they tooke leaue either of other, in shaking hands and imbracing on horsse∣backe. The French king rode to Arde, and the king of England returned to Calis.

¶ We haue omitted (as things superfluous to speake of) all the honorable demenor and courteous interteinement vsed and shewed betwixt these prin∣ces [line 40] and noble men on both parts, their sundrie fea∣stings and banketings, what rich apparell, plate, and other furniture of cupboords and tables, the princelie gifts and rich iewels which were presented from one to an other, striuing (as it might séeme) who should shew himselfe most bounteous and liberall:* 15.35 beside the gifts which the king of England gaue vnto the French king, and to the nobles of his realme (which amounted aboue the summe of ten thousand marks) the K. of England spending at this time (as the fame [line 50] went) aboue thrée hundred thousand marks. After the kings returne to Calis on wednesdaie next in∣suing,* 15.36 being All hallowes daie, in solemne wise he married the said ladie Isabell in the church of saint Nicholas, the archbishop of Canturburie dooing the office of the minister.

The thursdaie after, the dukes of Orleance and Burbon came to Calis to sée the king & the quéene: and on the fridaie they tooke their leaue and depar∣ted, and rode to saint Omers to the French king. [line 60] On the same daie in the morning the king and the queene tooke their ship, and had faire passage: for within thrée houres they arriued at Douer, from whence they sped them towards London, whereof the citizens being warned, made out certeine horsse∣men well appointed in one liuerie of colour, with a deuise imbrodered on their sléeues, that euerie com∣panie might be knowne from other, the which with the maior and his brethren,* 15.37 clothed in skarlet, met the king and quéene on Blackeheath, and there dooing their duties with humble reuerence attended vpon their maiesties till they came to Newington: where the king comanded the maior with his companie to returne, for that he was appointed to lodge that night at Kennington.

Shortlie after, to wit, the thirteenth of Nouember, the yoong quéene was conueied from thence with great pompe vnto the Tower, at which time there was such prease on London bridge,* 15.38 that by reason thereof, certeine persons were thrust to death: a∣mong the which the prior of Tiptrie, a place in Es∣sex was one, and a worshipfull matrone in Cornehill an other. The morow after she was conueied to Westminster with all the honor that might be deui∣sed, and finallie there crowned queene vpon sun∣daie being then the seauenth of Ianuarie. [year 1397] On the two and twentith of Ianuarie was a parlement be∣gun at Westminster,* 15.39 in which the duke of Lancaster caused to be legitimated the issue which he had begot of Katharine Swinfort, before she was his wife. ¶At the same time Thomas Beaufort sonne to the said duke, by the said Katharine, was created earle of Summerset. ¶There was an ordinance made in the same parlement, that iustices should not haue anie to sit with them as assistants. ¶Moreouer, there was a tenth granted by the clergie to be paied to the kings vse at two seuerall termes in that present yeare.* 15.40 In this yeare the king contrarie to his oth reuoked the iustices foorth of Ireland, whom by constraint (as be∣fore ye haue heard) he was inforced to banish, there∣by to satisfie the noble men that would haue it so.

In this twentith yeare of his reigne king Richard receiuing the summes of monie (for the which the strong towne of Brest was ingaged to him) by euill counsell (as manie thought) deliuered it vnto the duke of Britaine,* 15.41 by reason whereof no small sparke of displeasure arose betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester, which kindled vp such a flame (as it was easie to doo) finding matter inough to féed vpon in both their brests, that finallie it could no longer be kept downe, nor by anie meanes quenched. In the moneth of Februarie, the king holding a sumptuous feast at Westminster, many of the soldiors that were newlie come from Brest preased into the hall, and kept a roome togither.* 15.42 Whom as the duke of Gloce∣ster beheld, and vnderstood what they were, to re∣member how that towne was giuen vp contrarie to his mind and pleasure, it grieued him not a little: and therefore as the king was entred into his cham∣ber, and few about him, he could not forbeare, but brake foorth, and said to the king: Sir,* 15.43 saw ye not those felowes that sate in such number this daie in the hall, at such a table? The king answered that he saw them, and asked the duke what they were? To whom the duke made this answer:

Sir, these be the soldiors that came from Brest, and haue nothing now to take to, nor yet know how to shift for their liuings, and the worse, for that (as I am informed) they haue béene euill paied. Then said the king; That is against my will, for I would that they should haue their due wa∣ges; and if anie haue cause to complaine, let them shew the matter to the treasuror, and they shall be reasonablie answered: and herewith he commanded that they should be appointed to foure certeine villa∣ges about London, there to remaine,* 15.44 and to haue meate, drinke, and lodging vpon his charges till they were paied.

Thus as they fell into reasoning of this matter, the duke said to the king: Sir, your grace ought to put your bodie in paine to win a strong hold or towne by feats of war, yer you take vpon you to sell or deliuer anie towne or strong hold gotten with great aduen∣ture by the manhood and policie of your noble proge∣nitours. To this the king with changed countenance answered and said:

Uncle, how say you that? And the duke boldlie without feare recited the same a∣gaine, not changing one woord in anie better sort. Whervpon the king being more chafed, replied; Sir,

thinke you that I am a merchant, or a verie foole, to sell my land? By saint Iohn Baptist no: but truth it is, that our coosine the duke of Britaine hath satisfied vs in all such summes of monie as our progenitors len•• vnto him, and to his ancestors, vpon gage of the said towne of Brest, for the which reason and con∣science will no lesse but that the towne should there∣vpon be to him restored.

Upon this multiplieng of woords in such presumptuous maner by the duke a∣gainst the king, there kindeled such displeasure be∣twixt [line 10] them, that it neuer ceassed to increase into flames, till the duke was brought to his end.

* 15.45The earle of saint Paule at his last comming in∣to England to receiue king Richards oth for obser∣uing the truce, had conference with the king of di∣uerse matters. The king by waie of complaint, she∣wed vnto him how stiffe the duke of Glocester was in hindering all such matters as he would haue go forward, not onlie séeking to haue the peace broken betwixt the realmes of England & France, but also [line 20] procuring trouble at home, by stirring the people to rebellion. The earle of saint Paule hearing of this stout demeanor of the duke, told the king that it should be best to prouide in time against such mis∣chéefs as might insue thereof, and that it was not to be suffered, that a subiect should behaue himselfe in such sort toward his prince. The king marking his woords,* 15.46 thought that he gaue him good and faithfull counsell, and therevpon determined to suppresse both the duke and other of his complices, and tooke more [line 30] diligent regard to the saiengs & dooings of the duke than before he had doone. And as it commeth to passe that those which suspect anie euill, doo euer déeme the woorst; so he tooke euerie thing in euill part, insomuch that he complained of the duke vnto his brethren the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke, in that he should stand against him in all things and seeke his destruc∣tion, the death of his counsellors, and ouerthrow of his realme.

* 15.47The two dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to deliuer [line 40] the kings mind of suspicion, made answer, that they were not ignorant, how their brother of Glocester, as a man sometime rash in woords, would speake oftentimes more than he could or would bring to ef∣fect, and the same proceeded of a faithfull hart, which he bare towards the king, for that it grieued him to vnderstand, that the confines of the English domi∣nions should in anie wise be diminished: therefore his grace ought not to regard his woords, sith he should take no hurt thereby. These persuasions quie∣ted [line 50] the king for a time, till he was informed of the practise which the duke of Glocester had contriued (as the fame went amongst diuerse persons) to im∣prison the king. For then the duke of Lancaster and Yorke, first reprouing the duke of Glocester for his too liberall talking, vttering vnaduisedlie woords that became not his person, and which to haue con∣cealed had tended more to the opinion of vertue, than to lash out whatsoeuer his vnstaied mind affoorded, which is a great fault (as in effect the poet noteth: [line 60]

Eximia est virtus praestare silentia rebu••, At contra grauis est culpa tacenda loqus)

and perceuing that he set nothing by their woords, were in doubt least if they should remaine in the court still, he would vpon a presumptuous mind, in trust to be borne out by them, attempt some outra∣gious enterprise. Wherefore they thought best to de∣part for a time into their countries, that by their ab∣sence he might the sooner learne to staie himselfe for doubt of further displeasure. But it came to passe, that their departing from the court was the casting awaie of the duke of Glocester. For after that they were gone, there ceassed not such as bare him euill will, to procure the K. to dispatch him out of the way.

The duke in déed sore stomached the matter, that his counsell might not be followed in all things, and speciallie for that he saw (as he tooke it) that the king was misled by some persons that were about him, otherwise than stood with his honor: for refor∣mation whereof, he conferred with the abbat of saint Albons, and the prior of Westminster. The abbat was both his c••o••ine and godfather:* 15.48 and hauing on a daie both the duke and the prior at his house in saint Albons, after dinner he ••ell in talke with the duke and prior, and amongst other communication req••••∣red of the prior to tell truth, whether he had anie vi∣sion the night before or not▪ The prior séemed with to make a direct answer;* 15.49 but at length being earnestlie requested as well by the abb••t as the duke, he decla∣red that he had a vision in déed, which was, that the realme of England should be destroied through the misgouernement of king Richard.

By the virgine Marie, said the abbat, I had the verie same vision.

The duke herevpon disclosed vnto them all the se∣crets of his mind, and by their deuises presentlie con∣triued an assemblie of diuerse great lords of the realme at Arundell castell that daie for might, at what time he himselfe appointed to be there, with the earles of Derbie, Arundell, Marshall, and War∣wike: also the archbishop of Canturburie, the abbat of saint Albens, the prior of Westminster, with di∣uerse others.

These estates being come to Arundell castell at the daie appointed,* 15.50 about the verie beginning of the one and twentith yeare of king Richards reigne, they sware ••ch to other to be assistant in all such matters as they should determine, and therewith re∣ceiued the sacrament at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, who celebrated masse before them the morow after. Which doone, they withdrew into a chamber, and fell in counsell togither, where in the end they light vpon this point; to take king Richard,* 15.51 the dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, and commit them to prison, and all the other lords of the kings councell they determined shuld be drawne and hanged. Such was their purpose which they ment to haue accom∣plished in August following. But the earle marshall that was lord deputie of Calis, and had married the earle of Arundels daughter, discouered all their coun∣sell to the king, and the verie daie in which they should begin their enterprise.* 15.52 The king bad the earle mar∣shall take héed what hehad said, for if it proued not true, he should repent it: but the earle constantlie herevnto answered, that if the matter might be pro∣ued otherwise, he was contented to be drawne and quartered.

The king herevpon went to London, where he dined at the house of his brother the earle of Hun∣tington in the stréet behind All hallowes church vp∣on the banke of the riuer of Thames, which was a right faire and statelie house. After dinner, he gaue his councell to vnderstand all the matter; by whose aduise it was agreed, that the king should assemble foorthwith what power he might conuenientite make of men of armes & archers, and streightwaies take horsse, accompanied with his brother the earle of Huntington, & the earle marshall. Herevpon at six of the clocke in the afternoone, the iust houre when they vsed to go to supper, the king mounted on horsse∣backe, and rode his waie; whereof the Londoners had great maruell. After that the king began to ap∣proch the dukes house at Plashie in Essex, where he then laie, he commanded his brother the earle of Huntington to ride afore,* 15.53 to know if the duke were at home, and if he were, then to tell him that the king was comming at hand to speake with him.

The earle with ten persons in his companie amen∣ding his pase (for the king had made no great has••

all the night before, as should appeare by his iournie) came to the house, and entering into the court, asked if the duke were at home, and vnderstanding by a gentlewoman that made him answer, that both the duke and duchesse were yet in bed, he besought hir to go to the duke, and to shew him that the king was comming at hand to speake with him, and foorthwith came the king with a competent number of men of armes, and a great companie of archers, riding in∣to the base court, his trumpets sounding before him. [line 10] The duke herewith came downe into the base court, where the king was, hauing none other apparell vpon him, but his shirt, and a cloke or a mantell cast about his shoulders, and with humble reuerence said that his grace was welcome, asking of the lords how it chanced they came so earlie, and sent him no word of their comming? The king herewith courteouslie re∣quested him to go and make him readie, and appoint his horsse to be sadled, for that he must needs ride with him a little waie, and conferre with him of businesse. [line 20] The duke went vp againe into his chamber to put vpon him his clothes, and the king alighting from his horsse, fell in talke with the duchesse and hir la∣dies. The earle of Huntington and diuerse other followed the duke into the hall, and there staied for him, till he had put on his raiment. And within a while they came foorth againe all togither into the base court, where the king was deliting with the du∣chesse in pleasant talke, whom he willed now to re∣turne to hir lodging againe, for he might staie no [line 30] longer, and so tooke his horsse againe, and the duke likewise. But shortlie after that the king and all his companie were gone foorth of the gate of the base court, he commanded the earle marshall to appre∣hend the duke,* 15.54 which incontinentlie was doone accor∣ding to the kings appointment.

¶ Here we find some variance in writers. For as by an old French pamphlet (which I haue séene) it should appeare, the king commanded first, that this duke should be conueied vnto the tower, where he [line 40] ment to commen with him, & not in any other place: but neuerthelesse, the king shortlie after appointed, that he should be sent to Calis, as in the same pam∣phlet is also conteined. Other write, that immediatlie vpon his apprehension, the earle marshall conueied him vnto the Thames, and there being set aboord in a ship prepared of purpose, he was brought to Calis, where he was at length dispatched out of life, either strangled or smoothered with pillowes (as some doo write.* 15.55) For the king thinking it not good, that the [line 50] duke of Glocester should stand to his answer open∣lie, because the people bare him so much good will, sent one of his iustices called Willam Kikill, an I∣rishman borne, ouer vnto Calis, there to inquire of the duke of Glocester, whether he had committed any such treasons as were alledged against him, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike, as after shall be specified. Iustice Kikill hearing what he confessed vpon his examination, wrote the same as he was commanded to doo, and therewith spéedilie returned [line 60] to the king, and as it hath beene reported, he informed the king (whether trulie or not, I haue not to say) that the duke franklie confessed euerie thing, wherewith he was charged. Wherevpon the king sent vnto Tho∣mas Mowbraie earle marshall and of Notingham, to make the duke secretlie awaie.

The earle prolonged time for the executing of the kings commandement, though the king would haue had it doone with all expedition, wherby the king con∣ceiued no small displeasure, and sware that it should cost the earle his life if he quickly obeied not his com∣mandement. The earle thus as it séemed in maner in∣forced, called out the duke at midnight, as if he should haue taken ship to passe ouer into England, and there in the lodging called the princes In, he cau∣sed his seruants to cast featherbeds vpon him, and so smoother him to death, or otherwise to strangle him with towels (as some write.) This was the end of that * 15.56 noble man, fierce of nature, hastie, wilfull, and giuen more to war than to peace: and in this great∣lie to be discommended, that he was euer repining against the king in all things, whatsoeuer he wished to haue forward. He was thus made awaie not so soone as the brute ran of his death. But (as it should appeare by some authors) he remained aliue till the parlement that next insued, and then about the same time that the earle of Arundell suffered, he was dis∣patched (as before ye haue heard.) His bodie was af∣terwards with all funerall pompe conueied into England, and buried at his owne manor of Plashie within the church there, in a sepulchre which he in his life time had caused to be made, and there erected.

The same euening that the king departed from London towards Plashie, to apprehend the duke of Glocester,* 15.57 the earle of Rutland and the earle of Kent were sent with a great number of men of armes and archers to arrest the erle of Arundell; which was doone easilie inough, by reason that the said earle was trained with faire words at the kings hands, till he was within his danger: where otherwise he might haue béene able to haue saued himselfe, and deliuered his fréends. The earle of Warwike was taken, and committed to the tower the same day that the king had willed him to dinner, and shewed him verie good countenance. There were also apprehen∣ded and committed to the tower the same time, the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie knights. The earle of Arundell was sent to the Ile of Wight, there to remaine as prisoner, till the next parlement, in the which he determined so to prouide, that they should be all condemned, and put to death. And for doubt of some commotion that might arise amongst the commons, he caused it by open proclamation to be signified, that these noblemen were not apprehen∣ded for any offense committed long agone, but for new trespasses against the king, as in the next parle∣ment should be manifestlie declared and prooued.

Shortlie after, he procured them to be indicted at Notingham,* 15.58 suborning such as should appeale them in parlement, to wit, Edward earle of Rutland, Tho∣mas Mowbraie earle marshall, Thomas Holland earle of Kent, Iohn Holland earle of Huntington, Thomas Beaufort erle of Summerset, Iohn Mon∣tacute earle of Salisburie, Thomas lord Spenser, and the lord William Scroope lord chamberleine. In the meane time, the king fearing what might be attempted against him by those that fauoured these noblemen that were in durance,* 15.59 sent for a power of Cheshire men, that might day and night keepe watch and ward about his person. They were about two thousand archers, paid wéekelie, as by the annales of Britaine it appeareth. The king had little trust in a∣ny of the nobilitie, except in his brother the earle of Huntington, and the earle of Rutland sonne to the duke of Yorke, and in the earle of Salisburie: in these onelie he reposed a confidence, and not in any other, except in certeine knights and gentlemen of his priuie chamber.

In the meane time, whiles things were thus in broile, before the beginning of the parlement, diuers other, beside them of whom we haue spoken, were ap∣prehended and put in sundrie prisons.* 15.60 The parle∣ment was summoned to begin at Westminster the 17 of September, and writs therevpon directed to e∣uerie of the lords to appeare, and to bring with them a sufficient number of armed men and archers in their best arrai••: for it was not knowen how the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke would take the death

of their brother, nor how other péeres of the realme would take the apprehension and imprisonment of their kinsemen, the earles of Arundell and War∣wike, and of the other prisoners. Suerlie the two dukes when they heard that their brother was so sud∣denlie made awaie,* 15.61 they wist not what to saie to the matter, and began both to be sorowfull for his death, and doubtfull of their owne states: for sith they saw how the king (abused by the counsell of euill men) ab∣steined not from such an heinous act, they thought he [line 10] would afterwards attempt greater misorders from time to time. Therefore they assembled in all hast, great numbers of their seruants,* 15.62 fréends, and te∣nants, and comming to London, were receiued into the citie. For the Londoners were right sorie for the death of the duke of Glocester, who had euer sought their fauour, in somuch that now they would haue béene contented to haue ioined with the dukes in see∣king reuenge of so noble a mans death, procured and brought to passe without law or reason, as the com∣mon [line 20] brute then walked; although peraduenture he was not as yet made awaie.

Here the dukes and other fell in counsell, and ma∣nie things were proponed. Some would that they shuld by force reuenge the duke of Glocesters death, other thought it méet that the earles Marshall and Huntington▪ and certeine others, as chéefe authours of all the mischeefe should be pursued and punished for their demerites, hauing trained vp the king in vice and euill customes, euen from his youth. But the [line 30] dukes (after their displeasure was somewhat asswa∣ged) determined to couer the stings of their griefes for a time, and if the king would amend his maners, to forget also the iniuries past.* 15.63 In the meane time the king laie at Eltham, and had got about him a great power (namelie of those archers, which he had sent for out of Cheshire, in whome he put a singular trust more than in any other.)

There went messengers betwixt him and the dukes, which being men of honour did their indeuour [line 40] to appease both parties. The king discharged himselfe of blame for the duke of Glocesters death, conside∣ring that he had gone about to breake the truce, which he had taken with France, and also stirred the peo∣ple of the realme to rebellion, and further had sought the destruction and losse of his life, that was his soue∣reigne lord and lawfull king. Contrarilie, the dukes affirmed,* 15.64 that their brother was wrongfullie put to death, hauing doone nothing worthie of death. At length, by the intercession and meanes of those noble [line 50] men that went to and fro betwixt them, they were ac∣corded, & the king promised from thencefoorth to doo no••hing but by the assent of the dukes: but he kept small promise in this behalfe, as after well appeared.

* 15.65When the time came, that the parlement should be holden at Westminster, according to the tenour of the summons, the lords repaired thither, furni∣shed with great retinues both of armed men and ar∣chers, as the earle of Derbie, the earle Marshall, the earle of Rutland, the lord Spenser, the earle of Nor∣thumberland, [line 60] with his sonne the lord Henrie Persie, and the lord Thomas Persie the said earles brother, also the lord Scroope treasuror of England, & diuerse other. All the which earles and lords brought with them a great & strong power, euerie of them in their best araie, as it were to strengthen the king against his enimies. The dukes of Lancaster and Yorke were likewise there, giuing their attendance on the king with like furniture of men of armes & archers. There was not halfe lodging sufficient within the citie & suburbes of London for such cōpanies of men as the lords brought with them to this parlement,* 15.66 called the great parlement: in somu••h that they were constreined to lie in villages abroad ten or twelue miles on ech side the citie.

In the beginning of this parlement,* 15.67 the king greatlie complained of the misdemeanour of the péeres and lords of his realme, as well for the things doone against his will and pleasure, whiles he was yoong, as for the streit dealing, which they had shewed towards the quéene, who was thrée houres at one time on hir knées before the earle of Arundell, for one of hir esquiers, named Iohn Caluerlie, who neuer∣thelesse had his head smit frō his shoulders, & all the answer that she could get, was this: Madame, praie for your selfe, and your husband, for that is best, and let this sute alone.* 15.68 Those that set foorth the kings greeuances, as prolocutors in this parlement were these: Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, and Thomas Gréene. The king had caused a large house of tim∣ber to be made within the palace at Westminster, which he was called an hall,* 15.69 couered aboue head with tiles, and was open at the ends, that all men might see through it. This house was of so great a com∣passe, that scarse it might stand within the roome of the palace. In this house was made an high throne for the king, and a large place for all estates besides to sit in. There were places also made for the appel∣lants to stand on the one side, and the defendants on the other, and a like roome was made behind for the knights and burgesses of the parlement.* 15.70 There was a place deuised for the speaker, named sir Iohn Bu∣shie, a knight of Lincolneshire,* 15.71 accompted to be an excéeding cruell man, ambitious, and couetous be∣yond measure.

Immediatlie after, ech man being placed in his roome, the cause of assembling that parlement was shewed, as that the king had called it for reformation of diuerse transgressions and oppressions committed against the peace of his land by the duke of Gloce∣ster, the earles of Arundell, Warwike, and others. Then sir Iohn Bushie stept foorth, and made request on the behalfe of the communaltie, that it might please the kings highnesse for their heinous acts at∣tempted against his lawes and roiall maiestie, to ap∣point them punishment according to their deser∣uings,* 15.72 and speciallie to the archbishop of Canturbu∣rie (who then sat next the king) whome he accused of high treason, for that he had euill counselled his ma∣iestie, inducing him to grant his letters of pardon to his brother the earle of Arundell, being a ranke traitor.

When the archbishop began to answer in his owne defense, the king willed him to sit downe againe and to hold his peace, for all should be well. Herewith sir Iohn Bushie besought the king, that the archbishop should not be admitted to make his answer, which if he did, by reason of his great wit and good vtte∣rance, he feared least he should lead men awaie to beléeue him: so the archbishop might be heard no fur∣ther. Sir Iohn Bushie in all his talke, when he pro∣poned any matter vnto the king, did not attribute to him titles of honour, due and accustomed, but inuen∣ted vnused termes and such strange names, as were rather agreeable to the diuine maiestie of God,* 15.73 than to any earthlie potentate. The prince being desi∣rous inough of all honour, and more ambitions than was requisite, seemed to like well of his speech, and gaue good eare to his talke.

Thus when the archbishop was constreined to keepe silence, sir Iohn Bushie procéeded in his pur∣pose, requiring on the behalfe of the commons, that the charters of pardons granted vnto the traitors, to wit, the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike, should be reuoked by consent of all the estates now in parlement assembled. The king also for his part protested, that those pardons were not voluntarilie granted by him, but rather extorted

by compulsion, and therefore he besought them that euerie man would shew foorth their opinions what they thought thereof. There were two other persons of great credit with the king, besides sir Iohn Bu∣shie,* 15.74 that were, as before yee haue heard, verie ear∣nest to haue those charters of pardon reuoked and made void, to wit, sir William Bagot, and sir Tho∣mas Gréene.

But bicause this matter séemed to require good deliberation, it was first put to the bishops, who with small adoo gaue sentence, that the said charters were [line 10] reuocable, and might well inough be called in: yet the archbishop of Canturburie in his answer here∣vnto said, that the king from whome those pardons came, was so high an estate, that he durst not saie, that anie such charters by him granted, might be re∣uoked: notwithstanding, his brethren the bishops thought otherwise: not considering (saith Thomas Walsingham) that such reuoking of the kings char∣ters of pardon should sound highlie to the kings dis∣honor: [line 20] forsomuch as mercie and pardoning trans∣gressions is accompted to be the confirmation and establishing of the kings seat and roiall estate.

The temporall lords perceiuing what the bishops had doone, did likewise giue their consents, to reuoke the same pardons: but the iudges with those that were toward the law, were not of this opinion, but finallie the bishops pretending a scrupulositie, as if they might not with safe consciences be present where iudgement of bloud should passe, they appoin∣ted [line 30] a laie man to be their prolocutor to serue that turne. To conclude, at length all maner of charters of pardon were made void,* 15.75 for that the same séemed to impeach the suertie of the kings person. When sir Iohn Bushie and his associats had obteined that re∣uocation, it was further by them declared, that the earle of Arundell had yet an other speciall charter of pardon for his owne person, which he had obteined after the first. And therefore sir Iohn Bushie ear∣nestlie requested in name of the communaltie that [line 40] the same might likewise be reuoked.

The question then was asked of the bishops, who declared themselues to be of the like opinion, touch∣ing that charter, as they were of the other. At that selfe time the archbishop of Canturburie absented himselfe from the parlement,* 15.76 in hope that the king would he his fréend, and stand his verie good lord, for that he had promised nothing should be doone against him in the parlement whilest he was absent. But neuerthelesse,* 15.77 at the importunate sute of the said [line 50] sir Iohn Bushie and others, the archbishop was con∣demned vnto perpetuall exile, and appointed to auoid the realme within six wéekes. And therewith the king sent secretlie to the pope for order that the archbishop might be remooued from his sée to some other, which sute was obteined, and Roger Walden lord treasu∣ror was ordeined archbishop in his place, as after shall appeare.

* 15.78On the feast daie of saint Matthew, Richard fitz Aleine, earle of Arundell, was brought foorth to [line 60] sweare before the king and whole parlement to such articles as he was to be charged with. And as he stood at the bar, the lord Neuill was commanded by the duke of Lancaster,* 15.79 which sat that daie as high steward of England, to take the hood from his necke, and the girdle from his waste. Then the duke of Lan∣caster declared vnto him, that for his manifold rebel∣lions and treasons against the kings maiestie he had béene arrested, and hitherto kept in ward, and now at the petition of the lords and commons, he was called to answer such crimes as were there to be ob∣iected against him, and so to purge himselfe, or else to suffer for his offenses, such punishment as law ap∣pointed.

First, he charged him, for that he had traitorouslie rid in armour against the king in companie of the duke of Glocester, and of the earle of Warwike, to the breach of peace, and disquieting of the realme. His answer herevnto was,* 15.80 that he did not this vpon anie euill meaning towards the kings person, but rather for the benefit of the king and relme, if it were interpreted aright, and taken as it ought to be. It was further demanded of him, whie he procured let∣ters of pardon from the K. if he knew himselfe gilt∣lesse? He answered, that he did not purchase them for anie feare he had of faults committed by him, but to staie the malicious speach of them that neither lo∣ued the king nor him. He was againe asked, whether he would denie that he had made anie such rode with the persons before named, and that in companie of them he entred not armed vnto the kings presence against the kings will and pleasure? To this he an∣swered, that he could not denie it, but that he so did.

Then the speaker sir Iohn Bushie, with open mouth, besought that iudgement might be had a∣gainst such a traitour:

and your faithfull commons (said he to the king) aske and require that so it may be doone. The earle turning his head aside, quietlie said to him; Not the kings faithfull cōmons require this, but thou, and what thou art I know. Then the eight appellants standing on the other side, cast their gloues to him, and in prosecuting their appeale (which alreadie had béene read) offered to fight with him man to man to iustifie the same. Then said the earle, If I were at libertie, and that it might so stand with the pleasure of my souereigne, I would not refuse to prooue you all liers in this behalfe. Then spake the duke of Lancaster, saieng to him; What haue you further to saie to the points before laid against you? He answered, that of the kings grace he had his let∣ters of generall pardon, which he required to haue al∣lowed. Then the duke told him, that the pardon was reuoked by the prelates and noble men in the parle∣ment, and therefore willed him to make some other answer. The earle told him againe that he had an other pardon vnder the kings great seale, granted him long after of the kings owne motion, which also he required to haue allowed. The duke told him, that the same was likewise reuoked.

After this, when the earle had nothing more to saie for himselfe,* 15.81 the duke pronounced iudgement against him, as in cases of treason is vsed.

But after he had made an end, and paused a little, he said: The king our souereigne lord of his mercie and grace, bicause thou art of his bloud, and one of the peeres of the realme, hath remit∣ted all the other paines, sauing the last, that is to saie, the beheading, and so thou shalt onelie lose thy head; and foorthwith he was had awaie, & led through London vnto the Tower hill. There went with him to sée the execution doone six great lords, of whome there were thrée earles, Notingham (that had marri∣ed his daughter) Kent (that was his daughters son) and Huntington, being mounted on great horsses, with a great companie of armed men, and the fierce bands of the Cheshire-men, furnished with axes, swords, bowes and arrowes, marching before and behind him, who onelie in this parlement had licence to beare weapon, as some haue written. When he should depart the palace, he desired that his hands might be losed to dispose such monie as he had in his pursse, betwixt that place and Charingcrosse. This was permitted, and so he gaue such monie as he had in almes with his owne hands, but his armes were still bound behind him.

When he came to the Tower hill, the noble men that were about him, mooued him right earnestlie to

acknowledge his treason against the king. But he in no wise would so doo, but mainteined that he was neuer traitour in word or deed: and herewith percei∣uing the earles of Notingham and Kent, that stood by with other noble men busie to further the executi∣on (being as yée haue heard) of kin and alied to him, he spake to them, and said:

Trulie it would haue be∣séemed you rather to haue béene absent than here at this businesse. But the time will come yer it be long, when as manie shall meruell at your misfortune as [line 10] doo now at mine.

After this, forgiuing the executio∣ner, he besought him not to torment him long, but to strike off his head at one blowe, and féeling the edge of the sword, whether it was sharpe inough or not, he said;

It is verie well, doo that thou hast to doo quick∣lie, and so knéeling downe, the executioner with one stroke, strake off his head: his bodie was buried to∣gither with his head in the church of the Augustine friers in Breadstréet within the citie of London.* 15.82

The death of this earle was much lamented a∣mong [line 20] the people, considering his sudden fall and mi∣s••rable end, where as not long before among all the noblemen of this land (within the which was such a number, as no countrie in the world had greater store at that present) there was none more esteemed: so noble and valiant he was, that all men spake ho∣nour of him. After his death, as the fame went, the king was sore vexed in his sléepe with horrible dreames, imagining that he saw this earle appeare vnto him threatning him, & putting him in horrible [line 30] feare, as if he had said with the poet to king Richard;

* 15.83Nunc quó{que} factorum venio memor vmbra tuorum, Insequor & vultus ossea forma tuos.

With which visions being sore troubled in sleepe, he curssed the daie that euer he knew the earle. And he was the more vnquiet, bicause he heard it repor∣ted, that the common people tooke the erle for a mar∣tyr, insomuch that some came to visit the place of his sepulture, for the opinion they had conceiued of his holinesse. And where it was bruted abroad as for a [line 40] miracle, that his head should be growne to his bodie againe, the tenth daie after his buriall, the king sent about ten of the clocke in the night, certeine of the nobilitie to sée his bodie taken vp, that he might be certified of the truth. Which doone, and perceiuing it was a fable, he commanded the friers to take downe his armes that were set vp about the place of his bu∣riall, and to couer the graue, so as it should not be perceiued where he was buried.

But now to returne to the parlement. After the death of this earle,* 15.84 the lord Thomas Beauchampe [line 50] earle of Warwike was brought foorth to abide his triall by parlement, and when his accusers charged him in like points of treason, such as before were im∣posed to the earle of Arundell; he answered that he neuer meant euill to the kings person, nor thought that those rodes and assemblies that were made in companie of the duke of Glocester, the earle of A∣rundell, and others, might not be accompted treason. But when the iudges had shewed him, that they could [line 60] not be otherwise taken than for treason, he humblie besought the king of mercie and grace. The king then asked of him whether he had rid with the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Arundell, as had beene al∣ledged? He answered that he could not denie it, and wished that he had neuer seene them. Then said the king, Doo yee not know that you are guiltie of trea∣son? He answered againe, I acknowledge it; and with sobbing teares besought all them that were present, to make intercession to the kings maiestie for him.

Then the king and the duke of Lancaster com∣muned, and after the king had a while with silence considered of the matter, he said to the earle; By saint Iohn Baptist, Thomas of Warwike, this con∣fession that thou hast made, is vnto me more auaila∣ble than all the duke of Glocesters and the earle of Warwikes lands. Herewith the earle making still intercession for pardon, the lords humblie besought the king to grant it. Finallie the king pardoned him of life, but banished him into the Ile of Man, which then was the lord Scroopes, promising that both he, and his wife, and children, should haue good interteinment. Which promise notwithstanding was but slenderlie kept, for both the earle and the countesse liued in great penurie (as some write) and yet the lord Scroope, that was lord chamberleine, had allowed for the earles diet foure thousand nobles yéerelie paid out of the kings coffers.

On the mondaie next after the arreignement of the earle of Warwike, to wit, the foure and twentie of September, was the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie arreigned, and found guiltie of like treasons for which the other had beene condemned be∣fore: but at the earnest instance and sute of the no∣bles, they were pardoned of life, and banished, or (as Fabian saith) condemned to perpetuall prison. ¶The king desirous to see the force of the Londoners, cau∣sed them (during the time of this parlement) to mu∣ster before him on Blacke heath, where a man might haue seene a great number of able personages. And now after that the parlement had continued almost till Christmasse,* 15.85 it was adiourned vntil the quin∣den of S. Hilarie, then to begin againe at Shrewes∣burie.

The king then came downe to Lichfield, and there held a roiall Christmasse, which being ended,* 15.86 he tooke his iournie towards Shrewesburie, where the parle∣ment was appointed to begin in the quinden of saint Hilarie, as before yée haue heard. [year 1398] In which parle∣ment there holden vpon prorogation, for the loue that the king bare to the gentlemen and commons of the shire of Chester, he caused it to be ordeined▪ that from thencefoorth it should be called and knowne by the name of the principalitie of Chester: and herewith he intituled himselfe prince of Chester.* 15.87 He held also a roiall feast, kéeping open houshold for all honest commers, during the which feast, he created fiue dukes and a duchesse, a marquesse, and foure earles.* 15.88 The earle of Derbie was created duke of Hereford, the earle of Notingham that was also earle mar∣shall duke of Norfolke,* 15.89 the earle of Rutland duke of Aubemarle, the earle of Kent duke of Surrie, and the earle of Huntington duke of Excester; the ladie Margaret marshall countesse of Norfolke, was created duchesse of Norfolke; the earle of Summer∣set marques Dorset, the lord Spenser earle of Glo∣cester, the lord Neuill surnamed Daurabie earle of Westmerland, the lord William Scroope lord cham∣berleine earle of Wiltshire, and the lord Thomas Persie lord steward of the kings house earle of Worcester.

And for the better maintenance of the estate of these noble men, whome he had thus aduanced to higher degrees of honour, he gaue vnto them a great part of those lands that belonged to the duke of Glo∣cester, the earles of Warwike, and Arundell. And now he was in good hope, that he had rooted vp all plants of treason, and therefore cared lesse who might be his freend or his fo, than before he had doone, estée∣ming himselfe higher in degrée than anie prince li∣uing, and so presumed further than euer his grand∣father did,* 15.90 and tooke vpon him to beare the armes of saint Edward, ioining them vnto his owne armes. To conclude, what soeuer he then did, none durst speake a word contrarie therevnto. And yet such as were cheefe of his councell, were estéemed of the commons to be the woorst creatures that might be,

as the dukes of Aumarle, Norfolke and Excester, the earle of Wiltshire, sir Iohn Bushie, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Gréene: which thrée last re∣membred were knights of the Bath, against whom the commons vndoubtedlie bare great and priuie hatred.

* 15.91But now to proceed. In this parlement holden at Shrewsburie, the lord Reginald Cobham, being a verie aged man, simple and vpright in all his dea∣lings, was condemned for none other cause, but for that in the eleuenth yéere of the kings reigne he was [line 10] appointed with other to be attendant about the king as one of his gouernours. The acts and ordinances also deuised and established in the parlement holden in the eleuenth yeare were likewise repealed. More∣ouer, in this parlement at Shrewesburie, it was de∣créed, that the lord Iohn Cobham should be sent into the Ile of Gernesie, there to remaine in exile, hauing a small portion assigned him to liue vpon. The king so wrought & brought things about,* 15.92 that he obteined the whole power of both houses to be granted to cer∣teine [line 20] persons, as to Iohn duke of Lancaster, Ed∣mund duke of Yorke, Edmund duke of Aumarle, Thomas duke of Surrie, Iohn duke of Excester, Iohn marquesse Dorset, Roger earle of March, Iohn earle of Salisburie, and Henrie earle of Nor∣thumberland,* 15.93 Thomas earle of Glocester, and Willi∣am earle of Wiltshire, Iohn Hussie, Henrie Chei∣meswike, Robert Teie, and Iohn Goulofer knights, or to seauen or eight of them. These were appointed to heare and determine certeine petitions and mat∣ters [line 30] yet depending and not ended: but by vertue of this grant, they procéeded to conclude vpon other things, which generallie touched the knowledge of the whole parlement, in derogation of the states ther∣of, to the disaduantage of the king, and perillous ex∣ample in time to come.

When the king had spent much monie in time of this parlement, he demanded a disme and a halfe of the clergie, and a fiftéenth of the temporaltie. Final∣lie, [line 40] a generall pardon was granted for all offenses to all the kings subiects (fiftie onelie excepted) whose names he would not by anie meanes expresse, but reserued them to his owne knowledge, that when a∣nie of the nobilitie offended him, he might at his ple∣sure name him to be one of the number excepted, and so kéepe them still within his danger. To the end that the ordinances, iudgements, and acts made, pro∣nounced and established in this parlement, might be and abide in perpetuall strength and force,* 15.94 the king [line 50] purchased the popes buls, in which were conteined greeuous censures and cursses, pronounced against all such as did by anie means go about to breake and violate the statutes in the same parlement ordeined. These buls were openlie published & read at Paules crosse in London, and in other the most publike pla∣ces of the realme.

Manie other things were doone in this parlement, to the displeasure of no small number of people; namelie, for that diuerse rightfull heires were dishe∣rited [line 60] of their lands and liuings,* 15.95 by authoritie of the same parlement: with which wrongfull dooings the people were much offended, so that the king and those that were about him, and chéefe in councell, came in∣to great infamie and slander. In déed the king after he had dispatched the duke of Glocester, and the other noblemen, was not a little glad, for that he knew them still readie to disappoint him in all his purpo∣ses; and therefore being now as it were carelesse, did not behaue himselfe (as some haue written) in such discréet order,* 15.96 as manie wished: but rather (as in time of prosperitie it often happeneth) he forgot him∣selfe, and began to rule by will more than by reason, threatning death to each one that ob••ied not his inor∣dinate desires. By means whereof, the lords of the realme began to feare their owne estates, being in danger of his furious outrage, whome they tooke for a man destitute of sobrietie and wisedome, and ther∣fore could not like of him; that so abused his autho∣ritie.

Herevpon there were sundrie of the nobles, that lamented these mischéefes, and speciallie shewed their greefes vnto such, by whose naughtie counsell they vnderstood the king to be mi••••ed; and this they did, to the end that they being about him, might either turne their copies, and giue him better counsell; or else he hauing knowledge what euill report went of him, might mend his maners misliked of his nobles. But all was in vaine, for so it fell out, that in this parlement holden at Shrewsburie,* 15.97 Henrie duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbraie duke of Nor∣folke, of certeine words which he should vtter in talke had betwixt them, as they rode togither latelie before betwixt London and Brainford, sounding highlie to the kings dishonor. And for further proofe thereof, he presented a supplication to the king,* 15.98 wherein he ap∣pealed the duke of Norfolke in field of battell, for a traitor, false and disloiall to the king, and enimie vn∣to the realme. This supplication was red before both the dukes, in presence of the king: which doone, the duke of Norfolke tooke vpon him to answer it, de∣claring that whatsoeuer the duke of Hereford had said against him other than well▪ he lied falselie like an vntrue knight as he was. And when the king as∣ked of the duke of Hereford what he said to it: he ta∣king his hood off his head, said;

My souereigne lord, euen as the supplication which I tooke you importeth, right so I saie for truth, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke is a traitour, false and disloiall to your roiall maiestie, your crowne, and to all the states of your realme.

Then the duke of Norfolke being asked what he said to this, he answered:

Right déere lord, with your fauour that I make answer vnto your coosine here, I saie (your reuerence saued) that Henrie of Lan∣caster duke of Hereford, like a false and disloiall trai∣tor as he is, dooth lie, in that he hath or shall say of me otherwise than well.

No more said the king, we haue heard inough: and herewith commanded the duke of Surrie for that turne marshall of England,* 15.99 to ar∣rest in his name the two dukes: the duke of Lanca∣ster father to the duke of Hereford, the duke of Yorke the duke of Aumarle constable of England: and the duke of Surrie marshall of the realme vndertooke as pledges bodie for bodie for the duke of Hereford: but the duke of Northfolke was not suffered to put in pledges, and so vnder arrest was led vnto Wind∣sor castell, and there garded with kéepers that were appointed to sée him safelie kept.

Now after the dissoluing of the parlement at Shrewsburie, there was a daie appointed about six wéeks after, for the king to come vnto Windsor, to heare and to take some order betwixt the two dukes, which had thus appealed ech other.* 15.100 There was a great scaffold erected within the castell of Windsor for the king to sit with the lords and prelats of his realme: and so at the daie appointed, he with the said lords & prelats being come thither and set in their places, the duke of Hereford appellant, and the duke of Nor∣folke defendant, were sent for to come & appeare be∣fore the king, sitting there in his seat of iustice. And then began sir Iohn Bushie to speake for the king, declaring to the lords how they should vnderstand, that where the duke of Hereford had presented a sup∣plication to the king, who was there set to minister iustice to all men that would demand the same, as apperteined to his roiall maiestie, he therefore would now heare what the parties could say one against

an other, and withall the king commanded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the one being constable, and the other marshall, to go vnto the two dukes, appel∣lant and defendant, requiring them on his behalfe, to grow to some agréement: and for his part, he would be readie to pardon all that had beene said or doone amisse betwixt them, touching anie harme or dishonor to him or his realme: but they answered both assuredlie, that it was not possible to haue anie peace or agréement made betwixt them.

When he heard what they had answered, he com∣manded [line 10] that they should be brought foorthwith be∣fore his presence, to heare what they would say. Here∣with an herald in the kings name with lowd voice commanded the dukes to come before the king, ei∣ther of them to shew his reason, or else to make peace togither without more delaie. When they were come before the king and lords, the king spake himselfe to them, willing them to agree, and make peace togi∣ther:

for it is (said he) the best waie ye can take

. The [line 20] duke of Norfolke with due reuerence herevnto an∣swered it could not be so brought to passe, his ho∣nor saued. Then the king asked of the duke of Here∣ford, what it was that he demanded of the duke of Norfolke, and

what is the matter that ye can not make peace togither, and become friends?

Then stood foorth a knight; who asking and obtei∣ning licence to speake for the duke of Hereford, said;

Right deare and souereigne lord,* 15.101 here is Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford and earle of Derbie, [line 30] who saith, and I for him likewise say, that Thomas Mobwraie duke of Norfolke is a false and disloiall traitor to you and your roiall maiestie, and to your whole realme: and likewise the duke of Hereford saith and I for him, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke hath receiued eight thousand nobles to pay the souldiers that keepe your towne of Calis, which he hath not doone as he ought: and furthermore the said duke of Norfolke hath béene the occasion of all the treason that hath beene contriued in your realme [line 40] for the space of these eighteene yeares, & by his false suggestions and malicious counsell, he hath caused to die and to be murdered your right déere vncle, the duke of Glocester, sonne to king Edward. Moreo∣uer, the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, that he will proue this with his bodie against the bodie of the said duke of Norfolke within lists. The king herewith waxed angrie, and asked the duke of Here∣ford, if these were his woords, who answered: Right déere lord, they are my woords; and hereof I require [line 50] right, and the battell against him.

There was a knight also that asked licence to speake for the duke of Norfolke, and obteining, it began to answer thus:

Right déere souereigne lord, here is Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, who answereth and saith, and I for him, that all which Henrie of Lancaster hath said and declared (sauing the reuerence due to the king and his councell) is a lie; and the said Henrie of Lancaster hath falselie and wickedlie lied as a false and disloiall knight, and [line 60] both hath béene, and is a traitor against you, your crowne, roiall maiestie, & realme. This will I proue and defend as becommeth a loiall knight to doo with my bodie against his: right déere lord, I beséech you therefore, and your councell, that it maie please you in your roiall discretion, to consider and marke, what Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford, such a one as he is, hath said.

The king then demanded of the duke of Norfolke, if these were his woords, and whether he had anie more to saie. The duke of Norfolke then answered for himselfe:* 15.102

Right déere sir, true it is, that I haue receiued so much gold to paie your people of the towne of Calis; which I haue doone, and I doo auouch that your towne of Calis is as well kept at your commandement as euer it was at anie time before, and that there neuer hath béene by anie of Calis anie complaint made vnto you of me. Right deere and my souereigne lord, for the voiage that I made into France, about your marriage, I neuer receiued ei∣ther gold or siluer of you, nor yet for the voiage that the duke of Aumarle & I made into Almane, where we spent great treasure: Marie true it is, that once I laid an ambush to haue slaine the duke of Lanca∣ster, that there sitteth: but neuerthelesse he hath par∣doned me thereof, and there was good peac•• made betwixt vs, for the which I yéeld him hartie thankes. This is that which I haue to answer, and I am readie to defend my selfe against mine aduersarie; I beseech you therefore of right, and to haue the battell against him in vpright iudgement.

After this, when the king had communed with his councell a little, he commanded the two dukes to stand foorth, that their answers might be heard. The K. then caused them once againe to be asked, if they would agrée and make peace togither, but they both flatlie answered that they would not: and withall the duke of Hereford cast downe his gage, and the duke of Norfolke tooke it vp. The king perceiuing this de∣meanor betwixt them, sware by saint Iohn Baptist, that he would neuer séeke to make peace betwixt them againe. And therfore sir Iohn Bushie in name of the king & his councell declared, that the king and his councell had commanded and ordeined, that they should haue a daie of battell appointed them at Co∣uentrie.* 15.103 ¶Here writers disagrée about the daie that was appointed: for some saie, it was vpon a mon∣daie in August; other vpon saint Lamberts daie, be∣ing the seuenteenth of September, other on the ele∣uenth of September: but true it is, that the king as∣signed them not onlie the daie, but also appointed them listes and place for the combat, and therevpon great preparation was made, as to such a matter apperteined.

At the time appointed the king came to Couentrie,* 15.104 where the two dukes were readie, according to the order prescribed therein, comming thither in great arraie, accompanied with the lords and gentlemen of their linages. The king caused a sumptuous scaf∣fold or theater, and roiall listes there to be erected and prepared. The sundaie before they should fight, after dinner the duke of Hereford came to the king (being lodged about a quarter of a mile without the towne in a tower that belonged to sir William Bagot) to take his leaue of him. The morow after, being the daie appointed for the combat, about the spring of the daie, came the duke of Norfolke to the court to take leaue likewise of the king. The duke of Hereford ar∣med him in his tent, that was set vp néere to the lists, and the duke of Norfolke put on his armor, be∣twixt the gate & the barrier of the towne, in a beauti∣full house, hauing a faire perclois of wood towards the gate, that none might sée what was doone within the house.

The duke of Aumarle that daie,* 15.105 being high con∣stable of England, and the duke of Surrie marshall, placed themselues betwixt them, well armed and ap∣pointed; and when they saw their time, they first en∣tered into the listes with a great companie of men apparelled in silke sendall, imbrodered with siluer, both richlie and curiouslie, euerie man hauing a tip∣ped staffe to keepe the field in order. About the houre of prime came to the barriers of the listes, the duke of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded with gréene & blew veluet imbrodered sumptuouslie with swans and antelops of goldsmiths woorke, ar∣med at all points. The constable and marshall came to the barriers, demanding of him what he was, he

answered;

I am Henrie of Lancaster duke of He∣reford, which am come hither to doo mine indeuor a∣gainst Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, as a traitor vntrue to God, the king, his realme, and me.

The•• incontinentlie he sware vpon the h••lie ••uan∣gelists, that his quarrell was true and iust and vpon that point he required to enter the lists▪ Then he put vp his sword, which before he held naked in his hand, and putting downe his visor, made a crosse on his horsse, and with speare in hand, entered into the lists, [line 10] and descended from his horsse, and set him downe in a chaire of gréene veluet, at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himselfe, abiding the comming of his aduersarie.

Soone after him▪ entred into the field with great triumph, king Richard accompanied with all the péeres of the realme, and in his companie was the earle of saint Paule, which was come out of France in post to see this challenge performed. The king had there aboue ten thousand men in armour, least some [line 20] fraie or tumult might rise amongst his nobles, by quarelling or partaking. When the king was set in his seat, which was richlie hanged and adorned; a king at armes made open proclamation, prohibi∣ting all men in the name of the king, and of the high constable and marshall, to enterprise or attempt to approch or touch any part of the lists vpon paine of death, except such as were appointed to order or mar∣shall the field. The proclamation ended, an other he∣rald cried;

Behold here Henrie of Lancaster duke [line 30] of Hereford appellant, which is entred into the lists roiall to doo his deuoir against Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke defendant, vpon paine to be found false and recreant.

The duke of Norfolke houered on horssebacke at the entrie of the lists, his horsse being barded with cri∣mosen veluet, imbrodered richlie with lions of sil∣uer and mulberie trées; and when he had made his oth before the constable and marshall that his quar∣rell was iust and true, he entred the field manfullie, [line 40] saieng alowd:

God aid him that hath the right

, and then he departed from his horsse, & sate him downe in his chaire which was of crimosen veluet, courtined about with white and red damaske. The lord marshall viewed their speares, to see that they were of equall length, and deliuered the one speare himselfe to the duke of Hereford, and sent the other vnto the duke of Norfolke by a knight. Then the herald proclamed that the trauerses & chaires of the champions should be remooued, commanding them on the kings be∣halfe [line 50] to mount on horssebacke, & addresse themselues to the battell and combat.

The duke of Hereford was quicklie horssed, and clo∣sed his bauier, and cast his speare into the rest, and when the trumpet sounded set forward couragiouslie towards his enimie six or seuen pases. The duke of Norfolke was not fullie set forward, when the king cast downe his warder, and the heralds cried, Ho, ho. Then the king caused their speares to be taken from them,* 15.106 and commanded them to repaire againe to [line 60] their chaires, where they remained two long houres, while the king and his councell deliberatlie consul∣ted what order was best to be had in so weightie a cause. Finallie, after they had deuised, and fullie de∣termined what should be doone therein, the heralds cried silence; and sir Iohn Bushie the kings secreta∣rie read the sentence and determination of the king and his councell,* 15.107 in a long roll, the effect wherof was, that Henrie duke of Hereford should within fifteene daies depart out of the realme, and not to returne be∣fore the terme of ten yeares were expired, except by the king he should be repealed againe, and this vpon paine of death; and that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, bicause he had sowen sedition in the relme by his words, should likewise auoid the realme, and neuer to returne againe into England, nor approch the borders or confines thereof vpon paine of death; ••nd that the king would staie the profits of his lands, till he had leuied thereof such summes of monie as the duke had taken vp of the kings treasuror for the wages of the garrison of Calis, which were still vn∣paid.

When these iudgements were once read, the king called before him▪ both the parties, and made them to sweare that the one should neuer come in place where the other was, willingli••; nor kéepe any com∣panie to ••ither in any forren region; which oth they both receiued humblie, and so went their waies. The duke of Norfolke departed sorowfullie out of the relme into Almanie, and at the last came to Uenice, where he for thought and melancholie deceassed: for he was in hope (as writers record) that he should haue béene borne out in the matter by the king, which when it fell out otherwise, it greeued him not a little. The duke of Hereford tooke his leaue of the king at Eltham, who there released foure yeares of his ba∣nishment: so he tooke his iornie ouer into Calis, and from thence went into France, where he remained. ¶A woonder it was to sée what number of people ran after him in euerie towne and stréet where he came, before he tooke the sea,* 15.108 lamenting and bewailing his departure, as who would saie, that when he departed, the onelie shield, defense and comfort of the common∣wealth was vaded and gone.

At his comming into France, king Charles hea∣ring the cause of his banishment (which he esteemed to be verie light) receiued him gentlie,* 15.109 and him hono∣rablie interteined, in so much that he had by fauour obteined in mariage the onelie daughter of the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king, if king Richard had not béene a let in that matter, who being thereof certified, sent the earle of Salisburie with all speed into France, both to surmize by vntrue suggestion,* 15.110 heinous offenses against him, and also to require the French king that in no wise he would suffer his cou∣sine to be matched in mariage with him that was so manifest an offendor. This was a pestilent kind of proceeding against that nobleman then being in a forren countrie, hauing béne so honorablie receiued as he was at his entrance into France, and vpon view and good liking of his behauiour there, so for∣ward in mariage with a ladie of noble linage. So sharpe, so seuere, & so heinous an accusation, brought to a strange king from a naturall prince, against his subiect, after punishment inflicted (for he was bani∣shed) was inough to haue made the French king his fatall ••o, & vpon suspicion of assaieng the like treche∣rie against him, to haue throwne him out of the li∣mits of his land. But what will enuie leaue vnat∣tempted, where it is once setled? And how are the ma∣licious tormented with egernes of reuenge against them whom they maligne, wringing themselues in the meane ti••e with inward pangs gnawing them at the hart? wherevnto serueth the poets allusion,

Inuidia Siculi non inuenêre tyranni Maius tormentum.* 15.111

On Newyeares day this yeare, the riuer that pas∣seth betwixt Suelleston or Snelston, and Harewood, [year 1399] two villages not far from Bedford, sudenlie ceassed his course, so as the chanell remained drie by the space of thrée miles, that any man might enter into, and passe the same drie foot at his pleasure. This di∣uision, which the water made in that place, the one part séeming as it were not to come néere to the o∣ther, was iudged to signifie the reuolting of the sub∣iects of this land from their naturall prince. It may be, that the water of that riuer sanke into the ground, and by some secret passage or chanell tooke

course till it came to the place where it might rise a∣gaine as in other places is likewise 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Ye haue heard before, how the archbishop of Can∣turburie Thomas Arundell, was banish the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Roger Walden was made archbishop o•• that ••ee,* 15.112 who was a great fauourer of the citie of London, the which was eftsoones about this season falle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the kings displeasure: but by the diligent labour of this archbishop, and of Robert Braibrooke then bi∣shop of London, vpon the humble supplication of the [line 10] citizens,* 15.113 the kings wrath was pacif••ed. But yet to content the kings mind, manie blanke charters were deuised, and brought into the citie, which manie of the substantiall and wealthie citizens were s••me to seale, to their great charge, as in the end appeared. And the like charters were sent abroad into all shires within the realme, whereby great grudge and mur∣muring arose among the people: for when they were so sealed, the kings officers wrote in the same what liked them, as well for charging the parties with pai∣ment [line 20] of monie, as otherwise.

* 15.114In this meane time, the duke of Lancaster depar∣ted out of this life at the bishop of Elies place in Holborne, and lieth buried in the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, on the northside of the high altar, by the ladie Blanch his first wife. The death of this duke gaue occasion of increasing more hatred in the people of this realme toward the king, for he seized into his hands all the goods that belonged to him, and also receiued all the rents and reuenues of [line 30] his lands which ought to haue descended vnto the duke of Hereford by lawfull inheritance, in reuoking his letters patents,* 15.115 which he had granted to him be∣fore, by vertue wherof he might make his attorneis generall to sue liuerie for him, of any maner of in∣heritances or possessions that might from thence∣foorth fall vnto him, and that his homage might be re∣spited, with making reasonable fine: whereby it was euident, that the king meant his vtter vndooing.

This hard dealing was much misliked of all the no∣bilitie, [line 40] and cried out against of the meaner sort: but namelie the duke of Yorke was therewith sore moo∣ued, who before this time, had borne things with so patient a mind as he could, though the same touched him verie néere, as the death of his brother the duke of Glocester, the banishment of his nephue the said duke of Hereford, and other mo iniuries in great number, which for the slipperie youth of the king, he passed ouer for the time, and did forget aswell as he might. But now perceiuing that neither law, iustice [line 50] nor equitie could take place, where the kings wilfull will was bent vpon any wrongfull purpose, he consi∣dered that the glorie of the publike wealth of his countrie must néeds decaie, by reason of the king his lacke of wit, and want of such as would (without flat∣terie) admonish him of his dutie: and therefore he thought it the part of a wise man to get him in time to a resting place, and to leaue the following of such an vnaduised capteine, as with a leden sword would cut his owne throat.

* 15.116Herevpon he with the duke of Aumarle his sonne [line 60] went to his house at Langlie, reioising that nothing had mishappened in the common-wealth through his deuise or consent. The common brute ran, that the king had set to farme the realme of England,* 15.117 vn∣to sir William Scroope earle of Wiltshire, and then treasuror of England, to sir Iohn Bushie, sir Iohn Bagot, and sir Henrie Gréene knights. ¶ About the same time, the earle of Arundels sonne, named Tho∣mas, which was kept in the duke of Exeters house, escaped out of the realme, by meanes of one Willi∣am Scot mercer, and went to his vncle Thomas A∣rundell late archbishop of Canturburie, as then so∣iourning at Cullen.* 15.118 King Richard being desti∣t••••e 〈…〉〈…〉.

〈…〉〈…〉,* 15.119 when they rose in armor against him. The nobles, gentlemen, and commons of those shires were inforced also to receiue a new oth to assure the king of their fidelitie in time to come;* 15.120 and withall certeine prelats and o∣ther honorable personag••s, were sent into the same shires to persuade men to this pain••ent, and to sée things ordered at the pleasure of the prince: and suer∣lie the fines which the nobles, and other the meaner estates of those shires were constreined to paie, were not small, but excéeding great, to the offense of ma∣nie. Moreouer, the kings letters patents were sent into euerie shire within this land, by vertue whereof, an oth was demanded of all the kings liege people for a further assurance of their due obedience,* 15.121 and they were constreined to ratifie the same in writing vnder their hands and seales.

Moreouer they were compelled to put their hands and seales to certeine blankes, wherof ye haue heard before, in the which, when it pleased him he might write what he thought good. There was also a new oth deuised for the shiriffes of euerie countie through the realme to receiue: finallie, manie of the kings liege people were through spite, enuie, and malice, ac∣cused, apprehended, & put in prison,* 15.122 and after brought before the constable and marshall of England, in the court of chiualrie, and might not otherwise be deliue∣red, except they could iustifie themselues by combat and fighting in lists against their accusers hand to hand, although the accusers for the most part were lustie, yoong and valiant, where the parties accused were perchance old, impotent, maimed and sicklie. Wherevpon not onelie the great destruction of the realme in generall, but also of euerie singular per∣son in particular, was to be feared and looked for.

¶ About this time the bishop of Calcedon came into England, with letters apostolicall of admonition,* 15.123 that the faithfull and loiall of the land should of their goods disbursse somewhat to the emperour of Con∣stantinople, who was extremelie vexed and troubled by the Tartars, and their capteine called Morect. And to the intent that the peeres of the land might be made the more willing and toward to bestow their contribution in this behalfe, the pope granted vnto all benefactors (trulie contrite and confessed) full re∣mission, and wrapped in his bitter censures all such as hindered those that were willing to bestow their be∣neuolence in this case; considering, that although the emperour was a schismatike, yet was he a chri∣stian, and if by the infidels he should be oppressed, all christendome was in danger of ruine; hauing in his mind that saieng of the poet full fit for his purpose,

Tunc tuares agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.

¶ In this yeare in a manner throughout all the realme of England, old baie trées withered,* 15.124 and af∣terwards, contrarie to all mens thinking, grew greene againe, a strange sight, and supposed to import some vnknowne euent.* 15.125 ¶ In this meane time the king being aduertised that the wild Irish dailie wa∣sted and destroied the townes and villages within the English pale, and had slaine manie of the souldi∣ers which laie there in garison for defense of that

countrie, determined to make eftsoones a voiage thi∣ther, & prepared all things necessarie for his passage now against the spring. A little before his setting foorth, he caused a iusts to be holden at Windesor of fourtie knights and fourtie esquiers,* 15.126 against all com∣mers, & they to be apparelled in gréene, with a white falcon, and the queene to be there well accompani∣ed with ladies and damsels.* 15.127 When these iusts were finished, the king departed toward Bristow, from thence to passe into Ireland, leauing the queene with [line 10] hir traine still at Windesor: he appointed for his lieutenant generall in his absence his vncle the duke of Yorke: and so in the moneth of Aprill, as diuerse authors write, he set forward from Windesor, and fi∣nallie tooke shipping at Milford, and from thence with two hundred ships, and a puissant power of men of armes and archers he sailed into Ireland. The fridaie next after his arriuall, there were slaine two hundred Irishmen at Fourd in Kenlis within the countie of Kildare, by that valiant gentleman [line 20] Ienico Dartois, and such Englishmen as he had there with him: and on the morrow next insuing the citizens of Dublin inuaded the countrie of Obrin, and slue thirtie and thrée Irishmen.

The king also after he had remained about seuen daies at Waterford,* 15.128 marched from thence towards Kilkennie, and comming thither, staied thereabout fourteene daies, looking for the duke of Aumarle that was appointed to haue met him, but he failed and came not, wherevpon the king on Midsummer euen [line 30] set forward againe, marching streight towards the countrie of Macmur the principall rebell in that season within Ireland,* 15.129 who kéeping himselfe among woods with three thousand right hardie men, seémed to passe little for any power that might be brought a∣gainst him. Yet the king approching to the skirts of the woods, commanded his soldiers to fier the houses and villages: which was executed with great for∣wardnesse of the men of war. And here for some va∣liant act that he did, or some other fauourable respect, [line 40] which the king bare to the lord Henrie sonne to the duke of Hereford, he made him knight. ¶ This Hen∣rie was after king of England, succeeding his fa∣ther, and called by the name of Henrie the fift. There were nine or ten others made knights also at the same time.

* 15.130Moreouer, there were two thousand & fiue hundred pioners set a worke to cut downe the woods, and to make passages through, and so then the Englishmen entred, and by force got through: for the Irishmen sore feared the English bowes, but yet now and then [line 50] they espieng their aduantage, assailed oftentimes Englishmen with their darts, and slue diuerse that went abroad to fetch in forrage. The vncle of Mac∣mur hauing a withie or with about his necke, came in and submitted himselfe, and likewise manie other naked and bare legged, so that the king seeming to pitie their miserable state, pardoned them, and after∣ward he also sent vnto Macmur, promising that if he would come in and require pardon as his vncle had [line 60] doone, he would receiue him to mercie: but Macmur vnderstanding that for want of vittels, the king must néeds retire within a short time, he refused the kings offer. The king with his armie remaining in those parts 11 daies, was in the end constreined to come backe, when all their vittels were spent: for more than they brought with them they could not get. They lost manie horsses in this iournie for want of prouision and forrage.

As the king was withdrawne towards Dublin, marching through the countrie,* 15.131 in despite of his eni∣mies, that houered still about his armie, Macmur sent to the king, offering to talke of an agreement, if it should please him to send any noble man to méet him at a place appointed. The king herevpon com∣manded the earle of Glocester to take with him two hundred lances, and a thousand archers, and to go to trie if he might by persuasion cause him to come in and submit himselfe. The earle went, and comming to talke with him, found him so obstinate,* 15.132 that their parlée streightwaies brake off: so taking leaue each of other, they departed, and the earle returned to the king, to aduertise him what he had doone and percei∣ued by the communication which he had had with Macmur.

The king was sore offended with the obstinatnes of the rebell, that would not agree otherwise: but so as he might remaine still at libertie, without danger to suffer anie maner of punishment for his passed of∣fenses. Wherevpon the king after his comming to Dublin, and that the armie had rested there,* 15.133 and in the countrie neere to the citie, for the space of fiftéene daies, he diuided his people into three parts, and sent them abroad into the countrie to pursue the enimies and withall made proclamation, that who so euer could bring Macmur vnto his presence, should haue for his recompense a great reward: for he determi∣ned not to depart the countrie, till he had him either dead or aliue. But he knew full little then what inci∣dents to hinder his purposed intention would after follow.

The same daie that he sent abroad his armie thus into three seuerall parts,* 15.134 the duke of Aumarle with an hundred saile arriued, of whose cōming the king was right ioifull; and although he had vsed no small negligence in that he came no sooner according to or∣der before appointed, yet the king (as he was of a gentle nature) courteouslie accepted his excuse: whe∣ther he was in fault or not, I haue not to saie; but verelie he was greatlie suspected, that he dealt not well in tarieng so long after his time assigned. But now whilest the king rested at Dublin, his people so demeaned themselues, that the most part of the re∣bels, what by manhood and policie were subdued, and brought vnder subiection, and (as is to be thought) if no trouble had risen in England to haue called him backe, he meant to haue rid vp the woods, and made some notable conquest at that time vpon the rebels that yet held out. Neuerthelesse, during the time of his abode there, such was the prowesse of him and his, that the Irish were well tamed, and forced to submit themselues: and yet the kings power made no great slaughter of them, if it be true that Christ. Okl. saith, speaking hereof in few words as after followeth:

Pergit ad indomitos princeps Richardus Hibernos,* 15.135 In{que} potestatem multo sine sanguine, saeuo Marte reluctantes.

Now whilest he was thus occupied in deuising how to reduce them into subiection, and taking orders for the good staie and quiet gouernment of the countrie, diuerse of the nobilitie, aswell prelats as other, and likewise manie of the magistrats and rulers of the cities, townes, and communaltie, here in England, perceiuing dailie how the realme drew to vtter ru∣ine, not like to be recouered to the former state of wealth, whilest king Richard lived and reigned (as they tooke it) deuised with great deliberation,* 15.136 and considerate aduise, to send and signifie by letters vn∣to duke Henrie, whome they now called (as he was in déed) duke of Lancaster and Hereford, requiring him with all conuenient speed to conueie himselfe into England, promising him all their aid, power and assistance, if he expelling K. Richard, as a man not meet for the office he bare, would take vpon him the scepter, rule, and diademe of his natiue land and re∣gion.

He therefore being thus called vpon by messen∣gers and letters from his fréends, and chéeflie through

the earnest persuasion of Thomas Arundell, late archbishop of Canturburie, who (as before yee haue heard) had béene remooued from his sée, and banished the realme by king Richards means, got him downe to Britaine,* 15.137 togither with the said archbishop, where he was ioifullie receiued of the duke and duchesse, and found such fréendship at the dukes hands, that there were certeine ships rigged, and made readie for him, at a place in base Britaine, called La port blanc,* 15.138 as we find in the chronicles of Britaine: and [line 10] when all his prouision was made readie, he tooke the sea, togither with the said archbishop of Canturbu∣rie, and his nephue Thomas Arundell, sonne and heire to the late earle of Arundell, beheaded at the Tow∣er hill, as you haue heard. There were also with him, Reginald lord Cobham,* 15.139 sir Thomas Erpingham, and sir Thomas Ramston knights, Iohn Norbu∣rie, Robert Waterton, & Francis Coint esquires: few else were there, for (as some write) he had not past fifteene lances, as they tearmed them in those [line 20] daies,* 15.140 that is to saie, men of armes, furnished and appointed as the vse then was. ¶ Yet other write, that the duke of Britaine deliuered vnto him three thousand men of warre,* 15.141 to attend him, and that he had eight ships well furnished for the warre, where Froissard yet speaketh but of three. Moreouer, where Froissard and also the chronicles of Britaine auouch,* 15.142 that he should land at Plimmouth, by our English writers it séemeth otherwise: for it appeareth by their assured report, that he approching to the shore, did not [line 30] streight take land,* 15.143 but lay houering aloofe, and shew∣ed himselfe now in this place, and now in that, to sée what countenance was made by the people, whether they meant enuiouslie to resist him, or fréendlie to re∣ceiue him.

When the lord gouernor Edmund duke of Yorke was aduertised, that the duke of Lancaster kept still the sea, and was readie to arriue (but where he ment first to set foot on land, there was not any that vnder∣stood the certeintie) he sent for the lord chancellor Ed∣mund [line 40] Stafford bishop of Excester, and for the lord treasuror William Scroope earle of Wiltshire, and other of the kings priuie councell, as Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, Henrie Greene, and Iohn Russell knights: of these he required to know what they thought good to be doone in this matter, concerning the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their ad∣uise was, to depart from London, vnto S. Albons, and there to gather an armie to resist the duke in his landing, but to how small purpose their counsell ser∣ued, [line 50] ••he conclusion thereof plainlie declared, for the most part that were called,* 15.144 when they came thither▪ ••oldlie protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster, whome they knew to be euill dealt withall.

The lord treasuror, Bushie, Bagot, and Gréene, perceiuing that the commons would cleaue vnto, and take part with the duke, slipped awaie, leauing the lord gouernour of the realme, and the lord chan∣cellor to make what shift they could for themselues: [line 60] Bagot got him to Chester, and so escaped into Ire∣land; the other fled to the castell of Bristow, in hope there to be in safetie. The duke of Lancaster, after that he had coasted alongst the shore a certeine time, & had got some intelligence how the peoples minds were affected towards him,* 15.145 landed about the begin∣ning of Iulie in Yorkshire, at a place sometime cal∣led ••auenspur, betwixt Hull and Bridlington, and with him not past thréescore persons,* 15.146 as some write: but he was so ioifullie receiued of the lords, knights, and gentlemen of those parts, that he found means by their helpe) forthwith to assemble a great num∣ber of people, that were willing to take his part. The first that came to him, were the lords of Lin∣coln••shire, and other countries adioining, as the lords Willoughbie, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumont.

At his comming vnto Doncaster, the earle of Northumberland, and his sonne sir Henrie Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with the earle of Westmerland, came vnto him,* 15.147 where he sware vnto those lords, that he would demand no more, but the lands that were to him descended by in∣heritance from his father, and in right of his wife. Moreouer, he undertooke to cause the paiment of tax∣es and tallages to be laid downe, & to bring the king to good gouernment, & to remooue from him the Che∣shiremen, which were enuied of manie; for that the king estéemed of them more than of anie other; hap∣pilie, bicause they were more faithfull to him than other, readie in all respects to obeie his commande∣ments and pleasure. From Doncaster hauing now got a mightie armie about him, he marched foorth with all spéed through the countries, comming by E∣uesham vnto Berkelie: within the space of three daies, all the kings castels in those parts were sur∣rendred vnto him.

The duke of Yorke, whome king Richard had left as gouernour of the realme in his absence, hearing that his nephue the duke of Lancaster was thus ar∣riued, and had gathered an armie, he also assembled a puissant power of men of armes and archers (as be∣fore yée haue heard) but all was in vaine,* 15.148 for there was not a man that willinglie would thrust out one arrow against the duke of Lancaster, or his parta∣kers, or in anie wise offend him or his freends. The duke of Yorke therefore passing foorth towards Wales to méet the king, at his comming foorth of Ireland, was receiued into the castell of Berkelie, and there remained, till the comming thither of the duke of Lancaster (whom when he perceiued that he was not able to resist) on the sundaie, after the feast of saint Iames, which as that yeare came about, fell vpon the fridaie, he came foorth into the church that stood without the castell, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With the duke of Yorke were the bishops of Norwich, the lord Berkelie, the lord Seimour, and other: with the duke of Lancaster were these, Thomas Arundell archbishop of Can∣turburie that had béene banished, the abbat of Leice∣ster, the earles of Northumberland and Westmer∣land, Thomas Arundell sonne to Richard late earle of Arundell, the baron of Greistoke, the lords Wil∣loughbie and Ros, with diuerse other lords, knights, and other people, which dailie came to him from eue∣rie part of the realme: those that came not, were spoiled of all they had, so as they were neuer able to recouer themselues againe, for their goods being then taken awaie, were neuer restored. And thus what for loue, and what for feare of losse, they came flocking vnto him from euerie part.

At the same present there was arrested, and com∣mitted to safe custodie, the bishop of Norwich, sir William Elmam, and sir Walter Burlie, knights, Laurence Drew, and Iohn Golofer esquiers. On the morowafter, the forsaid dukes with their power,* 15.149 went towards Bristow, where (at their comming) they shewed themselues before the towne & castell, being an huge multitude of people. There were in∣closed within the castell, the lord William Scroope earle of Wiltshire and treasuror of England, sir Henrie Greene, and sir Iohn Bushie knights, who prepared to make resistance: but when it would not preuaile, they were taken and brought foorth bound as prisoners into the campe, before the duke of Lan∣caster. On the morow next insuing,* 15.150 they were arrai∣gned before the constable and marshall, and found giltie of treason, for misgouerning the king and realme, and foorthwith had their heads smit off. Sir

Iohn Russell was also taken there,* 15.151 who feining him∣selfe to be out of his wits, escaped their hands for a time.

In this meane time, king Richard aduertised, how the duke of Lancaster was landed in England, and that the lords, gentlemen, and commons assem∣bled themselues to take his part, he forthwith caused the lord Henrie, sonne to the said duke of Lancaster, and the lord Humfrie, sonne to the duke of Gloce∣ster, to be shut vp fast in the castell of Trimme, and [line 10] with all spéed made hast to returne into England, in hope with an armie to incounter the duke, before he should haue time to assemble his fréends togither. But here you shall note, that it fortuned at the same time, in which the duke of Hereford or Lancaster, whether ye list to call him, arriued thus in England, the seas were so troubled by tempests,* 15.152 and the winds blew so contrarie for anie passage, to come ouer foorth of England to the king, remaining still in Ireland, that for the space of six wéeks, he receiued no aduer∣tisements [line 20] from thence: yet at length, when the seas became calme, and the wind once turned anie thing fauourable, there came ouer a ship, whereby the king vnderstood the manner of the dukes arriuall, and all his procéedings till that daie, in which the ship depar∣ted from the coast of England, wherevpon he meant foorthwith to haue returned ouer into England, to make resistance against the duke: but through per∣suasion of the duke of Aumarle (as was thought) he staied, till he might haue all his ships, and other pro∣uision, [line 30] fullie readie for his passage.

In the meane time, he sent the earle of Salisburie ouer into England, to gather a power togither, by helpe of the kings freends in Wales, and Cheshire, with all spéed possible, that they might be readie to assist him against the duke, vpon his arriuall, for he meant himselfe to follow the earle, within six daies after. The earle passing ouer into Wales, landed at Conwaie, and sent foorth letters to the kings freends, both in Wales and Cheshire, to leauie their people, [line 40] & to come with all spéed to assist the K. whose request, with great desire, & very willing minds they fulfilled, ••••••ing to haue found the king himselfe at Conwaie, insomuch that within foure daies space, there were to the number of fortie thousand men assembled, rea∣die to march with the king against his enimies, if he had béene there himselfe in person.

But when they missed the king, there was a brute spred amongst them, that the king was suerlie dead, which wrought such an impression, and euill disposi∣tion [line 50] in the minds of the Welshmen and others, that for anie persuasion which the earle of Salisburie might vse, they would not go foorth with him, till they saw the king: onelie they were contented to staie fouretéene daies to sée if he should come or not; but when he came not within that tearme, they would no longer abide, but scaled & departed awaie; wheras if the king had come before their breaking vp, no doubt, but they would haue put the duke of Here∣ford in aduenture of a field: so that the kings linge∣ring [line 60] of time before his comming ouer, gaue oppor∣tunitie to the duke to bring things to passe as he could haue wished, and tooke from the king all occa∣sion to recouer afterwards anie forces sufficient to resist him.

At length, about eighteene daies after that the king had sent from him the earle of Salisburie, he tooke the sea, togither with the dukes of Aumarle, Exce∣ster, Surrie, and diuerse others of the nobilitie, with the bishops of London, Lincolne, and Carleill. They landed néere the castell of Barclowlie in Wales,* 15.153 a∣bout the feast of saint Iames the apostle, and staied a while in the same castell, being aduertised of the great forces which the duke of Lancaster had got to∣gither against him,* 15.154 wherewith he was maruellouslie amazed, knowing certeinelie that those which were thus in armes with the duke of Lancaster against him, would rather die than giue place, as well for the hatred as feare which they had conceiued at him. Ne∣uerthelesse he departing from Barclowlie, hasted with all speed towards Conwaie, where he vnder∣stood the earle of Salisburie to be still remaining.

He therefore taking with him such Cheshire men as he had with him at that present (in whom all his trust was reposed) he doubted not to reuenge him∣selfe of his aduersaries,* 15.155 & so at the first he passed with a good courage: but when he vnderstood as he went thus forward, that all the castels, euen from the bor∣ders of Scotland vnto Bristow were deliuered vnto the duke of Lancaster, and that likewise the nobles and commons, as well of the south parts, as the north, were fullie bent to take part with the same duke against him; and further, hearing how his tru∣stie councellors had lost their heads at Bristow, he became so greatlie discomforted,* 15.156 that sorowfullie la∣menting his miserable state, he vtterlie despaired of his owne safetie, and calling his armie togither, which was not small, licenced euerie man to depart to his home.

The souldiers being well bent to fight in his de∣fense, besought him to be of good chéere, promising with an oth to stand with him against the duke, and all his partakers vnto death: but his could not in∣courage him at all, so that in the night next insuing, he stole from his armie,* 15.157 and with the dukes of Exce∣ster and Surrie, the bishop of Carleill, and sir Ste∣phan Scroope, and about halfe a score others, he got him to the castell of Conwaie, where he found the earle of Salisburie, determining there to hold him∣selfe, till he might sée the world at some better staie; for what counsell to take to remedie the mischéefe thus pressing vpon him he wist not. On the one part he knew his title iust, true, and infallible; and his conscience cleane, pure, and without spot of enuie or malice: he had also no small affiance in the Welsh∣men, and Cheshire men. On the other side, he saw the puissance of his aduersaries, the sudden depar∣ting of them whom he most trusted, and all things turned vpside downe: he euidentlie saw, and mani∣festlie perceiued, that he was forsaken of them, by whom in time he might haue béene aided and relie∣ued, where now it was too late, and too farre ouer∣passed.

¶ This suerlie is a verie notable example,* 15.158 and not vnwoorthie of all princes to be well weied, and dili∣gentlie marked, that this Henrie duke of Lancaster should be thus called to the kingdome, and haue the helpe and assistance (almost) of all the whole realme, which perchance neuer thereof thought or yet drea∣med; and that king Richard should thus be left deso∣late, void, and in despaire of all hope and comfort, in whom if there were anie offense, it ought rather to be imputed to the frailtie of wanton youth, than to the malice of his hart: but such is the deceiuable iudgement of man, which not regarding things pre∣sent with due consideration, thinketh euer that things to come shall haue good successe, with a plea∣sant & delitefull end. But in this deiecting of the one, & aduancing of the other, the prouidence of God is to be respected, & his secret will to be woondered at. For as in his hands standeth the donation of kingdoms, so likewise the disposing of them consisteth in his pleasure, which the verie pagans vnderstood right well; otherwise, one of them would neuer haue said,

Regum timendorum in proprios greges,* 15.159 Reges in ipsos imperium est Iouis Cuncta supercilio mouentis.

Sir Thomas Persie earle of Worcester, lord

steward of the kings house,* 15.160 either being so com∣manded by the king, or else vpon displeasure (as some write) for that the king had proclaimed his brother the earle of Northumberland traitor, brake his white staffe, which is the representing signe and token of his office, and without delaie went to duke Henrie. When the kings seruants of houshold saw this (for it was doone before them all) they dispersed themsel∣ues, some into one countrie, and some into an other. When the duke of Lancaster vnderstood that king [line 10] Richard was returned foorth of Ireland, he left the duke of Yorke still at Bristow, and came backe with his power vnto Berkleie; the second daie he came to Glocester, and so to Roos, after to Hereford, where came to him the bishop of Hereford, and sir Edmund Mortimer knight. On the sundaie following, he went to Limster, and there the lord Charleton came to him. From thence he went to Ludlow, and the next daie to Shrewsburie, where he rested one daie, and thither came to him sir Robert Leigh,* 15.161 and sir [line 20] Iohn Leigh, and manie other being sent from Che∣ster, to treat with the duke of Lancaster, for the citie and countie of Chester, that were now readie to sub∣mit themselues vnto him in all things.

There came hither vnto him the lord Scales, and the lord Berdolfe, foorth of Ireland, hauing béene spoiled of all they had about them in Wales, as they came through the countrie. From Shrewsburie, he kept on his iournie towards Chester, and lodging one night by the waie, in a towne there in the bor∣ders [line 30] of Wales,* 15.162 he came the second night to Chester, and staied there certeine daies togither, making a iollie muster of his armie there in sight of the citie. The clergie met, & receiued him with procession: he sent foorthwith for his sonne & heire, & likewise for the duke of Glocesters soone & heire, that were as yet remaining in Ireland, commanding them with all spéed to returne home into England. But the duke of Glocesters sonne, through mischance perished, as he was on the seas to come ouer, for whose losse his [line 40] mother tooke such greefe, that shortlie after through immoderate sorow she likewise passed out of this transitorie life.

In this meane time, king Richard being in the castell of Conwaie sore discomfited, and fearing lest he could not remaine there long in safetie, vpon knowledge had by his trustie fréends Iohn Paulet, and Richard Seimour, of the dealings and approch of his aduersaries, sent the duke of Excester to talke with the duke of Lancaster, who in this meane while [line 50] had caused one of king Richards faithfull and trustie freends,* 15.163 sir Piers a Leigh, commonlie called Per∣kin a Lée, to lose his head, & commanded the same to be set vp, vpon one of the highest turrets about all the citie; and so that true and faithfull gentleman, for his stedfast faith, and assured loialtie to his louing souereigne, thus lost his life. There came to him a∣bout the same time, or somewhat before, the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the lord Louell, and sir Iohn Stanleie, beséeching him to receiue him into his fa∣uour. [line 60]

¶ By some writers it should seeme, not onelie the duke of Excester,* 15.164 but also the duke of Surrie were sent vnto duke Henrie from king Richard, and that duke Henrie staied them both, and would not suffer them to returne to the king againe, kéeping the duke of Excester still about him, and committing the duke of Surrie to prison, within the castell of Chester. The king herewith went to Beaumaris, & after to Car∣naruan: but finding no prouision either of vittels or other things in those castels, no not so much as a bed to lie in, he came backe againe to Conwaie, and in the meane time was the castell of Holt deliuered to the duke of Hereford,* 15.165 by those that had it in kéeping wherein was great store of iewels, to the value of two hundred thousand marks, besides an hundred thousand marks in readie coine. After this, the duke, with aduise of his councell,* 15.166 sent the earle of Nor∣thumberland vnto the king, accompanied with foure hundred lances, & a thousand archers, who comming to the castell of Flint, had it deliuered vnto him; and from thence he hasted foorth towards Conwaie. But before he approched néere the place, he left his power behind him, hid closelie in two ambushes, behind a craggie mounteine, beside the high waie that lea∣deth from Flint to Conwaie.

This doone, taking not past foure or fiue with him, he passed foorth, till he came before the towne, and then sending an herald to the king, requested a safe conduct from the king, that he might come and talke with him, which the king granted, and so the earle of Northumberland passing the water, entred the ca∣stell, and comming to the king, declared to him,* 15.167 that if it might please his grace to vndertake, that there should be a parlement assembled, in the which iustice might be had, against such as were enimies to the common-wealth, and had procured the destruction of the duke of Glocester, and other noblemen, and here∣with pardon the duke of Hereford of all things wher∣in he had offended him, the duke would be readie to come to him on his knées, to craue of him forgiue∣nesse, and as an humble subiect, to obeie him in all dutifull seruices. The king taking aduise vpon these offers,* 15.168 and other made by the earle of Northumber∣land on the behalfe of the duke of Hereford; vpon the earles oth, for assurance that the same should be per∣formed in ech condition, agréed to go with the earle to méete the duke, and herevpon taking their horsses, they rode foorth, but the earle rode before, as it were, to prepare dinner for the king at Rutland, but com∣ming to the place where he had left his people, he staied there with them.

The king kéeping on his waie, had not ridden past foure miles, when he came to the place where the am∣bushes were lodged, and being entred within dan∣ger of them, before he was aware, shewed himselfe to be sore abashed. But now there was no remi••••••: for the earle being there with his men, would not suf∣fer him to returne, as he gladlie would haue doone if he might; but being inclosed with the sea on the one side, and the rocks on the other, hauing his aduersa∣ries so néere at hand before him, he could not shift a∣waie by any meanes, for if he should haue fled backe, they might easilie haue ouertaken him, yer he could haue got out of their danger. And thus of force he was then constrained to go with the earle, who brought him to Rutland, where they dined, and from thence they rode vnto Flint to bed. The king had ve∣rie few about him of his freends, except onelie the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of Carleill, the lord Stephan Scroope, sir Nicholas Ferebie, a sonne also of the countesse of Salisburie, and Ienico Dartois a Gascoigne that still ware the cognisance or deuise of his maister king Richard, that is to saie,* 15.169 a white hart, and would not put it from him, neither for per∣suasions nor threats; by reason whereof, when the duke of Hereford vnderstood it, he caused him to be committed to prison within the castell of Chester. This man was the last (as saieth mine author) which ware that deuise, and shewed well thereby his con∣stant hart toward his maister, for the which it was thought he should haue lost his life, but yet he was pardoned, and at length reconciled to the dukes fa∣uour, after he was king.

But now to our purpose. King Richard being thus come vnto the castell of Flint, on the mondaie, the eightéenth of August, and the duke of Hereford be∣ing still aduertised from houre to houre by posts,

how the earle of Northumberland sped, the morow following being tuesdaie, and the ninetéenth of Au∣gust, he came thither, & mustered his armie before the kings presence, which vndoubtedlie made a passing faire shew, being verie well ordered by the lord Hen∣rie Persie, that was appointed generall, or rather (as we maie call him) master of the campe, vnder the duke, of the whole armie. There were come alreadie to the castell, before the approching of the maine ar∣mie, the archbishop of Canturburie, the duke of Au∣marle, the earle of Worcester, and diuerse other. The [line 10] archbishop entred first, and then followed the other, comming into the first ward.

The king that was walking aloft on the braies of the wals, to behold the comming of the duke a farre off, might sée, that the archbishop and the other were come, and (as he tooke it) to talke with him: where∣vpon he foorthwith came downe vnto them, and be∣holding that they did their due reuerence to him on their knées, he tooke them vp, and drawing the arch∣bishop aside from the residue, talked with him a good [line 20] while, and as it was reported, the archbishop willed him to be of good comfort, for he should be assured, not to haue anie hurt, as touching his person; but he pro∣phesied not as a prelat, but as a Pilat. For, was it no hurt (thinke you) to his person, to be spoiled of his roialtie, to be deposed from his crowne, to be trans∣lated from principalitie to prison, & to fall from honor into horror. All which befell him to his extreame hart greefe (no doubt:) which to increase, meanes alas [line 30] there were manie; but to diminish, helps (God wot) but a few. So that he might haue said with the for∣lorne man in the mercilesse seas of his miseries,

Vt fera nimboso tumüerunt aequora vento, In medijs lacera naue relinquor aquis.

¶Some write (as before in a marginall note I haue quoted) that the archbishop of Canturburie went with the earle of Northumberland vnto Con∣waie, and there talked with him: and further, that euen then the king offered, in consideration of his in∣sufficiencie [line 40] to gouerne, freelie to resigne the crowne, and his kinglie title to the same, vnto the duke of Hereford. But forsomuch as those that were conti∣nuallie attendant about the king, during the whole time of his abode at Conwaie, and till his comming to Flint, doo plainelie affirme, that the archbishop came not to him, till this tuesdaie before his remoo∣uing from Flint vnto Chester, it maie be thought (the circumstances well considered) that he rather made that promise here at Flint, than at Conwaie, [line 50] although by the tenour of an instrument, conteining the declaration of the archbishop of Yorke, and other commissioners sent from the estates assembled in the next parlement, vnto the said king, it is recorded to be at Conwaie, as after ye maie read. But there maie be some default in the copie, as taking the one place for the other.

But wheresoeuer this offer was made, after that the archbishop had now here at Flint communed with the king, he departed, and taking his horsse a∣gaine, [line 60] rode backe to meet the duke, who began at that present to approch the castell, and compassed it round about, euen downe to the sea, with his people ran∣ged in good and séemelie order, at the foot of the moun∣teins: and then the earle of Northumberland pas∣sing foorth of the castell to the duke, talked with him a while in sight of the king, being againe got vp to the walles, to take better view of the armie, being now aduanced within two bowe shootes of the castell, to the small reioising (ye may be sure) of the sorowfull king. The earle of Northumberland returning to the castell, appointed the king to be set to dinner (for he was fasting till then) and after he had dined, the duke came downe to the castell himselfe, and entred the same all armed, his bassenet onelie excepted, and being within the first gate, he staied there, till the king came foorth of the inner part of the castell vnto him.

The king accompanied with the bishop of Car∣leill, the earle of Salisburie, and sir Stephan Scroope knight, who bare the sword before him, and a few o∣ther, came foorth into the vtter ward, and sate downe in a place prepared for him. Foorthwith as the duke got sight of the king,* 15.170 he shewed a reuerend dutie as became him, in bowing his knée, and comming for∣ward, did so likewise the second and third time, till the king tooke him by the hand, and lift him vp, saieng; Déere cousine, ye are welcome. The duke humblie thanking him said;

My souereigne lord and king,* 15.171 the cause of my comming at this present, is (your honor saued) to haue againe restitution of my person, my lands and heritage, through your fauourable licence. The king hervnto answered; Déere cousine, I am readie to accomplish your will, so that ye may inioy all that is yours, without exception.

Méeting thus togither, they came foorth of the ca∣stell, and the king there called for wine,* 15.172 and after they had dronke, they mounted on horssebacke, and rode that night to Flint, and the next daie vnto Chester, the third vnto Nantwich, the fourth to Newcastell. Here, with glad countenance, the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike met them, that had beene confined into the Ile of Man, as before ye haue heard; but now was reuoked home by the duke of Lancaster. From Newcastell they rode to Stafford, and the sixt daie vnto Lichfield, and there rested sun∣daie all daie. After this, they rode foorth, and lodged at these places insuing, Couentrie, Dantrée, North∣hampton, Dunstable, S. Albons, & so came to Lon∣don: neither was the king permitted all this while to change his apparell, but rode still through all these townes simplie clothed in one sute of raiment, and yet he was in his time excéeding sumptuous in appa∣rell, in so much as he had one cote, which he caused to be made for him of gold and stone,* 15.173 valued at 30000 marks: & so he was brought the next waie to West∣minster.

As for the duke, he was receiued with all the ioy and pompe that might be of the Londoners, and was lodged in the bishops palace, by Paules church. It was a woonder to see what great concursse of people,* 15.174 & what number of horsses came to him on the waie as he thus passed the countries, till his comming to London, where (vpon his approch to the citie) the ma∣ior rode foorth to receiue him, and a great number of other citizens. Also the cleargie met him with pro∣cession, and such ioy appeared in the countenances of the people, vttering the same also with words, as the like not lightlie beene séene. For in euerie towne and village where he passed, children reioised, women clapped their hands▪ and men cried out for ioy. But to speake of the great numbers of people that flocked togither in the fields and stréets of London at his comming, I here omit; neither will I speake of the presents, welcommings, lauds, and gratifications made to him by the citizens and communaltie.

But now to the purpose. The next day after his comming to London,* 15.175 the king from Westminster was had to the Tower, and there committed to safe custodie. Manie euill disposed persons, assembling themselues togither in great numbers, intended to haue met with him, and to haue taken him from such as had the conueieng of him, that they might haue slaine him. But the maior and aldermen gathered to them the worshipfull commoners and graue citi∣zens, by whose policie, and not without much adoo, the other were reuoked from their euill purpose: albeit, before they might be pacified, they cōming to West∣minster,

tooke maister Iohn Sclake deane of the kings chappell, and from thence brought him to New∣gate, and there laid him fast in irons.

* 15.176After this was a parlement called by the duke of Lancaster, vsing the name of king Richard in the writs directed foorth to the lords, and other states for their summons. This parlement began the thir∣téenth daie of September, in the which manie hei∣nous points of misgouernance and iniurious dea∣lings in the administration of his kinglie office, [line 10] were laid to the charge of this noble prince king Ri∣chard, the which (to the end the commons might be persuaded, that he was an vnprofitable prince to the common-wealth, and worthie to be deposed) were in∣grossed vp in 33 solemne articles, heinous to the eares of all men, and to some almost incredible, the verie effect of which articles here insue, according to the copie which I haue séene, and is abridged by mai∣ster Hall as followeth. [line 20]

The articles obiected to king Ri∣chard, whereby he was counted wor∣thie to be deposed from his principalitie.

FIrst, that king Richard wastfullie spent [line 1] the treasure of the realme, and had gi∣uen the possessions of the crowne to men vnworthie, by reason whereof, new char∣ges [line 30] more and more were laid on the poore cōmunal∣tie. And where diuerse lords, as well spirituall as temporall, were appointed by the high court of par∣lement, to commune and treat of diuerse matters concerning the common-wealth of the realme, which being busie about the same commission, he with other of his affinitie went about to impeach, and by force and menacing compelled the iustices of the realme at Shrewesburie to condescend to his opinion, for the destruction of the said lords, in so much that he be∣gan [line 40] to raise warre against Iohn duke of Lancaster, Richard earle of Arundell, Thomas earle of War∣wike, and other lords, contrarie to his honor and pro∣mise.

2 Item, that he caused his vnc••e the duke of Glo∣cester to be arrested without law, and sent him to Calis, and there without iudgement murthered him, and although the earle of Arundell vpon his arreign∣ment pleaded his charter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most vile and shamefull manner [line 50] suddenlie put to death.

3 Item, he assembled certeine Lancashire and Cheshire men, to the intent to make warre on the same lords, and suffered them to rob and pill, without correction or repréeue.

4 Item, although the king flateringlie, and with great dissimulation, made proclamation through out the realme, that the lords before named were not attached of anie crime of treason, but onlie for extor∣tions and oppressions doone in this realme; yet he laid [line 60] to them in the parlement, rebellion and manifest treason.

5 Item, he hath compelled diuers of the said lords seruants and friends, by menaces & extreme pains, to make great ••••nes to their vtter vndooing; and not∣withstanding his pardon, yet he made them fine a∣new.

6 Item, were diuerse were appointed to com∣mune of the state of the realme, and the common∣wealth thereof, the same king caused all the rols and records to be kept from them, contrarie to promise made in the parlement, to his open dishonor.

7 Item, he vncharitablie commanded, that no man vpon paine of losse of life, and goods; should once intreat him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster.

8 Item, where this realme is holden of God, and not of the pope or other prince, the said king Richard, after he had obteined diuerse acts of parlement, for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure, then he obtei∣ned bulles and extreame censures from Rome, to compell all men streightlie to kéepe the same, con∣trarie to the honour and ancient priuileges of this realme.

9 Item, although the duke of Lancaster had doone his deuoire against Thomas duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell; yet the said king, without rea∣son or ground, banished him the realme for ten yeers, contrarie to all equitie.

10 Item, before the dukes departure, he vnder his broad seale licenced him to make atturnies to prosecute and defend his causes: the said king after his departure, would suffer none atturnie to ap∣peare for him, but did with his at his pleasure.

11 Item, the same king put out diuerse shiriffes lawfullie elected, and put in their roomes diuerse o∣ther of his owne, subuerting the law, contrarie to his oth and honor.

12 Item, he borowed great summes of monie, and bound him vnder his letters patents, for the re∣paiment of the same, and yet not one penie paid.

13 Item, he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie councell, and the same treasure spent in fol∣lie, not paieng poore men for their vittels and viands.

14 Item, he said, that the lawes of the realme were in his head, and sometimes in his brest, by rea∣son of which fantasticall opinion, he destroied noble men, and impouerished the poore commons.

15 Item, the parlement setting and enacting di∣uerse notable statutes, for the profit and aduance∣ment of the common-wealth, he by his priuie fréends and solicitors caused to be enacted, that no act then enacted, should be more preiudiciall to him, than it was to anie of his predecessors: through which pro∣uiso he did often as he listed, and not as the law did meane.

16 Item, for to serue his purpose, he would suffer the shiriffes of the shire to remaine aboue one yeare or two.

17 Item, at the summons of the parlement, when knights and burgesses should be elected, that the election had béene full procéeded, he put out diuerse persons elect, and put other in their places, to serue his will and appetite.

18 Item, he had priuie espials in euerie shire, to heare who had of him anie communication; and if he communed of his lasciuious liuing, or outragious dooings, he straightwaies was apprehended, and put to a gréeuous fine.

19 Item, the spiritualtie alledged against him, that he at his going into Ireland, exacted manie no∣table summes of monie, beside plate and iewels, without law or custome, contrarie to his oth taken at his coronation.

20 Item, where diuerse lords and iustices were sworne to saie the truth of diuerse things to them committed in charge, both for the honor of the relme, and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with sore threatenings, that no man would or durst saie the right.

21 Item, that without the assent of the nobilitie, he ca••••ed the iewels, plate, and treasure, ouer into Ireland, to the great impouerishment of the realme: and all the good records for the common-wealth, and agains•• his extortions, he caused priuilie to be imbesi∣led, and conue••ed awaie.

22 Item, in all leagues and letters to be con∣cluded or sent to the sée of Rome, or other regions,

his writing was so subtill and darke, that none o∣ther prince once beléeued him, nor yet his owne subiects.

23 Item, he most tyrannous••ie and vnprincelie said, that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in his hands, and at his disposition.

24 Item, that contrarie to the great charter of England, he caused diuerse lustie men to appeale di∣uerse old men, vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Martiall, bicause that [line 10] there is no triall, but onelie by battell: wherevpon, the said aged persons, fearing the sequele of the matter, submitted themselues to his mercie, whome he fined and ransomed vnreasonablie at his will and pleasure.

25 Item, he craftilie deuised certeine priuie othes, contrarie to the law, and caused diuerse of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same, and af∣ter bound them in bonds for kéeping of the same, to the great vndooing of manie honest men. [line 20]

26 Item, where the chancellor, according to the law, would in no wise grant a prohibition to a cer∣teine person, the king granted it vnto the same, vn∣der his priuie seale, with great threatenings, if it should be disobeied.

27 Item, he banished the bishop of Canturburie without cause or iudgement, and kept him in the par∣lement chamber with men of armes.

28 Item, the bishops goods he granted to his suc∣cessor, vpon condition, that he should mainteine all [line 30] his statutes made at Shrewesburie anno 21, and the statutes made anno 22 at Couentrie.

29 Item, vpon the accusation of the said bishop, the king craftilie persuaded him to make no answer for he would be his warrant, and aduised him not to come to the parlement, and so without answer he was condemned and exiled, and his goods seized.

These be all the articles of anie effect, which were laid against him, sauing foure other, which touched onelie the archbishops matter, whose working [line 40] wroong king Richard at length from his crowne. Then for so much as these articles, and other heinous and detestable accusations were laid against him in open parlement, it was thought by the most part, that he was worthie to be deposed from all kinglie honor, and princelie gouernement: and to bring the matter without slander the better to passe, diuerse of the kings seruants, which by licence had accesse to his person, comforted him (being with sorrow almost consumed, and in manner halfe dead) in the best wise [line 50] they could, exhorting him to regard his health, and saue his life.

* 16.1And first, they aduised him willinglie to suffer himselfe to be deposed, and to resigne his right of his owne accord, so that the duke of Lancaster might without murther or battell obteine the scepter and ••iademe, after which (they well perceiued) he gaped: by meane whereof they thought he might be in per∣fect assurance of his life long to continue. Whether this their persuasion procéeded by the suborning of [line 60] the duke of Lancaster and his fauourers, or of a sin∣cere affection which they bare to the king, as suppo∣sing it most sure in such an extremitie, it is vncer∣teine; but yet the effect followed not▪ howsoeuer their meaning was: notwithstanding, the king being now in the hands of his enimies, and vtterlie despai∣ring of all comfort, was easilie persuaded to re∣nounce his crowne and princelie preheminence, so that in hope of life onelie, he agreed to all things that were of him dem••nded. And so (as it should seeme by the copie of an instrument hereafter following) he renounced and voluntarilie was deposed from his roiall crowne and kinglie dignitie,* 16.2 the mondaie be∣ing the nine and twentith daie of September, and feast of S. Michaell the archangell, in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and in the thrée and twentith yeare of his reigne. The copie of which instrument here in∣sueth.

A copie of the instrument touching the declaration of the commissioners sent from the states in par∣lement, vnto king Richard.

THis present indenture made the nine and twentith daie of Sep∣tember, and feast of saint Micha∣ell, in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and the three and twentith yeare of king Richard the second. Witnesseth, that where by the authoritie of the lords spiri∣tuall and temporall of this present parle∣ment, and commons of the same, the right honorable and discreet persons heere vnder named, were by the said authoritie assig∣ned to go to the Tower of London, there to heare and testifie such questions and an∣swers as then and there should be by the said honourable and discreet persons hard. Know all men, to whome these present let∣ters shall come, that we, sir Richard Scroope archbishop of Yorke, Iohn bishop of Hereford, Henrie earle of Northumber∣land, Rafe earle of Westmerland, Tho∣mas lord Berkeleie, William abbat of Westminster, Iohn prior of Canturburie, William Thirning and Hugh Burnell knights, Iohn Markham iustice, Tho∣mas Stow and Iohn Burbadge doctors of the ciuill law, Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Grey knights, Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham notaries publike, the daie and yeere aboue said, betweene the houres of eight and nine of the clocke be∣fore noone, were present in the cheefe cham∣ber of the kings lodging, within the said place of the Tower, where was rehearsed vnto the king by the mouth of the foresaid earle of Northumberland, that before time at Conwaie in Northwales, the king be∣ing there at his pleasure and libertie, pro∣mised vnto the archbishop of Canturburie then Thomas Arundell,* 17.1 and vnto the said earle of Northumberland, that he for in∣sufficiencie which he knew himselfe to be of, to occupie so great a charge, as to go∣uerne the realme of England, he would gladlie leaue of and renounce his right and title, as well of that as of his title to the crowne of France, and his maiestie roiall, vnto Henrie duke of Hereford, and that to doo in such conuenient wise, as by the lear∣ned men of this land it should most suffici∣entlie be deuised & ordeined. To the which rehearsall, the king in our said presences answered benignlie and said, that such pro∣mise he made, and so to do the same he was at that houre in full purpose to performe and fulfill; sauing that he desired first to haue personall speach with the said duke, and with the archbishop of Canturburie his cousins. And further, he desired to haue a bill drawne of the said resignation,

that he might be perfect in the rehearsall thereof.

After which bill drawne, and a copie thereof to him by me the said earle deliue∣red, we the said lords and other departed: and vpon the same afternoone the king loo∣king for the comming of the duke of Lan∣caster, at the last the said duke, with the archbishop of Canturburie and the per∣sons afore recited, entered the foresaid [line 10] chamber, bringing with them the lords Roos, Aburgenie, and Willoughbie, with diuerse other. Where after due obeisance doone by them vnto the king, he familiarlie and with a glad countenance (as to them and vs appeered) talked with the said arch∣bishop and duke a good season; and that communication finished, the king with glad countenance in presence of vs and the [line 20] other aboue rehearsed, said openlie that he was readie to renounce and resigne all his kinglie maiestie in maner and forme as he before had promised. And although he had and might sufficientlie haue declared his renouncement by the reading of an other meane person; yet for the more suertie of the matter, and for that the said resignati∣on should haue his full force and strength, [line 30] himselfe therefore read the scroll of resig∣nation, in maner and forme as followeth.

The tenor of the instrument whereby king Richard resigneth the crowne to the duke of Lancaster.

IN the name of God Amen: I Ri∣chard by the grace of God, king of England and of France, &c: lord of [line 40] Ireland, acquit and assoile all archbi∣shops, bishops, and other prelats, secular or re∣ligious, of what dignitie, degree, state, or condi∣tion so euer they be; and also all dukes, mar∣quesses, earles, barons, lords, and all my liege men, both spirituall and secular, of what man∣ner or degree they be, from their oth of fealtie and homage, and all other deeds and priuileges made vnto me, and from all manner bonds of [line 50] allegiance, regalitie and lordship, in which they were or be bounden to me, or anie otherwise constreined; and them, their heires, and succes∣sors for euermore, from the same bonds and oths I release, deliuer, and acquit, and set them for free, dissolued and acquit, and to be harme∣lesse, for as much as longeth to my person by a∣nie manner waie or title of right, that to me might follow of the foresaid things, or anie of [line 60] them. And also I resigne all my kinglie digni∣tie, maiestie and crowne, with all the lordships, power, and priuileges to the foresaid kinglie dignitie and crowne belonging, and all other lordships and possessions to me in anie maner of wise perteining, of what name, title, qua∣litie, or condition soeuer they be, except th•• lands and possessions for me and mine obits purchased and bought. And I renounce all right, and all maner of title of possession, which I euer had or haue in the same lordships and possessions, or anie of them, with anie manner of rights belonging or apperteining vnto anie part of them. And also the rule and gouernance of the same kingdome and lordships, with all ministrations of the same, and all things and e∣uerie each of them, that to the whole empire and iurisdictions of the same belongeth of right, or in anie wise may belong.

And also I renounce the name, worship, and regaltie and kinglie highnesse, clearelie, freelie, singularlie and wholie, in the most best maner and forme that I may, and with deed and word I leaue off and resigne them, and go from them for euermore; sauing alwaies to my successors kings of England, all the rights, priuileges and appurtenances to the said kingdome and lord∣ships abouesaid belonging and apperteining. For well I wote and knowledge, and deeme my selfe to be, and haue beene insufficient and vn∣able, and also vnprofitable, and for my open de∣serts not vnworthie to be put downe. And I sweare vpon the holie euangelists here present∣lie with my hands touched, that I shall neuer repugne to this resignation, demission or yeeld∣ing vp, nor neuer impugne them in anie maner by word or deed, by my selfe nor none other: nor I shall not suffer it to be impugned, in as much as in me is, priuilie or apertlie. But I shall haue, hold, and keepe this renouncing, demissi∣on, and giuing vp for firme and stable for euer∣more in all and euerie part thereof, so God me helpe and all saints, and by this holie euange∣list, by me bodilie touched and kissed. And for more record of the same, here openlie I sub∣scribe and signe this present resignation with mine owne hand.

Now foorthwith in our presences and o∣thers, he subscribed the same, and after de∣liuered it vnto the archbishop of Cantur∣burie, saieng that if it were in his power, or at his assignement, he would that the duke of Lancaster there present should be his successour, and king after him. And in token heereof, he tooke a ring of gold from his finger being his signet, and put it vpon the said dukes finger, desiring and requi∣ring the archbishop of Yorke, & the bishop of Hereford, to shew and make report vnto the lords of the parlement of his volunta∣rie resignation, and also of his intent and good mind that he bare towards his cousin the duke of Lancaster, to haue him his suc∣cessour and their king after him. ¶ All this doone, euerie man tooke their leaue and returned to their owne.

Upon the morrow after being tuesdaie, and the last daie of September, all the lords spirituall and temporall, with the commons of the said parlement, assembled at Westminster, where, in the presence of them, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of He∣reford, according to the kings request, shewed vnto them the voluntarie renouncing of the king, with the fauour also which he bare to his cousine of Lan∣caster to haue him his successour. And moreouer shewed them the schedule or bill of renouncement, signed with king Richards owne hand, which they caused to be read first in Latine, as it was written, and after in English. This doone, the question was first asked of the lords, if they would admit and allow that renouncement: the which when it was of them

granted and confirmed,* 18.1 the like question was asked of the commons, and of them in like manner confir∣med. After this, it was then declared, that notwith∣standing the foresaid renouncing, so by the lords and commons admitted and confirmed, it were necessa∣rie in auoiding of all suspicions and surmises of euill disposed persons, to haue in writing and registred the manifold crimes and defaults before doone by king Richard, to the end that they might first be openlie declared to the people, and after to remaine of record [line 10] amongst other of the kings records for euer.

All this was doone accordinglie, for the articles which before yee haue heard, were drawne and ingros∣sed vp, and there shewed readie to be read; but for o∣ther causes more néedfull as then to be preferred, the reading of those articles at that season was defer∣red. Then forsomuch as the lords of the parlement had well considered the voluntarie resignation (of king Richard, and that it was behoouefull and as they thought) necessarie for the weale of the realme, [line 20] to proceed vnto the sentence of his deposing, there were appointed by the authoritie of all the estates there in parlement assembled, the bishop of saint A∣saph, the abbat of Glastenburie, the earle of Gloce∣ster, the lord Berkleie, William Thirning iustice, and Thomas Erpingham, with Thomas Graie, knights, that they should giue and pronounce the o∣pen sentence of the deposing of king Richard. Wher∣vpon the said commissioners taking counsell togi∣ther, by good and deliberate aduise therein had, with [line 30] one assent agréed, that the bishop of S. Asaph should publish the sentence for them and in their names, as followeth.

The publication of king Ri∣chards deposing.

IN the name of God Amen. We Iohn bishop of S. Asaph, Iohn [line 40] abbat of Glastenburie, Thomas earle of Glocester, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William Thirning iustice, Thomas Erpingham & Thomas Graie knights, chosen and deputed speciall com∣missaries by the three states of this present parlement, representing the whole bodie of the realme, for all such ma••••ers by the said estates to vs committed: we vnderstand∣ing and considering the manifold crimes, [line 50] hurts, and harmes doone by Richard king of England, and misgouernance of the same by a long time, to the great decaie of the said land, and vtter ruine of the same shortlie to haue beene, had not the speciall grace of our God therevnto put the sooner remedie: and also furthermore aduerting, that the said king Richard by acknowledg∣ing his owne insufficiencie, hath of his [line 60] owne meere voluntee and free will, renoun∣ced and giuen ouer the rule & gouernance of this land, with all rights and honours vnto the same belonging, and vtterlie for his merits hath iudged himselfe not vn∣woorthilie to be deposed of all kinglie maie∣stie and estate roiall. We the premisses well considering by good and diligent deli∣beration, by the power, name, and autho∣ritie to vs (as aboue is said) committed, pronounce, decerne, and declare the same king Richard, before this to haue beene, and to be vnprofitable, vnable, vnsufficient, and vnwoorthie of the rule and gouernance of the foresaid realms and lordships, and of all rights and other the appurtenances to the same belonging. And for the same cau∣ses we depriue him of all kinglie dignitie and worship, and of any kinglie worship in himselfe. And we depose him by our sen∣tence definitiue, forbidding expresselie to all archbishops, and bishops, and all other prelats, dukes, marquesses, erles, barons and knights, and all other men of the fore∣said kingdome and lordships, subiects, and lieges whatsoeuer they be, that none of them from this daie forward, to the fore∣said Richard as king and lord of the fore∣said realmes and lordships, be neither obe∣dient nor attendant.

After which sentence thus openlie declared, the said estates admitted foorthwith the forenamed commis∣sioners for their procurators, to resigne and yeeld vp vnto king Richard, all their homage and fealtie, which in times past they had made and owght vnto him, and also for to declare vnto him (if need were) all things before doone that concerned the purpose and cause of his deposing: the which resignation was respited till the morow following. Immediatlie as the sentence was in this wise passed, and that by rea∣son thereof the realme stood void without head or go∣uernour for the time, the duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before he sate, and standing where all those in the house might behold him, in re∣uerend manner made a signe of the crosse on his for∣head, and likewise on his brest, and after silence by an officer commanded, said vnto the people there be∣ing present, these words following.

The duke of Lancaster laieth challenge or claime to the crowne.

IN the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, & of the Holie-ghost. I Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the crowne, with all the appurtenances▪ as I that am descended by right line of the blood comming from that good lord king Henrie the third, and through the right that God of his grace hath sent me, with the helpe of my kin, and of my freends, to recouer the same, which was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernance and due iu∣stice.

After these words thus by him vttered, he returned and sate him downe in the place where before he had sitten. Then the lords hauing heard and well percei∣ued this claime thus made by this noble man, ech of them asked of other what they thought therein. At length, after a little pausing or staie made, the archbi∣shop of Canturburie hauing notice of the minds of the lords,* 20.1 stood vp & asked the commons if they would assent to the lords, which in their minds thought the claime of the duke made, to be rightfull and necessa∣rie for the wealth of the realme and them all: whereto the commons with one voice cried, Yea, yea, yea. Af∣ter which answer, the said archbishop going to the duke, and knéeling downe before him on his knée, addressed to him all his purpose in few words.* 20.2 The which when he had ended, he rose, & taking the duke by the right hand, led him vnto the kings seate, the archbishop of Yorke assisting him, and with great

reuerence set him therein, after that the duke had first vpon his knées made his praier in deuout man∣ner vnto almightie God. When he was thus placed in his throne to the great reioising of the people, the archbishop of Canturburie began a breefe collation,* 20.3 taking for his theme these words, written in the first booke of kings the ninth chapter; Vir dominabitur in po∣pulo, &c: handling the same, & the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the king, whose setled iudgement, grounded wisedome, perfect reason, and ripe discre∣tion [line 10] was such (said he) as declared him to be no child, neither in yeares, nor in light conditions, but a man able and méete for the gouernement of a realme: so that there was no small cause of comfort ministred to them through the fauourable goodnesse of almigh∣tie God, which had prouided them of such a gouernor, as like a discréet iudge shall déeme in causes by skil∣full doomes, and rule his subiects in vpright equitie, setting apart all wilfull pleasures, and childish incon∣stancie. This is a summarie of his oration. But be∣cause the qualitie of this volume is such, as that it [line 20] hath set foorth matters at large: I will laie downe the archbishops words, as they are recorded by Fa∣bian in ample manner as followeth.

The archbishop of Canturburie his o∣ration, framed vpon this text, Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: written in the first booke of kings and ninth chapter.

[line 30]

* 21.1THese be the words of the high, and most mightie king, speaking to Samuel his prophet, teaching him how he should choose and or∣daine a gouernor of his people of Israell, when the said people asked of him a king, to rule them. And not without cause may these woords be said here of our lord the king that is. For, if they be inwardlie con∣ceiued, they shall giue vnto vs matter of [line 40] consolation and comfort, when it is said that a man shall haue lordship and rule of the people, and not a child. For God threat∣neth not vs as he sometime threatned the people by Esaie, saieng: Esa. 3. Et dabo pueros principes eorum, & effeminati dominabuntur eis, I shall (saith our Lord) giue children to be their rulers & princes, and weake or feare∣full shall haue dominion ouer them. But of [line 50] his great mercie he hath visited vs, I trust his peculiar people, and sent vs a man to haue the rule of vs, & put by children that before time ruled this land, after childish conditions, as by the woorkes of them it hath rightlie appeared, to the disturbance of all this realme; and for want and lacke of a man. For, as saith the apostle Paule ad Corinthos, 1. capite 14. Cùm essem paruulus, [line 60] loquebar vt paruulus, &c: quando autem factus sum vir, euacuaui quae erant paruuli, that is to say, When I was a child, I sauored and spake as a child, but at the time when I came vnto the estate of a man, then I put by all my childish conditions.

The apostle saith, he sauored and spake as a child, in whom is no stedfastnesse, or constancie. For a child will lightlie promise, and lightlie he will breake his promise, and doo all things that his appetite giueth him vnto, and forgetteth lightlie what he hath doone. By which reason it followeth, that needilie great inconuenience must fall to that people, that a child is ruler and go∣uernour of: nor it is not possible for that kingdome to stand in felicitie, where such conditions reigne in the head and ruler of the same. But now we ought all to reioise, that all such defaults be expelled, and that a man, and not a child, shall haue lordship ouer vs. To whom it belongeth to haue a sure rane vpon his toong, that he maie be knowne from a child, or a man vsing chil∣dish conditions: of whom I trust I maie say, as the wise man saith in his prouerbs, Prouerb. 3. cap. Beatus homo qui inuenit sapien∣tiam, & qui affluit prudentia, that is to say; Blessed be the man that hath sapience or wisdome, and that aboundeth in prudence. For that man that is ruled by sapience, must needs loue & dred our Lord God, and who so loueth & dreadeth him, it must con∣sequentlie follow that he must keepe his commandements. By force wherof he shall minister true iustice vnto his subiects, and doo no wrong nor iniurie to any man.

So that then shall follow the words of the wise man the which be rehearsed, Pro∣uerb. 10. Benedictio Domini super caput iusti, os autem impiorum operit iniquitatem, that is to saie, The blessing of our Lord God shall light vpon the head of our king, being a iust and righteous man, for the toong of him worketh equitie and iustice; but the toong of the wicked & of sinners couereth iniquitie. And who so worketh or mini∣streth iustice in due order, he not onlie safe∣gardeth himself, but also holdeth people in a suertie of restfulnes, of the which insueth peace and plentie. And therefore it is said of the wise king Salomon, Eccles. 10. Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est, vel cuius principes ves∣cuntur in tempore suo, wich is to be vnder∣standed, that blessed & happie is that land, of the which the king or ruler is noble and wise, and the princes be blessed that liue in his time. As who would say, they may take example of him to rule and guide their sub∣iects. For by the discretion of a noble and wise man being in authoritie, manie euils be sequestred and set apart, all dissemblers put to silence. For the wise man considereth and noteth well the great inconueniences which dailie now growe of it, where the child or insipient drinketh the sweet and de∣licious words vnaduisedlie, and perceiueth not intoxication which they be mingled or mixt with, till he be inuironed and wrap∣ped in all danger, as latelie the experience thereof hath beene apparent to all our sights and knowledges, & not without the great danger of all this realme. And all was for lacke of wisedome in the ruler, which deemed & taught as a child, giuing sentence of wilfulnesse and not of reason. So that while a child reigned, selfe-will & lust reigned, and reason with good consci∣ence were outlawed, with iustice, stedfast∣nesse, and manie other vertues.

But of this perill and danger we be deli∣uered by the especiall helpe and grace of

God, Quia vir dominabitur inpopulo, that is to saie, He that is not a child but perfect in reason. For he commeth not to execute his owne will, but his will that sent him, that is to wit, Gods will, as a man vnto whome God of his abundant grace hath giuen perfect reason and discretion, to dis∣cerne & deeme as a perfect man. Wherfore not all onlie of this man we shall saie that he shall dwell in wisedome, but as a perfect [line 10] man and not a child, he shall thinke, and deeme, & haue such a circumspection with him, that he shall diligentlie fore-looke and see that Gods will be doone, & not his. And therfore now I trust the words of the wise man, Ecclesiast. 10. shall be verified in our king: saieng, Iudex sapiens iudicabit populum suum, & principa••us sensati stabilis erit; that is (as saith the wiseman) A wise and discreet [line 20] iudge shall now deeme his people, and the dominion or lordship of a discreet wiseman shall stand stedfast. Wherevpon shall then follow the second verse of the same chapter, saieng, Secundum iudicempopuli, sic & ministri eius, that is, Like as the head & souereigne is replenished with all sapience and ver∣tue, in guiding of his people, administring to them law, with due and conuenient iu∣stice, so shall the subiects againward be [line 30] garnished with awe and louing dread, and beare vnto him next God all honour, truth and allegiance.

So that then it may be concluded with the residue of the foresaid verses; Qualis re∣ctor est ciuitatis, tales & inhabitant es in ea, which is to saie, Such as the ruler of the citie is, such then be the inhabitants of the same. So that consequentlie it followeth, a good [line 40] master maketh a good disciple. And likewise an euill king or ruler shall lose his people, & the cities of his kingdome shall be left deso∣late and vnhabited. Wherefore thus I make an end. In sted of a child wilfullie do∣ing his lust and pleasure without reason, now shall a man be lord and ruler, that is replenished with sapience and reason, and shall gouerne the people by skilfull doome, [line 50] setting apart all wilfulnesse and pleasure of himselfe. So that the word that I be∣gan with may be verified of him, Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo. The which our lord grant, & that he may prosperouslie reigne vnto the pleasure of God and wealth of his realme, Amen.

After the archbishop had ended, wishing that it might so come to passe, and the people answered, A∣men;* 21.2 [line 60] the king standing on his féet, said vnto the lords and commons there present:

I thanke you my lords both spirituall and temporall, and all the states of this land, and doo you to wit, that it is not my will that any man thinke, that I by the waie of conquest would disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or other rights, that him ought to haue of right, nor to put him out of that which he now inioieth, and hath had before time by custome or good law of this realme, except such priuat persons as haue béene a∣gainst the good purpose, and the common profit of the realme.

When he had thus ended, all the shiriffes and other officers were put in their authorities a∣gaine, to exercise the same as before, which they could not doo whilest the kings roiall throne was void.

Moreouer, a proclamation was made,* 21.3 that the states should assemble againe in parlement on mon∣daie then next insuing, being the feast daie of saint Faith, which is the sixt of October; and that the mon∣day then next following, being the 13 of the same moneth, and the feast day of saint Edward the king and confessor, the coronation should be solemnized,* 21.4 and that all such as had to claime any seruice to be doone by them at the same by any tenure, they should come to the White-hall in the kings palace, before the steward and constable of England, on saturdaie next before the same day of the parlement, and presenting their petitions that were due & rightfull,* 21.5 they should obteine that to them apperteined. Excuse was also made on the kings behalfe, for calling of a parle∣ment vpon so short a warning, so as the knights and burgesses were not changed, but onelie appointed to assemble againe, as if the other parlement had ra∣ther beene continued than dissolued. The cause was alledged to be for easing of the charges that would haue risen, if ech man had béene sent home, and new knights and burgesses called.

These things doone, the king rose from his place, and with a cheerefull and right courteous counte∣nance regarding the people, went to White-hall, where the same day he held a great feast.* 21.6 In the after n••one were proclamations made in the accustomed places of the citie, in the name of king Henrie the fourth. On the morrow following, being wednesdaie and first of October, the procurators aboue named repaired to the tower of London, and there signified vnto king Richard the admission of king Henrie. And the aforesaid iustice William Thirning, in name of the other, and for all the states of the land, renounced vnto the said Richard late king, all ho∣mage and fealtie vnto him before time due, in ma∣ner and forme as apperteined. Which renuntiation to the deposed king, was a redoubling of his greefe▪ in so much as thereby it came to his mind, how in for∣mer times he was acknowledged & taken for their liege lord and souereigne, who now (whether in con∣tempt or in malice, God knoweth) to his face for∣sware him to be their king. So that in his heuin••s he might verie well haue said with a gréeued plaintife,

Heu quantae sortes miseris mortalibus instant! Ah chari quoties obliuia nominis opto!* 21.7 O qui me fluctus, quis me telluris hiatu•• Pertaesum tetricae vitae deglutiat ore Chasmatico?

Thus was king Richard depriued of all kinglie honour and princelie dignitie,* 21.8 by reason he was so giuen to follow euill counsell, and vsed such inconue∣nient waies and meanes, through insolent misgo∣uernance, and youthfull outrage, though otherwise a right noble and woorthie prince. He reigned two and twentie yeares, three moneths and eight daies. He deliuered to king Henrie now that he was thus de∣posed, all the goods that he had,* 21.9 to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine, besides plate and iewels, as a pledge and satisfaction of the iniuries by him committed and doone, in hope to be in more suer∣tie of life for the deliuerie thereof: but whatsoeuer was promised, he was deceiued therein. For shortlie after his resignation, he was conueied to the castell of Leeds in Kent, & frō thence to Pomfret, where he departed out of this miserable life (as after you shall heare.) He was séemelie of shape and fauor,* 21.10 & of na∣ture good inough, if the wickednesse & naughtie de∣meanor of such as were about him had not altered it.

His chance verelie was greatlie infortunate, which fell into such calamitie, that he tooke it for the best waie he could deuise to renounce his kingdome, for the which mortall men are accustomed to hazard

all they haue to atteine therevnto. But such misfor∣tune (or the like) oftentimes falleth vnto those prin∣ces, which when they are aloft, cast no doubt for pe∣rils that maie follow. He was prodigall, ambitious, and much giuen to the pleasure of the bodie. He kept the greatest port,* 21.11 and mainteined the most plentifull house that euer any king in England did either be∣fore his time or since.* 21.12 For there resorted dailie to his court aboue ten thousand persons that had meat and drinke there allowed them. In his kitchen there [line 10] were thrée hundred seruitors, and euerie other office was furnished after the like rate. Of ladies, chambe∣rers, and landerers, there were aboue thrée hundred at the least.* 21.13 And in gorgious and costlie apparell they exceeded all measure, not one of them that kept with∣in the bounds of his degrée. Yeomen and groomes were clothed in silkes, with cloth of graine and skar∣let, ouer sumptuous ye may be sure for their estates. And this vanitie was not onelie vsed in the court in those daies, but also other people abroad in the towns [line 20] and countries, had their garments cut far otherwise than had beene accustomed before his daies, with im∣broderies, rich furres, and goldsmiths worke, and eue∣rie daie there was deuising of new fashions, to the great hinderance and decaie of the common-welth.

Moreouer, such were preferred to bishoprikes, and other ecclesiasticall liuings,* 21.14 as neither could teach nor preach, nor knew any thing of the scripture of God, but onelie to call for their tithes and duties; so that they were most vnworthie the name of bishops, [line 30] being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in bi∣shops apparell. Furthermore, there reigned abun∣dantlie the filthie sinne of leacherie and fornication, with abhominable adulterie, speciallie in the king, but most chéefelie in the pre••acie, whereby the whole realme by such their euill example, was so infected, that the wrath of God was dailie prouoked to ven∣geance for the sins of the prince and his people. How then could it continue prosperouslie with this king? against whom for the ••owle enorm••ties wherewith [line 40] his life was defamed, the wrath of God was whetted and tooke so sharpe an edge, that the same did shred him off from the scepter of his kingdome, and gaue him a full cup of affliction to drinke; as he had doone to other kings his predecessors, by whose example he might haue taken warning. For it is an heauie case when God thundereth out his reall arguments ei∣ther vpon prince or people.

Thus haue ye heard what writers doo report touch∣ing the state of the time and doings of this king. But [line 50] if I may boldlie saie what I thinke: he was a prince the most vnthankfullie vsed of his subiects, of any one of whom ye shall lightlie read. For although (tho∣rough the frailtie of youth) he demeaned himselfe more dissolutelie than séemed conuenient for his roi∣all estate, & made choise of such councellors as were not fauoured of the people, whereby he was the lesse fauoured himselfe: yet in n•• kings daies were the commons in greater wealth, if they could haue per∣ceiued their happie state: neither in any other time [line 60] were the nobles and gentlemen more cherished, nor churchmen lesse wronged. But such was their ingra∣titude towards their bountifull & louing souereigne, that those whom he had chéeflie aduanced, were rea∣diest to controll him; for that they might not rule all things at their will, and remooue from him such as they misliked, and place in their roomes whom they thought good, and that rather by strong hand, than by gentle and courteous meanes, which stirred such ma∣lice betwixt him and them, till at length it could not be asswaged without perill of destruction to them both.

The duke of Glocester chéefe instrument of this mischéefe, to what end he came ye haue heard. And al∣though his nephue the duke of Hereford tooke vpon him to reuenge his death, yet wanted he moderation and loialtie in his dooings, for the which both he him∣selfe and his lineall race were scourged afterwards, as a due punishment vnto rebellious subiects; so as deserued vengeance seemed not to staie long for his ambitious crueltie, that thought it not inough to driue king Richard to resigne his crowne and regall dignitie ouer vnto him, except he also should take from him his guiltlesse life. What vnnaturalnesse, or rather what tigerlike crueltie was this, not to be con∣tent with his principalitie? not to be content with his treasure? not to be content with his depriuation? not to be content with his imprisonment? but being so neerelie knit in consanguinitie, which ought to haue moued them like lambs to haue loued each other, wooluishlie to lie in wait for the distressed creatures life, and rauenouslie to thirst after his bloud, the spil∣ling whereof should haue touched his conscience so, as that death ought rather to haue béene aduentured for his safetie, than so sauagelie to haue sought his life after the losse of his roialtie▪

But to let this passe to the consideration of the learned: according to our order, I will shew what writers of our English nation liued in his daies, as we find them in Iohn Bales centuries. First Hen∣rie Bederie, otherwise surnamed of Burie, after the name of the towne where he is thought to haue béene borne, an Augustine frier; Simon Alcocke, Uthred Bolton a moonke of Durham, borne in the borders of Walles beyond Seuerne; William Iordan a blacke frier, Iohn Hilton a frier Minor, Iohn Clipton a Carmelite ••••ier in Notingham, Henrie Daniell a blacke frier and a good physician, Ralfe Marham, Iohn Marchele•••• a grate frier or cordelier as some call them, Thomas Broome a Carmelite frier of London, Iohn Bridlington borne in Yorkeshire, William Tho••ne an Augustine frier of Canturbu∣rie, an historiographer, Adam Meremouth a canon of saint Paules church in London, that wrote two tre∣tises of historicall matters, the one intituled Chroni∣con 40 annorum, and the other Chronicon 60 annorum; Simon Bredon borne in Winchcombe a doctor of physicke and a skilfull astronomer, Iohn Thompson borne in Norfolke in a village of that name, and a Carmelite frier in Blacknie.

More, Thomas Winterton borne in Lincolnshire, an Augustine frier in Stamford; William Pack∣ington secretarie sometime to the Blacke prince an excellent historiographer, ••e••traie Hingham a ci∣uilian, Iohn Botlesham borne in Cambridgeshire a blacke frier, William Badbie a Carmelite frier, bi∣shop of Worcester, and confessor to the duke of Lan∣caster; William Folleuill a frier Minor borne in Lincolnshire, Iohn Bourgh parson of Collingham in Notinghamshire a doctor of diuinitie, and chan∣cellor of the Uniuersitie of Cambridge; William Sclade a moonke of Buckfast abbie in Deuonshire, Iohn Thoresbie archbishop of Yorke and lord chan∣cellor of England, was admitted by pope Urbane the fift into the college of cardinals, but he died be∣fore K. Richard came to the crowne, about the eight and fourtith yeare of king Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374. Thomas Ashborne an Au∣gustine frier, Iohn Astone an earnest follower of Wickliffes doctrine, and therfore condemned to per∣petuall prison; Casterton a moonke of Norwich and an excellent diuine, Nicholas Radelife a moonke of saint Albons, Iohn Ashwarbie a diuine and a fa∣uourer of Wickliffes doctrine, Richard Maidstone so called of the towne in Kent where he was borne, a Carmelite frier of A••lesford.

Adde to these Iohn Wardbie an Augustine frier, and a great diuine; Robert Waldbie excellentlie

learned as well in diuinitie as other arts, for the which he was first aduanced to a bishoprike in Gas∣coigne,* 21.15 and after he was admitted archbishop of Du∣bline; William Berton a doctor of diuinitie, & chan∣cellor of the Uniuersitie of Oxford, and aduersarie to Wickliffe; Philip Repington abbat of Leicester a notable diuine and defender of Wickliffe, Thomas Lombe a Carmelite frier of Lin, Nicholas Here∣ford a secular priest, a doctor of diuinitie, and scholer to Wickliffe; Walter Brit also another of Wickliffes [line 10] scholers wrote both of diuinitie & other arguments, Henrie Herklie chancellor of the Uniuersitie of Ox∣ford, an enimie to Wickliffe, and a great sophister; Robert Iuorie a Carmelite frier of London, and the twentith prouinciall of his order here in England; Lankine a Londoner, an Augustine frier, professed in the same citie, a doctor of diuinitie, an aduersarie to Wickliffe.

More, William Gillingham a moonke of saint Sauiours in Canturburie; Iohn Chilmarke a fel∣low [line 20] of Marton colledge in Oxford, a great philoso∣pher and mathematician; Iohn Sharpe a philosopher, and a diuine, wrote manie treatises, a great aduer∣sarie to Wickliffe; Richard Lauingham borne in Suffolke, and a frier of Gipswich, an excellent logi∣cian, but a sore enimie to them that fauoured Wic∣kliffes doctrine; Peter Pateshull, of whome ye haue heard before: it is said that he was in the end con∣streined for doubt of persecution to flie into Bo∣heme; William Woodford a Franciscane frier, a [line 30] chosen champion against Wickliffe being now dead, procured thereto by the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundell; Iohn Bromyard a Dominicke frier, both a notable lawyer & a diuine, a sore enimie also to Wickliuists; Marcill Ingelne an excellent philosopher and a diuine, one of the first teachers in the Uniuersitie of Heidelberge, which Robert duke of Bauier and countée palantine of the Rhene had in∣stituted about that season; Richard Northall sonne to a maior of London (as is said) of that name, he be∣came a Carmelite frier in the same citie; Thomas Edwardson prior of the friers Augustines at Clare in Suffolke, Iohn Summer a Franciscane frier at Bridgewater, an enimie to the Wickliuists; Ri∣chard Withée a learned priest & an earnest follower of Wickliffe, Iohn Swafham a Carmelite frier of Lin, a student in Cambridge, who became bishop of Bangor, a great aduersarie to the Wick∣liuists.

Finallie, and to conclude, William Egumond a frier heremit of the sect of the Augustins in Stam∣ford; Iohn Tissington a Franciscane frier, a main∣teiner of the popes doctrine; William Rimston or Rimington a moonke of Salleie, an enimie also to the Wickliuists; Adam Eston well séene in the toongs, was made a cardinall by pope Gregorie the eleauenth, but by pope Urban the sixt he was com∣mitted to prison in Genoa, and at the contemplation of king Richard he was taken out of prison, but not fullie deliuered till the daies of Boniface the ninth, who restored him to his former dignitie; Iohn Beau∣fu a Carmelite of Northampton, proceeded doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, and was made prior of his house; Roger Twiford aliàs Goodlucke, an Augustine frier; Iohn Treuise a Cornishman borne, and a secu∣lar préest and vicar of Berklie, he translated the bi∣ble; Bartholomew De proprietatibus rerum; Polychro∣nicon of Ranulph Higden, and diuerse other treatises, Rafe Spalding a Carmelite frier of Stamford; Iohn moone an Englishman borne, but a student in Paris, who compiled in the French toong the Ro∣mant of the Rose, translated into English by Gef∣frie Chaucer, William Shirborne; Richard Wich∣ingham borne in Norffolke, and diuerse other.

Thus farre Richard of Burdeaux, whose depriuation you haue heard; of his lamentable death here∣after, to wit, pag. 516, 517.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno Reg. ••. 1377
• * 1.2

  Fabian.
• * 1.3

  Thom. Wals.
• * 1.4

  The Londo∣ners sent to K. Richard, commending themselues to his fauour be∣fore y^e death of K. Edward.
• * 1.5

  Iohn Phil∣pot.
• * 1.6

  The duke of Lancaster & the Lōdoners submit their quarels to the kings order.
• * 1.7

  The maner & order of the kings coro∣nation.
• * 1.8

  Froissard. Rie burnt by y^• Frenchmen
• * 1.9

  Tho. Wals. The French∣men spoile the Ile of Wight. Sir Hugh Tirrell.
• * 1.10

  Froissard. Tho. Walsi. Portsmouth, Dartmouth, & Plimmouth, burnt by the French.
• * 1.11

  Hastings burnt.
• * 1.12

  An ouer∣throw giuen by the Frēch to the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 1.13

  Polydor.
• * 1.14

  The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Cambridge appointed protectors.
• * 1.15

  In Angl. prael.
• * 1.16

  Froissard.
• * 1.17

  Berwike ca∣stell woone by the Scots.
• * 1.18

  Berwike ca∣stell recoue∣red by the Englishmen.
• * 1.19

  An ouer∣throw 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 1.20

  The siege of Morta••g••s raised.
• * 1.21

  A parlem•••••• Thom. Wa••••.
• * 1.22

  The citizen•• of London appointed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kéepe the ••••••∣sidie gra•••••• by parle••••••
• * 1.23

  Sir Hugh 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.24

  Marke castell recouered by sir Hugh Cal∣uerlie, the same daie it was lost.
• * 1.25

  1••78
• * 1.26

  Iohn Wick∣liffe.
• * 1.27

  Hen. de Knigh∣t••n canon. abbat. Leicest. in anna∣li••. de Rich. secundo.
• * 1.28

  The nauie setteth foorth, and is beaten backe by tem∣pest.
• * 1.29

  Exploits doone by sir Hugh Cal∣uerlie.
• * 1.30

  The duke of Lancaster misliking the maners of the court, getteth himselfe home to y^e castell of Killingworth
• * 1.31

  Iohn Philpot Alderman of London set∣teth foorth a fléet at his own charges, to recouer cer∣teine Eng∣lish ships ta∣ken by the Scots.
• * 1.32

  Chierburg deliuered to the English∣men.
• * 1.33

  Additions to Adam Meri∣muth.
• * 1.34

  The English nauie is ouer∣matched and ouercome by the Spanish fléet.
• * 1.35

  Rokesburgh burnt by the Scots.
• * 1.36

  Anno Reg. 2. The duke of Lācaster sai∣leth into Bri∣taine with a great power. Additions to Adam Meri∣muth.
• * 1.37

  Hall •• Sh••••kerlie hath Grafton.
• * 1.38

  Polydor.
• * 1.39

  Thom. Wals.
• * 1.40

  A cruell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in West∣minster church.
• * 1.41

  A parlement at Glocester.
• * 1.42

  The pope sendeth to the king for aid.
• * 1.43

  Berwike ca∣stell woone by the Scots.
• * 1.44

  Alexander Ramsie was onlie saued as Froissard saith
• * 1.45

  Berwike ca∣stell recouered by the earle of Northumber∣land.
• * 1.46

  Sir Robert Rous a valiāt capteine.
• * 1.47

  137••
• * 1.48

  The sanctua∣rie at West∣minster con∣firmed by parlement.
• * 1.49

  A subsidie to be paid by the great men, & the commons go free.
• * 1.50

  Anno Reg. 3. A notable ex∣ploit doone by sir Iohn Harleston.
• * 1.51

  Sir Iohn Clearke a valiant cap∣teine.
• * 1.52

  A policie.
• * 1.53

  The duke of Britaine re∣stored to his dukedome.
• * 1.54

  Sir Hugh Caluerlie.
• * 1.55

  An hainous murther of •• merchant stranger.
• * 1.56

  Great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the north countrie.
• * 1.57

  Great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the death time.
• * 1.58

  A notable ex∣ample of a faithfull pri∣soner.
• * 1.59

  The English ••ame scatte∣••••d by a terri∣••le tempest.
• * 1.60

  The excesse and sumptu∣ous apparell, of sir Iohn Arundell.
• * 1.61

  There were drowned a∣boue a thou∣sand men in one place and other, as the additions to Ad. Merimuth doo testifie.
• * 1.62

  Outragious wickednesse iustlie puni∣shed.
• * 1.63

  Sir Iohn Deuereux made deputie of Calis.
• * 1.64

  The earle of Warwike ele∣cted protector.
• * 1.65

  The archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie made lord chancel∣lour.
• * 1.66

  The kings halfe sister married the earle of saint Paule.
• * 1.67

  A comb•••• ••••••twixt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thoma•• ••••tring••••••.
• * 1.68

  Triall by ••••bat in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 case lawfull▪
• * 1.69

  The order 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the combat▪
• * 1.70

  The earle Bucking•••••• claimeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 horsse.
• * 1.71

  The esquire 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ouer∣throwne.
• * 1.72

  The esquier fainteth.
• * 1.73

  The knight is iudged the vanquisher.
• * 1.74

  The French men spoile & burne d••uerse townes in the west coun••••ie.
• * 1.75

  Anno Reg. 4.
• * 1.76

  Froissard. The earle of Buckingham sent into Bri∣taine to aid the duke a∣gainst the French king.
• * 1.77

  Knights made by the earle of Buc∣kingham at his entrie into France.
• * 1.78

  Knights a∣gaine made.
• * 1.79

  The iournie of the Eng∣lish armie t••rough France.
• * 1.80

  The citi•••••• o•• R••••me•• saue their corne fiel•••• from destr••∣eng by sen∣ding vittels to the Eng∣lish host.
• * 1.81

  Sir Tho•••••• Triuet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a baro••••••▪
• * 1.82

  Knights cre∣ated.
• * 1.83

  Uerne or Uernon.
• * 1.84

  The pol•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the French king.
• * 1.85

  In Angl. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sub 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.86

  The death of Charles the 5 French king.
• * 1.87

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 1.88

  The French and Spanish gallies chased from the coast of England to Kingsale in Ireland and there van∣quished.
• * 1.89

  Diuerse townes on the English costs destroied and burnt.
• * 1.90

  The abbat of Battell in re∣leuing Win∣chel••••e is put to flight.
• * 1.91

  Grauesend burnt.
• * 1.92

  The English host entreth into Britaine
• * 1.93

  Naunts besi∣ged by the Englishmen.
• * 1.94

  The siege at Naunts bro∣ken vp.
• * 1.95

  A peace be∣twixt the French king and the duke of Britaine.
• * 1.96

  The article•• of the peace.
• * 1.97

  The earle of Buckingham returned into England.
• * 1.98

  The Scots inuade the English bor∣ders and spoile whole countries car∣rieng awaie great booties.
• * 1.99

  An armie lin∣gering in the north parts greatlie impo∣uerisheth the countrie.
• * 1.100

  Additions to Adam Meri∣muth.
• * 1.101

  Treason in letters writ∣tē by sir Rafe Ferrers to certeine French lords.
• * 1.102

  A parlement at Northamp∣ton.
• * 1.103

  Iohn Kirkbie executed for murthering a merchant stranger.
• * 1.104

  A gréeuous subsidie.
• * 1.105

  Twelue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as some 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.106

  Thom. Wal••▪
• * 1.107

  Wicliffes opi∣nion.
• * 1.108

  The cardinal of Praxed.
• * 1.109

  Triennals.
• * 1.110

  All for monie.
• * 1.111

  An armie sent into Portin∣gale to aid the king there a∣gainst the K. of Castile.
• * 1.112

  The cōmons by reason of the great sub∣sidie and other oppressions rise in diuerse parts of the realme.
• * 1.113

  Uillaines.
• * 1.114

  The begin∣ning of the re∣bellion at Der¦ford in Kent.
• * 1.115

  The commōs of Essex begin the commotiō as Wal. saith.
• * 1.116

  The armor of y^e Essex rebels
• * 1.117

  The oth mi∣nistred by the rebels to all passengers.
• * 1.118

  The commōs of other shires hearing of the stur in Kent & Essex, rise in like maner.
• * 1.119

  Lawiers, iu∣stices & iurors brought to blockam feast by the rebels.
• * 1.120

  The next way to extinguish right.
• * 1.121

  An huge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of y^e 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.122

  Fabian. Capteins at the Esse•• in Kentish 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.123

  The reb••••s send to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to come 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with them.
• * 1.124

  Ill counsell.
• * 1.125

  Froi••••ard.
• * 1.126

  The rebels spoile South¦warke, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all prisoners at large.
• * 1.127

  The cōmons of London aiders of the rebels.
• * 1.128

  All rebels 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tend 〈…〉〈…〉 but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 purpose des∣truction 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 countrie.
• * 1.129

  The Sauoie the duke of Lancasters house burnt by the rebels.
• * 1.130

  Strange dea∣ling of the re∣bels.
• * 1.131

  The iustice of the rebels.
• * 1.132

  The lawiers lodgings in the temple burnt by the rebels.
• * 1.133

  The lord chā∣cellor and the lord trea••uror drawne out of the tower and put to death by the rebels.
• * 1.134

  Thom. Wals.
• * 1.135

  The raging rebels make a pastime to kill men.
• * 1.136

  No respect of place with the rebels.
• * 1.137

  The outragi∣ous dealing of the rebels.
• * 1.138

  The king of∣fereth the re∣bels pardon.
• * 1.139

  Froissard.
• * 1.140

  The wicked purpose of the rebels.
• * 1.141

  The rebels would haue all law abo∣lished.
• * 1.142

  Arrogant and prou•• words of a villen.
• * 1.143

  William Wal∣worth maior of London •• stout coura∣gious man.
• * 1.144

  The death of Wat Tiler capteine of the rebels.
• * 1.145

  The king persuadeth the rebels.
• * 1.146

  Uehement words of the maior of Lo••••don to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 crieng for aid against the rebels.
• * 1.147

  An armie without a capteine.
• * 1.148

  The rebels quite discou∣raged threw downe their weapons at the comming of the Lon∣doners in aid ••f the king.
• * 1.149

  Abraham Fle∣ming out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 2.1

  The like there was granted to them of other countries as well as to these of Hert∣foreshire in y^e same forme, the names of the coun••••es changed.
• * 2.2

  The townes∣men of saint Albons not yet quieted.
• * 2.3

  The hurting time.
• * 2.4

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Su∣folke rebels.
• * 2.5

  Sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice be∣headed.
• * 2.6

  The prior of S. Edmunds∣burie sleine.
• * 2.7

  This Ed∣mund Brum∣field was c••••••mitted to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for his sumptous intrusion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the abbat•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Burie.
• * 2.8

  Iohn Litte∣ster capteine o•• y^e Norfolke rebels.
• * 2.9

  The earle of Suffolke es∣capeth from the rebels.
• * 2.10

  The Norfolk rebels compell the noblemen & gentlemen to be sworne to them.
• * 2.11

  Sir Robert Salle slaine by one of his own villains.
• * 2.12

  The capteine of the Nor∣folke rebels forceth the no∣blemen and gentlemen to serue him at the table.
• * 2.13

  A warlike bishop.
• * 2.14

  Spenser ••ish. of Norwich goeth as cap∣teine against the ••••bels.
• * 2.15

  The fortifi∣eng of the re∣bels campe.
• * 2.16

  The bishop is the first man that chargeth the rebels in their campe.
• * 2.17

  The Nor∣folke rebels vanquished.
• * 2.18

  Anno Reg. 5.
• * 2.19

  The capteine once slaine the soldiers faint.
• * 2.20

  An armie of fortie thou∣sand horsse∣men.
• * 2.21

  The Kentish∣men eftsoones rebell.
• * 2.22

  Iack Straw and his adhe∣rents execu∣ted.
• * 2.23

  The maior and fiue al∣dermen knighted.
• * 2.24

  The armes of London augmented, by additiō of the dagger.
• * 2.25

  The cōmons of Essex re∣bell afresh.
• * 2.26

  The rebels of Essex are sc••¦tered & slaine.
• * 2.27

  Fabian.

  The rebels executed in euerie lord∣ship.
• * 2.28

  The king cal∣leth in his let∣ters of in∣franchising granted to the bondmen.
• * 2.29

  The king re∣mooueth to S. Albons.
• * 2.30

  Iohn Ball.
• * 2.31

  Iohn Ball 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prophesie.
• * 2.32

  Iohn Ball ••is sermon to ••he rebels.
• * 3.1

  Iohn Ball executed at S. Albons.
• * 3.2

  The king calleth in by proclamation all ••uch let∣ters of manu∣mission, as the abbat of saint Albons had grante•• to his bondmen.
• * 3.3

  The commōs of Hertford∣shire sworne to the king.
• * 3.4

  The con••es••∣on of Iacke Straw at the time of his death.
• * 3.5

  The cause of the late tu∣mults.
• * 3.6

  A truce with Scotland. Tho. Wals••. Froissard.
• * 3.7

  The capteine of Berwike will not suffer the duke of Lancaster to enter into the towne.
• * 3.8

  The duke of Lancaster chargeth the earle of Nor∣thumberland with sundrie ••runes.
• * 3.9

  The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Northumber∣land come to the parlement with great troops of ar∣med men.
• * 3.10

  The Londo∣ners, fréends to the earle of Northumber∣land.
• * 3.11

  The lords sit in armour in the parlement house.
• * 3.12

  The K. ma∣keth an agrée∣mēt betwéene the duke of Lancaster & the earle of Northum∣berland.
• * 3.13

  The empe∣rours sister affianced to K Richard, is receiued at Douer.

  A water∣shake.
• * 3.14

  The kings marriage with the em∣perors sister.
• * 3.15

  The sudden death of the earle of Suf∣folke.
• * 3.16

  The earle of March his good seruice whilest he was deputie in Ireland. Wicliffes doc∣trine.
• * 3.17

  Iohn Wraie.
• * 3.18

  A co••••prophet serued aright.
• * 3.19

  Ships of Rie win a good price.
• * 3.20

  Iohn de Northa•••••••••• maio•• o•• L••••∣don, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 punis•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••∣dulterie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••me.
• * 3.21

  The Londo∣ners 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Wicliffes doctrine.
• * 3.22

  The fishmoon∣gers sore tr••••¦bled by the maior.
• * 3.23

  A great earth¦quake.

  Churches o∣uerthrowne by the earth∣quake.
• * 3.24

  A wa••er∣quake.
• * 3.25

  Anno Reg. 6.
• * 3.26

  The bishop of Londō made lord chanc••l∣lor in the lord Scroope his roome.
• * 3.27

  A new rebel∣lion intended in Norffolke is b••wraied by one of the c••nspiracie be¦fore.
• * 3.28

  The cōmissio∣ners of Flan∣ders reiected for want of sufficient au∣thoritie.
• * 3.29

  An act against the fishmon∣gers within the citie of London.
• * 3.30

  Remission of sins granted to as manie as would fight against Cle∣ment the an∣tipape.
• * 3.31

  The earle of Cambridge re¦turneth out of Portingale.
• * 3.32

  The earle of Cambridge his son affian∣ced to the king of Portingals daughter.
• * 3.33

  Clementines. Urbanists.
• * 3.34

  The crossed souldiers.
• * 3.35

  The capteins that wēt with the bishop of Norwich a∣gainst the an∣tipape.
• * 3.36

  Froissard.
• * 3.37

  The statute against fish∣mongers re∣pealed, they are restored to their liber∣••ies.
• * 3.38

  The bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norwich set∣teth forward with his ar∣mie.
• * 3.39

  Polydor.
• * 3.40

  Froissard. 500 speares, •• 115 other.
• * 3.41

  The bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norwich inuadeth Flanders.
• * 3.42

  Ia. Meir.
• * 3.43

  Dunkirke woon & sack•••• by the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 3.44

  The earle of Flāders sen∣deth to the bish. of Nor∣wich to know the cause of his inuasion of Flander••.
• * 3.45

  The herald of armes sent to y^e Flemings by the bishop of Norwich is slaine.
• * 3.46

  Thom. Wals.
• * 3.47

  The order of the bishop of Norwich his battell against the Flemings
• * 3.48

  The Fle∣mings dis∣comfited by y^e Englishmen.
• * 3.49

  Iac. Meir.
• * 3.50

  Froissard.
• * 3.51

  Tho. Walsi. Préests and religious men hardy soldiers
• * 3.52

  Iacob. Meir.
• * 3.53

  The English∣mē subdue di∣uerse towns in Flanders, and spoile the countrie.
• * 3.54

  The towne of Ypres besiged.
• * 3.55

  The maner of fortifieng townes in old time.
• * 3.56

  Hope of gaine incourageth the soldier.
• * 3.57

  Ia. Meir.
• * 3.58

  Anno Reg. 7.
• * 3.59

  The siege at Ypres broken vp.
• * 3.60

  Newport sac∣ked and burnt by the Eng∣lishmen and Gauntiners.
• * 3.61

  Thom. Wals.
• * 3.62

  A couragious & warlike bi∣shop.
• * 3.63

  The French king with his huge armie driueth the Englishmen out of Flan∣ders.
• * 3.64

  Bruckburge yeélded to the French.
• * 3.65

  The duke of Britaine a f••iend to the Englishmen.
• * 3.66

  Grauelin for∣tified by the Frenchmen for a counter∣garison to Calis.

  Thom. Wals.
• * 3.67

  The king & quéene in progresse.
• * 3.68

  A great hea•• soone cooled.
• * 3.69

  The bishop of Norwich re∣turned into England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Flanders.
• * 3.70

  Warke castell burnt by the Scots.
• * 3.71

  Diuerse French ships taken by the Englishmen.
• * 3.72

  A parlement at London.
• * 3.73

  The tempo∣ralties of the bishopr••ke of Norwich sei∣zed into the kings hands for the bishops disobedience.
• * 3.74

  A treatie of peace betwéen England and France.
• * 3.75

  A truce taken betwéene England and France.
• * 3.76

  Tho. Walsin.
• * 3.77

  Great conten∣tion about the election of the maior of Lon∣don.
• * 3.78

  Sir Robert Knolles.
• * 3.79

  The duke of Lancaster in∣uadeth Scot∣land with an armie.
• * 3.80

  Edenburgh left desolate.
• * 3.81

  Great death of horsses and men in the English host, by reason of extreme cold.
• * 3.82

  A parlement at Salisburie.
• * 3.83

  An Irish frier appeacheth the duke of Lāca∣ster of treason.
• * 3.84

  A miserable & cruell torture.
• * 3.85

  A rode into Scotland.
• * 3.86

  One mischief asketh ano∣ther.
• * 3.87

  Anno Reg. 8. The duke of Lācaster sent into France to treat of a peace.
• * 3.88

  Iohn de Nor∣thampton late maior of Lon∣don cōdemned to perpetuall prison and all his goods con∣fiscated.
• * 3.89

  A combat.
• * 3.90

  The appel∣lant being vanquished, is adiudged to be hanged. Abraham Fle∣ming out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 3.91

  Berwike ca∣stell woone by the Scots.
• * 3.92

  Berwike ca∣stell recouered by the earle of Northum∣berland.
• * 3.93

  The duke of Lancaster getteth him to his castell of Pomfret, and fortifieth it.
• * 3.94

  The princesse of Wales ma∣keth an at∣tonement be∣twéene the king and the duke at Lan∣caster.
• * 3.95

  The ships of Port••mouth & Dartmouth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 better ser∣uice than the kings great name.
• * 3.96

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Meir. Froissard. The French king aideth Scots against Englishmen.
• * 3.97

  The Scots inuade the frontiers of England.

  Anno Reg. 9.
• * 3.98

  The K. goeth with an armie against the Scots.
• * 3.99

  Uariance be∣twéene sir Iohn Hol∣lands seruāts and the lord Richard Stafford.
• * 3.100

  The lord Ri∣chard Staf∣ford slaine by sir Iohn Holland.
• * 3.101

  Hect. Boetius.
• * 3.102

  Edenburgh burnt by king Richard.
• * 3.103

  The French admerall per∣suadeth the Scots to fight with the English host.
• * 3.104

  Cumberland sore spoiled by the Scots.
• * 3.105

  Carleill assal∣ted by the Scots.
• * 3.106

  Good counsell neglected.
• * 3.107

  Polydor.
• * 3.108

  A noble re∣uenge.
• * 3.109

  There were 600 English∣m•• who with their bowes did great ser∣uice as by one author it ap∣peareth.
• * 3.110

  The king of Portingale sendeth six gallies to K. Richards aid.
• * 3.111

  A good victo∣rie of them of Calis against the French fléet.
• * 3.112

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 3.113

  The Calisi∣ans & others make a rode into France & win great booties.
• * 3.114

  Fabian.
• * 3.115

  Creation of dukes and earles at the parlement.
• * 3.116

  Henrie of Bolling∣brooke earle of Derbie afterwards king.
• * 3.117

  The lord Mortimer erle of March procl••••ed heire appa∣rant to the crowne.
• * 3.118

  The earle of March 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the wild Irish.
• * 3.119

  The issue of the foresaid earle of March.
• * 3.120

  Froissard.
• * 3.121

  The king of Armeni•• cō∣meth into England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aid against the Turks.
• * 3.122

  Thom. Wals.
• * 3.123

  Thom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Froissard. Ia. Meir.
• * 3.124

  The duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lancaster goeth into Spaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an armie.
• * 3.125

  In Angl. praelij.
• * 3.126

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 3.127

  Thom. Wals. The duke of Lancaster lan¦deth at Brest and winneth two bastid••s from the Frenchmen.
• * 3.128

  Anno Reg. 10. The duke of Lancaster landeth at 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.129

  Le Groigne Corone.
• * 3.130

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 3.131

  Philip the dude of Lan∣casters daugh¦ter married to the king of Portingale.
• * 3.132

  The king of Portingale & the duke of Lancaster ioi∣ning their ar∣mies togither inuade Ca∣stile.
• * 3.133

  Uariance amongst writers.
• * 3.134

  Great death in the Eng∣lish host in Spaine by reason of the great heat of that countrie.
• * 3.135

  Froissard. The lord Fitz Walter.
• * 3.136

  I thinke that none of these three were barons but onlie the lord Poinings.
• * 3.137

  The duke of Lancaster re∣turneth out of Portingale into Gas∣coigne.
• * 3.138

  A marriage concluded be∣tweéne the prince of Spaine, and the duke of Lancasters daughter.
• * 3.139

  Fabian.
• * 3.140

  Ab. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 3.141

  In Angl. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sub Rich. 2.
• * 3.142

  Iacob. Meir. Froissard.
• * 3.143

  A mightie great nauie of French ships at Sluis pur∣posing to in∣uade Englād.
• * 3.144

  The descrip∣tion of the inclosure.
• * 3.145

  Thom. Wals.
• * 3.146

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 3.147

  The prouisi∣on of y^e Eng∣lishmen to resist y^e great power of Frenchmen.
• * 3.148

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 3.149

  The Londo∣ners speciallie afraid of the Frēch forces.
• * 3.150

  Dissention a∣mong the no∣blemen.
• * 3.151

  Froissard.
• * 3.152

  Tho. Walsin. A parlement at London.
• * 3.153

  Robert Uéer marquess•• of Dubline cre∣ated duke of Ireland.
• * 3.154

  Richard Ex∣ton iustlie cō∣mended.
• * 3.155

  A subsidie granted and appointed to be sp••nt ac∣cording to y^e discretion of the nobilitie.
• * 3.156

  Dissention between•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king an•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parlement house.
• * 3.157

  The duke of Glocester and the bishop of Elie sent to y^• K. at Eltham frō the whole bodie of the parlement.
• * 3.158

  Their re∣quests to the king.
• * 3.159

  And often••r 〈◊〉〈◊〉 néed require.
• * 3.160

  The causes & conditions of a parlement.
• * 3.161

  Absence of the king from the parlement 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the space of •• daies.
• * 3.162

  The kings answer.
• * 3.163

  Wealth of the people is the glorie of the prince and suertie of his reigne.
• * 3.164

  Change of of∣ficers by the parlement.
• * 3.165

  The earle of Suffolke grée¦uouslie char∣ged by the parlement house for sun∣drie offenses.
• * 3.166

  Thirtéene lords appoin∣ted by parle∣ment to haue the gouerne∣ment of the realme vnder the king.
• * 3.167

  The king of Armenia su∣eth for a safe conduct to come into England which is de∣nied him.
• * 3.168

  Two of the Frēch kings ships taken with a great price in them.
• * 3.169

  Guns were inuented little more than six yeares before this time, to wit. An. 1380.
• * 3.170

  Restitution of merchants goods taken.
• * 3.171

  The French fléet setting forward to∣wards Eng∣land is driuen backe by con∣trarie winds.
• * 3.172

  The kings inordinate af∣fection to∣wards the duke of Ire∣land and the earle of Suf∣folke.
• * 3.173

  The earle of Arundell go∣eth to the sea with 500 men of armes and a thousand ar∣chers as Frois∣sard noteth.
• * 3.174

  A great abuse in choise of souldiers.
• * 3.175

  A good p••∣licie.
• * 3.176

  A great vic∣torie of the English na∣uie against the Flemish fléet.

  Ia. Meir. Tho. Walsi.
• * 3.177

  Ia. Meir. Thom. Wals.
• * 3.178

  The liberali∣tie of the earle of Arundell.
• * 3.179

  Diuers rodes made into Flanders by the English∣men, & great spo••le doone.
• * 3.180

  Wine sold for thirteene shil∣lings foure pence the tun.
• * 3.181

  The earle of Arundell sai∣leth into Bri∣taine with a great power.
• * 3.182

  Enuie y^• fol∣lowers of ver∣tue •• prowesse
• * 3.183

  The lord Percie sent to the seas.
• * 3.184

  Frier Pate∣shull forsa∣king his pro∣fes••••on prea∣cheth openlie against his owne order.
• * 3.185

  Wickleuists.
• * 3.186

  A libell by fri∣er Pateshull against his brethren.
• * 3.187

  The fauou∣rers of frier Pateshull.
• * 3.188

  Dissention betwixt the king & the nobles.
• * 3.189

  1388 Anno Reg. 11.
• * 3.190

  Grafton.
• * 3.191

  Certeine questions in law deman∣ded of the iustices.
• * 3.192

  A councell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Notingham.
• * 3.193

  Iustice Belknap ••••••••pelled to ••••••∣scribe.
• * 3.194

  Iustice Belknaps words.
• * 4.1

  Additions to Polychron.
• * 4.2

  Questions to law demāded of the iustices.
• * 4.3

  Thom. Wals.
• * 4.4

  The lords indicted of di∣uerse offenses
• * 4.5

  Why the shi∣riffes of all shires were sent ••or to the court.
• * 4.6

  Soldiers re∣teined on all sides by the king against the lords.
• * 4.7

  The du••e of Glocest••rs procesta••ion vpon his oth.
• * 4.8

  Stout words of the bishop of London.
• * 4.9

  The lords confer how to preuēt the perils preten∣ded against them.
• * 4.10

  The earle of Northumber∣land sent to apprehend the earle of Arundell.
• * 4.11

  The earle of Arundell ioi∣neth with the other lords.
• * 4.12

  Councell ta∣ken how to deale against the lords.
• * 4.13

  The lords send messen∣gers to the king.
• * 4.14

  A rash an∣swer of the maior of London.
• * 4.15

  The Londo∣ners refuse to fight against the lords.
• * 4.16

  The earle of Northumber∣lands and the lord Bassets words to the king in the behalfe of the lords.
• * 4.17

  The lords take an oth togither, to prosecute their purposed enterprise.
• * 4.18

  The lords séeke the fa∣uour of the Londoners.
• * 4.19

  Thom. Wals.
• * 4.20

  An ambush at Mewes.
• * 4.21

  The lords come before the kings pre∣sence in West∣minster hall.
• * 4.22

  The lord chā∣celor speaketh for the king to the lords.
• * 4.23

  The answer of the lords & their gréefes.
• * 4.24

  The king re∣prooueth the lords doings.
• * 4.25

  The king ta∣keth both par∣ties into his protection.
• * 4.26

  Grafton.
• * 5.1

  The earle of Suffolke fleeth ouer to Calis.
• * 5.2

  Grafton.
• * 5.3

  A commission to the shiriffe of Cheshire to safe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the duke of Ireland to the kings presence.
• * 5.4

  The lords seeke to stop the passage of the duke of Ireland.
• * 5.5

  The duke of Ireland his souldiers re∣uolt frō him.
• * 5.6

  The duke of Ireland flieth frō his armie.
• * 5.7

  Virg. Aeneid. 9.
• * 5.8

  Thomas Molineux slaine.
• * 5.9

  The duke of Ireland flieth into Holland.
• * 5.10

  Letters foūd in the duke of Irelands trunks.
• * 5.11

  Burford.
• * 5.12

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 5.13

  A brute raised that king Ri∣chard meant to yeéld vp Calis into the French kings hands.
• * 5.14

  The lords come to Lon∣don with a great armie.
• * 5.15

  K. Richard kéepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London.

  The lords send to the Maior and ci∣tizens of Lon∣don to vnder∣stand their meaning.
• * 5.16

  The Londo∣ners in great perplexitie which part to take.
• * 5.17

  The Londo∣ners incline to the lords.
• * 5.18

  The lord•• ••••∣ter into L••••¦don.
• * 5.19

  The kings Words tou∣ching the lords procee∣dings.
• * 5.20

  The lords re∣fuse to come into y^e Tower but after search made they come thi∣ther to the kings pre∣sence.
• * 5.21

  R. Grafton.
• * 5.22

  Thom. Wals.
• * 5.23

  The lords o∣pen their gréefes to the king.
• * 5.24

  R. Grafton.
• * 5.25

  Tho. Walsing. The incōstan¦cie of the king
• * 5.26

  The K. is cō∣pelled to con∣descend to the lords request.
• * 5.27

  Certeine per∣sons put out of the court.
• * 5.28

  Certeine la∣dies expelled the court.
• * 5.29

  The parlemēt that wrought woonders.
• * 5.30

  R. Grafton. Thom. Walsin.
• * 5.31

  R. Grafton.
• * 5.32

  The iustices arrested & sent to the tower.
• * 5.33

  Why the iusti∣ces were ap∣prehended.
• * 5.34

  The duke of Ireland & his associats at∣tainted of tre∣son by this parlement.
• * 5.35

  Trisilian chéefe iustice descried by his owne man is executed at Tiburne.
• * 5.36

  Sir Nicho∣l••s Brambre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with an oxe of his owne deuise.
• * 5.37

  Ouid. li. 1. de art.
• * 5.38

  Diuerse that stood against the lords ex∣ecuted.
• * 5.39

  The duke of Glocester a seuere man.
• * 5.40

  Sir Simon Burlie.
• * 5.41

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton, fol. 191.
• * 5.42

  Froissard.
• * 5.43

  Thom. Wal••.
• * 5.44

  Grafton.
• * 5.45

  The iustices condemned to perpetuall exile.
• * 5.46

  The king ta∣keth an oth to performe the lords orders.
• * 5.47

  The earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie, in aid of the duke of Bri∣taine.
• * 5.48

  Peraduēture Maluere, it may be Mon∣goinerie.
• * 5.49

  Anno Reg. 12.
• * 5.50

  The earle of Arundell re∣turneth out of France.
• * 5.51

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leceister ab∣beie.

  O Scotish crueltie and more than barbarous bloudthirsti∣nesse.
• * 5.52

  An ouer∣throw giuen to the Eng∣lishmen by the Scots at Otter∣burne.
• * 5.53

  Fabian. Caxton. A parlement at Cam∣bridge.
• * 5.54

  Sir Thomas Triuet slaine with the fall of his horsse.
• * 5.55

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣••on canon of Leicester ab∣beie.
• * 5.56

  Battell and slaughter be∣tweene flies.
• * 5.57

  Commissio∣ners sent to treat a truce betweene England, France, and Scotland.
• * 5.58

  Froissard.
• * 5.59

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leceister ab∣beie.

  Scholers of Oxford togi∣ther by the eares.
• * 5.60

  Truce of 3. ye••rs be∣tweéne six kings.
• * 5.61

  The Scots in the time of treatie spoile the countrie of Northumber∣land.
• * 5.62

  The Scots hauing proui∣ded an armie to inuade England are hardly per∣suaded to ac∣cept the truce.
• * 5.63

  The kings question to his lords and others in the councel cham∣ber.
• * 5.64

  Claudian.
• * 5.65

  The king ta∣king vpō him the gouerne∣ment of all things displa∣ceth diuers of∣ficers & set∣teth others in their roomes.
• * 5.66

  Wickham bi∣shop of Win∣chester made L. chancelor.
• * 5.67

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 5.68

  Anno Reg. 13. Wickleuists increase.
• * 5.69

  The duke of Lancaster re∣turneth into Englād foorth of Gascoigne.
• * 5.70

  A councell hol¦den at Reding where y^e duke of Lancaster reconcileth the king and the lords.
• * 5.71

  The earle of Penbroke as he was lear∣ning to iust is wounded to death.
• * 5.72

  Francis Thin, out of diuerse ancient mo∣numents be∣longing to the Hastings and others.
• * 6.1

  Strattondale.
• * 8.1

  Registrum comi∣tum de Hunting∣ton.
• * 11.1

  The earle of Lancaster ca∣nonized for •• saint.
• * 11.2

  A bill against wearing of badges.
• * 11.3

  No reteine•••• to weare badges.
• * 11.4

  An act aga•••••• mediators is wilfull mur∣derers.
• * 11.5

  The duke of Lancaster made duke of Aquitaine.
• * 11.6

  Great tem∣pest.
• * 11.7

  Great plague.
• * 11.8

  Great dearth.
• * 11.9

  Ab. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.

  A roiall hun∣ting.
• * 11.10

  A iournie a∣gainst the Saracens.
• * 11.11

  Anno Reg. 14.
• * 11.12

  The English archers good seruice.
• * 11.13

  Thom. Wals. The earle of Derbie his exploits in his iournie against the infidels of Prutzenland.
• * 11.14

  A roiall iusts holden in Smithfield at London.
• * 11.15

  The manner of the iusts in Smithfield.
• * 11.16

  Siluer saith Froissard.
• * 11.17

  The king kept opē hou∣shold in the bishop of Lon∣don his palace by Paules church.
• * 11.18

  The K. festeth the strangers.
• * 11.19

  The duke of Lancaster feasteth the strangers.
• * 11.20

  Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. sub Rich. 2.
• * 11.21

  Smithfield.
• * 11.22

  Smithfield.
• * 11.23

  Thom. Wals. Ambassadors from the French king for a perpe∣tuall peace. Froissard.
• * 11.24

  A proclamati•• that all Eng∣lish benefited men in Rome should return into Engla••••
• * 11.25

  The pope s••••deth his nu••∣cio to king Richard.
• * 11.26

  The popes nuncio ope∣neth to the king the Frēch kings priuie practi∣ses.
• * 11.27

  Nuncio
• * 11.28

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.

  A sore bridle for the clergie.
• * 11.29

  The duke of Glocester his iournie into Prutzen land.

  The duke of Glocester in great fauor with the com∣mons.
• * 11.30

  Anno Reg. 15.
• * 11.31

  A great death in Yorke and sundrie other places.
• * 11.32

  A parlement at London.
• * 11.33

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester ab∣beie.

  The duke of Lancaster ambassador for the king, right honora∣blie receiued into France.
• * 11.34

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 13.1

  The flix g••••ten by exces∣siue feeding on fruits.
• * 13.2

  The lord ••••∣ior of Lond•••• commended for his care∣full prouision of corne from beyond the seas in the time of dearth.
• * 13.3

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leceister ab∣beie.
• * 13.4

  The cause of the scarsitie was not want of breader corne.
• * 13.5

  Wooll sold dogcheape 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the stone.
• * 13.6

  Prouision a∣gainst scar••••∣tie to relie•••• the poore.
• * 13.7

  O charitie of London!
• * 13.8

  A dolphin ta∣ken at Lon∣don bridge.
• * 13.9

  Ambassadors sent to the French king to treat of peace.
• * 13.10

  Sir Robert Briquet a Frenchman of king Richard his priuie chamber.
• * 13.11

  The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, the earls of Der∣b••e and Hun∣tington, the lord Thomas Persie, the bishops of Durham and London were sent o••er, as Fro••ssard saith.

  A roiall am∣bassage.

  The duke of Lancaster, a prince of great renowme.
• * 13.12

  The truce prolonged for a yeare.

  Thom. Wals.
• * 13.13

  A councell at Stamford.
• * 13.14

  The duke of Gelderland commeth into England.
• * 13.15

  The duke of Gelderland dissuadeth the king from peace with the French and Scots.
• * 13.16

  The Londo∣ners refuse to lend the king a thousand pounds.
• * 13.17

  A great fire kindled about a litle sparke.
• * 13.18

  A riot by the Londoners vpon the bi∣shop of Salis∣buries men.
• * 13.19

  Walter Ro∣mane.
• * 13.20

  The bishop of Salisburie maketh a greé¦uous cōplaint of the Londo∣ners to the king.
• * 13.21

  The maior & shiriffes of London sent for to Wind∣sore to the king, & there imprisoned.
• * 13.22

  The liberties of London seized.
• * 13.23

  A gardian ap∣pointed to go∣uerne the citie of London.
• * 13.24

  Anno Reg. 16. Sir Edward Darlingrug lord warden of London.
• * 13.25

  Darlingru•• remoued, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Baldwine Radington made lord warden o•• London.
• * 13.26

  The liberties of London 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part confir∣med in part condemned.
• * 13.27

  A sweét sa∣crifice.
• * 13.28

  He was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with proces••••∣on of the bi∣shop & clergie at S. Geor∣ges churches Southw••••••.
• * 13.29

  Gifts pre••••••∣••ed to the K. by the Lon∣doners to p••∣cifie d••s∣pleasure co••∣ceiued agai•••••• them.

  K. Richard roiallie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into L••••••don.
• * 13.30

  More gifts by the Lōdoners to the king.
• * 13.31

  Tho. Walsin. The liberties of London ra∣tified by king Richard.
• * 13.32

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leceister ab∣beie.
• * 13.33

  The duke of Glocester made duke of Ireland.
• * 13.34

  His iournie into Ireland vnluckilie staied.
• * 13.35

  Uéere, late duke of Ire∣land, dieth at Louaine.
• * 13.36

  Tho. Wal••••. A parlement at Winchester
• * 13.37

  The chance∣rie and kings bench kept at Yorke and frō thence remoo∣ued to Londō.
• * 13.38

  Eures.
• * 13.39

  The Ile of Man.
• * 13.40

  The dukes of Lancaster & Glocester sent ••o Frāce to treat of a peace.
• * 13.41

  The French comissioners would haue Calis raced to the ground.
• * 13.42

  The demand of the English cōmissioners.
• * 13.43

  Order taken, that the de∣mands on either side should be set downe in wri∣ting, the bet∣ter to be con∣sidered of.
• * 13.44

  The English gentlemen mainteined by the French warres.
• * 13.45

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the French¦men.
• * 13.46

  The commis∣sioners meet againe.
• * 13.47

  The king o•• Armenie.
• * 13.48

  Obscure and doubt••ull words to be opened.
• * 13.49

  A truce for foure yeares betweene England and France.
• * 13.50

  Anno Reg. 1••. Great tem∣pests.
• * 13.51

  Much hurt doone by gre•••• flouds in Suffolke.
• * 13.52

  A great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Essex.
• * 13.53

  Uariance be∣tweene the duke of Lan∣caster and the earle of Arun∣dell.
• * 13.54

  The death of queene Anne.
• * 13.55

  The K. defa∣ceth the house of Shene bi∣cause the queéne died there.
• * 13.56

  Anno Reg. 18. A proclamati∣on that all I∣rishmen shuld returne into their countrie
• * 13.57

  The English pale in Irelād almost left desolate.
• * 13.58

  The yearelie reuenues of Ireland in K. Edward the third his daies.
• * 13.59

  The duke of Lancaster sai∣leth into A∣quitaine with an armie.
• * 13.60

  The Gas∣coignes flatlie refuse to ac∣cept the duke of Lancaster for their so∣uereigne.
• * 13.61

  K. Richard passeth ouer into Ireland with a migh∣tie armie.
• * 13.62

  Froissard. Foure Irish kings submit themselues to K. Richard.
• * 13.63

  A parlement holden in Ireland.
• * 13.64

  A parlement at Westmin∣ster, king Ri∣chard being in Ireland.
• * 13.65

  The Wickle∣uists wrote a∣gainst the clergie.
• * 13.66

  The clergie complaine to the king of the Wickleuists, and their fa∣uorers.
• * 13.67

  K. Richard knighteth the foure Irish kings, and others.

  Froissard.
• * 13.68

  K. Richard returneth out of Ireland.
• * 13.69

  K. Richards dealings a∣gainst the fa∣uorers of the Wickleuists.
• * 13.70

  Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh∣ton canon of Leicester abbeie.
• * 15.1

  Archbishop of Canturbu∣ries visitatiō.
• * 15.2

  Wickleuists excommuni∣cated.
• * 15.3

  A ridiculous penance.
• * 15.4

  For the pa∣pists saie that the sacrificing préest is the maker of his maker, name∣lie God.
• * 15.5

  Boldnesse of women in ec∣clesiasticall matters ta••ed.
• * 15.6

  A fierie app••∣rition of di∣uerse like∣nesses.
• * 15.7

  A head of wa•• wrought by necromancie speaketh.
• * 15.8

  A fierie dra∣gon seen in diuers places.
• * 15.9

  Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wal••••••. in Rich. 2. pag. 341.
• * 15.10

  A coniunctiō of Iupiter & Saturne.
• * 15.11

  A schisme be¦twéene two popes for the dignitie of •• Peters cha••re▪
• * 15.12

  The Danes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Eng∣l••sh merchāts on the seas.
• * 15.13

  Great prises woone by the Danish pi∣rets of the Englishmen.
• * 15.14

  Waltham bi∣shop of Salis∣burie buried at Westmin∣ster amongst the kings.
• * 15.15

  Anno Reg. 19.
• * 15.16

  The duke of Irelāds corps conueied from Louaine into England, and there roiallie interred.
• * 15.17

  Froissard.
• * 15.18

  The Gas∣coignes send vnto K. Rich. signifieng vn∣to him, that they ought not to be di∣ui••ed from the crowne.
• * 15.19

  The grant of the duchie of Aquitaine to the duke of Lancaster re∣uoked.
• * 15.20

  Ambassadors sent into France to treat a marri∣age betwéene king Richard & the French K. daughter.
• * 15.21

  Thom. Wals.
• * 15.22

  The duke of Lancaster m••¦rieth a ladie of a meane estate▪ whome he had kept as his concubine
• * 15.23

  Wickleuists increase.
• * 15.24

  The earle marshall affi∣eth y^e French kings daugh∣ter, in y^e name of king Ri∣chard.

  Anno Reg. 20. A truce for 30 yeares be∣twéene Eng∣land and France.

  Tho. Walsin.
• * 15.25

  The popes letters to K. Rich. against y^• Wickleuists
• * 15.26

  K. Richard goeth ouer to Calis.
• * 15.27

  The maner of the interview betweene king Richard and the French king.
• * 15.28

  Fabian.
• * 15.29

  Froissard.
• * 15.30

  Fabian.
• * 15.31

  The oth of the two kings.
• * 15.32

  The chapell of our ladie of peace.
• * 15.33

  The French K. giueth his daughter to king Richard in marriage.
• * 15.34

  The order of the French kings seruice at table.
• * 15.35

  The expen∣ses of king Richard at this inter∣view.
• * 15.36

  The mariage solemnized at Calis.
• * 15.37

  The maior of London and the citizens meete the K. & the quéene on Blacke∣heath.
• * 15.38

  Certeine thrust to death in the prease on London bridge.

  Iohn Stow. The quéens coronation.
• * 15.39

  The duke of Lancaster his bastards mad•• legitimate by parlement.
• * 15.40

  The iustices reuoked out of exile.
• * 15.41

  Brest yéelded vp to the duke of Britaine.
• * 15.42

  Priuie grudge be∣twixt the king and the duke of Glo∣cester.
• * 15.43

  The talke be∣twixt the king and the duke of Glocester.
• * 15.44

  Out of a French pam∣phlet.
• * 15.45

  The earle of saint Paule his counsell to K. Richard.
• * 15.46

  Polydor.
• * 15.47

  The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke excuse the duke of Glocester to the king.
• * 15.48

  A conspir•••••••• betwéene the duke of Glo∣cester and the abbat of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Albons.
• * 15.49

  Out of an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 French pam∣phlet belong∣ing to Iohn Stow.
• * 15.50

  Anno Reg. 1••.
• * 15.51

  The purp••••s of the conspi∣rators.
• * 15.52

  The earle marshall dis∣closeth the conspira••ie.
• * 15.53

  The earle of Rutland saith R. Gra••••o••▪
• * 15.54

  The duke of Glocester ar∣rested.
• * 15.55

  Out of an old French pam∣phlet.
• * 15.56

  For he was son to a king, and vncle to a king.
• * 15.57

  The earle of Arundell ap∣prehended.
• * 15.58

  The names of the appel∣lants.
• * 15.59

  A gard of Cheshire men about the king.
• * 15.60

  The lords appointed to come in war∣like manner to the parlemēt.
• * 15.61

  Polydor.
• * 15.62

  The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke assem∣ble their powers to re∣sist the kings dealings.
• * 15.63

  Caxton. Fabian. Polydor.
• * 15.64

  The king and the dukes re∣conciled.
• * 15.65

  Caxton.
• * 15.66

  The great parlement.
• * 15.67

  The kings greeuan•••••• opened in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parlement.
• * 15.68

  Tho. Wal•••••• Iohn Bus•••••• William Ba∣got, Thomas Greene.
• * 15.69

  A new 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made within the palace of Westminster for the areign••ment of the lords indicted.
• * 15.70

  Additions to Polychron.
• * 15.71

  Sir Iohn Bushie speaker.
• * 15.72

  The archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie sit∣ting in parle∣ment is ac••••∣sed of treason by the speaker
• * 15.73

  Impudent flatterie.
• * 15.74

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Walsi.
• * 15.75

  The charters of pardō gran¦ted to y^e lords made void by parlement.
• * 15.76

  Thom. Wals.
• * 15.77

  The archb. of Canturburie condemned to perpetuall ba∣nishment.

  Six daies saith Grafton.
• * 15.78

  The earle of Arundell a∣reigned.
• * 15.79

  The duke of Lācaster high Steward of England at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 areigne∣ment.
• * 15.80

  The earle of Arundell his answers to the points of his indictmēt.
• * 15.81

  The earle of Arundell con∣demned.
• * 15.82

  The executiō of the earle of Arundell.
• * 15.83

  Ouid.
• * 15.84

  The earle of Warwike ar∣reigned of treason.
• * 15.85

  The parlem•••••• adiourned to Shrewsburie
• * 15.86

  The king kéepeth his Christmasse at Lichfield.
• * 15.87

  Cheshire made a pri••••cipalitie.
• * 15.88

  K. Richard prince of Chester.
• * 15.89

  Creation of dukes and earles.
• * 15.90

  K. Richard beareth saint Edward his armes.
• * 15.91

  The L. Regi∣nald Cobham condemned.
• * 15.92

  The authori∣tie of both houses in par∣lement gran∣ted to certeine persons.
• * 15.93

  Thom. Wals.
• * 15.94

  The K. procu∣reth the popes buls against the breakers of his statuts.
• * 15.95

  Rightfull heires dishe∣rited.
• * 15.96

  Polydor. K. Richard his euill go∣uernment.
• * 15.97

  The duke of Hereford ap∣pealeth the duke of Nor∣folk of treson.
• * 15.98

  Thom. Wals.
• * 15.99

  The duke of Surrie mar∣shall and the duke of Au∣marle con∣stable of Eng∣land.
• * 15.100

  The order of the procéeding in this ap∣peale.
• * 15.101

  The obiection against the duke of Nor∣folke.
• * 15.102

  The duke of Norfolke his answer for himselfe.
• * 15.103

  The combat appointed to be doone at Couentrie. The French pamphlet. Iohn Stow. Fabian.
• * 15.104

  Anno Reg. ••••▪
• * 15.105

  The order of the combat.
• * 15.106

  The combat staied by the king.
• * 15.107

  The king his dome betwixt the two dukes.
• * 15.108

  The duke of Hereford be∣loued of the people.
• * 15.109

  The duke of Hereford is honorablie in∣terteined with the French king.
• * 15.110

  Froissard.
• * 15.111

  Hor. lib. ••pist. 1.
• * 15.112

  Fabian.
• * 15.113

  Blanke char∣ters.
• * 15.114

  The death of the duke of Lancaster.
• * 15.115

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 15.116

  The duke of Yorke misli∣keth the court & goeth home.
• * 15.117

  The realme let to farme by the king.
• * 15.118

  Tho. Walsi.
• * 15.119

  New exac∣tions.
• * 15.120

  The paim•••••• of these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Was called •• plesance as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were to pleas•••• the K. with∣all, but y^• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 displeased ma∣nie that were thus constrei∣ned to paie a∣gainst thei•• willes.
• * 15.121

  The people confirme the oth of allegi∣ance by wri∣ting sealed.
• * 15.122

  Indirect dealings.
• * 15.123

  Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wa••••. pag. 395.
• * 15.124

  Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wa••••. pag. 395.
• * 15.125

  Polydor.
• * 15.126

  A iusts at Windesor.
• * 15.127

  The king sai∣leth ouer into Ireland with a great armie.

  Fabian. Caxton.

  The duke of Yorke lieute∣nant generall of England, the king be∣ing in Ireland.

  H••n. Marl.
• * 15.128

  Out of a French pam∣phlet that be∣longeth to master Iohn Dec.
• * 15.129

  Macmur.
• * 15.130

  Pioners set a worke to cut downe woods.
• * 15.131

  Macmur sen∣deth to the K. offering a parlee.
• * 15.132

  The earle of Glocester.
• * 15.133

  Anno Reg. 23. He came to Dublin the 28 of Iune as Henrie Marl. saith.
• * 15.134

  The duke of Aumarle.
• * 15.135

  In Angl. praelijs sub Rich. 2.
• * 15.136

  The duke of Lancaster so∣licited to ex∣pell king Ri∣chard, and to take vpon him the regiment.
• * 15.137

  The duke of Britaine a great ••riend ••o the duke of Lancaster.
• * 15.138

  The duke of Lancaster & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 adherents 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into England.
• * 15.139

  Additions to Polychron.
• * 15.140

  Thom. Wals.
• * 15.141

  ••hron. Brit.
• * 15.142

  Froissard.
• * 15.143

  ••ho. ••a••sing.
• * 15.144

  The commōs ••enie ••o resist ••he duke of ••ancaster.
• * 15.145

  The duke of Lancaster lā∣deth in York∣shire.
• * 15.146

  Additions to Polychron.
• * 15.147

  The duke of 〈…〉〈…〉 to the lords ••hat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him.
• * 15.148

  The harts of the commo•••• wholie bent ••o the duke of Lancaster.
• * 15.149

  The duke of Lancaster marcheth to Bristow.
• * 15.150

  Scroope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 treasuror, Bushie and Greene exe∣cuted.
• * 15.151

  A politike ••••dnesse.
• * 15.152

  Out of master Dee•• French booke.
• * 15.153

  K. Richard returneth out of Ireland, and landeth in Wales.
• * 15.154

  Thom. Wals.
• * 15.155

  Additions to Polychron.
• * 15.156

  K. Richard in vtter de∣spaire.
• * 15.157

  K. Richard stealeth awaie from his ar∣mie, and ta∣keth the castell of Flint.
• * 15.158

  A speciall note woorthie to be well weied.
• * 15.159

  Hor. lib. car. 3. ode. 1.
• * 15.160

  The earle of Worcester leaueth the K. and fléeth to the duke.
• * 15.161

  Where for∣tune fauou∣reth, thither the peoples fauour fléeth.
• * 15.162

  The duke of Lancaster comming to Chester.
• * 15.163

  Perkin a Lee.
• * 15.164

  Out of master Dees booke.
• * 15.165

  Holt castell deliuered to the duke.
• * 15.166

  Some 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that the arch∣bishop of C••••••turburie and the earle of Westmerland wēt also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the earle of Northumber∣land to Con∣waie.
• * 15.167

  The earle of Northumber∣lands message to the king.
• * 15.168

  The king lea∣ueth Conwaie castell, and be∣taketh him∣selfe to his enimies.
• * 15.169

  A constant seruant.
• * 15.170

  The dukes behauiour to the king at their meéting.
• * 15.171

  The dukes demand.
• * 15.172

  The king and the duke iour∣nie togither towards London.
• * 15.173

  K. Richard sumptuous in apparell.
• * 15.174

  The dukes receiuing into London.
• * 15.175

  The king cō∣mitted to the tower.
• * 15.176

  A parlement in the kings name.
• * 16.1

  The king is persuaded to resigne the crowne to the duke.
• * 16.2

  Fabian.
• * 17.1

  This promise he made at Flint rather than at Con∣waie, as by that which goeth before it may be partlie coniectured.
• * 18.1

  ••. Richards resignation confirmed by 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 20.1

  The demand of the archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie to the commons.
• * 20.2

  Thom. Wals. The duke of Hereford pla∣ced in the re∣gall throne.
• * 20.3

  The archbi∣shop preached.
• * 21.1

  Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 351.
• * 21.2

  The words of the elected king.
• * 21.3

  Thom. Wals.
• * 21.4

  The corona∣tion proclai∣med.
• * 21.5

  The parlemēt
• * 21.6

  King Henrie y^e fourth pro∣clamed.
• * 21.7

  T. Wats. Amin•• ta•• querela 5.
• * 21.8

  K. Richard depriued.
• * 21.9

  Hall.
• * 21.10

  His perso∣nage.
• * 21.11

  Harding.
• * 21.12

  The noble house-kéeping of king Ri∣chard.
• * 21.13

  Excesse in apparell.
• * 21.14

  Ignorant prelats.
• * 21.15

  ••••nen••is ••••iscopus.