The first and second volumes of Chronicles. [vol. 3 (i.e. The Third Volume of Chronicles)] comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes.

THE CHRONICLES OF England, from the yeare of our Lord 1576, where Raphaell Holinshed left; supplied and continued to this present yeare 1586: by Iohn Stow, and others.

A Disciple of Socrates, by name Aristip∣pus, a man suerlie of a verie sharpe iudgement and pleasant wit, when he was demanded what profit he tooke by the studie of wisedome, made this an∣swer: Forsooth this profit, that with all sorts of men I can frankelie and boldlie speake. Which answer might well be of that mans making; bicause he bare a mind indifferentlie free, as well from hope as feare: for he serued no man, nor yet flattered anie person, nor otherwise behaued himselfe than his hart gaue him. Of the same mind it were to be wished that all storie-writers were: for then should Chronicles approch next in truth to the sacred and inuiolable scripture, and their vse not onelie growe more common, but also of greater account. And right good reason whie. For therein is conteined the rich and pretious treasure of time, the wisest counsellor vnder the cope of heauen. And that saw Thales the philosopher well inough, who being as∣ked what of all was the eldest? answered, God: what of all the fairest? the world: what of all the greatest? place: what of all the swiftest? the mind: what of all the strongest? necessitie: and what of all the wisest? time. Time in Greeke is cal∣led 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereof the word Chronicles ariseth, termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, obseruati∣ons of time: so that if nothing in wisedome dooth excell time, then who can but wax wise by reading and perusing the obseruations of time, which are meerelie & simplie Chronicles? Chroniclers therefore deserue a reuerence of dutie, whome time hath called and culled out as it were by the hand, to vse their ministerie and seruice for the disposing and distributing of the riches of his wisedome to all ages, that successors may be taught by their predecessors, wit by their follie, fealtie by their disloialtie, obedience by their rebellion, vnitie and peace by their dissention, plainnesse by their doublenesse, sobrietie by their vntemperance, courtesie by their churlishnesse, pitie by their vncharitablenesse; finallie all goodnesse by their badnesse; for the which (as we may see by a sea of examples in this booke) sith they were greeuouslie punished, it is our gaine by their smart to be admonished.

For surelie heerein standeth a speciall vse of chronicles, that whilest some of∣fending against the lawes of God, of nature, and of nations, doo draw vnto them∣selues deserued vengeance: others by loue allured, or by feare inforced, seeing their rufull fals, and auoiding the meanes, may happilie escape the paine. This frute hitherto hath this historie of chronicles affoorded, no lesse heereafter by the continuation following is like to be performed; besides manifold mat∣ters of recreation, policie, aduentures, chiualrie, &c: abundant∣lie ministred; and all vnder the golden reigne of blessed queene Elisabeth, the sweet floure of ami∣able virginitie:

Cui vitam, studiúmque Deus, regníque coronam Perpetuet, beet, & tranquillo prosperet vsu: Póstque hanc exactam vitam, studium atque coronam, Coelesti vita, studio, diademate donet. A. F.

THE CONTINVATI∣on of the chronicles of England from the yeare of our Lord 1576, to this present yeare 1586, &c.

THe tenth day of No∣uember,* 1.1 in the citie of worcester, a cruell & vnnatural brother (as an other Cain) mur¦dered [line 10] his owne na∣turall & lo∣uing bro∣ther, first smiting his braines out of his head with an ax, and after cutting his throte to make him sure, and then buried him vnder the hearth of a chimneie, thinking thereby (though wrongfullie) quietlie to haue inioied his brothers goods long before in his possession:* 1.2 but [line 20] not long after this secret murder comming to light, the murderer was rewarded according to his de∣serts, and to the terror of such vnnaturall murde∣ring brethren.* 1.3 The seuententh of March, through a strange tempest which hapned in the North, neere to a towne called Richmond, not onelie cotages, trées, barnes and haiestakes, but also the most part of the church called Patrike Brumton was ouerthrowen, with most strange sights in the aire, both fearefull and terrible. [line 30]

[year 1577] In the moneth of Aprill, the decaied stone house called the tower vpon London bridge was begun to be taken downe,* 1.4 and the heads of traitors that were woont there on poles to be fixed, were remoued thense, and set on the gate at the bridge foot toward Southworke. The seuentéenth daie of Maie, Ri∣chard Robinson goldsmith was drawne from the tower of London to Tiburne,* 1.5 and there hanged for clipping of gold. The one and thirtith daie of Maie, Martin Frobisher with one ship and two barks fur∣nished [line 40] for that purpose,* 1.6 sailed from Harwich in Es∣sex towards Cataia by the northwest seas, and ente∣red the streicts beyond quéene Elizabeths foreland, about thirtie leagues, where he went on shore, and finding store of the blacke stone, which the goldfiners had said to hold gold, and therefore called the same gold o••e, he fraught his ship & barke, caught a man, a woman, and a child of that countrie, and then on the foure and twentith of August returning from thense, arriued at Milford hauen in Wales on the twentith of September next following.

* 1.7The fourth, fift, and sixt daie of Iulie, the assises being holden at Oxford, there was arreigned and condemned one Rowland Ienkes, for his seditious toong, at which time there arose amidst the people such a dampe that almost all were smouldered, verie few escaping that were not taken at that instant: the iu∣rors died presentlie, shortlie after died sir Robert Bell lord chiefe baron, sir Robert de Olie, sir Willi∣am Babington, master Wineman, master de O∣lie high shiriffe, master Dauers, master Hare∣combe, master Kirle, master Phetipace, master Gréenewood, master Foster, master Nash, sergeant Baram, master Stephans, &c. There died in the towne of Oxford three hundred persons, and sickened there, but died in other places two hundred and od, from the sixt of Iulie to the twelfe of August, after which daie died not one of that sickenesse, for one of them infected not an other, nor anie one woman or child died thereof.

¶ Of this sickenesse there passed a report in print,* 1.8 published vnder the name of W. B. who (as he saith himselfe) was present with sir William Babington, and therefore was able, and did (as he thought good) set downe the certeintie of that heauie accident, for the satisfaction of such friends of his as desired to know the vndoubted truth. And the same W. B. set∣ting downe the opinion, that diuerse conceiued of this venemous maladie, saith that some supposed it to be of two sorts; howbeit (saith he) it is not so. For those that bled till they died, stroue so much with their sickenesse, that the bloud issued out at their vents: but yet had perfect memorie, euen to the yéelding of their breath, as was verie well perceiued by sir William Babington, who neuer ceased to call vpon God in his great agonie, &c. This reported W. B. as a certeine truth, to stop the flieng rumors of those that (as he saith) haue spoken vntrulie in this be∣halfe, and published their owne fantasies.]

On sundaie the fourth of August,* 1.9 betwéene the houres of nine and ten of the clocke in the forenone, whilest the minister was reading of the second lesson in the parish church of Bliborough a towne in Suf∣folke, a strange and terrible tempest of lightening and thunder strake thorough the wall of the same church into the ground almost a yard déepe, draue downe all the people on that side aboue twentie per∣sons, then renting the wall vp to the reuestre, clef•• the doore, and returning to the steeple, rent the tim∣ber, brake the chimes, & fled toward Bongie a towne six miles off. The people that were striken downe were found groueling more than halfe an houre af∣ter, whereof one man more than fortie yeares and a boie of fiftéene yeares old were found starke dead:

the other were scorched. The same or the like flash of lightening and cracks of thunder rent the parish church of Bongie, nine miles from Norwich, wroong in sunder the wiers and whéeles of the clocks, slue two men which sat in the belfreie, when the other were at the procession or suffrages, and scorched an other which hardlie escaped. The tower on London bridge being taken downe,* 1.10 and a new foundation drawne, sir Iohn Langleie lord maior of the citie of London laid the first stone on the eight and twen∣tith [line 10] daie of August, in the presence of the shiriffes of London & the two bridgemasters, which new tower was finished in the moneth of September, Anno 1579.

The thirtith daie of Nouember, Cutbert Maine was drawne,* 1.11 hanged, and quartered at Lanceston in Cornewall for preferring Romane power. The seuentéenth of Ianuarie, one Simon Penbrooke dwelling in saint Georges parish in Southworke, being a figureflinger, and vehementlie suspected to [line 20] be a coniurer, by commandement of the ordinarie iudge for those parties, appeared in the parish church of saint Sauiors in Southworke, at a court holden there. Which Simon being busied in interteining a proctor, and hauing monie in his hand, leaned his head vpon a pew wherein the proctor stood: which af∣ter he had doone a certeine space, the proctor began to lift vp his head to sée what he ailed, and found him de∣parting out of life, and streightwaie the said Simon fell downe, ratling a little in the throte, and neuer [line 30] spake word after. This was doone euen as the iudge came into the church, who said it was the iust iudge∣ment of God towards those that vsed sorcerie, and a great example to admonish other to feare the iustice of God. After, his clothes being opened, there were found about him fiue diuelish bookes of coniuration, and most abhominable practises, with a picture of tin of a man, hauing thrée dice in his hand with this poesie: Chance dice fortunatlie; & diuerse papers of such like matters, as he had dealt in for men, such [line 40] men I meane as are mentioned in Leuiticus the twentith chapter and sixt verse: If anie soule turne himselfe after such as woorke with spirits, and after soothsaiers, to go a whooring after them (saith the Lord) I will put my face against that soule, and will cut him off from among my people.

* 1.12The third daie of Februarie, Iohn Nelson for denieng the quéenes supremasie, and such other trai∣torous words against hir maiestie, was drawne from Newgate to Tiburne, and there hanged, [line 50] bowelled, and quartered. And on the seuenth of the same moneth of Februarie, Thomas Sherewin was likewise drawne from the tower of London to Ti∣burne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered for the like offense. The fiue and twentith of Februarie, Iohn de Loy a Frenchman,* 1.13 and fiue English gen∣tlemen, was conueied from the tower of London towards Norwich, there to be arreigned and execu∣ted for coining of monie counterfeit. And on the ninth of March,* 1.14 seuen pirats were hanged at Wap∣ping [line 60] in the ouze beside London.

The ladie Margaret countesse of Lennox decea∣sed on the tenth of March, [year 1578] at hir house in the parish of Hackneie besides London, and was buried at Westminster on the third of Aprill. The one and thir∣tith and last of Maie,* 1.15 Martine Frobisher with fif∣teene saile of good ships, manned, vittelled, and other∣wise well appointed, departed from Harwich in Es∣sex on his third voiage towards Cataia. And on the one and thirtith and last daie of Iulie, after manie attempts, and sundrie times being put backe by I∣lands of ice in the streicts, he recouered his long wished port, and came to anchor in the Ilands, new∣lie by hir maiestie named Meta incognita, where (as in the yeare before) they fraught their ships with the like stone or gold ore out of the mines; and then on the last of August returning thense, arriued safelie in England about the first of October.

The two and twentith of Ianuarie being thursdaie,* 1.16 about seuen of the clocke at night, Iohn Cassimere countie palatine of Rhene, duke of Bauare, landing at the tower of London, was there by diuerse noble men and others honourablie receiued, and conueied by cresset light and torch light to sir Thomas Gres∣hams house in Bishops gate street, where he was receiued with sounding of trumpets, drums, fiefs, and other instruments of musicke, and there both lodged and feasted till sundaie next, that he was by the nobilitie fetched and conueied to the court at Westminster, where after he had talked with hir ma∣iestie, he returned vnto Summersets house at the strand, and was there lodged. In the wéeke follo∣wing he hunted at Hampton court. On sundaie the first of Februarie he beheld a valiant iusting and running at the tilt at Westminster. On the next morrow in the same place he saw them fight at bar∣riers with swords on horsse backe. On tuesdaie he dined with the lord maior of London; on wednes∣daie with the dutchesse of Suffolke, at hir house cal∣led the Barbican in Red crosse stréet; on thursdaie at the Stilliard, &c. On sundaie the eight of Februa∣rie, the quéene made him knight of the garter, by de∣liuering to him the collar, & putting the garter on his leg at White hall. And on the fourteenth of Februa∣rie, he departed from London to Rochester home∣wards, with great rewards giuen to him by the quéenes maiestie, the nobilitie, men of honour, the lord maior of London, and other citizens of that citie.

The same moneth of Februarie; to wit, on the fourth daie, and in the night next following, [year 1579] fell such abundance of snow,* 1.17 that on the fift daie in the mor∣ning, the same snow was found in London to lie two foot déepe in the shallowest, and otherwise being driuen by the wind, verie boisterous in the northeast on banks one ell or a yard & a half déepe. In the which drifts of snow, farre deeper in the countrie, manie cattell, and some men and women were ouerwhel∣med and lost. It snowed till the eight daie of that moneth, and frised till the tenth, and then followed a ••haw with continuall raine a long time after, which caused such high waters, and great flouds, that the marishes and low grounds being drowned for the time,* 1.18 and the water of the Thames rose so high into Westminster hall, that after the fall there∣of, some fishes were found to remaine in the said hall.

The seuentéenth of Februarie, an Irishman for murdering of a man in a garden of Stepenheth pa∣rish,* 1.19 was hanged in chaines on the common called Mile end gréene. This common was sometimes, yea in the memorie of men yet liuing, a large mile long (from White chappell to Stepenheth church) and therefore called Mile end greene, but now at this pre∣sent, by gréedie (and as séemeth to me vnlawfull) in∣closures, and building of houses, notwithst••nding hir maiesties proclamation to the contrarie, it re∣maineth scarse halfe a mile in length.* 1.20 The twentith daie of Februarie deceased sir Nicholas Bacon, lord kéeper of the great seale of England, who was honourablie buried vnder a sumptuous monument or toome (by him in his life time erected) in S. Pauls church of London, on the ninth daie of March. This sir Nicholas Bacon in his life time gaue for six scho∣lers, to be found in Bennets college in Cambridge, to each of them three pounds six shillings and eight pence the yeare for euer.

¶The said sir Nicholas Bacons toome aforesaid, bea∣ring

certeine representations of his wiues and chil∣dren in imagerie worke,* 1.21 is adorned with a notable epitaph, wherein is pithilie described the meanes whereby he grew to be noble, as also immortall. The same being conteined in these verses following, and iustifiable by the verie epitaph, whereof this is a true transcription, & great pitie but it shuld be perpetuall.

Hic Nicolaum ne Baconum conditum * 1.22Existima illum, tam diu Britannici Regni secundum columen; exitium malis, [line 10] Bonis asylum; caeca quem non extulit Ad hunc honorem sors; sed aequitas▪ fides, Doctrina, pietas, vnica & prudentia. Non morte raptum crede, qui vnica * 1.23Vita perennes emerit duas: agit Vitam secundam coelites inter animus, Fama implet orbem, vita quae illi tertia est: Hac positum in ara est corpus olim animi domus, Ara dicata sempiternae memoriae.]

* 1.24This yeare in the moneth of Aprill, to wit on the [line 20] foure and twentith daie, fell such a snow betwéene the hours of foure of the clocke in the morning, & nine of the clocke before noone of the same daie, that in Lon∣don the same snow was found to lie one foot déepe. The 25 daie of Aprill, sir Thomas Bromleie knight was made lord chancellor of England.* 1.25

The chancellors of England, col∣lected out of sundrie ancient [line 30] histories.

* 2.1THe creation of this sir Thomas Bromleie lord chancellor, hath occasio∣ned me to treate of the chancellors of England, a matter which I haue béene the willinger to set downe, because I would mini∣ster cause to others (who haue long wanted of their cunning in this matter) to impart to the world some of their great knowledge herein, to the benefit of their countrie. But since I doubt that they will [line 40] not: accept this in good part till that come. And as I may, & perhaps doo (in this) somewhat more largelie (than in the iudgement of others shall seeme answe∣rable to the most receiued opinion, touching the chancellors) treat of the antiquitie of them; so yet I haue no mind to erre, or to leade anie other into error. Wherefore, if things be not in perfection vp∣on this first rough hewing (as nothing is at the first so exquisit, as time dooth not after amend it) yet disdaine it not, sith this may giue more light than [line 50] before was knowen. And I determine God wil∣ling, either to amend, or to confesse and auoid in the large description of their liues, whatsoeuer imper∣fections haue now distilled out of my pen, either for mistaking or misplacing of name, person, or time; and so to the matter.

It hath beene some question amongst the best an∣tiquaries of our age, that there were neuer anie chancellors in England, before the comming of Ed∣ward the confessor out of Normandie, whome they [line 60] suppose to haue brought the same officer with him from thense into this realme. But sith I am with manie reasons and ancient authorities led to beleue the contrarie; I will imbrace the contrarie opinion therevnto, and hold in this discourse (as the order thereof shall prooue) that there were chancellors be∣fore saint Edwards time; for the confirmation whereof and for the authoritie of them; for the ety∣mologie and originall of the name, and for the conti∣nuance of their office, thou shalt find an ample dis∣course in my booke purposelie written of the liues of the chancellors, whervnto I wholie refer thée: who I hope shall within these few yeares be partaker thereof, and in the meane time giue thee this tast of the age and names of the chancellors, and vicechan∣cellors, and such keepers of the great seale, as ser∣ued in place of chancellors. For euerie one that was kéeper of the great seale, was not intituled chan∣cellor, no more than euerie chancellor was intitu∣led the keeper of the greatseale. But because the one did serue in the vacancie of the other (so that after a certeine sort, the kéeper of the great seale was vicechancellor, and possessed the place, though not the name of a chancellor; as in our age, sir Ni∣cholas Bacon did: we therefore haue set downe the names of the one and the other, as they followed in succession of time, after this manner.

Turketill chancellor to Ethelbald,* 2.2 who began his reigne about the yeare of Christ 718, which Tur∣ketill gaue six manours to the abbeie of Cro••land, as I haue séene noted.

Saint Swithin bishop of Winchester was chan∣cellor,* 2.3 and chiefe of councell to the great monarch king Egbert, though some attribute him to Ed∣gar, which Egbert began his reigne about the yeare of Christ 802.

Wlfinus, chancellor to king Athelstan,* 2.4 who began his reigne in the yeare of our redemption nine hun∣dred and foure and twentie.

Adulphus, chancellor to king Edgar,* 2.5 who began his reigne in the yeare that the world became flesh, nine hundred fiftie and nine: of this man speaketh Hugo Petro Burgensis; and Leland calleth this A∣dulph Cancellarium & archigrammatum: chancellor or chiefe secretarie.

Alsius or Aelsius the second abbat of Elie,* 2.6 chan∣cellor to king Etheldred, who began his reigne in the yeare of Christ nine hundred seuentie and eight, this man, being by Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, consecrated abbat at the appointment of the said king Ethelred or Egelred, and being then abbat of Elie, when Ethelred gaue foorth his commande∣ment that the abbat of Elie should then, and for e∣uer, be chancellor; I doubt not to place him here a∣mongst the chancellors: the proofe of which matter I haue here Verbatim set downe, out of the second booke of the historie of Elie. Statuit (which was Ethelred) atque concessit quatenus ecclesiam de Eli, ex tunc & semper in regis curia cancellarij ageret dignitatem, quod etiam alijs sancti videlicet Augustini & Glesconiae eccle∣sijs constituit, vt abbates istorum coenobiorum vicissim adsig∣natis succedendo temporibus annum trifariè diuiderent, cum sanctuarijs & caeteris ornamentis ministrando: &c.

Leofricus Bathonicus chancellor to Edward the confessor,* 2.7 in the yeare of Christ one thousand fortie and fiue, and some yeares before: this man was bi∣shop of Cridington in Cornewall, which sée was af∣ter translated to Excester.

Wlfinus,* 2.8 or Wul••inus chancellor to Edward the confessor, in the latter end of the said yeare of Christ one thousand fortie and fiue, being the third yeare of his reigne; this man cannot be he which some would haue to be Wlfinus the abbat of Westminster. For that Wulfinus died one and fortie yeares before this Wulfinus the chancellor; sith that Wulfinus was made abbat of Westminster, about the yeare nine hundred fiftie and eight, and died in the yeare one thousand and foure; being bishop of Shireburne. Yet I will not at this time iudiciallie resolue, al∣though I suppose it true, whether this Wlfinus the chancellor, and Wulfinus the bishop of Lichfield, witnesse to a déed, wherein Edward the confessor granted certeine liberties to Leofwine, abbat of the abbeie of Couentrie, built by Leofrike erle of Mer∣cia, be all one man or no. Againe, there is an other man which was abbat of saint Albons called Wul∣finus, which for affinitie to the name of this man I thought onelie to touch in this place.

* 2.9Resenbaldus, or Rembaldus, for I take them both by manie and ancient authorities to be all one man, was chancellor to Edward the confessor, and seale bearer, witnesse amongest others, to manie déeds which I haue séene of the confessors; some da∣ted in the yeare one thousand thrée score and six, and some otherwise. He was buried at Cirencester, or Cicester.

Mauricius chancellor to William the Conque∣ror in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée score [line 10] and seuen,* 2.10 being the first and part of the second yere of William the Conqueror.

* 2.11Osmundus, after bishop of Sarum, chancellor to William the Conqueror, in the yere one thousand three score and seauen, and after in the yere one thou∣sand thrée score and fiftéene, about the ninth yeare of the kings reigne.

* 2.12Arfastus bishop of Helmane, who translated his sée from Helmane to Tetford, was chancellor to William the Conqueror, in the yéere of Christ one [line 20] thousand thrée score and eight, being in the second and third yere of the Conqueror, and also in the yere one thousand seuentie and seuen, being about the tenth yeare of William Conqueror.

Hirmanus that was first made bishop of Su∣ring or Wilton,* 2.13 and translated his sée from Wil∣ton to Shirburne, & from thense to Sarum; he is that Hirmanus which I suppose was chancellor to Willi∣am the Conqueror, and called Hirmannus, and that wrote the life and miracles of saint Edmund [line 30] king of the Eastangles.

William Uelson borne of a noble house, chap∣leine and chancellor to William the Conqueror (as hath Robertus Montensis) succéeded Arfastus in the bishoprike of Tetford,* 2.14 to whom by the gift of Willi∣am Rufus succeeded in that sée Herbertus Losinga abbat of Ramseie, which translated the bishops see to Norwich; of which Losinga were (as hath Matthew Westminster) these verses here set downe compiled:

Surgit in ecclesia monstrum genitore Losinga, [line 40] Simonidum secta, canonum virtute resecta, Petre nimis tardas, nam Simon ad ardua tentat, Sipraesens esses, non Simon ad alta volaret, Proh dolor! ecclesiae nummis venduntur & aere, Filius est praesul, pater abbas, Simon vterque. Quid non speremus, sinummos possideamus? Omnia nummus habet, quid vult facit, addit & aufert, Res nimis iniusta, nummus sit praesul & abbas.

* 2.15William Gifford bishop of Winchester was chan∣cellor in the time of the Conqueror, and of William [line 50] Rufus, & of Henrie, who made him bishop of Win∣chester in the yeare one thousand and one hundred, and was consecrated in the yéere of Christ one thou∣sand one hundred and seuen: though it seemeth that Robert Bluet came in place of this William Gif∣ford, remooued about the fourth of the same Rufus from his office of chancellorship, as I suppose will be well proued, but after placed againe in that office. Of the death of this William is much contrarietie, for Matthew Westminster placed it thrée seuerall yéeres, [line 60] the eight and twentith and nine and twentith yeare of Henrie the first, and againe in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred fortie and two, being the seuenth yeare of king Stephan.

* 2.16Robert Bluet, Bloet, or Bloscit made chancellor in the yéere of Christ one thousand and ninetie, being the fourth yeare of William Rufus, he was made bishop of Lincolne in the yeare of our redemption one thousand ninetie and two: but as it appeereth to me by some authoritie that I haue seene, he did exe∣cute that office being bishop of Lincolne: he died at Woodstocke in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred twentie and thrée, being about the thrée and twentith yere of the reigne of Henrie the first, whose epitaph Henrie Huntington reciteth in this manner:

Pontificûm Robertus honor, quem fama superite•• Perpetuare dabit, nec obiturus obit: Hic humilis, diues (res mira) potens, pius vlt••r, Compatiens, mitis, quùm pateretur erat, Noluit esse suis dominus, studuit pater esse, Semper in aduersis murus & arma suis: In decima Iani mendacis somnia mundi Liquit, & euigilans vera per hennè vidit.

Ranulphus in the time of William Rufus, which might be that man which was after chancellor in the time of Henrie the first.* 2.17

Waldricus chancellor to Henrie the first,* 2.18 about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred and thrée, being the third yeare of his reigne.

Herbertus chancellor in the fourth yeare of Hen∣rie the first,* 2.19 in the yeare of our saluation one thou∣sand one hundred and foure (as appeareth by an ano∣nymall pamphlet in written hand) of whome I am not yet resolued whether this were Herbertus Lo∣singa bishop of Norwich or no.

Roger bishop of Salisburie,* 2.20 whome Henrie the first called a méet chapleine to serue souldiors, was chancellor to king Henrie the first, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred and one, being the first yéere of king Henrie the first, and in the yéere one thousand one hundred and seuen, about the seuenth yeare of the said Henrie the first, being chosen bishop in the yere of Christ one thousand one hundred and two, and consecrated in the yeare one thousand one hundred and seuen.

Galfridus Rufus bishop of Durham,* 2.21 witnesse to a déed wherein Henrie the first confirmed to the pri∣orie of Christs church a peece of ground without Ald∣gate called Knighton guild, in the presence of Gef∣frie chancellor, Geffrie Clinton, and William Clin∣ton: he was also chancellor in the two and twentith yéere of Henrie the first, and so vntill the thrée and thirtith yeare of the reigne of Henrie the first, and then was made bishop of Durham, which Geffrie died about the yere of our redemption one thousand one hundred fortie and one.

Ranulphus,* 2.22 called by Matthew Westminster Ar∣nulphus, chancellor to Henrie the first, and Richard the chapleine, kéeper of the great seale, being at one time. This Ranulph was chancellor in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred and sixtéene, being the sixtéenth of king Henrie the first, in which office I suppose that he continued, vntill the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred twentie and thrée, being the thrée and twentith of the said Henrie, in which yeare this chancellor (for so is he then called) fell from his horsse and brake his necke on a hill not far from Dunstable, where the king kept his Christmasse.

Reginald chancellor to king Henrie the first,* 2.23 as Leland hath set him downe, writing in this sort in his notes of Montacute abbeie: Reginaldus cancellarius, so named (béelike) of his office, he was a man of gret fame about king Henrie the first: he fell to religion, and was prior of Montacute, and inlarged it with great buildings and possessions, &c.

Roger bishop of Salisburie againe chancellor in the latter end of the reigne of king Henrie the first,* 2.24 and in the beginning of king Stephan, in the yere of Christ one thousand one hundred thirtie and six, which Henrie the first died in the yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred thirtie and fiue, being the fiue and thirtith yeare of the reigne of the said Hen∣rie. This Roger died in the yeare of Christ one thou∣sand one hundred thirtie and nine, being about the fourth yeare of king Stephan.

Godfreie chancellor to Henrie the first (as I ga∣ther* 2.25 out of Matthew Parker in the life of William Corbell or Corbris) the six and thirtith archbishop of

••••••••••rburie, to which dignitie this William was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the three and twentith yeare of Henrie 〈…〉〈…〉, being the yeare of Christ 1123, of which God∣••••••••e the said Matthew further writeth in this sort, speaking of the said William the archbishop retur∣ned from Rome with the pall: Deinde Alexandrum Lincolniensem episcopum Cantuariae, Godefredum regni can∣cellarium Bathoniensem episcopum Londini conse••rauit. Con∣cerning which Godfreie we will speake more here∣after in the liues of the chancellors, onelie at this time setting downe that this Godefredus was the [line 10] quéenes chapleine, and could not be that Galfridus before named, which was bishop of Durham; for this Godefredus died six yeares before that Galfridus, for this bishop of Bath died in the yeare of our Lord 1135, being the last of king Henrie Beauclerke, and the first of king Stephan; & that bishop of Dur∣ham died in the yeare of our Lord 1141, being a∣bout the sixt yeare of the said king Stephan; and this Godfreie was the second bishop of Bath and Wels [line 20] after the vniting of those two cities to one bishop∣rike by Iohn de Towres, the first bishop of those two places in the yeare of our Lord 1092, being about the fift yeare of William Rufus.

* 2.26Alexander bishop of Lincolne (as may be after a sort gathered out of Wilhelmus Paruus lib. 1. cap. 6.) being cousine or nephue to Roger bishop of Salis∣burie was chancellor: the words of which W. Paruus be these: Eidem (that was to king Stephan) quoque sublimato in regem,* 2.27 se (that was Roger bishop of Sa∣lisburie) [line 30] talem exhibuit, vt obsequiorum gratia praeclaram apud illum habere fiduciam videretur. Tantis ille beneficijs in∣gratus, & in ipsum episcopum (cuius opera nunquam episco∣palia fuere) vltor diuinitus ordinatus, eundem tanquam ex∣igui hominem momenti primo carcerati custodia, postmodum etiam cibi inopia, & nepoti eius (qui cancellarius fuerat regis) intentato supplicio ita coarctauit, vt duo illa praeclara castella (which were the castels of Uise otherwise called de Deuises, and the castell of Shirburne) in quibus thesauri eius erant repositi resignaret. Thus much Wilhelmus [line 40] Newburgensis, the truth whereof I leaue to other to consider, sith the words of those authors may be di∣uerslie expounded, either that this Alexander was chancellor, or his sonne, or else the sonne of Roger bi∣shop of Salisburie. But be it any or none of them, as the truth shall hereafter be made plaine, yet bicause I haue mentioned Alexander in this place, I thinke it not amisse to set downe such verses as Henrie Huntington hath recited of this Alexander, which are:

Splendor Alexandri, non tam renitescit honore, Quàm per eum renitescit honor, flos námque virorum, [line 50] Dando tenere putans thesauros cogit honoris, Et gratis dare festinans ne danda rogentur, Quod non dum dederit non dum se credit habere Oh decus! oh morum directio! quo veniente, Certa fides, hilaris clementia, cauta potestas, Lene iugum, doctrina placens, correctio dulcis, Libertásque decens, venere pudórque facetus. Lincoliae gens magna prius, nec maxima semper, Talis & iste diu sit nobis tutor honoris.

* 2.28Robert chancellor of England in the time of [line 60] king Stephan, but I find not in what yeare, bicause the charter is without date, neither can I learne what he was, bicause I know not his surname.

* 2.29Philip chancellor to king Stephan, about the fourth yeare of his reigne, being about the yeare of our Lord 1139, witnesse to manie déedes which king Stephan made to the moonks of Elie, and to Nigellus the bishop of that sée.

* 2.30Reinold abbat of Walden, whome I haue séene in one anonymall briefe written chronicle to be ter∣med chancellor: but in what time he liued, or what o∣ther name he had I doo not yet know, but by the course of the historie much about this time.

Iohn chancellor of England in the time of king Henrie the second,* 2.31 but what he was or in what yeare of king Henrie he liued I doo not know, and there∣fore leaue it to him that both can and ought to giue life to these persons whom he imprisoneth in the east castell of London; not doubting but in time he will doo his countrie good, and correct other men; though now he be so streict laced, as that he will not procure anie furtherance of other mens trauels.

Thomas Becket made chancellor (as some write) in the first yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the se∣cond, others saie in the fourth yeare:* 2.32 but the best au∣thors agrée that he gaue ouer the seale in the yeare of Christ 1162, being the eight yeare of the victorious prince the said Henrie the second against the will of the prince, he died in the yeare of our redemption 1170, as these verses doo prooue, being such as the curiositie of that superstitious age would permit:

Pro Christo, sponsa Christi, sub tempore Christi, * 2.33In templo Christi, verus amator obit, Anno mileno, centeno, septuageno, Anglorum primas corruit ense Thomas. Quis moritur? praesul: cur? pro grege: qualiter? ense: Quando? natali: quis locus? ara Dei.

Rafe Warneuile archdeacon of Rone and trea∣suror of the church of Yorke,* 2.34 was made chancellor a∣bout the yeare that the word became flesh 1173, be∣ing about the eightéenth yeare of king Henrie the second: of this man speaketh Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster.

Walterus de Constantijs archdeacon of Oxford after bishop of Lincolne,* 2.35 in the yeere of our redemp∣tion 1182, from whense he was aduanced in the yeare 1184, being the one and thirtith yéere of king Henrie the second vnto the archbishoprike of Rone, of this man is more spoken in my discourse of the protectors of England pag. 1069.

Geffreie the bastard sonne to king Henrie the se∣cond,* 2.36 after that he had surrendered the bishoprike of Lincolne, whereof he was neuer consecrat bishop, but kept the place and receiued the reuenues, was made chancellor much about the six and twentith yeare of king Henrie the second, being the yeare of Christ 1180: yet be there some that saie he resig∣ned the bishoprike in the seuen and twentith yeare of king Henrie the second, in the yeare of Christ 1181. The difference whereof groweth (as I suppose) for that some accompt the beginning of the yeare of our Lord from the first of Ianuarie, as all other na∣tions of Europe doo; some from the birth of Christ, as we in England did long time since the conquest; and some from the fiue and twentith of March, on which it is supposed that the world began first to be created: which last accompt we in England (and the Scots as hath Lesleus) doo kéepe, togither with them of Genoa or Gene in Italie, contrarie to the order of all other nations. The begining of which maner of accompt amongst vs I cannot as yet certeinlie learne: but I suppose it began much about the time of king Edward the third, for all the former historio∣graphers begin the yeare from the birth of Christ.

William Longchampe the proud bishop of Elie,* 2.37 legat of England for the bishop of Rome, chiefe iu∣stice of the south and west parts of England, and de∣putie of that part of the realme, when Richard the first went to the warres of the holie land, was made chancellor in the said first of king Richard, being the yeare of our redemption 1189: of the sumptuous feast of whose inthronization thus writeth Ferthul∣phus (or Ferculphus) by the waie of comparison:

Praeuisis alijs, Eliensia festa videre, Est quasi praeuisa nocte videre diem.

He died in the yéere of Christ 1197, going to Rome, in the abbeie of Pimie, being of the charterhouse or∣der.

About which time in the sixt yeare of Richard the first, there was a vicechancellor called Malus Catulus.

* 2.38Eustachius deane of Salisburie, was chancellor of England, being elected bishop of Elie the third ••des of August, in the yeare that the word became flesh 1196, being the ninth yeare of king Richard the first, of whome thus writeth Matthew Parker, in the life of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, con∣trarie to that which others affirme, writing that Eu∣s••achius succeeded William Lonchampe in the of∣fice [line 10] of chancellor, and in the bishoprike of Elie. The words of Matthew Parker in the life of Hubert be these: Hubertus deposito magistratu ciuili, ecclesiae curae totus vacabat, consecrauítque postea Robertum de Salopesbi episco∣pum Banchorensem, & Eustachium qui in cancellarij munere ei successit Eliensem episcopum, Westmonasterij debita accepta ab vtróque subiectionis professione.

* 2.39Hubert Walter or Walter Hubert, for such a transmutation of the name is vsed by authors, be∣ing first bishop of Salisburie and then archbishop of [line 20] Canturburie, was made chancellor shortlie after the coronation of king Iohn, which was in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth Christ 1199, at what time a certeine noble man said vnto him in scorne, I haue often seene of a chancellor made a bishop, but I neuer before saw an archbishop made a chan∣cellor.

* 2.40Simon or rather Hugh, of which is more herafter, archdeacon of Welles in the first yeare of king Iohn (after as I suppose that Hubert had left the of∣fice [line 30] being so disgraced & abased as he thought) was witnesse to a déed, in which king Iohn granted to the citizens of Yorke a guildhall, hanse, and other li∣berties, as I haue seene noted in the copie of the same charter, for which cause I haue heere set it downe as an other man, although in truth I am ful∣lie resolued that this Simon and the Hugh follow∣ing were all one person, leauing it yet for euerie mans iudgement.

* 2.41Hugh de Welles archdeacon of Welles, wit∣nesse [line 40] to the déed in which king Iohn, in the sixt yeare of his reigne, confirmed to the monasterie of West∣minster, Gistslep or Islep in Oxfordshire, in which house Edward the confessor was borne, he was made bishop of Lincolne about the tenth yeare of king Iohns reigne, in the yeare of our Lord 1209, and died in the yeare of our Lord 1235.

Walter Braie chosen bishop of Chester, in the yeare of our Lord 1210,* 2.42 was bishop of Worcester and after bishop of Yorke, a man of extreame age, [line 50] was made chancellor in the seuenth yeare of king Iohn as one anonymall chronicle saith, to hold that office during his life. Others saie that he was made chancellor in the yeare of Christ 1209, being the tenth yeare of king Iohn after Hugh de Welles. But I suppose he surrendred that patent to hold it during his life, when he came to be bishop of Yorke. Of this man is more spoken in my treatise of the protectors of England, pag. 1069.

* 2.43Richard de Marischo, whom Matthew Paris term∣eth Tholenarius, as it were tolegatherer or treasuror if [line 60] you list, being archdeacon of Northumberland, was chancellor in the fourth yeare of king Iohn, as ap∣peareth by a déed that I haue séene: and further he was made chancellor in the 15 yeare of king Iohn, in which office he cōtinued to the 17 yeare of the said king, and as some doo write during king Iohns life, and died about the calends of Maie in the yeare of our redemption 1226, in the tenth yeare of the long reigne of king Henrie the third, as some haue. But the booke of Durham saith, that he was made bishop of that sée by Gwado the legat, and consecra∣ted by Walter Braie bishop of Yorke, in the yeare of our redemption 1214, being about the sixtéenth yeare of king Iohn, and died suddenlie at Peter∣borrow the first daie of Maie, in the yeare of Christ 1226, being the tenth yeare of king Henrie the third, after that he had béene bishop of Durham nine yeares, of whom a moonke of Durham made this epitaph in formall deuise as you see following:

Culmina qui cupi tis laudes pompásque siti tis Est sedata si tis sime pensare veli tis Qui populos regi tis memores super omnia si tis Quòd mors immi tis non parcit bonore poti tis Vobis praeposi tis similis fueram bene sci tis Quod sum vos e••i tis ad me currendo veni tis

And here sith I am entered into the surname of Marischus, I will set downe what I found ingra∣uen on the wall of the doore of the chapter house of the monasterie of Bath (almost defaced with the wether) written in Gréeke Saxon characters. ✚ Hic iacet Alexander de Alueto, & Ernbuerga vxor eius, & Fulco de Alueto filius eorum: & Lucia de Mariscis silia eo••ū, & Iordanus de Mariscis filius eiusdem Luciae, & Wilhelmus de Mariscis filius eiusdem Iordani. Which name of the Marishes, Marshes, or Moores, if it like them to ex∣pound it, as I doubt not but manie will quiddle therevpon, was as great a name in Ireland as it was in England.

Rafe Neuill was confirmed (as it séemeth) chan∣cellor by the whole consent of the nobilitie,* 2.44 in the yeare that the word became flesh 1226, being about the tenth yeare of king Henrie the third, after which he was made bishop of Chichester in the eleuenth yeare of king Henrie the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1227, or as hath Matthew Westm. he was made bishop of Chichester in the yeare of Christ 1223, being before chancellor. After which the king in the two and twentith yeare of his reigne, of∣fended with Neuill, tooke from him the great seale, & deliuered it to Gefreie of the temple, as hath Mat∣thew Paris, and to Iohn de Lexinton: although that the said Neuill remained still chancellor, and recei∣ued the profits thereof, to whom the king would after haue regiuen the seale in the yeare of Christ 1239, being the thrée and twentith yeare of the said king Henrie, but Neuill would not receiue it. This man died in the yeare of Christ 1243, being the seuen and twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, at his palace at London not far from the new temple.

Geffreie the Templer & Iohn de Lexinton were made keepers of the great seale.* 2.45 But shortlie after this Geffreie had the seale taken from him, bicause he grew in mislike of the nobilitie in continuall pro∣uoking them to anger.

Hugh Pateshall chanon of Paules is by Mat∣thew Paris fol. 656,* 2.46 called chancellor in the thrée and twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, which I much doubt to be true. Of this man shall be more said in the treasurors of England.

Simon the Norman kéeper of the great seale in the three & twentith yeare of king Henrie the third,* 2.47 being the yeare of our Lord 1229: he had the seale shortlie after taken from him, and was banished the court, bicause he would not seale the patent, wherby Thomas earle of Flanders might take foure pence for custome of euerie sacke of wooll that came out of England into Flanders. This Simon died in the yeare of Christ 1249, being the thrée and thirtith of king Henrie the third.

Richard Grasse or Grossus abbat of Euesham (the said Simon expelled) had the keeping of the great seale in the thrée and twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, he kept the seale thrée yeares,* 2.48 and being chosen bishop of Chester, he resigned the same in the yeare of Christ 1242, being the six & twentith yeare of king Henrie the third: he died (being wise & learned in the canon and ciuill law) in the same

yeare in Gascoine, in a citie called in Latine Riola or Regula, where he was buried.

* 2.49Iohn de Lexinton was againe made keeper of the seale in the six and twentith yéere of king Henrie the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1242, to execute that office, Rafe Neuill being in life and still chancellor, but in the kings disgrace, shortlie af∣ter which this Neuill died. This Iohn Lexinton died 1257, being the 41 yeare of Henrie the third.

* 2.50Ranulfe Briton (as I read) is said to be chancellor [line 10] and treasuror of the chamber, about the seuen and twentith yeare of Henrie the third, being the yeare of our Lord 1242. I suppose that he onelie had the keeping of the great seale as the rest had before him, during the life of Rafe Neuill, and so I leaue him to the iudgement of others, sith Matthew Paris conti∣nuallie nameth him treasuror and once chancellor, who suddenlie died after dinner beholding plaiers at dise, in the yeare of Christ 1246, being the thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third: of whom thus writeth the said Matthew Paris in his [line 20] greater historie fol. 954. Ranulphus Brito quondam do∣mino familiarissimus regi & reginae (multis posthabitis nobi∣libus) & eiusdem cancellarius specialis, quum post mensalem refectionem aleatores certatim inspexisset colludentes, laetalis apoplexiae inexpectato vulnere corruit sugillatus.

Syluester de Euersden receiued the great seale the nine and twentith yeare of Henrie the third,* 2.51 be∣ing the yeare that the son of God became flesh one thousand two hundred fortie and six: he was vice∣chancellor & consecrated bishop of Carleill (being a [line 30] man most cunning in the custome of the chancerie) in the yeare of Christ 1247, being the one and thir∣tith yeare of Henrie the third.

* 2.52Iohn Mansell treasuror of Yorke, parson of Maid∣stone in Kent, and parson of Wigan, chancellor of Paules, master or ruler of Beuerleie, chiefe iustice of England, one of the priuie councell to Henrie the third, his chapleine, ambassador into Spaine, and a worthie souldier, crossed to go to Ierusalem, who at one feast had two kings, two quéenes, and I [line 40] know not how manie noble men, and whose spiritu∣all liuings were about foure thousand marks of yerelie reuenues (as I haue gathered) he was at the will and instance of the king made kéeper of the great seale as vicechancellor (for Matthew Paris saith, Custodiam sigilli regij accepit cancellarij vices acturus & officium) about the one & thirtith of king Henrie the third, in the yeare that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1247, he built a house of regular ca∣nons at Romneie two miles from the sea. To this [line 50] man king Henrie the third, in the thirtith yeare of his reigne, did grant that his towne of Wigan should be a burrow.

* 2.53Iohn de Lexinton, being after chiefe iustice of the forest from the riuer of Trent southward, was againe kéeper of the great seale, vntill some part of the two and thirtith yeare of Henrie the third, in the yeare of Christ 1248.

* 2.54Iohn Mansell againe kéeper of the great seale, [line 60] who at Woodstocke in the two and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the third, did receiue the great seale of the said Iohn Lexinton, which he kept (as I suppose and that with some good proofe) vntill the thrée & thir∣tith yeare of the said king, being the yeare of our re∣demption 1248. Of which Iohn Mansell thus wri∣teth an old anonymall chronicle concerning the ba∣rons warres: Sed & Iohannes Mansell multarum in An∣glia ecclesiarum rector seu potiùs incubator, reddituum quoque quorum non erat numerus possessor magnificus, ita quòd ditior eo clericus non videbatur in orbe episcopali, puta dignitate mi∣nimè insignitus, metu baronum aufugit & latenter vltra mari de turri London, in qua rex Angliae & regina sua tunc temporis tenuerunt se. Quem quum Henricus filius regis Ale∣maniae fugientem insequeretur, & ipse capitur quum applicu∣isset Bononiae à magistro Gerando de Fenes procuratore vt putabatur reginae, &c.

Radulphus de Diceto was chancellor (as I read & suppose) much about this time:* 2.55 but for certeintie I refer the same to the large booke of their liues, where he shall not faile to haue his right time and place.

William of Kilkennie, being a modest, wise,* 2.56 and faithfull man, learned in the canon and ciuill lawes, was made kéeper of the great seale, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred and fiftie, being the foure & thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third. He was elected to the bishoprike of Elie, as saith the historie of Elie, the eighteenth ka∣lends of September, in the yeare of Christ one thou∣sand two hundred fiftie & fiue, being about the nine and thirtith yere of Henrie the third. But others saie that he being then vicechancellor, was elected bishop of Elie in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fiftie and foure, being the eight and thirtith yeare of Henrie the third, after that he had faithful∣lie and to his great commendation vsed and borne the great seale, he was cōsecrated to that bishoprike in the yere of Christ 1255, and died in the yere 1256 being about the one and fortith yeare of king Henrie the third, whose heart was buried at Elie.

Henrie de Wingham was made chancellor in the nine and thirtith yeare of Henrie the third,* 2.57 and continued in the one and fortith and two and fortith yeare of Henrie the third, in which yeare (as some haue) and in the 43 of Henrie the third (as others haue.) He was chosen bishop of Winchester, vpon condition that he should giue place to Athelmer halfe brother to king Henrie the third, & son to Hugh Brune earle of March, and of Eleanor king Henrie the thirds mother, being banished by the barons, if that he should againe returne into England, and then leaue the bishoprike of Winchester vnto him, which he did vpon the comming againe of the said Athelmer into England, and for that cause was af∣ter chosen bishop of London, being chosen thereto in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fiftie and nine, being the thrée and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the third, and still chancellor, and is buried in Paules on the south side of the quier (next to Eusta∣chius bishop of London) in a monument of marble, with this inscription on the wall to tell who it was: Hîc iacet Henricus de Wingham quondam epicscopus huius ecclesiae, qui multa bona contulit ministris ecclesiae sancti Pauli.

Walter Merton chancellor in the foure and fortith yere of king Henrie the third, being the yeare 1260.* 2.58

Nicholas of Elie made chancellor by the barons, in the said yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred and sixtie,* 2.59 and Walter Merton displa∣ced. But king Henrie the third, disdaining to haue officers appointed him by his subiects, did in the mo∣neth of October following, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred and sixtie, or rather one thou∣sand two hundred sixtie and one, depriue the said Ni∣cholas, and replaced the said Walter Merton.

Walter Merton bishop of Rochester the second time made chancellor as before appeareth.* 2.60

Iohn de Chesill archdeacon of London and treasu∣ror of England, was made keeper of the great seale,* 2.61 in the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie and foure, being the eight and fortith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third. This man was consecrated bishop of London in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie & foure, the third kalends of Maie, as hath Matthew West∣minster: he died in the yeare that the word of the fa∣ther became flesh one thousand two hundred seuentie and nine, the fourth ides of Februarie, in the seuenth yeare of the scourge of the Scots and Welshmen.

* 2.62Thomas de Cantelupe, borne of the noble house of the lords Cantelupes (the son of William Cante∣lupe and Millesent, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as saith Leland drew hir originall from the counte••ses of Yorke) being arch∣deacon of Stafford, was doctor and after bishop of Hereford in the yeare one thousand two hundred se∣uentie and six, and before that made chancellor, after the feast of saint Peters chaire, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie & fiue, being the nine and fortith yeare of the reigne of king [line 10] Henrie the third. He died beyond the seas comming from the court of Rome, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie and eight, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Edward the first, or more trulie (as others haue) in the yeare one thou∣sand two hundred eightie & thrée, being the eleuenth yeare of king Edward the first, whose b••nes were brought to Hereford.

Walter Gifford bishop of Bath and Welles, whome manie doo call William,* 2.63 did inioy the state [line 20] of the chancellor, in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand two hundred sixtie & six, being the fiftith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third: he was trans∣lated from Bath to Yorke, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fiftie and nine, being the nine and fortith yeare of the same Henrie the third, and died the seuenth kalends of Maie in the twelfe yeare of his bishoprike, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie & seuen, being the sixt yeare of king Edward the first, or (as hath Nicholas Triuet) [line 30] in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred se∣uentie and nine, being the seuenth yeare of king Ed∣ward the first.

Geffreie Gifford was chancellor also in the one and fiftith yeare of king Henrie the third,* 2.64 being the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie and seuen. This man was bishop of Worcester about the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred ninetie and nine, where he sat foure and thirtie yeares, foure moneths, and foure daies, and died [line 40] in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred and foure, being about the two and thirtith yeare of king Ed∣ward the first.

Iohn de Chesill was the second time honoured with the place of the chancellor,* 2.65 in the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand two hundred sixtie and eight, being the thrée and fiftith yeare in which king Henrie the third of that name did hold the scep∣ter of England.

* 2.66Richard de Middleton, so surnamed of the place [line 50] where he was borne, was aduanced to the office of the chancellorship, in the said three and fiftith yeare of king Henrie the third, in the moneth of Iulie, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie and eight, and was also (as appeareth by a char∣ter which I haue séene) witnesse to the same déed, in the foure and fiftith yeare of the said king Henrie, who (as farre as I can gather) died in August, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie and one, being the six and fiftith yeare of the long go∣uernment [line 60] of king Henrie the third. There was a writer of England that wrote many volums of this name liuing at this time, whom I doubt not (for anie thing that I can yet learne) to be the same man which was chancellor.

Iohn de Kirbie, after the death of Richard Middle∣ton,* 2.67 was made kéeper of the great seale in the said six and fiftith yere of king Henrie the third. Whether this were the same Iohn Kirkbie, which after was bi∣shop of Elie, and treasuror of England, I haue not as yet to determine, although I rather hold the af∣firmatiue than the contrarie.

* 2.68Walter Merton the third time made chancellor of England, in the yeere of our Lord one thousand two hundred seuentie and thrée, being the first yeare of the reigne of that famous prince king Edward the first of that name: he was bishop of Rochester, and built Merton college in Oxford, and died in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seauentie and eight, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Edward the first.

Robert Burnell the eleuenth bishop of Bath and* 2.69 Wels (after the vniting of those two sées in one by Iohn de Toures in the yeare of Christ one thousand ninetie and two) was made bishop of Bath in the yeare of our Lord (as saith Euersden) one thousand two hundred seuentie & foure, and chosen archbishop of Canturburie in the yeare one thousand two hun∣dred seuentie and eight, but reiected by the pope: he was chancellor in the second yeare of the said Ed∣ward the first, in which place it séemeth that he long continued: of whom thus writeth an anonymall chro∣nicle; Dominus Edmundus comes Cornubiae fundauit no∣uum studium ordinis Cisterciensis apud Oxonias, & monachos de Thame primò ibidem introduxit, & dedit eis prima dona∣tione manerium de Erdington, & fecit dedicare locum abba∣tiae tertij idus Decembris: per dominum Robertum Burnelle∣piscopum Bathon & Welles, cancellarium regis, & posuit fun∣damentum nouae ecclesiae eodem die Northosneiae. This bi∣shop was required with the son of Edward the first, and Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, in the time of Edward the first, to be deliuered for pledges for Lheweline prince of Wales for his safe returne, if he came to the parlement, wherevnto he was sum∣moned by the said king Edward. In the time of this chancellor the court of chancerie was kept at Bris∣tow. This man died in the yéere of Christ one thou∣sand two hundred ninetie and thrée, being the one and twentith yere of the reigne of king Edward the third.

Iohn de Langhton made chancellor of England in the yéere of our Lord one thousand two hun∣dred ninetie and thrée,* 2.70 being the one and twentith yeare of the scourger of the Scots, king Edward the first, in which office he remained vntill the thirtith of the said king,* 2.71 being the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and two. He was made bishop of Chichester about the six and twentith or ra∣ther the seauen and twentith yeare of king Edward the first, being the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninetie and eight, or rather one thou∣sand two hundred ninetie and nine: and in the said yeare one thousand two hundred ninetie and nine he was before chosen bishop of Elie, but reiected by the pope, who made him archdeacon of Canturburie: from which Langhton this Edward did take the great seale in the thirtith yeare before said, and deli∣uered it to Iohn Drokensford.

Iohn Drokensford kéeper of the wardrobe was made keeper of the great seale in the thirtith yere,* 2.72 as before, in which office he continued from about the fiftéenth daie of August vntill Michaelmas.

William de Greinfield, deane of Chichester,* 2.73 and canon of Yorke, was aduanced to the place of the chancellor, in the yeare that God became man one thousand three hundred and two, being about the thir∣tith yeare of the said king Edward the first, which of∣fice was giuen vnto him at saint Radigunds (as saith Anonymus M.S. He was after chosen bishop of Yorke, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and thrée: who in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred and eight buried the bo∣die of the said king Edward the first at Westmin∣ster, though that king died in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred and seauen. This bishop died about the yere of our saluation one thou∣sand thrée hundred and fifteene (being about the sixt yeare of king Edward the second) at Cawood, after

that he had béene bishop nine yeares, eleuen mo∣neths, and two daies, and was buried in saint Nicho∣las porch of Yorke, receiuing his consecration at Rome in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hun∣dred and fiue (after that he had béene there two yéeres) of pope Clement. This Greinfield was a man verie eloquent and pithie in counsell.

William de Hamelton, deane of Yorke, was created chancellor of England,* 2.74 in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth the sonne of God one thousand [line 10] thrée hundred and fiue, being the thrée and thirtith yeare of that noble prince king Edward the first. This William surrendred his borrowed life in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and seuen, being about the fiue and thirtith yeare of the said king, at the abbeie of Fontnesse in Yorkshire, being a man that well deserued of the common-wealth.

Ralfe de Baldocke chosen bishop of London, in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred and thrée,* 2.75 was confirmed at Titneshall by Robert of [line 20] Winchelseie bishop of Canturburie, and consecra∣ted at Lions by Peter of Spaine bishop of Alba, the third calends of Februarie, in the yere of our re∣demption one thousand thrée hundred and fiue. He was made lord chancellor of England, after the death of the said William Hamelton in the said fiue & thirtith yere of king Edward the first, and receiued the great seale in the Rogation wéeke following, be∣ing some foure or fiue wéekes after that he was ad∣uanced to that office at the excheker. Shortlie after [line 30] which died king Edward the first; for which cause the said Baldocke sent the great seale to king Edward the second then at Carleill, by reason of his fathers death. This Ralfe Baldocke died on saint Iames éeuen in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and thirtéene, being the seuenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the second.

Iohn Langhton bishop of Chichester againe made lord chancellor of England,* 2.76 in the yeare that the [line 40] word of the father tooke on him the forme of a ser∣uant one thousand thrée hundred and seauen, being the first yeare of king Edward of Carnaruan, in which office it séemeth that he continued, vntill the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred and ten, being the third yeare of the reigne of the after deposed king Edward the second.

William Melton, hauing two others ioined with him,* 2.77 had the great seale deliuered vnto them for a certeine time, to execute all such things as were to be doone therewith during the kings pleasure. This [line 50] man was a canon of Yorke, prouest of Beuerleie, treasuror of England, and archbishop of Yorke, as saith Anonymus M. S. He was consecrated bishop of Yorke at Rome, where he tarried two yeares for the same: he was a man neuer wearied with tra∣uell. He first of all the bishops of Yorke (after a long controuersie betweene the deane and canons of Yorke) visited the chapter by due order: he was wise, rich, seuere in correction, gentle, familiar, and hum∣ble: he finished the west part of the church of saint [line 60] Peters in Yorke with thrée hundred pounds, he was archbishop of Yorke two and twentie yeares, fiue or six moneths, and two daies: he died at Cawood on saint Georges éeuen, in the yeare of Christ one thou∣sand three hundred and thirtie, and was buried in the minster of Yorke néere to the font.

Walter Reinolds bishop of Worcester, treasu∣ror of England and archbishop of Canturburie,* 2.78 was made kéeper of the great seale, and chancellor of England on the sixt of Iulie one thousand thrée hun∣dred and ten, in the said yeare of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred and ten, being the said third yeare of that king Edward, whome his sonne Ed∣ward the third deposed from his kingdome. Of this man & all other chancellors, which were archbishops of Canturburie, shall be somewhat more said at ano∣ther time, in the order and placing of the bishops of that sée; which caution I haue here set downe, bicause I would once for all make repetition thereof in one place, and not seuerallie in manie places, vnder the seuerall names of euerie chancellor that was inues∣ted with that metropolitan honor of Canturburie.

Iohn de Sandall clerke, bishop of Winchester,* 2.79 & treasuror, was at Yorke made chancellor of Eng∣land, in the yeare that the virgin Marie was deliue∣red of the first begotten son one thousand thrée hun∣dred and foureteene, being the eight yeare of king Edward the second, in which place he continued two yeares and more; some part thereof being after that he was bishop of Winchester (as I gather) and then deliuered backe the seale at Westminster, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and seuentéene, being the eleauenth yeare of the said king Edward the second. Of this man is more spo∣ken in the treasurors of England.

Iohn Hotham bishop of Elie was created lord chancellor of England in the yere of Christ one thou∣sand thrée hundred and seauentéene,* 2.80 being the elea∣uenth yeare of king Edward the second, in which of∣fice he continued vntill the yeare of our Lord God 1319, being the thirteenth yeare of the last before named king Edward. During whose gouernment of the sée of Elie, in the yeare one thousand three hundred fortie and one, the stéeple of the chaire fell downe, which made such terrible noise and shaking of the ground that it was supposed to haue béene an earthquake. He died of the palseie in the yere of our redemption one thousand three hundred thirtie and six, being the tenth yeare of that king Edward the third that first wrote himselfe king of both realmes, England and France.

Iohn Salmon bishop of Norwich was aduan∣ced to be chancellor,* 2.81 in the yeare that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant, one thousand three hun∣dred and nineteene, being the thirtéenth yeare of that king Edward the second, against whome the nobles rebelled for the misdemeanor of Piers de Gauestone (the Gascoine) earle of Cornewall. In this yeare one thousand three hundred and nineteene (as saith one anonymall chronicler M.S.) was Wil∣liam Airemine kéeper of the seale vicechancellor ta∣ken prisoner by the Scots. The words of the which author for the more certeintie thereof we haue here set downe, in the yeare of Lord one thousand thrée hundred and nineteene. Episcopus Eborum, episcopus Eliae thesaurarius, abbas beatae Mariae Eborum, abbas de Selbie, de∣canus Eborum dominus Willielmus Arymence vicecancella∣rius Angliae, ac dominus Iohannes * 2.82 Dabeham cum 8000 fermè hominum, tam equitum quàm peditum & ciuibus pro∣peranter * 2.83 ciuitatem egredientes, quoddam flumen * 2.84 Swale nuncupatum sparsis cuneis transeuntes, & indispositis seu po∣tuis confusis ordinibus cum aduersarijs congressisunt. Scoti si∣quidem in martegnari amplitudinem eorum exercitus cautè regentes, in nostros agminibus strictis audacter irruerunt, no∣strorum denique in breui laceratis cuneis atque dissipatis. Cor∣ruerunt ex nostris tam in ore gladij quàm aquarum scopulis suffocati, plusquam 4000, & capti sunt domini Iohannes de Pabeham miles & dominus Willielmus de Arymenee vt praefertur de cancellaria, &c. Which William Aire∣menée was also in the fiftéenth of the said king Ed∣ward the second, one of the kéepers of the great seale, as I haue séene registred.

Robert Baldocke archdeacon of Middlesex,* 2.85 a man euillie beloued, and whom the old English chronicle calleth a false péeld priest, was made chancellor of England in the seauentéenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the second, at the castell of Pike∣ring

in Yorkeshire, he was after made bishop of Norwich,* 2.86 and did his fealtie for restitution of his temporalties in the nineteenth yeare of the said king Edward the second at Woodstocke in Oxfordshire, he was apprehended in the 20 yeare of Edward the second, being the yéere of our Lord 1326, or (as others haue) one thousand thrée hundred & fiue and twentie, & first committed to the custodie of Adam Tarleton or de Orleton bishop of Hereford, & after was put in the prison of the Newgate in London, in which [line 10] twentith yeare of the said Edward the second the great seale was againe deliuered to William Aire∣mée,* 2.87 who I suppose was then also made bishop of Norwich, and this Baldocke deposed from that see, of which Baldocke thus writeth a Polychronicon of Durham: Robertus de Baldocke cancellarius An. 1325 captus cum Hugonibus de despensers, quia clericus fuit & sa∣cerdos in noua porta Londiniarum, poni fecit Edwardus prin∣ceps & Isabella mater eius, vbi pro nimia miseria mortuus fu∣it infra breue. [line 20]

Iohn Hotham bishop of Elie the second time was at Westminster made chancellor of Eng∣land,* 2.88 in the yeare that the word became flesh 1326, being the first yeare of the reigne of that king which first intituled himselfe king of England and France: but he continued not long in the same office, for he was remooued in the second yeare of the said king, being the yeare of our redempti∣on, one thousand thrée hundred twentie and eight. He was elected bishop in the yéere of Christ one thou∣sand [line 30] thrée hundred and sixtéene, in which place he ru∣led twentie yeares, and died in the yeare of our re∣demption one thousand thrée hundred and six and thirtie of the palseie at Summersham, being buried in the church of Elie vnder a goodlie monument of stone, with the image of a bishop carued out of ala∣baster vpon his toome.

Henrie Cliffe master of the rolles had the charge and kéeping of the great seale of England,* 2.89 in the said yeare of Christ 1328, being the second yeare [line 40] of king Edward the third, and was the kings chan∣cellor also.

Henrie de Burgh, Burghwash, or Burgesse, ne∣phue vnto sir Bartholomew Bladismere baron of Léeds in Kent,* 2.90 hauing béene treasuror of England, inioied the honor of the chancellor in the second yéere of king Edward the third, being the yeare that the sonne of God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1328, and was made chancellor at Northampton, which office he did not long inioie. Here bicause I [line 50] haue a little mentioned sir Bartholomew Blades∣mere, I will saie somwhat more of him, which is, that being orator for the king in diuers weightie affairs, he spent in those businesses, 15000 pounds of the kings monie, and yet produced little or nothing to effect in the kings causes, except the procuring of this Henrie Burghwash to the bishoprike of Lin∣colne, who was buried in the east end towards the north of the church of Lincolne, at whose féet was also buried Robert his brother a knight of great [line 60] fame in the warres, in which church is also buried Bartholomew sonne to the said Robert. They foun∣ded a grammar schoole, and fiue priests, & fiue poore scholars in Lincolne.

* 2.91Iohn Stratford bishop of Winchester, and after of Canturburie, and sometime treasuror of Eng∣land, was made chancellor of the realme, in the yéere of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and thirtie, being the fourth yeare of the said king Ed∣ward the third, who being sent in the sixt yeare of Ed∣ward the third, in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand three hundred two and thirtie, ambassador be∣yond the seas about the affaires of the king & king∣dome, did not (like cardinall Woolseie the chancellor in the daies of K. Henrie the eight) presumptuous∣lie carrie the great seale with him beyond the seas, but left the same in his absence with others, who both could and would answer the well or euill vsing there∣of whilest he was in France. This man continued in the office vntill the eight yeare of Edward the third.

Richard de Burie,* 2.92 otherwise called Richard de Angeruile (being borne in a little village b••side saint Edmundsburie, commonlie called the Berrie ab∣beie, was so surnamed Burie of that place) had to his father sir Richard Angeruile knight. This man being first kept at schoole by his vncle sir Iohn Wil∣obie priest, was afterward treasuror of England, chancellor and bishop of Durham: to which place of chancellorship he was aduanced in the yeare that the second person in trinitie was brought into the world 1334, being the eight yeare of that king of England which first quartered the armes of England and France. Which office he receiued by the kings gift at Westminster, in which yeare he was inthronized (be∣ing first consecrated bishop in the yere of Christ 1333) in the bishoprike of Durham by William Cowton prior of Durham: he kept the see 11 years two mo∣neths and 12 daies, & died in the yeare 1345, & was buried in the south angle of the church of Durham.

Iohn Stratford the second time lord chancellor,* 2.93 being now archbishop of Canturburie, was instal∣led therein at Yorke in the yeare of Christ 1335, be∣ing the ninth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third.

Robert de Stratford or Strafford (as some haue written,* 2.94 but as I thinke corruptlie) being archdea∣con of Canturburie (which office was first ordeined by Anselme archbishop of the said citie of Cantur∣burie) was made chancellor of England on the foure and twentith daie of March (being the éeue of the an∣nuntiation of the virgin Marie) at Westminster, in the yeare that the word of the father tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1336, being the eleuenth yeare of the gouernement of king Edward the third. He was after made bishop of Chichester, desiring to be re∣mooued from that office of chancellorship, which was granted vnto him: whervpon he surrendered vp the seale to the said king Edward the third in the twelfe yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of our redemp∣tion 1338.

Richard de Bintwoorth chosen bishop of London,* 2.95 and confirmed by Iohn Stratford archbishop of Canturburie at Oteford in the tenth kalends of Iune 1338, was at Waltham aduanced to the ho∣nour of lord chancellor in the moneth of Iulie, in the said yeare of Christ 1338, being the twelfe yeare of that king which first ordeined the knights of the order of the garter.

Iohn Stratford the third time lord chancellor of England,* 2.96 in which office he did not now long conti∣nue.

Robert bishop of Chichester, being the foresaid Robert Stratford,* 2.97 was againe made lord chancel∣lor of England, in the yere of our redemption 1340, being the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of king Ed∣ward the third, who was put out of that office, and should with the treasuror of England haue bene sent into France for a pledge for the paiment of certeine summes of monie.

Robert de Bourchier,* 2.98 borne of the honourable house of the lord Bourchiers, was in the towre of London made lord chancellor of England in De∣cember, in the said fouretéenth yeare of king Ed∣ward the third, being the yeare of our Lord 1340, though some saie he was made chancellor in the fif∣téenth yeare of the said king.

Robert Perning, Pernicke, or Pernwicke,* 2.99 also treasuror of England, was made chancellor of Eng∣land

in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth the the Messiah 1341, being the fiftéenth yeare of king Edward the third. He died in the yeare 1343, being the seuentéenth yeare of the foresaid king Edward the third. This man was a sergeant in the third yeare of Edward the third, when he began to plead as a sergeant, in which he continued vntill about the ele∣uenth yeare of Edward the third, and was after that iustice, treasuror, and chancellor, and did in the com∣mon place, being chancellor, sit and argue amongst the iustices, as appeareth in the law bookes of those [line 10] yeares of Edward the third, of whom is last mention made in the seuentéenth yeare of Edward the third, where he is named chancellor.

* 2.100Robert de Saddington knight, was inuested with the dignitie of lord chancellor after the death of Perning in the yeare of Christ 1343, and the seuen∣teenth yeare of the often mentioned king Edward the third. There was also one sir Richard Sadding∣ton knight treasuror of England, of whome I haue spoken in my discourse of the lord treasurors. [line 20]

* 2.101Iohn Offord or Ufford, deane of Lincolne, was made chancellor of England, in the yeare of our re∣demption 1345, being the nineteenth yeare of king Edward the third. He was elected to be bishop of Canturburie, and so was installed, but neuer recei∣ued the pall. He died in the moneth of Maie, in the yeare of Christ 1349, being the three and twentith yeare of the reigne of that victorious king Ed∣ward, which neuer receiued greater honour than that he was father vnto Edward surnamed the Blacke [line 30] prince the flower of chiualrie, and woorthie conque∣rour of the French dominions.

* 2.102Iohn Thorsbie bishop of Worcester, archbishop of Yorke and cardinall, was installed in the seat of the lord chancellor, in the yeare that God became man, one thousand thrée hundred fortie and nine, be∣ing the thrée and twentith yeare of that king Ed∣ward the third, so often before recited, who at his great sute was discharged of the office of chancellor, by deliuerie of the great seale in Nouember, in the [line 40] thirtith yeare of the said king, being the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred fiftie and six, after that he had kept that place by the space almost of sea∣uen yeres. He in the tenth yeare of his bishoprike in the third calends of August, began the frame of the quée••e of S. Peters church in Yorke, & laid the first stone therof, to which he gaue a hundred pounds. He died at Thorpe, and was buried at Yorke in the yere of Christ 1363, or as other haue 1373, after that he had béene archbishop one and twentie yeares, and [line 50] one and twentie daies.

* 2.103William de Edington, bishop of Winchester, lord treasuror of England, was made chancellor of this realme in Nouember in the said yeare of Christ 1356, and the thirtith yeare of the reigne of that king Edward, which at Sauoie in England kept king Iohn of France his prisoner. Sée more of him in the treasurors of England.

* 2.104Simon Langham, abbat of Westminster, bi∣shop [line 60] of Elie, archbishop of Canturburie, and lord treasuror of England, was made lord chancellor in Februarie, in the yeare of our redemption one thou∣sand thrée hundred sixtie and three, being the seauen and thirtith yeare of the gouernment of king Ed∣ward the third, and was chancellor in the fortith yere of the reigne of that king: being the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred sixtie and thrée. Of this Simon were these verses made, when he was re∣moued from Elie to the bishoprike of Canturburie:

Exultent coeli quia Simon transit ab Eli, Cuius in aduentum flent in Kent millia centum.

Of whome also, bicause he richlie indowed the abbeie of Westminster with great gifts, of singular cost & value, a certeine moonke compiled these verses:

Res es de Langham tua Simon sunt data quondam, Octingentena librarum millia dena.

Of this man is more spoken in the former discourse or treatise of the lord treasurors of England.

William de Wikeham,* 2.105 so called of the place of his birth, was by surname from his parents called Perot, and Long, whome Lel••nd maketh treasu∣ror of England, which by anie possible meanes can∣not be so for anie thing that I can yet learne. This man being bishop of Winchester, and aduanced to that place in the yeare of Christ one thous••nd thrée hundred sixtie and seuen, in the one and fortith yeare of the reigne of Edward the third, in which place he sat seauen and thirtie yeares, was sometime kéeper of the priuie seale, and made also chancellor of Eng∣land, in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth the first begotten sonne one thousand three hundred sixtie and seauen, being the one and fortith yeare of the gouernement of the foresaid Edward the third, in which office he remained about foure yeares; and (in March in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hun∣dred seauentie and one, being the fiue and fortith of king Edward the third) did deliuer vp the great seale to the king at Westminster. He was buried in the bodie of Winchester church, which he new built with the other places about it: of whome were these verses composed for the building of his colleges, the one at Oxenford and the other at Winchester:

Hunc docet esse pium fundatio collegiorum Oxoniae primum stat Wintoniaeque secundum.

Robert Thorpe knight,* 2.106 being before iustice of the law in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred and seauentie, was after at Westminster aduanced to the chancellorship, in March, the fiue & fortith yeare of king Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption (as is before said) one thou∣sand thrée hundred seauentie and one, who going home to his owne house, left the great seale with foure of the gardians or maisters of the chancerie, wherof the one was called Walter Powre, to kéepe and vse as néed required.

Sir Iohn Kniuet or Kniuell (as some books haue by the transcriber corrupted) was made chancellor of England in Iulie,* 2.107 in the yeare of Christ one thou∣sand thrée hundred seauentie and two, being the six and fortith yeare of king Edward the third, in which office he continued (as I for this time doo ga∣ther) vntill the fiftith yeare of the said king Edward, in which yeare (as heere at hand appeareth) came in place of the bishop of S. Dauids.

Adam de Houghton,* 2.108 bishop of Meneuia or of Saint Dauids in Wales, was aduanced to the of∣fice of lord chancellor in the yeare of our redempti∣on 1376, being the fiftith yeare of king Edward the third, who in the one and fiftith yeare of the said king, was with the earle of Salisburie, and the bishop of Hereford, sent ambassador beyond the seas. ¶And here I thinke it not amisse to set downe the originall of the rolles in chancerie lane in this sort.

Henrie the third did build a house for the Iewes conuerted to the faith of Christ, which house is at this daie (& hath béene long before this time) appoin∣ted for the kéeping of the kings rolles and records, being now called and knowne by the name of the rolles in chancerie lane besides Lincolns inne. In which house the maister of the rolles (for the time be∣ing) hath a goodlie and statelie lodging. In which also there is a faire chappell, called the chappell of the rolles, being a place commonlie appointed wherein men accustom to paie monie vpon contracts. Wher∣in also is buried Iohn Yoong, sometime maister of the rols and doctor of both laws, on the left side in his doctors wéed: and maister Allington vnder a state∣lie

toome of white marble, iet, and other rich stone, on the right side of the said chappell, the epitaphs of both which persons are heereafter recited: besides which in this chappell are the ancient records of all inrol∣ments, confirmations of the prince, & of other sutes in the chancerie kept in chests and presses, built on each side about the middle part of the chappell, be∣neath the chaire or place of seruice. At the west end whereof (on certeine appointed daies therefore) the maister of the rols dooth in the afternoones sit in a place formed and railed in, after the manner of the [line 10] courts of Westminster, to heare and determine matters depending in the chancerie: which maister of the rolles now liuing is sir Gilbert Gerrard knight, sometime generall atturneie to the noble princesse quéene Elisabeth. And here before I leaue this chappell, I thinke it not amisse to set downe the epitaphs of the two persons before named there bu∣ried, with these words.

[line 20]

The epitaph of maister doctor Yong maister of the rols.

Io. Yong LL. doctoris sacror. scrinior. ac huius domus custodi decano olim EBOR. vita defun∣cto xxv Aprilis sui fideles executores hoc posue∣runt M.D.XVI.

Dominus firmamentum meum.

Beside which in an old table hanging by are writ∣ten in text hand these verses héereafter following: [line 30]

Hîc iacet ille Iohannes Yong cog nomine dignus, Tali quod nunquam marcesceret vtpote charus: Omnibus apprimè summo testante dolore, Quem neque celabant neque dissimulare valebant, Dum sternit iuuenem mors immatura labentem, Quis non defleret iuuenis miserabile fatum, Ex quo multorum pendebat vita salúsque: Horum inquam inprimis, quos ille benignus alebat Impensis donec vitales carperet auras. Nec satu illi erat hoc priuatis consuluisse [line 40] Rebus, quinetiam prudenter publica gessit Munia siue forensia siue etiam extera summa Cum laude, illa quidem dum sacris praefuit olim Scrinijs, haec verò legati functus honore.

The epitaph of maister Alington is in this sort.

Hospes qui fueram quondam si quaeris amice, Nomen Alingtonus stirps generosa fuit: [line 50] Haec monumenta mihi coniuxfidissima struxit, Quaeque mihi struxit destinat illa sibi. Charáque coniugij tres natae pignora nostri, Sunt, vultus quarum marmora sculpta tenent, Cum matre has omnes precor vt post funera summe Coelica perducas in tua regna Deus.

Richardus Alington armiger qui hîc sepultus est obijt 23 die Nouembris 1561.

Now (as you haue heard before that this house of the rols was first a house of conuerts) it shall not be [line 60] amisse also for the more proofe thereof, to set downe the grants of the princes and kings which conuerted the same to those vses.

The grant of Henrie the third, for erecting of the house of conuerts.

REx archiepiscopis, &c. Sciatis nos intui∣tu Dei, & pro salute animae nostrae, & animarum antecessorum & haeredum meorum concessisse, & hac charta nostra confirmasse pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, domum quam fundari fecimus in vico, qui vocatur New∣street, inter vetus templum & nouum London, ad sustentationem fratrum conuersorum & conuer∣tendorum de Iudaismo ad fidem catholicam, in au∣xilium sustentationis eorundem fratrum in eadem domo conuersantium, domos & terras quae fuêre Iohannis Herbeton in London, & sunt in manu nostra tanquam eschaeta nostra, excepto gardino, quod fuit eiusdem Iohannis in vico praedicto de Newstreet, & quod priùs per chartam nostram concessimus venerabili patri * 5.1 Radulpho Cicestren∣si episcopo cancellario nostro, & omnes alias eschae∣tas, quae tempore nostro per feloniam, vel quacun∣que ex causa nobis accident in ciuitate nostra, vel in suburbio infra libertatem ciuitatis nostrae Lon∣don. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quòd praedicta domus habeat & teneat liberè & quietè, bene & in pace, ad sustentationem fratrum conuersorum & con∣uertendorum de Iudaismo ad fidem catholicam, in auxilium sustentationis eorundem fratrum in ea∣dem domo conuersantium, domos & terras quae fu∣erunt Iohannis Herbeton in London, & sunt in manu nostra tanquam eschaeta nostra excepto gardino quod fuit eiusdem Iohannis in vico prae∣dicto de Newstreet, & quod priùs per chartam nostram concessimus venerabili patri R. Cice∣strensi episcopo cancellario nostro, & omnes alias eschaetas, quae tempore nostro per feloniam vel quacunque ex causa nobis accident in ciuitate no∣stra, velin suburbio infrà libertatem ciuitatis no∣strae London, sicut praedictum est. Hijs testibus venerabilibus patribus, W. Kaerl. & W. Exon. episcopis, H. de Burgo comite Kantiae Radulpho fi∣lio Nicholai, Godfrido de Crancumbe, Iohanne fi∣lio Philip. Amaurico de sancto Aumundo, Will. de Picheford, Galfrido de Cauz, & alijs. Dat. per manum Ve. P. R. Cicestren. episcop. cancellar. no∣stri apud Westmin. 19. die Aprilis.

The grant of Edward the third, where∣by the said house was in the one and fiftith and last yeare of the said Edward con∣uerted to the custodie of the rolles and records of the chancerie.

REx omnib. ad quos, &c: salutem. Sciatis quòd nos, considerantes qualiter domus conuersorum in suburbio ciuitatis no∣strae London, de patronatu nostro exi∣stens, & capella, edificia, & clausur. eiusdem, tem∣pore quo dilectus noster Will. Burstall custodiam eiusdem domus ex collatione nostra primò habuit, per negligentiam & incuriā aliorum qui ante di∣ctum Will. custodiam domus illius habuerunt & ibidem, morari seu inhabitari non curauerunt, multipliciter & quasi totaliter in ruina extite∣runt, & quòd praedictus Will. tempore suo de bonis suis proprijs grādes costas & expensas super recu∣peratione & emendatione domus, capellae, edificio∣rū▪ & clausur. praedict. ac etiam super factur. nouar. domorum ibidem. Nos vt domos conuersorum ca∣pella, edificia, clausur. & nouae domus supradict. cōpetenter sustententur, & custodientur in futu∣rum, ad supplicationem praedicti Willielmi qui cu∣stos rotulorum cancellariae nostrae existit, in prae∣senti concessimus de gratia nostra speciali pro no∣bis & haeredibus nostris, quòd post mortem eius∣dem

Will. dicta domus conuersorum cum suis iu∣ribus & pertinent. quibuscunque remaneat & moretur in perpetuum clerico custod. rotulorum cancellar. nostrae & haeredū nostrorū pro tempore existent. & similiter annex. eidē officio in perpe∣tuum: & quòd cancellarius Angliae vel custos siue custodes magni sigilli nostri & haeredum nostro∣rum Angliae pro tempore existentium, post mor∣tem ipsius Willielmi habeat & habeant potesta∣tem ad quamlibet vacationem dicti officij custodis [line 10] rotulorum per mortem, cessionē, vel mutationem, personae quocunque tempore futur. * 6.1 institutum successiuè custodes rotulorum praedictorum in di∣cta domo conuersorum, & custodes illos ponend. in possessionem eiusdem cum suis iuribus & per∣tin. quibuscunque, in cuius, &c. T. R. apud Shene 11 Aprilis An. 51 Edw. 3.

But after the death of this king Edward, the said William Burstall maister of the rolles (belike not [line 20] supposing this to be a sufficient grant) procured this house by act of parlement, in the first yeare of king Richard the second, to be more stronglie established, to the vse of the master of the rolles for the time. Af∣ter which Iohn de Waltham, master of the rolles, af∣ter bishop of Salisburie and treasuror of England, procured K. Richard the second in the 6 yeare of his reigne, by his letters patents to confirme the said house to the said Waltham and his successors ma∣sters of the rolles. And whereas by the patent of Ed∣ward [line 30] the third, the master of the rolles was appoin∣ted and installed in that house by the chancellor, it is to be noted, that the same manner of induction and instalment continued as long as the master of the rolles were of the clergie, as I haue séene set downe by others, and as the presidents of those instal∣ments and the writs themselues extant of record doo well prooue.

Sir Richard Scroope knight lord of Bolton, hauing béene lord treasuror in the time of the decea∣sed [line 40] king Edward the third,* 6.2 was now in October a∣bout the latter end of the yeare 1378, or the begin∣ning of the yeare 1379, being the second yeare of the after deposed king Richard the second, made lord chancellor, and had the great seale deliuered vnto him, who in the third yeare of the said king at a par∣lement did surrender vp his office. Of this man is more set downe in the discourse of the treasurors.

Simon Sudburie, so surnamed of the place of his birth,* 6.3 but by descent called Tibold the sonne of Ni∣cholas [line 50] Tibold, descended of a gentlemanlie race dwelling at Sudburie in Suffolke. This Simon was archbishop of Canturburie, and made chancel∣lor about the yeare of Christ 1380, in the third yeare of Richard the second, and was by the rebels behea∣ded at the towre of London, in the fourth yeare of the disquieted gouernment of that vnfortunat, but valiant king Richard the second; after whom in the fift yeare of the said king Richard, was R. B. of London, wherof I haue seene and taken a note: which [line 60] bishop was (as I coniecture & haue some authoritie to prooue) Robert Braibroke which followeth, & was made chancellor againe after sir Richard Scroope.

Sir Richard Scroope knight lord of Bolton, made chancellor againe about the latter end of Nouem∣ber,* 6.4 by the lords of the parlement (as I take it) in the fift yeare of the reigne of king Richard last mentio∣ned, and was the yeare following, being about the yeare of our Lord 1383 againe deposed from his of∣fice, and the king receiuing the great seale, kept it a certeine time, and therewith sealed such grants and writings as it pleased him, and in the end deliuered the same to Robert Braibrooke. Of this man see more in the treasurors before.

Robert Braibrooke bishop of London made lord chancellor in September following the moneth of Iulie, when sir Richard Scroope was deposed,* 6.5 was aduanced to that dignitie on saint Matthews éeue, in the sixt yeare of the reigne of the said king Ri∣chard the second, in which he continued not longer than the March following, as hath Anonymus M. S. he was consecrated bishop of London the fift of Ia∣nuarie 1381, he died the seuenteenth of August in the yeare 1404, being the fift yeare of king Henrie the fourth.

Michaell de la Poole,* 6.6 or at Poole (as hath Thomas Walsingham) was made chancellor in the moneth of March, in the sixt yeare of the said king Richard the second, and was made earle of Suffolke in the ninth yeare of the said king, being after deposed from his office of chancellorship at his owne and earnest request in the tenth yeare of the said king. This man hauing fled the realme, for that he was pursued by the nobilitie, died at Paris in the thir∣téenth yeare of the said Richard the second, being the yeare of our redemption 1389, of whom that wor∣thie poet sir Iohn Gower, liuing at that time, in his booke intituled Vox clamantis, composed these verses:

Est comes elatus, fallax, cupidus, sceleratus, Fraudes per mille stat cancellarius ille, Hic proceres odit, & eorum nomina rodit Morsibus à tergo, fit tandem profugus ergo: Sic Deus in coelis mala* 6.7 de puteo Michaelis Acriter expurgat ne plùs comes ille resurgat.

Thomas Arundell, of the noble house of the earles of Arundell, was first bishop of Elie, and then of Yorke, and lastlie of Canturburie, he was made lord chancellor of England in the tenth yeare of the reigne of the vnfortunat king Richard the second, being about the yeare of our redemption 1386, in which office he remained about two yeares, as farre as my search will giue leaue to vnderstand.

William Wickham was againe made lord chancellor of England,* 6.8 in the twelfe yeare of the said king Richard the second, but was in the end re∣moued from thense in September, in the fifteenth yeare of the troublesome gouernement of the said king Richard.

Thomas Arundell aforesaid was the second time* 6.9 created lord chancellor of England (in the said fif∣téenth yeare of king Richard the second) in place of William Wickham, in which office he remained a∣bout fiue yeares, and was deposed and banished the realme in the twentith yeare of the said king Ri∣chard.

Iohn Scarle, Scirlée, or Serle,* 6.10 maister of the rolles, of the chancerie, and kéeper of the great seale: he was chancellor, or in place of the chancellor, in the first yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the fourth, being the yeare in which the sonne of God descen∣ding from the bosome of his father, tooke flesh in the wombe of his mother, one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and nine.

Edmund Stafford kéeper of the priuie seale,* 6.11 bi∣shop of Excester, and sometime bishop of Rochester, and lastlie bishop of Yorke, kéeper of the priuie seale, and borne of the noble house of the Staffords, was made lord chancellor of England about the moneth of March, in the yeare of our redemption one thou∣sand and foure hundred, being about the second yere of the vsurping king Henrie the fourth, in which of∣fice he continued vntill the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and thrée, being the fourth yeare of the said king Henrie the fourth. He being kéeper of the priuie seale was made bishop of Exce∣ster the twentith of Iune, in the yeare of our re∣demption one thousand thrée hundred ninetie & fiue, being the daie before king Richard the second began

the one and twentith yeare of his reigne. He was consecrated at Lambeth, and kept the see of Excester three and twentie yeares. He increased two fellow∣ships in Stapletons inne in Oxford, reformed the statutes of the house, and called it Excester college: he died the fourth of September, in the seuenth yeare of king Henrie the fift, being the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and ninetéene. About the making of this Stafford chancellor (as farre as my memorie serueth) Ypodigma is much deceiued, if I haue not for want of the booke mistaken his iudge∣ment. [line 10]

Henrie Beauford, the sonne of Iohn of Gaunt by Katharine Swineford,* 6.12 made bishop of Lincolne in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred ninetie and eight (as hath Ypodigma) was aduanced to the dignitie of chancellor in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred & thrée, being the fourth yeare of king Henrie the fourth his elder brother, by the daughter of the earle of Hereford, in which office he was in the fift yeare of king Henrie the fourth, [line 20] and sixt of the same king (as our chronicles doo re∣member.) He was made bishop of Winchester in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and foure, being the fift yeare of Henrie the fourth.

Thomas Langleie priest, and bishop of Dur∣ham,* 6.13 was at Westminster made chancellor, in the yeare of our saluation one thousand foure hun∣dred and fiue, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie the fourth, in which office he conti∣nued (as farre as I know) vntill he was made bi∣shop [line 30] of Durham, which was on the seuenth of Maie, being the seuenth yeare of the reigne of king Hen∣rie last before named, being the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and six. He was bishop one and thirtie yeares, and died in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and seuen, being the sixtéenth yeare of king Henrie the sixt. Sée more fol∣lowing.

* 6.14Thomas Fitzalen, brother to Richard earle of Arundell, being returned out of exile with Henrie [line 40] of Bollingbroke duke of Hereford and Lancaster, and after king of England by the name of Henrie the fourth, was the third time being bishop of Can∣turburie, made lord chancellor of England, the ninth yeare of the said king Henrie the fourth, and conti∣nued therein about two years, being remooued from that place about September, in the eleuenth yeare of the reigne of the said king, being the yeare of our re∣demption one thousand foure hundred and ten. [line 50]

Thomas Beauford knight, the sonne of Iohn of Gaunt son to king Edward the third,* 6.15 & brother to king Henrie the fourth, was made lord chancellor in the eleuenth yere of the said king Henrie the fourth, being the yeare that the sonne of God tooke on him the forme of a seruant one thousand foure hundred and ten, in which office he remained not full thrée yeares, but left the same office togither with his life, as I suppose, in the thirtéenth yeare of the same king, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand [line 60] foure hundred and twelue.

Iohn Wakering clearke, maister of the rolles, was made kéeper of the great seale,* 6.16 when Thomas Beauford left the office of chancellor, which seale hée kept about the space of a moneth. For in Ianuarie after that he receiued the seale, there was a chancel∣lor created.

Thomas Fitzalen or Arundell, archbishop of Canturburie,* 6.17 was the fourth time inuested with the chancellorship, in the yeare of our saluation one thou∣sand foure hundred and twelue, being the thirtéenth yeare of king Henrie the fourth, in which office hée continued during the life of the said king Henrie the fourth, who died in the fourtéenth yeare of his kingdome, and in the yere of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and thirtéene.

Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester,* 6.18 and af∣ter cardinall in the time of Henrie the sixt, being vncle to king Henrie the fift then reigning, was the second time made chancellor, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and thirteene, be∣ing the first yeare of the fift king Henrie, in which place he remained vntill the fift yeare of the said king Henrie, being the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand foure hundred and seuentéene.

Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham was the second time made lord chancellor of England,* 6.19 in the said yere of our redemption one thousand foure hun∣dred and seuentéene, being the fift yeare of that woor∣thie conqueror king Henrie the fift, which office he receiued at Southwicke, and continued in that ho∣nour (as farre as I can learne) by the space of six yeares or more, whereof fiue yeares were fullie en∣ded in the life and death of the said Henrie the fift, and the sixt yeare ended in the last of the first or begin∣ning of the second yeare of king Henrie the sixt.

Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester before named,* 6.20 was the third time made lord chancellor of England, in the second yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt, being about the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and thrée, or one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure. For the second yeare of that king fell part in the one and part in the other of the said yeares of our Lord, in which office he continued about foure yeares, vntill he was made cardinall, in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand foure hundred twentie and six.

Iohn Kempe, bishop of London, was made lord chancellor of England in the fourth yere of that king Henrie,* 6.21 who in his yoongest yeares was crowned first king of England, and then king of France in Paris; in which office he remained (as I suppose) a∣bout six yeares.

Iohn Stafford deane of S. Martine & of Welles, prebend of Milton in Lincolne church,* 6.22 bishop of Bath and Welles, lord chancellor and treasuror of Eng∣land, and bishop of Canturburie, was made lord chancellor of England in the moneth of Februarie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie & one, falling in the tenth yeare of king Hen∣rie the sixt: he remained in that office vntill Iohn Kempe was againe made lord chancellor, which was about the eight and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt. And here I think it not vnméet to remember that some haue noted William Wanfleet that was bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of Oxford, to be chancellor of England, when he built Magdalen college in Oxford, in the fiue and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt: which possiblie can not be, sith this Iohn Stafford held that office from the tenth of Henrie the sixt, vntill the eight & twen∣tith of the same king, which was eightéene yeares: during which time they place this Wanfléet to bee chancellor of England. Which error (I suppose) they haue commited, in that they finding him chancellor at the time of the building of his college, in the said fiue and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, haue taken him to be chancellor of England, when he was then but chancellor of Oxford: although in deed afterward he was chancellor of England, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of the said king, as after shall appeare.

Iohn Kempe bishop of Yorke and cardinall, was the second time made lord chancellor in the eight and twentith of king Henrie the sixt,* 6.23 being about the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hun∣dred and fiftie, in which o••••••ce he died, being bishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of our redemption (as

saith Matthew Parker, one thousand foure hundred fiftie and thrée, being the two & thirtith yeare of the reigne of the simple king Henrie the sixt. This man was first bishop of Rochester, next of Chicester, thirdlie of London, then of Yorke, where he sat eight and twentie yeares, and lastlie he was archbishop of Canturburie.

Richard Neuill earle of Salisburie, the sonne of Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland,* 6.24 and father to the valiant Richard Neuill earle of Warwike, was [line 10] after the death of Iohn Kempe by parlement made lord chancellor in the two & thirtith yeare of K. Hen∣rie the sixt: though others make it to be in the three & thirtith yeare of the same king, in which place he continued not long. For in the yeare following an o∣ther was substituted, and he remoued.

Thomas Bourchier (brother to Henrie Bourchier earle of Essex) bishop of Elie,* 6.25 and bishop of Can∣turburie, was made chancellor in the three & thirtith yeare of the gouernement of king Henrie the sixt, in which he remained much about two yeares. In [line 20] whose time, as saith Matthew Parker, about the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred thrée∣score and one,* 6.26 was the art of printing inuented at the citie of Argentorat in Germanie. About the which matter, and especiallie for the exact & certeine time thereof, manie writers although their count about one time doo disagree: yet at the inuention of that woorthie thing were these verses composed in the commendation of the same most excellent art. [line 30]

O foelix nostris memoranda impressio tectis, Inuentore nitet vtraque lingua tuo▪ Desierat quasi totum quod fundis in orbe, Nunc paruo doctus quilibet esse potest. Omnes te homines igitur nunc laudibus ornent, Te duce quando ars haec mira reperta fuit.

* 6.27William Patan or Paten, borne of gentle∣manlie familie, being commonlie called William Wanfled of the place of his birth, and being prouost of Eaton, and bishop of Winchester, was lord chan∣cellor [line 40] in the fiue and thirtith, six and thirtith, and the seuen and thirtith yeare of the vnfortunat king Hen∣rie the sixt, as haue the records of the excheker. By which appeareth the error of those, as I haue before noted, that mistaking the fiue and twentith of king Henrie the six, in which time he was but chancellor of Oxford; for the fiue and thirtith of the said king, in which he was chancellor of England.

George Neuill (the sonne of Richard Neuill earle of Salisburie,* 6.28 and brother to Richard Neuill [line 50] earle of Warwike) being made bishop of Excester, came to that sée in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred fiftie and fiue; in which sée he continued ten yeares, and was remoued to Yorke in the yeare that God became man one thousand foure hundred three score and fiue, he was made lord chancellor in the eight & thirtith yeare of the reigne of the after deposed K. Henrie the sixt, in which office he remained about eight yeares, & then was remo∣ued in the seuenth yeare of the woorthie K. Edward [line 60] the fourth, being the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand foure hundred thréescore & seuen. He was a great friend to saint Albons, & procured Edward the fourth in the fourth yeare of his reigne to giue & confirme to Iohn Whethamsted, abbat of saint Albons, the priorie of Penbroke. This bishop Neuill did after in the thirtéenth yeare of king Ed∣ward the fourth grow in such disgrace with the king, that he was spoiled at one time of twentie thousand pounds, as in his life shall be more at large declared. To this man did Hugh Ueine giue the manour of Hener Cobham, and Hener Brokas in Kent, in the fourth yeare of king Edward the fourth. He died at Blithlaw comming from Yorke, being almost fortie yeares old, and was buried at Yorke. And heere I thinke it not amisse, to note the mistaking of time of such historiographers as haue set downe, that Ed∣ward the fourth did, in the fourth yeare of his reigne, take the chancellorship from the bishop of Excester (brother to the earle of Warwike, which must néeds be this George Neuill) & gaue the same to the bishop of Bath. For by that which I haue seene, this Neuill liued vntill the seuenth yeare of Ed∣ward the fourth, and that for this time I suppose to be the truest.

Robert Kirkeham maister of the rolles was* 6.29 made lord kéeper of the great seale (vppon the remo∣uing of George Neuill) in the moneth of Iulie in the said yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred threescore and seuen, being the seuenth yeare of king Edward the fourth.

Robert Stillington doctor of the lawes,* 6.30 kéeper of the priuie seale in the third yeare of Edward the fourth, bishop of Bath & Wels, being made chancel∣lor in the seuenth yeare of king Edward the fourth, did still so continue (as I gather) vntill the thirtéenth yeare of the said king.

Henrie Bourchier earle of Essex,* 6.31 and first ad∣uanced to that title of honor by Edward the fourth, came in place of the last chancellor, about the four∣téenth yeare (as some vntrulie haue noted) of Ed∣ward the fourth. But in my poore opinion, the same was in the thirtéenth yeare of the said Edward the fouth: in which place he remained not much more than one Trinitie terme. For in the said thirtéenth yeare, about the moneth of August, was Booth lord chancellor of England.

Laurence Booth sometime maister of Penbroke hall bishop of Durham, and after of Yorke,* 6.32 was made lord chancellor about August or rather before, betwéene that and Trinitie terme (after Henrie Bourchier) in the said thirteenth yeare of the valiant king Edward the fourth, after his redemption of the kingdome of England. This bishop (being brother to William Booth sometime bishop of Yorke) did build the bishop of Yorks house at Baterseie, which manour he before bought of Nicholas Stanleie, whome Leland the minser and refiner of all Eng∣lish names dooth most curiouslie in Latine call Ni∣cholaum Stenelegium. He continued in the sée of York•• thrée yeares & nine moneths, and died at Southwell in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred and foure score, being the twentith yeare of king Edward the fourth.

Thomas Scot surnamed Rotheram,* 6.33 because of the towne of Rotheram in Yorkeshire where he was borne and bred vp, was bishop of Rochester, and then of Linclolne, where he sat nine yeares, and after that was bishop of Yorke: whereinto he installed first at Yorke, and then at Ripon, being prouost of Be∣uerleie, he was made chancellor of England in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred seuentie and foure, being the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the fourth. This bishop, in the fifteenth yeare of the said king, went ouer the sea (as I haue séene noted) with the said Edward the fourth, when he went to haue an interuiew with the French king: of which meeting monsieur de Ar∣gentine by name Philip Comineus (besides our English chronicles) dooth make mention, as a person that bare a part in that pageant.

Iohn Alcot bishop of Rochester was made chan∣cellor, during the absence of king Edward,* 6.34 as I haue found recorded.

Thomas Rotheram,* 6.35 being before lord keeper of the priuie seale, was after his returne out of France the second time made lord chancellor, about the time

in which the said king had gotten Berwike from the Scots, being about the twentith yeare of the said Edward the fourth. For the frée gaining of the towne was not much before his death; in which of∣fice this Rotheram continued all the life of king Edward the fourth, & in the time of the little or no reigne at all of the guiltlesse murthered yoong prince king Edward the fift; vntill it was ascribed to him for ouermuch lightnesse, that he had deliue∣red in the beginning of the rebellious gouernement [line 10] of the protectorship of the bloudie and vnnaturall Richard duke of Glocester the seale to the quéene, to whome it did not apperteine, and from whome he receiued it not. He founded a college at Rotheram, dedicated, it to the name of Iesus, & indowed it with great possessions & ornaments, and annexed therto the churches of Langthton, and Almanburie.

Iohn Russell bishop of Lincolne, a graue and learned man,* 6.36 had the seale deliuered to him by the said protector of England, during the time of the [line 20] short reigne of the yoong king Edward, when the same seale was taken from Rotheram: and so this Russell was made chancellor in the moneth of Iune, in the yeare of our saluation one thousand foure hundred foure score and thrée, being the first yeare of the vsurped gouernement of the bloudie tyrant the mishapen king Richard the third. This Russell is buried in the church of Lincolne, in a chappell cast out of the vpper wall of the south part of the church.

Thomas Barow maister of the rolles was made [line 30] keeper of the great seale (as I haue seene recorded) which I suppose,* 6.37 was in the third and last yeare of the said king Richard the third: for in that yeare he was maister of the rolles.

Thomas Rotheram made againe lord chancellor, in the first entrance of king Henrie the seuenth into the gouernement:* 6.38 but verie shortlie after he was displaced, and the bishop of Worcester placed in that roome; he was archbishop of Yorke nintéene yeares & ten moneths; he was verie beneficiall to all his [line 40] kinred, and aduanced some with mariages, some with possessions, and some with spirituall liuings. He died the nine and twentith daie of December, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred, being the sixtéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight, at Ca∣wood in Yorkeshire the morrow after the Ascension, being of the age of three score and sixtéene yeares or more: he was buried in Yorke minster on the north∣side in our ladie chappell, in a toome of marble which he caused to be made whilest he was liuing. [line 50]

Iohn Alcot bishop of Worcester, made in the yeare one thousand foure hundred three score and six∣teene,* 6.39 was lord chancellor of England in the first yeare of the said K. Henrie the seuenth, the Salo∣mon of England, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred foure score & fiue: short∣lie after the entrance of the said Henrie into the go∣uernement of England. For though Rotheram were chancellor when he got the victorie, for that he had béene so before, & for that the king was neither prouided nor minded suddenlie to haue a man not [line 60] méete for that place to execute the same: yet this Rotheram kept not that roome manie moneths, but that Alcot came in place because the king found Alcot a méeter person to execute the same office, answerable to the disposition of the kings humor. All which notwithstanding, whether for malice of o∣thers, or for his owne deserts, or both, or for more especiall trust that king Henrie put in Moorton bi∣shop of Elie, who had beene the meanes to bring him to the crowne, this Alcot fell shortlie in the kings disgrace, was displaced of his office, and Moor∣ton came in his roome. So that in this first yeare of the said king Henrie the seuenth, there seemed to be thrée chancellors in succession one after another, if I haue not misconceiued the matter: all which be∣fore Moorton in this first yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, may perhaps more properlie be termed kée∣pers of the great seale, than chancellors.

Iohn Moorton doctor of the ciuill law,* 6.40 an aduo∣cat in the ciuill of the councell to Henrie the sixt, and to Edward the fourth, to whome also he was maister of the rolles, was made bishop of Elie in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred thrée score and eightéene, and lord chancellor of England, (vpon his returne from beyond the seas) in the first yeare of the woorthie prince K. Henrie the seuenth, being the yeare that the word became flesh, one thousand foure hundred foure score and fiue: after which he was aduanced to the bishoprike of Can∣turburie; he died in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred foure score and nintéene, in the fifteenth yere of the reigne of king Henrie the seuenth, as hath Matthew Parker.

William Warham aduocat in the arches,* 6.41 mai∣ster of the rolles, bishop of London, and then bi∣shop of Canturburie; was (before his aduance∣ment to the see of Canturburie) made chancellor of England in the time of Henrie the seuenth, in which office he continued vntill about the latter end of the seuenth yeare of king Henrie the eight. At what time surrendring the seale by reason of his age and weakenesse, the same great seale was deliuered to Thomas Woolseie.

Thomas Woolseie somtime chapleine to Henrie Deane archbishop of Canturburie,* 6.42 after the kings almoner and abbat of saint Austins, who possessing manie other abbeies and bishopriks, as in other pla∣ces shall more largelie appeare, was aduanced to the gouernment of the great seale, about the beginning of the eight yeare of the triumphant reigne of king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our Lord and Sauior Iesus Christ one thousand fiue hundred six∣téene, to hold the same during his life (as I gather) in which office yet he continued not aboue thirtéene yeares, vntill the one and twentith of the said king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred twentie and nine. Du∣ring which time of his chancellorship, in the nine∣téenth yere of king Henrie the eight, being the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and sea∣uen, he went into France, representing the king of Englands person, to set order for the deliuerie of pope Clement the seuenth and Francis the French king, at what time he carried the great seale ouer the seas to Calis, which seale he left with doctor Tailor maister of the rolles, to kéepe the same at Calis vn∣till the cardinals returne out of the French domini∣ons. He died in Leicester abbeie (not without sus∣picion of poison as was thought, which he had prepa∣red for himselfe, and giuen to his apothecarie to de∣liuer when he called for it) the two and twentith of king Henrie the eight, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtie.

Thomas Moore knight,* 6.43 sometime vndershiriffe of London, and chancellor of the dutchie of Lancas∣ter, was aduanced to the honor of chancellorship of England, in the yere that the word became flesh one thousand fiue hundred twentie and nine, being the one and twentith yéere of that king Henrie which ex∣pelled pope Clement the seauenth his authoritie out of his dominions, in which office this rare witted knight (to vse Erasmus his epitheton) and learned chancellor continued not full thrée yeares; but in the foure and twentith yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie the eight, with much labor and earnest sute he left his office. Touching which it shall not gréeue me to set downe the words of Matthew Par∣ker

of the liues of the bishops of Canturburie in the life of Thomas Cranmer writing after this maner: Intereà rex dum papae meditabatur excidium, singulorum de papali auctoritate sensus iudicijs haud obscuris collegit. Inter quos Thomas Morus, quia regis conatus pontificijs valdè sus∣pectus fuit, cancellarij munere, venia regis aegrè impetrata, sese abdicauit.

Thomas Audleie attornie of the dutchie of Lan∣caster,* 6.44 sergeant at the law (as most affirme) and spea∣ker of the parlement, was made knight and lord kée∣per [line 10] of the great seale the fourth of Iune, in the foure and twentith yere of the reigne of the famous prince king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and two, not long after which he was indued with the title and ho∣nor of lord chancellor of England. This man in the tenth yere of his chancellorship,* 6.45 being the yere of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred fortie and two, and the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight, changing the name of Buckingham col∣lege [line 20] in Cambridge, did name it the college of saint Marie Magdalen, and indued it with some posses∣sions. He died on Maie éeuen in the yeare of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred fortie and foure, being the fiue and thirtith yeare of Henrie the eight.

Thomas Wriotheslie knight of the garter, being created baron at Hampton court on the first of Ia∣nuarie,* 6.46 in the fiue and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, in the yere of Christ one thou∣sand fiue hundred fortie and three, was after aduan∣ced [line 30] to the honor of the great seale and chancellorship of England, about the beginning of Maie, in the six and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, being the yere of grace one thousand fiue hun∣dred fortie and foure, in which office he continued vn∣till the death of the said king Henrie the eight, and in the beginning of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, vntill for his obstinacie in the Romane religion he was the sixt of March remooued, and the seale was deliuered to William Paulet lord Sent-Iohn of [line 40] Basing. This Wriotheslie (being created earle of Southampton by king Edward the sixt) died at his house of Lincolne place in Holborne the 30 of Iulie, in the fourth yeare of the said king Edward, in the yéere 1550, & was buried at saint Andrews in Old∣borne commonlie called Holborne.

* 6.47William Paulet knight being first steward of the lands of the bishoprike of Winchester, then treasu∣ror of the houshold, lord Sent-Iohn of Basing, lord great maister of the kings house, afterwards earle [line 50] of Wiltshire, marquesse of Winchester, and trea∣suror of England, being of the priuie councell to king Henrie the eight, king Edward the sixt, queene Marie, and queene Elisabeth, had the kéeping of the great seale committed vnto him the seuenth daie of March, in the yeare that the second person in trini∣tie descended from the bosome of the father into the wombe of the mother one thousand fiue hundred for∣tie and seuen, being the first yere of the reigne of the yoong king Edward the sixt, which seale he had in cu∣stodie [line 60] about seuen moneths, vntill the thrée and twen∣tith or foure and twentith of October following, at what time sir Richard Rich was made lord chancel∣lor.

* 6.48Sir Richard Rich knight, lord Rich, was aduan∣ced to the dignitie of lord chancellor of England a∣bout the 23 of October in the yere of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred fortie and seuen, being the first yeare of the reigne of the noble king Edward the si••t, in which place he remained about fiue yeers.

* 6.49Thomas Goderich or Goderike being bishop of Elie had the great seale deliuered to him, and was made lord chancellor of England the twentith of De∣cember (as Iohn Stow hath noted in his chronicle) in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hun∣dred fiftie and one, being the fift yeare of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, in whi••h office he continued all the life of the said king Edward, which died in Iu∣lie one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and thrée, being the seuenth yeare of his reigne, and about one mo∣neth after vntill the thirtéenth or fouretéenth daie of August, in which quéene Marie made Stephan Gar∣dener hir chancellor.

Sir Nicholas Hare, maister of the rolles,* 6.50 had at the comming of quéene Marie to the crowne the kee∣ping of the great seale, after the death of king Ed∣ward, as lord kéeper by the space of one fortnight, and shortlie after was Stephan Gardener made chancellor.

Stephan Gardener bishop of Winchester was in August,* 6.51 in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and thrée, being the first yeare of the reigne of the vnfortunat quéene Marie, made chan∣cellor of England. This man going in ambassage vnto Calis left the great seale in the custodie of William Paulet marquesse of Winchester, which bishop after his returne into England continued in that office all the time of his life, which he ended the 19 of Nouember, in the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and fiue, being the third yeere of quéene Marie. After which the great seale lieng in the custodie of the prince, she on the new yeares daie following made a new chancellor.

Nicholas Heath bishop of Rochester,* 6.52 almoner to the king, ambassador into Germanie, bishop of Worcester, president of Wales, and archbishop of Yorke, was vpon new yeares daie, in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and fiue, being the third yeare of the reigne of quéene Marie, aduanced to the honorable dignitie of the chancellorship. But quéene Marie deceasing the sea∣uentéenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare of grace one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and eight, and the sixt yere of hir gouernement, this Heath vpon the placing of the worthie quéene Elisabeth vpon the throne of the English gouernment, was remooued from his office, and maister Bacon aduanced.

Sir Nicholas Bacon esquier,* 6.53 attourneie of the court of wards, was made knight, and lord kéeper of the great seale the two and twentith of December, in the yeare of our redemption 1558, being the first yeare of the now reigning Elisabeth the Saba of England. Which name of lord kéeper he still kept du∣ring his life, and the time of his office. In whose time there was an act of parlement established, to make the power of the keeper of the great seale equall with the authoritie of the chancellor. This man continued in this office, and woorthilie executed the same, being a man of rare wit and déepe experience, during the time of his life, which continued vntill the twentith of Februarie, in the yeare of our saluation 1578 after the account of England, being the one and twentith yeare of the rare and singular gouernement of the worlds woonder the famous quéene Elisabeth, which place this man kept eightéene yéeres, being (as I suppose) double as long time as anie other chancellor or kéeper of the great seale possessed that place, except Rafe Neuill bishop of Chichester, and Iohn Stafford bishop of Bath and Wels, both which held it equallie eighteene yeares with him: a strange thing, that in the course of almost 600 yeares, no such officer might possesse that place by twentie years togither.

Thomas Bromleie, the generall solicitor of quéene Elisabeth, a councellor of the law,* 6.54 and one of the inner temple, was aduanced to the dignitie of lord chancellor on the fiue and twentith day of Aprill, in the yeare of our redemption 1579, being in the one & twentith yeare of the reigne of the said quéene

Elisabeth, which office at this daie he beareth.

Thus (although I maie be a little wetshod in pas∣sing ouer the deepe sea of this difficultie of the chan∣cellors, in which I am sure I am not ouer head and eares) I haue at length brought my chancellors to end: a worke of some labour and difficultie, of some search and charge, which I haue doone onelie of my selfe without the furtherance or help of some others, who more inconsideratlie than trulie doo disorderlie report, that I haue atteined vnto this in obtei∣ning [line 10] those names by some sinister means, from the priuat bookes of them who haue trauelled in the same matter. In which (as I said in the begining, so I saie againe) if anie imperfection for hast, by reason of the printers spéedie calling on me, haue now fallen out of my pen, it shall hereafter God willing be cor∣rected in the large volume of their liues. Wherefore as I neither estéeme nor feare the secret reports of some others; so for their countries good it shall be well that they would deliuer something to the world [line 20] to bring truth to perfection (if other men haue vnwil∣linglie set downe error) and not as they doo, for a litle commoditie & gaine to themselues, neither benefit their countrie, nor speake well of such as would and doo helpe posteritie. Thus this much by Francis Thin, touching the chancellors of England.]

* 6.55¶Here though somewhat out of place (for it should haue béene entered in 1578) it were better to record the receiuing of the quéenes maiestie into Suffolke [line 30] & Norffolke, than making no commemoration ther∣of at all, to let it perish in thréehalfepenie pamphlets, and so die in obliuion. It maie also serue for a rest of recreation, after so long an introduction of serious matters, as also (and that most woorthilie) maie re∣maine in record, to signifie what well affected sub∣iects the quéens maiestie hath within hir dominions, to whome goods, lands, friends, kindred, or life, none of these seuerallie, nor all iointlie, are so pretious and deere, but for hir sake they can find in their hearts to [line 40] esteeme them as doong. And now to the matter. The truth is (saith one that wrote the whole intertein∣ment) that albeit they had but small warning cer∣teinlie to build vpon,* 6.56 of the comming of the queenes maiestie into both those shires, the gentlemen had made such readie prouision, that all the veluets and silks were taken vp that might be laid hand on, and bought for anie monie, and soone conuerted to such garments and sutes of robes, that the shew thereof might haue beautified the greatest triumph that was [line 50] in England these manie yeares.* 6.57 For (as it was said) there were two hundred yoong gentlemen clad all in white veluet, and three hundred of the grauer sort apparelled in blacke veluet cotes, and faire chaines, all readie at one instant and place, with fiftéene hun∣dred seruing men more on horssebacke, well and brauelie mounted in good order, readie to receiue the quéenes highnesse into Suffolke, which surelie was a comelie troope, and a noble sight to behold: and all these waited on the shiriffe sir William Spring, du∣ring [line 60] the quéenes maiesties abode in those parties, and to the verie confines of Suffolke.

But before hir highnesse passed to Norffolke, there was in Suffolke such sumptuous feasting and ban∣kets, as seldome in anie part of the world haue béene seene before. The maister of the rolles sir William Cordall was one of the first that began this great feasting,* 6.58 and did light such a candle to the rest of the shire, that manie were glad bountifullie and franke∣lie to follow the same example, with such charges and costs, as the whole traine were in some sort pleased therewith. And neere Burie sir William Drurie for his part at his house made the quéenes highnesse a costlie and delicat dinner, and sir Robert Germine of Roeshbrooke feasted the French ambassadors two seuerall times, with which charges and courtesie they stood maruellouslie contented. The shiriffe sir Wil∣liam Spring, sir Thomas Kidson, sir Arthur Hig∣ham, and diuerse others of worship, kept great hou∣ses, and sundrie either at the quéenes comming, or re∣turne, solemnelie feasted hir highnesse, yea and de∣fraied the whole charges for a daie or twaine, presen∣ted gifts, made such triumphs and deuises, as in∣déed was most noble to behold, and verie thankfullie accepted.

The Norffolke gentlemen hearing how dutiful∣lie their neighbors had receiued the prince,* 6.59 prepared in like sort to shew themselues dutifull: and so in most gallant maner they assembled and set forward with fiue and twentie hundred horssemen, wherof (as some affirme) were six hundred gentlemen, so braue∣lie attired and mounted, as in déed was woorthie the noting, which goodly companie waited on their shirife a long season. But in good sooth (as it was credi∣blie spoken) the bankets and feasts began here a∣fresh, all kinds of triumphs that might be deuised were put in practise and proofe. The earle of Surreie did shew most sumptuous cheare, in whose parke were speaches well set out, and a speciall deuise much commended: and the rest, as a number of iollie gen∣tlemen, were no whit behind to the vttermost of their abilities, in all that might be doone and de∣uised.

But when the quéenes highnesse came to Nor∣wich,* 6.60 the substance of the whole triumph and feasting was in a maner there new to begin. For order was taken there, that euerie daie for six daies togither, a shew of some strange deuise should be seene. And the maior and aldermen appointed among themselues and their brethren, that no one person reteining to the queene should be vnfeasted, or vnbidden to din∣ner & supper, during the space of those six daies: which order was well & wiselie obserued, and gained their citie more fame and credit than they wot of: for that courtesie of theirs shall remaine in perpetuall me∣morie whiles the walles of their citie standeth. Be∣sides the monie they bestowed vpon diuerse of the traine, and those that tooke paines for them, will be a witnesse of their well dooing and good will, whiles the report of these things maie▪ be called to remem∣brance. Now, who can (considering their great charges and discreet gouernement in these causes) but giue them due land and reputation, as farre as either pen or report maie doo them good & stretch out their credit. For most assuredlie, they haue taught and learned all the townes and cities in England a lesson, how to behaue themselues in such like seruices and actions.

On saturdaie being the sixteenth of August 1578,* 6.61 and in the twentith yeare of the reigne of our most gratious souereigne ladie Elisabeth, by the grace of God quéene of England, France & Ireland, defen∣der of the faith, &c: the same our most dread and soue∣reigne ladie (continuing hir progresse in Norffolke) immediatlie after dinner set forward from Braken∣ash, where she had dined with the ladie Stile, being fiue miles distant from Norwich, towards the same hir most dutifull citie. Sir Robert Wood then esqui∣er, now knight, maior of the same citie, at one of the clocke in the same happie daie, set forward to méet with hir maiestie in this order. First there rode be∣fore him well and séemelie mounted, thréescore of the most comelie yoong men of the citie, as batchellers apparelled all in blacke satten dublets, blacke hose, blacke taffata hats, and yellow bands, and their vni∣uersall liuerie was a mandilion of purple taffata, laid about with siluer lase: & so apparelled they mar∣ched forwards two and two in a ranke. Then one

which represented king Gurgunt,* 6.62 sometime king of England, which builded the castell of Norwich, called Blanch Flowre, and laid the foundation of the citie. He was mounted vpon a braue courser, and was thus furnished: his bodie armed, his bases of greene and white silke: on his head a blacke veluet hat, with a plume of white feathers. There attended vpon him thrée henchmen in white and gréene: one of them did beare his helmet, the second his target, the third his staffe: after him a noble companie of gentlemen and wealthie citizens in veluet coats and other cost∣lie [line 10] furniture, brauelie mounted. Then followed the officers of the citie euerie one in his place. Then the sword-bearer, with the sword & hat of maintenance. Then the maior and foure and twentie aldermen, and the recorder all in scarlet gownes, whereof so manie as had béene maiors of the citie, and were iu∣stices, did weare their scarlet clokes: then followed so manie as had béene shiriffs, and were no alder∣men, in violet gownes and sattin tippets. Then follo∣wed [line 20] diuerse others, to kéepe the people from distur∣bing the araie aforesaid.

Thus euerie thing in due and comelie order, they all (except Gurgunt,* 6.63 which staied hir maiesties com∣ming within a flight shoot or two of the citie, where the castell of Blanch Flowre was in most beautifull prospect) marched forwards to a bridge, called Hart∣ford bridge, the vttermost limit that waie, distant from the citie two miles or there abouts, to méet with hir maiestie; who within one houre or little [line 30] more after their attendance, came in such gratious and princelie wise, as rauished the harts of all hir louing subiects, and might haue terrified the stoutest heart of anie enimie to behold. Whether the maie∣stie of the prince, which is incomparable; or ioie of hir subiects, which excéeded measure, were the greater, I thinke would haue appalled the iudgement of Apollo to define. The acclamations and cries of the people to the almightie God for the preseruation of hir ma∣iestie ratled so lowd, as hardly for a great time could [line 40] anie thing be heard. But at last, as euerie thing hath an end, the noise appeased: and the maior saluted hir highnesse with the oration following, and yéelded to hir maiestie therewith the sword of the citie, and a faire standing cup of siluer and guilt, with a couer, and in the cup one hundred pounds in gold. The ora∣tion was in these words.

Praetoris Nordouicensis ad se∣renissimam Reginam, &c. [line 50]

SI nobis ab Opt. Max. concederetur optio quid rerū humanarū nunc potissi∣mùm vellemus: nihil duceremus anti∣quius (augustissima princeps) quàm vt tuus ille, qui ita nos recreat, castissimi ocelli radius posset in abditissimos cordium nostrorū angulos se conferre. Cerneres profectò quanta sint hilaritate perfusa, quàm in ipsis arterijs & venulis spiritus [line 60] & sanguis gestiant: dumintuemur te huius regni lumen (vt Dauid olim fuit Israelitici) in hijs tan∣dem finibus post longam spem,* 7.1 & ardentissima vo∣ta exoriri. Equidem vt pro me, qui tua ex authori∣tate & clementia (quod humillimis gratijs profite∣or) celeberrimae huic ciuitati praesum, & pro hijs meis fratribus, at{que} omni hoc populo quem tuis au∣spicijs regimus, ex illorum sensuloquar, quod & ipse sentio: sic nos demum supplicibus votis expo∣scimus, vt maiestatem tuam beneuolam nobis, & propitiam experiamur: vt nunquam cuiquam po∣pulo aduenisti gratior quàm nobis. In illius rei lucu∣lentissimū indicium, insignia haec honoris, & offi∣cij nostri,* 7.2 quae nobis clementissimus princeps Hen∣ricus quartus quinto sui regni anno cū praetore, se∣natoribus, & vicecomitibus cōcessit: (cum antea balliuis (vt vocant) vltra annalium nostrorum memoriam regeremur) perpetuis deinde regum priuilegijs, & corroborata nobis, & aucta magni∣ficè, maiestati tuae omnia exhibemus, quae per tu∣am vnius clementiam (quam cum immortalibus gratijs praedicare nunquam cessabimus) vicesimo iam anno tenuimus: at{que} vnâ cum illis, hunc the∣saurum,* 7.3 quasi pignus nostrarum & voluntatum & facultatum. Quas omnes, quantae, quantulaeu•• sint, ad tuum arbitrium deuouimus: vt si quid om∣ni hoc foelicissimi tui temporis decursu admisimus, quod amantissimos, obsequentissimos, amplitudinis tuae saluti, coronae, emolumento deuotissimos non deceat: statuas de nobis, & nostris omnibus, pro tua clementissima voluntate. Sin ita clauum huius ciuitatis (Deo duce) reximus: vt eam in portu saluam maiestati tuae conseruauerimus, & popu∣lum primum gloriae Dei, & verae religionis, dein∣de salutis, honoris, & voluntatis tuae studiosissi∣mum, quantum in nobis est, effecerimus: tum non libet nobis id à te petere, quod insita tibi singularis clementia facillimè à te ipsa impetrabit. Tantum obsecramus, vt amplitudinem tuam Deus omni∣bus & animi & corporis bonis cumulatissimè bea∣re velit, Amen.

The maiors oration to the queene Englished.

IF our wish should be granted vnto vs by the almightie, what humane thing wee would chieflie desire: we would account nothing more pretious (most roial prince) than that the bright beame of your most chast eie which dooth so cheare vs, might pearse the secret and strait corners of our hearts. Then surelie should you see how great ioies are dispersed there, and how the spirits and liuelie bloud tickle in our arteries & small veines, in beholding you the light of this realme (as Dauid was of Israel) now at length, after long hope and earnest petitions, to appeare in these coasts. Tru∣lie on mine owne part, which by your highnesse au∣thoritie and clemencie (with humble thanks bee it spoken) doo gouerne this famous citie,* 8.1 and on the part of these my brethren, and all these people which by your authoritie we rule (speaking as they meane, and as I my selfe doo thinke) this onelie with all our hearts and humble praiers we desire, that we maie so find your maiestie gratious and fauourable vnto vs, as you for your part neuer came to anie subiects bet∣ter welcome than to vs your poore subiects here. For most manifest token whereof, we present vnto your maiestie here, these signes of honor and office, which we receiued of the most mightie prince Henrie the fourth, in the fift yere of his reigne,* 8.2 then to vs granted in the name of maior, aldermen and shiriffs; whereas before time out of mind or mention, we were gouer∣ned by bailiffs (as they tearme them) which euer since haue beene both established and increased with con∣tinuall priuileges of kings: and which by your onelie clemencie (which with immortall thanks we shall neuer cease to declare) we haue now these twentie yeares inioied: and togither with those signes, this treasure is a pledge of our good willes and abilitie: which all how great or little so euer they be, wee powre downe at your pleasure,* 8.3 that if we haue neg∣lected anie thing in all this course of your most hap∣pie reigne, which becommeth most louing, obedient and well willing subiects to performe, for the preser∣uation of your crowne, and aduancement of your

highnesse, you maie then determine of vs and all ours at your most gratious pleasure. But if we haue (God being our guide) so ordered the gouernance of this citie, that we haue kept the same in safetie to your maiesties vse, and made the people therein (as much as in vs lieth) first most studious of Gods glorie and true religion,* 8.4 and next of your maiesties health, ho∣nour, and pleasure; then aske we nothing of you: for that the singular clemencie ingraffed in your high∣nesse, will easilie of it selfe grant that which is requi∣sit [line 10] for vs to obteine. We onelie therefore desire, that God would abundantlie blesse your highnesse with all good gifts of mind and bodie.

Which oration ended, hir maiestie accepting in good part euerie thing deliuered by the maior, did thankefullie answer him in these words, or verie like in effect:* 8.5 We hartilie thanke you maister maior, and all the rest, for these tokens of goodwill; neuer∣thelesse, princes haue no néed of monie: God hath indued vs abundantlie, we come not therefore, but [line 20] for that which in right is our owne, the hearts and true allegiance of our subiects, which are the grea∣test riches of a kingdome; whereof as we assure our selues in you, so doo you assure your selues in vs of a louing and gratious souereigne. Wherewith was deliuered to the maior, a mace or scepter, which he carried before hir to hir lodging, which was in the bishop of Norwich his palace, two miles distant from that place. The cup and monie was deliuered to a gentleman, one of hir maiesties footmen to car∣rie. [line 30] The maior said to hir, Sunt hîc centum librae puri auri. The couer of the cup lifted vp, hir maiestie said to the footmen; Looke to it, there is 100 pounds. With that hir highnesse, with the whole companie, marched towards Norwich, till they came to a place called the Towne close, distant from the citie a good flightshot, where the partie which represented Gur∣gunt came forth, as in due maner is expressed, and was readie to haue declared to hir maiestie this spéech following;* 8.6 but by reason of a showre of raine [line 40] which came, hir maiestie hasted awaie, the spéech not vttered. But thus it was as here followeth.

Leaue off to muse most gratious prince of English soile, What sudden wight in martiall wise approcheth neere: * 8.7King Gurgunt I am hight, king Belins eldest sonne, Whose sire Dunwallo first, the British crowne did weare. Whom truthlesse Gutlacke forst to passe the surging seas, His falshod to reuenge, and Denmarke land to spoile. And finding in returne, this place a gallant vent, This castle faire I built, a fort from forren soile: To win a conquest, get renowme and glorious name, To keepe and vse it well, deserues eternall fame. When brute through cities, townes, the woods & dales did sound: [line 50] Elizabeth this countrie peerelesse queene drew neere: I was found out, my selfe in person noble queene Did hast, before thy face in presence to appeare. * 8.8Two thousand yeares welnie in silence lurking still: Heare, why to thee alone this seruice I doo yeeld. Besides that, at my cities sute their founder first Should gratulat most this ioifull sight in open field, Foure speciall points and rare concurring in vs both This speciall seruice haue reserud to thee alone: The glorie though of each in thee dooth far surmount, Yet great with small compard, will like appeare anon. When doubtfull warres the British princes long had wroong, My grandsire first vniting all did weare the crowne. Of Yorke and Lancaster, who did conclude those broiles? * 8.9Thy grandsire Henrie seuenth, a king of great renowne. Mine vncle Brennus eke, my father ioining hands, [line 60] Old Rome did rase and sacke, and halfe consume with fire: Thy puissant father so, new Rome that purple whore Did sacke and spoile hir neere, of all hir glittering tire. Lo Cambridge schooles by mine assignement founded first, By thee my Cambridge schooles are famous through the world, I thirtie wandring ships of banisht men relieued. The throngs of banisht soules that in this citie dwell, Do weepe for ioy: and praie for thee with teares vntold: * 8.10In all these things thou noble queene doost far excell. But lo to thee I yeeld as dutie dooth me bind In open field my selfe, my citie, castle, keie, Most happie fathers kings in such a daughter queene, Most happie England were, if thou shouldst neuer die. Go on most noble prince, for I must hast awaie My citie gates doo long, their souereigne to receaue: More true thou neuer couldst, nor loiall subiects find, Whose harts full fast with perfect loue to thee doo cleaue.

Then hir maiestie drew néere the gates of the citie called saint Stephans gates, which with the wals there were both gallantlie and stronglie repared.* 8.11 The gate it selfe was thus inriched and beautified. First the portcullice was new made both timber & iron. Then the outward side of the gate was thus beautified. The quéenes armes were most richlie and beautifullie set forth in the chiefe front of the gate. On the one side thereof, but somewhat lower, was placed the scutchion of saint George his crosse: on the other side, the armes of the citie: and directlie vnder the queenes maiesties armes, was placed the falcon, hir highnesse badge, in due forme, and vn∣der the same were written these words, God and the queene we serue. The inner side of the gate was thus beautified. On the right side was gorgeouslie set foorth the red rose, signifieng the house of Yorke; on the left side the white rose, representing the house of Lancaster; in the midst was the white and red rose vnited, expressing the vnion,* 8.12 vnder the which was placed by descent the armes of the quéene, and vnder that were written these verses following.

Diuision kindled strife, Blist vnion quencht the flame: Thense sprang our noble Phenix deare, The pearelesse prince of fame.

And besides that, at this gate, the waits of the ci∣tie were placed with lowd musicke, who cheerefullie & melodiouslie welcomed hir maiestie into the citie, this song being soong by the best voices in the same.

The deaw of heauen drops this daie on drie and barren ground, Wherefore let fruitfull hearts I saie at drum and trumpets sound Yeeld that is due, shew that is meet, to make our ioy the more, In our good hope, and hir great praise, we neuer saw before. The sun dooth shine where shade hath beene, long darkenesse brought vs daie, The star of comfort now come in, and here a while will staie. Ring out the bels, plucke vp your spreets, and dresse your houses gaie, Run in for floures to strew the streets, and make what ioy you maie. The deaw of heauen, &c. Full manie a winter haue we seene, and manie stormes withall, Since here we saw a king or queene in pompe and princelie pall. Wherefore make feast and banket still, and now to triumph fall, With dutie let vs shew good will, to glad both great and small. The deaw of heauen, &c. The realme throughout will ring of this, and sundrie regions mo Will say, full great our fortune is, when our good hap they kno. O Norwich, heere the welspring runs, whose vertue still dooth flo, And lo this day dooth shine two suns within thy wals also. The deaw of heauen, &c.

This song ended, hir highnesse passed towards hir lodging, & by the waie in a church-yard, ouer against maister Pecks doore (a woorthie alderman) was a scaffold set vp & brauelie trimmed. On this scaffold was placed an excellent boy, well and gallantlie dec∣ked, in a long white robe of taffata, a crimsin scarffe wrought with gold, folded on the Turkish fashion a∣bout his browes, and a gaie garland of white flowers on his head, which boie was not séene, till the quéene had a good season marked the musicke, which was maruellous swéet and good, albeit the rudenesse of some ringers of bels did somewhat hinder the noise and harmonie: and as soone as the musike ended, the boy stepped reuerendlie before the queene, and spake these woords that follow in comelie order.

Great things were meant to welcome thee (O queene)* 8.13 If want of time had not cut off the same: Great was our wish, but ••mall is that was seene, For vs to shew before so great a dame. Great hope we haue it pleasd our princes eie, Great were the harmes that else our paines should reape: Our grace or foile dooth in your iudgement li••, If you mislike, our griefs doo grow on heape: If for small things we doo great fauour find,

Great is the ioy that Norwich feeles this daie: If well we waid the greatnesse of your mind, Few words would serue, we had but small to saie. But knowing that your goodnesse takes things well That well are meant, we boldlie did proceed: And so good queene, both welcome and farewell, Thine owne we are in heart, in word, and deed.

The boy there vpon flang vp his garland, and the quéenes highnes said,* 8.14 This deuise is fine. Then the noise of musike began againe, to heare the which the quéene staid a good while, and after departed to the ca∣thedrall church, which was not far from thense. Then [line 10] passed she forwards through saint Stephans stréet,* 8.15 where the first pageant was placed in forme follow∣ing. It was builded somewhat in maner like a stage of 40 foot long, & in breadth eight foot. From the stan∣ding place vpward was a bank framed in maner of a frée stone wall, & in the height therof were written sentences, that is to saie: The causes of this common wealth are, God trulie preached, Iustice dulie execu∣ted, The people obedient, Idlenesse expelled, Labour cherished, Uniuersall concord preserued. [line 20]

From the standing place downewards it was beautified with painters worke,* 8.16 artificiallie expres∣sing to sight the portraiture of these seuerall loomes, and the weauers in them (as it were working) and ouer euerie loome the name thereof, that is to saie. Ouer the first loome was written, the weauing of worsted: ouer the second, the weauing of russels: o∣uer the third, the weauing of darnix: ouer the fourth, the weauing of iust mockado: the fift, the weauing of lace: the sixt, the weauing of caffa: the seuenth, the [line 30] weauing of fringe. And then was there the portrai∣ture of a matrone, and two or three children, and ouer hir head was written these words: Good nurture changeth qualities. Upon the stage there stood at the one end eight small women children spining worsted yarne, and at the other end as manie knitting of worsted yarne hose: and in the middest of the said stage stood a pretie boy richlie apparelled, which repre∣sented the common wealth of the citie. And all the rest of the stage was furnished with men, which [line 40] made the said seuerall works, and before euerie man the worke in déed. Euerie thing thus readie, and hir maiestie come, the child representing the common wealth, spake to hir highnesse these words following.

Most gratious prince, vndoubted souereigne queene, Our onelie ioy next God, and chiefe defense: In this small shew, our whole estate is seene, The wealth we haue, we find proceed from thense, The idle hand hath here no place to feed, The painfull wight hath still to serue his need. Againe, our seat denies our traffike heere, The sea too neare decides vs from the rest, So weake we were within this doozen yeare, [line 50] As care did quench the courage of the best: But good aduise hath taught these little hands, To rend in twaine the force of pining bands. From combed wooll we draw this slender threed, * 8.17From thense the loomes haue dealing with the same, And thense againe in order doo proceed, These seuerall works which skilfull art dooth frame: And all to driue dame need into hir caue, Our heads and hands togither labourd haue. We bought before the things that now we sell, These slender impes, their works doo passe the waues, Gods peace and thine, we hold and prosper well, Of euerie mouth the hands the charges saues. Thus through thy helpe and aid of power diuine, Dooth Norwich liue, whose hearts and goods are thine. [line 60]

This shew pleased hir maiestie so greatlie, as she particularlie viewed the knitting & spinning of the children, perused the loomes, and noted the seuerall works and commodities which were made by these means: and then after great thanks by hir giuen to the people, marched towards the market place, where was the second pageant thwarting the stréet at the enterance of the market,* 8.18 betwéene master Skinner & master Quash, being in bredth two and fiftie foot of assise, and was diuided into three gates, in the midst a maine gate, & on either side a posterne: the maine gate in breadth fourtéene foot, each posterne eight foot, their heights equall to their proportion: ouer each po∣sterne was as it were a chamber, which chambers were replenished with musike. Ouer all the gates passed a stage of eight foot brode, in manerof a page∣ant, curious, rich, & delitefull. The whole worke, from the pageant downewards, séemed to be iasper & mar∣ble. In the forefront towards hir maiestie was the armes of England on the one side the gate, & on the other side the * 8.19falcon with crowne and scepter. The other side was beautified with the arms of England on the one side of the gate, & the crest of England on the other. The pageant was furnisht with fiue perso∣nages apparelled like women. The first was the citie of Norwich; the second Debora; the third Iudith; the fourth Hester; the fift Martia, sometime quéene of England. At the first sight of the prince,* 8.20 & till hir ma∣iesties comming to the pageant, the musicians vsed their lowd musike, and then ceassed: wherewith hir highnesse staied, to whome the personage represen∣ting the citie of Norwich, did speake in these words.

Whom fame resounds with thundring trump,* 8.21 that rends the And perseth to the hautie heauens, and thense descending flies Through flickering aire: and so conioines the sea & shore togither, In admiration of thy grace, good queene thart welcome hither:* 8.22 More welcome than Terpsicore was to the towne of Troie. Sea-faring men by Gemini conceiue not halfe my ioie. Strong Hercules to Theseus was neuer such delight, Nor Nisus to Eurialus as I haue in this sight. Penelope did neuer thirst Ulysses more to see, Than I poore Norwich hungred haue to gaine the sight of thee. And now that these my happie eies behold thy heauenlie face, The Lord of lords I humblie praie, to blisse thy noble grace With Nestors life, with Sibils helth, with Cresus stocke & store, With all good gifts of Salomon, and twise as manie more. What shuld I saie? Thou art my ioy next God, I haue none other, My princesse & my peerlesse queene, my louing nursse and mother. My goods & lands, my hands and hart, my lims and life are thine, What is mine owne in right or thought, to thee I doo resigne.* 8.23 Grant then (oh gratious souereigne queene) this onlie my request, That that wh••ch shall be doone in me, be construed to the best. And take in part my slender shewes, wherein my whole pretense Is for to please your maiestie, and end without offense. So shall I clap my hands for ioy, and hold my selfe as rich As if I had the gold of Iude, and double twise as mich.

Where princes sitting in their thrones set God before their sight* 8.24 And liue according to his law, and guide their people right, There doth his blessed gifts abound, there kingdoms firmlie stand There force of foes cannot preuaile, nor furie f••et the land. My selfe (oh peerlesse prince) doo speake by proofe of matter past, Which proofe by practise I performd, and foild his foes at last. For Iabin king of Canaan, poore Israell did spite, And meant by force of furious rage to ouerrun vs quite. Nine hundred iron chariots, he brought into the field, With cruell capteine Sisera by force to make vs yeeld. His force was great, his fraud was more, he fought, we did defend, And twentie winters long did last this warre without an end. But he that neither sleepes nor slackes such furies to correct, Appointed me Debora for the iudge of his elect: And did deliuer Sisera into a womans hand, I slue them all, and so in rest his people held the land. So mightie prince, that puisant Lord, hath plast thee here to be,* 8.25 The rule of this triumphant realme alone belongs to thee. Continue as thou hast begun, weed out the wicked rout, Uphold the simple, meeke and good, pull downe the proud & stout. Thus shalt thou liue and reigne in rest, & mightie God shalt please, Thy state be sure, thy subiects safe, thy commonwealth at ease. Thy God shall grant thee length of life, to glorifie his name, Thy deeds shall be recorded in the booke of lasting fame.

Oh floure of grace, oh prime of Gods elect,* 8.26 Oh mightie queene and finger of the Lord, Did God sometime by me poore wight correct The champion stout, that him and his abhord? Then be thou sure thou art his mightie hand, To conquer those which him and thee withstand. The rage of foes Bethulia did oppresse, The people faint were readie for to yeeld: God aided me poore widow nerthelesse, To enter into Holofernes field, And with this sword by his directing hand, To slaie his fo, and quiet so the land. If this his grace were giuen to me poore wight,* 8.27 If widowes hand could vanquish such a fo: Then to a prince of thy surpassing might, What tyrant liues but thou maist ouerthro? Perseuere then his seruant as thou art, And hold for aie a noble victors part.

The fretting heads of furious foes haue skill,* 8.28 As well by fraud as force to find their preie. In smiling lookes dooth lurke a lot as ill, As where both sterne and sturdie streams doo swaie, Thy selfe oh queene, a proofe hast seene of this, So well as I poore Hester haue Iwis. As Iabins force did Israell perplex, And Holofernes fierce Bethulia besiege, So Hamans slights sought me and mine to vex, Yet shewd a face of subiect to his liege. But force no fraud, nor tyrant strong can trap, Those whom the Lord in his defense dooth wrap.

The proofes I speake by vs haue erst bin seene, * 8.29The proofes I speake, to thee are not vnknowne. Thy God thou knowst most dread and souereigne queene, A world of foes of thine hath euerthrowne, And hither now triumphantlie dooth call Thy noble grace, the comfort of vs all. Doost thou not see the ioie of all this flocke? Uouchsafe to view their passing gladsome cheare, Be still (good queene) their refuge and their rocke, As they are thine to serue in loue and feare: So fraud, nor force, nor foreine fo may stand Against the strength of thy most puissant hand.

With long discourse (oh puissant prince) some tract of time we spend, * 8.30Uouchsafe yet now a little more, and then we make an end. [line 10] 〈…〉〈…〉 blast of fame, whereof dame Norwich first did speake, Not onelie shooke the aire and skies, but all the earth did breake, It rent vp graues, and bodies raisd, ech spirit tooke his place, And this alonelie word was heard: Here comes the pearle of grace, Here coms the iewell of the world, hir peoples whole delight, The paragon of present time, and prince of earthlie might. The voice was strange, the wonder more: for when we viewd the earth Ech prince that earst had reigned here, receiud againe his breath, And with his breath, a libertie to hold againe his place, If anie one amongst vs all exceed your noble grace. Some comfort euerie one conceiud to catch againe his owne, His vtmost skill was trimlie vsde, to haue his vertues knowne. The plaies surpasse my skill to tell. But when ech one had said, Apoll•• did himselfe appeare and made vs all dismaid. Will you contend with hir (quoth he) within whose sacred brest [line 20] Dame Pallas and my selfe haue framd our souereigne seat of rest? Whose skill directs the muses nine, whose grace dooth Uenus staine: Hir eloquence like Mercurie: like Iuno in hir traine? Whose God is that eternall Ioue which holds vs all in awe? Beleeue me, you exceed the bounds of equitie and lawe. Therewith they shronke themselues aside, not one I could espie, They coucht them in their caues againe and that full quietlie. Yet I that Martia hight, which sometime ruld this land, As queene for thirtie three yeares space, gat licence at his hand, And so Gurguntius did, my husbands father deere, Which built this towne and castell both, to make our homage here, Which homage mightie queene accept: the realme and right is thine, The crowne, the scepter, and the sword to thee we doo resigne, And wish to God, that thou maist reigne, twise Nestors yeares in peace, Triumphing ouer all thy foes, to all our ioies increase, Amen. [line 30]

Herewith she passed vnder the gate, with such shanks as plainelie expressed hir noble nature: and the musicians within the gate vpon their soft instru∣ments vsed broken musike, and one sang this dittie.

From slumber soft as I fell fast asleepe, * 8.31From sleepe to dreame, from dreame to deepe delight, Ech gem the gods had giuen the world to keepe In princelie wise came present to my sight: Such solace then did sinke into my mind, As mortall man on mould could neuer find. The gods did striue, and yet their strifes were sweet, [line 40] Ech one would haue a vertue of hir owne. Dame Iuno thought the highest place most meet For hir, bicause of riches was hir throne. Dame Uenus thought by reason of hir loue That she might claime the high••st place aboue. The virgins state Diana still did praise, And Ceres praisd the fruit of fertile soile: And Prudence did dame Pallas chieflie raise, Minerua all for eloquence did striue, They smild to see their quarelling estate, And Ioue himselfe decided their debate. My sweets (quoth he) leaue off your sugred strife, In equall place I haue assignd you all: A souereigne wight there is that beareth life, In whose sweete hart I haue inclosd you all. [line 50] Of England soile she is the souereigne queene, Your vigors there doo florish fresh and greene. They skipt for ioy, and gaue their franke consent, The noise resounded to the hautie skie: With one lowd voice they cried all, content, They clapt their hands, and therewith waked I. The world and they concluded with a breath, And wisht long reigne to queene Elisabeth.

* 8.32Herewith she passed through the market place, which was goodlie garnished, and thense through the other stréets which were trimlie decked, directlie to the cathedrall church, where Te Deum was soong, and after seruice she went to the bishops palace, where [line 60] hir maiestie kept the time she continued in Nor∣wich. All this was on saturdaie the sixtéenth of Au∣gust 1578. On the next daie after, which was sun∣daie, when princes commonlie come not abroad (and time is occupied with sermons and laudable exerci∣ses) T. C. was to watch a conuenient season, where and how might be vttered the things that were pre∣pared for pastime. And so vpon mondaie before sup∣per, he made a deuise, as though Mercurie had beene sent from the gods, to request the quéene to come a∣broad, & behold what was deuised for hir welcome, the whole matter whereof dooth follow.

* 8.33The coch that Mercurie came in vnto the quéene, was closelie kept in secret a long season, and when the time came it must passe towards the court, it had a trumpetter with it, and the cochman was made to driue so fast, as the horsses should seeme to flie, which was so well obserued, as the people woondered at the swiftnesse therof, and followed it in such flocks and multitudes, that scarse in a great greene (where the preaching place is) might be found roome for anie more people. And when the coch approched in the hearing of a trumpet, the trumpetter sounded, and so came in to the greene sounding, vntill the coch was full placed before a window at the which the quéene stood, and might be plainelie séene and open∣lie viewed. When Mercurie had espied hir highnesse, he skipped out of the coch, and being on the ground, gaue a iumpe or two, and aduanced himselfe in such a sort, that the quéene smiled at the boldnesse of the boie. Thus Mercurie beholding the quéene with great courage and audacitie, at the length bowed downe his head, and immediatlie stood bolt vpright, and shaked his rod, and so began his spéech with a most assured countenance, and brauelie pronounced it in déed, to his great liking and commendation.

Muse not good queene at me that message brings From Ioue or iust Iehoua Lord of might, No earthlie god, yet gouerns mortall things, And sprites diuine, and shunning angels bright. This lord of late to shew his mightie power, Hath wonders wrought when world lookt least therefore: For at his becke, this daie and present hower, The heauens shakt, the thunderbolts did rore. The earth did moue, the dead therein did rise, And out of graue the ghosts of men are gone, The wandring sprites that houered in the skies Dropt downe from aire▪ for world to wonder on. The saints themselues that sat in glorie great, Were sent in hast to worke Iehouas will,* 8.34 And I that oft my restlesse wings doo beat, Was cald to vse my wings and office still. A common post is Mercurie you know, When he commands that made the world of nought. And flies as fast as arrow out of bow, When message may expresse Iehouas thought. Whose power diuine full long yer this hath seene, That in this place should lodge a sacred queene. And weigheng well, the prince whereof I speake, Might wearie wax of common pastimes heere, (For that he knowes hir iudgement is not weake) Deuisd aboue, below there should appeere (To welcome hir) some sights that rare should seeme, And carelesse stood, what world thereof did deeme, So that good queene, you take them well in worth.* 8.35 No sooner had Iehoua meant these things, But clouds clapt hands, and soules of men came foorth Of heauen gates, yea goodlie crowned kings Were flowen abroad from blessed Abrams brest: Some in the aire, and tops of trees did rest, Some fell on towres and statelie houses high, Some sunke in seas, whose names were drowned now, And some did light on land where euerie eie May them behold, and note their manners throw. And therewithall the blacke infernall spreets Ran out of hell, the earth so trembling than, And like yoong lads they hopt about the streets, The satyres wild, in forme and shape of man, Crept through the woods, and thickets full of breers, The water nymphs, and feiries streight appeers In vncouth formes and fashion strange to view: The hags of hell that hatefull are of kind, To please the time had learnd a nature new, And all those things that man can call to mind, Were glad to come and doo their dutie throw. I seeing this, cald for my coch in hast, Abide sir boie, then said Iehoua now, Thou goest not yet vntill a prince be plast, Where I appoint, thou hast nothing to saie. Then still I stood, to know what should be done.* 8.36 With that a swarme of people euerie waie Like little ants about the fields gan run, Some to prouide for pompe and triumph great, Some for good fare, yea houshold cates and meat, And some they ran to seeke where poets dwell, To pen foorth shews and paint out trifles well. Some haild and puld to bring the carrege in, Some ran to gaze on triumph neere at hand, And some stood mute, as they amazd had bin To see a court and princelie noble band Come marching on, and make heere their abode. But when I saw the carrege heere vnlode, And well had weid the wonders I haue told, O mightie God (quoth I) now giue me leane* 8.37 To go from thee some message to vnfold, That by my speech the hearers may conceiue. Thy godhead great hath brought this princesse here. It shall be so (quoth he) dispatch and part, And tell hir that she is to me so deere, That I appoint by mans deuise and art, That euerie daie she shall see sundrie shoes,

If that she please to walke and take the aire, And that so soone as out of doore she goes (If time doo serue and weather waxeth faire) Some od deuise shall meet hi•• highnesse streigth, To make hir smile, and ease hir burthened brest, And take away the cares and things of weight That princes feele, that findeth greatest rest. When I had thus receiud my charge at full, My golden rod in liuelie hand I tooke, And bad in hast my flieng horses pull. But yer I past, I gan about me looke, To see that coch, and ech thing gallant were: So downe I came all winged as you see. And sith I haue espide that princesse there, That greatest kings doo sue to by degree, [line 10] * 8.38And manie mo that sues no whit, doo feare I kisse hir steps, and shew my maisters will, And leaue with hir such graces from aboue, As alwaies shall command hir peoples loue, (Uphold hir reigne, mainteine hir regall state, Find out false harts, and make of subiects true, Plant perfect peace, and root vp all debate) So with this grace good queene now heere adue, For I may now on earth no longer staie, Thus seruants must to maisters will obaie.

Mercurie hauing thus spoken to the quéene, whose gratious inclination is such, as will not haue anie thing dutifullie offered to passe vnregarded, [line 20] was well heard, hir highnes standing at a window, and the spéech verie well taken and vnderstood. Mer∣curie as he came passed awaie, at whose coch the peo∣ple that had seldome séene such a deuise maruelled, and gazed verie much; for it had horsses to draw it finelie painted and winged,* 8.39 to as great shew and or∣der of that it presented, as wit might imagine: the cochman sutable to the same, and a trumpetter in right good garments, as decent for that purpose as could be deuised. But the coch was made and fra∣med [line 30] on such a fashion as few men haue séene: the whole whereof was couered with birds and naked spirits, hanging by the heeles in the aire and clouds, cunninglie painted out, as though by some thunder cracke they had béene shaken and tormented: yet staied by power diuine in their places, to make the more woonder and miraculous shew. And on the middle of that coch stood a high compassed tower be∣decked with golden and gaie iewels, in the top wher∣of was placed a faire plume of white feathers, all to bespanged and trimmed to the most brauerie:* 8.40 Mer∣curie [line 40] himselfe in blew satin lined with cloth of gold, his garments cut and slashed on the finest maner, a peaked hat of the same colour, as though it should cut and seuer the wind asunder; and on the same a paire of wings, and wings on his héeles likewise. And on his golden rod were little wings also, about the which rod were two wrigling or scralling ser∣pents, which séemed to haue life when the rod was mooued or shaken. So in this sort and forme was [line 50] Mercurie and his coch set foorth, and indéed at such a season as a great sort looked not for anie shew, nor things were readie, as some thought, to performe that was necessarie and expected: yet hap was so good, and the gratious fauour of the prince, that all was well taken, and construed to the best meaning of the deuisor. So ended that daies deuise, which of∣fered occasion to further matter.

On tuesdaie following (for before that daie by meanes of the weather the quéene went not abrode) a verie pretie and pleasant shew was performed be∣fore [line 60] hir highnes without saint Benets gates, as she went towards Cossie parke to hunt. At which sea∣son, although the deuisor was not well prouided of things necessarie for a shew (by meane of some cros∣sing causes in the citie) yet hearing the quéene rode abrode,* 8.41 determined as he might (and yet by helpe of freends and hap) verie well to venture the hazard of a shew, and to be full in the waie where hir highnesse shuld passe towards hir dinner. In which determina∣tion manie doubts were to be cast, and manie per∣suaded him to tarrie a better time. But considering how time rolled on, and daies and houres did wast (without dooing anie thing promised and not perfor∣med) he hastilie prepared his boies and men with all their furnitures, and so set forward with two coches handsomlie trimmed. The common people beholding the maner thereof, and gréedie to gaze on that should be doone, followed as their fansies did lead them: so that when the deuisor and his retinue came into the o∣pen field, there was as great a traine and prease a∣bout the shew, as came with the court at that in∣stant, which graced much the matter, and gaue it some expected hope of good successe.

First, there was a fained deuise,* 8.42 that Uenus and Cupid were thrust out of heauen, and walking on the earth, met a philosopher; who demanded from whense they came. They told the philosopher what they were, and he replied, and began with truth & tants to tickle them so néere, that Uenus fell in a great an∣ger, and Cupid ran awaie, and left his mother and the philosopher disputing togither. But Cupid bicause he would be nourished somewhere, ran to the court, and there sought for succor, & incountring the quéene began to complaine his state and his mothers, and told how the philosopher had handled them both. But finding neither answer nor aid, he returned againe, but not to his mother, for she was fallen mad vpon a conceipt that she was not made of. And Cupid wan∣dering in the world, met with dame Chastitie & hir maids, called Modestie, Temperance, Good exercise, and Shame fastnes:* 8.43 and she with hir foure maids in∣countring Cupid in a goodlie coch, and without anie honest gard waiting on him, set vpon him, threw him out of his golden seat, trod on his pompe, spoi∣led him of his counterfeit godhead and cloke, & tooke awaie his bow and quiuer of arrows, the one headed with lead, and the other with gold, and so sent him like a fugitiue awaie, and mounted vp into the coch hir selfe and hir maids, and so came to the queene, and rehersed what had hapned. Although this was done in hir view, & bicause (said Chastitie) that the quéene had chosen the best life, she gaue the quéene Cupids bow, to learne to shoot at whom she pleased, sith none could wound hir highnesse heart, it was méet (said Chastitie) that she should doo with Cupids bow & ar∣rows what she pleased; and so did Chastitie depart as she said to the powers diuine. Cupid in the meane while wandering in the world had found out Wan∣tonnesse and Riot,* 8.44 who soone fell into beggerie and ruine (a spectacle to be looked into) and felt such dai∣lie miserie with Wantonnesse and Riot, that Cupid was forced to fling awaie once againe, and hazard himselfe to fall into the hands of naughtie people, or where fortune assigned: and comming abrode, hap∣pened vpon the philosopher, who talked with him a∣gaine, told him his errors, and other points of pride and presumption; declaring it was a great blasphe∣mie & abuse, to report & beleeue that in heauen were anie other gods but one, who had the onelie rule of all, & that made all of naught. In which reasoning & discourse Cupid waxed warme, & yet in his greatest heat knew not how nor where to coole himselfe, at which time came Wantonnesse & Riot, & persuaded Cupid to plaie no longer the foole in striuing with philosophers, and go awaie with them. So Cupid de∣parted, & went awaie with Wantonnesse and Riot, & the philosopher remained, & declared that all abuses & follies shuld come to no better end than presentlie was expressed by the miserie of Wantonnesse, Riot, and Cupid. Then Modestie and hir fellows,* 8.45 leauing their mistresse dame Chastitie with the powers di∣uine, came soft and faire in their mistresse coch, sing∣ing a song of chaste life, as heere vnder followeth.

CHast life liues long and lookes on world and wicked waies, Chast life for losse of pleasures short, dooth win immortall praise. Chast life hath merrie moods, and soundlie taketh test,

Chast life is pure as babe new borne, that hugs in mo••hers brest. Lewd life cuts off his daies, and soone runs out his date, Confounds good wits, breeds naughtie bloud, and weakens mans estate. Lewd life the Lord doth loth, the law and land mislikes, The wise will shun, fond fooles doo seeke, and God sore plages and strikes. Chast life may dwell alone, and find few fellowes now, And sit in regall throne, and search lewd manners throw. Chast life feares no mishap, [line 10] the whole account is made, When soule from worldlie cares is crept, and sits in sacred shade. Lewd life is laught to scorne, and put to great disgrace, In hollow caues it hides the head, and walks with muffled face, Found out and pointed at, a monster of the mind, A ••ankred worme that conscience eates, and strikes cleere senses blind. Chast life a pretious pearle, dooth shine as bright as sun, The faire houre glasse of daies and yeeres, [line 20] that neuer out will run. The beautie of the soule, the bodies blisse and ease, A thing that least is lookt vnto, yet most the mind shall please.

And when the song was ended, modestie sent (as she said she was) from hir maistresse, spake to the quéene a good season, and so the matter ended. For this shew the deuiser had gratious words of the quéene openlie and often pronounced by hir high∣nesse. On the same daie the minister of the Dutch church, pronouncing to hir maiestie at hir being a∣brode [line 30] the oration following, presented the cup there∣in mentioned, which was esteemed to be worth fiftie pounds, verie curiouslie and artificiallie wrought.

Oratio ad serenissimam Angliae regi∣nam habita 19. Augusti 1578 à mini∣stro ecclesiae Belgogermanicae Nordouici in loco publico.

MAgna oratoribus, qui percelebratorum aetate vi∣xerunt [line 40] fuit laus, serenissima regina, quòd iudi∣cum animos partim suauiloquentia,* 9.1 partim posita rei personaeque ante ipsorum oculos calamitate, in quemcunque vellent animi habitum transformarent. Prius membrum non vulgarem nobis ob oculos ponit hominum faci∣litatem, quòd adeò sequaces dictóque audientes fuerint, vt se linguis duci paterentur. Posterius magnam vbique apud gen∣tes, quarum respublica optabili ordine fuit constituta, obtinuit gratiam: longè autem maiorem apud eos, qui Christo nomen dederunt:* 9.2 omnium verò maximam apud te (ô serenissima regi∣na) [line 50] ecclesiae Christi nutrix, cuius animum verbo Dei obsequen∣tem instruxit, non fucatus hic sermo, sed Christi spiritus, pie∣tatísque Zelus. Ipsissima piorum calamitas afflictorúmque la∣chrymae, lachrymae inquam Christi fidelium te commouerunt, misera dispersáque Christi membra quibusuis iniurijs obiecta, mille iam mortibus territa, in tutelam salutémque animi iuxta ac corporis recipere ac protegere. Ob haec singularia tua in nos pietatis beneficia, & quòd sub tutore optimo magistratu in hac tua Nordouicensi vrbe (quam maiestas tua nobis ob Christi religionem exulantibus domicilij loco clementer concessit) viui∣mus, [line 60] adde quòd populi in nos animum fauorabilem experimur, inprimis Deo patri, & Domino vnico seruatori nostro Iesu Christo, deinde & tibi serenissima regina immortales non quas debemus sed quas possimus agimus gratias. Porrò humile qui∣dem & vnicum tamen nostrum est votum, animi nostri gratitudinem maiestati tuae ostendere. Ecce igitur nullum munus, sed animum nostrum: nullum regium splendorem, sed pietatis posteritatísque monumentum serenissimae tuae maiestati consecratum.* 9.3 Hoc autem eo gratius maiestati tuaefore confidi∣mus, quòd ex inculpatipijssimí{que} Iosephi historia, Dei erga ma∣iestatem tuam bonitas, ad viuum sit delineata, quem nulla astutia, nullum robur, nulla denique regnandi libido; sed fides constans, christiani pectoris pietas, coelestísque virtus, singulari Dei fauore ex sanguinaria fratrum conspiratione, mortísque metu, ad summam dignitatem, regníque decus euexe••unt. In huius fratres non aliena videtur prouerbial••s illa apud Hebraeos sententia, Inuidia malarum rerum appetitus, & studium vanae gloriae hominibus saepissimè occasio sunt sui inte∣ritus. Tamen quòd Iosephi animum attinet,* 9.4 ea fuit praeditus & temperantia & fortitudine, vt nimis iniquus simul & prauus censeri posset, qui eum vel minimo vindicandi affectu accusare velit; adeò Dei prouidentiae & se & omne vitae suae studium, vitae inquam in alieno regno periclitantis, commi∣sit, vt non aliunde quàm à solo Dei nutu pendêre visus sit. Sed quorsum ista? In te ne haec ipsa aliáque consimilia (ô serenis∣sima regina) & regni tui ratione omnium oculis conspicua sunt? Haec inquam esse ecclesiae Christi foelicissimum gaudium, spirituale diadema, & summum decus, huius verò regni verè regium splendorem, atque perennem gloriam, quis nisimente captus inficias ire potest? Pijssimè tu quidem singulari Dei bonitate animum Iosephi tum in regni tui conseruatione,* 9.5 tum in regno Christi amplificando imitata es (ô nutrix ecclesiae Dei fidelissima) solius enim Dei est hunc per res (prout hominum oculis sunt subiectae) secundas disperdere, illum autem per quae∣uis tētationum genera rerúmque discrimina extollere. Quos vt vasa suae misericordiae agnoscit, ita etiam & bonitate & spiri∣tus sui tum consolatione, tum fortitudine ad aeternae vitae foeli∣citatem prosequitur. Quod nostrum votum ratum esse, maies∣tatem tuam regníque ordinem spirituali prudentia ac sapien∣tia stabilire, eámque in longam aetatem seruare, tuae item ma∣iestatis subditos vera sui cognitione magis ac magis imbuere, dignetur bonus ille & clemens Deus, per meritafilij sui Do∣mini nostri Iesu Christi, Amen.

Regiae maiestati post orationem oblatum est monumentum aliquod, in cuius superficie artifi∣ciosè sculpta erat historia Iosephi: ex lib. Genesios.

In circumferentia verò hoc carmen.

Innocuum pietas ad regia sceptra Iosephum, Ex manibus fratrum, carnificísque, rapit: Carcere & insidijs sic te regina tuorum Ereptam duxit culmina ad ista Deus.

Inscriptio erat in ipsius capacitate scripta in orbem, hoc modo.

Serenissimae Angliae reginae Elisabethae, ecclesiae Belgicae Nordouici ob religionem exulātes, hoc monumentum & pietatis & posteritatis ergô consecrabant, Anno salutis humanae, 1578.

In interiore ipsius parte erat insigne serpentis in gyrum conuoluti, cui media insidebat columba, cum hoc Christi elogio: Prudens vt serpens, simplex vt columba.

The minister of the Dutch church his oration in English.

THe oratours (most grations queene) which liued in the age of them that woone grea∣test renowme,* 10.1 were highlie commended for that they could transforme the iudges minds, partlie by eloquence, and partlie by setting downe before their eies the calamitie of the thing and person they spake of, into what disposition them listed. The first part declareth vnto vs no common fe∣licitie of men, in that they were so willing in follow∣ing, and attentiue in hearing, as they would suffer themselues to be lead by eloquence. The last obtei∣ned great fauour amongst all nations, whose com∣mon weale was gouerned in good order, and farre greater amongst the christians: but greatest of all with thee (ô most excellent queene) the nursse of Christ his church, whose mind obedient to Gods word, the spirit of Christ, and zeale of godlinesse, and not this prophane kind of speech hath instructed. The verie calamitie of godlie men and teares of the affli∣cted, the teares I saie of faithfull christians haue tho∣roughlie mooued thee to defend and protect the mi∣serable

and d••••persed members of Christ obiect to euerie kind of iniurie,* 10.2 before beaten in peeces by a thousand deaths, with the safetie and preseruation as well of mind as bodie. For these thy singular bene∣fits of godlinesse towards vs, and that we liue vn∣der so good a tutor, being magistrate in this thy ci∣tie of Norwich, which thy maiestie hath of clemencie granted vnto vs for a mansion place, which were banished for Christ his religion; and moreouer that we find the minds of the people fauourable towards vs, first wee giue immortall thanks, not such as wee [line 10] ought, but such as we are able vnto God the father, and the Lord our onelie sauiour Iesus Christ; and then vnto thee most mercifull queene. Moreo∣uer, it is our humble and yet our onelie petition, to shew vnto your maiestie the thankefulnesse of our mind. Behold therefore dedicated to your most ex∣cellent maiestie, not anie gift but our mind, no prin∣celie iewell but a monument of godlinesse and po∣steritie.* 10.3 The which we hope will be so much the more acceptable to your maiestie; for bicause the goodnes [line 20] of God towards your maiestie is liuelie drawne out of the historie of the innocent and most godlie Io∣seph, whom neither policie, strength nor desire of bearing rule, but constant faith, godlinesse of a chri∣stian heat, and heauenlie vertue by Gods singular mercie deliuered from the bloudie conspiracie of his brethren and feare of death, and brought vnto high dignitie & roiall kingdome. To whose brethren that prouerbiall sentence of the Hebrewes is verie fitlie alluded: Enuie being the desire of euill things, and [line 30] couetousnesse of transitorie renowme,* 10.4 is oftentimes the occasion of mans destruction. But touching the mind of Ioseph, the same was indued with such temperance and fortitude, that he might be thought no lesse vniust than wicked, that would accuse him so much as with the least affection of reuengement: so wholie did he commit himselfe and all the gouerne∣ment of his life, his life I say put in hazard in a strange kingdome vnto the prouidence of God, that he see∣med [line 40] to hang of no other thing than the onelie will of God. But to what end speake I this? Are not these selfe same things, and others their like (ô most excel∣lent queene) by the eies of all men clearlie beheld in thee and the order of thy kingdome? What man (I saie) hauing his wits, can denie these things to be the most happie ioy, spirituall crowne, & chiefest or∣nament of Christes church, & trulie of this kingdome the princelie beautie and perpetuall renowne? Thou surelie doost folow most holilie the mind of Ioseph,* 10.5 [line 50] by the singular goodnesse of God, as well in preser∣uing thy kingdome, as in amplifieng the kingdome of Christ (ô thou most faithfull nursse of the church of God.) For it is in God onelie to destroie this man by prosperitie (as the world seeth) and aduance ano∣ther by al kinds of aduersities, tentations, & dangers. Whom as he acknowlegeth the vessels of his mer∣cie, so by his goodnesse togither with the consolation and strength of his spirit, he dooth bring them to the happinesse of eternall life. Which our petition that [line 60] good and mercifull God grant may be ratified, in establishing your maiestie and gouernance of your kingdome with spirituall wisedome and vnderstan∣ding, in preseruing the same full manie years, and in∣duing your maiesties subiects more and more with true knowledge of him, for his sonnes sake our Lord Iesus Christ, Amen.

The oration ended, there was a certeine monu∣ment presented to hir maiestie, in the vpper part whereof was artificiallie grauen the historie of Io∣seph out of Genesis. In the inner part of the same there was the figure of a serpent, interfolding it selfe: in the middest whereof did sit a dooue with this sentence of Christ, Matth. 10, 16. Wise as the ser∣pent, and meeke as the doue. In the circumference or compasse thereof was these verses to be read.

To roiall scepter, godlinesse, Ioseph the innocent, Dooth take from brothers bloudie hands, and murtherers intent. So thee, O queene, the Lord hath led from prison and deceit Of thine, vnto these highest tops of your princelie estate.

On wednesdaie hir highnesse dined at my lord of Surreis, where were the French ambassadors also,* 10.6 at a most rare and delicate dinner and banket. At which season the deuiser did watch with his shew (cal∣led Manhood & Desert) at my lord of Surreis backe dore, going to the quéenes barge: but the roome was so little, that neither the shot, the armed men, nor the plaiers could haue place conuenient. Wherevpon he and his assistants tooke boats, and conueied their people downe the water, towards a landing place that they hoped the queene would come vnto. And there hauing althings in redinesse, they hoouered on the water three long houres, by which meanes the night came on, and so they were faine to withdraw themselues and go homeward, trusting for a better time and occasion, which in déed was offered the next daie after by the quéenes maiesties owne good mo∣tion, who told the deuiser she would sée what pa∣stimes were prepared, as hereafter you shall per∣ceiue by the discourse of these matters, and by this shew of Manhood, and the shew of the Nymphes. Neuerthelesse, as hir maiestie returned homeward; within Bishops gate at the hospitall doore, master Stephan Limbert, master of the grammar schoole in Norwich stood readie to render hir an oration. Hir maiestie drew neare vnto him, & thinking him fearefull, said gratiouslie vnto him: Be not afraid.* 10.7 He answered hir againe in English: I thanke your maiestie for your good incouragement: & then with good courage entered into this oration following.

Ad illustrissimam principem Elisabe∣tham, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae regi∣nam &c: ante fores 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nor∣douicensis, oratio Stephani Limberti ludimagistri publici.

AEgyptum fama est inundante Nilo (se∣renissima regina) & aureo Pactoli flu∣mine quotannis Lidiam irrigari,* 11.1 quae res in ijs agris maxima fecunditatis causa putatur. In nos autem at{que} adeo vniuersam Angliam, quae lat è patet, non è Tmolo aut alijs ne∣scio quibus montibus, sed ex illo perenni & vber∣rimo fonte bonitatis tuae, multi maximi{que} pietatis, iusticiae, mansuetudinis, aliorúm{que} innumerabili∣um bonorum, prae quibus iam viluit aurum & ob∣soleuit, copiosissimi riui profluxerunt. At{que} vt ex infinitis vel vnum leuiter attingam, propterea quòd de pluribus dicere nec est huius loci & tem∣poris nec facultatis meae. Insignem illam misericor∣diam celsitudinis tuae, nobilissima regina, & ad leuandum pauperrimorum hominum inopiam in∣credibilem propensionem, qua de plurimis virtu∣tibus nulla Deo gratior (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vt canit Homerus) in summa principe nul∣la mortalibus admirabilior esse potest, quibus tan∣dem laudibus efferemus? Quàm honorificis verbis prosequemur? 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, hoc est, hospitium pau∣perum celeberrimum est apud omnes posteros re∣giae virtutis at{que} beneficentiae monumentum futu∣rum,* 11.2 institutum quidem ab illustrissimo Henrico patre celsitudinis tuae, à nobilissimo Edouardo fra∣tre

maximis tabulis consignatum, a tua verò maie∣state, quod non minorem laudem meretur, Crinle∣fordiensibus fundis & possessionibus egregiè nuper auctum at{que} amplificatum, vt non tam alienis iam ornamentis, quàm proprijs virtutibus meritò lae∣tari possis. Recordata quippe es pro tua singulari prudentia at{que} eruditione, diuinam illam sapientis∣simi Platonis legem, quam vndecimo de legibus li∣bro scriptam reliquit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Tantamigitur benignitatem, tam eximi∣am [line 10] & incredibilem misericordiam tuam (illu∣strissima princeps) quibus complectemur studijs? Quibus officijs, aut qua voce grati animi volunta∣tem testificabimur? Cùm enim omnes referendae gratiae studio & labore, vel accuratissimas ratio∣nes exquisiuerimus, ne vnius quidem huius bene∣ficij, quo nos augustissimae maiestatituae obstrictos esse & deuinctos agnoscimus, magnitudinem asse∣quipoterimus. Superabimur vel ab hoc vno & sin∣gulari [line 20] merito,* 11.3 nedum sperandum est, vt immenso reliquorum meritorum pelago, quod tum in omnes tibi subditos publicè & generatim, tum in hanc ci∣uitatem propriè ac particulatim exundauit, pares esse queamus. Verè nos iam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 incolimus, & in beatis illis insulis de quibus meminit Hesiodus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aetatem agimus, qui non modò frugibus, lana, pecore, alijs{que} subsidijs humanae vitae sed multo magis verae religionis verbí{que} diuini, in quibus animi solùm acquiescunt, pretiosissimis opi∣bus [line 30] abundamus. Sunt qui Britanniam alterum or∣bem appellârunt,* 11.4 quod hac aetate nostra dici rectis∣simè posse arbitror. Cùm enim omnes vndíque ter∣rae grauissimis bellis affligantur, & discordiarum iactentur fluctibus, soli nos, celsitudine tua cla∣uum moderante, in pacatissimo portu nauigamus, & ab orbe malorum disiuncti, in coelum quodam∣modo foelicitatis sublati videmur. Quod est ergô officij nostri, primùm deo Opt. Max. gratias agi∣mus, [line 40] cuius vnius bonitati omnem hanc, quanta∣cùn{que} est, beatitudinem acceptam referimus, pre∣camùr{que} vt eam nobis propriam & perpetuam esse velit: deinde celsitudini tuae, serenissima regina, cuius opera, cura, solicitudine, & partam hanc no∣bis foelicitatem, & tot annos conseruatam agnosci∣mus. Laetamur hoc aspectu tuo, & gratulamur in∣credibili studio, quod tum ex meo ipsius sensu lo∣quor, tum omnes qui iam vndi{que}, confluxerunt [line 50] Nordouicenses tui à me dici postulant. At{que} vti∣nam in haec pector a posses oculos inserere,* 11.5 & ocul∣tos animorum nostrorum sinus perlustrare, vide∣res profectò inclusam intus, quae tantis angustijs e∣rumpere non potest, infinitam molem voluntatis. Fidem omnem, studium, obseruantiam, quae tantae principi debentur, vt haectenus promptissimè detu∣limus, ita studiosissimè semper deferemus: & si quando casus aliquis inciderit (quod Deus omen a∣uertat) [line 60] sacrosanctae maiestatis tuae, aut istius flo∣rentissimi regni, vel salus in discrimen veniat, vel dignitas periclitetur, non solùm bonorum om∣nium ac facultatum effusionem, sed laterum nostro∣rum oppositus & corporum pollicemur. Rogamus deinde & obsecramus excellentiam tuam, illustris∣sima regina, vt & hoc nostrum qualecun{que} offici∣um à summa beneuolentia animó{que} quàm gra∣tissimo profectum boni consulas, & de no∣bis Nordouicensibus sic existimes, ad lautiores te fortasse subditos venisse saepe, adlaetiores nunquam.

The oration of Stephan Limbert, pub∣like schoolemaister, to the most magnificent prince, Elisabeth of England, France, and Ireland queene, &c: before the gates of the hospitall of Norwich.

IT is reported (most gratious queene) that Aegypt is watered with the yerelie ouer∣flowing of Nilus,* 12.1 and Lidia with the gol∣den streame of Pactolus, which thing is thought to be the cause of the great frute∣fulnes of these countries: but vpon vs, and further, ouer all England, euen into the vttermost borders, manie and maine riuers of godlinesse, iustice, humilitie, and other innumerable good things, in comparison of the which, gold is vile and naught worth, doo most plen∣tifullie gush out, and those not from Tmolus, or other hilles I know not which, but from that continuall and most aboundant welspring of your goodnesse. And that of those infinit goodnesses I maie lightlie touch one, for that neither place, time, nor my abilitie dooth permit to speake of manie: with what praises shall we extoll; with what magnificent words shall we ex∣presse that notable mercie of your highnesse (most re∣nowmed queene) and vncredible readinesse to re∣lieue the need of poore men, than the which of manie vertues none can be more acceptable vnto God, as Homer writeth, neither anie vertue in a mightie prince more woondered at amongst men. This hospi∣tall of poore men is most famous,* 12.2 which will be a monument of princelie vertue and beneficence a∣mongst all posteritie, instituted by the most mightie king Henrie your highnesse father, confirmed with the great seale by the most noble king Edward your brother, but by your maiestie, which deserueth no lesse praise, of late notablie increased and amplified by the lands and possessions of Cringleford, that you maie not now worthilie reioise so much in others or∣naments, as your owne vertues. For you are said for your singular wisdome and learning, to haue studied that diuine law of the most wise Plato, which he left written in the eleuenth booke of lawes. Such your great bountie therefore, so exceeding and incredible mercie (ô most vertuous prince) in what bookes shall we comprehend? With what duties, or with what voice shall we testifie the good will of a thankefull mind? For when we diligentlie seeke all the most ex∣quisit and curious means of thankesgiuing: we can∣not so much as atteine vnto the greatnesse of this one benefit,* 12.3 by the which we acknowledge our selues bound and streictlie holden to your most roiall ma∣iestie. We shall be ouercome, euen with this one and singular benefit, so much the lesse hope haue we then in anie point to counteruaile the huge sea of the rest of your benefits, which ouerfloweth on euerie side as well publikelie & generallie ouer all your subiects, as properlie and particularlie vpon this citie. We cer∣teinlie now inhabit, and lead our liues in those most happie Ilands, of the which Hesiodus maketh men∣tion, which not onelie abound with all maner of graine, wooll, cattell, and other aids of mans life; but much more with the most pretious treasure of true religion and the word of God, in the which onlie the minds of men haue rest and peace.* 12.4 There be that call England another world, which I thinke maie be most true in this our age. For whereas all lands on euerie side of vs are afflicted with most grieuous warres, and tossed with the flouds of dissention, we onelie (your highnesse gouerning our sterne) doo saile in a most peaceable hauen, and seuered from a world of mis∣chiefs, doo seeme after a sort to be taken vp into a heauen of happinesse. We therefore (according to our bounden dutie) first giue thanks vnto God almightie, vnto whose goodnesse onelie with thanks we referre all this our happinesse, how great soeuer it be, & praie that he would vouchsafe to make the same proper and perpetuall vnto vs. And afterwards vnto your highnesse (ô most gratious queene) by whose studie, care and diligence we confesse this blessednesse to be gotten, and so manie years preserued vnto vs.* 12.5 We are glad in this beholding you, and we reioise with desire more than maie be beleeued, which as I speake of mine owne thought, so also all the subiects of Nor∣wich desire me to saie the same in their behalfe. And

I would to God you could pearse these our breasts with your eies, and throughlie view the hidden and couered creeks of our minds! Then vndoubtedlie should you behold an infinit heape of goodwill close∣lie shut vp within, which cannot breake out of so nar∣row straits. All the faith, studie, and obedience, which are due to so great a prince, as hitherto we haue most willinglie imploied, so will we alwaies most diligent∣lie performe the same: and if at anie time anie chance shall happen (which fortune God turne from vs) that ••he state of thy blessed maiestie, or of this flourishing realme should come in danger, or the worthinesse [line 10] therof be in hazard, we do not onlie protest the effu∣sion of all our goods and substance, but also the put∣ting foorth and brunt of our strengths and bodies therein. Finallie, we desire and beseech thy excellen∣cie (most renowmed queene) well to accept of this our dutie, howsoeuer it be, proceeding from a singu∣lar good will, and a most thankefull mind, and so to thinke of vs citizens of Norwich, that perhaps you haue manie times come to people more wealthie, but to more ioifull neuer.

Immediatlie after the beginning of the oration [line 20] hir maiestie called to hir the French ambassadors, whereof there were three, and diuerse English lords, and willed them to harken, and she hirselfe was ve∣rie attentiue, euen vntill the end thereof. And the oration ended, after she had giuen great thanks therefore to maister Limbert,* 12.6 she said to him; It is the best that euer I heard; you shall haue my hand: and pulled off hir gloue, and gaue him hir hand to kisse, which before kneeling on his knees, he arose and kissed; and then she departed to the court without a∣nie [line 30] other shew that night, but that she sent backe to know his name. The next night being thursdaie there was an excellent princelie maske brought be∣fore hir after supper by maister Goldingham in the priuie chamber, it was of gods and goddesses both strangelie and richlie apparelled. The first that en∣tred was Mercurie,* 12.7 then entred two torchbearers in purple taffata mandillions laid with siluer lace, as all other the torchbearers were; then entred a consort of musike, to wit, six musicians, all in long [line 40] vestures of white sarsenet girded about them, and garlands on their heads, plaieng verie cunninglie; then two torchbearers more; then Iupiter and Iu∣no, then two torchbearers more; then Mars and Ve∣nus, then two torchbearers more; then Apollo and Pallas, then two torchbearers more; then Neptune and Diana; and lastly Cupid concluding the matter.

Thus when they had once marched about the chamber, Mercurie dischargeth his message in these words to the quéene: The good meaning maior and [line 50] all his brethren,* 12.8 with the rest, haue not rested from praieng vnto the gods to prosper thy comming hi∣ther; and the gods themselues mooued by their vnfai∣ned praiers, are readie in person to bid thée worthilie welcome; and I Mercurie the god of merchants and merchandize, and therefore a fauourer of the citizens, being thought méetest am chosen fittest to signifie the same. Gods there be also which cannot come, be∣ing tied by the time of the yeare, as Ceres in haruest, Bacchus in wines, Pomona in orchards. Onelie [line 60] Hymineus denieth his good will, either in presence or in person: notwithstanding Diana hath so counter∣checked him therfore, as he shall hereafter be at your commandement. For my part, as I am a reioiser at your comming,* 12.9 so am I a furtherer of your wel∣come hither; and for this time I bid you farewell.

Feare not oh queene, thou art beloued so, As subiects true will trulie thee defend: Feare not my power to ouerthrow thy wo, I am the God that can ech misse amend. Thou doest know great Iupiter am I, That gaue thee first thy happie souereintie. I giue thee still as euer thou hast had, A peerelesse power vnto thy dieng daie: I giue thee rule to ouercome the bad, And loue to loue thy louing subiects aie. I giue thee heere this small and slender wand, To shew thou shalt in quiet rule the land.

Is Iuno rich? No sure she is not so,* 12.10 She wants that wealth that is not wanting heere, Thy goods get friends, my wealth wins manie a fo, My riches rust, but thine shine passing cleere. Thou art beloued of subiects farre and uie, Which is such wealth as monie cannot buie. Farewell faire queene, I cannot giue thee ought, Nor take awaie thy good that is so bound: Thou canst not giue that I so long haue sought, Ne can I hold the riches thou hast found. Yet take this gift, though poore I seeme to be, That thou thy selfe shalt neuer poorer be.

Where force dooth fiercelie seeke to foster wrong,* 12.11 There Mars dooth make him make a quicke recoile, Nor can indure that he should harbor long, Where naughtie wights manure in goodlie soile. This is the vse that aids the force of warre, That Mars dooth mend, that force dooth seeke to marre. And though oh queene thou beest a prince of peace, Yet shalt thou haue me fastlie sure at need: The stormes of strife and blustering broiles to cease, Which forren foes or faithlesse friends may breed. To conquer, kill, to vanquish and subdue, Such fained folke, as loues to liue vntrue.

These words were ingrauen vpon the kniues:

To hurt your fo and helpe your frend, These kniues are made vnto that end: Both blunt and sharpe you shall vs find, As pleaseth best your princelie mind.

In vaine (faire queene) from heauen my comming was,* 12.12 To seeke to mend that is no waie amis: For now I see thy fauour so dooth passe, That none but thou, thou onelie she it is, Whose beautie bids ech wight to looke on thee, By view they may another Uenus see. Where beautie boasts, and fauour dooth not faile, What may I giue to thee O worthie wight? This is my gift, there shall no wo preuaile, That seekes thy will against thy willes delight, Not where they will, but where it likes thy mind, Accept that friend if loiall thou him find.

The doue being cast off, ran directlie to the queene, and being taken vp and set vpon the table before hir maiestie, sate so quietlie as if it had béene tied. Then after they had marched againe about, Apollo presented his gift, which was an instrument called a bandonet, and did sing to the said instrument this short and pithie dittie, as he was plaieng therevpon:

It seemeth strange to see such strangers heere,* 12.13 Yet not so strange but strangers knowes you well: Your vertuous thoughts to gods doo plaine appeere, Your acts on earth bewraies how you excell: You cannot die, loue here hath made your lease, Which gods haue sent, and God saith shall not cease. Uertuous desire desired me to sing, No subiecs sute, though suters they were all, Apollos gifts are subiect to no king, Rare are thy gifts that did Apollo call, Then still reioise, sith God and man saie so, This is my gift, thou neuer shalt haue wo.

Most worthie wight, what wouldst thou haue of me?* 12.14 Thou hast so much, thou canst inioie no more: I cannot giue that once I gaue to thee, Nor take awaie the good I gaue before. I robbed was by natures good consent, Against my will, and yet I was content. A Pallas thou, a princesse I will be: I queene of losse, thou goddesse which hast got: I sometime was, thou onelie now art she: I take, thou gauest that ••ucke that was my lot. I giue not thee this booke to learne thee aught, For that I know alreadie thou art taught.

What art thou (queene) that gods do loue thee so?* 12.15 Who woon their wils to be ••o at thy will? How can the world become thy cruell fo? How can Disdaine or Malice seeke to kill? Can sea or earth deuise to hurt thy hap? Sith thou by gods doost sit in fortunes lap. As heauen and earth haue vowed to be thine, So Neptunes seas haue sworne to drench thy foes, As I am god, and all the waters mine, Still shalt thou get, but neuer shalt thou lose: And sith on earth my wealth is nought at all, Accept good will, the gift is verie small.

Who euer found on earth a constant friend, That may compare with this my virgin queene?* 12.16 Who euer found a bodie and a mind So free from staine, so perfect to be seene? Oh heauenlie hew, that aptest is to soile, And yet doost liue from blot of anie foile. Rare is thy gift, and giuen to few or none, Malist therefore of some that dare not say, More shines thy light, for that I know but one, That anie such shew, to follow on their waie. Thou thou art shee, take thou the onelie praise, For chastest dame in these our happie daies.

Accept my bowe, sith best thou do••st deserue, Though well I k••ow ••hy mind can thee preserue.

* 12.17Ah ha, I see my mother out of sight, Then let the boy now plaie the wag a while, I seeme but weake, yet weake is not my might, My boiesh wit can oldest folke beguile. Who so dooth thinke, I speake this but in iest, Let me but shoot, and I shall quench his rest, Marke here my shafts: this all is made of wood, Which is but soft, and breeds but soft good will, Now this is gilt, yet seemes it gold full good, And dooth deceiue blind louing people still. But here is one is seldome felt or seene: This is of gold, meet for the noblest queene. [line 10] Wherefore dame faire, take thou this gift of me, Though some deserue, yet none deserue like you, Shoot but this shaft at king or Cesar: he, And he is thine, and if thou wilt allow, It is a gift that manie here doo craue, Yet none but thou this golden shaft maie haue.

There was written vpon the shaft:

My colour, ioy, my substance pure, My vertue such as shall indure.

* 12.18Hir maiestie receiued these gifts verie thankeful∣lie, the gods and goddesses with the rest of the maske marched about the chamber againe, and then depar∣ted in like maner as they came in. Then the queene [line 20] called vnto hir master Robert Wood, the maior of Norwich, whom first she heartilie thanked, and tooke by the hand, and vsed secret conference: but what I know not. And thus this delightfull night passed, to the ioy of all that saw hir grace in so pleasant plight.

On thursdaie in the morning, my lord chamber∣laine gaue the deuisor warning the quéene would ride abrode in the after noone,* 12.19 and he commanded him to be readie, dutifullie to present hir with some shew. Then knowing which waie the queene would [line 30] ride (by coniecture and instructions giuen) the deui∣sor caused a place to be made and digged for the nymphes of the water, the maner and proportion whereof was in this forme and fashion. First there was measure taken for threescore foot of ground eue∣rie waie, the hole to be made déepe and foure square, which ground was all couered with canuas painted greene like the grasse, and at euerie side on the can∣uas ran a string through curteine rings, which string might easilie be drawne anie kind of waie, by reason [line 40] of two great poales that laie along in the ground, and answered the curteine or canuas on each side, so that drawing a small cord in the middle of the can∣uas, the earth would séeme to open, & so shut againe as the other end of the cord was drawne backward.* 12.20 And in the same caue was a noble noise of musike of all kind of instruments, seuerallie to be sounded and plaied vpon, and at one time they should be soun∣ded all togither, that might serue for a consort of bro∣ken musike. And in the same caue also was placed [line 50] twelue water nymphes, disguised or dressed most strangelie, ech of them had either vpon white silke, or fine linnen, gréene sedges stitched cunninglie on a long garment, so well wrought and also set on, as scarse anie whit might be perceiued. And euerie nymph had in hir hand a great bundle of bulrushes, and had on hir head a garland of iuie, vnder the which iuie was a coife of mosse, and vnder the mosse was there long goodlie heare like golden tresses that coue∣red [line 60] hir shoulders, and in a maner raught downe vn∣to hir middle.

Now touching the beautie of the nymphes, they sée∣med to be the chosen children of the world, and be∣came their attire so well, that their beautie might haue abused a right good iudgement. For diuerse of those that knew them before (albeit they were bare faced) could scarse know them in their garments, and sundrie tooke them to be yoong girles and wen∣ches, prepared for the nonce, to procure a laughter. These nymphs thus apparelled, and all things in good plight and readinesse,* 12.21 there was deuised, that at the quéenes comming néere the water side (as this caue stood at the brim of the riuer) one nymph should pop vp out of the caue first, and salute the queene with a speach, and then another: and so till foure of them had finished their speaches, there they should re∣maine; and when they retired into their caue, the mu∣sike should begin: which sure had beene a noble hea∣ring, and the more melodious for the varietie there∣of, and bicause it should come secretlie and strange∣lie out of the earth. And when the musike was doone, then should all the twelue nymphs haue issued togi∣ther, & dansed a danse with timbrels that were trim∣med with belles, and other iangling things, which timbrels were as brode as a siue, hauing bottoms of fine parchment, and being sounded, made such a confused noise and pastime, that it was to be woon∣dered at: besides the strangenesse of the timbrels (yet knowne to our forefathers) was a matter of ad∣miration vnto such as were ignorant of that new found toy, gathered and borrowed from our elders. So in order and readinesse stood that shew for the time.

And to kéepe that shew companie (but yet farre off) stood the shew of Manhood and Desert,* 12.22 as first to be presented, and that shew was as well furnished as the other; men all, saue one boy called Beautie; for the which, Manhood, Fauour, and Desert, did striue (or should haue contended) but good Fortune (as victor of all conquests) was to come in, and ouer∣throw Manhood, Fauour, Desert, & all their powers, and onelie by fine force (vpon a watchword spoken) should laie hand on Beautie, and carrie or lead hir a∣way. The other sutors troubled with this kind of dea∣ling, should talke togither, and sweare to be in one mind for an open reuenge: and vpon that Fortune should crie Arme, arme. The other side called for their friends, at the which stirre should appeare both their strengthes: but good Fortune should farre in power exceed his enimies. And yet to shew that Destinie (and who best can conquer) shall gouerne all, For∣tune should make an offer, that six to six with sword and target should end the brall and businesse. Then six gentlemen on either side with rebated swords and targets (onelie in dublet and hose, and murrion on head) approched and would claime the combat, and deale togither twelue blowes apéece, and in the end fortune should be victor: and then the shot and ar∣med men should fall at variance so sharpelie (vpon mistaking of the matter) that Fortunes side should triumph and march ouer the bellies of their enimies:* 12.23 in which time were legs and armes of men (well and liuelie wrought) to be let fall in numbers on the ground, as bloudie as might be. Fortune, regarding nothing but victorie, marcheth so awaie in great tri∣umph: and then should haue come into the place a song for the death of Manhood, Fauor, and Desert, and so the shew should haue ended.

But now note what befell after this great busi∣nesse and preparation.* 12.24 For as the queenes highnesse was appointed to come vnto hir coch, and the lords and courtiers were readie to mount on horssebacke, there fell such a showre of raine (& in the necke there∣of came such a terrible thunder) that euerie one of vs were driuen to séeke for couert and most comfort, insomuch that some of vs in bote stood vnder a bridge and were all so dashed & washed, that it was a grea∣ter pastime to sée vs looke like drowned rats, than to haue beheld the vttermost of the shewes rehearsed. Thus you sée, a shew in the open field is alwaies sub∣iect to the sudden change of weather, and a number of more inconueniences. But what should be said of that which the citie lost by this cause; veluets, silkes,* 12.25 tinsels, and some cloth of gold being cut out for these purposes, that could not serue to anie great effect af∣ter? Well, there was no more to saie, but an old ad∣age, that Man dooth purpose, but God dooth dispose,

to whose disposition and pleasure the guide of grea∣ter maters is committed. So this thursdaie tooke his ••••aue from the actors, and left them looking one vpon another, & he that thought he had receiued most 〈◊〉〈◊〉, kept greatest silence, and lapping vp (among a bundle of other misfortunes) this euill chance, eue∣rie person quietlie passed to his lodging.

The next daie being fridaie, in which daie the court remooued, the stréets towards saint Benets gates were hanged, from the one side to the other, [line 10] with cords made of hearbs and floures, with gar∣lands▪ coronets, pictures, rich cloths, and a thousand d••••ses. At the gates themselues there was a stage made verie richlie apparelled with cloth of gold and crimsin veluet, whervpon in a close place made ther∣••n for the purpose, was placed verie swéet musike: & one readie to render hir this speach following.* 12.26 The daiefull houre of hir departure came, she passed from the court, to those gates, with such countenances, both of hir maiesties part, and hir subiects now dolo∣rous▪ [line 20] now chéerefull, as plainlie shewed the louing ••earts of both sides. When she came there the speach was thus vttered vnto hir in verie plausib••e sort:

Terrestriall ioies are tide with s••ender fi••e, Ea••t happie hap full hastilie dooth slide, As summer season lasteth but a while, So winter stormes doo longer time abide: ••••as wha•• blisse can anie ••ime endure? Ou•• sunshine daie is dasht with sudden shoure. Could toong expresse our secret ioies of hart▪ O•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prince) when thou didst come in place? •••• n•• God wo••, nor can expresse the sma•••• Thy subiects feele in this departing ••ase. [line 30] But gratious queen••, let here thy grace remaine I•• gra••ious wi••e, till thy returne againe. I•• lieu whereof, receiue thy subiects harts, * 12.27I•• fixed faith con••inuallie thine owne: Who readie rest to loose their ••itall parts I•• thy defense, when anie blast is blowne. Thou are our queene, our rocke and onelie staie, We are thine owne to serue by night and daie. Farewell oh queene, farewell oh mother deare, Le•• Iacobs God thy sacred bodie gard: Al•• is thine owne that is possessed here, And all in all is but a small reward For thy great grace, God length thy life like Noy, To gouerne vs, and eke thy realme in ioy. Amen. [line 40]

Th••se words were deuised by B. Goldingham, and spoken by himselfe, to whome hir maiestie said: We ••••anke you hartilie. Then with the musicke in the same place was soong this short dittie following, in a verie sweet voice, to the great delite of the hearers;

What vaileth life, where sorow sokes the hart? * 12.28Who feareth death that is in deepe distresse? Release of life dooth best abate the smart Ofhim, whose woes are quite without redresse. Lend me your teares, resigne your sighes to me, Helpe all to wai•••• the dolor which you see. What haue we doone, she will no longer staie? What may we doo to hold hir with vs still? [line 50] Shee is our queene, we subiects must obaie, Grant, though with greefe, to hir departing will. Conclude we then, and sing with sobbing breath, God length thy life (oh queene Elisabeth.)

* 12.29On fridaie, the court vpon remooue, the citie trou∣••••••d with manie causes, and some séeking to doo ser∣uice like the deuiser, mooued him to doo somewhat of himselfe, bicause his aids (as manie times they were before) were drawne from him, each one about his owne businesse, and he left to his owne inuentions and policie, at which exigent or casuall things of for∣tune, [line 60] he drew his boies vnto him, that were the Nymphs on the water, and so departed the citie, with such garments and stuffe necessarie as fitted his purpose and the matter he went about. Then he chose a ground, by the which the quéene must passe, inclo∣sing his companie in the corner of a field, being de∣fen••ed with high and thicke bushes, and there some parts he made, which the boies might misse, bicause the time was short for the learning of those parts. But he being resolued to doo somewhat might make the quéene laugh,* 12.30 appointed that seauen boies of twelue should passe through a hedge from the place of abode (which was gallantlie trimmed) and deliuer seauen spéeches. And these boies (you must vnder∣stand) were dressed like Nymphes of the water, and were to plaie by a deuise and degrees the feiries, and to danse (as néere as could be imagined) like the feiries. Their attire and comming so strangelie out, made the queenes highnesse smile and laugh withall. And the deuiser hearing this good hope, be∣ing apparelled like a water sprite, began to sound a timbrell, & the rest with him, all the twelue Nymphs togither (when the seauen had repaired in) sounded timbrels likewise. And although the deuiser had no great harting, yet as he durst,* 12.31 he led the yoong foolish feiries a danse, which boldnesse of his ••red no dis∣grace, but as he heard, was well taken. The quéene vpon their retire in, hasted to hir highnes lodging, which was seuen miles off, and at that present, when the shew ended, it was past fiue of the clocke.

All these shewes finished, hir maiestie in princelie maner marched toward the confines of the liberties of the citie of Norwich, which was supposed almost two miles. Before she came there,* 12.32 maister maior brake to my lord chamberlaine, that he was to vtter to hir maiestie an other oration, whereof my lord seemed to haue good liking: but before they came to the said confines, maister maior was wil••ed to for∣beare the vtterance of the same his oration, bicause it was about seauen of the clocke, and hir maiestie had then fiue miles to ride. Neuerthelesse he gaue to hir maiestie both his orations in writing, which she thanked him for. She also thanked the maior, euerie alderman, and the commoners, not onelie for the great chéere they had made hir, but also for the open housholds they kept to hir highnesse seruants, and all others.* 12.33 Then she called maister maior and made him knight: and so departing, said: I haue laid vp in my breast such good will, as I shall neuer forget Norwich; and proceeding onward did shake hir ri∣ding rod and said: Farewell Norwich, with the wa∣ter standing in hir eies.* 12.34 In which great good will to∣wards vs all, I beséech God to continue hir maiestie with long and triumphant reigne ouer vs, Amen.

Now to come to the returne of the queenes ma∣iestie from Norfolke and Suffolke, in which two counties hir highnesse knighted certeine gentle∣men, as namelie in Suffolke George Colt,* 12.35 Philip Parkar, Robert Iermine, William Spring, Tho∣mas Barnardiston, Thomas Kidson, Arthur He∣dingham: In Norffolke, Thomas Knou••t, Nicho∣las Bacon, William Pastons, Edward Clée••e, Rafe Shelton, Henrie Woodhouse, Thomas Gau∣die, Robert Wood maior, Roger Woodhouse. Th••se gentlmen hir maiestie knighted, for that they should all their life time after haue the greater regard to God and their prince.* 12.36 Now the queenes maiestie pas∣sing from Norwich, she came to sir Roger Wood∣houses that night, where she was well receiued, and noblie interteined. From thense to Wood rising at sir Edward Cleeres. From thense to sir Thomas Kidsons, where in verie déed the fare and bankets did so excéed a number of other places, that it is wor∣thie the mention. A shew representing the feiries (as well as might be) was there séene, in the which shew a rich iewell was presented to the queenes highnes. From thense to master Reuets, where all things were well and in verie good order, and meat liberallie spent.

But now to speake a little by the waie of Gods mightie hand and power, that framed mens hearts so ••ell in manie parts, before the quéenes highnesse c••••••e to Cambridgeshire, and to tell how blessedlie o••r great and good God did deale with our deere so∣uereigne ladie, in causing euerie person to shew the dutie, is a matter of great discourse, and of no little weight and comfort to all good minds that shall consider of the same. Such a Lord is our great God,

that can fr••me all things to the best, and such a so∣uereigne ladie we haue, that can make the crooked paths streight where she commeth, & draw the harts of the people after hir whersoeuer she trauelleth. So from master Reuets hir highnesse came to my lord Norths, who was no whit behind anie of the best for a franke house, a noble heart, and well ordered inter∣teinement. And there was an oration made by a gentleman ofCambridge,* 12.37 with a statelie and a faire cup presented from the vniuersitie, all the ambassa∣dors of France beholding the same. And the gentle∣men [line 10] of the shire (as in manie other places) did beare the quéenes meat to the table, which was a great li∣king & gladnesse to the gentlemen, & a solemne sight for strangers & subiects to looke vpon. From my lord Norths to sir Giles Allingtons, where things were well, and well liked. From thense to sir Iohn Cuts. From thense to M. Kapels, where was excellent good cheere & interteinement. From thense to Hide hall,* 12.38 where I heard of no great cheere nor banket∣ting. [line 20] From thense to Rockwood hall, but how the traine was there interteined, I am ignorant of. From thense to master Stonars, and from thense to my lord of Leicesters house, where the progresse ended, & (to knit vp all) the good chéere was reuiued, not onelie with making a great feast to the quéene and the French ambassador, but also in feasting so∣lemnelie (at seuerall times) the whole gard,* 12.39 on sun∣daie and mondaie before the queene came, at his owne table, vsing such courtesie vnto them for the space of two daies, as was and is worthie of perpe∣tuall [line 30] memorie. Thus much of the quéenes highnesse returne, whom God hath so well preserued, that she like a worthie prince to our great comfort prospe∣reth in peace, to the great disgrace of the enimies of God, and aduersaries of our common weale and countrie, wherin God continue hir maiestie, Amen.

The quéenes maiestie, now gone from Norwich, carried awaie with hir all the gladnesse of the citie, which sprang from hir presence; in place whereof suc∣céeded [line 40] melancholie sadnes: in somuch that the verie aier altered with the change of the countrie cheere proceeding from the departure of hir highnes roi∣all person: which he meant that made these verses, wherwith the description of this progresse shall end.

* 12.40Splendide Phoebe redi, cur te sub nube recondis? Innuba Pallas adest, splendide Phoebe redi. Hasta minax procul est, non Gorgonis ora videbis, Pallas inermis adest, splendide Phoebe redi. Scilicet à tanto metuis tibi lumine forsan: [line 50] Ne superet radios foemina Phoebe tuos. Pulcher Apollo tibi ne sit regina rubori▪ Ipse decore tuo vincis, & illa suo. Euge redux reducem quia pulsa nocte reducis Phoebe diem: toto est gratius orbe nihil. Haec pepulit tetri tenebras noctémque papismi, Et liquidum retulit relligione diem. Euge nigras nebulas radijs quiasaepe repellis Phoebe tuis: pene est gratius orbe nihil. Texuerant remoras discrimina mille papistae: [line 60] Neceptum princeps continuaret iter: Nec tamen hunc nebulae potuerunt condere solem: Quamuis tu nebulis cedis Apollo tuis. Ergô iubar nostrum repulisse obstaculo cernis: Sic age, sol nebulas lumine pelle tuo. Splendide Phoebe redi, cur te sub nube recondis? Innuba Pallas adest, splendide Phoebe radi.

* 12.41Sustinet, ornat, habet, regnum, literaria, formam, Prouida, docta, decens, Iuno, Minerua, Venus. Singula dona trium simul Elizabetha dearum Prouida, docta, decens, sustinet, ornat, habet. Esse deas lusi: diuinam dicimus istam: Quamuis nec liceat nec libet esse deam. In shadowing clouds why art thou clo••d? O Phebus bright ••etire:* 12.42 Unspoused Pallas present is, O Phebus bright retire. The thretning speare is flong far off, doubt not grim Gorg••••s ire: Unarmed Pallas present is, O Phebus bright retire. Perhaps thou art afraid: And why? at this so large a light: Least that a woman should excell, thy beams (O Phebus) bright. Let not a queene, a virgine pure, which is, and euer was, O faire Apollo, make thee blush: you both in beautie passe. O Phebus safe and sound returne, which, banishing the night, Bringst backe the daie: in all the world nothing of like delight: She, onelie she, the darkenesse draue of poperie quite awaie: And by religion hath restord the bright and lightsome daie. O Phebus with thy beams, which foilst the clouds both blind & blacke, The world, in maner all, a thing of like delight doth lacke. A thousand dangers and delaies the papists had deuisd, To thend our princesse should abridge hir progresse enterprisd: Yet this our bright & shining sun, cast light through euerie cloud: Although in clouds thou art content, Apollo oft to shroud. Thou seest our sunne in comelie course, cuts off ech stop and staie: Do thou the like, and by thy light driue euerie cloud awaie. In shadowing clouds why art thou closd? O Phebus bright retire: Unspoused Pallas present is: O Phebus bright ••etire.

Hir kingdome all by prouidence, queene Iuno doth vphold:* 12.43 And of Minerua ladie learnd, is learned lore extold: And Uenus faire of countenance, hath beautie vncontrold. These sundrie gifts of goddesses three, Elisabeth possesseth: By prouidence hir peoples peace, and comfort she increaseth: Hir learning, learning amplifies: hir beautie neuer ceaseth. I did but ieast, of goddesses to giue them three the name: This ladie maist thou goddesse call, for she deserues the same: Although she will not vndertake, a title of such fame.

Matthew Hamont,* 12.44 by his trade a ploughwrite of Hetharset three miles from Norwich, was conuen∣ted before the bishop of Norwich, for that he denied Christ our sauiour. At the time of his appearance it was obiected that he had published these heresies following. That the new testament and gospell of Christ are but méere foolishnesse, a storie of man,* 12.45 or rather a méere fable. Item, that man is restored to grace by Gods méere mercie, without the meane of Christs bloud, death and passion. Item, that Christ is not God nor the sauiour of the world, but a méere man, a sinfull man, and an abhominable idoll. Item, that all they that worship him are abhominable ido∣laters, & that Christ did not rise againe from death to life by the power of his godhead, neither that he ascended into heauen. Item, that the Holie ghost is not God, neither that there is anie such Holie ghost. Item, that baptisme is not necessarie in the church of God, neither the vse of the sacrament of the bo∣die and bloud of Christ. For the which heresies he was condemned in the consistorie, and sentence was pronounced against him by the bishop of Norwich on the thirtéenth daie of Aprill, and thervpon deliue∣red to the shiriffes of Norwich. And bicause he spake words of blasphemie (not to be recited) against the quéenes maiestie and others of hir councell, he was by the recorder, master sergeant Windham, and the maior sir Robert Wood of Norwich condemned to lose both his eares, which were cut off on the thir∣teenth of Maie in the market place of Norwich, and afterwards, to wit on the twentith of Maie, he was burned in the castell dich of Norwich.

This yeare in the moneth of Maie,* 12.46 Marke Sca∣liot blacke smith citizen of London, borne in the pa∣rish of saint Clements Da••e without Temple bar, and now dwelling in Cornehill néere vnto Leaden hall, for triall of workemanship, made one hanging locke of iron, steele and brasse, of eleuen seuerall pée∣ces, a pipe keie filed three square with a pot vpon the shaft, & the bow with two esses, all cleane wrought, which weied but one graine of gold or wheat corne. He also at the same time made a chaine of gold of three and fortie linkes, to the which chaine the locke and keie being fastened, and put about a fleas necke, she drew the same with ease. All which, locke, keie, chaine, and flea, weied but one graine and a halfe. A thing almost incredible, but that my selfe (amongst manie others) haue séene it, & therfore must affirme it to be true.

The first of Iune deceased Robert Horne doctor of diuinitie, bishop of Winchester,* 12.47 and prelat of the garter, at Winchester place in Southworke, and

was buried at Winchester. ¶This man was lear∣ned and eloquent, of a round and readie vtterance, sound in religion and zelous in the truth; in testimo∣nie whereof he chose rather to forsake his natiue soile, and to liue a stranger in a forren land, than with offense of conscience to tarrie at home within the sight and hearing of the manifold abhominati∣ons which supported poperie: so that although death haue deuoured his mortall bodie, yet in respect of his vertue and godlinesse, his name shall be im∣mortall; [line 10] according to the truth of this sentence:

Corpore deposito viuit virtute superstes, De virtute nihil mors violenta rapit.

* 12.48Iohn Wolton now liuing, was called to be bi∣shop of Excester, & consecrated at Lambith by Ed∣mund Grindall archbishop of Canturburie, in Au∣gust 1579. He is a professor of diuinitie, and a preacher of the gospell, and vniuersallie séene in all good letters. This William Wolton, being in suc∣cessiue order the eight and fortith that occupied the [line 20] said sée, from the first that inioied the same episco∣pall aduancement, ministreth iust occasion to insert a catalog of all the bishops of Excester as they fol∣lowed one after another in that sée, being an apt col∣lection, and verie answerable to the description of Excester, and the ancient foundation of saint Pe∣ters church there; mentioned in the third yeare of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, page 1007, and continued to page 1028.

[line 30]

A catalog of the bishops of Exce∣ster collected by Iohn Vowell aliâs Hooker, gentleman.

* 13.11 WErstanus, at a prouinciall synod holden in Westsex, in the yeare 905, was con∣secrated bishop of Deuon, and had his see at bi∣shops Tauton: and in the yeare following 906 he died, and was buried in his owne church. [line 40]

* 13.22 Putta, after the death of Werstanus, was e∣lected and consecrated bishop, and had his sée at Tauton: and taking his iourneie towards Credi∣ton, to sée and visit the king (or as some saie, Uf∣fa the kings lieutenant) was by the said Uffas men slaine, and then vpon his death the sée was remo∣ued to Crediton.

* 13.33 Eadulphus, brother to Alpsius duke of Deuon and Cornewall, and founder of Lanceston, was consecrated bishop of Deuon, but installed at Cre∣diton, [line 50] where he had his sée, and continued bishop two and twentie yeares, and then dieng about the yeare 932, he was buried in his owne church.

* 13.44 Ethelgarus, in the yeare 932, succeeded Ea∣dulphus, and in his time king Athelstane subdued the Cornish people, reedified this citie, and compas∣sed the same with a stone wall: he founded the mo∣nasterie of saint Peters for monks of saint Be∣nets order. This Ethelgarus, after he had béene bishop ten yeares, died, and was buried in his owne [line 60] church.

* 13.55 Algarus, in the yeare 942 after Ethelgarus, was constituted & installed bishop at Crediton, and hauing béene bishop about ten yeares, died and was buried in his owne church.

* 13.66 Alfwoldus, as Matthew Westminster writeth, was next bishop after Algarus, and consecrated by the aduise of Dunstane, in the yeare 952. In this time Odogarus earle of Deuon, and father in law to king Edgar, builded the abbeie of Tauestoke: and king Edgar called home all the monkes of saint Peters which were dispersed, and without a∣nie abbat, and made Sidemannus abbat, who was afterwards bishop. This Alfwoldus after sixtéene yeares that he was consecra••e••, died and was bu∣ried in his owne church.

7 Alfwolfus, as Dicetus affirmeth, was conse∣crated bishop in the yeare of our Lord 969,* 13.7 and after nine yeares died, and was buried in his owne church.

8 Sidemannus of an abbat was made a bishop,* 13.8 in the yeare 978. In this mans time the Danes o∣uerran and spoiled the whole countries of Deuon and Cornewall, burned the towne of Bodmen, and the cathedrall church of saint Petrokes, with the bi∣shops house. Wherevpon the bishops sée was remo∣ued from thense to saint Germans, where the same continued, vntill the remouing and vniting thereof vnto Crediton. Sidemannus in the twelfe yeare after his consecration died, and was buried at Cre∣diton in his owne church 990.

9 Alphredus, whome Dicetus calleth Alfricus,* 13.9 abbat of Malmesburie, was consecrated bishop, and installed at Crediton: he was taken for a lear∣ned man, because he wrote two bookes, the one in∣tituled Derebus coenobij sui, and the other De rerum natu∣ris. In this bishops time, king Ethelred endowed the bishoprike of saint Germans with lands, li∣berties, and priuileges. The Danes made a fresh inuasion in and vpon all Deuon and Cornewall, burned and spoiled the abbie of Ordolphus at Taue∣stoke: they besieged Excester, and being remoued from thense, were fought withall at Pinneho, a∣bout thrée miles from the citie, and ouerthrowne. Alphredus, after he had béene bishop about nine yeares, died in the yeare 999, and was buried in his owne church.

10 Alwolfus (as Dicetus writeth) was the next bishop. In his time Sweno king of Denmarke,* 13.10 by intisement of one Hugh then earle of Deuon, came with a great host and besieged the citie of Ex∣cester, tooke it and burned it, and with great cruel∣tie vsed the people, vntill in the end Almarus then earle of Deuon, and the gentlemen did yéeld and submit themselues, and so obteined peace. This Al∣wolfus about the fiftéenth yeare of his bishoprike, in the yeare 1014 died, and was buried in his owne church.

11 Arnoldus,* 13.11 by the report of the archdeacon of London, succéeded Alwolfus, and was installed at Crediton. In this mans time, king Canutus gaue to Athelwold abbat of S. Peters of this citie great gifts, and sundrie priuileges, in recompense of his fathers great iniuries. Arnoldus in the fiftéenth yeare of his bishoprike 1030 died, and was buried in his owne church.

12 Leuigus or Leuingus abbat of Tauestoke,* 13.12 and nephue to Brithwaldus bishop of Cornewall, was chosen the next bishop, and according to the or∣ders then vsed, consecrated and installed. He was in great fauour and credit with king Canutus, vp∣pon whome he attended in pilgrimage to Rome; and after his vncle the bishop of saint Germans be∣ing dead, obteined of the king that the bishops sée was remoued from saint Germans vnto Crediton, and both were thereby reduced and vnited into one bishoprike, and so hath euer since continued. Hée was after the death of Brithegus bishop of Worce∣ster, remoued to that church, and there died, and was buried as some suppose: but some affirme, that in the time of Hardicanutus the king, at the accusa∣tion of Alfredus then archbishop of Yorke, for that he should be consenting to the death of Alfredus the sonne of Etheldred, that he should be deposed of his bishoprike there, and so did returne vnto Tauestoke, where he died. But Dicetus affirmeth, that he purged himselfe of this crime, and by that meanes was re∣stored, both to the fauour of the king, and to his bi∣shoprike

againe, and died bishop of Worcester. It is recorded that he was bishop of Crediton fiftéene yeares.

* 13.1313 Leofricus, a man descended of the bloud and line of Brutus, but brought vp in the land of Lotho∣ringia or Loreine, was so well commended for his nobilitie, wisedome, and learning, that king Ed∣ward the Confessor had him in great fauour, and made him first one of his priuie councell; then lord chancellor of all England: and lastlie the bishoprike [line 10] of this prouince being void, he was made, consecra∣ted, and installed bishop of the same. By him and by his meanes, the bishops sée was remoued from Crediton vnto this citie of Excester: for at his re∣quest, king Edward togither with quéene Edith his wife came to Excester, & remouing the monkes from hense to Westminster, did also remoue the bishops sée from Crediton vnto his citie, and did put the bishop in possession. For he conducting the bishop on the right hand, and the quéene on the [line 20] left hand, brought him to the high altar of his new church, and there placed him in a seat appoin∣ted for him. He suppressed sundrie houses or cels of religion within his sanctuarie, and appropriated and vnited them to his owne church; as also by the good liberalitie of the king obteined great reuenues, possessions, priuileges, and liberties to be giuen vnto the church. In this mans time, William duke of Normandie made a conquest of this whole realme, as also in the yeare 1068 besieged this [line 30] citie of Excester, which after by composition he re∣stored to his former estate againe. Also in his time, Richard de Brion, a noble man of Normandie, the sonne of Baldwin of Brion, & of Albred the néece to the Conqueror, was made baron of Okehampton, warden of the castell of Excester, and vicount of Deuon. This Leofricus, after that he had well and worthilie ruled his church and diocesse by the space of three and twentie yeares, he ended his daies in peace, and died in the yeare 1073, and was buried [line 40] in the cemiterie or churchyard of his owne church, vnder a simple and a broken marble stone, which place by the since inlarging of his church is now within the tower of the same, where of late, in the yeare 1568, a new monument was erected in the memorie of so good, woorthie, and noble a personage, by the industrie of the writer hereof, but at the char∣ges of the deane and chapter.* 13.14

14 Osbertus or Osbernus, a Norman borne, and brother to an earle named William, was pre∣ferred to this bishoprike, and in the yeare 1074 was [line 50] consecrated and installed to the same. Polydorus writeth, that one Galfrid who ioined with Odo, earle of Kent and bishop of Baion, against William Ru∣fus, should be bishop of Exon: but it was not, nor could not so be. In this mans time, William the Conqueror, and William Rufus his sonne died. This Osbertus or Osbernus, after he had béene bishop thirtie yeares, was blind, and died, and lieth buried in his owne church.

* 13.1515 William Warlewast a Norman borne, and [line 60] chapleine both to the Conqueror and his two sons, William and Henrie: he was a graue and a wise man, and for the same was preferred by Henrie the king to this bishoprike, in the yere one thousand one hundred and seuen, and was consecrated by Ansel∣mus archbishop of Canturburie, in the moneth of August the same yeare. He first began to inlarge his church, which at that time was no bigger than that which is now called the ladie chappell. He foun∣ded and builded the monasterie of Plimpton, and placed therein regular canons: in his latter daies he waxed and became blind. And yet notwithstand∣ing for his wisdome the king sent him in ambassage vnto pope Paschalis the second, wherein he so wise∣lie dealed, and so discréetlie behaued himselfe in his message, that he made a reconciliation betweene the pope and the king, and returned with great praise and commendation. Not long after his returne, and hauing small ioie of the world, he gaue ouer his bi∣shoprike, and became one of the religious canons in his owne house of Plimpton, where he died and was buried, he was bishop about twentie yeares.

16 Robert Chichester, deane of Sarisburie,* 13.16 was consecrated bishop vnder Anselmus archbishop of Canturburie, Anno 1128, and the eight and twen∣tith yeare of king Henrie the first. He was a gentle∣man borne, and therefore estéemed for his zeale in religion, wherein he was deuout according to those daies; and thinking his labours to be best imploied that waie, did eftsoons go in pilgrimage, sometime to Rome, sometime to one place, sometime to an∣other; and euer he would bring with him some one relike or other. He was a liberall contributor to the buildings of his church. In his time was founded and builded the monasterie of S. Stephans in Lan∣ceston, and furthered by Reinold erle of Cornewall; but vnto it this bishop was an aduersarie, not for misliking the worke, but for feare of an intrusion vpon his liberties. Likewise at this time was buil∣ded the priorie of saint Nicholas in Excester, by the abbat of Battell, vnto which abbeie this priorie was a cell. In this mans time also king Henrie made William Rideuers a Norman (and his kinsman) earle of Deuon; and therewith the lordshop of Twi∣fordton, and the honor of Plimpton, togither with the third pennie of his reuenues in Deuon, which in the whole was then thirtie marks, whereof this earle had ten. Also in this mans time king Henrie died, and king Stephan entred, and tooke vpon him the crowne, whereof insued great warres. This bishop, after that he had occupied the place two and twentie yeares, died, and was buried in his owne church. But the moonke of Westminster writeth that he should be bishop seuen and twentie yeares, and died in the yeere one thousand one hundred fiftie and fiue, but he neuer saw the records of this church which are to the contrarie.

17 Robert Warlewast,* 13.17 nephue to William the bishop of this church, deane of Sarisburie, was con∣secrated bishop by Theobaldus archbishop of Can∣turburie, in the yeare one thousand one hundred and fiftie, he nothing degenerated from the steps of his predecessors, but was altogither of the same bent and disposition. In his time king Stephan died, and Henrie the second was crowned king. This Robert after that he had occupied this sée nine yéers or there∣about, died, & was buried at Plimpton by his vncle.

18 Bartholomeus Iscanus, otherwise Bartho∣lomew of Excester,* 13.18 was consecrated bishop of Ex∣cester vnder Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare a thousand one hundred fiftie nine, he was called Iscanus of Isca, which is one of the ancientest names of this citie. He was a meane citizens son, but being verie apt vnto learning, his parents and friends kept him to schoole; and he so well profited therein, that he came and prooued to be a verie well learned man: and being bishop he wrote sundrie bookes, as of predestination, fréewill, penance, and o∣thers. Of all men he could not brooke nor fauor Tho∣mas Becket archbishop of Canturburie for his con∣tempt and disobedience against the king, for the which he sharplie improoued, rebuked, and inueighed against him openlie in the parlement house holden at Northampton; and with such effectuall reasons, and pithie arguments, he did so temper the same, that the whole parlement relied vnto his iudgement and opinion herein against Thomas Becket. And

after his death, such was the gravitie, modestie, and wisedome of the man, that he was speciallie chosen to be ambassador for the king vnto pope Alexander the third; and so wiselie, and with such discretion vsed the same, that notwithstanding his cause and mes∣sage had manie aduersaries, yet he reconciled the pope and the king, obteined the goodwill and fauour of the pope, and brought his message to good effect. This bishop was in great familiaritie and acquain∣tance with Baldwin of Excester his countriman, [line 10] now archbishop of Canturburie, who was a poore mans sonne in this citie; but for his learning aduan∣ced to this estate. In this bishops time, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred thrée score and eight, William Fitzralfe a citizen of this citie founded a cell for moonks within this citie, and dedicated the same to saint Alexius, which not long after was united to saint Iohns within the east gate of the same citie. In his time also Reinold of Court∣neie a nobleman of Normandie, the son of Elorus [line 20] the son of Lewes, named Lewes le Grosse king of France came into this land, and married Hawise daughter and heire to Mawd the daughter and heire to Adelis, sister and heire to Richard de Briono the first vicount of Deuon, and in hir right was vicount of Deuon. This Bartholomew, after he had béene bishop about fouretéene yeares, in the yere one thou∣sand one hundred eightie and foure, died: but where he died, and where he was buried it dooth not appeere. In this bishops time about the yeare one thousand [line 30] one hundred and seuentie, one Iohannes Corinien∣sis a Cornish man borne, was a famous learned diuine, he was a student at Rome and other places in Italie, and by that meanes grew into great ac∣quaintance with pope Alexander the third: he wrote diuerse bookes, and namelie one De incarnatione Chri∣sti, against Peter Lombard, who affirmed, Quòd Chri∣stus secundum quod homo est, aliquid non est; and this he de∣dicated to pope Alexander.

* 13.1919 Iohn the chanter of the cathedrall church of [line 40] this citie was consecrated and installed bishop of this church, in the yeare one thousand one hundred eightie and foure, he was well reported of for his li∣beralitie in continuing the buildings of this church, wherein he was nothing inferior to his predecessors. In his time king Henrie Fitzempresse died, and he himselfe, hauing beene bishop about six yeares, died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred ninetie and one.

* 13.2020 Henrie Marshall archdeacon of Stafford, the [line 50] brother to Walter earle marshall of England, was consecrated bishop by Hubert archbishop of Cantur∣burie, in the yeare one thousand one hundred ninetie and one; he finished the building of his church, accor∣ding to the plot and foundation which his predeces∣sors had laid; and that doone, he purchased the patro∣nage and lordship of Woodburie of one Albemarlie, which he gaue and impropriated vnto the vicars cho∣rall of his church. In this mans time, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred and one, one [line 60] Simon Thurnaius a Cornish man borne, brought vp in learning, did by diligence and studie so prosper therein, that he became excellent in all the liberall sciences, and in his daies none thought to be like him. He left Oxenford, where he had béene a student, and went to Paris, and there became a priest, and studied diuinitie, and therein became so excellent, and of so deepe a iudgement, that he was made chéefe of the Sorbonists; at length he became so proud of his learning, and did glorie so much therein, that he would be singular, & thought himselfe to be another Aristotle: and so much he was therein blinded, and waxed so farre in loue with Aristotle, that he prefer∣red him before Moses and Christ. But behold Gods iust iudgement. For suddenlie his memorie failed him, and he waxed so forgetfull, that he could neither call to remembrance anie thing that he had doone, neither could he discerne, read, or know a letter of the booke. This Henrie, after that he had spent and liued twelue yeares in his bishoprike, he died, and li∣eth buried in the north side of the chancell of his church, in a verie faire toome of marble, in the yeare one thousand two hundred and six.

21 Simon de Apulia,* 13.21 in the yeare one thousand two hundred and six was installed bishop of this sée, of him there remaineth no memoriall at all. In his time were famous Ioseph Iscanius, and Alexander Neckam; the one was verie well learned in the La∣tine and Gréeke toong, and in the liberall sciences; the other was prior of saint Nicholas, and was an v∣niuersall man, being a profound philosopher, an elo∣quent orator, a pleasant poet, and a déepe diuine. In this bishops time the doctrine of eleuation, adorati∣on, reseruation, and praieng for the dead, being esta∣blished by pope Honorius the third, the parish chur∣ches within this citie were limited, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred twentie & two. In this mans time, in the yeare one thousand two hundred and twelue, one Iohannes Deuonius, so surnamed, because he was borne in Deuon, being well bent to good studies, was much commended for his learning and modestie. He was familiar and of great acquaintance with Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, and being made abbat of Ford, was in such fauor with king Iohn, that he chose him to be his confessor and chapleine: he was a writer, and compiled diuerse bookes which were then accounted of. Being dead, he was buried in his abbeie, the people much lamenting the want of so good a man. This bishop hauing spent eightéene yeares, died, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred twentie and foure, & was buried in his owne church.

22 William Brewer, verie shortlie after the death of the foresaid Simon, was elected bishop, and consecrated by Stephan Langton archbishop of Canturburie,* 13.22 in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred twentie and foure. He was borne and descended of a noble house and parentage, being brother to sir William Brewer knight, the husband of the eldest daughter, & one of the heirs to William de Uerona, erle of Deuon; and who also was founder of the abbeies of Tor, of Hartland, and other mo∣nasteries. This bishop so wiselie and discréetlie be∣haued himselfe, that he was had in great reputati∣on among all men, and in speciall fauour with the king. For king Henrie, hauing giuen his sister ladie Isabell to wife vnto Frederike the emperor, did commend and betake hir to this bishop, to be conuei∣ed and conducted to the emperor. And such was the fame and good report spred of him, that as he passed through the countries, they were from place to place receiued with great honor; and being come to the ci∣tie of Coleine, the archbishop there did not onelie ve∣rie honorablie receiue them, but also accompanied them vnto the citie of Wormes, where the mariage was solemnized. When this bishop had séene the marriage, and all things performed, he tooke his leaue, and was dismissed with great presents, and honorablie accompanied homewards by the archbi∣shop and others. At his returne he was ioifullie re∣ceiued of all the noble men about the king, and most thankfullie by the king himselfe, and whome the king vsed as his speciall and most trustie councellor in all his weightie causes. This bishop being come home to his owne house, andminding (as his predecessors had doone) to leaue some good memoriall behind him, he made a deane, and constituted twentie foure pre∣bendaries within his church. To the one he impro∣priated

Brampton and Coliton Rawleie: for the o∣thers he purchased so much land, as out whereof he assigned to euerie prebendarie foure pounds by the yeare, and of these he ordeined his chapter. Also in this mans time, in the yeare one thousand two hun∣dred and fortie, Gilbert Long and Robert his bro∣ther citizens of this citie builded and founded the ho∣spitall of saint Iohns, within the east gate of this ci∣tie, for the sustenance of certeine poore folks, called afterwards the poore children of saint Iohns, & gaue all their lands and tenements to the same, which was [line 10] sufficient. The yeare following, the cell of Alexius was remooued and adioined to saint Iohns; and then the founders being dead, the charge and gouerne∣ment of that house was by those founders commen∣ded to the maior of this citie, & they thenseforth were founders and patrons thereof. In the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fortie and foure, there grew a contention concerning the poore lazer sicke people of the Magdalen without the south gate of this citie, whose maner and vsage was then, with [line 20] a clapdish vpon euerie market daie to resort and come to the markets, and there to beg euerie mans deuotion: but by reason of their sicknesse, which was lothsome and abhorred, the peoples deuotion waxed short and scant against them: as also euerie man murmured against their going & begging at large. Where vpon the matter being brought into question betwéene the bishop and this citie, it was concluded that a perimutation should be made: and that there∣fore the bishops should be patrones, and haue the [line 30] gouernement of saint Iohns, and the maior and his successors to be gardians and founders of the hospi∣tall of the Magdalen; with a prouiso, that the proctor of the hospitall of the Magdalen should on one daie in euerie moneth come with his box to saint Peters church at the time of seruice, and there receiue and gather the deuotion of the canons, which is vsed at these presents. This poore house remaineth still, but the other for want of good freends was suppressed and dissolued. This bishop, after he had continued in his [line 40] church about nineteene yeares, he died, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fortie and foure, and lieth buried in the middle of his owne church vnder a plaine marble stone.

* 13.2323 Richard Blondie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fortie and fiue, was conse∣crated and installed bishop, Bonifacius then being archbishop of Canturburie. This Richard was a man of a mild spirit, but verie stout against such as in his time did offer anie iniurie to the church. And [line 50] in his old yeares being but a weake man, he was much carried and ruled by such as were his officers and about him, who taking the opportunitie of the time, vsed all the meanes they might to inrich them∣selues. His chéefest officers were one Lodeswell his chancellor, Sutton his register, Fitzherbert his of∣ficiall, and Ermestow the kéeper of his seale. These with others of the chéefe seruants of his houshold compacted among themselues, that whilest the bi∣shop was yet liuing, who then laie sicke and verie [line 60] weake in his bed, to make and conueie vnto them∣selues conueiances of such liuelihoods as then laie in the bishops disposition; and accordinglie made out aduousons and other such conueiances as to them seemed best, all which were forthwith sealed and deliuered according to the orders among them con∣cluded. But these their subtill dealings were not so closelie conueied, but that the next bishop follow∣ing boolted and found the same out; and did not one∣lie reuerse all their dooings, but also did excommuni∣cat them, and who were not absolued vntill they had doone their penance for the same: which was doone at saint Peters church openlie, vpon Palmesun∣daie, being the nineteenth daie of March, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred threescore and seuen. This bishop Richard in the twelfe yeare of his bishoprike, died, and was buried in his owne church.

24 Walter Bronescome,* 13.24 archdeacon of Sur∣reie, was consecrated bishop of Excester vpon Passion sundaie, in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand two hundred foure score and six vnder Bonifa∣cius then archbishop. He was borne in this citie of Exon, and was the sonne of poore parents; but he be∣ing of a verie towardnesse and good disposition, and verie apt to learning, they partlie of themselues▪ and partlie by helpe of their friends, did put him to schoole and kept him to his booke, wherein he proued and pro∣spered so well that he was verie well learned. At the time of his election he was no priest, and therefore not capeable of anie such dignitie: but immediatlie he tooke that order vpon him, and forthwith was con∣secrated bishop. All which being doone within fiftéene daies, it was counted as for a miracle; namelie that be should be elected bishop, then made priest, and at last to be consecrated within that space. For so ma∣nie dignities (as they termed it) to be cast vpon one man in so short a time, had not béene lightlie séene. He founded the college of Glaseneie in Perrin in Cornewall, and indowed the same with faire posses∣sions and reuenues. He purchased the Barton of Rokesdon and Clist, and gaue it to the hospitall of S. Iohns within the east gate of the citie of Exce∣ster. He instituted in his owne church the feast cal∣led Gabriels feast; and gaue a peece of land for the maintenance thereof. He also did by a policie pur∣chase the lordship and house of Clist Sachisfield, and by a deuise did inlarge the Barton thereof, by gain∣ing of Cornish wood from his deane and chapter: and builded then a verie faire & a sumptuous house, and called it bishops Clist, which he left to his succes∣sors. Likewise he got the patronage of Clist Fo∣meson, now called Sowton, and annexed the same to his new lordship, which (as it was said) was in this order. He had a frier to be his chapleine and confes∣sor, which died in his said house of Clist, and should haue bin buried at the parish church of Faringdon, bicause the said house was and is in that parish: but bicause the parish church was somewhat far off, the waies soule, and the weather rainie, or for some other causes; the bishop willed and commanded the corps to be carried to the parish church of Sowton, then called Clist Fomeson, which is verie néere and bor∣dereth vpon the bishops lordship: the two parishes there being diuided by a little lake called Clist. At this time one Fomeson a gentleman was lord and patrone of Clist Fomeson, and he being aduertised of such a buriall towards in his parish, and a léech waie to be made ouer his land, without his leaue or consent required therein, calleth his tenants togi∣ther, and goeth to the bridge ouer the lake, betwéene the bishops land and his, and there méeteth the bi∣shops men bringing the said corps, and forbiddeth them to come ouer the water. But the bishops men nothing regarding the same, doo presse forwards to come ouer the water; and the others doo withstand and fall at strife about the matter, so long, that in the end my lords frier is fallen into the water. The bi∣shop taketh this matter in such griefe, that a holie frier, a religious man, and his owne chapleine and confessor should so vnreuerentlie be cast into the wa∣ter, that he falleth out with the gentleman, and (vpon what occasion I know not) he sueth him in the law, and so vexeth and tormenteth him, that in the end he was faine to yéeld himselfe to the bishops deuotion, and séeketh all waies he could to currie the bishops good will, which he could not obteine, vntill for his re∣demption

he had given and surrendred vp his patro∣nage of Sowton with a péece of land, all which the said bishop annexeth to his new lordship. Thus by policie he purchased the manor of bishops Clist, by a deuise gaineth Cornish wood, and by power wre∣steth the patronage of Sowton. This bishop after he had occupied this see about thrée and twentie years, died and was buried in his owne church, in a sump∣tuous toome of alabaster.

* 13.2525 Peter Quivill, in the yeare of our Lord one [line 10] thousand two hundred foure score and one, was con∣secrated bishop of this church, vnder Iohn archbi∣shop of Canturburie. He first instituted a chanter and a subdeane in his church. To the one he impro∣priated Painton and Chidleigh, and to the other the rectorie of Eglosehaile in Cornewall, he was a libe∣rall and a speciall benefactor to the hospitall of saint Iohns in Excester as well in goods as in liuelihoods, he first began to inlarge & increase his church from the chancell downewards, and laid the foundation [line 20] thereof. In his time in the yeare of Christ one thou∣sand two hundred foure score and fiue, Walter Lich∣lade the first chanter was slaine in a morning as he came from the morning service, then called the Mat∣tins, which was then woont to be said shortlie after midnight. Upon which occasion the king came vnto this citie, and kept his Christmasse in the same, and therevpon a composition was made betweene the bishop and the citie for inclosing of the churchyard, and building of certeine gates there, as appéereth by [line 30] the said composition bearing date in Festo annuncia∣tionis beatae Mariae 1286. The king at the sute of the earle of Hereford, who at his being here was lodged in the house of the Greie friers, which then was néere the house of S. Nicholas, obteined of the bishop, that they should be remoued from thense to a more whole∣some place, which was to the place without the south gate: wherof after the kings departure grew some controuersie, bicause the bishop refused to performe his promise made to the king. This man also impro∣priated [line 40] the parish of S. Newleine, and the parish of Stoke Gabriell, and vnited the same to the office of the chancellor of the cathedrall church; & vnder con∣dition, that the said chancellor should continuallie read a lecture within the said citie, of diuinitie or of the decretals: and if he should faile to doo this, that then it might and should be lawfull to the bishop to resigne the said parsonages impropriated, and to be∣stow it at his pleasure, as appeereth by the said grant vnder the seales of the said bishop, deane and chap∣ter, [line 50] dated the twelfe of the calends of Maie 1283. This bishop not long after, and in the eleuenth yeare of his bishoprike, died; being choked in drinking of a sirrup, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninetie and two, & was buried in his owne church. The Franciscans or Greie friers of this ci∣tie imputed his death to his hard dealing with them. For whereas he had promised the king to prouide a conuenient place for them to build their house in, and had willed their warden named Deodatus, to [line 60] séeke out and make inquirie for the same: yet not∣withstanding when he had so doone, bicause the same was in his sée, he did swarue from his said promise, and did vtterlie denie to performe the same, by the persuasion of one Peter Kenefeld, a Dominican or Blacke frier, and Confessor vnto the said bishop. For he enuieng the good successe of the Franciscans, per∣suadeth with the bishop, that in no wise he should per∣mit them to inioy the place which they had gotten, nor to build therein; bicause it was within his sée: for saith he, as vnder colour of simplicitie they créepe into the hearts of the people, and hinder vs poore preachers from our gaines and liuings; so be ye sure, that if the canons put foot within your liberties, they will in time so incroch vpon the same, as that they will be cleane exempted from out of your libertie, and iurisdiction. The bishop being soone persuaded and contented contrarie to his promise to yéeld ther∣vnto, denieth the Franciscans; and vtterlie forbid∣deth them to build or to doo anie thing within his sée or libertie. About two yeares after, the bishop kept a great feast vpon the sundaie next before saint Fran∣cis daie, and among others was present with him one Walter Winborne one of the kings chiefe iu∣stices of the bench; and who was present when the bi∣shop at the request of the king made promise to fur∣ther and to helpe the Franciscans, and who in their behalfe did now put the bishop in mind thereof, and requested him to haue consideration both of his owne promise and of their distresse. The bishop mis∣liking these spéeches, waxed somewhat warme and offended, and in open termes did not onelie denie to yeeld herevnto, but wished himselfe to be choked what daie soeuer he did consent or yéeld vnto it. It fortuned that the same wéeke, and vpon the daie of saint Francis eue, the bishop tooke a certeine sirrup to drinke, and in too hastie swallowing thereof his breath was stopped, and he forthwith died. The Fran∣ciscans hearing thereof, made no little a doo about this matter, but blazed it abrode that saint Francis wrought this miracle vpon the bishop, bicause he was so hard against them.

26 Thomas Bitton the yeare following was e∣lected bishop, & the sée of Canturburie being void,* 13.26 he was consecrated by Iohn Roman archbishop of Yorke. He left no memoriall of anie great things doone by him, sauing that he continued in the buil∣ding of his church; as also was a fauourer of such learned men as were in his diocesse in his time: namelie Robert Plimpton a regular canon of Plimpton, and professor of diuinitie, and who wrote two bookes, Walter of Exon a Franciscane frier of Carocus in Cornewall, who at the request of one Baldwin of Excester wrote the historie of Guie of Warwike; William of Excester doctor of diuinitie and warden of the Franciscane friers of this citie; Godfrie surnamed Cornewall, a subtill schooleman, and a reader of diuinitie sometimes in Paris. This bishop, after fouretéene yeares that he had occupied this sée, died, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and six, and was buried in his owne church.

27 Walter Stapledon,* 13.27 in the yere of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and seauen, being elected bishop of this citie, was consecrated by Robert Winchelseie archbishop of Canturburie. He descen∣ded of a most noble parentage, which ioined with his learning, wisedome, & politike head, did him great credit and fauour with the king, who had him not onelie one of his priuie councell, but also made him lord treasuror of England. At his inthronization or installing he kept a solemne obseruation. For being come first to the citie, immediatlie after his conse∣cration, as soone as he came to the east gate, he a∣lighted from his horsse, and went in on foot, all the stréet being couered and laied with blacke cloth; he was led on both sides with two men of worship: and sir Hugh Courtneie knight, who clamed to be steward of his feast, went next before him. The feast it selfe was verie sumptuous and liberall. A contro∣uersie was betweene him & the said sir Hugh Court∣neie, concerning his chalenge to be his steward, but it was compounded and ended. This bishop as he grew and increased in wealth, so he was carefull in the well disposing of part therof. For the increase of learning he builded and erected two houses in Oxen∣ford, the one named Stapledons inne, but since Ex∣cester college, the other Hart hall. He was also a spe∣ciall

benefactor vnto the hospitall of saint Iohns in Excester; vnto the which, for the reléeuing of certeine poore children therein, he impropriated the rectorie or personage of Ernescome. In the controuersie be∣twéene his maister king Edward the second, and Charles the French king, he was sent ambassadour to the French king, and ioined in commission with the quéene, for the treatie of a peace and reconcilia∣tion: which though it were obteined, yet he ioining with the Spensers, who fauoured not the queene, he [line 10] returned into England; leauing the queene behind him. And whereas they practised what they could, to put enimitie betweene the king and hir; and to set hir besides the cushion, they themselues fell into the same snares, which they had laied for others. For not long after, the queene, by the helpe of the earle of He∣nauld, and of sir Iohn his brother, came into Eng∣land with a great armie. Whereof the king and the Spensers, being affraied, departed from London to Bristow, leauing the bishop at London, and made [line 20] him custos of the same; who requiring the keies of the gates of the citie of the maior, the commoners tooke him and beheaded him, as also his brother sir Richard Stapledon, in Cheapside, and carried his bodie to his house without Templebar, & there bu∣ried it in a sandhill; namelie the fiftéenth of October in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred twentie and nine. But the quéene forgetting all dis∣curtesies, and reuerencing his calling, commanded his corps to some more honourable buriall: where∣vpon [line 30] the same was taken vp, and brought to this ci∣tie, and with great solemnitie was buried in his owne church, vpon the eight and twentith of March, where his epitaph by the writer thereof is set. Thus after that he had béene bishop about twentie yeares, he ended his daies.

* 13.2828 Iames Barkeleie, vpon the six and twentith of March, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred twentie and seauen, before the buriall of his predecessor in his owne church, was consecrated bi∣shop [line 40] of this citie. He descended of the noble house of the lord Barkeleie, and albeit he were reputed to be a verie godlie and a wise man, yet he had no time to yéeld the triall thereof. For he died in the fourth mo∣neth after his consecration, vpon the foure & twen∣tith daie of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand thrée hundred twentie and seauen, and was bu∣ried in his owne church as some say, but some thinke he neuer came hither at all.

* 13.2929 Iohn Grandesson, being in Italie with pope [line 50] Iohn the two & twentith. After the death of Iames Barkeleie, the king presented him vnto the pope, who accepted the presentation, & consecrated him bishop of this diocesse on the eight of October, Anno 1327. He was borne and descended of the ancient house of the Grandessons, dukes of Burgognie, his father was named Gilbert, the brother of Otho the great lord Grandesson. Which Gilbert comming into this land, was well interteined by the king and nobilitie, and had a good liking of the countrie, that by meanes of Henrie earle of Lancaster, with whome he came [line 60] into England, he married ladie Sibill, daughter and one of the heires to Iohn Tregos, lord of the ca∣stell of Ewas, néere Hereford east, and by hir had is∣sue fiue sonnes, and foure daughters; of which this bishop was one, and was borne in the parish of Ash∣perton, in the diocesse of Hereford. He was from his childhood verie well afftected to learning, and be∣came a good scholar and professor of diuinitie, of which method he wrote two books, the one intituled Pontifi∣cales maiores, and the other Pontificales minores. He was also verie graue, wise, and politike, and therby grew into such credit with pope Iohn the two and twen∣tith, that he was not onelie of his priuie councell, but also Nuntius apostolicae sedis; and in all matters of weight and importance an ambassadour for him to the emperour, to the kings of Spaine, of France, of England, and of all others the mightiest princes of christendome. And being on a time sent in an ambassage to king Edward the third, he did with such wisedome and grauitie behaue himselfe, that the king was rauished in loue with him; and did so tenderlie loue and fauour him, that he neuer ceassed, vntill he had procured him from the pope, and then he gaue him the archdeaconrie of Notingham, and be∣stowed great liuings on him. He made him one of his priuie councell, and in the end preferred him to this bishoprike. After this, there being some disliking betwéene pope Clement the sixt, and the king; he for his approoued wisedome was sent in an ambassage to the pope, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred fortie and thrée, for an intreatie of a peace and an amitie betweene them to be had; and with such wisedome he did his message, that he obtei∣ned his purpose, and made a reconciliation. After his returne home to his bishoprike, he was altogi∣ther giuen in dooing some good things. He builded & founded the college of saint Marie Otreie, and in∣dowed the same with great and goodlie liuelihoods, he was a liberall benefactor to the vicars chorall of his owne church, as also to the college of Glasneie in Perrin; he builded the two last arches in the west end of his church, vauted the roofe of all the church, and fullie performed and ended the buildings of the same, and then inriched his said church with plate, ornaments, and great riches. Also he builded a verie faire house in his sanctuarie at bishops Teington, which he gaue and left full furnished unto his succes∣sors, and did impropriate vnto the same the parso∣nage of Radwaie, to the end as he setteth downe in his testament, Vt haberent locum vndè caput suum recli∣narent, si fortè in manum regis eorum temporalia caperentur: and which his halsening in the end came partlie to effect. For not onelie the most part of the temporal∣ties of this bishoprike, but this new builded house and impropriation are come to be the possessions and inheritances of temporall men. This bishop wa∣xed old, and féeling in himselfe a decaie of nature, made his last will and testament, wherein he made such large and bountious legacies to the pope, em∣perour, king, queene, archbishop, bishops, colleges, churches, and to sundrie persons of high estates and callings; that a man would maruell, considering his great and chargeable buildings & works other∣wise, how and by what meanes he could haue attei∣ned to such a masse of welth and riches; but his wise∣dome and policie considered, it was easie. For first, he sequestrateth from himselfe and out of his house the troope of manie men and horsses, reteining and kéeping no more than to serue his reasonable estate; his diet was frugall, his receipts great, his expenses no more than necessarie. Moreouer, he had taken and set an order with all the ecclesiasticall persons of his diocesse, that at the time of their deaths, they should leaue and bequeth all their goods to him or to some other in trust, In pios vsus, & towards his charge∣able buildings; and so well he was beloued, and his dooings liked, that they all accepted this his order: by meanes whereof he grew within the course of fortie yeares to infinite wealth and riches. He was in all his life time a plaine man, and void of all vaine glo∣rie and pompe; and preuenting that none should be vsed at his buriall, commanded the same to be doone plainelie & simplie; and that none of his executors, chapleins, seruants, nor none of his houshold should weare anie moorning blacke cloths at the same, but onelie their accustomable & common apparell, which then was commonlie greie coloured cloths. This

bishop was no lesse graue and wise, than stout and of courage, if occasion did so require. And amongest other things this is reported of him; that about the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and one, Simon Mepham, then archbishop of Can∣turburie, sent his mandatum to this bishop, that he would visit his church & diocesse vpon mondaie next after Ascension daie then following. This bishop (vpon what occasion it is not written) did refuse this mandatum, and appealed from the same, aduerti∣sing the archbishop that he should not visit his church [line 10] nor diocesse. Notwithstanding, the archbishop at the time appointed came to this citie, and went to S. Peters church, nothing thinking that anie durst to withstand him. But the bishop knowing of his com∣ming, goeth to the church doore, méeteth the arch∣bishop, and forbiddeth him to enter into his church; but the archbishop pressing forward, as with force to enter, the bishop being then well garded, denied and resisted him: whervpon the archbishop departed, and after at a prouinciall counsell holden at London, the [line 20] archbishop complained hereof, but by meanes of the like discord betwéene him & his suffragans, he pre∣uailed not. In this bishops time one William of Ex∣cester, a verie well learned man, was a canon of this church; and he ioining with Nicholas de Cesena, Okeham, Walsingham, and others, did openlie preach, that Christ and his apostles were but poore men, and had no temporall possessions: neither was anie emperor or laie man subiect to the pope, but on∣lie in matters of religion. But when he heard that [line 30] pope Iohn the thrée and twentith had excommunica∣ted, and would condemne them all for heretikes; this William, to saue his liuings, secretlie shroonke a∣waie from his old companions, and changed his co∣pie, and writeth certeine conclusions against them and his owne preachings. Also in this bishops time, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hun∣dred and fortie, one Iohn of Bampton, so named, bicause he was borne at Bampton, in this diocesse, and a moonke of the order of the Carmelites, was a [line 40] verie good scholar, and first did openlie read Aristotle in the vniuersitie of Cambridge▪ where he was a scholar; and afterwards he studied diuinitie, and was made doctor: he wrote certeine bookes, which are not extant. This bishop, after that he had occupied this church about two and fortie yeares, he died vpon S. Swithins daie, in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand three hundred sixtie and nine, and was buried in a chappell which he builded in the west wall of his [line 50] owne church.

* 13.3030 Thomas Brentingham, after the death of this Iohn Grandesson, was at one instant chosen bishop of Excester and bishop of Hereford, who refusing the one tooke the other, and was consecrated bishop of Excester vpon the tenth daie of March, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and seauen∣tie, being the feast daie of Nereus and Achilles, William of Worcester then archbishop of Cantur∣burie. This Thomas was a man verie well lear∣ned, [line 60] and experted both in ecclesiasticall matters, and in politike gouernement, and in both these respects greatlie reuerenced and estéemed; and for that cause, at the parlement holden at Westminster, in the tenth yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, was chosen one of the twelue péeres of the realme vnder the king. He was a benefactor to the Ca∣lenderhaie of the vicars chorall of his owne church, and performed and supplied in buildings and other∣wise, what his predecessors had left vndoone. And ha∣uing beene bishop foure and twentie yeares, he di∣ed the third of December, in the yeare of our Lord 1394, and was buried in the north side of the bodie of his owne church.

31 Edmund Stafford vpon the twentith daie of Iune,* 13.31 in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and fiue, was consecrated at Lam∣beth by William Courtnaie archbishop of Cantur∣burie. He was borne and descended of noble paren∣tage, being brother to Ralfe lord Stafford created earle of Stafford by king Edward the third; he was both wise and learned, and for his wisedome grew into great credit with the king, and was both of his priuie councell, as also lord chancellor of England. At the parlement holden at Westminster, the one and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, he being then speaker of the higher house, made a verie learned and pithie oration, to prooue the absolute authoritie of a king: his theme was, Rex vnus erit omnibus. And hauing discoursed at large of the authoritie of a king, he did conclude; Quòd potesta•• regis esset sibi sola, vnita, annexa solida; and whosoeuer did by anie meanes impeach the same, Poena legis me∣ritò esset plectendus. And for the furtherance of good letters, he did increase two fellowships in the col∣lege of Stapledons inne in Oxford, reformed the statutes of the house, and altered the name of it, and called it Excester college. After that he had conti∣nued bishop in much honor about thrée and twentie yeares, he died the fourth of September, being the seuenth yeare of king Henrie the fift, and lieth bu∣ried in his owne church in a verie faire toome of ala∣baster.

32 Iames Carie bishop of Chester,* 13.32 then being at Florence when news was brought to pope Martin the fift of the said late bishop Staffords death, was there made bishop of this church, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and nineteene, and also consecrated; but long he inioied not his office, for there he died, and was buried.

33 Edmund Lacie bishop of Hereford was translated from thense vnto this church in the feast of Easter,* 13.33 and in the eight yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the fift, in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand foure hundred and twentie. He was a man verie deuout and religious, but subiect to flat∣terers, who carried him to their pleasure; he was a liberall benefactor vnto the vicar of Calenderhaie. Great contentions were betwéene him and the citie for liberties, which by arbitrement were compoun∣ded. He founded the chapter house in his owne church. He was a professor of diuinitie, and verie well learned. For in the second yeare of his bishop∣rike, being the ninth yeare of the kings reigne, there was a parlement holden at Westminster, in which great complaints were made against the loose and dissolute life of the religious men, and especiallie the blacke moonks. And this matter being brought to the conuocation house, this bishop as chéefe proloqun∣tor of that assemblie, did make a verie learned and a pithie oration before the king, then of purpose pre∣sent, and the whole cleargie, much lamenting that the religious men were so far straied from the rules of their professions, and the holinesse of their prede∣cessors. And when he had at large discoursed the same, he deliuered vp certeine articles in writing, praieng for reformation. Which his spéeches were so effectuallie vttered, and his articles so pithilie pen∣ned, that both the king and the clergie did not onelie with great liking and allowance praise and com∣mend the same; but also tooke order that there should be a prouinciall councell called out of hand for a re∣formation. Which was then promised, but not perfor∣med, by reason of the kings death, which not long af∣ter followed. But yet in the waie of good spéed, it was then concluded and agréed, that euerie third benefice, being of the gift of anie of the prelats, or of anie mo∣nasterie, should from thenseforth for seauen yeares

be giuen to some scholar of Oxford or Cambridge. This bishop, after he had liued fiue and thirtie yeares in this bishoprike, died and was buried in the north wall of the queere in his owne church. After whose death manie miracles were said and deuised to be doone at his toome, wherevpon great pilgrimages were made by the common people to the same.

* 13.3434 George Neuill succéeded Edmund Lacie, and was consecrated in the feast of saint Katharine, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fiftie [line 10] and fiue, he was of a noble parentage, being the second son at Richard Neuill earle of Sarisburie, he finished and ended the chapter house which his prede∣cessor had begun. And after that he had beene bi∣shop about ten yeares, he was remooued to Yorke, and made archbishop there, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thrée score and fiue.

* 13.3535 Iohn Booth, after the translation of George Neuill to Yorke, was consecrated bishop vnder Thomas Burscher archbishop of Canturburie, vpon [line 20] the two and twentith daie of Februarie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred three score and six. He was by profession a ciuillian, and a bat∣chelor of the same, he gouerned his church verie well, and builded (as some suppose) the bishops sée in the queere. But being werie of the great troubles which were in this countrie betwéene king Edward the fourth and the earle of Warwike, he remooued from hense to his house of Horsleigh in Hamshire, where in the twelfe yere of his bishoprike he died, vpon the [line 30] fift of Aprill, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred seuentie and eight, and lieth buried at saint Clements in London.

* 13.3636 Peter Courtneie, immediatlie after the death of Iohn Booth, was presented to this bishoprike, and consecrated by Thomas archbishop of Canturburie in Nouember, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred seuentie and seuen at saint Stephans in Westminster; he was the son of sir Philip Court∣nie of Powderham, his mother was named Elisa∣beth, [line 40] daughter to Walter lord Hungerford. He for his wisedome and good behauiour was in great fa∣uor & credit with king Henrie the seauenth, by whose means he was translated from this church to Win∣chester, in the ninth yeare of his being bishop here, and in the fift yeare of his being there he died, vpon the twentith daie of December, in the yere one thou∣sand foure hundred ninetie and one, and lieth buried in his owne church. He finished the north tower of saint Peters, and gaue the clocke bell which is in the [line 50] same, and which beareth the name Peter.

* 13.3737 Richard Fox, vpon the remoouing of Peter Courtneie, was consecrated bishop of this church, vnder Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred thrée score and six. He was a verie wise man, and in great credit and estimation with king Henrie the seuenth, vnto whome he was a faithfull councellor, and of his councell; with whom he acquainted himselfe at Pa∣ris, when he was there a student. For king Henrie [line 60] then erle of Richmond, being at Uenice, and aduer∣tised how the nobilitie of England was bent to haue him for their king, came from thense to Paris, and sought vnto Charles then king of France for aid and helpe: in which the earle his sutes this Fox was a speciall traueller and councellor; and in the end, God giuing the succes, the erle obteined the crowne, and hauing had due triall of the fidelitie, wisedome, & trust of this bishop, he made him lord priuie seale; and kept and vsed him & his aduise in all his weightie matters as well at home as abrode. He being am∣bassador sundrie times to the kings of France and Scotland, and of a verie hartie good will and loue, the king made him godfather to his second son king Henrie the eight. There was a kind of emulation, betwéene this bishop and the earle of Surreie, both of them being verie wise and of great seruice to the king and commonwealth: howbeit, in some diuer∣sitie of respects, the one hauing no issue to care for, did deale without anie priuat affection or singular gaine; and the other hauing issue, was desirous to aduance his house and honor. These affections did bréed some dislike betwéene them two, yet the king finding a faith vnto himselfe, and a commoditie to the commonwealth, misliked it not, if the same ex∣céeded his measure: and they more warme than commendable for their callings and estates. The king then or the councell would deale betwene them for the appeasing and pacifieng of them, and to them he was both friendlie, louing, and liberall. The one he deliuered out of the tower, pardoned him of his offenses, restored him to his lands, receiued him in∣to speciall fauor, made him of his priuie councell, as also lord treasuror of England, and his generall into Scotland, & augmented his liuelihoods. The other he first made bishop to this church, then remooued him to Bath, and from thense vnto Durham, and lastlie vnto Winchester. Erasmus, in his booke intituled The preacher or Ecclesiastes, declareth how that the king vpon a time, wanting some péece of monie, was to borow the same of the commons, and of the clergie. And for the dealings with the clergie, the matter was by commission committed to this bi∣shop. Who when they came before him, vsed all the excuses that they could, to shift themselues from len∣ding of anie monie. Some came verie séemelie and well apparelled, and awaited vpon by their men, ac∣cording to their liuelihoods; and these alledged, that they were greatlie charged in hospitalitie and house kéeping, with other charges incident to the same, so that they had no monie, & therefore could paie none. Some came poorelie and barelie apparelled, and they alledged that their liuelihoods were but small, and yet their charges were great, and by that meanes the world was so hard with them that they had it not to spare. This bishop, hauing heard all these excuses, vsed this dilemme. To the richer sort he said; Forso∣much as you are so well and séemelie apparelled, and doo kéepe so great houses, and haue all things necessa∣rie about you; it is a manifest argument, that you haue some store about you, or else you would not doo as ye doo: and therefore yee must néeds lend. To the other, who pretended excuse of their pouertie, he thus replied vnto them; that forsomuch as they were so bare in their apparell, and so sparing of their expenses, it must néeds be that they saued their pursses and had monie, and therefore they must néeds paie, and so ad∣iudged them to lend vnto the prince. Now as he a∣rose by learning, so he was a great fauorer and fur∣therer of learning: and for the good increase of the same he builded and founded Corpus Christi col∣lege in Oxenford. In his latter daies he waxed and was blind, and dieng in Winchester, he was there buried in his owne church, after that he had beene bi∣shop of Excester six yéers, he was remoued to Bath, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred ninetie and two.

38 Oliuer King, immediatlie vpon the transfer∣ring of bishop Fox,* 13.38 was consecrated bishop of this church, in Februarie, one thousand foure hundred ninetie and two, Iohn Morton then archbishop of Canturburie. This Oliuer was chapleine to king Henrie the seuenth, and deane of Windesor, and re∣gister of the order of the garter. In his time were the rebellions of Ioseph the blacke smith in Corne∣wall, and of Perken Warbecke. This bishop after that he had occupied this sée about fiue yeares, he di∣ed in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hun∣dred

ninetie and seuen, and (as some suppose) he was buried at Windesor.

* 13.3939 Richard Redman, immediatlie vpon the death of bishop Oliuer King, was translated from his bi∣shoprike in Wales to this citie; but after fiue yeares he was remooued vnto the bishoprike of Elie, and installed there in September in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and one. He was a gentleman borne, and descended of a verie worship∣full house, which ioined with his wisedome and lear∣ning, did much increase his credit and good report. [line 10]

* 13.4040 Iohn Arundell, next after the translation of bishop Redman, was remooued from Couentrie and Lichfield vnto this citie, and was installed the fifteenth of March, one thousand fiue hundred and one. Wherein he sought not the preferment for anie liuelihoods, but rather desirous to be a dweller and resiant in his countrie where he was borne: for he was descended of the Arundels of Lanherne in Cornewall, a house of great antiquitie and worship. [line 20] He long inioied not his new bishoprike, for after two yeares after his installing, he had occasion to ride vnto London, and there died, and was buried in S. Clements church without Templebar, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and three.

41 Hugh Oldham, vpon the death of Arundell, by the preferment of the countesse of Richmond and Derbie,* 13.41 vnto whom he was chapleine, was prefer∣red vnto this bishoprike, and installed in the same. He was a man hauing more zeale than knowledge, [line 30] and more deuotion than learning; somewhat rough in spéeches, but friendlie in dooings. He was carefull in the sauing and defending of his liberties, for which continuall sutes was betwéene him and the abbat of Tauestoke; he was liberall to the vicars chorall of his church, and reduced them to the kéeping of com∣mons, and towards the maintenance thereof he gaue them certeine reuenues, and impropriated vn∣to them the rectorie of Cornewood. He alb••it (of him∣selfe) he were not learned▪ yet a great fauourer and a [line 40] furtherer of learning and of learned men. Notwith∣standing, he was sometime crossed in his honest at∣tempt therein. He first was minded to haue inlar∣ged Excester college in Oxford, as well in buildings as in fellowships: but after being a requester to the fellowes for one Atkins to be a fellow, in whose fa∣uour he had written his letters and was denied, he changed his mind, and his good will was alienated. About the same time doctor Smith bishop of Lin∣colne was building of the college named Brasen nose, and was verie willing and desirous to ioine [line 50] with him: but being denied to haue the nomination of a founder, his mind was changed. Not long after, being aduertised that bishop Fox of Winchester was minded to erect & found a new college, he ioi∣ned with him, and contributed vnto him a great masse of monie, and so a college was builded for scho∣lars, and great liuelihoods prouided for them: & then the house was named Corpus Christi college. Where∣of the one of them bare the name of a founder, and [line 60] the other of a benefactor. Howbeit, some diuersitie was betwéene these two bishops at the first, to what vse this college should be imploied. For the founder was of the mind that he would haue made it for a house of moonks; but the benefactor was of the con∣trarie mind, and would haue it for scholars, alleging that moonks were but a sort of buzzing flies, & whose state could not long indure; wheras scholars brought vp in learning would be profitable members to the commonwealth, and good ornaments to the church of God, and continue for euer. The founder being a wise man, and of a déepe iudgement, when he had paused and considered hereof, yeeldeth herevnto: and so it was concluded betweene them to make and build a college for scholars. And forthwith for the good direction, guiding, and gouernement of the said col∣lege and scholars; such wise, good, & politike statutes and ordinances were by good aduise and counsell de∣uised, established, and ordeined; as whereby the said college hath beene, and yet continueth one of the best nursseries for training and instructing of good scholars in learning within that vniuersitie. This bi∣shop and the abbat of Tauestoke did still contend and continue in law during their liues: and during which sute this bishop died, being excommunicated at Rome, and who could not be suffered to be buried, vntill an absolution from Rome was procured for him. After that he had béene bishop about sixteene yeares, he died the fiue and twentith of Iune, one thousand fiue hundred and ninetéene, and was bu∣ried in his owne church.

42 Iohn Uoiseie, otherwise Harman,* 13.42 succéeded Oldham, by the preferment of king Henrie the eight, whose chapleine he then was, and deane of his chapell as also of this church; he was doctor of the lawes, verie well learned and wise, and in great fa∣uour with the king, who sent him sundrie times in ambassages to forreine princes; he was lord presi∣dent of Wales, & had the gouernement of the kings onlie daughter ladie Marie princesse of Wales. Of all the bishops in the land he was accounted the court likest and the best courtier. And although he were well reported for his learning, yet better liked for his courtlike behauiour, which in the end turned not so much to his credit, as to the vtter ruine and spoile of the church: for of two and twentie lord∣ships and manors, which his predecessors had and left vnto him, of a goodlie yearelie reuenue he left but three, & them also leased out. And where he found fouretéene houses well furnished, he left onelie one house bare and without furniture, and yet charged with sundrie fées and annuities; and by these means this bishoprike, which sometimes was counted one of the best, is now become in temporall lands one of the meanest, and according to the foreprophesieng of bishop Grandesson, a place scarse left for the bi∣shop to laie and rest his head in; and yet neuerthelesse he was a great fauourer of learned men, and especi∣allie of diuines, whome he preferred in his church a∣boue others. He was verie bountions and liberall vnto all men, but especiallie vnto courtiers, vnto his owne kindred and countriemen. Upon manie he be∣stowed much, to the confusion of some of them; and vpon the others he spent much by building of a towne called Sutton Colshull where he was borne, which he procured to be incorporated, and made a market towne, and set vp therein making of kear∣sies, but all which in the end came to small effect. In his time, after the death of king Henrie the eight, there was an alteration of religion by king Ed∣ward the sixt, wherof insued a rebellion & commotion in this diocesse: which in some part was imputed to this bishop, bicause he laie farre from it, and dwelled in his owne countrie. Wherevpon he resigned the bishoprike into the kings hands, after that he had beene bishop about thirtie yeares, and liued by the rents of the temporaltie of the bishoprike, which when he alienated and discontinued, he did receiue vnto him for terme of his owne life.

43 Miles Couerdale,* 13.43 after the resignation of Uoiseie, was by king Edward made bishop of this citie, & consecrated at Lambeth by Thomas Cran∣mer archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and fiftie. He was borne in the north countrie, and from his childhood giuen to learning, wherein he profited verie much: he was one of the first which professed the gospell in this land in the time of king Henrie the eight, he

translated the bible out of the Hebrue into English, and wrote sundrie bookes vpon the scriptures. Which doctrine being verie new and strange in those daies, and he verie streightlie pursued by the bishops, made his escape, & passed ouer into low Germanie, where he printed the bibles of his translation and sent them ouer into England, and therof made his gaine wherby he liued. But the bishops, namelie D. Sto∣kesleie bishop of London, when he heard hereof, and minding to preuent that no such bibles should be dis∣persed [line 10] within this realme, made inquirie where they were to be sold, and bought them all vp; supposing that by this meanes no more bibles would be had: but contrarie to his expectation it fell out otherwise. For the same monie which the bishop gaue for these bookes, was sent ouer by the merchant vnto this Co∣uerdale, and by that meanes he was of that wealth and abilitie, that he imprinted as manie more and sent them ouer into England; but he was then so narrowlie sought for, that he was driuen to remooue [line 20] himselfe out of Flanders into Germanie, and dwel∣led vnder the Palsegraue of Rhene, where he found much fauour. First he taught yoong children, and ha∣uing learned the Dutch toong, the prince Palatine gaue him a benefice, named Burghsaber, where he continued and liued verie well, partlie by that bene∣fice, and partlie by the liberalitie of the lord Crome∣well, who was his good lord and reléeued him verie much. At length, when the religion was altered in England, and the gospell had a frée passage, he retur∣ned [line 30] & did verie much good in preaching of the same. And when the commotion in Deuon was for religi∣on, he was appointed to attend the lord Russell, when he came to suppresse the same, and verie shortlie for his learning and godlie life was made bishop of this see; who most worthilie did performe the office com∣mitted vnto him. He preached continuallie vpon eue∣rie holie daie, and did read most commonlie twise in the wéeke in some one church or other within this ci∣tie. He was after the rate of his liuings a great kée∣per [line 40] of hospitalitie, verie sober in diet, godlie in life, friendlie to the godlie, liberall to the poore, and cour∣teous to all men, void of pride, full of humilitie, ab∣horring couetousnesse, and an enimie to all wicked∣nesse and wicked men: whose companies he shun∣ned, and whom he would in no wise shrowd or haue in his house and companie. His wife a most sober, chast, and godlie matrone; his house and houshold another church, in which was exercised all godlinesse and vertue. No one person being in his house, which [line 50] did not from time to time giue an account of his faith and religion, and also did liue accordinglie. And as he had a care for the successe in religion, so had he also for the direction of the gouernement in ecclesi∣asticall causes. And bicause he was not skilfull ther∣in, neither would be hindered from his godlie stu∣dies, and be incombered with such worldlie matters, which neuertheles he would haue be doone in all vp∣rightnesse, iustice, and equitie; he sent to Oxford for a learned man to be his chancellor, and by the mini∣sterie [line 60] of the writer hereof he procured and obteined one master Robert Weston doctor of the ciuill law, & afterwards lord chancellor of Ireland, vnto whome he committed his consistorie, and the whole charge of his ecclesiasticall iurisdiction; allowing vnto him, not onelie all the fées therevnto apperteining, but al∣so lodged and found him, his wife, familie, horsse, and man, within his owne house, and gaue him a yearelie pension of fortie pounds. And surelie the bi∣shop was no more godlie and carefull of his part, concerning preaching; but this man also was as di∣ligent and seuere in dooing of his office, without re∣proch of being affectionated or corrupted. And not∣withstanding this good man, now a blamelesse bi∣shop, liued most godlie and vertuous: yet the com∣mon people, whose old bottels would receiue no new wine, could not brooke nor digest him; for no other cause, but bicause he was a preacher of the gospell, an enimie to papistrie, & a married man. Manie de∣uises were attempted against him for his confusion, sometimes by false suggestions, sometimes by open railings, and false libels; sometimes by secret back∣bitings, and in the end practised his death by impoi∣soning: but by Gods prouidence the snares were broken and he deliuered. After that he had béene bi∣shop about thrée yeares king Edward died, and then queene Marie hauing the crowne, the religion was altered, and he depriued. And notwithstanding the malice of prelats and archpapists was most bitter against him, and who had sworne his death: yet by the goodnesse of God he was most miraculouslie pre∣serued, and deliuered from out of their hands, at the sute and by the meanes of the king of Denmarke: who so earnestlie sued, & so often wrote to the quéene for him, that he was deliuered and sent vnto him; with whome after that he had staied a while, he went againe into Germanie to the Palsgraue, who most louinglie receiued him, placed him againe in his for∣mer benefice of Burghsaber, where he continued vntill the death of quéene Marie. And then the prea∣ching of the gospell being againe receiued, & hauing a free passage, he returned into England; but would neuer returne to his bishoprike, notwithstanding it was reserued for him, & sundrie times offered him; but liued a priuat life, continuing in London, prea∣ching & teaching the gospell, so long as the strength of his bodie would permit; and at length being ve∣rie old and striken in yeares, he died, and was hono∣rablie buried at saint Magnus church in London.

44 Iohn Uoiseie,* 13.44 after the depriuation of Miles Couerdale, was restored to this church, and for the better setling of the Romish religion did here state for a while: but his mind was addicted to his owne countrie, that he returned thither, and made his on∣lie abode there, practising there what he could, to haue the making of kersies to come to some effect; but the same being more chargeable than profitable, came to small proofe. This man being verie old died in his owne house, with a pang, and was buried in his parish church there, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and fiue.

45 Iames Troblefield succéeded bishop Uoi∣seie,* 13.45 and was consecrated in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie & six, he was a gen∣tleman borne, and of a good house, verie gentle and courteous; he professed diuinitie, but most zelous in the Romish religion, & yet nothing cruell nor blou∣die. And yet that he might not séeme to doo nothing, he was contented to prosecute and condemne a gilt∣lesse poore séelie woman, named Agnes Pirest for re∣ligion and heresie, & who was burned in Southing∣ham for the same. It was laied to hir charge (as dooth appeare by an indictment taken at Lanceston, Dit lunae in quarta septimana quadragesimae, anno Philippi & Mariae secundo & tertio, before William Stanford then iustice of the assise) that she should denie the re∣all presence in the sacrament of the altar, and that the same was but a signe and a figure of Christs bo∣die, and that none dooth eat reallie the bodie of Christ but spirituallie. He was verie carefull to recouer some part of the lands of his bishoprike, which his predecessor wasted, and did obteine of quéene Marie, to him and to his successors, the fee farme of the ma∣nor of Credition. After that he had béene bishop about two yeares, quéene Marie died; and he was depri∣ued, and liued after a priuat life.

46 William Alleie,* 13.46 in the second yeare of quéene Elisabeth, was chosen bishop, and installed the sixt of

August, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and one. In all quéene Maries time, which were called the Marian daies, he trauelled from place to place in the north countrie, where he was not knowne; and sometimes by practising of physike, and sometimes by teaching of scholars, he picked out a poore liuing for himselfe and his wife, and so continued, being not knowne to haue béene a priest, during all quéene Maries time: after whose death he went to London, and there did read diuini∣tie lecture in Paules verie learnedlie, and to his [line 10] great commendation; and from whense he was ta∣ken and made bishop of this citie. He was verie well learned vniuersallie, but his chiefe studie and profession was in diuinitie, and in the toongs. And being bishop, he debated no part of his former tra∣uels, but spent his time verie godlie and vertuouslie. Upon euerie holie daie (for the most part) he prea∣ched, and vpon the weeke daies he would and did read a lecture of diuinitie; the residue of his time, and free from his necessarie businesse, he spent in his [line 20] priuat studies, and wrote sundrie books, whereof his prelections or lectures which he did read in Paules, and his poore mans librarie he caused to be imprin∣ted: the like he would haue doone with his Hebrue grammar, and other his works, if he had liued. He was well stored, and his librarie well replenished with all the best sort of writers, which most gladlie he would impart and make open to euerie good scholar and student, whose companie and conference he did most desire & imbrace. He séemed at the first appée∣rance [line 30] to be a rough and an austere man, but in ve∣rie truth, a verie courteous, gentle, and an affable man; at his table full of honest speeches, ioined with learning and pleasantnesse, according to the time, place, and companie. All his exercises, which for the most part was at bowles, verie merrie and plesant, void of all sadnesse, which might abate the benefit of recreation; loth to offend, readie to forgiue, void of malice, full of loue, bountifull in hospitalitie, liberall to the poore, and a succourer of the néedie, faithfull to [line 40] his friend, and courteous to all men; a hater of co∣uetousnesse, and an enimie to all euill and wicked men, and liued an honest, a godlie, and vertuous life. Finallie, he was indued with manie notable good gifts and vertues, onelie he was somewhat credulous, of a hastie beléefe, and light of credit, which he did oftentimes mislike & blame in himselfe. In his latter time he waxed somewhat grosse, and his bodie full of humors, which did abate much of his [line 50] woonted exercises: and hauing béene bishop about eight yeares, he died the first of Aprill one thousand fiue hundred and seauentie, and was buried in his owne church.

* 13.4747 William Bradbridge, deane of Sarisburie, was the next bishop, and consecrated at Lambeth by Matthew Parker archbishop of Canturburie, the eightéenth of March one thousand fiue hundred and seauentie: he was a professor of diuinitie, but not taken to be so well grounded as he persuaded [line 60] himselfe, he was zelous in religion, but not so for∣wards as he was wished to be. In his latter daies he delighted to dwell in the countrie, which was not so much to his liking, as troublesome to his clergie, & to such as had anie sutes vnto him. It was thought he died verie rich, but after his death it proued other∣wise: he died suddenlie, no bodie being about him, at Newton Ferris, the ninth yeare of his bishoprike, vpon the nine and twentith of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 1578, and was buried in his owne church. Thus farre the collection of Iohn Hooker, agréeing with the records.]

* 13.48The seuentéenth daie of Iulie the quéenes maie∣stie being on the riuer of Thames,* 13.49 about nine of the clocke at night (betwixt hir highnesse manour of Gréenewich & Dartford) in hir priuie barge, accom∣panied with the French ambassador, the earle of Lincolne, and maister vicechamberlaine; it chanced that one Thomas Appletrée, a yoong man, and ser∣uant to maister Henrie Carie, with two or thrée o∣thers, being in a bote on the Thames, rowing vp and downe betwixt the places aforenamed: the foresaid Thomas had a caliuer or harquebus charged with bullet, and shooting at randon, by misfortune shot one of the watermen, being the second man next vnto the bales of the said barge (which sat within six foot of hir highnesse) cleane through both armes, and mooued him out of his place. For the which fact the said Thomas being apprehended and condemned to death, was on the one and twentith of Iulie brought to the water side, where was a gibbet set vp, direct∣lie placed betwixt Dartford and Gréenewich. But when the hangman had put the halter about his necke, the right honorable sir Christopher Hatton capteine of the gard, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell, shewed the queenes maiesties most grati∣ous pardon, and deliuered him from execution. This yeare Iohn Fox of Woodbridge, William Wick∣neie of Portsmouth,* 13.50 and Robert More of Harwich Englishmen, hauing béene prisoners in Turkie a∣bout the space of thirteene or foureteene yeares, with more than two hundred and sixtie other christians of diuerse nations, by killing their kéeper, maruel∣louslie escaped, and returned into their natiue coun∣tries.

This yeare in the moneths of September and October fell great winds and raging flouds in sun∣drie places of this realme,* 13.51 as in the towne of New∣port: the cotages were borne downe, the corne lost, pasture ground ouerwhelmed, and cattell drowned. In the towne of Bedford the water came vp to the market place, where cup boords, chests, stooles, and fourms swam about the houses; their fewell, corne and haie was wrackt & borne awaie. Also the towne of saint Edes in Huntingtonshire was ouerflowed suddenlie in the night, when all men were at rest; & the waters brake in with such force, that the towne was almost all defaced; the swans swam downe the market place, and all the towne about the botes did flote. The towne of Gormanchester was suddenlie supprest, their houses flowed full of water, when men were at rest, and their cattell with other things were destroied.

The one and twentith of Nouember,* 13.52 sir Thomas Gresham knight agent to the quéenes highnesse, who had in his life built the roiall Exchange in London,* 13.53 betwéene six and seuen of the clocke in the euening, comming from the same Exchange to his house (which he had sumptuouslie builded) in Bishopsgate stréet of London, suddenlie fell downe in his kitchin, and being taken vp was found spéechlesse, and pre∣sentlie dead, who afterwards was solemnlie bu∣ried in his owne parish church of saint Helen there, where he had prepared for himselfe a sumptuous toome or monument, without anie epitaph or inscrip∣tion therevpon. This sir Thomas Gresham in his testament (which long before his death he had ordei∣ned) bequeathed diuerse large legacies not yet per∣formed.

The eight and twentith daie of March, [year 1580] one Fran∣cis aliàs Marmaduke Glouer was hanged on a gi∣bet set vp for that purpose by the standard in Cheape,* 13.54 for wilfullie murthering sergeant Grace after he was by him arrested. Also on the next morrow, be∣ing the nine and twentith daie of March, the same gibet was set vp at Hog lane end vpon east Smith∣field, néere vnto the tower of London, thereon to

haue hanged one Richard Dod for murthering of mistresse Skinner a widow, in hir house there by, But sir Owen Hopton lieutenant of the tower, cō∣manding the officers perteining to the shiriffes of London backe againe to the west side of the crosse, tooke the shiriffe of the out shire with the prisoner in∣to an house, and after long talke brought the priso∣ner forth againe, & deliuered him to the officers, to be by them brought backe to London. Then he cau∣sed the gibet to be taken downe and carried awaie [line 10] at his pleasure, and without further contention (to my knowledge) the said Richard Dod was in the af∣ter noone of the same daie hanged at Tiborne.

* 13.55On the sixt of Aprill, being wednesdaie in Easter weeke about six of the clocke toward euening, a sud∣den earthquake happening in London, and almost generallie throughout all England, caused such an amazednesse among the people as was woonderfull for the time, and caused them to make their, earnest praiers to almightie God. The great clocke bell in [line 20] the palace at Westminster strake of it selfe against the hammer with the shaking of the earth, as di∣uerse other clocks & bels in the stéeples of the citie of London and elsewhere did the like. The gentlemen of the Temple being then at supper, ran from the ta∣bles, and out of their hall with their kniues in their hands. The people assembled at the plaie houses in the fields▪ as at the Whoreater (the Theater I would saie) were so amazed, that doubting the ruine of the galleries, they made hast to be gone. A péece of the [line 30] temple church fell downe, some stones fell from saint Paules church in London: and at Christs church neere to Newgate market, in the sermon while, a stone fell from the top of the same church, which stone killed out of hand one Thomas Greie an apprentise, and an other stone fell on his fellow seruant named Mabell Eueret, and so brused hir that she liued but foure daies after. Diuerse other at that time in that place were sore hurt, with running out of the church one ouer another for feare. The tops of diuerse chim∣neies [line 40] in the citie fell downe, the houses were so sha∣ken: a part of the castell at Bishops Stratford in Essex fell downe. This earthquake indured in or about London not passing one minute of an houre, and was no more felt. But afterward in Kent, and on the sea coast it was felt thrée times; as at Sand∣wich at six of the clocke the land not onelie quaked, but the sea also fomed, so that the ships tottered. At Douer also the same houre was the like, so that a péece of the cliffe fell into the sea,* 13.56 with also a péece of [line 50] the castell wall there: a péece of Saltwood castell in Kent fell downe; and in the church of Hide the bels were heard to sound. A peece of Sutton church in Kent fell downe, the earthquake being there not on∣lie felt, but also heard. And in all these places and others in east Kent, the same earthquake was felt three times to moue, to wit, at six, at nine, and at e∣leuen of the clocke. The nineteenth daie of Aprill the ferrie at Lambeth was drowned with fiue men and foure horsses;* 13.57 other two men and fiue horsses swam to land and were saued. [line 60]

* 13.58On the one and twentith of Aprill, in the yeare 1580 departed this life master William Lambe esquier, sometime gentleman of the chappell in the reigne of king Henrie the eight, citizen of London, and frée of the clothworkers. Of this mans almes∣deeds and manifold charities, some before, some since his death put in effectuall practise, thus reporteth a memoriall recorded in print, agréeing in truth with his last will and testament: an extract whereof for others imitation is necessarilie here to be inserted. This gentleman remembring that learning bring∣eth preferment, yea euen to them which are put base∣lie borne, as it pleased God to mooue him by his good and gratious spirit, he prooued himselfe by testimo∣nials of his dooings a louer of learning, and a fauou∣rer of euerie honest profession. For in the towne of Sutton Ualens in Kent, this worshipfull gentle∣man at his owne costs and proper expenses erected a grammar schoole for the education of youth in the feare of God, in good maners,* 13.59 in knowledge and vn∣derstanding.

He also weieng with himselfe, that the labourer ought of right to haue his hire; and that, no man goeth to warre of his owne proper charge, besides o∣ther commodities which he thought méet and neces∣sarie, hath allowed the master twentie pounds, and the vsher ten pounds▪ from time to time, as either place shall be supplied by succession, for their yearelie stipends and perpetuall pensions. To continue the rehersall of his good déeds in Sutton aforesaid, note his tender & pitifull heart toward the poore, for whose sustentation, maintenance, and reliefe, he hath buil∣ded six almes houses for the impotent,* 13.60 and hath gi∣uen six pounds to be yearelie paied vnto them for their necessarie prouision. Moreouer, besides this cha∣ritable déed, to keepe still within the compasse of Kent, marke the singular loue which this gentleman did beare vnto learning; for the furtherance wherof, and the more incouragement of poore scholers, he hath giuen to the schoole of Maidstone ten pounds a yeare for euer, with this caueat or prouiso,* 13.61 that néedie mens children should be preferred to the enioieng of this singular benefit.

That this gentleman had not onelie a regard for the seed-plots of learning, to haue them watered with the springs of his bountie: but also a prouident eie,* 13.62 and a carefull hart for the profit of the common∣wealth, the particulars following substantiallie doo prooue. For, séeing in his life time the decaie of sun∣drie trades, the ruine of diuerse occupations, and o∣ther inconueniences, which are like to grow to the vndooing of a multitude, except by policie they be preuented: of a méere, affection (if I said fatherlie I were not controllable) he hath freelie giuen to the poore clothiers in Suffolke,* 13.63 to the poore clothiers of Bridgenorth in Shropshire, and to the poore clothi∣ers at Ludlow in the said countie, thrée hundred pounds, to be said by euen portions, to each seuerall towne of the said counties one hundred pounds a péece, for their supportation and maintenance at their worke and occupation. So litle estéemed he the mucke of this world, in respect of dooing good, speci∣allie when he saw old age drawing him to his graue: of which mind it were to be wished all richmen would be (whom God hath made his stewards) when they wax crooked & bow backt, and (as the poet saith)

Obrepit canis rugosa senecta capillis.

Furthermore, the well of his weldooing not yet waxing drie, but yéelding liquor of reliefe verie largelie, hath watered other places. For, as the coun∣trie, so likewise the citie (the citie I meane of Lon∣don) hath cause,* 13.64 yea iust cause with open mouth to magnifie the goodnesse of God, so mightilie working in this praiseworshie esquier. The memorable mo∣numents, which shall liue when he is dead, and shall flourish when he is rotten, are witnesses of the loue, which he being a citizen bare vnto this citie. For, let vs begin with the conduit which he of his owne costs,* 13.65 not requiring either collection or contribu∣tion, founded of late in Holborne, not sparing ex∣penses so it might be substantiall, not pinching for charges so it might be durable and plentifull, as they can testifie which saw the seeking of the springs, the maner of making the trenches, the ordering of the pipes, lieng in length from the head to the said conduit, more than two thousand yards: and finallie, the framing of euerie necessarie appur∣tenance

therevnto belonging.* 13.66 Besides this, means is made, by a standard with one cocke at Hol••orne bridge to conueie the wast, which doth such seruice, the water thereof being both swéet, pleasant, and whol∣some, as neither rich nor poore can well misse. Which great worke as he aduisedlie attempted, so he com∣mendablie finished, hauing disbursed therabouts, of his owne costs & charges, to the sum of 1500 pounds.

And yet further note the wisedome and proui∣dence of this gentleman, who considering that the right vse of a good thing might cut off manie occasi∣ons [line 10] of vnthristines and idlenesse,* 13.67 and knowing that we are placed in this world to follow the vocation wherevnto we are called: besides that, séeing the hardnesse of this age wherein we liue, that manie would worke if they had meanes, manie neglect and care not for worke though they haue meanes, some would willinglie withstand pouertie if they might, some had rather beg and doo woorsse than giue them∣selues to labour, hath béene thus beneficiall to poore women that are glad to take pains,* 13.68 as to bestow vp∣on [line 20] them a hundred and twentie pales, wherewith to carrie and serue water: an honest shift of liuing, though somewhat toilesome. To descend and come downe to other his almesdeeds, you shall vnderstand that he being a member of the right worshipfull cor∣poration and societie of Clothworkers,* 13.69 was not for∣getfull of that companie, vnto whome he hath giuen his dwelling house in London, with other lands, and tenements, to the value of thirtie pounds or there∣abouts, by them to be thus bestowed: to wit, for the [line 30] hiring of a minister to read diuine seruice thrise a weeke, that is, euerie sundaie, wednesdaie, and fri∣daie throughout the yeare, in the chapell or church be∣longing to his house, called by the name of saint Iames in the wall by Criplegate: and for foure ser∣mons there yéerelie to be made and preached,* 13.70 a com∣petent allowance.

Out of which sum also of thirtie pounds, it is proui∣ded that a deduction be made by the said Clothwor∣kers▪ for apparelling twelue men, and as manie wo∣men,* 13.71 [line 40] in forme as followeth: that is to saie, to euerie one of the twelue men one fréeze gowne, one loco∣rum shirt, & a good strong paire of winter shooes: to twelue women likewise one fréeze gowne, one loco∣rum smocke, & a good strong paire of winter shooes, all readie made for their wearing: remembred al∣waies that they must be persons both poore and ho∣nest, vnto whome this charitable déed ought to be ex∣tended. Prouided also, that the execution hereof be done the first daie of October, orderlie from yeare to [line 50] yeare for euer whiles the world dooth last. Moreouer, he hath giuen to those of his companie foure pounds fréelie, not for a time, but perpetuallie: and thus doth his bountifulnesse manie waies appeare. To the pa∣rish of S. Giles without Criplegate,* 13.72 he hath giuen fiftéene pounds to the bels and chime, hauing meant (as it seemeth if they had taken time) to be more libe∣rall in that behalfe. The said bels & chime were in his life, & also after his deth kept in good order according to his will: but afterwards vpon occasion some of [line 60] them newlie cast became ill of sound & out of tune: a fault in some which would be amended. The poore of the parish aforesaid, by their reliefe in his life time se∣cretlie ministred, haue iust cause to lament the losse of this right bountifull almoner. For by his means their succour was the more: now it is to be feared it will be so much the lesse, by how much it may be sup∣posed he incresed their reliefe. Thus regarded he not so much his priuat thrift, as the cōmon good, giuing therein to the world a testimonie of christian pru∣dence, whose nature is to prefer the benefit of manie before the profit of one, according to that of the poet:

Publica priuatis qui sapit anteferet.

Th's gentlemans distributions are so diuerse, and so manie, that the rehersall of them requireth a large discourse. It is well knowen, and that can the wor∣shipfull companie of the Stationers witnesse,* 13.73 that this gentleman, for the space of these fouretéene or fiftéene yeares, whiles he liued, was pitifull to the poore of the parish of S. Faiths, and other parishes: in which said parish church▪ euerie fridaie ordinarilie throughout the yeare, distribution was made of their allowance by the hands of the said worshipfull Sta∣tioners, to whome that charge was and is commit∣ted: namelie, to twelue poore people twelue pence in monie, and twelue pence in bread. Neither is this charitable déed laid asleepe,* 13.74 but continued euen to the worlds end, for the perpetuall succor of the poore and impotent, a legacie of six pounds, thirtéene shillings and foure pence, allowed to that end; the bestowing whereof is in the hands of the said worshipfull socie∣tie of Stationers, the distributors of this almesse to the poore: who are put in mind to praise God for that prouision, in this request of the benefactor grauen in mettall, and fixed fast in the wall hard by his toome:

I praie you all that receiue bread and pence, To saie the Lords praier before ye go hence.

As for Christes hospitall,* 13.75 vnto the which he hath prooued himselfe a fatherlie benefactor, towards the bringing vp of the poore children, he hath giuen six pounds, which they shall inioie for the terme of fiue hundred yeares. Moreouer (marke the rare liberali∣tie of this vertuous gentleman) he hath giuen to the said hospitall one hundred pounds in readie monie,* 13.76 wherewith to purchase lands, that their reliefe, by the reuenues of the same, might be perpetuall: a nota∣ble deed, and an vndoubted worke of perfect christia∣nitie. As for S. Thomas spitle in Southworke, to∣ward the succour of the sicke and diseased, he hath gi∣uen foure poundes yearelie, and for euer:* 13.77 so that we may sée in all his procéedings with what mercie he was mooued, with what pitie pricked: and finallie, in all respects how godlie giuen. And here by the waie it is to be noted, that wheras it was reported, that he gaue to the hospitall, commonlie called the Sauoie, founded by king Henrie the seuenth, to purchase lands for the behoofe of the said hospitall, one hun∣dred pounds in monie: it is nothing so.* 13.78 For his be∣neficence towards that hospitall was staid, not tho∣rough anie default in him; but bicause such agrée∣ments could not be concluded vpon, as he reasona∣blie required. Wherefore his contribution that waie ceased, sore (I dare saie) against his godlie will. Thus much I was desired to speake touching that mat∣ter, to the intent that nothing but plaine truth might be reported, with the contrarie whereof he was not a little offended.

And although offendors deserue rather to be puni∣shed than fauoured, wherevpon by politike gouerne∣ment it is prouided, that their bodies apprehended,* 13.79 be committed to appointed places of imprisonment: yet this good gentleman remembring that the holie Ghost willeth vs not to withdraw our hand from a∣nie of our brethren in distresse, considering that cha∣ritie should not be parciall but indifferent, hath for the reléefe of the poore prisoners of the two Coun∣ters, of Newgate, of Ludgate, of the Marshalseie,* 13.80 of the Kings Bench, and of the white Lion, dealt ve∣rie bountifullie, and discréetlie: giuing vnto the two Counters, six pounds to be paied vnto them both by twentie shillings a moneth: and to the other prisons aboue mentioned, six mattresses a péece, the whole number being two doozen and a halfe. In considera∣tion of which charitable déed,* 13.81 how deepelie they are bound, if they haue anie sparkle of grace, to thanke God for his goodnesse shewed vnto them by the mi∣nisterie of this gentleman, all the world maie per∣ceiue.

It were iniurie offered, to let slip vnremem∣bred his mindfulnesse of poore maides marriages: and how willing he was to helpe them, it appeareth by his good gift of twentie pounds to be equallie di∣uided among fortie such in number by equall porti∣ons of ten shillings a péece:* 13.82 with this caueat, that these poore maides so to be married, should be of good, name and fame: wherein marke how in all his be∣quests, wisedome is ioined as a yokefellow with his bountie.

Lastlie, and for conclusion, this discréet gentle∣man,* 13.83 [line 10] carried awaie with the zeale of a good consci∣ence, tendering the state of his seruants, left them also at a resonable good staie. For besides their halfe yeares boord freelie giuen and granted, he hath béene beneficiall to them in diuerse other respects, which I passe ouer vnremembred. But alas! these sorowfull seruants doo not a little lament the losse of so louing a maister. I omit the hundred & eight fréese gownes readie made, which he bequeathed at his funerall to poore people, both men and women: with the dis∣spersing [line 20] of the remnant of all his goods after his bu∣riall, where need and reason required. And thus you see what monuments this gentleman hath left be∣hind him, to beare witnesse to the world of the fruit∣fulnesse of his faith:* 13.84 which if (as saint Iames saith) it maie be iudged by works, and that it is a dead and a barren faith which declareth not it selfe by déeds: then the sequele maie be this, that the faith where∣with he (of whome this is written) was indued, she∣weth [line 30] it selfe to be the same faith which is wished, and I would to God were in the heart of euerie chri∣stian. As for his religion, it was sound; his professi∣on sincere; his hearing of Gods word, attentiue & diligent; his vse of praier, deuout: in his sickenesse patient, willing to forsake the world, and to be with Christ, in whose faith he died; and lieth intoomed in a faire large vawt in saint Faiths vnder Paules, this epitaph grauen in brasse or copper, fixed vpon his graue stone, comprising a note of our mortalitie: [line 40]

As I was, so are ye: As I am, you shall be: That I had, that I gaue: That I gaue, that I haue: Thus I end all my cost: That I left, that I lost.

Hitherto concerning maister Lambes almes∣déeds, wherein thus much hath at large beene spoken for others example, whome as God hath indued with riches: so it were to be wished they would vse them [line 50] no woorse.] The first daie of Maie, after twelue of the clocke in the night,* 13.85 was an earthquake felt in di∣uerse places of Kent, namelie at Ashford, great Chart, &c: which made the people there to rise out of their beds, and run to the churches, where they called vpon God by earnest praiers to be mercifull vnto them.* 13.86 Of this earthquake one writeth thus. Ma∣nie thousands haue heard and commonlie it is re∣ported, that latelie in Kent an other earthquake was séene and felt, and so terriblie and sore the [line 60] earth did tremble and quake, that it wakened people that soundlie slept, and had like to haue roc∣ked them all asléepe that were awake. So feare∣full was the matter, and so dreadfull is the wrath of God in time of visitation, and wicked season of ini∣quitie. This was a pretie naturall cause: in deed so I thinke. For the naturall diseases of man, and the naughtie filthinesse of the flesh (full of lust and infir∣mities) caused God for the correction of natures in∣clination, to make Douer, Sandwich, Canturbu∣rie, Grauesend, and sundrie other places tremble and shake.

* 13.87The eightéenth daie of Maie, about one houre be∣fore sun setting, diuerse gentlemen of worship, and good credit,* 13.88 riding from Bodnian in Cornewall to∣wards Foie, there appeared to their séeming in the northeast, a verie great mist or fog, much like vnto the sea: and the forme of a cloud in the fashion of some great castell, with flags, & streamers thereon as it were standing in the sea, which presentlie va∣nished awaie. In whose stéed, and néere to the same place, appeared an other cloud which altered into the likenesse of a great argosie, furnished with masts, and other necessaries; and hir sailes séeming full of wind, made hir waie on the southwest of the castell, hauing streamers and flags verie warlike, with two boats at either sterne. There incontinent appeared againe the forme of a castell, and behind the same came following on the southwest side, an other great argosie, furnished as the first. This being past, there appéered three or foure gallies with their masts and flags in warlike sort, hauing boats at their sternes; and thereby appeared other small clouds to the num∣ber of twelue, which altered into the proportion of the said castels, and one following an other, as soone as anie of them vanished other came in their rooms; and this continued the space of an houre. Shortlie af∣ter the sights in the aier aforesaid,* 13.89 a worthie Gen∣tleman in the countrie writ to a right good gentle∣man in the court, that there was seene vpon a downe called Brodwels downe, in Summerset∣shire, thrée score personages all clothed in blacke, a furlong in distance from those that beheld them; and after their appearing, and a little while tarieng, they vanished awaie; but immediatlie, an other strange companie in like maner, colour and number appea∣red in the same place, and they incountered one an other, and so vanished awaie. And the third time ap∣peared that number againe all in bright armour and incountered one an other, and so vanished awaie. Foure honest men which saw it, reporting the same abroad, were examined thereof, before sir George Norton, to whome they sware, that those things they had séene were true, as here before is rehearsed.

Moreouer, it is crediblie reported of manie honest men, that fiue miles from Blonsdon in Wiltshire,* 13.90 a crie of hounds was heard in the aier, the selfe same daie that the first earthquake was, and the noise was so great that was made, that they seemed thrée or foure score couples: whereat diuerse tooke their greihounds, thinking some gentlemen had béene a hunting in the chase, and thought to course: yet some of those that went out of their houses, séeing nothing below abroad, looked vpwards to the skies, and there espied in the aier fiue or six hounds perfectlie to be discerned. Now (to saie my fansie) I doubt not but thousands hold these newes for fables inuented for pleasure. But I protest before God and man, I can beléeue a great deals more stranger matter than this, in this strange world: for the people so estrange themselues from God by vsing manie strange fa∣shions, and clapping on new conditions & natures, that except he shew some miracles, his godhead would quickelie be forgotten on earth, and men would beléeue there were no other world but this.

The thirtéenth of Iune, about six of the clocke in the morning, at Shipwash within the baronie of Bo∣thell in Northumberland, there happened a tempest of lightning and thunder, after the which, on a sud∣den came a great showre of haile,* 13.91 amongest the which were found stones of diuerse shapes maruel∣lous to behold, as in the likenes of frogs, mattocks, swords, horsse shooes, nailes, crosses of diuerse sorts, skuls of dead men, &c. The seuentéenth day of Iune,* 13.92 in the parish of Blasedon in Yorkeshire, after a gret tempest of lightning & thunder, a woman of foure score yeares old, named Alice Perrin, was deliue∣red of an hideous monster, whose head was like vn∣to

a sallet or headpeece, the face like vnto a mans, except the mouth, which was round and small, like vnto the mouth of a mo••so, the fore part of the bodie like to a man, hauing eight legs not one like an o∣ther, and a taile halfe a yard long. Which monster brought into the world, besides an admiration of the diuine works of God, an astonishment at his iudge∣ments. But of these we may saie as a stranger said sometime vpon the like occasion of prodigies and woonders successiuelie insuing, not without weigh∣tie [line 10] signification; to wit, that such things be as tales told to the deafe, verie few weieng in their minds the meaning & effect of strange accidents, and ther∣fore thinke vpon nothing lesse than a reformation of their wicked life: for the which things sake God sendeth these and manie such significant warnings, before he taketh the rod in hand, and whippeth vs till we smart: we then not looking to the meanes that prouoke this vengeance, as willing to auoid them: but murmuring at the iust iudge, vnder whose hea∣uie [line 20] hand we grone, & charging him to be the author of all misfortunes falling vpon vs: which Homer trulie séemeth right well to haue noted in this sense:

* 13.93Cur stulti incusant mortales numina coeli? Et sibi nos dicunt autores esse malorum? Cum praeter fati leges in aperta ferantur Damna, suaementis proprijs erroribus orti.

About the eightéenth daie of Iulie, the lord Greie tooke his voiage towards Ireland as lord deputie thereof,* 13.94 after whom was sent diuerse bands [line 30] of lustie souldiors, both horssemen and footmen, vn∣der the leading of expert capteins, of whose prospe∣rous and happie successe against their enimies, the I∣rish and others, diuerse pamflets haue béene publish∣ed, & matter more at large is set downe in the histo∣rie of Ireland. The thrée and twentith of Septem∣ber,* 13.95 at fennie Stanton in Huntingtonshire, one Agnis wife to William Linseie was deliuered of an vglie and strange monster, with a face blacke, the necke red, mouth and eies like a lion, on the fore∣head [line 40] a roll of flesh that might be turned vp with ones finger, on the hinder part of the head a lumpe of flesh proportioned like a fether, being hollow, with one eare growing on the lower part of the chéeke, his bellie big and hard, the armes big, hauing fiue fin∣gers and a thumbe on either hand, and in place of toes on the left foot fiue fingers and a thumbe, on the right foot a thumbe and seuen fingers, & in the place of priuitie the shape both of male & female: a strange sight to be seene, and I feare, signifieth our mon∣strous [line 50] life, which God for his mercie giue vs grace to amend, without procrastination or putting off from daie to daie, as the poet significantlie saith:

Cras vultis, sed vult hodie vindex Deus, & cras, Aut non vult, aut vos obruet atra dies.

The eight daie of October, immediatlie after the new moone,* 13.96 there appeared a blasing star in the south, bushing toward the east, which was nightlie séene (the aier being cléere) more than two moneths. The eighteenth of October were made eight serge∣ents [line 60] at law,* 13.97 to wit, William Fléetwood recorder of London, Edward Flowerdue, Thomas Snag, William Periam, Robert Halton, Iohn Clench, Iohn Pickering, Thomas Warmsleie; maister Snag before named was sicke, and therefore was sworne in his chamber at Greies inne, the other se∣uen were sworne at Westminster, and held their feast at the new Temple at London.

The quéenes maiestie being informed, that in sun∣drie places of this realme,* 13.98 certeine persons secretlie taught damnable heresies, contrarie to diuers prin∣cipall articles of our beléefe and christian faith, who to colour their sect named themselues the familie of loue, and then as manie as were allowed by them to be of that familie to be elect and saued, and all o∣thers of ••hat church soeuer they be, to be reiected and damned. And for that vpon conuenting of some of them before the bishops & ordinaries▪ it was found that the ground of their sect is mainteined by cer∣teine lewd, hereticall, and seditious books, first made in the Dutch toong, and lastlie translated into Eng∣lish, and printed beyond the seas, & secretlie brought ouer into the realme, the author whereof they name H. N. &c. And considering also it is found, that those sectaries held opinion, that they may before a∣nie magistrat or ecclesiasticall or temporall, or anie other person, not being professed to be of their sect, by oth or otherwise denie anie thing for their aduan∣tage: so as though manie of them are well knowne to be teachers and spreaders abroad of these dange∣rous and damnable sects; yet by their owne confes∣sion they can not be condemned.* 13.99 Therefore hir ma∣iestie being verie sorie to sée so great an euill, by ma∣lice of the diuell to be brought into this hir realme, and by hir bishops and ordinaries she vnderstandeth it verie requisit, not onelie to haue those dangerous heretiks and sectaries to be seuerelie punished; but that also all other meanes be vsed by hir maiesties roiall authoritie, which is giuen hir of God to de∣fend Christs church, to root them out from further infecting of hir realme: she hath thought méet and conuenient, and so by hir proclamation comman∣deth, that all hir officers and ministers temporall shall in all their seuerall vocations assist the bishops of hir realme, and all other person to search out all persons dulie suspected, to be either teachers or pro∣fessors of the foresaid damnable sects, and by all good meanes to proceed seuerelie against them, being found culpable by order of the lawes ecclesiasticall or temporall: and that all search be made in all pla∣ces suspected, for the books and writings maintein∣ing the said heresies and sects, and them to destroie and burne, &c: as more at large may appéere by the said proclamation, giuen at Richmond the third of October, and proclamed at London on the nine∣téenth daie of the same moneth.

About this time there arriued vpon the west coast of Ireland,* 13.100 a certeine companie of Italians and Spaniards, sent by the pope to the aid of the earle of Desmond in his rebellion, which fortified themselues stronglie néere vnto Smerwike, in a fort which they called castell del Ore, there erecting the popes ban∣ner against hir maiestie. Which when the lord Greie of Wilton deputie of Ireland vnderstood, he mar∣ched thitherward, and on the sixt of Nouember, hea∣ring of the arriuall of the Swift, the Tigre, the Aid, the Merlion, & other of the quéenes maiesties ships, and also of thrée barks fraughted from Corke and Limerike with vittels, on the morrow after marched towards the fort, vnto the which he gaue so hot an assault, that on the ninth of Nouember the same was yéelded, all the Irishmen and women hanged, and more than foure hundred Spaniards, Italians, and Biscaies put to the sword; the coronell, capteins, secretarie, and others, to the number of twentie saued for ransome. In which fortresse was found good store of monie, bisket, bakon, oile, wine, and diuerse other prouisions of vittels sufficient for their companie for halfe a yeare, besides armour, powder, shot, and other furniture for two thousand men and vpwards.

The eight and twentith daie of Nouember were arreigned in the kings bench,* 13.101 * 13.102 William Randoll for coniuring to know where treasure was hid in the earth, and goods felloniouslie taken were become; Thomas Elks, Thomas Lupton, Rafe Spacie, and Christopher Waddington, for being present, aiding, and procuring the said Randoll to the coniuration a∣foresaid;

Randoll, Elks, Spacie, and Waddington were found guiltie, & had iudgement to be hanged; Randoll was executed, the other were repriued. A∣bout the 24 of December in the town of Walsham in the countie of Sussex,* 13.103 a child of eleuen yéers old, named William Withers, laie in a trance for the space of ten daies without anie sustenance, and at the last comming to himselfe he vttered to the stan∣ders by manie strange spéeches, inueieng against pride, couetousnesse, coldnesse of charitie, and other [line 10] outragious sins. To behold this child there resor••••d diuerse godlie & zelous preachers, as also knights, es∣quiers, & gentlemen, all of them hearing and séeing that which was woonderfull. And among others that came thither, there was a gentleman of great cre∣dit and worship, with certeine of his men to heare and behold the child: who hauing espied a seruing∣man that had béene there with his maister two times, whom he had sharplie tawnted for his great and monstrous ruffes, spake vnto him verie vehe∣mentlie, [line 20] and told him that it were better for him to put on sackecloth and mourne for his sinnes, than in such abhominable pride to pranke vp himselfe like the diuels darling,* 13.104 the verie father of pride and lieng, who sought by the exercise of that damnable sinne to make himselfe a preie to euerlasting torments in helfire. Wherevpon the seruingman, as one prickt in conscience, sore sorowed and wept for his offense, rent the band from his necke, tooke a knife and cut it in péeces, and vowed neuer to weare the like againe. [line 30] This for the strangenesse thereof will be condemned as a lie, speciallie of vnbeléeuers and peruers world∣lings, whose hearts are so hardened, that they will not beléeue though one rise from the dead, or though God should speake vnto them from heauen (as the poet noteth trulie) which he hath doone in times past:

—solióque tremendus ab alto * 13.105Altitonans coelo signa stupenda dedit.

* 13.106About the twelfe daie of Ianuarie proclamation was published at London, for reuocation of sundrie [line 40] the quéenes maiesties subiects remaining beyond the seas vnder colour of studie, and yet liuing con∣trarie to the lawes of God, and of the realme: and also against the reteining of Iesuits and massing priests, sowers of sedition, and other treasonable at∣tempts,* 13.107 &c. The thirtéenth of Ianuarie a man was drawne to saint Thomas of Waterings, and there hanged, headed, and quartered, for begging by a li∣cence wherevnto the quéenes hand was counterfei∣ted.

On the sixteenth daie of Ianuarie, the lords [line 50] and barons of this realme began to sit in the parle∣ment house at Westminster:* 13.108 and on the twentith daie of Ianuarie the quéenes maiestie went from White hall to the parlement house by water. Where∣as a great chalenge of iusts was signified by waie of deuise before hir maiestie on Twelfe night last past, to haue beene performed the fiftéenth daie of Ianuarie,* 13.109 hir maiesties pleasure was for diuerse considerations the same should be deferred vntill the two and twentith daie of the same moneth; on which [line 60] daie the same was most couragiouslie accomplished in the accustomed place at Westminster, where ma∣nie staues were valiantlie broken; but through the great concourse of people thither repairing, manie of the beholders, as well men as women, were sore hurt, some maimed, and some killed, by falling of the scaffolds ouercharged.

* 13.110This yeare about Hallowntide last past, in the marishes of Daneseie hundred, in a place called Southminster, in the countie of Essex, a strange thing happened. There suddenlie appéered an infinite multitude of mice, which ouerwhelming the whole earth in the said marishes, did sheare and gnaw the grasse by the roots, spoiling & tainting the same with their venemous teeth: in such sort that the cattell which grased thereon were smitten with a murreine and died thereof. Which vermine by policie of man could not be destroied, till now at the last it came to passe, that there flocked togither all about the same marishes such a number of owles, as all the shire was not able to yeeld: whereby the marsh holders were shortlie deliuered from the vexation of the said mice.

This yeere (against the comming of certeine com∣missioners out of Francis into England) by hir ma∣iesties appointment, [year 1581] * 13.111 on the six and twentith daie of March in the morning (being Easter daie) a banket∣ting house was begun at Westminster, on the south west side of hir maiesties palace of White hall, made in maner and forme of a long square, thrée hundred thirtie and two foot in measure about; thirtie princi∣pals made of great masts, being fortie foot in length a peece, standing vpright; betwéene euerie one of these masts ten foot asunder and more▪ The walles of this house were closed with canuas, and painted all the outsides of the same most artificiallie with a worke called rustike, much like to stone. This house had two hundred ninetie and two lights of glasse. The sides within the same house was made with ten heights of degrées for people to stand vpon: and in the top of this house was wrought most cunning∣lie vpon canuas, works of iuie and hollie, with pen∣dents made of wicker rods,* 13.112 and garnished with baie, rue, and all maner of strange flowers garnish∣ed with spangles of gold, as also beautified with hanging toseans made of hollie and iuie, with all maner of strange fruits, as pomegranats, orenges, pompions, cucumbers, grapes, carrets, with such o∣ther like, spangled with gold, and most richlie han∣ged. Betwixt these works of baies and iuie, were great spaces of canuas, which was most cunning∣lie painted, the clouds with starres, the sunne and sunne beames, with diuerse other cotes of sun∣drie sorts belonging to the quéenes maiestie, most richlie garnished with gold. There were of all man∣ner of persons working on this house, to the number of thrée hundred seuentie and fiue: two men had mis∣chances, the one brake his leg, and so did the other. This house was made in thrée wéeks and three daies, and was ended the eightéenth daie of Aprill;* 13.113 and cost one thousand seuen hundred fortie and foure pounds, nineteene shillings and od monie; as I was credi∣blie informed by the worshipfull maister Thomas Graue surueior vnto hir maiesties workes, who ser∣ued and gaue order for the same, as appeareth by re∣cord.

On the sixteenth daie of Aprill arriued at Douer these noblemen of France (commissioners from the French king to hir maiestie) Francis of Burbon prince dolphin of Auergne,* 13.114 Arthur Cossaie marshall of France, Lodouic Lusignian lord of Laneoc, Ta∣uergius Caercongin countie of Tillir, Bertrand Salignacus lord Mot Fenelon, monsieur Manais∣sour, Barnabie Brissen president of the parle∣ment of Paris, Claud Pinart, monsieur March∣mont, monsieur Ueraie; these came from Graues∣end by water to London, where they were honorably receiued and interteined; and shortlie after being ac∣companied of the nobilitie of England, they repaired to the court and banketting house prepared for them at Westminster, as is afore said, where hir maiestie

—(decus illa Britannûm Gemmáque non alijs inuenienda locis)

with amiable countenance & great courtesse recei∣ued them: and afterward in that place most roiallie feasted & banketted them. Also the nobles & gentle∣men of the court, desirous to shew them all courtesie

possible fittest for such estates, and to sport them with all courtlie pleasure, agréed among them to prepare a t••iumph, which was verie quicklie concluded: and being deuised in most sumptuous order, was by them performed in as valiant a manner to their end∣lesse fame and honor. The chiefe or chalengers in these attempts were these: the earle of Arundell, the lord Windsore, maister Philip Sidueie, and maister Fulke Greuill, who calling themselues the foure fo∣ster children of desire, made their inuention of the foresaid triumph in order and forme following. [line 10]

* 13.115The gallerie or place at the end of the tiltyard ad∣ioining to hir maiesties house at Whitehall, wheras hir person should be placed, was called and not with∣out cause, The castell or fortresse of perfect beautie, for as much as hir highnesse should be there inclu∣ded; whereto the said foster children laid ti••le and claime as their due by descent to belong vnto the them. And vpon deniall or anie repulse from that their de∣sired patrimonie▪ they vowed to vanquish and con∣quer by force who so should séeme to withstand it. [line 20] For the accomplishing whereof they sent their chal∣lenge or first defiance to the quéenes maiestie: which was vttered by a boie on sundaie the sixtéenth of A∣prill last, as hir maiestie came from the chappell, who being apparelled in red and white, as a martiall mes∣senger of Desires fostered children without making anie precise reuerence at all, vttered these spéeches of defiance from his masters to hir maiestie, the ef∣fect whereof insueth.

O ladie, that dooth intitle the titles you possesse [line 30] with the honor of your worthinesse,* 13.116 rather crowning the great crowne you hold, with the ••ame to haue so excelling an owner, than you receiuing to your selfe anie increase, keeping that outward ornament: vouchsafe with patient attention to heare the words which I by commandement am here to deli∣uer you, wherein if your ears (vsed to the thankes∣giuing of your people & the due praises of the earth) shall féele a statelie disdaine to heare once the sound of a defie, yet dare I warrant my selfe so far vpon [line 40] the replie & deceiuing shew of rare Beautie, as that malice can not fall from so faire a mind vpon the sea∣lie messenger, whose mouth is a seruant to others direction. Know yée therefore alonelie princesse, that herby (for far off they are neuer) there lies incamped the foure long haplesse, now hopefull fostered chil∣dren of Desire:* 13.117 who hauing béene a great while nou∣rished vp with that infectiue milke, and too too much care of their fierie fosterer (though full oft that drie nursse despaire indeuored to weine them from it) [line 50] being now as strong in that nurture, as they are weake in fortune, incouraged with the valiant counsell of neuer fainting Desire, and by the same assured, that by right of inheritance euen from euer, the fortresse of beautie dooth belong to hir fostered children: lastlie, finding it blazed by all toongs, in∣graued in all hearts, and proued by all eies, that this fortresse built by nature is seated in this realme: these foure I saie and saie againe, thus nourished, [line 60] thus animated, thus intituled, and thus informed, doo will you by me,* 13.118 euen in the name of iustice, that you will no longer exclude vertuous Desire from per∣fect Beautie. Whereto if you yéeld (O yéeld for so all reason requireth) then haue I no more to saie, but re∣ioise that my saiengs haue obteined so rightfull and yet so blissefull a request. But if (alas but let not that be needfull) Beautie be accompanied with dis∣dainefull pride, and pride waighted on by refusing crueltie; then must I denounce vnto you (wo is me, answer before it be denounced) that they deter∣mine by request to accomplish their claime. And bi∣cause they will better testifie to the world, they haue bin brought vp vnder the wings of honorable De∣sire, this honorable forewar••ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 send you; that vpon the foure and twentith daie of this moneth of Aprill they will besiege that fatall fortresse, vow∣ing not to spare (if this obstinaci•• continue) the sword of faithfulnes, and the fire of affection.* 13.119 Now if so it fall out, the worthie knights of your court (mooued with passion in themselues) disdaine of any senders baldnesse, or parciall thing (which I most doubt) to the maiestie of your eies, will either bid them battell before they approch, or suffering them to approch, will after labour to leuie the siege; they pro∣test to meet them in what sort they will choose, wish∣ing onelie it may be performed before your owne eies, whome they know as euen in iudgement as daintie in choosing▪ where if so they li••t, first at the tilt in so manie courses, as your selfe shall please to ap∣point; and then if anie will call them to the course of the field with lance and sword, they hope to giue such true proofes of their valour, as at lest shall make their desires more noble. Uowing on the other side, that if before the night part the fraie, they doo not o∣uercome all them that come in against them, they will yeeld themselues slaues vnto you for euer. This therefore O quéene (greater in that you are queene of your selfe, than in passing the whole compasse of the earth) haue I deliuered my charge, not as a chal∣lenge to your knights, against whome (but in so iust a cause) they acknowledge themselues vnable to match the meanest▪ but as a plaine proclamation of war, vnles the fortres of Beautie,* 13.120 that hath woone so manie to loose themselues, be speedilie surrendered. And now it shall be séene what knights you haue, whome Beautie may draw to resist a rightfull title. And I for my poore part mooued by that I sée in you (though I serue your enimies) will dailie praie that all men may sée you, & then you shall not feare anie armes of aduersaries: or if enimies you must haue, that either they may haue the mind of them that send me, or their fortune in that they haue long desired.

At which daie abouesaid for certeine vrgent oc∣casions, the said challenge and triumph,* 13.121 by hir maie∣sties commandement, was deferred till the first daie of Maie: at which daie for like causes it was further deferred till the next mondaie following, being the eight daie of Maie: and so till Whitsun mondaie, when they first began to performe it. The said daie being come, the foure foster children had made pre∣paration to besiege the fortresse of Beautie, and thereto had prouided a frame of wood, which was co∣uered with canuas, and painted outwardlie in such excellent order,* 13.122 as if it had bin verie naturall earth or mould, and caried the name of a rowling trench, which went on whéeles, which waie soeuer the persons within did driue it. Upon the top whereof was pla∣ced two cannons of wood, so passing well coloured as they séemed to be in déed two faire field peeces of ordinances, and by them was placed two men for gunners clothed in crimson sarcenet, with their bas∣kets of earth for defense of their bodies by them. And also there stood on the top of the trench an en∣signe bearer in the same sute with the gunners, dis∣plaieng his ensigne, and within the said trench was cunninglie conueied diuerse kind of most excellent musike against the castell of Beautie. These things thus all in a readinesse, the challengers approched, & came from the stable toward the tiltyard, one after another in braue & excellent order as followeth.

First, the earle of Arundell entred the tiltyard, all in gilt and ingrauen armour,* 13.123 with caparisons and furniture richlie and brauelie imbrodered, ha∣uing attendant vpon him two gentlemen vshers, foure pages riding on foure spare horsses, and twen∣tie of his gentlemen. All which aforesaid were appa∣relled in short clokes and venetian hose of crimson

veluet, laid with gold lace, doublets of yellow sattin, hats of crimson veluet with gold bands and yellow feathers, and yellow silke stockes. Then had he six trumpetters that sounded before him, and one and thirtie yeomen that waited after him apparelled in ••assocke coats, and venetian hose of crimson veluet, laid on with red silke and gold lace, doublets of yel∣low taffatie, hats of crimson taffatie, with yellow feathers, and yellow worsted stockings.

* 13.124After him procéeded the lord Windsore, in gilt and ingrauen armour, with caparisons and furni∣ture, [line 10] richlie imbrodered with gold, hauing atten∣dant on him foure pages riding on foure spare hors∣ses, and foure and twentie gentlemen, all apparelled in short cloaks of scarlet, lined through with orange tawnie taffatie, and laid about with siluer lace, dou∣blets of orange tawnie sattin, venetian hose of o∣range tawnie veluet, blacke veluet caps, with siluer bands and white feathers, and siluered rapiers and daggers, with scabberds of blacke veluet; foure [line 20] trumpetters, and two footmen in cassocke coats and venetian hose of orange tawnie veluet, and blacke veluet caps with siluer bands and white feathers, foure groomes of his stable leading of his foure hors∣ses, in cassocke coats and venetian hose of orange tawnie taffatie and orange tawnie felts with siluer bands, and white feathers. Then had he thrée score yeomen in coats of orange tawnie cloth, with the vnicorne of siluer plate on their sléeues, and orange tawnie felts with siluer bands and white feathers. [line 30]

* 13.125Then procéeded maister Philip Sidneie, in verie somptuous maner, with armour part blew, and the rest gilt and ingrauen, with foure spare horsses, ha∣uing caparisons and furniture verie rich and costlie, as some of cloth of gold imbrodered with pearle, and some imbrodered with gold and siluer feathers, verie richlie and cunninglie wrought: he had foure pages that rode on his foure spare horsses, who had cassocke coats, and venetian hose all of cloth of siluer, laied with gold lace, and hats of the same with gold bands and white feathers, and ech one a paire of white bus∣kins. [line 40] Then had he a thirtie gentlemen and yeomen, & foure trumpetters, who were all in cassocke coats and venetian hose of yelow veluet, laied with siluer lace, yelow veluet caps with siluer bands and white fethers, and euerie one a paire of white buskins; and they had vpon their coats, a scrowle or band of sil∣uer, which came scarfe wise ouer the shoulder, and so downe vnder the arme, with this poes••e, or sentence written vpon it, both before and behind, Sic nos non nobis. [line 50]

Then came maister Fulke Greuill, in gilt ar∣mour,* 13.126 with rich and faire caparisons and furniture, hauing foure spare horsses with foure pages riding vpon them, and foure trumpetters sounding before him, and a twentie gentlemen and yeomen atten∣ding vpon him, who with the pages and trumpet∣ters were all apparelled in loose ierkins of tawnie taffatie, cut and lined with yelow sarsenet, and laied with gold lace, and cut downe the arme and set with loopes and buttons of gold, venetian hose of the same [line 60] lined (as aforesaid) laied with gold lace downe the side with loopes and buttons of gold, with ech a paire of yelow worsted stockings, and hats of tawnie taf∣fetie with gold bands and yelow feathers. Hauing thus all entered the tiltyard, they proceeded on with the rowling trench before them, which staied against the queene, and they passed by, as though they would behold the Fortresse of beautie; and so went about the tilt. At last the boie that vttered the first defiance pronounced these speeches to hir maiestie.

If the message latelie deliuered vnto you had beene beleeued and followed (O quéene) in whome the whole storie of vertue is written,* 13.127 with the language of beautie; nothing should this violence haue née∣ded in your inuiolate presence. Your eies, which till now haue béene onelie woont to discerne the bowed knées of knéeling hearts, and inwardlie turned, found alwaies the heauenlie peace of a swéet mind, should not now haue their faire beames reflected with the shining of armour, should not now be dri∣uen to see the furie of desire, nor the fierie force of fu∣rie. But sith so it is (alas that so it is) that in the defense of obstinate refusall there neuer groweth victorie but by compassion; they are come: what néed I saie more, you sée them, readie in hart as you know, and able with hands as they hope, not onelie to assailing but to preuailing. Perchance you despis•• the smalnesse of number. I saie vnto you, the force of desire goeth not by fulnesse of companie. Naie ra∣ther view with what vnresistable determination themselues approch, and how not onelie the heauens send their inuisible instrument to aid them:* 13.128 but al∣so the verie earth the dullest of all the elements, which with naturall heauinesse still striues to the sleepie centre; yet for aduancing his enterprise is content actiuelie (as you shall sée) to moue it selfe vpon it selfe to rise vp in height, that it maie the better command the high and highminded fortresses. Manie words,* 13.129 when deeds are in the field, are tedious both vnto the speaker and hearer. You sée their forces, but know not their fortunes; if you be resolued, it boots not, and threats dread not. I haue discharged my charge, which was euen when all things were readie for the assault, then to offer partlie a thing not so much vnu∣sed as gratious in besiegers. You shall now be sum∣moned to yéeld, which if it be reiected, then looke for the affection at alarme to be followed with desirous assault. The time approcheth for their approches, but no time shall staie me from wishing, that howsoeuer this succéed, the world maie long inioie hir chiefest ornament, which decks it with hir selfe, and hir selfe with the loue of goodnesse.

Which spéech being ended, the rowling trench or mount of earth was mooued as néere the queenes maiestie as might be, which being setled,* 13.130 the musike plaied verie pleasantlie, and one of the boies being then accompanied with cornets, summoned the for∣tresse with this delectable soong, here vnder noted.

Yeeld, yeeld, ô yeeld, you that this fort doo hold,* 13.131 which seated is, in spotlesse honors feeld, Desires great force, no forces can withhold: then to desires desire, ô yeeld ô yeeld. Yeeld yeeld ô yeeld, trust not on beauties pride, fairenesse though faire, is but a feeble sheeld, When strong desire, which vertues loue dooth guide, claimes but to gaine his due, ô yeeld ô yeeld. Yeeld yeeld ô yeeld, who first this fort did make, did it for iust desires, true children beeld, Such was his mind, if you an other take, defense herein dooth wrong, ô yeeld ô yeeld, Yeeld yeeld ô yeeld, now is it time to yeeld, before th'assault begin, ô yeeld ô yeeld.

When that was ended, an other boie turning him∣selfe to the foster children and their retinue, soong this alarme with plesant voice & seemelie countenance.

Alarme alarme, here will no yeelding bee,* 13.132 such marble eares, no cunning words can charme, Courage therefore, and let the statelie see, that nought withstands desire, alarme alarme. Alarme alarme, let not their beauties mooue remorse in you to doo this fortresse harme, For sith warre is the ground of vertues loue, no force, though force be vsed, alarme alarme. Alarme alarme, companions now begin, about this neuer conquered wals to swarme, More praise to vs we neuer looke to win, much maie that was not yet, alarme alarme.

Alarme alarme, when once the fight is warme, then shall you see them yeeld, alarme alarme.

* 13.133Which ended, the two canons were shot off, the one with swéet powder, and the other with swéet wa∣ter, verie odoriferous and pleasant, and the noise of the shooting was verie excellent consent of melodie within the mount. And after that was store of pre∣tie scaling ladders▪ and the footmen threw floures and such fans••es against the wals, with all such deui∣ses as might seeme fit shot for desire. All which did [line 10] continue till time the defendants came in.

* 13.134Then came in the defendants in most sumptuous maner, with euerie one his seruants, pages, and trumpetters (hauing some more, some lesse) in such order as I haue here vnderplaced them, with eue∣rie one his sundrie inuention, which for that some of them be mysticall and not knowne to manie, I omit therefore for breuities sake to speake of anie. Yet such spéeches as were spoken or presented for them to hir maiestie, so manie as were, or at the least as [line 20] I could come by, I haue here in their order placed them, whereby their inuentions for whome they were spoken, are therein plainelie declared. Therefore I referre you to the reading of them hereafter. But thus the defendants entered the tiltyard, one after an other as followeth.* 13.135 First maister Henrie Greie, sir Thomas Perot, maister Anthonie Cooke, maister Thomas Ratcliffe, maister Henrie Knolles, mai∣ster William Knolles, maister Robert Knolles, maister Francis Knolles, maister Rafe Bowes, [line 30] maister Thomas Kelwaie, master George Goring, maister William Tresham, maister Robert Alex∣ander, maister Edward Dennie, maister Hercules Meautus, maister Edward Moore, maister Richard Skipwith, maister Richard Ward, maister Ed∣ward Digbie, maister Henrie Nowell, maister Henrie Brunkerd. And afterwards in the middest of the running came in sir Henrie Leigh, as vn∣knowne, and when he had broken his six staues went out in like maner againe. So passing on one after [line 40] an other, when sir Thomas Perot & maister Cooke came to the end of the tilt, ouer against the quéenes maiestie, one of their pages arraied like an angell vttered these spéeches vnto hir.

Despaire, no not despaire (most high and happie princesse) could so congeale the frozen knight in the aier,* 13.136 but that desire (ah swéet desire) inforced him to behold the sun on the earth, whereon as he was ga∣zing with twinkling eie (for who can behold such beames stedfastlie?) he begun to dissolue into drops, [line 50] melting with such delight, that he séemed to preferre the lingering of a certeine death before the lasting of an vncerteine life. Such is the nature of ingrauen loialtie, that it chooseth rather to haue the bodie dis∣solued, than the mind disliked. Thus consuming with content (a swéet sickenesse is conceipt) and pining with more than speakeable passions, he suddenlie be∣held that sun to be besieged which he so deuoutlie ser∣ued. Wherewith boiling in no lesse disdaine, than sur∣prised with immoderat pens••uenesse, he vttered these [line 60] words: O Ioue, if thou meane to resolue nature into contraries; why doo I liue to sée it? If into nothing, why doo I liue at all? If the foot scale the head, there is no rest; if desire ouershoot dutie, there is no reason: and where either of these are, there can be no rule. And so setting more sighs than maie be numbred by ciphers, this present time (ah griefe) this present time, that honest & faire hearted frozen knight died (what said I) euen that which againe with griefe I must say died, whose ghost making speedie passage into the Elisian fields (for what more swift than a soule) in the midst of the infernall multitude,* 13.137 with schréeches, cries & clamors made both heauen & hell to redouble this eccho: O times, O men, O corruption of ma∣ners! The sun is besieged, the sun (O mischiefe) the sun is besieged. Which strange and vnacquainted termes caused not onelie murmuring amongst the ghosts beneath, but a musing amongst the gods a∣boue: who as well to represse the tumults, which might haue risen among the shadows, as to reuenge the pride which began to grow on the earth, sent downe an angell with this commandement; Go de∣scend,* 13.138 and cause Adam and Eue to appeare on the earth in that sort as they were in paradise, that the world may know them & woonder at them. For see∣ing out of their loin••s haue issued those preposterous limmes, I know none more fit to correct them. Cer∣tes none more willing. They will attempt anie thing for thy sake, and seruice of that earthlie, and yet (O strange conceipt) most heauenlie sun. For as they were before driuen from their desire, bicause they desired to know the best: so now shall they b•• driuen vnto their desire, which they couet to honour most. This shall be their reward, they shall come néere and yet shall not search, and be they farre off, it shall warme. A cloud maie sometimes barre their sight, but nothing shall depriue them of the safegard: yet command them to be humble in affection, though feruent, least they séeme to disdaine that pride in others which they desire themselues.

The sun in the highest delighteth in the shadow which is shortest,* 13.139 nourisheth the tree whose root grow∣eth déepest, not whose top springeth loftiest. This commission and counsell ended, all things were in a moment accomplished with such celeritie (for to the gods time is tied) that they were sped so soone as they were spoken. And now most renowmed and diuine sun, Adam and Eue being present, vouchsafe to heare somwhat in their behalfs pronounced. Sir knights, if in beséeging the sunne ye vnderstood what you had vndertaken, ye would not destroie a common bles∣sing for a priuat benefit. Will you subdue the sun?* 13.140 Who shall rest in the shadow where the wearie take breath, the disquiet rest and all comfort? Will ye be∣reue all men of those glittering & gladsome beams? What shall then prosper in the shining, but you will clime it by the raies? O rare exhalations! Brothers you may be to desire, but sons ye are to ill hap, which thinke you can not sinke déepe inough into the sea, vnlesse you take your fall from the sun. Desist you knights, desist, sith it is impossible to resist: content your selues with the sunnes indifferent succor, suffer the inniper shrub to grow by the loftie oke, and clame no prerogatiue where the sun grants no pri∣uilege; for being of the same mettall that others are, the sun will worke the like effects, as she doth in o∣thers. The giants would haue bin gods, if they could haue scaled the heauens; and you no lesse than stars could you conquer the same: but as their throwing hill vpon hill did manifest their pride, but nothing further their pretense; so your laieng chalenge vpon claime, and conquest vpon chalenge, may well proue a will but no worthinesse; a desire to reach, but no possibilitie to recouer. In which your soaring as∣saies if you chance to fall, the only comfort you haue is to crie with Phaeton, Magnis excidimus ausis. But if no persuasions may mooue your minds,* 13.141 know yée proud knights, there are that haue hearts as big as mounteins, and as far aboue you in prowesse as ye are aboue all in presumption, yet not so vaine (which ye terme valiant) to assalt the sun. And whie? bicause it is impregnible. We content to inioie the light, yée to eclipse it; we to rest vnder the féet, yée to run ouer the head; we to yéeld to that which nothing can con∣quer, you to conquer that which maketh all men cap∣tiues. But were it possible that head could deuise, courage attempt, or hand execute anie thing that might shew the depth of our vnspotted loialtie, soon••

should be séene (and for your selues too soone) that your enterprises should be of as small account then, as now they are of likelihood; so déepe an impression is ingrauen in our thoughts, for the maiestie of that sun which now persing our eies hath fullie subdued our hearts, that we are prest in hir defense to offer the whole world defiance. In proofe whereof I am charged to throw downe this gantlet,* 13.142 which who so dareth take vp, shall féele both the heat of their iust conceiued quarrell, and the reproch of their owne [line 10] deserued follie, not by riding in breaking a few sta••es to end the strife, but at tourneie, or what else soeuer they can deuise, or dare aduenture to win the benefit of Beautie. Thus most renowmed & diuine Beautie, whose beams shine like the sun, haue Adam & Eue aduentured to defend the sun. The same I call Beautie the light of the world, the maruell of men, the mirrour of nature, on which their incounter if those fauourable gleames may fall, they will not on∣lie thinke to haue doone good herein, but to be restor∣ed [line 20] againe to paradise. The one meaneth to repose his trust in a woman, who like Eue cannot be beguiled, the other to rest on a saint which by a serpent will not be tempted. Thus being placed in the garden of your graces, O of all things most gratious, where vertues grow as thicke as leaues did in paradise, they will take héede to tast of the forbidden fruit, contented to behold, not coueting to take hold. And for that it hath beene long argued, and no arguing can end,* 13.143 whether the first offense came by the crude∣litie [line 30] of Adam, or the simplicitie of Eue; the one de∣fending his fault by sound arguments, the other ex∣cusing hirs by sharpe answers: they most humblie sue for this, that either by six courses betwéene them the quarrell may be ended, or by your hignesse per∣emptorie sentence determined. For they both being in the world, are desirous that one might beare the blame of both. And what herein your excellencie shall set downe, there is none shall gainesaie; for when∣soeuer the question shall be mooued, no other reason [line 40] shall be allowed or liked than this; Elizabetha dixit. This speach being thus ended, sir Thomas Perot and master Cooke procéeded backward on the other∣side of the tilt. And when master Ratclife came like∣wise against the queene, one of his pages pronoun∣ced these spéeches in his masters behalfe to hir ma∣iestie.

So manie were the misfortunes (most renow∣med and beautifull princesse) of the desolate knight my master,* 13.144 as neither the shortnesse of the time will [line 50] suffer me to repeat, nor the greatnesse of the myste∣rie to remember. But let this suffice, that some there were and so manifold, that geometrie whereon the bodie of man hangeth could not beare being intolle∣rable, nor the mind which consisteth in arithmetike number being infinit. Thus alwaies crossed by for∣tune, whose crossing is no blessing, he determined to separate himselfe as far from societie, as his actions were from successe; who wandering through manie deserts, yet finding as he thought no place desolate, [line 60] happened at the last to come to a clif••e adioining to the maine sea,* 13.145 couered all with mosse, whereon he was walking: much delighted with the solitarie seat, but not well liking the cold situation, he sudden∣lie sunke into a hollow vault, surprised at the first with feare, but séeing it at the last a place of succour, he accounted his former miseries méetlie appeased by this present fortune.* 13.146 In this den he vsed for his bed mosse, for his candle mosse, for his céeling mosse, and vnlesse now and then a few coales, mosse for his meat: a drie food God wot and a fresh, but so moi∣stened with wet teares, and so salt, that hard it was to coniecture, whether it were better to féed or to fast. Here he gaue himselfe to continuall meditation, se∣parating his mind from his bodi••, his thought from his hart, yea diuorcing himselfe from himselfe, in so much that with his strange diet and new conc••its he became so inchanted▪ that neither the remem∣brance of others, nor a thought touching himselfe could enter into his mind▪ an alteration seldome heard of, that the place whereas he was shrowded in, should make him to forget who he is. Liuing thus a long tim•• for that no lim should seeme short, rising according to his maner to walke in the mosse in the grisping of the day, he espied vpon the shore certeine men either cast awaie by shipwracke, or ouer boord by pirates, vnto whome he went; and perceiuing by their plaints one which laie dead amongst them to be their master, inquired ••hense they were? But th••y not willing to repeat their misfortunes, opened the bosome of the gentleman, and pulled out a scroll conteining a claime, a chall••nge,* 13.147 naie a conquest of Beautie. At the sight whereof, suddenlie (quoth he) Beautie▪ and therewithall appalled paused, entring by litle and litle out of his present melancholies in∣to his former misfortunes, who as one awaked out of a long dreame began thus to bebate. O Beautie, where thy fortr••sse is founded I know, but what these brethren should meane I maruell; for as I am assured that to win thée none could be so fortunate, so did I thinke that to claime thée none could be so fond; when as thou O diuine Beautie art of euerie one to be desired, but neuer to be conquered of De∣sire. But as the eagle beholding the sunne, coue∣teth to build hir nest in the same,* 13.148 and so dimmeth hir sight: so they vewing the brightnesse of Beautie are incensed to conquere it by Desire. And what then? Bicause she is inuincible shall I be indiffe∣rent? No, I will forsake this caitife cottage, and will take arms to defend that Beauties castell. Nothing shall remooue me from mine attempt, which being performed, nothing can mooue me. Yea but she ha••h seruants alreadie a number; I but vnles I be there, not the whole number: but manie were famous, but none more faithfull: yet alas, if thou go, thou shal•• euer be infortunat: better alwaies infortunat, than once disloiall. Which words being ended, he deman∣ded whether they would in like case aduenture with one of no lesse courage than their master, but certein∣lie of greter affection: whose seruice he hauing vpon small intreatie obteined, for that belike they were desirous to see the euent for the which they had suffe∣red such aduentures, he departed to his caue, hewing a shield out of the hard cliffe inriched onelie with soft mosse: a double signe of his desire, thinking that nothing could manifest Beautie so well as Pytha∣goras walnut, a tender rine and a hard shell. And now most excellent and diuine Beautie, diuine it must néeds be that worketh so heauenlie, sith he is called from his solitarie caue to your sumptuous court, from bondage to libertie, from a liuing death to a neuer dieng life,* 13.149 and all for the sake and seruice of Beautie: vouchsafe his shield, which is the ensigne of your fame, to be the instrument of his fortune. And for prostrating himselfe to your féet, he is here readie prest to aduenture anie aduentures for your gratious fauour.

Which spéech being ended,* 13.150 he retired backe as the rest. And after him came the foure sonnes of sir Francis Knolles, one after an other, according to their age, and all in like armour: who comming to the end of the tilt, staied till these spéeches were vtte∣r••d by one of their pages, who being apparelled like vnto Mercurie, pronounced these spéeches in the knights behalfes to hir maiestie.

Report hath bruted all abroad,* 13.151 that desperat De∣sire with a woonderfull armie of affections hath laid his siege against the inuincible fortresse of péere∣lesse

beautie, and that the chiefest champions of this most famous enterprise are foure of fansies fel∣lowes, fosterbrothers to desire, and drie nurst by despaire, valiant knights, and honorable personages, whose hautie hearts deserue renowme at least, for venturing to win the golden fleece without Medeas helpe. The giants long ago did scale the clouds men saie, in hope to win the fort of Iupiter. The wanton youth, whose waren wings did frie with soa∣ring vp aloft, had scapt vnscorcht if he had kept a meaner gale below. So falles it out in this attempt, [line 10] desire vaunts to conquer Beauties fort by force, wherein the goddesse keepes continuallie watch and ward,* 13.152 so that desire may despaire to win one inch of hir against hir will. Hir statelie seat is set so high, as that no leuell can be laid against hir walles: and sooner may men vndertake to hit a starre with a stone, than to beat hir braue bulworkes by batterie. No vndermining may preuaile, for that hir fort is founded vpon so firme a rocke, as will not stir for ei∣ther fraud or force. And is there anie hope to win by [line 20] famine such a fort as yeelds continuall food to all hir foes? And though they feed not fat therwith, yet must they either feed thereon or fast: for Beautie is the on∣lie bait whereon desire bites; and loue the chiefe re∣sto••••tie that ladie Beautie likes, so that she can no more be left without meat, than men can liue with∣out minds.* 13.153 Of all affections that are, desire is the most worthie to woo, but lest deserues to win Beau∣tie: for in winning his saint, he looseth himselfe: no sooner hath desire what he desireth, but that he dieth [line 30] presentlie: so that when Beautie yéeldeth once to desire, then can she neuer vant to be desired againe. Wherfore of force this principle must stand, it is con∣uenient for desire euer to wish, and necessarie that he alwais want. O rare and most renowmed Beau∣tie, O goddesse to be honored of all, not to be equalled of anie, become not now a prisoner: your fortresse is inuincible. No doubt desire will content himselfe with a fauourable parlée, and wait for grace by loial∣tie, not chalenge it by lance; although he make neuer [line 40] so braue. The world dooth know that ladie Beautie néeds no rescue to raise this siege, for that she sits a∣boue all reach, hir heauenlie lookes aboue when she so lists can dazell all mens eies. But though she li••t not vse those meanes, yet it is méete that all hir ser∣uants come and shew themselues deuout to doo hir will: perchance hir pleasure is to sée the forts tried of these foure foster friends. O happie, ten times happie they whose hap shall be with fauour of hir dei∣tie,* 13.154 [line 50] to take in hand this braue attempt: in hope whereof these foure legitimate sonnes of despaire, brethren to hard mishap, suckled with sighes, and swathed vp in sorrow, weaned in wo, and drie nurst by desire, long time fostered with fauourable coun∣tenance, and fed with sweet fansies, but now of late (alas) wholie giuen ouer to griefe and disgraced by disdaine, are come with readie hearts and hands, to prooue against these other foure, that desire dooth not deserue one winke of good fauour from ladie Beau∣ties [line 60] smiling eies, for threatning to win hir fort by force. They doubt not the victorie, if onelie they may find some like shew from their saint in fauor of their enterprise. If Mercurie haue said amisse, blame those bright beams which haue bereft him of his wit; if well, vouchsafe one becke to bid him packe awaie.

These spéeches being ended, both they and the rest marched about the tilt, and so going backe to the ne∣ther end thereof prepared themselues to run,* 13.155 euerie one in his turne, each defendant six courses against the former challengers: who performed their parts so valiantlie on both sides, that their prowesse hath demerited perpetuall memorie, and worthilie woon honor both to themselues and their natiue countrie, as fame hath the same reported. When this daies sport was thus accomplished, the boie that vttered the defiances, in these few speeches tooke his good∣night of the quéene.

In the triall of this debatefull question O your selfe) what can be said more than is?* 13.156 You see that seeing begins to faile. Night the ordinarie truce ma∣ker, though no truce be treated if at least your pre∣sence make it not lightsome will wrap all in hir blacke and mourning weeds, perchance mourning, for that the noblest desire hath beene subiect to vnde∣serued torments: and therefore these knights by the authoritie of darkenes verie vndesirouslie are com∣pelled to depart from whence they came. To con∣clude, thus much they command me in their names to confesse, that such excellencie they find in your knights, and in comparison of them such vnablenesse in their selues, that if desire did not banish despaire as a traitor out of his kingdome, it would haue al∣readie vndermined their best grounded determina∣tion: but no inward nor outward wound, no weake∣nesse, no wearinesse, can dant desire, nor take awaie the naturall effects that follow it. Therfore hauing left them no other courage than desire, no other strength than desire, no other beginning or ending cause but desire, they will continue this hard and hardie enterprise to morow. In the meane time they can find no place in their hearts that dooth not wish you as swéet rest, as Psyche was conueied vn∣to by the gentle Zephyrus, and if it be possible by the same ghost visited. They wish that when your lids looke vp, your eies may be brightened, to see to morrow a better daie than this, and therewithall so singular successe, as you may long, fréelie, and ioy∣fullie inioy your selfe, to the delight of lookers, and woonder of markers. ¶This said, and all the trium∣phant shewes ended, the knights in verie comelie and conuenient order (as they came) departed:

Et fessos soluunt artus, mollissima quaeque Gustant, & dulci membra quie••e f••uent.

The next daies shew was doone in this order.* 13.157 The foure foster children of desire entered in a braue cha∣riot (verie finelie and curiouslie decked) as men fore∣wearied & halfe ouercome. The charriot was made in such sort, as vpon the top the foure knghts s••t, with a beautifull ladie, representing desire about them. Wherevnto their eies were turned, in token what they desired. In the bulke of the charriot was conueied roome for a full consort of musike, who plaid still verie dolefull musike as the charriot mooued. The charriot was drawne by foure horsses according to the foure knights, which horsses were apparelled in white and carnation silke, being the colours of de∣sire. And as it passed by the vpper end of the tilt, a he∣rald of armes was sent before to vtter these spéeches in the knights behalfe to hir maiestie.

No confidence in themselues,* 13.158 O most vnmatched princesse, before whome enuie dieth, wanting all néerenes of comparison to susteine it, & admiration is expressed, finding the scope of it void of conceiue∣able limits, nor anie slight regarding the force of your valiant knights, hath incouraged the foster children of desire to make this daie an inheritour of yesterdaies action: but the wing of memorie alas, the sworne enimie vnto the wofull mans quietnesse, being constantlie held by the hand of perfection, and neuer ceassing to blow the cole of some kindled de∣sire, hath brought their inward fire to blaze forth this flame vnquenchable by anie meanes: till by death the whole fewell be consumed. And therefore not able to maister it, they are violentlie borne whither de∣sire draweth, although they must confesse (alas) that yesterdaies braue onset should come to such a confes∣sion, that they are not greatlie companied with hope,

the common supplier to desires armie.* 13.159 So as now from summoning this castell to yéeld, they are fal∣len lowlie to beseech you to vouchsafe your eies out of that impregnable fortresse, to behold what will fall out betwixt them and your famous knights: wherin though they be so ouerpressed with the others valour, that alreadie they could scarselie haue béene able to come hither, if the charriot of desire had not carried them; yet will they make this whole assem∣blie witnesses so farre of their will, that sooner their soules shall leaue their bodies than desire shall leaue [line 10] their soules. In that onelie standeth their strength that gaue them their first courage, and must be their last comfort. For what resistance is there, where not onlie they are met with forren enimies, such as state∣lie disdeine, which looketh from so high a tower to poore desire, that though (in it selfe) it be great, yet in hir eies (so seated) it séemeth small, or such on the o∣ther side as vnfortunat despaire, which maketh the countrie so barren where they laie their siege, that it would take awaie all the food of fansie: but euen ci∣uill [line 20] warre yesterdaie grew betwixt them and others who beare the same badge of desire: that they doo so, as thus bestead they are brought to this faire passe, to desire no more, but that this death or ouerthrow maie be séene by those eies who are onlie vnhappie, in that they can neither find fellows nor sée themselues.

Which spéech being doone, the defendants came in, in such order as they came in the daie before. There∣fore I shall not need to make a new repetition of the [line 30] same, sith all hath béene touched alreadie. Then went they to the tourneie,* 13.160 where they did verie noblie, as the shiuering of the swords might verie well testifie; and after that to the barriers, where they lashed it out lustilie, & fought couragiouslie, as if the Gréeks and Troians had dealt their deadlie dole. No partie was spared, no estate excepted, but ech knight indu∣red to win the golden fleece, that expected either fame or the fauour of his mistresse, which sport continued all the same daie. And towards the euening the sport [line 40] being ended, there was a boie sent vp to the quéene being clothed in ash coloured garments in token of humble submission, who hauing an oliue branch in his hand, & falling downe prostrate on his face, and then kneeling vp, concluded this noble exercise with these words to hir maiestie.

Most renowmed princesse of princes, in whome can nothing obteine victorie,* 13.161 but vertue. The foster children of desire (but heires onelie to misfortune) send me to deliuer in such words as sorrow can af∣foord their most humble hearted submission. They ac∣knowledge [line 50] this fortresse to be reserued for the eie of the whole world, farre lifted vp from the compasse of their destinie. They acknowledge the blindnesse of their error, in that they did not know desire (how strong soeuer it be) within it selfe to be stronger without it selfe than it pleased the desired. They ac∣knowledge they haue degenerated from their foste∣rer in making violence accompanie desire. They ac∣knowledge that desire receiued his beginning and nourishment of this fortresse, and therefore to com∣mit [line 60] vngratefulnesse in bearing armes (though desi∣rous armes) against it. They acknowledge noble desire should haue desired nothing so much, as the flourishing of that fortresse, which was to be estée∣med according to it selfes liking. They acknow∣ledge the least determination of vertue (which stands for the gard of this fortresse) to be too strong for the strongest desire, & therefore they doo acknow∣ledge themselues ouercome, as to be slaues to this fortresse for euer, which title they will beare in their soreheads,* 13.162 as their other name is ingrauen in their hearts. For witnesse thereof they present this oliue branch to your presence, in token of your trium∣phant peace, and of their peaceable seruitude, where∣by they present themselues as bondmen by those bonds, which the losse of life can onelie loose. Onelie from out of that which was theirs they craue thus much, to giue some token to those knights, which maie be iudged to haue doone best in ech kind of wea∣pon, or who by his deuise hath come in best sort in this desirous strife. This being doone, they being now slaues (in whome much dutie requireth) for feare of offense, dare saie no further; but wish from the bot∣tome of their captiued hearts, that while this realme is thus fortified and beautified; desire maie be your chiefest aduersarie.

Which speech being ended, hir maiestie gaue them all praise and great thanks, which they estéemed so well, and thought themselues rewarded according to their owne wishing: and so they departed ech one in order, according to the first comming in. And thus ceassed these courtlie triumphes, set foorth with most costlie brauerie and gallantnesse, whereof I maie saie as the academicall poet sometime said at the gratious entering of hir maiestie into Cambridge:

Hîc cocco murex, aurum superatur ab auro, Naturam certant vincere quaeque suam: Nil ibi sat pulchrum, quamuis pulcherrima quaeque, Et quamuis vincant omnia, victa iacent.

The one and twentith of Iune in the night, the lowest images (which were of Christs resurrection,* 13.163 of the virgin Marie, and of kings and bishops of this realme) about the crosse in Cheape (being six square) on all the sides, were broken and defaced: where vp∣on two daies after, proclamation was made tho∣rough out the citie, that who so would bewraie the dooers thereof, should haue fortie crownes for their labour: but nothing came to light.* 13.164 The seauen and twentith of Iune, Thomas Butcher brewer, was conuicted in the Guildhall of London, for that he as principall, and others as accessaries, to the number of a thousand persons, on the fiue and twentith of Iune last past, about ten of the clocke in the night, with force of armes, in west Smithfield of London, & other stréets of the citie congregated themselues, and with diuerse exclamations, prouoked the people in maner of a rebellion, contrarie to the peace & sta∣tutes of the realme. On the eight and twentith of Iune, the same Thomas Butcher, being areigned at the Iustice hall in the old Bailie, was found giltie, and had iudgement to be whipped on the next market daie from Newgate thorough Smithfield, Long lane, Aldersgate street, saint Martins le grand; & so thorough the citie to the bars without Aldgate, & then to be committed to Newgate. On the 30 of Iune, the same T. Butcher, being deliuered vnto Iames Mase and other beadles, to haue receiued execution, as is aforesaid, he being whipped from Newgate into west Smithfield, was there rescued, taken from the beadles, and sent to shift for himselfe abrode: for the which fact the one & twentith of Iulie, William Downe, I. Hand, T. Harres, and T. Appowell,* 13.165 thrée shoomakers and a brewer, were whipped from Newgate to the middest of Smithfield, and there set on the pillorie, whereon they stood from ten of the clocke till twelue, and from thense againe commit∣ted to prison. The thirtéenth of Iulie, Richard Cox doctor of diuinitie,* 13.166 sometime schoolemaister to king Edward the sixt, deane of Westminster, and of Christs college in Oxenford, and of late bishop of Elie deceassed, and was buried at Elie; whose epi∣taph (alluding to his name and the execution of his charge, wherein he was iust) hereafter followeth:

Vita caduca vale, salueto vita perennis, Corpus terra tegit, spiritus alta tenet. In terra Christi gallus Christum resonabam, Da Christe in coelis te sine fine sonem.

* 13.167This yeare were to be séene in London two Dutchmen of strange statures, the one in height sea∣uen foot & seauen inches, in bredth betwixt the shoul∣ders thrée quarters of a yard and an inch, the com∣passe of his brest one yard, an halfe, and two inches; & about the wast one yard, quarter, and one inch; the length of his arme to the hand a full yard: a comelie man of person, but lame of his legs (for he had bro∣ken them with lifting of a barrell of béere.) The other was in height but thrée foot, had neuer a good foot, nor anie knée at all, and yet could he danse a galli∣ard, [line 10] he had no arme, but a stumpe to the elbow or lit∣tle more on the right side, on the which, singing, he would danse a cup, and after tosse it about thrée or foure times, and euerie time receiue the same on the said stumpe: he would shoot an arrow néere to the marke, flourish with a rapier, throw a bowle, beat with an hammar, hew with an ax, sound a trumpet, and drinke enerie daie ten quartes of the best béere, if he could get it. About the seauenteenth of Iulie, I saw these men in the parish of saint Peter vpon [line 20] Cornehill, the taller sitting on a bench bareheaded, the lesser stood on the same bench, and hauing on his head a hat with a feather, was yet the lower. Also the taller man standing on his féet, the lesser (with his hat & feather on his head) went vpright betwéene his legs, and touched him not.

The eightéenth of Iulie, Euerard Hance, aliàs Ducket,* 13.168 a seminarie priest, was in the sessions hall in the old Bailie of London arreigned, where he before the quéenes iustices affirmed that himselfe [line 30] being now in England was subiect to the pope in ecclesiasticall causes, and that the pope hath now the same authoritie here in England that he had an hun∣dred yeares past, and which he hath now at Rome, with other traitorous spéeches: for the which he was condemned to be drawne, hanged, and quartered, and was executed accordinglie on the last of Iulie. At the same sessions were brought from the Fléet, the Gatehouse,* 13.169 Newgate, and the Counters, sun∣drie prisoners, indicted for refusing to come to church; [line 40] all which being conuicted by their owne confession, had iudgement according to the statute, to paie twentie pounds for euery moneth of such wilfull ab∣sence from the church. The first of Nouember, mon∣sieur Francis duke of Aniou,* 13.170 the Frenc•• kings bro∣ther, and other nobles of France (hauing latelie ar∣riued in Kent) came to London, and were honoura∣blie receiued, and reteined at the court with banket∣ting, and diuerse pleasant shewes and pastimes, of whome more hereafter in place conuenient. [line 50]

On mondaie being the twentith of Nouember, Edmund Campion,* 13.171 Rafe Sherwin, Lucas Kerbie, Edward Rishton, Thomas Cotcham, Henrie Or∣ton, Robert Iohnson, & Iames Bosgraue. All these before named persons were brought vnto the high barre at Westminster: where they were seuerallie, and altogither indicted vpon high treason, the sum whereof followeth in briefe as thus. That these per∣sons, contrarie both to loue and dutie, for sooke their natiue countrie, to liue beyond the seas, vnder the [line 60] popes obedience, as at Rome, Rheimes, and diuerse other places: where (the pope hauing with other prin∣ces practised the death and depriuation of our most gratious princesse, and vtter subuersion of hir seat & kingdome, to aduance his most abhominable re∣ligion) these men, hauing vowed their allegiance to the pope, to obeie him in all causes whatsoeuer, be∣ing there, gaue their consent; yea vttermost furthe∣rance they might, to aid him in this most traitorous determination.* 13.172 And for this intent and purpose they were sent ouer to seduce the hearts of hir maiesties louing subiects, and to conspire and practise hir gra∣ces death, as much as in them laie, against a great daie, set and appointed, when the generall hauocke should be made, those onelie reserued that ioined with them. This laied to their charge, they boldlie and impudentlie denied. Wherevpon a iurie was im∣panelled, their owne confessions, their owne wri∣tings, and credible witnesses Vina voce produced to their faces, approouing them giltie of the former al∣legations, as hereafter followeth.

After the indictment was read vnto them, and their answer, that it was beyond their power to prooue them faultie in such matters, so stiff••lie they stood in their apparant impudencie; first was mooued to them sundrie treasons past, attempted against hir maiestie by those of their sect and disposition: yet notwithstanding the vttermost of their malice, how mightilie God had defended his chosen Elisabeth, returning their dealings to their owne destruction. Among sundrie these treasonable practises, which the pope, the ancient aduersarie to hir maiestie hath at diuerse times set abroch, the rebellion in the north may remaine as a witnesse of his excéeding malice and spite against hir grace and gouernement.* 13.173 Wher∣to let vs ad the bull sent ouer by Iohn Felton, which traitorouslie he placed on the bishop of Londons gate: in which bull, the pope vtterlie excommunica∣ted hir maiestie, she was an heretike,* 13.174 he had dispos∣sessed hir of hir crowne and dominion, she was not the lawfull quéene of this realme, and hir subiects were not bound to obeie anie of hir laws or decrées; but they were all frée, and perfectlie discharged of their allegiance to hir, so that they might lawfullie, when time serued so conuenient for them, both stirre rebellion against hir, and also enter into armes a∣gainst hir maiestie. The popes will in this hath bin put in execution, as through the ill demeanor of di∣uerse persons to him affected it was mooued in the north, where mainteining themselues on the autho∣ritie of the pope and his traitorous bull secretlie dispersed abrode, they entred into a plaine and ma∣nifest rebellion.* 13.175 The like was put in practise in Ire∣land through doctor Sanders and other traitors, who there ioined themselues togither vnder the popes standard, to bring to passe their secret appointment in this realme. Through their persuasions and dea∣lings, the people were mooued in the popes name to fight against their lawfull princesse vnder his ban∣ner; and to rebell against hir so notoriouslie as they might. The incouragement to this great disobedi∣ence they receiued through doctor Sanders a fugi∣tiue and ranke traitor to his prince and countrie, as also through diuerse Iesuits both English and Irish, whose hypocriticall shew of holinesse and diuellish persuasions on the behalfe of the pope their maister and head, intised a multitude of the people there to change their profession in religion, and to yeeld them∣selues to the popes authoritie, whereby they should renounce the most certeine and iust title of hir maie∣stie: and when foren forces should be assembled there, they to ioine with them in their intent, and so traitorouslie rebell against their lawfull souereigne. All these practises tooke their originall from the pope, as well by sending his secret messengers, as also by his traitorous bull, which being sent by Pius quin∣tus, is neuerthelesse confirmed (in the former au∣thoritie) by this pope Gregorie the thirtéenth, and remaineth in hope to take effect at some time or o∣ther,* 13.176 for which he doth watch opportunitie as conue∣nientlie as he maie. But God the iust auenger of all causes, as he hath hither to preserued hir maiestie & this litle Iland from all their malicious attempts and practises, and hath deseruedlie throwne the yoke of their shame on their owne necks: so will he no doubt continue his fatherlie care, that his children shall be preserued, & their aduersaries confounded.

* 13.177But saith Campion: What is this to vs here present? What apperteineth this to our indictment? We are here both seuerallie and all togither indicted of high treason; and for that that is obiected against vs we must answer. Let not other mens offenses be laid to our charge, that we should answer for other mens falts committed long since. Some of vs were then but nouices here in the vniuersities, and were altogither ignorant of these matters. What haue we to doo with anie thing that they did? They that [line 10] were offendors, let them answer to what you can lay against them. For vs that be here at this instant, you must either saie; Thou Campion didst this thing, or thou (naming some of the other) committedst this offense, and ther vpon bring your proofes and witnes∣ses, otherwise you shall neuer be able to touch vs. As for these assertions, for the strength they haue against vs, I will not estéeme it worth a penniworth of pip∣pins. And therefore to your indictment.

This answer so smoothlie deliuered, and with such [line 20] coie lookes and protestation of action gested, that all the standers by gaue perfect notice of the man, both of his nature and disposition, as also of his prompt & ingenious wit, to shadow an absolute truth with a shew of great wisedome and learning. For this he knew right well, that before he came to that place, he had woone a maruellous goodlie report, to be such a man as his like was not to be found, either for life, learning, or anie other qualitie that might beautifie a man. So that by his fauorers and fréends it was, [line 30] blowen abrode, that we had neither doctors, nor o∣thers that were worshie to enter disputation with him, he was so farre aboue them all, that they might not deale with him. Here to doo the great titles which they adorne him withall giue credit, saieng thus:

* 13.178Quid? Campiano de••rat doctrina perito, Doctrinae natus qui penetrale fuit: Cui fuit in primis sponsata scientia cunis, Quíque puer nulli mente secundus erat: Ingenuas iuuenis qui sedulus imbibit artes, [line 40] Vírque videbatur vix habuisse parem, &c.

Now being brought vnto a publike triall, it stood him vpon to argue somewhat of the praise that had béene giuen him: wherefore in verie quaint and fa∣miliar eloquent gloses he stood vpon quirks and fine deuise of spéech, thinking as he had deluded manie before, so at that present he might blind the eies of iu∣stice, & acquite himselfe of his horrible tresons. But as truth sheweth most braue when she goeth bare & naked, and deceipt finest when he is cunninglie flo∣rished; [line 50] euen so the poore habit of the one discouered the proud hart of the other, and confounded his bold∣nesse with hir sacred brightnesse, giuing all men to vnderstand, that Veritas vincit omnia. And bicause Campion would haue made such a cunning conuei∣ance of the matter, as though it neither might or could attaint him or anie of them: it was giuen him to vnderstand, that they would not alone touch him in the sequele of the former causes, but them all, and he that thought himselfe the cléerest. Wherevpon do∣ctor [line 60] Sanders and doctor Bristow,* 13.179 their traitorous writings in defense of the popes bull exhibited a∣gainst hir maiestie, were read vnto them, how they both allowed it, and also the rebellion in the north. Af∣terwards it was manifestlie prooued to their faces, that Bristows booke in allowance thereof, named his Motiues, was especiallie commanded to be vsed amongest them both at Rome and at Rheimes, eue∣rie one being expreslie charged not to be without one of these bookes.

This with open mouths they altogither denied, some that they had neuer séene it,* 13.180 and some that they neuer heard of anie such commandement: when as Iohn Hart one of their owne fellowes had auouched had auouched it, and there vnto subscribed. Besides, my selfe when * 13.181 I came to Rheimes, saw them as common amongst them, as the litle catechisme here amongst children, the inequalitie of the number con∣sidered. Againe, at Rome they were as common likewise in the seminarie, and among the English∣men in the citie, for * 13.182 my selfe had it, and one of do∣ctor Allens catechismes deliuered me, with great charge to embrace it as my chiefe instruction. My companion that went with me had one likewise; the rest of the witnesses had seene how common they were, and in what reuerence and authoritie they e∣stéemed them: yet these men would with shamelesse faces denie it; yea, and if they might haue beene so credited, would haue sworne against it. This ma∣nifest reproofe they would not grant vnto, but Cam∣pion taketh vpon him to wrest it according vnto his humor, by answering that the booke was not so ill as they tooke it for, nor deserued anie such iudgement of preiudice. Now he thought he could not be taken tardie, but supposed his argument to passe vnreprou∣able; for that in the new imprinting of this booke, such matters as did most sharplie touch them,* 13.183 were abridged, thinking none of the former bookes should come to light. But here Campion ouershot himselfe, for so slie an answer could not couer so foule a ble∣mish. When they had notably conuicted them of these matters, which with obstinacie they still denied, they came to the intent of their secret comming ouer in∣to this realme, which was for the death of hir maies∣tie, and ouerthrow of the whole realme, which should be by domesticall rebellion and forren hostilitie, the sum whereof in briefe is thus. This little Iland, God hauing so bountifullie bestowed his blessings vpon it, that except it prooue false within it selfe, no trea∣son whatsoeuer can preuaile against it, and the pope being hereof verie well persuaded, by reason that all his attempts haue prooued of no effect: he hath found out a meane, whereby he assureth himselfe to spéed of his desire. Secret rebellion must be stirred here at home among our selues, the harts of the peo∣ple must be obdurated against God and their prince;* 13.184 so that when a foren power shall on a sudden inuade this realme, the subiects thus seduced must ioine with these in armes, and so shall the pope atteine the sum of his wish. And all this must be wrought by certeine locusts of the popes seminaries maintein∣ed at Rome & Rheimes, arriuing in England, and dispersing themselues into such places,* 13.185 where they thinke themselues to be surest, some in one place, and some in another; and disguising themselues like gentlemen, seruingmen, or what apparell they may find meetest for them, haue accesse to manie and sundrie places, where hauing reconciled some, their fréends must likewise be of the same stampe. And so, what from father to son, husband and wife, kinsman and acquaintance, a number are seduced & brought into their detestable dealings. For, after they haue gotten anie litle ground within them to build vpon, then doo they laie vnto them, what a generall bloudie daie is toward England, that the pope and other for∣ren princes haue fullie determined to ouerrun the realme; then better it were for you (saie they) to yéeld your selues willinglie, than to sée so horrible a slaughter, both of your princesse, and all that dare presume to take hir part. Your selues, yea and your freends shall abide the same hard iudgement, except you ioine with vs in this action. Thus through ter∣rifieng, and a thousand traitorous fetches they haue; one friend bringeth another, and one kinsman ano∣other. So that, as they themselues will make their boast, in short time they doubt not to haue the most part of all England: yea and further they pre∣sume, that hir maiestie thinking hir selfe in most

safetie, shall then be soonest of all beguiled & deceiued. These are the men that make themselues so sound and substantiall,* 13.186 that they are as true subiects to hir maiestie, as the best of vs. Yea, saith Campion, ne∣uer shall you prooue this, that we came ouer either for this intent or purpose: but onelie for the sauing of soules, which meere loue and conscience compelled vs to doo, for that we did pittie the miserable estate of our countrie. But where are your proofes (saith he) these are but quirkes by the waie, our liues I [line 10] perceiue standeth vpon points of rhetorike, you haue shewen vs the antecedent, now let vs haue the Ergo. With this continuall course of boldnesse and impu∣dencie, Campion and his fellowes would grant no∣thing, but stiflie denied euerie cause: and Campion he tooke it for a custome to wrest euerie ••hing as pleased him,* 13.187 saieng: that the iurie were not men learned, and therfore causes of conscience ought not to be committed to them, neither was that barre ap∣pointed to define on causes of conscience: wherfore, [line 20] all that you doo (saith he) is but to bring vs in Odium with the iurie. After this order he deluded the peo∣ple, appealing still to the deuoutnesse of his consci∣ence: bicause he saw the matter brought to the ve∣rie push that would generallie conuict them all, for the witnesses were produced and sworne, Harts con∣fession and their owne writings before them, so that they would remooue them from their ordinarie illu∣sions.

* 13.188George Eliot, one of the ordinarie yeomen of hir [line 30] maiesties chamber, vpon his oth gaue foorth in eui∣dence as followeth. That he, liuing here in England among certeine of that sect, fell in acquaintance with one Paine a préest: who gaue him to vnder∣stand of a horrible treason intended against hir ma∣iestie and the state, which he did expect shortlie to happen, the order how & after what manner in bréefe is thus. That there should be leuied a certeine com∣panie of armed men, which on a sudden should enter∣prise a most monstruous attempt: a certeine com∣panie [line 40] of these armed men should be prepared against hir maiestie, as manie against my L. of L. as manie gainst my L. T. as manie against S. F. W. and di∣uerse other, whose names he dooth not well remem∣ber. The deaths of these noble personages should be presentlie fulfilled, and hir maiestie vsed in such sort, as modestie nor dutie will not suffer a subiect to re∣hearse: but this should be the generall crie euerie where,* 13.189 Queene Marie, queene Marie. It was also ap∣pointed and agréed vpon who should haue this man [line 50] of honours roome, and who should haue thai office, e∣uerie thing was determined, there wanted nothing but the comming ouer of such préests and others, as were long looked for. Upon this report, this aforena∣med George Eliot tooke occasion to question with this Paine, how they could find in their hearts to attempt an act of so great and horrible crueltie, con∣sidering how high an offense it should be to God, be∣side great dangers might arise thereby.* 13.190 Whereto Paine made answer, that the killing hir maiestie [line 60] was no offense to God, nor the vttermost crueltie they could vse to hir, or anie that tooke hir part, but that they might as lawfullie doo it as to a brute beast; and himselfe would be one of the formost in execu∣ting of this villanous and most traitorous action.

By this you may perceiue, that the death of hir maiestie and ouerthrow of this realme was through∣lie agréed vpon,* 13.191 and fullie determined: there wan∣ted nothing but opportunitie, for preests both then and after came ouer continuallie to further it, so much as in them laie. To the said effect did A. M. vtter most odious matter, the reading whereof would make anie true English hart quake & trem∣ble: and to write it, what loiall subiect is able to a∣bide? And therefore as deriued from the diuell to his dearlings we omit the same; counting it more loi∣altie to ••ull such deuises and consultations asléepe, than to publish them to the world in bl••cke & white: due reuerence to the principall obiects alwaies re∣serued. All which abhominable stuffe, circumstances of times, places, persons, and other particulars dulie pondered, giue euident demonstration what affec∣tion these fellowes affoord their lawfull queene and countrie: well is he that can imagine most against hir maiestie, and highlie is he esteemed that beareth the most traitorous hart to hir.* 13.192 Yet Campion and the rest of his fellowes they plead ignorance in all these causes, they bolster vp one another with large protestations, railing words, and subtill surnuses: affirming that they were not sent hither for anie such intent▪ which is as vntrue, as we know it for truth, that the Lord God liueth in heauen.

For this * 13.193 I am able to saie my selfe, that at di∣uerse other times, it was whispered among them in the seminarie: that shortlie there should be préests appointed for England, to win the people against the appointed time, when as a great armie should be readie to ioine with them: and Campion, who was then at Praga in Bohemia, he was spoken of a∣mongst them all, to be a rare and singular fellow, and therefore generallie was taken for a méet man to be sent about such a message, so that they iudged that he should be sent for to be a chiefe man in this matter.* 13.194 Well (saith Campion) it may be they had such an opinion of me, which in my selfe I find not to be deserued; and it may be that I was appointed to be sent into England, according as those other preests were, for the sauing of soules and benefit of my countrie: must it follow then that we are sent to practise the death of the quéene, and to seeke the ruine of our countrie? Alas, this is a hard case, and I de∣sire you of the iurie to marke it, for these are but shadowes without anie substance.* 13.195 This you are to note, that we which enter into that Blessed societie of the Iesuites: we doo as it were forsake the world, vowing our selues to chastitie and sinceritie of con∣science, to obeie our superiours, and to be readie to go whither they shall appoint vs. If they send vs to the Indies, or to anie such places, where the people haue not the true catholike faith: we are bound by dutie in conscience to go whither they appoint vs. And shall it then be said that we come for the destru∣ction of the prince and countrie, where we settle our selues? Alas, that were a hard case,* 13.196 for christian cha∣ritie willeth vs to comfort one another, and if we can to get the shéepe into the fold which hath long run astraie. And when we heare confession, we doo not persuade them to anie disobedience; for that is against the nature of confession: God forbid that we should once thinke anie such thing.

Behold the subtill shifts that he found out still to flie vnto, yea though the manifest disproofe laie be∣fore them, yet would he find some cauill or other: for not onelie the euidence of their generall determina∣tion beyond the seas was shewed them, but also the traitorous articles were there read vnto them, which Iohn Hart had copied out for doctor Allen (concer∣ning the procéeding of these traitorous causes,* 13.197 and for which he went purposelie to Rome to confer with the pope about) and subscribed vnto, that they were certeine and true, as also their owne confessions and writings were laid open before them, approouing them notablie guiltie of the matters aforesaid, and yet in their lieng pam••hlets scattered here & there in sundry hands, they haue faces of brasse to report, that

Insidiae sanctos implicuere viros.

Charles Sled, who sometime serued master doctor Morton in Rome, in whose house there was manie

matters determined, both by doctor Allen when he came to Rome, and diuers other doctors liuing there in the citie, as also diuerse of the seminarie: he like∣wise vnderstood of the prouision for the great daie, that it was generallie spoken of among the Eng∣lishmen: and to be more certeine he kept a iournall or booke of their dailie dealings, noting the daie, time, place, and persons present at their secret confe∣rences, and verie much matter hath he iustified a∣gainst them. One Cradocke a merchant, when he [line 10] was in Rome, he vnderstood the aforesaid determi∣nation, and how that doctor Shelleie the English pri∣or, who is a knight of the Rhodes, for that he some∣what spake against such crueltie to be vsed to his na∣tiue countrie, was somewhat misliked of himselfe, and had almost béene turned out of his office. And this aforesaid Cradocke being in prison there for the space of twentie moneths and more: it was said to him, that he might account himselfe blessed of God that he was there, bicause he should not sée the grie∣uous [line 20] ruine of his natiue countrie.* 13.198 He that hath but halfe an eie may sée how these matters concord and agrée togither, and noting euerie thing as it lieth, may plainelie sée their horrible and traitorous de∣uises.

And further, there was a little booke in Latine, which they themselues brought ouer with them,* 13.199 it was there openlie read vnto them: wherin was cer∣teine rules and orders prescribed, how they should behaue themselues here in England, and how if [line 30] they were demanded of anie thing, they should make answer indirectlie: or to take the word it selfe, according as it is mentioned in the booke, they must answer Sophisticè, whereby is meant as thus. If they be examined as concerning their allegiance to hir maiestie, they will make their answer after this maner; She is our lawfull souereigne ladie & quéene, and we obeie hir. But then obiect vnto them; Will you obeie hir, notwithstanding the popes exommu∣nication, or anie thing that he commandeth to the [line 40] contrarie? Then will they answer: We desire you not to charge our consciences,* 13.200 and that you would not enter so deepe into our consciences, we trust the pope will not command vs anie thing against hir: & a hundred such like sléeuelesse answers they make, neuer agréeing to anie certeintie, but holding the pope in more reuerence than they doo hir maiestie.

For this consideration they carrie with them, that if by their shew of humilitie, & their deuised order of craftie answering, they might mooue our magi∣strats [line 50] to haue a good opinion of them, & not to deale so strictlie as law and their deseruing dooth worthi∣lie merit: then they might with lesse suspect go a∣bout their holie fathers businesse, in that their sophi∣sticall answers couered so foule an abuse. And then so manie as come after them, purposelie sent a∣bout the same affaires, séeing their passage made be∣fore them, and being schooled after the same maner: they might withdraw the hearts of a number of hir maiesties subiects, by such meanes as is before largelie expressed; so that destruction should come [line 60] vpon vs, before we had discouered their trecherous dealings. But God be thanked, as all their deuises haue had their deserued successe, this sophisticall or∣der hath sped alike with them for companie: and this let them fullie assure themselues, that what meanes soeuer they séeke against their princesse and coun∣trie, God will reward them after their owne dea∣lings.

To Campion himselfe the former questions were put foorth at the barre:* 13.201 and this answer he made to them. She is my lawfull souereigne ladie & quéene, and I doo obeie hir. But when he was demanded, al∣though the pope did expresselie command him the contrarie: if he would neuerthelesse faithfullie o∣beie hir? Oh then! they must not so deepelie enter in∣to his conscience, that barre was not a barre to de∣fine on causes of conscience: that question touched his conscience, wherefore he flatlie said he might not answer it. No, no, he knew full well that the trai∣torous affaires he came about, would not allow him such a direct answer as they had looked for, and glad∣lie would haue had, that of a Saule they might haue made him a Paule. Wherefore his secret and guile∣full behauiour made perfect appéerance of his wic∣ked intent, which he shadowed vnder the counter∣feit cloke of sauing soules, and reconciling his coun∣triemen to the catholike faith, vnder the sweet bait of the amiable title of the societie of Iesus, to which order hauing bequeathed himselfe (and become a re∣solute and obstinate votarie) he thirsted after the kingdome of heauen; if we maie beléeue their owne report concerning Campion, of whome they saie:

Nominis inde tui sancto deuotus Iesu Ille sodalitio coelica regna sitit.

Here it can not be greatlie amisse,* 13.202 to rehearse vn∣to you the cause why this pope hath tolerated the former bull, seeing this sophisticall kind of answer∣ing grew chieflie thereby. When anie of these secret messengers should be sent about their holie fathers determination here in England, to reconcile, shriue, & win hir maiesties subiects to their diuelish intent: if such misaduenture should happen to them, that their secret delings came to the eares of iustice, then they fell into the danger of law. Wherfore to shadow their subtiltie, and to prosecute the effect of their mes∣sage, the pope thought good to harten them by this so∣phisticall addition. For well we know, & themselues likewise are not ignorant thereof, that being exa∣mined, if they should denie the quéenes maiestie to be their supreme princesse and gouernesse in all cau∣ses: then they fell into condemnation by hir lawes. Againe, if they denied the authoritie of the pope, as of force they must néeds doo, if they will estéeme themselues good subiects, and manifest a dutifull and obedient heart to hir maiestie: then they breake their vow made to the pope, and so fall into his cursse and condemnation likewise: so that this is certeinlie appointed them, to cleaue faithfullie to the one, and vtterlie to forsake the other.

Yet that they might haue as much fauour and friendship,* 13.203 as the furtherance of such a cause requi∣red: this hard clause (being well scanned of diuerse our English doctors and others, both at Rome and at Rheimes) was thorough earnest sute deliuered to diuerse of the cardinals, who laieng their heads togither, and throughlie searching the bottome of e∣uerie doubt: a toleration for that strict point was found out, which was ordeined as you haue heard before. Then in all she hast the pope was giuen to vn∣derstand thereof, who respecting what might be for his benefit, and what might turne to his discommo∣ditie, authorized them this former toleration, which (God be thanked) carried as slender strength as the rest of his practises hath doone. Yet all this being knowne to vs, Campion & his fellowes will grant no knowledge, but pleade still their deuout con∣sciences. An other of their owne bookes was also there read vnto them,* 13.204 wherein was other orders pre∣scribed them, how they should handle a nobleman, how a gentleman, and how a poore man: which be∣ing openlie read before them, gaue all there present to vnderstand, how assuredlie they had appointed the course for their treason. A number of inuincible proofs passing against them, they came at last to the point of their comming ouer; how suddenlie, how ha∣stilie, & all thorough a generall appointment. Campi∣on, he had staid a long time at Praga in Bohemia,* 13.205

and on a sudd••n he was hastilie sent for to Rome: by his owne confession he knew not wherefore, but the message was in such hast, that he must come thither with all speed.

When he came to Rome, he staied there but fiue daies: in which time, receiuing the summe of their charge from the pope, as is their vsuall woont, and their father generall deliuering them what he hath in office: he was dispatched from thense with other préests, who had their Viaticum from the popes trea∣surie, [line 10] and were all especiallie appointed for Eng∣land. These préests were sent (as all other are) about the chéefe cause,* 13.206 for that none come from thense but onelie for that purpose. The estate of the cause before expressed, it is too manifest, that Campion and his fellowes are guiltie of the matters obiected against them. For this you are to remember, that none must staie there without they will be préests; when they re∣ceiue their préesthood, they enter into their oth, which oth conteineth the summe of the treason: so that all [line 20] which come from thense (hauing taken that oth) come about the exe••••••ion of the treason, in that none but they that are especiallie sent, can haue their Viaticum of the pope; and then he sending them, the case is too euident.

Let not a light iudgement passe ouer a matter of so great respect, let the popes intent of kéeping them there be considered, the great malice and spite that he beareth hir maiestie and the relme, and then their oth to execute his commandements; all these laid to∣gither, [line 30] discouereth the depth of their trecherie. But what answereth maister Campion to this? He con∣fesseth that he was quietlie setled at Praga,* 13.207 and lit∣tle expected anie such hastie sending for: beside that, he went to Rome with great spéed, tarrieng there no longer than fiue daies, as is before expressed, and that he receiued his Viaticum of the pope, when as he was dispatched thense with other préests, purposelie appointed for England, and that he came no other∣wise than they did, nor for anie other intent than for [line 40] the benefit of soules, as he still termed it: but he would not grant that he came for anie treason.

So that to seduce hir maiesties subiects, to per∣suade them from their duetie and obedience, and to ioine themselues in such sort, as their princesse and countrie must be destroied thereby: this is no trea∣son in his opinion. Howbeit, Campion and his fel∣lowes pleaded ignorance still, they saw and would not sée,* 13.208 they were so craftilie schooled. Iames Bos∣graue, he was at Uilna in Polonia, and as he con∣fessed [line 50] himselfe, he vnderstood that there was préests appointed for England: vpon which report he came awaie from thense in verie great hast. And in his passage, he mentioned to one in the ship, who was sworne, and confessed the same before certeine iusti∣ces, that there was such matter towards in Eng∣land, as hath béene before expressed: and therevpon he sought to haue woone him, if his purpose could haue taken effect. Campion seeing this begun some∣what to touch the quicke, and that in truth it discoue∣red [line 60] the dealings of them all: he taketh vpon him to answer on his behalfe, for that they all reposed them∣selues on him.

He saith, that if Bosgraue did heare such news, that there were papists appointed for England,* 13.209 whie should they take hold on so small a cause? Flieng reports are not to be credited, for albeit he heard such newes, how knew he, if they were certeine or no? Againe (quoth he) the man hath beene long out of England, and he doth not speake English per∣fectlie: it maie be then that some word maie escape him vnawares, which you are not to build vpon, con∣sidering the defect of the man, for he maie peraduen∣ture speake he knoweth not what. And where you saie, that such a one hath auouched before certeine iu∣stices, that he vsed such and such words to him; where is the man, we are not to credit a written paper, what know we if it be true or no? Let vs heare him selfe saie so, and then we will beléeue it.* 13.210 Sée what a number of shifts he had cōtinuallie to wast the time, and all to no pupose. The mans owne confession was there, wherto himselfe had subscribed, and foure or fiue iustices set their hands to it for the certeintie thereof; yet this was not sufficient to answer them.

Robert Iohnson he was likewise at Auinion in France,* 13.211 from whense he came also in verie great hast, vpon the report he had heard of priests that were appointed for England. Now there is an o∣ther thing to be considered, that these men, setled where they were, by their owne confession they must not depart from thense without they be appointed by their superiors, then it is easie to be answered, that they came by their superiors apointment at this pre∣sent: and as the generall determination was, so they came all for one cause & intent. Edward Rishton, he being here in England,* 13.212 wrote a letter to Richardson a priest, and who is likewise condemned amongest them; which letter was there openlie read to his face. How there were foure goldsmiths of his occupation latelie come ouer, who indeed were priests, and how all things went successiuelie forwards.* 13.213 And Campi∣on being in the Tower wrote a letter vnto Pownd likewise, wherein he gaue him to vnderstand that he was verie sorie, that through his frailtie he had be∣wraied those, at whose houses he had béene so fréend∣lie interteined; wherefore he asked God hartilie for∣giuenesse, and them all whome he had so highlie of∣fended.* 13.214 But (saith he) as for the chiefe matter that is as yet vnreuealed, and come racke come rope, ne∣uer shall that be discouered. A number of matters more were brought against them, which to rehearse, would require a farre more large discourse: but to be bréefe, in the end, this was the full and certeine is∣sue. That these men, when they were beyond the seas: the generall agréement and determination a∣mongest them, was to worke the death of our most gratious princesse, to destroie hir dominion, and to erect such as pleased them when this aforesaid daie should take effect. And that their comming ouer, was to seduce hir louing subiects, to win their obe∣dient hearts from hir, so that they should be in a rea∣dinesse to ioine with a foren power, and so they should likewise be destroiers of their princesse and coun∣trie. And that in the meane while they themselues sought to accomplish hir maiesties death, so much as in them laie.

This was manifestlie prooued by verie large and ample euidence, credible witnesses, and their owne confessions and writings: whereon the iurie, hauing wiselie and discreetlie pondered and searched and séene into the depth of euerie cause, worthilie and de∣seruedlie gaue them vp all guiltie of the treasons whereof they were indicted and arreigned. Which being doone, after a godlie and comfortable exhorta∣tion, persuading them patientlie to suffer and abide the death for them appointed, and to be heartilie sorie for their greeuous and hainous offenses, the sentence of death was pronounced on them: that they should depart to the places from whense they came,* 13.215 and from thense to be drawne on hurdles to the place of execution, where they should he hanged till they were halfe dead: then to be cut downe, their priuie mem∣bers to be cut off, and their entrailes taken forth, and to be burned in the fire before their eies: then their heads to be cut off, their bodies parted into foure quarters to be disposed at hir maiesties pleasure, and the Lord God to receiue their soules to his mer∣cie. Afterwards they were conueied from thense

with botes to a place of landing for them appointed, from whense they were conducted to the Tower of London, diuers of them giuing foorth sundrie lewd and dishonest spéeches: as Thomas Coteham, seeing so manie people to behold them, desired that fire and brimstone might fall from heauen, to destroie both the citie and all that were in it: with diuerse other wicked words, which for modesties sake I omit here to rehearse, desiring God in mercie to giue men better grace.

On the next daie, being tuesdaie and the one and twentith daie of Nouember, there was brought to the said high barre these persons following; Iohn Hart, Thomas Foord, William Filbie, Laurence Richardson, Iohn Shert, Alexander Brian, and Iohn Collington.* 13.216 Alexander Brian, he had shauen his crowne himselfe, & made him a crosse of a peece of a trencher, which he held in his hand openlie & prai∣ed to: which when he was rebuked for, he boldlie and stoutlie made answer; that his crowne was of his owne shauing, and he had good hope to doo it againe. [line 20] In breefe, they were all indicted on the selfe same treasons as they were the daie before; and Iohn Harts traitorous sermon which he made at Rhems against hir maiestie auouched to his face, their owne writings and confessions with substantiall witnesse produced against them, so that they were found gil∣tie of their treasons, as the other were before them, except Iohn Collington, he was quit of the former high treason by the Iurie.

On fridaie being the first of December, Ed∣mund [line 30] Campion Iesuit,* 13.217 Ralfe Sherwin, & Alexan∣der Brian seminarie priests, being condemned for high treason against hir maiesties most roiall per∣son, as also for traitorous practises, touching the sub∣uersion of the true & vndoubted religion here main∣teined, with the vtter ruine and ouerthrow of this realme of England, were drawne from the Tower of London on hurdles, to the place of execution ap∣pointed, garded with such a sufficient companie as might expresse the honor of iustice the larger in [line 40] that behalfe. Being come to the place of execution, where diuerse of hir maiesties honorable councell, with manie honorable personages, and gentlemen of worship and good account, beside a multitude of people not here to be remembred attended their comming; Edmund Campion was first brought vp into the cart, where after the great rumor of so manie people somewhat appeased, he spake thus.

First he began (the people then present expec∣ting his confession) with a phrase or two in Latine,* 13.218 [line 50] when immediatlie after he fell into English in this maner. I am here brought as a spectacle before the face of God, of angelles, and of men, satisfieng my selfe to die as becommeth a true christian & ca∣tholike man. As for the treasons that haue béene laid to my charge, and I am come here to suffer for: I de∣sire you all to beare witnesse with me, that thereof I am altogither innocent. Wherevpon answer was made to him by one of the councell, that he might [line 60] not seeme to denie th'obiections against him, hauing béene prooued so manifestlie to his face, both by suffi∣cient witnesse and euidence. Well my lord (quoth he) I am a catholike man, and a priest, in that faith haue I liued hitherto, and in that faith I doo intend to die; and if you esteeme my religion treason, then of force I must grant vnto you, as for anie other treason I will not consent vnto. Then was he moo∣ued as concerning his traitorous and hainous of∣fense to the quéenes most excellent maiestie. Where∣to he answered; She is my lawfull princesse and quéene. There somwhat he drew in his words to him∣selfe, whereby was gathered, that somwhat he would haue gladlie spoken: but the great timiditie and vnstable opinion of his conscience, wherein he was all the time euen to the death, would not suffer him to vtter it.

Here is with iudgement a deepe point and high matter to be considered,* 13.219 that this man alwaies di∣recting the course of his life to a vaineglorious ima∣gination, and alwaies couetous to make himselfe famous; at this instant made a perfect discouerie of himselfe. For being somewhat learned,* 13.220 all matters whatsoeuer (as you haue heard before) he bare a∣waie with a maiesticall countenance, the visor of vanitie aptlie fitting the face of onelie hypocrisie; what was sound he would make sophisticall, what was the infallible truth of it selfe he would carrie in his owne conceipt, and delude the people with a pleasant quirke, or some such stuffe, onlie to purchase him credit and affection. And he was not to learne to set a coragious countenance on euerie such slight reason, whereby he peruerted manie, deceiued more, and was thought such a champion, as the pope neuer had the like. But now behold the man, whom neither racke nor rope should alter, whose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was such as he boasted inuincible: feare had caught hold on this braue boaster, and terror entred his thoughts, where∣by was discouered his impudent dissimulations. Now let it with patience be mooued a little, that the outward protestations of this man vrged some there present to teares, not entring into conceipt of his inward hypocrisie to make a plausible definition of this perillous deceiuer, not by coniecture, but by proofe it shall be thus answered.

Edmund Campion,* 13.221 as it is by men of suffici∣ent credit reported, at what time he spent his studie here in England both in the hospitall, and also at the vniuersitie of Oxford, was alwaies addicted to a maruellous suppose in himselfe of ripe iudgement, prompt audacitie, and cunning conueiance in his schoole points: wherethrough he fell into a proud and vaineglorious iudgement, practising to be eloquent in phrase, and so fine in his quirks and fantasticall coniectures, that the ignorant he woon by his smooth deuises, some other affecting his pleasant imagina∣tions he charmed with subtiltie and choked with so∣phistrie. The learned, who beheld his practises and peremptorie order of life, pitieng his follie, and wi∣shing him a more staied determination, lothed his maners; yet loued the man, bicause christian chari∣tie willed them so to doo. Now this glorious Thraso hauing by his libels made himselfe famous, and vn∣der shew and suppose of great learning (though in∣deed being approoued, found verie simple to the spee∣ches giuen of him) subdued manie to affect him ve∣rie much, when he was taken he knew it stood him vpon, not to loose the credit openlie he had woone se∣cretlie. Wherefore in his former ridiculous maner, both in prison, at his arreignment,* 13.222 yea and at his death, he continued the same in all points, which the foulnesse of his treasons blemished euerie waie. Now indéed, as our English nation is both louing and pitifull: so manie seeing the gifts of God so well bestowed on the man, and by him applied to so great abuse, through naturall kindnesse bemoned his case, wishing he had not fallen into so traitorous a cause. Then was mooued to him againe his treasons and hainous offenses against the quéenes maiestie, which impudentlie he still denied, séeming to vtter words on the behalfe of one Richardson, one likewise of the condemned traitors, taking on his conscience that it was not be. Which hath bin prooued to the contra∣rie, for that it is knowne how this Richardson is he, who distributed Campions libels and bookes abrode: and when he was put to his oth, whether it was he or no, he refused to sweare on his behalfe. And because the world might be fullie resolued, that (notwiths••an∣ding

all the pretended & colourable meanes be could vse for his excuse and innocencie he was to suffer death deseruedlie as a traitor, &c. There was read to his face in the hearing of the assemblie a pamphlet published by authoritie as followeth.

An aduertisement and defense for truth against hir backebiters, and speciallie against the whispering fauourers and colourers of Camp••n•• and the rest of his con∣federats [line 10] treasons.

ALthough at the late arreignements at Westminster of Edmund Campion, & other his complices condemned there of sundrie high tresons, it was manifest∣lie declared and fullie prooued,* 14.1 how they all, vnder pretense of the names of Iesuits, seminarie priests, & other persons of like condition, had secretlie come into this realme, by sending of sundrie persons au∣thorised [line 20] by the pope, to mooue the people by their se∣cret persuasions to change their professions in the matter of religion, of long time quietlie established in this realme, and to be reconciled to the obedience of the pope, and withdrawen from their naturall al∣legiance due to the quéenes maiestie, and by these meanes to be readie in their hearts and minds and otherwise prouided, to ioine their forces as well with such as their heads and superiors which sent them in∣tended speedilie to procure to be sent into this relme, [line 30] as with other rebellious subiects by them to be there∣to also excited, of purpose to depriue hir maiestie of hir life, crowne, and dignitie; in like maner as late∣lie hath béene notoriouslie attempted and put in exe∣cution by doctor Sanders an arrant and detestable traitor, and whilest he liued one of the said Campi∣ons companions, and by other English and Irish Iesuits and traitors in Ireland,* 14.2 where they had first by their like secret meanes and persuasions, intised a great multitude of people of that land, first to [line 40] change their profession of religion, and to acknow∣ledge the popes authoritie, and to renounce the iust authoritie of hir maiestie; & so departing from their allegiance, vpon the arriuall of forten forces they did enter into a manifest rebellion, against the which al∣mightie God the iust auenger of rebels by his good∣nesse hath giuen hir maiestie (through hir good mini∣sters) power to the vanquishing, not onelie of those forren forces, but also of a great number of the re∣bels there.* 14.3 Yet it is maliciouslie, falselie, and traito∣rouslie [line 50] by some of the secret fauourers of the said Campion, and other the said condemned traitors whispered in corners, that the offenses of these trai∣tors were but for their secret attemptings as Iesu∣its, by exhorting and teaching; with shriuing, mas∣sing, and such like acts, to mooue people to change their religion, & to yeeld their obedience to the pope as Christs vicar (although the same be of themselues offenses verie heinous, and séeds of sedition not al∣lowable by the lawes of the realme) whereas in ve∣rie [line 60] truth neuerthelesse it did manifestlie appeere vp∣on their indictments, and at their arreignements, by sundrie confessions of some of their owne compani∣ons, and by manie good proofes and witnesses produ∣ced and sworne before their faces, that their facts whereof they were arreigned and condemned, were such as were in truth hie tresons committed against hir maiesties roiall person, and against the ancient lawes and statutes of this realme,* 14.4 which manie hun∣dred yeres past were in force against like traitors, and not for facts of doctrine or religion, nor yet for of∣fenses against anie late or new statutes, the same being manie conspiracies at sundrie times beyond the seas, at Rome in Italie and other places, and lastlie at Rheimes in France, where there are nou∣rished by the popes authoritie in seminaries multi∣tudes of English Iesuits, seminarie priests, and fu∣gitiues, whereof their heads and gouernors vse con∣tinuallie in their sermons, and in their bookes pub∣likelie printed, as traitors to declare their traitorous minds as far forth as they can, to the depriuation of the queenes maiestie of hir life and crowne: to which ends the said Campion and his said companions, by procurement of their said heads, came secretlie into this realme, to mooue the subiects to renounce their naturall obedience;* 14.5 & according to a bull of the last pope Pius published to persuade all sorts with whom they durst secretlie deale, that hir maiestie by the said popes excommunication was not the lawfull quéene of the realme, nor that the subiects were bound to obeie anie of hir lawes or ministers: but that they were all frée, and discharged of their obedience and allegiance, and that they might lawfullie, yea that when time might serue, they ought to take armes a∣gainst hir maiestie, as in the late rebellion in the north was manifestlie by like meanes put in exe∣cution, and as now also latelie was notoriouslie at∣tempted in Ireland, by stirring vp the people in the popes name, and vnder his st••ndard to an open ge∣nerall rebellion. And to haue brought these things to passe in this realme, was the comming into this realme of the said Campion and his complices most manifestlie tried and prooued;* 14.6 as if by Gods goodnes by their apprehensions, after their secret wandrings and disguisings of themselues in a great part of the shires of the realme, these traitors had not beene now staied, and by iust punishmments ordered to be e••e∣cuted, there would haue appéered such mischiefe as islamentable to be thought of; to the danger of hir maiesties person, and to the hazard and ruine of the whole realme by inuasion of the same with forren e∣nim••es, and by raising of inward warre within the realme; the end and euent whereof, as of warre ci∣uill, can not be without great greefe mentioned or imagined.

And to the further reproofe and condemnation of the said Campion and other the traitours now con∣demned,* 14.7 they being all seuerallie and earnestlie re∣quired at the place of their arreignement to declare what they thought of the said popes bull by which hir maiestie was in the popes intention depriued of the crowne) and of doctors Sanders, and of Bristowes traitorous writings in maintenance of the said bull, and allowance of the rebellion in the north, and of Sanders traitorous actions in Ireland; and be∣ing likewise demanded what they did thinke if the present pope should publish the like bull: none of them all, but one onelie named Rushton, could be persuaded by anie their answers to shew in anie part their mislikings either of the former bull, or of doctor Sanders, or Bristowes traitorous writings or actions, or of the pope that now is, if he should now publish the like bull against hir maiestie; so as they did apparantlie shew their traitorous harts still fired to persist in their diuelish minds against their naturall allegiance: whereof God giue all good sub∣iects, being true Englishmen borne, grace to be∣ware, and in no sort to giue eare or succour to such pernicious traitors, howsoeuer they shall be couered with hypocrisie, & false and fained holines of Rome.

This aduertisement read and heard, the time by pitifull delaies began to passe awaie, in somuch that the executioner was now to fall to his charge: wher∣vpon Campion was exhorted to praie with the peo∣ple in English; naie, to doo so he was desired, how∣beit he would not: but said his Pater noster in Latine, and desired all those of the household of faith to saie

one Credo for him. Manie indirect answers he made, as when he was mooued to aske the quéene forgiue∣nesse, and when the preacher requested him to shew some signe of a penitent sinner, then shortlie he re∣plied: You and I, we are not of one religion. After a few silent praiers to himselfe, the cart was drawen awaie, & he committed to the mercie of God. There he hanged till he was dead, when being cut downe, he was bowelled and quartered, according as it was appointed by iustice.* 14.8 Rafe Sherwin séemed a [line 10] man of better iudgement, more learned, and more obedient; he said the Lords praier in English, belée∣uing in God that made him, in Christ his sonne that saued him, and in the Holieghost that sanctified him: and according to the saieng of S. Augustine, desired Iesus, that he would be to him Iesus, as much to saie, as his sauiour and redéemer. He likewise con∣fessed himselfe a catholike man and a préest, inten∣ding to die in that faith. But when the treasons were mooued to him, he likewise did make deniall thereof. [line 20] He asked the quéenes maiestie forgiuenesse, and de∣sired that she might long liue and reigne ouer vs. Then was read to him the booke of the aduertise∣ment, which before had beene read to Campion, and after a few praiers he likewise ended his life.* 14.9 Alex∣ander Brian séemed more obstinate and impious, vsing verie little signe of repen••ance and hartie hu∣militie: he vsed manie praiers to himselfe, and spake verie little worthie the rehearsall. Iustice being ex∣ecuted on him, he and Sherwin were quartered, ac∣cording [line 30] as Campion had beene before them.

¶No sooner had iustice giuen the blow of executi∣on, and cut off the foresaid offendors from the earth; but certeine enimies to the state politike and ecclesi∣astike, greatlie fauouring them, and their cause, which they falslie gaue out to be religion, dispersed abroad their libels of most impudent deuise, tending to the iustifieng of the malefactors innocencie, to the heinous and vnrecompensable defamation of the course of iustice and iudgement against them com∣mensed [line 40] and finished: in somuch that speaking of the daie whereon they died, they blushed not to intitle them martyrs, saieng among other things not pub∣lishable, as in these few verses extracted followeth:

* 14.10Vna dies viuos pariter caesósque videbat, In coelum missos vidit & vna dies: Aeternísque breui gaudent pro morte coronis, Haec sunt martyribus dona parata pijs. Foelix illa dies mensis fuit illa Decembris, Martyrijs donans coelica regna tribus: [line 50] Foelix quae sanctum suscepit terra cruorem, Quem caecata odij fuderat ira * 14.11 tui: Supremúmque manens foelix constantia finem, Atque in conspectu mors pretiosa Dei, &c.

Thus slanderouslie against the administration of iustice scattered these vipers brood their lieng re∣ports, therein to the skies aduancing the children of iniquitie as spotlesse; yea forging most monstruous fables, put them in print; as though God and na∣ture had suffered violence to their vnappeaseable in∣dignation, [line 60] for that men of such integritie forsooth and extraordinarilie sanctified, suffered to shamefull a death:* 14.12 in somuch that it was bruted abroad not by men, but brute beasts, that on the selfe same daie wheron Campion was executed, the riuer of Thams did neither eb nor flow, but stood still. O miracle! Whether this were a lie or not, as all the world may sweare it was no truth; this is certeine and vndoub∣ted, that there was found a facultie about Campion a litle before his death, wherein authoritie was giuen him from the bishop of Rome Gregorie the thir∣téenth, to execute the sentence of the bull published by Pius Quintus against all the quéens maiesties subiects as heretiks, &c: and yet this man forsooth (al∣beit notorious) died not for treason but for religion, as with fowle mouths they are not ashamed to saie:

Relligio crimen non mala vita fuit.

But of this matter inough, & now to the processe of English accidents after this tragicall narration.] When the quéene of England and the monsieur euen duke of Aniou vnderstood by report made to hir ma∣iestie and his highnesse by monsieur de Pruneaux (who had béene sent ouer a litle before from the duke to the prince of Orange,* 14.13 and had prosecuted the trea∣tie the former yeares as his ordinarie ambassador) what good will and great longing he had found in the prince of Orange, who was come into the Ile of Walkeren with a great number of gentlemen, and with the deputies of the states, and of the chiefest of the best cities of the low countrie to receiue his highnesse, and to doo him most humble seruice: and when they had also heard the ambassage of the lords of Ohain & Iunius, sent from the lords of the state to the duke, to shew vnto him the excéeding great de∣sire which all the people had to sée his highnes, for the present ratifieng of the former couenants that had passed betwixt them: for accomplishing whereof it was néedfull that he should passe ouer with all spéed: whereby the same thing was confirmed which had béene declared oft afore by the lord of mount saint Aldegond, ordinarie ambassador to hir maiestie and his hignes: vpon the intelligence of these things, it was resolued by hir maiestie & his highnes, that the monsieur should depart. Wherevpon the quéene cal∣ling the lord Howard, commanded him (for the earle of Lincolne was then sicke) to take vpon him the charge of the admerals ship, and to go to Rochester, and there to choose vessels méet for transporting of the monsieur & his traine, & to furnish them with men of war, mariners, and all manner of necessaries as well of war as of vittels. Which thing was doone with such diligence and speed, that the ships being readie with all things in lesse than eight daies, passed out of the riuer of Rochester and the Thames, and were conueied to the downes néere to the towne of Sandwich, where the monsieur was to take ship∣ping. And for so much as the monsieur came into England accompanied but with a few princes and lords, & they also had left their traine in France, & some of the same lords were sent backe againe after∣ward by his commandement and for his seruice; the quéene determined to giue him a companie & traine méet for his greatnesse, taking his iournie about so great & noble exploit. And therfore (as agréeing with hir highnesse hart) she commanded the earle of Lei∣cester master of hir horsses, the lord of Hunsdon go∣uernour of Berwike hir maiesties néere kinsman,

—(cuius fuerat matertera pulchra Reginae genetrix Henrici nobilis * 14.14 vxor)

and the lord Howard the viceadmerall (of whom the first two were of hir priuie councell, and all thrée were knights of the order (of the garter) to attend vpon him, and to assemble as great a number of English lords and gentlemen as could be gotten in so litle time, to honour him withall: wherevnto the said lords obeied verie willinglie. And there went with them to accompanie them, the lord Willough∣bie, the lord Windsore, the lord Sheffield, the lord Howard, the lord Awdleie second sonne to the late duke of Norffolke: master Philip Sidneie nephue to the forenamed erle of Leicester, sir George Careie, and master Iohn & Robert Careie all thrée sonnes of the said lord of Hunsdon; master William How∣ard brother of the said lord Howard, sir Thomas Sherleie, sir Thomas Perot, sir William Russell, sir William Drurie, & sir George Bowser knights, and a great number of gentlemen; namelie, master Henrie Windsore brother to the lord Windsore, ma∣ster

Iohn Borough brother to the lord Borough, master Walter Ralegh, master George Carew, master Edward Hobbie, master Francis Darcie, master Michaell Stanhoope, master William Knols master Francis Knolles, master George Digbie, master Thomas Uauasor, master Anthonie Milde∣maie, master Henrie Nowell, master Nicholas Gorges, master Michaell Harecourt, master Fulke Greuill: so as the whole traine that attended vpon the said earle, was to the number of an hundred gen∣tlemen, and more than three hundred seruingmen. [line 10] The lord of Hunsdon had of gentlemen and others togither to the number of a hundred and fiftie: and the lord Howard had as manie; besides manie more, whereof diuerse were hir maiesties seruants. The quéene determined to accompanie the monsieur to the sea side, & yet neuerthelesse commanded the said lords to kéepe their course, and to attend vpon his highnesse to the said place, with all maner of solem∣nities, interteinments, and feastings. He on the o∣ther side desired and besought hir maiestie not to de∣part [line 20] from London, as well for that the iournie would be painefull vnto hir; and for that he saw the weather faire and wind fauorable, and therefore was loth to loose anie occasion of performing his voiage with all spéed. But he could not preuaile.

* 14.15Wherevpon hir maiestie tooke hir iournie with hir whole court, the first daie of Februarie, & lodged that night at Rochester. The next daie abiding still at Rochester, hir maiestie shewed him all hir great ships which were in that place, into most whereof his [line 30] highnesse and the prince and lords of his traine ente∣red, not without great admiration of the French lords & gentlemen, who confessed that of good right the quéene of England was reported to be ladie of the seas. Also he beheld how all those ships were rea∣die furnished and well appointed. And hir maiestie told him that all those vessels & the furniture of them should doo him seruice, when soeuer he would imploie them: for the which he most humblie thanked hir ma∣iestie, and so after all the great ordinance had béene [line 40] shot off, they returned for that daie againe to Roche∣ster. The third day they went to Sittingborne, where dining both togither, the queene was serued after the English manner by the greatest ladies of hir court; and the monsieur after the French manner by the gentlemen of his traine, which ladies and gentle∣men dined afterwards togither. Then his highnesse besought hir maiestie againe to go no further, decla∣ring vnto hir that the faire weather passed awaie. [line 50] But notwithstanding his intreatance the quéene went on still to Canturburie.* 14.16 At which place, after one daies tarriance, when she had openlie feasted all the French nobilitie, either part tooke their leaue of other, not without great griefe and shew of verie great amitie, especiallie betwéene hir maiestie and the monsieur. Which thing was perceiued also in the lords and gentlemen of both nations, & likewise in the ladies, to all whome it was like griefe to de∣part after they had béene conuersant and had liued [line 60] friendlie and brotherlie togither by the space of three moneths, without anie change or alteration of good willes. But the honor which inforced his highnesse, asswaged his griefe, and made him to proceed on his iournie with the said prince and lords of both nati∣ons.

The sixt daie of the same moneth, whereas he was determined to haue taken ship, he was counselled to lodge that night of Sandwich, bicause the wind was somewhat changed. Howbeit, some of the English gentlemen, namelie master Killegreie, master Diar and diuerse others, to eschew thronging at their im∣barking went to Douer, and there taking ship the same night laie a while at anchor, and somwhat after midnight sailed awaie with certeine other vessels. The seuenth daie in the morning about nine of the clocke, his highnesse tooke the sea in three great ships of war. In the greatest of them named the Discoue∣rer, sailed the monsieur himselfe with the erle of Lei∣cester, and the lord Howard the viceadmerall; in the second called the Sentinell went the prince Dol∣phin; and in the third was the countie of Louall, and the lord of Hunsdon. Now as his highnesse was yet at anchor, there came a post from a lord of England, who brought him word that the states of the low countries were reuolted, and namelie the citie of Antwerpe, and therefore he praied him not to depart vntill he had more certeine newes. Notwithstand∣ing this, his highnesse determined to depart, and so sailed awaie with fifteene ships: and he had so faire weather (which continued euen vntill after his enie∣ring into Antwerpe, and his feasting and solemne interteinement there) that the heauen, the winds, the sea, and the earth séemed all to fauour his voiage, and to further the gladnesse which the people shewed in receiuing him with so great good will.

In the meane time the prince of Orange,* 14.17 séeing the time fit, departed from Middleborough, where he had taried the monsieurs comming six weekes and more, and came to Flushing to take order for all things that were requisit for the honorable and com∣modious interteinement of so great a prince. At the which place, vnderstanding by the letters of the said lords ambassadours and others, that the monsieur was departed from London and come to Cantur∣burie; and therefore thinking it would not be long yer he arriued there: he dispatched monsieur Tres∣lon his viceadmerall of Zeland, with a litle pinnesse called the Chase, to go before to meet the monsieur: commanding him that as soone as he had discouered his fléet, he should giue him a watchword thereof by the shot of two cannons. Monsieur Treslon hauing about noonetide discouered the ships that were par∣ted from Douer, and thinking that they had béene the great fléet, gaue his watchword, which was the cause that a certeine vessell went foorth to the sea to méet his highnesse; but anon after perceiuing his er∣rour, he returned to Flushing, where by and by the fléet of Douer arriued. Then monsieur Treslon go∣ing foorth, found the monsieur and the great fleet be∣twéene Newport and Dunkirke: where after saluta∣tion giuen and taken on either side, the monsieur standing vpon the hatches of his ship, espied his owne secretarie named Nephue standing likewise vpon the hatches of the Chase;* 14.18 to whome he sent his shipbote, commanding him to come aboord to him, which thing he did, and there aduertised the monsieur that as concerning the reuolting of the states there was no such matter, but that all things went verie well, & that his highnesse was waited for with great longing. That daie, by reason the wind was turned northeast, they could go no further, but were faine to cast anchor ouer against a place called Ostend, where they passed that night, waiting for the tide the next morning. His ships were perceiued by them of Flushing, where after midnight arriued the lord of S. Aldegond, who assured the prince of Orange,* 14.19 that the next morning the monsieur would arriue there with the tide. Wherevpon the prince of Orange and the prince of Espinoie with a great number of gen∣tlemen tooke the sea the next morning: but bicause the tide was against them, and on the other part the monsieur hauing a side wind with him was con∣streined to hast to the land. By meanes whereof the prince, being not able to come aboord to him with his ship, was faine to turne saile backe againe to Flush∣ing, where the prince Dolphin had taken land alrea∣die, & sought euerie where for the prince his brother.

When they had imbraced and saluted one an other like brethren; the prince of Orange, perceiuing the monsieur to approch verie néere, tooke the water a∣gaine. But when he perceiued him to come downe into his bote to take land, he turned backe againe, and hied him so fast that he tooke land before him, and there tarried his comming. As soone as he was ar∣riued, while he was yet in his bote readie to come a∣land, the prince receiued him with great reuerence; and imbracing his highnesse knée,* 14.20 because he saw the [line 10] weather was cold said vnto him in few words, that he was verie glad to sée that happie daie, which had beene so long expected, wherein he had the honor to behold his highnesse, and to offer vnto him his most humble seruice, with goods and life, & all that he had besides; hoping that by meanes of his highnesse, that countrie hauing indured so great aduersitie, should now be fullie set at libertie. Wherevnto the monsieur answered verie wiselie and brieflie. And when he had imbraced him with such honor as was [line 20] due in respect of his age and dooings:* 14.21 he came aland, and was brought by the prince to the palace of the citie: howbeit not without great difficultie, by rea∣son of the great prease of men of war and other peo∣ple pestering one an other, the folke of that countrie thronging to sée his highnesse, and the Englishmen which as then were come downe thither in great numbers preasing to know the prince of Orange. In the meane while the trumpets and drums sounded with such noise that the aire rang of it, and all the or∣dinance [line 30] shot off, as well of the quéenes ships as of the other ships, wherof the number was great which laie then in the rode, with so great roring and thundering,* 14.22 that they conueied the newes of his highnesse happie arriuall in the low countrie to Ca∣lis, and to other places of France. They of Flushing shot two peales, with so great noise by reason of the great number of the péeces that are in the towne, that all the ground rang of it. The monsieur found in that place all sorts of his officers; for his houshold [line 40] and his gard of Swisses and Frenchmen, departing from Calis and Bullongne foure daies afore, were come to Middleborough.

* 14.23The magistrates of the citie waited for him at the gates of the citie, who told him by the mouth of their recorder, that they were verie glad of his comming, and thought themselues happie to sée him, in hope, that by his guiding and gouernement they should sée their countrie restored to tranquillitie, and set vp againe in hir former renowme. The states of Bra∣bant [line 50] speaking by the mouth of monsieur van Stra∣len Amptman of Antwerpe, after their welcom∣ming of him, declared with what mind the noble and good cities of Brabant had expected him, beseeching him most humblie to honor the countrie of Brabant with his presence out of hand. Next then the deputies of the citie of Bruxelles (besides the declaration which they made of their owne good will, and gene∣rallie of all the peoples of that countrie) declared al∣so particularlie, with what great goodwill and affecti∣on [line 60] his highnesse had beene waited for in that citie, the cheefe seat of the lords of that countrie; and that after so manie mischéefes which they had suffered for withstanding the tyrannie of the Spaniards, next vnto God they had not anie hope, but in the com∣ming of his highnesse their prince and lord. After∣ward they of Antwerpe were heard, who declared the affection of the people toward his highnesse, their long longing for him, and the great desire which they had to see their prince and souereigne.* 14.24 The colonels and capteins of the towne spake afterward, and de∣clared vnto him how carefullie and diligentlie they had kept the citie, in hope to put it shortlie into his hands, and reioising likewise at his comming.

Unto all these orations his highnesse answered verie sagelie and brieflie, as vnto all the residue, to the well liking and contentment of all that stood by. The prince of Orange tarried a while with the mon∣sieur in the towne house of the citie: and then taking his leaue went to visit the princes and lords of both the nations that came with him to sée how they fa∣red, and to take order that they should want nothing, so far forth as the abilitie of the towne of Flushing (which is none of the greatest) could extend, where such prouision was made, that all were well lodged and serued, notwithstanding that aboue fiue hun∣dred men of the onelie English lords were come a∣land that daie.* 14.25 All that after noone was spent in fea∣sting, in making of bonefires, in fireworks, in sounding of trumpets, and in all maner of tokens of ioie, which all men vttered vniuersallie for the comming of so great a prince. Also the foure mem∣bers of Flanders, which came by the counsell of the prince of Orange, waited to present themselues vn∣to him at Middleborough.

The prince of Orange,* 14.26 perceuing that the mon∣sieur was minded to go the next daie to Middlebo∣rough, told him that there were thrée waies, the one about the castell of Ramekins, to enter in at the great chanell of Middleborough by the bout of the foreland; an other by the little chanell through the countrie; and that he had kept ships in a readinesse to go the outer waie, and a great fort of botes to go the inner waie, because his highnesse could not ior∣neie either by coch or on horssebacke by reason of the winter, and there was but onelie one causeie where∣by folke trauelled ordinarilie on foot. The monsieur beholding the fitnesse of the time, for indéed it was verie faire weather, and vnderstanding that the waie was not past a good French league in length, vnder∣tooke to go it on foot, and so did all the rest of the prin∣ces, lords, and gentlemen, as well of the same coun∣trie, as of France and England.* 14.27 A great sort of the monsieurs house, which were lodged alredie at Mid∣dleborough, came to méet him, speciallie his gard of Frenchmen and Swissers. A good waie out of the towne the magistrate of Middleborough came to meet him, as it were, about a third part of the waie, and there making an oration to him, told him of the great and long desire which all the people had of his comming, and that the people of Middleborough for their owne part thought themselues greatlie ho∣nored, in that he had vouchsafed to come to their ci∣tie, offering all dutifulnesse vnto him. His gard al∣so met him in the same place, & then began the Swis∣sers to march on in their order, striking vp their drums after their manner. Moreouer, six companies of the citizens well armed and well araied stood im∣battelled without the towne, who kept their place till the monsieur was past, and then they followed after leisurelie behind.

The deputies of the states of the earledome of Zeland waited his comming at the towne gate;* 14.28 who hauing declared the gladnesse which they concei∣ued, reioised at the happie successe which his highnes had had in making the peace in France, and in res∣cuing the citie of Cambraie by his armie and in his owne person, and in his passing into England, which they knew he had taken vpon him for none o∣ther cause than for the furtherance of the affaires of those countries; and finallie for that hauing put his person in danger of that passage, he was now hap∣pilie arriued in Zeland, most humblie thanking his highnesse, and declaring what hope they had concei∣ued of his presence, and therewithall offering right humblie whatsoeuer their dutie required.* 14.29 At the en∣trie of the gate one brought him a coursor of Na∣ples, but he determined with himsefe (séeing that

the princes and lords had not their horsses there) to go through with his iornie on foot, and so entred into the citie of Middleborough in this order. First went the magistrates of the citie with their vnder officers and ministers of iustice. Next them the deputies of the states of Zeland. After them followed diuerse gentlemen of all the three nations, with the deputies of the cities of Brabant, and of the foure members of Flanders. Then marched the Swissers after their accustomed fashion; in whose traine were a great [line 10] sort of noblemen and also gentlemen, of whome the most part were Englishmen of the retinue of the thrée lords sent thither by the quéene.* 14.30 Behind them insued as it were in one troope togither, the prince Dolphin, the earle of Leicester, the prince of Espi∣noie, the countie de Lauall, the lord of Hunsdon, the lord Howard▪ ••nd the rest of the lords. Then came the monsieur himselfe, hauing on his left hand some∣what more than halfe a pase beneath him, the prince of Orange, of whome he alwaies asked some questi∣on. [line 20] After him followed his gard of Frenchmen, and after them the gard of the prince of Orange; and last of all the six ensigns that stood in battell raie without the citie, and ten others which had marshalled the stréets vnto the market place, where all the rest of the citizens were imbattelled. Throughout all the stréets from the gate to the monsieurs lodging, there were railes, and at euerie tenth pase on either side were burning cressets.* 14.31 And so his highnesse and all the nobilitie which accompanied him, passed on, maruel∣led [line 30] to sée so goodlie a citie in so little an Ile, and so néere to thrée other good towns, not distant one from another aboue one league. But most of all they won∣dered at the beautie of the marketsted, and of the common hall of the citie. His highnes lodging was verie well and richlie hanged and furnished, conside∣ring the small respit that the inhabitants had, so as he was verie well and commodiouslie lodged, both he and all the princes, noblemen, and gentlemen of all nations that attended vpon him. That euening [line 40] was passed in feasting, in making of bonfires in the stréets, in artificiall fireworks vpon the towers and stéeples,* 14.32 and in sounding of trumpets. The next mor∣ning the twelue deputies of the foure members of Flanders speaking to his highnesse by the mouth of monsieur Taiard the recorder of Gant, declared at large the great goodwill of all the people of Flan∣ders towards him, and that like as they had beene of the first that had sent vnto him, so they hoped to be of the first that should yéeld all humble seruice and sub∣iection [line 50] vnto him. Wherevnto his highnesse answe∣red verie discréetlie, as his custome was. He pas∣sed the rest of the time in plaieng at tennis with the prince of Orange, and after with other lords.

The thirtéenth daie he had a solemne feast made him in the townehall,* 14.33 where his highnesse comman∣ded the tables to be prepared of purpose, that he might haue the companie of the prince Dolphin, the prince of Orange, the earle of Leicester, the prince of Espinoie, the countie de Lauall, the lord of Huns∣don, and the lord Howard. For the lords of England [line 60] were highlie regarded & honored euerie where, both in respect of hir maiestie which sent them, and also for the worthines of their persons. The feast was excel∣lentlie well furnished of all things, & speciallie of ta∣pistrie worke & other deuises of sugar; insomuch that both the Frenchmen and Englishmen confessed, that they had not béene woont to sée such manner of seruices in their countries. The fourteenth daie the prince of Orange would néeds go sée the putting of the ships in a readinesse, which should carrie the mon∣sieur and his traine, which were in number foure and fiftie, and therefore he would haue gone to the fore∣land of Middleborough. Whereof the monsieur hea∣ring would néeds go with him.* 14.34 On thursdaie the fif∣téenth of that moneth, his highnesse went to see the towne of Ermwiden, which is about halfe a league from Middleborough. And vnderstanding that the English lords were gone to sée the towne of Uere, (called by strangers Camfer by reson of the passage that was sometime in the towne of Campe which is now drowned) he also tooke bote and went thither, where all the companie was verie well receiued by the inhabitants, notwithstanding that they were taken vnprouided. The sixteenth daie his highnesse was determined to haue taken ship, but there arose so great a storme, that the mariners councelled him to forbeare the sea for that daie: by reason whereof his imbarking was deferred till the next morrow, at which time his highnesse with all his traine sailed awaie.* 14.35 He himselfe was caried in a ship painted all ouer with his owne colours beset with a number of flags and pensils of the armes of Aniou. The resi∣due had their accustomed flags so greatlie feared of the Spaniards, belaied with the colours of the prince of Orange. This fléet came that daie against Beer∣land in the Ile of south Beueland, where they cast anchor and spent that night there. The next daie be∣ing arriued luckilie at Lislo, after manie shot of or∣dinance from the fort and from the ships of warre which accompanied his highnesse, they did cast an∣chor againe. He himselfe went aland, and laie that night in the capteins lodging longing for the morn∣ing.* 14.36 This fort of Lislo is builded a thrée leagues be∣neath Antwerpe vpon the point of a dike or causeie in the parish of Lislo. The place is so commodious, that with a musket a man may easilie shoot from the one banke of the riuer Skeld to the other; and by rea∣son that the streame of the riuer and the tide of the sea, which passeth that waie twise a daie, doo make it crooked, that place being occupied by the enimie, might greatlie hinder and annoie the sailing there∣of. And therefore the citizens of Antwerpe follow∣ing the aduise and platforme laid forth by the prince of Orange, bestowed great cost in fortifieng that place, which hath a great tower with great bulworks rampires, and ditches, and is so well strengthned and flanked to the purpose, and hath the water so at com∣mandement, that as now it is not to be woone by a∣nie force. The next daie being mondaie, the nine∣téenth daie of Februarie,* 14.37 his highnesse departed thense to make his entrie into the renowmed citie of Antwerpe.

The roiall interteinement of the right high and mightie prince, Francis the French kings onelie brother, by the grace of God duke of Brabant, Aniou, Alanson, Berrie, &c, into the citie of Antwerpe.

IN all great and statelie shewes and assemblies, they that are the authors and setters foorth of them, indeuour to beautifie and commend as much as they can the things which they offer to the sight of those whome they intend to honour, and of those which resort thither from strange places, to delight them∣selues with the beholding of them. The ancient historiographers describe vnto vs manie great triumphes, and statelie interteinements of em∣perours, kings, and great capteins, and they for∣get not to put into their writings the great costli∣nesse and charges, and whatsoeuer else was set foorth to the shew, to content the eies of the beholders. And albeit that neither gold, siluer, pretious stones, tapi∣strie, cloth of silke, fine linnen, diuersities of vessels, nor varietie of paintings were spared, but all such things haue inriched those shewes: yet notwithstan∣ding,

there is not anie thing that hath yéelded grea∣ter grace,* 15.1 beautie, and contentment to such assem∣blies, than the multitude and brightnesse of armorie and of things perteining to martiall affaires, as en∣gines, artillerie, and shewes of cities and castels bea∣ten downe or taken by force from the enimies. And therefore in the Romane empire (which excelled all the other not onlie in conquests, martiall discipline, and politike order of gouernment, but also in sump∣tuousnes and roialtie) although infinit numbers of [line 10] publike games and exercises were exhibited by them being the greatest lords of the world, who not onelie spared not anie thing that was in their owne power, but also made the cities and countries, which were anie waie bound vnto them, to send vnto them whatsoeuer rare and exquisit things they could come by, to serue their turnes in the shewes which they ex∣hibited to the people: yet notwithstanding their tri∣umphes haue so borne the bell aboue all the rest, that the word triumphing which commeth thereof,* 15.2 hath [line 20] béene applied to all high, great, and statelie dooings. Not that in their other shewes anie thing was spa∣red, which might content the eies euen of couetous folke, or satisfie the bloudthirstie harts of such as tooke no pleasure but to behold the sheading of bloud, yea oftentimes of mans bloud before their eies: but in their triumphings nothing was so glori∣ous as the armorie and personages of the great cap∣teines that had béene conquerors, which thing con∣tented the beholders far more without all compari∣son. [line 30] And therefore when men intend to betoken the exceeding huge greatnesse of Rome, they terme it the triumphant Rome, which importeth as much as the rich, wealthie, and victorious Rome, replenished with great numbers of noble capteines, and valiant souldiors. And this terme is come of the great num∣bers of triumphs, which were séene there in the times of the Scipios,* 15.3 Paules, Claudies, Metelles, Pom∣peis, Cesars, and others. True it is that the other shewes also were verie glorious and beautifull to be∣hold, and did (I wote not how) tickle the harts of such [line 40] as were fed with the beholding of their riches and of the infinite numbers of lions, tigres, panthers, beares, and swordplaiers incountring one another to the death: but yet the beholding of a goodlie com∣panie of men armed in goodlie armour, marching in good order (besides the contenting of the sight, which is far better than to sée riches) dooth also wonderful∣lie rauish mens minds, and driue the beholder into an astonishment, setting him after a sort besides [line 50] himselfe; and yet neuerthelesse filling him with a ioy and contentation surmounting all others. For as in the pleasures of the bodie, those seeme greatest which doo most alter the senses with their pleasantnes:* 15.4 so fares it also with the delights of the mind, which be∣come so much the greater, when admiration being matched with them, dooth also moreouer rauish the vnderstanding, and set a man as it were out of his wits. And therefore when great personages (who can better iudge of matters than plaine simple folke can) doo make discourse of things that are beautifull [line 60] and desireable to behold: they speake of gold, siluer, pretious stones, pictures, vessels, tablets, and diuers other exquisit iewels: but yet they passe ouer those things & stand not vpon them. But when they come to talke of faire armour, good horsses, and such other things as belong to knighthood and chiualrie: then they make such tariance vpon them, as they hold it for a thing fullie agréed vpon & granted, that in beau∣tie and glorie nothing is comparable to a goodlie ar∣mie.

Onelie this matter remaineth still in question vndecided;* 15.5 namelie, whether is the pleasanter sight, to sée three or foure great battels of footmen well ap∣pointed in bright armour, well flanked with small shot, and with their great ordinance before them: or to sée as manie squadrons of horssemen, or else two or three hundred ships furnished with their flags and banners, and ranged in order as if they were readie to giue battell. But as for the rest of all goodlie things, all men are fullie agréed that they come no∣thing néere to anie of those thrée, and much lesse doo them all thrée togither, if a man might behold them all at once: as it is reported that at one instant a man might haue séene the great armie of Xerres both footmen and horssemen ranged in battell raie: and also the two fléets of the Persians and of the Greekes fighting vpon the sea by Salamine, where by the wisedome and valiantnesse of Themistocles, the Gréekes got that famous victorie of the Persi∣ans. In mine opinion that is the ca••••e why the glad receiuing and ioifull entering of Francis duke of Brabant into the citie of Antwerpe seemed so good∣lie and roiall to all such as saw it: in somuch that there hath not beene anie of them which hath not con∣fessed that he neuer saw the like. And yet were there verie manie present at it, as well of the same coun∣trie as of strangers, which haue séene manie statelie and roiall meetings, both in the same citie and in o∣ther cities of the low countries, and also in other great cities of other countries, as Paris, London, Rone, and Lions: and yet neuertheles the common voice is, that this last hath passed all the rest. And tru∣lie the citie had no more but six daies respit to pre∣pare for it, as I said before:* 15.6 in somuch that they could not put to making anie worke of silke, nor of gold and siluer beaten or wouen, nor anie imbrode∣rie: no nor in so short time make anie meane appa∣rell new, nor anie rare costlinesse of imageries, pil∣lers, triumphall arches, or other pageants: but were constreined to make a shift with such things as they had in a readinesse aforehand of their owne store.

In other interteinments there haue in deed beene séene great plentie of riches and roialties in attires of kings and quéenes, princes and princesses, lords and ladies, citizens and their wiues; but in this in∣terteinment no such were séene: howbeit there was not anie grosenesse, nor ought that might not well beséeme the neatnesse and finenesse of that people, although it came nothing neere the sumptuousnesse of other interteinements. As touching triumphall arches, chariots, portraitures, and such other shewes; although there were manie wittie inuentions and agreeable to the time: yet haue men séene of them in other places, which might match these. And as touch∣ing the number of their people,* 15.7 although it was great: yet it is well knowen that Paris excéedeth them in that behalfe. But the onelie reason of this contentment commeth chéeflie of the great number of people in armour, being not fewer than twentie thousand, in so good and so faire armour: and of their order and obedience, and of the small noise which all that huge multitude made: in somuch that if it had not béene for the thundering of the canons, and the sounding of trumpets, clarions, halboies, and other instruments, there was no more noise than is a∣mong a councell of graue men. That then was in mine opinion the onlie verie cause, which was great∣lie furthered by their beholding of the monsieur of Brabant,* 15.8 who representing the statelinesse of old time, was clothed in a large mantell, with the bon∣net of his dukedome vpon his head: so that among that great number of people (which were so well ar∣med, that thrée of the best cities in christendome could not shew so manie faire armors of their owne) his highnesse resembled a pretious stone or iewell set in fine gold. And bicause that they which were the beholders thereof (for they could not be euerie where,

nor sée euerie thing) will be verie glad to vnderstand of the things that so escaped them, and delight their minds now with the remembrance of the things which they saw before, as they delighted their eies and minds with the beholding of them that daie: and strange nations,* 15.9 to whom the fame of that so renow∣med daies worke is come, will take pleasure to vn∣derstand the same, whereof they could not be behol∣ders. Therefore is this booke set foorth, for the satisff∣ing of all men, and also to make it knowen to a [line 10] number of men (who partlie for enimitie, partlie for enuie, and partlie for other surmises and mistrusts will not beléeue it) with what mind and affection the prince of Orange, and the other lords and noblemen of Brabant, the good cities, and the small townes, and namelie the most renowmed citie of Antwerp, haue receiued their new prince and souereigne lord.

The ninetéenth daie of the foresaid moneth in the forenoone,* 15.10 the monsieur the duke of Aniou departed from Lislo and sailed towards Antwerpe, hauing [line 20] in his companie but twentie ships, for the rest had gotten to Antwerpe afore, as well to put themselues in a readinesse as for other affaires. And he came about eight of the clocke nigh to the new towne, and passing along by the townes side, left the foreland of Flanders on his right hand and the towne on his left, and passed beyond all the towne and the place where the castell was. By the waie he heard all the canons shot off from that part of the towne which fa∣ceth the riuer, & from a great number of ships which [line 30] rode at anchor there: and he saw all the wharfes fur∣nished with men of warre of the citie, well armed, who welcommed him with their shot, and were an∣swered againe by the ships of warre that accompa∣nied him, conducted by monsieur de Treslon and the viceadmerals, and diuerse capteins of Flushing. And so the first foot that he did set on land in Bra∣bant,* 15.11 was at a village called Kiell, which is at the canon wharfe at Antwerpe. The states of Brabant, the magistrates of the citie, and diuers other states, [line 40] comming in like order on horssebacke to the same place with their trumpets, sergeants and heralds, ap∣parelled in cotes of the armes of Lothier, Brabant, and Limborough, alighted there, and waited on foot at the wharfe to receiue his highnesse, and to shew him the good will and affection of the states and peo∣ple. But the prease of people was so great, which re∣sorted thither to sée the prince, whome they looked for to be their duke; and againe there were so manie im∣pediments in his landing; that it was found better [line 50] for them by the aduise of the prince of Orange to re∣turne backe, and to tarie for his highnesse vpon a theater which was prepared for him.

This theater was set vp towards a corner of the castell,* 15.12 and opened towards the citie, so as his high∣nesse being there, might at one time view both the citie and the castell, and behold the counterscarffes: the déepe ditches full of faire water cléere to the ve∣rie bottome of the chanell, inclosed on either side with hewne stone: the great and faire buildings, [line 60] the goodlie walles, beautifull to looke on and verie thicke: and the broad rampires garnished with trees planted by hand, that it resembled a little forest. The monsieur was brought vp to this theater accompa∣nied with the prince Dolphin the onelie sonne of the duke of Montpanuser:* 15.13 the earle of Leceister, and other English lords representing the quéene of Eng∣land: the princes of Orange and Espinoie, the coun∣tié de Lauall, the other English lords, the countie de Chateauroux, and a great sort of the barons, lords and gentlemen, besides the chiefe magistrats and maisters of the companies of the citie of Antwerpe.

The lords of the state of Brabant waiting vpon the theater, came dutifullie downe to go and méet his highnesse: which thing he perceiuing, did stand still. Then the prince of Orange stepped foorth to take his place among the states, as one of the chiefe lords and barons of the duchie of Brabant.* 15.14 As soone as they had saluted his highnesse, and with great hum∣blenesse kissed his hand, they mounted vp the steps againe with him, after whome followed the princes and lords of France and of England: and when they were come vp aboue, they ranged themselues on ei∣ther side.* 15.15 There was set for the monsieur a chaire co∣uered with cloth of gold, wherein he sat him downe. And vpon the theater there was likewise a trauerse of cloth of gold, and all the theater was couered with tapistrie. On the front of the theater on the highest part thereof were the armes of the marqueship of the holie empire: and a little beneath them on the right hand did stand the armes of Brabant with a wreath of fruits: and on the left hand stood the armes of the citie of Antwerpe.* 15.16 Also there were set vp two banners of silke azured with the armes of Aniou, & in one partition were written these same verses:

O noble prince, whose footsteps faith and gentlenesse preserue: Receiue thou here the honour which thy vertue dooth deserue. That these low countries maie at length take breath by meanes of thee, And thou a father to vs all in name and dooings bee.

After that euerie man had taken his place, and si∣lence was made, the states of Brabant began their oration by the mouth of monsieur de Hesseiles doc∣tor of both the lawes, secretarie to the said estates,* 15.17 and one of their councell. The summe whereof was, that the barons, noblemen, & deputies of the chiefe cities, and of the other good townes, representing the states of the duchie and countrie of Brabant, hauing now the good hap to sée among them and to behold face to face the prince, in whome next vnto God they had wholie set the hope of their deliue∣rance, and of the establishing of their ancient rest and libertie, did highlie thanke the almightie Lord, which had shewed them that fauour: taking it for an assured warrant, that he of his infinite goodnesse and prouidence, had not forgotten nor forsaken their iust quarrell: but had chosen his highnesse to be the defender of his people and the administrer of his iu∣stice: to the end that to Gods glorie, and to his owne honour and renowme, the stormes of all troubles, & of all other things that annoied their estate, might by the beames of his princelie maiestie, wisedome, and prowesse be chased awaie; and the brightnesse of their former prosperitie heretofore knowne to all nations, be made to spring vp & shine foorth againe. In respect wherof they gaue his highnesse most hum∣ble thanks for the singular loue and good will,* 15.18 which he of his owne onelie motion and princelie disposi∣tion had vouchsafed to continue towards them vnto that instant, notwithstanding all the crosse dealings and practises that cunning heads could skill to put foorth to the hinderance of their affaires, forsomuch as they were not ignorant that for their calamities and miseries sakes, nothing could haue fallen in, which could haue made more to the fauour and fur∣therance of their case. Which thing they had esteemed and would estéeme for euer, as a péerelesse president of his incomparable staiednes and rare constancie:* 15.19 for the which, and for the great number of his other benefits and gratious dealings towards them, they were & euer should be bound to acknowledge them∣selues indebted to his highnesse with all faithfull o∣bedience, and were readie that daie (by Gods grace) to submit themselues to him, as his humble vassals and subiects. And although they doubted not but

that his highnesse did well vnderstand, and was ful∣lie satisfied, not onelie of the generall causes which had vniuersallie mooued the states of the prouinces of the low countries togither, to sue to him for suc∣cour, and to put themselues into his hands: but also of the particular causes, which the states of that du∣chie and countrie of Brabant had to renounce their obedience to the king of Spaine: yet notwithstan∣ding, to the intent to put his highnesse in remem∣brance therof, and to confirme that sacred resolution [line 10] and high enterprise of his, builded therevpon, and moreouer to yeeld some reason of all their dooings to the princes and noblemen, and vnto the rest of that whole companie,* 15.20 who for the honour of his highnesse were come thither of courtesie, to further the solem∣nitie of his interteinment: to the intent that at this his repaire thither (which alwaies was called ioifull) they might vtter the more good will and gladnesse of heart; they would saie no more but this, that as long as the dukes of Brabant (speciallie since the falling [line 20] of that duchie into the hands of the dukes of Bur∣gognie, and other the famous ancestors of his high∣nesse) gaue themselues vnto the gouerning of their subiects by themselues, thereby making it to appéere that they loued them, and were not carelesse of them; they reaped so great commodities and notable ser∣uices at their hands, that their names and puissan∣ces became oftentimes renowmed, yea and some∣times dreadfull to the greatest monarchs, kings, and common-wealths of christendome, whereof their [line 30] warres and conquests made proofe: howbeit that of those things, as of matters familiarlie knowne by the histories, it was not requisit to make discourse in that place and time, which were appointed to greater matters. But after that their dukes and princes ei∣ther by other allurements, or being withheld in their other countrie and seigniories, began to leaue them for a time, and afterward at length to forget them, abandoning them to the pleasure and will, and some∣times also to the lust and couetousnesse of their vnder [line 40] officers, whereof the king of Spaine had lastlie fini∣shed and perfected vp the worke, leauing them dis∣dainefullie as husbandlesse and fatherlesse, vtterlie destitute of his presence by the space of twentie yeares; it came to passe, that hauing altered & chan∣ged almost all the whole state of the countrie, and committed the offices to such as by the lawes and priuileges of the countrie were not capable of them; or rather to such as would giue most for them, and yet the vnsatiable couetousnesse,* 15.21 malice, and excée∣ding [line 50] tyrannicall lordlinesse of the Spaniards being not contented therewith: in the end, when they had abused the whole common-wealth after their owne lust, they grew into so great pride, that they fell to snatching of the priuat goods and substance of the in∣habitants, to liuing vpon the labour and sweat of the poore: yea and to rauishing the chastitie of mens wiues and daughters: and (to fill vp the measure of all abhomination and crueltie) they fell to taking a∣waie the liues, & to sucking the bloud of those which [line 60] sought by all meanes to please them. Wherevpon in the end the great and righteous God (who hath a care of his seruants) being offended thereat, made that people (who had aforetimes beene of great valour) to call to mind their former state and libertie: and gaue them both will and courage to mainteine the same, in such sort as they had receiued from their forefa∣thers. Which thing they said could not be better doone than by the election which the said states of Brabant,* 15.22 vnited with the other prouinces, had made of his highnesse person to be their prince and lord, of pur∣pose to bring all things backe to their former order; hauing first sought (howbeit in vaine) for all reme∣dies of their mischiefes, and of the disorders of the estate, from the causes and welsprings thereof. De∣claring that the dukes in old time had béene of great valour, prowesse, and power; and had made manie renowmed voiages and exploits of warre, and that amongest others, they had chosen a duke of Aniou heretofore, who had béene equall with the rest in chiualrie & feats of armes, as their conquests and dominions witnessed: that they had had their princes gentle, mild, gratious, familiar, and fauou∣rable to their subiects: and that his highnesse had in that behalfe alreadie giuen such proofes of his gen∣tlenesse, truth, and soundnesse, that to their seeming, some ancient duke of Burgognie was raised vp a∣gaine vnto them. Insomuch that in his onelie high∣nesse, they firmelie beleued themselues to haue re∣couered whatsoeuer good renowme the duks of Bra∣bant, Aniou and Burgognie could haue left vnto them. Wherefore, insomuch as there remained no more,* 15.23 but to proceed in the performance of the chiefe worke, which it had pleased the souereigne▪ God to put into the hands of his highnesse, and of the said states to performe that daie: they on their part were readie and resolute to doo him the homage, fealtie, du∣tie, and obedience, which loiall subiects and good vas∣sals ought to doo to their rightfull princes: of which sort they trusted in God without doubting, that his highnesse was, & that he would promise by solemne oth vnto God so to continue.

Herevnto his highnesse answered in effect,* 15.24 that intending not to hold the states with long talke, but onelie to be mindfull of the honor and good will which they had vouchsafed to yéeld to him, in that among so manie other great princes, they had chosen him out to deliuer them from the oppression and tyran∣nie of the Spaniards, and to rule them according to their customes, lawes, and priuileges: he thanked them hartilie for it, assuring them that the iustnesse and equitie of their case, their honourable dealings in his behalfe, and the loue which they had shewed him, had made him to resolue with himselfe to take vpon him their protection, and the reestablishing of their ancient libertie, and to hazard therein whatsoe∣uer abilitie God had put into his hands, and whatso∣euer else it should please the king his lord and bro∣ther, and the queene of England,* 15.25 of their fauour to bestow vpon him; yea euen to the shedding of his owne bloud and the spending of his life.

This doone the foresaid monsieur Hessels told his highnesse, how it was the custome there, to proclame openlie before the people in the Dutch toong the points and articles of the ioifull entrance, which the dukes of Brabant are bound to promise and sweare at their admission. Herevpon, when as one held the said articles translated into French, readie to re∣hearse them point by point after the proclaiming of them in Dutch, forsomuch as the daie was farre spent, and communication had béene had thereof al∣readie, the monsieur to win time thought it expedi∣ent, by the aduise of the prince of Orange, that they should be read but onlie in Dutch. Which thing was doone by the said monsieur Hessels, with a new pre∣face added to the articles, conteining breeflie the rea∣sons and causes of that dealing. After the reading of the said articles, it was demanded of his highnes whether he liked of them, and whether he were con∣tented to be sworne to them, or whether it were his pleasure to be further satisfied of them?* 15.26 Wherevpon he said to the prince of Orange, that forsomuch as he had séene the articles, and conferred of them with him as they came by ship out of Zeland, he held him∣selfe well satisfied with them, and was well conten∣ted to sweare vnto them. Which spéech of his was foorthwith proclamed, and with further declaration, that for their better contentation his highnesse was

desirous to haue them all knowne, that although the said articles were read but onelie in Dutch, yet would he of his owne good mind, with aduised de∣liberation and certeine knowledge be sworne vnto them.

Then did the said monsieur Hessels recite vnto the people in the Dutch toong, the first oth which the dukes of Brabant were of old time accustomed and bound to take for the obseruing of the said articles. Which doone, deliuering the booke wherein it was conteined to messier Thierreie de Leisfield chancel∣lor [line 10] of Brabant,* 15.27 he read the same oth againe openlie in French, & the monsieur spake it after him word for word. Then the monsieur Hessels taking the booke againe, told the people that the dukes of Bra∣bant made an other second oth to the barons, noble∣men, cities, boroughs, & all the inhabitants & sub∣iects of the countrie, to be to them a good & iust prince, and not to deale with them after his owne will, nor by waie of rigor, but by law and iustice, & according to their priuileges. Which oth was likewise rehear∣sed [line 20] in the Dutch toong, & the booke deliuered againe to the said chancellor, and the monsieur repeated the oth after him as he had doone the first. Then were the mantle and bonnet of the dutchie brought vnto him,* 15.28 which were crimosin veluet; the mantle was trailed on the ground, and both of them were furred with powdered ermine turned vp verie brode. The prince of Orange told his highnesse, that it behooued him to be apparelled in those robes. And when he as∣ked whether he must weare them into the citie? It [line 30] was answered, yea: and that it was the solemne attire of the princes and dukes of Brabant of old time.* 15.29 Wherevnto when his highnesse had agréed, the prince did first put vpon him the said mantle, and fastening the button thereof, said these words; My lord, you must keepe this button fast closed, that no man may pull your mantle from you. And then he set the bonnet vpon his head, and said vnto him: Sir I praie God you may well kéepe this attire, for now you may well assure your selfe that you be duke [line 40] of Brabant.

Then the said Hessels told him how the custome required that the states should presentlie be sworne to him againe to yéeld him fealtie. Wherevpon he vttered to the people the forme of the oth; and then the said chancellor required it of the barons, noble∣men, and deputies, and they pronounced it after him according to the maner of the former othes,* 15.30 reue∣rentlie dooing againe their homage, and promising fealtie and obedience. After the taking of the othes [line 50] on both sides, as well by the monsieur as by the states of Brabant, while his highnesse was yet still in his robes of estate, the magistrates of Antwerpe commanded their recorder and councellor maister Uanderwerke to come vp vpon the stage, to make him an offer of the marquesship of the sacred em∣pire, in the name of the citie of Antwerpe, which thing he did as followeth.* 15.31 Most gratious lord and prince, the markegraue, amptman, boroughma∣sters, and skepons, the treasurors, and receiuers, the [line 60] chiefe burgesses, and quartermaisters, the wardens, and ancients of the handicrafts, togither with the coronels, wardens of guilds, and capteins of the ci∣tie, were verie glad when they vnderstood of your highnesse happie arriuall in the Ile of Walkeren, as they haue caused to be verie largelie and with all humilitie and reuerence shewed vnto you, by their deputies sent to your highnesse for the same purpose. But now, forsomuch as they sée your highnesse not onelie arriued in the countrie of Brabant, but also receiued for duke, and for their prince and lord: their fore-conceiued ioie is greatlie increased and made fullie perfect, trusting that by this your comming there will once insue an end of the desolations, cala∣mities, and miseries, whereinto the countrie hath béene brought by the vniust gouernement past, and by the more vniust and wrongfull warre which the e∣nimies hold yet still to bring the whole countrie to destruction, with all maner of calamities and oppres∣sions which they are able to deuise.* 15.32 And therfore they giue your highnesse most humble thanks for the paines & trauell which you haue vouchsafed to take to come into this countrie: yeelding infinitelie like thanks vnto God, for that he hath giuen & sent them such a prince, as not onelie is of abilitie and power, but also is verie willing, and well disposed to de∣fend them from all enimies, & to rule and gouerne them with all good policie & iustice, according to the priuileges, lawes, and customs of the countrie. For although they be ioined in league with the rest of the states of Brabant, and generallie with all the states of the low countries, & that they haue all entred into armes iointlie togither; yet their so dooing hath not béene to exempt and withdraw themselues from the iust gouernement of their lord and prince, but onlie to mainteine their ancient liberties, lawes, and pri∣uileges, that being gouerned according to the same, they might liue with all dutifull obedience in good rest, peace, and tranquillitie.* 15.33 The full accomplish∣ment of which their desires, they thinke themselues to haue most happilie obteined, sith it hath pleased God of his infinit grace & mercie to put into your highnesse heart, to take vpon you the souereigntie of these low countries, the dukedome of Brabant, the citie of Antwerpe, and the marquesship of the sacred empire. For séeing that God hath stirred them vp so great a prince, the brother of a mightie king; they haue no doubt at all, but that your highnesse will (by Gods grace) soone find means to deliuer these coun∣tries from the wretched warres wherein they haue béene so long plunged.

The markegraue, amptman, boroughmaisters, skepons, and other members of this citie, thinke it not expedient to repeat the causes of the warre, and the equitie of the case whereon they stand; forsomuch as it hath diuerse times heretofore béene discussed largelie enough by the generall estates: and moreo∣uer béene notablie knowne to the world, and manie waies allowed by your highnesse. Yet againe ther∣fore with all humble submission and reuerence, they thanke your highnesse, that it hath pleased you to a∣gree vnto them, and to promise the maintenance of their priuileges, lawes, and customs: yea and of the articles comprised in the principall composition, and in the ioifull entrance into the dutchie of Brabant, assuring your highnesse,* 15.34 that the people of the citie of Antwerpe, and of the marquesship of the holie empire shall be, and continue right humble subiects to you, euen to the spending of their bodies & goods, and whatsoeuer else they be able to make for the in∣creasing of your honour and glorie. Herevnto his highnesse answered verie gratiouslie, that he than∣ked those noblemen for their good will and affection towards him; and that he meant to shew them by his dooings how desirous he was to gouerne and rule the countrie with good policie and iustice. And all this he did at large and with verie great grace. This doone, the said Uanderwerke turning himselfe to the people cried with a lowd voice, that his highnesse, as duke of Brabant, Alanson, Aniou, Berreie, &c: would be sworne to the citie of Antwerpe, and the marquesship of the sacred empire, desiring them to praie vnto God, that by that so good and solemne deed Gods name might be sanctified, the safetie and prosperitie of the countrie procured, and the honour and glorie of the said duke increased.

Then was the oth, which his highnesse should take,

read openlie to the people in the Flemmish toong by the same Uanderwercke.* 15.35 Which being doone, mon∣sieur the amptman read the same oth to his high∣nesse in French, and his highnesse made and perfor∣med the same in his hands, which the boroughma∣ster of the towne of Antwerpe held vp, bicause the receiuing of the oth at his hand belonged vnto him. Also the said boroughmaster, whose name was sir Philip of Schoonehouen, knéeling downe before the dukes highnesse, at the same time gaue him a gilt keie in token of subiection, and that he might dispose [line 10] of the citie as of his owne: which keie was deliue∣red againe by his highnes to the boroughmaster, to whome he said verie gratiouslie, that he assured him∣selfe, that the said boroughmaster and all the bur∣gesses and inhabitants of the citie, would kéepe the citie faithfullie for him, as they had doone vntill that instant.

After the finishing and accomplishment of all the said solemnities, the heralds of Brabant and Lo∣tricke (or in the vulgar Brabant, Wallon, Lothier, [line 20] that is to saie Lotharing, or the true Lorraine) cried with a lowd voice,* 15.36 God saue the duke of Brabant, And then sounding the trumpets, they made a lar∣gesse, casting a great sort of péeces of gold and siluer among the standers by. These péeces were of two sorts: the one sort had on the one side the image of the monsieur then duke of Brabant: the other sort had on the one side the armes of Aniou & Brabant, and about the verges was written; Francis of [line 30] France duke of Brabant. On the otherside of them all was a deuise of the sunne, with the monsieurs owne inscription, Cheriseth and Chaseth, which is the monsieurs ordinarie posie.* 15.37 Without the towne were three regiments of the citizens, to the number of a thrée thousand men in order of battell, who made a goodlie shew with their faire armours and their en∣signes displaied.* 15.38 And they neuer went out of their place vntill all the ceremonies were dispatched, and that his highnesse was gone into the citie. Besides [line 40] these, there was an infinit number of people in the citie, whereof manie were strangers, who maruelled greatlie at these sights, and especiallie the French∣men,* 15.39 who woondered to see their master in that appa∣rell, and spake diuerslie of it, as is woont to be doone in matters that are new and erst vnséene. But when they vnderstood how it was the dukelie apparell, and that he wore it as a representation of antiquitie▪ the like whereof is worne yet still by the electors of the sacred empire in their great ceremonies; they were astonished, and thought him to be a prince of more [line 50] statelie countenance and maiestie than afore: in so∣much that it was said alowd among them, that sée∣ing it was the mantell of the duchie, it should cost the liues of fiftie thousand Frenchmen, before it should be plucked from him againe.

As soone as the ceremonies were ended▪ his high∣nesse came downe from the theater, and mounted vpon a white courser of Naples, couered with a co∣perison of veluet richlie imbrodered with gold. And so he began to take his waie towards the right re∣nowmed [line 60] and rich citie of Antwerpe, and was con∣ueied along by the counterscarfe, vnto the sumptu∣ous and statelie gate, called Keisers gate or S. Ge∣orges gate, whereat he entered into the good citie of Antwerpe in this sort.* 15.40 First marched the two serge∣ants maiors or marshals of the citie, accompanied of two purseuants with the armes of the citie, af∣ter whome followed the trumpets with the armes of Brabant. The first companie was of Almane mer∣chants commonlie called Easterlings, well moun∣ted and well apparelled after the maner of Almane. Next them followed the English merchants in excel∣lent good order, all apparelled in cassockes of blacke veluet all of one fashion. Then came the coronels and capteins of the citie: after whome followed a great number of gentlemen, as well of the same countrie as of other nations. Behind them went the bodie of the citie, that is to wit, the wickema∣sters, the wardens, the ancient magistrate, the ma∣sters of the wardes, the boroughmasters, deputies, and wardens of the halles, the vshers, the secreta∣ries, the registers, the receiuers and treasurers, the schepons, the amptman, & the two boroughmasters, all apparelled in clokes of blacke veluet, and all of one fashion. After them came the trumpets of the states of Brabant, Lembourgh, and Lothier, & after them the states themselues in this order. First went the deputies of the vnder cities. The deputies of the citie of Antwerpe. The deputies of Brussels. Then succéeded the noblemen of Brabant, as the chancel∣lor of Brabant, and aboue him Lamorall Egmond brother to the countie of Egmond, baron of Gase∣becke. A great number of lords of the same coun∣trie, of France,* 15.41 and of England well horssed and richlie apparelled. The Swissers with their drums and fiffes. The monsieurs owne houshold, among whome were intermingled certeine lords of Eng∣land. Next this came the countie de Lauall, hauing on either hand an English lord. The prince of Espi∣noie, hauing on his right hand the lord of Hunsdon, & on his left the lord Howard: the prince Dolphin,* 15.42 hauing on his right hand the earle of Leicester, & on his left the prince of Orange: the markegraue of Antwerpe bareheaded, bearing the mace of iustice: the lord Peterson baron of Merode, taking vpon him that daie as marshall of Brabant, and bearing the naked sword before the dukes highnesse: then came the duke himselfe, mounted and apparelled as you haue heard afore. Next behind the duke follow∣ed countie Morice of Nassau sonne to the prince of Orange, hauing on his right hand countie Philip of Nassau nephue to the said prince, and sonne to coun∣tie Iohn of Nassau, and on his left hand the lord She∣field. His highnes was garded by the companies of the guilds, that is to saie,* 15.43 by the ancient brotherhoods of the archers, crossebowes, and harquebussers in so goodlie armour, as fairer could not be found: these went afore him and about him on a cluster without order, like flowre deluces vpon a roiall robe.

After them followed the gard of Frenchmen on a like heape, and after them the prince of Oranges gard on foot. Then lastlie in verie good order came the twentie ensignes of citizens, which had stood in order of battell without the towne. Ouer the gate where his highnes entered, there was a compartement of Doricke worke, wherein was written this title . To Francis the sonne of Henrie the second,* 15.44 and onelie brother of Henrie the third king of France, called by Gods singular prouidence to the souereigne princi∣palitie of the low countries, and to the dukedome of Brabant, and the marqueship of the sacred empire, which God grant to be most happie and luckie vnto him, as to their inuested prince whom they haue most earnestlie wished for, and who as now is happilie come into this his most seruiceable citie, his most hartie fauourers: The senate & people of Antwerpe.

The chariot of the maiden of Antwerpe could not go out of the citie for want▪ of roome to turne in:* 15.45 and therefore it tarried for his highnes at the gate with∣in the citie. This chariot was called the chariot of aliance: wherein sat a damosell apparelled in satin red and white, which are the colours of Antwerpe: who had in hir left hand a branch of baietrée, & on hir head a garland of laurell, in token of victorie a∣gainst the tyrannies of the king of Spaine, and in token of the deliuerance which the people hoped for by means of their new prince, through his gratious

goodnesse, faithfulnesse, victoriousnesse, and defense: to whom with hir other hand the p••rsented the k••ies of the towne,* 15.46 according to the verses written ouer h••r ••ead, which shall be let downe hereafter. Before h••r were the armes of the marqueship of the holie empire. On hir right hand was Religion apparelled like one of the Sybils▪ h••lding in hir one hand an open booke, named the Law and the Gospell: and in hir other hand a sword: named Gods word: and on hir left hand was Iustice holding a balance and a [line 10] sword in hir hand, and ouer the balance was writ∣ten,* 15.47 Yea and Naie.

Before the damosell sa••e Concord, clothed in white, yellow, and orange taw••ie, bearing a tar∣get vpon hir arme, wherein was painted a crowned scepter, with two little snakes; and vnder them, two doo••es, all closed in with a garland of ••life, betoke∣ning commendable gouernement with prouidence. Upon hir head shée had a helmet,* 15.48 be tokening Wise∣dome. In hir hand shée caried a lance, with a penon [line 20] vpon it, on the one side whereof were the armes of Aniou crowned with olife, and on the other side a lambe with a woolfe,* 15.49 and a lion with an or, to beto∣ken the great peacefulnesse that is looked for vnder this prince, as well in religion as in matters of state. At Concordes right hand sat Wisedome, and at hir left hand Force. In the middest of the chariot was a piller richlie made of Corinthian worke, vpon the top whereof was a Hart held betwéene two ar∣med hands, which hart had two wings, betokening [line 30] Union, Faith, and Force: and a sword with two serpents writhing about it, and holding their tailes to their ••ares; signifieng Discréet gouernement, and ••ares stopped against flatterers.* 15.50 At the foot of the pil∣ler was a compartement with the armes of Aniou and Brabant. On the brest of the lion of Brabant, were the armes of the marqueship of the sacred em∣pire,* 15.51 and of the citie of Antwerpe. Upon the armes was written Attonement. Upon the corners of the chariot were two armed images with morians on [line 40] their heads, attired in orange white and blew. The one of them was named Faithfulnes,* 15.52 and the other Watchfulnes. In their hands they had ech of them a shield, wherein were painted two swords acrosse, and two doo••es with a sheafe of arrowes, betoke∣ning Union.* 15.53 Upon one of the shields was written, Defense:* 15.54 and vpon the other, Offense; each of the images had a penon of azure silke: in one of the which there was a pellican killing hirselfe for hir yoong birds: and in the other a hen a brooding hir chic∣kens. [line 50] Ouer the maidens head were these verses set:

My rulers outrage, wickednesse, and furious tyrannie, Haue cast me backe these keies, which I had giuen obedientlie, Vpon conditions neuer kept, ô prince of noble fame, With better bead of lucke and lot, receiue thou now the same. Thy godlines and prowesse haue [line 60] of right deserued it. O treble happie prince to whom these countries doo submit Their state! ô happie Belgike, ô most happie like to bee, Which vnderneath so great a prince, maist now liue safe and free.

Sir gentlemen of the citie waited at the gate with a canopie of cloth of gold frized,* 15.55 which they af∣terward vnfolded & carried it ouer the dukes head, who went vnder it into the towne in the foremen∣tioned order. All the stréets from the gate to his lod∣ging were set on either side with armed men vnder their ensignes with their fiffes & drums. The officers cari••d gilt targets and swords in their 〈◊〉〈◊〉: and all the rest were armed after the best and goodl••est maner that could be seene. His highnesse proceeded fo••rth on to the corner of the street called Gastbo••••e street, that is to sa••e, the S••••ttlehouse street, neere vnto saint Georges 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where was a shew made in the likenesse of a ••able, verie great and high,* 15.56 which was made by one of the companies of their tragi∣call and comicall poets, commonlie called amongst them rhetoricians. The companie was called Care, or as some others terme it, the Followsun, after the name of a floure which followeth the sun, & the speech of the deuise was, Growing vp in vertue. The shew or table had thrée compartements or partitions. The first was the first booke of Samuell the fifteenth chapter, where Samuell chargeth Saule with his disobedience, & hath a péece of his garment rent off by him, in token that the kingdome should be pluc∣ked from Saules house & giuen to a better. Whereby was meant▪* 15.57 that the souereigntie of those low coun∣tries was taken from the king of Spaine for his abhommable perturies, tyrannies, & extortions. In the second compartement was set foorth, how Sa∣muell commanded Ishaie the father of Dauid to bring foorth his sonnes: of whome God would make one the prince of his people, that is to wit, the yoong∣est, which was Dauid. In the third was shewed how Dauid bring annointed fought with Golias, and o∣uercame him. The title or superscription was a ••••••y∣gian worke, wherein were written these verses:

As God bereauing Saule of crowne and mace, Did dispossesse him of his kingdome quight, And after set vp Dauid in his place: So now likewise dispatching from our sight, The tyrans which oppressed vs by might, He giueth thee (ô noble duke) the reine Of these our countries, ouer vs to reine.

The front and crest being garnished with baners, scutchions of armes, cresse••s and torches, caried the dukes deuise, Cherisheth and Chaseth. And at the foot of the table laie Discord closed vp in a prison of lat∣tisworke, where she was tormented with belhounds and serpents; and there were these verses following:

Alanson whom God Cherish aie, Dooth Chase all ire and wrath awaie.

His highnesse passing foorth still beyond the place called the Thréewaieleet, came to the street named Hwiuetter street, that is to say, the chandellors stréet, where was an other statelie pageant with armes,* 15.58 torches, and cr••ssets, made by an other companie of the rhetoricians, called painters or violers, who had for their deuise, ••nit togither by singlenesse. In this pageant was painted the néere aliance of Dauid and Ionathas: to betoken the firmenesse of the oth mutuallie made by his highnes & the states of Bra∣bant; and the magistrats, members, colonels, and capteins of the citie of Antwerpe. In this table was written in a compartement of Phrygian worke:

Like as the faithfull Ionathas did promise to defend, Good Dauid from the harmes which Saule against him did intend: So keepe thou vs (ò gratious prince) which loue to liue in rest, Against the tyrans by whose force we haue beene sore opprest.

Then went he further to the end of the stréet, where the vpholsters shops are, which part was full of bur∣ning torches & barrels of burning pitch, and so came to the Meerebridge. At the entering thereof stood an oliphant bearing a castell of stone with souldiers and artillerie.* 15.59 Before the oliphant were painted the armes of the marquesdome and of the citie, and be∣hind, a speare with a banner of taffetie, with the

armes of Aniou in a wreath of laurell, and foure o∣ther bannerets of crimsin taffeta, pulled out, wherin were painted the hands of Antwerpe, with this poe∣sie: Cherisheth and Chaseth. And vpon his side of his bellie were these verses manifestlie written:

Whome light of Phebee heretofore did lead, I now am drawne awaie, Her brothers beames to follow in hir stead, A farre more certeine staie. I thinke my change right gainefull, sith I see, These lower countries vnder him to bee. [line 10]

From the Merebridge he went along the Mere∣stréet, vntill he came to the ward, where were foure companies ranged in order of battell. From thense he passed to the corner of Clare street, where was a stage made by a companie of rhetoricians called the Olife branch, who had for their posie, Behold grace. Upon this stage sat a damsell named Antwerpe,* 15.60 bearing in hir bosome a pretie daughter called the Knowledge of God: who held a coffer wherin were priuileges, lawes, franchises and truth: which were [line 20] kept by the Grace of God, and by Prouidence, Wis∣dome, Faithfulnesse, Diligence, Loialtie, Per∣seuerance, Unitie, Good heed, and Order. And aloft was a compartement of Phrygian worke (verie artificiallie handled) wherein were these verses:

O prince, our father, hope of helpe and staie: Dame grace, Gods impe, whom here thou seest to stand, From top to toe faire clad in white araie, With branch of olife in hir heauenlie hand: Hath willed thee to harbor here within [line 30] The statelie walles of ladie Antwerpe, and The loue of hir with endlesse fame to win, By curing of hir griefes with law and right, And eeke by putting of hir foes to flight.

Somewhat lower towards the midst, was Nep∣tune with his threetimed mace, riding ouer waues vpon a dolphin, & on his left hand were these verses:

Gods heauenlie grace, and soothfull skill, reuiuing Antwerpe new, Through chare defense of faithfull league [line 40] haue kept hir safe, as dew To thee hir duke innobled both by father and by brother, Both kings of France, tone gone to God long since, still reigning tother. And therefore bend thou now thy wits, by rightfull force to wreake Hir cruell foes, which did so oft their leagues through falshood breake.

He passed from Clare stréet thorough long New [line 50] stréet to saint Katharins bridge, right ouer against Crosse stréet, where was a triumphall arch cunning∣lie painted and builded of white stone,* 15.61 which was garnished with his highnesses armes, and with tor∣ches and cressets, and with musike of holboies and clarions. And on the top of it was written: To the happie comming hither of Francis, onelie brother to Henrie the third, sonne to Henrie the second, grandchild to Francis the first, now inuested duke of Brabant, the prince that hath most déepelie deser∣ued [line 60] of this their countrie, as a father of the same: The senat and people of Antwerpe. Underneath this in an other compartement of Phrygian worke, was written this: At length yet hinder not this impe to bring the wrooping world againe vnto some re∣dresse. In passing thorough the short New stréet, & by the marketstéed, he turned toward the Coopers stréet in the stréet called Chéeselane to the great market place, which was full of torches of war, and of barels of pitch vpon long poles vp to the highest win∣dowes, which commonlie are fiue stories high. In this market place were imbattelled six ensignes, with the ensigne of the youth which was vnder a gréene standard,* 15.62 all in the best armor that was to be séene in anie place of the world. In the middest of the citizens was the great giant the founder of the citie of Antwerpe, whose curace was azure, and his ap∣parell tawnie white and graie. He bore banners of azure with the armes of Aniou, & had these giantlike spéeches cōteined in these verses, written before him:

Feerce furie, moodie rage, vnbridled ire, Stout force, hot violence, cruell tyrannie, Nought booted me, ne furthered my desire: In keeping of my wished souereigntie. The surest waie for kings to gouerne by, Is mildnesse matched with a prudent mind, To vice seuere, to vertue meeke and kind. For oft the calme and quiet gouernance, Brings things to passe which violence could not win: Feercenesse that case will nought at all aduance, By mildnesse shalt thou better hold folke in: Outragious storming is not worth a pin, By mine example therefore haue a care, All cruell dealings vtterlie to spare.

Behind the giant were written these verses:

See you this orped giant here, so huge of limme and bone? Fame saies that Antwerpe was sometime a thrall to such a one.

This giant was made by cunning to turne his face towards the duke as he passed by,* 15.63 and to let fall the armes of Spaine which he held in his hand, & to put vp the armes of Aniou. Also there was a stage in the same market place before the towne house, full of nymphs & vertues. But forsomuch as it serued chief∣lie for the daie of his taking of his oth in the citie of Antwerpe, which was the 22 daie of that moneth: it shall be spoken of more at large hereafter. His high∣nes departing out of the market place, tooke his waie towards the stréet called the High stréet, and when he came to the stréet called the old Cornemarket; there was a whale carieng Neptune naked with his thrée∣forked mace in his hand,* 15.64 which betokened the great commodities which the citie of Antwerpe receiued by the sea and by the riuer Schelt. Before this mon∣ster was an other naked man, and by him two other portraitures, the one of nauigation, and the other of merchandize, with a booke of accounts, and a pursse, such as the factors doo carie with them when they go to receiue monie. Before this Neptune, in a com∣partement, were written these verses following:

The lordship of the seas to thee the destinies behight: In signe whereof I Neptune yeeld this mace as thine of right. That Antwerpe hauing rid all lets by thee on sea and land, Maie once inioie hir wished fruit, and safe from perill stand.

His highnesse kept on his waie through the High stréet, to a place where sometime was the gate called S. Iohns gate, which was beaten downe the yeare before: in steed whereof there was a triumphall arch of Ionian worke.* 15.65 This arch was wholie applied vnto his hignesse owne posie Cherisheth and Chaseth. On high ouer it was strained a couering after the maner of a round vaut, wherein was painted the sun: & vnder the sun was painted the sea with ships, and the earth clad with hir verdure. Also there ap∣peared a cloud on both sides, so as the light of the sun did shine forth and yéeld out his force to the earth. On the outside of the bowing of the arch were pain∣ted thrée goddesses: namelie Flora, who held hir floures in hir hand: Ceres, who had hir corne: and Pomona, who held a horne stored with abundance of all things. Likewise the earth was clad with gréene trées, fruits, and fields, replenished with all fruitfulmesse: which thing came to passe by the heat and operation of the sun, which was betokened by this word Cherisheth.* 15.66 On the other side being the left

hand, were drierie and barren fields, the aire euerie where lowring and cloudie, and the trees and plants withered: which thing was doone by the thrée hel∣hounds, Discord, Uiolence, & Tyrannie, who fled a∣waie at the sight of his highnes, according to the sig∣nification of his other word, Chaseth. On an other side stood the same posie againe,* 15.67 Cherisheth and Cha∣seth, by an other meane.

At the right hand ouer the word Cherisheth was a great field well tilled, with a husbandmans house [line 10] vpon it. The husbandman himselfe being apparelled after the French fashion was sowing of corne,* 15.68 and an other by him was spreading of mu••ke. At the left hand was written the word Chaseth, on which side also was painted a French capteine in armor following his alies, confederats, and souldiors: to doo men to vnderstand, that by the treaties, leagues, and agreements made with the dukes highnesse, all tyrannie, violence, and discord should be chased a∣waie; and that by the beames of that sun, the coun∣trie [line 20] should receiue all peace, prosperitie, and abun∣dance. Upon the forfront were these verses painted:

Like as the rising of the sun dooth chase the night awaie, And with his kindlie heat the ground well cherish aie: Euen so thy comming (noble prince) dooth chase all tempests quite, And folke with cheerefull hope of freedome much delite. [line 30]

This arch was impossed aloft with scutchions of the armes of Aniou,* 15.69 compassed about with branches of oliue, all vpon azure. Also there were diuerse o∣ther scutchions, whose field was gules bordered with argent, and a great number of burning torches. And the said arch was furnished with diuerse instru∣ments of musicke, and the musicians themselues were clad in the colours of the citie. His highnesse passing vnder this triumphall arch, came to a place called the Owure, that is to saie, the banke, where [line 40] were two companies imbattelled, armed like all the residue.* 15.70 And so passing by the ward there, he went to the place that is right ouer against the mint: be∣fore the which there was a huge and monstrous sea∣horsse of twentie foot high, vpon whom sat a nymph called Concord, bearing a shield wherein was pain∣ted a booke and a rod, which was named, the Rule of truth. In hir hand she bare a flag, wherein was writ∣ten, Faithfull aliance. This monster of the sea was named Tyrannie, and he had a bridle in his mouth [line 50] with double reines of iron chained called Law and Reason. Whereby the dukes highnesse was doone to vnderstand, that he as a true Perseus was to deli∣uer that countrie from all tyrannie, and afterward to gouerne it by iustice and reason. Ouer against the mint gate, where the stréet is narrowest, were two obeliskes or round spires, and betwéene them a triumphall arch with his pillers of Corinthian worke, gilded and inriched with his releefe vnder him. Upon the forefront were his highnesses arms, [line 60] and likewise on the sides were other armes, with banners, torches, and cressets. Under the armes of his highnesse were written these verses following:

Full mightie is that common weale, and in a happie case, And blest with all commodities through Gods most heauenlie grace, Where prince behaues himselfe as head, and commons him obeie As members, either carefullie regarding others staie.

From this triumphall arch vnto the palace, that is to wit, all along saint Michaels stréet, which is a mile in length, stood on either side thrée score and ten pillers,* 15.71 with a space of two and twentie foot betweene piller and piller. Euerie piller was twelue foot high, and vpon the pillers was a continuall tarras, & on euerie ech other piller was a cresset: and on the pil∣lers betwéene were the armes of Brabant, Aniou, and Antwerpe, diuided according to the spaces be∣twéene the said pillers. And the pillers were crested about with garlands of iuie. On the side of the street towards the palace was a pageant with banners, torches, and pyramides; vpon the vppermost part of one of the sides whereof was a crane, and vpon the o∣ther side a cocke:* 15.72 giuing knowledge as well to the heads as to the members, that watchfulnesse is needfull. A little spaniell betokening faithfulnesse, & a little lambe betokening peace, were painted ac∣companied with the Sybils; which represented wise∣dome, loue, faithfulnesse, obedience, vertue and ho∣nor, without the which no true peace can continue. And all these were guided by the light of the holie ghost, which was resembled by a certeine brightnesse that discouered the chiefe instruments of discord, namelie Enuie and Slander, who péered out behind,* 15.73 Enuie gnawing hir owne heart, and Slander ha∣uing double heart, double toong, and double face, howbeit with small effect. For on the two sides of this pageant were two counterfets, on the one side Hercules, & on the other Dauid, as it were in copper, hauing gotten the vpper hand of Goliah, betokening strength and stowtnesse:* 15.74 and vnderneath was Con∣cord, who held Discord in a chaine with collars about his necke: which Discord offering with his one hand an apple of gold, and with his other hand threatning men with his force and tyrannie, was yet neuerthe∣lesse driuen into the dungeon of sorrow, where he is kept prisoner by Concord, who kéepeth the doore fast shut: betokening the same thing which the countrie looketh for at his highnesse hand according to his po∣sie Cherisheth and Chaseth. Upon the forefront of the compartement made of Phrygian worke were these verses following painted out in most liuelie forme:

O let the earth the kissings sweet of peace and iustice see, And let hir powre hir riches foorth in all mens bosoms free: Let godlines and faithfulnes go matched arme in arme, And let the bond of endles loue keepe all things knit from harme.

Before the duke came at saint Michaels, where the palace was prepared for his highnesse,* 15.75 the daie was so farre spent, that they were faine to light vp their cressets & torches, which cast so great and cléere a light through the whole towne, that the dukes high∣nesse, and the princes and lords which accompanied him, and likewise the souldiors with their glistering armors, were séene more cleerelie than at anie time of the daie. And as the multitude of people was ve∣rie great in the citie, so the néerer that his highnesse drew to his palace, the greater still did the number grow. So at length the duke of Brabant and An∣iou entred into his palace in the order afore mentio∣ned, hauing moreouer a two or thrée hundred as well of offendors as of banished folke which followed him bareheaded and fettered, crauing mercie. The he∣ralds did cast péeces of gold and siluer abrode, as they had doone at the méetings of all the stréets as they passed through them. At the entrie of the pa∣lace was an arch of twentie foot high,* 15.76 resting vpon thrée pillers of Phrygian worke; and vpon the top thereof was a compartement wherein were the thrée graces, that is to wit, Uertue, Glorie, and Honor, who offered vnto his highnesse an olife branch, in to∣ken of peace, a laurell bough in token of victorie, and a crowne which was sent him from heauen. And

vnder the compartement were written these verses:

O prince whose merits passe his praise, whose vertues haue no peeres, Whose mind surmounts his fortune far, whose thews exceed his yeeres: Take gentlie heere this oliue branch, this laurell bough and crowne, Three presents giuen thee by three nymphs, and sent from heauen downe.

¶The oth made by Francis duke of Brabant to the [line 10] members of the right renowmed citie of Ant∣werpe, and the oth made by them againe vnto his highnesse.

* 16.1The duke of Brabant being come into his pa∣lace, caused a peale of a twentie or thirtie thousand harquebusses to be shot off, and then all the compa∣nies (sauing those which were to watch that night) began to withdraw themselues appase. Which thing was doone in such order and with such silence, that in lesse than halfe an houre all the citie was disar∣med; [line 20] after which maner they had also armed them∣selues in lesse than an houre without anie noise in the morning. The princes also and the lords withdrew themselues to their lodgings, and then was all the great ordinance of the towne shot off twise, as it had béene at the dukes first comming to the citie, that all the towne séemed to be on fire.* 16.2 Cressets were lighted and fires made for ioie through all the stréets and méetings, waies, and vpon the stéeples, in so great number and so continuallie, that all the night resem∣bled [line 30] the daie: in so much that when they that were without the towne looked vp into the skie, they thought the element was all on fire. These bonefires continued euerie night vntill the next thursdaie; on which daie his highnesse tooke his peculiar oth to the towne of Antwerpe, in dooing whereof these solem∣nities insuing were obserued.* 16.3 The amptman, bo∣roughmaisters, and skepons of Antwerpe came to the said palace of S. Michaell the next thursdaie be∣ing the two and twentith daie of the same moneth: [line 40] at which place they made humble sute vnto his high∣nesse, that as he had vouchsafed to giue his oth to the states of Brabant and the marquesdome of the sacred empire, and likewise to receiue theirs; so it might please him to giue his oth that daie peculiar∣lie to the citie of Antwerpe, and likewise to take theirs at the place of old time accustomed. Where∣vnto when the duke had assented, they tooke their waie in the same order that had beene obserued at [line 50] his entring into the towne; sauing that the lord Ed∣ward de Clastro ambassador for Don Antonio king of Portugall, was that daie in the latter companie of the princes and lords. And so they marched along the said stréet of saint Michaell to the great market∣sted, where the sumptuous common house of the ci∣tie is. And bicause that on the daie of his entrance in, it was not possible for him to take a perfect view of all the shews, by reason that the night ouertooke them, they were presented vnto his highnes againe, [line 60] as well in the place before the mint, as in other pla∣ces.* 16.4 Also there were two pageants more prepared, which were deuised both in one daie; the one was mount Parnassus wheron sat Apollo apparelled like the sun, and accompanied with the nine muses plai∣eng vpon diuerse kinds of instruments, and with sweet voice singing a certeine ditie togither written in commendation of his highnesse. This pageant was in the stréet called the High stréet, ouer against the stréet named Reiner stréet. Right ouer against this pageant was an other on the side of the stréet called the Flax market, which was a mossie rocke o∣uergrowen with drie and withered trées, wherin ap∣peared a caue verie hideous, darke, and drierie to be∣hold, & in the same laie lurking the three helhounds, Discord, Uiolence, and Tyrannie: who féeling Apol∣los beames, and hearing the sweetnesse and harmo∣nie of the voices and instruments, shroonke awaie and hid themselues in the déepest of the dungeon, and afterward péered out againe to harken whether that melodie and harmonie continued still or no, mind∣ing to haue come foorth againe, and to haue troubled the common wealth, if the same had ceassed.

His highnesse passed on, and with verie much adoo came to the great market place, by reason of the in∣finit multitude of people, which could not be put a∣sunder without great paine.* 16.5 As soone as he was a∣lighted from his horsse, he went vp a scaffold which had béene set vp for the same purpose, in the middest of the market place hard by the towne house; before whome went the magistrate of the citie, and a great number of princes, lords, and gentlemen. This scaf∣fold being great and large of the heigth of fortie foot, was hanged with scarlet. Upon it was a cloth of estate, the backe whereof was cloth of gold frized,* 16.6 vnder the which was a chaire of the same. The daie of his first comming thither, there had béene presented vnto him on the right side, Wisedome offering him a golden scepter: on his left side, Iustice offering him the sword of iustice from aboue the chaire: and behind him Clemencie offering him the cap of the dukedome. Before the chaire as it were at the foot of it, were Obedience, Faithfulnes, Loue of God, & Reuerence. And by the chaire sides there were with them, Concord, Sagenesse, Ualiantnes, Good will, Truth, Pitifulnesse, Perseuerance, and Reason, of whome two on either side held ech of them a torch of virgin war, & they were all appareled like nymphes. But on this daie when his highnesse went vp to this stage, the nymphes were awaie; and in stéed of them, the chaire was garnished on both sides with pillers. On the right side betwéene the pillers was a lion holding a naked sword,* 16.7 to betoken the authoritie of the magistrate. Aboue the lion was an egle féeding hir yoong, and turning hir selfe towards the shining of the sunne, as taking hir force of the prince. On the left side was an ox with a yoke on his necke, and aboue him a hen brooding hir chickens, and by hir a cocke. The ox with his yoke signified obedience: and the cocke and the hen betokened the watchfulnesse, care, and defense of the superior. The said scaffold was garnished with banners of azure beaten with the armes of Aniou, and with banners of gewles beaten with the armes of Antwerpe, and with cres∣sets and torches. And aboue among the armes were writte•• these verses in verie faire & legible letters:

At length thou art come, and ioifull we bee, Thy presence long lookt for here present to see.

1

Of triumphs, though statelie,* 16.8 kings boast but in vaine, Vnlesse they by iustice vprightlie doo raine.

2

Nought booteth law, authoritie, or sage forecast of wit,* 16.9 Vnlesse to lawfull gouernement folke doo their force submit.

3

God, God is he the harts of kings which holdeth in his hand, He,* 16.10 He it is that highest things dooth make too fall or stand. When he with gratious looke beholds a people: they inioy A goodlie ruler, vnder whom no troubles them annoy.

But if misliking make him frowne, then makes he them a preie To tyrants, vnder whom they tast of sorrow euerie daie.

From this scaffold he might behold before him an infinit number of people, readie to be sworne vn∣to him: and also thrée companies of banished and condemned men in fetters,* 16.11 and bareheaded, cra∣uing mercie at his hand, which was granted vnto them. Moreouer all the houses about the market [line 10] stead had cressets burning on high before them. Now then, after that roome and silence was made, their councellor and recorder Uanderwerke propounded the matter as followeth. Right gratious lord and prince, the markegraue, the amptman, the borough∣masters, the skepons, the treasurors, the receiuers, the old deputies, the chiefe burgesses, the quarterma∣sters, the wardens, the ancients of the handicrafts, the coronels, the wardens of the guilds, and the cap∣teines of the citie, your highnesses most humble and [line 20] obedient subiects, are excéeding glad to see that you, whome they haue alreadie receiued for duke of Bra∣bant, and for their souereigne lord and prince, are readie to make your oth vnto this citie, and to re∣ceiue it at the hand of the magistrats, burgesses and citizens thereof, in respect of the citie it selfe, and of the marquesdome of the sacred empire: assuring themselues that your highnesse will be vnto them a good,* 16.12 righteous, and lawfull prince, to gouerne them according to their franchises, lawes, and customes: [line 30] and promising mutuallie on their behalfe to your highnesse, to be good, loiall, and faithfull subiects vn∣to you, to spend all their goods, yea and their liues in your seruice, and in the maintenance of your dignities, rights and preheminences. And like as God hath put into your highnes mind, to take vpon you, first the protection and defense, and secondlie the whole souereingtie of the low countries and prouin∣ces, which haue entered into league with you, vpon hope that the same God will of his gratious good∣nesse [line 40] and mercie so blesse and prosper your dealings and enterprises: as that they shall out of hand sée the effect of that communication in the hiest degrée, to the accomplishment of your roiall and heroicall de∣sires, both in the generall, and also in the particular deliuerance of the countrie from the calamities and miseries of war: whereby they shall haue the better cause to acknowlege the great good turnes and be∣nefits receiued at your highnesse hand, and to honor, loue, and serue you, as the verie protector of the land and father of their countrie. [line 50]

When Uanderwerke had made an end, and the dukes highnesse had answered him conformablie to that which he had spoken without the towne,* 16.13 the said Uanderwerke told the people alowd, that the duke was readie to take and receiue his oth, at the hand of the magistrate, and of all the people and inhabiters of the citie of Antwerpe: and that God had vouchsa∣fed to send them a prince of so rare and heroicall ver∣tues, of so great puissance, and the onelie brother of [line 60] so great a king; that they might well hope, that the same God would inable him to rid these countries within a while from the great number of calamities and miseries wherwith they were oppressed. And for∣somuch as his highnesse had béene receiued with so∣lemne deliberation of the states confederate, yea and with solemne resolution of all the members of that citie, and God had commanded men to loue, ho∣nour and obeie their princes: he exhorted the people to yéeld him all humble obedience according to Gods commandement. To which intent, the oth as well which his highnesse should make to the people,* 16.14 as which the people should make to his highnesse, should be read vnto them; praieng God to giue such grace vnto his highnes, as he following the same, might well rule and gouerne; and vnto the burgesses and citizens of Antwerpe, as they might performe their obedience, like good, loiall, and faithfull sub∣iects: that Gods name might be sanctified, to the be∣nefit, prosperitie, and safegard of the citie, and to the great increase of the dukes puissance, honour, and glorie. Then the same Uanderwerke read the oth which was to be made by the duke,* 16.15 with the stile of the duke of Brabant, and all his other titles. Which oth was read to his highnes in French, and recei∣ued by sir Philip Schonehouen, lord of Waneroe, boroughmaster without the citie.

Which being doone, the said Uanderwerke read the oth which the magistrate and people were to make, which was repeated word for word by the magistrats and a great number of people which were within the hearing of it. And this oth was exacted of the ma∣gistrate and people of Antwerpe by the amptman in the name and by the commandement of the duke. Upon the finishing of these solemnities, the duke himselfe did cast two or thrée handfuls of gold and sil∣uer among them,* 16.16 & then the heralds cried A larges, and the trumpets and drums were sounded euerie where, and manie instruments of musike were plai∣ed vpon, as had béene doone afore at his first arriuall. When he was come downe from the scaffold, he went to the townehouse with all the princes, lords, and gentlemen, which were verie manie: where he was receiued by the worshipfull of the citie, and di∣••ed openlie at a verie sumptuous and roiall feast pre∣pared for him: and so that daie passed in great ioy, contentation and admiration, as well of his high∣nes & his companie, as of all the rest of the people. Towards night were shot off two peales of great ordinance againe,* 16.17 and the fires of ioy were conti∣nued much greater, and more in number than afore.

Thus ended the ioifull and roiall interteinement of the right noble prince Francis, sonne and brother to the king of France, by the grace of God duke of Brabant, The rest of the weeke and the daies follow∣ing, the lords of the priuie councell,* 16.18 the officers of the aides, of the exchekers, of the chambers of the ac∣counts, and of the other corporations, colleges, and communalties came to visit his highnes, and to offer him their humble seruice, promising all faithfulnes and obedience: all whome he receiued verie grati∣ouslie to their contentation, answering them so ad∣uisedlie, with so good grace & fitnesse, without omit∣ting anie point of that which he had purposed: that all men not onelie woondered at him, but also were inforced to honour and loue him, and to set foorth his praises among the people. Finallie the deputies of the reformed churches of both the languages, being presented vnto him by the prince of Orange, were gentlie heard, and they spake to him as followeth.

Sir, we be sent vnto your highnes by the refor∣med churches of this citie, as well of the language of low Dutchland, as of the French, to shew vnto you with all humilitie, reuerence and subiection, that we haue thanked and still doo thanke God with all our hart, for vouch••afing to bring your highnesse so happilie hither. And this our ioie is matched with the ioie of all other folks, as we hope your highnesse hath vnderstood by the glad and ioifull receiuing and interteining of you. Also sir we hope, that as the great honour and felicitie which these countries haue atteined vnto (wherein few countries are able to match them) haue béene purchased vnder the soue∣reigntie and gouernement of the right renowmed princes, the dukes of Burgognie,* 16.19 which issued out of the most noble house of France: so vnder your gui∣ding and gouernement being of the same house, the ancient renowme of the same dignitie shall be reco∣uered

by your prowesse, and mainteined by your wisdome. It is little more than thrée hundred yeeres ago,* 16.20 that these countries being gouerned by sundrie dukes, earles, and lords, had not atteined the re∣nowne which other nations haue since that time so much woondered at. The first that began to giue in∣crease to it was Philip duke of Burgognie, surna∣med the hardie,* 16.21 who was brother to king Charles the fift, the sonne of king Iohn, and grand sonne of king Philip of Ualois: of which kings your highnes [line 10] is lineallie descended from the father to the sonne. For the first duke of Orleance, of whome your high∣nesse is lineallie descended from the father to the sonne, was the sonne of king Charles the fift; and as now there be no more heires males of the said duke of Orleance, but onelie your highnes and the king your brother. Whereby it falleth out, that the dukes of Burgognie are great vncles to your highnes by the fathers side. And therefore we doubt not but you will follow the footsteps of their vertues, in restoring the state of the countrie to hir ancient renowme [line 20] and dignitie: and also mainteine and increase the ho∣nour wherevnto it hath beene aduanced, by those no∣ble princes your vncles.

* 16.22The second duke vnder whom this state hath béene greatlie aduanced, was Iohn the second: neuerthe∣lesse it came not to full perfection, vntill the time of Philip the second. In which perfection it was main∣teined by Charls the last duke of Burgognie so long as he liued. The said Philip the second, to whom the [line 30] honour of stablishing that state most peculiarlie be∣longeth, was one of the most knightlie and valiant princes of his time. He wan the victorie in nine foughten fields, in most of the which he was put to the triall and hazard of his person, by fighting with his owne hands. He was a verie sage prince, and such a one as had to deale with the greatest princes in christendome: of whome some were his aduersa∣ries, and yet he behaued himselfe so wiselie, that he atchiued all things to his honour whatsoeuer he tooke in hand. Also he was verie rich: insomuch that [line 40] for all his warres which lasted aboue thirtie yeares,* 16.23 he left behind him more substance and readie monie, than anie other prince of his time, as the writers of the histories of that age doo witnes vnto vs. And yet notwithstanding, for all these great vertues & quali∣ties of his, he was not named Philip the sage, nor Philip the valiant, nor Philip the rich, but Philip the good. So well doo all folke by generall consent vn∣derstand, which is the vertue that best beséemeth and becommeth a great prince, & is best liked of his peo∣ple: [line 50] namelie, that a prince be good and louing to his subiects. Surelie sir, all men hope that your highnes will follow the example of that good prince,* 16.24 the first bringer of the state of this countrie to perfection, a right noble and renowmed prince of the house of France. And we praise God, for that as manie as haue had the honour to come into your highnes pre∣sence, yeeld record that you haue verie great likeli∣hoods of these vertues, which we praie God so to ac∣complish and make perfect in you, as all his people [line 60] may to your great honor receiue the perfect and ripe fruits of them. And this doo all the rest of the people desire as well as we.

Howbeit, we haue a most humble sute to make peculiarlie to your highnes,* 16.25 which we most humblie beséech you to grant. The thing that induceth vs to doo it, is that you beare the name of Francis. For as of•• as we heare that name named: the remem∣brance of that great king Francis your highnesse grandfather commeth to our mind. He was a right valiant,* 16.26 couragious, noble and godlie prince: and yet notwithstanding all the nations of the earth did by one common consent surname him the father of learning. For of a truth, since that emperour and great king of France, called Charles the great, there was neuer anie king of France that so highlie fa∣uoured learning, as this great king Francis. And as the said king Charles was the founder of the fa∣mous vniuersitie of Paris, so was king Francis the restorer therof againe: and both of them to their great costs & charges called men of excellent know∣ledge thither out of strange countries, to teach the languages & all kinds of arts & sciences. The house of this great king Francis was as an vniuersitie, and his table was a place of conference concerning all maner of learning.* 16.27 And like as other great prin∣ces of his time following his example, inriched their dominions and kingdomes with learned men and learning: so we most humblie beséech your highnes to follow the example of this great king your grand∣father in dooing the like, and to make singular ac∣count of learning, and to take the professours there∣of vnder your protection. True it is sir, that through the malice of men, warre is commonlie the ouer∣thrower of learning. But if a great prince set him∣selfe against the mischiefe, he may easilie stop it. Our desire is not that your highnesse should neglect the exercise of chiualrie, for to giue your selfe to studie: but to follow so the one, as the other be not left off and forgotten. For as we haue seene manie com∣monweales florish so long as they professed chiualrie and learning togither: and yet haue fallen into the hands of their enimies, euen in the chiefe flowre of their skill in sciences, by reason of their discontinu∣ing of their former trade of armes, after which ma∣ner it fell to the Atheniens to come into subiection to the kings of Macedonie: so the people which haue professed armes alone without learning,* 16.28 haue al∣waies become barbarous, cruell, and vtterlie desti∣tute of all humanitie, as we see at this daie by the Tartars and Moscouits. And therefore to our sée∣ming, a man may well saie, that chiualrie is the fun∣dation and sinewes of a commonweale: and that learning garnisheth and beautifieth the bodie there∣of with liuelie and fresh colours, seruing it for in∣richments and ornaments. In respect wherof, as we meant not to desire your highnesse to forget those which make profession of chiualrie, whome you ought to embrace as your strength: so we most humblie beséech you to vouchsafe to succour learning, and to mainteine learned men with your gratious fa∣uour.

Sir,* 16.29 verie néedfull causes mooue vs to make this humble petition to your highnesse: for that we be∣ing professors of learning, ought to haue learning in singular estimation, and to procure (if it be possi∣ble for vs) that the frute of the things which we haue inioied for a time, may be conueied to our posteri∣tie: and secondlie for the oths sake which we haue ta∣ken at the time of our procéeding in our degrées, which is, to mainteine and further the schooles and learning of the vniuersitie, in what degrée soeuer we come vnto. And therefore we hope that your highnesse will doo vs the honour to take this most humble request of ours in good part. As touching our owne persons,* 16.30 we promise your highnesse all o∣bedience, faithfulnesse, and subiection: and that ac∣cording to our small abilitie, we will doo our indeuor towards such as we may haue accesse vnto, that they also may yeeld obedience to your highnesse, and to the magistrates whome it shall please you to set ouer the people. And here to make an end, we harti∣lie praie God to preserue your highnes a long time in happie estate among this people, and to giue you the grace to rule and gouerne them iustlie and vp∣rightlie, to rid them out of the hands of their eni∣mies, to mainteine them long in most happie peace,

and to restore this state againe to the ancient digni∣tie, greatnesse, renowme, and felicitie: that after your deceasse you maie leaue a most blessed and fa∣mous remembrance among all nations. And for the bringing hereof to passe, we yet againe beséech the king of kings and great prince of princes, to make you as valiant as Dauid, as wise as Salomon, and as zelous of his glorie as Ezechias.

* 16.31Herevnto the duke answered, that he was verie glad to sée such a consent of all the people in the re∣ceiuing of him: and that he hoped so to rule and go∣uerne [line 10] them, as they should not be disappointed of the hope which they had conceiued of his gouernement, which he would fashion out after the paterne of his predecessors and great vncles, who had gouerned these countries so happilie. And he thanked them for their good will & loue, praieng them to continue the same, and promising to take them into his protection togither with the rest of the people in generall: & that as he had heretofore a singular regard of learned men, so would he be willing to continue the same [line 20] hereafter.

* 16.32 After this maner began this great prince to go∣uerne that people with great authoritie and mode∣stie; and the people to yéeld vnto him verie willing and honorable obedience: and all men hope both ge∣nerallie and particularlie, that God will giue him the grace so to hold on in that so holie and commen∣dable gouernement, as that by his example he shall shew to all princes and to all others that come after him, how greatlie the iust and lawfull gouernement [line 30] auaileth: and that the people on their side shall shew what maner of obedience, loue, and constancie is due to good princes: in which vertues there was neuer yet anie people that could skill to surmount them, neither shall anie hereafter, by the helpe of the great God, and euerlasting father of our sauiour Iesus Christ, to whome with the vnitie of the holie spirit be all glorie for euer and euer, Amen.]

* 16.33Iohn Paine priest being indicted of high treason [line 40] for words by him spoken, was arreigned and con∣demned at Chelmsford on the last daie of March, and was there executed on the second daie of Aprill, ac∣cording to the qualitie of his offense, and as law had awarded. In the moneth of Maie, namelie, on the fifteenth daie at night,* 16.34 about ten of the clocke, a blasing starre appeared, descending in the north∣west, the beard whereof streamed into the southeast.

On mondaie being the eight & twentith of Maie, [line 50] Thomas Foord,* 16.35 Iohn Shert, and Robert Iohnson priests, hauing beene before indicted, arreigned, and as well by their owne testimonie, as also sufficient witnesses produced to their faces, found giltie, and condemned for high treason intended, practised, and appointed against hir maiesties most roiall person, as also for the vtter ruine, ouerthrow, and subuersion of hir peaceable and well gouerned realme, them∣selues being sent as instruments, to deale for and in the behalfe of the pope, in this disloiall and traito∣rous cause; according as iustice had before deter∣mined, [line 60] were drawne vpon hurdles from the Tower of London to the place appointed for execution; ha∣uing béen so long time spared,* 16.36 by hir maiesties most roiall and princelie regard of mercie, to trie if either the feare of God would take place in them, conside∣ration and respect of their owne duties mooue them, or the meere loue and accustomed clemencie of hir maiestie might win them, to acknowledge hir to be their lawfull souereigne, and themselues hir subiects bound to serue hir, notwithstanding any pretense or authoritie to the contrarie, & not for matter of their popish superstition. All this notwithstanding they remained giuen ouer to their owne wickednes, and swallowed vp in the gulfe of their vndutifull affecti∣on, which caused iustice to step before mercie, com∣mitting them to the reward of their lewd and vnna∣turall dealing.

All the waie as they were drawne,* 16.37 they were ac∣companied with diuers zealous and godlie men, who in mild & louing spéeches made knowne vnto them, how iustlie God repaieth the reprobat, how fatherlie againe he receiueth the obedient, how he ouerthro∣weth the vngodlie in their owne deuises, and protec∣teth his chosen in all stormes and afflictions. In re∣membrance of all these, to bethinke themselues of their wickednesses passed, and to shew such hartie and zealous repentance for the same, that albeit they had so gréeuouslie trespassed, yet in contrite and humble sorrowing they might be gratiouslie recei∣ued into his heauenlie fauour, whome they had moo∣ued and stirred by their vnreuerent regard, to smite and chasten with the rod of his furie.* 16.38 Among which godlie persuasions, maister shiriffe himselfe, both learnedlie and ernestlie labored vnto them, moouing all good occasions he might deuise to change the ob∣stinacie he perceiued in them, into a christianlike hu∣militie and repentance; but these good indeuors tooke no wished effect, their owne euill disposition so blin∣ded them, that there was no waie for grace to en∣ter.

When they were come beyond saint Giles in the field, there approched vnto the hurdle one of their owne sect, and a priest (as himselfe had confessed) who in this maner spake vnto the prisoners: O gen∣tlemen be ioifull in the bloud of Iesus Christ, for this is the daie of your triumph and ioie. Being asked whie he vsed such words, he said vnto the prisoners a∣gaine; I pronounce vnto you; yea, I pronounce a full remission and pardon vnto your soules. Using these and other traitorous spéeches, hold was laid on him.* 16.39 When as maister shiriffe demanded what he was, he answered; He was the voice of a crier in the wildernesse, and that he was sent to prepare the Lords waie. And notwithstanding such meanes of resistance as himselfe vsed, he was deliuered vnto Thomas Norris purseuant, who brought him vnto Newgate, where he confessed vnto him that he was a priest, and that he had so long dissem∣bled, as he would now leaue off and doo so no more.

Being come to the place of execution Thomas Foord was first brought vp into the cart, when as he began in this maner.* 16.40 Whereas I am come hither to die, for matters laid vnto my charge of treason, which should be conspired against the queene, within these two yeares or somewhat more: I giue you to vnderstand, that of anie such matter I am innocent & frée, for that I can prooue my comming into En∣gland to be fiue yeares since. Wherevpon maister shiriffe spake vnto him and said; Foord, haue mind on God, and aske him and hir maiestie heartilie for∣giuenesse, whome thou hast so highlie offended; thou doost but delude the people, for it is manifestlie kno∣wen how thou art guiltie of the matters laid to thy charge, here be thine owne answers to shew, affir∣med vnder thine owne hand, and other witnesses to reprooue thee. Wherevpon * 16.41 I my selfe was called foorth, who iustified the causes to his face, that at his arreignement was laid to his charge, and he eui∣dentlie and plainelie found guiltie thereof. Then were his answers whereto he had subscribed read vn∣to him, which is in the booke latelie set foorth by autho∣ritie. Wherevpon he tooke occasion to tell a long cir∣cumstance of a certeine question mooued at Oxford, as concerning taking armes against hir maiestie, which horrible treason he séemed to approoue thereby.

Then maister shiriffe willed him to aske hir ma∣iestie forgiuenesse, offering him to stand his friend

in atteining hir graces mercie, if he would change his former traitorous mind, to become a true and faithfull subiect, acknowledging hir to be his lawfull souereigne ladie, notwithstanding anie thing that a∣nie pope could saie or doo to the contrarie.* 16.42 Where to he answered; I haue not offended hir maiestie, but if I haue, I aske hir forgiuenesse and all the world; and in no other treson haue I offended than my reli∣gion, which is the catholike faith, wherein I will liue and die. And as for the queenes maiestie, I doo ac∣knowledge hir supremasie in all things temporall, [line 10] but as concerning ecclesiasticall causes, I denie hir; that onelie belongeth to the vicar of Christ, the pope. In briefe, he granted to nothing, but shewed him∣selfe an impious and obstinat traitor, and so he re∣mained to the death, refusing to praie in the English toong, mumbling a few Latine praiers, desiring those that were Ex domo Dei to praie with him, & so he died. In the meane time that hehanged, which was till he was dead, so great is the mercie of our grati∣ous princesse, Iohn Shert was brought from off the [line 20] hurdle to the gallowes, where seeing Foord hanging, he began with holding vp his hands, as the papists are woont to doo before their images; O sweet Tom, O happie Tom,* 16.43 O blessed Tom. Then being staied, Foord was cut downe & caried to the place where his bodie should be quartered. In which time Shert was brought vp into the cart, where looking towards the dead bodie of Foord, he fell downe on his knées, and held vp his hands vnto it, saieng againe: O happie [line 30] Tom, O blessed Tom, thy swéet soule praie for me; O deare Tom, thy blessed soule praie for me. For which words being rebuked, the executioner lifted him vp on his féet, when as he prepared him to his confession, saieng; I am brought hither to this place, to die a death which is both shamefull & ignominious,* 16.44 for which I thanke thée my Lord God, who framing me to thine owne similitude and likenesse, hast bles∣sed me to this good end. There being staied, because he seemed to prolong the time to small purpose, the [line 40] shiriffe willed him to remember himselfe, for what cause he was come thither, how he had offended the queenes maiestie, and that he was now to aske hir forgiuenesse. Besides, he might receiue hir prince∣lie mercie; whereto with an hypocriticall outward boldnesse, but an inward fainting feare (as after∣ward euerie one plainelie beheld) he gaue this an∣swer: What (maister shiriffe) shall I saue this fraile and vile carcasse,* 16.45 and damne mine owne soule? No, no, I am a catholike, in that faith I was borne, in that faith will I die, and here shall my bloud seale it. [line 50]

Then maister shiriffe spake vnto him, saieng; By the waie as we came you swore an oth, for which you willed me to beare witnesse that you were heartilie sorie: now I praie you let me be a witnesse, that you are heartilie sorie for offending the quéens maiestie. Whie sir (quoth he) I haue not offended hir, without it be in my religion; and if I haue offended hir, then I aske hir forgiuenesse. Maister shiriffe vpon this said vnto him; Is this the fruit of your religion, to kneele to the dead bodie of thy fellow, and to desire [line 60] his soule to praie for thée? Alas, what can it either profit or hinder thée? Praie thou to God, and he will helpe thée. Maister shiriffe (quoth Shert) this is the true catholike religion, and whosoeuer is not of it is damned. I desire his soule to praie for me, the most glorious virgin Marie to praie for me,* 16.46 and all the holie companie of heauen to praie for me. At which words the people cried; Awaie with the traitor, hang h••m, hang him. O Shert (quoth maister shiriffe) for∣sake that whoore of Rome, that wicked Antichrist, with all his abhominable blasphemies and treache∣ries, and put thy whole confidence in Iesus Christ. Whereto he answered; O maister shiriffe, you little remember the daie when as you & I shall stand both at one barre, and I come as witnesse against you, that you called that holie and blessed vicar of Christ the whoore of Rome. At which words the people cried againe; Hang him, hang him, awaie with him. Then he beganne his Pater noster in Latine, and before he had fullie ended two petitions of it he fell into the Créed, and then to the Pater noster againe,* 16.47 afterward he said the Aue Maria, which doone, knocking him∣selfe on the breast, saieng, Iesus esto mihi Iesus, the cart was drawen awaie, and he committed to the mercie of God. But then, to manifest that his former bold∣nesse was but méere dissembling and hypocrisie, he lifted vp his hands, and caught hold on the halter: so that euerie one perceiued his faire outward shew, and his foule inward disfigured nature, also how loth he was and vnwilling to die. Whereby he shewed that he was not indued with the audacitie and stout resolution of the heathen, who for morall vertues sake cast themselues into dangers, manie times deadlie; holding opinion, that he beareth but a coun∣terfeit shew of vertue that shrinketh at anie tor∣ment, at anie hazard, at anie death, & therefore said:

—virtus Per scopulos durum fortis anhelat iter.

Robert Iohnson being brought vp into the cart, maister shiriffe, according as he had before, both de∣clared vnto him hir maiesties mercie if he would re∣pent; and also willed him to be sorie for his offenses against hir: whereof he séemed to make small esti∣mation, denieng the treasons according as the o∣thers had doone, and appealing likewise vpon his re∣ligion. Then was the * 16.48 writer hereof called foorth, who gaue him to vnderstand, how notablie he was approoued guiltie at his arreignment, & euerie mat∣ter sufficientlie handled, how according as the rest were, he was confounded to his face. Wherevnto he would make no other answer, but said; Well well, (quoth he) calling the partie by his name, God for∣giue the. Then were his answers read vnto him, as they had béen before to the other two, he not yéeld∣ing deniall, but said he spake them & would doo it a∣gaine. Then was Athanasius Creed mooued to him, which he granted to be the catholike faith, where∣of the pope was vicar, and that there was no o∣ther catholike faith, but onelie his. Whie (quoth the preacher) the pope is not named in it. I know not that (quoth he againe) I haue not read it. Then mai∣ster shiriffe desired him to saie his praiers in Eng∣lish, and he with all the companie would praie with him: which he refusing to doo, in his Latine praiers the cart was drawne awaie, and he committed to Gods mercie. And thus was iustice ministred, and that execution to Gods glorie, & the ease of the com∣mon wealths gréefe dispatched.

On the wednesdaie following,* 16.49 which was the thir∣tith daie of Maie, in the same maner as I haue be∣fore expressed, Luke Kirbie, William Filbie, Tho∣mas Coteham, & Laurence Richardson, were com∣mitted from the tower of London, to the place of execution; and as the other were on the mondaie be∣fore associated and accompanied with diuerse lear∣ned and godlie preachers; euen so were these, as to saie, master Charke, master Herne, and diuerse o∣thers, who all the waie applied such godlie and christi∣an persuasions vnto them (as had not the child of perdition so maruellouslie blinded them) were of force to haue woone them into grace and mercie. The spéeches they vsed to them by the waie were néed∣lesse here to set downe, for that they did especiallie concerne causes to root out that wicked opinion in them, and to establish a sound and perfect faith in place thereof; but euen as it was in the other, so it did agrée in them. But Luke Kirbie séemed to cha∣lenge

the * 16.50 writer hereof as sufficient to prooue no∣thing against him, which he did bicause it was suppo∣sed he was not there present: but what passed be∣twéene him & the said writer, you shall heare hereaf∣ter. They being come to the place of execution, Wil∣liam Filbie was brought vp into the cart, where conforming himselfe vnto the death, his wicked tre∣sons were mooued vnto him, which obstinatelie and impudentlie he denied. Then was he demanded if he would acknowledge the quéenes maiestie his so∣uereigne princesse, and supreme head vnder Christ of [line 10] the church of England? No (quoth he) I will acknow∣ledge no other head of the church than the pope onlie. Whervpon his answers were read vnto him, and he not denieng them in anie point, euen as they were wicked and impious, euen so he remained in them, still appealing that it was for his religion that he di∣ed, and not for anie treason. But the contrarie was prooued vnto his face, as well by sufficient proofes, as also by the traitorous answers, whereto he had sub∣scribed with his owne hand. At last, as he was desi∣red, [line 20] * 16.51 he praied for the queenes maiestie, that God might blesse hir, and incline hir heart to mercie to∣ward the catholikes, of which societie he was one. Then they opening his bosome, found there two crosses, which being taken from him were held vp, and shewed to all the people, beside his crowne was shauen. So after a few silent Latine praiers to him∣selfe, the cart was drawne awaie.

The next was Luke Kirbie, who being brought vp into the cart, offered long circumstance of spéech, as [line 30] concerning that he was come thither to die, hoping to be saued in the bloud of Christ: and much matter, which were néedlesse here to rehearse. Afterward, he began to saie, that there were none could approoue him to be a traitor: neither had he at anie time at∣tempted anie thing preiudiciall to hir maiestie, and that his aduersaries, naming them by speciall name, could not vpbraid him with anie thing. Wher∣vpon master shiriffe told him that one of them was there, and asked him if he would haue him called to [line 40] him. I sée him (quoth he) yonder, and let him saie what he can against me. Then he was the * 16.52 partie bid∣den come somewhat néere him, to whom he began in vehement sort to saie, Consider with thy selfe how vntrulie thou hast charged me, with that which I ne∣uer said nor thought. Besides, thou knowest that when thou camest to the Tower to me, before master lieutenant, & an other who was there present then, thou wast demanded what thou thoughtest of me, and what thou couldest saie against me? When as [line 50] thou madest answer, thou knewest no harme by me, neither couldest thou at anie time saie otherwise of me than well: wherevpon thou wast asked, where∣fore thou reportedst otherwise at my arreignement? Then the shiriffe said vnto him; Who can beare thée witnes of this? Quoth he againe; He spake it before master lieutenant, and an other was by then. Then was he demanded what other he was that was pre∣sent? Which (after long trifling) he said was a kéeper, & named him. Whereto the said writer made answer [line 60] as followeth.* 16.53 Master Kirbie, I with and desire you, in the feare of God, to remember your selfe: for this is not a place to report an vntruth, neither to slan∣der anie man otherwise than you are able to prooue, Wh••n as I came vnto the Tower, & made knowne to master lieutenant for what cause I was sent to speake with you▪ you were brought into a chamber by your kéeper: and what I then mooued, your selfe verie well knoweth, as concerning my allowance being the popes scholer: where what answer you made, I haue trulie, and according as you answe∣red, alreadie set downe in print. Master lieutenant neither mooued anie such words to me, as here you reported, and I call God to my witnesse, that not a motion of anie such matter was once offered to me by master lieutenant, or by your kéeper. Your selfe then vttered, that at sundrie times in the seminarie there were diuerse lewd words spoken, which might better haue beene spared; and denied that you were not in my chamber, when as I lieng sicke in my bed, the traitorous speeches were mooued by them, which were then present, whereof your selfe was one; with diuerse other matters which you spake vnto me, which master lieutenant himselfe heard, and your kéeper being present. But if this be true which you saie, that it may be prooued there were either such words mooued vnto me, or anie such answer made by me, I offer to susteine what punishment the law shall affoord me. Then falling to an other matter,* 16.54 for that this redounded to his owne confusion (as master lieutenant can well witnesse) he began to talke of my being at Rome, what fréendship he had shewed vnto me, and had doone the like vnto a num∣ber of Englishmen, whome he well knew not to be of that religion, both by his owne purse, as also by fréending them to some of the popes chamber, he made conueiance for th••m thense sometime going fortie miles with them: when (quoth he) had my dea∣lings bin knowne, I should hardlie haue bin well thought of: and I knew well inough that you were neuer bent to that religion, albeit they thought the contrarie. Yea I knew well inough when you de∣parted thense, that your disposition was contrarie to ours, and concealed it to my selfe.

O Kirbie (quoth master shiriffe) this is verie vn∣like, that you could affoord such fauour to anie,* 16.55 who were contrarie to that religion that you professed. No, no, if you knew anie such there, you would ra∣ther helpe to persecute them than pitie them, as it is the nature of you all. M. Kirbie (quoth this writer) it is verie vnlike that you had anie such secret know∣ledge of me, either of my religion, or how I was se∣cretlie bent as you séeme here to professe: for had I béene such a one as you would persuade these here you knew me to be, would you haue deliuered me those silken pictures hallowed by the pope which you did: and moreouer, make knowen vnto me sundrie of your friends here in England, to whome I should conueie them?* 16.56 O sir (quoth he) I confesse indéed I deliuered to thée such pictures, but thou knowest I gaue thee two Iulies to go buy them with, I did it bi∣cause I knew thée to be such a one, and therfore I did misdoubt thee, for I would not credit thée with my hallowed pictures. M. Kirbie (quoth the other) to ••e∣nie your owne dooings is maruellous impudencie: did not you in your chamber deliuer me certeine silken pictures, which you told me at Stukleis being there, were hallowed by the pope, and what indul∣gences were alowed them? One of them, which was a crucifix, you gaue me; the other you willed me de∣liuer to your freends at Rheimes and in England. And bicause they were too few (as in déed I thinke they were no more but fiue) you gaue me two Iu∣lies, to go into the citie to buie more, which I did: and hauing brought them to you, thrée or foure of the fai∣rest you tooke from me, promising to get them hal∣lowed at the next benediction: the other in déed you gaue me, and I tooke them with me. How saie you now Kirbie (quoth master shiriffe) would you haue credited him with such matters,* 16.57 had you not suppo∣sed him to be one of your owne sect? Master shiriffe (quoth he) what I haue said, I know verie well▪ And after he was gone from Rome I sent fiftéene shil∣lings to Rheimes to be deliuered to him, but he was departed thense towards England, before it came.

Then master shiriffe said to him againe; You stand vpon these points verie much, which there is none

that are here, but will iudge to be vntrue: thou hea∣rest what he hath said vnto thée, and we haue heard that thou deniedst euerie thing. What saiest thou to thy treasons,* 16.58 wherefore thou art come hither to die? Wilt thou be sorie for them? aske God and hir maie∣stie forgiuenesse, for she is mercifull, and we will car∣rie thee backe againe if we shall perceiue in thée a∣nie such motion, that thou wilt forsake thy former wickednesse, and become a good and faithfull subiect. At these words the people among themselues almost [line 10] generallie said: O excéeding mercie and fauour! what a gratious princesse haue we, who affoordeth such mercie vnto those that haue so ill deserued? Can there be a princesse of greater pitie, of more clemen∣cie or tendernesse to be found in all the world? No.

Principe nil ista mitius orbis habet.

Then Field the preacher in the booke read his an∣swers to him, whereto he had subscribed with his owne hand: Whether the pope might lawfullie de∣pose hir maiestie, or had anie authoritie to take the [line 20] title of hir crowne and dignitie awaie from hir?* 16.59 Wherto Kirbie answered: This is a matter disputa∣ble in schooles, and therefore I may not iudge of it. I thinke this with my selfe, that if anie prince fall by infidelitie into turcisme, atheisme, paganisme, or anie such like, that the pope hath authoritie to depose such a prince. And being asked, if hir maiestie were in anie such? He said, he knew his owne conscience. An other preacher being by said vnto him, that the prince receiued his authoritie from God, and that he [line 30] was to be suppressed by none, but onelie by God. A∣gaine, that Salomon said: By me (meaning by God) kings reigne,* 16.60 and princes decrée iustice. By me princes rule, and the nobles and all the iudges of the earth.* 16.61 Againe, S. Paule saith: Let euerie soule be subiect to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordeined of God. Whosoeuer therefore resisteth the power, resi∣steth the ordinance of God, & they that resist, shall re∣ceiue to themselues iudgement. For princes are not [line 40] to be feared for good works but for euill. Wilt thou then be without feare of the power? doo well, so shalt thou purchase praise of the same. For he is the mini∣ster of God for thy wealth;* 16.62 but if thou doo euill, feare, for he beareth a sword not for naught, for he is the minister of God to take vengeance on him that dooth euill. If then the pope be a soule, he is to be obe∣dient to the higher powers. And being a subiect vnto God, as all other princes be, he must not take vpon him what belongeth to God. As for the authoritie [line 50] that hir maiestie hath, she hath receiued it from God; neither is the pope, or anie earthlie prince to depriue hir thereof, but onelie God. Againe, when Iesus was brought before Pilat, Pilat said vnto him; Knowest thou not that I haue power to crucifie thée,* 16.63 and haue power to loose thée? To the which Iesus answered: Thou couldest haue no power at all a∣gainst me, except it were giuen thée from aboue. Thus maie you sée, that what prince soeuer ruleth vpon earth, hath his power and authoritie onelie from God: and not that anie mortall man can vse [line 60] the authoritie of a prince at his pleasure. How saie you to this? Wherto he would make no answer, but séemed to demand of them,* 16.64 if they would denie, that if a prince were in paganisme, atheisme, or gouer∣ned by infidelitie: that such a prince might not law∣fullie be deposed? Which the learned preachers an∣swered in learned sort, approouing that as the power was of God, so princes were not to be deposed by a∣nie, but onelie by God.

No (quoth Kirbie againe) hath it not béene dispu∣ted in schooles for these fiue hundred yeares, and will you denie it? O maister Crowleie, maister Crow∣leie; and there paused: as if that maister Crow∣leie had agreed with him in such a monstruous error. But maister Crowleie himselfe gaue one to vnder∣stand, that at such time as he conferred with the said Kirbie in the tower, about the same argument, that his answer was vnto him: If anie prince fell into anie such kind of error, that prince were corrigible, but of whome? Not of anie earthlie prince, but of that heauenlie prince, who gaue him his authoritie,* 16.65 and seeing him abuse it anie waie, correcteth him in his iustice. For by his attributing to the pope this authoritie, he witnessed him to be antichrist, in that he will depose princes at his pleasure, and exalt him selfe aboue all that is called God, and forgiue men their sinnes at his pleasure likewise. All this was not sufficient to mollifie the obstinate mind of Kir∣bie, but he would persist still in this diuelish imagi∣nation. Maister shiriffe and the preachers, séeing him wauering, and not able to yéeld anie reason for his arrogant opinion, laboured as much as in them laie to change it: when all would not serue, they de∣sired him in hartie and humble maner to praie vnto God, to aske hir maiestie forgiuenesse, for the trea∣sons wherein he had offended hir. Wherevnto he an∣swered, that he had not offended in anie treason, to his knowledge. Wherevpon they shewed him his treasons, which were adiudged by the people woor∣thie of greater punishment,* 16.66 than he was at that time to suffer; yet would not he acknowledge them, but praied to God for hir maiestie, that she might long rule in hir authoritie, to confound all hir eni∣mies: and that his hart was free from anie treason to hir maiestie. Then preparing himselfe vnto his praiers, the preachers desired him to praie in Eng∣lish with them, and to saie a praier after them; where∣in, if he could find anie fault, he should be resolued thereof. O (quoth he againe) you and I were not one in faith, therefore I thinke I should offend God, if I should praie with you: at which words, the people began to crie, Awaie with him: so he saieng his Pater noster in Latine, ended his life.

Then was Laurence Richardson brought vp into the cart,* 16.67 & to him Thomas Coteham to be executed togither. But Coteham séemed to vtter such words as though there had béene hope he would haue forsa∣ken his wickednesse, so that the halter was vntied, and he brought downe out of the cart again••. In which time Laurence Richardson prepared him to death, confessing himselfe a catholike, and that he would beléeue in all things as the catholike church of Rome did, vnto the pope he allowed the onelie supre∣masie. In which traitorous opinion, after certeine Latine praiers, he was committed to God. Then was Coteham brought vp to the cart againe, & the good opinion had of him before changed into that ob∣stinat nature that was in them all, saieng to master shiriffe, that before he came into England, he was armed for India, and thither if he might be suffered he would passe with as much conuenient spéed as might be.* 16.68 Then looking to the bodie of Laurence Ri∣chardson, whereon the executioner was vsing his of∣fice, he lifted vp his hands and said; O blessed Lau∣rence praie for me, thy blessed soule Laurence praie for me: for which words both t••e preachers and the people rebuked him, telling him that he ought to praie to none, but to God onelie; all helpe of man was but in vaine. Whereto he answered, he was assured that he could praie for him. In bréefe, his treasons being mooued to him, he denied all, albeit his owne handwriting was there to affirme it. He praied for hir maiestie, and said his Pater noster & Aue Maria: and as the cart was drawing away he said; In marius tuas * 16.69 Domine commendo spiritum meum, and then he died. Thus did the broome of iustice swéepe awaie these noisome cobwebs, noisome both to church and

commonwealth, as being of the diuels h••tching, but nurssed and fostered of poperie, to insnare and trap seelie soules, as the spider dooth the flie: from whome the Lord God deliuer euerie member of his church.

On the second daie of Iune, Philip Prise was hanged in Fléetstréet for killing one of the shiriffes sergeants that had arrested him.* 16.70 This man at his death, as inwardlie touched with sorrow for the of∣fense which he had committed and died, gaue such ap∣parant tokens and notes of a repentant mind; [line 10] that partlie with his spéeches which were patheticall, and partlie with his teares which were plentifull, as also with his vehement sighs and greeuous grones, ioined with diuerse other gestures (great signes of inward grace) he so mooued the beholders, that ma∣nie which beheld him, pitied his wofull end, most yea in maner all (whereof some were such as a man would haue thought had neuer a teare to shed at such a sight, hauing viewed diuerse the like and more lamentable spectacles) with wet eies beheld [line 20] him, and yet in heart reioised that he died reconciled to God. On the eight and twentith of Iune, Pere∣grine Bartie lord Willoughbie of Grobie appoin∣ted ambassador to Frederike the second king of Denmarke with the garter,* 16.71 wherevnto he had béene elected & chosen a long time before, tooke his leaue of the quéenes maiestie at Gréenewich; with whome sir Gilbert Dethicke aliàs Garter principall king of armes was ioined in commission, for the inuesting of the said king into the order; and Robert Glouer [line 30] aliàs Summerset herald was also present, and gaue his attendance in the same voiage, as likewise did a competent number of gentlemen and yeomen, in all to the number of six and fiftie persons, besides mariners, &c. The said lord ambassador prepared him∣selfe towards Kingstone vpon Hull, where he im∣barked with his whole traine on the fourtéenth daie of Iulie, and prosperouslie arriued at Elsemore in Denmarke on the one and twentith daie of the same moneth, where he was honorablie interteined. [line 40]

On the thirtéenth daie of August he presented him∣selfe before the king in his castell of Croneborough, and made his first spéech vnto him in Latine; which spéech being ended,* 16.72 the lord Willoughbie deliuered vnto the king hir maiesties letters, and withall the commission for the kings inuesture into that hono∣rable order of the garter. Which letters the king o∣pened, and deliuered them to Henrie Ramelis his chancellor for Germanie to read, whom he comman∣ded [line 50] to answer my lords former oration. From the king my lord was conueied to the quéenes presence, vnto whome also he deliuered hir maiesties letters with salutations. The next daie being thursdaie the fouretéenth of August, the king roiallie prepared, receiued the robes of the order with his owne hands,* 16.73 and with great contentment accepted and ware the garter, the collar, and the George, when as my lord concluded the whole dedication with sundrie wel∣wishings. In the end whereof he put the king in mind [line 60] of the oth and thankefull acceptation of the order to be testified by a publike instrument, as was before promised, where vnto the king answered by his chan∣cellor Nicholas Kaas with manie effectuall words: and immediatlie in signe of ioie, a great volee was discharged of all the great shot in his castell, and the lord ambassador with all his traine was roiallie fea∣sted & rewarded. On thursdaie the sixtéenth daie of August, the king tooke my lord ambassador foorth on hunting two leagues from Elsemore, and there in the dinner time vttered manie louing spéeches. And after, to wit, on the one and twentith of September the lord ambassador with all his traine imbarked at Emden, and arriued at Bromeholme in Norffolke on thursdaie the seauen and twentith daie of Sep∣tember.

On the nineteenth daie of Iulie certeine ferkins of gunpowder to the number of seauen,* 16.74 and as ma∣nie or more ferkins of sturgeon laden in a car vpon Galleie keie néere vnto the Tower of London, some small portion of the same powder being shed on the ground, the horsse in the said carre stroke fire with his foot, and fired all togither, where-through the stur∣geon was blowen awaie, some into the Thames, some elsewhere: one ferkin was driuen through a lome wall that was boorded ouer, but all was spoi∣led and lost, the cra••e on the wharffe with the houses neere adioining shattered, manie men and horsses sore blasted; the thrée men and seauen horsses died thereof.* 16.75 On the twelfe daie of August there arose a great tempest of lightening, thunder, whirlewind, and raine, with hailestones fashioned like to the ro∣wels of spurs two or thrée inches about in the coun∣tie of Norffolke, betweene the market townes of north Walsham and Worsted (the towne wherein the making of woorsteds commmonlie called Nor∣wich woorsted was first practised and tooke their be∣ginning) which tempest beat the corne flat vnto the ground, rent vp manie great trees, and shiuered them in peeces, or woond them like withies. At Hening more than a mile from Worsted, the west doore of the church, weieng more than thrée hundred pound weight, was lifted off the hookes, and throwne ouer the font, within one yard of the chancell doore; the top of the church was riuen vp, and the lead as it were blowen awaie; fiue webs of lead were ruffled vp togither, like as they had béene clouts of linnen cloth, and blowen into the field without the church∣yard. Also at east Russen were manie barnes blow∣en downe, and houses vncouered.

This yeare Michaelmasse terme was reiourned from the vtas thereof,* 16.76 vntill the fourth returne of the same called Mense Michaelis,* 16.77 and from the said re∣turne vntill the returne commonlie called Crastino animarum next insuing, & then reiorned from West∣minster to the castell of Hertford in Hertfordshire, there to begin in the said Crastino animarum, and to be continued till the end of the same terme, which was doone accordinglie, where was plentie of good viands to be had for monie, but lodging hard and scant; be∣sides the long and plashie waie that manie had vnto their hosts, and then peraduenture sléepe in the chim∣neie corner, or vpon the hard boords with a pillow vnder their heads. Was not this a good amends?

This yeare Peter Moris frée denison,* 16.78 hauing made an engine for that purpose, conueied Thames water in pipes of lead ouer the stéeple of saint Mag∣nus church, at the north end of London bridge, and so into diuerse mens houses in Thames stréet, new Fish stréet, and Grasse street, vp vnto the northwest corner of Leaden hall (the highest ground of the citie of Lond••n) where the waste of the first maine pipe ran first this yeare one thousand fiue hundred eigh∣tie and two on Christmasse éeuen: which maine pipe being since at the charges of the citie brought vp in∣to a standard there made for that purpose, and diui∣ded into foure seuerall spouts ran foure waies, plen∣tifullie seruing to the vse of the inhabitants néere adioining that will fetch the same into their houses, and also clensed the chanels of the stréets, north to∣wards Bishopsgate, east towards Aldgate, south towards the Bridge, and west towards the Stocks market. No doubt a great commoditie to that part of the citie, and would be farre greater, if the said water were mainteined to run continuallie, or at the least, at euerie tide some reasonable quantitie, as at the first it did; but since is much aslaked, tho∣rough whose default I know not, sith the engine is

sufficient to conueie water plentifullie: which being well considered by Barnard Randolph esquier,* 16.79 com∣mon sergeant of the citie of London: he being a∣liue, gaue and deliuered to the companie of the fish∣mongers in London a round sum to be imploied to∣ward the conducting of Thames water for the good seruice of the commonwealth in conuenient order. Other legacies verie liberallie and bountifullie he gaue by his testament to be laid out in works of cha∣ritie, as I haue noted more at large hereafter in due [line 10] place, vpon occasion of recording the daie of his death. The publication of whose acts, as also of di∣uerse others, if they may mooue the rich of this world to part with some small portion of their store to the like christian vses, I shall be glad, and thinke my paines worth the printing: otherwise I saie with one that persuading this age to walke worthie of their calling, and doubting his words should be but wind, concluded with this interrogatiue distichon:

Sed quid verba miser non proficientia per do? [line 20] Quid iuuat in vacuos missa loquela notos?

* 16.80This yeare 1582 was there instituted and first founded a publike lecture or lesson in surgerie, to begin to be read in the college of physicians in Lon∣don, in Anno 1584, the sixt daie of Maie, against that time new reedified in a part of the house that do∣ctor Linacre gaue by testament to them, by Iohn Lumleie lord Lumleie, and Richard Caldwell do∣ctor in physicke, to the honour of God, the common profit of hir maiesties subiects, and good same, with [line 30] increase of estimation and credit of all the surgians of this realme. The reader whereof to be a doctor of physicke, and of good practise and knowledge, and to haue an honest stipend, no lesse than those of the vni∣uersities erected by king Henrie the eight, namelie of law, diuinitie, and physicke, and lands assured to the said college for the maintenance of the publike lesson; wherevnto such statutes be annexed as be for the great commoditie of those which shall giue and incline themselues to be diligent hearers for the ob∣teining [line 40] of knowledge in surgerie, as whether he be learned or vnlearned that shall become an auditor or hearer of the lecture, he may find himselfe not to repent the time so imploied. First twise a wéeke tho∣rough out the yeare; to wit, on wednesdaies and fri∣daies, at ten of the clocke till eleuen, shall the reader read thrée quarters of an houre in Latine, and the o∣ther quarter in English, wherein that shall be plain∣lie declared for those that vnderstand not Latine, what was said in Latine.* 16.81 And the first yeare to read Horatius Morus tables, an epitome or briefe hand∣ling [line 50] of all the whole art of surgerie, that is, of swel∣lings or apostems, wounds, vlcers, bonesetting, and healing of bones broken, termed commonlie fractions, and to read Oribasius of knots and Ga∣len of bands, such workes as haue beene long hid, and are scarselie now a daies among the learned knowen, and yet are (as the anatomies) to the first enterers in surgerie and nouices in physicke; but a∣mongst the ancient writers and Grecians well [line 60] knowne. At the end of the yeare in winter to dis∣se••t openlie in the reading place all the bodie of man especiallie the inward parts for fiue daies togither, as well before as after dinner; if the bodies may so last without annoie.

* 16.82The second yeare to read Tagaultius institutions of surgerie, and onelie of swellings or apostems, and in the winter to dissect the trunke onelie of the bodie, namelie from the head to the lowest part where the members are, and to handle the muscles especiallie. The third yeare to read of wounds one∣lie of Tagaultius,* 16.83 and in winter to make publike dis∣section of the head onelie. The fourth yeare to read of vlcers onlie the same author, and to anatomize or dissect a leg and an arme for the knowledge of mus∣cles, sinewes, arteries, veines, gristles, ligaments, and tendons.* 16.84 The fift yeare to read the sixt booke of Paulus Aegineta, and in winter to make anatomie of a skeleton, & therwithall to shew & declare the vse of certeine instruments; as Scamnum Hippocratis, and other instruments for setting in of bones. The sixt yeare to read Holerius of the matter of surge∣rie, as of medicines for surgians to vse. And the seuenth yeare to begin againe, and continue still. A godlie and charitable erection doubtlesse, such as was the more néedfull, as hitherto hath beene the want and lacke so hurtfull: sith that onelie in ech vniuersities by the foundation of the ordinarie and publike lessons, there is one of physicke, but none of surgerie, and this onelie of surgerie and not of physicke, I meane so as physicke is now taken sepa∣ratelie from surgerie, and that part which onelie v∣seth the hand as it is sorted from the apothecarie. So that now England may reioise for those happie bene∣factors & singular welwillers to their countrie, who furnish hir so in all respects, that now she may as compare for the knowledge of physicke so by means to come to it, with France, Italie, and Spaine, and in no case behind them but for a lecture in simples, which God at his pleasure may procure, in moouing some hereafter in like motion and instinct to be as carefull and beneficiall as these were to the helpe and furtherance of their countrie.* 16.85 ¶At the publication of this foundation, which was celebrated with a good∣lie assemblie of doctors collegiats and licentiats, as also some masters of surgerie, with other students, some whereof had beene academicall; doctor Cald∣well so aged that his number of yéeres with his white head adding double reuerence to his person (whereof I may well saie no lesse than is left written of a doc∣tor of the same facultie verie famous while he liued,

Conspicienda aetas, sed & ars prouectior annis, Famáque Paeonio non renuenda choro)

euen he, notwithstanding his age and impotencie, made an oration in Latine to the auditorie, the same by occasion of his manifold debilities vnfinished at the direction speciallie of the president,* 16.86 who (after a few words, shortlie and swéetlie vttered) gaue occasi∣on and opportunitie to D. Forster, then and yet the appointed lecturer, to deliuer his matter, which he dis∣charged in such methodicall maner, that ech one pre∣sent indued with iudgement, conceiued such hope of the doctor, touching the performance of all actions incident vnto him by that place, as some of them continued his auditors in all weathers, and still hold out; whose diligence he requiteth with the imparting of further knowledge than the said publike lecture dooth affoord. When the assemblie was dissolued, and the founder accompanied home, diligent care was taken for the due preferring of this established exer∣cise: insomuch that D. Caldwell, and D. Forster, to furnish the auditors with such bookes as he was to read, caused to be printed the epitome of Horatius Morus first in Latine: then in English, which was translated by the said doctor Caldwell. But before it was halfe perfected, the good old doctor fell sicke, and as a candle goeth out of it selfe, or a ripe apple falling from the trée, so departed he out of this world at the doctors commons, where his vsuall lodging was; & was verie worshipfullie buried. But of his death hereafter, in the yeare 1584: where the daie of his decease being mentioned, matter worth the reading shall be remembred.]

Francis of Ualois, the kings onlie brother,* 16.87 duke of Louthier, Brabant, Limbourgh, Gelders, An∣iou, Alanson, &c: earle of Flanders, Holland, Ze∣land, &c: marquesse of the sacred empire, lord of Friseland, &c: hauing now indifferentlie well (with

his good successes h••d in the vittelling, and remoouing the séeges of Cambreie and Lothem, and winning the townes of Alaft and Endonan) gotten the harts of the people, and by that meanes placed his French∣men in Dunkirke, Winexburgh, Dixmide, Dex∣mond, Uilno••d, and other places, thought now (v∣sing yoong & euill counsell) to make himselfe a more absolute prince,* 16.88 as though it were too base a thing for his highnesse to rule with the aduise of the estates of the countries. Wherfore hauing come to him out [line 10] of France the marshall Biron, with great troops of Swissers and Frenchmen, he now causeth them all at one time; to wit, on the seuenth of Ianuarie, to inuade so manie townes as they could make them∣selues maisters of; which with them tooke effect in the aboue named townes, but at Bridges they were put out. And at Antwerpe on the said seuenth daie, vn∣der the pretense to muster his armie without the towne, vpon the verie noone time of the daie, when the citizens were at dinner, he causeth two gates (as [line 20] vncerteine by which he would go) to be opened for him, and the chaines ouerthwart the stréets to be vn∣chained, which (for some suspicion had of the French∣men without) were locked: then he issued out with all his court and a great number of gentlemen, verie braue, mounted on great horsses aboue two hun∣dred, manie of them being secretlie armed vnder their garments,* 16.89 and comming to saint Iames gate. At the bridge without met him certeine of his com∣panies of horssemen and footmen, who staied them∣selues [line 30] on both sides the waie, making as it were a lane for the duke to passe by with a few of his: who being past them, made a token to them with his cap, to inuade the citie: wherevpon his men killed the watch, with the coronell Uierendell, that stood bare headed to sée their prince passe. Then entred the gate seuenteene ensignes of footmen, and foure coronels of horssemen, the Swissers following, & the duke cri∣eng to them, March, march, La ville est gagnee, mais me pillon point. Being thus stronglie entred they [line 40] cried,* 16.90 Ville gagnee viue la messe, and tooke in on both sides the bulworks, turned the ordinance towards the citie, & came by diuers stréets almost to the midst of the citie. The citizens at dinner hearing the a∣larum, verie furiouslie issued out, with such weapons as first came to their hands, and set vpon them, first, by the bylanes, other some chained vp the streets, and so barred them from going anie further. They turne all against the soldiors that were entred the ci∣tie with most violent shot. In the meane space the [line 50] citizens néere and about the gate with their harque∣bussers bestow their small shot as thicke as haile out of windowes vpon the gate, where first they killed a horsse, and then diuers men entring, which troubled the other following, that a great number was euen in the verie gate killed, and so heaped one vpon ano∣ther that the gate was stopped; wherby all that were entred within the citie, in lesse than in one houres space were killed or taken prisoners. Wherein the citizens behaued themselues so valiantlie, & so man∣lie, [line 60] that manie for lacke of leaden pellets, tooke their monie out of their purses, bowed it with their teeth, and put it in stead of pellets in their harquebussers:

Sic sese & sobolem charam, cum vxore mariti Defendunt, Gallis ne praeda voracibus essent.

In this skirmish of so litle space were slaine aboue 1530 Frenchmen horssemen and footmen,* 16.91 told at the burieng, and more than two thousand prisoners ta∣ken, amongst the which were the earle Fernaugus, the bishop of Constance, and manie other notable personages. And amongst the dead were the earle of saint Agnau and his sonne, the earle of Chasteau∣rousse, the sonne of the marshall of France Biron: monsieur de Saisonall gouernor of Uilnord,* 16.92 the sonne of the lord Miranbeau, and others. A mar∣uellous act of citizens in their defense without anie soldiors, against old soldiors and tried men of armes, and number of so great nobilitie. A maruellous con∣tinencie & clemencie of rough citizens against their enimies, in kéeping their hands from the killing of prisoners whome they had in their power, and surelie a woonderfull worke of God.

The prince of Orange with others had refused to go foorth, and his danger was not small; with other gentlemen more, and lords of the religion. The prince Dolphin, the earle Lamall and others were with the duke lookers on, and intercessors for their friends whom they reckoned dead. After that fact, the duke with his campe was forced for lacke of vittels and necessaries,* 16.93 to retire him with his armie toward Machlin, and from thense with great difficultie passing great waters, with losse of manie a man got to Dermond, where he was kept in by the generall Norris, with three and twentie ensignes English∣men and Scots, so that he lacked vittels and neces∣saries, whereby he was forced,* 16.94 as also to haue his prisoners restored, to enter into a treatie with the e∣states, to surrender all the townes by his men pos∣sessed, and to retire him to Dunkirke: where further with the estates, by intercession of princes was ho∣ped a reconcilement to be made. But he séeing the countrie vnwilling, and finding himselfe sicke (as it was thought) of melancholie, he retired from Dun∣kirke toward France. And so as he was retired, the prince of Parma for king Philip,* 16.95 caused Dunkirke to be besieged, few Frenchmen left within it. And as the states Generall and the prince of Orange would haue sent thither to rescue the towne, the marshall Biron with his Frenchmen and Swissers, the Fle∣mings chéeflie they of Gaunt, partlie for hatred of the French, and partlie that manie now were be∣come Spanish, would not suffer him to come ouer into Flanders, whereby Dunkirke was forced to surrender: and this losse being imputed to the duke, increased his sickenesse, so that he died at Chasteau Thierie the tenth of Iulie 1583, & was roiallie buri∣ed at saint Diones by Paris.

¶ But before we passe the absolute cōmemoration of the monsieur,* 16.96 sith in some remembrances we haue atteined to a perfection, it shall not be amisse héere to annex the manner of his sicknesse, as also the ve∣rie speeches which he vttered, as they are reported by Iames Berson Parisien, preacher to the French king, and to the said monsieur, in a discourse by him published, vnder the title of A funerall complaint, &c. Wherein whatsoeuer is spoken, deserueth the grea∣ter credit, for that the said Berson was vpon his owne certeine knowledge able to giue out the truth, and therfore intimateth to the readers of his treatise, that they are not to looke for either flatteries, or hau∣tie, proud, and lieng arguments: he being the man who assuredlie was able to answer and beare witnes of the pietie, religion, and departure of monsieur, a sonne of France, and the kings onelie brother in the fauor of God, as the same vpon whome he reposed himselfe concerning his conscience, soule and salua∣tion; and hauing from the beginning of his sickenes administred vnto him the holie sacrament, and did assist him to the end. You are therfore to vnderstand, that after* 16.97 my said lords crosse haps and danger of life in the low countries, and his returne into his du∣chie of Castle Thierie, his naturall & brotherlie reso∣lution taken to go alone to Paris, there to yéeld him selfe to his maiesties armes, a déed to be accounted and taken as a strong bulworke against whatsoeuer the popular and enuious slanders: after his returne home he conceiued an extreame contentation in dailie hearing of sermons, yea not satisfied with the

onelie hearing of them, he greatlie delited to talke of the same, also to haue the same repeated vnto him. Thus did our Lord in conuenient time dispose his soule,* 16.98 which he purposed shortlie to visit in his next sickenesse, and that was an ague that continu∣ed without equalitie vntill the thirtéenth of March, and then he fell into so strange a iudgement, that all euen the physicians began to doubt of him. For a flux of bloud issued so continuallie out of his nose and mouth, that they were still forced to hold him [line 10] a basen, whereinto he voided the pure and cléere bloud. When all men were as it were astonied ther∣at, himselfe began with a perfect mind and vnder∣standing to saie; My friends, helpe me, will you suf∣fer a christian prince thus to die? Now is the time come that God will call me to account: cause mon∣sieur Berson to come hither.

When I came, ha monsieur Berson (said this good prince) I am dead, I must acknowledge my God; my frend flatter me not, I will reconcile my selfe. [line 20] Alas I am a great sinner, will not God haue mer∣cie on me? Will not he forgiue me? I answered, There is no dout my lord but vpon humbling your selfe before his holie maiestie with contrition, you shall obteine remission of your sinnes. My lord, you are verie sicke,* 16.99 I will not flatter with you, but your whole life and your selfe resteth in the hands of God. Sickenes is naturall, or sent by God for a warning; if your disease be naturall there is hope: we will vse all means for remedie. On the one side the physici∣ans [line 30] are here readie, who shall imploie themselues. On the other side, all the world is in praier & deuoti∣on for your health. If it procéedeth from God, it is a warning to you for the rest of your life, to the end to draw you neerer to him, either else to aduertise you of your naturall condition: that is, that you are mortall & must once paie this debt, and restore your soule to God who lent it to you, at whatsoeuer time he shall call for it. Now my lord, sith we can not cer∣teinlie discerne the one from the other, is it not best [line 40] for you to conforme your will to Gods will. Also in case God granteth you to ouerliue this sickenesse, are you not resolued to better your life, and to liue more in his feare than before? Againe, if he be deter∣mined to call you out of this world, are not you con∣tent to go into Abrahams bosome, and there to rest vnder the protection of his mercie? Resolue your selfe my lord, you haue a goodlie soule.

* 16.100I am (said this good prince) fullie resolued in the will of my God, let him doo with me whatsoeuer [line 50] shall please him: onelie that he will vouchsafe to haue mercie on me. I wold reconcile me but I shall hardlie speake: and in truth the bloud still belched out into the basen which * 16.101 I held with one hand, whilest with a handkercher in the ot••er I wiped from his face and brest a great cold sweat that euen smelt of death: as also I perceiued his nostrils to be closed vp, his eies sunke, and heard the ratling and bloud that stopped him vp. Euerie bodie being gone forth I said vnto him, My lord straine not your selfe [line 60] to speake much, onelie begin with the chiefest mat∣ters, and those that most trouble your conscience, and for the rest I will instruct you. Then ioining his hands and lifting vp his eies vnto heauen, he began to sigh, mourne, and sob with extreame contrition and griefe, which when I perceiued, I still indeuou∣red to assure him in talking to him of God and of the merits of the bloud of Iesus Christ, wherein the greater delight that he conceiued, the more did he detest himselfe as a most miserable sinner: then might you haue séene among much sweat which as pearles ran downe his haire and heard, the great teares trickeling downe his eies, whiles with great paine he accused himselfe.

After this, diuerse spéeches passed with certeine a∣ctions betweene the monsieur and Berson, which to omit is lesse offensiue than to publish. To procéed then, the monsieur lieng in his agonie, be thought him (amongest other things) of his familie, and said; Alas I mone none but my poore seruants, & withall, that I shall die without celebration of mine East∣er: will not the Lord grant me that grace? Then * 16.102 I promised him that God would heare so iust a petiti∣on, and therefore willed him a while to haue patience, it should not be the first miracle that euer our Lord had wrought. Hauing thus spoken, certeine cere∣monies were solemnlie commensed and finished, not without manie speeches interchanged betwéene the monsieur and Berson; insomuch that (saith he) I can not rehearse all that he said vnto me; but this I dare assure you, that if his health had continued, I was thereby in hope of most profitable effects to all christendome,* 16.103 and to the estate and quietnesse of our France. But we were not worthie, our sinnes crieng for vengeance to God, who as he punisheth nations by giuing them wicked princes, so dooth he also chastise them by taking from them the good, euen at such time as they are readie to reléeue vs, and af∣terward we haue cause to lament and moorne.

His health after this first fit continued a while, but by reason of a crum of bread that stucke in the v∣uula, and thereby procured a violent cough with spit∣ting of bloud, he fell into it againe, and from thense∣foorth kept his bed, sometimes well and sometimes ill, yet eating his meat reasonablie well, howbeit gathering no force to the substance of his bodie. Fi∣nallie, the same daie that the physicians (after the view of the operation of a medicine) had conceiued a better opinion of him than before; being saturdaie the ninth of Iune about eight of the clocke at night, he was taken with a maruellous shortnesse of wind,* 16.104 and a paine in one of his sides: and séeing himselfe so taken before anie man spake to him, he sent for me, saieng; Now is the time that I must die, you haue greatlie abused me; howbeit they vsed all diligence. But about midnight, when there was no further hope, they sent for me. When I was come I found the good prince laid in his estate, of whome trulie I had no other opinion but that death was at hand, and therefore was verie importunat to speake vnto him, fearing least he should haue died without the sacrament, which so greatlie he had longed for.

One commendable matter I noted in the nobi∣litie there present, which was; that there was not one but did importunatlie vrge to speake vnto him of God: for mine owne part I was verie vnpatient, & euerie one was in feare to speake first. One there was that willed me to change mine apparell, & to put on a blacke garment, least he should conceiue anie mistrust. How (said I) can I so doo? He hath sent for me, and knoweth my clothing: if by my spéech he should know me, and then find my clothing chan∣ged, he will enter a greater apprehension of death than before: therefore consider of it, if anie thing fall out amisse, it will be a perpetuall reproch to vs all. In the end monsieur Fougier his steward a ve∣rie wise man so ordered the matter, and with such discretion, that he brake with him of it. At that time was he ouercome with a drowsie sléepe, and still hol∣den with a short wind, accompanied with continuall sweats, and sometime would aske;* 16.105 Doo men die thus? On the tenth daie of Iune which was sundaie, after diuers ceremoniall actions dispatched, and spée∣ches to and fro vttered, with pitifull sighs on all sides of inward setled sorow; the monsieur desired that he might sléepe a while: but his sleepe was not long yer he awaked, when betwixt him and Berson (all the rest being gone) something was said and doone,

which (belike) was not for euerie eare & eie to heare or see. In the end, Berson perceiuing by manifest indications, that death preased vpon him, vsed these words to the monsieur, some (of likeliehood) being then within the hearing. My lord, in the beginning of your sickenesse,* 16.106 you & I made a ioint promise vnto God, wherwith I am burdened: now therefore I doo vnburden my selfe thereof, vnlesse you will helpe to burden me againe. We are witnesses that you haue loued God: now is the time that you must acknow∣ledge him, you are verie sicke, but your soule is [line 10] sound in your bodie. If it please our good God to grant you life, he granteth it to the end you should amend; so should your selfe be happie, and we content that you should liue. If he vouchsafe ••o call you in∣to paradise, how blessed shall you be, or where may you be better? So that whatsoeuer happen, be it life, be it death, still shall you be content and happie. Re∣solue your selfe therefore wholie in the will of God. All we here are your faithfull seruants, and those who euermore haue desired to be so fortunate as to be ho∣nored [line 20] with your commandements; whose eies and eares haue alwaies beene open to heare and obeie you, and to fulfill your will; neuer did you command anie thing, but you were immediatlie obeied. Now know you, that your selfe are Gods seruant; him you must obeie, and to his will must you wholie re∣solue your selfe: whether it be his will you should liue, or is his pleasure you should die still saie: His will be doone. [line 30]

* 16.107Then with a forced speech this good prince said: His will be doone. Take no care my lord said I, for anie worldlie matters. Greatnesse, riches, and re∣nowme doo perish. Paradise is to be found and pos∣sessed. It is a great matter to be a kings sonne, but it is much greater to be the child of God. You are now as a child new borne, you want nothing but the food of the children of God: you haue no more to doo, but to communicat in the pretious bodie of our Lord: it is here readie, would you not gladlie haue [line 40] it? I will cause you easilie to vse it. He answered yes. Then taking the holie sacrament I began to saie vnto him: My Lord Iesus the heauenlie word and euerlasting sonne of God, in old time inuisible, did in the end visiblie manifest himselfe to the world in humane flesh, by taking vpon him our visible and passible nature: but because he was not perpetuallie to remaine in this humane vale, reuiuing and as∣cending into heauen, we had him no longer to touch and handle carnallie and visiblie. And therefore to [line 50] the end not to faile of his promise,* 16.108 that he would be still with vs vntill the consummation of the world; he hath giuen vs inuisiblie his pretious bodie & bloud vnder these holie signes and sacraments, that by the communion in such and so pretious a gift, we might be strengthened in his loue, & through his grace be de∣fended against all temptations & stumbling blocks of our saluation: like as Elias, who in the strength of the food for him miraculouslie ordeined, after his sléepe trauelled long iournies, euen vntill he did sée [line 60] God. Receiue therefore this signe and testimonie of the remission of your sinnes, and when you shall be presented before the maiestie of God, it shall be vnto you a badge and token that you belong vnto him.

Then lifting vp his eies and looking all about him, this good prince opened his mouth, which presentlie I moistened with his drinke, & so gaue him the holie sacrament, and againe powred in some of his drinke to swallow it withall, which he did both deuoutlie and couragiouslie; insomuch that afterward he did eat & speake better than he had doone all the night & morning before, to the great contentation of all the ••ompanie: in whose presence I did againe exhort him saieng: Now my lord, behold you are armed with the cheefe of all your desire, I beséech you com∣fort your selfe in the Lord.* 16.109 It is a great fauour that he hath shewed you, in making you (as it appea∣reth) inheritor vnto the faith, pietie, and christianitie of the kings of France, whose faith and descent you doo hold.

Let your soule now re••oise, yea although you should now die. Thinke what a contentation vn∣to you it shall be; to be discharged from so manie worldlie affaires, what a pleasure to exchange this mortall life for an immortall, glorious and perdura∣ble life; feare no lets: the waie is alreadie beaten, alreadie are they passed the same, whose greatnesse & faith you do•• insue. The patriarchs doo tarie for you, the prophets doo call you: the apostles doo stretch foorth their armes vnto you: the martyrs doo inuite you: the confessors doo solicit you: the virgins doo giue you place: all the saincts doo looke for you. We haue discharged all the duties of faithfull seruants, and such as loue you hartilie. And hauing thus spo∣ken, with a demand or two made, and their answers added: Berson, being the mouth of the residue, said of the monsieur drawing on; that they (meaning himselfe and the companie present) waited but for the houre of his death: yet had he one houre and a halfe to liue. So soone as we were goone, he desired to haue his head laid lower: his chamberleine im∣mediatlie called to vs for helpe, & suddenlie he gaue vp the ghost: my selfe Iames Berson, at the dissolu∣tion of his sweet soule from his louelie bodie, vsing these words: Go and passe on christian soule, and re∣turne to him that hath created thée, &c.

He went awaie so swéetlie that it could hardlie be perceiued,* 16.110 insomuch that some who could not be persuaded that he was dead (for his eies were open and cléere, and his countenance no whit changed) held a looking glasse to his mouth, but there was no signe of life: others féeling his pulses, imagined they did beat, but that was bicause they were strai∣ned euen to the nailes ends. At this word, He is gone, oh what pitie! oh God what tears! what sighes! what sobs! all was dissolued into howling and cries: those that in armor were forwardest, were now rea∣diest in teares, sundrie swooned in the chamber, at the sound hereof the towne quaked, the castell soun∣ded most lamentable voices: yea my selfe hauing lost all courage was forced to open the poole of my head, and to vnstop the gate of my hart, to the end with teares and lamentations to discharge that af∣fection which I bare vnto him.

About foure of the clocke,* 16.111 when all were departed I tooke the linnen wherein he was lapped from about the bodie of this good prince, then did I laie and order it honestlie and with reuerence handled it, some of vs also had so good hap as to kisse his hands & head. Oh my good lord and master, neuer durst I haue béene so bold, had it not beene for the confidence you reposed in me: alas whie was it so late befo••e I did know you, to serue you so small a time? Infinitlie am I forced to print you in my remembrance, in∣graue you in my soule, and to burie you in my hart, for that you vouchsafed to make mine eares gardi∣ans of that which rested in your conscience. Mourne,* 16.112 mourne with me my masters, and all ye the officers of his house: we haue l••st the best master in the world for euer shall the tenth daie of Iune beare witnesse of our mishap: hereafter shall we neuer vpon that daie haue occasion to hold merie feast be∣twéene twelue and one of the clocke, the houre of the decease of so desired a prince▪ The yeare 1584 is in∣déed a yeare of reuolu••••on. France, France, quar∣ter thine armes & in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of lions sow in teares: for the Lord taketh from vs all our noble & honorable,

and taketh the good to depriue vs of them, for my part I will beare thee companie. Moreouer for his trespasses I doo giue him flowres, and for his bodie in ashes the lamentations of Flanders, at the least I inherit in his right an example of vertue, accoun∣ting my selfe infinitlie bounden vnto their maie∣sties, who gaue me to doo the seruice apperteining to my ministerie,* 16.113 vnto a prince that loued me so much, and in whose house all men honored me, whose ora∣tor I doo most deuoutlie rest, desiring them to haue [line 10] patience, though for recompense they haue no more but my selfe. Requiescat in pace. This is all that we purposed to saie touching the monsieur, hauing o∣mitted much that is not communicable, & now will we turne our pen vpon passage to England, noting occurrents of our owne.]

* 16.114The thirtéenth daie of Ianuarie, in the parish of Ermitage in a place called Blacke more in Dorset∣shire, a peece of ground conteining thrée acres re∣mooued from the place where it was first planted, and was caried cleane ouer an other close, where al∣der [line 20] and willow trées grew, the space of fortie goad (euerie goad conteining fiftéene foot) and hath stop∣ped vp an high waie that directed towards the mar∣ket towne of Cerne; and yet notwithstanding the hedges wherewith it was inclosed, inuiron it still, and the trées stand thereon bolt vpright, sauing one oke trée, that is well nigh twentie goads remooued: the place whereas the ground had his being at the first is left like vnto a great hollow pit.* 16.115 The same thirteenth daie of Ianuarie, being sundaie, about [line 30] foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the old and vn∣derpropped scaffolds round about the beare garden, commonlie called Paris garden, on the southside the Thames, ouer against the citie of London, ouer∣charged with people fell suddenlie downe, whereby to the number of eight persons men and women were slaine, and manie other sore hurt and brused. A fréend∣lie warning to all such as more delight themselues in the crueltie of beasts, to sée them rent one an o∣ther; [line 40] than in the works of mercie, which are the fruits of a true professed faith, and ought to be the sabboth daies exercise: and not onelie a warning to works of mercie, but a watchword to put vs in mind how we violate the sabboth daie, the Lords owne daie, which he sanctified himselfe, that we by his example might sanctifie the same, and not prophane it with such gentilisme as we doo, as though God would not call vs to a r••ckoning for abusing his holie ordinan∣ces, and falsifieng the glorious title of christians in [line 50] our odious actions: for the which God will seuerelie expostulat with vs, and with indignation demand of vs why we take his lawes in our mouths, & renounce them in our minds; why we let them swim in our lips, and slip from our liues, as the vaine Iewes did, vnto whome God said in displeasure as followeth:

Quid de lege mea declamas ore profano? * 16.116Non hoc officij debuit esse tui: Cùm tamen & mores & leges oderis aequas, Et verbi officium negligis omne mei. [line 60]

On the third of Februarie being sundaie, Wil∣liam Bruistar habardasher (a man of more than threescore yeares old) being lodged ouer the south∣west porch of saint Brides church in Fleetstréet,* 16.117 with a woman named Marie Breame (whome the same Bruistar had bailed out of Bridewell) were both found smothered to death, in maner following. On the same sundaie in the morning, a marriage being solemnized in that church, a strong fauour was felt, which was thought to haue béene the burning of old shooes or such like, in some gentlemans chamber there about, thereby to suppresse the infection of the plague. But in the afternoone before euening prai∣er, the parishioners espied a smoke to issue out of Bruistars chamber, and therevpon made hast to the dore, which they found fast locked, and were forced to breake it open, but could not enter, till they had rip∣ped vp the lead and roofe of the chamber to let out the smothering stench: which being doone, they found Bruistar dead, sitting on a settle by his beds side (in his apparell, and close trussed) his right thigh & right arme vp to the elbow burnt or scorched with the fire of a small pan of coales that stood before him, but now being cleane quenched with the dampe or lacke of aire. The woman also laie dead ouer the pan, so that hir armes were likewise burnt, with the nether part of hir bodie before to hir brest, and behind to the shoulders, and nothing else in the chamber burnt, but the bottome of the settle wheron Bruistar sat. Of this lamentable accident people talked diuerslie, and pamphlets were published to make the same more knowne: howbeit, to leaue the certeine meanes of the euent to his knowledge that vnderstandeth and séeth all things, let it be a warning to all ages so to liue, as that an honest report may attend their death, & shame flie from them as a cloud before the wind:

Sic sapient, sic non insipientes erunt.

On the sixteenth of Aprill about six of the clocke in the morning, Thomas Worth & Alice Shepheard, [year 1583] * 16.118 were hanged on a gibbet at Shoolane end in Fléet∣street, for killing of a prentice in the same Shoolane. Also on the same daie about eight of the clocke in the morning, a gunpowder house,* 16.119 called the signe of the gun in Fetterlane néere vnto Fléetstréet, and di∣uerse other houses néere adioining, were blowne vp, with the spoire of fiftie hundred weight of pow∣der: two men and one woman were slaine, & diuerse other persons, as well men as women and children were sore hurt; some blasted with the flame, some brused with the fall of timber vpon them, &c.

Albertus Alasco, frée baron of Lasco, Uaiuode,* 16.120 or palatine of Siradia in Poland, arriued at Har∣wich in Essex, and on the last of Aprill came by wa∣ter to Winchester house in Southworke, where he remained for the most part of his abode heere: of whome more hereafter at his returne into his owne countrie. Elias Thackar tailor was hanged at saint Edmunds burie in Suffolke on the fourth of Iune,* 16.121 and Iohn Coping shoomaker on the sixt of the same moneth, for spreading and mainteining certeine bookes seditiouslie penned by one Robert Browne against the receiued booke of English common praier, established by the lawes of this realme their bookes (so manie as could be found) were burned be∣fore them. This yeare on the ninth of Iune decea∣sed Thomas Ratclife earle of Sussex,* 16.122 lord chamber∣leine to hir maiestie, and knight of the garter, at Barmundseie in the borough of Southworke be∣sides London, and was on the eight of Iulie next following conueied through the same citie of Lon∣don toward Newhall in Essex, there to be buried in forme folowing. First went on foot before him fortie and fiue poore men in blacke gownes, then on horsse∣backe one hundred and twentie seruingmen in blacke coats, then ninetie and fiue gentlemen in blacke gownes or clokes, besides the heralds at armes and other, which bare his helme, creast, sword, coat of armes, and banners of armes, &c. Then the deceased earle, couered with a pall of blacke vel∣uet, in a chariot likewise couered with blacke veluet, drawne with foure goodlie geldings; next after was led the earles stéed couered with blacke veluet, then sir Henrie Ratclife the succéeding erle chiefe mour∣ner, and eight other lords all in blacke, then the lord maior and his brethren the aldermen of London ri∣ding in murraie gownes, then on foot the gentle∣men of Greis in, and last of all the worshipfull com∣panie of the merchant tailors of London in their li∣ueries,

for that the said earle was a brother of their companie, as manie noble men, and famous prin∣ces, kings of this realme before him had béene; as more at large is declared in * 16.123 the summarie of the chronicles of England, in the eightéenth yeare of king Henrie the seuenth. The maior and aldermen, the gentlemen of Greis in, and the merchant tailors accompanied the corps to the barres without Ald∣gate, and returned. This was the end of that noble∣man, who (whiles he liued) aduentured lim and life [line 10] against the enimies of the English commonwelth, and therefore in respect of his excellent seruices, de∣serued no lesse remembrance than is alreadie extant of him in print, whereof this following is a parcell:

—satrapas praeclarus, fortis & audax, Elisabetha tui speciosi corporis acer Et fidus custos, discrimen adire paratus Quodlibet, inuicto Mauortis pectore campo: Cui virtus persaepè herbam porrexit Hibernus, Quem pugnis fulg••ns ornat victoria parta [line 20] Sanguineis, sed laus huic maxima iudicis aequi.

Edmund Grindall doctor of diuinitie archbishop of Canturburie deceassed at Croidon in Surrie on the sixt daie of Iulie,* 16.124 & was there buried. This good man in his life time was so studious, that his booke was his bride, and his studie his bridechamber, wher∣vpon he spent both his eiesight, his strength, and his health, and therefore might verie well not actiue∣lie but passiuelie be named as (he was) Grindall: for he groond himselfe euen to his graue by mortifi∣cation. [line 30] Of whome much might be spoken for others imitation (si••h the vse of the historie, is to instruct succéeding ages) but this shall suffice, that as his learning & vertue were inseparable companions; so the reward of both is the good name which he hath left behind him as a monument perpetuall, bicause vertue was the founder of the same: according to the true saieng of the late poet importing no lesse:

Virtutis merces eadem & labor, illa tropheum est, * 16.125Soláque dat nigrae vincere mortis iter: [line 40] Nam nisi virtutis quaeratur gloria factis, Omnis in extremos est abitura rogos.

* 16.126Barnard Randolfe esquier, common sargeant to the citie of London, deceassed on the seauenth of August. This man in his life time, somewhat before his death, gaue and deliuered to the companie of the Fishmongers in London the summe of nine hun∣dred pounds, of good and lawfull monie of England to be imploied towards the conducting of Thames water, cesterning the same in lead, and castelling [line 50] with stone in the parishes of saint Marie Magda∣lene, and saint Nicholas cold abbeie, néere vnto old Fishstréet, seauen hundred pounds. The other two hundred pounds, to paie for euer yearelie the summe of ten pounds, that is, towards the maintenance of a poore scholar in the vniuersitie of Oxenford yeare∣lie foure pounds. Towards the mending of the high waies in the parish of Tisehurst, in the countie of Sussex, where the said Barnard was borne, euerie yeare foure pounds. And to the poore people of the [line 60] parishes of saint Nicholas Oliue in Bredstréet and saint Marie Magdalene néere to old Fishstreet for∣tie shillings, to wit, twentie shillings to either pa∣rish for euer. More he willed and bequeathed by his last will and testament to be bestowed in land or an∣nuities, to the reléefe of the poore inhabiting in the wards of Quéenehiue, and castell Bainard in the citie of London, and in the aforesaid parish of Tise∣hurst in the countie of Sussex, the summe of one thousand pounds.

This yeare in the moneth of Iune, were sent to the seas,* 16.127 a ship called the barke Talbot, and a small barke, both manned with a hundred men, vnder the charge of William Borough esquier, clerke of hir maiesties nauie, for the apprehending of certeine outragious searouers, who for that they were manie in number, and well appointed (contemning the small strength that was set out against them) so boldlie behaued themselues, as that shortlie after it was confidentlie bruted, that they had vanquished in fight the said ship and barke. But within few daies after, beyond all expectation, they were by the said William Borough and his companie discomfi∣ted and taken, to the number of ten saile (whereof three were prises) & some of the chiefe pirats, namelie Thomas Walton aliàs Purser, Clinton Atkinson, William Ellis, William Ualentine aliàs Bagh, Thomas Beuen and foure more, on the thirtith of August were hanged at Wapping in the ooze besides London. Walton as he went to the gallowes rent his venecian breeches of crimsin taffata, and distri∣buted the same péecemeale, to such his old acquain∣tance as stood néere about him: but Atkinson had be∣fore giuen his murrie veluet dublet with great gold buttons, and the like coloured veluet venecians laid with great gold lace (apparell too sumptuous for sea∣rouers) which he had worne at the seas, & wherein he was brought vp prisoner from Corse castell in the Ile of Porbeke to London, vnto such his fréends as pleased him, before he went to Wapping.

¶ This Clinton Atkinson (a personable fellow,* 16.128 tall of stature and well proportioned, of acceptable beha∣uiour when he kept shop for himselfe, being a free man of London, and like enough to doo well if he had taken good waies) had his name of the late earle of Lincolne now deceassed, who christened him being an infant, & by whose speciall meanes (being growne a proper man) he was not long before saued from the like death, and yet thorough want of grace making relapse, fell within danger of law. He descended of honest parents, his father speciallie being a man of verie honest name, one that loued the truth, for the testimonie wherof he forsooke his owne natiue coun∣trie, leading a hard life with his familie beyond the seas in queene Maries daies: & returning to Eng∣land at the inthronization of our gratious queene Elisabeth in the seat roiall, was made minister, in which vocation he died in Gods fauour, and the good opinion of his neighbors, leuing behind him (among other sonnes) this his eldest, sorted (as you sée) to the shame, which malefactors of that qualitie, and so con∣uinced, can not auoid. This auoweth he that knew the man as well as the right hand from the left. Where (to conclude) we are to marke that it is not al∣waies true, that good parents haue good children: for here is an example of degeneration, procured not by euill education (for this Clinton wanted no good bringing vp) but by bad companie and libertie,* 16.129 the verie spoile of many a one that otherwise might liue & thriue. Wherin by the way we are to woonder at the counsels of God, who suffreth children so much to va∣rie from their parents in qualitie, as if they had not receiued their birthright, but were bastards & chang∣lings: but to end with the prophet Dauids saieng:

Intima consilij non penetranda Dei.

On the eighteenth daie of September,* 16.130 Iohn Lewes, who named himselfe Abdoit, an obstinate heretike, denieng the godhead of Christ, and holding diuers other detestable heresies (much like to his pre∣decessor Matthew Hamont) was burned at Nor∣wich. On the two and twentith of September Alber∣tus de Lasco, palatine of Siradia in Poland,* 16.131 before spoken of, now when he had well viewed the order of our English court and nobilitie; with other places of this realme, especiallie the vniuersitie of Oxenford, &c: taking leaue of hir maiestie, and of the nobilitie, he departed towards Poland. But before we make entrance into further occurrents, it shall not be

amisse to touch some necessarie circumstances of re∣membrance.

* 16.132This Albertus in the eies of the most, whereof some knew him, that might hardlie commend him, estéemed him a man for making well proportioned, of an indifferent tall stature, of countenance amia∣ble, and complexion English like, hauing a white beard of such length and bredth, as that lieng in his bed, and parting it with his hands, the same ouer∣spred all his brest and shoulders, himselfe greatlie [line 10] deliting therein, and reputing it an ornament: as for his qualities (apparant vnto the world) they were generous, his vtterance swéet, his wit plausi∣ble, in the knowledge of toongs well seene: his ordi∣narie attire scarlet, but when he presented himselfe to hir maiestie, a robe or gowne of purple veluet, with other habiliments and furniture agréeable; his shooes of a strange fashion, supposed of some not al∣togither vnlike Chaucers. Finallie, a gallant fel∣low he was, & (as might be gathered by some words [line 20] spoken by him in * 16.133 open audience) more Martiall than Mercuriall; verie actiue in respect of his age, and also studious in diuerse faculties, &c.

Touching the interteinement which he had at Oxenford, and how the vniuersitie did congratulate his comming, it is somewhat worth the noting. In the moneth of Iune, the said Albertus de Lasco, comming from the marriage of the lord Norris his daughter, with sir A. Paulets eldest sonne at Ricot, he put himselfe on the waie to Oxenford▪ wherof the [line 30] vniuersitie (doctor Houenden then vicechancellor, & maister Le••son with maister Edes proctors) hauing intelligence, prouided for his conuenient receiuing: insomuch that in the waie to Oxenford, there met him doctor Westfailing, who greeted him with a pithie salutation. In like sort did the maior and his bréethren, in whose behalfe for the whole citie, the towne clerke a worshipfull maister of art, pronoun∣ced his short and sententious spéech in Latine, not without some gratulatorie gift from that corporati∣on. [line 40] On the east gate wherat he entered, stood a con∣sort of musicians, who for a long space made verie sweet harmonie, which could not but mooue & delight:

Inscia plebs populísque arrectis auribus astat, Dulciferúmque rudi suscipit aure melos.

All vp the high stréet vnto saint Maries church, on either side the waie, were decentlie marshalled scholers in their gownes & caps, batchelors and mai∣sters in their habits and hoods. At saint Maries the orator of the vniuersitie (notable in his facultie) pre∣sented [line 50] him a booke,* 16.134 in which were closelie couched ve∣rie rich and gorgeous gloues. From thense he mar∣ched to Christs church, where he was whilest he abode in the vniuersitie most honourablie interteined. And the first night being vacant, as in which he sought ra∣ther rest in his lodging than recreation in anie aca∣demicall pastimes, strange fire works were she∣wed, in the great quadrangle, besides rockets and a number such maner of deuises. On the second daie, his first dinner was made him at Alsoules college, where (besides dutifull receiuing of him) he was so∣lemnelie [line 60] satisfied with scholerlie exercises and court∣lie fare. This night & the night insuing, after sump∣tuous suppers in his lodging, he personaly was pre∣sent with his traine in the hall, first at the plaieng of a pleasant comedie intituled Riuales; then at the set∣ting out of a verie statelie tragedie named Dido, wherein the quéenes banket (with Eneas narration of the destruction of Troie) was liuelie described in a marchpaine patterne, there was also a goodlie sight of hunters with full crie of a kennell of hounds, Mercurie and Iris descending and ascending from and to an high place,* 16.135 the tempest wherein it hailed small confects, rained rosewater, and snew an arti∣ficiall kind of snew, all strange, maruellous, & abun∣dant.

Most of the actors were of the same house, six or seauen of them were of saint Iohns, & thrée or foure of other colleges & hals. His second dinner the third daie was at Magdalen college, with oratorie wel∣comming & bountifull feasting. His third dinner the fourth daie at New college. The eloquent spéech in Gréeke Latine and Dutch with his owne vnstudied answer thervnto, & all other before rehersed, are not to be omitted; nor the publike philosophie, physike, and diuinitie disputations, in all which those learned opponents, respondents, & moderators, quited them∣selues like themselues, sharplie and soundlie, besides all other solemne sermons & lectures. At afternoone the fourth & last daie, he went towards Woodstocke manour, and without the north gate by the waie he was inuited vnto a banket at saint Iohns college, where the gates & outward wals ouercouered with thousands of verses, & other emblematicall poetries then offered him, argued their hartie goodwils: but his hasting to his iournies end caused him not to ta∣rie the delicat banket; yet onelie staieng the deliue∣rie of a swéet oration and his owne quicke wittie re∣plie therevnto, he departed immediatlie, accompa∣nied for a mile or two with the most of those reue∣rend doctors and heads of houses all on horssebacke, where the orator againe gaue him an orators fare∣well. And this is the summe of his interteinement, not deliuered in such sort as the dignitie of the same requireth; howbeit sufficient for a sudden remem∣brance.

On the thrée & twentith daie of September, Iohn Whitegift doctor of diuinitie,* 16.136 sometimes maister of Trinitie colledge in Cambridge, and afterwards bishop of Worcester, was at Lambhith translated to the archbishoprike of Canturburie, where he at his comming to Lambehith (as also elsewhere he al∣waies did) gaue euident testimonies both of mind∣fulnesse and thankefulnesse for his aduancements: as by the thrée tables hanging at the vpper end of his great chamber appeareth: their position in this sort. In the midst hir maiesties armes roiall artificiallie wrought, with as much cunning as the painter by his pencill could describe them: and vnder them this distichon of thankesgiuing, and welwishing:

Nestoreos foelix regat Elisabetha per annos, Quae mihi munificè * 16.137 Candida dona dedit.

On the right side, the armes of the sée of Cantur∣burie of azure, a pall siluer garnished with crosses forme fiche sable ouer a crosse portatile gold: to the lower end whereof this distichon is fairelie fixed:

En leue multiplici premeretur cuspide corpus,* 16.138 Nibaculus Christi grande leuaret onus.

On the left side are placed the ancient armes of the sée of Worcester, from the which he was transla∣ted, which are of siluer, ten torteaux, foure, three, two, one: with this distichon therevnto annexed:

Qui crucis aerumnas patitur, post fata triumphat, Lilia sic spondent fuluis coniuncta talentis.]

Ouer & aboue the arms of both the said sées is his graces posie, Vincit qui patitur: a deserued posie, and iustified by his actions.* 16.139 The tenth of October at Ea∣ster, a towne in Norffolke neere the sea coast, about two miles from Yarmouth, there was a fish of woonderfull length, by force of the wind (being then easterlie) driuen a shore, the length whereof was from the necke vnto the taile seuenteene yards and one foote, hauing a big head; for the chap of the saw was thrée yards and a quarter in length, with téeth of three quarters of a yard compas, great eies, and two great holes ouer them to spout out water, hir taile was fourteene foot broad, &c: she laie in the sands, and was soonken therein a yard and a halfe

déepe, and yet was she aboue the sands so high, that a lather of fourtéene staues would but reach to the top of hir backe; so that in thicknesse from the backe to the bellie, she was foure yards and a halfe. Iohn Slade,* 16.140 sometime a schoolemaister, and Iohn Bodie a maister of art of Oxford, being both indicted and condemned of high treason, were drawne, hanged, and quartered: Slade at Winchester on the thirtith daie of October, and Bodie at Andouar on the se∣cond daie of Nouember. [line 10]

* 16.141About this time, one named Ditch a notable horssestealer, was apprehended at the sessions hol∣den for the goale deliuerie at Newgat, on the fourth of December, ninetéene times indicted, whereof he confessed eightéene: who also betwéene the time of his apprehension and the said sessions, appeached ma∣nie for stealing of horsses, whereof (diuerse being ap∣prehended) ten of them were condemned, and han∣ged in Smithfield on the sixt daie of December, be∣ing Fridaie, and horsse market there. He also holpe diuerse more to their horsses againe which had béene [line 20] stolne from them, taking of euerie one of them ten shillings the péece or more that so recouered their horsses: wherby he made fiftéene pounds of currant monie towards his charges.* 16.142 Iames earle of Des∣mond in Ireland, secretlie wandering without anie succour as a miserable begger, being taken in his cabbin by one of the Irishrie, his head was cut off, and sent into England, where the same (as the head of an archrebell) was set vpon London bridge on the [line 30] thirteenth daie of December. Looke for the man∣ner of his rebellion and his death more at large set downe in the historie of Ireland.

The tenth daie of December, through negligence of vndiscréet persons,* 16.143 brewing in the towne of Nantwich, in a place called Waterlode; the fire be∣ing careleslie left, tooke hold (as should séeme) vpon some straw, or such light matter, & so burst foorth to the roofes of the house, and in short time so increased, that from the west end of the towne (the wind at [line 40] southwest) the flame was dispersed so furiouslie in∣to the towne on the southside, that in short space a great part of the said southside and some of the east∣side was burned downe to the ground. Which fire beginning at six of the clocke in the euening, and continuing till six of the clocke in the morning fol∣lowing, neuer ceased burning, till it had consum••d aboue the number of two hundred houses, besides brew houses, barnes, stables, &c: in all about six hundred houses, so that by estimation of manie, the losse of houses and goods amounted to aboue thir∣tie [line 50] thousand pounds, as more at large appeared by a particular booke printed of that matter. About this time,* 16.144 Iohn Someruile a furious yoong man of El∣stow in Warwikeshire, of late discouered and ta∣ken in his waie comming with full intent to kill the quéenes maiestie (whom God long prosper to reigne ouer vs) confessed the treason, and that he was mo∣ued therevnto in his wicked spirit, by certeine trai∣torous persons his kinsmen and alies, and also by often reading of certeine seditious bookes latelie [line 60] published, for the which the said Someruile, Edward Arden a squire of Parkehall in Warwikeshire, Marie Arden his wife (father and mother in law to the said Someruile) and Hugh Hall priest, being with other before indicted at Warwike, were on the sixtéenth of December arreigned in the Guildhall of London, where they were found guiltie and con∣demned of high treason. On the nintéenth of De∣cember,* 16.145 Iohn Someruile, and Edward Arden, be∣ing brought from the tower of London to New∣gate of the same citie, and there shut vp in seuerall places: within two hours after, Someruile was found (desperatlie) to haue strangled himselfe. And on the morrow being the tw••ntith of December, Edward Arden was drawne from Newgate into Smithfield, and there hanged, bowelled, and quar∣tered: whose head with Someruiles was set on Lon∣don bridge, and his quarters on the gates of the ci∣tie; but the bodie of Someruile was buried in the Morefields, néere vnto the windmils without More∣gate. A dreadfull example of Gods heauie iudge∣ment vpon those two offendors; but speciallie a∣gainst the last, whome God deliuered to a reprobat mind, in somuch that his owne hands became his hangman, preuenting the office of the common exe∣cutioner, who should haue performed that last action vpon him: whereof the iustice of God in vengeance made himselfe the finisher and fulfiller. Thus much by the waie of terror, that the remembrance hereof, by the reading & reporting of the same, maie make men euill minded, amazed at the rigorous reuenge∣ment which God taketh (when he séeth his due time) vpon the wicked: after his long sufferance and pa∣tience most wickedlie abused; wherof the poet saith:

Vltio procedit (fateor) diuina gradatim, Nec quoties peccant fulmina vibrat eis: Supplicij verò iusta grauitate rependit Turpia, quae longo tempore facta tulit.

In this yeare 1583 (which should haue béene no∣ted in the fore part of the yeare) by the meanes of a certeine astrologicall discourse,* 16.146 vpon the great and notable coniunction of the two superior planets, Sa∣turne and Iupiter, prognosticated to be the eight and twentith of Aprill; the common sort of people, yea and no small multitude of such as thinke scorne to be called fooles, or counted beggers, whilest they were in expectation of this coniunction, were in no small imaginations, supposing that no lesse would haue béene effectuated, than by the said discourse was prophesied. Into these fansies not void of feare and mistrust they were drawne with the more facilitie, for that they had read, and heard, & pondered, and sus∣pected, and in part beléeued the predictions of such euents as should insue by influence of that coniunc∣tion. For it was termed the great and notable con∣iunction, which should be manifested to the ignorant sort,* 16.147 by manie fierce and boisterous winds then sud∣denlie breaking out. It was called the greatest and most souereigne coniunction among the seuen pla∣nets: why so? Because lawes, and empires, and re∣gions are ruled by the same: which foretelleth the comming of a prophet, & the destruction of certeine climats and parts of the earth, and new found he∣resies, and a new founded kingdome, and dama∣ges through the pestilence, and abundant showers: which dooth prognosticat the destinie of a great and mightie king, much sorrow & heauinesse to men, los∣ses to rich and noble men, yea and those too which are accounted and reputed like to prophets, and a mul∣titude of locusts: which dooth foreshew▪ that weightie and woonderfull things shall come into the world: which dooth threten continuall ouerflowes of waters, and particular deluges in some countries: finallie, which menaceth much mischiefe. The publication, off reading, and talking of this coniunction, with the re∣membrance of the instant wherin it should be, made manie (when the daie foretold was come) to looke for some strange apparition or vision in the aire; and withall, put them in mind of an old and common pro∣phesie, touching the yeare 1588,* 16.148 which is now so ri••e in euerie mans mouth. That yeare was manie hundred yeares ago foretold and much spoken of a∣mongst astrologers, who haue as it were, Vnanimi consensu, prognosticated, that either a maruellous fearfull & horrible alteration of empires, kingdoms, segniories and estates, togither likewise with o∣ther most woonderfull, and verie extraordinarie acci∣dents,

as extreame hunger and pestilence, desperat treasons and commotions shall then fall out, to the miserable affliction and oppression of huge multi∣tudes: or else, that an vtter and finall ouerthrowe and destruction of the whole world shall insue: which prophesie is conteined in these verses following:

Post mille expletos à partu Virginis annos, * 16.149Et post quingentos rursus ab orbe datos: Octogesimus octauus mirabilis annus Ingruet, is secum tristia fata feret. Si non hoc anno totus malus occidet orbis, [line 10] Si non in nihilum terra, fretúmque ruet: Cuncta tamen mundi sursum ibunt atque retrorsum, Imperia, & luctus vndique grandis erit.

So that by this prophesie, either a finall dissoluti∣on, or a woonderfull horrible alteration of the world is then to be expected. All these considerations laid togither, as well the prediction of the coniunction in expectation,* 16.150 as also the dreadfull euents, which were to insue therevpon: and vpon the necke of these, the [line 20] great yeare of 1588 in euerie mans mouth, the more frequent and common by occasion of a booke extant vnder the title of the end of the world, and the second comming of Christ, made diuerse diuerslie affected; insomuch that some conuersing and confer∣ring, looked for no lesse than was prophesied; and talking verie religiouslie, séemed as though they would become sanctified people: howbeit, the day of the coniunction being past,* 16.151 with a certeine counter∣checke against the said astrologicall discourse in [line 30] some points defectiue, and no such euents palpablie perceiued as were prognosticated; people fell to their former securitie, and condemned the discourser of extreame madnesse and follie: whereof no more but this, Scientia nullum habet sibi inimicum praeter ignoran∣tem.

[year 1584] On the tenth of Ianuarie in the yeare 1584 at a sessions holden in the iustice hall in the old bailie of London for goale deliuerie of Newgate,* 16.152 William Cartar of the citie of London was there indicted, ar∣reigned, [line 40] and condemned of high treason, for printing a seditious and traitorous booke in English, intitu∣led A treatise of schisme: and was for the same (ac∣cording to sentence pronounced against him) on the next morrow, which was the eleuenth of Ianuarie, drawne from Newgate to Tiborne, and there han∣ged, bowelled, and quartered. And foorthwith against slanderous reports,* 16.153 spread abroad in seditious books, letters and libels, thereby to inflame the hearts of our countriemen, and hir maiesties subiects: a booke [line 50] was published, intituled, A declaration of the fauo∣rable dealing of hir maiesties commissioners, &c. Which booke I haue thought good in this place to set downe (for the better instruction of the reader) euen as the same was printed and published, and thus it followeth.

A declaration of the fauourable dea∣ling of hir maiesties commissioners appointed for the examination of certeine traitors, and of tor∣tures vniustlie reported to be done vpon them [line 60] for matters of religion.

* 17.1GOod reader, although hir maiesties most mild and gratious gouernement be suf∣ficient to defend it selfe against those most slanderous reports of heathenish and vnnaturall tyrannie and cruell tortures, preten∣ded to haue béene executed vpon certeine traitors, who latelie suffered for their treason, and others, as∣well spread abroad by rungates, Iesuits, and semi∣narie men in their seditious bookes, letters, and li∣bels, in forren countries and princes courts, as al∣so insinuated into the hearts of some of our owne countriemen and hir maiesties subiects: yet for thy better satisfaction I haue conferred with a verie ho∣nest gentleman, whom I knew to haue good and suf∣ficient meanes to deliuer the truth against such for∣gers of lies and shamelesse slanders in that behalfe, which he and other that doo know and haue affirmed the same will at all times iustifie. And for thy fur∣ther assurance and satisfaction herein, he hath set downe to the vew of all men these necessarie notes following.

Touching the racke and torments vsed to such traitors as pretended themselues to be catholikes, vpon whom the same haue beene exercised, it is affir∣med for truth, and is offered vpon due examination so to be prooued, to be as followeth. First,* 17.2 that the formes of torture in their seueritie or rigour of exe∣cution, haue not beene such and in such maner perfor∣med, as the slanderers and seditious libellers haue slanderouslie & maliciouslie published. And that euen the principall offendor Campion himselfe, who was sent & came from Rome, and continued here in sun∣drie corners of the realme, hauing secretlie wande∣red in the greatest part of the shires of England in a disguised sort, to the intent to make speciall prepa∣ration of treasons; and to that end and for furthe∣rance of those his labours, sent ouer for more helpe and assistance, and cunninglie and traitorouslie at Rome before he came from thense, procured tolera∣tion for such prepared rebels to kéepe themselues co∣uert vnder pretense of temporarie and permissiue o∣bedience to hir maiestie the state standing as it doth; but so soone as there were sufficient force whereby the bull of hir maiesties depriuation might be pub∣likelie executed, they should then ioine all togither with that force vpon paine of cursse and damnation: that verie Campion, I saie,* 17.3 before the conference had with him by learned men in the Tower, wherin he was charitablie vsed, was neuer so racked, but that he was presentlie able to walke, and to write, and did presentlie write and subscribe all his confes∣sions, as by the originals thereof may euidentlie appeare.

A horrible matter is also made of the staruing of one Alexander Briant, how he should eat claie out of the wals, gathered water to drinke from the drop∣pings of houses, with such other false ostentations of immanitie: where the truth is this, that what soeuer Briant suffered in want of food, he suffered the same wilfullie & of extreame impudent obstinacie, against the mind and liking of those that dealt with him. For certeine traitorous writings being found a∣bout him, it was thought conuenient by conference of hands to vnderstand whose writing they were, and thervpon he being in hir maiesties name comman∣ded to write, which he could verie well doo, and being permitted to him to write what he would himselfe, in these termes, that if he liked not to write one thing, he might write another, or what he listed (which to doo being charged in hir maiesties name was his dutie, and to refuse was disloiall and vndutifull) yet the man would by no meanes be induced to write a∣nie thing at all. Then was it commanded to his kee∣per to giue vnto him such meat, drinke, and other conuenient necessaries as he would write for, and to forbeare to giue him anie thing for which he would not write.

But Briant being thereof aduertised and off mooued to write,* 17.4 persisting so in his curst heart by almost two daies and two nights, made choise ra∣ther to lacke food, than to write for the sustenance which he might readilie haue had for writing, & which he had indeed readilie and plentifullie so soone as he wrote. And as it is said of these two, so is it to be said of other; with this, that there was a perpetuall

care had, & the quéenes seruants the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the racke, were euer by those that attended the examinations speciallie char∣ged, to vse it in as charitable maner as such a thing might be.

Secondlie it is said, and likewise offered to be iu∣stified, that neuer anie of these seminaries, or such o∣ther pretended catholikes, which at anie time in hir maiesties reigne haue béene put to the racke, were vpon the racke or in other torture demanded anie [line 10] question of their supposed conscience; as what they beleeued in anie point of doctrine or faith, as the masse,* 17.5 transubstantiation, or such like: but onelie with what persons at home, or abroad, and touching what plats, practises and conferences they had dealt about attempts against hir maiesties estate or per∣son, or to alter the lawes of the realme for matters of religion, by treason or by force, and how they were persuaded themselues, and did persuade other touch∣ing the popes bull and pretense of authoritie, to de∣pose [line 20] kings and princes; and namelie, for depriuati∣on of hir maiestie, and to discharge subiects from their allegiance, expressing herein alwaie the kinglie powers and estates, and the subiects allegiance ciui∣lie, without mentioning or meaning therein anie right that the quéene as in right of the crowne hath ouer persons ecclesiasticall being hir subiects. In all which cases, Campion and the rest neuer answered plainelie, but sophisticallie, deceiptfullie and traito∣rouslie, restraining their confession of allegiance [line 30] onelie to the permissiue forme of the popes tolera∣tion. As for example, if they were asked, whether they did acknowledge themselues the queenes subiects and would obeie hir, they would saie, Yea: for so they had leaue for a time to doo.* 17.6 But adding more to the question, and they being asked, if they would so acknowledge & obeie hir anie longer than the pope would so permit them; or notwithstanding such com∣mandement as the pope would or might giue to the contrarie: then they either refused so to obeie, or de∣nied [line 40] to answer; or said, that they could not answer to those questions without danger. Which verie an∣swer without more saieng, was a plaine answer to all reasonable vnderstanding, that they would no longer be subiects, nor persuade other to be subiects, than the pope gaue licence. And at their verie ar∣reignement, when they labored to leaue in the minds of the people and standers by, an opinion that they were to die, not for treason, but for matter of faith and conscience in doctrine, touching the seruice of [line 50] God, without anie attempt or purpose against hir maiestie, they cried out that they were true subiects, and did and would obeie and serue hir maiestie. Im∣mediatlie, to prooue whether that hypocriticall and sophisticall speach extended to a perpetuitie of their obedience, or to so long time as the pope so permit∣ted, or no; they were openlie in place of iudgement asked by the queenes learned councell,* 17.7 whether they would so obeie and be true subiects, if the pope com∣manded the contrarie? They plainlie disclosed them∣selues in answer, saieng by the mouth of Campion: [line 60] This place (meaning the court of hir maiesties Bench) hath no power to inquire or iudge of the ho∣lie fathers authoritie: and other answer they would not make.

Thirdlie, that none of them haue béene put to the racke or torture, no not for the matters of treason, or partnership of treason or such like, but where it was first knowen and euidentlie probable by former de∣tections, confessions, and otherwise, that the partie so racked, or tortured, was giltie, and did know, and could deliuer truth of the things wherewith he was charged: so as it was first assured, that no innocent was at anie time tormented, and the racke was ne∣uer vsed to wring out confessions at aduenture vp∣on vncertenties, in which dooing it might be possible that an innocent in that case might haue bin racked.

Fourthlie, that none of them hath beene racked or tortured, vnlesse he had first said expreslie, or amoun∣ting to asmuch, that he will not tell the truth,* 17.8 though the queene command him. And if anie of them be∣ing examined did saie he could not tell, or did not re∣member, if he would so affirme in such maner as christians among christians are beléeued; such his an∣swer was accepted, if there were not apparant eui∣dence to prooue that he wilfullie said vntrulie. But if he said that his answer in deliuering truth, should hurt a catholike, & so be an offense against the chari∣tie, which they said to be sinne, & that the quéene could not command them to sin, & therfore how soeuer the quéene commanded, they would not tell the truth, which they were knowen to know, or to such effect: they were then put to the torture, or else not.

Fiftlie, that the procéeding to torture was alwaie so slowlie, so vnwillinglie, & with so manie preparati∣ons of persuasions to spare themselues, and so ma∣nie meanes to let them know that the truth was by them to be vttered, both in dutie to hir maiestie, and in wisedome for themselues, as whosoeuer was pre∣sent at those actions, must néedes acknowledge in hir maiesties ministers, a full purpose to follow the example of hir owne most gratious disposition: whome God long preserue.

Thus it appéereth, that albeit by the more gene∣rall lawes of nations, torture hath béene, and is law∣fullie iudged to be vsed in lesser cases, and in sharper maner for inquisition of truth in crimes not so néere extending to publike danger, as these vngratious persons haue committed, whose conspiracies and the particularities thereof it did so much import and be∣hooue to haue disclosed: yet euen in that necessarie vse of such procéeding, inforced by the offendors no∣torious obstinacie, is neuerthelesse to be acknowled∣ged the swéet temperature of hir maiesties mild and gratious clemencie, and their slanderous lewdnesse to be the more condemned, that haue in fauour of hainous malefactors, and stubborne traitors, spred vntrue rumors and slanders, to make hir mercifull gouernement disliked, vnder false pretense and ru∣mors of sharpenesse and crueltie to those, against whom nothing can be cruell, and yet vpon whom no∣thing hath béene doone but gentle and mercifull.

The execution of iustice in England for maintenance of publike and christian peace, against certeine stirrers of sedition, and adherents to the traitors and enimies of the realme, without anie per∣secution of them for questions of religion, as is falslie reported and published by the fautors and fosterers of their treasons.

IT hath béene in all ages and in all coun∣tries a common vsage of all offendors,* 18.1 for the most part, both great and small, to make defense of their lewd and vnlaw∣full facts by vntruths, and by colouring and couering their déeds (were they neuer so vile) with pretenses of some other causes of contrarie operations or effects: to the intent not onelie to auoid punishment or shame, but to continue, vphold, and prosecute their wicked attempts, to the full satisfaction of their dis∣ordered and malicious appetites. And though such hath beene the vse of all offendors,* 18.2 yet of none with more danger than of rebels and traitors to their law∣full princes, kings, and countries. Of which sort of late yeares are speciallie to be noted certeine per∣sons naturallie borne subiects in the realme of Eng∣land and Ireland, who hauing for some good time

professed outwardlie their obedience to their soue∣reigne ladie quéene Elisabeth, haue neuerthelesse af∣terward beene stirred vp and seduced by wicked spi∣rite,* 18.3 first in England sundrie yeares past, and se∣condlie and of later time in Ireland, to enter into open rebellion, taking armes and comming into the field against hir maiestie and hir lieutenants, with their forces vnder banners displaied, inducing by notable vntruths manie simple people to follow and assist them in their traitorous actions.

And though it is verie well knowen, that both [line 10] their intentions and manifest actions were bent to haue deposed the quéenes maiestie from hir crowne, and to haue traitorouslie set in hir place some other whome they liked,* 18.4 whereby if they had not béene spée∣dilie resisted, they would haue committed great bloudsheds and slaughters of hir maiesties faith∣full subiects, and ruined their natiue countrie: yet by Gods power giuen vnto hir maiestie, they were so spéedilie vanquished,* 18.5 as some few of them suffered by order of law according to their deserts, [line 20] manie & the greatest part vpon confession of their faults were pardoned, the rest (but they not manie) of the principall, escaped into forren countries, & there, bicause in none or few places rebels and traitors to their naturall princes and countries dare for their treasons chalenge at their first muster open comfort or succour, these notable traitors and rebels haue falselie informed manie kings, princes and states, and speciallie the bishop of Rome, commonlie called the pope (from whom they all had secretlie their first [line 30] comfort to rebell) that the cause of their flieng from their countries was for the religion of Rome,* 18.6 and for maintenance of the said popes authoritie: whereas diuerse of them before their rebellion li∣ued so notoriouslie, the most part of their liues, out of all good rule, either for honest maners, or for anie sense in religion, as they might haue béene rather fa∣miliar with Catiline, or fauourers to Sardanapa∣lus, than accounted good subiects vnder anie christi∣an princes. As for some examples of the heads of [line 40] these rebellions, out of England fled Charles Ne∣uill earle of Westmerland, a person vtterlie wasted by loosenesse of life, and by Gods punishment euen in the time of his rebellion bereaued of his children that should haue succéeded him in the earledome, and his bodie now eaten with vlcers of lewd causes (as his companions doo saie) that no enimie he hath can wish him a viler punishment: a pitifull losse to the realme of so noble a house, neuer before in anie age atteinted for disloialtie.* 18.7 And out of Ireland ran [line 50] awaie one Thomas Stukeleie, a defamed person al∣most thorough all christendome, and a faithlesse beast rather than a man, fléeing first out of England for notable pirasies, and out of Ireland for trecheries not pardonable, which two were the first ringleaders of the rest of the rebels, the one for England, the o∣ther for Ireland.

But notwithstanding the notorious euill and wic∣ked liues of these & others their confederats, void of [line 60] all christian religion, it liked the bishop of Rome, as in fauour of their treasons, not to colour their offen∣ses, as themselues openlie pretend to doo, for auoi∣ding of common shame of the world: but flatlie to animate them to continue their former wicked pur∣poses, that is, to take armes against their lawfull quéene, to inuade hir realme with forren forces, to pursue all hir good subiects & their natiue countries with fire and sword: for maintenance whereof there had some yeares before, at sundrie times, procéeded in a thundering sort,* 18.8 buls, excommunications, and other publike writings, denouncing hir maiestie be∣ing the lawfull quéene, and Gods annointed seruant not to be the queene of the realme, charging and vp∣on paines of excommunication comm••••••ing all hir subiects to depart from their naturall allegiances, whereto by birth and by oth they were bound: prouo∣king also and authorising all persons of all degrees within both the realmes to rebell. And vpon this an∣tichristian warrant, being contrarie to all the lawes of God and man, & nothing agréeable to a pastorall officer, not onelie all the rable of the foresaid trai∣tors that were before fled; but also all other persons that had forsaken their natiue countries, being of di∣uerse conditions and qualities, some not able to liue at home but in beggerie, some discontented for lacke of preferments, which they gaped for vnworthilie in vniuersities and other places, some bankerupt mer∣chants, some in a sort learned to contentions,* 18.9 being not contented to learne to obeie the laws of the land, haue manie yeares running vp and downe, from countrie to countrie, practised some in one corner, some in an other, some with séeking to gather forces and monie for forces, some with instigation of prin∣ces by vntruths, to make warre vpon their naturall countrie, some with inward practises to murther the greatest, some with seditious writings, and verie manie of late with publike infamous libels, full of despitefull vile termes and poisoned lies, altogither to vphold the foresaid antichristian and tyrannous warrant of the popes bull.

And yet also by some other meanes, to further these inuentions, bicause they could not readilie pre∣uaile by waie of force,* 18.10 finding forren princes of bet∣ter consideration & not readilie inclined to their wic∣ked purposes, it was deuised to erect by certeine schooles which they called seminaries, to nourish and bring vp persons disposed naturallie to sedition, to continue their race & trade, and to become seedmen in their tillage of sedition, and them to send secretlie into these the quéenes maiesties realmes of Eng∣land & Ireland vnder secret maskes, some of priest∣hood, some of other inferiour orders, with titles of se∣minaries for some of the meaner sort, and of Iesuits for the stagers and ranker sort and such like, but yet so warilie they crept into the land, as none brought the markes of their priesthood with them.* 18.11 But in di∣uers corners of hir maiesties dominions these semi∣naries or séedmen and Iesuits, bringing with them certeine Romish trash, as of their hallowed war, their Agnus Dei, their graines, and manie kind of beads, and such like, haue as tillagemen laboured secretlie to persuade the people to allow of the popes foresaid buls and warrants, & of his absolute autho∣ritie ouer all princes and countries, and striking manie with pricks of conscience to obeie the same; whereby in processe of small time, if this wicked and dangerous, traitorous, & craftie course had not béene by Gods goodnesse espied and stated, there had fol∣lowed imminent danger of horrible vprores in the realmes, and a manifest bloudie destruction of great multitudes of christians.

For it can not be denied but that so manie as should haue béene induced & thoroughlie persuaded to haue obeied that wicked warrant of the popes, and the contents thereof, should haue béene forth∣with in their harts and consciences secret traitors, and for to be in déed errant and open traitors: there should haue wanted nothing but opportunitie to féele their strength & to assemble themselues in such numbers with armour and weapons, as they might haue presumed to haue beene the greater part, and so by open ciuill warre to haue come to their wicked purposes. But Gods goodnesse, by whome kings doo rule, and by whose blast traitors are commonlie wa∣sted and confounded, hath otherwise giuen to hir ma∣iestie as to his handmaid and deare seruant, ruling vnder him, the spirit of wisedome and power, where∣by

she hath caused some of these seditious séedmen and sowers of rebellion,* 18.12 to be discouered for all their secret lurkings, and to be taken and charged with these former points of high treason, not being dealt withall vpon questions of religion, but iustlie by or∣der of lawes, openlie condemned as traitors.

At which times, notwithstanding all maner gen∣tle waies of persuasions vsed, to mooue them to de∣sist from such manifest traitorous courses and opini∣ons with offer of mercie; yet was the canker of their rebellious humors so déepelie entered and grauen in∣to [line 10] the harts of manie of them, as they would not be remooued from their traitorous determinations. And therefore as manifest traitors in mainteining and adhering to the capitall enimie of hir maiestie & hir crowne (who hath not onelie béene the cause of two rebellions alreadie passed in England and Ire∣land, but in that of Ireland did manifestlie wage and mainteine his owne people, capteins, and soul∣diers vnder the banner of Rome, against hir maie∣stie, [line 20] so as no enimie could doo more) these I saie haue iustlie suffered death not by force or forme of a∣nie new lawes established,* 18.13 either for religion or a∣gainst the popes supremasie, as the slanderous libel∣lers would haue it séeme to be; but by the ancient temporall lawes of the realme, and namelie by the laws of parlement made in king Edward the third his time, about the yeare of our Lord 1330, which is aboue two hundred yeares and more past, when the bishops of Rome and popes were suffered to haue [line 30] their authoritie ecclesiasticall in this realme, as they had in manie other countries. But yet of this kind of offendors,* 18.14 as manie of them, as after their con∣demnations were contented to renounce their for∣mer traitorous assertions; so manie were spared from execution, & doo liue still at this daie: such was the vnwillingnes in hir maiestie to haue anie bloud spilt, without this verie vrgent, iust, and necessarie cause procéeding from themselues.

And yet neuerthelesse, such of the rest of the trai∣tors as remaine in forren parts, continuing still [line 40] their rebellious minds, and craftilie kéeping them∣selues aloofe off from dangers, ceasse not to prouoke sundrie other inferiour seditious persons,* 18.15 newlie to steale secretlie into the realme, to reuiue the former seditious practises, to the execution of the popes fore∣said bull against hir maiestie and the realme, preten∣ding when they are apprehended, that they came one∣lie into the realme by the commandement of their superiors, the heads of the Iesuits, to whome they are bound (as they saie) by oth against either king [line 50] or countrie, and here to informe or reforme mens consciences from errors in some points of religi∣on, as they thinke meet. But yet in verie truth, the whole scope of their secret labours is manifestlie prooued, to be secretlie to win all people, with whom they dare deale; so to allow of the popes said buls, and of his authoritie without exception, as in obei∣eng thereof, they take themselues fullie discharged of their allegiance and obedience to their lawfull prince and countrie: yea, and to be well warranted [line 60] to take armes to rebell against hir maiestie, when they shall be therevnto called; and to be readie se∣cretlie to ioine with any forren force that can be pro∣cured to inuade the realme, whereof also they haue a long time giuen, and yet doo for their aduantage, no small comfort of successe. And so consequentlie the effect of their labours is to bring the realme not one∣lie into a dangerous warre against the forces of strangers (from which it hath béene frée aboue three and twentie or foure and twentie yeares,* 18.16 a case ve∣rie memorable and hard to be matched with an ex∣ample of the like) but into a warre domesticall and ciuill, wherein no bloud is vsuallie spared, nor mer∣cie yéelded, and wherein neither the vanquishor nor the vanquished can haue iust cause of triumph.

And forsomuch as these are the most euident perils that necessarilie should follow, if these kind of ver∣mine were suffered to créepe by stealth into the realme, and to spred their poison within the same, howsoeuer when they are taken, like hypocrits, they colour and counterfeit the same with profession of deuotion in religion:* 18.17 it is of all persons to be yéel∣ded in reason, that hir maiestie and all hir gouer∣nours and magistrats of iustice, hauing care to mainteine the peace of the realme (which God hath giuen in hir time, to continue longer than euer in a∣nie time of hir progenitors) ought of dutie to al∣mightie God the author of peace, and according to the naturall loue and charge due to their countrie, and for auoiding of the flouds of bloud, which in ci∣uill warres are séene to run and flow, by all lawfull meanes possible, as well by the sword as by law, in their seuerall seasons to impeach and repell these so manifest and dangerous colourable practises, and works of sedition and rebellion.

And though there are manie subiects knowne in the realme, that differ in some opinions of religion from the church of England and that doo also not for∣beare to professe the same: yet in that they doo also professe loialtie and obedience to hir maiestie, and offer readilie to hir maiesties defense, to impugne & resist anie forreine force, though it should come or be procured from the pope himselfe: none of these sort are for their contrarie opinions in religion prosecu∣ted or charged with anie crimes or paines of treason,* 18.18 nor yet willinglie searched in their consciences for their contrarie opinions, that sauour not of treason. And of these sorts, there haue béene and are a num∣ber of persons, not of such base and vulgar note as those which of late haue beene executed, as in particu∣lar, some by name are well knowne, and not vnfit to be remembred. The first and chiefest by office was doctor Heth, that was archbishop of Yorke, and lord chancellor of England in quéene Maries time; who at the first comming of hir maiestie to the crowne, shewing himselfe a faithfull and quiet subiect, conti∣nued in both the said offices, though in religion then manifestlie differing; and yet was he not restreined of his libertie, nor depriued of his proper lands and goods, but leauing willinglie both his offices, liued in his owne house verie discréetlie, and inioied all his purchased lands during all his naturall life, vntill by verie age he departed this world, and then left his house and liuing to his friends. An example of gen∣tlenesse neuer matched in quéene Maries time.

The like did one doctor Poole that had béene bi∣shop of Peterborough, an ancient graue person,* 18.19 and a verie quiet subiect. There were also others that had béene bishops and in great estimation, as doc∣tor Tunstall bishop of Duresme, a person of great reputation, and also whilest he liued of verie quiet be∣hauiour. There were also other, as doctor White & do∣ctor Oglethorpe, the one of Winchester, the other of Carlill, bishops, persons of courteous natures, and he of Carlill so inclined to dutifulnes to the quéenes maiestie, as he did the office at the consecration and coronation of hir maiestie in the church of West∣minster: and doctor Thurlebie, & doctor Watson yet liuing, one of Elie, the other of Lincolne, bishops: the one of nature affable, the other altogither sowre, and yet liuing. Whereto may be added the bishop then of Excester, Turberuile, an honest gentleman, but a simple bishop, who liued at his owne libertie to the end of his life: and none of all these pressed with anie capitall paine, though they mainteined the popes authoritie against the lawes of the realme. And some abbats, as maister Feckenam yet liuing,

a person also of quiet and courteous behauiour, for a great time. Some also were deanes, as doctor Boxall deane of Windsore, a person of great mo∣destie, learning and knowledge: doctor Cole deane of Paules, a person more earnest than discréet: do∣ctor Reinolds deane of Excester, not vnlearned, and manie such others, hauing borne office & digni∣ties in the church, & that had made profession against the pope, which they onelie began in queene Maries time to change: yet were these neuer to this daie burdened with capitall peanes, nor yet depriued of [line 10] anie their goods or proper liueloods; but onelie remo∣ued from their ecclesiasticall offices, which they would not exercise according to the lawes. And most of them, & manie other of their sort for a great time were deteined in bishops houses in verie ciuill and courteous maner, without charge to themselues or their friends, vntill the time that the pope began by his buls & messages, to offer trouble to the realme by stirring of rebellion. About which time onlie, some [line 20] of these aforenamed, being found busier in matters of state tending to stir troubles, than was méete for the common quiet of the realme, were remoued to other more priuat places, where such other wande∣rers as were men knowne to moue sedition, might be restreined from common resorting to them to in∣crease trouble, as the popes bull gaue manifest occa∣sion to doubt: and yet without charging them in their consciences or otherwise, by anie inquisition to bring them into danger of anie capitall law: [line 30] so as no one was called to anie capitall or bloudie question vpon matters of religion, but haue all inioied their life as the course of nature would: and such of them as yet remaine, may (if they will not be authors or instruments of rebellion or sedition) inioie the time that God and nature shall yeeld them without danger of life or member.

And yet it is woorthie to be well marked, that the chiefest of all these and the most of them,* 18.20 had in time of king Henrie the eight, and king Edward the sixt, [line 40] either by preaching, writing, reading, or arguing, taught all people to condemne, yea to abhorre the authoritie of the pope: for which purpose they had many times giuen their othes publikelie, against the popes authoritie, and had also yéelded to both the said kings the title of supreame hed of the church of Eng∣land next vnder Christ, which title the aduersaries doo most falselie write and affirme, that the quéenes ma∣iestie now vseth: a manifest lie & vntruth, to be séene by the verie acts of parlement, and at the beginning of hir reigne omitted in hir stile. And for proofe that [line 50] these foresaid bishops and learned men had so long time disauowed the popes authoritie, manie of their books and sermons against the popes authoritie re∣maine printed both in English and Latin to be séene in these times, to their great shame and reproofe to change so often, but speciallie in persecuting such as themselues had taught and stablished to hold the contrarie. A sin, neere the sin against the holie ghost.

There were also and yet be a great number of o∣thers, [line 60] being laie men of good possessions and lands,* 18.21 men of good credit in their countries, manifestlie of late time seduced to hold contrarie opinions in reli∣gion for the popes authoritie: and yet none of them haue béene sought hitherto to be impeached in anie point or quarell of treason, or of losse of life, mem∣ber or inheritance. So as it may plainelie appeare, that it is not, nor hath béene for contrarious opini∣ons in religion, or for the popes authoritie alone, as the aduersaries doo boldlie and falslie publish, that anie persons haue suffered death since hir maiesties reigne. And yet some of these sort are well knowne to hold opinion, that the pope ought by authoritie of Gods word to be supreame and onelie head of the catholike church through the whole world, and one∣lie to rule in all causes ecclesiasticall, and that the quéenes maiestie ought not to be the gouernour ouer anie hir subiects in hir realme being persons eccle∣siasticall: which opinions are neuerthelesse in some part by the lawes of the realme punishable in their degrées. And yet for none of these points haue anie persons béene prosecuted with the charge of treason,* 18.22 or in danger of life.

And if then it be inquired, for what cause these o∣thers haue of late suffered death, it is trulie to be an∣swered as afore is often remembred, that none at all were impeached for treason to the danger of their life, but such as did obstinatlie mainteine the con∣tents of the popes bull afore mentioned;* 18.23 which doo im∣port, that hir maiestie is not the lawfull quéene of England, the first and highest point of treason: and that all hir subiects are discharged of their oths and obedience; a second high point of treason: and all warranted to disobeie hir and hir lawes; a third and a verie large point of treason. And thereto is to be ad∣ded a fourth point most manifest, in that they would not disallow the popes hostile procéedings in open warres against hir maiestie in hir realme of Ire∣land, where one of their companie doctor Sanders, a lewd scholer and subiect of England, a fugitiue and a principall companion and conspirator with the traitors and rebels at Rome, was by the popes spe∣ciall cōmission a commander, as in forme of a legat, and sometime a bursor or paiemaster for those wars. Which doctor Sanders in his booke of his church mo∣narchie, did afore his passing into Ireland openlie by writing, gloriouslie auow the foresaid bull of Pius Quintus against hir maiestie, to be lawfull;* 18.24 and affir∣meth that by vertue thereof one doctor Morton, an old English fugitiue and conspirator, was sent from Rome into the north parts of England, which was true, to stirre vp the first rebellion there, whereof Charles Neuill the late earle of Westmerland was a head capteine.

And thereby it may manifestlie appéere to all men, how this bull was the ground of the rebellions both in England and Ireland,* 18.25 and how for maintenance thereof, and for sowing of sedition by warrant and allowance of the same, these persons were iustlie condemned of treason, and lawfullie executed by the ancient lawes temporall of the realme, without charging them for anie other matter than for their practises and conspiracies both abroad and at home against the queene and the realme; and for the main∣teining of the popes foresaid authoritie and bull, pub∣lished to depriue hir maiestie of hir crowne, and for withdrawing and reconciling of hir subiects from their naturall allegiance due to hir maiestie and to their countrie, and for moouing them to sedition: and for no other causes or questions of religion were these persons condemned; although true it is, that when they were charged & conuinced of these points of conspiracies and treasons, they would still in their answers colourablie pretend their actions to haue beene for religion: but in deed and truth they were manifested to be for the procurement and mainte∣nance of the rebellions and wars against hir maie∣stie and hir realme.

And herein is now the manifest diuersitie to be séene and well considered betwixt the truth of hir ma∣iesties actions,* 18.26 & the falshood of the blasphemous ad∣uersaries: that where the factious partie of the pope the principall author of the inuasions of hir maie∣sties dominions, doo falselie allege that a number of persons, whom they terme as martyrs, haue died for defense of the catholike religion; the same in verie truth may manifestlie appeere to haue died (if they so will haue it) as martyrs for the pope, but yet as trai∣tors

against their souereigne and quéene in adhe∣ring to him, being the notable and onelie open ho∣stile enimie in all actions of warre against hir ma∣iestie, hir kingdomes and people:* 18.27 and that this is the meaning of all these that haue so obstinatlie mainteined the authoritie and contents of this bull, the verie words of the bull doo declare in this sort, as doctor Sanders reporteth them.

PIus Quintus pontifex maximus, de apostolicae potestais plenitudine, declarauit Elisabetham praetenso regni iure, [line 10] necnon omne & quocunque dominio, dignitate, priuilegióque priuatam: itémque proceres, subditos & populos dicti regni, ac catero; omnes qui illi quomodocunque iurauerunt, à iura∣mento huiusmodi ac omni fidelitatis debito, perpetuò absolutos: That is to saie, Pius Quintus the greatest bishop, of the fulnesse of the apostolike power, declared Eli∣sabeth to be bereaued or depriued of hir pretended right of hir kingdome, and also of all and whatsoeuer dominion, dignitie and priuilege: and also the no∣bles, subiects and people of the said kingdome, and [line 20] all others which had sworne to hir anie maner of wais, to be absolued for euer from such oth, and from all debt or dutie of fealtie, &c: with manie threat∣ning cursings, to all that durst obeie hir or hir laws. As for execution hereof, to prooue, that the effect of the popes bull and message was a flat rebellion, it is not amisse to heare what the same doctor Sanders the popes fire brand in Ireland also writeth in his vi∣sible church monarchie, which is thus.

Pius Quintus pon••ifex maximus, Anno Domini 1569 reuerendum presbyterum Nicolaum Mortanum Anglum i•• Angliam misit,* 18.28 vt certis illustribus viris authoritate apo∣stolica denuntiaret, Elisabetham quae tunc rerum potiebatur, haereticam esse: obe••mque causam, omni dominio & potestate excidisse, impunéque ab illis velut ethnicam haleri posse, nec 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l••gibus aut mandatis deinceps obedire cogi: That is to saie, Pius Quintus the greatest bishop, in the yeare of our Lord 1569, sent the reuerend priest Nicholas Morton an Englishman into England, [line 40] that he should denounce or declare by the apostolike authoritie to certeine noblem••n, Elisabeth, who then was in possession, to be an heretike: & for that cause to haue fallen from all dominion and power, and that she may be had or reputed of them as an ethnike, and that they are not to be compelled to o∣beie hir lawes or commandements, &c. Thus you sée an ambassage of rebellion from the popes holi∣nesse, the ambassador an old doting English priest, a fugitiue and conspirator, sent (as he saith) to some no∣ble [line 50] men, and these were the two earles of Northum∣berland and Westmerland, heads of the rebellion. And after this, he followeth to declare the successe therof, which I dare saie he was sorie it was so euill, with these words.

Qui dementiatione milti nobiles viri adducti sunt, vt de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liberandis cogitare auderent ac sperabant illi quidem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••nes summis viribus affu••ur••s esse: verum etsi 〈…〉〈…〉 expect••bant res euenit, quia catholici omnes nandum probè cognouerant, Elisabetham haereticam esse decla∣r••••••m, [line 60] tamen laudanda illorum nobilium consilia erant: That is: By which denuntiation, manie noblemen were induced or led, that they were boldened to thinke of the fréeing of their brethren, and they hoped certeinlie that all the catholikes would haue assi∣s••••d them with all their strength: but although the matter happened otherwise than they hoped for, bi∣cause all the catholikes knew not that Elisabeth was declared to be an heretike, yet the counsels and intents of those noblemen were to be praised. A re∣bellion and a vanquishing of rebels verie smoothlie described.

This noble fact here mentioned was the rebellion in the north: the noblemen were the earles of Nor∣thumberland and Westmerland: the lacke of the e∣uent or successe was, that the traitors were vanqui∣shed, and the queenes maiestie and hir subiects had by Gods ordinance the victorie: and the cause why the rebels preuailed not, was bicause all the catho∣likes had not béene dulie informed that the queenes maiestie was declared to be (as they terme it) an he∣retike: which want of information, to the intent to make the rebels mightier in number and power, was diligentlie and cunninglie supplied by the send∣ing into the realme of a great multitude of the se∣minaries and Iesuits, whose speciall charge was to informe the people thereof, as by their actions hath manifestlie appéered. A supplement to amend the for∣mer errour.

And though doctor Sanders hath thus written, yet it may be said by such as fauoured the two nota∣ble Iesuits, one named Robert Persons (who yet hi∣deth himselfe in corners to continue his traitorous practise) the other named Edmund Campion (who was found out being disguised like a roister and suf∣fered for his treasons) that doctor Sanders treason is his proper treason in allowing of the said bull,* 18.29 and not to be imputed to Persons and Campion. There∣fore to make it plaine that these two by speciall au∣thoritie had charge to execute the sentence of this bull, these acts in writing following shall make ma∣nifest, which are not fained or imagined, but are the verie writings taken about one of their compli∣ces, euen immediatlie after Campions death: al∣though Campion before his death would not be knowen of anie such matter. Whereby may appéere what trust is to be giuen to the words of such pseu∣domartyrs.

Facultates concessae pp. Roberto Personio & Edmundo Campiano, pro Anglia, die 14 Aprilis, 1580.

PEtatur à summo domino nostro explicatio bulla decla∣ratoria per Pium Quintum contra Elisabetham & ei adhaerentes, quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo; vt obliget semper illam & haereticos, catholicos vero nullo mod•• obliget rebus sic stantibus, sed tum demum quando publica eiusdem bullae executio fieri poterit. Then followed ma∣nie other petitions of faculties for their further au∣thorities, which are not néedfull for this purpose to be recited: but in the end followeth this sentence as an answer of the popes. Has praedictas gratias concessit summus pontifex patri Roberto Personio, & Edmundo Cam∣piano in Angliam profecturis, die 14 Aprilis, 1580. Prae∣sente patre Oliueri•• Manarco assistence. The English of which Latine sentences is as followeth.

Faculties granted to the two fathers Robert Per∣sons and Edmund Campion, for England, the fourteenth daie of Aprill, 1580.

LEt it be asked or required of our most holie lord,* 20.1 the explication or meaning of the bull declarato∣rie made by Pius the fift against Elisabeth, & such as doo adhere or obeie hir, which bull the catholikes desire to be vnderstood in this maner: that the same bull shall alwaies bind hir and the heretikes; but the catholikes it shall by no meanes bind, as matters or things doo now stand or be: but hereafter, when the publike execution of that bull maie be had or made. Then in the end the conclusion was thus added. The highest pontife or bishop granted these foresaid gra∣ces to father Robert Persons & Edmund Campi∣on, who are now to take their iournies into Eng∣land, the 14 daie of Aprill,* 20.2 in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and eightie. Being present the father Oliuerius Manarke assistant.

Hereby it is manifest, what authoritie Campion had to impart the contents of the bull against the quéens maiestie, howsoeuer he himselfe denied the same: for this was his errand.

And though it be manifest that these two Iesuits, Parsons and Campion, not onelie required to haue the popes mind declared for the bull; but also in their owne petitions shewed how they and other catho∣likes did desire to haue the said bull to be vnderstood against the quéene of England: yet to make the matter more plaine how all other Iesuits and semi∣naries; [line 10] yea how all papists naming themselues catholikes, doo or are warranted to interpret the said bull against hir maiestie and hir good subiects, howsoeuer they will disguise it, you shall see what one of their fellowes, named Hart, who was con∣demned with Campion and yet liueth, did amongst manie other things declare his knowledge there∣of the last daie of December in the same yeare one thousand fiue hundred and eightie, in these words following.* 20.3 The bull of Pius Quintus (for so much [line 20] as it is against the quéene) is holden amongest the English catholikes for a lawfull sentence, and a suf∣ficient discharge of hir subiects fidelitie, and so re∣maineth in force: but in some points touching the subiects, it is altered by the present pope. For where in that bull all hir subiects are commanded not to obeie hir, and she being excommunicate and deposed, all that doo obeie hir are likewise innodate and accurssed, which point is perillous to the cath••∣likes: for if they obeie hir, they be in the popes cursse, [line 30] and if they disobeie hir, they are in the quéenes dan∣ger: therefore the present pope to reléeue them hath altered that part of the bull, and dispensed with them to obeie and serue hir, without perill of excom∣munication: which dispensation is to indure but till it please the pope otherwise to determine.

Wherefore to make some conclusion of the mat∣ters before mentioned,* 20.4 all persons both within the realme and abroad, maie plainelie perceiue that all the infamous libels latelie published abroad in sun∣drie [line 40] languages, and the slanderous reports made in other princes courts of a multitude of persons, to haue béene of late put to torments and death one∣lie for profession of the catholike religion, and not for matters of state against the queenes maiestie, are false and shamelesse, and published to the main∣tenance of traitors and rebels. And to make the matter seeme more horrible or lamentable, they re∣cite the particular names of all the persons, which by their owne catalog exceed not for these fiue and [line 50] twentie yeares space, aboue the number of thrée score,* 20.5 forgetting or rather with their stonie and senselesse harts not regarding, in what cruell sort in the time of quéene Marie, which little excéeded the space of fiue yeares, the quéenes maiesties reigne being fiue times as manie, there were by im∣prisonment, torments, famine, and fire, of men, women, maidens, and children, almost the number of foure hundred, besides such as were secretlie [line 60] murthered in prisons: and of that number, aboue twentie that had béene archbishops, bishops, and principall prelats or officers in the church lamenta∣blie destroied; and of women aboue thrée score, and of children aboue fortie, and amongest the women, some great with child, and one, out of whose bodie the child by fire was expelled aliue, and yet also cruellie burned: examples beyond all heathen cru∣eltie.

And most of the youth that then suffered cruell death, both men, women, and children (which is to be noted) were such, as had neuer by the sacrament of baptisme, or by confirmation, professed, or was euer taught or instructed, or euer had heard of anie other kind of religion, but onelie of that which by their bloud and death in the fire they did as true martyrs testifie. A matter of an other sort to be la∣mented in a christian charitie with simplicitie of words, and not with puffed eloquence, than the ex∣ecution in this time of a verie few traitors; who al∣so in their time, if they excéeded thirtie yeares of age, had in their baptisme professed, and in their youth had learned the same religion which they now so bitterlie oppugned. And besides that, in their o∣pinions they differ much from the martyrs of quéene Maries time: for though they which suffe∣red in queene Maries time continued in the profes∣sion of the religion wherein they were christened, and as they were perpetuallie taught; yet they neuer at their death denied their lawfull quéene, nor mainteined anie of hir open and forren eni∣mies, nor anie procured rebellion or ciuill warre, nor did sow anie sedition in secret corners, nor withdrew anie subiects from their obedience, as these sworne seruants of the pope haue continuallie doone.

And therefore all these things well considered, there is no doubt, but all good subiects within the realme doo manifestlie sée, and all wauering per∣sons (not being led cleane out of the waie by the se∣ditious) will hereafter perceiue, how they haue béene abused to go astraie. And all strangers, but speciallie all christian potentats, as emperours,* 20.6 kings, princes, and such like, hauing their soue∣reigne estates, either in succession hereditarie, or by consent of their people, being acquainted with the verie truth of these hir maiesties late iust and necessarie actions, onelie for defense of hir selfe, hir crowne, and people, against open inuadours, and for eschewing of ciuill warres, stirred vp by re∣bellion, will allow in their owne like cases, for a truth and rule (as it is not to be doubted but they will) that it belongeth not vnto a bishop of Rome as successour of saint Peter, and therein a pastour spirituall, or if he were the bishop of all christendome, as by the name of pope he clai∣meth, first by his bulles or excommunications, in this sort at his will in fauour of traitors and re∣bels, to depose anie souereigne princes, being lawfullie inuested in their crownes by succession in bloud, or by lawfull election; and then to arme sub∣iects against their naturall lords, to make warres, and to dispense with them for their oths in so dooing, or to excommunicat faithfull subiects for obeieng of their naturall princes, & lastlie himselfe to make open warre, with his owne souldiers, against prin∣ces moouing no force against him.

For if these high tragicall powers should be per∣mitted to him to exercise, then should no empire, no kingdome, no countrie, no citie or towne be posses∣sed by anie lawfull title, longer than one such one∣lie an earthlie man, sitting (as he saieth) in saint Peters chaire at Rome, should for his will and ap∣petite (without warrant from God or man) thinke méet and determine:* 20.7 an authoritie neuer chalen∣ged by the Lord of lords the sonne of God, Iesus Christ our onelie Lord and sauiour, and the onelie head of his church, whilest he was in his humani∣tie vpon the earth; nor yet deliuered by anie wri∣ting or certeine tradition from saint Peter, from whome the pope pretendeth to deriue all his autho∣ritie; nor yet from saint Paule the apostle of the gentils: but contrariwise by all preachings, pre∣cepts and writings, conteined in the gospell and other scriptures of the apostles, obedience is ex∣presselie commanded vnto all earthlie princes; yea, euen vnto kings by especiall name, and that so generallie, as no person is excepted from such

dutie of obedience, as by the sentence of saint Paule euen to the Romans, appeareth, Omnis anima sublimio∣ribus potestatibus sit subdi••a, that is, Let euerie soule be subiect to the higher powers: within the compasse of which law or precept, saint Chrysostome being bishop of Constantinople▪ writeth, that Euen apostles pro∣phets, euangelists, and moonks are comprehended.

And for proofe of saint Peters mind herein, from whome these popes claime their authoritie, it can not be plainelier expressed, than when he writeth [line 10] thus, Proinde subiecti estote cuiui•• hu••ane ordinationi, pro∣pter Dominum, siue regi, vt qui super••m••e••a, siue praesidi∣bus ab eo missis, that is, Therefore be you subiect to eue∣rie humane ordinance or creature for the Lord, whe∣ther it be to the king, as to him that is superemi∣nent, or aboue the rest, or to his presidents sent by him. By which two principall apostles of Christ, these popes the pretensed successors, but chieflie by that which Christ the sonne of God the onelie maister of truth said to Peter and his fellow apostles, Reges gen∣tium [line 20] dominantur, vos autem non sic, that is, The kings of the gentils haue rule ouer them, but you not so, maie learne to forsake their arrogant and tyran∣nous authorities in earthlie and temporall causes o∣uer kings and princes, and exercise their pastorall of∣fice: as saint Peter was charged thrise at one time by his Lord and maister, Pasce oues meas, Féed my shéepe, and peremptorilie forbidden to vse a sword, in saieng to him, Conuerte gladium tuum in locum suum, or Mitte gladium tuum in vaginam, that is, Turne thy [line 30] sword into his place: or, Put thy sword into the scabbard.

All which precepts of Christ and his apostles were dulie followed and obserued manie hundred yeares after their death, by the faithfull and godlie bishops of Rome, that dulie followed the doctrine and humi∣litie of the apostles, and the doctrine of Christ, and were holie martyrs, and thereby dilated the limits of Christs church and the faith more in the compasse of an hundred yeares, than the latter popes haue [line 40] doone with their swords and cursses these fiue hun∣dred yeares, and so continued vntill the time of one pope Hildebrand, otherwise called Gregorie the seuenth,* 20.8 about the yeare of our Lord, one thousand thrée score and fourtéene; who first began to vsurpe that kind of tyrannie, which of late the late pope cal∣led Pius Quintus, and since that time Gregorie now the thirteenth hath followed, for some example as it séemeth: that is, where Gregorie the seuenth, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée score and [line 50] fourtéene, or thereabout, presumed to depose Hen∣rie the fourth, a noble emperor then being; Grego∣rie the thirtéenth now at this time, would attempt the like against king Henrie the eights daughter and heire quéene Elisabeth, a souereigne, and a mai∣den quéene, holding hir crowne immediatlie of God.

And to the end it may appeare to princes, or to their good councellors in one example, what was the fortunat successe that God gaue to this good christian emperor Henrie, against the proud pope Hilde∣brand, [line 60] it is to be noted, that when the pope Grego∣rie attempted to depose this noble emperor Henrie, there was one Rodulph a noble man, by some named the count of Reenfield,* 20.9 that by the popes procure∣ment vsurped the name of the emperor, who was ouercome by the said Henrie the lawfull emperor, and in fight hauing lost his right hand, he, the said Rodulph, lamented his case to certeine bishops, who in the popes name had erected him vp, and to them he said, that the selfe same right hand which he had lost, was the same hand wherewith he had before sworne obedience to his lord and maister the empe∣ror Henrie; and that in following their vngodlie counsels, he had brought vpon him Gods heauie and iust iudgements. And so Henrie the emperor pre∣uailing by Gods power,* 20.10 caused Gregorie the pope by a synod in Italie to be deposed, as in like times be∣fore him his predecessor Otho the emperor had de∣posed one pope Iohn for manie heinous crimes: & so were also within a short time thrée other popes, namelie, Syluester, Bennet, and Gregorie the sixt, vsed by the emperor Henrie the third, about the yeare of our Lord, one thousand fortie and seuen, for their like presumptuous attempts in temporall actions against the said empero••s.

Manie other examples might be shewed to the emperors maiestie,* 20.11 and the princes of the holie em∣pire now being, after the time of Henrie the fourth: as of Henrie the fift, and Frederike the first, and Frederike the second, and then of Lewes of Bauar, all emperors, cruellie and tyrannouslie persecuted by the popes, and by their buls, cursses, and by open wars, and likewise to manie other the great kings and monarchs of christendome, of their noble pro∣genitors, kings of their seuerall dominions. Where∣by they may sée how this kind of tyrannous autoritie in popes to make warres vpon emperors & kings, and to command them to be depriued, tooke hold at the first by pope Hildebrand, though the same neuer had anie lawfull example or warrant from the lawes of God of the old or new testament: but yet the suc∣cesses of their tyrannies were by Gods goodnesse for the most part made frustrat, as by Gods goodnesse there is no doubt, but the like will followe to their confusions at all times to come.

And therefore, as there is no doubt, but the like vi∣olent tyrannous procéedings by anie pope in main∣tenance of traitors and rebels, would be withstood by euerie souereigne prince in christendome in de∣fense of their persons and crownes, and mainte∣nance of their subiects in peace: so is there at this present a like iust cause that the emperors maiestie, with the princes of the holie empire, and all other souereigne kings & princes in christendome, should iudge the same to be lawfull for hir maiestie being a quéene,* 20.12 and holding the verie place of a king and a prince souereigne ouer diuers kingdoms and nati∣ons; she being also most lawfullie inuested in hir crowne: and as for good gouerning of hir people, with such applause and generall allowance, loued, and obeied of them; sauing a few ragged traitors, or rebels, or persons discontented, whereof no other realme is frée, as continuallie for these fiue & twen∣tie yeares past hath béene notablie séene, and so pub∣likelie marked, euen by strangers repairing in∣to this realme, as it were no cause of disgrace to a∣nie monarch and king in christendome, to haue hir maiesties felicitie compared with anie of theirs whatsoeuer: and it maie be, there are manie kings and princes could be well contented with the frui∣tion of some proportion of hir felicitie.

And though the popes be now suffered by the em∣peror, in the lands of his owne peculiar patrimonie, and by the two great monarchs, the French king and the king of Spaine, in their dominions and ter∣ritories (although by manie other kings not so al∣lowed) to continue his authoritie in sundrie cases, and his glorious title to be the vniuersall bishop of the world,* 20.13 which title Gregorie the great aboue nine hundred yeares past, called a prophane title, full of sacrilege, and a preamble of antichrist: yet in all their dominions & kingdoms, as also in the realme of England, most notablie by manie ancient lawes it is well knowne, how manie waies the tyrannous power of this his excessiue authoritie hath béene, and still is restreined, checked and limited by lawes and pragmatikes, both ancient and new, both in France

and Spaine and other dominions: a verie large field for the lawyers of those countries to walke in and discourse.

And howsoeuer the popes canonists, being as his bombarders, doo make his excommunications and cursses appeare fearefull to the multitude and simple people: yet all great emperors and kings a∣foretime, in their owne cases, of their rights and roi∣all preeminences, though the same concerned but a citie or a poore towne, and sometime but the not al∣lowance [line 10] of some vnworthie person to a bishoprike or to an abbeie, neuer refrained to despise all popes cursses or forces; but attempted alwaies, either by their swords to compell them to desist from their fu∣rious actions, or without anie feare of themselues, in bodie, soule, or conscience, stoutlie to withstand their cursses, and that sometime by force, sometime by or∣dinances and lawes: the ancient histories whereof are too manie to be repeated, and of none more fre∣quent and effectuall than of the kings of France. [line 20] And in the records of England dooth appeare, how stoutlie the kings & the baronadie of England from age to age, by extreame penall laws haue so repelled the popes vsurpations, as with the verie name of premunires his proctors haue béene terrified, and his cleargie haue quaked, as of late cardinall Wool∣seie did prooue.

But leauing those that are ancient, we may re∣member how in this our owne present or late age, it hath béene manifestlie seene, how the armie of the [line 30] late noble emperour Charles the fift, father to king Philip that now reigneth, was not afraid of his curs∣ses, when in the yeare of our Lord 1527, Rome it selfe was besieged and sacked, [year 1527] and the pope then cal∣led Clement, and his cardinals,* 20.14 to the number of a∣bout thirtie and thrée, in his mount Adrian or castell S. Angelo, taken prisoners and deteined seauen mo∣neths or more, and after ransomed by Don Vgo di Moncada a Spaniard, and the marquesse of Guasto, at aboue foure hundred thousand duckets, besides the [line 40] ransomes of the cardinals which was much greater; hauing not long before time béene also (notwithstan∣ding his cursses) besieged in the same castell by the familie of the Colonies and their fautors his next neighbours being then imperialists, and forced to yeeld to all their demands. [year 1550] Neither did king Henrie the second of France,* 20.15 father to Henrie now king of France, about the yeare 1550, feare or regard the pope or his court of Rome, when he made seue∣rall strict edicts against manie parts of the popes claimes in preiudice of the crowne and cleargie of [line 50] France, retracting the authoritie of the court of Rome greatlie to the hinderance of the popes for∣mer profits. Neither was the armie of king Philip now of Spaine, whereof the duke of Alua was ge∣nerall, striken with anie feare of curssing, when it was brought afore Rome against the pope, in the yeare of our Lord 1555, where great destruction was made by the said armie, and all the delicat buil∣dings, gardens, and orchards, next to Rome walles ouerthrowne, wherewith his holinesse was more ter∣rified [line 60] than he was able to remooue with anie his cursses.* 20.16 Neither was quéene Marie the quéenes ma∣iesties noble late sister, a person not a little deuoted to the Romane religion, so afraid of the popes curs∣sings; but that both shée and hir whole councell, and that with the assent of all the iudges of the realme, according to the ancient lawes, in fauour of cardi∣nall Poole hir kinsman, did most strictlie forbid the entrie of his bulles, and of a cardinals hat at Calis, that was sent from the pope for one frier Peito, an obseruant pleasant frier, whom the pope had assigned to be a cardinall in disgrace of cardinall Poole: nei∣ther did cardinall Poole himselfe at the same time o∣beie the popes commandements, nor shewed him∣selfe afraid, being assisted by the quéene, when the pope did threaten him with paine of cursses and ex∣communications; but did still oppose himselfe a∣gainst the popes commandement, for the said pre∣tended cardinall Peito: who notwithstanding all the threatenings of the pope, was forced to go vp and downe in the stréets of London like a begging frier, without his red hat:* 20.17 a shout resistance in a quéene for a poore cardinals 〈◊〉〈◊〉, wherin she followed the ex∣ample of hir grandfather king Henrie the seuenth, for a matter of Allum, wherein the king vsed verie great seueritie against the pope.

So as how••oeuer the christian kings for some re∣spects in policie can indure the pope to command where no harme nor disaduantage groweth to them∣selues, yet sur•• it is, and the popes are not ignorant,* 20.18 but where they shall in anie sort attempt to take from christian princes anie part of their domini∣ons, or shall giue aid to their enimies, or to anie o∣ther their rebels, in those cases, their bulles, their cur∣ses, their excommunications, their sentences and most solemne anathematicals, no nor their crosse keies, or double edged sword, will serue their turnes to compasse their intentions. And now, where the pope hath manifestlie by his bulles and excommuni∣cations attempted asmuch as he could, to depriue hir maiestie of hir kingdomes, to withdraw from hir the obedience of hir subiects, to procure rebellions in hir realms, yea to make both rebellions and open warres with his owne capteines, souldiers, ban∣ners, ensignes, and all other things belonging to warre: shall this pope Gregorie or anie other pope after him, thinke that a souereigne quéene, possessed of the two realmes of England and Ireland, stabli∣shed so manie yeares in hir kingdomes as thrée or foure popes haue sit in their chaire at Rome, fortifi∣ed with so much dutie, loue and strength of hir sub∣iects, acknowledging no superiour ouer hir realms,* 20.19 but the mightie hand of God: shall she forbeare, or feare to withstand and make frustrate his vnlawfull attempts, either by hir sword or by hir lawes; or to put his soldiers inuadors of hir realme to the sword martiallie, or to execute hir lawes vpon hir owne re∣bellious subiects ciuillie, that are prooued to be his chiefe instruments for rebellion, & for his open war? This is sure, that howsoeuer either he sitting in his chaire with a triple crowne at Rome, or anie other his proctors in anie part of christendome, shall re∣new these vnlawfull attempts: almightie God the king of kings whom hir maiestie onlie honoreth and acknowledgeth to be hir onlie souereigne Lord and protector, & whose lawes and gospell of his son Iesus Christ she seeketh to defend, will no doubt but deli∣uer sufficient power into his maidens hand his ser∣uant quéene Elisabeth, to withstand and confound them all.

And where the seditious trumpetors of infamies & lies haue sounded foorth and intituled certeine that haue suffered for treason, to be martyrs for religion:* 20.20 so may they also at this time (if they list) ad to their forged catalog the headlesse bodie of the late mise∣rable earle of Desmond, the head of the Irish rebel∣lion: who of late, secretlie wandering without suc∣cour, as a miserable begger, was taken by one of the Irishrie in his caben, and in an Irish sort, after his owne accustomed sauage maner, his head cut off from his bodie: an end due to such an archrebell. And herewith to remember the end of his chiefe con∣federats, may be noted for example to others,* 20.21 the strange manner of the death of doctor Sanders the popes Irish legat, who also wandering in the mountains in Ireland without succor, died rauing in a frensie. And before him, one Iames Fitzmoris

the first traitour of Ireland next to Stukeleie the rakehell, a man not vnknowen in the popes palace for a wicked craftie traitor, was slaine at one blow by an Irish noble yoong gentleman, in defense of his fathers countrie which the traitor sought to burne. A fourth man of singular note was Iohn of Des∣mond,* 20.22 brother to the earle, a verie bloudie faithlesse traitor, & a notable murderer of his familiar friends, who also wandring to séeke some preie like a woolfe in the woods, was taken & beheaded after his owne vsage, being (as he thought) sufficientlie armed with [line 10] the popes buls and certeine Agnus Dei, & one nota∣ble ring with a pretious stone about his necke sent from the popes finger (as it was said) but these he saw saued not his life. And such were the fatall ends of all these, being the principall heads of the Irish warre and rebellion, so as no one person remaineth at this daie in Ireland a knowen traitor: a worke of God and not of man.

To this number they may (if they séeke number) also ad a furious yoong man of Warwikeshire,* 20.23 by [line 20] name Someruile, to increase their kalendar of the popes martyrs, who of late was discouered and ta∣ken in his waie, comming with a full intent to haue killed hir maiestie, whose life God alwaies haue in his custodie. The attempt not denied by the traitor himselfe, but confessed, and that he was mooued ther∣to in his wicked spirit, by intisements of certeine seditious and traitorous persons his kinsmen and a∣lies, & also by often reading of sundrie seditious vile bookes latelie published against hir maiestie, and his [line 30] end was in desperation to strangle himselfe to deth: an example of Gods seueritie against such as pre∣sume to offer violence to his anointed. But as God of his goodnesse hath of long time hitherto preserued hir maiestie from these and the like treacheries: so hath she no cause to feare, being vnder his protecti∣on, she saieng with king Dauid in the psalme: My God is my helper and I will trust in him, he is my protection, and the strength or the power of my sal∣uation. And for the more comfort of all good subiects [line 40] against the shadowes of the popes bulles, it is mani∣fest to the world, that from the beginning of hir ma∣iesties reigne,* 20.24 by Gods singular goodnesse, hir king∣dome hath inioied more vniuersall peace, hir people increased in more numbers, in more strength, and with greater riches, & with lesse sickenesse, the earth of hir kingdomes hath yeelded more fruits, and ge∣nerallie all kind of worldlie felicitie hath more a∣bounded since and during the time of the popes thun∣ders, bulles, cursses and maledictions, than in anie o∣ther [line 50] long times before, when the popes pardons and blessings came yearelie into the realme: so as his cursses and maledictions haue turned backe to him∣selfe and his fautors, that it may be said to the blessed quéene Elisabeth of England and of hir people, as was said in Deuteronomie of Balaam: The Lord thy God would not heare Balaam, but did turne his maledictions or cursses into benedictions or bles∣sings: the reason is, for bicause thy God loued thée.

Although these former reasons are sufficient to [line 60] persuade all kind of reasonable persons to allow of hir maiesties actions, to be good, reasonable, lawfull and necessarie: yet bicause it may be, that such as haue by frequent reading of false artificiall libels; and by giuing credit to them, vpon a preiudice or foreiudgement afore grounded, by their rooted opi∣nions in fauour of the pope, will rest vnsatisfied: therfore as much as may be, to satisfie all persons as farre foorth as common reason may warrant, that hir maiesties late action in executing certeine sedi∣tious traitors, hath not procéeded for the holding of opinions, either for the popes supremasie, or against hir maiesties regalitie; but for the verie crimes of sedition and treason: it shall suffice brieflie, in man∣ner of a repetition of the former reasons, to remem∣ber these things following.

First, it cannot be denied,* 20.25 but that hir maiestie did for manie yeares suffer quietlie the popes bulles and excommunications without punishment of the fautors thereof, accounting of them but as of words or wind, or of writings in parchment waied downe with lead, or as of water bubbles, commonlie called in Latine Bullae, & such like: but yet after some proofe that courage was taken therof by some bold and bad subiects, she could not but then estéeme them to be verie preambles, or as forerunners of greater dan∣ger: and therefore, with what reason could anie mis∣like, that hir maiestie did for a bare defense against them, without other action or force, vse the helpe of reuiuing of former lawes, to prohibit the publica∣tion or execution of such kind of bulles within hir realme?

Secondlie, when notwithstanding the prohibition by hir lawes,* 20.26 the same bulles were plentifullie (but in secret sort) brought into the realme, and at length arrogantlie set vpon the gates of the bishop of Lon∣dons palace neere to the cathedrall church of Paules the principall citie of the realme, by a lewd person,* 20.27 vsing the same like a herald sent from the pope: who can in anie common reason mislike, that hir maie∣stie finding this kind of denunciation of warre, as a defiance to be made in hir principall citie by one of hir subiects, auowing and obstinatlie mainteining the same, should according to iustice cause the offen∣dor to haue the reward due to such a fact?* 20.28 And this was the first action of anie capitall punishment in∣flicted for matter sent from Rome to mooue rebelli∣on, which was after hir maiestie had reigned about the space of twelue yeares or more: a time sufficient to prooue hir maiesties patience.

Thirdlie, when the pope had risen vp out of his chaire in his wrath,* 20.29 from words and writings to ac∣tions, and had contrarie to the aduise giuen by saint Barnard to one of his predecessors, that is, when by his messages he left Verbum, and tooke Ferrum, that is, left to féed by the word, which was his office, and be∣gan to strike with the sword which was forbidden him, and stirred hir noblemen and people directlie to disobedience and to open rebellion, which was the of∣fice of Dathan and Abiram, and that hir lewd sub∣iects by his commandement had executed the same with all the forces which they could make or bring in∣to the field:* 20.30 who with common reason can disallow that hir maiestie vsed hir roiall lawfull authoritie, and by hir forces lawfull subdued rebels forces vn∣lawfull, and punished the authors thereof no other∣wise than the pope himselfe vseth to doo with his owne rebellious subiects, in the patrimonie of his church, as not manie moneths passed he had béene forced to intend? And if anie prince of people in the world would otherwise neglect his office, and suffer his rebels to haue their wils; none ought to pitie him, if for want of resistance and courage he lost both his crowne, his head, his life, and his kingdome.

Fourthlie, when hir maiestie beheld a further in∣crease of the popes malice,* 20.31 notwithstanding that the first rebellion was in hir north parts vanquished, in that he interteined abroad out of this realme, the traitors and rebels that fled for the rebellion, and all the rable of other the fugitiues of the realme, & that he sent a number of the same in sorts disguised into both the realmes of England and Ireland, who there secretlie allured hir people to new rebellions, and at the same time spared not his charges to send also out of Italie by sea, certeine ships with capteines of his owne, with their bands of souldiers,* 20.32 furnished with treasure, munition, vittels, ensignes, banners,

and all other things requisite to the warre, into hir realme of Ireland, where the same forces with other auxiliar companies out of Spaine landed, and forti∣fied themselues verie stronglie on the sea side, and proclamed open warre, erecting the popes banner against hir maiestie: may it be now asked of these persons, fauourers of the Romish authoritie, what in reason should haue béene done by hir maiestie other∣wise, than first to apprehend all such fugitiues so sto∣len into the realme, and dispersed in disguising ha∣bits to sow sedition, as some priests in their secret [line 10] profession, but all in their apparell as ••oisters or ruf∣fians, some scholers, like to the basest common peo∣ple, and them to commit to prisons, and vpon their examinations of their trades and hants, to conuince them of their conspiracies abroad, by testimonie of their owne companions, and of sowing sedition se∣cretlie at home in the realme? What may be reaso∣nablie thought was meet to be doone with such sedi∣tious persons, but by the lawes of the realme to trie, condemne and execute them? And speciallie hauing [line 20] regard to the dangerous time, when the popes forces were in the realme of Ireland, and more in prepara∣tion to follow as well into England as into Ire∣land, to the resistance whereof hir maiestie and hir realme was forced to be at greater charges, than e∣uer she had béene since she was quéene thereof. And so by Gods power, which he gaue to hir on the one part, she did by hir lawes suppresse the seditious stir∣rers of rebellion in hir realme of England, and by [line 30] hir sword vanquished all the popes forces in hir realme of Ireland,* 20.33 excepting certeine capteines of marke that were saued from the sword, as persons that did renounce their quarrell, and seemed to cursse or to blame such as sent them to so vnfortunate and desperate a voiage.

* 20.34But though these reasons, grounded vpon rules of naturall reason, shall satisfie a great number of the aduersaries (who will yeeld that by good order of ciuill and christian policie and gouernement hir ma∣iestie [line 40] could nor can doo no lesse than she hath doone, first to subdue with hir forces hir rebels and traitors, and next by order of hir lawes to correct the aiders & abettors, & lastlie to put also to the sword such forces as the pope sent into hir dominions) yet there are certeine other persons,* 20.35 more nicelie addicted to the pope, that will yet séeme to be vnsatisfied: for that, as they will tearme the matter, a number of sillie poore wretches were put to death as traitors, being but in profession scholers or priests, by the names of seminaries, Iesuits, or simple schoolemaisters, that [line 50] came not into the realme with anie armour or wea∣pon, by force to aid the rebels and traitors, either in England or in Ireland in their rebellions or wars; of which sort of wretches the commiseration is made, as though for their contrarie opinions in religion, or for teaching of the people to disobeie the lawes of the realme, they might haue beene otherwise puni∣shed and corrected, but yet not with capitall paine. These kinds of defenses tend onelie to find fault ra∣ther with the seueritie of their punishments, than to [line 60] acquit them as innocents or quiet subiects.

But for answer to the better satisfaction of these uice and scrupulous fauourers of traitors, it must be with reason demanded of them (if at least they will open their eares to reason) whether they thinke that when a king being stablished in his realme, hath a rebellion first secretlie practised, and afterward o∣penlie raised in his realme by his owne seditious subiects; and when by a forren potentate or enimie the same rebellion is mainteined, and the rebels by messages and promises comforted to continue, and their treasons against their naturall prince auowed; and consequentlie when the same potentat and eni∣mie, being author of ••he said rebellion,* 20.36 shall with his owne proper forces inuade the realme and subiects of the prince that is so lawfullie and peaceablie pos∣sessed: in these cases, shall no subiect fauouring these rebels, and yéelding obedience to the enimie the in∣uador, be committed or punished as a traitor; but onelie such of them, as shall be found openlie to car∣rie armour and weapon? Shall no subiect, that is a spiall and an explorer for the rebell or enimie against his naturall prince, be taken and punished as a trai∣tor, bicause he is not found with armour or weapon; but yet is taken in his disguised apparell, with scrolles and writings, or other manifest tokens, to prooue him a spie for traitors, after he hath wandered secretlie in his souereignes campe, region, court, or citie? Shall no subiect be counted a traitor, that will secretlie giue earnest and prest monie to persons to be rebels or enimies, or that will attempt to poison the vittels, or the founteins; or secretlie set on fire the ships or munition, or that will secretlie search and sound the hauens and créeks for landing, or mea∣sure the depth of ditches, or height of bulworks and walles, bicause these offendors are not found with armor or weapon? The answer I thinke must needs be yéelded (if reason and experience shall haue rule with these aduersaries) that all these and such like are to be punished as traitors: and the principall reason is, bicause it can not be denied, but that the actions of all these are necessarie accessaries, and ad∣herents proper to further and continue all rebellions and warres. But if they will denie, that none are traitors that are not armed, they will make Iudas no traitor, that came to Christ without armour, co∣louring his treason with a kisse.

Now therefore it resteth to applie the facts of these late malefactors that are pretended to haue offended but as scholers, or bookemen;* 20.37 or at the most but as persons that onelie in words and doctrine, and not with armour did fauour and helpe the rebels and the enimies. For which purpose let these persons be ter∣med as they list, scholers, schoolemaisters, bookemen, seminaries, priests, Iesuits, friers, beadmen, Ro∣manists, pardoners, or what else you will; nei∣ther their titles, nor their apparell hath made them traitors, but their traitorous secret motions & prac∣tises: their persons haue not made the warre, but their directions and counsels haue set vp the rebelli∣ons. It is trulie to be pondered, that the verie cau∣ses finall of these rebellions and warres, haue béene to depose hir maiestie from hir crowne: the popes bull hath roared it so to be. The causes instrumen∣tall are th••se kind of seminaries and seedmen of se∣dition: their secret teachings and reconciliations haue confirmed it. The fruits and effects thereof are by rebellion to shed the bloud of all hir faithfull sub∣iects: the rewards of the inuadors (if they could pre∣uaile) should be the disinheriting of all the nobili∣tie, the clergie, and the whole communaltie, that would (as they are bound by the lawes of God, by their birth, and othes) defend their naturall gratious quéene, their natiue countrie, their wiues, their chil∣dren, their familie, and their houses.

And now examine these which you call vnarmed scholers and priests, wherefore they first fled out of the realme, why they liued and were conuersant in companie of the principall rebels and traitors at Rome, and in their places, where it is proued that they were partakers of their conspiracies? Let it be answered why they came thus by stealth into the realme? Why they haue wandered vp & downe in corners in disguised sort, changing their titles, names and maner of apparell? Why they haue inti∣sed and sought to persuade by their secret false rea∣sons, the people to allow and beléeue all the actions

and attempts whatsoeuer the pope hath doone, or shall doo, to be lawfull? Why they haue reconciled and with••••wne so manie people in corners from the lawes of the realme to the obedience of the pope, a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 potentate and open enimie, whome they k••••w to haue alreadie declared the queene to be no lawfull queene, to haue mainteined the knowne re∣bels and traitors, to haue inuaded hir maiesties do∣minions with open warre? Examine further, how these vagarant disgised vnarmed spies haue answe∣red, [line 10] when they were taken and demanded what they thought of the bull of pope Pius Quintus,* 20.38 which was published to depriue the quéenes maiestie, and to warrant hir subiects to disobeie hir: whether they thought that all subiects ought to obeie the same bull, and so to rebell? Secondlie, whether they thought hir maiestie to be lawfull queene of the realme, not∣withstanding the said bull or anie other bull of the pope? Thirdlie, whether the pope might giue such li∣cence as he did to the earls of Northumberland and [line 20] Westmerland, and other hir maiesties subiects to rebell as they did? Or giue power to doctor Sanders a naturall borne 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but an vnnaturall worne priest, to take armes and moue warres as he did in Ireland? Fourthlie, whether the pope may discharge the subiects of hir maiestie, or of anie other princes christened, of their oths of obedience? Fiftlie, whe∣ther the said traitorous priest doctor Sanders or one Bristow a rebellious fugitiue, did in their bookes writ•• trulie or falslie, in approuing the said bull of [line 30] 〈…〉〈…〉, and the contents thereof? Lastlie, what were to be doone, if the pope or anie other assigned by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, would inuade the realme of England, and what part they would take, or what part anie faithfull sub∣iect of hir maiesties ought to take? To these few questions verie apt to trie the truth or falshood of any such seditious persons, being iustlie before condem∣ned for their disloialtie, these lewd vnarmed traitors I say would in no wise answer directlie herto, as all other faith full subiects to anie christian prince ought [line 40] to doo.

And as they by refusall to answer directlie to these questions onelie, might haue béene iustlie conuinced as guiltie of treason:* 20.39 so yet were they not therevpon condemned, but vpon all their other former actions committed both abroad & in the relme, which were no lesse traitorous than the actions of all other the spies and traitors, and of Iudas himselfe afore remem∣bred, which had no armor nor weapon, and yet at all times ought to be adiudged traitors. For these dis∣guised persons (called scholers or priests) hauing [line 50] beene first conuersant of long time with the traitors beyond the sea in all their conspiracies, came hither by stealth in time of war and rebellion by comman∣dement of the capitall enimie the pope or his legats, to be secret espials and explorers in the realme for the pope, to deliuer by secret, Romish tokens, as it were an earnest or prest, to them that should be in readi∣nes to ioine with rebels or open enimies, and in like sort with their hallowed baggages from Rome to [line 60] poison the senses of the subiects, powring into their hearts malicious and pestilent opinions against hir maiestie and the lawes of the realme; and also to kindle and set on fire ••he hearts of discontented sub∣iects with the flames of rebellion, & to search & sound the depths and secrets of all mens inward inten∣tions, either against hir maiestie, or for hir: and fi∣na••••ie, to bring into a beadroll, or as it were into a m••••••er roll, the names and powers with the dwel∣lings of all them that should be readie to rebell, and to aid the forreine ••••uasion.

These kinds of seditious actions for the seruice of the pope and the traitors and rebels abroad, haue made them traitors: not their b••••ks, nor their ••eads, no nor their cakes of ware which they call Agnus Dei, nor other their relikes, no nor yet their opinions for the ceremonies or rites of the church of Rome: and therefore it is to be certeinelie concluded, that these did iustlie deserue their capitall punishments as traitors, though they were not apprehended with open armour or weapon. Now if this latter repeti∣tion, as it were of all the former causes and reasons afore recited, may not serue to stop the boisterous mouthes, and the pestif••r••us toongs, and venemous breaths of those that are infected with so grosse er∣rors, as to defend seditious subiects, stirrers of re∣bellion against their naturall prince and countrie; then are they to be left without anie further argu∣ment of the almightie God, as persons that haue co∣uered their eies against the sunnes light,* 20.40 stopped their eares against the sound of iustice, and op∣pressed their hearts against the force of reason, and as the psalmist saith: They speake lies, they are as venemous as the poison of a serpent, euen like the deafe adder that stoppeth his eares.

Wherefore with christian charitie to conclude, if these rebels and traitors, and their fautors would yet take some remorse and compassion of their naturall countrie, and would consider how vaine their at∣tempts haue béene so manie yeares; and how ma∣nie of their confederats are wasted by miseries and calamities, and how none of all their attempts or plats haue prospered, and therefore would desist from their vnnaturall practises abroad: and if these seminaries, secret wanderers, and explorators in the darke, would imploie their trauels in the works of light and doctrine according to the vsage of their schooles, and content themselues with their profes∣sion and deuotion: and that the remnant of the wic∣ked flocke of the seedmen of sedition would cease from their rebellious, false and infamous railings and libellings, altogether contrarie to christian cha∣ritie: there is no doubt by Gods grace (hir maiestie being so much giuen to mercie and deuoted to peace) but all colour and occasion of shedding the bloud of anie more of hir naturall subiects of this land, yea all further bodilie punishment should vtterlie cease. Against whose malices, if they shall not desist, al∣mightie God continue hir maiestie with his spirit and power long to reigne and liue in his feare, and to be able to vanquish them all, being Gods eni∣mies, and especiallie hir rebels and traitors both at home & abroad, & to mainteine & preserue all hir na∣turall good louing subiects, to the true seruice of the same almightie God, according to his holie word & will. Manie other things might be remembred for defense of other hir maiesties princelie, honorable, and godlie actions in sundrie other things, wherein also these and the like seditious railors haue of late time without all shame, by fained and false libels sought to discredit hir maiestie & hir gouernement: but at this time, these former causes and reasons al∣leaged by waie of aduertisements, onelie for main∣tenance of truth, are sufficient to iustifie hir maie∣sties actions to the whole world in the cases remem∣bred. Magna est veritas, & pr••ualet: Great is truth,* 20.41 and she ouercommeth.

On the two and twentith of Ianuarie,* 20.42 Iohn Watson bishop of Winchester deceased at Wool∣seie, and was buried at Winchester on the sixtéenth daie of Feb••uarie; a man he was well taught by the art which he professed and practised, to esteeme this life as it is, euen tran••itorie & verie vaine; wherin as men are the further s••epf in age, so should they be the lesse desirous to liue, and take death comming timelie (which is, when as naturall heate and the moi∣sture radicall are decaied) in such good part, as no∣thing

more acceptable. But who thinkes his death to come timelie; but the godlie wise, who haue lear∣ned, that as men haue daies of life decreed, so they haue daies of death determined; according to the te∣trastichon, which that famous man Ioachimus Ca∣merarius (an excellent man and of singular note) made a little before his departing out of this world:

Morte nihil tempestiua esse optatius aiunt, Sed tempestiuam quis putat esse suam? Qui putat ille sapit; quoniam vt solatia vitae, [line 10] Sic & quisque suae tempora mortis habet.

On the seuenth of Februarie were arreigned at Westminster,* 20.43 Iames Fenne, George Haddocks, Iohn Munden, Iohn Nutter, and Thomas Homer∣ford: all fiue were found guiltie of high treason, and had iudgement to be drawne, hanged, bowelled, and quartered,* 20.44 and were executed at Tiborne on the twelfe daie of Februarie. ¶ In this yeare, 1584, euen at the prime of the yeare, namelie in Aprill, maister Walter Raleigh esquier, a gentleman from [line 20] his infancie brought vp and trained in martiall dis∣cipline, both by land and sea, and well inclined to all vertuous and honorable aduentures, hauing built a ship and a pinesse, set them to the sea, furni∣shed with all prouisions necessarie for a long viage, and committed the charge of them to two gentlemen (his owne seruants) the one called Philip Amadis, the other Arthur Barlow,* 20.45 with direction to disco∣uer that land which lieth betwéene Norembega and Florida in the west Indies; who according to their [line 30] commission, made as sufficient a discouerie thereof as so short a time would permit: for they returned in August next following,* 20.46 and brought with them two sauage men of that countrie, with sundrie other things, that did assure their maister of the goodnesse of the soile, and of great commodities that would arise to the realme of England, by traffique, if that the English had anie habitation, and were planted to liue there.* 20.47 Wherevpon, he immediatlie prepared for a second viage, which with all expedition (nothing [line 40] at all regarding the charges that it would amount vnto) did presentlie set in hand.

This countrie of Norembega aforesaid (and the land on this side of it) sir Humfrie Gilbert, brother to sir Walter Raleigh, a man both valiant and well experienced in martiall affaires, did attempt to dis∣couer, with intention to settle an English colonie there, in the yeare 1578: hauing in his companie his two brethren,* 20.48 Walter and Carew Raleighs, Henrie Knolles, George Carew, William Careie, [line 50] Edward Dennie, Henrie Nowell, Miles Morgan, Francis Knolles, Henrie North, and diuerse other gentlemen of good calling, and ten sailes of all sorts of shipping, well and sufficientlie furnished for such an enterprise, weighed anchor in the west countrie, & set to the sea. But God not fauoring his attempt, the iourneie tooke no good successe:* 20.49 for all his ships inforced by some occasion or mischance, made their present returne againe; that onelie excepted, where∣in his brother Walter Raleigh was capteine, who being desirous to doo somewhat woorthie honor, tooke [line 60] his course for the west Indies, but for want of vit∣tels and other necessaries (needfull in so long a vi∣age) when he had sailed as far as the Ilands of Cape De Uerde vpon the coast of Africa, was inforced to set saile and returne for England.* 20.50 In this his vi∣age he passed manie dangerous aduentures, as well by tempests as fights on the sea; but lastlie he arriued safelie at Plimouth in the west countrie in Maie next following. Sir Humfreie Gilbert not∣withstanding this vnfortunate successe of his first attempt, enterprised the said viage the second time, and set to the sea with thrée ships and pinesses,* 20.51 in the yeare 1584, in the which iourneie he lost his life; but in what sort no man can witnesse. For being by force of foule weather separated from his companie, he was neuer heard of afterwards.]

¶ In this yeare, and the twentith daie of Maie de∣parted out of this life that famous father of physicke and surgerie, the English Hippocrates and Galen,* 20.52 I meane doctor Caldwell, and was buried on the sixt of Iune immediatlie following at S. Benets church by Paules wharfe,* 20.53 at the vpper end of the chancell: his bodie was verie solemnelie accompa∣nied to the church with a traine of learned and graue doctors, besides others of that facultie, the heralds of armes dooing him such honour at his funerall as to him of dutie apperteined. Of this mans rare loue to his countrie hath béene spoken before, where mention is made of the institution of a surgerie lec∣ture perpetuallie to be continued for the common benefit of London, and consequentlie of all Eng∣land: the like whereof is not established nor vsed in anie vniuersitie of christendome (Bononie and Pa∣dua excepted) and therefore the more to be esteemed. Indéed the like institution was in towardnesse,* 20.54 whiles Francis the French of that name the first li∣ued: but when he died, as the court that he kept in his time was counted a vniuersitie, but after his deth made an exchange thereof with another name: so likewise discontinued or rather vtterlie brake off that purposed institution of a surgerie lecture at Paris: so that in this point London hath a preroga∣tiue excelling the vniuersities.

This D. Caldwell in his last will and testament gaue manie great legacies to a great number of his poorest kinsfolkes,* 20.55 as also vnto others nothing alied vnto him. He gaue in his life time two hundred pounds to be lent gratis foreuer to the Clothiers in Burton, whereby clothing might be mainteined, the poore artificers set on worke, and the poore citizens in Lichfield also benefited: the corporation of the said towne being bound for the receiuing and deliuering thereof euerie fiue yeares to the yoongest and poorest occupiers. He gaue great summes of monie to the poore towneships in Staffordshire where he was borne, both towards the reléeuing of their priuat e∣state, as also to the reparing of their bridges and a∣mending of their high waies, for the commoditie of all the countrie. He left large sums of monie to be emploied by his executors at their discretion,* 20.56 where charitie moued; as also to the publishing of such lear∣ned bookes of physicke and surgerie (with sundrie chargeable formes grauen in copper and finished in his life) as he meant (if he had liued) to sée extant.

Diuerse good works in his daies he had doone, and hath left order to be doone after his death: which was verie mild and still, not vnlike the deceasse of a babe in the cradle; hauing béene assailed with no extremi∣tie of sicknesse (his * 20.57 ordinarie infirmitie excepted which was intermissiue) that either might wring him or wearie him to make him vnpatient. So that he died as sléeping, hauing left behind him both credit of lerning, cunning, & other good ornaments, the very beautie of his age, which was exactlie found by true computation to be threescore and fouretéene,* 20.58 in which yeare he died; as may be gathered by his counterfet so naturallie conueied into colours, with his white beard, the hollownesse of his cheekes, the wrinkels of his browes, the liuelie sight of his eies, and other accessaries; and all within a module, the circumference whereof excéedeth not six inches, if it amount to so much in exact measure, as a man beholding the said representation, would swer•• that it were not possible for art to draw more néere in imitation to nature. So that this doctor dieng in so ripe an age, was committed to holie ground, where he rested in peace, his cote armour bearing witnesse

of his ancestrie:* 20.59 for he beareth azure, a crosse forme fiche or, within an vrle of stars or: the second argent, a fesse indented sable charged with foure leuses heads ••irant rased or: the third as the second, and fourth as the first quarterlie. Also he beareth to his crest on a tosse or and azure, a cocks head argent, couped, membred geules supporting * 20.60 a crosse forme fiche or, betwéene two wings sable, and mantled geules doubled argent.

In further memorie of whome (so long as the [line 10] church wherin he lieth buried dooth stand, and the mo∣numents therein blessed from sacrilegious hands) there remaineth fixed in the wall ouer his graue, a copper plate wherein his said cote armour is worke∣manlie grauen, with the armes of the physicians col∣lege so vnder it, as they are knit vnto it. On either side of this latter scutchion are set certeine binding bands and other instruments of surgerie in their right formes, with their proper vse also to be practi∣sed vpon ech member; be the same head, leg, arme, [line 20] hand, or foot: all workemanlie wrought, & vnder the same a memoriall grauen for wished perpetuitie:

Caldwallus iacet hîc patriae studiosus alumnus, Chirurgis Chiron, Hippocrates Medicis: Heracles laqueis dum fascia membra reuincit, Galenus priscae laudis & artis amans: * 20.61Chirurgis stabilem lecturam condidit, illi Praefecit Medicos, quos ea turba colat: Plintheus hinc astat laqueus, Carchesius, inde Fascia; quae studij sunt monumenta sui: [line 30] Felix Chirurgus patronum qui tibi talem Nactus es, & felix qui dolet aeger erit. Laquei Plintheus 1 Laquei Charchesius 2 Fascia Totum caput cingens 3 Fascia Rhombus 4 Machinamenta Scamnum Hippocratis 5 Machinamenta Glossocomium 6 Quem tibi vinxisti charum dum vita manebat, [line 40] Te cum Melpomene post tua fata canet. Ric. Forsterus.

In this yeare of Lord 1584, on the one and twentith daie of Maie,* 20.62 Francis Throckemorton e∣squier, was arreigned in the Guildhall of the citie of London, where being found guiltie of high trea∣son, he was condemned and had iudgement accor∣dinglie, to be drawne, hanged, boweled, and quarte∣red. A discouerie of whose treasons, practised and at∣tempted against the quéens maiestie and the realme, [line 50] were afterward; to wit, in the moneth of Iune, pub∣lished as followeth.

A true and perfect declaration of the treasons practised and attempted by Francis Throckemorton, late of London, against the queenes maiestie and the realme.

WHereas there haue béene verie lewd and slanderous brutes and reports giuen out, [line 60] of the due and orderlie procéedings held with Francis Throckemorton latelie ar∣reigned & condemned of high treason at the Guild∣hall in London, the one and twentith daie of Maie last, whereby such as are euill affected toward hir maiestie, and the present gouernement, haue inde∣uoured falselie and iniuriouslie to charge hir maie∣stie and hir faithfull ministers with crueltie and in∣iustice vsed against the said Throckemorton, by ex∣torting from him by torture, such confessions as he hath made against himselfe, & by inforsing the same to make them lawfull euidence to conuict him of the treasons therein specified: albeit hir maiesties subiects in generall, calling to mind the mild and temperate course she hath held all the time of hir most happie reigne, might rather impute hir clemen∣cie and lenitie vsed towards all sorts of offendors to a kind of fault, than tax hir with the contrarie: yet such as allow of practises and treasons against hir maiestie,* 21.1 doo alwaies interpret both of the one and of the other, according to the particular affections that doo possesse them, that is, to the worst. And for∣somuch as the case of Throckemorton at this time hath béene subiect to their sinister constructions; and considering that lies and false brutes cast abroad are most commonlie beleeued, vntill they be controlled by the truth: it hath béene thought expedient in this short discourse to deliuer vnto your view and consi∣deration, a true and perfect declaration of the trea∣sons practised and attempted by the said Throcke∣morton against hir maiestie and the realme, by him confessed before his arreignement, whereby hir ma∣iestie was iustlie and in reason persuaded to put him to his triall.

You shall likewise perceiue what course hath béene held with him by hir commissioners to bring him to confesse the truth: with what impudencie and how falselie he hath denied his saiengs and confessi∣ons: and lastlie, how by a new submission and con∣fession of his said treasons since his condemna∣tion, he endeuoureth to satisfie hir maiestie, and to shew the reasons that mooued him to denie the first,* 21.2 which he affirmeth and confirmeth by the last: which may in reason satisfie, though not all; yet such as are not forestalled, or rather forepoisoned and infected with the lies and vntruths alreadie spred and deliue∣red in fauour of the traitor & his treasons. You shall therefore vnderstand, that the cause of his apprehen∣sion grew first vpon secret intelligence giuen to the queenes maiestie, that he was a priuie conueier and receiuer of letters to and from the Scotish quéene: vpon which information neuerthelesse diuerse mo∣neths were suffered to passe on, before he was called to answer the matter, to the end there might some proofe more apparant be had to charge him therewith directlie: which shortlie after fell out, and therevpon there were sent vnto his houses in London, and at Leusham in Kent, to search and apprehend him, cer∣teine gentlemen of no meane credit and reputation: of whome, two were sent to his house by Paules wharfe, where he was apprehended, & so by one of them conueied presentlie awaie; the other remaining in the chamber to make search for papers, writings, &c: which might giue proofe of his suspected practises.

In that search, there were found the two papers conteining the names of certeine catholike noble∣men and gentlemen, expressing the hauens for lan∣ding of forren forces, with other particularities in the said papers mentioned, the one written in the se∣cretarie hand (which he at the barre confessed to be his owne handwriting) and the other in the Roman hand, which he denied to be his, and would not shew how the same came vnto his hands: howbeit in his examinations he hath confessed them both to be his owne handwriting: and so they are in truth. There were also found among other of his papers, twelue petidegrées of the descent of the crowne of Eng∣land,* 21.3 printed and published by the bishop of Rosse, in the defense of the pretended title of the Scotish quéene his mistresse: with certeine infamous libels against hir maiestie printed and published beyond the seas: which being found in the hands of a man so euill affected, comparing the same with his dooings and practises against hir maiestie, you will iudge the purpose wherefore he kept them.

Shortlie after his apprehension, he was examined by some of hir maiesties priuie councell, how he came by the said two papers of the hauens: and h••

most impudentlie denied with manie protestations that he neuer saw them, affirming they were none of his, but were foisted in (as he termed it) among his papers by the gentlemen that searched his house. Notwithstanding being more earnestlie pressed to confesse the truth, he said they had beene left (he knew not how) in his chamber by a man of his, who not long before was departed out of the realme, na∣med Edward Rogers, aliàs Nuttebie, by whome they were written. And to make this deuise to carie some colour of truth,* 21.4 after his committing vnto the [line 10] Tower, he found the meanes to get thrée cards, on the backeside of which cards he wrote to his brother George Throckemorton to this effect. I haue béene examined by whome the two papers, conteining the names of certeine noblemen and gentlemen, and of hauens, &c: were written; & I haue alleged them to haue beene written by Edward Nuttebie my man, of whose handwriting you know them to be: mea∣ning by this deuise to haue had his brother confirme his falshood. [line 20]

These cards were intercepted, and thereby the su∣spicion before conceiued of his practises increased. Wherevpon, as vpon other iust cause and matter a∣gainst him, hauing béene sundrie times brought be∣fore some of the principall personages of hir maie∣sties most honourable priuie councell; and by them with all industrie examined, and persuaded in verie mild and charitable maner, to confesse the truth, pro∣mising to procure pardon for him, in case he would bewraie the depth of his practises: but no persuasi∣on [line 30] preuailing, hir maiestie thought it agréeable with good policie, and the safetie of hir roiall person and state, to commit him ouer to the hands of some of hir learned councell and others hir faithfull ser∣uants and ministers, with commission to them, to assaie by torture to draw from him the truth of the matters appearing so weightie as to concerne the inuading of the realme, &c. These men by vertue of that commission,* 21.5 procéeded with him, first as the councell had formerlie doone by waie of persuasion, [line 40] to induce him to confesse: but finding that course not to preuaile, they were constreined to commit him to such as are vsuallie appointed in the Tower to handle the racke, by whome he was laied vpon the same, and somewhat pinched, although not much: for at the end of thrée daies following, he had reco∣uered himselfe, and was in as good plight as before the time of his racking: which if it had then or anie other time beene ministred vnto him with that vio∣lence that he and his fauourers haue indeuoured [line 50] slanderouslie to giue out, the signes thereof would haue appeared vpon his lims for manie yeares.

At this first time of torture he would confesse no∣thing, but continued in his former obstinacie and de∣niall of the truth. The second time that he was put to the racke, before he was strained vp to anie purpose, he yeelded to confesse anie thing he knew, in the matters obiected against him: wherevpon he was loosed. And then the commissioners proceeded with [line 60] him according to such interrogatories as had béene deliuered vnto them: which for the more breuitie shall here be omitted, the intent of this declaration tending onelie to discouer vnto you the treasons and treacherous dealings of the said Francis Throcke∣morton as well before as since his imprisonment,* 21.6 for your better knowledge of the man, and manife∣station of the due and iust procéedings held with him by hir maiesties commissioners appointed vnto that seruice. And here you are to note, that when he was first pressed to discouer by whome the plots of the ha∣uens were set downe, and to what purpose; he began (without anie further interrogation ministred) by waie of an historicall narration, to declare that at his being at Spain in the countrie of Liege certeine yeares past, he entered into conference with one Iennie a notorious knowne traitor,* 21.7 touching the al∣tering of the state of the realme here, and how the same might be attempted by forren inuasion, and to the like effect had sundrie conferences with sir Fran∣cis Englefield in the low countries, who dailie solici∣ted the Spanish king in Spaine, and his gouernors in the said countries, to attempt the inuading of the realme, continued a course of practising against hir maiestie & the state, by letters betweene sir Francis Englefield & himselfe, till within these two yeares last past, and that he did from time to time acquaint sir Iohn Throckemorton his late father with his traitorous practises, who (as he said) séeing no proba∣bilitie of successe in them, dissuaded him from anie further meddling with those practises.

He hath further confessed, that he vsed his fathers aduise & opinion in setting downe the names of the catholike noblemen & gentlemen, and did acquaint him with the description of the hauens for the lan∣ding of forces, which he conceiued and put in writing onelie by view of the map, & not by particular sight or surueie of the said hauens.

Item, he hath also confessed, that vpon the inter∣mission of writing of letters,* 21.8 and the accustomed in∣telligences passed betwéene sir Francis Englefield and him, he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, by letters and conference, and by Thomas Morgan by letters (two of the prin∣cipall confederats and workers of these treasons re∣siding in France) with a resolute determination a∣gréed on by the Scotish quéene and hir confederats in France and in other forren parts, and also in Eng∣land, for the inuading of the realme.

That the duke of Guise should be the principall leader and executor of that inuasion.

That the pretention (which should be publikelie notified) should be to deliuer the Scotish quéene to libertie,* 21.9 & to procure euen by force from the quéenes maiestie a tolerance in religion for the pretended catholikes. But the intention (the bottome whereof should not at the first be made knowne to all men) should be vpon the quéenes maiesties resistance, to remooue hir maiestie from hir crowne and state.

That the duke of Guise had prepared the forces,* 21.10 but there wanted two things, monie, and the assi∣stance of a conuenient partie in England, to ioine with the forren forces; and a third thing, how to set the Scotish queene at libertie without perill of hir person.

For the first thing wanting, that is, monie; mes∣sengers were sent from forren parts both to Rome and Spaine, & their returne dailie expected to their liking. And the Spanish ambassadour to incourage the English to ioine both in purse & person,* 21.11 did giue out, that the king his maister would not onlie make some notable attempt against England, but also would beare halfe the charge of the enterprise. For the second thing, that is, the preparing of a sufficient partie in England, to receiue and to ioine with the forren forces, one especiall messenger was sent ouer into England in August last, vnder a counterfeit name from the confederats in France, to signifie the plat and preparation there, and to solicit the same here.

That Thomas Throckemorton his brother made him priuie to his negotiation at his last being here in England; and that therevpon Francis Throcke∣morton tooke vpon him to be a follower and meane for the effectuating thereof among the confederats in England, with the helpe of the Spanish ambassa∣dour, whome he instructed how and with whome to deale for the preparing of a conuenient partie here

within the realme, for that himselfe would not be séene to be a sounder of men, least he might be disco∣uered, and so indanger himselfe and the enterprise, knowing that the ambassadour being a publike per∣son, might safelie deale therein without perill.

* 21.12That the duke of Guise and other heads of the en∣terprise had refused some landing places, and made speciall choise of Sussex, and about Arundell in Sus∣sex, both for the néere cut from the parts of France, where the duke did or best could assemble his force, [line 10] and for the oportunitie of assured persons to giue assistance, &c.

That he, taking vpon him the pursute of this course, shewed the whole plot and deuise of the hauens for landing to the Spanish ambassadour, who did incou∣rage him therin; he promising, that if he might haue respit vntill the next spring, the same should be doone more exactlie.

That at the time of Thomas Throckemortons be∣ing here, least the negotiation of the enterprise, by [line 20] s••me casualtie, might faile in the onelie hand of one man Thomas Throckemorton, there was also from the confederats sent ouer into Sussex, Charles Pa∣get,* 21.13 vnder the name of Mope aliàs Spring, and ther∣of an aduertisement couertlie sent vnto Thomas Throckemorton, both that Thomas might vnder∣stand it, and not be offended that an other was ioi∣ned with him in his labour.

That the Spanish ambassador, by aduertisements from the confederats, was made priuie to this com∣ming [line 30] of Charles Paget vnder the name of Mope, and yet knowne to him to be Charles Paget.

That the said ambassador did, according to his said aduertisements, know & affirme that Charles Pa∣get was come ouer to view the hauens and countrie for landing of such forren forces about Arundell, and speciallie to sound and conferre with certeine princi∣pall persons for assistance.

The same ambassadour also knew and affirmed, that Charles Paget had accordinglie doone his mes∣sage, [line 40] and had spoken with some principall persons here according vnto his commission, and was re∣turned.

He moreouer confessed that there was a deuise betwéene the Spanish ambassadour and him,* 21.14 how such principall recusants here within the realme, as were in the commission of the peace in sundrie coun∣ties, might vpon the first brute of the landing of for∣ren forces, vnder colour and pretext of their authori∣tie and the defense of hir maiestie, leuie men, whome they might after ioine to the forren forces, and con∣uert [line 50] them against hir maiestie.

In these few articles is brieflie comprised the whole effect of his confession made at large, without anie interrogatorie particularlie ministred, other than vpon the two papers before mentioned, contei∣ning the names of men and hauens. And here you are to note, that at the time of his apprehension, there was no knowledge or doubt had of these trea∣sons, or of his priuitie vnto them; but onelie an in∣formation and suspicion deliuered and conceiued of [line 60] some practise betwéene him and the Scotish quéene, as is before mentioned. For the discouering where∣of,* 21.15 after he had béene sundrie times vpon his allegi∣ance commanded to declare his dooings in conuei∣eng and receiuing of letters to and from hir; he did voluntarilie confesse that he had written diuerse let∣ters vnto hir, and had conueied manie to and fro, be∣twéene hir and Thomas Morgan in France, by whose meanes he was first made knowne to hir, and that he had receiued as manie letters from hir. He also declared the effect of his letters to hir, & of hirs to him: which letters betwéene them were alwaies written in cipher, and the cipher with the nullities and marks for names of princes and councellors he sent vnto the queenes maiestie written with his owne hand. He also deliuered the names of some, by whome he conueied his letters vnto the Scotish quéene, as by one Godfrie Fulgeam,* 21.16 who fled the realme immediatlie vpon Throckemortons appre∣hension; and one other person, whome he described by his stature, shape, and apparell, and the man since apprehended and examined, hath confessed the same: the mans name is William Ardington.

The summe and effect of the most part of these confessions, although they were at the time of his arreignement opened and dilated by hir maiesties sergeant, atturneie, and solicitor generall at the bar, and therefore seeme not néedfull to be repeated here; yet because the purpose of this discourse is to shew sufficient proofe, that the matters conteined in his said confessions,* 21.17 are neither false nor feigned (as Francis Throckmorton most impudentlie affirmed at his triall, alledging that they were méere inuen∣tions of himselfe by policie to auoid the torture) they haue béene here inserted, to the end you may the bet∣ter iudge of the proofes, presumptions, and circum∣stances following, by comparing the matters with their accidents, and consequentlie sée the falshood of the traitor, the iust and honorable procéedings of hir maiestie, and the honest and loiall indeuors of hir ministers imploied in the discouering of the trea∣sons.

First, it is true and not denied by himselfe,* 21.18 that he was at Spaw about the time by him mentioned, and had conference with Ienneie in that place, and with sir Francis Englefield in Flanders, and that he hath written letters to sir Francis, and receiued letters from him: for if he should denie the same, he were to be conuinced by good proofe: for it hath béene noted in him by manie of his countriemen, English subiects, that both in those parts and in France, he did continuallie associat himselfe with English rebels and fugitiues. If then you consider with whome he hath conuersed beyond the seas, and compare his religion with theirs, you will iudge of his conuersation accordinglie. And it is to be suppo∣sed, that those men, knowne to be continuall prac∣tisers against the quéenes maiestie and this realme, from whense for their treasons and vnnaturall de∣meanours they are woorthilie banished, will not in their conuenticles and méetings forget to bethinke them of their banishment, and how they might be restored to their countrie, where vnto no desert in hir maiesties life time (which God long continue) can well (without hir maiesties great mercie) restore them.

Then I praie you, what conferences might maister Throckemorton haue with sir Francis Englefield,* 21.19 with Ienneie, with Liggons, with Owen, and with such like, who were his dailie companions in France and in the low countries? He hath written letters to sir Francis Englefield. To what purposes? He haunted continuallie two ambassadors in London, by whose meanes he sent and receiued letters to and from beyond the seas dailie. To whome, and from whome? Euen to and from Thomas Morgan, and Thomas Throckemorton at Paris, men knowne to hir maiestie and hir councell to be notorious prac∣tisers, verie inward with the duke of Guise, and con∣triuers of the treasons and deuises for the inuasion intended. And for verie certeine knowledge thereof, we néed not be beholding to Francis Throckemor∣ton onelie (although he hath said much of them) but to others of better credit than himselfe.* 21.20

That the duke of Guise did vndertake the enter∣prise to inuade the realme with a forren power, to be defraied by the pope and king of Spaine (a part of

maister Throckemortons confession) and he in truth the first discouerer thereof to hir maiestie: if he will say that it was but inuention, it will approue false. For since he discouered the same, there haue béene diuerse aduertisements thereof sent to hir maiestie from forren princes hir highnesse louing neighbors and alies; as also by other good meanes and intelli∣gences from hir ambassadors and seruants residing in other countries. If he denie (as he hath doone) that he neuer had knowledge of anie such matter when he confessed the same, it hath no likelihood of [line 10] truth: for Throckemorton was neuer knowne to be a prophet to foretell things Defuturo.

He resorted often to the Spanish ambassador, at the least twise a wéeke when he was in London:* 21.21 this often repaire could not be to conferre with the am∣bassador for the exchange of monie for his brother, as he pretended at his arreignement: there was some other cause. When he was apprehended, he had a casket couered with gréene veluet, verie cun∣ninglie conueied out of his chamber by a maidser∣uant [line 20] of the house, taken vp vnder a beds side in his chamber (one of the gentlemen who were sent to ap∣prehend him then being in the chamber, & vnknow∣ing thereof) which casket not long after his appre∣hension, was by one Iohn Meredith a follower of Throckemorton, conueied to the hands of the Spa∣nish ambassador. And why to him? If the matters therein might well haue abidden the light, why should not the casket haue béene kept still at home? And if not there, why not sent to some other place of [line 30] safetie, as well as to the Spanish ambassador? It is to be conceiued, that this casket was not conueied thither without the direction of Francis Throcke∣morton, though caried by Meredith, who did well know of what moment the matters were that were within the casket, & of what danger to Throckemor∣ton if they had béene disclosed; & therefore meant to bestowe them in a safe place where they could not readilie be had (as he thought) and with a person not vnacquainted with the qualitie of them. After the [line 40] deliuerie of the casket, Meredith fled: for in truth he was priuie to the treasons, and a fellow practiser in them. To whome Francis Throckemorton, being taken short at the time of his apprehension,* 21.22 and for∣ced to run vp a staire to deface a letter, which he was then in writing to the Scotish quéene in cipher (as he hath confessed) being suddenlie apprehended, and so forced to depart awaie presentlie out of his house, deliuered priuilie into the hands of Meredith, either the cipher by the which he was writing his let∣ter [line 50] to the Scotish quéene, or a letter in cipher by him written vnto hir: therefore he trusted Meredith as a man priuie to his dooings.

You are also to vnderstand, that Throckemorton was in verie great feare of the discouering of this casket after his apprehension.* 21.23 For remaining two or thrée daies prisoner in the house of one of the gentle∣men that were sent to apprehend him, before he was committed to the Tower, he was permitted to talke with a solicitor of his law causes, who brought him [line 60] certeine bookes drawne, or other like papers writ∣ten, which he made shew to peruse. But that was not the matter why he sent for his solicitor: for in perusing the bookes, he conueied into them a little péece of paper, vpon the which he had written with a cole; I would faine know whether my casket be safe: or to the like effect. The solicitor departing from him, and resorting to Throckemortons house, not far di∣stant from the place where he remained prisoner, o∣pening his papers, did shake out this peece of paper, which he tooke vp and deliuered to one of Francis Throckemortons men; but the casket was alreadie conueid to the Spanish ambassador. Wherby you wil perceiue what care he had of the casket, & how much it might import him to haue the writings or matters within the same concealed. He being examined tou∣ching the casket, and what was in the same, he deni∣ed at the first that euer he had anie such casket;* 21.24 but finding afterwards that the casket was discouered, he confessed the casket, and said there were certeine letters therein that came to his hands for the Sco∣tish quéene from Thomas Morgan at Paris, and o∣ther letters and papers, but confessed not all, as it is supposed. That Charles Paget came ouer into the realme to euill purposes, as Throckemorton dooth declare in his confession, could not be inuented: for euen at the same time that he mentioneth, Paget came ouer, in secret and suspicious maner, staied not aboue fiftéene daies, indeuored in a sort to find the disposition of William Shellie esquier, how he might stand affected to giue assistance to the trea∣sons,* 21.25 although Paget discouered not directlie his traitorous intents to Shellie: therefore all Throcke∣mortons confessions were not forged or inuented.

But bicause the two papers produced at his ar∣reignement, conteining the description of the ha∣uens for the commodious landing of forces, doo most apparantlie condemne him, and are a manifest argument of his priuitie to the whole treason; you may not forget that he acknowledged one of the pa∣pers written in the secretarie hand, to haue béene of his owne dooing, but denied the other written in the Romane hand. In the which, vnder the title of Che∣shire, &c: is said,* 21.26 Upon the landing of forren sup∣plies, Chester shall be taken. But what in your opini∣ons might be vnderstood by that sentence, Chester shall be taken, when you shall compare the paper in the secretarie hand with the other written in the Romane hand, intituled; The names of noblemen and gentlemen in euerie countie fit to be dealt with∣all in this matter (which in truth were both one, al∣though the Romane were somewhat more inlarged) the question is to be asked, What matter? The an∣swer followeth necessarilie, To assist the forren for∣ces that shall come to inuade the realme: for that there is an other title in that paper ouer the names of the hauens, &c: Hauens in euerie coast fit for the landing of forces. Now iudge you, to what end these names of men and descriptions of hauens, their en∣tries, capacities, what winds bring vnto them from Spaine, France, and Flanders, were written and set downe by Throckemorton: the papers are both of his owne handwriting, and the secretarie but a proiect or copie of the Romane.

Is it not likelie (thinke you) that he would ac∣quaint the Spanish ambassador with these papers (as he hath confessed) when he made him partaker of the rest of his traitorous practises & deuises, as you haue heard, and thought his casket of treasons to be most safelie committed to his hands? It may be thought that there is no man of so simple vnder∣standing, that will iudge to the contrarie, vnlesse he be parciallie affected to excuse the treasons.* 21.27 And now to shew vnto you what mind this man hath car∣ried towards hir maiestie; you are to be informed that Francis Throckemorton, after he had discoue∣red to hir maiestie his course of practising, repenting himselfe of his plaine dealing in the bewraieng thereof, said to some of the commissioners vpon oc∣casion of speach; I would I had béene hanged when I first opened my mouth to declare anie of the mat∣ters by me confessed. And being at other times sent vnto by hir maiestie with offer of pardon, if he would disclose the whole packe and complices of the treasons; he vsed this argument to persuade hir ma∣iestie, that he had confessed all, saieng that Sith he had alreadie brought himselfe by his confessions

within the danger of the lawes, to the vtter ruine of his house and familie, he wondered why there should be anie conceit in hir maiestie, that he had not decla∣red all. But to persuade such as were sent vnto him for these purposes, the rather to beleeue that he could discouer no more, at one time he vsed these speeches following with great vehemencie: Now I haue dis∣closed the secrets of hir who was the déerest thing vnto me in the world (meaning the Scotish quéene) and whom I thought no torment should haue draw∣en [line 10] me so much to haue preiudiced as I haue doone by my confessions.* 21.28 I sée no cause why I should spare anie one, if I could saie ought against him: and sith I haue failed of my faith towards hir, I care not if I were hanged.

And when he began first to confesse his treasons, which he did most vnwillinglie, after he was entered into the declaration of them before all the commis∣sioners, vpon aduisement he desired he might deli∣uer his knowledge but to one of them onelie: where∣vnto they yéelded. And therevpon remoouing aside [line 20] from the place where he sat by the racke, he vsed this prouerbe in Italian,* 21.29 Chi a perso la fede, a perso l'honore, that is, He that hath falsed his faith, hath lost his re∣putation; meaning thereby (as it may be conceiued) that he had giuen his faith to be a traitor, and not to reueale the treasons: & then he began to confesse as you haue heard. By this discourse, conteining the principall heads of his treasons, and the proofes and circumstances of the same, you that are not trans∣ported with vndutifull minds and affections, will [line 30] cléerelie perceiue how impudéntlie and vntrulie he denied at his arreignement the truth of his confes∣sions, charging hir maiestie with crueltie, and hir mi∣nisters with vntruths in their proceeding against him.* 21.30 But the cause that mooued him thereto, was the vaine conceit he had taken that his case was cleere in law, by the intermission of the time betweene his confession made and his arreignement, grounding himselfe vpon a statute of the thirtéenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, in the which there are certeine trea∣sons [line 40] specified and made of that nature, that no per∣son shalbe arreigned for anie of those offenses com∣mitted within anie of the quéenes maiesties domi∣nions, vnlesse the offendor be thereof indicted with∣in six moneths next after the same offense commit∣ted; and shall not be arreigned for the same, vnlesse the offense be prooued by the testimonie and oth of two sufficient witnesses, or his voluntarie confessi∣on without violence: wherein he was greatlie de∣ceiued. For it was made manifest vnto him by the [line 50] lord chiefe iustice and other of the iudges in commis∣sion at his triall, that his treasons were punishable by a statute of 25. Edw. 3. which admitted no such li∣mitation of time or proofe. Herein his skill failed him, and forgot the aduise giuen vnto him by some of the commissioners, who (pitieng his misfortune) for sundrie good gifts of the mind appearing in him) assured him that there was no waie so readie for him to redéeme his life,* 21.31 as by submission and acknowled∣ing of his offense, which for a time after he had con∣fessed [line 60] his treasons he was contented to follow, and now eftsoones after his condemnation by a new submission to the quéens maiestie the fourth of Iune had resumed that course. The submission Verbatim, written with his owne hand, followeth.

To hir most excellent maiestie, euen to hir owne roiall hands.

* 22.1MOst excellent prince, and my most grati∣ous souereigne, sith to me the most mise∣rable of all your maiesties poore distressed subiects, being iustlie condemned by the ordinarie and orderlie course of your maiesties laws, there resteth no further meane of defense but submis∣sion: vouchsafe, most excellent prince, gratiouslie to accept the same, which prostrate in all humilitie I here present vnto the hands of your most excellent maiestie; beseeching the same, that as iustice hath beene deriued from your highnesse, as from the foun∣teine, to the triall of mine actions: so I may receiue from the same spring, some drop of grace and mercie for the great & grieuous offense, wherof I rest by your maiesties lawes iustlie condemned: some part, I saie, of that your accustomed gratious clemencie, wherof most your distressed subiects haue tasted, and few beene depriued. And albeit the inconsiderate rash∣nesse of vnbridled youth hath withdrawen me from that loiall respect, which nature & dutie bound me to owe vnto your maiestie, as to my lawfull & naturall dread souereigne; and that the naturall care in me of the defense of my life mooued me latelie to the vntrue & vndutifull gainesaieng of some such points as had beene before by me in most humble sort confessed: neuerthelesse, I most humblie beseech your most ex∣cellent maiestie, that in imitation of God, whose image (both in respect of the happie place you hold,* 22.2 as also in regard of your singular wisdome and other the rare and singular vertues & perfections wherwith God & nature hath plentifullie indued you) you re∣present vnto vs here in earth, it may please your ma∣iestie to commiserate the lamentable estate of me now the most miserable of all your maiesties subiects and gratiouslie to grant vnto me remission and for∣giuenes, that not onelie doo most humblie confesse my selfe worthie of death; but also in shew of my re∣pentance and sorowfull afflicted mind, doo not craue at your maiesties hands the prolonging of my life, if the same shall not stand with your gratious good plesure; but rather desire the trebling of the torment iustlie by your maiesties lawes imposed vpon me, if the same may be anie satisfaction to your maiestie for the heinous crime whereof I remaine by your maiesties lawes iustlie condemned; or anie mitiga∣tion of your maiesties indignation worthilie concei∣ued against me, that desire not to liue without your fauour; and dieng will wish from my hart, that my end may be the beginning of your maiesties securi∣tie, and my death the preseruation of your life, and the increase both to your maiestie, and to this your most flourishing commonwealth, of all the most hap∣pie blessings of almightie God.

Your maiesties most wofull subiect in that he hath offended you: Francis Throckemorton.

He sent vnto hir maiestie,* 22.3 togither with the said submission, a declaration written likewise with his owne hand, conteining the effects of the most princi∣pall points of his treasons formerlie confessed: re∣tracting onelie the accusation of his father, and some other particularities of no moment to cléere him of his treasons, the effect wherof followeth in his owne words, as he set them downe.

The declaration which Throckmorton sent to hir maiestie, with his letter of submission.

THe onelie cause why I coined the practise first by me confessed, and vniustlie tou∣ched my father, was, for that partlie I conceiued that the paper written so long since, could not now by law haue touched me: but principallie, for that I was willing thereby to co∣lour the setting downe of those names and hauens

in Romane hand, which were written long after the time by me confessed vpon occasion of conference betwéene the Spanish ambassador and me of this latter practise. Mine intelligence with the Scotish queene began a little before Christmas was two yeares: the cipher I had from Thomas Morgan in France; the first letter I receiued by Godfrie Ful∣geam, by whome also came all such others as I af∣ter receiued for the most part, vnlesse it were such as came to me by F. A. his hands, who as he told [line 10] me,* 23.1 receiued them of the fellow by me spoken of in my former confessions, whose name, I protest be∣fore God, I know not, nor whense he is. And for such letters as came vnto me in the absence of Ful∣geam, they were inclosed vnder a couerture from Fulgeam, and were deliuered me by the hands of Robert Tunstead his brother in law, vnto whome I deliuered such as I had for the Scotish quéene, coue∣red with a direction vnto Fulgeam: and once I re∣member or twise I sent by one of my men called [line 20] Butler, letters for the Scotish queene to the house of the said Tunstead, néere Buckestones, couered with a direction to Tunstead, and vnder a letter to Fulgeam. In such letters as came to me from the Scotish quéene, were inclosed letters to F. A. ma∣nie times, and most times some for Thomas Mor∣gan. Hir letters to me conteined, &c.

But before I returned mine answer vnto hir, I vnderstood of the death of the duke of Lenox, and withall heard from Morgan, with whome all mine [line 30] intelligence was (for with my brother I neuer had anie, other than that the matters by me written to Morgan were by him imparted vnto my brother most times) that by the persuasion of the pope and the king of Spaine,* 23.2 the duke of Guise had yeel∣ded to performe the iournie in person: and that it was thought that the next waie to atteine libertie for the Scotish quéene, and to reforme Scotland, was to begin here in England. And therefore he de∣sired to know from me, whether in mine opinion [line 40] catholikes would not backe any such force as should be sent, considering a demand of tolerance in reli∣gion for them should insue the well performing of the said enterprise, and what I thought the force would amount vnto, both of horsse and footmen, and where I thought to be the fittest landing. Mine answer was, that as then, I saw no great proba∣bilitie of the good successe of such an enterprise, for that the catholikes were timorous, dispersed, the matter perillous to be communicated vnto manie, without which I saw not how anie estimat could be [line 50] made of the forces: besides, that it was an immi∣nent danger vnto the Scotish quéene, whereof I saw no remedie.

I tooke notice of this matter in my next letters to the Scotish quéene, whose answer was, that she latelie heard of that determination, &c. Upon my former answer vnto Morgan, he desired me, that I would conferre with the Spanish ambassador, to whom I should be recommended from thense. Here∣vpon [line 60] the said ambassador sent for me, and brake with me in this matter, assuring me that in his opi∣nion he found it verie easie to make great altera∣tion here with verie little force,* 23.3 considering the dis∣use in men to warre, and troubles would so amaze them (as he thought) that they would be as soone ouerthrowne as assailed: & he could not thinke but in such a case catholikes would shew themselues, sith the purpose tended to the obteining for them li∣bertie of conscience: and therefore he desired me to acquaint him, what I thought men would doo in such a case, and where I thought the fittest landing, and what holds in these parts were easiest to be surpri∣sed. I answered him, that (as it séemed) the enter∣prise stood vpon great vncerteinties, if it depended of the knowledge of a certeine force to be found here, which no man could assure him of, vnlesse he had sounded all the catholikes, which was not possi∣ble without a manifest hazard of the discouerie of the purpose. For as for anie great personage, I know no one to be drawne to this action, that could carrie anie more than his ordinarie retinue: the on∣lie waie in such a case was (I told him) for such as would be drawne into this matter, and were of cre∣dit in their countries, to leuie forces vnder colour of the princes authoritie.

But for that these things depended vpon vncer∣teine grounds,* 23.4 which was not fit to be vsed in so great an action, I said it was to be resolued, that the force to be sent should be of that number, that what backing soeuer they should find here, they might be able of themselues to incounter with anie force that might be prouided to be sent against them, and therfore they could not be lesse than fiftéene thou∣sand men. For the place of their landing, I said it de∣pended much vpon the force that should be sent: for if that were in great number, it mattered not where they landed: if in a small companie, then was it re∣quisit that it should be in the countries best affec∣ted, & furthest from hir maiesties principall forces, which I said to be in the northerne parts on either side. To the danger of the Scotish quéene by me obiected, he said he knew no remedie, vnlesse she might be taken awaie by some two hundred horsse, which I told him I saw not to be possible: for that I knew not anie gentleman in those parts (which were men, if anie, to performe it) that I durst wish to be made acquainted with the matter before hand.

Finallie, our conclusion was, that I should in∣forme him of the hauens as particularlie as I could: and within few daies after, finding by him that the force intended hither, was farre inferior vnto that I spake of; and that there was some different be∣twéene the pope & the king of Spaine for the charge, I told him that the surest course and of least danger were, to send a supplie into Scotland,* 23.5 where a small force would bréed a great alteration, and things be∣ing there established by the good liking of the king, I thought it was in him by a continuall war, & by in∣cursions so to annoie this state, as hir maiestie here should be forced to yéeld the libertie of the Scotish quéene, and what should therevpon haue beene rea∣sonablie demanded for the benefit of the catholikes here. And herein I said it would be a great furthe∣rance, if at the same time some few were landed in Ireland, where: although they abide the same hazard that the former forces susteined; yet would the charge be so great to hir maiestie, and so great an oc∣casion of dispersing of hir forces, as a much lesse companie than was spoken of first by me, would (being landed here in a conuenient place) shake the minds of men generallie, and be of force (if anie thing) to draw them to shew themselues in the fur∣therance of the purpose.

He vtterlie reiected the purpose for Ireland, and disliked not the purpose for Scotland; but still he was in mind to haue forces landed here: and there∣fore desired me verie earnestlie to inquire particu∣larlie of the hauens on the side of Cumberland and Lancashire,* 23.6 and what men were dwelling there that were well affected in religion, and what places easie to be taken, and what apt for fortification. The next time that I went to the Spanish ambassador, he found himselfe gréeued that he vnderstood matters were determined in France without his priuitie: and told me that Persons the Iesuit was gone vnto Rome, sent (as he thought) to vnderstand the popes

mind. Soone after came ouer my brother Thomas, to make an end of our account, and to persuade me to come ouer, assuring me that for ought he could see in likelihood, the enterprise was neuer like to take effect. In the time of his being here, and while I interteined intelligence with the Scotish quéene concerning hir libertie, the Spanish ambassador sent for me, and told me of the comming ouer of Mope to view Sussex and the hauens,* 23.7 and as he thought, to tast the best of account there: whereat he [line 10] séemed to be aggreeued, for that such matters had not béene left to him, being one whome they in France made beléeue that they relied vpon principallie in this enterprise. Afterwards, the ambassador told me, that it was Charles Paget, and that he was re∣turned, but where he had béene he knew not, and at the same time I receiued a letter from Morgan, that it was Paget: but assuring me, and so willed me to assure the ambassador, that his comming was not to mooue anie man, but onelie to view the countrie, [line 20] for that the moouing of anie man was referred vnto him. I did so, and he intreated me to remember him for those foresaid names and hauens, saieng, that so it were doone exactlie by the spring, it would suffice: for that sooner he saw no likelihood of the execution of the enterprise.

My brother hauing made an end of his account with me,* 23.8 returned with this resolution betweene vs (I protest before God) that if the enterprise succéeded not betweene this and the next spring now past, that [line 30] I would settle my things here and go ouer. And for this cause, he being gone, I went downe into the countrie, both to sell and take order for my lands in those parts, as also to fetch the draught of gentlemen and hauens for the most part of England, which had béene set downe by me aboue two yeares since, and left behind me at Feckenham in my studie. Not finding the draught at Feckenham, I returned to London, where I found the note of names in secre∣tarie hand, which I carried to the Spanish ambassa∣dor, [line 40] and there drew that other in Romane hand in his studie, putting downe Chester to be taken, in respect of the easinesse as I thought, and the rather to giue him incouragement in the matter, I left it with him, promising him that by the next spring I would perfect it, if I taried so long; making knowne vnto him, that I was had in suspicion, and my de∣termination to be gone: but he pressed the contrarie of me, assuring me, that if the enterprise procéeded not, he would then also depart. [line 50]

* 23.9Whether sir Francis Englefield were a dealer in this practise or no, I know not: but sure I am (for so the Spanish ambassador told me) that sir Fran∣cis had intelligence with the said ambassador all the time of his being here. The Spanish ambassador told me that he heard the people of Northwales were generallie well affected, and therefore he desi∣red to haue the hauens of that countrie: I told him that hereafter I would helpe him therevnto, al∣though no good might be expected there, for the rea∣sons by me set downe in my first confession: and [line 60] herevpon the daie before mine apprehension, the am∣bassador sent me backe the said paper in Romane hand, desiring me to set downe the same at my lea∣sure more exactlie, which was the cause that it was not in my gréene veluet casket. The writings in my casket were such as were by me confessed, and came vnto my hands as I haue confessed.

¶ I most humblie beséech hir most excellent maie∣stie▪ that she extremitie which I haue alreadie sustei∣ned,* 23.10 and the causes by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 discouered, to the safetie of hir maiestie and the state, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made knowne (as hath appeared) by anie other meane than by my selfe, may craue at hir hands the extending of hir grati∣ous commiseration towards the releeuing of the la∣mentable estate of me, hir maiesties poore distressed subiect, and mine, if God for mine offenses forbid not the same.

Now iudge all ye, that be not peruerslie affected whether Throckemorton be iustlie condemned, and whether his confessions (though as he pretended, extorted from him by violence) be of force in law a∣gainst him. He conspired to ouerthrow the state, to bring in strangers to inuade the realme, to re∣moue hir maiestie from hir lawfull & naturall right and inheritance to the crowne of England,* 23.11 and to place a stranger in hir seat. But this last point, for placing of a stranger, will (per chance) be denied: then note, that in the whole course of the practise, the greatest barre to the prosecution of the enterprise, was, they found no waie how to put the Sco tish queene in safetie. Then, if these dangerous trea∣sons be discouered by torture (the onelie meanes left vnto princes to discouer treasons and attempts a∣gainst their states and persons, where they find ap∣parant matter to induce suspicion, as in the case of Throckemorton, vpon sight of the plots of hauens, &c) may the law touch the traitor or not? If anie man hold this question negatiuelie, hold him for a friend to traitors and treasons, and an enimie to the quéenes maiestie, whome God long preserue, and confound hir enimies: Amen.

On the tenth daie of Iulie next following, the same Francis Throckemorton was conueied by water from the Tower of London to the Blacke friers staires,* 23.12 and from thense by land to the sessions hall in the old bailie without Newgate, where he was deliuered to the shiriffes of London, and then laid on a hurdle, from whence he was drawne to Ti∣burne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. The nintéenth daie of Iulie, Robert baron of Den∣bigh,* 23.13 the onelie sonne and heire of Robert earle of Leicester, departed this mortall life, being then of the age of thrée yeares and somewhat more, at Wan∣sted in Essex, the solemnitie of whose funerall was there honorablie kept on the first of August; and af∣ter, his bodie was conueied to Warwike, & there in the chappell of Richard Beauchampe earle of War∣wike his ancestor honorablie intoomed, on the one and twentith of October. In memorie of whom (but not as an epicedium, nor yet as an epitaph) thes•• verses of fit inuention and deuise may well be vsed:

O puer, ô ••xpressa atrum sed maior imago, Nunc bona cum domino spes tumulata iacet: Sic rosa, sic tenerae sulco resecantur aristae, Candida sic primo lilia vere cadunt.

In this yeare,* 23.14 an ancient and charitable ci∣tizen of London named D. S. embroderer to the quéenes maiestie (whome God from bare estate had aduanced to a degrée of credit, hauing his wife aliue, and by hir onelie eight children, six of them maried, whose children counted together made aboue the number of twentie) this man (I say) notwithstan∣ding these great occasions by multiplied generati∣ons might haue prouoked him to gather and laie vp against his death, such worldlie wealth, as they thereby might reape profit after his decease: yet re∣membring himselfe, that christians are not placed in this world to benefit their children onlie, but also to doo good to the houshold of faith, whereof none are more likelie to be members than the godlie poore, did laie out the most part of his substance (when he was thrée score yeares of age) in and about the building of six proper houses in forme of a quadrangle, with these words in faire great letters round about the same:

The poore widowes Inne here you may see,* 23.15 Where six poore widowes haue houseroome fre:

And twentie shillings yeerelie paid, During our liues for our further aid: Though gift be but bare & came from small store, Despise not the giuer but praise God therefore. Woorke whilest thou hast breath: No waie to life but Christs death.

Upon the front of the building, ouer the doore or gate of entrance, are these words of well wishing grauen in stone: GOD SAVE OVR NOBLE QVEENE ELISABETH CHEEFE FOVN∣DER [line 10] OF THIS WORKE. The originall of this foundation was in this maner. The said D. S. did purchase certeine old houses in the ward of castell Bainard,* 23.16 in the citie of London, and pulling them downe to the ground, did (vpon his owne charges) build vpon the same ground six little houses all of bricke and stone, as stronglie as he could deuise to continue, euerie house hauing thrée seuerall roomes one ouer the other: wherein he placed six poore wi∣dows immediatlie after they were builded, that is, [line 20] in euerie house one widow, choosing them within the parish where the said houses doo stand; being such as haue liued in good name and fame all the daies of their liues, and so doo continue, and are of the age of three score yeares or thereabouts, before they shall be admitted to dwell in anie of them: & being thus admitted, and remaining widowes, they haue their dwelling frée during their liues, and twentie shillings a péece beside, paid them quarterlie by fiue shillings euerie quarter, to buie them wood & coles. [line 30] And this he trulie paieth themduring his owne life, and his wife shall doo it likewise if she doo out liue him during hir life; and after both their deceases, he hath made it ouer vnto Christs hospitall to performe the same for euer.* 23.17 For the performance of the pre∣misses, he hath left vnto the said hospitall sufficient rents, as well to paie the said six pounds yearelie vn∣to the said six poore widowes; as also to kéepe the said houses in reparations and buildings for euer, with some ouerplus vnto the said hospitall. [line 40]

* 23.18And to the intent that his good and charitable pro∣uision should by no misbehauiour be abused, but de∣cent and agreeable to the age of the parties there seated, he made certeine ordinances and rules, to be obserued and kept by those six poore widowes which doo dwell or heereafter shall dwell in anie of those six houses, standing vpon saint Peters hill, in the ward of castell Bainard, erected by the said D. S. embroderer to our most gratious and noble queene Elisabeth, Anno 1584. [line 50]

* 23.191 First, I will that they shall be such widowes as shall be giuen to serue God, before all other exer∣cises, and such as haue liued in good name and fame, and so doo continue; no blasphemers of the name of God, no drunkards, no scolds, nor anie disquiet persons, but of good and godlie conuersation, to the better example of others. They shall be of the age of thréescore yeares, or of six and fiftie yeares at the least, before they shall be admitted to dwell in anie of the same houses. And if anie of them shall fortune [line 60] to marrie, they shall depart out of the same house or houses wherein shée or they doo dwell, before they doo marrie, and neuer to be admitted to dwell in anie of the same houses againe.

2 Also, they nor anie of them shall not lodge, nor suffer to be lodged or harboured by daie nor yet by night,* 23.20 anie manner of person, neither man, nor wo∣man, nor child, within anie of their houses, but onelie themselues; without it be in some great extremitie of sicknesse, when as of necessitie some honest anci∣ent woman a kéeper, may watch with anie of them for a night or two vpon great necessitie, or else not lodge, harbour, keepe, or mainteine, or suffer to be lodged, harboured, kept, or mainteined, neither by daie nor yet by night, any maner of person; although they be neuer so néere of bloud or kindred, but if anie of them shall so doo, she or they shall presentlie auoid out of hir or their houses within twentie daies next after anie such offense commited, & neuer to be ad∣mitted to dwell in anie of the said houses after. My meaning is not but that they may come the one of them vnto the others house, or their friends, to be merie together (when they shall thinke méete) lo∣uinglie, as honest neighbours vse to doo at houres conuenient, and so to depart in good order.

3 Also, they shall be no kéepers of sicke persons in other houses which shall be sicke of the plague,* 23.21 or of anie infectious sickenesse, for bringing of infected clothes among themselues: nor they shall not suffer anie other folkes to haue anie recourse by their meanes, to wash anie bucks or other clothes, neither woollen or linnen at the well, nor in anie other part of the same yards but onelie themselues, for annoi∣eng of the tenants with filth & foule waters running through their yards & houses there adioining. And if anie of the rest of the said widowes doo or shall know that anie of them or more, haue offended anie of these articles aforesaid, and doo not shew the same vnto such persons as shall haue authoritie to correct and amend the same: then all such persons shall be in the like danger as the partie that hath so offen∣ded, if it may be proued that they did know there∣of: and if they or anie of them shall offend in anie of these articles, they shall be put from their houses as is aforesaid, and not be admitted anie more into anie of them.

4 Also, I will that they and either of them,* 23.22 shall most vsuallie vse the parish church of saint Benets, néere Paules wharfe, and especiallie vpon the sab∣both daie, and vpon mondaie, wednesdaie, and fridaie, in euerie wéeke if there be anie seruice in the same church on the said daies: and if they or anie of them shall be absent from the same church at seruice time, being in the citie, and being not sicke, they shall paie two pence for euerie time so offending, which shall be put into the poores bore among themselues, or into the poores box in the said parish church.

5 Also,* 23.23 I will that none of them doo occupie anie water aboue the staires of anie of the same houses, for decaieng of the same houses, and perishing of the séelings: and if anie of them shall so offend, she or they shall loose the fiue shillings that they should receiue the next quarter daie following, by vertue of my will.

6 Also,* 23.24 I will haue them to put in two sufficient suertis to be bound in twentie pounds before they be admitted into anie of the same houses, to performe these articles, or else to auoid the said houses within twentie daies (as is aforesaid) quietlie.

7 Also,* 23.25 I will that the two widowes that doo or shall dwell in the two houses next the stréet on either side of the gate, shall hang out one lanthorne be∣twéene them both, and a whole candell in it burning, according vnto the custome in the citie of London v∣sed in the winter season; that is to saie, the one wi∣dow one wéeke to hang it out, and the other widow another wéeke, and so to continue from time to time, and the said lanthorne to be mainteined by those two widowes that shall haue the hanging of them out. And I will that they doo mainteine them to be faire, large, and cléere lanthorns: and for the prouision of the candels, I will that the other foure widowes dwelling in the other foure houses, shall buie either of them one pound of cotton candels, and deliuer them vnto the two widowes that shall hang out the lanthorne, so as alwaies there shall not be aboue ten candels in the pound. And if any of the same widows shall not performe this my meaning, I will that

twise so much more as will performe the premisses, shall be staid out of the fiue shillings that they or ei∣ther of them should receiue the next quarter daie fol∣lowing, by vertue of my last will and testament.

God grant that they which are better able, may haue no lesse good will to doo the like, or better, that the godlie poore may be relieued here on earth, vpon whom, be it litle or much that is bestowed; Christ Ie∣sus no doubt will reward it a hundred fold in hea∣uen: and who would not by workes of faithfull cha∣ritie, [line 10] endeuour to dwell in God, whome the scripture calleth charitie? Considering that the apostle exhor∣teth all christians in no case to forget to doo good and distribute, sith with such sacrifices he is well pleased.

On the 12 daie of Nouember, the quéens maiestie (returning after hir progresse) came to hir manor of S. Iames,* 23.26 where the citizens of London, to the number of two hundred of the grauest sort in cotes of veluet, and chaines of gold, on horssebacke, and a thousand of the companies on foot (hauing with [line 20] them a thousand men with torches readie there to giue light on euerie side for that the night drew on) receiued and welcomed hir grace.* 23.27 And on the foure and twentith daie of the same moneth, hir maiestie and the lords rode to the parlement, which was that daie begun at Westminster.* 23.28

* 23.29¶In the foresaid parlement held at Westminster, were manie necessarie lawes ordeined for the com∣monwealth, amongst which was one speciall act pro∣cured by sir Roger Manwood knight thiefe baron of [line 30] the excheker,* 23.30 for the maintenance of the famous stone bridge of Rochester. And here bicause there is mention made of sir Roger Manwood & Rochester bridge; I thinke it conuenient (sith I haue alwaies determined to set foorth what soeuer might come to my mind and pen touching my sweet and natiue countrie of Kent, and such persons of the same as ei∣ther by honorable descent in that countrie, or by of∣fice of hie place in the commonwealth, or by worthie remembrance deserue not to be forgotten) to speake [line 40] somewhat of the same sir Roger Manwood, and such things as he hath doone for that countrie,* 23.31 especiallie sith master Lambard a man of rare iudgement hath not for gotten to treat of him in his booke of the perambulation of Kent vnder the title of Sand∣wich. Wherfore thinking him worthie remembrance for that which he hath doone in his owne countrie of Kent, I enter in discourse of him a Kentishman ••n this sort.

This man being borne at Sandwich in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred and [line 50] fiue and twentie,* 23.32 was first instructed in the gram∣mar schoole of that towne, as then but a meane thing and taught by a chanterie préest of the founda∣tion of one Thomas Ellis. Afterwards, when as by dissolution of chanteries in the time of king Ed∣ward the sixt this chanterie schoole was taken away,* 23.33 & the children of the townes people being manie in number were forced to be taught in the grammar schooles far distant from Sandwich, to the great char∣ges of their parents (whereby manie poore mens chil∣dren [line 60] for capacitie and paines taking méet for lear∣ning, were put by the course of learning which other∣wise might haue prooued learned and become good members of the commonwealth) the said sir Roger Manwood by st••die in the law,* 23.34 and reader in the inner temple, well considering the same (and mind∣ing to restore to Sandwich towne his birth place, a better grammar schoole than tha•• wherein he was first brought vp) did in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred thrée sco••e and three, vpon his m••nie charges procure from the de••••e & chapter of Christs church of Canturburie a vacant place (ha∣uing manie broken neere walles) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the towne gate in Sandwich called Canturburie gate.* 23.35 In which void toome adioining to the riuer of Delfe is now erected a faire schoolehouse (for the schoolemaster, vsher, & certen boording scholers) framed all of bricke & stone. For perpetuall continuance of which schoole, the said sir Roger Manwood (now lord chiefe baron in this yeare of our Lord 1586) procured letters pa∣tents from the quéene for incorporating and assu∣rance of the same schoole (with other lands and reue∣nues thereto belonging) to the maior and his bre∣thren of Sandwich and to their successors for euer,* 23.36 by the name of the gouernours of the frée grammar schoole of Roger Manwood in Sandwich; assuring to the said gouernors of his owne land the cleere yeare∣lie value of 22 pounds and more. Further, thervnto procuring of his brother Thomas Manwood (some∣time maior of Sandwich) the cleere yearelie value of ten pounds of lands and tenements; and also of one Thomas Tompson (iurat of Sandwich) eight pounds by yeere De claro, of his owne lands and tene∣ments,* 23.37 in the grosse summe amounting to fourtie pounds by yeare, which lands being sufficientlie assu∣red to the said gouernours, with conuenient dwel∣ling for the master, and vsher, lodging for sixteene boording scholers, and with some beneuolence of pa∣rents for the teaching of their children, is a large en∣dowment for perpetuall maintenance of the same grammar schoole.

Besides which, for the further benefit of the same schoole, the same sir Roger Manwood hath obteined two scholers roomes in Gonuile and Caius college in Cambridge,* 23.38 and two other scholers roomes in Lincolne college at Oxford, with pension of foure markes yearelie to euerie of the said foure scholers to be remooued from that schoole of Sandwich, and to be placed in those colleges, from time to time as of∣ten as anie of the same college scholers roomes shall be void, and that anie scholer shall be méet to come from that schoole of Sandwich. Beyond all which that he hath doone for recompense of his birth place, with a frée grammar schoole for the education of the youth there, he also for reliefe of age hath néere vnto his dwelling place of saint Stephans in Hacking∣ton parish (adioining to Canturburie) built in the yeare of our redemption 1573,* 23.39 a faire row of se∣uen almes houses of bricke, placing in euerie of the same almes houses poore folkes, such as are counted to be honest & good. For perpetuall maintenance of which almes persons he hath endowed that buil∣ding with a yéerelie allowance of the value of foure pounds by yeare (to euerie of the same almes men & houses) in monie, bread, & fewell.* 23.40 And in the same pa∣rish church néere to those almes houses he hath new∣lie erected an Ile, where his toome is made and pla∣ced, & in that church a new roome of seuen pewes and seates for the almes people to be bestowed in, togi∣ther by themselues.

Likewise for setting to worke of middle age, whereby they may eschew idlenesse,* 23.41 this sir Roger Manwood did in the yeare of Christ, one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and eight, build a new house of correction in the Westgate street in the suburbs of Canturburie. And moreouer,* 23.42 whereas Rochester bridge standing on the riuer of Medweie, being fa∣mouslie built of stone (in the time of king Richard the second as is most likelie, though some attribute the same to the time of Edward the third) by one sir Robert Knolles knight,* 23.43 with the helpe of Iohn lord Cobham of Cobham, and Margaret Courtneie his wife, being two of the principall benefactors there∣vnto, after the decaie of a woodden bridge (first erec∣ted ouer the same riuer some hundred yeares before that of stone) had (for the perpetuall maintenance of the same stone bridge) the ancient contributarie

lands (giuen for the support of the woodden bridge) af∣ter the ruine of the same woodden bridge reduced (by act of parlement holden in the one and twentith of Richard the second) to the maintenance of the same new stone bridge; and that sundrie manors, lands, tenements, & rents in Kent, London, & Essex, were by deuise of sundrie persons assured for the vp∣holding of the same new stone bridge:* 23.44 yet by want of due circumspection this new stone bridge became in so great decaie, that in the latter time of quéene Marie, and beginning of hir maiestie now reigning, [line 10] collection was made vpon all horssemen, & carriages passing ouer that bridge in manner of a tole or tax: and more, by reason of the queenes commission, an vniuersall taxation was made in nature of a tenth and fiftéenth ouer all the countrie of Kent, and the ci∣tie of Canturburie, for and towards the reparations of the same bridge.

All which being an vnwilling burthen, & griefe to the people, togither with the reuenues of the bridge lands, did not yet suffice to saue the ruine of that fa∣mous [line 20] stone bridge, vntill by the carefull trauell of the said sir Roger Manwood (then a iustice in the common plées) a remedie was sound therefore with∣out iniurie to anie person,* 23.45 and without exaction of a∣nie passenger. Which remedie was, that all the ma∣nors, lands, tenements, and rents, belonging vnto the bridge, should be fréed from all leases thereof, made at small rents; and the same lands so let to be dulie improoued to a higher rate, the same being a matter answerable to right and reason; considering [line 30] the cause of the first gift of those lands then suffici∣ent, and the now dearth of things, which made it in∣sufficient to support the said bridge) the stone, tim∣ber and other stuffe, for repare of the same bridge, with the works, wages, and carriages concerning it, being now growne to farre greater prices than in old time they were. Which deuised remedie to vn∣doo the old leases,* 23.46 was much impugned by manie persons of wealthie hauior, receiuing great profit by those old vnder rented leases. [line 40]

All which notwithstanding, this Roger Manwood prosecuted the same to a good successe: for he making to appeare before the lords of the councell and the rest of the iudges of the realme (in the presence of such as inioied these old leases, and of their learned councell, and other fauourers) that the said manors, lands, and tenements, belonging to the said bridge, were giuen to the wardens & communaltie, owners of the contributorie lands; and that their old leases [line 50] made by the wardens onelie without consent of the communaltie, were not good in law: the farmers submitted themselues to surrender their old insuffi∣cient leases,* 23.47 and to take such as might be auailable in law of the same lands. Whereby the yearelie reue∣neues of the bridge lands grew to be of more va∣lue than triple that which they were before: and yet the old farmers had new leases vnto their owne contentation; bicause the same are not so improoued, but that they are as reasonablie letten as other pri∣uat [line 60] mens lands be.

To which deuise a further remedie was then added,* 23.48 and set foorth by the said iustice. Manwood, who for perpetuall supplie (when need should be) procured that the ancient contributorie lands, almost growne into obliuion, should be to that end reduced into a conuenient order answerable vnto right and iustice. And likewise (for good direction in yearelie elections of wardens, and other officers, with the accounts, prouision, works; and other such necessaries required for perpetuall maintenance of that bridge) obteined an act of parlement in the eightéenth yeare of this quéenes reigne,* 23.49 as appeareth in the printed booke of statutes: wherein were manie things ord••ined for the good ordering of the said bridge, and the offi∣cers belonging therevnto. After all which a charge of fiue hundred pounds was of record demanded and leuied vpon the wardens of the said bridge, for arerages of the stipends of chanterie priests, some∣time seruing in the chappell at the east end of the said bridge, to the great damage and ouerthrow of the bridge; had not the said iustice Manwood by his tra∣uell vpon due and lawfull triall at the assises, deli∣uered & discharged the bridge of that great demand; as appeareth by record in the court of the excheker, before the said sir Roger Manwood came to be chiefe baron there. And yet abuse and slackenesse being had in these things, the wardens (notwithstanding that great beneuolence and reléefe was at sundrie times and of sundrie persons procured vnto the said bridge, by the carefull and diligent trauell of Tho∣mas Wooten of Bocton Maleherbe of Kent esquier, a deere father and fauourer of his countrie,* 23.50 as well at the times of the elections of the wardens, and the accounts of the officers) were forced to disburse great sums of their owne monie from time to time, to dispatch the néedfull charges and works required for the bridge, without anie conuenient allow∣ance of the contributorie persons, at the yearelie e∣lections of the wardens, and without due regard had for order of the said land, belonging and contributo∣rie to the bridge.

For auoiding wherof the said sir Roger Manwood, then & now lord chiefe baron of the excheker, procured to passe another act of parlment, in the seuen & twen∣tith yeare of hir maiestie reigne, wherein is further prouision made for the said bridge, as in the printed booke of statutes at large appeareth. By which fullie prouided meane•• and by reasonable following the presidents of the works and accounts (written in great * 23.51 l••gear books by the said chiefe baron▪ and William Lambard esquier, in the yeare next after the said last mentioned act of parlement of the sea∣uen and twentith of the quéenes reigne, they then executing the office of wardens) all néedfull repa∣rations be so doone, and prouision before hand so made, as it is now growne out of all controuersie, that the said famous stone bridge of Rochester for e∣uer like to last according vnto the intent of the first building, and the indowment thereof for the good and beneficiall seruice of the commonwealth. This sir Roger Manwood, hauing had before an other wife issued of the gentlemanlie familie of the Theo∣balds,* 23.52 is at this daie ioined in marriage with Elisa∣beth (descended of an ancient and worshipfull fami∣lie) the daughter of Iohn Copinger of Alhallowes in the countie of Kent esquier: which Elisabeth, be∣ing a woman of such rare modestie and patience, as hir verie enimies must néeds confesse the same: oc∣casioned these verses following to be composed tou∣ching hir & hir husband the said sir Roger Manwood:

Scaccarij protho bar•• (Manwoode) beatum Quem faciunt leges, lingua, loquela virum•• Coniuge foelici••r tamenes, quae nata Copinger Egreg•••• est summa foemina digna viro: Quae viduata th••ro Wilkins, coniunctáque Manwood, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 coniux est ••oriata binis.]

In the moneth of Ianuarie deceassed Edward Fines lord Clinton, earle of Lincolne,* 23.53 and lord ad∣merall of England, knight of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell, a man of great yéeres, and seruice, as well by sea as land, he was burie•• at Windsor, leauing manie children behind him hono∣rablie married. Of this noble man (whiles he liued) one to whome the honorable lords of the cour•• were not obscurelie knowne, writing of the * 23.54 pea••eable regiment of the queenes maiestie, & comprising in an orderlie discourse their high places of seruice to

the crowne, amongest others, speaketh verie com∣mendablie and deseruedlie of this deceassed earle, who (at such time as the said booke was published vnder the title aforenamed) had béene lord great admerall of England thirtie yeares, and of councell vnto thrée princes: alwaies of vnspotted report spe∣ciallie for allegiance, and therefore as singularlie be∣loued in his life; so accordinglie bemoned at his death. The words that concerne this noble mans memoriall are thus extant, to the aduancement of his honour, testified by report of two English poets: [line 10]

O Clintone tuae concessa est regia classis Tutelae, totos ter denos circiter annos: Consuluisse tribus (nec & haec tibi gloria parua) Principibus, veterum satraparum sanguine clares, Multa gerens pelago praeclarè, multáque terris: Hunc decorat comitem grandi Lincolnia fastis.

And before this, namelie in the yeare 1564, at what time the said noble man was honored with the title of Praefectus maris, and attendant vppon hir ma∣iestie in presence, at hir being in Cambridge, where [line 20] she was magnificallie interteined with all hir troope of lords and traine of ladies, &c: thus did an academike write in praise of the forenamed earle:

Regnatórque maris Clintonus, cuius in vndis Excellens nomen praecipuúmque decus: Ille mihi Neptunus, aquas mouet ille tridente, Hunc Triton, hunc pelagi dij{que} deae{que} colunt.

* 23.55On the one and twentith daie of Ianuarie, one and twentie Iesuites, seminaries, and other massing priests, late prisoners in the Tower of London, [line 30] Marshalsee, and Kings bench, were shipped at the Tower wharffe, to be conueied towards France, & banished this realme for euer, by vertue of a com∣mission from hir maiestie, as may more fullie ap∣peare by that which followeth.

A vew of the said commission from the queenes maiestie.

WHere as the queenes most excellent [line 40] maiestie, foreseeing the danger that hath and might grow vnto the realme, by ac∣cesse of Iesuits and seminarie priests, and other like wandering and massing priests com∣ming hither to seduce and withdraw hir louing sub∣iects from their due obedience to God and hir maie∣stie; and there withall, traitorouslie to practise the mo∣uing and stirring of rebellion within the realme, as hath appeared by sufficient proofe against them, and [line 50] by confession of sundrie of themselues; for the which diuerse of the said Iesuits and seminaries haue béene tried, condemned, and executed by the ordinarie and orderlie course of hir maiesties lawes, and yet they haue not refrained dailie to practise and attempt the like treasons.* 24.1 Hir maiestie notwithstanding, follow∣ing the accustomed course of hir princelie clemen∣cie, liking rather for this time to haue them onelie banished out of the realme, than to suffer the iustice [line 60] of hir lawes to be executed against them (although they haue deserued the same in the highest degrée) hath giuen power to vs of hir maiesties priuie coun∣cell & others, by commission and warrant vnder the great seale of England, bearing date the fiftéenth daie of this present month of Ianuarie, to sée this hir purpose and determination for their banishment put in execution. By vertue whereof, we haue procéeded therevnto, and haue committed to the charge of these bearers, William Bolles one of hir maiesties yeo∣men of hir chamber, and Anthonie Hall, the persons whose names doo follow, that is to saie, Iames Bos∣graue,* 24.2 Iohn Hart, Edward Rushton, Iaspar Hei∣wood, William Tedder, Samuell Coniers, Arthur Pits, William Wharmington, Richard Slake, William Hartlie, Richard Norris, William Dean, William Bishop, Robert Nutter, Thomas Ste∣phanson, Iohn Coliton, Christopher Tomson, Tho∣mas Worthington, Iohn Barns, William Smith, clearks, being Iesuits, seminaries, and other wan∣dering and massing priests, and Henrie Orton gen∣tleman: all which haue béene apprehended in this realme, to be by them imbarked, and transported beyond the seas, according to such direction as they haue receiued in that behalfe.

These shall be therefore by the authoritie aforesaid, to will and require you, and in hir maiesties name strictlie to charge and command you, and euerie of you hir maiesties officers, as well within the realme of England and Iceland, as in anie other parts of hir maiesties dominions and countries, to whome it may and shall apperteine, not onelie to suffer them to passe vnder the charge of the said William Bolles and Anthonie Hall: but also that in case by contrarie∣tie of winds, or extremitie of weather, they shall be after their imbarking, driuen into anie port or creeke within anie of your iurisdictions, that vpon the sight of this pasport ye aid and assist the said Bolles, and Anthonie Hall, if they shall so require you, in séeing them safelie reteined, committed, & kept in custodie (if they shall come aland) till such time as they the said William Bolles and Anthonie Hall may with safe∣tie put againe into the sea, to transport them to such place beyond the sea as by our direction they are ap∣pointed; and to suffer them eftsoones to imbarke and depart, without staie or interruption. Foreseeing, that they the said Iesuits and seminaries,* 24.3 and other the wandering and massing priests aforesaid, nor a∣nie of them, nor the said Henrie Orton be suffered to conueie or transport out of the realme, anie thing that by the lawes be prohibited or forbidden. Where∣of (as of the rest commanded herein) we require you not to faile, as you will answer to the contrarie at your perils. Giuen vnder our hands at Gréenewich the twentith daie of Ianuarie, in the seuen and twen∣tie yeare of hir maiesties reigne. ¶ Now followeth a certificat of the maister that transported the fore∣named one and twentie banished persons, as fol∣loweth.

To the right honorable lords and o∣thers of hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell, and all other officers to whome it may apperteine.

THese may be to certifie, &c:* 25.1 that William Bolles, yeoman vsher of hir maiesties chamber, and Anthonie Hall of London skinner, hauing imbarked at the Tower wharffe of London, the one and twentith daie of Ianuarie 1584 one and twentie persons being banished men into my barke called the Marie Martin of Colchester, to be transported and conuei∣ed into Normandie, for sixtéene of which said one and twentie persons they had compounded with me aforehand. The same William Bolles and An∣thonie Hall haue satisfied and paid me for all their passages and vittels, and haue also hired at Douer an experimented pilot for the coasts of Normandie; which said Bolles and Hall with the said banished men in their charges, after their being by contrarie winds driuen to staie against Erith, at Grauesend, in Tilberie hope, at Lée, at the Spaniard, at the Downes, at Douer, and at Rie, were by force of weather and chase of pirats driuen to Bullen, and there arriued all safelie the second day of Februarie 1584, and thense sent the said banished men, some by horsse, but most on foot, with conducts to Abbi∣uile

in the coasts of Normandie. Witnesse my hand herevnto this fift of Februarie, 1584. ¶ By me Matthew Strut.

An other certificat, written and directed into England by the said banished men.

TO all magistrats, officers, & ministers, within the realme of England or else∣where, to whome it may in anie wise ap∣perteine: [line 10] this may be to giue certifica∣tion, that we whose names are here vnder written,* 26.1 who were imbarked at the Tower wharffe of Lon∣don the one and twentith daie of Ianuarie 1584, and there receiued into the charge of maister Wil∣liam Bolles, and maister Anthonie Hall, by com∣mission from their lordships and other hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell, haue béene by them the said William Bolles and Anthonie Hall verie friendlie & honestlie intreated, and with carefull dili∣gence [line 20] safelie conducted, transported, & conueied to the prouince of Normandie, & by them left this third daie of Februarie, according to the English compu∣tation, in the yeare of Christ 1584, which said Bolles and Hall haue in our presence paid the maister of the barke which transported vs for his whole fraught and vittels in the ship, for the time of our remaining a∣broad: and generallie so well vsed vs in all respects, that we can not but acknowledge our selues much beholding to them & fullie satisfied, in hauing béene [line 30] committed to the charge of so courteous officers, sith the case standeth so with vs that we are banished our countrie contrarie to our desires, wherein we take no little griefe of mind. For testimonie wher∣of, we haue herevnto set our seuerall hands this pre∣sent third daie of Februarie 1584. Iaspar Hal∣wood, Edward Rushton, Iohn Hart, &c.

¶ O Lord what a mercifull quéene is this, in such sort to forgiue and forget iniuries, yea treasonable iniuries, as by banishment onelie to chastise them, [line 40] that deserued extreame punishment? Yea with a banishment scarse fitlie to be so termed; sith in the execution thereof there was such clemencie shewed, as that the banished by their owne confessions haue left acknowledged vnder their owne handwriting, a notable kind of courtesie receiued by the meanes of hir maiestie. And therefore they cannot but in conscience commend hir highnesse tender affection so gratiouslie exchanged for seuere affliction; inso∣much that it may rightlie be reported of hir, gigh∣nesse, [line 50] which the poet spake of Caesar, that is to saie:

* 26.2Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox, Cuíque dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox.

* 26.3Henrie earle of Darbie appointed to be hir maie∣sties ambassador, to Henrie the third French king, and to inuest him with the order of the garter, tooke his leaue of the quéenes maiestie at Greenewich on the twentith daie of Ianuarie, and with him such gentlemen as were present, were admitted to kisse hir highnesse hand. Maister Robert Cooke, Claren∣cieux [line 60] appointed to attend in that voiage in place of Garter,* 26.4 whose rome was void, and Robert Glouer Sumerset herald likewise appointed to that iour∣neie, were referred to the two and twentie daie of the same moneth. Noble men and gentlemen at∣tending on the earle of Derbie; the lord Sands with eight seruants, lord Windsore, eleuen ser∣uants, maister Scroope sonne and heire to the lord Scroope two seruants, maister Windsore brother to the lord Windsore thrée seruants, sir Richard Sherborne thrée seruants, sir Randolph Brereton six seruants, maister Clarencieux for Garter foure seruants, maister Anthonie Cooke foure seruants, maister Gerard sonne and heire to sir Thomas Ge∣rard, maister Fléetwood, maister Nudigate, mai∣ster Stallage gentleman vsher, the quéenes ser∣uants. Maister Sumerset herald of armes two seruants, maister Crompton, maister Smith, mai∣ster Denton, maister Thomas Mils one seruant. The earls owne; maister Thomas Arden stuard two seruants, maister Fox controllor one seruant, maister Newton gentleman vsher one seruant, maister Philips chapleine one seruant, maister Alex∣ander gentleman of the horsse one seruant, maister Morecroft physician one seruant. The earls waiting gentlemen; maister Dawnie sonne and heire to sir Iohn Dawnie one seruant, maister Legh son and heire to sir Piers a Legh one seruant, mai∣ster Warren one seruant, maister Thomas Shere∣borne sonne to sir Richard Shereborne, maister Do••lie had one seruant, maister Market one ser∣uant, maister Richard Starkie one seruant, mai∣ster Stanlie one seruant, maister Brierton, mai∣ster Hanmer one seruant, maister Flood one ser∣uant, maister Salisburie one seruant, maister Bu∣shie my lords page, maister Donnes one seruant, maister Francis Starkie one seruant, maister Baptist one seruant, maister Randolph one ser∣uant, maister Tusser, maister Chambers one ser∣uant, maister Forton, maister Russell one seruant. The earles yeomen fiftie. This traine had to carie trunks, males, and chests, fiue carts and a wagon throughout from Calis to Paris, besides the earls sumpter horsse and garde viands on horsse backe.

On the six and twentith daie of Ianuarie, the earle with his traine passed from London to Grauesend in a tiltboat called a light horsseman,* 26.5 and there ta∣king post horsses rid to Sittingborne, and there lodg∣ed, from whense they rid to Douer, where they im∣barked and landed at Calis on the first of Februarie, the earle of Derbie lord ambassador, with the lords Sands and Windsor transported in the quéens ship named the Skout, the other gentlemen & traine in craiers of Douer to the number of eight in the whole,* 26.6 where they were all receiued and welcomed to the towne by monsieur de Gourdon gouernour ther∣of, and rested there the next daie: on which daie at night the said earle, barons, and principall gentle∣men were inuited to a supper, by the said monsieur de Gourdon, which was prepared for them in a mer∣chants house in verie sumptuous sort and great in∣terteinement, and after supper musicke and dansing, some ladies and gentlewomen of the towne being purposelie brought to the place to interteine and to danse with the noblemen and others.

On the third of Februarie the whole traine went from Calis to Bullogne to bed, where they were ve∣rie well interteined, the gouernors deputie presen∣ting the earle with certeine pots of wine of sundrie sorts. On the fourth of Februarie they rid to Mon∣strell to bed, and there were likewise presented. On the fift they went to Albeuill to bed, and were met with one hundred and fiftie shot of harquebuzers at the entrie of the towne, where on either side the streets were made ranks of shot all the way as they passed to their lodging, & after marched off about the market place, giuing manie a volée of shot till it waxed darke, the gouernor of the towne presenting sundrie sorts of wine. And the daie following they tooke their iournie to Amiens to bed, where of mon∣sieur Creuicure called Boniuet,* 26.7 lieutenant of Pi∣cardie for the king, accompanied with an hundred gentlemen, and best citizens, met the earle halfe a mile without the towne, and so rid talking with him & his traine. That night the said Creuicure presen∣ted the earle with great store of verie large and good fresh water fish, and the towne with wine of diuerse

sorts, and the daie following being sundaie, the said Creuicure inuited the earle to dinner, which dinner was greatlie commended. After dinner his lord∣ship & traine went to Brethnill to bed, the next daie to Cleremont, where he staied tuesdaie, and on wed∣nesdaie the tenth of Februarie to Luzarch.

On the 11 he went to S. Denise, where by the waie his lordship was met by sir Edward Stafford,* 26.8 hir maiesties ambassador resident with the French king, who brought with him diuerse gentlemen of England, to the number of thirtie horsse, and so ac∣companied [line 10] him to S. Denise where they kept com∣panie all the daie following being fridaie. On satur∣daie his lordship made his entrie into Paris, about two or thrée of the clocke at after noone, there being of the lord ambassadors traine more than two hundred horsse; and midwaie betwéene saint Denise and Pa∣ris, there met with their lordships sent from the king, the duke of Montpensier a prince of the bloud, the lords of Cauignie, le Chapelle aux Ursins, coun∣tie de Lude, de Pienne, de Malicorne, de la Moth [line 20] Fenelon, who had sometimes béene ambassador li∣ger in England, Destrie, D'abin, de Fontaines, de Cormisson, the marques of Curton, the countie de Grignan, all councellors in the councell, & knights of the holie ghost. The duke of Tremouille, the coun∣ties de Brissac, de Creance, Sancerre, and of La∣suze, with a great number of lords and barons, gen∣tlemen of the chamber, which all were cōmanded by the king to mount on horssebacke, and accompanie the said duke de Montpensier, who met the earle of [line 30] Derbie and the English traine midwaie betwixt Paris and saint Denise, and did accompanie him vnto hostell de Longueuille, sometime called the hostle of Aniou. At his lordships entrie into the said lodging,* 26.9 the siers de Marle and de Gonaix maistres de hostell to his maiestie, gaue him to vnderstand how they were appointed by the king to haue care of his good vsage and interteinement, who likewise had appointed mesiers de la Moth Fenelon, the mar∣ques de Curton, & the countie de Grignan, to keepe [line 40] his lordship companie at all times. And so was his lordship with the other lords and gentlemen lodged in the said hostell de Longueuille, where was thrée tables verie sumptuouslie furnished for them all of the kings cost; the one table in the great chamber for the lords and gentlemen, seruants to hir maie∣stie; the other in the hall for the erle of Derbies gen∣tlemen; and the third in a gallerie beneath for gentle∣mens seruants, besides liuerie into euerie chamber, both of wax, wood, wine, and such like, in as great [line 50] plentie as could be desired.

* 26.10On sundaie the fouretéenth of Februarie after the English account, and the foure and twentith after the French reckoning, the said earle betwixt the houres of two and thrée in the after noone, went from his lodging by a posterne through the garden, which is néere to the Louure, accompanied with the said lords de la Moth Fenelon, de Curton, and Grignan, togither with the sier de Gondie, & the said de Marle, and de Gonaix, and found the capteins of the regi∣ment [line 60] of the kings gard, making two ranks on ei∣ther side of the stréet, beginning from the posterne to the Louure gate, who welcōmed him in the kings behalfe. Without the gate of the said Louure he was receiued by the lieutenants of the great prouost of France & his archers; at the Louure gate by the sier de Montegnie capteine thereof to his maiestie and his archers; which archers togither with those of the great prouost made two ranks from the said gate of the Louure to the foot of the staiers. From the foot of the staiers his lordship was receiued by the sier de Perdillon the French lieutenant of the Swissers of the kings gard, which from the foot of the said stai∣ers to the doore of the hall, made two ranks for his lordships passage. At the entrie of the hall, his lord∣ship was receiued by the sier de Chasteau viaux knight of the holie ghost, and capteine of the archers of the kings gard; who likewise from the said doore vnto the doore of the antichamber made two ranks. From the doore of the antichamber, his lordship was receiued by the sier de Combault of the holie ghost, chiefe master de hostell to the king, and by the other masters of the hostell to his maiestie, and by his gen∣tlemen waiters; and there in the said antichamber all the said earle of Derbies officers and gentlemen wearing liueries were appointed to staie, and the quéenes seruants that procéeded next after them, and before the said earle went still forward. At the entrie of the chamber of estate his lordship was receiued by the sier de Liencourt knight of the holie ghost, chiefe escuir of the kings escuir, and the other es∣cuires of the escuir togither, with the lieutenant of the hundred gentlemen of his maiestie, who made likewise two ranks for his lordships passage from that chamber doore to the chamber of audience, eue∣rie of them bearing halberds in their hands. At the entrance of the antichamber, his lordship was re∣ceiued by the duke Ioieulx, accompanied with the gentlemen of the kings chamber ordinarie, who made two ranks from that chamber doore to the doore of the chamber roiall.

Into the said chamber roiall first entred all the gen∣tlemen,* 26.11 the quéenes maiesties seruants, the lords that had receiued and accompanied the said earle and lords: and the said duke de Ioieulx accompani∣ed the said earle of Derbie euen vnto the bars that stood about the edge of the haltpase, or mounting floore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same chamber, where the king stood at his beds féet, accompanied without the said barriers on his right hand with the cardinals of Bourbon, Uandosme, and Ioieulx; and on the left hand with the lords, the princes of Contie, the countie de Sois∣sons, and duke Montpensier, princes of the bloud: the dukes de Neuers, Delbeufe, de la Tremouille, de Retz, monsieur le chancellor, sier de Uilequier, du Bouchase, de la Ualette, Dantragues, de la Chapelle aux Ursins, Chauignie, la Uauguion, countie de Mauleurier, Clermont, Dantragues, de Larchaut, and other knights of the holie ghost, and councellors of the estate in great number.* 26.12 The said earle with the lord ambassador ordinarie of England alone∣lie entered within the said haltpase within the bar∣riers vnto his maiestie, of whom they were receiued with great courtesie, & as amiable countenance as could be. And the earle deliuered the quéenes maie∣sties letters vnto the king with great reuerence, and then making rehearsall of that he had in charge to saie, the said ambassador presented vnto the king the lords Sands and Windsor, with other the English knights and gentlemen; which all one after an other mounted vpon the haltpase, kissed their hands, & did their reuerence vnto the king.* 26.13 Then the erle tooke his leaue, and was conducted by all the lords & capteins that had before receiued him, and conueied him vnto the place where they had first receiued him. After∣wards he went to salute the quéene mother, and at the entrance into hir antichamber he was receiued by monsieur de Lansac knight of the holie ghost, and knight of honour vnto the same queene, whome he found accompanied with hir néece the princesse of Loraine standing at hir beds head, the princesses of Conde and Iontie, and the duches of Neuers stand∣ing at the beds féet, the duchesses Dusez, and of Rez, and other ladies and gentlewomen in great num∣ber.* 26.14 From thense his lordship was conueied to the quéene Regents chamber, at the entrance where∣of he was receiued by the countie de Fiesque knight

of the holie ghost, and hir knight of honour, finding hir accompanied with the duchesses of Montpen∣sier and Ioieulx, who stood at hir beds féet, the ladie of Roiden hir ladie of honour and other ladies and gen∣tlewomen also in great number, and then returned to the foresaid hostell de Longueuille.

On mondaie the fiftéenth of Februarie, the king by monsieur le Moth Fenelon told the lord ambassa∣dor his mind touching the receipt of the order, that he intended to receiue it on thursdaie following in the after noone, at the Augustine friers, which was doone [line 10] accordinglie with a mantle of blew veluet,* 26.15 and a hood, and collar of the order, with a booke of the sta∣tutes of the order, which all were inuested vpon the king in a place called maison de Nautralles; but the oth was ministred vnto the king in the friers church, Magnificat being then soong, or singing. On sundaie the eight and twentith of Februarie, the ambassador with his traine tooke their leaue, at whose returne from the court to his lodging he was presented that night with a rich cupboord of plate,* 26.16 woorth twelue [line 20] hundred pounds at the least; and vnto maister Cla∣renceaux was giuen a chaine of gold woorth one hundred and twentie pounds and better, of two hun∣dred thirtie and six links; to maister Sumerset a chaine of one hundred and fiftie links, woorth one hundred marks; and to Thomas Mils a chaine of the same value.

On the thursdaie following, the earle with his traine set forward homewards from Paris vnto saint Denise, and so were lodged all the waie in the [line 30] same lodgings that before they had béene receiued in, and arriued prosperouslie in England, from Bul∣logne to Douer, on fridaie the twelfe day of March; and on the tuesdaie following were brought to the quéenes maiesties presence at Greenewich, who gra∣tiouslie welcommed them home.

* 26.17This yeare on the second daie of March being tuesdaie, William Parrie was drawne from the Tower thorough the citie of London to Westmin∣ster, [line 40] and there in the palace court, hanged, boweled, and quartered, for high and horrible treasons by him practised, as maie appeare by the discourse that fol∣loweth, published vpon his execution, to giue gene∣rall intimation of his notorious trecheries vnto all the quéenes maiesties subiects.

A true and plaine declaration of the horrible treasons practised by William Parrie against the queenes maiestie, and of his [line 50] conuiction and execution for the same, the second of March 1584, accor∣ding to the account of England.

* 27.1THis William Parrie, being a man of verie meane and base parentage, but of a most proud and insolent spirit, bearing himselfe alwaies far aboue the measure of his fortune, after he had long led a wastfull and dissolute life, and had committed a great outrage a∣gainst one Hugh Hare, a gentleman of the inner [line 60] temple, with an intent to haue murthered him in his owne chamber, for the which he was most iustlie conuicted, séeing himselfe generallie condemned with all good men for the same, and other his misde∣meanors, he left his naturall countrie, & gaue him∣selfe to trauell into forren parts beyond the seas. In the course of this his trauell he forsooke his allegi∣ance and dutifull obedience to hir maiestie,* 27.2 and was reconciled, and subiected himselfe to the pope. After which, vpon conference with certeine Iesuits and o∣thers of like qualitie, he first conceiued his most de∣testable treason to kill the quéene (whose life God long preserue) which he bound himselfe by promise, letters, and vowes, to performe and execute: and so with this intent he returned into England in Ia∣nuarie one thousand fiue hundred foure score & thrée; and since that did practise at sundrie times to haue executed his most diuelish purpose and determinati∣tion: yet couering the same so much as in him laie with a veile and pretense of great loialtie vnto hir maiestie.

Immediatlie vpon his returne into England,* 27.3 he sought to haue secret accesse to hir maiestie, preten∣ding to haue some matter of great importance to reueale vnto hir: which obteined, and the same so pri∣uatlie in his highnesse palace at Whitehall, as hir maiestie had but one onelie councellor with hir at the time of his acresse, in a remote place, who was so far distant, as he could not heare his spéech. And there then he discouered vnto hir maiestie (but shadowed with all craftie and tratiorous skill he had) some part of the conference and procéeding as well with the said Iesuits, and other ministers of the popes, as e∣speciallie with one Thomas Morgan a fugitiue,* 27.4 resi∣ding at Paris, who aboue all others did persuade him to proceed in that most diuelish attempt (as is set downe in his voluntarie confession following) bearing hir maiestie notwithstanding in hand, that his onelie intent of proceeding so farre with the said Iesuits, and the popes ministers, tended to no other end, but to discouer the dangerous practises deuised and attempted against hir maiestie by hir disloiall subiects and other malicious persons in forren parts: albeit it hath since appeared most manifestlie, as well by his said confession, as by his dealing with one Edmund Neuill esquier,* 27.5 that his onelie intent of discouering the same, in sort as he craftilie and traitorouslie did, tended to no other end, but to make the waie the easier to accomplish his most diuelish and wicked purpose.

And although anie other prince but hir maiestie (who is loth to put on a hard censure of those that protest to be loiall, as Parrie did) would rather haue procéeded vnto the punishment of a subiect that had waded so farre, as by oth and vow to promise the taking awaie of hir life (as he vnto hir maiesties selfe did confesse) yet such was hir goodnesse, as in stead of punishing, she did deale so gratiouslie with him, as she suffered him not onelie to haue accesse vnto hir presence: but also manie times to haue pri∣uat conference with hir, and did offer vnto him vp∣on opinion once conceiued of his fidelitie towards hir (as though his wicked pretense had béene, as he protested, for hir seruice) a most liberall pension. Be∣sides, to the end that he might not grow hatefull to the good and well affected subiects of the realme (from whome he could in no sort haue escaped with safetie of his life,* 27.6 if his diuelish purpose had beene reuealed hir maiestie did conceale the same, without commu∣nicating it to anie creature; vntill such time as he himselfe had opened the same vnto certeine of hir councell; and that it was also discouered that he sought to draw the said Neuill to haue béene a partie in his diuelish and most wicked purpose.

A verie rare example, and such as dooth more set forth the singular goodnesse and bountie of hir maie∣sties princelie nature, than commend (if it be law∣full for a subiect to censure his souereigne) hir proui∣dence such as ought to be in a prince and person of hir maiesties wisdome and qualitie. And as the good∣nesse of hir maiesties nature did hereby most mani∣festlie shew it selfe to be rare in so extraordinarie a case,* 27.7 and in a matter of so great perill vnto hir owne roiall person: so did the malice of Parrie most eui∣dentlie appeare to be in the highest and extreamest degrée, who notwithstanding the said extraordinarie grace and fauour extended towards him, did not on∣lie

persuade the said Neuill to be an associat in the said wicked enterprise: but did also verie vehement∣lie (as Neuill confesseth) importune him therein as an action lawfull, honourable, and meritorious, o∣mitting nothing that might prouoke him to assent therevnto. But such was the singular goodnesse of almightie God (who euen from hir maiesties cradle by manie euident arguments hath shewed himselfe hir onelie and especiall protector) that he so wrought in Neuils heart,* 27.8 as he was mooued to reueale the same vnto hir maiestie, and for that purpose made [line 10] choice of a faithfull gentleman and of good qualitie in the court, vnto whome vpon mondaie the eight of Februarie last past, he discouered at large all that had passed betwéene Parrie and him, who immediat∣lie made it knowne to hir maiestie. Wherevpon hir highnesse pleasure was, that Neuill should be exa∣mined by the earle of Leceister, and sir Christopher Hatton: who in the euening of the same daie did ex∣amine him, and he affirmed constantlie all which he had before declared to the said gentleman. [line 20]

In the meane time, hir maiestie continued hir singular and most princelie magnanimitie,* 27.9 neither dismaied with the rarenesse of the accident, nor appa∣led with the horror of so villanous an enterprise, ten∣ding euen to the taking awaie of hir most gratious life (a matter especiallie obserued by the councellor that was present at such time as Parrie after his re∣turne did first discouer vnto hir maiestie his wicked purpose; who found no other alteration in hir coun∣tenance, than if he had imparted vnto hir some mat∣ter [line 30] of contentment) which sheweth manifestlie how she reposeth hir confidence wholie in the defense of the almightie. And so hir maiestie, following the woonted course of hir singular clemencie, gaue or∣der that Parrie the same mondaie in the euening (though not so knowne to him) should be sent vnto maister secretaries house in London, he being then there; who according vnto such direction as he recei∣ued from hir maiestie, did let him vnderstand, that hir highnesse (in respect of the good will she knew he [line 40] bare vnto the said Parrie,* 27.10 & of the trust that Parrie did outwardlie professe to repose in maister secre∣tarie) had made especiall choice of him to deale with him in a matter that concerned hir highlie, and that the doubted not, but that he would discharge his dutie towards hir, according vnto that extraordi∣narie deuotion that he professed to beare vnto hir.

And therevpon he told him that hir maiestie had béene aduertised, that there was somewhat inten∣ded presentlie against hir owne person, wherwith she [line 50] thought he could not but be made acquainted, con∣sidering the great trust that some of hir woorst affec∣ted subiects reposed in him: and that hir pleasure therefore was, that he should declare vnto him his knowledge therein: and whether the said Parrie himselfe had let fall anie spéech vnto anie person (though with an intent onelie to haue discouered his disposition) that might draw him in suspicion, as though he himselfe had anie such wicked intent. But [line 60] Parrie with great and vehement protestations de∣nied it vtterlie.* 27.11 Whervpon maister secretarie, the ra∣ther to induce him to deale more plainelie in a mat∣ter so important, declared vnto him, that there was a gentleman of qualitie euerie waie as good or bet∣ter than himselfe, and rather his friend than enimie, that would auouch it to his face: yet Parrie persi∣sted stubbornelie in his former deniall, and iustifica∣tion of his owne innocencie, and would not in anie respect yéeld that he was partie or priuie to anie such motion, enterprise, or intent.

Being lodged that night at M. secretaries house, the next morning he desired earnestlie to haue some further spéech with maister secretarie: which gran∣ted, Parrie declared to him that he had called to re∣membrance that he had once some spéech with one Neuill a kinsman of his (so he called him) touching a point of doctrine conteined in the answer made to the booke, intituled, The execution of iustice in Eng∣land;* 27.12 by which booke it was resolued, that it was law∣full to take awaie the life of a prince, in furtherance of the catholike religion: but he protested that they neuer had anie speech at all of anie attempt inten∣ded against hir maiesties person. Which deniall of his (at two sundrie times after so much light giuen him) dooth set forth most apparantlie both the iustice and prouidence of God: his iustice, for that (though he was one of a sharpe conceipt) he had no power to take hold of this ouerture, thereby to haue auoi∣ded the danger that Neuils accusation might bring him into by confessing the same, as a thing propoun∣ded onelie to féele Neuils mind, whome before he had reported vnto maister secretarie he found a per∣son discontented, and therefore his confession might to verie great purpose haue serued to haue cléered himselfe touching the intent: his prouidence, for that of his great mercie he would not suffer so dange∣rous and wicked a member to escape and liue to hir maiesties perill.

The same daie at night, Parrie was brought to the earle of Leicesters house,* 27.13 and there eftsoons exa∣mined before the said earle of Leicester, maister vicechamberlaine, and maister secretarie: he per∣sisted still in his deniall of all that he was charged with. Wherevpon, Neuill being brought before him face to face, iustified his accusation against him. He notwithstanding would not yet yéeld to confesse it, but verie proudlie and insolentlie opposed his credit against the credit of Neuill, affirming that his no, was as good as Neuils yea, & as by way of recrimi∣nation, obiected the crime to Neuill himselfe. On the other side,* 27.14 Neuill did with great constancie af∣firme all that he had before said, and did set downe manie probable circumstances of the times, places, and maners of their sundrie conferences, and of such other accidents as had happened betwéene them in the course of that action: wherevpon Parrie was then committed to the Tower, and Neuill com∣manded by their honors to set downe in writing vnder his hand, all that which before he had deliue∣red by words: which he did with his owne hand as followeth.

Edmund Neuill his declaration the tenth of Februarie, 1584, subscribed with his owne hand.

WIlliam Parrie the last summer,* 28.1 soone af∣ter his repulse in his sute for the maister∣ship of saint Katharins, repaired to my lodging in the White friers, where he shewed himselfe a person greatlie discontented, and vehementlie inueighed against hir maiestie, and willed me to assure my selfe, that during this time and state, I should neuer receiue contentment. But sith, said he, I know you to be honorablie des∣cended, and a man of resolution, if you will giue me assurance, either to ioine with me, or not to discouer me, I will deliuer vnto you the onelie meanes to doo your selfe good. Which when I had promised him, he appointed me to come the next daie to his house in Feuterlane: & repairing thither accordinglie, I found him in his bed; wherevpon he commanded his men foorth, and began with me in this order.

My lord said he (for so he called me) I protest be∣fore God, that thrée reasons principallie doo induce me to enter into this action which I intend to disco∣uer

vn to you:* 28.2 the replanting of religion, the pre∣ferring of the Scotish title, and the aduancement of iustice, woonderfullie corrupted in this common∣wealth. And therevpon entred into some discour∣ses, what places were fit to be taken to giue entrance to such forren forces as should be best liked of, for the furtherance of such enterprises as were to be vnder∣taken. And with these discourses he passed the time, vntill he went to dinner: after which, the companie being retired, he entered into his former discourses. And if I be not deceiued (said he) by taking of Quin∣borough [line 10] castell, we shall hinder the passage of the quéenes ships foorth of the riuer. Wherevnto when he saw me vse no contradiction, he shooke me by the hand. Tush (said he) this is nothing: if men were re∣solute, there is an enterprise of much more moment, and much easier to performe: an act honorable, and meritorious to God and the world.* 28.3 Which séeing me desirous to know, he was not ashamed to vtter in plaine termes, to consist in killing of hir maiestie: wherein, saith he, if you will go with me, I will [line 20] loose my life, or deliuer my countrie from hir bad and tyrannous gouernment. At which spéeches fin∣ding me discontented, he asked me if I had read doctor Allens booke, out of which he alledged an au∣thoritie for it. I answered, no, and that I did not beléeue that authoritie. Well (said he) what will you saie, if I shew further authoritie than this, euen from Rome it selfe, a plaine dispensation for the killing of hir, wherein you shall find it (as I said before) meri∣torious? Good cousine said I, when you shall shew it [line 30] me, I shall thinke it verie strange, when I shall see one to hold that for meritorious, which another hol∣deth for damnable. Well, said Parrie, doo me but the fauour to thinke vpon it till to morrow: and if one man be in the towne, I will not faile to shew you the thing it selfe: and if he be not, he will be within these fiue or six daies; at which time if it please you to méete me at Chanon row, we may there re∣ceiue the sacrament to be true ech to other, and then I will discouer vnto you both the partie,* 28.4 & the thing [line 40] it selfe. Wherevpon I praied Parrie to thinke bet∣ter vpon it, as a matter of great charge both of soule and bodie. I would to God, said Parrie, you were as perfectlie persuaded in it as I am! for then vn∣doubtedlie you should doo God great seruice.

Not long after eight or ten daies (as I remem∣ber) Parrie comming to visit me at my lodging in Herns rents in Holborne, as he often vsed, we wal∣ked foorth into the fields, where he renewed againe [line 50] his determination to kill hir maiestie, whom he said he thought most vnwoorthie to liue,* 28.5 and that he woon∣dered I was so scrupulous therein. She hath sought, said he, your ruine and ouerthrow, why should you not then seeke to reuenge it? I confesse (quoth I) that my case is hard, but yet am I not so desperat as to reuenge it vpon my selfe, which must néeds be the euent of so vnhonest and vnpossible an enterprise. Unpossible, said Parrie! I woonder at you, for in truth there is not anie thing more easie: you are no [line 60] courtier, and therefore know not hir customes of walking with small traine, and often in the garden verie priuatlie, at which time my selfe may easilie haue accesse vnto hir, and you also when you are knowen in court. Upon the fact we must haue a barge readie to carie vs with spéed downe the riuer, where we will haue a ship readie to transport vs if it be néedfull: but vpon my head, we shall neuer be followed so far.* 28.6 I asked him; How will you escape foorth of the garden? For you shall not be permit∣ted to carie anie men with you, and the gates will then be locked, neither can you carie a dag without suspicion. As for a dag (said Parrie) I care not: my dagger is enough. And as for mine escaping, those that shall be with hir, will be so busie about hir, as I shall find opportunitie enough to escape, if you be there readie with the barge to receiue me.

But if this séeme dangerous in respect of your reason before shewed, let it then rest till hir comming to saint Iames, and let vs furnish our selues in the meane time with men and horsse fit for the purpose: may ech of vs kéepe eight or ten men without su∣spicion? And for my part, said he, I shall find good fel∣lowes that will follow me without suspecting mine intent. It is much, said he, that so manie resolute men maie doo vpon the sudden,* 28.7 being well appoin∣ted with ech his case of dags: if they were an hun∣dred waiting vpon hir, they were not able to saue hir, you comming on the one side, and I on the o∣ther, and discharging our dags vpon hir, it were vn∣happie if we should both misse hir. But if our dags faile, I shall bestirre me well with a sword yer she escape me. Wherevnto I said: Good doctor giue ouer this odious enterprise, & trouble me no more with the hearing of that, which in heart I loth so much. I would to God the enterprise were honest, that I might make knowne vnto thée whether I want re∣solution! And not long after, hir maiestie came to saint Iames, after which, one morning (the daie cer∣teine I remember not) Parrie reuiued againe his former discourse of killing hir maiestie, with great earnestnesse and importunitie persuading me to ioine therein: saieng he thought me the onelie man of England like to performe it, in respect of my va∣lure, as he termed it.

Wherevpon I made semblance as if I had beene more willing to heare him than before, hoping by that means to cause him to deliuer his mind to some other that might be witnesse thereof with me, wher∣in neuerthelesse I failed. After all this,* 28.8 on saturdaie last being the sixt of Februarie, betwéene the houss of fiue and six in the after noone, Parrie came to my chamber, and desired to talke with me apart, where∣vpon we drew our selues to a window. And where I had told Parrie before, that a learned man whom I met by chance in the fields, vnto whom I proponed the question touching hir maiestie, had answered me that it was an enterprise most villanous and dam∣nable, willing me to discharge my selfe of it: Par∣rie then desired to know that learned mans name, and what was become of him, saieng after a scorne∣full maner; No doubt he was a verie wise man, and you wiser in beléeuing him: & said further, I hope you told him not that I had anie thing from Rome. Yes in truth, said I. Wherevnto Parrie said, I would you had not named me, nor spoken of anie thing I had from Rome! And therevpon he earnestlie per∣suaded me eftsoones to depart beyond the seas,* 28.9 pro∣mising to procure me safe passage into Wales, and from thense into Britaine, whereat we ended. But I then resolued not to doo so, but to discharge my con∣science, and laie open this his most traitorous and abhominable intention against hir maiestie: which I reuealed in sort as is before set downe.

Edmund Neuill.

After this confession of Edmund Neuill, Wil∣liam Parrie the eleuenth daie of Februarie last, being examined in the Tower of London, by the lord Hunsdon lord gouernour of Berwike, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberleine to hir maiestie, and Francis Walsingham knight princi∣pall secretarie to hir maiestie,* 28.10 did voluntarilie and without anie constraint, by word of mouth make confession of his said treason, and after set it downe in writing all with his owne hand in his lodging in the Tower, and sent it to the court the thirtéenth of the same, by the lieutenant of the Tower. The parts

whereof concerning his maner of dooing the same, and the treasons wherewith he was iustlie charged are here set downe, word for word, as they are writ∣ten and signed with his owne hand & name, the ele∣uenth of Februarie, 1584.

The voluntarie confession of William Parrie, in writing all with his owne hand.

¶The voluntarie confession of William Parrie, do∣ctor of the lawes (now prisoner in the Tower) & ac∣cused [line 10] of treason by Edmund Neuill esquier, promi∣sed by him (with all faith & humilitie) to the queenes maiestie, in discharge of his conscience and dutie to∣wards God and hir. Before the lord Hunsdon lord gouernor of Berwike, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberlaine, sir F. Walsingham knight princi∣pall secretarie, the thirteenth of Februarie, 1584. Parrie.

* 29.1IN the yeare 1570 I was sworne hir [line 20] maiesties seruant, from which time vn∣till the yeare 1580, I serued, honored, and loued hir with as great readinesse, deuotion and assurance as anie poore subiect in Eng∣land. In the end of that yeare, and vntill Midsum∣mer 1582, I had some trouble for the hurting of a gentleman of the Temple. In which action I was so disgraced and oppressed by two great men (to whome I haue of late béene beholden) that I neuer had con∣tented thought since. There began my misfortune, [line 30] and here followeth my wofull fall.* 29.2 In Iulie after, I laboured for licence to trauell for thrée yeares, which (vpon some consideration) was easilie obteined. And so in August, I went ouer with doubtfull mind of re∣turne, for that being suspected in religion, and not hauing receiued the communion in two and twen∣tie yeares, I began to mistrust my aduancement in England. In September I came to Paris, where I was reconciled to the church, and aduised to liue without scandale, the rather for that it was mistru∣sted [line 40] by the English catholikes, that I had intelli∣gence with the greatest councellour of England. I staied not long there, but remooued to Lions (a place of great traffike) where, bicause it was the ordinarie passage of our nation to and fro betwéene Paris and Rome, I was also suspected.

* 29.3To put all men out of doubt of me, and for some other cause, I went to Millaine, from whense as a place of some danger (though I found fauour there) after I had cléered my conscience, and iustified my [line 50] selfe in religion before the inquisitor, I went to Ue∣nice. There I came acquainted with father Benedi∣cto Palmio, a graue and a learned Iesuit. By confe∣rence with him of the hard state of the catholikes in England, & by reading of the booke De persecutione Anglicana, and other discourses of like argument, 1 I conceiued a possible meane to relieue the affli∣cted state of our catholikes, if the same might be well warranted in religion and conscience by the pope, or some learned diuines. I asked his opinion, he [line 60] made it cléere, commended my deuotion, comforted me in it,* 29.4 and after a while made me knowen to the Nuntio Campeggio, there resident for his holinesse. By his meanes I wrote vnto the pope, presented the seruice, and sued for a pasport to go to Rome, and to returne safelie into France. Answer came from cardinall Como, that I might come, and should be welcome. I misliked the warrant, sued for a better, which I was promised: but it came not before my departure to Lions, where I promised to staie some time for it.

And being indéed desirous to go to Rome, and loth to go without countenance, I desired Christofero de Salazar, secretarie to the king catholike in Uenice, who had some vnderstanding (by conference) of my deuotion to the afflicted catholikes at home and a∣broad,* 29.5 to commend me to the duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Noua terra gouernour of Millaine, and to the countie of Oliua∣ris Embi, then resident for the king his master in Rome: which he promised to doo effectuallie for the one, and did for the other. And so I tooke my iournie towards Lions, whither came for me an ample pas∣port (but somewhat too late) that I might come & go In verbo pontificis per omnes iurisdictiones ecclesiasticus, abs{que} impedimento. I acquainted some good fathers there of my necessitie to depart towards Paris by promise, & praied their aduises vpon diuerse points, wherein I was well satisfied. And so assuring them that his holinesse should heare from me shortlie, it was vn∣dertaken that I should be excused for that time.

In October I came to Paris, where (vpon better opinion conceiued of me amongst my catholike countriemen) I found my credit well setled, and such as mistrusted me before, readie to trust and imbrace me.* 29.6 And being one daie at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a catholike gentleman (greatlie beloued and trusted on that side) amongst other gentlemen, talking (but in verie good sort) of England, I was de∣sired by Morgan to go vp with him to another cham∣ber, where he brake with me, and told me that it was hoped and looked for, that I should doo some seruice for God and his church. I answered him I would doo it, if it were to kill the greatest subiect in England: whom I named, and in truth then hated. No no, said he, let him liue to his greater fall and ruine of his house: 2 it is the quéene I meane. I had him as I wished, and told him it were soone doone, if it might be lawfullie doone, and warranted in the opinion of some learned diuines.* 29.7 And so the doubt once resol∣ued (though as you haue heard I was before reaso∣nablie well satisfied) I vowed to vndertake the en∣terprise, for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the sée apostolike. Diuers diuines were named, doctor Allen I desired, Parsons I refused. And by chance came master Wats a learned priest, with whome I conferred, and was ouerruled.

3 For he plainelie pronounced (the case onelie altered in name) that it was vtterlie vnlawfull: with whome manie English priests did agrée as I haue heard, if it be not altered, since the booke made in answer of the execution of the English iustice was published, which I must confesse hath taken hard hold in me, and (I feare me) will doo in others, if it be not preuented by more gratious handling of the quiet and obedient catholike subiects, whereof there is * 29.8 good and greater store in England than this age will extinguish. Well, notwithstanding all these doubts, I was gone so far by letters and conference in Italie, that I could not go backe, but promised faithfullie to performe the enterprise, if his holinesse vpon my offer & letters would allow it, & grant me full remission of my sinnes. 4 I wrote my letters the first of Ianuarie 1584, by their computation,* 29.9 tooke aduise vpon them in confession of father Aniball a Codreto a learned Iesuit in Paris, was louinglie imbraced, commended, confessed, and communica∣ted at the Iesuits at one altar with the cardinals of Uandosmi and Narbone: whereof I praied certifi∣cat, and inclosed the same in my letter to his holi∣nes, to lead him the rather to absolue me, which I re∣quired by my letters, in consideration of so great an enterprise vndertaken without promise or reward.

5 I went with Morgan to the Nuntio Ragazzoni, to whome I read the letter and certificat inclosed, sealed it, & left it with him to send to Rome: he pro∣mised great care of it, and to procure answer; and so louinglie imbraced me, wished mee good spéed, and promised that I should be remembred at the altar.

6 After this I desired Morgan, that some speciall man might be made priuie to this matter, least he dieng, and I miscarieng in the execution, and my intent neuer trulie discouered, it might sticke for an euerlasting spot in my race. Diuerse were na∣med, but none agréed vpon for feare of bewraieng.

7 This being doone, Morgan assured me, that short∣lie after my departure,* 29.10 the L. Fernehurst (then in Paris) should go into Scotland, and be readie vpon the first newes of the queens fall, to enter into Eng∣land [line 10] with 20 or 30000 men to defend the queene of Scotland (whom, and the king hir sonne, I doo in my conscience acquit of anie priuitie, liking, or consent to this, or anie other bad action, for anie thing that e∣uer I did know.)

I shortlie departed for England, and arriued at Rie in Ianuarie 1583, from whense I wrote to the court, aduertised some, that I had a speciall seruice to discouer to the quéens maiestie.* 29.11 8 Which I did more to prepare accesse and credit, than for anie care I [line 20] had of hir person, though I were fullie resolued ne∣uer to touch hir (notwithstanding anie warrant) if by anie deuise, persuasion, or policie she might be wrought to deale more gratiouslie with the catho∣likes than she dooth, or by our maner of procéeding in parlement meaneth to doo, for anie thing yet seene. I came to the court (then at Whitehall) praied audience, had it at large, and verie priuatlie discoue∣red to hir maiestie this conspiracie, much to this ef∣fect, though couered with all the skill I had: she tooke [line 30] it doubtfullie, I departed with feare. And amongst other things, I cannot forget hir maiesties gratious speech then vttered touching the catholikes, which of late, after a sort I auowed in parlement: she said to me that neuer a catholike should be troubled for reli∣gion or supremasie,* 29.12 so long as they liued like good subiects. Whereby I mistrusted that hir maiestie is borne in hand, that none is troubled for the one or the other. It may be trulie said that it is better than it hath béene, though it be not yet as it should be. [line 40]

In March last, while I was at Gréenewich (as I remember) suing for saint Katharines, came let∣ters to me from cardinall Como, dated at Rome the last of Ianuarie before, whereby I found the en∣terprise commended, and allowed, and my selfe ab∣solued (in his holinesse name) of all my sinnes, and willed to go forward in the name of God. That let∣ter I shewed to some in court, who imparted it to the quéene: what it wrought, or maie worke in hir maiestie, God knoweth: onelie this I know, 9 That [line 50] it confirmed my resolution to kill hir,* 29.13 and made it cléere in my conscience, that it was lawfull and me∣ritorious. And yet was I determined neuer to doo it, if either policie, practise, persuasion, or motion in parlement could preuaile. I feared to be tempted, and therefore alwaies when I came neere hir, I left my dagger at home, 10 When I looked vpon hir ma∣iestie, & remembred hir manie excellencies, I was greatlie troubled: and yet I saw no remedie, for my vowes were in heauen,* 29.14 my letters and promises in earth, and the case of the catholike recusants and o∣thers [line 60] little bettered.

Sometimes I said to my selfe: Why should I care for hir? What hath she doone for me? Haue I not spent ten thousand markes since I knew hir ser∣uice, and neuer had penie by hir? It maie be said, she gaue me my life. But I saie (as my case stood) it had béene tyrannie to take it: and I feare me it is little lesse yet. If it please hir gratiouslie to looke in∣to my discontentments,* 29.15 would to Iesus Christ she had it, for I am wearie of it. And now to come to an end of this tragicall discourse. In Iulie I left the court, vtterlie reiected, discontented, and as hir ma∣iestie might perceiue by my passionate letters, care∣lesse of my selfe. I came to London: doctor Allens booke was sent me out of France: 11 It redoubled my former conceipts, euerie word in it was a war∣rant to a prepared mind. It taught that kings maie be excommunicated, depriued, and violentlie hand∣led. It prooueth that all warres ciuill or forren, vn∣dertaken for religion, is honourable. Hir maiestie maie doo well to read it, and to be out of doubt (if things be not amended) that it is a warning, and a doctrine full dangerous. This is the booke I shewed, in some places read,* 29.16 and lent to my cousine Neuill (the accuser) who came often to mine house, put his finger in my dish, his hand in my purse, and the night wherein he accused me, was wrapped in my gowne, six moneths at least after we had entered in∣to this conspiracie: in which space hir maiestie, and ten princes in seuerall prouinces might haue béene killed. God blesse hir maiestie from him: for before almightie God I ioie and am glad in my soule, that it was his hap to discouer me in time, though there were no danger neere.

And now to the matter of our méetings. He came to me in the beginning of August, and spake to me in this or the like sort: Cousine, let vs doo some∣what, sith we can haue nothing. I offered to ioine with him, and gladlie heard him, hoping bicause I knew him to be a catholike, that he would hit vpon that I had in my head: but it sell not out so. He thought the deliuerie of the quéene of Scotland ea∣sie,* 29.17 presuming vpon his credit and kinred in the North: I thought it dangerous to hir, and impossible to men of our fortunes. He fell from that to the ta∣king of Berwike: I spake of Quinborough and the nauie, rather to interteine him with discourse, than that I cared for those motions, my head being full of greater matter. 12 I told him that I had an o∣ther maner of enterprise, more honourable and pro∣fitable vnto vs, and the catholikes commonwealth, than all these, if he would ioine in it with me, as he presentlie vowed to doo. He pressed to know it, I willed him to sleepe vpon the motion: he did so, and (belike ouertaken) came vnto me the next morning to my lodging in London, offered to ioine with me,* 29.18 and tooke his oth vpon a bible, to conceale and con∣stantlie to pursue the enterprise for the aduance∣ment of religion: which I also did, and meant to per∣forme: the killing of the quéene was the matter.

The maner and place, to be on horssebacke, with eight or ten horsses, when she should ride abroad a∣bout saint Iames, or some other like place. It was once thought fit in a garden, and that the escape would be easiest by water into Shepeie, or some o∣ther part: but we resolued vpon the first. This conti∣nued as agréed vpon manie moneths,* 29.19 till he heard of the death of Westmerland, whose land and digni∣tie (whereof he assured himselfe) bred belike this con∣science in him to discouer a treason in Februarie, contriued and agreed vpon in August. If it cost him not an ambitious head at last, let him neuer trust me. He brought a tall gentleman (whome he com∣mended for an excellent pistolier) to me to Chanon Row, to make one in the match: but I refused to deale with him, being loth to laie my head vpon so manie hands.

M. Neuill hath (I thinke) forgotten,* 29.20 that he did sweare to me at diuerse times, that all the aduance∣ment she could giue, should serue but for hir scourge, if euer time and occasion should serue: and that al∣though he would not laie hand vpon hir in a corner, his hart serued him to strike off hir head in the field. Now leauing him to himselfe, thus much (to make an end) I must confesse of my sefe: I did meane to trie what might be doone in parlement, to doo my best to hinder all hard courses, to haue praied hea∣ring

of the queenes maiestie, to mooue hir (if I could) to take compassion vpon hir catholike subiects, and when all had failed, to doo as I intended. If hir ma∣iestie by this course would haue eased them, though she had neuer preferred me, I had with all comfort and patience borne it: 13 but if she had preferred me without ease or care of them, the enterprise had held.* 29.21 ¶ God preserue the quéene, & incline hir mer∣cifull hart to forgiue me this desperat purpose, and to take my head (with all my hart) for hir better sa∣tisfaction. [line 10]

W. Parrie.

After which, for the better manifesting of his trea∣sons, on the fouretéenth of Februarie last past, there was a letter written by him to hir maiestie, verie voluntarilie, all of his owne hand, without anie mo∣tion made to him. The tenor whereof, for that which concerneth these his traitorous dealings, is as fol∣loweth. [line 20]

A letter written by Parrie to hir maiestie.

YOur maiestie maie see by my volunta∣rie confession, the dangerous fruits of a discontented mind:* 30.1 & how constant∣lie I pursued my first conceiued pur∣pose in Venice, for the releefe of the af∣flicted catholikes, continued it in Lions, and resol∣ued in Paris to put it in aduenture, for the restitution [line 30] of England to the ancient obedience of the see apo∣stolike. You maie see withall how it is commended, allowed, and warranted in conscience, diuinitie, and policie, by the pope and some great diuines: though it be true or likelie, that most of our English diuines (lesse practised in matters of this weight) doo vtterlie mislike and condemne it.

The enterprise is preuented, and conspiracie dis∣couered, by an honourable gentleman my kinsman, and late familiar friend,* 30.2 maister Edmund Neuill, pri∣uie [line 40] and by solemne oth (taken vpon the bible) partie to the matter, wherof I am hardlie glad, but now so∣rie (in my verie soule) that euer I conceiued or inten∣ded it, how commendable or meritorious so euer I thought it. God thanke him, and forgiue me, who would not now (before God) attempt it (if I had li∣bertie and oportunitie to doo it) to gaine your king∣dome. I beseech Christ that my death and example maie as well satisfie your maiestie, and the world, as it shall glad and content me. [line 50]

The queene of Scotland is your prisoner, let hir be honourablie intreated, but yet surelie garded. The French king is French,* 30.3 you know it well enough, you will find him occupied when he should doo you good; he will not loose a pilgrimage to saue you a crowne. I haue no more to saie at this time, but that with my hart & soule I doo now honour & loue you, am inwardlie sorie for mine offense, and readie to make you amends by my death and patience. Dis∣charge me A culpa but not A poena, good ladie. And [line 60] so farewell, most gratious and the best natured and qualified queene that euer liued in England. From the Tower, the fourteenth of Februarie, one thousand fiue hundred eightie and foure.

W. Parrie.

After which, to wit, the eightéenth of Februarie last past,* 30.4 Parrie, in further acknowledging his wicked and intended treasons, wrote a letter all of his owne hand in like voluntarie maner to the lord treasuror of England, and the earle of Leicester, lord steward of hir maiesties house, the tenor wherof is as followeth.

William Parries letter to the lord treasuror, and the earle of Leicester.

MY lords, now that the conspiracie is dis∣couered, the fault confessed, my consci∣ence cleared, and mind prepared pati∣entlie to suffer the paines due for so hai∣nous a crime; I hope it shall not offend you, if cri∣eng Miserere with the poore publicane, I leaue to despaire with curssed Caine. My case is rare and strange, and for anie thing I can remember, singular:* 31.1 a naturall subiect solemnlie to vow the death of his naturall queene (so borne, so knowne, and so taken by all men) for the releefe of the afflicted catholikes, and restitution of religion. The matter first concei∣ued in Venice, the seruice (in generall words) pre∣sented to the pope, continued and vndertaken in Pa∣ris, and lastlie commended and warranted by his holinesse, digested and resolued in England, if it had not beene preuented by accusation, or by hir maie∣sties greater lenitie and more gratious vsage of hir ca∣tholike subiects.

This is my first and last offense conceiued against my prince or countrie,* 31.2 and dooth (I cannot denie) conteine all other faults whatsoeuer. It is now to be punished by death, or most gratiouslie (beyond all common expectation) to be pardoned. Death I doo confesse to haue deserued, life I doo (with all humili∣tie) craue, if it may stand with the queenes honor, and policie of the time. To leaue so great a treason vnpunished were strange; to drawe it by death in example were dangerous; a sworne seruant to take vpon him such an enterprise vpon such a ground, and by such a warrant, hath not beene seene in Eng∣land; to indict him, arreigne him, bring him to the scaffold, and to publish his offense, can doo no good; to hope that he hath more to discouer than is con∣fessed,* 31.3 or that at his execution he will vnsaie anie thing he hath written, is in vaine; to conclude, that it is impossible for him in time to make some part of amends, were verie hard, and against former expe∣rience.

The question then is, whether it be better to kill him, or (least the matter be mistaken) vpon hope of his amendment to pardon him. For mine owne opi∣nion (though parciall) I will deliuer you my consci∣ence. The case is good queene Elisabeths, the of∣fense is committed against hir sacred person, and she may (of hir mercie) pardon it without preiudice to a∣nie. Then this I say in few words, as a man more de∣sirous to discharge his troubled conscience, than to liue: Pardon poore Parrie and releeue him; for life without liuing is not fit for him. If this may not be, or be thought dangerous, or dishonorable to the queenes maiestie (as by your fauors,* 31.4 I thinke it full of honor and mercie) then I beseech your lordships (and no other) once to heare me before I be indi∣cted, and afterwards (if I must die) humblie to in∣treat the queenes maiestie to hasten my triall and execution: which I praie God (with all my heart) may prooue as honorable to hir, as I hope it shall be happie to me▪ who will while I liue (as I haue doone alwaies) praie to Iesus Christ for hir maiesties long and prosperous reigne. From the Tower the eigh∣teenth of Februarie, 1584.

W. Parrie.

ANd where in this meane time sir Francis Walsingham secretarie to hir maiestie, had dealt with one William Creitchton, a Scot for his birth, and a Iesuit by his profession,* 31.5 now prisoner also in the Tower, for that he was apprehended with diuerse plots for inuasions of this realme, to vnder∣stand of him, if the said Parrie had euer dealt with him in the parties beyond the seas touching that

question, whether it were lawfull to kill hir maie∣stie or not. The which at that time the said Creitchton called not to his remembrance: yet after vpon bet∣ter calling it to mind, vpon the twentith daie of Fe∣bruarie last past, he wrote vnto maister secretarie Walsingham thereof voluntarilie, all of his owne hand, to the effect following.

William Creitchtons letter to sir Francis Walsingham, Febr. 20. [line 10]

RIght honorable sir, when your honor de∣manded me if maister Parrie did aske me, if it were leason to kill the queene; in deed and veritie, then I had no remem∣brance at all thereof. But since, thinking on the mat∣ter, I haue called to mind the whole fashion of his dealing with me, and some of his arguments: for he dealt verie craftilie with me,* 32.1 I dare not say malicious∣lie. For I did in no wise thinke of anie such deseine of his, or of anie other, and did answer him simplie [line 20] after my conscience and knowledge to the veritie of the question. For after that I had answered him twise before, Quòd omninò non liceret; he returned late at euen by reason I was to depart earlie in the next mor∣ning toward Chamberie in Sauoie where I did re∣maine, and being returned out of the closse within one of the classes of the college, he proponed to me of new the matter, with his reasons and arguments.

First he alleged the vtilitie of the deed for deliue∣ring of so manie catholikes out of miserie,* 32.2 and resti∣tution [line 30] of the catholike religion. I answered, that the scripture answereth thereto, saieng: Non sunt facienda mala, vt veniant bona. So that for no good, how great that euer it be, may be wrought anie euill, how little that euer it be. He replied that it was not euill to take awaie so great euill, and induce so great good. I an∣swered, that all good is not to be doone, but that onelie: Quòd bene & legitimè fieri potest. And there∣fore,* 32.3 dixi Deum magis amare aduerbia, quàm nomi∣na. Quia in actionibus magis ei placent bene & legitimè, [line 40] quàm bonum. Ita vt nullum bonum liceat facere, nisi bene & legitimè fieri possit. Quòd in hoc casu fieri non potest. Yet said he, that seuerall learned men were of the opini∣on, Quòd liceret. I answered, that they men perhaps were of the opinion, that for the safetie of manie in soule and bodie, they would permit a particular to his danger, & to the occult iudgement of God: or per∣haps said so, mooued rather by some compassion and commiseration of the miserable estate of the catho∣likes, nor for anie such doctrine that they did find in [line 50] their bookes. For it is certeine, that such a thing is not licit to a particular, without speciall reuelation diuine, which exceedeth our learning and doctrine.* 32.4 And so he departed from me. Out of the prison in the Tower, the 20 of Februarie.

Your honors poore seruitor in Christ Iesu, W. Creitchton prisoner.

* 32.5ANd where also the same Parrie was on the same twentith daie of Februarie examined by sir Francis Walsingham knight, what was be∣come [line 60] of the letter conteined in his confession to be written vnto him by the cardinall de Como: h•• then answered, that it was consumed and burnt. And yet after, the next daie following, being more vehementlie vrged vpon that point in examination (because it was knowne that it was not burnt) he confessed where he had left it in the towne: where∣vpon, by Parries direction it was sent for, where it had beene lapped vp togither with other friuolous pa∣pers, and written vpon the one side of it; The last will of William Parrie. The which letter was in the Italian toong as hereafter followeth, with the same in English accordinglie translated.

Amon Signore, mon signor Guglielmo Parrie.

MOn Signore, la Santita di N.S. haveduto le lettere di V.S. del primo con la fede inclusa,* 33.1 & non può se non laudare la buona dispositio∣ne che scriue di tenere verso il seruitio & be∣neficio publico, nel ch•• la Santita sua lessorta di perseuerare, con farne riuscireli eff••tti che V.S. promette: & accioche tanto maggiormente V.S. sia aiutata da quel buon spirito chel ha mosso, le concede sua beneditione, plenaria indul∣genza & remissione di tutti li peccati, secondo che V.S. ha chiesto, assicurandossi che oltre il merito, chen hauera in cielo, vuole anco sua Santitata constituirsi debitore a reconoscere li meriti di V.S. in ognimiglior modo che porta, & cio tanto piu,* 33.2 quanto che V. S. vsa maggior modestia in non pretender nien∣te. Metta dunque ad effetto li suoì santi & honorati pensi∣eri, & attenda a star sano. Che per fine io me le offero di core, & le desiderio ogni buon•• & felice successo. Di Roma a 30 di Gennaro, 1584.

• Al piacerdi V.S.
• N. cardinali di Como.
• Al Sig. Guglielmo Parri.

Cardinall de Comos letter to D. Parrie, 30. Ian. 1584 by account of Rome.

MOn signor, his holinesse hath seene your letter of the first, with the certificat inclu∣ded,* 34.1 and cannot but commend the good disposition & resolution which you write to hold towards the seruice and benefit publike: wherein his holines dooth exhort you to perseuere, & to bring to effect that which you haue promised. And to the end you may be so much the more holpen by that * 34.2 good spirit which hath mooued you therevnto, he granteth vnto you his blessing, plenarie indul∣gence and remission of all your sinnes, according to your request. Assuring you, that besides the merit that you shall receiue therfore in heauen, his holines will further make himselfe debtor to acknowledge your deseruings in the best maner that he can: and so much the more, in that you vse the greater modestie in not pretending anie thing. Put therefore to effect your * 34.3 holie and honorable purposes, and attend your health. And to conclude, I offer my selfe vnto you hartilie, and doo desire all good and happie successe. From Rome the 30 of Ianuarie, 1584.

At the pleasure of your Signorie, N. Card. of Como.

VPon all which former accusation, declaration, confessions and proofes,* 34.4 vpon mondaie the two and twentith daie of Februarie last past, at West∣minster hall, before sir Christopher Wraie knight chiefe iustice of England, sir Gilbert Gerrard knight master of the rolles, sir Edmund Anderson knight chiefe iustice of the common plées, sir Roger Manwood knight chiefe baron of the excheker, sir Thomas Gawdie knight one of the iustices of the plees before hir maiestie to be holden, & William P••∣riam one of the iustices of the common plées, by ver∣tue of hir maiesties commission to them and others in that behalfe directed: the same Parrie was indi∣cted of high treason, for intending and practising the death and destruction of hir maiestie, whome God long prosper, and preserue from all such wicked at∣tempts. The tenor of which indictment appeareth more particularlie in the course of his arreignment following.

The maner of the arreignment of Wil∣liam Parrie the 25 of Februarie 1584,* 35.1 at West∣minster,

in the place where the court commonlie called the Kings bench is vsuallie kept by vertue of hir maiesties commission of oier and termi∣ner, before Henrie lord Hunsdon gouernour of Barwike, sir Francis Knolles knight treasuror of the queenes maiesties houshold, sir Iames Croft knight comptrollor of the same houshold, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberleine to hir maiestie, sir Christopher Wraie knight chiefe iustice of England, sir Gilbert Gerrard knight [line 10] master of the rols, sir Edmund Anderson knight chiefe iustice of the common plees, sir Roger Manwood knight chiefe baron of the excheker, and sir Thomas Hennage knight treasuror of the chamber.

FIrst thrée proclamations for silence were made, according to the vsuall course in such cases. Then the lieutenant was commanded to returne his precept, who did so,* 35.2 and brought the prisoner to the bar, to whome [line 20] Miles Sands esquier clerke of the crowne said; William Parrie hold vp thy hand: and he did so. Then said the clerke of the crowne; Thou art here in∣dicted by the oths of twelue good and lawfull men of the countie of Midlesex, before sir Christopher Wraie knight and others, which tooke the indictment by the name of W. Parrie, late of London gentleman, o∣therwise called W. Parrie, late of London doctor of the law,* 35.3 for that thou as a false traitor against the most noble and christian prince, quéene Elisabeth [line 30] thy most gratious souereigne and liege ladie, not ha∣uing the feare of God before thine eies, nor regard∣ing thy due allegiance (but being seduced by the in∣stigation of the diuell, and intending to withdraw and extinguish the hartie loue and due obedience, which true & faithfull subiects should beare vnto the same our souereigne ladie) diddest at Westminster in the countie of Midlesex on the first daie of Februarie, in the six and twentith yeare of hir highnesse reigne, and at diuerse other times and places in the same [line 40] countie, maliciouslie, and traitorouslie conspire and compasse, not onelie to depriue and depose the same our souereigne ladie of hir roiall estate, title and dig∣nitie; but also to bring hir highnesse to death and fi∣nall destruction, and sedition in the realme to make, and the gouernement thereof to subuert, and the sin∣cere religion of God established in hir highnesse do∣minions to alter and supplant.

And that, whereas thou William Parrie, by thy letters sent vnto Gregorie bishop of Rome,* 35.4 diddest signifie vnto the same bishop thy purposes and in∣tentions [line 50] aforesaid, and thereby diddest praie and re∣quire the same bishop to giue thée absolution; that thou afterwards, that is to saie, the last day of March in the six and twentith yeare aforesaid, diddest traito∣rouslie receiue letters from one called cardinall de Como, directed vnto thée William Parrie, whereby the same cardinall did signifie vnto thée, that the bi∣shop of Rome had perused thy letters, and allowed of thine intent; and that to that end he had absolued [line 60] thee of all thy sinnes, and by the same letter did ani∣mate and stir thée to procéed with thine enterprise; and that therevpon, thou, the last daie of August in the six and twentith yeare aforesaid, at saint Giles in the fields, in the same countie of Midlesex, diddest traitorouslie confer with one Edmund Neuill es∣quier,* 35.5 vttering to him all thy wicked and traitorous deuises, and then and there diddest mooue him to as∣sist thee therein, and to ioine with thee in those wicked treasons aforesaid, against the peace of our said so∣uereigne ladie the queene, hir crowne and dignitie. Wha•• saiest thou William Parrie, art thou guiltie of these treasons whereof thou standest here indicted, or not guiltie▪

Then Parrie said; Before I plead not guiltie,* 35.6 or confesse my selfe guiltie, I praie you giue me leaue to speake a few words: and with humbling himselfe began in this maner. God saue quéene Elisabeth, & God send me grace to discharge my dutie to hir, and to send you home in charitie. But touching the mat∣ters that I am indicted of, some were in one place, and some in another, and doone so secretlie, as none can see into them, except that they had eies like vnto God: wherefore I will not laie my bloud vpon the iurie, but doo mind to confesse the indictment. It con∣teineth but the parts that haue béene openlie read, I praie you tell me. Whervnto it was answered, that the indictment conteined the parts he had heard read, & no other. Whervpon the clerke of the crowne said vnto Parrie, Parrie, thou must answer direct∣lie to the indictment, whether thou be guiltie or not.

Then said Parrie,* 35.7 I doo confesse that I am guiltie of all that is therein conteined: and further too, I desire not life, but desire to die. Unto which the clerke of the crowne said; If you confesse it, you must con∣fesse it in maner and forme as it is comprised in the indictment. Wherevnto he said; I doo confesse it in maner and forme as the same is set downe, and all the circumstances thereof. Then the confession being recorded, the quéenes learned councell being readie to praie iudgement vpon the same confession, master vicechamberleine said: These matters con∣teined in this indictment, and confessed by this man,* 35.8 are of great importance; they touch the person of the quéenes most excellent maiestie in the highest degrée, the verie state and weldooing of the whole commonwealth, and the truth of Gods word esta∣blished in these hir maiesties dominions, and the o∣pen demonstration of that capitall enuie of the man of Rome, that hath set himselfe against God and all godlinesse, all good princes and good gouerne∣ment, and against good men. Wherefore I praie you for the satisfaction of this great multitude, let the whole matter appéere, that euerie one may see that the matter of it selfe is as bad as the indictment pur∣porteth, and as he hath confessed.

Whereto in respect that the iustice of the realme hath béene of late verie impudentlie slandered, all yeelded as a thing necessarie to satisfie the world in particular, of that which was but summarilie com∣prised in the indictment, though in the law, his con∣fession serued sufficientlie to haue procéeded there∣vpon vnto iudgement. Wherevpon the lords and o∣thers the commissioners,* 35.9 hir maiesties lerned coun∣cell, and Parrie himselfe agréed, that Parries con∣fession (taken the eleuenth and thirteenth of Februa∣rie 1584, before the lord of Hunsdon, master Uice∣chamberleine, and master Secretarie) and cardinall de Como his letters, and Parries letters to the lord treasuror and lord steward, should be openlie read.

And Parrie, for the better satifieng of the people and standers by, offered to read them himselfe: but being told how the order was, that the clerke of the crowne should read them, it was so resolued of all parts. And then maister vicechamberleine caused to be shewed to Parrie his said confession, the cardi∣nals letter, and his owne letter aforesaid: which after he had particularlie viewed euerie leafe thereof, he confessed, and said openlie they were the same. Then said maister vicechamberleine; Before we proceed to shew what he hath confessed, what saie you (said he to Parrie) is that which you haue confessed here true, and did you confesse it fréelie and willinglie of your selfe, or was there anie extort means vsed to draw it from you?* 35.10 Surelie (said Parrie) I made that con∣fession fréelie without anie constraint, and that is all true, and more too: for there is no treason that hath beene since the first yeare of the queene anie waie

touching religion, sauing receipt of Agnus Dei, and persuading of others, wherein I haue not much dealt, but I haue offended in it. And I haue also deli∣uered mine opinion in writing, who ought to be suc∣cessor to the crowne: which he said to be treason also.

* 35.11Then his confession of the eleuenth and thirtéenth of Februarie, all of his owne handwriting, and be∣fore particularlie set downe, was openlie and di∣stinctlie read by the clerke of the crowne. And that doone, the cardinall di Como his letter in Italian was deliuered vnto Parries hand, by the direction of [line 10] maister vicechamberleine, which Parrie there peru∣sed, & openlie affirmed to be wholie of the cardinals owne handwriting, and the seale to be his owne al∣so, and to be with a cardinals hat on it: and himselfe did openly read it in Italian, as before is set downe. And the words bearing sense as it were written to a bishop or to a man of such degrée, it was demanded of him by maister vicechamberleine, whether he had not taken the degrée of a bishop? He said, No: but said at first, those tearmes were proper to the degrée [line 20] he had taken: and after said that the cardinall did vouchsafe as of a fauour to write so to him. Then the copie of that letter in English as before is also set downe, was in like manner openlie read by the clerke of the crowne, which Parrie then acknowled∣ged to be trulie translated.* 35.12 And therevpon was she∣wed vnto Parrie his letter of the eightéenth of Fe∣bruarie, written to the lord treasuror, and the lord steward: which he confessed to be all of his owne handwriting, and was as before is set downe. [line 30]

These matters being read openlie for manifesta∣tion of the matter, Parrie praied leaue to speake; whereto maister vicechamberleine said: If you will saie anie thing for the better opening to the world of those your foule and horrible facts, speake on: but if you meane to make anie excuse of that which you haue confessed, which else would haue beene and doo stand prooued against you; for my part, I will not sit to heare you.* 35.13 Then hir maiesties atturnie generall stood vp and said: It appeareth before you my lords, [line 40] that this man hath béene indicted and arreigned of seuerall most heinous and horrible treasons, and hath confessed them, which is before you of record: wherefore there resteth no more to be doone, but for the court to giue iudgement accordinglie, which here I require in the behalfe of the quéenes maiestie. Then said Parrie, I praie you heare me for dischar∣ging of my conscience; I will not go about to ex∣cuse my selfe, nor to séeke to saue my life, I care not for it, you haue my confession of record, that is [line 50] inough for my life: and I meane to vtter more, for which I were worthie to die; and said: I praie you heare me, in that I am to speake to discharge my conscience. Then said maister vicechamberleine; Parrie, then doo thy dutie according to conscience, and vtter all that thou canst saie concerning those thy most wicked facts.

Then said Parrie: My cause is rare, singular and vnnaturall, conceiued at Uenice, presented in gene∣rall words to the pope, vndertaken at Paris, com∣mended [line 60] and allowed of by his holinesse, and was to haue béene executed in England, if it had not béene preuented. Yea, I haue committed manie treasons, for I haue committed treason in being reconciled, and treason in taking absolution. There hath béene no treason since the first yeare of the quéenes reigne touching religion, but that I am guiltie of (except for receiuing of Agnus Dei, & persuading as I haue said) and yet neuer intended to kill quéene Elisabeth. I appeale to hir owne knowledge and to my lord trea∣surors and maister secretaries.* 35.14 Then said my lord of Hunsdon: Hast thou acknowledged it so often, and so plainelie in writing vnder thy hand, and here of record; and now, when thou shouldest haue thy iudge∣ment according to that which thou hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of, dooest thou go backe againe, and de∣nie the effect of all? How can we beleeue that thou now saiest?

Then said master vicechamberleine; This is ab∣surd, thou hast not onelie confessed generallie, that thou wert guiltie according to the indictment, which summarilie, and yet in expresse words dooth conteine that thou haddest traitorouslie compassed and inten∣ded the death & destruction of hir maiestie: but thou also saidst particularlie that thou wert guiltie of eue∣rie of the treasons conteined therein, whereof the same was one in plaine & expresse letter set downe, and read vnto thée; Yea thou saiedst that thou wert guiltie of more treasons too beside these; And diddest thou not vpon thy examination voluntarilie con∣fesse, how thou wast mooued first thervnto by mislike of thy state after thy departure out of the realme? And that thou diddest mislike hir maiestie for that she had doone nothing for thée? How by wicked pa∣pists and popish bookes thou wert persuaded that it was lawfull to kill hir maiestie? How thou wert by reconciliation become one of that wicked sort, that held hir maiestie for neither lawfull quéene, nor chri∣stian? And that it was meritorious to kill hir? And diddest thou not signifie that thy purpose to the pope by letters, and receiuedst letters from the cardinall, how he allowed of thine intent, and excited thée to performe it, and therevpon diddest receiue absoluti∣on? And diddest thou not conceiue it, promise it, vow it, sweare it, and receiue the sacrament that thou wouldest doo it? And diddest not thou therevpon af∣firme, that thy vowes were in heauen, and thy let∣ters and promises on earth to bind thee to doo it? And that what soeuer hir maiestie would haue doone for thée, could not haue remooued thee from that intenti∣on or purpose, vnlesse she would haue desisted from dealing as she hath doone with the catholikes, as thou callest them? All this thou hast plainelie confes∣sed; and I protest before this great assemblie,* 35.15 thou hast confessed it more plainelie & in better sort, than my memorie will serue me to vtter: and saiest thou now, that thou neuer meantest it?

Ah (said Parrie) your honors know how my con∣fession vpon mine examination was extorted. Then both the lord Hunsdon and master Uicechamber∣leine affirmed, that there was no torture or threat∣ning words offered him. But Parrie then said,* 35.16 that they told him, that if he would not confesse willing∣lie, he should haue torture. Wherevnto their honors answered, that they vsed not anie spéech or word of torture to him. You said, said Parrie, that you would proceed with rigour against me, if I would not con∣fesse it of my selfe. But their honors expreslie affir∣med that they vsed no such words. But I will tell thée, said master Uicechamberleine, what we said; I spake these words: If you will willinglie vtter the truth of your selfe, it may doo you good, and I wish you to doo so; if you will not, we must then procéed in ordinarie course to take your examination. Wher∣vnto you answered, that you would tell the truth of your selfe. Was not this true?* 35.17 Which then he yéel∣ded vnto. And herevnto, hir maiesties attournie ge∣nerall put Parrie in remembrance what spéeches he vsed to the lieutenant of the Tower, the queenes maiesties sergeant at law, M. Gaudie, and the same attournie on saturdaie the twentith of Februarie last at the Tower, vpon that he was by them then examined by order from the lords: which was, that be acknowledged he was most mildlie and fauoura∣blie dealt with, in all his examinations: which he also at the bar then acknowledged to be true.

Then maister vicechamberleine said, that it was

woonder to sée the magnanimitie of hir maiestie,* 35.18 which after that thou haddest opened those traitorous practises in sort as thou hast laid it downe in thy con∣fession, was neuerthelesse such, and so far from all feare, as that she would not so much as acquaint a∣nie one of hir highnesse priuie councell with it, to his knowlege, no not vntill after this thine enterprise dis∣couered and made manifest. And besides that which thou hast set downe vnder thine owne hand, thou diddest confesse, that thou haddest prepared two Sco∣tish [line 10] daggers fit for such a purpose: and those being disposed awaie by thée, thou diddest saie that an o∣ther would serue thy turne. And withall, Parrie, diddest thou not also confesse before vs how woonder∣fullie thou wert appalled and perplexed vpon a sud∣den at the presence of hir maiestie at Hampton court this last summer, saieng that thou diddest thinke thou then sawest in hir the verie likenesse and image of king Henrie the seuenth? And that therewith, and vpon some speaches vsed by hir maiestie, thou diddest [line 20] turne about and weepe bitterlie to thy selfe? And yet diddest call to mind that thy vowes were in heauen, thy letters and promises on earth; and that therefore thou diddest saie with thy selfe, that there was no re∣medie but to doo it? Diddest thou not confesse this? The which he acknowledged.

Then said the lord Hunsdon; Saiest thou now, that thou diddest neuer meane to kill the quéene?* 35.19 Did∣dest thou not confesse, that when thou diddest vtter this practise of trecherie to hir maiestie, that thou [line 30] diddest couer it with all the skill thou haddest; and that it was doone by thee, rather to get credit and ac∣cesse thereby, than for anie regard thou haddest of hir person? But in truth thou diddest it, that there∣by thou mightest haue better opportunitie to per∣forme thy wicked enterprise. And wouldest thou haue run into such feare as thou diddest confesse that thou wert in, when thou diddest vtter it, if thou had∣dest neuer meant it? What reason canst thou shew for thy selfe? With that he cried out in a furious maner: I neuer meant to kill hir: I will laie my [line 40] bloud vpon quéene Elisabeth and you,* 35.20 before God and the world: and therevpon fell into a rage and e∣uill words with the quéenes maiesties attourneie ge∣nerall. Then said the lord Hunsdon; This is but thy popish pride & ostentation, which thou wouldest haue to be told to thy fellowes of that faction, to make them beléeue that thou diest for poperie, when thou diest for most horrible and dangerous treasons a∣gainst hir maiestie, and thy whole countrie. For thy [line 50] laieng of thy bloud, it must lie on thine owne head, as a iust reward of thy wickednesse. The lawes of the realme most iustlie condemne thée to die out of thine owne mouth, for conspiring the destruction both of hir maiestie, and of vs all: therefore thy bloud be vpon thée: neither hir maiestie, nor we at anie time sought it; thy selfe hast spilt it.

Then he was asked what he could saie, why iudge∣ment of death ought not to be awarded against him? Whereto he said,* 35.21 he did sée that he must die, because he was not setled. What meanest thou by that, said [line 60] maister vicechamberleine? Said he, Looke into your studie, and into your new bookes, and you shall find what I meane. I protest (said his honor) I know not what thou meanest: thou dooest not well to vse such darke spéeches, vnlesse thou wouldest plaine∣lie vtter what thou meanest thereby. But he said, he cared not for death, and that he would laie his bloud amongst them. Then spake the lord chiefe iu∣stice of England, being required to giue iudge∣ment according to law, and said; Parrie, you haue beene much heard, and what you meane by being set∣led, I know not; but I see you are so setled in pope∣rie, that you cannot setle your selfe to be a good sub∣iect. But touching that you should saie to state iudge∣ment from being giuen against you, your spéeches must be of one of these kinds; either to proue the in∣dictment (which you haue confessed to be true) to be insufficient in law;* 35.22 or else to pleade somewhat tou∣ching hir maiesties mercie, why iustice should not be doone of you. All other spéeches wherein you haue vsed great libertie, is more than by law you can aske. These be the matters you must looke to, what saie you to them? Whereto he said nothing.

Then said the lord chiefe iustice; Parrie, thou hast béene before this time indicted of diuerse most horri∣ble and hatefull treasons, committed against thy most gratious souereigne, and natiue countrie: the matter most detestable, the maner most subtill and dangerous, and the occasions and meanes that lead thée therevnto most vngodlie and villanous. That thou diddest intend it,* 35.23 it is most euident by thy selfe. The matter was the destruction of a most sa∣cred and an anointed queene thy souereigne and mi∣stresse, who hath shewed thée such fauour, as some thy betters haue not obteined: yea, the ouerthrow of thy countrie wherein thou wert borne, & of a most hap∣pie common-wealth whereof thou art a member, and of such a quéene, as hath bestowed on thée the be∣nefit of all benefits in this world (that is to saie) thy life, hertofore granted thée by hir mercie when thou hadst lost it by iustice & desert. Yet thou hir ser∣uant sworne to defend hir, mentest with thy bloudie hand to haue taken awaie hir life, that mercifullie gaue thée thine, when it was yéelded into hir hands. This is the matter wherein thou hast offended.

The maner was most subtill and dangerous, be∣yond all that before thée haue committed anie wic∣kednesse against hir maiestie: for thou making shew as if thou wouldest simplie haue vttered for hir safetie the euill that others had contriued, diddest but seeke thereby credit & accesse, that thou mightest take the apter opportunitie for hir destruction. And for the occasions and meanes that drew thée on,* 35.24 they were most vngodlie and villanous: as the per∣suasions of the pope, of papists, and popish bookes. The pope pretendeth that he is a pastor, when as in truth he is far from féeding of the flocke of Christ, but rather as a woolfe séeketh but to féed on & to sucke out the bloud of true christians, and as it were thir∣steth after the bloud of our most gratious and chri∣stian quéene. And these papists and popish bookes, while they pretend to set foorth diuinitie, they doo in∣déed most vngodlie teach and persuade that which is quite contrarie both to God and his word.* 35.25 For the word teacheth obedience of subiects toward princes, & forbiddeth anie priuat man to kill; but they teach subiects to disobeie princes, & that a priuat wicked person may kill. Yea & whome? a most godlie quéene, & their owne naturall and most gratious souereigne. Let all men therfore take héed how they receiue any thing from him, heare or read anie of their bookes, and how they confer with anie papists. God grant hir maiestie, that she maie know by thée, how euer she trust such like to come so néere hir person!

But see the end, and why thou diddest it, and it will appeare to be a most miserable, fearefull, and foo∣lish thing: for thou diddest imagine, that it was to releeue those that thou callest catholikes, who were most likelie amongst all others to haue felt the woorst of it, if thy diuelish practise had taken effect. But sith thou hast béene indicted of the treasons comprised in the indictment, and therevpon arreigned, and hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of them;* 35.26 the court dooth a∣ward, that thou shalt be had from hense to the place whense thou diddest come, and so drawne through the open citie of London vpon an hurdle to the place of execution, and there to be hanged and let downe

aliue, and thy priuie parts cut off, and thy entrals taken out and burnt in thy sight, then thy head to be cut off, and thy bodie to be diuided in foure parts, and to be disposed at hir maiesties pleasure: and God haue mercie on thy soule.

* 35.27Parrie neuerthelesse persisted still in his rage and fond speach, and raginglie there said, he there sum∣moned quéene Elisabeth to answer for his bloud be∣fore God: wherewith the lieutenant of the Tower was commanded to take him from the barre: and [line 10] so he did. And vpon his departure, the people stri∣ken as it were at heart with the horror of his inten∣ded enterprise, ceased not, but pursued him with out∣cries, as; Awaie with the traitor, awaie with him, & such like: wherevpon he was conueied to the barge, to passe to the Tower againe by water:* 35.28 & the court was adiorned. After which, vpon the second daie of this instant March, William Parrie was by ver∣tue of processe in that behalfe awarded from the same commissioners of oier and terminer, deliue∣red by the lieutenant of the Tower erlie in the mor∣ning [line 20] vnto the shiriffes of London and Middlesex, who receiued him at the Tower hill, and therevpon, according to the iudgement, caused him there to be foorthwith set on the hurdle: from whense he was drawne therevpon through the middest of the citie of London, vnto the place for his execution in the pal∣lace at Westminster:* 35.29 where, hauing long time of staie admitted vnto him before his execution, he most maliciouslie and impudentlie, after some other [line 30] vaine discourses eftsoons & often deliuered in speach, that he was neuer guiltie of anie intention to kill quéene Elisabeth, and so (without anie request made by him to the people to pray to God for him, or praier publikelie vsed by himselfe for ought that appeared: but such as he vsed, if he vsed anie, was priuat to himselfe) he was executed according to the iudge∣ment. And now for his intent, how soeuer he pre∣tended the contrarie in words, yet by these his owne writings, confessions, letters, & manie other proofes [line 40] afore here expressed, it is most manifest to all per∣sons, how horrible his intentions and treasons were, and how iustlie he suffered for the same: and there∣by greatlie to be doubted, that as he had liued a long time vainelie and vngodlie, and like an atheist and godlesse man, so he continued the same course till his death to the outward sight of men. ¶ Here en∣deth the true and plaine course and processe of the treasons, arrest, arreignement, and execution of William Parrie the traitor. [line 50]

An addition not vnnecessarie for this purpose.

FOrsomuch as Parrie in the aboundance of his proud and arrogant humour, hath often both in his confession, and letters, pretended some great and grieuous cau∣ses of discontentment against hir maiestie, and the present state: it shall not be impertinent, for better satisfaction of all persons, to set foorth simplie and trulie, the condition and qualitie of the man, what he [line 60] was by birth and education, and in what course of life he had liued.* 36.1 This vile and traitorous wretch was one of the yoonger sonnes of a poore man, called Harrie ap Dauid: he dwelled in Northwales in a little village called Northop in the countie of Flint: there he kept a common alehouse, which was the best and greatest staie of his liuing. In that house was this traitor borne, his mother was the reputed daughter of one Conwaie a priest, parson of a poore parish called Halkin in the same countie of Flint: his eldest brother dwelleth at this present in the same house, and there kéepeth an alehouse as his fa∣ther did before him. This traitor in his childhood so soone as he had learned a litle to write and read, was put to serue a poore man dwelling in Chester,* 36.2 named Iohn Fisher, who professed to haue some small skill and vnderstanding in the law. With him he conti∣nued diuerse yeares, and serued as a clerke, to write such things as in that trade, which his master vsed, he was appointed.

During this time, he learned the English toong, and at such times of leasure as the poore man his master had no occasion otherwise to vse him, he was suffered to go to the grammar schoole, where he got some litle vnderstanding in the Latine toong. In this his childhood he was noted by such as best knew him, to be of a most villainous and dangerous nature & disposition. He did often run awaie from his ma∣ster, and was often taken & brought to him againe. His master, to correct his peruerse and froward con∣ditions,* 36.3 did manie times shut him as prisoner in some close place of his house, and manie times cau∣sed him to be chained, locked, and clogged, to staie his running awaie. Yet all was in vaine: for about the third yeare of hir maiesties reigne, for his last fare∣well to his poore master, he ran awaie from him, and came to London to séeke his aduentures. He was then constreined to seeke what trade he could to liue by, and to get meat and drinke for his bellie, and clo∣thes for his backe.

His good hap in the end was to be interteined in place of seruice aboue his desert, where he staied not long, but shifted himselfe diuerse times from seruice to seruice, and from one master to another. Now he began to forget his old home, his birth, his educati∣on, his parents, his friends, his owne name, and what he was. He aspired to greater matters,* 36.4 he chal∣lenged the name and title of a great gentleman, he vanted himselfe to be of kin and alied to noble and worshipfull, he left his old name which he did beare, and was commonlie called by in his childhood, & during all the time of his abode in the countrie, which was William ap Harrie (as the maner in Wales is.) And bicause he would séeme to be in déed the man which he pretended, he tooke vpon him the name of Parrie, being the sirname of diuerse gentlemen of great worship and hauiour. And bicause his mo∣thers name by hir father a simple priest, was Con∣waie: he pretended kinred to the familie of sir Iohn Conwaie, and so thereby made himselfe of kin to Edmund Neuill.

Being thus set foorth with his new name and new title of gentleman,* 36.5 and commended by some of his good fauorers, he matched himselfe in mariage with a widow in Southwales, who brought him some reasonable portion of wealth. She liued with him but a short time, and the welth he had with hir lasted not long: it was soone consumed with his dissolute 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wastfull maner of life. He was then driuen to his woonted shifts, his creditors were manie, the debt which he owed great, he had nothing wherewith to make paiment, he was continuallie pursued by sergeants and officers to arrest him, he did often by sleights and shifts escape from them.* 36.6 In this his néedie and poore estate, he sought to repare himselfe againe by a new match in mariage with another widow, which before was the wife of one Richard Heiwood.

This matter was so earnestlie followed by him∣selfe, and so effectuallie commended by his fréends and fauourers, that the sillie woman yéelded to take him to husband: a match in euerie respect verie vn∣equall and vnfit. Hir wealth and yearelie liuelihood was verie great, his poore and base estate worse than nothing, he verie yoong, she of such age as for yeares she might haue beene his mother. When he had thus possessed himselfe of his new wiues wealth, he omit∣ted

nothing that might serue for a prodigall, disso∣lute,* 36.7 and most vngodlie course of life. His riot and excesse was vnmeasurable, he did most wickedlie defloure his wiues owne daughter, and sundrie waies pitifullie abuse the old mother: he caried him∣selfe for his outward port and countenance (so long as his old wiues bags lasted) in such sort, as might well haue sufficed for a man of verie good hauiour and degrée. But this lasted not long, his proud hart & wastfull hand had soone powred out old Heiwoods wealth. [line 10]

He then fell againe to his woonted shifts, borow∣ed where he could find anie to lend, and ingaged his credit so far as anie would trust him. Amongst o∣thers, he became greatlie indebted to Hugh Hare, the gentleman before named. Who after long forbea∣ring of his monie, sought to recouer it by law. For this cause Parrie conceiued great displeasure a∣gainst him, which he pursued with all malice, euen to the seeking of his life. In this murtherous intent, he came in the night time to M. Hares chamber in [line 20] the Temple, broke open the doore, assaulted him, and wounded him grieuouslie, and so left him in great danger of life. For this offense he was apprehended, committed to Newgate, indicted of burgularie, ar∣reigned, and found guiltie by a verie substantiall iu∣rie, and condemned to be hanged, as the law in that case requireth.

* 36.8He standing thus conuicted, hir maiestie of hir most gratious clemencie, and pitifull disposition, [line 30] tooke compassion vpon him, pardoned his offense, & gaue him his life, which by the law & due course of iustice he ought then to haue lost. After this he taried not long, but pretending some causes of discontent∣ment, departed the realme, and trauelled beyond the seas. How he demeaned himselfe there from time to time, and with whome he conuersed, is partlie in his owne confession touched before. This is the man, this is his race, which he feared should be spotted if he miscaried in the execution of his traitorous enter∣prise, this hath béene the course of his life, these are [line 40] the great causes of his discontentment.

* 36.9And whereas at his arreignement and execution, he pretended great care of the disobedient popish sub∣iects of this realme, whom he called catholikes, and in verie insolent sort séemed to glorie greatlie in the profession of his pretensed catholike religion: the whole course and action of his life sheweth plainelie, how prophanelie & irreligiouslie he did alwaies beare himselfe. He vaunted, that for these two and twentie yeares past he had béene a catholike, and during all [line 50] that time neuer receiued the communion: yet before he trauelled beyond the seas, at three seuerall times within the compasse of these two and twentie years,* 36.10 he did voluntarilie take the oth of obedience to the queenes maiestie, set downe in the statute made in the first yeare of hir highnesse reigne; by which, a∣mongst other things, he did testifie and declare in his conscience, that no forreine prince, person, prelat, state, or potentat, hath or ought to haue anie iuris∣diction, power, preeminence, or authoritie, ecclesiasti∣call [line 60] or spirituall, within this realme; and therfore did vtterlie renounce & forsake all forren iurisdictions, powers, and authorities, and did promise to beare faith and true allegiance to the quéenes highnesse, hir heires and lawfull successours.

With what conscience or religion he tooke that oth so often, if so be he were then a papist in deed, as since the discouerie of his treasons he pretended, let his best freends the papists themselues iudge.* 36.11 But perhaps it may be said, that he repented those his of∣fenses past: that since those thrée oths so taken by him, he was twise reconciled to the pope, and so his conscience cleared, and he become a new man, and (which is more) that in the time of his last trauell, he cast awaie all his former lewd maners: that he changed his degrée and habit, and bought or begged the graue title of a doctor of law, for which he was well qualified with a little grammar schoole Latine: that he had plenarie indulgence and remission of all his sinnes, in consideration of his vndertaking of so holie an enterprise as to kill quéene Elisabeth, a sa∣cred annointed queene, his naturall and souereigne ladie: that he promised to the pope, & vowed to God to performe it: that he confirmed the same by re∣ceiuing the sacrament at the Iesuits,* 36.12 at one altar with his two beaupéeres, the cardinals of Uandosme and Narbone: and that since his last returne into England, he did take his oth vpon the bible to execut it. These reasons may séeme to beare some weight in déed amongst his friends the Iesuits, and other pa∣pists of state, who haue speciall skill in matters of such importance.

But now latelie in the beginning of this parle∣ment in Nouember last,* 36.13 he did eftsoones solemnelie in publike place take the oth before mentioned, of o∣bedience to hir maiestie. How that maie stand with his reconciliations to the pope, and with his promi∣ses, vowes, and oth to kill the quéene, it is a thing can hardlie be warranted, vnlesse it be by some spe∣ciall priuilege of the popes omnipotencie. But let him haue the glorie he desired, to liue and die a pa∣pist. He deserued it, it is fit for him, his death was correspondent to the course of his life, which was dis∣loiall, periured, and traitorous towards hir maie∣stie; and false and perfidious towards the pope him∣selfe,* 36.14 and his catholikes, if they will beléeue his so∣lemne protestations which he made at his arreigne∣ment and execution, that he neuer meant nor inten∣ded anie hurt to hir highnesse person. For if that be true, where are then his vowes which he said were in heauen, his letters and promises vpon earth? Why hath he stollen out of the popes shop so large an in∣dulgence and plenarie remission of all his sinnes, and meant to performe nothing that he promised? Why was his deuotion and zele so highlie commen∣ded? Why was he so speciallie praid for and remem∣bred at the altar? All these great fauours were then bestowed vpon him without cause or desert: for he deceiued the pope,* 36.15 he deceiued the cardinals and Ie∣suits with a false semblance and pretense to doo that thing which he neuer meant.

But the matter is cleere, the conspiracie, and his traitorous intent is too plaine and euident: it is the Lord that reuealed it in time, and preuented their malice: there lacked no will or readinesse in him to execute that horrible fact. It is the Lord that hath preserued hir maiestie from all the wicked practises and conspiracies of that hellish rable: it is he that hath most gratiouslie deliuered hir from the hands of this traitorous miscreant. The Lord is hir onelie defense in whome she hath alwaies trusted, he will defend hir maiestie, and fulfill for hir sake no lesse than good king Dauid (sundrie times assalted with falseharted enimies) and all loiall subiects will har∣tilie praie for; namelie such vengeance and heauie measure of iudgement to be proportioned and allot∣ted them, as is wished against the malicious wic∣ked in the eight and fiftith psalme, effectuallie set downe by the Paraphrast in these words following:

Confringe malas (ô Deus) impudens Os comminutis contere dentibus:* 36.16 Et rictibus saeuis hiantes Hos inhibe catulos leonum, &c. Sensim liquescant, tardigradus velut Limax: acerbo funere deserant Vitale lumen, more foetus Ante suum pereuntis ortum, &c.

A few obseruations gathered out of the verie words and writings of William Parrie the traitor, applied to prooue his traitorous coniuration, with a resolute intent, imagination, purpose, and obstinate de∣termination to haue killed hir maiestie, our most gratious souereigne: whom the Lord hath saued, and euer maie he saue by his mercie.

THis William Parrie the traitor, 1 con∣fesseth to haue conceiued the treason at [line 10] Uenice,* 37.1 by conference with B. Palmio, of whome he still thinketh so well, as he can not but speake of him with reuerend mention; whereas, if he had neuer thought, or did now fore∣thinke the treason, he would rather cursse the time that euer he met with such a bloudie and treacherous ghostlie father. Well, this graue and learned frier Palmio (saith he) made the matter cleere in religion and conscience, and commended the traitors deuo∣tion. [line 20] This treason Parrie so apprehended, as he wrote presentlie to the pope, presenting the seruice. 2 Returning to Paris,* 37.2 he conferred with Morgan, vowed to performe it for restitution of England, &c. 3 Being dissuaded (as the credible man writeth) by Wats, he replied that he was gone so farre, as he could not go backe, but promised faithfullie to per∣forme the enterprise, if the pope would vpon his of∣fers and letters allow it, and grant remission, &c.

Where this by the waie is to be noted, that if the [line 30] opinions of these English priests (as he will néeds make vs beléeue) were differing from the pope, and our English Iesuits, varieng from Iesuit Palmio and others beyond sea Iesuits, in the question of murthering a prince: some of them at least would haue giuen loiall intelligence of such a treason con∣ceiued and nourished in that man, who had made so manie priuie both beyond and on this side the sea, as could not be dissuaded from his purpose, but e∣uer departed with a resolution contrarie vnto these cold dissuaders.* 37.3 It were no good policie to trust this [line 40] popish traitor, but rather to suspect all pope created priests to be of the same mind with their supreame head, and all English Iesuits to consent with forren Iesuits their fellow members. They be all of one or∣der and vow, they haue one superior; and if they had detested this fact in déed, some of them, séeing the wretch to persist, must néeds haue bewraied it, and not to suffer him to go on headlong in such a sinne, leauing hir roiall person to the will and malice (as much as in them laie) of a murthering ruffian. [line 50]

But to prooue his intent with continuance and growing of the same, 4 Againe he writeth letters to the pope, in Ianuarie one thousand fiue hundred eightie and foure by that account, tooke aduise vpon them in confession of A. Codreto,* 37.4 was commended, againe confessed, tooke the sacrament (verelie Cruen∣tum sacramentum, & sacrificium cruoris) at the Iesuits, at one altar, with the cardinals of Uandosmi and of Narbone. Hereof he had certificat to the pope, which he sent inclosed in his letters to his holinesse, to lead [line 60] him to absolue him; which he required in considera∣tion of so great an enterprise vndertaken without reward. 5 The latter and certificat he read to Ragaz∣zoni, and left with him to be sent to the pope,* 37.5 who wi∣shed him good spéed, promising he should be remem∣bred at the altar. 6 He doubteth, least if Morgan di∣ed, and he miscarried in the execution (as he did, God be thanked, and choked in the halter, notwithstan∣ding their remembrance at the altar) and his intent neuer trulie discouered; that is to saie, that he did it for the catholikes, it might be a spot in his race. Marke here the verie word (intent) in his owne con∣fession.* 37.6 7 Morgan assureth him, that the lord Ferne∣hurst should go into Scotland, and be readie to en∣ter vpon the first newes of our quéenes fall. Thus much for his intent beyond the sea, and before his coniuration discouered.

Upon his arriuall in England, he wrote to court, that he had a speciall seruice of discouerie vnto the quéene: but with what intent, let his owne words speake, 8 More to prepare accesse and credit,* 37.7 than for anie care had of hir person. Admitted vnto hir gra∣tious audience, he discouered the coniuration; yet in what maner, let himselfe saie, euen couered with all the skill he had. This intent was with déepe trea∣son: for (as he saith) so he did, he disclosed onelie so much as he thought good and necessarie to ground in hir highnesse a setled confidence towards him, wher∣by he might effect his traitorous intent with better opportunitie, and his owne safetie. He bewraied him∣selfe so farre as he might couer his chiefe drift, manie principall things concealed, nothing of lord Ferne∣hurst with his Scotish forces, &c. 9 Receiuing from the pope himselfe commendation and allowance of his enterprise, of incouragement, and plenarie in∣dulgence by no meaner man than cardinall di Co∣mo, though he shewed the letter to hir maiestie;* 37.8 not for anie care of hir person, but for his better accesse & credit, as the rest, yet let his owne words tell what his intent was at the verie receiuing and shew∣ing of the same letter. Forsooth (saith he) this letter confirmed his resolution to kill the quéene, making it cléere in his conscience, as a thing lawfull and me∣ritorious.

Now is his intent grown to a resolution, not dout∣full, but cleere in conscience, not alone lawfull, but meritorious. Papa dixit, a cardinall is Nuntio. What other thing is this, than for the pope and his cardi∣nals, like an other Antoninus Commodus, to make one Inter sicarios & gladiatores? The diuell inforcing this traitors heart to execute his intent,* 37.9 10 He was troubled looking vpon the quéene, and remembring hir excellencies: yet he saw no remedie, his vowes were in heauen, his letters and promises on earth. Yea, he stroue to close his eies at these excellencies, and obstinated his hart by séeking reasons to quench all sparks of humanitie and allegiance arising in his thoughts. For thus reasoneth he against his con∣science; Why shouldest thou care for hir? What hath she doone for thee? Hast thou not spent ten thousand marks, &c. What more diuelish intent could possesse a traitor, than to labour to suppresse a small remaine of conscience, abhorring to kill so excellent a perso∣nage, which God stirred vp in his thoughts to his iuster condemnation?* 37.10 11 Doctor Allens booke re∣doubled his former conceipts, euerie word was a warrant to a prepared mind.

Sée how the smooth words of that catholike booke are interpreted and conceiued. One spirit occupieth the catholike reader with the catholike writer, and therefore can best expound the writers sense in his readers mouth, euen to be a booke fraught with em∣phaticall speaches of energeticall persuasion to kill and depose hir maiestie, and yet dooth the hypocrite writer, that traitor catholike, dissemble and protest otherwise. 12 Parrie suffering repulse in a sute for S. Katharins, communeth with maister Neuill,* 37.11 recommendeth the enterprise as honorable & profi∣table to the catholike common-weale. Being pre∣iudiced in opinion of Allens booke (as before) he com∣mendeth it, and deliuereth it to Neuill, thereby to worke the same vile intent in him which it had alrea∣die confirmed in himselfe. He tooke now an other oth vpon the bible, after the maner of a protestant, to pursue the enterprise, and ment (he saith) to performe it, so far foorth as the place and maner of dooing was appointed. This second coniuration he neuer be∣wraied

in six moneths, till accused by Neuill, and then at first denied it.

13 Finallie, to declare his height of malice, he saith, if the quéene had preferred him neuer so great∣lie, yet must this bloudie enterprise haue holden, ex∣cept 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ad reléeued the catholikes. Was this no inten••▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neither benefit nor bountie could staie? Which neither feare of God, nor reuerence of excel∣lencie could repell? Which neither dread of punish∣ment, nor tract of time could remooue? Did he conceiue it, conferre and aduise of it, vow himselfe [line 10] to the execrable seruice, present and offer it, harden his heart against others dissuasions, beat backe con∣trarie motions of his owne conscience, go so farre as he could not go backe, promise it faithfullie, re∣ceiue a church sacrament therevpon, make certifi∣cat thereof, propound himselfe the end and reason of his intent, discourse vpon the contingent sequele, preuenting the spot of his race, receiue letters of al∣lowance, commendation, incouragement, and ab∣solution, could he vow in heauen, and promise on [line 20] earth, could he doo all this in a thing which he meant not?

Could he resolue and confirme his resolution of a thing which he intended not;* 37.12 yea, could he intend & meane (for all these be his owne words) that which he neuer meant nor intended? could he redouble his conceits, and haue a prepared mind for that he in∣tended not? Would such a craftie traitor practise with others by persuasiue speach, & traitorous booke in such a matter, as the onelie broching thereof must [line 30] capitallie indamage his kinsman and friend, and withall laie his owne head in his friends hand? And yet notwithstanding, either he meant this treason, either else he little loued his friend, to tempt him so dangerouslie; whom yet, he saith, he loued so, as to suffer his finger in his dish, & his hand in his pursse. But which is aboue all, would anie man sweare a∣gaine on the bible, appoint time and place, conceal•• it with as much perill as if he had doone it; would he denie it, would so ambitious a man discontent him∣selfe [line 40] with all preferment, for the atchiuing of that which he meant not? Was this mischiefous course, begun and continued, a long time, at home and a∣broad, in manie kingdomes, communicated with manie persons, of seuerall nation and qualitie, as pope,* 37.13 cardinall, Nuntio, fri••r, priest, kings secretarie and ambassadors, all this while not meant? Was it frankelie and voluntarilie confessed meant, final∣lie, recorded by pleading guiltie in maner & forme with all circumstance, and yet could he die an inno∣cent [line 50] for intent?

All this falling vpon no simple man, but vpon one, not now the first time holding vp his h••nd at barre, & vpon a doctor of law, the verie hood whereof is able to giue a man more iudgement, than to slip without light in all these things: I know not how he maie be excused without strong suspicion of the excuser. And if a prince may not iudge a wicked seruant out of his owne mouth, nor determine an offense by two or three monthes, it were a notable [line 60] world for traitors and murtherers, thus to haue all procéedings set loose, as well of our common lawes, which condemne vpon all euidences, as of the ciuill lawes, which giue capitall sentence vpon confession onelie: yea, Moses wisedome is ouerreached, and Christes equitie in his euangelicall parable against the lewd seruant not vsing his talent is eluded. All this is also ratified by voluntarie letters of his to hir maiestie apart, and to hir honorable councell. And if anie Italianat papist neuerthelesse will néeds beleeue this ••epugnancie of his last speaches▪ let him yet take this one note of him, whereby to consider how credible a man he crediteth.

Either Parrie meant this monstrous murther according to his vowes in heauen,* 37.14 and sworne pro∣mises in earth, and so died a desperat traitor, prote∣sting the contrarie in his last words vpon his soule and damnation: or else was he periured, to the foule abuse of pope & all poperie, most execrablie propha∣ning Gods name by promising, swearing, vowing, &c: that which he meant not. Necessarilie therefore must he perish vpon periured treason, or wreck•• vpon desperat deieration. Nothing auoideth this di∣lemma, but a popish bull of dispensation, which if he had, I know not how princes may not as safelie suf∣fer woolues and beares come to their presence, as such papists. And verie like it is that Parrie had a spe∣ciall bull, either else was it comprehended in his indulgence, that he might take othes contrarie to his catholike conscience, as he did the oth of suprema∣sie in the beginning of the last parlement. Which if his coniuratours had not béene priuie with what in∣tention he did sweare, he neuer durst haue taken it, least they should haue now bewraied him as a man sworne against the pope, therefore not to be trusted. But the truth is, this papist Parrie was both a trai∣tor, and a manifold periured traitor, whome (with all other of the like stampe) we leaue to the finall iudgement of God at the last and dreadfull doome: registring (in the meane time) a proper epigram, and of no lesse fit than true deuise, in memorie of the said capitall traitor, requiting that propheticall posie concerning Daruell Gatheren and frier Forrest, of whome you shall read in the thirtéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight; this of Parrie being as followeth:

William Parrie Was ap Harrie By his name: From the alehouse To the gallows Grew his fame.

Gotten westward On a bastard ••s is thought: Wherefore one waie Kin to Conwaie Hath he sought.

Like a beast With inceast He begon: Mother maried Daughter caried Him a sonne.

Much he borrowed Which he sorrowed To repaie: Hare his good Bought with blood As they saie.

Yet for paiment Had arrainment Of his detter Shee that gaue him Life to saue him Hangd a better.

Parrie his pardon Thought no guardon For his woorth: Wherefore sought That he mought Trauell foorth.

Which obtained He remained As before: And with rashnes Shewd his bashnes More and more.

He did enter To aduentuer Euen hir death: By whose fauor He did euer Draw his breath.

It was pittie One so wittie Malcontent: Leauing ••eason Should to treason So be bent.

But his gifts Were but shifts Void of grace: And his brauerie Was but knauerie Vile and base.

Wales did beare him France did sweare him To the pope: Venice wrought him London brought him To the rope.

Wherewith strangled And then mangled Being dead: Poles supporters Of his quarters And his head.

In this yeare one thousand fiue hundred eightie & foure, sir Walter Mildmaie knight, one of hir ma∣iesties most honorable priuie councell, founded a college in the vniuersitie of Cambridge, and named it Emmanuell college. ¶ The same was sometimes a house of friers,* 37.15 and came to king Henrie the eight by dissolution, as appeareth by the sequeale, being an extract out of a substantiall and large booke written in parchment (which I haue seene, and whense I had this transcript) conteining the entrie or inrolment of certeine letters patents, writings and euidences [line 10] touching the said college. First the premisses came vnto king Henrie the eight by act of parlement tou∣ching the dissolution of monasteries;* 37.16 & afterwards the said king by letters patents vnder the great seale of England, dated Decimo sexto Aprilis, anno tricesimo quinto regni sui, did grant the same to Edward El∣rington and Humfreie Metcalfe, and to the heires of the said Edward for euer. After that, the said Ed∣ward Elrington and Humfreie Metcalfe by their déed pold dated Quarto Martij, anno tricesimo sexto Hen∣rici [line 20] octaui, did grant the premisses to William Sher∣wood gentleman & his heires for euer. Then George Sherewood gentleman, sonne and heire to William Sherwood by déed pold dated Vicesimo nono Septembris, anno vicesimo tertio Elisabethae reginae, did grant the pre∣misses to Robert Tailor esquier and to his heires for euer.

And afterwards, the said Robert Tailor by déed pold dated Duodecimo Iunij, anno vicesimo quinto Elisa∣bethae reginae, did grant the premisses to Richard Cul∣uerwell [line 30] citizen & mercer of London and Laurence Chaderton of Cambridge bachelor of diuinitie, and their heires for euer. And after that, the premisses were conueied to sir Walter Mildmaie, who hath conuerted the same into a séedplot of learning, for the benefit of the church & common-wealth: so that the students maie verie trulie saie this, and more too of so good, so honoorable and vertuous a founder:

—fluuijs dum cruerit aequor, Dúmque vagas stellas pascet vterque polus, [line 40] Dum steriles altis lustrabunt montibus vmbrae, Virtutis stabit fama decúsque tuae.

[year 1585] On the nine and twentith daie of March, which was in the yeare of Christ 1585,* 37.17 the parlement was dissolued: at the breaking vp whereof, the quéenes maiestie in the parlement house made an oration, to such effect as followeth.

The queenes maiesties oration [line 50] in the parlement house.

MY Lords and ye of the lower house, my silence must not iniurie the owner so much,* 38.1 as to suppose a substitute sufficient to render you the thanks that my heart yéeldeth you: not so much for the safe keeping of my life (for which your care appeareth so manifest) as for [line 60] the neglecting your priuat future perill, not regar∣ding other waie than my present state. No prince herein (I confesse) can be surer tied, or faster bound than I am, with the linke of your good will; and can for that, but yeeld a hart & hand to séeke for euer all your best. Yet one matter toucheth me so neere, as I may not ouerskip:* 38.2 religion, the ground on which all other matters ought to take roote, and being cor∣rupted may marre all the trée: and that there be some faultfinders with the order of the cleargie, which so may make a slander to my selfe & the church, whose ouer ruler God hath made me; whose negli∣gence can not be excused, if anie schismes or errors hereticall were suffered.

Thus much I must saie, that some faults and neg∣ligences may grow and bee (as in all other great charges it happeneth) and what vocation without? All which if you my lords of the cleargie doo not a∣mend, I meane to depose you: looke you therefore to your charges; this may be amended without heed∣lesse or open exclamation. I am supposed to haue manie studies, but most philosophicall:* 38.3 I must yéeld this to be true, that I suppose few (that be no profes∣sors) haue read more. And I need not tell you, that I am so simple that I vnderstand not, nor so forget∣full that I remember not; & yet amongst my manie volumes, I hope Gods booke hath not beene my sil∣domest studies, in which we find that, which by reason (for my part) we ought to beleeue, that séeing so great wickednesse and griefs in the world, in which we liue but as waie-faring pilgrims, we suppose that God would neuer haue made vs but for a better place, and of more comfort than we find here. I know no creature that breatheth, whose life standeth hourelie in more perill for it than mine owne, who entered not into my state without sight of manifold dan∣gers of life and crowne, as one that had the migh∣tiest and greatest to wrestle with. Then it follow∣eth, that I regarded it so much as I left my selfe be∣hind my care.

And so you sée that you wroong me too much (if anie such there be) as doubt my coldnesse in that behalfe.* 38.4 For if I were not persuaded that mine were the true waie of Gods will, God forbid I should liue to prescribe it to you. Take héed, lest Ecclesiastes saie not too true; They that feare the horie frost, the snow shall fall vpon them. I sée manie ouer bold with God almightie, making too manie subtill scannings of his blessed will, as lawiers doo with humane te∣staments: the presumption is so great as I may not suffer it (yet mind I not hereby to animate * 38.5 Roma∣nists, which what aduersaries they be to mine estate is sufficientlie knowne) nor tolerate new fangled∣nesse. I meane to guide them both by Gods true rule: in both parts be perils, and of the latter I must pronounce them dangerous to a kinglie rule, to haue euerie man according to his owne censure to make a doome of the validitie and priuitie of his prin∣ces gouernement, with a common veile and couer of Gods word, whose followers must not be iudged but by priuat mens exposition, God defend you from such a ruler that so euill will guide you.* 38.6 Now I con∣clude, that your loue and care neither is nor shall be bestowed vpon a carelesse prince, but such as for your good will passeth as litle for this world as who careth least; with thanks for your frée subsidie: a manifest shew of the aboundance of your good wils, the which I assure you, but to be imploid to your weale, I could be better pleased to returne than receiue.

This is the summe of hir maiesties oration vtte∣red in a solemne assemblie, and well worthie the re∣cording, as testifieng no lesse in sinceritie and truth, than euerie good subiect may seale vnto himselfe, and laie his hand vpon his hart to be faithfullie meant for his securitie. Wherein is speciallie to be noted the religious care which hir maiestie hath vowed to haue of the propagation and supportation of the gospell; according to that which is reported of hir by waie of prophesie in the vision of quéene Anne in a dreame; where (after a repetition of miseries foretold to befall in quéene Maries daies) these words are inferred:

Ecce malis tantis tua parua medebitur infans,* 38.7 Iámque tenella geret post sceptrum patris adulta, Solamen magnum patriae, solamen amicis: Qua regnante diu, coelis ea fata feruntur, Britanni populus foelix, erit Anglia foelix, Et longa tali sub principe pace fruetur.

Papa relegatus fallax ad littora Tybris Ausonij, propria ditione iubebitur esse Contentus, vaenúmque domi protrudere merces. Hic iuris papalis erit tum terminus Anglis. Vestra dabit proles papae immedicabile vulnus, Non post idolis genua incuruare licebit Ampliùs, aut statuis benè olentia thura cremare▪ Hinc papae incassum furibunda mouebitur ira, Dentibus infrendens & quaeret tollere prolem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 insidijs structis, quae numine coeli [line 10] Protectore suo sem••tis hostibus aeuum Pace colet, seros ornabit honoribus annos, Pace suos placida ciues: sua regna beabit. Non tamen in claram bacchari desinet atrox Reginam, pus ore vomens & virus vt aspis, Promittet coelum verbis (quis crederet illud?) Principis obsequium quicunque reliquerit vltrò, Cum pacto hoc miseros reuera in Tartara mittat.

* 38.8¶In this yeare of Grace, on the eleuenth of Aprill died pope Gregorie the thirtéenth, termed the last & [line 20] lewd pope of that name; one that wanted not the waies to applie his vsurped supremasie to the com∣mon abuse of all christendome, according to the re∣ceiued custome of his predecessors; who rather than they would abide anie be it neuer so small an eclipse of their worldlie pompe, all the world shalbe set togi∣ther by the ears, in so much that heauen & earth shall ring with the noise of the tumults. This is he that (a∣mong other acts by him vndertaken & doone) after the old Romane or Iulian kalendar was by popish ar∣guments [line 30] accused & charged with manifold imperfec∣tions, whereinto by continuance of time it fortuned to fall, thrust foorth into the world a reformed kalen∣dar, exhibited to his holinesse by one Antonie Lillie doctor of arts & physicke, wherein (by a certeine new cyrcle of epacts by one Aloisius the said Antonies brother germane deuised, and to an vndoubted rule of the golden number directed, as also to whatsoeuer magnitude or greatnesse of the yeare of the sunne applied) all things that in the old kalendar were [line 40] faultie, may by constant reason and for euer to last be so restored; that the kalendar once reformed accor∣ding to this plot, néed neuer hereafter either to be al∣tered or amended.* 38.9 Howbeit, in commending the perfect reformation of this new kalendar, whereby not onelie all things erronious are abolished; but also such foresight is had of the time to come, that the calculation of this kalendar shall neuer hereafter séeme subiect vnto change: an occasion of some de∣mands may hereof arise, touching christian libertie; [line 50] namlie; Whether the church be tied to a certeine time according to the reformed calculation astronomi∣call, in the celebration of yearelie festiuals? Whether it be lawfull for the bishop of Rome to reforme the time and the kalendar? Whether the church of Christ be bound by necessitie of religion to receiue that ka∣lendar, at the first originall beginning procéeding from the pope, though the same afterwards were set foorth vnder another title? Whether it profiteth or be requisit that for the kéeping of peace and concord, in contracts, bargainings, and intercourse of traffike [line 60] and merchandize; the one partie should submit him∣selfe to that kalendar, wherevnto the pope hath yo∣ked his popelings; and persuaded manie more to doo the same,* 38.10 &c. Although these and the like interrogato∣ries may be made against the papists; yet bicause to giue an instance is not to answer a doubt, it is to be wished that this kalendar were throughlie si••ted by some sound and sober mathematician, and the three heads, whereof this new reformed kalendar of Gregorie dooth consist, disprooued: which thrée heads, repeated by Gregorie in his bull before the said ka∣lendar, are these.

1 The restoring and coupling of the equinoctiall in the spring to the one and twentith daie of March, with such a caueat giuen, that from thense, as from the proper and fixed seat, it may not possiblie hereaf∣ter at anie time remooue. 2 The correction of the golden number by the cyrcle of epacts, in such sort, that the numbers of epacts may shew not onelie the daie of the new moone in euerie moneth of all years; but also, and that principallie the terme of Easter: that is, the certeine & iust daie of the verie next full moone following after the equinoctiall of the spring; and that euerie yeare without error or deceipt. 3 The verie iust and certeine sundaie of Easter, that ought to be celebrated and kept on the verie next sundaie after the full moone, which first dooth follow after the iust equinoctiall of the spring.* 38.11 These thrée heads be∣ing so anatomized and opened by mathematicians as were méet, it should be found in the end, that this new kalendar, in all and euerie part thereof, euen wherin it is best reformed, or so thought to be, is ma∣nie waies faultie, & erronious in the verie grounds: in which qualitie leauing it, as not to be put to the touch in a publike chronicle, but otherwise to be had in triall, Gregorie the preferrer thereof is now to be handled by description, which is no fiction or imagi∣ned bable, but deriued out of an oration or funerall sermon at Rome, at the buriall of his holinesse, conteining his maners, life, deeds, and last words at his death: togither with the lamentations of the cardinals and whole Romish clergie. Otherwise to be intituled: as followeth.

A sermon full of papisticall adulation, and matter sufficient to procure the wise and ver∣tuous minded to contemne such grosse and pal∣pable blindnesse, and all persons to laugh at the Romanists absurd and erronious follies.

THere is nothing so certeine as death,* 39.1 ei∣ther vncerteine as the moment thereof. Wherefore the holie doctor saith: Kéepe thy selfe continuallie in that estate wher∣in thou desirest to die. And the prouerbe goeth, that manie a one thinketh himselfe in perfect helth, when he beareth death in his bosome. To saie the truth, we doo continuallie carrie death about with vs, it is in vs immediatlie after we take life and moouing in our mothers wombe; and wheresoeuer we walke, it is still at our héeles: if we take horsse, it is with vs: if we be on the water, it is the guide of our ship: so as we can neuer saie death to be absent from vs: for our selues are verie death, and no part of our bodie immortall. Wherefore those that suppose themselues to liue in this world are far deceiued in their owne opinions, and the pilgrimage of man in this world is but a shadow of life, which vnto vs seemeth life, but in déed is none. The better therefore to describe the said shadow, I will make an abstraction of the dead time of mans age, from the full and greatest age that a creature can liue in the world.* 39.2

First, the longest age that man can liue is but sixtie years. From sixtie years we must deduct the nights, for man when he sleepeth liueth not. Besides that, sleep is termed the image of death: so that deducting the nights, which comprehend one halfe of the time, man liueth but thrée score yeares in the world. Whiles man liueth these sixtie yeares, he liueth but the one halfe of them, for if he haue one daie of mirth and quiet, he hath another of sorrow and care, bicause griefe dooth still secretlie créepe into mirth. And anie person troubled with cares and vexed in mind, dooth rather die than liue. We must therfore take from the sixtie yeares aforesaid the one halfe, and so there re∣maine but thirtie. Now, let vs sée whether in the

space of six score yeares a man may not passe awaie ten at the least in sickenesse,* 39.3 mischances, or other in∣firmities? I may tell you there is no man that liueth six score yeares in the world, but at seuerall times and during the said age he hath aboue ten yeares in∣firmitie: and therefore we must take from the thirtie yeares which are the remainder of mans life yet ten yeares, & then there are but twentie left, which are now the twentie yeares of his life. We must take them at his infancie & in his oldest age: that is, ten [line 10] yeares from his verie chlidhood, & the other ten from his extreame old age. But sith aswell in infancie as in extremitie of age there is no life, but rather a li∣uing death; I conclude, that man hath not one onelie houre of life in this world, also that whosoeuer séeketh life in this world dooth much deceiue himselfe. In heauen therefore it is that we must assure our selues to liue, and seeke for life; but not vpon earth where death dooth continuallie haunt vs. For we ought to die to the world, to the end to be borne in Iesus [line 20] Christ; according to the souereigne sentence and de∣crée, O ye inhabitants of Rome we sée your great bishop and mine is dead:* 39.4 behold our crowne is fal∣len: our lodestar vanished awaie and our light ex∣tinguished.

And for mine owne part, O miserable man, who am depriued of him, of two things I wish for one, that is, either neuer to remember the good that we haue lost; either else calling the same to mind, to find some one that were able to giue me comfort cor∣respondent [line 30] to the greatnesse of the heauinesse wher∣into I am fallen. And indéed my selfe doo now come into the pulpit vpon two seuerall occasions méere contrarie ech to other, to wit, to reherse the gretnes of the good that is taken from vs, & to comfort those that susteine the losse: naie rather, to doo two things which séeme to repugne ech other. For if it be true that nothing dooth more aggrauate the griefe of the losse,* 39.5 than the remembrance of the value of the thing lost▪ then dooth nothing séeme more contrarie to the comfort of the liuing, than the praises of him that is [line 40] dead, as in this case, wherein so far doo the merits of the deceased exceed, that the arrowes which pearse his hart that is depriued of him are the more sharpe and grieuous. Howbeit some man would answer, that contrariwise by the commendations of him that is departed, we doo declare that he is not dead, but li∣ueth, and thus we may by litle and litle asswage the sorrow of our losse and damage in whatsoeuer ma∣ner. [line 50]

* 39.6But as it were hard for a painter in the face of a sorrowfull person to represent a smiling counte∣nance, so dooth it séeme to me a difficult enterprise to vndertake to comfort a man by rehearsing the ver∣tues of him that is taken awaie from vs: and that the more, if we should enter into consideration of him that is spoken of: of your selues that are the hearers: and of me that doo make the discourse: for in each of these three, the same circumstances that séeme to make mine enterprise easie, are those that indeed doo yéeld it most difficult and troublesome. As [line 60] if a man should in respect of him saie, that if the mul∣titude of his great vertues doo séeme to abridge my labour,* 39.7 in séeking some argument wherevpon to ground his praises: so contrariwise the aboundance of so great vertues doo hold me so short, that I can not certeinelie resolue vpon the choice of one onlie wherevpon worthilie to commend him. For you, if a man should saie, in that you all knew him and vsed him to your great profit, it should séeme sufficient for me onelie to decipher matters: so contrariwise your own perfect knowlege, togither with your dea∣lings with him, would sufficientlie open vnto you all my defaults in displaieng of him. And for mine owne part, if infinit courtesies and great fauors,* 39.8 wherewith he hath alwaies gratified me, doo séeme without seeking anie cuning to bréed in me as much affection as is requisit: so by contrarie reason, the great fauours and benefits, wherewith he hath al∣waies gratified me, doo not leaue me anie cunning meanes to hinder me from hauing greater affecti∣on than is héere to be required of me. And this was the principall reason that mooued me somewhat to refuse this so honorable a commission, and vnto me in manie other respects most welcome, and to re∣quest you to appoint and commit to some other the charge to discourse herevpon, and to leaue vnto me teares and lamentations onelie.

But now vnto thée,* 39.9 Oh my good master and fa∣ther (for so will I alwaies call thée) doo I turne my selfe. Maie it be possible that this my oration, which latelie in thy life thou diddest harken vnto, should now be imploied in praising of thee being dead, ei∣ther that this my toong, which imploieng me to the seruice of this countrie, thou diddest too greatlie ho∣nor, should now be occupied, alas, in lamentations for thy so hurtfull death to all christendome? And what? Hast thou then brought me so ioifullie to Rome, to the end here to celebrate thy funerals? Oh how that commission to read Hieremie might well foreshew vnto me (but I perciued it not) that my le∣cture thereof should end in lamentations, and now behold that diuination accomplished! See Quomodo sedet sola ciuitas, how the citie sitteth desolat, notwith∣standing it be Plena populo, full of people: also how this spouse, the church of Rome,* 39.10 who by great brightnes seemed to be Domina gentium, ladie of nations, now hauing lost thee, Est facta quasi vidua, is made as it were a widow: and as a widow all dipped in teares and lamentations, willeth me to celebrate the prai∣ses of hir déere spouse, which she all wholie togither can not celebrate:* 39.11 wherein although I can not (as in truth I am not able) atteine to the least parcell of thy deserts, which are not well to be expressed, yet at all aduentures I assure my selfe, O happie soule, that as in thy life time thou diddest pardon me a number of other imperfections, so now thou wilt likewise forgiue me this: I know that as thou wert accusto∣med, thou wilt make better accompt of the good will than of the glose and pompe of words, and as discréet shalt well see, that not onelie I, but also that no ora∣tour is able to atteine to the type of thy commenda∣tions.

Among the which my lords, and ye my hearers, I doo fréelie confesse, that I haue greatlie doubted whether I were best to begin, as I take the maner to be,* 39.12 at the greatnesse and eminencie of the familie from whense he is extract: and at the first I was pur∣posed so to doo, and that the rather bicause it is not yet scarse two months since that my selfe heard him in this temple, discourse how our sauiour Iesus Christ was content to be borne of a mother though poore, yet noble, and descended of a noble race; also that nobilitie was verie effectuall euen to spirituall life, as it may be said of him that is noble, that whe∣ther it be through conformitie or resemblance of mind with his predecessors, either thorough the re∣membrance of such things as they haue doone, either else through the effect of good bringing vp, or for what other reason he is better disposed to doo well; that nobilitie serueth him as a spur to goodnesse and a bri∣dle to euill: also that as the pretious stone being set in gold maketh a greater shew than in iron,* 39.13 euen so the same vertuous déeds do giue a more effectuall ex∣ample, when they proceed from noble personages than from men of base estat, with other things which he spake to the same purpose.

Howbeit I will not speake thereof, in that it

might be accompted rashnesse in me, euen in Rome to séeke to make his holinesse familie more famous than it is. It may be that some may saie that this familie dooth want glorious titles, preeminence, ri∣ches, possessions, iurisdictions, pretentions of rights, patronages, ancient petidegrees of their predeces∣sors, commendations of learning, praise of armes, noble and famous aliances either in Italie or with∣out, and to be briefe, all such things collected into one, as being seuerallie taken are sufficient to set a faire [line 10] shew vpon a whole progenie. Notwithstanding all these things which are terrestriall & too common with others, and for the causes aforesaid his holinesse per∣ceiuing (as he perceiued all things) that it is not inough for a horsse to be of a good race,* 39.14 except him∣selfe be also good, and that they are happie and wise, who as the sea, doo not receiue the swéetnesse of this vaine glorie of the riuers of their predecessours, but returning their course and swelling ouer the mouths of the riuers themselues, can yéeld to their forerun∣ners [line 20] the reward of firme and permanent commen∣dation; so of that great nobilitie which he had brought foorth of his mothers wombe with him, he did therin onelie yéeld thankes to God, for that his actions with their circumstances, thereby, and in respect thereof, were more notable and exemplarie.

* 39.15Oh most happie person, who in the middest of so great eminencie of birth, could so well subdue pride, and in himselfe giue example vnto other! Euen like vnto the pearle, which although it lieth in the bottome [line 30] of the sea, yet kéeping it selfe close in the shell, and neuer opening vntill it ascendeth to receiue the dew of heauen, we find therein no smell, no sauour, or drop that tasteth of hir sea; but being pure, cleare and white, it seemeth to be formed euen in heauen. We must not therfore take commendations of this peo∣ple at the transitorie things of the sea of this world, and although he be therein extract of a most noble birth, yet will I not saie anie more thereof as of that which is none of his. [line 40]

* 39.16But discoursing and speaking of that which pro∣perlie apperteineth to himselfe, I would aske whe∣ther his mind commanded not his bodie? Also whe∣ther it were possible to find a bodie more withered, afflicted, macerated, dried vp, or pale through the ef∣fect of austere and hard penance? Other mens bo∣dies (O christian hearers) are for the most part wish∣ed to be of this or that forme, bicause they yéeld such or such inclination to the mind. But in this I will shew you a matter woorth the noting; that is, that [line 50] here the case was altered, for it was the mind that ministred inclination to the bodie: so that being waxen altogither spirituall, had not extreame néed forced him, he neuer desired meat, drinke, or bodilie rest: and he liued in such sort as it was a miracle (whereof, alas, we haue but too soone séene the issue) how he could liue so manie yéeres, but rather liuing was dead. And for my part I assure you, I neuer, euen in the hart of summer,* 39.17 kissing his holie hands (good God shall I neuer doo so more?) found them o∣ther [line 60] than cold, wherein there was no heat, except the same procéeded of some excesse or immoderate labor, or of some motion of a sudden feuer. O most déere bodie! O most holie members! But looke yet once againe vpon them, O ye Romane people, and saie: Are not these the verie hands which so often haue bin ioined togither, and lifted vp to praie and offer sacri∣fice for vs?* 39.18 Be not these the feet that haue trauelled so far for our sakes? Is not this the head that neuer imagined anie thing but for our benefit? Is not this the heart that burned in loue of vs? O déere members! O members so déere! What? Shall you then go vnder the earth? And what? Must you be buried? Alas my God! who is that thou hast taken awaie from vs? And wherefore doo ye hide your selues? For my part, none but onlie death shall euer plucke out of my heart the liuelie image of that so well beloued countenance: especiallie in this act, wherein with your eies toward heauen as it were smiling, and with an angelicall countenance I sée you depart and remaine dead.

But it is time for vs (O christian hearers) to pro∣céed to matters of greater importance,* 39.19 which are so manie & withall so intangled one within an other, that I could not find anie more fit meane to part and diuide them; neither doo I thinke that we can take anie better course, than the verie course of his holie life: and there to begin. When he was a little child he was verie deuout, and it is well knowne that God, euen in his first youth, wrought in him maruellous signes of singular goodnesse. The like is read of saint Basill, saint Gregorie, saint Domi∣nike, saint Francis, and manie others, as was to be seene in this yoong child (saie they that doo remem∣ber it) namelie, that at his returne from the college, all the delite that that age vsed to take in anie other thing, he tooke onelie in framing of little altars, adorning of small chapels,* 39.20 and counterfeiting of holie things. Matters, which although the wisest maie thinke too base for this place, and for the occa∣sion now ministred, yet would I not onelie not dis∣daine, but also take great and singular pleasure in the same.

And although some doo saie, that among such serious affaires such small trifles should haue no place: yet doo I delite to shew how commenda∣ble, not onelie graue matters, but euen such small things were in him. Concerning the rest, according to the proportion of his age, or rather beyond the reach of that age (as occasions doo increase so must my stile arise) his holinesse being past the inferiour schooles, and comming to studie the law, it is not pos∣sible to make an end of writing with what modestie and grauitie he there passed the yeares of his studie: he was apparelled in clerks attire, but, which was of greater importance, he obserued clergie maners, much continencie,* 39.21 & (as is supposed) perpetuall virgi∣nitie, with modest behauiour, no vanitie, continuall studie: these were his exercises. And to be briefe, al∣though thorough our mishaps, the vniuersitie wherin he studied were not vsuallie either the quietest or the holiest in the world, yet might the writing of Nazi∣anzen concerning the great Basill and the towne of Athens be applied to him. Like as there is one riuer,* 39.22 which flowing thorough the sea, taketh no bitternesse thereof; also a certeine beast that liueth in the fire and consumeth not: euen so he with great quietnesse passing these troubles, and with souereigne vertues such vices, did first and most worthilie atteine to the doctorall degree, & afterward was called to Rome, and made cardinall, onelie thorough desert, for his learned studies, and not by fauour, as the most part doo now vsuallie practise.

A happie departure, a blessed iournie for all the holie church, but especiallie for this great citie of Rome, which haue receiued so great benefits and so much comfort at his hands. Notwithstanding, what∣soeuer affaires he had in hand,* 39.23 yet did he dailie ap∣plie his studie at a certeine houre, & so continued his studie euen to his death, with so déepe iudgement and good successe, that although his intellectuall habi∣tudes had not béene verie farre surmounted & darke∣ned thorough the maruellous brightnesse of his mo∣rall and theologicall vertues: yet in respect of his learning and studie onelie, he deserued great praise, and in truth he was neuer other than most learned and a great fauourer of learned men. Who did euer shew them more pleasure, or receiue them more

courteouslie?* 39.24 Besides the seminaries and colleges, as well at Pauie as here, the lectures, the stipends, with such & so manie things doone to the behoofe of learning, and besides the books which he hath of him∣selfe written: and now that the bridle of his mode∣stie dooth no longer deteine, I hope, as my selfe haue séene them, so comming to light, all the world shall behold them, and in them perceiue as in him∣selfe whether were more his holie writings or good maners. This loue of learning and holinesse of life [line 10] he practised so diligentlie in himselfe, that thorough Gods grace, and the inspiration of the holie ghost, he was in respect of his vertues, knowledge, and holie life,* 39.25 elected pope, and his name from Hugh good Companion, was changed and called Gregorie the thirteenth. During his papasie he liued so religi∣ouslie and deuoutlie, that the whole life of a man were little enough to rehearse the same. But herein I repose my selfe vpon that zeale which I perceiue in euerie one to commend him, whereby I maie [line 20] shortlie sée so manie poesies, verses, and rimes, with such histories, so manie orations, and volumes to his honor, that all these things, as well such as I can not touch, as the rest which I mention and speake of, shall brieflie be deciphered and liuelie set foorth.

* 39.26For to rehearse all the holie works of our good shéepheard, or to indeuour to set foorth that verie pat∣terne of a bishop which he hath expressed in himselfe, to saie truth, I thinke vnpossible, and much lesse to beléeue that the verie summarie of those things that [line 30] he hath doone maie be drawne into anie annals or chronicle. Neither can I conceiue anie means to at∣teine thereto, vnlesse some one haue in forme of re∣membrances béene dailie collecting the course of his déeds and works. For my part in this short discourse that I haue to prosecute, as one not able to restreine the whole sea, I will go sée if I maie gather the wa∣ter at the riuers and brooks from whense this sea doth arise, that is, from his vertues, which in him haue wrought so manie holie works. Notwithstanding I [line 40] might at once in generall words saie, that all ver∣tues beséeming a bishop, which saint Paule & others doo speake of, were to be found in him.

Alas how this holie pastor burning in loue, made himselfe leane for you,* 39.27 O ye poore artificers, ladies, yoong infants, and poore beggers! Alas ye all haue lost your father, the shéepheard is dead, & the sheepe remaine a preie to the wolues. How soeuer it is, hereof maie we plainelie sée O Rome, that he bare thée singular good will: and in déed (for I will not [line 50] conceale thy commendation) it is euident that thou diddest answer his good will with reciprocall amitie, witnesse this thy assemblie: these sobs & these teares doo testifie thy acknowledging thereof, besides all o∣ther things, alas, too bitter and too swéet togither; euen the night of his departure was to you and to me infortunate. O great, O great pitie, what could be séene more worthie compassion and teares, than the fearefull stirre of the people? It seemed, when the most horrible sound of the bell called Aue Maria,* 39.28 that gaue notice of his death, to the end to praie to God [line 60] for him, sent furies to all both men and women.

One ran here, an other there, some two togither, others without order or reason: all wept, all cried, all howled out, saieng: Ah, good God whereto are we brought? What shall become of vs? If the infecti∣on dooth afflict vs, who shall praie for vs? Ah that we had not deserued it! Oh how God is wroth with vs! With manie other exclamations sufficient to haue rent the marble stones, and clouen the wals in sun∣der. He was a man of much praier and reading, as euer was anie, and in priuat behauior had not his like. Two things there were that made him woon∣derfull wise.* 39.29 The one, he would in all affaires heare counsell. The other, he had still recourse vnto praier. Truelie he was as wise as holie. I confesse that in respect of his example onelie, I learned to vnder∣stand this place of saint Paule concerning his care of all the churches: Quis infirmatur & ego non infirmor? Quis scandalizatur & ego non vror? Who is weake and I am not sicke? Or who is offended and I burne not? And that which followeth.

To be briefe, toward the end of his daies,* 39.30 and be∣ing hore haired, he conceiued two excellent imagi∣nations. The one, concerning that great and woon∣derfull college that is now at building in your Rome, for the teaching (a woonderfull matter) of all languages in the world. The other,* 39.31 the same which he propounded and began to put in execution tou∣ching the recouerie of the goods of the catholike apo∣stolike Romish church. The same was it which he did so highlie commend to the clergie, yea to the christi∣an princes, and vnto his successor, to the end that the Romane sée might recouer the full brightnesse of hir glorie, and to depriue the enimie of mankind of that innumerable gaine of soules, that through his sub∣tiltie he dooth dailie make. These were his last words when he left vs with the water in our eies, and sor∣row in our harts, for the losse of a thing of so great value. Neuerthelesse, sith it is to no purpose to wéepe, it resteth that we doo two things. The one, that so much as in vs lieth, we indeuour to reteine those notable institutions, and walke in that path which he hath prescribed for vs. The other,* 39.32 that we haue recourse to God with praier, that he will send vs a successor worthie him: and that as Simplician succéeded saint Ambrose, so to this Ambrose an other Simplician in vertue and holinesse maie succéed.

This is that small matter, Oh blessed soule, which my foolish and vnméete toong is able this day to vtter of thée in middest of these sighs and lamen∣tations. Now shall it cease: howbeit, at time con∣uenient, both this daie and euer, my heart shall dis∣course of thée. Oh wretch that I am! O ye Romane people, to whome happeneth still the contrarie of that which happened to the Romane souldior, that was wounded and maimed vpon one of his legs, at a certeine victorie that he obteined. For he said, that at euerie step that he set, and vpon the least paine that he felt of his leg, he called to mind the most honora∣ble blason of his glorie: but I contrariwise, in the least commendations that I may obteine, shall thinke vpon my losses. For when soeuer I shall boast, that I haue béene seruant to such a holinesse,* 39.33 and so great a personage, I must necessarilie with∣all remember what a good I am depriued of. Let vs therefore praie to our good God, that it may please him of his grace with his holie spirit to inspire the most reuerend cardinals, the electors of the holie a∣postolike and Romish sée, to the end his holinesse suc∣cessor, succéeding in the holie sée, may likewise suc∣céed in those vertues and holinesse, wherewith he was indued and replenished.

¶ This is the parasiticall and flattering* 39.34 sermon of a popeling, patched togither like a beggers mantle of sundrie rotten rags diuerslie colored: wherein there is as much learning as wit; and as much of both as of truth and goodnesse in this praiser and the praised: of whome (because it is sinne against the holie ghost to speake otherwise than according to the motion of a good and sound conscience) an epi∣taph imprecatorie (as fit for him as a pudding for a friers mouth) is here placed as a conclusion of this his memoriall, and appliable vnto all and euerie one of that antichristian and diabolicall succession.

Albus an ater (lector) cognoscere sivis Papa, tibi dicam qua ratione licet; Tumetamorphôsin lepidam spectabis: olorem

Fac papam, ceruus protinus ater erit. Vt quocunque meat, sordes testudo relinquit, Sic immundiciem linquit vbique suam. Monstrum tale vorax absorbeat ergo barathrum, Atque Deo poenas tempus in omne luat.

When this Gregorie was deceased, shortlie after (least the ouerlong vacancie of the sacred and apo∣stolike sée should preiudice the Romish prelasie and cleargie) the succession came to Sixtus Quintus,* 39.35 who according to the disposition of his predecessors) inde∣uoring [line 10] to mainteine the title of his supremasie, and to beare rule ouer mens consciences, as though per∣emptorie authoritie had by priuilege passed vnto the bishops of that sée to controll and giue the checke to all christendome; one iot or minute whereof the beast now residing at Rome not meaning to relin∣guish, but rather to fortifie and aduance, vndertooke to intermedle with princes of renowme, as proffe∣ring to bring them within the compasse of his iuris∣diction: insomuch that falling to the extreame point of his antichristian power, he let flie (but as paper∣shot) [line 20] his excommunications,* 39.36 thinking that if anie thing were able to daunt and appall the courages of mightie men, this were the waie. But herein Sixtus Quintus was foolified, for proofe whereof behold an answer to the excommunication latelie denoun∣ced and published by the said Sixtus Quintus, pope of Rome so called, against two christian princes vn∣dermined, and sent to Rome as followeth.

[line 30]

The answer of Henrie king of Nauarre, and Henrie prince of Conde, to the excom∣munication of Sixtus Quintus, now pope, &c.

HEnrie by the grace of God king of Na∣uarre, prince of Bearne, chiefe péere and prince of France, opposeth himselfe a∣gainst the excommunication of Sixtus [line 40] Quintus,* 40.1 terming hmselfe pope of Rome, auouching the same to be false, and appealeth to the court of péeres of France, of whome he hath the reputation to be the first in degrée. And as concerning the crime of heresie, whereof he is falslie accused by the said excommunication,* 40.2 he auoweth and affirmeth, that my lord the pope, sauing his holinesse and reuerence, hath therein most falselie and wickedlie lied: and that the pope himselfe is an heretike, which he offe∣reth to prooue publikelie in a generall or common councell lawfullie assembled. Where if he shall refuse [line 50] to appeare and submit himselfe, as by his owne ca∣nons and decrées he is speciallie bound, the said king dooth and will hold and repute him a verie antichrist, and in that qualitie of antichrist denounceth perpe∣tuall warre against him:* 40.3 protesting in the meane time, the popes wicked sentence to be vnlawfull and insufficient, and to prosecute against him and his successors (for reparation of honor) reuenge of the iniurie thereby offered to him and all the princes of his bloud, as the lewdnesse of the act and the present [line 60] necessitie doo require. For if in times past, the prin∣ces and kings his progenitors haue béene able to chastise the insolencie and arrogancie of such compa∣nions as the pope is,* 40.4 when they forga•• ••heir duties, and excéeded the limits of their voca••ion and place, confounding and intermixing their spirituall iuris∣diction with the temporall: the said king of Nauarre being in state nothing inferior to them, dooth hope, that God will giue him the grace to reuenge the wrong and iniurie hereby doone to his souereigne, his familie and bloud, and to the supreame courts and seats of iustice and parlement in France, vpon the said pope and his successors: and to that end and pur∣pose he imploreth the aid, succour,* 40.5 and assistance of all true christian kings, princes •• common-weales, whome this case dooth concerne, together with the alies and confederats of the crowne of France, a∣gainst the tyrannie and vsurpation of the said pope and of the associated conspirators against the state of their souereigne, enimies to God, France, and the common peace and quiet of christendome. The like protestation is also made by Henrie of Burbon prince of Conde, vnto whome the excommunicati∣on likewise reacheth. ¶ Fixed and set vp vpon the Pasquile at Rome to the view of all men.

¶ Thus farre of two popes, who though they be but prophane priests, & méere foreners to England both by birth and beleefe; yet sith they haue beene o∣uerbold to busie themselues with the affaires not onelie of other christian princes, but also with the state of our nation, wherinto they haue had too far an insight, by the aid of certeine vnnaturall and dege∣nerat people; manie of them being fugitiues, and carieng about them euen in their bosome a consci∣ence bespotted with sinnes of excéeding horror and heinousnesse: in consideration hereof, as also of o∣ther practises tending to an vniuersall desolation of truth and louers of truth, as also to the dissolution of ciuill policie and destruction of our most gratious souereigne ladie quéene Elisabeth, the lords annoin∣ted and lieutenant, principall within hir owne do∣minions: what faithfull subiect can but note them; howbeit, none otherwise than the repors of them haue passed vnder manie eies and through manie hands, printed euen in forren speach, before the same were published in English. At which popes, meaning now to make a stop, we will come againe to mat∣ters of our owne.

¶ In this yeare 1585, euen in Aprill, at the plea∣sant prime, sir Walter Raleigh knight,* 40.6 being incou∣raged by the reports of his men of the goodnesse of the soile and the fertilitie of the countrie, which they had discouered this yeare last past, and now by hir maiestie called Uirginia, with knightlie courage counteruaileable to his double desire of honour, by vndertaking hard aduenturs, furnished to his great charges eight sailes of all sortes, and immediatlie set them to the sea, ordeining sir Richard Gréenfield his kinsman (a gentleman of verie good estimation both for his parentage and sundrie good vertues, who for loue he bare vnto sir Walter Raleigh, togither with a disposition that he had to attempt honorable actions worthie of honour,* 40.7 was willing to hazard himselfe in this voiage) his lieutenant, inioining him either to tarrie himselfe, or to leaue some gentle∣man of good worth with a competent number of sol∣diers in the countrie of Uirginia, to begin an Eng∣lish colonie there. Who with the ships aforesaid, ha∣uing in his companie sir Iohn Arundell,* 40.8 Thomas Candish, Rafe Lane, Edward Gorges, Iohn Stu∣klie, Edward Stafford, Philip Amadis, Arthur Barlow, Thomas Heriot, and diuerse other gentle∣men with a competent number of souldiers, depar∣ted from London in Aprill aforesaid. But after they had sailed certeine numbers of leagues at the sea, by force and violence of fowle weather they were sepa∣rated one from another;* 40.9 so that sir Richard Gréene∣field being singled from his fléet, all alone arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola in the west Indies, about the middest of Iune following, where he determined resolutelie to remaine, vntill he had built a bote (for he had lost his owne bote in the tempests aforesaid.)

Wherevpon immediatlie after his landing, find∣ing a place to his liking, he esconsed himselfe in de∣spite of the Spaniards, who by all possible means did there best indeuour by proffering of sundrie skirmi∣shes,

to inforced him to retire to his ship:* 40.10 but he no∣thing appalled with their brags kept his ground. Twelue daies after his arriuall there, after Thomas Candish arriued at the same place, where sir Richard Gréenfield was ensconsing of himselfe, to the great reioising both of themselues & their companies. The Spaniards finding it too hard for them (notwith∣standing their multitudes) to remooue these few re∣solute Englishmen by violence, came to a parlée, and in the same concluded an amitie, that the one na∣tion might in safetie traffike with the other.* 40.11 Now [line 10] when sir Richard Gréenefield had taried in that I∣land almost a moneth, and had built his bote, reuit∣telled himselfe, and laden his ships with horsses, mares, kine, sheep, swine, &c: to transport with him to Uirginia (bicause these sorts of cattell heretofore were not to be found in that countrie) he departed thense;* 40.12 and in his waie he made discouerie of manie Ilands and hauens vpon the continent adioining, and arriued safelie in the new discouered countrie (where he met with the rest of his fléet that attended [line 20] his comming thither) about the middest of Iulie next insuing,* 40.13 not without great danger of ship∣wracke. For at the verie entrance into the harbo∣rough, his ship strake on the ground, and did beat so manie strokes vpon the sands, that if God had not miraculouslie deliuered him, there had beene no waie to auoid present death. In this danger his ship was so brused, that the saltwater came so aboun∣dantlie into hir, that the most part of his corne, salt, meale, rice, bisket, & other prouisions that he should [line 30] haue left with them that remained behind him in the countrie was spoiled.

* 40.14After he had remained there certeine daies, accor∣ding to his commission from sir Walter Raleigh, he began to establish a colonie, appointing maister Rafe Lane (a gentleman of good account) generall of those English which were to remaine there, being in all to the number of an hundred and seauen per∣sons, amongst whom diuerse gentlemen remained; [line 40] namelie, Philip Amadis, Edward Stafford, Mer∣uin, Kendall, Prideaux, Acton, Heriot, and others. When he had taken sufficient order for the establish∣ing of master Lane and his companie aforesaid, lea∣uing with them as much of all prouisions as his plentie would giue him leaue, he weighed anchor for England. But in his returne, not hauing sailed ma∣nie leagues from the coast of Uirginia, he descried a tall ship of foure hundred tuns or thereabouts,* 40.15 ma∣king the same course that he did, vnto whom he gaue [line 50] chase, and in few houres by goodnesse of saile ouer∣tooke, and by violence wan, richlie laden with sugar, hides, spices, and some quantitie of gold, siluer, and pearle: she was the viceadmerall of the fleet of San∣cto Domingo that yere for Spaine. After this good for∣tune,* 40.16 hauing a merie gale, not manie daies after he arriued at Plimmouth in October next insuing; where sir Walter Raleigh méeting with him, did presentlie resolue vpon another voiage, to supplie Rafe Lane, and his companie that were left with [line 60] him in Uirginia, the next spring following: which accordinglie was performed with all expedition.]

In Aprill about the fourtéenth daie, by comman∣dement of hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell,* 40.17 the citizens of London appointed out of the companies of the same citie to the number of foure thousand men, with armour, ensignes, drums, fifes, and other furniture for the warres, the greater part whereof (or almost all of them) were shot, the other were pikes and halberds in faire corslets: all those to be trained vp vnder expert capteins,* 40.18 with serge∣ants of the bands, wiflers, and other necessarie offi∣cers, mustered and skirmished dailie at the Miles end, and in saint Georges field, and on the eightéenth daie of Maie (hauing ouernight set forward out of saint Georges field) mustered in the parke at Gréen∣wich, and skirmished before the quéenes maiestie, who gaue to them great thankes for their actiuenesse and paines: sith hir maiestie might perceiue the ap∣pliablenesse of those hir people, euen in pastime not void of perill, to delight hir eies and reioise hir hart; estéeming nothing too déere to part withall, so it might anie waies concerne dutie to hir highnesse. In discharge whereof as she hath no forwarder sub∣iects in hir land, so to discouer, inquire,* 40.19 and persecute the disloiall none readier, euen to the hazzard of their liues, for the safetie of hir life, which is the life of the whole land, and the prop of true religion: in respect whereof we saie and praie with the well wishing sub∣iect, that vpon seeing & hearing of hir highnesse, fell into such an admiration of hir excellencie, that he left these verses among manie after his godlie death:

Inclyte da longum dici, Deus, Elisabetha Est, Elisabetha tua Est, relligióque tua Est: Da Deus haud vnquam dici, Fuit Elisabetha, Elisabetha Fuit, relligióque Fuit.

¶ On the ninetéenth of Maie being Ascension eeue, Edward Wootton esquier,* 40.20 descended of a woorthie parentage, was ambassador into Scot∣land, to establish a league of amitie betwéene the two nations of England and Scotland:* 40.21 whome I will now leaue in that countrie executing his com∣mission, and turne my pen to some persons of that surname, who for their singularitie of wit & lerning, for their honour and gouernement in and of the realme about the prince, and elsewhere at home and abroad, deserue such commendations, that they me∣rit Niueo signari lapillo. In treating of whome I will neither make mention of the antiquitie of that wor∣shipfull familie from the first originall,* 40.22 nor yet treat of Richard Wootton, liuing in the time of Edward the first, the father of Iohn Wootton coroner of Dunstable an officer of great account in those daies and father to an other Iohn Wootton, &c: nor of Ri∣chard Wootton or Woocton, an officer of the excheker in the time of Edward the second, nor of sir Nicho∣las Wootton knight, liuing about the daies of Ri∣chard the second, nor of anie other Woottons wherof this Edward Wootton is descended: but onelie of such Woottons his ancestors, who of late time liued within the compasse of my memorie, and were the sonnes of sir Robert Wootton of Bocton Malherbe in Kent knight, deseruing not to be forgotten,* 40.23 in that he was father to two such worthie sonnes, as I doo not remember that euer England nourished at one time for like honour, disposition of mind, fauour and seruice to their countrie.

The sonnes of this sir Robert Wootton, whereof we intend to intreat,* 40.24 were sir Edward Wootton knight the eldest, and Nicholas Wootton doctor of both lawes the yoonger sonne. Whereof the first be∣ing a man of great estimation in the countrie for his orderlie and wise managing of the priuat af∣faires of his countrie of Kent, was for his fidelitie and good carriage in small things made lord and ru∣ler of great things. For king Henrie the eight, vn∣derstanding the grauitie of the man, his rare wit, deepe iudgement, great experience,* 40.25 and other parts required in a sound councellor, did admit this sir Ed∣ward into his owne bosome, and made him of his priuie councell: whose modest mind being so farre estranged from desire of honour, as that he would not accept it by great inforcement (a vertue verie rare,* 40.26 and such as declareth a noble mind iudiciallie grounded vpon the truth of diuine philosophie) refu∣sed the honorable place of the chancellorship of Eng∣land, accounting that the vertue of the mind made a man honorable, and not the honorable place. For

〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith saint Chrysostome;* 40.27 Honor verus virtus animi est, hic honor nec à Caesaribus praestatur, neque adulatione conquiritur, neque pecunia praeparatur; nihil fucati in se habet, nihil sunulati, nihil occulti huius honoris successor est, nullus est accusator: nullus ingratus.

Wherefore not being ambitious of honour (after which the best doo often hunt, although such gréedie desire of honour and ambition be, as saith Barnard, Futile malum,* 40.28 secretum virus, pestis occulta, doli artifex, ma∣ter hypocrisis, liuoris parens, vitiorum origo, tinea sanctitatis, [line 10] excae••atrix cordium, ex remedijs morbos creans, ex medicina languorem generans) did further increase his honour and aduance him to greater credit; as appeareth by this, that king Henrie the eight, whom this man had long and faithfullie serued in his life time, made him one of his executors, and the disposer of his te∣stament at the time of his death;* 40.29 with whom also in the same authoritie he ioined his brother doctor Ni∣cholas Wootton, a man of no lesse merit than the other, and rightlie deseruing to be here ioined in re∣membrance with his brother after their deaths, since [line 20] almost equall honor, like loue, the same authoritie in the common-weale, one bloud, and one Christ did ioine them togither in perfect amitie during their liues: of which Nicholas Wootton I will not speake anie more (except that as his brother refused the chancellorship, so he in the beginning of the reigne of this quéene (refused the bishoprike of Canturbu∣rie) but that which the woorthie gentleman Thomas Wootton of Bocton Malherbe esquire now liuing (sonne to the said sir Edward,* 40.30 and nephew to the [line 30] said Nicholas, this Thomas being a great and fast fauoror of his countrie, not vnthankefull vnto him therefore) hath set downe in a statelie and rich toome of curious workemanship, formed after the order of a pyramis, and placed in the church of Canturbu∣rie, on which is ingraued in a faire stone of marble this epitaph following: wherin his birth, his parents, his honors at home, his ambassages abroad, and o∣ther things necessarie the knowledge are faithfullie set downe. [line 40]

Nicholaus Woottonus Roberti Woottoni equitis aurati ex Anna Belknappa filius,* 40.31 vtrius{que} iuris doctor, ecclesiae huius primus itém{que} metròpolitanae ecclesiae diui Petri Eboracensis decanus, Henrico 8. Eduardo 6. Mariae & Elisabethae An∣gliae regibus à secretis concilijs; ad Carolum 5. Caesarem bis, ad Philippum Hispaniarum regem semel, ad Franciscum primū Francorum regem semel, ad Henricum secundum eius filium ter, ad Mariae Hungariae reginam Belgarum praesidem semel, ad Gulielmum Cleuiensem ducem bis, legatione functus. Re∣nouatae pacis inter Anglos, Francos, & Scotos, inter Guinas [line 50] & Arderam anno. 1540. similiter, & ad castrum Camera∣cense anno. 1559. Deni{que} Edinburgi Scotiae anno 1560. ora∣torum vnus,* 40.32 hîc tandem ferè septuagenarius requiescit. Haec ille ante mortem & ante morbum quasi fatalem diem praesen∣tiens, & cygneam cantionem propheticè canens, sua manu in museo scripta reliquit.

Qui apud tales principes (diuina prouidentia gubernante) laudabiliter, & in tot ac tantis causis (quarum magnitud•• grauissima, vtilitas publica fuit) feliciter bonam vitae suae partem consumpit;* 40.33 eum virum sapientem & experientissi∣mum [line 60] ipsa inuidia iudicare debet. Quàm semper ab omni con∣tentione honorum fuerit alienus, illud decalarat, quòd ad hanc ecclesiasticam dignitatem non ambitione vlla sua inflamma∣tus, nec amicorum opera vsus, aspirauit: sed eam vtram{que} Henricus octauus (hominis merito & virtute prouocatus) vltro detulit. Cùm{que} idem rex illustrissimus morbum laetha∣lem ingrauescere persentiret,* 40.34 & Eduardi principis sanè excel∣lentissimi, adhuc tandem pueri & reipublicae administrandae imparis, imbecillam aetatem senili prudentia secretioris con∣cilij sui, regendum existimaret, illis instituit hunc Nichola∣um (absentem tunc in Francia legatum) vnum esse voluit. Eduardi regi iam medio regni curriculo propè confecto, vnus è primarijs secretarijs fuit, quem locum tenere potuisset, nisi & suis & assiduis amicorum precibus abdicandi veniam impe∣trasset. Corpus illi erat gracile quidem & paruum sed erectum,* 40.35 habitudo sana, vultus liberalae, victus exquisitus, quem semel tantùm in die capere consueuerat: valit••do adeo firma vtra∣rò morbum aliquem sentiret: animus vero totus libris acliteris dicatus: artium medicinae, iurisprudentiae, & theologiae stu∣dio intentus: linguarum Romanae, Italicae, Gallicae, & Ger∣manicae inferioris cognitione pulch••e exornatus. Ita vir iste genere clarus, legationibus clarior, domi ac foris clarissimus,* 40.36 ho∣nore florens, labore fractus, aetate confectus; postquam decanus huius ecclesiae annis 25. dies 293. praefuisset, Londini Ianuarij 26. anno nostrae salutus 1566. piè & suauiter in Domino ob∣dormiuit. Thoma Wootteno nepote haerede relicto, qui ei hoc monumentum non honoris ergo quo abundauit viuus & flo∣rescit mortuus,* 40.37 sed amoris causa quem memoria colet vt debet sempiterna, consecrauit.

In which epitaph it appeareth what he was, & how greatlie learned and reuerenced for the same. Wher∣fore néeding not to speake anie more of him, sith, I shall not be able with due maiestie of stile to expresse his woorthinesse; I will yet, leauing what other wise his merit might challenge to be spoken, note one strange and rare thing, which to my remembrance neuer happened to anie one man before the same,* 40.38 be∣ing this that he had not onelie béene councellor to foure kings and quéenes of England following in succession of time, but also that he had béen thirtéene seuerall times ambassador and orator to diuerse princes for the affaires of the publike wealth, and the princes honor. Thus leauing this woorthie doctor with his nephue Thomas Wootton, father to Ed∣ward Wootton sent ambassador to Scotland, which occasioned me to treat thus much of the Woottons, I conclude, that it is a singular blessing of God, not commonlie giuen to euerie race, to be beautified with such great and succeeding honor in the descents of the familie.* 40.39 Whereof this Edward Wootton now liuing, hath in the life of his father giuen great proofe of continuance to descend to their posteritie, in that he in these his yoong yeares, hath beene (after his tra∣uell ouer the most part of Europe) twise imploied in ambassages for the seruice of his countrie; first to the king of Portingall, & now to the king of Scots: with whome I will at this time set end to this dis∣course of the Woottons.]

On the one and twentith daie of Iune,* 40.40 Henrie Persie earle of Northumberland, prisoner in the Tower of London vpon vehement suspicion of high treason, was there found dead, and also of his owne diuelish intent, and of his malice before pre∣tended to haue murthered himselfe, as more mani∣festlie and at large may appeare, by an inquisition made by a substantiall iurie, taken before the coro∣ner as followeth verbatim with the record.

¶ A copie of the said inquisition.

AN inquisition taken at the citie of London, that is within the tower of London,* 41.1 in the parish of Alhallowes Barking, in the ward of the Tower of London, on Mondaie being the one and twentith daie of Iune, in the yeare of the reigne of our soue∣reigne ladie Elisabeth by the grace of God quéene of England, France, and Ireland, defendor of the faith &c, the seuen and twentith: before William Squier gentleman coroner to our said souereigne ladie the quéene within the citie of London and the liber∣ties of the same, vpon the view of the bodie of Hen∣rie Persie knight, late earle of Northumberland, late prisoner there within the Tower of London a∣foresaid, for suspicion of high treason by him suppo∣sed to be doone, there lieng dead, and slaine: by the othes of Nicholas Whéeler, Simon Horssepoole, Thomas Gardener, William Leaueson, Owen Morgan, Henrie Lodge, William Abraham, Wil∣liam Horne, Thomas Russell, Iohn Porter, Robert

Dowe, Anthonie Hall, William Curtis, Thomas Wood, Matthew Dolman, Thomas Martin, Ri∣chard Sleford, Iohn Trot, Philip Smith, Thomas Tailor, and Henrie Bowdler, of good and lawfull men of the same ward, and of thrée other wards to the same ward next adioining, as the maner and cu∣stome is in the citie aforesaid, to inquire how, in what maner, and when the said Henrie Persie late earle of Northumberland came to his death.

Which iurie doo saie vpon their oths, that on the [line 10] one & twentith daie of this instant moneth of Iune,* 41.2 in the yeare of the reigne of our souereigne ladie E∣lisabeth by the grace of God quéene of England, France, and Ireland, defendor of the faith, &c: the seuen and twentith aforesaid, and long before the fore∣said Henrie late earle of Northumberland prisoner in the Tower of London situat in the parish of Al∣hallows Barking aforesaid, in the ward of the Tower of London, aforesaid, for suspicion of high treason aforesaid, by him against our souereigne la∣die [line 20] the quéene supposed to be committed; and the fore∣said earle so remaining prisoner, and being placed in a certeine chamber within the Tower of London aforesaid, there prisoner remaining, imagining and intending himselfe diuelishlie and feloniouslie to kill and murther before the foresaid one & twentith daie of Iune: that is to saie, the sixtéenth daie of Iune in the seuen and twentith yeare aforesaid,* 41.3 did pre∣pare a certeine dag of iron and stéele of the value of ten shillings: and also certeine bullets of lead, and a certeine quantitie of gunpowder, conteined in a [line 30] certeine small box, and caused the foresaid gun, the bullets of lead and the gunpowder to be brought in∣to the foresaid chamber vnto him the same earle of Northumberland, and to be deliuered to the same earle then and there by the hands of Iames a Price yeoman, to execute his diuelish and felonious pur∣pose and intention.

Which dag aforesaid, the foresaid earle caused se∣cretlie to be hidden in a certeine mattris vnder the bolster of his bed in the chamber aforesaid, and [line 40] then and there, the foresaid one and twentith daie of Iune in the seuen and twentith yeare aforesaid,* 41.4 be∣twéene the houres of twelue and one in the night of the foresaid one and twentith daie of Iune, thin∣king and intending to prosecute and follow his di∣uelish intention and purpose aforesaid, did bolt the doore of the foresaid chamber, and the inner part of his said chamber towards himselfe, least anie man should foresée or withstand his diuelish, felonious, and malicious intent: and the said doore of his foresaid [line 50] chamber, being so bolted; the same earle then and there into his bed himselfe did laie; and vpon this afterward, that is to saie, the foresaid one and twen∣tith daie of Iune, in the seuen & twentith yeare afore∣said, about the houres aforesaid, within the Tower of London aforesaid, situat and being in the parish of Alhallows Barking aforesaid, in the ward of the Tower of London aforesaid, not hauing the almigh∣tie God or his feare before his eies, but being moued and seduced by the instigation of the diuell, of his [line 60] malice afore pretended; did take vp into his hands the foresaid dag of iron and stéele, then and there made readie, charged with gunpowder, and thrée bullets of lead, and the foresaid dag to the left part of his breast neere vnto the pappe of the same part of his brest,* 41.5 then and there feloniouslie and diuelishlie did put, and vpon the same part of his brest the fore∣said dag did discharge.

By reason of the violence of which gunpowder, and of the foresaid thrée bullets of lead, the foresaid earle into his bodie and heart, and through his chine∣bone, euen into his right shoulder, himselfe then and there with the foresaid bullets of lead feloniouslie and voluntarilie did strike; giuing vnto himselfe then and there one mortall wound, of the depth of twelue inches, and of the bredth of two inches:* 41.6 of which mor∣tall wound aforesaid, the foresaid earle within the Tower of London aforesaid, the daie, yeare, parish, and ward aforesaid, instantlie died. And so the iurie dooth saie vpon their oths aforesaid, that the foresaid earle, the daie, yeare, and place aboue written, of his diuelish intent aforesaid, and of his malice be∣fore pretended, feloniouslie and voluntarilie himselfe did kill and murther in manner and forme aforesaid, against the peace of our souereigne ladie the quéene, hir crowne and dignitie. But what goods and cattels the foresaid earle in the time of the felonie and mur∣ther to himselfe aforesaid committed, had, or as yet hath, the iurie knew not, &c: in witnesse whereof, &c. ¶This was the verdict of the iurors, wherby the man∣ner how, and the matter whereby the earle dispat∣ched himselfe is trulie declared: which being taken for truth (as deseruing no lesse, the parties welwor∣thie of credit) it remained to prouide for the bestow∣ing of his wretched carcase, which on the thrée and twentith daie of Iune was buried in saint Peters church within the said Tower of London.* 41.7 This was the end of that gracelesse earle, the manner of whose murther, and part of his treasons are here dilated, as the same was publikelie deliuered in the Star∣chamber, and after published in a booke intituled:

A true and summarie report of the de∣claration of some part of the earle of Northumber∣lands treasons, deliuered publikelie in the court at the Starchamber by the lord Chancellor and others of hir ma∣iesties most honorable priuie councell, & councell learned, by hir maiesties speciall commandement, togither with the exa∣minations & depositions of sundrie persons touching the ma∣ner of his most wicked and violent murther committed vpon himselfe with his owne hand, in the Tower of London, the 20 daie of Iune, 1585.

MAlice, among other essentiall properties perteining to hir ouglie nature, hath this one not inferior to the rest and the woorst, incredulitie,* 42.1 wherewith the commonlie possesseth the minds and affections of all those that are infected with hir, so blinding the eies & iudge∣ment of the best and clearest sighted, that they can∣not see or perceiue the bright beames of the truth, although the same be deliuered with neuer so great puritie, proofe, circumstance and probabilitie. It is said that no truth passeth abroad vnaccompanied with hir contrarie; and as they go, truth is euer con∣streined to yeeld the precedence and preheminence to hir yokefellow falshood,* 42.2 whose lodging is alwaies first made and prepared without a harbenger in the corrupt nature of mankind, by whome she is first re∣ceiued, interteined and harbored at all times: wher∣of in our dailie experience there happen manie and dangerous demonstrations, especiallie in matters of the highest moment, tending to excuse or accuse the actions of the greatest personages.

There was of late deliuered in publike by per∣sons of honour, credit, and reputation, a large decla∣ration of certeine treasons practised by the late earle of Northumberland,* 42.3 of the maner of his vntimelie death, being with his owne hand murthered in the Tower, and of the causes that wrought him there∣vnto. The particularities whereof are such and so ma∣nie, as for the helpe of my memorie (comming then to the Starchamber by occasion, and not looking for anie such presence of the nobilitie and priuie coun∣cell as I found there at that time, and not looking for anie such cause of that nature to haue béene handled there that daie) I tooke notes of the seuerall mat∣ters

declared by the lord chancellor, maister attour∣neie, and solicitor generall, the lord chiefe baron, and maister vicechamberlaine: for (as I remember) they spake in order as they are here marshalled, and there∣fore I place them in this sort, and not according to their precedence in dignitie.

Upon the hearing of the treasons with their proofs and circumstances, and the desperat maner of the earles destruction deliuered in that place, and by persons of that qualitie, I supposed no man to [line 10] haue beene so void of iudgement or the vse of com∣mon reason,* 42.4 that would haue doubted of anie one point or particle thereof, vntill it was my chance (falling in companie with diuerse persons at sun∣drie times, as well about the citie of London as a∣broad) to heare manie men report variablie and cor∣ruptlie of the maner and matter of this publike de∣claration, possessing the minds and opinions of the people with manifest vntruths: as, that the earle had béene vniustlie deteined in prison without proofe or [line 20] iust cause of suspicion of treason: and that he had beene murthered by deuise and practise of some great enimies,* 42.5 and not destroied by himselfe. These slan∣derous reports haue ministred vnto me this occasion to set forth vnto thy view and consideration (gentle reader) this short collection of the said treasons and murther, as neere vnto the truth as my notes taken may lead and permit me, with the view of some of the examinations them selues concerning this cause for my better satisfaction since obteined. Which I [line 30] haue vndertaken for two respects: the one, to con∣uince the false and malicious impressions and con∣structions receiued and made of these actions, by such as are in heart enimies to the happie estate of hir maiesties present gouernement: the other, be∣cause it may be thought necessarie for the preuenting of a further contagion like to grow (by this créeping infection) in the minds of such as are apt (though o∣therwise indifferent) in these and the like rumors, to receiue the bad as the good, and they the most in number. Wherein if I haue séemed more bold than [line 40] wise, or intermedled my selfe in matters aboue my reach, and not apperteining vnto me, I craue par∣don where it is to be asked, and commit my selfe to thy friendlie interpretation to be made of my simple trauell and dutifull meaning herein.

Upon the three and twentith daie of Iune last, as∣sembled in the court of Starchamber,* 42.6 sir Thomas Bromleie knight lord chancellor of England, Wil∣liam lord Burleigh lord treasuror of England, [line 50] George earle of Shrewsburie lord marshall of Eng∣land, Henrie earle of Derbie, Robert earle of Lei∣cester, Charles lord Howard of Effingham lord chamberlaine, Henrie lord Hunsdon lord gouernor of Berwike, sir Francis Knollis knight treasuror, sir Iames Croft knight comptrollor of hir maie∣sties houshold, sir Christopher Hatton knight vice-chamberlaine to the quéenes maiestie, the lord chiefe iustice of hir maiesties bench, the maister of the rolles, and the lord chiefe baron of the excheker, [line 60] and others. The audience verie great of knights, esquiers, and men of other qualitie, the lord chan∣cellor began briefelie and summarilie to declare, that whereas Henrie late earle of Northumberland, for diuerse notable treasons and practises by him taken in hand, to the danger not onelie of hir maiesties roiall person, but to the perill of the whole realme, had béene long deteined in prison, and looking into the guilt of his owne conscience, and perceiuing by such meanes of intelligence, as he by corrupting of his keepers and other like deuises had obteined, that his treasons were by sundrie examinations and con∣fessions discouered, grew thereby into such a despe∣rat estate, as that therevpon he had most wickedlie destroied & murthered himselfe. Which being made knowen to the lords of hir maiestees priuie councell, order was therevpon taken, and direction giuen to the lord chiefe iustice of England, the maister of the rolles, and the lord chiefe baron of the e••cheker,* 42.7 to examine the maner and circumstances of his death, which they with all good indeuor and diligence had accordinglie performed. And least through the sini∣ster meanes of such persons as be euill affected to the present estate of hir maiesties gouernement, some bad and vntrue conceipts might be had as well of the cause of the earles deteinement, as of the maner of his death: it was therefore thought necessarie to haue the truth thereof made knowen in that pre∣sence: and then he required hir maiesties learned councell there present to deliuer at large the particu∣larities both of the treasons, and in what sort the earle had murthered himselfe. Then began Iohn Popham esquier, hir maiesties attourneie generall, as fol∣loweth.

The earle of Northumberland about the time of the last rebellion in the north,* 42.8 in the eleuenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne (then called by the title of Henrie Persie knight) had vndertaken the con∣ueieng awaie of the Scotish quéene: for the which (as appeareth by a record of the fourtéenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne) in the court of hir maiesties bench he was indicted, he confessed the offense, and put him∣selfe to hir maiesties mercies. At which time, vpon his said confession, submission, and faithfull promise of his dutie and allegiance to hir highnesse from thenseforth, the quéenes maiestie of hir mercifull na∣ture was pleased, not to looke into his offense with the extremitie of hir lawes; but dealt therein as by waie of contempt onelie, as may appeare by the re∣cord: the effect whereof was then shewed in the court, vnder the hand of one of the clerkes of hir maiesties said bench, In haec verba.

An extract of the said record contei∣ning the said earles indictment.

MEmorandum,* 43.1 that Henrie Persie late of Tinmouth in the countie of Nor∣thumberland knight, was indicted in the terme of Easter, in the fourtéenth yéere of hir maiesties reigne, for that hée with diuers o∣thers did conspire for the deliuering of the quéene of Scots out of the custodie of the erle of Shrewsbu∣rie. Upon which indictment the same Henrie Persie did confesse the offense,* 43.2 and did put himselfe to the quéenes mercie: and therevpon iudgement was after giuen by the court, that the said Henrie should paie to the queene for a fine for his said offense, fiue thousand marks, as appeareth by the record thereof in court.

Per Micha. 14. & 15. Elisabethae reginae, rotulo quinto inter placista reginae. Con∣cordat cum recordo. Per Io. Iue.

By this record it maie appeare that the earle had his hand in that rebellion. But for a further proofe thereof, it is most manifestlie discouered in a cer∣teine tract written by the bishop of Rosse (wherein he sheweth how faithfullie he behaued himselfe in the managing of those treasons,* 43.3 at and about the time of that rebellion) that the said earle was in ef∣fect as farre plunged into the same, as the late earle his brother, howsoeuer he woond himselfe out of the danger thereof at that time. Notwithstanding these traitorous practises, the queenes maiestie was con∣tented to remit all within a short time, and then ac∣cepted

most gratiouslie of him both in honor and fa∣uor, though vnworthilie bestowed vpon him, for that he vtterlie forgetting those graces and fauors recei∣ued at hir maiesties mercifull hands, with a grace∣lesse resolution was contented to enter into a new plot now latelie contriued, not onelie for the deli∣uering of the Scotish queene, but for the inuading of the whole realme,* 43.4 the ouerthrow of the gouern∣ment, aswell concerning the state of religion, as o∣therwise, the danger of hir maiesties sacred per∣son, and aduancing of the said Scotish quéene to the [line 10] regall crowne and scepter of this realme, wherevn∣to hir maiestie is lineallie and lawfullie borne and descended, and wherein God of his mercie conti∣nue hir long in happie state of gouernement, to the increase of hir owne glorie, and the comfort of hir louing and obedient subiects.

Then did maister Atturneie enter into the parti∣cularities of the treasons, leauing manie parts thereof vntouched, because the case stood so as it was not then conuenient to reueale them (as he said) in [line 20] respect that they touched some other persons vndealt withall at that time, shewing that Throckemortons treasons were not old, but fresh in euerie mans me∣morie, and how far foorth they reached vnto the earle, he declared.* 43.5 And for that the treasons of Throcke∣morton tended especiallie to the inuading of the realme with forren forces, the purpose of that in∣uasion long before intended, is prooued by sundrie examinations and confessions taken héere within the realme, aswell of hir maiestes owne subiects as [line 30] others, by letters intercepted, written from and to the conspirators abroad and at home, and by other good aduertisements and intelligences had from forren parts discouering the same. He declared that in a letter written from doctor Sanders to doctor Allen out of Spaine, in the yeare 1577, it is set downe among other things, that the state of Chris∣tendome stood vpon the stout assailing of England.

That in a letter sent to the said Allen from Rome, touching audience giuen by the pope to the ambas∣sadors [line 40] of certeine forren princes, betwéene the pope & whom a league was agréed on against the quéenes maiestie, there were inclosed certeine articles con∣teining in effect,* 43.6 that the realme should be inuaded with twentie thousand men at the charge of the said pope and princes, that hir maiestie should be depo∣sed, and some English catholike elected king. That it was confessed that the comming ouer of so ma∣nie priests into the realme, was to win great num∣bers [line 50] to the catholike partie, to ioine (if opportunitie serued) either with forren inuasion, or with tumult at home. That at Narbonne in Prouince, there was met an Englishman, being the head preacher there, who gaue intelligence to one of hir maiesties subiects, that the realme should shortlie be inuaded by a forren king, and the popish religion restored: and said further, that priests came into England and dispersed themselues in countries, to make their partie strong. A message was sent in Nouember [line 60] 1581, to doctor Allen from a subiect of this realme, by a seminarie priest then returning beyond the seas: that whereas he had receiued word from Al∣len at Alhallontide before, that men and all things were in a readinesse, if the place of landing might be knowne: that Allen should forthwith send word whether things were in such readinesse or not: and if they were, he would then send him such perfect in∣structions as he could.* 43.7 One Paine executed for treason, confessed that this realme could not conti∣nue in the state wherein it was, for that the pope had a speciall care thereof, and would in short time either by forren princes, or by some other meanes worke a change of things here.

From hense, maister Atturneie fell into the treasons confessed by Francis Throckemorton, shewing that the state of this realme had béene of∣ten presented to the consideration of a forren prince, who after long hearkening to the motion, had resol∣ued to yéeld what furtherance he might, and to giue all aids necessarie for the reforming of religion, so they might be backed by such as were well affected within this countrie. That the duke of Guise had solicited for two yeares together the pope and other princes, to supplie him with forces: but being cros∣sed by the death of a great personage, it was now growne to this passe, if there could be a partie found in England to ioine in that action, and conuenient places and meanes for landing, and other things necessarie, there should be a supplie for Guise of for∣ren strength. Francis Throckemorton was recom∣mended from beyond the sea to Don Barnardino de Mendoza,* 43.8 ambassador resident for the Spanish king here in England, who acquainted Throcke∣morton what plot was laid for the enterprise of the duke of Guise, and that he was willed to conferre with Throckemorton in the matter, who therevpon acquainted the said ambassador with the plot of the hauens, and with the noble men and gentlemen that he had set downe as fit to be dealt withall in that cause. Throckemorton said, that the bottome of this enterprise (which was not to be knowne to manie) was, that if a toleration of religion might not be obteined without alteration of the gouerne∣ment, that then the gouernment should be altered, & the quéene remoued. That the Scotish quéene was made acquainted from the duke of Guise with the intention to relieue hir by these forces.

It was in debate betweene Throckemorton and the Spanish ambassador,* 43.9 how the Scotish quéene might be deliuered, as by an enterprise to be made with a certeine number of horsses: and it was told Francis Throckemorton by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, that it was a principall matter in debate beyond the seas, how she might be deliuered with safetie: the lacke of resolution wherin, was the principall staie of the execution of the attempt of inuasion. Mendoza told Francis Throckemorton about Bartholomewtide 1583, that one Mope was come into England to sound the earle of Nor∣thumberland, and other principall men in Sussex: and about the end of September following, the same Mendoza told him, that Mope was Charles Paget, and that he came not onelie to sound the men, but to view the places, the hauens, the prouisi∣ons and meanes, and néerenesse and commoditie of mens abidings that should ioine with the forren forces. It was deuised, that such noble men and o∣thers, as would be contented to assist the forren for∣ces (being iustices of peace & of credit in their coun∣tries) might by colour of their authoritie leuie men as for hir maiesties defense, and yet emploie them to assist the forren forces. The lord Paget was made acquainted with this deuise, and answered, that it was a good course, and that he had thought vpon it before. Mendoza told Throckemorton, that Charles Paget had béene in Sussex, and had spoken with those that were there,* 43.10 and that he came to moue the earle of Northumberland and others. The night before Throckemorton was apprehended, he came to the lord Paget, and desired him that he would not acquaint the earle of Northumberland and certeine others (whome he named) with such matters as had passed betwéene them two, touching the practise of this inuasion: and the lord Paget wil∣led him to deale as wiselie for his part as he would doo for himselfe, and all should be well: but (quoth the lord Paget) the earle of Northumberland

knoweth you well enough. It was once agreed a∣mong the confederats, that the duke of Guise should land in Sussex, being ouer against Déepe and Nor∣mandie: which after was misliked, because those parts laie too néere to hir maiesties greatest force and store, and that the people thereabout for the most part were protestants.

Maister attourneie shewed further, that in sum∣mer last, there was taken vpon the seas, sailing towards Scotland, a Scotish Iesuit, about whome [line 10] there was found a discourse written in Italian of a like enterprise to be attempted against England, which should haue beene executed in September or October then last past: wherein assurance is made that the earles of Northumberland and Westmer∣land, Dacres that is dead, whom they termed lord Dacres,* 43.11 and of all the catholike lords and gentle∣men in the north parts (where the inuasion should haue béene attempted) setting it downe, that it is not said by coniecture that these men are assured, [line 20] but that it is certeinlie knowne that they will ioine with the forren forces. In the said discourse it is al∣so affirmed that the priests dispersed in the realme, can dispose of the other catholikes of the realme, as they shall be ordered: and that the popes excommu∣nication should be renewed and pronounced against hir maiestie, and all those that shall take hir part: and that all such should be holden traitors that did not ioine with that armie by a daie.

When maister attourneie had thus prooued the [line 30] purpose of inuasion,* 43.12 he procéeded to the proofe of Charles Pagets comming ouer about the practise and prosecution of that enterprise. And first, that Paget came to Petworth in September 1583, was secretlie receiued, and brought in the night la••e to the earle of Northumberland into his gallerie at Petworth, by one of the earles seruants: where the earle and he had secret conference together by the space of a large houre: from thense Paget was likewise conueied backe into the towne by the same [line 40] seruant, and there lodged all that night, and the next night following was conueied secretlie to a 〈…〉〈…〉.

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And for better proofe thereof, it was alleaged by master attorneie, that Charles Paget returning from Petworth to the house of one William Da∣uies, néere to the place where Paget had landed in Sussex,* 43.13 and tooke shipping againe at his departure beyond the seas, sent to William Shelleie esquire, residing then at his house at Michelgroue, distant a∣bout a mile from the house of William Dauies, to come vnto him (who within few daies before had béene at the lodge at Petworth with the said Pa∣get) and now at their méeting in a coppice néere to Dauies house, Paget entred into speech and dis∣course with him of diuers matters, and at the last among other things, he began to be inquisitiue of the strength and fortification of Portesmouth, and what forces and strength hir maiestie had in the o∣ther parts westward.

Paget brake out and declared vnto him that for∣raine princes would séeke reuenge against hir ma∣iestie of the wrongs by hir doone vnto them, & would take such time and opportunitie as might best serue them for that purpose, and said that those princes dis∣deined to see the Scotish queene so kept & vsed here as she was, and would vse all their forces for hir de∣liuerie: that the duke of Guise would be a dealer therin,* 43.14 and that the earle of Northumberland would be an assistant vnto them, willing Shelleie whatso∣euer should happen, to follow the earle of Northum∣berland, affirming that there was not a noble man in England of conduct and gouernment like to the said earle; saieng further, that the earle of Northum∣berland was affected to the Scotish quéene, & would do what he could for hir aduancement: that the duke of Guise had forces in a readinesse to be emploied for the altering of the state of religion here in Eng∣land, and to set the forenamed Scotish queene at li∣bertie.

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awaie the lord Paget, grew vpon the apprehension of Throckmorton, who being committed to the To∣wer, and charged with high matters, was in case to be delt withall by waie of extremitie to be made to confesse the treasons charged vpon him; in reuealing whereof, Charles Pagets comming to Petworth, and the cause of his repaire thither could not be con∣celed. No man at this time within the realme could accuse the earle of these confederacies, but the lord Paget onlie, who stood in danger to be discouered by Francis Throckmorton: the safetie therefore of the [line 10] earle rested altogither vpon the lord Pagets depar∣ting out of the realme.* 43.15 Which was procured by the earle with so great expedition, as that Throckmor∣ton being cōmitted to the Tower about the seuenth daie of Nouember 1583, the earle made meanes the twelfe daie to haue the lord Paget prouided of shipping in all hast by William Shelleie, wherin the earle vsed such importunat intreatie, & sent so often to hasten the preparation of the ship, that the same was prouided, and the lord Paget imbarked by the [line 20] 14. of the same moneth following, or thereabout.

The departure of the lord Paget soone after dis∣couered, and how, and by whom he was conueied a∣waie: hir maiestie vpon good cause taking offense thereat, the earle being then at London had notice thereof, and of the confessions of Throckmorton (who began to discouer the treasons) came presentlie down to Petworth, sent immediatlie for William Shelleie, who comming to him to Petworth the next morning about dinner time, met the earle in a di∣ning [line 30] parlour readie to go to his dinner. The earle tooke Shelleie aside into a chamber,* 43.16 and as a man greatlie distracted and troubled in mind, entred into these speeches: Alas I am a man cast awaie! And Shelleie demanding what he ment by those spéeches, the earle answered: The actions I haue entred in∣to, I feare will be my vtter vndooing, and thervpon desired Shelleie to kéepe his counsell, and to discouer no more of him than he must néeds. The earle more∣ouer at this méeting intreated William Shelleie to [line 40] conueie away all such as he knew to haue béene em∣ploied and were priuie of the lord Pagets going a∣waie, and of Charles Pagets comming ouer, which was accordinglie performed by Shelleie: and the earle for his part conueied awaie a principall man of his own, whom he had often vsed in messages in∣to France, and had béene of trust appointed by the earle, to attend on Charles Paget, all the time of his staie at Connigar lodge.

Maister solicitor pursuing the matters that made [line 50] the earles practises and deuises for the concealing of his treasons manifest, declared further: that after the earle and Shelleie had obteined some libertie in the Tower after their first restreint: the earle found meanes to haue intelligence with Shelleie, & was aduertised from him of all that he had confessed in his first examinations, taken before they were last restreined: since which time, the earle by corrup∣ting of his kéeper hath practised to haue continuall aduertisements as before,* 43.17 as well of things doone within the Tower as abroad: in so much as by his said keeper he had sent and conueied twelue seuerall letters out of the Tower within the space of nine or ten wéekes, and one of those on sundaie the twen∣tith daie of Iune in the morning, when he murthered himselfe the night following.

By the same corruption of his kéepers he sent also a message to William Shelleie by a maidser∣uant in the Tower,* 43.18 by the which he required him to stand to his first confessions, and to go no further; for so it would be best for him, and he should keepe him∣selfe out of danger. Wherevnto Shelleie returned answer by the same messenger, that he could hold out no longer, that he had concealed the matters as long as he could, and willed the earle to consider that there was a great difference betwéene the earles e∣state and his: for that the earle in respect of his no∣bilitie was not in danger to be dealt withall in such sort as he the said Shelleie was like to be, being but a priuat gentleman, and therefore to be vsed with all extremitie to be made confesse the truth: wherefore he aduised the earle to deale plainlie, and to remem∣ber what spéeches had passed at his house at Pet∣worth, when Charles Paget came last thither.

Iames Price by the same corruption of the earls kéeper came to William Shelleie on the fridaie or saturdaie before Trinitie sundaie last,* 43.19 and told him that the erle was verie desirous to vnderstand how farre he had gone in his confessions: and at Prices instance, Shelleie did set downe in writing the effect of the said confessions, and sent the same to the said earle: who vpon the sight therof, perceiuing the trea∣sons reuealed and discouered, and knowing thereby how heinous his offenses were, fearing the iustice and seueritie of the lawes, and so the ruine and ouer∣throw of his house, fell into desperation, & so to the destruction of himselfe. For confirmation whereof, it was confessed by one Iaques Pantins, a groome of the earles chamber, who had attended on the earle in the Tower by the space of ten wéeks before his death, that he had heard the earle often saie, that maister Shelleie was no faithfull fréend vnto him, and that he had confessed such things as were suffi∣cient to ouerthrow them both: that he was vndoone by Shelleies accusations, affirming that the earle be∣gan to despaire of himselfe,* 43.20 often with teares la∣menting his cause, which the earle said to proceed on∣lie of the remembrance of his wife and children, sai∣eng further, that such matters were laid vnto his charge, that he expected no fauour, but to be brought to his triall, and then he was but a lost man: repea∣ting often that Shelleie had vndoone him, and still mistrusting his cause, wished for death.

Herewith maister solicitor concluded,* 43.21 and then sir Roger Manwood knight, lord chiefe baron of hir maiesties excheker, entered into the description of the earles death, and in what sort he had murthered himselfe: shewing first how the same had beene found by a verie substantiall iurie chosen among the best commoners of the citie, impanelled by the coroner vpon the view of the bodie, and diligent in∣quirie by all due meanes had according to the law, and declared, that vpon the discouerie of the intel∣ligence conueied betweene the earle and Shelleie, it was thought necessarie for the benefit of hir maie∣sties seruice, by such of hir highnesse most honoura∣ble priuie councell, as were appointed commissio∣ners to examine the course of these treasons, that Iaques Pantins attending vpon the earle, and the earles corrupt kéepers should be remooued.

Wherevpon Thomas Bailiffe gentleman, sent to attend on the earle of Northumberland,* 43.22 vpon the remoouing of Palmer and Iaques Pantins from about the said earle (who from the beginning of his last restreint attended on him) for the reasons last∣lie before mentioned, was by the lieutenant of the Tower on the sunday about two of the clocke in the after noone (being the twentith of Iune) shut vp with the earle, as appointed to remaine with him, and serue him in the prison for a time, vntill Palmer,* 43.23 Pantins, and * 43.24 Price, then committed close priso∣ners, might be examined, how the earle came by such intelligences as were discouered to haue passed betwéene the earle and Shelleie, and betweene the earle and others. Bailiffe serued the earle at his sup∣per, brought him to his bed about nine of the clocke, and after some seruices doone by the earles com∣mandement,

departed from the earle to an vtter chamber, where he laie part of that night: and being come into his chamber, the earle rose out of his bed and came to his chamber doore, and bolted the same vnto him in the inner side,* 43.25 saieng to Bailiffe, he could not sleepe vnlesse his doore were fast.

About twelue of the clocke at midnight, Bailiffe being in a slumber, heard a great noise, séeming vnto him to be the falling of some doore, or rather a péece of the house: the noise was so sudden and so [line 10] great, that he started out of his bed, and crieng vn∣to the earle with a lowd voice, said: My lord, know you what this is? The earle not answering, Bailiffe cried and knocked still at the earles doore, saieng, My lord, how doo you? But finding that the earle made no answer,* 43.26 continued his crieng and calling, vntill an old man that laie without, spake vnto him, saieng, Gentleman, shall I call the watch, séeing he will not speake? Yea (quoth Bailiffe) for Gods sake. Then did the old man rise, & called one of the watch, whome Bailiffe intreated with all possible spéed to [line 20] call maister lieutenant vnto him. In the meane time Bailiffe heard the earle giue a long and most grée∣uous grone, and after that, gaue a second grone: and then the lieutenant (being come) called vnto the earle, who not answering, Bailiffe cried vnto the lieutenant to breake open the earles chamber doore bolted vnto him in the inner side, which was doone, and then they found the earle dead in his bed, and by his bed side a dag, wherewith he had killed him∣selfe. [line 30]

* 43.27Sir Owen Hopton knight, examined vpon his oth, affirmed that on sundaie last at night, lesse than a quarter of an houre before one of the clocke after midnight, he was called vp by the watch to come to the earle of Northumberland, who had béene called vnto by maister Bailiffe his kéeper, and would not speake as the watch told him. Wherevpon the said sir Owen went presentlie to the earles lodging, ope∣ned the vtter doores, till he came vnto the chamber where maister Bailiffe laie, which was next to the [line 40] earles bedchamber. Bailiffe said to this examinat as he came in, that he was wakened with a noise as it were of a doore or some great thing falling, & that he had called on the earle, and could haue no answer. And this examinat going to the earls chamber doore, finding the same bolted fast on the other side within the earles lodging, so as he could not go into the earle, this examinat called on the earle, telling him the lieutenant was there, and praied his lordship to open the doore. [line 50]

* 43.28But this examinat hauing no answer made vn∣to him, and finding the doore fast bolted in the inner side of the earles chamber with a strong iron bolt, so as they could not enter into the same out of the lod∣ging where the said Bailiffe laie, without breaking vp the chamber doore, caused the warders which were with this examinat, to thrust in their halberds, and to wrest the doore thereby, as much as they could, and withall to run at the doore with their féet, & with violence to thrust it open, which they did according∣lie. [line 60] And when this examinat came into the chamber, in turning vp the shéets,* 43.29 he perceiued them to be bloudied: and then searching further, found the wound, which was verie néere the pap, not think∣ing at the first sight, but that it had béene doone with a knife.

This examinat went therevpon presentlie to write to the court, and tooke the warders into the vt∣ter chamber, & left them there vntill he returned, bol∣ting the doore of the earles bedchamber on the out∣side. And as soone as this examinat returned from writing of his letter to the court,* 43.30 he searched about the chamber, and found the dag in the floore, about thrée foot from the bed, néere vnto a table that had a gréene cloth on it, which did somewhat shadow the dag: and after, turning downe the bed cloths, found the box in the which the powder and pellets were, on the bed vnder the couerlet; and saith, that the cham∣ber where the earle laie, hath no other doore but that one doore which was broken open as aforesaid, saue one doore that went into a priuie, which hath no maner of passage out of it: and that the earles lod∣ging chamber, and the entering to the priuie,* 43.31 are both walled round about with a stone wall, and a bricke wall, and that there is no doore or passage out of or from the said earles bedchamber or priuie, but that onelie doore which was broken open by the ap∣pointment of this examinat. The warders that were with this examinat at the entrie into the pri∣son, and the breaking vp of the earles chamber doore, and the dooing of the other things aforesaid, were Michaell Sibleie, Anthonie Dauies, William Ri∣land, and Iohn Potter, and one Iohn Pinner this examinats seruant was there also.

For the proofe and confirmation of the seuerall parts and points of this deposition, Sibleie, Dauies,* 43.32 Riland, Potter and Pinner were deposed, and they Viua voce affirmed so much thereof to be true, as was reported by the examination of the lieutenant, concerning the comming of the lieutenant vnto the earles chamber, the breaking vp of the doore being bolted with a strong bolt on the inner side, the fin∣ding of the earle dead vpon his bed, the dag lieng on the ground, the powder and pellets in a box on the bed vnder the couerlet, with the rest of the circum∣stances therevnto apperteining. They affirmed also, that there was but one doore in the earles chamber, sauing the doore of the priuie, which togither with the chamber was stronglie walled about with stone and bricke: and further (as I remember) the lord chiefe baron confirmed the same, hauing viewed the cham∣ber himselfe where the earle lodged, and was found dead.

Iaques Pantins in his examination of the one and twentith of Iune confesseth, that Iames Price deliuered the dag to the earle his maister in this ex∣aminats presence: wherevpon he presentlie suspec∣ted that the earle meant mischiefe to himselfe, and therefore did his indeuour to persuade the earle to send awaie the dag, and told the earle that he knew not how the diuell might tempt his lordship, & that the diuell was great; but could by no meanes pre∣uaile with the earle in that behalfe: and saith more∣ouer, that the earle required him to hide the dag, and he therevpon hanged the same on a naile within the chimneie in the earles bedchamber, where the earle thinking the same not to be sufficientlie safe in that place, it was by the earles appointment taken from thense, and put into a slit in the side of a mattresse that laie vnder the earles bed, néere to the beds head, and that the same sundaie morning that the earle murthered himselfe at night, he saw the dag lieng vnder the earles beds head. The dag was bought not manie daies before of one Adrian Mulan a dag∣maker,* 43.33 dwelling in east Smithfield, as by the said Mulan was testified Viua voce vpon his oth, in the o∣pen court, at the time of the publike declaration made of these matters in the Starchamber.

All these particularities considered, with the de∣positions and proofs of the witnesse concerning the earles death; first, how he came by the dag; second∣lie, how long he had kept the same, and in what se∣cret maner; thirdlie, the earles bolting of his cham∣ber dore in the inside; fourthlie, the blow of the dag; fiftlie, the breaking vp of the earles chamber doore by the lieutenant of the Tower; and lastlie, the fin∣ding of the earle dead as aforesaid: what is he so

simple that will thinke or imagine, or so impudent and malicious that will auouch and report, that the earle of Northumberland should haue béene mur∣thered of purpose, by practise or deuise of anie per∣son, affecting his destruction in that manner? If men consider the inconuenience happened thereby, as well in matter of state, as commoditie to the quéenes maiestie, lost by the preuention of his triall, who can in reason coniecture the earle to haue béene murthered of policie or set purpose, as the euill af∣fected [line 10] séeme to conceiue?

If the earle had liued to haue receiued the cen∣sure of the law for his offenses, all lewd and friuo∣lous obiections had then béene answered, and all his goods, cattels and lands by his atteindor had come vnto hir maiestie, and the honour and state of his house and posteritie vtterlie ouerthrowne:* 43.34 the con∣sideration and feare whereof appeareth without all doubt to haue béene the principall and onelie cause that made him laie violent hands vpon himselfe. If [line 20] obiections be made, that to murther him in that sort might be a satisfaction to his enimies, who could be pacified by no meanes but with his bloud: that sée∣meth to be as improbable, for that it is commonlie discerned in the corrupt nature of man, that when we are possessed with so profound a hatred, as to seeke the death of our enimie, we imagine and wish his destruction to be had with the greatest shame and infamie that can be deuised: thinke you not then, that if the earle of Northumberland had anie [line 30] such enimie that knew the danger wherein he stood, and that his triall and conuiction by law would draw vpon him the losse of his life, lands and goods, fame, honor, and the vtter subuersion of his house, would be so kindharted vnto him, as to helpe to take awaie his life onelie, & saue him all the rest? I sup∣pose there is no man of iudgement will beléeue it.

But to returne to the maner of the earles death. It was declared by the lord Hunsdon, and the lord chiefe baron,* 43.35 that the dag wherewith the earle mur∣thered [line 40] himselfe, was charged with thrée bullets, and so of necessitie with more than an ordinarie charge of powder, to force that weight of bullets to worke their effect. The earle lieng vpon his backe on the left side of his bed, tooke the dag charged in his left hand (by all likelihood) laid the mouth of the dag vp∣on his left pap (hauing first put aside his wastecote) and his shirt being onelie betwéene the dag and his bodie (which was burnt awaie the breadth of a large hand) discharged the same, wherewith was made [line 50] a large wound in his said pap, his heart pearsed and torne in diuerse lobes or péeces, thrée of his ribs broken, the chinebone of his backe cut almost in sunder, and vnder the point of the shoulder blade on the right side within the skin, the thrée bullets were found by the lord Hunsdon,* 43.36 which he caused the sur∣gion in his presence to cut out, lieng all three close togither within the breadth and compasse of an inch or thereabout: the bullets were shewed by his lord∣ship at the time of the publication made in the court at the Starchamber. [line 60]

And whereas it hath béene slanderouslie giuen out to the aduantage of the earle, as the reporters suppose,* 43.37 that he was imprisoned & kept in so streict, narrow and close roome, with such penurie of aire and breath, that thereby he grew sickelie and wea∣rie of his life, and that to haue béene the cause chief∣lie why he murthered himselfe; if it were so that he died by the violence of his owne hand which they hardlie beléeue. To answer that péeuish and sense∣lesse slander, there was much spoken by the lord chiefe baron, who had viewed and caused verie ex∣actlie to be measured the chambers and roomes with∣in the prison where the earle laie, being part of hir maiesties owne lodging in the Tower. The particu∣lar length and breadth of the said chambers & rooms, and the qualitie of the lights and windows, expres∣sed by the said lord chiefe baron, I can not repeat: but well I doo remember it was declared, that all the daie time, the earle had the libertie of fiue large chambers,* 43.38 and two long entries within the vtter doore of his prison: thrée of which chambers, and one of the entries laie vpon two faire gardens within the Tower wall, and vpon the Tower wharfe, with a pleasant prospect to the Thames, and to the coun∣trie, more than fiue miles beyond. The windowes were of a verie large proportion, yéelding so much aire and light, as more cannot be desired in anie house. Note therefore how maliciouslie those that fauour traitors and treasons, can deliuer out these and the like slanderous spéeches, to the dishonor of hir maiestie, noting hir councellors and ministers with inhumanitie and vncharitable seueritie, con∣trarie to all truth and honestie.

When the lord chiefe baron had finished this dis∣course of the manner of the earles death,* 43.39 with the circumstances, and had satisfied the court and audi∣torie concerning the qualitie of the prison where the earle had remained, sir Christopher Hatton knight hir maiesties vicechamberlaine, who (as it séemed) had béene speciallie imploied by hir maiestie among others of hir priuie councell in the looking into and examining of the treasons aforesaid, aswell in the person of the earle as of others, and at the time of the earles commitment from his house in S. Mar∣tins to the Tower of London, sent vnto him from hir maiestie to put the earle in mind of hir maiesties manifold graces and fauors in former times confer∣red vpon him, procéeding from the spring of hir ma∣iesties princelie and bountifull nature, and not of his deseruings, and to aduise him to deliuer the truth of the matters so cléerelie appearing against him, either by his letters priuatlie to hir maiestie, or by spéech to maister vicechamberlaine, who signi∣fied also vnto him, that if he would determine to take that course, he should not onlie not be commit∣ted to the Tower, but should find grace & fauor at hir maiesties hands, in the mitigation of such punish∣ment as the law might laie vpon him.

And here M. vicechamberlaine repeated at length the effect of hir maiesties message at that time sent to the earle, begining first with the remembrance of his practise vndertaken for the conueieng awaie of the Scotish quéene about the time of the last rebel∣lion (as hath béene declared in the beginning of this tract) and that he confessing the offense being capitall, hir maiestie neuerthelesse was pleased to alter the course of his triall by the iustice of hir lawes,* 43.40 and suffered the same to receiue a slight and easie punishment by waie of mulct or fine of fiue thousand marks, whereof before this his imprison∣ment (as it is crediblie reported) there was not one penie paid, or his land touched with anie extent for the paiment thereof, which offense was by hir ma∣iestie not onelie most gratiouslie forgiuen, but also most christianlie forgotten, receiuing him not long after to the place of honor that his ancestours had inioied for manie yeares before him, and gaue him such entrance into hir princelie fauour and good opi∣nion, that no man of his qualitie receiued greater countenance and comfort at hir maiesties hands than he; insomuch that in all exercises of recreation,* 43.41 vsed by hir maiestie, the earle was alwaies called to be one: and whensoeuer hir maiestie shewed hir selfe abroad in publike, she gaue to him the honor of the best and highest seruices about hir person, more often than to all the noble men of the court.

But the remembrance of these most gratious and

more than extraordinarie fauours and benefits re∣ceiued, nor the hope giuen vnto him by maister vice∣chamberlaine of hir maiesties disposition of mercie towards him, nor the consideration of the depth and weight of his treasons against hir maiestie, hir estate, hir crowne and dignitie, with the danger thereby like to fall vpon him by the course of hir highnes lawes, to the vtter ruine and subuersion of him and his house (standing now at hir maiesties mercie) could once mooue his heart to that naturall [line 10] and dutifull care of hir maiesties safetie that he ought to haue borne towards hir, and she most wor∣thilie had merited at his hands, or anie remorse or compassion of himselfe and his posteritie: but re∣sting vpon termes of his innocencie,* 43.42 hauing (as you maie perceiue) conueied awaie all those that he thought could or would anie waie accuse him, he made choise rather to go to the Tower, abide the ha∣zard of hir maiesties high indignation, and the ex∣tremitie of the law for his offenses. [line 20]

All which was a notable augur of his fall, and that God by his iust iudgement had for his sinnes and ingratitude taken from him his spirit of grace, and deliuered him ouer to the enimie of his soule, who brought him to that most dreadfull & horrible end, wherevnto he is come: * 43.43 from the which, God of his mercie defend all christian people, and preserue the quéenes maiestie from the treasons of hir subiects, that she maie liue in all happinesse, to sée the ruine of hir enimies abroad and at home, and that she, and [line 30] we hir true and louing subiects, maie be alwaies thankfull to God for all his blessings bestowed vp∣on vs by hir, the onlie mainteiner of his holie gos∣pell among vs.

* 43.44On the six & twentith of Iune arriued at London deputies for the estates of the netherlands, or low countries, who were lodged about the Tower stréet, & had their diet for the time of their abode here, ve∣rie worshipfullie appointed (all at the charges of hir maiestie) in the Clothworkers hall in Minchenlane, [line 40] néere to the said Tower stréet. These on the nine & twentith of Iune, being the feast of the apostles Pe∣ter & Paule repaired to the court, then at Gréene∣wich, where by vertue of their commissions from the vnited countries, they presented to hir maiestie the souereingtie of those countries, to wit of Bra∣bant, but the commission (for the siege) of Antuerpe not full authorised, of Guelder, of Flanders, of Hol∣land,* 43.45 of Zeland, of Utrecht, and of Friseland. For Brabant, Iaques de Grise great bailie of Brid∣ges [line 50] councellour of the Franks. For Guelerr, Rut∣ger of Barsold, gentleman. For Flanders, Noell de Garsie lord of Schonewalle. For Holland, Iohn Wanderdoest, lord of Nortwicke, Iosse de Menin pensionarie of Dordreght, Iohn of old Barneuelt pensionarie of Rotradame, and D. Francis Maolso. For Zeland, Iacob Dales councellor and pensionarie of Tergoest. For Utrecht, Paulus Buis doctor of the lawes. For Friseland, I. Fritz∣ma, [line 60] gentleman: H. Ansona president of Friseland: and Lads Iangema, gentleman. All these falling on their knées tofore hir maiestie, and so remaining for a long space, one of them, to wit, Iosse de Menin councellor and pensionarie of Dordreght, one of the commissioners for Holland, made to hir maiestie this oration in French as followeth.

The said deputies oration in French to hir maiestie at Greenwich.

MAdame, les estats des prouinces vnies des pais bas, remercient treshumble∣ment vostre maiesté de la bonné affecti∣on & faueur, quel à pleu de monstrer au∣dits pais en leur necessites, & confermer per tant de tesmoignaiges euidens; & encores dernierement, quand apres l'execrable assasmat comme en la per∣sonne de feu monsir le prince d'Orenges, il à pleu a vostre maiesté faire entendre audits estats per son ambassadeur le sire Dauison, le soing qu'icelle auoit a nostre defense & obseruation, & aussy par le sire de Grise, le grand desplaisir que vostre maiesté auoit conceu, de voir l'esdits estats frustres de l'esperance quelle auoient fondeé sur le traicte de France. Mais que le soin que vostre maiesté a tousiours en de no∣stre bien & conseruation n'estoit pour cela en rien diminué, aine quel s'augmentoit, plustost a mesure quella necessité de nos affaires le requiert, dont le∣dits pais en general, & chacun d'eulx en particulier demeurerent perpetuellement tresobliges a vostre maiesté, pour le recognoistre auec tout fidelité & o∣beisance.

Et comme ledits estats considerent Madame, que depues le deces endit sire prince d'Orenges, ils out faict perte de plusieurs de leurs places & bonne vil∣les; & que pour la conseruation desdits pais il leur est besoing d'vng prince & sire souuerain, qui les puisse garentir & defendre contre la tyranné & inique o∣pression des Espaignols & leurs adherēs, qui s'effor∣cent de plus en plus par leurs sinistres armes & tous aultres moyens, de destruire & ruiner lesdits pais, de fonds en comble & reduire ce pouure peuple en vne seruitude perpetuellé, pire que des Indiēs souls l'in∣suportable ioug de la detestable inquisition d'Es∣paigne. Considerans aussy que les corps des villes & communaultes desdits pais ont vne fermé afience, que vostre maiesté ne les vouldra veoir perir au gre de leurs ennemys, qui leur font ceste lōgue & cruelle guerre, a toute oultrance laquelle les estats desdits pais bas (ensuiuant leur deuoir & obligation quels ont a leurs bourgois & ycitogens) ont estes con∣traincts de soustenir, repoulser, & destourner, pour la tyranné & seruitude manifest qu'on taschat d'intro∣duire & imposer au pouure peuple, & pour conser∣uer leur liberté, droits, priuileges, & franchises, auec l'exercise de la vray religion chrestienné, dont vo∣stre maiesté porte a bon droit le tiltre de protectrice & defenderesse, contre laquelle lesdits ennemys & leurs associes, ont & faict tant de ligues, dresse tant de cauteleuzes, embushes, & trahisons, & ne cessent encore tout les iours de praticquer & machiner con∣tre la personne de vostre maiesté, & au preiudice du reque & transquillite de ses royaulmes & estats, la∣quelle le bon Dieu a preserue iusques a present, pour le bien de la chrestienté, & sustentation de ses eglises.

Sy est ce Madame, que pour ces causes, & raisons, & aultres bonnes considerations, lesdits estats ont prins par ensemble vne bonné & fermé resolution, de prendre leurs recours a vostre maiesté, veu que cest vne chose ordinaire a tous peuples & nations op∣pressées, de recourir en leurs calamites & oppressi∣ons, pour support & faueur contre leurs ennemys, aulx roys & princes voisme, & singulierement a ceulx qui sont douez a magnanimité, pieté, iustice, & aul∣tres vertus royalles, & a cest effect nous ont lesdits estats depute vers vostre maiesté, pour presenter a icelle la principaulté, souuerainté, & iuste dominatiō desdits prouinces, soubs certaines bonnes & equi∣tables condicions, concernantes principallement la conseruation de l'exercise de la religion reformée, & de leurs ancienne priuileges, libertes, franchises & v∣sances, & l'administration du faict de la guerre, po∣lice, & iustice esdits pais.

Et combien que lesdits pais ayent beaucoup souffert par ces longues & continuelles guerres, & que l'ennemy se soit empare de plusieurs villes & places fortes esdits pais, toutes fois, oultre ce qu'es

pais de Brabant, Gueldre, Flandre, Malins, & Oueris∣sel, se mainteinent encores maintes bonnes villes & places contre l'effort de l'ennemy, sy est ce que les pais d'Holland, Zeeland, Vtrecht, & Frise sont en∣cores, graces a Dieu, en leur entier, ou il y a beaucoup de grandes & fortes villes, & places belles, riuieres, profondes, ports & haures de mer, desquelles vostre maiesté & ses successeurs pourront tirer plusieurs bons seruices, fruicts, & commodites dont il n'est de faire yci plus long recit. Seulement que ceste cy entre aultres merite bien vne consideration speciale [line 10] que la coniunction desdits pais d'Holland, Zeeland, Frise, & des villes de l'Escluze, & Osteynd en Flādres auec les royaulmes de vostre maiesté, emporte quant & soy l'empire absolut de la grand mer occeane, & par consequence vne asseurance & felicité perpetu∣elle pour les subiects de vostre serenissime maiesté. La quelle nous supplions treshūblemēt que son bon plaisir soit de nous accorder lesdits points ou condi∣tions, & ce en suiuant, vouloir accepter pour soy & [line 20] ses successeurs legittimes en la couronne d'Angle∣terre protecteurs de la religion reformée, la iustice principaute & seigneurie souueraine desdits pais & consequemment du recepuoir les peuples desdits pais, comme vous treshumbles & tresobeissants sub∣iects soubs la protection & sauuegarde perpetuelle de vostre maiesté, peuples certeinement autant fi∣delles, aymant leurs princes & seigneurs (a parler & sans iactance) que nul aultre de la chrestienté.

Ce faisant Madame, vous conserueres tant de belles eglises, qu'il a pleu a Dieu en ce dernier temps [line 30] assembler esdits pais a present en beaucoup de lieux fort affliges, & esbranles & deliureres lesdits pais & peuples (nagueres auant l'inique maison des Espaig∣nols) tant riches & florissans, pour la grande commo∣dité de la mer, ports, haures, riuieres, traffiqs, & ma∣nifactures dont ils sont doues de nature. Vous les deliureres (dis ie Madame) de ruine & perpetuelle seruitude de corps & ame, qui sera vng oeuure vraye∣ment roial & tresexcellent, agreable a Dieu, profita∣ble a toute chrestienté, digne de louange immor∣telle, [line 40] corespondant a la magnanimité & vertus he∣roicques de vostre maiesté, & conioinct auec l'asseu∣rance & prosperites des royalmes & subiects d'icelle. Et surce presentons a vostre maiesté lesdits articles ou conditions, en reuerence, prians le grand Roy des roys de preseruer vostre maiesté de ses ennemys, l'accroistre en gloire & felicité, & l'auoir en sa seinte garde à perpetuité.

[line 50]

Faict par Iosse de Menin, concelier & pensionaire de Derdreght.

An. 1585. 29 de Iune, A Greenwich.

The foresaid oration in English.

MAdam, the states of the vnited prouin∣ces of the low countries most humblie thanke your maiestie for the good affecti∣on & fauor, which it pleased you to shew to the said countries in their necessitie, & to confirme the same with so manie euident testimonies; & that [line 60] lastlie, after the execrable assault committed vpon the person of the late prince of Orange,* 45.1 at what time it pleased your maiestie to let the said states vnderstand by your ambassador maister Dauison, what care you had of our defense and preseruation, and also by segneur de Crist, the great displeasure which your maiestie conceiued, to sée the states fru∣strated of the hope which they had founded vpon the treatie of France. But since the care which your maiestie hath alwaies had ouer our good and con∣seruation is not thereby anie whit diminished, but hath more plentifullie increased, according as the necessitie of our affaires required; for which the said countrie in generall, and euerie of vs in particular remaine perpetuallie bound to your maiestie, and acknowledge the same with all fidelitie and obei∣sance.

And as the said states (Madam) doo consider that since the decease of the prince of Orange they haue susteined the losse of diuerse of their holds and good townes;* 45.2 and that for the preseruation of the said countrie it is néedfull for them to haue a prince and souereigne ruler, which may warrant and defend them against the tyrannie and vniust oppression of the Spaniards and their adherents, which dailie more and more inforce themselues by their sinister power and all other meanes to destroie and ouer∣throw the said countries, and reduce this poore peo∣ple in perpetuall seruitude, worse than that of the Indians vnder the importable yoke of the detesta∣ble inquisition of Spaine.* 45.3 Considering also that the bodie of the townes and communalties of the a∣foresaid countries haue a firme hope, that your ma∣iestie will not sée them perish according to the desire of their enimies, which make this long and cruell warre, all which outrages the states of the said low countries (following the diligence and band which they owe to their burgesses and citizens) are to susteine, repell, and to turne from them, by reason of the manifest tyrannie & seruitude which the Spa∣niards attempt to bring in & to laie vpon the poore people) thereby to preserue their liberties, rights,* 45.4 priuileges, and franchises, with the exercise of the true christian religion, whereof your maiestie by good right carrieth the title of protectrice and defendresse, against which the said enimies and their associats al∣readie haue and still doo make manie leagues, deuise manie subtilties, treasons, and ambushes, not cea∣sing dailie to practise and imagine them against the person of your maiestie, and to the preiudice of the rest of your realme and states, whome the good God hath preserued vntill this present, for the wealth of the christians, and sustentation of their churches.

Wherefore (Madam) it is so, that for these causes,* 45.5 reasons, & other considerations, the said states haue assembled and concluded vpon a good and firme reso∣lution to haue recourse vnto your maiestie, sith it is an ordinarie matter amongst all people and op∣pressed nations, in their calamities and oppressions to craue support and fauour against their enimies, of kings and princes neere vnto them, but especiallie of those who be indued with magnanimitie, pietie, iustice, and other princelie vertues, to which effect the states haue appointed vs to come vnto your maies∣tie to present vnto the same the principalitie, soue∣reigntie,* 45.6 and iust gouernment of the said prouinces vnder certeine good and equall conditions, chieflie concerning the preseruation of the exercise of the re∣formed religion, and of the ancient priuileges, li∣berties, franchises, and customs, and next of the ad∣ministration of the affaires, policie, and iustice of the warres in the said countrie.

And although that these countries haue sustei∣ned much hurt by these long and continuall warres, and that the enimie hath taken diuers strong places and forts in the same countries:* 45.7 yet there is besides the same in the countries of Brabant, Gelderland, Flanders, Malmes, & Ouerset, manie good townes and places, which defend themselues against the force of the enimie, and the countries of Holland, Zeland, Utricht, and Frise be yet (thanks be to God) entire and whole: in which there be manie great and strong townes and places, faire riuers, and déepe ports and hauens of the sea, out of which your maiestie and your successors may receiue diuerse good seruices, fruits, and commodities, whereof it is néedlesse here to make anie long recitall. Onelie

this amongst other matters deserueth good and es∣peciall consideration,* 45.8 that the vniting of those coun∣tries of Holland, Zeland, Frise, and the townes of Sluze and Ostend in Flanders, vnto the realmes of your maiestie importeth so much as the absolute gouernement of the great ocean sea, and by conse∣quence, an assurance and perpetuall felicitie for the subiects of your woorthie maiestie. Which we most humblie beséech, that it will please the same to con∣descend vnto vs in the said points and conditions, [line 10] and in that which followeth, which is, that you will for you and your lawfull successors in the crowne of England be protectors of the reformed religion,* 45.9 as the principall iusticer and souereigne gouernor of the said countries: and consequentlie to receiue the people of the same, as your most humble and most obedient subiects vnder the protection and continu∣all safegard of your maiestie; they being a people as∣suredlie so faithfull and louing to their princes and lords (be it spoken without vaunting) as anie other [line 20] nation is throughout christendome.* 45.10

In dooing whereof (Madam) you shall preserue manie goodlie churches, which it hath pleased God to assemble in these latter times in the same coun∣tries, at this present in manie places greeuouslie af∣flicted, and you shall deliuer the same countrie and people (of late before the vniust deeds of the house of Spaine) verie rich and florishing, through the great commoditie of the sea, ports, hauens, riuers, traf∣fike, and merchandize, whereof they be naturallie in∣dued. [line 30] You shall I saie (Madam) deliuer them from ruine and perpetuall bondage of bodie and soule, being a worke right roiall and most magnificent, acceptable to God, profitable to all christianitie, woorthie immortall commendation, answerable to the magnanimitie, and heroicall vertues of your maiestie, and ioined with the assurance and prospe∣ritie of your dominions and subiects. Wherevpon we present vnto your maiestie the said articles and conditions,* 45.11 reuerentlie praieng the King of kings [line 40] to preserue your maiestie from your enimies, to in∣crease your glorie and felicitie, and for euer to keepe you in his holie protection.

¶ This oration ended and the summe thereof con∣sidered, it pleased the quéenes maiestie, by direction of hir wise and politike councell, to incline hir hart (alwaies pitifull and replenished with commiserati∣on) to the ease and reléefe of the said oppressed people. And bicause hir owne subiects should not be vtter∣lie [line 50] vnacquainted with hir highnesse dooings in that case, there was published by authoritie a booke thereof as in due place hereafter followeth.

On sundaie the fourth of Iulie, Charles lord Ho∣ward, late lord chamberleine was made lord ad∣merall, and Henrie lord Hunsdon was made lord chamberleine of houshold. On the fift daie of Iulie Thomas Awfeld a seminarie priest, and Thomas Weblie diar,* 45.12 were arreigned at the sessions hall in the Old bailie, found guiltie, condemned, and had [line 60] iudgement as fellons to be hanged: for publishing of bookes conteining false, seditious, and slanderous matter, to the defamation of our souereigne ladie the quéene, and to the excitation of insurrection and rebellion, as more at large appeareth in their indict∣ments. These were on the next morrow, to wit, the sixt of Iulie, executed at Tiborne accordinglie. On thursdaie the sixteenth of Iulie,* 45.13 by the sudden fall of a bricke wall in Thames stréet of London, neere vn∣to Downegate, fiue persons were ouerwhelmed and slaine, to wit, a man & his wife (the wife being great with child) and two children, the one their own, the other a nurse child, and a poore man that liued by charitie, hauing no knowne dwelling place. On the same sixteenth of Iulie was sir Francis Russell knight, lord Russell,* 45.14 third sonne to Francis Russell earle of Bedford, slaine with a dag in the borders of Scotland beside Berwike, by a Scot borne in those parts, as they met vpon a true daie, as more at large appeareth in the historie of Scotland. On the next morrow, to wit, the seuentéenth of Iulie, Fran∣cis Russell earle of Bedford, knight of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell, father to the late named sir Francis, lord Russell slaine on the borders of Scotland, deceassed, and was honorablie buried at Cheinies in Bedfordshire on the eight of September next following.

On the three and twentith of Iulie certeine soul∣diers were pressed in the seuerall wards of the citie of London,* 45.15 which souldiers being furnished for the warres, and clothed in red cotes, all at the charges of the companies and citizens, set forth toward the seas on the thirtéenth of August, and were transpor∣ted ouer into Holland, Zeland, &c: as other the like souldiers out of other parts of the realme before had béene, to serue for the defense of the low countries vnder generall Norris, and other approoued cap∣teins. On the fourth daie of August, betwixt the hours of foure and fiue of the clocke in the morning,* 45.16 at the end of the towne called Motingham in Kent, eight miles from London, in a lane not farre from the houses, the ground began to sinke, thrée great elmes being swallowed vp, the tops falling down∣ward into a hole with the rootes vpward, turning round in the falling, and driuen into the earth past mans sight, to the woonderfull amazement of manie honest men of the same towne, being beholders of this strange sight: and before ten of the clocke that present day, the ground & trees were soonke so low, that neither the one or other might be discerned, the hole or vaut being sometimes filled with water, and otherwhiles neither bottome, trées, or water maie be perceiued: the compasse of this hole is about foure∣score yards, and being sounded with a lead and line of fiftie fadams, cannot therewith find or féele anie bottome. Ten yards distant from this place, there is another péece of ground soonke in like maner, which parcell of ground falleth still into the high waie to the great feare of that whole towne, but especiallie to the inhabitants of a house not far distant from the aforesaid places.

On the fiftéenth daie of September, to the num∣ber of two & thirtie seminaries,* 45.17 massing priests and others, late prisoners in the tower of London, Mar∣shalsée, Kings bench, and other places, were imbar∣ked in the Marie Martine of Colchester, on the southside of the Thames right ouer against S. Ka∣tharines, to be transported ouer into the coasts of Normandie, to be banished this realme for euer, by vertue of a commission from hir maiestie, before specified in pag. 1379.

A copie of the certificat written and directed into England by the said banished men.

WHereas vpon your honors commission directed vnto Anthonie Hall,* 46.1 and Tho∣mas Stockar, for the transporting of vs whose names are vnder written, into the coasts of Normandie, who accordinglie tooke vs into a barke called the Marie Martine of Colchester, on the south side of the Thames, right ouer that part of saint Katharines next to London bridge, the fiftéenth day of September 1585, according to the computa∣tion of England: our will is to testifie vnto your good honors, that they the said Anthonie Hall & Tho∣mas Stockar haue generallie so well vsed vs in all

respects, that we can not but acknowledge our selues much beholding (as much as in them laie) to so courteous & louing officers. Neuerthelesse com∣ming along the sea, and meeting with hir maiesties admerall in the downes, who promising that we should not be disturbed in our course into the pro∣uince of Normandie, according to your honors said commission, we had not from him departed two leagues,* 46.2 when as a Flushinger with his people sud∣denlie entred vpon vs, being peaceablie stowed vn∣der [line 10] the hatches, and in our quiet rest, with their swords drawne, their calleiuers and their matches fi∣red in their hands, to our great terror & discomfort, the most of vs being verie sore sea sicke, expecting at that instant nothing but either the rigorous dint of sword, or bullet of calleiuer. Howbeit parlee being had by our said commissioners with them, they de∣parted, after which time we considering the generall danger on the seas, besought with one consent your honors commissioners to set vs on land at Calice: [line 20] but they in no wise yéelding therevnto, at last by reason of our importunitie in such danger & weake∣nesse,* 46.3 yéelded to set vs on shore at Bullogne, partlie by reason of the feare we were then put in, & partlie for that we feared afterward more vnreasonable measure; but speciallie the greatest number of vs so sore sicke, that verie tedious vnto vs it séemed to beare so long and dangerous a passage. In witnes whereof to this our certificat we haue all subscribed our names the nineteenth of September 1585. W. [line 30] Gimlets, R. Fen: Io. Nele: Christopher Small, &c.

¶Ye haue heard before that certeine souldiers out of diuers parts of this realme were transported o∣uer the seas into Holland and Zeland, &c: with such conuenient and seruiceable furniture, as might be presupposed necessarie for defense: whom we will leaue vpon their gard, and more cleerelie to set foorth the reasons of their transportation, we doo meane héere, as we promised before page 1413▪ when we [line 40] came to due place, to deliuer a booke published by au∣thoritie concerning that argument, the title and substance whereof in all points agréeable with the printed copie first extant, doth orderlie follow.

A declaration of the causes moouing the queene of England to giue aid to the defense of the people afflicted and oppressed in the low countries.

[line 50]

* 47.1ALthough kings and princes soueregnes, owing their homage and seruice onelie vnto the almightie God the King of all kings, are in that respect not bound to yéeld account or render the reasons of their actions to anie others but to God their onelie souereigne Lord: yet (though amongst the most ancient and christian monarchs the same Lord God hauing com∣mitted to vs the souereigntie of this realme of England and other our dominions, which we hold [line 60] immediatlie of the same almightie Lord, and so thereby accountable onelie to his diuine Maiestie) we are notwithstanding this our prerogatiue at this time speciallie mooued, for diuerse reasons hereafter brieflie remembred, to publish not onelie vnto our owne naturall louing subiects, but also to all others our neighbors, speciallie to such princes & states as are our confederats, or haue for their subiects cause of commerce with our countries and people, what our intention is at this time, and vpon what iust and reasonable grounds we are mooued to giue aid vnto our next neighbours the naturall people of the low countries, being by long warres and persecutions of strange nations there, lamentablie afflicted, and in present danger to be brought into a perpetuall seruitude.

First,* 47.2 it is to be vnderstood (which percase is not perfectlie knowne to a great number of persons) that there hath béene, time out of mind, euen by the naturall situation of those low countries and our realme of England, one directlie opposit to the other, and by reason of the readie crossing of the seas, and multitude of large and commodious hauens respec∣tiuelie on both sides, a continuall traffike and com∣merce betwixt the people of England, and the natu∣rall people of those low countries, and so continued in all ancient times, when the seuerall prouinces thereof, as Flanders, Holland, and Zeland, and o∣ther countries to them adioining, were ruled and possessed by seuerall lords, and not vnited togither, as of late yeares they haue béene by intermarria∣ges,* 47.3 and at length by concurrences of manie and sundrie titles haue also béene reduced to be vnder the gouernement of their lords that succéeded to the dukedome of Burgundie: whereby there hath béene in former ages manie speciall aliances and confe∣derations, not onelie betwixt the kings of England our progenitors and the lords of the said countries of Flanders, Holland, Zeland, and their adherents: but also betwixt the verie naturall subiects of both countries, as the prelats, noblemen, citizens, bur∣gesses, and other communalties of the great cities and port townes of either countrie reciprocallie,* 47.4 by speciall obligations and stipulations vnder their seales interchangeablie, for maintenance both of commerce and intercourse of merchants, & also of speciall mutuall amitie to be obserued betwixt the people and inhabitants of both parties as well eccle∣siasticall as secular: and verie expresse prouision in such treaties conteined for mutuall fauours, affec∣tions, and all other friendlie offices to be vsed and prosecuted by the people of the one nation towards the other. By which mutuall bonds, there hath con∣tinued perpetuall vnions of the peoples hearts togi∣ther, and so by waie of continuall intercourses, from age to age the same mutuall loue hath béene inuio∣lablie kept and exercised, as it had beene by the worke of nature, and neuer vtterlie dissolued, nor yet for anie long time discontinued, howsoeuer the kings, and the lords of the countries sometimes (though verie rarelie) haue béene at difference by si∣nister meanes of some other princes their neigh∣bours, enuieng the felicitie of these two countries.

And for maintenance and testimonie of these na∣turall vnions of the peoples of these kingdoms and countries in perpetuall amitie, there are extant sun∣drie authentike treaties and transactions for mutu∣all commerce,* 47.5 intercourse and streict amitie of an∣cient times: as for example, some verie solemnelie accorded in the times of king Henrie the sixt our progenitor, and Philip the second duke of Burgun∣die, and inheritour to the countie of Flanders by the ladie Margaret his grandmoother, which was a∣boue one hundred & fortie yeares past, & the same al∣so renewed by the noble duke Charles his son, father to the king of Spaines grandmoother, and husband to the ladie Margaret sister to our great grandfa∣ther king Edward the fourth: and after that, of new ofttimes renewed by our most noble & sage grand∣father king Henrie the seuenth, and the archduke Philip grandfather to the king of Spaine now be∣ing: and in latter times, often renewed betwixt our father of noble memorie king Henrie the eight, and Charles the fift emperor of Almaine, father also to the present king of Spaine.* 47.6

In all which treaties, transactions, and confede∣rations of amitie and mutuall commerce, it was also at all times speciallie and principallie conteined

in expresse words, by conuentions, concords, and conclusions, that the naturall people, and subiects of either side, should shew mutuall fauours and duties one to the other, and should safelie, freelie and secure∣lie commerce togither in euerie their countries; and so hath the same mutuall and naturall concourse and commerce béene without interruption continu∣ed in manie ages, farre aboue the like example of a∣nie other countries in christendome, to the honour and strength of the princes, and to the singular great benefit and inriching of their people: vntill of late [line 10] yeares that the king of Spaine departing out of his low countries into Spaine, hath beene (as it is to be thought) counselled by his councellors of Spaine,* 47.7 to appoint Spaniards, forrenners and strangers of strange bloud, men more exercised in warres than in peaceable gouernement, and some of them nota∣blie delighted in bloud, as hath appeared by their ac∣tions, to be the chiefest gouernours of all his said low countries, contrarie to the ancient lawes and customes thereof, hauing great plentie of noble, [line 20] valiant and faithfull persons naturallie borne, and such as the emperour Charles, and the king himselfe had to their great honours vsed in their seruice, able to haue béene imploied in the rule of those coun∣tries.

But these Spaniards, being méere strangers, hauing no naturall regard in their gouernement to the maintenance of those countries and people in their ancient and naturall maner of peaceable li∣uing, as the most noble and wise emperor Charles; [line 30] yea and as his sonne king Philip himselfe had, whi∣lest he remained in those countries, and vsed the counsels of the states and naturall of the countries, not violating the ancient liberties of the countries: but contrariwise, these Spaniards being exalted to absolute gouernement, by ambition, and for priuat lucre haue violentlie broken the ancient lawes and liberties of all the countries,* 47.8 and in a tyrannous sort haue banished, killed and destroied without order of [line 40] law, within the space of few moneths, manie of the most ancient and principall persons of the naturall nobilitie that were most worthie of gouernement. And howsoeuer in the beginning of these cruell per∣secutions, the pretense therof was for maintenance of the Romish religion: yet they spared not to de∣priue verie manie catholikes and ecclesiasticall per∣sons of their franchises and priuileges: and of the chiefest that were executed of the nobilitie, none was in the whole countrie more affected to that re∣ligion [line 50] than was the noble and valiant countie of Egmond, the verie glorie of that countrie, who nei∣ther for his singular victories in the seruice of the king of Spaine can be forgotten in the true histo∣ries,* 47.9 nor yet for the crueltie vsed for his destruction, to be but for euer lamented in the harts of the natu∣rall people of that countrie.

And furthermore, to bring these whole countries in seruitude to Spaine, these forren gouernours haue by long intestine warre, with multitude of Spaniards, and with some few Italians and Al∣mains, [line 60] made the greater part of the said countries (which with their riches by common estimation an∣swered the emperour Charles equallie to his In∣dies) in a maner desolat, and haue also lamentablie destroied by sword,* 47.10 famine, and other cruell maners of death, a great part of the naturall people, & now the rich townes and strong places being desolate of their naturall inhabitants, are held and kept chief∣lie with force by the Spaniards. All which pitifull miseries and horrible calamities of these most rich countries and people, are of all their neighbours at this daie, euen of such as in ancient time haue beene at frequent discord with them through naturall com∣passion verie greatlie pitied, which appeared special∣lie this present yeare, when the French king preten∣ded to haue receiued them to his protection, had not (as the states of the countrie & their deputies were answered) that certeine vntimelie and vnlooked for complots of the house of Guise, stirred and maintai∣ned by monie out of Spaine, disturbed the good and generall peace of France, and thereby vrged the king to forbeare from the resolution he had made, not onlie to aid the oppressed people of the low coun∣tries against the Spaniards, but also to haue accep∣ted them as his owne subiects. But in verie truth, howsoeuer they were pitied, and in a sort for a time comforted & kept in hope in France by the French king, who also hath oftentimes earnestlie solicited vs as quéene of England, both by message and wri∣ting to be carefull of their defense: yet in respect that▪ they were otherwise more streictlie knit in ancient friendship to this realme than to anie other coun∣trie,* 47.11 we are sure that they could be pitied of none for this long time with more cause and griefe general∣lie, than of our subiects of this our realme of Eng∣land, being their most ancient alies and familiar neighbours: and that in such manner, as this our realme of England and those countries haue béene by common language of long time resembled and termed as man and wife.

And for these vrgent causes and manie others,* 47.12 we haue by manie fréendlie messages and ambassadors, by manie letters and writings to the said king of Spaine our brother and alie, declared our compas∣sion of this so euill and cruell vsage of his naturall and loiall people by sundrie his martiall gouernors and other his men of warre, all strangers to these his countries. And furthermore, as a good louing sister to him, and a naturall good neighbour to his lowe countries and people, we haue often, and often againe most friendlie warned him, that if he did not otherwise by his wisedome and princelie clemencie restreine the tyrannie of his gouer∣nours and crueltie of his men of warre, we feared that the people of his countries should be forced for safetie of their liues, and for continuance of their na∣tiue countrie in the former state of their liberties, to séeke the protection of some other forreine lord, or rather to yeeld themselues wholie to the soue∣reigntie of some mightie prince, as by the ancient lawes of their countries, and by speciall priuileges granted by some of the lords and dukes of the coun∣tries to the people, they doo pretend and affirme, that in such cases of generall iniustice, and vpon such vio∣lent breaking of their priuileges they are frée from their former homages, and at libertie to make choise of anie other prince to be their prince and head.

The proofe whereof by examples past is to be seene & read in the ancient histories of diuerse alterations, of the lords and ladies of the countries of Brabant, Flanders, Holland, and Zeland, and other countries to them vnited by the states and people of the coun∣tries; and that by some such alterations, as the sto∣ries doo testifie, Philip the duke of Burgundie came to his title, from which the king of Spaines interest is deriued: but the further discussion hereof, we leaue to the view of the monuments and records of the countries. And now,* 47.13 for the purposes to staie them from yéelding themselues in anie like sort to the souereigntie of anie other strange prince, cer∣teine yéeres past, vpon the earnest request of sundrie of the greatest persons of degrée in those countries, and most obedient subiects to the king, such as were the duke of Ascot, and the marquesse of Hauerie yet liuing, and of such others as had principall offices in those countries in the time of the emperour Charles, we yéelded at their importunat requests, to grant

them prests of monie, onelie to continue them as his subiects, and to mainteine themselues in their iust defense against the violence and cruelties of the Spaniards their oppressours, thereby staieng them from yeelding their subiection to anie other prince from the said king of Spaine: and during the time of that our aid giuen to them, and their staie in their obedience to the king of Spaine, we did fréelie ac∣quaint the same king with our actions, and did still continue our fréendlie aduises to him, to mooue him to command his gouernours and men of warre, not [line 10] to vse such insolent cruelties against his people, as might make them to despaire of his fauours, and séeke some other lord.

And in these kind of persuasions and actions we continued manie yéeres, not onelie for compassion of the miserable state of the countries, but of a na∣turall disposition to haue the ancient conditions of streict amitie and commerce for our kingdoms and people to continue with the states and the people of the said dukedome of Burgundie and the appen∣dents, [line 20] and namelie with our next neighbours the countries of Flanders, Holland and Zeland. For we did manifestlie sée, if the nation of Spaine should make a conquest of those countries, as was and yet is apparantlie intended, and plant themselues there as they haue doone in Naples and other countries, adding thereto the late examples of the violent ho∣stile enterprise of a power of Spaniards,* 47.14 being sent within these few yeares by the king of Spaine and the pope into our realme of Ireland, with an intent [line 30] manifestlie confessed by the capteins, that those numbers were sent aforehand to seize vpon some strength there, to the intent with other great forces to pursue a conquest thereof: we did (we saie againe) manifestlie see in what danger our selfe, our coun∣tries and people might shortlie be, if in conuenient time we did not speedilie otherwise regard to pre∣uent or staie the same. And yet notwithstanding our said often requests and aduises giuen to the king of Spaine, manifestlie for his owne weale and honor, [line 40] we found him by his councell of Spaine so vnwil∣ling in anie sort to incline to our fréendlie counsell, that his gouernours and chéefeteins in his low countries increased their cruelties towards his owne afflicted people, and his officers in Spaine offered dailie greater iniuries to ours,* 47.15 resorting thi∣ther for traffike: yea, they of his councell in Spaine would not permit our expresse messenger with our letters to come to the king their masters presence: a matter verie strange, and against the law of [line 50] nations.

* 47.16And the cause of this our writing and sending to the king, procéeded of matter that was worthie to be knowne to the king, and not vnméet now also to be declared to the world, to shew both our good dispo∣sition towards the king in imparting to him our gréefes, and to let it appeare how euill we haue béene vsed by his ministers, as in some part may appeare by this that followeth. Although we could not haue [line 60] these manie yeares past anie of our seruants, whom we sent at sundrie times as our ambassadours to the king our good brother (as was meet) suffered to continue there without manie iniuries and indigni∣ties offered to their families, and diuerse times to their owne persons by the greatest of his councel∣lours, so as they were constreined to leaue their pla∣ces, and some expelled and in a sort banished the countrie, without cause giuen by them, or notified to vs: yet we, minding to continue verie good fréend∣ship with the king, as his good sister, did of long time and manie yeares giue fauourable allowance to all that came as his ambassadours to vs, sauing onelie vpon manifest dangerous practises attempted by two of them to trouble our estate,* 47.17 whereof the one was Girald Despes, a verie turbulent spirited person, and altogither vnskilfull and vnapt to deale in prin∣ces affaires being in amitie, as at his returne into Spaine he was so there also reputed: the other and last was Barnardin de Mendoza, one whome we did ac∣cept and vse with great fauour a long time, as was manifestlie séene in our court, and we thinke cannot be denied by himselfe: but yet of late yeares (we know not by what direction) we found him to be a secret great fauourer to sundrie our euill disposed and seditious subiects, not onelie to such as lurked in our realme, but also to such as fled the same, being notoriouslie condemned as open rebels & traitours, with whome by his letters, messages, and secret counsels he did in the end deuise how with a power of men, partlie to come out of Spaine, partlie out of the low countries, whereof he gaue them great com∣fort in the kings name, an inuasion might be made into our realme, setting downe in writing the man∣ner how the same should be doone, with what num∣bers of men and ships, and vpon what coasts, ports, and places of our realme by speciall name, and who the persons should be in our realme of no small ac∣count, that should fauour this inuasion, and take part with the inuadours, with manie other circum∣stances declaring his full set purpose and labours taken, to trouble vs and our realme verie dange∣rouslie, as hath beene most cléerelie prooued and con∣fessed by such as were in that confederacie with him, whereof some are fled and now doo frequent his com∣panie in France, and some were taken,* 47.18 who confes∣sed at great length by writing the whole course here∣in held by the said ambassadour, as was manifestlie of late time published to the world vpon Francis Throgmortons a principall traitours examination.

And when we found manifestlie this ambassa∣dour so dangerous an instrument, or rather a head to a rebellion and inuasion; and that for a yeare or more togither he neuer brought to vs anie letter from the king his master, notwithstanding our of∣ten request made to him that he would by some let∣ter from the king to vs, let it appeare that it was the kings will that he should deale with vs in his ma∣sters name in sundrie things that he propounded to vs as his ambassadour, which we did iudge to be con∣trarie to the king his masters will: we did finallie cause him to be charged with these dangerous prac∣tises, and made it patent to him how, and by whome, with manie other circumstances we knew it, and therefore caused him in verie gentle sort to be con∣tent within some reasonable time to depart out of our realme, the rather for his owne safetie,* 47.19 as one in verie déed mortallie hated of our people: for the which we granted him fauourable conduct, both to the sea and ouer the sea: and therevpon we did spée∣dilie send a seruant of ours into Spaine with our letters to the king, onelie to certifie him of this acci∣dent, and to make the whole matter apparant vnto him: and this was the messenger afore mentioned, that might not be suffered to deliuer our message or our letters to the king.

And beside these indignities, it is most manifest how his ministers also haue both heretofore manie times, and now latelie practised here in England by meanes of certeine rebels, to haue procured sundrie inuasions of our realme, by their forces out of Spaine and the low countries: verie hard recom∣penses (we may saie) for so manie our good offices. Heerevpon we hope no reasonable person can blame vs, if we haue disposed our selues to change this our former course, and more carefullie to looke to the saf∣tie of our selfe and our people: and finding our owne dangers in déed verie great and imminent, we haue

béene the more vrgentlie prouoked to attempt and accelerat some good remedie, for that besides manie other aduises giuen vs both at home & from abrode, in due time to withstand these dangers, we haue found the generall disposition of all our owne faith∣full people verie readie in this case, and earnest in offering to vs both in parlements and otherwise, their seruices with their bodies and bloud, and their aids with their lands and goods, to withstand and preuent this present common danger to our realme [line 10] and themselues, euidentlie séene and feared by the subuerting and rooting vp of the ancient nation of these low countries, and by planting the Spanish nation and men of war, enimies to our countries, there so néere vnto vs.

* 47.20And besides these occasions and considerations, we did also call to our remembrance our former for∣tunat procéeding by Gods speciall fauor, in the be∣ginning of our reigne, in remedieng of a like mis∣chéefe that was intended against vs in Scotland by [line 20] certeine Frenchmen, who then were directed onelie by the house of Guise, by colour of the marriage of their néece the quéene of Scots with the Dolphin of France, in like maner as the ofsprings of the said house haue euen now latelie sought to atteine to the like inordinate power in France: a matter of some consequence for our selues to consider; al∣though we hope the king our good brother professing sincere friendship towards vs, as we professe the like to him, will moderate this aspiring greatnesse of [line 30] that house, that neither himselfe, nor the princes of his bloud be ouerruled, nor we (minding to conti∣nue perfect friendship with the king & his bloud) be by the said house of Guise & their faction disquieted or disturbed in our countries. But now to returne to this like example of Scotland aforesaid. When the French had in like maner (as the Spaniards haue now of long time attempted in the low countries) sought by force to haue subdued the people there, and brought them into a seruitude to the crowne of [line 40] France, and also by the ambitious desires of the said house of Guise, to haue procéeded to a warre by waie of Scotland, for the conquest of our crowne for their néece the queene of Scots (a matter most manifest to the common knowledge of the world) it pleased almightie God, as it remaineth in good memorie to our honor and comfort, to further our tention and honorable and iust actions at that time in such sort, as by our aiding then of the nation of Scotland being sore oppressed with the French, and [line 50] vniuersallie requiring our aid, we procured to that realme (though to our great cost) a full deliuerance of the force of strangers and danger of seruitude, and restored peace to the whole countrie, which hath continued there euer since manie yeres, sauing that at some time of parcialities of certeine of the noble men, as hath béene vsuall in that countrie, in the minoritie of the yoong king, there haue risen some inward troubles, which for the most part we haue in fauor of the king and his gouernors vsed meanes to pacifie:* 47.21 so as at this daie such is the quietnesse in [line 60] Scotland, as the king our deare brother & cousine, by name Iames the sixt, a prince of great hope for manie good princelie respects, reigneth there in ho∣nor and loue of his people, and in verie good and per∣fect amitie with vs and our countrie. And so our ac∣tions at that time came to so good successe by the goodnesse of God, as both our owne realme, and that of Scotland, hath euer since remained in better amitie and peace than can be remembred these ma∣nie hundred yeares before; and yet nothing hereby doone by vs, nor anie cause iustlie giuen: but that also the French kings that haue since succéeded, which haue béene thrée in number, and all brethren, haue made and concluded diuerse treaties for good peace with vs, which presentlie continue in force on both parties, notwithstanding our foresaid actions attempted, for remoouing out of Scotland of the said French forces, so transported by the onelie di∣rection of the house of Guise.

And therefore, to conclude for the declaration of our present intention at this time,* 47.22 we hope it shall of all persons abroad be well interpreted, as we know it will be of such as are not led by parcialitie, that vpon the often and continuall lamentable re∣quests made to vs by the vniuersall states of the countries of Holland, Zeland, Guelders, and other prouinces with them vnited (being desperat of the king of Spaines fauours) for our succours to be yéelded to them, onelie for their defense against the Spaniards and other strangers, and therewith fin∣ding manifestlie by our often and importunat re∣quests and aduises giuen to the king of Spaine, no hope of reliefe of these their miseries, but rather an increase thereof by dailie conquests of their townes and slaughter of their people (though in ve∣rie truth we cannot impute the increase of anie late cruelties to the person of him that now hath the title of generall gouernor, shewing his naturall dispo∣sition more inclinable to mercie and clemencie, than it seemeth he can direct the hearts of the Spaniards vnder him, that haue béene so long trained in shed∣ding of bloud vnder the former Spanish gouer∣nors) and ioining therevnto our owne danger at hand, by the ouerthrow and destruction of our neigh∣bours, and accesse and planting of the great forces of the Spaniards so néere to our countries, with pre∣cedent arguments of manie troublesome attempts against our realme: we did therefore by good ad∣uise and after long deliberation determine, to send certeine companies of souldiors to aid the naturall people of those countries, onelie to defend them and their townes from sacking and desolation, & there∣by to procure them safetie, to the honor of God, whome they desire to serue sincerelie as christian people according to his holie word, and to inioie their ancient liberties for them and their posteritie, and so consequentlie to preserue and continue the lawfull and ancient commerce betwixt our people and those countries and ours.

And so we hope our intention herein, and our subsequent actions will be by Gods fauour both ho∣norablie interpreted of all persons (sauing of the oppressors themselues, and their partizans) in that we meane not hereby, either for ambition or ma∣lice (the two roots of all iniustice) to make anie par∣ticular profit hereof to our selfe or to our people;* 47.23 one∣lie desiring at this time to obteine by Gods fauour for the countries, a deliuerance of them from warre by the Spaniards and forraines: a restitution of their ancient liberties and gouernement by some christian peace, and thereby a suertie for our selues and our realme to be frée from inuading neighbors: and our people to inioie in those countries their law∣full commerce and intercourse of friendship & mer∣chandize, according to the ancient vsage and trea∣t••ies of intercourse, made betwixt our progenitors and the lords and earles of those countries, and be∣twixt our people and the people of those countries.

And though our further intention also is, or maie be, to take into our gard some few townes vpon the sea side next opposite to our realme, which otherwise might be in danger to be taken by the strangers, enimies of the countrie: yet therein considering we haue no meaning at this time to take and reteine the same to our owne proper vse: we hope that all persons will thinke it agreeable with good reason and princelie policie, that we should haue the gard

and vse of some such places for sure accesse and re∣cesse of our people and souldiors in safetie, and for furniture of them with vittels and other things re∣quisit and necessarie, whilest it shall be néedfull for them to continue in those countries for the aiding thereof in these their great calamities, miseries, and imminent danger, and vntill the countries may be deliuered of such strange forces as doo now oppresse them, and recouer their ancient lawfull liberties and maner of gouernement, to liue in peace as they haue heretofore doone, and doo now most earnestlie [line 10] in lamentable manner desire to doo, which are the verie onelie true ends of all our actions now inten∣ded: howsoeuer malicious toongs maie vtter their cankred conceits to the contrarie, as at this daie the world aboundeth with such blasphemous reports in writings and infamous libels, as in no age the diuell hath more abounded with notable spirits re∣plenished with all wickednesse to vtter his rage a∣gainst professors of christian religion. But thereof we leaue the reuenge to God the searcher of hearts, [line 20] hoping that he beholding the sinceritie of our heart, will grant good successe to our intentions, whereby a christian peace may insue to his diuine honor, and comfort to all them that loue peace trulie, and will séeke it sincerelie.

An addition to the declaration, touching the slanders published of hir maiestie.

AFter we had finished our declaration, there came to our hands a pamphlet written in Italian, printed at Milan, intituled Nuo∣uo aduiso, directed to the archbishop of Mi∣lan, conteining a report of the expugnation of Ant∣werp by the prince of Parma: by the which we found our selfe most maliciouslie charged with two nota∣ble crimes, no lesse hatefull to the world, than most repugnant and contrarie to our owne naturall in∣clin••••ion.* 48.1 [line 40] The one with ingratitude towards the king of Spaine, who (as the author saith) saued our life being iustlie by sentence adiudged to death in our sisters time: the other, that there were some persons procured to be corrupted with great promi∣ses, and that with our intelligence, as the reporter addeth in a parenthesis in these words (as it was said) that the life of the prince of Parma should be taken awaie. And for the better proouing and coun∣tenancing of this horrible lie, it is further added in [line 50] the said pamphlet, that it pleased the Lord God to discouer this, and bring two of the wicked persons to iustice. Now, knowing how men are malicious∣lie bent in this declining age of the world, both to iudge, speake, and write maliciouslie, falslie, and vnreuerentlie of princes:* 48.2 and holding nothing so déere vnto vs, as the conseruation of our reputa∣tion and honor to be blamelesse: we found it verie expedient, not to suffer two such horrible imputa∣tions to passe vnder silence; lest for lacke of answer, [line 60] it might argue a kind of guiltinesse, and did there∣fore thinke, that what might be alledged by vs for our iustification in that behalfe, might most aptlie be ioined vnto this former declaration now to be published, to laie open before the world, the maner and ground of our procéeding in the causes of the low countries.

And for answer of the first point wherewith we are charged,* 48.3 touching our ingratitude towards the king of Spaine; as we doo most willinglie acknow∣ledge that we were beholding vnto him in the time of our late sister, which we then did acknowledge ve∣rie thank••fullie, and haue sought manie waies since in like sort to requite, as in our former declaration by our actions maie appeare: so doo we vtterlie de∣nie as a most manifest vntruth, that euer he was the cause of the sauing of our life as a person by course of iustice sentenced vnto death, whoeuer car∣ried our selfe towards our said sister in dutifull sort, as our loialtie was neuer called in question, much lesse anie sentence of death pronounced against vs: a matter such, as in respect of the ordinarie course of proceeding, as by processe in law, by place of tri∣all, by the iudge that should pronounce such sentence, and other necessarie circumstances in like cases vsu∣all, especiallie against one of our qualitie, as it could not but haue beene publikelie knowne, if anie such thing had beene put in execution. This then be∣ing true, we leaue to the world to iudge how mali∣ciouslie and iniuriouslie the author of the said pam∣phlet dealeth with vs, in charging vs by so notable an vntruth, with a vice that of all other we doo most hate and abhorre. And therefore by the manifest vn∣truth of this imputation, men not transported with passion maie easilie discerne what vntruth is contei∣ned in the second, by the which we are charged to haue béene acquainted with an intended attempt a∣gainst the life of the said prince: a matter,* 48.4 if anie such thing should haue béene by vs intended, must haue procéeded either of a misliking we had of his person, or that the prosecution of the warres in the low countries was so committed vnto him, as no other might prosecute the same but he.

And first for his person, we could neuer learne that he hath at anie time, by act or speach, doone anie thing that might iustlie bréed a mislike in vs to∣wards him, much lesse a hatred against his person in so high a degree, as to be either priuie or assenting to the taking awaie of his life. Besides, he is one of whom we haue euer had an honorable conceit, in re∣spect of those singular rare parts we alwaies haue noted in him, which hath woone vnto him as great reputation, as anie man this daie liuing carrieth of his degree and qualitie: and so haue we alwaies de∣liuered out by speach vnto the world, when anie oc∣casion hath béene offered to make mention of him. Now touching the prosecution committed vnto him of the warres in the low countries,* 48.5 as all men of iudgement know, that the taking awaie of his life carrieth no likelihood that the same shall woorke anie end of the said prosecution: so is it manifestlie knowne, that no man hath dealt more honorablie than the said prince, either in dulie obseruing of his promise, or extending grace and mercie, where merit and desert hath craued the same: and there∣fore no greater impietie by anie could be wrought, nor nothing more preiudiciall to our selfe (so long as the king shall continue the prosecution of the cause in that forcible sort he now dooth) than to be an instrument to take him awaie from thense by such violent meanes, that hath dealt in a more ho∣norable and gratious sort in the charge committed vnto him, than anie other that hath euer gone be∣fore him, or is likelie to succéed after him.

Now therefore how vnlikelie it is, that we ha∣uing neither cause to mislike of his person,* 48.6 nor that the prosecution of the warres should cease by losse of him, should be either author, or anie waie assenting to so horrible a fact, we referre to the iudgement of such as looke into causes, not with the eies of their affection; but doo measure and weigh things accor∣ding to honor and reason. Besides, it is likelie if it had béene true that we had bin anie waie charge∣able (as the author reporteth) the confessions of the parties executed (importing such matter as by him is alledged) would haue béene both produced and pub∣lished: for malice leaueth nothing vnsearched,* 48.7 that

maie nourish the venome of that humor.* 48.8

The best course therefore that both we and all o∣ther princes can hold in this vnfortunat age that ouerfloweth with numbers of malignant spirits, is through the grace and goodnesse of almightie God, to direct our course in such sort, as they maie rather shew their wils through malice, than with iust cause by desert to saie ill, or deface princes either by spéech or writing: assuring our selues that besides the pu∣nishment that such wicked and infamous libellors [line 10] shall receiue at the hands of the almightie for depra∣uing of princes and lawfull magistrats,* 48.9 who are Gods ministers; they both are and alwaies shall be thought by all good men, vnwoorthie to liue vpon the face of the earth.

Giuen at Richmount the first of October, 1585, and the 27 yeare of the reigne of our souereigne ladie the queene, to be published.

In the moneths of Nouember and December, [line 20] manie horsses and men were shipped at the Tower wharffe to be transported ouer into the low coun∣tries. And on the sixt of December the right hono∣rable lord Robert Dudleie earle of Leicester,* 48.10 lord lieutenant generall (after he had taken his leaue of hir maiestie and the court) with his traine entred the towne of Colchester in Essex, where the maior & his brethren, all in scarlet gownes, with multitudes of people met him, and so with great solemnitie entred [line 30] the towne, where he lodged that night, and on the next morrow set forward to Harwich, into the which towne he was accordinglie receiued and intertei∣ned. On the eight of December, accompanied with diuers lords and knights, he arriued at Flushing, where he was interteined by sir Philip Sidneie go∣uernour, the Graue Morris, the states of the towne, and others passing honorablie. The next day he sailed to Middleborough, where his receiuing was answe∣rable to his person; and after certeine daies there spent, as occasions then moued, he came to Willi∣amstat, [line 40] then to Rotherodam, then to Delph, where he lodged euen in the house where the prince of O∣range was slaine. And after a daie or twooes tari∣ance, he remoued thense to Donhage, where he was interteined with ten seuerall shewes, of no lesse rare inuention than exquisit sumptuousnesse, so glad were the people (best and worst, one with another) of his comming. Certeine daies passed, and Ianuarie entred, the lord lieutenant with three hundred horsses in their furniture entred Leidon, where he was re∣ceiued of the burgomasters, burgesses, and others, [line 50] with seuen seuerall shewes that follow. It is to be noted, that eight yeares before this, they were besie∣ged, and therefore now presented their extremities, which at that time they were driuen into. They brought therefore a faire woman on the stage verie brauelie apparelled,* 48.11 & she represented the towne, hir they assalted by Spaniards, with false fiers of great and small shot a long time in order of battell, & then retiring continued their siege; héere they laie so long that vittels waxed scarse, and then they presented af∣ter [line 60] the poets,* 48.12 of what this shew had passed. Famine attired accordinglie then breathed into the woman, after which they presented men rending dogs and cats aliue in sunder, and fed on them, and souldiors robbing women of their children.

Sicknesse now possesseth hir and pestilence, and this they presented in abrupt burials of townes∣men on heapes;* 48.13 and lastlie with a braue buriall of a capteine, who was borne ouer the stage with dead matches, howling trumpets, wrapt vp ancients, trailed pikes, drawne péeces; and after he was put into the ground, and bid farewell with a volée of great and small shot. The Spaniards pitieng hir,* 48.14 writ and sent letters by diuerse messengers, all which she read and refused, without returne of an∣swer: now hope possesseth hir, and therefore they tooke another waie. Now she commanded a light to be set on the highest stéeple in the towne, to signi∣fie vnto the prince of Orange that laie in Delph,* 48.15 how they hoped for succor; who againe by deuise of a doue sent them promise of aid, by which doue they promised to attend the good houre, and so the shew ended.

Now came Gods prouidence, vpon whome the towne relied, and she leaned:* 48.16 Gods prouidence in the dead of the night ouerthrew a peece of the wall and vawmure of six and twentie poles. Which the enimie hearing, and fearing the prince and his power to be entred for their aid, they fled, whome when the towne had in pursute, they put all they o∣uertooke to the swoord, the rest escaped by flight, and so with the woman as it were now at libertie that presented the towne, they marched awaie merilie with great triumph. At the last they brought in a woman verie braue, armed as the other was,* 48.17 hir they besieged with a Spaniard, intised with a Frenchman, and flattered with an Iatlian twise, the Spaniard put by, she fled the stage, and leaping off hastilie hid hir selfe vnder the earls cloke, whom he shadowed, and the Spaniard threatning mar∣ched awaie. The earle led hir to his lodging, wherein∣to he entred with shot. On the skaffold were written these verses, in effect as followeth in English:

We Flemings being banished, now wailing here,* 48.18 We are as they in Babylon, by the water clere, Bicause we wold not worship idols, but Gods word, And might not sing our praise vnto the Lord, Are we driuen out as now dooth appeere, But our deliuerance is now verie neere, For God hath looked vpon our miserablenesse, And sent vs a prince whom he will blesse, Which praised be God as it dooth beseeme, Who hath deliuered vs from dangerous case, And humbled the heart of such a noble queene, As hath sent vs a gouernor now in this space, Laieng his hand to the warres through his grace, And his arme mightilie, the which vs defend, Thus praised may he be world without end, Which sendeth such a prince aboue all that liueth, And one that gouerns to gods honor he now giueth.

So passing on to my lords lodging, on the doore of the entring were written these verses following:

Pro auspicijs illustrissimi & generosissimi comitis Roberti Dudlaei, regiae maiestati apud Anglos à consilijs, & gubernatoris Belgiae, &c: ad Ho∣landos consolatio.

Inter Iberiadum furias & tigridis iras,* 48.19 Oppressi fletum comprimitote viri, Nos licèt innumeris hostilia bella periclis Assiduè infestent, mille necesque trahant, Nostra tamen Domini rebus fiducia si sit In Domino, miseris expediet facilè. Nicanor Lestrij generis viribus malè nostras Ceruices pulsat, barbara verba vomens: Viribus at Lecestranis iugulabitur ille, En Machabaeus adest, qui Nicanora premat, Auspicio Christi, qui in vitam funera vertit, Qui fidei vindex, qui mala nostra leuat. En generose comes, Dauidis pia facta sequutus, Iusticiae exerce iura seuera tuae: Et tibi sit praesens magnum qui temperat orbem, Vt pede victrici colla ter as Goliae.

On the daie after his comming to the towne,* 48.20 he was banketted, at which banket were orations and deuises manie. On the fift of Ianuarie hée came backe from Leidon vnto Donhage. The

tenth he mustred part of his horssemen, to the num∣ber of fiue hundred or more, and then pointed them into seuerall garrisons, and to seuerall gouernors, the earle of Essex was that daie made generall of the horsses. The eleuenth daie hée came from Donhage to Leidon. The twelfe daie a generall fast was proclamed through Holland,* 48.21 Gelderland, and Friseland, which was kept with great zeale. The lord lieutenant spent that daie till night with preaching, reading, and singing of psalmes; neither he or anie of his eating anie thing. The ninetéenth [line 10] of Ianuarie he came from Leidon to Donhage, where in his time of abode he rode to a lit••le fisher towne two miles from the Hage,* 48.22 named Skeue∣ling, which towne dooth bound on the maine seas. In this towne he was presented with these verses:

Like as the sea goddesse Thetis had ingendred, The valiant Achilles to the Greeks defence, So hath now this English Thetis, who all praise de∣serued Sent vs this Achilles to our assistence, Wherefore we yeeld him all due reuerence. [line 20]

These words were written in the great hall at Donhage, cōteining terms of honor & welwishing: Beatus qui facit opus Domini fideliter.* 48.23 ¶Inclyto principi Roberto Dudlaeo comiti Leicestriae, inter magnates maximè pio, prudenti, forti, Dei permissu a regina misso, praefecto ac gubernatori Belgarum, prosperum hunc optatúmque aduentum toto laeti∣tiae sinu gratulamur, ecclesiae & reipublicae salutem optamus, foederati ordinis Belgij, addicti celsitudini eius. ¶Deus caepit, Deus dirigat. [line 30]

* 48.24On the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie, the lord lieutenant was installed and sworne, and likewise all the states sworne to the quéene. The manner of the installing was thus. At Donhage is a maruel∣lous faire hall, at the vpper end whereof are fiue or six large steps ascending, which doo reach to a faire chamber, at the vpper end whereof on high was pla∣c••d a cloth of estate,* 48.25 in the middest of which were the armes of England, and against them my lord was seated: on each side of him two steps descending [line 40] sat twelue of the principall states, & below them sat the residue, to the number of twentie right before my lord, but foure or fiue steps descending. On the right hand of my lord did stand the prince of Portu∣gall,* 48.26 next him the lord Morleie, next master Norris gouernor of Munster, next sir William Russell, and sir Robert Germin, with diuerse men of great ac∣count. On the left hand of my lord did stand the Graue Morris, next the earle of Essex, sir William Stanleie, sir Robert Stapleton, and sir Thomas [line 50] Parrat, with diuers others of great account. Thus being placed, a Dutchman made a large oration in Dutch, declaring the causes of the matter in hand, with thanks to the quéenes maiestie and the lord lieutenant.

Then was read in Latine the couenants be∣twéene the states,* 48.27 the queene and my lord: this doone the couenants were deliuered to my lord, which he deliuered to the states, and the states deliuered an other to him: then was my lord demanded to vow [line 60] the same by oth, who holding his hand to heauen did sweare to the couenants. The like did the states, hol∣ding vp their hands, vow to performe. Then againe were the states sworne to the queene and my lord hir lieutenant in those affaires. This doone, my lord gaue to them seuerall thanks, and they seuerallie did giue to him the like, which being doone, my lord passed through to his chamber, the trumpets all sounding before him. And héere as matter of conue∣niencie requireth, we purpose to touch the peremp∣torie authoritie committed to the said lord lieute∣nant by common consent of the states: being as followeth in the placard.

A placard conteining the authoritie giuen by the states of the low countries, vnto the mightie prince, Robert earle of Leicester, baron of Denbigh, &c: for the gouernment of the said low countries: translated out of Dutch into English, as fol∣loweth.

THe generall states of the vnited prouin∣ces of the low countries, to all those which shall sée or heare these present wri∣tings, health and dilection. Euen as it hath pleased hir maiestie of England mercifullie to send ouer into these countries the high and migh∣tie prince and lord, lord Robert earle of Leicester,* 49.1 baron of Denbigh, and one of the priuie councell, knight of the noble order of the garter, and not onlie to admit and institute his excellencie as chéefe head aboue all militarie souldiers on horse or foot, which hir maiestie hath sent or shall send ouer hereafter in∣to these countries; & to the end to assist vs with coun∣sell, aid & aduise, according to his great experience, policie and wisedome in the direction of publike af∣faires of the land, as well touching the feates of warre, as other waies, in conseruation of all that which most tendeth to the profit of the foresaid land, to bring backe and reduce the same into such good or∣der and rule as it hath béene in times past, to the end that so much the better and orderlie he maie resist the force and tyrannie of our enimies, and to frustrate all his practises: but also besides this to honour and inrich his foresaid excellencie with greater authori∣tie, might and commandement, aboue all hir maie∣sties admerals and viceadmerals, and ships of war, to command them all, & to emploie them to the ser∣uice of these countries, and in such order as his ex∣cellencie shall find néedfull for the same countrie; and that his excellencie following hir maiesties commandement,* 49.2 desirous to shew the effect of the good will and affection which he beareth to these af∣faires, and to the preseruation of the same, and also of the true christian religion, and hath imploied him∣selfe so willinglie in the foresaid matters, that his excellencie for that onlie cause hath left and abando∣ned his natiue countrie and goods, and transported himselfe hitherward amongst vs: so that hir maie∣stie and his excellencie could neuer haue doone or shewed vnto vs a greater benefit than this.

Therefore are we resolued, with good and ripe de∣liberation, to certifie all men by these presents,* 49.3 that we haue desired, accepted, and authorised the fore∣said mightie and honorable prince, lord Robert earle of Leicester, &c: to be our gouernor and generall captaine ouer all the vnited prouinces, and associat cities and members of the same. And we giue vnto his excellencie, besides the authoritie of hir maiestie giuen vnto him, the highest and supreme comman∣dement, and absolute authoritie aboue, and in all matters of warfare by sea and by land, to execute & administrat the same to the resistance of the eni∣mie, euen as his excellencie shall thinke most com∣modious to the preseruation of these countries: and so further, to doo all such things as apperteine to the office of a generall capteine. And furthermore, we commit the administration & vse of policie and iustice ouer the foresaid vnited prouinces, and asso∣ciat cities and members of the same into his hands,* 49.4 to execute and administrat the same with such power and authoritie, as haue had in times past all the o∣ther gouernors of these low countries before him; and especiallie, as haue béene exercised, and law∣fullie administred in the time of Charles the fift; re∣serued onelie the lawes and priuileges of the fore∣said countries: also with especiall power to collect profits, and receiue, and administrat all the contri∣butions

which are agreed and condescended, or shall hereafter be consented or agréed, to the mainte∣nance of the warres: and also, that which is or shall be deliuered hereafter into his excellencies hands: and this all according to the vertue of other letters and miss••ues written more at large touching the same agreement. All which former charge and com∣mission, his excellencie through our earnest desire hath accepted, and hath deliuered solemne oth and assurance into our hands, first of all, for the preser∣uation [line 10] of the true christian religion, and mainte∣nance of the priuileges and rights of these lands and prouinces, members, and cities of the same.

We therefore ordeine and command all gouer∣nors of prouinces and cities,* 49.5 all admerals and vice∣admerals, all officers, coroners, capteins, their of∣ficers and souldiors by sea and land, and furthermore all other councellors, officers, treasurors, receiuers, bailiffs, burgomaisters, marshals, magistrats, gen∣tlemen, burgers, & other inhabitants & subiects of [line 20] these l••nds, of what qualitie or condition soeuer; that they & euerie of them doo acknowledge his fore∣said excellencie in the qualitie of gouernement, and capteine generall ouer the foresaid vnited prouin∣ces, to honor, respect and obeie him, as they ought to doo, without making anie difficultie in dooing the same, vpon paine of falling in the displeasure and anger of his excellencie, and to be punished accor∣ding to the heauines of the fault, and as reason shall require. And to the end that no bodie should pretend [line 30] ignorance, we command expreslie to make knowne these ordinances,* 49.6 to proclame and publish them, whereas men are accustomed to proclame all pub∣lications; procéeding, and commanding to procéed with rigor against all disdainors and neglectors of the same, according to the order of punishment be∣fore mentioned, without anie fauour or dissimula∣tion to the contrarie, because we haue thought the same to be expedient for the preseruation of the countrie.

Giuen in our congregation & assemblie [line 40] in the Hage, the sixt daie of Februa∣rie, 1586, by ordinance of the foresaid generall states.

This placard thus passed, the lord lieutenant bending his mind to his charge vndertaken,* 49.7 did ordeine certeine speciall men, natiues borne, of the councell, to the intent that such affaires as chanced to occur, might by them be conuenientlie managed. And as he tooke order for matters of policie, so was he studious in preferring martiall affaires, proui∣ding [line 50] by good lawes and ordinances not onelie con∣cerning common souldiours, but capteins in like sort, that a conuenient course and well beseeming the excellencie of his place, might be obserued in all militarie businesses: for proofe whereof these lawes touching capteins (as a note of the rest) may serue.

* 49.8First, no capteine, officer, or other person, shall receiue or interteine anie other mans souldiour or seruant, without consent of his former capteine or [line 60] master, neither shall intise anie other mans souldi∣or from him, vpon paine of losse of a moneths wa∣ges, and to restore the partie to his former capteine or master.

Secondlie, no capteine shall send foorth anie men to doo anie enterprise, without knowledge of the ge∣nerall or chéefe officer appointed therevnto, vpon paine of losse of his place.

Thirdlie, all priuat capteins being no head offi∣cers, shall watch and ward with their ensignes, vn∣lesse it be by speciall leaue, vpon paine of the losse of a moneths paie, & for the second time lose his place.

Fourthlie, no capteine shall sell or ransome his prisoner without licence of the generall, and shall not suffer them to depart without making the high marshall priuie to the same, vpon paine to lose his prisoner, and imprisonment.

Fiftlie, anie capteine finding anie souldiour, of what band or companie so euer, which hath trans∣gressed anie of these lawes & ordinances, may take him & bring him vnto the marshall to be punished.

Sixtlie, that no capteine shall receiue or inroll anie person into his paie vnder him, but that he cause the said souldior to receiue the oth, vpon paine to the capteine for not obseruing the same, or losse of a moneths paie.

Seauenthlie, no inferiour capteine shall for cor∣ruption or anie other cause, licence anie of his soul∣diors to depart the campe or garrison, without spe∣ciall licence of the generall or head officer, vpon paine of losse of his moneths paie, and expulsion out of his office.

Eightlie, if anie capteine heereafter receiuing his souldiors paie, doo not paie the same vnto them within eight daies after, and being demanded, then vpon complaint made, and the capteine thereof in∣dicted, he shall lose his moneths paie, and be depri∣ued of his office, banished the campe, and disabled from thensefoorth to serue in the armie.

Ninthlie, capteins & officers shall resort to their souldiors lodgings, to sée in what state their armor and munition be in, and to giue great charge that their furniture be alwaies in a readinesse, their cors∣lets with all péeces belonging to the same, and their caléeuers to be made cleane & oiled, to haue match and powder drie, and strings for their bowes, their bils and holberds to be kept cleane and sharpe, vpon paine and punishment arbitrarie, according to the qualitie of their negligence.

Tenthlie, that euerie capteine or officer shall cause these said statutes to be read euerie twentith daie to them of their charge, as well horssemen as footmen, & to follow the same so néere as they may.

Now when the state of the countrie was prouided for in such sort as before ye haue heard,* 49.9 the lord lieu∣tenant procéeded to other actions, insomuch that on the first of March he came from Hage to Leidon, and the third of March from Leidon to Harlem, where being honorablie interteined, according to the maner in other places before named, with sun∣drie representations: on the tenth daie of March he came from Harlem to Amsterdam, a towne counted inexpugnable, being there receiued in most sumptuous sort with diuersitie of shewes & ceremo∣nies.* 49.10 The like also were exhibited vnto him com∣ming to Utricht, the people of which towne shewed themselues greatlie to fauour our Englishmen, for there came to the towne from the Leger three hun∣dred or foure hundred souldiors, so sicke and poore, that it was woonder to sée their miserie: and the townesmen not onelie receiued them, but also re∣leeued them with meat drinke and cloths, giuing them for the most part new shirts and other necessa∣rie apparell; looking so vnto them for their health, that whereas for the most part they were in great danger of death, few or none of them at that time perished.

The thrée and twentith of Aprill, the earle of Lei∣cester being lieutenant,* 49.11 and gouernour generall of hir maiesties forces in the low countries of the vni∣ted prouinces (as is aforesaid) and making his resi∣dence at that time in Utricht (a great and goodlie towne vpon the frontiers of Holland) kept most ho∣nourablie the feast of S. George therein, the procée∣dings whereof being so princelie performed to the honor of our nation, in the view of so manie thou∣sand strangers, I could not choose (hauing gotten the true and faithfull description, by one William S••••∣ger

aliàs Portcullis an officer at armes in that ser∣uice) to make some breefe remembrance of the ma∣ner thereof in this booke,* 49.12 to wit. The streets of U∣tricht being large and faire, were rankt and set with eight ensignes of burgers richlie appointed, wea∣ring scarffes knit like roses white and red vpon their armes, betwéene whome from the court of my lord vnto the cathedrall church called the Dome, the pro∣céeding was on horssebacke. First rid the trumpet∣tors apparelled in scarlet, laid with siluer lace, sound∣ing their trumpets most roiallie, their bannerols be∣ing [line 10] displaied and richlie limmed with my lords armes. Then followed the gentlemen, capteins, co∣ronels, and hir maiesties sworne men, to the number of a fortie horsse, richlie adorned in cloth of gold, sil∣uer, and silks, of all colours. After came six knights, foure barons, with the councell of estates: the right honourable earle of Essex accompanied the bishop of Cullen prince elector; and the prince of Portin∣gall rid by himselfe: next procéeded the capteine of [line 20] the gard, the treasuror and controllor of the houshold, bearing their white slaues; after whom followed two gentlemen vshers, and Portcullis herald in a rich cote of armes of England.

Then came my lord most princelike, inuested in his robes of the order,* 49.13 garded by the principall bur∣gers of the towne, which offered themselues to that seruice, besides his owne gard, which were a fiftie halberds in scarlet clokes, garded with purple and white veluet. He being thus honourablie brought vnto the church, after due reuerence doone vnto the [line 30] quéenes maiesties estate, which was there erected on the right hand, he tooke his owne stall on the left, by certeine degrees lower. Then began praiers, and a sermon made by maister knewstubs my lords chap∣leine, after which my lord procéeded to the offering; first for hir maiestie, & then for himselfe, the which he performed with such decorum & princelie behauiour, that all generallie spake most honorablie of him.

These solemnities being doone, his lordship retur∣ned [line 40] as he came, leauing behind him the earle of Es∣sex and certeine gentlemen to accompanie the prin∣ces and the ladies of the court. His court was a faire and large house, belonging in times past to the knights of the Rhodes, in which was a verie great hall richlie hoong with tapistrie; at the vpper end whereof was a most sumptuous cloth and chaire of estate for the quéens maiestie, with hir armes and stile thereon, and before it a table couered with all things so requisit as if in person she had beene there; [line 50] on the left hand almost at the tables end was my lords trencher and stoole, for he would haue no chaire. The tables being couered, & all degrees assembled, my lord before the estate of hir maiestie knighted a Dutch gentleman, called sir Martin Skinke, for his manifold seruices doone to his countrie, the which doone, the vshers marshalled the feast.* 49.14 At the table on the right side of the hall sat the yoong prince of Portingall, the prince elector and his wife, the prin∣cesse Semeie, the earle of Essex, the Graue Morris [line 60] and his ladie, & betwéene euerie ladie was an Eng∣lish lord or knight placed. On the left side sat the states and chéefe burgers of the towne, and the grand prior of Amerford (who came to see the feast) was by my lords appointment placed vppermost at that ta∣ble. Then began the trumpets to sound in the seruice which was (most princelike & abundant serued on the knée) carued & tasted to hir maiesties trencher.

To prosecute the sumptuousnesse, statelinesse, and varietie of deuises in seruice at this banket, requi∣reth a discourse of manie lines, and therefore lea∣uing it to the imagination of the reader (hauing re∣lation to the former) we will heare surcease; remem∣bring thus much to the honour of the lord lieute∣nant, that sundrie militarie exploits or stratagems were with no lesse magnanimitie attempted, than with felicitie atchiued against the enimie, during the time of his abode in those countries, which it were better vtterlie to omit, than not with conueni∣ent dignitie to record: being heerein semblablie af∣fected to his honour, as sometimes was the poet Horace to Agrippa, Qui sibi non conuenire tam sublime argumentum asseuerabat; proinde Varium poetam rectiùs scripturum eius praeclara facinora dicebat, qui ad Homeri∣cam foelicitatem proximè accedere videbatur. And now to leaue him in the hands of God, vpon whome depen∣deth his honours hope, we will héere leaue the ne∣therlands, and approach to matters of England.

On the one and twentith daie of this Ianuarie,* 49.15 two seminarie préests (before arreigned and con∣demned) were drawne to the Tiburne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. Also on the same daie, a wench was burnt in Smithfield for poiso∣ning of hir aunt and mistresse, and also attempting to haue doone the like wicked offense to hir vncle. On the second daie of Februarie, or the feast of the purification of our blessed ladie,* 49.16 doctor Iohn White∣gift archbishop of Canturburie, William lord Cob∣ham lord warden of the fiue ports, and Thomas lord Buckhurst, were chosen and taken to be of hir ma∣iesties priuie councell: the two first, to wit, the archbishop and the lord Cobham were sworne the same daie, and the third on the next morrow. And here, as in other places of these chronicles, where we haue set downe certeine collections of right worthie personages in high calling and verie honourable office, we are lead by some reason to deliuer a cata∣log of the names (at least) of such archbishops as haue successiuelie possessed the metropolitan see of Canturburie, therein implieng their antiquitie and authoritie, &c: and from thense proceed to saie some∣what of the lord Cobhams and lord wardens of the cinque ports, as a matter of some consequence,* 49.17 by means of the mutuall aduancement at one instant which hir highnesse of speciall grace vouchsafed them both. And to begin with Canturburie, being first na∣med, you shall vnderstand that Augustine the moonke (according to the receiued opinion of chronogra∣phers) was the first archbishop which occupied that metropolitan sée, next whome sucéeded one Lauren∣tius, then Melitus, Iustus, Honorius, Deusdedit, The∣odorus, Brightwaldus, Tatwinus, Nothelmus, Cut∣bertus, Beguinus, Lambertus, Athelardus, Wilfre∣dus, Theologildus, Athelredus, Plegmundus, Athel∣mus, Wolfelmus, Odo Seuerus, Dunstanus, Ethelga∣rus, Siricius, Aluricius, Elphegus, Liuingus, Agelno∣thus, Edsinus: and so forward with the residue before and after the conquest,* 49.18 which being multiplied by v∣nities, doo make vp the complet number of thrée score and twelue.

Where by the waie we might touch the varietie of their names (sith authors therein doo dissent) as al∣so the time wherein they liued and flourished, with some commemoration of their acts and deeds, both in church and commonwealth. But this kind of dis∣course being ecclesiasticall, is vnproper for this se∣cular historie: wherefore labouring no further there∣in, we will remit the reader to such authors as Ex professo haue amplie treted of that argument: mind∣ing now by waie of note in a few lines to touch the thrée late primats, as they haue succéeded ech other since the coronation and regiment of hir maiestie: the first of whom was Matthew Parker, whose pre∣decessor Reg. Poole dieng, he was aduanced, and inioied the same aduancement certeine yeares, (hauing béen the seuentith archbishop of that see) du∣ring which time he did much good diuerse waies, deseruing well not onelie of the church, but also

of the commonwealth. But hauing spoken elsewhere of this man, we will here staie our course; conclu∣ding this collection of archbishops in their successi∣ons, with the two reuerend diuines and docto••s, the one Edmund Grindall late deceased; the other Iohn Whi••egift now liuing; of whom no more but silence, for vertue dooth sufficientlie commend h••r selfe. Now order would, that we should descend into a discourse of the lord Cobhams & lord wardens of the cinque ports, remembred before page 1435, a 10: but herein the [line 10] reader is patientlie to put vp the disappointment of his expectation, vpon supposall of some reasonable impe∣diment whie the same was not satisfied. And now to the course of our historie orderlie to be continued.

* 49.19¶ In this yeare 1586, certeine of the lords of hir maiesties most honora••le priuie councell made an appointment to haue met at Douer, to surueie a notable peece of worke there latelie performed about the hauen, to the benefit of the whole land▪ Howbeit the said lords, by means of other acci∣dents [line 20] of importance, staid at the court, and went not that iourneie. Neuerthelesse the lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, one of hir maiesties priuie councell, repairing thither (accompanied with diuerse knights and gentlemen of great worship) did take the view both of the worke finished, and also con∣ferred about the businesse then in hand. Now for so much as that which is alreadie doone, is a perfect and an absolute worke, to the perpetuall maintenance of a hauen in that place, being such a monument as is hardlie to be found written in anie record, it might [line 30] séeme absurd that no mention thereof should be made in this chronicle: and that the cost and businesse there∣abouts imploied hath not beene vnnecessarie, maie ap∣peare by the reasons insuing.

First, Douer hath béene euer reputed the keie and locke (as Matthaeus Parisiensis reporteth,* 49.20 or as rather he should haue said) the verie doore and entrance into the realme of England, either for fréend or so, and also the readie passage vnto all nations, but especiallie in∣to France, from whense it is not distant about thirtie [line 40] English miles, and is commonlie passed in fiue or six houres at the most, and in a prosperous wind within halfe the time. Secondlie, it standeth in the most con∣uenient place of all this land to offend the enimie, and to defend either domesticall or forren fréend. Thirdlie, a meane harbor would be there (in the opinion of all skilfull mariners) more beneficiall & commodious for the nauigation of England, than an excellent hauen placed anie where else about the coast thereof. Fourth∣lie, all our passengers through the narow seas being [line 50] distressed by violence of weather, or by inconuenience of pirasie,* 49.21 or else by force of the common enimie in the time of warre, might there haue present succor and re∣fuge, and both spéedie and easie passage thereinto, or otherwise be best rescued. Fiftlie, of late yeares, the considerations aforesaid haue mooued some noble princes of this land, to bestow infinit tresure to gaine a harborough or hauen in that place, to their great ho∣nor, fame, and commendation, to the woonderfull con∣tentment of all their subiects, and for the good and be∣nefit [line 60] of all the neighbors adioining, and strangers pas∣sing these narrow seas. Finallie, it hath pleased our most noble queene Elisabeth to vndertake it,* 49.22 who in all good actions and necessarie works, for the benefit of the realme, & commonwealth of England, hath béene so liberall, carefull, and prouident, as thereby hir glorie and renowme is spread ouer all the face of the earth, and reacheth vnto heauen, where the king of kings sit∣teth, and heareth the praises and praiers, not onelie of hir owne people, but of all christians liuing in hir behalfe, for whose good (it séemeth) she was brought foorth and preserued in this world.

And now (I saie) for so much as hir highnesse hath at this present time taken order for the building of a new hauen in this place, and bountifullie imploied great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of monie vpon the same (being begun with more probabilitie, iudgement, and circumspec∣tion, and accompanied with better successe than euer anie of hir highnesse predecessors haue heretofore had in this case; wherin the most difficult and dangerous worke is alreadie accomplished, so as there is now and euer hereafter will be a verie good hauen, except extr••me negligence be vsed in mainteining the same) I thought it a most necessarie ma••ter to be here recor∣ded, ••o hir maiesties perpetuall ••ame,* 49.23 and partlie al∣so to giue light and incouragment to hir successors in the crowne of England, to attempt and vndertake, and the better to execute and accomplish the like fa∣mous enterprise. For actions of far lesse importance are made memorable by historiographers, as in eue∣rie chronicle maie appeare.

In this discourse I thought méet to passe ouer the antiquitie of the towne and port of Douer, with the liberties thereof; which togither with the ruines and misfortunes of fire are to be found extant in the per∣ambulation of Kent, written by William Lambard esquier. Of Douer castell somewhat might here be said,* 49.24 but for so much as maister Lambard hath so large∣lie discoursed therevpon in his booke, which is likelie to remaine of continuance, I will make bold with the reader to referre him there vnto; and onelie giue this note (to wit) that wheras he iustlie complaineth of the miserable ruines thereof; it hath pleased hir maiestie (in respect of the necessarie maintenance of the same) to bestow more charge of late in reparing and re∣edifieng of it,* 49.25 than hath béene spent thereabouts (as it seemeth) since the first building thereof, whether the same were doone by Iulius Cesar the Romane emperor, or by Aru••ragus then king of the Britains (king Edward the fourth onelie excepted) who (as Iohn Rosse reporteth) did throughlie repare it,* 49.26 bestowing thereon 10000 pounds, insomuch as it is now redu∣ced to be a peece of great force and importance, and verie beautifull to behold. Wherein the honorable dis∣position of the lord Burghleie lord high treasuror of England is to be commended, who was a principall furtherer thereof, and whose forwardnesse in all mili∣tarie affaires is had in admiration among all the best souldiors of England, although he himselfe an aged and a most graue councellor. And in these commen∣dations if I should omit the praises of the honorable lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, and constable of the castell of Douer, &c: I should doo him great wrong. For by his prouidence and mediation, togither with the diligent trauell and industrie of Ri∣chard Barrie esquier, lieutenant of the said castell, that worke is accomplished, to the comfort and bene∣fit of the whole realme. Within the wals whereof is now also raised such a mount at the north side thereof▪ as thereby the castell is double so strong as before. But omitting all other occasions and matters con∣cerning Douer, I will now passe to my purpose.

But yet, before I enter into these last works,* 49.27 I must giue you to vnderstand, that the verie situation of the place ministreth incouragement to the executi∣oners, and yeeldeth great fauor and occasion to the at∣tempt. For Douer cliffes stand to the sea north and east, the towne being placed at the foot of the northerne cliffes, the castle on the top of the easterne cliffes, cal∣led the Castell Raie: so as there is a naturall baie,* 49.28 through the which from by north issueth a proper riuer entring into the same baie: & thense runneth through the hauen into the sea. In times past, vntill of late yeares, that onelie ••aie hath serued them for a rode, and at manie times in some sort hath stood the nauie (but especiallie the fisher botes) in good sted. For in a great northerlie and westerlie wind, the ships were

driuen from the Downs and the foreland to repaire thither,* 49.29 where they might lie safelie vntill the wind blew great from by east or south, & then were they dri∣uen to depart thense vnto the Camber at Rie (which then was a notable good rode, though now vtterlie de∣caied) or into the Isle of Wight. For in a sudden flaw or storme of wind at southeast, there haue beene seuen or eight ships broken all to péeces in one daie vpon the said cliffes. To reléeue and amend the same harbo∣rough, and somewhat to mitigat the foresaid incon∣uenience, [line 10] there was a round tower builded by one Iohn Clarke,* 49.30 préest, maister of the maison de Dieu, about the yeare one thousand fiue hundred, at the south¦west part of the said baie, which serued somewhat to defend the ships from the rage of the southwest wind, but especiallie to moore the ships which were tied there∣vnto. For manie great ringles were fastened to the same tower for that purpose, as it maie yet be séene, sith it standeth there at this houre. And hereby that part of the baie was made so pleasant, as euer after [line 20] that corner hath béene named, and is at this daie cal∣led Little paradise.* 49.31 Neuerthelesse this was thought verie insufficient in respect of the place, for the safe∣gard of such a multitude of ships as vsuallie laie for harbour in that rode. For besides all strange botes, which commonlie repaired thither, it appeareth in the booke of Doomesdaie, that Douer armed yearelie at his proper charges twentie vessels to the sea by the space of fiftéene daies,* 49.32 with one and twentie able men in ech ship. [line 30]

Now about the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and two, one sir Iohn Thomson clarke, parson of the parish of saint Iames in Douer, being a man ingenious, and séeing the conueniencie and possibilitie of a good hauen to be made in that place, consulted with the cheefe and best mariners of the towne. Among whome it was agréed, that humble sute should be made to the kings maiestie by the state of the towne, for his gratious fauour and aid toward the making of a good hauen there. And it was also [line 40] by them all thought meet, that the said sir Iohn Thom∣son should exhibit their petition to his highnesse: wher∣vnto he agréed, and drew a plot, and prepared a sup∣plication in the name and behalfe of the towne,* 49.33 con∣teining the necessarie causes and reasons, deuises and instructions, for the erection and building thereof. But he told them he was poore, and therefore vnable of his owne proper charges to follow the sute. In which respect they collected among themselues, and deliuered vnto him foure pounds ten shillings, which [line 50] he accepted, and foorthwith repaired to the court; where he so demeaned himselfe, as he had present accesse to the king, who heard his sute with great fauor, and debated with him about the contents of his plot, and liked so well of his informations that he willed him to repaire home, and without delaie to returne to his presence, accompanied with some of the best mari∣ners or seamen of the towne, and so with commen∣dations dismissed him for that time.

When the maisters of the towne vnderstood his gra∣ces pleasure, they immediatlie assembled themselues, [line 60] and made choise of Edward Maie, Robert Iustice, Richard Cowchie, and Iohn Steward, as the fittest and skilfullest persons to vse conference, and to be imploied in that cause, being all mariners of good ex∣perience. These foure and the said sir Iohn Thomson without further staie resorted to the court, with whom when the king had communed, he conceiued of the ne∣cessitie of a hauen to be there had, and of the probabi∣litie and likelihood of good successe in the enterprise to be performed according to their suggestion. And be∣cause his maiestie vnderstood the poore estate of the towne, he granted his gratious aid for the supplie of their want of monie, deliuering at that time out of his owne cofers vnto them the summe of fiue hundred pounds,* 49.34 wherewith he willed them to make a begin∣ning of the worke. At which time he bestowed on the said sir Iohn Thomson the maistership of the maison de Dieu of Douer, which was a hospitall, valued at one hundred and twentie pounds by the yeare: the custome and dutie of the which house was (as the an∣cient townesmen informe me) to interteine and re∣léeue souldiors, and others which came from beyond the seas, hurt or distressed, who were allowed some reléefe there, by the space of certeine daies gratis: which though I find not directlie set downe in record, yet doo I know assuredlie the same to haue beene put in execution, wherewith the verie name of the house is agréeable, and as it were a credible witnesse. The king at that time also appointed the said sir Iohn to be principall surueior of the works,* 49.35 and vnder him the other foure to be ouerseers of the same.

Now am I to giue you to vnderstand, that the drift and deuise of the said sir Iohn Thomson was to erect a huge wall (which he termed by the name of a pierre) from Arcliffe chapell,* 49.36 being the southwest part of the baie directlie towards the east into the maine sea, a∣bout 131 rods in length: so as by that meanes the har∣borough was to be garded from the rage of all wea∣ther, comming from the north, northeast, northwest, and southwest, and so the entrance onelie at east south∣east, whereinto when the ships were once brought, they might there lie safe in all weather, at the one side or the other. But the pierre was not finished by 350 foot so far as the foundation thereof (which he cal∣led the Molehead) was laid,* 49.37 which foundation consi∣sted of great rocks, brought from a place néere hand, called Hakcliffe, or the castell Raie and Folkestone. This pierre was begun on S. Annes daie 1533,* 49.38 and it was compiled of two rowes of maine posts, & great piles of fiue or six & twentie foot long, set at each side close togither, which were let downe and put in cer∣teine holes hewed in the great rocks, laid for that purpose: but some of those piles were shod with iron, and driuen into the maine rocke of chalke, with a great engine called a ram. These posts and piles were combined and held togither with iron bolts, and were filled with mightie stones of chalks as also with beach, and other earth: but the bottome consisted altogither of great rocks of stone, which if they had not béene brought thither by a speciall deuise, must néeds haue béene extreame chargeable: for manie of them were of twentie tun a péece, and few vnder.

The practise of this charge is now common,* 49.39 but it was before that time rare & vnknowne in England, and inuented there by a poore simple man named Iohn Yoong, who first with a nutshell, after with an egshell, & lastlie with a small vessell, made proofe what weight those things could raise & beare in the water; and ha∣uing by that experiment made triall, or at least a pro∣bable coniecture, that stones of great weight might be raised and carried in the water by greater vessels, he discouered his experience to such as were officers in the worke; who presentlie put in practise & execution the same deuise, & making prouision of great & strong barrels and pipes of wood, caried them to Folkstone, and at low water fastened therto with chaines such huge stones as laie on the shore, neere the low water marke (where the quarrie or mine of those rocks is) so as when the floud or full sea came, the said vessels with the stones thereto fastned rose vp & swam. And if the stone were of such quantitie as two or thrée emptie casks could not lift it vp, then did they ad a barrell or two more, which would not faile to doo it: then did they drag with small botes the casks & stones therevnto ti∣ed, to the place where they were disposed to sinke them, & so the worke wherein consisted the greatest difficultie in appearance, was with most ease and least charge ac∣complished.* 49.40

And for this deuise the said Iohn Yoong had a yéerelie stipend giuen vnto him by the king du∣ring his life. With these stones, as also by this means was the greatest worke doone, and with great cost and labor these piles were filled vp. The chalke and fil∣ling thereof being brought from the north pierre, was conueied thither in a great bote called a Gaboth, which had nine kéeles.* 49.41 There stands yet of the timber worke of the old pierre foure score foot in length, and ••o••es vpon that part of the pierre, where stood a fort [line 10] named the Blacke bulworke.

Now that which was doone on that side, with the helpe of nature at the other two sides made an excel∣lent ro••e or harborough for the time it continued, and had maintenance.* 49.42 The king for his part spared no charge, for he spent hereabouts (as I am crediblie in∣formed) fiftie thousand pounds, nor yet did forbeare a∣nie trauell which might further the worke.* 49.43 For in per∣son he purposelie repaired thither diuerse and sundrie times, being distant from the court fiftie miles at [line 20] the least; yea his highnes had such care that it should be well performed, that no expert man in water works, either on this side, or beyond the seas, but (if it might be) he was brought thither, or at the least conferred withall. And during the time of all the worke, the kings cofers séemed to stand wide open.* 49.44 But alas, th•• kings care and charge, and the continuall trouble and trauell of officers was such about the worke present, that the prouision for the future maintenance thereof was vtterlie neglected. For the kings absence at his [line 30] being at Bullen, his sickenesse at his returne, and finallie his death méeting with the nonage of his son king Edward the sixt, made an end of all this worke: which being once in the state of decaie, there was no reparations nor further proceeding therein, till the time of quéene Marie; in the beginning of whose reign•• (by the space of two yeares) there was some rumbling thereabout. But the workmen and officers were not well paid; and after bad paiment, no pai∣ment, and so all was giuen ouer. Sir Anthonie Aucher [line 40] was treasuror in these works,* 49.45 and manie other inferi∣or officers also there were, and manie other inferi∣or officers also there were, but especiallie of clerks.

But now I am to declare vnto you the lamenta∣ble ruine and decaie of this worke, before the end and finishing whereof there was brought along the coast, from by southwest, a maruellous quantitie of beach and bowlder stone, whereof there had béene neuer anie séene before in those parts of that coast, and a great quantitie thereof rested vpon the backe of the pierre,* 49.46 especiallie before the Blacke bulworke, which (so long [line 50] as it might lie there without further annoiance) was (in appearance) a singular helpe for the strength and preseruation of the said worke, but it fell out other∣wise. For besides that, that an easterlie great wind would remooue and driue it from that coast, and conse∣quentlie from the pierre, which then would lie naked as before, vntill the south and westerne wind turned it backe againe; the pierre through negligence decaieng especiallie at the Blacke bulworke (where the greatest abundance of beach vsuallie rested) it passed through [line 60] the decaied places thereof in such measure, as in short time thereby grew a shelfe of beach from that point of the pierre to the east part of the baie, butting to the Castell Raie; so as no entrance thereinto for anie ship remained. And the more that the furthest point of the pierre decaied and waxed shorter, the néerer was the shelfe brought vnto the shore: insomuch as if the resi∣due of the pierre had not béene preserued, that shelfe would soone haue béene brought to the verie towne, and so haue choked vp the baie, and béerest all possibili∣tie of euer hauing a harbor in that place.

The decaie of the pierre grew now more and more, partlie (as is said) through want of prouidence and cost to be imploied therevpon,* 49.47 and sufficient prouision to mainteine the same: but especiallie through the disorder of the poorer sort of the townesmen, who dailie purloined timber, iron, and all that was anie thing woorth, which they could pull or catch from the decaieng places of the pierre.* 49.48 And now (by meanes of this shelfe) the hauen waxed woorse than euer it was, inso∣much as oftentimes a bote that drew but foure foot of w••ter could not enter into the mouth thereof, and sometime none at all: for the baie was altogither shut vp, so as the harborough was become a pent, out of the which nothing could passe out or in, sauing the wa∣ter that soked through the beach. But the riuer, which issueth out of the towne at a water gate standing at the northeast end of the said pent, in continuance of time would make an issue through some part of the same beach into the sea, sometime at one end, some∣time at another, sometime verie shallow, and neuer verie déepe; which issue was alwaies their hauens mouth, vntill a contrarie wind did stop it vp againe, and then they had no entrance at all, vntill the ri∣uer had made a new fret, or that they had digged a chanell through the beach, which manie times they were driuen to doo.

The losse of this hauen, and the losse of Calis,* 49.49 which happened about one time, made such an altera∣tion, or rather desolation in and of the towne, as was lamentable and woonderfull to behold. For of a braue, rich, and populous towne, it presentlie became a poore and desolate village, reteining onelie the name and liberties of the famous port of Douer. Neuerthelesse, the necessitie and expedience of a good hauen in that place did still remaine, & a conuenient meane also was left for the accomplishment thereof, as it séemed to diuerse which were wise and of good experience: in∣somuch as that verie matter, which was supposed to be the destruction of the late harborough, should now become a principall helpe and furtherance to a new hauen of greater importance, and better securitie than euer it was before.* 49.50 For (as you haue heard) Douer cliffes naturallie defend this baie from all tempests comming from the northeast and northwest; the pierre yet remaining gardeth it from the west and southwest winds; & the shelfe of beach crossing from the end thereof to the Castell Raie, had made such a close pent, as if anie ships could be conueied thereinto, they might there rest in great safetie.

The roome within this close baie conteineth al∣most fortie acres, and the riuer (as I haue said) run∣neth quite through the same immediatlie into the maine sea at south: so as the said pent being sur∣rounded at euerie high water, and lieng almost bare at euerie ebbe, the ouze or ••l••ech grew to be fouretéene or fiftéene foot déepe, the bottome thereof being a maine rocke of chalke: insomuch as a great multi∣tude of ships might be placed there in good securitie, if the entrance could be made good. These things con∣sidered by men of good capacitie and experience, sun∣drie deuises and conceipts were exhibited therabouts, whereof some séemed verie probable; and were the ra∣ther heard and commended, for that the worke was so necessarie and beneficiall to the commonwealth. And in that respect, it pleased the queenes maiestie to grant to the towne of Douer, towards the reparing of their hauen, the frée transportation of thirtie thou∣sand quarters of wheat,* 49.51 ten thousand quarters of bar∣lie and malt, and foure thousand tun of béere, without paieng either custome or impost: which was a gift of no small importance.

For (besides great summes of monie alreadie le∣uied and imploied vpon the beginning of these works) the licence or patent was sold to a couple of merchants of London named Iohn Bird, and Thomas Wats,* 49.52 after the rate of thrée shillings and foure pence for e∣uerie quarter of wheat, and two shillings and eight

pence for euerie quarter of barlie and malt; and the licence of béere being sold to diuerse others amounted to foure thousand marks at the least. Besides all this, it was enacted in the parlement holden the three and twentith yeare of the reigne of hir maiestie,* 49.53 for and in the considerations aforesaid, and for that there was a probable plot contriued by skilfull men, to be perfor∣med for a conuenient sum of monie, that for euerie ship, vessell, or craier, whereof anie of hir maiesties subiects were owners, or part-owners, being of the [line 10] burthen of twentie tuns or vpwards, loding or discharging within this realme, or pass••ng to or fro anie forren countrie, during the space of seuen yeres then next insuing, from fortie daies after the end of the same session of parlement, there should be paid for euerie such voiage by the maister or owner of all such vessels,* 49.54 &c: the summe of thrée pence for euerie tun of the burthen of such ship, &c.

Hereby there grew great summes of monie to be yearelie leuied toward these works, amounting to one thousand pounds yearelie at the least, and yet the [line 20] time not expired by two yeares. After this, hir ma∣iestie being carefull that the hauen should with expe∣dition be taken in hand, directed hir letters patents, dated the nine and twentith daie of March, in the foure and twentith yeare of hir reigne, to the lord Cobham lord warden of hir cinque ports, &c: sir Thomas Scot, sir Iames Hales knights, Thomas Wootton, Edward Bois, the maior of the towne of Douer present and to come, Richard Barrie lieutenant of [line 30] the castell of Douer, Henrie Palmer, Thomas Digs, Thomas Wilford, and William Partridge esquires, all which were of the shire, and men of great wisedome and iudgement, and no small trauellers in matters concerning the common wealth: some of them maruellous expert in affaires and matters of the seas, some in fortifications, some hauing tra∣uelled beyond the seas for experience and conference that waie, and to sée the order of forren seaworks and hauens, and none without singular vertues. In [line 40] which respect they were commissionated and autho∣rised by those presents, to doo, and foresee to be doone from time to time, all things needfull and requisit to be imploied about the reparing and mending of the said hauen, and as might tend to the furtherance of the said seruice: and to choose officers, and assigne their stipends, and the seuerall fées of all ministers, atten∣dants and clerks néedfull for the substantiall, necessa∣rie, spéedie, and cheape dooing thereof, and therein to set downe particular orders and directions, as might be for the furtherance and accomplishing of the said [line 50] works most expedient.

Now for the performance hereof, manie plots by sundrie persons were deuised,* 49.55 and first of all one Iohn True was commended, or at the least com∣mended him selfe to the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, to whome he made great shew to be an ex∣pert enginor, and by their lordships he was sent to Douer, and presented to be generall surueior of the works, as one in whome they reposed great hope of furthering and finishing the said hauen; whereof he [line 60] made no doubt, but resolutelie promised the spéedie execution and accomplishing thereof. His deuise and determination was,* 49.56 to make within the said baie néere to the shelfe of beach, a long wall from the water gate (out of which the riuer issueth into the harborough) to the blacke bulworke, in length two hundred rods. This wall was to bée made of excel∣lent stone at Folkstone, the which he framed after a strange and contrarie kind of workmanship. And there was for this purpose alreadie perfectlie hewed of the same stone seuen thousand foot, and six thou∣sand foot more was scapled: he bestowed and spent thereabouts one thousand two hundred fourescore and eight pounds,* 49.57 as appeareth in the accounts of the treasurors for that time being; and yet there was not one stone of his said long wall laid, nor that hi∣therto hath come to anie profitable vse. But this wall if it had beene, or rather could haue béene finished, it would haue cost a hundred thousand pounds,* 49.58 and yet would neuer haue serued the turne. For a stone wall is so contrarie to the nature of that sandie foun∣dation, as it can make no good coniunction nor per∣fect pent.

For the furtherance of his deuise he would haue plucked downe a great part of the old pierre, where∣of there was then too little remaining:* 49.59 he detracted the time, for he had ten shillings a daie allowed vnto him for his fée, which perhaps he was loth to forgo. He either could or would not render anie reason to the commissioners of his dooings and finall purpose, but alwaies said he would make them a good hauen, neither would he set downe anie time certeine for the accomplishing thereof. All these matters, with his negligence, delaies, & vntowardlinesse of his works, being aduertised to the lords of hir maiesties coun∣cell, he was dismissed.* 49.60

After whom, one Ferdinando Poins,* 49.61 who had béene conuersant and acquainted with water works in the low countries, and had dealt much about Wool∣wich and Erith breaches, offered his seruice for the accomplishing of these works; affirming, that it was an easie matter to bring the same to passe, in such sort as there should soone be a good harborough; refusing not to haue taken the worke to doo by great, either by a plot of his owne deuising, or else by the plot agréed on by the commissioners, and allowed by the lords of the councell. But this Ferdinando Poins, although he séemed a verie good executioner either of his owne, or another mans deuise concer∣ning such affaires: yet was he verie loth to discouer his order and maner of working, or anie other de∣uise of his owne, least (as he said) he might be pre∣uented by some other that would vndertake to doo it by his deuises, better cheape than him selfe could af∣foord it, and so he to loose, and other to gaine the benefit of his inuention. Howbeit, in the end he was content to be imploied anie waie, so as therewithall he might haue monie before hand: for Woolwich works did so sticke in his fingers, as moneie was verie palpable and plausible vnto him.

In fine,* 49.62 he vndertooke to make certeine groins or knocks, which at the hauens mouth should cause such a depth, as thereby the whole harborough should lie drie at a low water, whereby the works about the wals might the better and more conuenientlie bée performed, and the present entrie amended. For it was concluded, that there should bée made a perfect pent within the baie,* 49.63 conteining in quantitie about sixtéene acres, which should be inuironed with a long wall, reaching from aboue the water gate néere to the Castell Raie, extending in length about a hun∣dred and twentie rods alongst within the shelfe of beach, directlie towards the end of the pierre,* 49.64 where the blacke bulworke was placed; and at the end of the said long wall,* 49.65 a crosse wall of length about for∣tie rods, reaching from that wall directlie crosse to the shore at the northerne cliffe, not far from the townes end. And this should make a perfect pent to conteine and reteine the water of the riuer, which (when the s••use standing in the crosse wall should bee opened) might be of force to make and mainteine a depth for an entrance or hauens mouth for shipping to come into the rode,* 49.66 which lieth betwixt the maine sea and the pent.

In this worke there appeared great difficultie, and so much the more, in that (for the most part) the place where the wall should stand, was continuallie sur∣rounded,

and also the sea did euerie tide ouerflow the same, and besides that annoiance, the crosse wall also must crosse the riuer, the course whereof could not be diuerted anie other waie but with extreme charge. The speciall cause whie this harborough was continuallie surrounded, euen at the low water, was for want of a depth at the hauens mouth, which might at an ebbe conueie thense into the sea (more speedilie and abundantlie) all those waters which remained vpon the face of the hauen. To the exe∣cution [line 10] hereof (I saie) the said Ferdinando Poins was appointed,* 49.67 and towards his charge therabouts there was first deliuered vnto him one thousand pounds, by force of a warrant sent by the commissi∣oners for Douer hauen, to Thomas Smith of O∣stinhanger esquire, farmer of hir maiesties cu∣stomes inwards in the ports of London, Sandwich, Chichester, Southhampton, and Ipswich, with their créeks and members, and the créeke of Wood∣bridge, being a member of the port of Yarmouth, [line 20] who is neuerthelesse called by the name of Custo∣mer Smith, because in times past his office was by letters patents to collect the said custome,* 49.68 and to yeeld account thereof, as other customers vsual∣lie doo, hauing for his fée one hundred and thrée score pounds yearelie. Now for that he was so trustie and sufficient a person euerie waie, there was commit∣ted vnto his charge the receipt of all such summes of monie as were due, either for the aforesaid tun∣nage, or for the licence of frée transportation of [line 30] corne and béere, the which summes as néed required, were by him to be deliuered to the treasuror for Do∣uer harborough vpon the councels direction, and a warrant of six of the said commissioners hands.

There might be much written in the renowme and commendation of this man, for his great af∣faires and aduentures, as also for other singular ver∣tues: but for that he yet liueth, and is generallie knowne, it maie with modestie be deferred; yet thus much I haue said of him, for that he was a speciall sauorer and furtherer of these works, neuer making [line 40] delaie of anie paiment appointed or required, but ra∣ther disbursing great summes of monie out of his owne cofers to set forwards the same. After the re∣ceipt of this thousand pounds, the said F. Poins had 200 more, as it appeareth in those accounts. Trulie, this Ferdinando Poins applied the works industriouslie, and performed some thing profitablie for the draining of the harborough, by making two groins, whereby there was a depth made at the ha∣uens mouth. But as it is thought, his worke either [line 50] was or might haue béene performed with lesse than halfe that monie: which if he had doone, I would more willinglie haue published his praises. By the premisses it maie appeare, that the life of the hauen consisteth in the pent, and consequentlie in the long wall and crosse wall, without the which no pent could be made, so as wals must be erected. But now the question grew to be how and whereof they should be framed which were to be wrought in the sea, vpon [line 60] the sand or beach, through a riuer, &c: and the same wall to withstand the violence and rage of the sea at the one side,* 49.69 and to hold and reteine a mightie weight of fresh at the other, so as no water might soke through or vnder the same.

Maister True (as you haue heard) would haue made stone wals verie costlie, and without limitati∣on of time. Maister Ferdinando Poins would haue raised them with ouze and beach shoueled and cast togither without anie more adoo. An other would haue made a coffin dam, wherof the cost would haue béene infinite. Pet and Baker, being skilfull ship∣wrights, with certeine other coparteners, thought a woodden wall most conuenient; and presented to the commissioners a module thereof, deuised and fra∣med (for the most part) by one Andrew a carpentar, then seruant to the said Pet: which deuise maister William Burroughs, a verie expert seaman, excée∣dinglie liked and commended. Maister True his deuise was reiected as impossible and intollerable. Maister Poins his workemanship was easie for a plaine man of the countrie to conceiue and per∣forme: but verie few could be persuaded that his wall would be tight inough to make a pent, consi∣sting onlie of slub and beach shoueled together, and lieng so hoouer: for that was his d••uise. Neuerthe∣lesse,* 49.70 sir William Winter (a man verie skilfull and of great experience in sea matters, being sent to Douer by the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, with maister William Burroughs and others, to surueie and confer about that hauen with the said commissioners) vnderstanding Ferdinando Poins had delt in the inning of Woolwich & Erith marshes, being also willing to doo him good, gaue fauourable eare vnto him, as to one that propounded an easie and a cheape platforme, and not much vnprobable in his opinion, whose desire was to haue it well per∣formed, and with as small charge as might be, for that he was the greatest preferrer of that bill in the parlement house, and yéelded the best reasons for a hauen to be there placed.

At this assemblie were proposed other sundrie mens deuises; namelie, of one Thomas Brooker gentleman, Iohn Stoneham carpentar, Bedwell, &c: and among the rest sir Thomas Scot,* 49.71 being a man carefull for the affaires of his countrie, and therewithall verie perspicuous, being wearied with manie fruitlesse conferences, delaies, strange and vntoward deuises, chargeable and vaine at∣tempts, and contrarie procéedings; and among o∣ther things, hauing had great experience in Rom∣neie marsh matters (the greatest businesse whereof consisteth in making and reparing of wals to de∣fend the same marsh from the inuasion and inunda∣tion of the sea) and dailie seeing the nature and ef∣fects therof, weieng also in his mind, that Romneie marsh wals are of greater bulke and force than these need to be,* 49.72 for that they lie more open to the maine sea, and without comparison more subiect to the weight and violent rage thereof; and further knowing that the marsh wals are placed not farre from thense vpon that coast, vpon a foundation in all respects like vnto the same, if not woorse (for some∣times they build vpon a verie quicke sand, where one maie thrust downe a pole of a doozzen or twen∣tie foot, and not find or feele the bottome) and after he had compared these workes together, perceiuing no impediment whie one rule should not direct two workes of one kind, he conferred with his neigh∣bours of Romneie marsh therein, who allowed and confirmed his deuise, and afterward redilie atten∣ded on him to Douer, there to approue his opinion with their reasons and experience; and not so onelie, but also to vndertake and performe what soeuer he had set downe or promised in that behalfe.* 49.73 The resi∣due of the commissioners (hearing and conceiuing sir Thomas Scots reasons, ioined and confirmed with experience not far fetcht, but ratified by neere neighbours, being persons of good account, which were expert from their childhood in the practise of those kind of works) inclined greatlie vnto his mo∣tion; and the rather, for that they knew him to be such a one as would not séeke for priuat gaines. Howbeit, they which exhibited the woodden worke, could not well conceiue hereof, nor easilie consent herevnto. And no waie was thought by them more fit to preferre their owne worke, than to make some offer to doo it by great, which the lords of the coun∣cell

greatlie desired, as whereby they might vnder∣stand the vttermost charge and time required for the accomplishing thereof. But the price of the woodden wall grew to be so large (for fiue thousand and fiue hundred pounds was the lowest rate of their de∣mand for the long wall onelie) that it was much misliked. For first there was no likelihood or possibi∣litie that the same should be set fast and vnmoueable wher the slub or sléech is fiftéene foot déepe at the least,* 49.74 and the maine rocke immediatlie vnderneath it. Secondlie, if the same could be erected, yet it must [line 10] in short time be so shaken by reason of the weight of the pent water on the one side at low water, and by the violence of the sea on the other side at the floud, that through the vnstedinesse thereof, it could not continue tight. Thirdlie, the nature of the sand and slub was thought to be so different from the conditi∣on of woodden boords and planks, whereof this wall was to consist, that though there were no weight or wether that could impech the stedie standing thereof, yet there could be no such firme coniunction betwixt [line 20] them, but that the verie weight of the wall it selfe must néeds cause the same to decline to one side or other, whereby water would draine betwixt, by rea∣son of the thinnesse of the slub or sleech, which could minister no certeine staie therevnto, nor likelihood that the same should so vnite with the wood, as to stand stedie, and to make a perfect pent in that place: but to helpe that matter, they meant to haue sho∣red and braced the said timber wall, in such sort as the same should haue staid the whole worke: yet no [line 30] bracing could (as the best opinion was) haue preuai∣led to bring that wall to be good or stedie. Fourthlie, it was thought that such a wall so placed, would be subiect to more than ordinarie decaie, by reason that anie woodworke lieng in water, especiallie when it is sometimes wet and sometimes drie, will in short time rot and disioint: so as if the same could be re∣pared (whereof there was great doubt made) yet the reparations would be in respect of charge verie in∣tollerable. Fiftlie, the delaie of time herein was al∣so [line 40] disliked, for two yeares being demanded for the accomplishing of that one wall, no time could be promised. Sixtlie, they being demanded whether they had euer séene (either on this side or beyond the seas) anie such wall or worke; they answered, No: but affirmed it to be in their opinions so probable, as they would aduenture to vndertake it for thirtie pounds the rod, but in what space to finish it they could not saie. Seuenthlie, there was required for [line 50] the building of this wall 7000 tun of timber, which all Kent and Sussex (without vnrecouerable hurt in depriuation of their timber) was not able to yeeld: and the necessarie carriages for such a prouision could haue béene by no meanes procured, without the vndooing of the inhabitants, and spoile of the countrie. These causes were of force inough to o∣uerthrow a woodden wall. The deuise neuerthelesse deserued commendation.

These matters thus mentioned were after∣wards debated before the lords of the councell, and [line 60] these reasons with manie others were deliuered vn∣to their lordships by maister Thomas Digs, the first elected surueior of the works, as from the commissio∣ners. The credit of the parties, who were to vnder∣take this woodden wall, and their reasons preuailed so much, as diuerse noble and wise men grew to con∣ceiue good liking thereof. But the lord treasuror, whose voice and iudgement in all causes of impor∣tance hath in all his time worthilie caried the swaie,* 49.75 allowed rather of the marsh works; saieng that if he erred therein, as not seeing but hearing the mat∣ter in question, he would erre with discretion, as led by the reasons of the commissioners; who had séene and tried the experience of that kind of worke.

Diuerse liked of Poins his worke, or at the least of his communication: partlie (as it is said) for the cheapnesse supposed, though in déed the contrarie fell out in demand: partlie for the expedition promi∣sed, which could neuer haue béene performed: part∣lie for that he was knowne to be a speciall executi∣oner in Woolwich breaches, being workes defensa∣tiue against inuasion of waters, as yet vnaccom∣plished, though no small charges haue béene therein imploied, for the recouerie of two thousand acres of excellent marsh land, lieng seuen miles from Lon∣don, in the parishes of Plumsted, Erith, &c: lost by a breach made in the wals there with a tempest,* 49.76 about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and thirtie, to the vndooing of manie, but speciallie of sir Edward Boulton knight: partlie also he was hearkened vnto, for that he was reputed to be a good enginor; partlie for his experience in forren works, partlie for his resolutenesse: but especiallie, for that he made a shew of more cunning than he would vt∣ter; so as although his deuise for the erection of the wals was finallie reiected; yet was the matter brought to further conference. For he was com∣mended to the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, and namelie to sir Francis Walsingham knight,* 49.77 principall secretarie to hir highnesse; to whome was happilie referred the consideration and chiefe direc∣tion of all matters concerning these works; wherin he dealt from time to time, with as great care, tra∣uell, and circumspection, as though his owne estate had depended vpon the well proceeding thereof. Whatsoeuer was thought necessarie to be doone thereabouts, was alwaies aduertised by the com∣missioners vnto him, and his opinion and direction required, and he without good conference and pro∣babilitie would enter into no action concerning this matter.

Now therefore he wrote to sir Thomas Scot,* 49.78 re∣quiring him to send vp some sufficient person, ac∣quainted & exercised in Romneie marsh works, to satisfie the lords of the councell in all such doubts as should be obiected, speciallie by maister Burroughs, who had more liking of the shipwrights maner of worke, than either of the Romneie marsh works ex∣hibited by sir Thomas Scot, or of Plumsted works propounded by Ferdinando Poins. Wherein sir Francis Walsingham shewed maister Digs his defense, & his owne good liking of the earthen wals; onelie requiring, that sir Thomas Scot would throughlie informe himselfe by conference with the marshmen, to answer certeine obiections which he there inclosed, sent downe vnto him in writing, con∣cerning the passage of the long wall, and the distance thereof from the shore, the hig••h and tightnes of the same, the conueniencie of the foundation, the man∣ner of stuffe, the time of finishing, the breadth be∣low and at the top, the vndertakers thereof, and of their assurance, &c: and lastlie, that some suffici∣ent person should be sent vp, to confer in these mat∣ters. All which points were so answered by sir Tho∣mas Scot, as sir Francis Walsingham was greatlie satisfied thereby. Concerning the dooing thereof by great, sir Thomas Scots aduise was, that (séeing it was a princes charge) it might rather be performed by daie workers and good ouerséers, than by great; wherein no man would aduenture, in respect of the quantitie of the charge and diffi∣cultie of the works, without certeintie of great gaines. Neuerthelesse,* 49.79 if it were so set downe by the lords of the priuie councell, that it should be doone no other waie but by great; he himselfe would vn∣dertake it better cheape than anie other had profe∣red to doo it by fiue hundred marks, and to that effect

would put in verie good and sufficient assurance. Presentlie after the receipt of those letters, sir Thomas Scot sent to the court a kinsman of his, named Reinold Scot, who had béene deputed a surueior of Romneie marsh by the space of foure yeares togither; and Reinold Smith, who had béene clearke of Romneie marsh, and a continuall dealer about those wals by the space of thirtie years. These two repairing first to Douer, to consider of the earth, which should serue to make the wals of the [line 10] pent of Douer hauen, and to search where such earth as would serue that turne might most conuenient∣lie and néerest hand be had, with pasture for horsses which should be imploied for carriage thereof, pro∣céeded to the court at Richmont, where they atten∣ded on maister secretarie Walsingham on the mon∣daie and tuesdaie before Easter daie 1583: and after conference had with him, they deliuered vnto him certeine notes in writing from sir Thomas Scot,* 49.80 conteining necessarie orders, and recounting [line 20] the charges, businesse, and offices, &c: incident to the erection of these walles, imitating as neere as time, place, and matter would giue leaue, the maner of Romneie marsh works: wherein he remembred or rather required a yeerelie assemblie of commissi∣oners at Douer in Easter wéeke, as is by the lords of Romneie marsh at Whitsuntide, with the election of officers, and set downe the dutie and charge of ech officer, the order of the works, what prouision of stuffe should be made, to wit, of timber, thorne, fag∣gots, néedels, keies, béetels, piles, pasture, earth, [line 30] with totall sums of all officers fées, of all stuffe and prouision, of all the labourers, and of all the caria∣ges: which estimat was little or nothing differing from the charge as it fell out, sauing that where he set it downe that both walles might be finished in two summers,* 49.81 he accomplished them in one quar∣ter of a yéere, beyond promise or expectation.

Maister secretarie Walsingham (hauing perused these notes,* 49.82 & seene the maner of the works & rates set downe therein) liked verie well thereof: how∣be [line 40] it, he strictlie examined the parties aforesaid, how those works could be performed at so low prices, and especiallie, how so manie courts could be prouided without commission, or griefe to the countrie, e∣uerie court hauing a horsse and a driuer, and all for twelue pence a day, in a place where pastures are for the most part barre••, and hard to be gotten: and both that and all other things, but especiallie vit∣tels extreame déere. But being satisfied herein by the said Reinold Scot & Reinold Smith, he thought [line 50] good neuerthelesse to send them two, accompanied with Thomas Digs esquier, and William Bur∣roughs gentleman, to confer with sir William Winter, the said Ferdinando Poins, & the Plum∣sted men, which were workemen in Woolwich and Erith breaches, who propounded to the said workemen certeine questions at the house of sir William Winter at Tower hill.* 49.83 Wherein they were demanded amongst other things, whether they euer had heretofore made anie wals, whereby wa∣ter [line 60] hath beene pent to anie highth, and vpon what foundation or soile they were set, and of what sub∣stance their wals were made, and whether they could remedie such wals if they leaked, or could worke in water: and finallie, what they would aske for a rod dooing, and what suerties they could put in for the tightnesse of their worke.

Ferdinando Poins and his Plumsted men answered verie comfortablie to euerie question, they séemed ignorant in nothing, and promised to performe whatsoeuer was required, sauing assu∣rance. But they knew not the order of Romneie marsh works, neither could they possiblie haue ac∣complished this: for they were onelie good dikers and hodmen, which arts were little pertinent herevnto. Maister secretarie being aduertised how Ferdinando Poins and his pioners of Plumsted shewed themselues in this conference, wherein nei∣ther their owne disabilitie, nor the difficultie of: the worke by themselues was anie thing at all doubted of, thought it not amis to aduertise the residue of the lords of the councell thereof: so as if those works might in such wise be by anie thought possible to be performed, then might the marsh works with much more assurance be trusted vnto; and that did mai∣ster Burroughs now verie well conceiue and note: neuerthelesse, it was thought expedient by their lordships, that Poins and his workemen should re∣paire to Douer to a finall conference in those mat∣ters; who perchance might be somewaie at the least imploied in those businesses.* 49.84 And therefore maister secretarie sent down to sir Thomas Scot, that their lordships had receiued the resolution he grew vnto, vpon conference with the marshmen of Romneie, touching the procéeding in the plot of Douer hauen, and had both well considered & allowed of the same; and that their lordships also had appointed, that on the tuesdaie after Easter wéeke, master Burroughs and maister Poins, with certeine marshmen of Plumsted, should be sent downe to méet and con∣fer further with him about the going forwards with the same plot at Douer: at which time such order might be taken and agréed on among the commis∣sioners, for the making of all necessarie prouisions for the same, as should be thought most expedient.

On the ninth daie of Aprill next insuing,* 49.85 the par∣ties aboue specified came to Douer accordinglie, where all the commissioners for that harborough met them, who hauing receiued letters from the lords of the councell to set downe a finall resolu∣tion; after long debating of ma••ters, agréed that Romneie marshmen should vndertake the worke; and for the better and more spéedie procéeding there∣in, the commissioners made election of all necessa∣rie officers, and rated their wages in this sort. The treasuror, which was sir Iames Hales knight,* 49.86 to haue for euerie fiftie pounds receiued and disbursed, six shillings eight pence, and for his clearke fiue pounds yearelie. Iohn Smith the expenditor twen∣tie pounds yearelie, his clearke fiue pounds yeare∣lie. The common clearke twentie marks, and each sworne man during his attendance eight pence a daie. The generall surueior (that is to saie) maister Digs esquier twentie marks yearelie, which he gaue to Alexander Mindge his deputie.

It was there also ordered, that the deputies sur∣ueior, the expenditor, and clearke, should take pre∣sent order for the inlarging of the waies for carri∣ages to passe; for thorne, fagot, béetels, needels, keies, piles, bauin, and carriages for them, before Whit∣suntide following. These things were committed to their charge; but they were afterwards eased by purueiors appointed for those and other purposes; they hauing more to doo otherwise than they could well ouercome. Hauing now discouered the first & second estate of Douer harborough, euerie mans deuise for the amending, or rather erecting of a new hauen in that place, with declaration of hir maie∣sties bountie, and the care of the whole state iointlie and seuerallie in that behalfe: I am to make de∣scription of the things performed, and of the man∣ner of the execution thereof, in which thing consisted the difficultie, and (as some thought) the impossibili∣tie of this enterprise.

First therefore you are to vnderstand, that be∣fore a hauen could be there erected, there must be made a pent, to conteine abundance of water issu∣ing

from the land, which being let out at a sluse, should open & mainteine the hauens mouth; the vio∣lence whereof should scowre it so, as neither beach, sand,* 49.87 nor slub might there remaine. The working of these wals in the sea and thorough the chanell, was the great thing to be brought to passe, as hath beene before said. The discouerie therefore of these workes will not be vnprofitable to posteritie, nor vnnecessarie for the time present. Herein I will o∣mit all contentions & factions concerning these pro∣céedings, [line 10] as also all iniurious practises against those works, whense soeuer they sprang: but I would glad∣lie giue to euerie one his due commendation, which cannot be doone; because therein I should grow to•• long. I thought méet also to omit a controuersie ri∣sing about the placing of the hauens mouth, excel∣lentlie disputed betwixt persons of good acount.

The question was, whether were most conue∣nient a more readie and spéedie entrance in times of danger, when contrarie winds permitted no [line 20] entrie or abode in anie harbourough, though this entrance were somewhat more shallow, whereby the greatest ships in those cases should be excluded: or a déeper hauens mouth in an other place more con∣uenient for great ships, with a more calme ingresse, and a quieter rode, the hauens mouth somewhat more easterlie, and therefore not so good to enter in∣to at a southwest wind, which distresseth men most in those seas: wherein (I saie) I forbeare to repeat the arguments of ech side, and the circumstance of that [line 30] matter (being now decided and ouerruled) in such sort as I doo the works of the pent, the description whereof maie be profitable to all that shall haue to doo either in hauens or great water breaches. For both Plumsted & Erith marshes, or anie like brea∣ches by this means doubtlesse maie easilie and most assuredlie be recouered.* 49.88 In the declaration hereof also, the parties which haue deserued commendation or consideration maie perhaps in some sort haue a kind of recompense: for other reward was not loo∣ked [line 40] after, or sought for by the best executioners here∣of, sith the better sort imploied their trauell with great charges,* 49.89 the meaner sort their readie furthe∣rance to their power, the poorer people their labor at a small rate to the preferring and performance of this worke; and all with such forwardnesse and wil∣lingnes of mind, as the like hath not béene knowne or seene in this age: the beholding whereof would haue amazed anie man vnacquainted with Rome∣neie marsh works, from whense the patterne hereof was fetcht, and the officers and chiefe workemen [line 50] thereof brought by sir Thomas Scot to Douer. These works were digested and ordered by them, e∣uen as a battell is marshalled by officers of the féeld. And trulie it was expedient that good direction should be vsed in this behalfe, for there were to be imploied fiue or six hundred courts about a wall of small bredth at one instant,* 49.90 none to be idle or hin∣dered by an other, for the staie of one court a verie little space might be to the works an incredible hin∣derance. [line 60]

The nature and names of the offices and offi∣cers herevnto perteining you haue alreadie heard. For as they were at the first set downe by sir Tho∣mas Scot, so in all respects was it ordered and con∣cluded in that behalfe; sauing that because these works were so great, and required such expedition, as the expenditor was ouercharged with busines,* 49.91 though an expert man trained vp in Romneie marsh in those affaires, trustie, diligent, and euerie waie sufficient: vnto whose office naturallie belong∣ed the purueiance of all necessaries, anie waie ap∣perteining to the mainteinance of the wals. There was appointed by the commissioners (as chiefe pur∣ueior) a gentleman of good sufficiencie named Iohn Keies,* 49.92 by whose countenance and discreet dealing men were brought to yéeld willinglie anie of their commodities towards the helpe and furtherance of these proceedings for their iust values, which was du∣lie answered vnto them, so as no man was séene to complaine of anie iniurie or hard dealing. But when the works, or rather the workers grew to be greater and more in number than was expected, (which came to passe by reason of the multitude of courts and workemen, who proffered their seruice so fast, as from the rate of two hundred, which was at the first set downe, they increased to six hundred) all pastures néere the towne being imploied that waie, manie men were content to make their owne pro∣uision, conditionallie to be admitted into the works, insomuch as some hired pasture for their working horsses seuen or eight miles from Douer, and neuer∣thelesse came to worke with the first, and continued the whole daie with them that wrought longest. For they came at six of the clocke in the morning, and departed at six of the clocke at night, except extraor∣dinarie causes in preuenting inconueniences of great and fowle tides caused them to worke longer. Diuerse brought thither courts from besides Maid∣stone and Seuenocke, being thirtie or fortie miles from Douer; and in the end the officers were driuen to put backe and refuse such as made sute to bring courts into the works: and yet had they for their horsse, their court, and their driuer but onelie twelue pence a daie. Which because it séemeth incredible,* 49.93 I thought good to discouer and vnfold to the reader in such sort, as he might be resolued and satisfied in the certeintie thereof, and throughlie conceiue not onelie the possibilitie but also the reason of it.

First therefore the time of yeare when that worke was to be doone must be considered, which was in∣tended, and by proclamations in certeine market towns notified to haue had beginning the thirtéenth of Maie (when in those parts barleie season is ended) and from that time till haruest or haieng time little is to be doone in husbandrie; and assoone as haruest should begin, their purpose was to leaue this work•• vntill the yere following. So as in this meane time, that is to saie, from Aprill till haruest, the seruants, & speciallie the cattell of farmers are rather charge∣able than anie waie gainefull vnto them, and there∣fore at such a time to raise profit by them is double aduantage. Neuerthelesse, he that should make his best commoditie herein, was to looke circumspectlie into the matter, and then might he sée that it was re∣quisit to haue two courts: for one boie might driue them both, because whilest the one was driuen, the other was filled, & the same being vnloden or dischar∣ged, he went for the other, leauing that to be filled. This filler was a labourer allowed to euerie man which had two courts, for whome the owner of the two courts had ten pence the daie: so as he had for his f••ller, his driuer, his two horsses, and his two courts two shillings and ten pence the daie, which amounteth to seuentéene shillings the wéeke. He paied out of the same for the boord of his filler and driuer six shillings weekelie, and so had the owner of cléere wéekelie gaine for his two seruants and two horsses nine shillings, which must all this while haue lien at his charge.

There were among this number certeine double courts, which had double wages; because they were furnished with two horsses in a court, being double in quantitie to the rest, and were speciallie imploied about the cariage of sléech, a more weightie mould than either the chalke or the earth. A single court conteined in length fiue foot, in bredth two foot,* 49.94 and in depth sixteene inches: wherevnto the expenditor

looked ••erie narrowlie, as also to the suff••ciencie an•• deligence of euerie workem••n and ••orse, so as vpon euerie default their w••ges was totted and defal••••••, or the offendors excluded from the wo••ks, or some times punished with stocks and other 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

* 49.95An entrance into this worke was made in the be∣ginning of Maie, one thousand fiue hundred foure 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and th••ee, in the fiue and twentith yeare of hir maiesties reigne, with six courts onelie at the crosse w••ll▪ & such was the towardlines thereof, as yéelded [line 10] so great a brute & promise of good successe, that from that daie f••••ward there were continuallie cariages brought (at the rate before set downe) beyond all expectation: in so much as by the 27 of Iune, there were assembled in those works 542 courts, and al∣most 1000 workemen. And truelie, there consisted so great difficulti•• in marshalling this multitude (for all were to worke at once, none might staie for other, or be impediment to others worke) as without the paterne of f••••mer experience the worke could [line 20] hardlie haue béene performed.

* 49.96Heerein Richard Coast and William Norris in∣r••ts, and the aforenamed Reginald Smith clearke of Romneie marsh were chéefe directors, and as it were marshals, as hauing dailie experience in the like works. For in Romneie marsh there are euerie yeare commonlie imploied at one time about ma∣king or mending of some one wall 200 courts at the least, in each court for the most part being two oxen, for whome the owners hire feeding in the marsh, as [line 30] they can agrée with the landholders, and yet haue had hitherto for their court and deiuer but ten pence the daie. And this togither with their manner of working would be woonderfull, famous, and much spoken of throughout England, if the continuance of so manie hundred yeares exercise thereof had not qualified the strangenesse and admiration of it. For here (though at Douer it could not be so,* 49.97 bicause they wrought altogither with horsbeasts) the mights féed∣ing preuaile••h so much ouer the daies working, that [line 40] bullocks brought to those works leane and out of flesh, are returned from the works most commonlie in verie good plight.

* 49.98The stuffe carried by these courts for the erection of the walles at Douer, was ear••h, being of a hase∣lie mould, chalke and flee••h, wherevnto the carriages were seuerallie imploid, the most number for earth, whereof the greatest part of the wall consisted; the second for chalke, which mingled and beaten togi∣ther with the earth, did make the same more firme, [line 50] and was placed in the midst of the wall; the smallest number for sléech, which serued for the out sides onlie. For the same being beaten with béetles to the sides of the wall,* 49.99 would by and by cleaue so fast and close therevnto, as thereby the wals were strengthened; and therevpon also the arming might be set much more firmelie than vpon anie other mould. This also preserued the wall from annoiance by rage of wa∣ters, almost as well as if they were otherwise armed with thorne and faggot. [line 60]

There was prouided néere to the castell called Arclif••e (whereof Henrie Guilford esquier,* 49.100 being one that tooke especiall care and paines in setting forward that businesse, was then capiteine) two a∣cres and a halfe of ground for the prouision of earth for the walles: which ground was distant from the crosse wall about twentie score tailors yards, and for the same the owner had ten pounds, and the soile remaining to himselfe, which in short time will reco∣uer to be as good as euer it was. At an other place also called Horsepoole sole, lieng behind S. Iames his church, was more earth prouided, which was alto∣gither imploied vpon the long wall, as being neerer therevnto. Hereof euerie court brought commonlie to the walles in one da••e abou•• 〈…〉〈…〉. The chalke was had from diuerse places of the cli••••••s, som••hat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the w••ls than the earth, and these b••ought about seauenteene or eighté••ne lo•••• a daies. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was for the most part had at the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 part of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in a place called Paradise. And to these seuerall sorts of stuff•• were seuerall cariages appointed and disposed, as might most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 serue the t••rne, and as occas••on seru••d▪ for somti••••s more and sometim••s lesse of each sort of mould was necessarilie imploied. S••••times also the fléech was ••ad close at the side of the wals, and therefore fewer cariages imploied that wai••.

Now to make a perfect triall of the worke be∣fore the daie limited that all the courts should come in, there was an experiment of great importance performed, which was the making of a bai•• head, & therby a p••nt to keepe the water in or out of a péec•• of the ••auen called Little paradise, which place con∣teineth about th•••••• acres and a halfe of ground in great depth, wherein there riseth manie springs. An•• in the place where this wall or baie head should be made, the ou••e & fléech was twentie f••••t deepe at the least. Herin also was laid first a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and a••ter∣wards a sluse of great charge, the streame whereof méeting with the course of the great sluse increaseth the force thereof to the benefit of the hauens mouth.

On the thirtéenth daie of Maie,* 49.101 in the yeare of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred eightie and thrée, when the courts, which (by proclamations made one moneth before in diuerse market towns) were to come to begin the works, there were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of them prepared and readie furnished for the purpose than were expected. Howbeit, the same was brought to passe by the meanes of sir Thomas Scot and other of the commissioners, who brought bo•••• their owne and their neighbors carriag••s, persua∣ding all whom they thought able and meet, to set for∣ward, and giue incoragement to the execution of these works. But Ro••neie marshmen, and such as knew those works, were they indeed which onlie gaue light to others of the true & right maner of wor∣king, and of the commoditie insuing hereby; & they in effect supplied those works, vntill the countrie did see which waie to saue themselues, and make profit thereof. But such was the multitude alreadie as∣sembled, that (to auoid the difficultie and confusion of so manie courts working togither at the begin∣ning, and to doo the better and greater seruice after∣wards) the whole course was altered by sir Thomas Scot, by whome it was thought most méet to enter into the execution of both walles (to wit, the long wall and crosse wall) togither, & to diuide the courts into two parts: with whome the said Richard Bar∣rie esquier lieutenant of Douer castell willinglie ioined, vndertaking the charge or ouersight of the long wall, as sir Thomas Scot did of the cross•• wall; and by that meanes all the workmen & courts did with much more conueniencie and spéed accom∣plish their worke.

The crosse wall was of more importance,* 49.102 and the difficultie to make it was greater than of the long wall, for manie respects. First, for that the crosse wall standeth néerer to the maine sea than the long wall, and by that meanes this worke more ••io∣lentlie impugned, and sooner interrupted than that of the long wall. Secondlie, they carried the crosse wall through the chanell (a thing verie strange and difficult) and so did they not the long wall. Thirdlie, the ouze and fleech was déeper vnder the crosse wall than vnder the long wall. Fourthlie, the crosse wall was to be made déeper or higher, and broder or wi∣der than the long wall. Fiftlie, the tide was to hin∣der this worke, by approching sooner, by rising high∣er,

and by more violent raging than it did at the o∣ther. Sixtlie, the weight of the pent water was to lie altogither vpon this wall, and consequentlie the water would search thereinto more dangerouslie. Seuenthlie, in this wall there was a ••luse to be laid, which without great circumspection would haue indangered the whole worke. Adde vnto these, that the crosse wall was more suddenlie vndertaken, & of more importance. For vnder fiftéene thousand pounds none euer made offer to doo it before this [line 10] time: for the first purpose was to begin with the long wall onlie, or rather a péece thereof, as a worke sufficient to be performed in one summer.

Now if the long wall was thought a worke so difficult, dangerous, costlie, and tedious, what may be thought of the crosse wall? Trulie, had not the o∣ther commissioners béene comforted herein by sir Thomas Scot, the impossibilitie presupposed would haue discouraged and ouerthrowne the whole enter∣prise. But he with good comfort and confidence en∣tred vpon the crosse wall, and maister lieutenant on [line 20] the long wall: insomuch as the one was called sir Thomas Scots wall, the other maister lieutenants wall. And certeinlie, they might well so be termed, in respect of the paines, care, and costs imploied vp∣on them by those two gentlemen. Sir Thomas Scot dwelt twelue long Kentish miles from Do∣uer, yet did he seldome faile to come from his house to the beginning of the worke euerie mondaie mor∣ning while the walles were in hand; and from that [line 30] daie vntill saturdaie in the euening, when he retur∣ned home. He lightlie came first to the walles, and departed with the last: and it behooued him so to doo, in as much as by his meanes onelie this manner of worke was vndertaken, and all other deuises reiec∣ted.* 49.103 He laie in one Iohn Spritwels house, who kept an inne in Douer, called the Greihound, and there did he and his followers and seruants, togither with maister lieutenant and his companie receiue their diet at a déere hand. For although the castell stand [line 40] within a quarter of a mile of the worke, and as neere to the towne; yet was the lieutenants industrie and charge such, as he or his seruants did neuer lightlie returne home from fiue of the clocke in the morning till after supper; but remained alwaies there with sir Thomas Scot, in continuall businesse & extreme charge, not onelie in respect of their owne table, but also in regard of strangers, who came to sée them and the workes, whose charges they commonlie defraied. Besides that, they did (not seldome [line 50] times) bestow rewards bountifullie vpon the poore workmen, who vpon sundrie occasions were driuen to worke longer than the rest, and with more diffi∣cultie; for some at some times wrought in danger of life, & ofttimes in the waters vp to the was•• or shoul∣ders. And among the rest (to whome I could rather wish a liberall recompense than a due praise) there was in these workes a poore man named Iohn Bowle,* 49.104 borne and brought vp in Romneie marsh, whose dexteritie of hand, fine and excellent inuenti∣ons in executing difficult works, and whose willing [line 60] mind and painfulnesse for his owne part, with fur∣thering and incoraging of others, ought in some calling to haue beene honored, and in his poore estate should not be forgotten. As touching the residue of the commissioners, they for their parts (if they were in health) did almost dailie visit the works,* 49.105 with as great care for the good procéedings thereof as was possible.

Sir Iames Hales was this yeare chosen by the generall voice and consent of the commissioners,* 49.106 and with the good allowance of the lords of the coun∣cell, treasuror for the works (as sir Thomas Scot was the two yeares precedent) and did not onelie discharge the office and dutie thereof with commen∣dation and iust account, which amounted almost to fiue thousand pounds: but beside his often repaire at other times during the works, he did continue there by the space of one whole month, while sir Tho∣mas Scot (by meanes of a sicknesse taken vpon the wals) was absent, and all that time kept a bounti∣full table, and vsed great diligence, in continuall o∣uersight and furtherance of the works, whereof Thomas Digs esquier was generall surueior com∣mended thervnto by the lords of the councell, who al∣though he made his chiefe abode then at London, yet did he often repaire to the works, and seriouslie bent himselfe to set forward the same there, being also a carefull sollicitor in that behalfe. Certeine of the iu∣rats & chiefe magistrats of the towne, were by two at once dailie assigned to be directors and setters foorth of the carriages,* 49.107 and to sée the courts well filled: these also did refuse their allowance, being eight pence the daie, and did neuerthelesse verie diligentlie attend vpon their charge: their names were Iohn Watson, Iohn Garret, William Wil∣lis, Thomas Brodgat, &c.

There were eight men called guiders standing at eight seuerall stations, or places of most danger,* 49.108 to guide and helpe the driuers distressed or troubled with their cattell or courts, and to hasten them for∣ward: for the default of one did make staie of the whole companie, and these had eight pence the daie. There attended also at the wals eight men called vntingers,* 49.109 to loose and vndoo the tackle of euerie court immediatlie before the vnloding or sheluing thereof, and were allowed eight pence the daie. Then were there eight sheluers, which pulled downe the courts as soone as they came to the place where it was néedfull to vnlode,* 49.110 and these were chosen of the strongest and nimblest men, hauing ten pence the daie. There were also eight tingers, whose speciall office was to lift vp the courts immediatlie after they were vnloden, and to make fast their tackle;* 49.111 for the driuers hasted foorth without making anie staie, otherwise all the companie must haue ••arried for them; these had eight pence the daie. The number of the laborers which were to shouell abrode and laie e∣uen the earth, chalke, and sléech,* 49.112 as soone as it was vn∣loden was vncerteine, they had six pence and eight pence the daie. A great manie marshmen were as∣signed to laie the sléech vpon the sides of the wals, and were called scauelmen, and had twelue pence the daie. The number of béetlemen also were vncer∣teine,* 49.113 who serued to beat or driue the sléech to the sides of the wals, and to breake the great stones of chalke laid on the wals; as also to leuell the earth, and to worke it close together, hauing for their wages eight pence the daie. Manie marshmen also were appointed to arme the sides of the wals, after they were sléeched, & had twelue pence,* 49.114 and some sixtéene pence the daie.

The order of arming was in this maner.* 49.115 First beginning at the foot of the wall, they laid downe a row of fagot, through euerie one of the which they driue a néedle or stake about foure foot long, hauing an eie or hole at the great end. Then doo they edder it with thorne and other prouision for that purpose, and lastlie driue a keie or woodden wedge (being one foot and a halfe long) through the eie of the néedle to kéepe downe the edder, which staith downe the fagot. Also there was an inferiour purueior for fagot, thorne,* 49.116 néedles, keies, &c: who for his horse & himselfe was allowed for euerie daie he trauelled two shillings. The clerke of the works,* 49.117 who kept all the reckonings of the expenditor (through whose hands all the monie passed) he at fiue a clocke in the morning, togither with the expenditor, called euerie one that wrought

that daie, and saw euer••e court furnished, and recor∣ded all this in his booke, and such as were absent, had no allowance that daie: if they came late, their wa∣ges was totted at the expenditors good discretion. There was one Iuline appointed to attend vpon Poins his groins,* 49.118 he was a Dutchman, and more expert in those kind of water workes than Poins himselfe, his wages was first (I meane in Poins his time) two shillings a daie, afterwards (to wit) whilest these workes were in hand, and better hus∣bandrie was vsed, he had but foure grotes a daie. [line 10] And thus much touching the offices and officers du∣ties.

* 49.119Euerie court was most commonlie filled ouer night, and in the morning at six of the clocke they all approched orderlie to the place where the wall should be made. The first driuer for good consi∣deration was chosen to be a sufficient and a dili∣gent person, and that court to haue a good gelding: for as he lead ••he danse, so must they all follow. [line 20] When the first court came nigh to the place where he should vnlode, one vntinged it, and the driuer pro∣céeded with his court, either into the ouze or water, or as néere therevnto as they could; and bringing his horsse about in his returne, when the taile of the court was turned to the water side, the sheluer plucked downe the lode, as far into the chanell as he could. The driuer neuer staied, but went foorth for a new lode: the tinger runneth after and pulleth vp the court, and fasteneth the tackle, and goeth present∣lie [line 30] with spéed to doo likewise to another; and so dooth the vntinger. When the whole course of courts (being about two hundred) were vnloden, the laborers with their shouels and béetels plied to make euen the wall against another course came.

Sometimes they wrought a whole daie or two, and laid downe manie thousand lodes of earth and chalke, and no increase séene at night of the worke, either in higth or length▪ in so much as manie suppo∣sed that the earth was rather washed awaie than [line 40] sunke. And in truth, some part thereof was car∣ried awaie with the floud in a rough tide; for all the water in the hauen was manie times discoloured therewith; especiallie, vntill sir Thomas Scot tooke order,* 49.120 that before euerie floud, not onelie each side of the wall, but the end also should be armed with fagot; & in the morning or after noone (when returne was made to the works) the end where they were to procéed, should be vnarmed againe: which néeded not be doone to the sides, for they carried the whole [line 50] breadth of the wall with them. But in truth, the weight of the wall, with the continuall passage ther∣vpon, made the whole worke to sinke to the verie rocke; being from the top of the chanell sixtéene foot, and from the face of the water at the floud, al∣most as much more. But in the end, it was a woon∣der to see how the multitude of carriages (being well plied) preuailed, euen ouer the floud: which though it rose exceeding fast, and was come to the verie brinke or vppermost lane of the wall, a new course of courts came from time to time and sup∣plied [line 60] the want; which if it should haue staied a mi∣nut longer, would haue turned to great losse: for they could haue wrought no longer that tide.

In this maner they procéeded, vntill there was made of the crosse wall about fiue and twentie rods, which they wrought alwaies (as they went) aboue the high water marke (otherwise it could neuer haue béene perform••••) and so they passed through the chanell or riuer, and caried the wall beyond the same thrée or foure rods, so as the backe water or chanell had no issue to passe downe into the sea; but as it rose aboue ••he flats, and ran awaie before the end of the wall; whense they continuallie droue it further and further by lengthening the same. How∣be it,* 49.121 by this meanes they wrought alwaies in the water, which was verie discommodious. This riuer therefore manie men would haue had turned some other waie; otherwise it was thought, that this wall could not haue béene made, the turning whereof would haue béene diuerse waies inconuenient. First, for the extreame charge; secondlie, the hauens mouth would (for want héereof) haue soone béene swarued vp; thirdlie, Poins his worke, which cost one thousand & two hundred pounds, should haue bin hereby frustrated; fourthlie, the hauen (all that time) and all passage vnto Douer had beene vtterlie taken awaie, to the great hinderance and vndooing of the townsmen there. But sir Thomas Scot, who imploied his head and mind to séeke all aduantages for the setting forward of this worke, and had con∣ceiued a perfect plot for the finishing of the same,* 49.122 caused a cut to be made in the wall, and a small fluse to be laid in the verie place where the cha••ell did first run, which serued (for the time) not onelie to giue naturall passage to the riuer, and to mainteine the hauens mouth: but as a bridge also for the courts to passe ouer the water, to the further end of the wall; which now by this meanes remained drie and free from water vntill the floud, to the great aduantage and commodi••ie of the worke.

This sluse was composed with two arches, in length sixtie foot (besides the splaies) at each end, in breadth eight foot, and in depth also eight food, and the charge thereof amounted not to aboue one hundred marks. In truth, the laieng of this sluse was a verie dangerous and difficult peece of worke,* 49.123 and the executioners thereof worthie of commendation, for with great courage to doo their ••••••••trie seruice they aduentured their liues in more perill than I can well expresse. Manie were a••••onied to behold the dangerous case of the workemen, and diuerse depar∣ted from the place as being loth to sée the poore mens destruction. Wherein the said Reginald Smith, and the Romneie marshmen dealt with great dexteri∣••ie and courage; when all other almost had giuen it ouer, persisting in continuall and extreame trauell thereabouts, by the space of two daies and one night without intermission.

After the cut was digged thorough the wall, the sluse was laid by peecemeale, at the direction of him and the foresaid Richard Coast, William Norris, and Iohn Bowle, whose hands were as busie also as anie others in the dooing thereof. And as they were trauelling hereabouts, the weight of the wall it selfe, with the earth cast out of the trench therevnto, and the multitude of the beholders standing thereon, made a clift or crase therein, consisting of manie hundred lodes of earth, which declined towards the cut where they wrought to laie the sluse, and was re∣die to fall vpon them all, so as they were faine to su∣staine the side therof with shores which they supported chéefelie with their owne force. Which if they had not doone with great art & labour, by the space of diuers•• hours together, the wall had fallen into the place where the sluse should haue béene laid, to the destruc∣tion of sundrie people, and to the discomfort of ma∣nie belonging to the works. But these marshmen neuer gaue ouer, till euerie sticke thereof was laid, at what time ech man reioised that meant well to the works, and diuerse bestowed rewards vpon the workemen, and praise was giuen to God for his fa∣uour shewed in that behalfe.

This worke being thus performed, the courts (which during that time were altogither set to worke at maister lieutenants wall) did now diuide them∣selues againe, and returne to worke as before at sir Thomas Scots wall, and at euerie side wrought

with singular diligence & great facilitie.* 49.124 And God so fauored those works, as there were not lost in all that summer by meanes of foule wether aboue thrée daies and a halfe, wherein either courts or laborers were put from their worke, and in all those busines not one person slaine, and yet almost in euerie acti∣on belonging therevnto there was imminent dan∣ger, as first you heard in the laieng of the slu••e. And manie times in digging of chalke, they stood in the cliffe and vndermined it, so as sometimes an [line 10] hundred lode fell downe at once from vnder their feet, and sometimes from aboue their heads; and yet through Gods goodnes, & their diligent care, all esca∣ped without hurt: sauing two persons, vpon whom great chalke rocks & much abundance of earth did fall, and yet were recouered without losse of life or of lim.* 49.125 In the passage also of the courts, if (by chance) either man or boie had fallen downe amon∣gest them (as sometimes some did) the hill was so stéepe at some places, and the court was so swift, [line 20] that there could be no staie made, but the courts must run ouer them, and yet no great harme hath happened that waie. And I my selfe haue séene a court loden with earth passe ouer the bellie or sto∣mach of the driuer, and yet he not hurt at all therby. Manie courts also being vnloden (for expedition) were driuen at low waters through the chanell, within the pent, from maister lieutenants wall, whereby they gained more than halfe the waie: and so long as by anie possibilitie they might passe that [line 30] waie, they were loth to go about. And when the flood came, the chanell did so suddenlie swell, as manie horsses with their courts and driuers which rode in them were ouertaken, or rather ouerwhelmed with water, and were forced to swim, with great hazard of life, though therat some tooke pleasure. For some∣times the boies would strip themselues naked,* 49.126 and ride in that case in their courts through the chanell, being so high, as they were ducked ouer head and eares: but they knew their horsses would swim and carrie them through the streame, which mini∣stred [line 40] to some occasion of laughter and mirth. Fi∣nallie, this summer, being in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred eightie and thrée, was ve∣rie hot and contagious, & the infection of the plague that yeare more vniuersallie dispersed through En∣gland than in manie yeares before, and that towne verie much subiect therevnto, by means of through∣fare and common passage, and had béene extremelie visited therewith not long before, so as the towne [line 50] was abandoned of most men; yea of some of the in∣habitants themselues for that cause: and yet God blessed so the works, as in this extraordinarie and populous assemblie, there was in no part of the towne anie death or infection either of townsmen or workmen, which resorted thither from all the parts of England.

And one thing more in mine opinion is to be noted and commended herein, that is to saie, that in all this time, and among all these people, there was neuer anie tumult, fraie, nor falling out, to the dis∣quieting [line 60] or disturbance of the works, which by that means were the better applied, and with lesse inter∣ruption. For they neuer ceased working the whole daie, sauing that at eleuen of the clocke before noone, as also at six of the clocke in the euening, there was a flag vsuallie held vp by the sargent of the towne, in the top of a tower,* 49.127 except the tide or extraordina∣rie busines forced the officers to preuen•• the houre, or to make some small delaie & staie therof. And pre∣sentlie vpon the signe giuen, there was a generall shout made by all the workers: and wheresoeuer a∣nie court was at that instant either emptie or lo∣den, there was it left, till one of the clocke after noone or six of the clocke in the morning, when they retur∣ned to their businesse. But by the space of halfe an houre before the flag of libertie was hanged out, all the court driuers entered into a song, whereof al∣though the dittie was barbarous, and the note ru∣sticall, the matter of no moment, & all but a iest: yet is it not vnworthie of some briefe note of remem∣brance; because the tune or rather the noise thereof was extraordinarie, and (being deliuered with the continuall voice of such a multitude) was verie strange. In this and some other respect, I will set downe their dittie, the words whereof were these:

O Harrie hold vp thy hat, t'is eleuen * 49.128 a clocke, and a little, little, little past: My bow is broke, I would vnyoke, my foot is sore, I can worke no more.

This song was made and set in Romneie marsh, where their best making is making of wals and dikes, and their best setting is to set a néedle or a stake in a hedge: howbeit this is a more ciuill call than the brutish call at the theatre for the comming awaie of the plaiers to the stage. I thinke there was neuer worke attempted with more desire,* 49.129 nor pro∣ceeded in with more contentment, nor executed with greater trauell of workemen, or diligence of offi∣cers, nor prouided for with more carefulnesse of commissioners, nor with truer accounts or duer paie, nor contriued with more circumspection of the deuisers and vndertakers of the worke, nor ended with more commendation or comfort: sauing that vpon the seuen & twentith of Iulie, being S. Iames his daie, the verie daie when the crosse wall and the long wall met, and were ioined together, and in ef∣fect finished (for both wals were brought aboue the high water marke, and nothing remained to be done of the same but highthening, which might be doone at anie time after) sir Thomas Scot the principall pil∣ler of that worke fell sicke vpon the wals,* 49.130 and was conueied thense in a wagon to his house, where he remained six wéeks, more likelie to die than to liue, whose ladie and wife (being a most vertuous and no∣ble matrone, & a liuelie paterne of womanhood and sobrietie, the daughter of sir Iohn Baker knight, and the mother of seuentéene children) vsed such dili∣gent attendance and continuall care for hir hus∣bands recouerie of helth,* 49.131 as thereby she brought hir selfe into so weake state of bodie, as being great with two children, she fell sicke; and after hir vn∣timelie trauell, being deliuered of a sonne and a daughter, she ended hir mortall life.

This sicknesse of sir Thomas Scot, and that which fell out therevpon, was no small discomfiture to him and all his. And the workmen at Douer made such mone for his sicknesse, and also for his absence, that euerie stréet was replenished with sorrow and gréefe; and the people would be comforted with nothing more, nor anie waie be better incouraged to worke lustilie, than to be told that sir Thomas Scot was well recouered, and would shortlie be amongst them againe. And in truth, they translated their barba∣rous musicke into a sorrowfull song, and in stéed of calling to Harrie for their dinner, they called to God for the good health and returne of their best freend sir Thomas Scot, and that with a generall and continuall outcrie, euen in their old accusto∣med tune & time. But the courts procéeded in high∣thening the wals, vntill they were raised about two foot higher than they were on S. Iames his daie, when the wals met togither; so as the crosse wall is ninetie foot broad in the bottome,* 49.132 and about fiftie foot in the top. The long wall is seuentie foot in the bot∣tome, and almost fortie foot in the top, in so much as vpon either wall two courts may méet and passe, or turne without troubling ech other. The length of the

crosse wall is fortie rods, the length of the long wall a hundred and twentie rods. The charge of these two wals, with the appurtenances, amounted to two thousand and seauen hundred pounds, as appeareth in the expenditors books. If there were anie issue or draining of water vnder the wals, it was soone stop∣ped by the peise of the wall it selfe, which neuer left sinking till it came to the foundation of the rocke, except (by some ouersight of the workemen) some part thereof were set vpon the beach, which should by order haue béene first remooued, & in that case they benched it, digging a trench at the foot of that part of [line 10] the wall, and filling the same with earth, they made it verie tight, and so might anie such place be perfe∣cted and amended if need should require. But at this houre there leaketh not a drop of water vnder or through anie part of the wall that anie man maie perceiue or see:* 49.133 so as a full pent shrinketh not anie whit at all betwixt tide and tide, whereas the allow∣ance of one foot leakage or fall at the least was requi∣red of them, which exhibited the plot of the woodden [line 20] wall, which being measured from the top or face of the high pent diminisheth almost one quarter there∣of.* 49.134 And thus betwixt the first of Maie and midst of August, this pent, which was thought vnpossible to be doone in three yeares, was perfectlie finished in lesse than thrée months, and remaineth in so good and sure state, as the longer it standeth, the better and tighter it will be.

If neuer anie thing should be added herevnto, this pent (by reason of the abundance of water retei∣ned therein,* 49.135 and issuing out of the s••use) would main∣teine [line 30] a good hauen in that place: for the violent course therof will alwaies open the hauens mouth, and make a fret there, euen downe to the rocke, al∣though it be distant from the same threescore rods; in so much as at this instant there ma••e come in at quarter floud a barke of fortie or fiftie tun, and at full sea a ship of thrée hundred tun and vpwards. But when the two iustie heads are once finished (which are now in hand) so as the hauens mouth be perfected▪ anie ship what soeuer maie enter in there∣at, [line 40] and remaine within that rode in good safetie. But as at manie other times heretofore there hath béene sure triall had of the good effects of this pent,* 49.136 so now in this last moneth of October one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six, one gate of the s••use being by mischance broken,* 49.137 so as by the space of foure daies there could be no water reteined within she pent, to scowre the mouth of the hauen, the same was so choked and swarued vp with sand and beach [line 50] in that space, as no bote could enter in▪ or passe out of the same:* 49.138 insomuch as Edward Wootton esquire, being then at Douer to passe thense in an ambas∣sage from hir maiestie to the French king, was for∣ced to send to Sandwich for a craier, to transport him to Calis, because no bote of Douer lieng with∣in the rode could passe out at the hauens mouth. But assoone as the said gate of the sluse was repared, e∣uen the next tide following,* 49.139 a vessell of thrée hundred tun might and did easilie passe in and out thereat, [line 60] one pent of water had so scowred and depthened the same. Whereby it maie appeare, that neither the cost bestowed, nor the worke performed, hath béene vn∣profitablie imploi••d, or vnnecessarilie vndertaken.

Now you shall vnderstand, that the small sluse which was first made and laied in the crosse wall in such sort,* 49.140 and for such purpose as hath béene declared, was taken vp after the said walles were finished, and a sluse of far greater charge was made by the a∣foresaid Peter Pet, who vndertooke to doo it by great, and had for the same foure hundred pounds, the laieng whereof did cost two hundred pounds more at the least. This sluse conteineth in length fourescore foot, in bredth sixtéene foot, in depth thir∣téene, and hath in it two draw gates. It was one whole moneth in laieng,* 49.141 all which time the said lord Cobham made his abode there, and kept a most ho∣norable and costlie table, furthering those works not onelie with his continuall presence and counte∣nance, but also with his good direction, and that not at starts, but from morning till night, and from daie to daie, vntill the full accomplishing thereof.

And in the meane time sir Francis Walsing∣ham hir maiesties principall secretarie was not vn∣carefull of this action,* 49.142 as being the man without whom nothing was doone, directing the course, and alwaie looking into the state thereof, and gaue conti∣nuall life thervnto, by prouiding monie for it, where∣of when anie want approched, he neuer failed to see or rather to send a sure supplie. Since the finishing of these wals and sluses,* 49.143 there hath beene much worke and charge imploied about one of the iuttie heads, and beautifieng of the harborough, wherin one George Carie of Deuonshire esquire, and one Iohn Hill an auditor, haue béene the principall directors. But because that worke remaineth as yet vnper∣formed, the report thereof shall also remaine to be made by others that shall hereafter haue occasion to write of such affairs.

¶At the assises kept at the citie of Excester,* 49.144 the fourteenth daie of March, in the eight and twentith yeare of hir maiesties reigne, before sir Edmund Anderson knight lord chiefe iustice of the common plees, and sargeant Floredaie one of the ba∣rons of the excheker, iustices of the assises in the countie of Deuon and Exon, there happened a ve∣rie sudden and a strange sickenesse; first amongst the prisoners of the gaole of the castell of Exon, & then dispersed (vpon their triall) amongst sundrie other persons: which was not much vnlike to the sicke∣nesse that of late yeares happened at an assise hol∣den at Oxford, before sir Robert ••ell knight, lord chiefe baron of the excheker, and iustice then of that assise; and of which sickenesse he amongst others died. This sickenesse was verie sharpe for the time, & few escaped, which at the first were infected there∣with. It was contagious and infectious, but not so violent, as commonlie the pestilence is; neither dooth there appeare anie outward vlcer or sore.

The origen and cause thereof diuerse men are of diuerse iudgements. Some did impute it,* 49.145 and were of the mind, that it procéeded from the conta∣gion of the gaole, which by reason of the close aire, and filthie stinke, the prisoners newlie come out of a fresh aire into the same, are in short time for the most part infected therewith; and this is common∣lie called the gaole sickenesse, and manie die thereof. Some did impute it to certeine poore Portingals, then prisoners in the said gaole. For not long be∣fore,* 49.146 one Barnard Drake esquier (afterwards dubbed ••••ight) had béene at the seas, and meeting 〈◊〉〈◊〉 certeine Portingals, come from New found land, and laden with fish, he tooke them as a good prise, and brought them into Dartmouth hauen in England; and from thense they were sent, being in number about eight and thirtie persons, vnto the gaole of the castell of Exon, and there were cast into the deepe pit and stinking dungeon.

These men had béene before a long time at the seas, and had no change of apparell,* 49.147 nor laine in bed, and now lieng vpon the ground without succor or reliefe, were soone infected; and all for the most part were sicke, and some of them died, and some one of them was distracted: and this sickenesse verie soone af••er dispersed it selfe among all the residue of the prisoners in the gaole; of which disease manie of

them died, but all brought to great extremities, and verie hardlie escaped. These men, when they were to be brought before the foresaid iustices for their triall, manie of them were so weake and sicke, that they were not able to go nor stand; but were caried from the gaole to the place of iudgement, some vpon handbarrowes, and some betwéene men leading them, and so brought to the place of iustice.

The sight of these mens miserable and pitifull ca∣ses, being thought (and more like) to be hunger star∣ued [line 10] than with sickenesse diseased, mooued manie a mans hart to behold and looke vpon them; but none pitied them more than the lords iustices themselues, and especiallie the lord chiefe iustice himselfe; who vpon this occasion tooke a better order for kéeping all prisoners thensefoorth in the gaole, and for the more often trials: which was now appointed to be quarterlie kept at euerie quarter sessions,* 49.148 and not to be posted anie more ouer, as in times past vntill the assises. These prisoners thus brought from out of the [line 20] gaole to the iudgement place, after that they had béene staied, and paused a while in the open aire, and somewhat refreshed therwith, they were brought in∣to the house, in the one end of the hall néere to the iudges seat, and which is the ordinarie and accu∣stomable place where they doo stand to their trials and arreignments.

And howsoeuer the matter fell out, and by what occasion it happened, an infection followed vpon ma∣nie and a great number of such as were there in the [line 30] court,* 49.149 and especiallie vpon such as were néerest to them were soonest infected. And albeit the in••ection was not then perceiued, because euerie man depar∣ted (as he thought) in as good health as he came thi∣ther: yet the same by little and little so crept into such, as vpon whom the infection was sei••oned, that after a few daies, and at their home comming to their owne houses, they felt the violence of this pe∣stilent sickenesse: wherein more died that were infe∣cted, than escaped. And besides the prisoners, manie [line 40] there were of good account, and of all other degrées, which died thereof: as by name sargeant Flore∣daie who then was the iudge of those trials vpon the prisoners, sir Iohn Chichester, sir Arthur Basset, and sir Barnard Drake knights;* 49.150 Thomas Carew of Haccombe, Robert Carie of Clouelleigh, Iohn Fortescue of Wood, Iohn Waldron of Bradféeld, and Thomas Risdone esquires, and iustices of the peace.

The losse of euerie of them was verie great to [line 50] the commonwealth of that prouince and countrie: but none more lamented than these two knights, sir Iohn Chichester,* 49.151 and sir Arthur Basset; who albeit they were but yoong in yeares, yet ancient in wise∣dome, vpright in iudgement, and zealous in the mi∣nistration of iustice. Likewise Robert Carie, a gentleman striken in yeares, and a man of great experience, knowledge, and learning: he had béene a student of the common lawes of the realme at the temple, and verie well learned both therein, and v∣niuersallie seene in all good letters: an eloquent man [line 60] of his spéech, effectuall in deliuerie, déepe in iudge∣ment, vpright in iustice, and consider at in all his doo∣ings. The more worthie were these personages, the greater losse was their deaths to the whole common wealth of that countrie.* 49.152 Of the pleb••ian and com∣mon people died verie manie, and especiallie consta∣bles, réeues, and tithing men, and such as were iu∣rors, and namelie one iurie of twelue, of which there died eleuen.

This ••icknesse was dispersed through out all the whole shire, and at the writing hereof in the fine of October, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six, it is not altogither extinguished. It resteth for the most part about fouretéene daies and vpwards by a secret infection, before it breake out into his force and violence. At the first comming, it made the peo∣ple afraid and dismaid, manie men then pretending rather than performing the amendement of life. So long as the plague was hot and feruent, so long e∣uerie man was holie and repentant: but with the slaking of the one,* 49.153 followed the forgetfulnesse of the other; euen as it is with a companie of shrewd chil∣dren, who so long as the rod is ouer the head, so long feare of correction frameth them to aptnesse, confor∣mitie, and obedience.

¶In the chronicles of Ireland, vpon occasion of seruice in the highest office there,* 49.154 mention was made here and there of sir Henrie Sidneie his sai∣engs and dooings, where promise did passe (by means of discoursing his death) that the reader was to lo••ke for a full declaration of his life and death in the chro∣nicles of England, as course of time should giue di∣rection. Now therefore hauing entred into the eight and twentith yeare of hir maiesties gratious go∣uernment, and the yeare of Christ 1586, the time most fitlie openeth a readie waie into the historie concerning that nobleman, penned by one that could not be ignorant of his affaires, considering the neerenesse and necessarinesse of his seruice, and therefore as a truth to be receiued.

This right famous, renowmed, worthie,* 49.155 vertu∣ous and heroicall knight, by father and mother verie noblie descended, was from his infancie bred and brought vp in the princes court, and in neerenesse to his person vsed familiarlie euen as a companion, and manie times a bedfellow.* 49.156 After that by course of nature and lawfull descent, this yoong prince was inuested in the kingdome and imperiall crowne, he aduanced this gallant noble gentleman (partlie as it seemed for the singular loue and entire affection he formerlie bare him) to be a principall gentleman of his priuie chamber. For he was then reputed for comelinesse of person, gallantnesse & liuelinesse of spirit, vertue, qualitie, beautie, & good composition of bodie, the onelie od man & paragon of the court. And from time to time this good and most godlie king held such delight in his pleasant, modest, and swéet conuersation and companie, as he would sildome or neuer giue him leaue to be absent from him, till his last breth that he departed this life in his armes at Greenwich. Such excéeding expectation & hope was conceiued of this honorable gentleman in his yong∣er yeares, as he was speciallie chosen and sent am∣bassador to Henrie the first then French king,* 49.157 con∣cerning matter verie important, being at that time not fullie one and twentie yeares old, and performed his charge with that▪ singular commendation, wise∣dome, spirit and dexteritie, as at sundrie times not long after, he was emploied in ambassage both in France & Scotland, yea somtime twise in one yere.

He was foure seuerall times lord iustice of Ire∣land,* 49.158 and thrée times by speciall appointment and commission sent deputie out of England: at each which seuerall time, he by his wisedome and good gouernement appeased and suppressed a great and an actuall rebellion, the seeds whereof were for the most part sowen and the fire kindled (though smooth∣lie and cunninglie hid and couered) before his com∣ming, or in the time of his absence▪* 49.159 In his first depu∣tation he suppressed the rebellion of Shane Oneill, and floured the top of the castell of Dublin with the archrebels head. In his second he suppressed the most dangerous insurrection begun and long continued by some of the Butlers. In the third the commotion of the erle of Clanricard, & his two gracelesse hope∣lost sonnes Shane and Ulike Bourke.

* 49.160Immediatlie after his first arriuall deputie, he caused the old statutes and ordinances for the aboli∣shing of coine and liuerie (••he ancient festering sore and créeping canker of that countrie and com∣monwealth) to be reuiued and put in due execution▪ against sundrie persons of calling and note, who were therewithall sharplie touched, wherevpon fol∣lowed a long time after great good to the countrie, and a spéedie releefe to the poore oppressed people of that realme. He deuised that the remoter prouinces should be gouerned by presidents, after the imitati∣on [line 10] of the marches of Wales, from whense he tooke his patterne, being himselfe at that time president, holding opinion that there could be neither better nor a more expedit and easie means to reforme and reduce that barbarous countrie to perfect obedience and ciuilitie,* 49.161 than planting of presidents in the re∣moter prouinces, to the end vniuersall iustice might be currant amongst them, whereby the poore might be deliuered from the woonted eractions and tyra∣nies of the lords and great ones (by whom they were [line 20] dailie spoiled and oppressed) and tast the sweet bene∣fits and pleasant fruits of peace and quietnesse, the onelie singular commoditie, and the most happie blessing of wise, politike, and discréet gouerne∣ment.

* 49.162He both first deuised, and consequentlie prudent∣lie executed, the plot for the diuision and distributi∣on of the Irish countries into shire ground, where∣by insued the currencie of hir maiesties writ, which before that time was either not knowne, or at least [line 30] neuer vsed amongst them. He in his gouernment aduanced and increased the reuenues of the crowne by waie of custome,* 49.163 impost vpon wines, compositi∣ons with the Irishrie for rent and seruice, and other direct and commendable means, as out of casualties creating rents certeine, ten thousand pounds yeare∣lie. And by good deuise and policie he had both inten∣ded, and would haue brought to passe and performed a farre greater increase, if enuie, spite, and malice of that vnhappie countrie had not crossed him, and oppo∣sed [line 40] themselues all that they could, by pursse or cre∣dit against his honorable, worthie, and commenda∣ble seruices & desseins: an example of rare note to be duelie followed, and carefullie executed by his succes∣sors, that Ireland may in short time be reduced to beare Irelands charges, and made both honorable and profitable to the crowne (as were to be wished.) He repared the castell of Dubline, being vsed a long time before as a ruinous, vncleane, and filthie place, of no reckoning and accompt, stored onlie with me∣chanicall [line 50] persons, and some of woorse sort (the consta∣ble and his familie excepted) and left the same a con∣uenient and fit house for the gouernour to lie in, to which vse it now serueth and is imploied.

He builded the bridge of Athelon ouer the riuer of Shenin, arched it with masonrie and frée stone, strong wall and battlement, and made it of that strength, togither with that spaciousnesse and bredth, as two carts may (in maner) meet afront.* 49.164 By build∣ing [line 60] of which bridge ouer so swift & great a streame, the passage was set open and made frée out of the pale into Conaught, which before (by reason of the strenablenesse of the water) was not passable, which dawnted and appalled the rebels and traitors more, and kept them in greater awe and due obedience, than anie deuise or policie before had doone, or other plot lightlie could then doo. He likewise began the wasling and fortifieng of the towne of Carickfer∣gus in Ulster, reedifieng of the towne of Athen∣rie in Conaught, the strengthening of Athelon with gates and other fortifications, the foundation and plot of the bridge of Caterlagh, and made a strong goale at Molingar, and walled the same a∣bout with stone, to imprison rebels, théeues, and other malefactors. And likewise he begun manie other néedfull and necessarie works in sundrie other places which tended to the great furtherance and aduance∣ment of seruice, but he left them Quasi opera inchoata: for he being called awaie so soone, time would not permit and allow him to finish and fullie to end them, or (it may be) by fatall appointment the time is not yet come the countrie deserueth so great a good and benefit of Gods eternall blessing.

He found hir maiesties records laid as it were in an open place, whither anie man (that vouchsafed his paines) might come that would, not defended, but subiect to wind, raine, and all kind of weather, and so in a sort neglected, that they serued now and then (as I haue by good men and good meanes cre∣diblie heard reported) in stéed of better litter to rub horsse héeles,* 49.165 which he with great care and diligence caused to be perused and sorted, and prepared an apt place within the castell of Dubline, well trimmed and boorded with a chimneie in the roome, where nei∣ther by the moisture of the wals, nor vnseasonable∣nesse of the weather, nor other meanes they could be subiect to harme. He prepared fit & conuenient pla∣ces and seuerall diuisions to laie them apart, accor∣ding to their seuerall natures, and appointed one of discretion and skill to looke to them, who also for his better incoragement was assigned a conuenient fée for his labor. He also caused the statutes, policies, and ordinances of that realme, which laie hid and not knowen to manie (though not destroied but kept in safetie) to be searched, surueied, and ouer viewed, by men of the best learning, skill, and discretion he could find or come by in that realme, giuing them in expresse charge to peruse and read all,* 49.166 and to collect such and so manie of them as they should in their dis∣cretions iudge and discerne to be expedient and ne∣cessarie to be published and knowen, to the end the same might be imprinted, as afterward they were, that no man thensforth might pretend ignorance in the lawes, statutes, & ordinances of his owne coun∣trie where he was borne, which euerie man by our lawes is bound to know. And because he both saw and by experience found what defect grew in the ad∣ministration of iustice, by reason of kinred, affini∣tie, corruption, parcialitie, as otherwise; he deuised,* 49.167 and earnestlie sought to haue Englishmen sent o∣uer to supplie the chéefe places of iustice. And for the better increase of hir maiesties reuenue and profit, he praied the like to serue in the rooms of hir high∣nesse attorneie generall and sollicitor.

No man had a greater desire to aduance the pub∣like euerie waie than he had, and in opinion great∣lie magnified & estéemed all them that were of that mind: for he would manie times saie, that those were things memorable, of perpetuitie, fame, and last, where all priuat things died and perished with their priuat persons.* 49.168 Wheresoeuer he was besto∣wed to serue, he had such a rare gift, gallant courtlie behauior, and comlinesse of person, as he gained the harts of manie, and such vniuersall liking and lo∣uing of all sorts of people toward him, as they were euer desirous and neuer wearie of him; but speciall sute commonlie made of the grauest▪ best, and wisest sort amongst them, when he was reuoked to haue him returne and continue againe amongst them. He was (as best became him) verie aduised, circum∣spect, and carefull in the seruice of the state, not one∣lie setting apart, but in a sort neglecting all busines of his owne, in respect of his charge.* 49.169 He was a per∣fect orator by nature, hauing such readinesse and fa∣cilitie of spéech, flowing eloquence, swéet deliuerie, and passing memorie (for he seldome or neuer forgat anie thing he either read or heard) as he was speci∣allie

noted a most rare man of all that did heare him. Such ample instructions he would giue for the framing and writing of his letters, or anie other thing he committed to be conceiued and put downe in writing, and dispose the same in so good order and fine method, as a verie simple man, if he reteined and remembred but a part of that he said and deliue∣red, might supplie himselfe with matter inough to the purpose to write of.

And when by occasion he happened vpon some dull [line 10] conceipted spirited fellow (as Ireland and Wales now and then bred some such) to whome he had gi∣uen instructions to write, who afterwards brought him the same to signe,* 49.170 not couched in sort as he liked or would haue it; his temperance, courtesie, and dis∣creet modestie was such, as he would neuer shew choler and impatience, rent the paper in péeces, or publikelie disgrace the writer, but bid him not be discouraged for that fault: he could giue him the like instructions againe he gaue him before, but willed [line 20] him then to marke and remember them better. At ech seuerall time he was sent deputie into Ireland, he was by occasion, and as time fell out, furnished with a new secretarie. The first was master Ed∣ward Waterhouse, now knighted, and one of hir maiesties councell in Ireland. The second master Edmund Tremaine, who after was preferred to be a clearke to hir maiesties councell on hir highnesse person attendant. The third (who although it was thought of manie, who were in that case well able [line 30] to iudge) neither in paine, desert, birth, nor breeding was much inferiour to the other two that were be∣fore him: yet in fortune, reward, or other recom∣pense so far behind them, as this noble gentleman (who trulie honored vertue) master to them all three, would manie times in sort lament, and déepelie be∣mone to his good friends, commending highlie this mans paine and diligence, attributing his hard hap to his owne mishap, the time so serued he could not doo him good, which manie times & by sundrie means [line 40] he had earnestlie attempted to doo; affirming often in solemne and earnest protestation as well to him as others, that it gréeued him not a little, his fortune was so bad, to come to him now in the declination and wane of the moone: for he was the sole onelie man he had imploied about him in that néerenesse and credit of seruice, wherein he had vsed him, that euer had quailed vnder his hands (for that was the terme he vsed) howbeit, he well hoped time or some good man (in respect his seruice was publike and not [line 50] priuat) would repaire that then he could not doo. For he déemed the man right woorthie regard and consi∣deration, that had serued him so long (and that in his great and roiall seruices, in so painefull and toile∣some a place) without anie great wages, fée, or other interteinment growing to him in perpetuitie or o∣ther wais; which was either burthenous to his purse, or procéeding by or from him by anie other degree, to the gentlemans benefit, increase of credit, or further aduancement, in recompense of his long seruice.

He had both a speciall care & likewise a ••ingular [line 60] gift in dispatch of common causes,* 49.171 and the people in like manner had a passing maruellous desire to be heard & dispatched by him. Therefore as well in part to satisfie their humors and affections, as more com∣pletlie to performe the due and full measure of his charge (which was to heare and helpe all as néere as he could) he applied himselfe greatlie therevnto, and would spare no paines, but indure maruellous toile and trauell to rid and dispatch awaie sutors: which he could doo with such dexteritie and woonderfull fa∣cilitie, as the same might séeme no wearinesse and tediousnesse at all to him (that was halfe a hell to some others) but rather to be reckoned a kind of re¦creation and pastime. He made manie beholding vnto him, for he (as much as laie in him) did benefit manie, and had more than an ordinar••e desire to doo for all his friends and faithfull followers; and so care∣fullie, earnestlie,* 49.172 and painfullie he would trauell to aduance their particular sutes, were it sometimes to speake to hir maiestie hir selfe, or to the bodie of hir graue and honorable councell, or to anie priuat councellor apart, as though he had purposelie fol∣lowed his owne most weightie causes.

And as he was a most déere, kind, tender,* 49.173 and lo∣uing father to his children (for none could loue and estéeme his children more than he did) and noting in them great minds and hautie courages, which drew them by degrees to excesse in expense, and more than an ordinarie liberalitie, he would sometime fatherlie aduise them thus; that if they meant to liue in or∣der, they should euer behold whose sonnes, & seldome thinke whose nephues they were: so he was an affable, gentle, courteous, constant, and honourable master to his seruants. For he would often saie, it was an easie matter for them to keepe him, but hard to recouer his loue and fauour, if they had once lost him. And when anie of his noble and most louing friends would commend him greatlie (as manie times they would) that he made much of his old ser∣uants (for few that came to him euer went from him, but such as were first aduanced by him to bet∣ter preferment) he would answer plesantlie after his woonted mirth; Lord I giue thee thanks, that of those thou gauest me I haue not lost one. He was mar∣uellous affable and courteous of nature, of easie ac∣cesse, and plesantlie familiar with anie that had oc∣casion to repaire vnto him, & strict and precise in the obseruation of good order. For he would seldome breake it in anie respect, but vpon euident, knowne, and most iust cause, or when he was ouerruled (as sometimes he was) by such as had souereigne power to direct and command him.* 49.174 Extraordinarie courses he alwaies vtterlie misliked, especiallie when order was peruerted, or iustice hindered, whereby the com∣mon societie of mans life is onelie preserued and mainteined; which two things speciallie purchased him such vniuersall goodwill euerie where (and namelie amongst the officers of hir maiesties most honorable houshold, with whome he would manie times be familiarlie conuersant) as they haue often wished he might haue beene honored with a white staffe, to haue borne office with authoritie amongst them.

His nature was so tempered with modestie, pietie and patience, as he seldome shewed heat or choler, how greeuous so euer the offense was which was giuen him. He was a fast friend where he pro∣fessed friendship, and no reuengefull so when he was offended; & hardlie would he be remooued in friend∣ship from his friend or follower, but vpon most iust, certeine, and knowne cause, which he could not smul∣ther, and would not hide from the partie. I haue ma∣nie times heard him saie,* 49.175 and by occasion haue séene the same written in his owne letters, that he was dubbed knight (by that noble and vertuous prince king Edward) the selfe same daie sir William Ce∣cill (then principall secretarie, now lord treasuror of England) was, by meanes wherof and that sir Wil∣liam Cecill was (yea euen in those daies) estéemed a most rare man, both for sundrie and singular gifts of nature, learning, wisedome, and integritie: and partlie by the friendlie good offices of that true pa∣terne of humanitie and courtesie, sir Iohn Chéeke, then schoolemaster to the king (a choise deare friend to them both) that there began such an entrie of ac∣quaintance, knowledge, loue, mutuall goodwill, and intire friendship betwixt them, as continued alwais

〈…〉〈…〉, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after till his dieng daie▪ A matter of pro••••ritie it were and intollerable ••ediousnesse to par••••cula•• in amp••e maner the ra••e qualities of his bodie and mind: wherefore we w••ll 〈◊〉〈◊〉 run them ouer, as loth to abridge his de∣serued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 too liberallie. This noble man was for∣tunat in war, and no lesse happie in peace, passing well beloued of his soldiers, vpright in iustice, yet withall inclined to mercie▪ ••e reuerenced all m••n of science, for he would manie times saie, Science was to be honored wheresoeuer it was to be found: [line 10] 〈…〉〈…〉. He omitted not mo••ning & euening praier, he was liberall and honorable in ho∣spitalitie, his skill far e••ce••ded other mens in know∣ledge and secrets of Ireland, yea of that countrie birth. The loue and affection the Irishrie bare him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 manie of them to ciuilitie▪ he was little giuen to sléepe and ease in the night, for he ••••eldome kept his bed aboue six houres if he were in he••••th neither after ••e arose would he take in the daie time anie [line 20] kind of repose. He would in his iournies wearie and laie vp most of his companie; nothing offended him more than ingratitude; in his dealings his word was his worst; sociable he was with his assistants; he had an intention to haue erected certeine nurse∣ries of learning; his seruice was subiect to the eare, and not to the eie, whereby his vertues manie times were suppressed; he was deputie of Ireland, and pre∣sident of Wales both at one time.

This noble knight, graue councellor, complet gen∣tleman, and most woorthie and rar•• subiect, departed [line 30] this life at the bishops palace at Worcester, the fift daie of Maie,* 49.176 in the yeare of our Lord 1586 (being fiftie and seauen yeares old complet▪ wanting onelie one moneth and fiftéene daies) about foure of the clocke in the morning, after he had continued seuen daies sicke of a kind of cold palseie, as the physicians decréed of the disease, which happened vnto him (as it was of m••nie said, and of mo thought) by reason of an e••tre••e cold he tooke vpon the water in his pas∣sage [line 40] and remooue by barge betwéene Bewdlie and Worcester, not long after he had béene purged, and his bod••e not fullie setled, but his pores remaining still ••••en as it is most like) by reas••n of an extraor∣dinarie loosenes which consequentlie followed the ta∣king of his physicke, and could not be stopped; ha∣u••ng then beene lord president of hir maiesties coun∣cell established in the dominion and principalitie of Wales six and twentie years complet, without anie change or alteration, or absolute transferring the [line 50] roome or authoritie to anie other in the meane time, for whose death there was great mone and lamen∣tation.* 49.177 As for his bodie by easie iourneies and short remooues,* 49.178 it was conueied from Worcester to his house at Penshurst in Kent, verie honourablie and well attended with great traine, ceremonie, and all other things apperteining to funerall order, honor, and solemnitie, where he was honorablie interred the one and twentith daie of Iune following. He was before imbowelled, & his intrals buried in the deans [line 60] chapell in the cathedrall church at Worcester; his heart brought to Ludlow, & buried in the toome with his deere beloued daughter Ambrosia, in the little o∣ratorie he made in the semicollegiat parish church there, wherein he erected this monument.

The ninth daie of August next following, died the most noble,* 49.179 worthie, beneficent, and bountious ladie, the ladie Marie Sidneie, his onelie spouse and most déere wife, who was eldest daughter vnto that re∣nowmed duke Iohn late of Northumberland, and sister to the right honorable and most worthie the erls of Warwike and Leicester, most zealouslie, godlie, and penitentlie, as by the testimonie of some hono∣rable and other graue personages is well auouched, and was into••••ed at Penshurst, in the s••me toome with hir d••••re and honorable husband. During the whole course of hir sicknesse▪ and speciallie a little be∣fore it pleased almig••tie God to call hir ••ense to his mercie, she vsed such godlie 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ earnest and ef∣fectuall persuasions to all those about hir, and vnto such others as came of freendlie courtesie to visit ••ir, to exhort them to repentance and amendment of life, and dehort them from all sinne and lewdnesse, as wounded the consciences▪ and inwardlie pearsed the hearts of manie that heard hir. They left behind them yet liuing most déere pledges,* 49.180 noble and wo••∣thie resemblances descended of them▪ th••ee sonnes, all forward, martiall, and valo••ous gentlemen▪ and one onelie daughter, matched in mariage vnto the right honorable Henrie earle of Penbroke,* 49.181 whome God hath alreadie blessed with goodlie, rare, and to∣wardlie issue: sir Philip Sidneie his sonne & heire, Ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ereditas glori•• & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 im••tati•• pert••••et, a gentleman of great hope, and excéeding e••pectation, indowed with manie rare gifts, singular vertues, and other ornaments both of mind and bodie, one ge∣nerallie belooued and estéemed of all men; who mat∣ched in mariage with the daughter and heire of sir Francis Walsingham knight,* 49.182 hir maiesties princi∣pall secretarie, by whome he hath alreadie a goodlie babe, but a daughter.

This right woorthie,* 49.183 and thrise renowmed knight sir Philip Sidneie lord gouernor of Ulissingen, ha∣uing spent some time in hir maiesties seruice in the low countries, with great honor, speciall credit, and estimation; and withall▪ hauing obteined by his ver∣tue, valor, and great policie, such an entrie of entire good will, trust, and authoritie with the states, as his counsels and persuasions could much more preuaile and worke singular effect with them, than anie one mans could doo in anie cause what soeuer that happe∣ned to fall in question or debate amongst them: ther∣fore earnestlie following the course he then tooke in hand for the aduancement of that seruice, and to win fame (the onelie marke true nobilitie either dooth or ought to leuell at) he imbarked himselfe at Ulissin∣gen, accompanied onlie with thrée thousand footmen; and bending his course to Arell,* 49.184 which lieth in the countie of Flanders, vsed both such diligence and se∣crecie in this e••pedition, as he surprised the towne, before they could haue intelligence of his comming, without losse or hurt of anie one of his companie. By means whereof, the forts and sconses there néere abouts adioining, being striken vpon the sudden in∣to such a feare and amazement, as doubting some further perils to them intended, than anie at the pre∣sent well appeared; voluntarilie and simplie gaue themselues and their holds into his hands, & yéelded to his disposition and mercie. And so after he had well refreshed himselfe and his companie in this towne he had thus new taken, he departed thense, & remai∣ned in the countrie not farre off, ten or twelue daies next following, till he had vittelled the same & put in a garrison, & left monsieur Pernon there gouernor.

Now in the meane time of his staie, attending these seruices (and because he would alwaies be oc∣cupied in some honorable action) he brake a sluse, for∣ced a trench, and cut out a banke, that made such an open passage & entrance into the sea, as since it hath drowned and destroied the whole countrie (being well neere now worne into a chanell) the same hauing béene the best and most fertill soile in those parts,* 49.185 and far excéeding anie territorie néere thereabouts, to so great a preiudice and annoiance of the enimie, as by common & well grounded opinion, neither by sluse, or lightlie anie other draine or deuise, that countrie can possiblie be recouered or regained. And this en∣terprise was atchiued without making head or other

offer of offense,* 49.186 inuasion, or resistance by Mondra∣gon, who was of purpose imploied with sufficient force to defend the countrie, and to haue impeached all these attempts and actions.

Moreouer, his aduise for the seruice intended at Grauelin (dissenting in opinion from others,* 49.187 who were thought the most expert capteins and best re∣nowmed and sorted souldiours) gaue such a sufficient proofe of his excellent wit, policie, and ripe iudge∣ment; as his onelie act and counsell, with the losse of [line 10] a verie few of his companie, wrought all their safe∣ties, which otherwise by treacherie had béene most likelie to haue béene intrapped. And so consequentlie going forward in other seruices, at an incounter with the enimie not far from Zutphen,* 49.188 where he that daie most valiantlie serued (for he bare the inuinci∣ble mind of an ancient woorthie Romane, who euer where he came made account of victorie) he receiued hurt by a musket shot a little aboue the left knée, which so brake and rifted the bone, and so entred the [line 20] thigh vpward towards the bodie, as the bullet could not be found before his bodie was opened. Of which hurt notwithstanding he liued (though in great paine and extreame torment) six and twentie daies follow∣ing,* 49.189 and died the seauentéenth daie of October be∣tweene two and thrée of the clocke in the afternoone at Arnam in Gelderland.

He greatlie abounded in sundrie good vertues, which euer, where he came, procured him loue, but chéefelie in iustice and liberalitie (a woorthie & most [line 30] speciall note in a gouernour) which gained him har∣tie loue coupled with fame and honor.* 49.190 For the which especiallie, those vnder his late charge and gouern∣ment so greatlie loued, esteemed, honored, & in a sort adored him when he was aliue; as they made earnest meanes and intreatie to haue his bodie remaine there still with them for memorie when he was dead; and promised that (if they might obteine it) to erect for him as faire a monument as anie prince had in christendome, yea though the same should cost halfe [line 40] a tun of gol•• the building. His bodie was most ho∣nourablie conueied from Arnam to London, where it remained at the Minories certeine daies, & from thense brought and remooued on the sixtéenth of Fe∣bruarie alongst the stréets through Cheapside, with funerall pompe and solemnitie beseeming so marti∣all a gentleman; the ensignes of warre, and pikes trailed vpon the ground, the drums and flutes coue∣red with blacke and making a softlie sound, with other statelie shewes of mournfull representati∣ons; the earle of Leicester with other honourable [line 50] and woorshipfull personages following the dead bo∣die, which finallie was interred in Paules church of London.]

About this time one Thomas Louelace, late of Staple inne gentleman,* 49.191 for counterfeiting of false and trecherous letters against his own kinred, con∣taining most traitorous matter against hir maie∣sties owne person, was iudged in the Starchamber to be carried on horsse-backe about Westminster [line 60] hall with his face to the horsse taile, and a paper on his backe declaring his offense; then to be set on the pillorie in the palace at Westminster, and there to haue one of his eares cut off: then to ride in like sort into London, and in Cheapside to be set on the pillo∣rie vpon a market daie: after that to be conueied into Kent, where standing openlie on the pillorie in the place of assise as before, he should loose his other eare; and lastlie be set vpon the pillorie one market daie in Canturburie, and another at Rochester; his offense and punishment in euerie of the said places openlie read and published: which iudiciall sentence was accordinglie executed.

On sundaie the eight daie of Maie an ambassa∣dor, named Henrie Ramelius,* 49.192 intituled Cancellarius Germanicus, arriued at the tower of London. A gen∣tleman he was of goodlie personage, somewhat cor∣pulent, and of sanguine complexion, verie eloquent likewise and learned, not onelie in the knowledge of diuerse toongs, as Latine, French, Italian, and Ger∣man; but also in sundrie sciences. He came in am∣bassage from Frederike the second of that name, king of Denmarke, vnto the queens maiestie of England, and arriuing (as you haue heard) at the Tower, was honorablie receiued of the lord Cob∣ham and other great estates; who conueied him from thense through Tower stréet into Bishops∣gate street, and so to a faire and large house called Crosbies place, where he was well lodged and re∣mained.

The said Ramelius, during the time of his tariance had attendance doone him conuenient for his per∣son, both by water and by land:* 49.193 the quéens maiesties barges and seruants imploied about him to & from London, the court then being at Gréenwich; whither alwaies when he came, the nobilitie of England failed in no point of courtesie that might be shewed: which he séemed (as he could no lesse) verie accep∣tablie to take. Now being in England, and in the English court, he might (and no doubt did) marke the magnificence of hir maiestie, in all respects ad∣mirable.* 49.194 Whereof a notable president was giuen in Whitsunweeke; at what time the said ambassador, being at the court, was accompanied with certeine English lords to hir highnesse chapell, and placed not far from hir excellencie, did heare diuine seruice so melodiouslie said and soong, both by voice and in∣struments of consort,* 49.195 as a man halfe dead might thereby haue béene quickened. The gentlemen of the chapell with the rest of the quier bending them∣selues both with skill and zeale, that daie to honour their prince according to their place. The bishop of Salisburie and others distinctlie reading part of di∣uine seruice, and in presence of all the auditorie doo∣ing such obeisance with knée and countenance, as the presence of so gratious a souereigne as they had in their eies did require.

Now when this solemnitie was ended,* 49.196 hir maie∣stie departed; and so did the ambassador, attended vpon and accompanied vnto the place appointed for dinner, where standing néere vnto a faire window fronting into the open court, he might (being in communication, now with one and then with ano∣ther English lord, as the L. Charles Howard L. ad∣merall, the lord Cobham lord warden of the cinque ports, &c:) behold the roiall seruice of hir maiestie, verie personable gentlemen thereto sorted, carieng couered dishes all of siluer and gilt verie beautifull; themselues in veluet and silke sutable in ech respect, and as decentlie made, so decentlie worn; the trum∣pets sounding, and the drums plaieng therevnto: a maruellous delightsome thing to heare, & a passing gallant sight to behold. When dinner was doone, the ambassador was made partaker of such courtlie re∣creations as for that time were fit, wherewith he could not but be pleasantlie conceipted; considering that as euerie thing was doone with purpose to de∣light:* 49.197 so he with others must needs be accordinglie affected. And as the better sort had their conuenient disports, so were not the ordinarie people excluded from competent pleasure. For vpon a gréene verie spatious and large, where thousands might stand and behold with good contentment, there bearebaiting & bulbaiting (tempered with other merrie disports) were exhibited: whereat it cannot be spoken what pleasure the people tooke.

Now the daie being far spent, and the sun in his declination, the pastimes ended, and the actors

therein wearie; the ambassador withdrew vnto his lodging by barge to Crosbies place,* 49.198 where (no doubt) this daies solemnitie was thought vpon, and talked of; if not by him, yet by his traine, and perhaps (as like enough) of both. Now after this, and manie o∣ther English courtesies else where, verie bountiful∣lie giuen and taken: the ambassador, after the fini∣shing of such affaires as he was put in trust with∣all,* 49.199 taking his leaue both of the court, citie, and countrie, returned towards Denmarke on the thir∣tith [line 10] daie of Maie next following, whome we will leaue vpon his voiage, and touch other matters hap∣pening at home.

In this yeare one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six,* 49.200 and on the fourth daie of Iune, a com∣mission was directed from the quéens maiestie then at Gréenewich, tending to the ratification of a firme league of amitie betwéene the two mightie princes, Elisabeth queene of England, and Iames the sixt of that name king of Scots, vpon certeine [line 20] causes necessarie and important: the reigne and go∣uernement of the said princes, happening in so doubtfull and dangerous times, wherein the prin∣ces néere adioining, who will be called catholike, ag∣nising the popes authoritie, by mutuall leagues doo knit friendship, for the rooting vp and throwing out of the true, pure, and sincere religion of the gospell, not onelie out of their owne territories and domini∣ons, but also out of other forrein kingdoms; and thereto haue obliged their faith. [line 30]

Least they therefore that loue the religion of the gospell,* 49.201 should seeme lesse carefull for the defense and supportation thereof, than they which earnestlie indeuour to mainteine and vphold that of Rome, least it should be ouerthrowne; the said princes for the greater secu••itie of their persons, vpon whose safetie the safetie of the whole people dooth depend, and for the preseruation of the true, ancient, and christian religion, which they now professe; haue thought good that a stricter bond of a mutuall and so∣ciall league,* 49.202 than at anie time hitherto hath béene [line 40] agreed vpon betweene their maiesties progenitors▪ should now be substantiallie concluded. This league was articulated, and commissioners thereto appoin∣ted; the right honorable Edward earle of Rutland, (a complet noble man, answerable to the ••tymon of his name, and verie well deseruing the poets report:

—nomen virtutilus aequat, Nec ••init ingenium nobilitate premi)

the lord William Euers, and also Thomas Ran∣dolph esquier: who with their traine of attendants [line 50] came to Berwike the ninetéenth of Iune, where (the ambassadors of Scotland being in like sort present) they accomplished the matter, whereto they were commissionated: the articles of the said league in all and euerie part sufficientlie confirmed,* 49.203 on the fift of Iulie. All which being dispatched, the said earle of Rutland with his traine returned. This ambassage is reported in the historie of Scotland, wherevnto (for the auoiding of tautologie) we refer the reader. [line 60]

* 49.204In the moneth of Iulie a verie dangerous con∣spiracie was discouered▪ tending to the subuersion of the state and lamentable confusion of all things: wherein as the turbulent spirited did what they could to procéed, so it pleased God the author of peace to intercept them in the plot of their mischéefous de∣uise, and to ouerthrow them in their owne imagined nets. Ringleaders in this pretended treason were certeine gentlemen and others (of whome hereaf∣ter by particular name we will speake) who had wa∣ded and ventured so far therein, that vpon the no∣tice thereof (as God will suffer no such attempts to lie long vndetected) order was taken for a verie strict inquirie and search vniuersallie to be made for their apprehension, which was accordinglie execu∣ted, in so much that the conspirators distressed and succorles were put to verie hard shifts by this inqui∣sition and pursu••e, and in fine apprehended, to the great reioising of the citizens of London, diuerslie testified; as with bonfiers, making merrie in the streets at square and round tables, singing of psalmes, marching about their fiers with tabber an•• pipe, and giuing manie a showt, that the aire rang withall. In so much that the consideration thereof did so worke in hir highnesse, as herevpon (a thing rare in a prince) she directed letters of thanks to the citie, for the manifold testifications of their loue and loialtie: which because they are materiall (as no word nor title procéeding from so singular a so∣uereigne, is to fall to the ground vnrecorded) we are in dutie bound trulie to annex them, as we had them vnder publication. And first a breefe oration of maister Iames Dalton, one of the councellors of the citie of London, in the absence of the recor∣der, as followeth.

The oration of maister Iames Dalton, &c.

RIght worshipfull, my good countriemen and citizens of this most noble citie of London: since the late brute and report of a most wicked & traitorous conspira∣cie, not onelie to take awaie the life of our most gra∣tious souereigne (whom God grant long to liue and reigne ouer vs) but also to stir vp a generall rebel∣lion throughout the whole realme: the great and vniuersall ioie of you all of this citie, vpon the appre∣hension of diuerse of that most wicked conspiracie of late declared and testified, by manie outward acts and shewes, hath wrought in the queenes most ex∣cellent maiestie such a gratious contentment; that it hath mooued hir highnesse, by hir letters signed with hir owne hand, to signifie vnto my lord maior of this citie & his brethren, hir most noble and prince∣lie acceptation thereof, and that in such sort, as there∣by may appeare, that hir highnesse hath not more, no not so much reioised at the most happie escape of the wicked mischéefe intended against hir owne per∣son▪ as at the ioie which hir louing subiects, & namelie you of this citie of London tooke at the apprehension of the practisers of that intended treason.

By occasion whereof, hir highnesse brought to a thankefull remembrance, and acknowledging of Gods infinit blessings bestowed on hir, comparable with anie prince or creature in the world, no world∣lie thing more or like accompteth of, than of the hear∣tie loue of hir louing and faithfull subiects manie waies, and manie times before now; but especial∣lie by this our great ioie in this sort, at this time, and vpon this occasion shewed. And that hir excée∣ding great loue and acceptation of our reioising maie the more appeare vnto you: it hath pleased hir highnesse in the same letters to declare, that she de∣sireth not longer to liue among vs, than she shall mainteine, continue, nourish, and increase the loue and goodwill of hir subiects towards hir. And this hir highnesse hath willed to be made knowne vnto you all, with this; that she will not faile with all care, and by all good means that apperteine to a christian prince, to seeke the conseruation of you all, so louing and dutifull affected subiects.

This hir maiesties pleasure in part now decla∣red, and more to be made knowne vnto you by hir owne letters, which you shall heare read, my lord maior and his brethren haue required me to declare

vnto you all, that they doo heartilie reioise & thanke God for the happie daie of the good acceptation of this your great ioie; & my * 50.1 lord himselfe hath wil∣led me to giue you all heartie thanks in his name; for that in the time of his seruice, your dutifull be∣hauiours haue gotten to the citie so noble and woor∣thie a testimonie of dutie and loialtie, of so noble and worthie a quéene. Now, for somuch as Gods blessings woonderfullie abound, & one ioie commeth vpon another, let vs not be vnthankefull to God, but acknowledge his goodnesse, and attribute the [line 10] same (as in déed we ought) to the sincere religion of almightie God, most godlie established by the quéens most excellent maiestie, which hath taught vs to know God aright, our dutie to our souereigne, and to loue our countrie, and hath made vs dutifull and obedient subiects, reioising at all good things happening to hir maiestie, hir realme, or to anie in hir noble seruice, the true effects of a true and good religion: whereas the contemners thereof, and immoderat affectors of the Romish religion and su∣perstitions, [line 20] being void of the true knowledge of God, haue declined from God, their allegiance to their prince, their loue to their countrie, and haue become inuenters of mischeefes, bruters and sprea∣ders abrode of false and seditious rumors, such as ioie at no good thing; but contrariwise reioise at e∣uerie euill successe, the badges and marks of their profession, who haue before this, in this realme and in other hir highnesse dominions, stirred vp rebellion, forren inuasion, and manie times practised the verie [line 30] death & destruction of the quéene hir selfe, the ruine & subuersion of the whole realme; the proper effects of their Romish religion.

We haue beheld all these things, and seene in our daies the ruine and mischéefes inuented against others, fall vpon the inuenters them selues; and haue knowne the wicked and violent hands of di∣uerse of them, diuerslie to kill and murther them∣selues, when most traitorouslie they would, and most happilie they could not, slea the lords annointed. [line 40] As we haue knowne all these things, so God bee thanked, that by a better religion, hauing béene bet∣ter taught, we haue béene no partakers of their wic∣ked deuises, but haue put to our helping hands, as occasion hath serued; and euer readie to ouerthrow the authors and deuisers thereof. And I haue no doubt, but we of this noble citie, who hitherto haue béene alwaies readie, dutifullie and faithfullie to serue hir maiestie vpon all occasions (hir highnesse now so gratiouslie accepting onelie of our reioising [line 50] at the apprehension of hir enimies, euen the least part of the dutie of a good subiect to so good a quéene) will be readie euerie one with all that we can make, and with the vttermost aduenture of all our liues, spéedilie to be reuenged vpon all such as shall villa∣nouslie and traitorouslie attempt or put in vre anie mischéefe to hir noble person; and in the meane time will haue a better eie and eare to all suspicious and miscontented persons, to their saiengs and dooings, to their false brutes and reports, to the places and [line 60] corners of their haunt and resort, to their harborers, companions, aiders and mainteiners. God vphold and continue his religion among vs, and increase our zeale therein, which hath made vs so louing and loiall, and so beloued and acceptable subiects to so worthie a prince; and root out that wicked and Ro∣mish religion, that hath made so manie disloiall and traitorous subiects; to whome is both odious & irke∣some the long life and prosperous reigne of our most noble queene Elisabeth. God confound all such trai∣tors, and preserue hir highnesse long to liue and reigne oure vs. ¶ Hauing thus spoken, the multi∣tude all the while no lesse silent than attendant, the speaker verie reuerentlie opened hir maiesties let∣ters, & read the same with a verie distinct and audible voice, as followeth.

To our right trustie and welbeloued, the lord maior of our citie of London, and his brethren the aldermen of the same.

RIght trustie and welbeloued, we gréete you well. Being giuen to vnderstand, how greatlie our good and most louing subiects of that citie, did reioise at the apprehension of certeine diuelish and wicked min∣ded subiects of ours, that through the great and singular goodnesse of God haue beene detected, to haue most wickedlie and vnnaturallie conspired, not onelie the taking awaie of our owne life, but also to haue stirred vp (as much as in them laie) a generall rebellion throughout our whole realme: we could not but by our owne letters witnesse vn∣to you the great and singular contentment we re∣ceiued vpon the knowledge thereof; assuring you, that we did not so much reioise at the escape of the in∣tended attempt against our owne person, as to see the great ioie our most louing subiects tooke at the apprehension of the contriuers thereof: which to make their loue more apparant, they haue (as we are to our great comfort informed) omitted no outward shew, that by anie externall act might witnesse to the world the inward loue and dutifull affection they beare towards vs. And as we haue as great cause with all thankfulnesse to acknowledge Gods great goodnesse toward vs, through the infinit blessings he laieth vpon vs, as manie as euer prince had; yea rather as euer creature had: yet doo we not for anie worldlie blessing receiued from his diuine maiestie, so greatlie acknowledge the same, as in that it hath pleased him to incline the hearts of our subiects, euen from the first beginning of our reigne; to carie as great loue toward vs, as euer subiects carried toward prince, which ought to moue vs (as it dooth in verie déed) to séeke with all care, & by all good means that apperteine to a christian prince, the conseruation of so louing and dutifull affected subiects: assuring you, that we desire no longer to liue, than while we maie in the whole course of our gouernment carie our selues in such sort, as may not onelie nourish and continue their loue and good will toward vs, but also increase the same. We thinke méet, that these our letters should be communicated in some generall assemblie to our most louing sub∣iects the commoners of that citie. Giuen vnder our signet at our castell of Windsor, the eightéenth daie of August one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six, in the eight and twentith yeere of our reigne.

But leauing this princelie president of thanke∣fulnes to perpetuall record, we will touch the next occurrence, as course of time ministreth occasion. About this time of the yéere returned into England sir Francis Drake knight,* 51.1 a man of rare knowlege in nauigation, and verie fortunat in the euent of his enterprises, after manie feats of good seruice accom∣plished in forren countries, as at Baion, Hispaniola, S. Dominico, Carthagena, &c: to the admiration of all people amongst whom he came, and contrarie to the expectation of the Spaniards, who vpon sup∣posall of places impregnable grew so confident, that they séemed lightlie to estéeme anie purposed force of the enimie, and therefore doubted no kind of an∣noiance. Howbeit, they were as safe as he that hangeth by the leaues of a trée in the end of au∣tumne, when as the leaues begin to fall. For they

were so terrified at the sight of sacke and spoile, as also doubting a totall wast by fire and swoord, that they were glad to yeeld to composition. And heere, because mention is made of Hispaniola, note ye that it is supposed that Salomon king of Ierusa∣lem had his great riches of gold from hense,* 51.2 and that his ships sailed to Ophir (the old name as some af∣firme of Hispaniola) by the gulfe of Persia, called Si∣nus Persicus. As for Sancto Dominico, it is the cheefe citie in Hispaniola, reported in historie, as touching the building, that there is no citie in Spaine, Tanto [line 10] pro tant••, no not Barsalona, that is to be preferred be∣fore it generallie. For the houses are for the most part of stone, as are they of Barsalona, or of so strong and well w••ought earth, that it maketh a sin∣gular and strong binding.

But leauing description of places, it shall not be amisse hauing now touched (though not with conue∣nient dignitie) the last voiage of this singular gentle∣man, to annex in this place a memoriall of a former voiage by him attempted, namelie on the thirtéenth [line 20] daie of December, in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred seuentie & seuen: at what time accom∣panied with fiue tall ships well manned & appointed, he sailed into the wost Indies: & by the same aduen∣ture (most luckilie accomplished) eternised his name. At what time the king of Moluccaes admiring his order, & astonied at the hearing of the peales of Eng∣lish ordinance, roring like thunder (which he there at his arriuall valiantlie & liberallie discharged) re∣ceiued him right honorablie, causing foure gallias∣ses [line 30] to conduct and bring his ship into the surest har∣borough, and him selfe with his companie to his pre∣sence. In this voiage he discouered a countrie erst vnknowne, which he named Noua Albion, where by his courteous dealing he so allured and woone the hearts of the inhabitants, that twise they crowned him king. Beyond the large countrie of Chilie, where it hath beene heeretofore thought that nothing had beene but continent and firme land, he found sundrie Ilands, the furthest wherof lieng most south, [line 40] he called by hir maiesties name Elisabetha. Now after manie a singular note of his incomparable va∣lorousnesse exhibited in places where he came, and purposing to make his aduenture profitable,* 51.3 he neg∣lected no meanes that might stand with his honestie and honor; returning home into England with great riches the six and twentith of September, in the yéere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and eightie; with one ship onelie. For of the fiue, where∣with (at his first setting foorth) he was furnished, he [line 50] was forced to set two on fire, the third perished, the fourth came backe and went not forwards at the first.* 51.4 A voiage of great aduenture and prosperous successe, contrarie to the ackward and frowning hap of sundrie woorthie gentlemen, whose attempts albe∣it honorable and commendable, yet matched with misfortune, or at least defectiue in deserued and hoped issue: a sore dicouragement to gentlemen of trauell, and not a little impeaching the art of naui∣gation. [line 60]

And now to resume our former remembrance of the conspirators, you shall vnderstand, that after due examination had, & no rigor vsed either by tor∣ture or torment, the wicked wretches guiltie consci∣ences driuing them to voluntarie confession, on the seuenth daie of September,* 51.5 certeine of them were led from the Tower of London to Westminster by water, where they were indicted; first, for intending treason against the queens owne person; secondlie, for stirring ciuill wars within the realme; and third∣lie,* 51.6 for practising to bring in forren power to inuade the land. Seuen of them appeared at Westmin∣ster on the thirtéenth daie of September, who all pleaded giltie, and therefore had no iurie,* 51.7 but were condemned, and had iudgement on the next mor∣row.

On the fiftéenth daie of September, other seuen of them were likewise arreigned at West∣minster, who pleading not giltie, were tried by a iurie, found giltie, and had iudgement according∣lie. The effect of whose treasons shortlie to touch them were these. Iohn Sauage,* 51.8 remaining long in France at Rheims, was persuaded by doctor Gil∣bert Gifford, that great honor should redound to him, if he would take in hand to change religion, to inuade the realme by forren power, to dispossesse the quéene of England, and to proclame the Scotish queene, and set hir in hir place. All which Sauage promised to doo, or else to lose his life, and therevpon returned into England; where he imparted his pur∣pose to Anthonie Babington, requiring his aid therein. Then Iohn Ballard préest, also persuaded the said Babington to the purpose before expressed, promising him aid of threescore thousand men that secretlie should be landed, and told him both how & when (as he thought.) Wherevpon Babington pro∣mised and concluded to make a slaughter vpon the councell of hir maiestie in the Starchamber, then to haue sacked London, to haue burned the nauie and chéefest ships, to kill or displace the lords, knights and magistrats, that remained true subiects to our right & lawfull quéene and realme, and also to haue cloied and poisoned the greatest ordinance, &c. These were their purposes.

Now touching the names of the traitors, their behauiours and speaches, with the maner of their executions, you shall vnderstand, that vpon the twentith daie of September, being tuesdaie, Iohn Ballard a preest, and first persuader of Babington to these odious treasons, was laid alone vpon an hurdell, and six others two and two in like sort, all drawne from Tower hill through the citie of Lon∣don, vnto a field at the vpper end of Holborne,* 51.9 hard by the high waie side to saint Giles in the field, where was erected a scaffold for their execution, & a paire of gallows of extraordinarie hight, as was that where∣vpon haughtie Haman was hanged for his ambiti∣on, &c: the place likewise so railed to kéepe off horsse∣men, as the people might plainelie see the execu∣tion. On the first daie the traitors were placed vpon the scaffold,* 51.10 that the one might behold the reward of his fellowes treason. Ballard the preest, who was the first brocher of this treason, was the first that was hanged, who being cut downe (according to iudgement) was dismembred, his bellie ript vp, his bowels and traitorous heart taken out & throwne into the fire, his head also (seuered from his shoul∣ders) was set on a short stake vpon the top of the gallows, and the trunke of his bodie quartered and imbrued in his owne bloud, wherewith the ex∣ecutioners hands were bathed, and some of the stan∣ders by (but to their great loathing, as not able for their liues to auoid it, such was the throng) beesprink∣led. This Ballard,* 51.11 at the verie time of his death not denieng his treason, died an obstinate papist, and in his protestation doubtfullie said, that If he had of∣fended the queens maiestie, or anie man else, he was sorie, and so conditionallie desired forgiuenesse. The malicious affection of his heart towards hir highnesse appeared in the trembling passage of death, that whereas his treasons were impious, odious, and damnable, as the most wicked (to wit his confederats for the most part) confessed (as the common fame goeth) that they excéeded the great∣nesse of hir maiesties mercie,* 51.12 which maie not be measured, where there is anie measure in offen∣ding.

And yet in his desire of remission at hir highnesse hands, he added this condition (If) as one that doub∣ted if he had offended hir person.

* 51.13Next vnto this préest, Anthonie Babington was made readie to the gallowes, who in euerie point was handled like vnto Ballard; in whome a signe of his former pride was to be obserued. For whereas the rest (through the cogitation of death) were exercised in praier vpon their knées and bare∣headed; he (whose turne was next) stood on his féet [line 10] with his hat on his head,* 51.14 as if he had béene but a be∣holder of the execution. Concerning his religion, he died a papist. His treasons were so odious, as the sting of conscience compelled him to acknowledge himselfe a most gréeuous trespasser against the di∣uine maiestie, and the quéens highnesse. Next vn∣to Babington,* 51.15 Sauage was likewise prepared for the execution. This notable traitor (as the fame go∣eth) was the man that conferred with doctor Gif∣ford at Paris;* 51.16 and by the confirmations of the [line 20] English fugitiues at Rhemes was resolued, and resolutelie determined to kill the quéene. It is like∣wise said, that vpon the apprehension of Ballard the préest, Babington accellerated and hastened this Sauage to dispatch his resolution, and that he one∣lie deferred the matter for the making of a court-like sute of apparell.

When Sauage was executed, Barnewell was made readie to die,* 51.17 an obstinat papist, who for his treason made conscience his best excuse; howbeit a [line 30] rotten conscience, which was infected with the mur∣ther of a vertuous quéene; which sith it was so bad, few there were that heard him, but forbad their con∣science to pitie him, otherwise than charitablie to be sorowfull for his offense, deseruing so shamefull a fall, and damnable before God and man. After this Barnewell,* 51.18 Tichborns turne was serued, a pro∣per yoong gentleman, whose humilitie and mone moued much compassion. Tilneie one of the queens maiesties pensioners, next vnto Tichborne, made worke for the hangman, a wretch well worthie of [line 40] death, who went about to take awaie hir highnesse life.

* 51.19The last of these seuen that suffered was Edward Abington, whose father was an officer of good credit in hir highnesse house, and for manie aduancements was bound to saie; God saue good Q. Elisabeth. But his sonne was a notable papist, & an archtrai∣tor, who at his death did all that in him laie, to fix a feare in the hearts of the ignorant multitude, with this speech, that there could not choose but be great effusion of bloud in England verie shortlie. But [line 50] Gods prouidence maketh it apparant, that the pro∣phesies of traitors prooue not euermore scripture. For Throgmorton the traitor said,* 51.20 that before one yeare was expired, the prosperitie & peace of Eng∣land should be turned into generall calamitie. How∣beit, the date of that diuination is out, & they both (as maie béetide the rest of that rebellious rout in their appointed time) by Gods grace partakers of semblable destinie. This Abington was the last of the first seuen that were executed: and thus ended [line 60] that daies worke, to the comfort of Israell, for that the execrable thing which troubled the whole land (and highlie offended the diuine maiestie) was taken a∣waie.

* 51.21On the daie following (according to generall expectation) being the one and twentith daie of Sep∣tember, Salisburie was laid alone vpon an hur∣dell, and other six, two and two in like maner, all drawne from Tower hill through the citie of Lon∣don,* 51.22 vnto the former place of execution. Salisbu∣rie was the first man that suffered, who in all points was handled as the other seuen the daie before; sauing that he and the latter six were executed with this fauour, that they were permitted to hang vntill they were fullie dead, before the rest of their execution was performed. And albeit this man was blinded with the superstition of papistrie, euen at the point of death, yet he mildlie acknowledged his gréeuous offense against the quéene,* 51.23 and in his last commendation charged all catholikes (for so he onelie accounted the papists) that they should leaue attempting to set vp their religion by violent hand, and by double and treble repetition exhorted them to patience, and earnestlie forbad them all maner of violence.

After Salisburie was with all possible fauour executed, Dun was stripped into his shirt,* 51.24 and sée∣med penitent for his greeuous offense: who after that with verie earnest persuasions he had like∣wise disuaded the Romanists from attempting anie matter of violence, he was executed with excéeding fauour. This Dun (as the report goeth) liued rea∣sonable wealthilie,* 51.25 but it séemeth the man was of a discontented humour, and in dislike with a com∣petent vocation; as appeared by this his vaine ima∣gination. For in Trinitie terme last▪ comming in∣to the Kings bench office, among other pleasant spéeches to one of his familiars; You will maruell (quoth he) to sée me within one quarter of a yeare to walke vp and downe the stréets with twentie men after me. Wherevpon one of his acquain∣tance pleasantlie answered, that he feared he should first sée him followed to the gallowes with a thou∣sand people. Dun shewed his desire, and the other read his destinie. But let the end of this traitor be a warning to all ambitious men, that destruction followeth presumption, and pride will haue a fall.

When the execution of Dun was finished, the next in that tragedie was Iones.* 51.26 This traitor (by that which was easie to be gathered of his behauiour at the gallowes) was a verie close papist, of a shrewd reach, and a most dangerous member in this com∣mon wealth. For notwithstanding his protestati∣on that he disuaded Salisburie from this odious en∣terprise; yet his owne talke shewed that his coun∣sell procéeded of a feare which he had, that the proud humor of Babington threatened an ouerthrow of their purpose; rather than of anie dutifull zeale that he bare towards the safetie of the quéens ma∣iestie. For he neither would him selfe discouer this treason of the highest degrée, neither did he coun∣sell his friend Salisburie to preuent his owne dan∣ger in detecting the conspiracie of his compani∣ons: yea when the odiousnesse thereof brake out in∣to publike knowledge, he (contrarie to the generall duetie of a good subiect, and in contempt of a spe∣ciall warrant directed vnto him) not onelie refused (as he himselfe confessed) to apprehend Salisburie being in his owne house, but (so far as he might) succoured him, after that he was published to be a firebrand of that most wicked treason. One speci∣all thing neuerthelesse, which mooued manie to pitie him aboue the rest, was, because with vehement words he protested, that although he was a catho∣like in religion,* 51.27 yet he so déepelie weied the libertie of his countrie, as that he would be (and euer was) readie to spend his life in withstanding anie forren enimie, French, Italish, Spanish, or whatsoeuer: by whose opinion the tolleration of inuasion was so far from nature and christian duetie, as no excuse or punishment might satisfie the crime.

After Iones had paid the price of his treason,* 51.28 with all possible fauour, then Charnocke was execu∣ted, and after him Trauers, both two men (as it see∣med) bewitched with an ignorant deuotion; for that in their ends nothing was to be obserued but their

praieng to our ladie, calling vpon saints, ioined with a number of ceremonies, crossings, and bles∣sings, &c. So that it appeared that in their praiers, they were bound to forme more than to faith.

When the hangman had giuen these two his hea∣uie blessing,* 51.29 Gage prepared himselfe to die, who be∣gan his protestation, that there was neuer subiect more bound to a prince than his father was to hir maiestie: and from that reuerend recognisance and true acknowledgement of hir maiesties gratious∣nes,* 51.30 [line 10] he fell to excuse him selfe of the odious treasons for which he was to die: but on so weake a ground, as the simplest iudgement then present, found (by the order of his owne confession) that he was a dan∣gerous instrument for the pope. He confessed that he accompanied Ballard the seminarie préest (who hatched the great eg of this pestilent practise) into Yorkeshire,* 51.31 & that he wrote a letter for the said préest to a Frenchman or Spaniard of account beyond the seas. To be short, in all the course of his confessi∣on, [line 20] in indifferent iudgements, he accused him∣selfe to be an hollow hearted subiect, and a sound papist. This cunning traitor Gage could neuer haue made a confession of more infamie to him∣selfe, than in acknowledging the queens maiesties most excellent fauour, shewed to his father (which a dutifull sonne ought to esteeme a benefit vnto him∣selfe) and so to redouble the reproch of his treasons, he condemned himselfe of ingratitude, an vnnatu∣rall vice, which the verie foules of the aire abhorre: [line 30] as (to vse one example of sufficiencie for a thousand) is reported of the storke; which so often as she hath yoong, casteth one out of the nest for the hire of the house, and reward of him that lodged hir.

The last that suffered was one of the Bella∣mies,* 51.32 whose countenance discouered him to be a setled papist, and who as he could saie little to saue his life; so at the gallows he spake nothing to de∣fend his death. Although this traitor had but a dull spirit, yet (as it séemed) he had a malicious heart, [line 40] answerable to that of his fréends, who succored Ba∣bington and some of his associats, when feare of the law, and shame of their odious treasons, made them to shrowd themselues like foxes in holes and co∣uerts. And it séemeth that they were as resolute to follow the treasons of Babington, as they were readie to reléeue him from the danger of the law. Otherwise if this Bellamies brother had not had an accusing conscience,* 51.33 he would neuer with violent hands haue hanged himselfe.

Thus ended the second daies execution, to the [line 50] full satisfaction of the peoples expectation; who ne∣uerthelesse (as the daie before) were inwardlie tou∣ched with passions ingendred by the déepe impres∣sions of the present obiects: but touched they were, as nothing pitieng their deserued deaths, in regard they were most heinous malefactors: but as they were men, in whome humanitie should so haue pre∣uailed, as that they should rather haue chosen losse of life & liuelod, than to haue intended the desolation of [line 60] their natiue countrie, the depriuation of prince, the deposition of péeres, the destruction of people; and whatsoeuer might séeme as a directorie to bloudshed and slaughter, from the highest gouernor sitting in roialtie adorned with crowne and scepter, to the sucking babe lieng in the cradle wrapped in swa∣thing clouts.* 51.34 Which extremities of butcherlie cru∣eltie and vnnaturall sauagenesse, haue had an anci∣ent purpose of practise, as maie appeare by a clause or two of Iohn Nichols his recantation; where spea∣king of Pius Quintus, excommunicating our liege souereigne, he saith that the same was with∣in a twelue moneth of the first publication reuiued, and fiue hundred copies printed at Rome, which were dispersed throughout Italie, Spaine,* 51.35 & Ger∣manie. Whereof what were the contents, is at large set downe in the treatise of execution of iustice in England for treason, not for religion.

But thus saith the same conuert, that a reader of diuinitie positiue, in the hearing of two hundred scholers, vomited these prophane words out of his vncircumcised mouth; that it was lawfull for anie of worship in England, to authorise the vilest wretch that is, to séeke the death of hir highnesse: whose pros∣perous estate the Italish préest and Spanish prince doo so maligne, that they would worke woonders, were it not for certeine impedits: as father Pais a Spaniard,* 51.36 reader of diuinitie scholasticall in the Romane college, affirmed in an auditorie of thrée hundred, saieng: Bona papae voluntas trita & manife∣sta est, & eius crumena parata: sed R. P. aut metus subtra∣hit, aut potestatis defectus vetat, vt suum in Angliam ex∣ercitum ducere non audeat. Where (by the waie) would be noted an inuasion long since pretended. And that the quéens maiesties estate was then maliciouslie aimed at, maie appeare by these comminations and threats, that they would burne hir bones, and the bones of all such as loued hir, either aliue or dead; of whome, some were lords temporall, some spiritu∣all, &c. Memorandum, that this was to be doone, when they held the sterne of gouernement: which shall be, when errant traitors are good subiects, and ranke knaues honest men.

And now to touch the punishment inflicted vpon the foresaid wretches, there is none (if he be not a sworne aduersarie to the state, and an enimie to iu∣stice) but must néeds confesse, that although some of the conspirators were no lesse sharpelie executed, than by law was censured: yet considering the qua∣litie of their offense, it was a death tempered with lenitie, if no more but the spéedines of their execution be considered, whereby their paine and smart was but momentanie. Oh with what seueritie did the ancients punish offenses of this nature! And not without cause. For besides that nothing is more vsu∣all in all the whole scriptures, than prohibition to kill or to séeke the life or honor, not onelie of the prince, but also of inferior magistrats, although they be wicked (and it is said in Exodus;* 51.37 Thou shalt not raile vpon the iudges, neither speake euill of the ruler of the people) so is it prouided by the laws of nations, that not onelie he that hath killed his souereigne, but he also that made the attempt, that gaue counsell, that yeelded consent, that conceiued the thought, is giltie of high treason. Yea, he that was neuer preuented nor taken in the maner, in this point of the souereigne, the law accounteth him as condemned alreadie; and iudgeth him capable of death, that thought once in times past to haue seized vpon the life of his prince, anie repentance that fol∣lowed notwithstanding.

And trulie there was a gentleman of Norman∣die, who confessed to a Franciscane frier,* 51.38 that he once minded to haue killed king Francis the first: but repented him of that euill thought. The frier gaue him absolution, but yet afterwards informed the king of the same; who sent the gentleman to the parlement at Paris there to be tried, where he was by common consent condemned to die, and after executed. Amongst the Macedonians there was a law,* 51.39 that condemned to death fiue of their next kinsfolks that were conuicted of conspiracie against their prince. And most notable is the historie of Ro∣milda, who seeing hir towne or citie besieged by a barbarous king, but yet youthfull and wanton; she signified vnto the enimie by messengers, that she would betraie the citizens into his hands, if he would honour hir with mariage. Which when the

king had promised to doo, she in the night season o∣pened the gates, and (the people vnwitting and ig∣norant) let in forren force. Now the king being entered & in possession, commanded that the towne should be sacked, and all the people slaughtered, Ro∣milda excepted, the vse of whose bodie (for his oth sake, which he was loth to violat) he had the same night as in wedlocke: howbeit, the next daie he cast hir off, and betooke hir to twelue scullions by turns to be abused; & lastlie pitcht hir vpon a stake. [line 10] Here you haue examples in both sexes (man and woman) of treason and conspiracie most seuerelie executed:* 51.40 which if they be compared vnto the suf∣ferings of our late offendors, Iesu what ods shall we sée and confesse? And as the ancients had trea∣son in mortall hatred; so could they not awaie with ingratitude, as maie be obserued by the laws of Draco (which were said to be written in bloud, they were so sharpe and peremptorie) amongst which, there was a commandement, that if anie man had [line 20] receiued a benefit of his neighbor, and it were proo∣ued against him long after that he had beene vn∣thankefull for it, and had ill acknowledged the good turne receiued; such a one should be put to death. So then we sée how in old time they opposed their affections against particular vices, persecuting them with seueritie, as laboring to supplant them: this age of ours beholdeth ingratitude and treason combined, with a fowle nest of other irkesome and noisome sins, in the hearts of helbounds (for we [line 30] maie not vouchsafe them the name of men) brea∣thing out the vapors of their venemous infection, to the damnifieng of the whole commonwelth: what fauour then deserue such to find where they haue offended, or rather what rigor are they not worthie to suffer?

* 51.41Among the Locrians there was a strict decrée, that euerie citizen, desirous to bring in a new law, should come and declare it publikelie before the peo∣ple with a halter about his necke; to the end that [line 40] if his new law was not thought méet to be recei∣ued, and verie profitable for the commonwelth, he might presentlie be strangled with the same rope. If they in old time went so short a waie to worke in a case of vnaduisednesse, to teach others that they vndertake nothing without mature deliberation: what are we taught to be conuenient for such, as breake not their wits either to deuise or prefer new laws; but indeuor what they can to dissolue all law and order, all peace and societie, all gouernment and [line 50] subiection; and by the impulsion of a furious mind to let in libertie, contempt, and all the enormities and abuses that accompanie a licentious life? To let passe the pluralitie of examples & authorities of this kind, the number being so great as that they would fill vp Erotostthenes siue; and to saie some∣what of seueritie, that by opposition of countrie to countrie in that respect, we maie sée the great diffe∣rence betwéene ours and theirs.

* 51.42It is seueritie to flea men quicke, to chaine them aliue to a stake, in such sort as they maie run round [line 60] thereabout, the fier inuironing them on all sides: it is seueritie to haue collops of flesh pluckt from the bodie with hot burning tongs: it is seueritie to be cast downe from a stéepe place starke naked vpon sharpe stakes: it is seueritie to be torne in péeces with wild horsses, and to haue the bones broken vp∣on a whéele. All these be extremities of torments awarded by law, and at this daie practised in forren regions for treason, and sometime for crimes of no∣thing so dangerous a nature. Finallie, if we confer the seueritie of this execution, exercised vpon rebel∣lious and traitorous subiects in a superlatiue degree of disloialtie, with that of other nations commonlie vsed, namelie in principall affaires, which concerne peace and warre, and matters of gouernment, to accept theseruice of runnagate slaues, to place them in authoritie, to change or depose at pleasure anie whatsoeuer; yea to strangle them vpon the least sus∣picion or dislike: our seueritie is clemencie. For in this is ripe reason and iudiciall processe; in the other will without wit, & (as commonlie they saie) Omnia pro imperio, nihil pro officio.

And therefore we conclude, that ingratitude be∣ing counted vnnaturall,* 51.43 and treason (a vice vomi∣ted out of hell mouth) linked togither with manie knots of other shamefull sinnes, and all concur∣ring in the hearts and liues of these outragious conspirators as in a centre: whie should it be thought seueritie to haue iustice iustlie administred, that traitors should be drawne vpon hurdels, stran∣gled in a halter, cut downe aliue, dismembred, their bellies ripped, their bowels taken out and burned, their heads chopt from their shoulders, their bodies clouen in foure quarters, and set ouer the gates of London, for the foules of the aire to féed vpon at full? Unto which fowle end maie all such come, as meane anie mischiefe against good quéene Elisa∣beth, the lords of hir highnesse councell, the bodie politike of the land, the slander or innouation of true religion, &c: wherein God make prince and people of one mind, and plant in all subiects a reuerend regard of obedience and contentment of present e∣state, supported with iustice and religion:* 51.44 least lon∣ging after nouelties, it fare with them as with the frogs, who liuing at libertie in lakes and ponds, would néeds (as misliking their present intercom∣munitie of life) with one consent sue to Iupiter for a king, and so did. Whereat he woondering, gran∣ted their desires, and cast them an huge trunke of a trée, which besides that it made a great noise in the water as it fell, to their terrifieng; so it was cumbersome by taking vp their accustomed passage: insomuch that discontented therewithall, they as∣saulted Iupiter with a fresh petition, complaining that (besides diuerse mislikes otherwise) the king whom he gaue them was but a senselesse stocke, and vnworthie of obedience: wherefore it would please him to appoint them another indued with life. Wherevpon Iupiter sent the herne among them, who entring into the water, deuoured vp the frogs one after another: insomuch that the residue, sée∣ing their new king so rauenouslie gobling vp their fellowes, lamentablie wéeping besought Iupiter to deliuer them from the throte of that dragon and tyrant. But he (of purpose vnchangeable) made them a flat answer, that (will they nill they) the herne should rule ouer them.

Whereby we are taught to be content when we are well, and to make much of good quéene Elisa∣beth, by whom we enioie life and libertie, with other blessings from aboue; beséeching God we maie sée a consummation of the world, before the scepter of the kingdome be translated to another. For (as the prouerbe saith) seldome commeth the better.* 51.45 But to the purpose, this execution being dispatched, and the testimonies thereof dispersed and visible in di∣uerse places about the citie, as at London bridge, where the traitors heads were ranged into their se∣uerall classes: manie rimes, ballads, and pamph∣lets were set foorth by sundrie well affected people, wherein bréefelie were comprised the plot of their conspiracie, the names of the traitors, and their suc∣cessiue suffering, which growing common and fami∣liar both in citie and countrie, were chanted with no lesse alacritie & courage of the singer; than willing∣lie and delightfullie listened vnto of the hearer. So that, what by one meane and what by another, all

England was made acquainted with this horrible conspiracie, not so much admiring the maner of the mischéefes intended, as comforted that hir high∣nesse had the holie hand of God ouershadowing hir, the surest protection that prince or people can haue against perill. So that England is replenished with faithfull and louing subiects, though here and there (like darnell among wheate) lurke a viper or aspe waiting opportunitie to bite or sting.

Now to make a complet discourse of all these heauie & tragicall accidents, hauing thus far conti∣nued [line 10] much important matter concerning the same: the reader is with due regard to peruse the addition following, wherein is argument of aggrauation touching these treasons: which being aduisedlie read, considered, and conferred with the former narrati∣on, will yéeld as sound, pithie, and effectuall informa∣tion for the knowledge of the conspirators purposed plot, as anie subiect would desire: and more than without gréefe or teares anie true English heart can abide to read or heare. Where, by the waie, is to be [line 20] noted, that Marie the Scotish Q. was a principall.

It is apparant by the iudiciall confessions of Iohn Ballard preest, Anthonie Babington, and their con∣federats, that the said Iohn Ballard (being a preest of the English seminarie at Rheims) in Lent past (after he and sundrie other Iesuits and preests, of his sect, had trauelled throughout all parts almost of this realme, & labored to their vttermost to bréed in hir maiesties subiects an inclination to rebell a∣gainst hir) he went into France, and there treated [line 30] and concluded with Barnardino de Mendoza (the Spanish ambassador resiant at Paris) with Charles Paget & Thomas Morgan two English fugitiues,* 51.46 and inexcusable traitors for an inuasion to be made by forren forces into this kingdome. And because no assurance could then be made vnto Mendoza for the interteining, assisting, and good landing of those whome the king his maister, the pope, and the house of Guise should dispatch for that seruice, he sent the said Ballard into England at Whitsuntide last, [line 40] with expresse charge to informe the catholikes, that for sundrie important considerations, the king his maister had vowed vpon his soule to reforme Eng∣land, or to loose Spaine: and for that purpose had in readinesse such forces & warlike preparations, as the like was neuer séene in these parts of christen∣dome. And therefore willed him to stirre the people, and worke the meanes to make some faction to giue them landing & interteinment at their comming: & speciallie to preserue the Scotish Q. in that confusi∣on; [line 50] letting the catholiks vnderstand, that in case they did not assist the inuaders, they would then enter as conquerors, put no difference betwixt man & man.

With this dispatch Ballard by the speciall directi∣on of Morgan (a notorious traitor to this state, yea a professed & sworne seruant vnto the Scotish quéene) repaired to Anthonie Babington,* 51.47 a gentleman to whom the said Scotish Q. vpon the commendation of Morgan & the bishop of Glascow, had long before [line 60] written letters of gratulation, & with whom she had secret intelligence by sending of letters & other mes∣sages, the space almost of two yeares before. To this gentleman Ballard discouered at large the whole purpose of Mendoza, Paget, & Morgan, and said (as he had in charge) that if happilie a strong partie could be made here to assist the inuasion, and aduance the Scotish queene, men, munition, monie, and vittels should be abundantlie supplied from beyond the seas; and therefore persuaded Babington to sound the whole realme, and to vndertake the action. Ba∣bington at the first proposed manie difficulties, but principallie this, that the inuaders or their assistants could haue no hope (the state being so well setled) to preuaile during hir maiesties life. Wherevpon Ballard presentlie replied, that hir life could be no hinderance therein. For vpon like doubts mooued beyond the seas by meanes alreadie laid,* 51.48 Iohn Sa∣uage (a conspirator conuicted hereof by his owne confession) through the persuasion and procurement principallie of one William Gifford (an English fugitiue, and reader of diuinitie in the English se∣minarie at Rheims) had vowed and sworne to kill hir maiestie, as a thing resolued vpon to be lawfull, honorable, and meritorious.

This difficultie being thus remooued, and Bal∣lard from daie to daie continuing his persuasions, and highlie commending the murthering of hir maiestie as a deed of great honor, singular merit, and easie to effectuat:* 51.49 Babington vndertooke the managing of the whole action, and hauing first with his complices entred into manie seuerall propositi∣ons of sundrie treasonable natures, as to surprise hir maiesties person by force, to kill the lord treasu∣ror, the earle of Leicester, and sir Francis Wal∣singham, to remooue hir councellors, and to place new, to murther the nobilitie whilest they were set in administring iustice, to sacke the citie of Lon∣don, to fire the nauie of the realme, to surprise some forces and hauens, to furnish the paie of their for∣ces by an vniuersall spoile and robbing of the richer sort; hauing (I saie) first entred into these and such like propositions) in fine, he with Ballard and o∣thers resolued vpon these thrée principall points: first, that the inuaders should be assisted by a prepa∣red readinesse in the people to rebell in diuerse pla∣ces, and to ioine with them vpon their first landing; that hir maiestie should be murthered by six gentle∣men of resolution; and lastlie, that the Scotish quéene should be aduanced to the crowne of Eng∣land. For the better performance of these resolu∣tions, Ballard and Babington sounded diuerse, and dealt with manie; and so farre Babington proceeded in short time, that a choise was made by him of the six that should execute the attempt against hir ma∣iesties person, that some others were especiallie as∣signed by him to attend and assist the inuasion, with direction from Babington to be popular vnto their vttermost; and that himselfe resolued vpon the first assurance either of hir maiesties death, or of the strangers arriuall, to proclame the quéene of Scots queene of England.

Things standing in these terms,* 51.50 and Babington deferring onelie the execution of this plot, vntill sig∣nification therof were giuen to the Scotish queene, and hir good pleasure knowne therein (God so ordei∣ning it) the Scotish quéene in Iune last wrote vnto Babington a short letter in cipher, signifieng hir discontent for the breach of their intelligence, and requiring him to send by that bearer a packet recei∣ued for hir in Aprill before, and vntill that time re∣teined by Babington, as wanting good meanes of conueieng, and therefore fearing the danger of that seruice. Wherevpon Babington vsing that opportu∣nitie, both deliuered hir packet vnto that messenger, and by him wrote vnto hir touching euerie particu∣lar of this plot aboue mentioned, and how farre he had procéeded therein; signifieng amongst manie o∣ther things, how desirous he was to doo hir some seruice, how well it might be performed, if assu∣rance were giuen from beyond the seas for that which was vndertaken thense, and how necessa∣rie it were that rewards were promised vnto the chéefe actors for their better incoragement, and to be giuen to their posterities, in case they miscaried in the execution. And therefore he required, that she would grant authoritie to some such as it might like hir to giue certeine offices and dignities necessarie

for this action. Unto this letter Babington about twentie daies after in the same cipher, by which he did write before, receiued answer from the Scotish quéene, with which she also sent inclosed (as hir se∣cretarie now confesseth) a new alphabet in cipher, to be vsed betwéene them from that time forward.

And in this hir letter she not onelie declared hir good opinion of Babington, gaue him due thanks for his readinesse to doo hir seruice, promi∣sed correspondencie in all that she might, and willed [line 10] that the resolution being taken, he should with all spéed impart it to Barnardino de Mendoza, consi∣dering first what forces on foot or horssebacke he could make, what place for their assemblie, what leaders in euerie shire, what generall or chéefe lea∣ders; but also amongst infinit other traitorous di∣rections (apparant by the verie letters) she aduised that vpon returne of answer from Mendoza,* 51.51 with assurance that all things were in a readinesse, then and not before it should be conuenient to sound the [line 20] countrie. And to colour the prouision and prepara∣tion, it should be giuen out, that what they did, was not vpon anie euill or disloiall disposition towards hir maiestie, but for the iust defense of catholikes, their bodies, liues, & lands, against the violence of the Puritans, the principall wherof being in the low countries with the chéefe forces of the realme, pur∣posed at his returne to ruine not onelie the whole catholikes, but also meant to depriue hir maiestie of the crowne. And that they should giue it out, that [line 30] therefore the preparation was for the defense of hir maiestie, and hir lawfull successors, not naming the Scotish quéene: vnder which pretense an associa∣tion also might be made amongest the catholikes.

Which being doone, and all things in readinesse both within and without the realme, it should be then time for the six gentlemen to worke,* 51.52 taking order that (because the time would be somewhat vn∣certeine of the exploit vpon hir maiesties person) there should be continuallie some men in readinesse [line 40] about the court well horssed, to bring word in post into the countrie (by foure seuerall waies for feare of intercepting) when that designment was perfor∣med, to the end she might be taken awaie before hir kéeper could either conueie hir awaie or fortifie the place. She wished that some fire might be kindled in Ireland, to the end the councellors attention might be distracted from that part whense the stroke should come, which was from Flanders, Spaine, and the house of Guise. She aduised Babington to deale carefullie and vigilantlie, to prouide all things [line 50] necessarie for effecting the enterprise, in such sort that it might take good effect by the grace of God (for so it pleaseth hir to vse the phrase.) Lastlie, after great promises of large requitall to all the conspirators, and manie other particular aduises tending wholie to the subuersion of this state, and depriuation of hir maiesties life, she groweth towards a conclusion, with praier for his good successe in the aforesaid con∣spiracie. It were néedlesse to expresse more parti∣cularlie the contents of his or hir letters, the origi∣nals [line 60] themselues being extant and surprised.

To these letters Babington wrote for answer by the same messenger, that so soone as the resolution was fullie taken with Mendoza, he would informe hir more; and therevpon within thrée daies after ad∣dressed Ballard towards Mendoza with significa∣tion, that all things were here in a readinesse, and attended onelie the arriuall of their forces. But God, who hath alwaies protected hir maiestie in all mercie beyond the expectation of man, euen almost in the verie point of execution, discouered the con∣spiracie.* 51.53 And therevpon Ballard (being readie to imbarke himselfe) was taken, vpon whose appre∣hension Babington forced (as he said) with the ex∣treme danger to be discouered, and the no hope of anie pardon for so hatefull an offense, entred a new resolution with Sauage aforenamed & Charnocke, to take hir maiesties life awaie presentlie, otherwise intended to haue béene respited vntill the inuasion, which (as Ballard from the mouth of Mendoza swore) must at the vttermost haue beene performed by September. But Babington, finding himselfe restreined before he wist, and thereby assuring him∣selfe that all was knowne, found the meanes to es∣cape, in hope to haue recouered the sea, and so to haue saued himselfe and his confederats. Yet af∣ter ten daies search through all countries adioin∣ing to London, though disguised in clownes attire, and discolored with walnut leaues, he was discoue∣red, apprehended,* 51.54 and with some other of the conspi∣rators brought vnto London, with greater manife∣station of true ioie in the people for their surprise, than toong can expresse or pen maie write.

The apprehension of Ballard and flight of Ba∣bington dismaied the rest, and dispersed the other conspirators; yet not so farre, but that iustice hath since laid hold vpon the most of them. And though in the beginning they seemed all resolued to stand vnto the deniall of euerie part of this action; yet such is the force of truth,* 51.55 that without either hope of fauor or feare of torture, they haue all acknowledged the conspiracie, and confessed their seuerall offenses, agnising the Scotish quéene to be the principall comforter, directer, and imbracer of these treasons, and imputing this error to their deceiuable expec∣tation of hir future greatnesse in this land, the hope whereof ioined with hir allurements, hath hereto∣fore as the world can witnesse (though these could not beware thereby) bred diuerse rebellions within this kingdome, ouerturned manie happie estates, and defiled sundrie families of vnspotted fidelitie in former time.

All which notwithstanding our catholikes and others owe and attribute so great a priuilege to hir person onelie,* 51.56 that being past expectation (as they terme it) of anie good from the king hir sonne, and not regarding the interest of anie other to the succes∣sion of this state, if she by death or otherwise maie not be aduanced vnto this kingdome: they are then determined to set the crowne on the house of Spaine, either by pretense of some putatiue title, to which effect some pamphlets haue béene alreadie composed; or rather (to auoid all controuersies) by some grant and inuesture from the see apostolike: for the dispatch wherof (as the conspirators confesse) doctor Allen an English fugitiue, and some others attend in Rome to sollicit the pope.* 51.57 Which being once performed, some of the grauer and more re∣uerend sort (as they call them) of our fugitiue di∣uines, must secretlie make their repaire hither, and in auricular confession persuade the principall ca∣tholikes of this land, and such as are able to swaie the rest, to fauor, mainteine and aduance that title of Spaine against all others, vnder paine of dam∣nation. By meanes whereof it is intended that Spaine shall mount to so huge a greatnesse, as to be able of himselfe to giue lawes to all the states of christendome. ¶With this note, being the verie flo∣wer and grace of all the former discourse, we will conclude, hauing now no more to saie touching the conspiracie, but these few verses, which we will vse in lieu of a conclusion, and so procéed vnto other matters of consequence, conuenient for the booke:

Quid non papa ruens spondet, modo iussa capessas?* 51.58 En diadema tibi, sceptráque, pactus Hymen▪ Dissimilem votis mercedem, nacta, sed ausis Et sceleri retulit turba nefanda parem.

Successere rogi regno, coriúque coronae, Pro sceptro laqueus, pro thalamo tumulus.]

* 51.59In this meane time, to wit, on thursdaie the 22 daie of September, sir Philip Sidneie knight, a most valiant & towardlie gentleman, sonne & heire to sir Henrie Sidneie late deceased (as is before shewed, in seruice of his prince, and defense of his countrie, in the warres of the Netherlands) was shot into his thigh with a musket at Zutphen in Gelderland, whereof he died on the 17 of Octo∣ber, [line 10] whose bodie was conueied into England, to be honourablie buried. On the eight of October, Iohn Low,* 51.60 Iohn Adams, and Robert Dibdale, being before condemned for treason, in being made préests by authoritie of the bishop of Rome, since the feast of Iohn Baptist in the first yeare of hir ma∣iesties reigne, and remaining here after the terme of fourtie daies after session of the last parlement, were drawne to Tiborne, and there hanged, bowel∣led, and quartered. [line 20]

* 51.61On the same daie at night being saturdaie, there arose the greatest storme that happened since the wind which some doo call Douer wind; and some others, the wind that blew awaie Calis, which was in the time of the reigne of quéene Ma∣rie. For besides great harmes, which happened that night vpon the seas, there were vpon the land in euerie quarter ouerthrowne thereby, houses, cot∣tages, barnes, haiestacks, tiles, chimneies, pales, and gates innumerable, and manie trées both great [line 30] and small were not onelie torne and rent asunder, but grubd vp by the roots: in so much as vpon the mondaie next in manie places men could not passe on horsebacke in the high waies, by reson of the trées that laie blowne and broken downe crosse ouer∣thwart the stréets.* 51.62 And among other strange chan∣ces happening in that tempest, I thought good (for a tast) to recite thrée accidents which befell not farre asunder within the countie of Kent. The one was at Sittingborne, where a woman passing in the [line 40] stréet by hir neighbors house, saw a great tree stan∣ding close by the same, to wauer and wag at the verie root, in such sort as she suspecting the ruine thereof, called vnto hir neighbors who were then in bed, and told them the danger thereof, who presentlie arising, descended from out of the lost where they lodged, and were no sooner departed thense, but downe fell the trée and brake through the roofe of that house, and rested on the bed where they laie.

* 51.63There was also blowne downe with the violence [line 50] of the same wind not far off a great walnut trée, the armes and branches wherof bare and bent a cou∣ple of imps, in such sort as the owner in the mor∣ning to saue them, did cut off two branches from the walnut trée, and so departed to the church to heare morning praier: but before he was returned home to dinner, his walnut trée stood as vpright as euer it did, and so remaineth and groweth as before. The third strange chance happened that night at Dartford in the said shire,* 51.64 at the dwelling house of [line 60] maister Béere esquire, where by the force of the said wind, all the coping of one side of a great gable hed of bricke (reaching from below the top or roofe of the same house almost to the eaues thereof) was blowne quite ouer the house vnder which it stood, and neuer touched anie part thereof at anie side. By these ac∣cidents happening within so small a circuit, it maie be conceiued what great harmes were doone that night throughout the whole realme. For it was thought vniuersall, as was also that which raged in the end of September, wherewithall fell such sharpe shewers of raine, that the drops thereof beating against the faces of trauellers made them to smart, as with twigs of birch: and so vehement they were that they persed through their clothing to their skin: so that manie wringing wet and sore beaten with wind and weather, being verie ill appaid, were glad to shorten their purposed iournies, by taking the next towne for their present succour, where they might sée the roofes and rafters of houses naked of tiles, and heare the donging of belles as they hoong in the steeples, &c. At what time it was reported by people of great age, that they had béene in manie tempests they thanked God, but none comparable to this: which might well be so, if a man were di∣sposed to set downe a register of the particular ca∣sualties, losses, damages, hurts, hinderances, &c: thereby occasioned. In the table if you looke for tempests and winds, you shall read strange mat∣ter and worthie obseruation, though some account this and manie more but ridiculus stuffe: which kind of people I doubt are not of the number that woon∣der at Gods works, but are too too much addicted to naturall philosophie.

One of the west gates of the citie of London,* 51.65 commonlie called Ludgate, being sore decaied, and in perill to haue fallen, was taken downe, the pri∣soners thereof in the meane time remaining vnder the charge of Thomas Lutwich custos or keeper of Ludgate, in the southeast quadrant to the same gate adioining: which quadrant, for the ease of the priso∣soners freemen of that citie, was sometime builded by sir Steuen Foster fishmonger, lord maior of that citie, in Anno 1453. And this yeare, the said gate was againe not onelie newlie, but also stronglie and beautifullie builded, at the charges of the citi∣zens of the same citie, the foundation whereof, in the name and presence of sir Wolstan Dixie maior, cer∣teine of his brethren the aldermen, Anthonie Rat∣clife and Henrie Pranell shiriffes, was laid on the second daie of Maie, and so foorthwith so diligentlie applied by William Kirwine frée mason (and o∣ther woorkmen of diuerse crafts vnder his charge) who for a certeine sum had taken vpon him for all maner of stuffe & workemanship to the same belon∣ging, that the same gate was fullie finished in the space of six moneths or lesse. So that on the 29 daie of October in the same yeare, the said gate was set open to sir William Cicill knight lord treasuror, who first entered the same on horsebacke, accompa∣nied of diuerse other honorable persons, and noble men of hir maiesties priuie councell, who all rode to the Guildhall, where on the same daie kept his feast George Barnes lord maior of that citie, after he had taken his oth and charge in the exchecker at Westminster.

On the 29 daie of October the archbishop of Canturburie, the lord treasuror,* 51.66 and the earle of Derbie, representing the quéens maiesties person, began the high court of parlement by proxe, which session of parlement was at this time assembled for triall of matters concerning Marie quéene of Scots, as more plainlie shall appeare, by that which followeth the end of that session.* 51.67 In the moneth of Nouember about the 23 daie, the right honorable lord Robert earle of Leicester, lieutenant generall of all hir maiesties forces in the vnited prouinces of the low countries, returning from thense, arriued at London, and went late to the court, where as he was not so suddenlie come, as forwardlie welcome of the principall, and others, to the great reioising of all estates throughout the whole realme, as maie ap∣peare by verses of gratulation, in part as followeth:

Solonem ingenio,* 51.68 magnum qui Nestora vincis Consilio, pietate Numam, grauitate Catonem: Gratus ades, ter gratus ades, Comes inclyte, ab oris Teutonicis, salsi emensus vada caerula ponti: Rauca fuit Wansteda diu, te absente, nec vllas

Laetitiae ediderat voces: Ilfordia eclypsin Passa fuit, modulis fleuit Laitona canoris: Hammáque moestificis vlulauit percita curis. At veluti auricomus dispellit nubila Titan, Exhilarat tua sic nostros praesentia vultus Magne Comes, terrae decus, immortale Britannae, Magnanimos inter meritò numerande dynastas.

* 51.69On the second daie of December, the session of parlement (begun the nine & twentith of Octo∣ber as is afore shewed) was dissolued & broken vp, [line 10] and was proroged vntill the fiue & twentith of Febru∣arie next following. The substance and effect of mat∣ters handled in the same parlement, is set downe in a letter learnedlie penned, and directed to the right honorable the earle of Leicester, as followeth.

THE COPIE OF A LETTER TO the right honorable the earle of Leicester, lieu∣tenant generall of all hir maiesties forces in the vnited prouinces of the low countries, written [line 20] before, but deliuered at his returne from thense: with a report of certeine petitions and declarati∣ons made to the queenes maiestie at two seuerall times, from all the lords and commons latelie assembled in parlement: and hir maiesties an∣sweres therevnto by hir selfe deliuered, though not expressed by the reporter with such grace and life, as the same were vttered by hir maie∣stie.

[line 30]

To the right honorable the earle of Leicester, &c.

ALbeit with earnest desire of my heart (right honorable my verie good lord) I haue alwaies indeuored to doo your lord∣ship some acceptable seruice, for the ho∣nour you first vouchsafed me from beyond my cra∣dle, and after confirmed with the fauorable opinion [line 40] wherewith you haue alwaies countenanced me e∣uer since, euen thus far onward on my daies, which also togither with my yeares hath increased faster than mine abilitie to performe, being crossed in no∣thing more deepelie, than when I was letted by the ouermuch tendering of me by my parents, to at∣tend your lordship in your late voiage and honora∣ble expedition into the low countries: yet haue I béene euer since most studious to obserue and appre∣hend some good occasion, or fit opportunitie, to testi∣fie [line 50] the dutifull reuerence I beare to your lordship: wherein if hitherto I haue béene slacke in perfor∣mance during your absence, it hath procéeded of the care I had, not to interteine your lordship with matter either friuolous or vulgar: though things of that nature might best become my condition, and well agrée with my vnderstanding.

In which cogitation it came to my mind, that the report of the spéeches deliuered by the queens most excellent maiestie in a late and weightie cause [line 60] dealt in this parlement, in answer to the petitions presented to hir maiestie the twelfe and foure and twentith daie of Nouember at Richmond by the lord chancellor and speaker, respectiuelie, in the name and behalfe of both estates, accompanied with di∣uerse of either sort, would doubtlesse be a thing to your lordship most gratefull, as one euer pleased iustlie to admire the rare perfections of hir mind, and approoued iudgement, wherewith according to your estate and place, deseruedlie, your lordship hath béene vsuallie acquainted: as also worthie of eternall monument and euerlasting memorie, for as much as on the sudden they were deliuered by hir selfe, for answer of a matter propounded, deba∣ted, resolued, and digested, with great labor and pre∣meditation of the greatest, grauest, wisest, and most choise persons of the whole realme, whereof although I haue but slenderlie purtraied the lineaments, without expressing to life the externall ornaments of hir roiall speach, accompanied with all princelie and gracefull accomplements: yet doubt I not but your lordship will easilie find hir inward vertues, whereof it is impossible for me to make the least ad∣umbration.

And because in the dailie expectation of your lord∣ships returne, I rested vncerteine how these might come safelie to your lordships hands: I did there∣fore aduise to haue this my letter with the included copies to be readie to attend your first arriuall, in gratulation of the safetie thereof, which hath beene long desired. Wherein, as I striue to performe a particular dutie to your lordship, so trust I you will haue that honorable consideration, that in the com∣munication thereof with others, there grow not a∣nie preiudice to me for my presumption, in aduentu∣ring to be a reporter of that, which in the deliuerie wrought so great astonishment to all the hearers, as it exceeded the fulnesse of euerie mans expecta∣tion: and therefore, without some fauorable con∣struction of mine attempt, I might incurre great blame by my slender maner of report, so to haue ble∣mished the excellencie of hir maiesties spéeches, whereof I humblie beséech your lordship to haue fa∣uorable regard. Thus referring them to your lord∣ships disposition, and my selfe to your fauorable pro∣tection, I humblie take my leaue. 25. Nouember. 1586.

Your lordships most humblie in all dutie to command, R. C.

The briefe of the lord chancellors first speach, at the time when he deliuered hir most excellent maiestie a petition in writing, for and in the name of the lords and commons: which speaches were of more length than here are by me collec∣ted: but sure I am, the substance there∣of is here trulie expressed.

THat the lords and commons, hauing of long time to their intolerable greefe, found, by how manie practises the Sco∣tish quéene had compassed the destruc∣tion of hir highnesse most roiall person (in whose safetie next vnder God they acknowledged their chiefe felicitie to consist) thereby not onelie to be∣reaue them of the sincere and true religion in this realme professed and established, but to bring backe againe this noble realme into the thraldome of Ro∣mish tyrannie, and to ouerthrow the happie estate thereof: wherein, although hir highnesse of hir abun∣dant, gratious, naturall clemencie, and princelie magnanimitie, hath either lightlie passed them o∣uer, or with no small indulgence tolerated, not∣withstanding the often and earnest instances of hir nobilitie and commons in sundrie parlements here∣tofore: and further hath protected hir from the vio∣lent pursute of hir owne people: she yet, as a person obdurat in malice (as it appeareth) continued hir former practises, as had béene latelie manifested by certeine wicked conspiracies plotted by one Antho∣nie Babington, and diuerse desperat persons, that had combined and confederated themselues by vow and oth in a most horrible enterprise, by mur∣ther to take awaie the life of hir maiestie: wherein the Scotish quéene did not onelie aduise them, but also direct, comfort, and abbet them, with persua∣sion, counsell, promise of reward, and earnest obte∣station.

Wherevpon hir maiestie at the earnest request of such as tendered the safetie of hir roiall person, and the quiet of the realme, did direct commission vnder the great seale to sundrie lords and others of hir maiesties priuie councell, & a great number of lords of parlement, of the greatest and most anci∣ent degrée, assisted with some of the principall iud∣ges of the realme, to heare, examine, and determine the same, according to a statute in that behalfe, made in the seuen and twentith yeare of hir reigne. Who to the number of thirtie and six, hauing atten∣ded [line 10] the execution of the said commission, and di∣uerse daies and times heard the allegations against the said Scotish quéene in hir owne presence and hearing (she being permitted to saie what she would in hir owne excuse) did with one assent, find hir calpable both in priuitie & consent to the said crimes obiected, and also in compassing the quéens maie∣sties death.

Which sentence, by hir owne directions, vpon the hearing of the proofes and processe in parlement, [line 20] was iudged to haue béene most honorable and iust. And therevpon they all beséech hir maiestie, that for∣asmuch as the said quéene of Scots, was the verie ground and onelie subiect, wherevpon such dange∣rous practises and complots had béene founded, a∣gainst hir maiesties most roiall person, and the e∣state of this realme for these manie yeares, to the ouerthrow of sundrie of the nobilitie of the land, and danger of christian religion, and that they could sée [line 30] no hope of hir desisting, and hir adherents; but that still hir maiesties safetie must be hazarded, and stand to the euent of the like miraculous discoue∣ries.

Therefore, as most humble and instant suppliants, they did vpon their knées at hir most gratious féet, beséech and request in most earnest maner, that as∣well for the continuance of Gods religion, the qui∣et of this kingdome, preseruation of hir person, and defense of them and their posterities, it would [line 40] please hir highnesse to take order, that the said sen∣tence might be published, and such further direction giuen, as was requisit in this so weightie a cause, according to the purport and intent of the said sta∣tute. Wherein, if hir maiestie (pursuing hir woon∣ted clemencie) should now be remisse, besides the imminent danger to hir person, she might by the staie thereof, procure the heauie displeasure of al∣mightie God, as by sundrie seuere examples of his iustice in the sacred scriptures dooth appeare. And so [line 50] he deliuered to hir maiesties owne hands the peti∣tion in writing, which he said had béene with great deliberation assented vnto by all the whole parle∣ment.

A SHORT EXTRACT OF SVCH reasons, as were deliuered in speach by maister sar∣gent Puckering, speaker of the lower house, be∣fore the queens most excellent maiestie in hir pre∣sence chamber at Richmond, the twelfe of No∣uember 1586, in the eight and twentith yere of hir [line 60] reigne, conteining diuerse apparant and imminent dangers, that maie grow to hir maiesties most roi∣all person, and to hir realme from the Scotish queene and hir adherents, if remedie be not pro∣uided.

First touching the danger of hir maiesties person.

1 BOth this Scotish quéene and hir fa∣uorers, doo thinke hir to haue right, not to succeed but to inioie your crowne in possession: and therefore as shée is a most impatient competitor, so will shée not spare anie meanes whatsoeuer, that maie be∣reaue vs of your maiestie, the onelie impediment that she inioieth not hir desire.

2 She is obdurat in malice against your roiall person, notwithstanding you haue shewed hir all fauour and mercie, as well in preseruing hir king∣dome, as sauing hir life, and saluing hir honor. And therefore there is no place for mercie, since there is no hope that she will desist from most w••cked at∣tempts: the rather, for that hir malice appeareth such, that she maketh (as it were) hir testament of the same, to be executed after hir death, and appoin∣teth hir executors to performe it.

3 She boldlie and openlie professed it lawfull for hir to mooue inuasion vpon you. And therefore, as of inuasion victorie maie insue, and of victorie, the death of the vanquished: so did she thereby not obscurelie bewraie, that she thought it lawfull for hir to destroie your sacred person.

4 She thinketh it not onelie lawfull, but honora∣ble also and meritorious to take your life from you, as being alreadie depriued of your crowne by the excommunication of the holie father. And therefore it is like she will (as hitherto she hath doone) conti∣nuallie séeke it by whatsoeuer meanes.

5 That she is gréedie of your maiesties death, and preferreth it before hir owne life and safetie: for in hir direction to one of hir laie complices, she aduised (vnder couert termes) that whatsoeuer should become of hir, that tragicall execution should be performed vpon you.

1 IT is most perillous to spare hir,* 54.1 that continu∣allie hath sought the ouerthrow and suppression of true religion, infected with poperie from hir ten∣der youth, and being after that a confederat in that holie league when she came to age, and euer since a professed enimie against the truth.

2 She resteth wholie vpon popish hopes to deli∣uer and aduance hir, and is thereby so deuoted to that profession, that aswell for satisfaction of others, as for feeding of hir owne humor, she will supplant the gospell, where and when so euer she maie: which euill is so much the greater, and the more to be a∣uoided, as that it staieth the verie soule, and will spread it selfe not onelie ouer England and Scot∣land, but also into those parts beyond the seas, where the gospell of God is mainteined, the which cannot but be exceedinglie weakened, by the defection of this noble Iland.

1 As the Lydians said,* 54.2 Vnum regem agnoscunt Lydi, duos autem tolerare non possunt: So we saie, Vni∣cam reginam Elizabetham agnoscunt Angli, duas autem tolerare non possunt.

2 As she hath alredie by hir allurements brought to destruction more noble men and their houses, to∣gither with a greater multitude of the commons of this realme, during hir being here, than she should haue beene able to doo, if she had béene in possession of hir owne crowne, and armed in the field against vs: so will she still be continuall cause of the like spoile, to the greater losse and perill of this estate: and therefore this realme neither can, nor maie in∣dure hir.

3 Againe, she is the onelie hope of all disconten∣ted subiects, she is the foundation whereon all the euill disposed doo build, she is the root from whense all rebellions and trecheries doo spring: and there∣fore whilest this hope lasteth, this foundation stan∣deth, and this root liueth, they will reteine heart, and set on foot whatsoeuer their deuises against the realme, which otherwise will fall awaie, die, and come to nothing.

4 Mercie now in this case towards hir would in the end prooue crueltie against vs all. Nam est quae∣dam crudelis misericordia, and therefore to spare hir, is to spill vs.

5 Besides this, it will excéedinglie greeue and in a maner deadlie wound the hearts of all the good subiects of your land, if they shall see a conspiracie so horrible not condignlie punished.

6 Thousands of your maiesties most liege and louing subiects, of all sorts and degrees, that in a [line 10] tender zeale of your maiesties safetie, haue most willinglie both by open subscription and solemne vow, entered into a firme and loiall association, and haue thereby protested to pursue vnto the death, by all forcible and possible meanes, such as she is by iust sentence now found to be: can neither discharge their loue, nor well saue their oths, if your maie∣stie shall kéepe hir aliue: of which burthen your ma∣iesties subiects are most desirous to be reléeued, as the same maie be, if iustice be doone. [line 20]

7 Lastlie, your maiesties most louing and duti∣full commons doubt not, but that as your maiestie is dulie exercised in reading the booke of God: so it will please you to call to your princelie remem∣brance, how fearefull the examples of Gods ven∣geance be, that are there to be found against king Saule for sparing king Agag, & against king Achab for sauing the life of Benadad; both which were by the iust iudgement of God depriued of their king∣doms, for sparing those wicked princes, whome God [line 30] had deliuered into their hands, of purpose to be slaine by them, as by the ministers of his eternall and diuine iustice. Wherein full wiselie Salomon proceeded to punishment, when he tooke the life of his owne naturall and elder brother Adonias, for the onelie intention of a marriage, that gaue suspicion of treason against him. Herein we your maiesties most louing and obedient subiects earnestlie de∣pend vpon your princelie resolution, which we as∣sure our selues shall be to God most acceptable, and [line 40] to vs no other than the state of your regall authori∣tie maie affoord vs, and the approoued arguments of your tender care for our safetie vnder your charge dooth promise to our expectation.

A REPORT OF HIR MAIESTIES most gratious answer, deliuered by hir selfe ver∣ballie, to the first petitions of the lords and com∣mons, being the estates of parlement, in hir cham∣ber of presence at Richmond, the twelfe daie of [line 50] Nouember 1586, at the full almost of eight and twentie yeares of hir reigne. Whereof the re∣porter requireth of all that were hearers, a fauora∣ble interpretation of his intent, because he fin∣deth that he can not expresse the same answera∣ble to the originall, which the learned call Pro∣totypon.

THe bottomlesse graces and immesura∣ble benefits bestowed vpon me by the al∣mightie, are, and haue béene such, as I must not onelie acknowledge them, but [line 60] admire them, accounting them as well miracles as benefits; not so much in respect of his diuine ma∣iestie, with whome nothing is more common than to doo things rare and singular: as in regard of our weakenesse, who can not sufficientlie set foorth his woonderfull works and graces, which to me haue béene so manie, so diuerselie folded and imbroidered one vpon another, as in no sort I am able to ex∣presse them. And although there liueth not anie, that maie more iustlie acknowledge themselues infi∣nitelie bound vnto God than I, whose life he hath miraculouslie preserued at sundrie times (beyond my merit) from a multitude of perils & dangers: yet is not that the cause, for which I count my selfe the deepeliest bound to giue him my humblest thanks, or to yéeld him greatest recognition; but this which I shall tell you hereafter, which will deserue the name of woonder, if rare things and seldome séene be wor∣thie of account. Euen this it is, that as I came to the crowne with the willing hearts of my subiects, so doo I now after eight and twentie yeares reigne, perceiue in you no diminution of good wils, which if happilie I should want, well might I breath, but neuer thinke I liued.

And now, albeit I find my life hath béene full dangerouslie sought, and death contriued by such as no desert procured: yet am I therein so cleare from malice (which hath the propertie to make men glad at the fals and faults of their foes, and make them séeme to doo for other causes, when rancor is the ground) as I protest it is and hath béene my gréeuous thought, that one, not different in sex, of like estate, and my neere kin, should fall into so great a crime: yea I had so little purpose to pur∣sue hir with anie colour of malice, that as it is not vnknowen to some of my lords here (for now I will plaie the blab) I secretlie wrote hir a letter vp∣on the discouerie of sundrie treasons, that if she would confesse them, and priuatlie acknowledge them by hir letters to my selfe, she neuer should néed be called for them into so publike question. Neither did I it of mind to circumuent hir: for then I knew as much as she could confesse, and so did I write. And if euen yet, now that the matter is made but too apparant, I thought she trulie would repent (as perhaps she would easilie ap∣peare in outward shew to doo) and that for hir, none other would take the matter vpon them; or that we were but as two milke maids with pailes vpon our armes, or that there were no more dependencie vp∣on vs but mine owne life were onelie in danger, and not the whole estate of your religion and well dooings, I protest (wherein you maie beléeue me, for though I maie haue manie vices, I hope I haue not accustomed my toong to be an instrument of vntruth) I would most willinglie pardon and re∣mit this offense.

Or if by my death other nations and kingdoms might trulie saie, that this realme had attained an euer prosperous and florishing estate: I would (I assure you) not desire to liue; but gladlie giue my life, to the end my death might procure you a better prince. And for your sakes it is, that I desire to liue, to kéepe you from a woorse. For as for me, I assure you, I find no great cause I should be fond to liue: I take no such pleasure in it, that I should much wish it; nor conceiue such terror in death, that I should greatlie feare it: and yet I saie not, but if the stroke were comming, perchance flesh and bloud would be mooued with it, and séeke to shun it. I haue had good experience and triall of this world: I know what it is to be a subiect; what to be a souereigne; what to haue good neighbors, and sometime méet euill willers. I haue found treason in trust, séene great benefits little regarded, and in stead of gratefulnesse, courses of purpose to crosse.

These former remembrances, present féeling, and future expectation of euils (I saie) haue made me thinke, An euill is much the better, the lesse while it indureth: & so, them happiest, that are soonest hense: and taught me to beare with a better mind these treasons, than is common to my sex: yea, with a better heart perhaps, than is in some men. Which I hope you will not meerelie impute to my simplici∣tie or want of vnderstanding, but rather, that I thus conceiued, that had their purposes taken effect, I

should not haue found the blow, before I had felt it: and though my perill should haue béene great, my paine should haue béene but small and short: wherein, as I would be loth to die so bloudie a death, so doubt I not, but God would haue giuen me grace to be prepared for such an euent, chance when it shall, which I refer vnto his good pleasure. And now, as touching their treasons and conspiracies, togither with the contriuer of them, I will not so preiudicat my selfe and this my realme, as to saie [line 10] or thinke, that I might not, without the last sta∣tute, by the ancient laws of this land, haue procée∣ded against hir, which was not made particularlie to preiudice hir; though perhaps it might then be suspected, in respect of the disposition of such as de∣pend that waie. It was so far from being inten∣ded to intrap hir, that it was rather an admonition to warne the danger thereof: but sith it is made, and in the force of a law, I thought good, in that which might concerne hir, to proceed according there∣vnto, [line 20] rather than by course of common law: where∣in, if you the iudges haue not deceiued me, or that the books you brought me were not false (which God forbid) I might as iustlie haue tried hir by the an∣cient laws of the land.

But you lawiers are so nice in sifting, and scanning euerie word and letter, that manie times you stand more vpon forme than matter, vpon syllables than sense of the law. For in the strictnesse & exact following of common forme, she must haue béene indicted in Staffordshire, haue [line 30] holden vp hir hand at the barre, and beene tried by a iurie: a proper course forsooth, to deale in that ma∣ner with one of hir estate. I thought it better there∣fore, for auoiding of these and more absurdities, to commit the cause to the inquisition of a good number of the greatest and most noble personages of this realme, of the iudges and others of good ac∣count, whose sentence I must approoue: and all little enough. For we princes, I tell you, are set on stages, in the sight and view of all the world du∣lie [line 40] obserued; the eies of manie behold our actions; a spot is soone spied in our garments; a blemish quick∣lie noted in our dooings. It behooueth vs therefore to be carefull that our procéedings be iust and hono∣rable.

But I must tell you one thing more, that in this last act of parlement you haue brought me vnto a narrow streict, that I must giue direction for hir death, which cannot bée to mée but a most gréeuous and irksome burthen. And least you [line 50] might mistake mine absence from this parle∣ment (which I had almost forgotten) although there bée no cause whie I should willinglie come amongst multitudes, for that amongst manie some maie bee euill: yet hath it not béene the doubt of anie such danger or occasion that kept me from thense; but onlie the great griefe to heare this cause spoken of; especiallie, that such a one of state and kin should néed so open a declaration, and that this nation should be so spotted with blots of disloial∣tie. [line 60] Wherein the lesse is my gréefe, for that I hope the better part is mine, and those of the woorse not so much to be accounted of, for that in séeking my de∣struction, they might haue spoiled their owne souls. And euen now could I tell you, that which would make you sorie. It is a secret, and yet I will tell it you; although it is knowne I haue the propertie to keepe counsell, but too well oftentimes to mine owne perill. It is not long since mine eies did sée it written, that an oth was taken within few daies, either to kill me, or to be hanged themselues: and that to be performed yer one moneth were ended. Hereby I see your danger in me, and neither can nor will be so vnthankefull or carelesse of your con∣sciences, as not prouide for your safetie.

I am not vnmindfull of your oth made in the as∣sociation, manifesting your great good wils and af∣fections, taken and entered into, vpon good con∣science, and true knowledge of the guilt, for safetie of my person, and conseruation of my life: doone (I protest to God) before I heard it, or euer thought of such a matter, vntill a great number of hands with manie obligations were shewed me, at Hamp∣ton court, signed and subscribed with the names and seales of the greatest of this land. Which as I doo ac∣knowledge as a perfect argument of your true hearts, and great zeale to my safetie: so shall my bond be stronger tied to greater care for all your good. But for as much as this matter is rare, weightie, and of great consequence, I thinke you doo not looke for anie present resolution: the rather, for that, as it is not my maner, in matters of far lesse moment, to giue spéedie answer without due consideration; so in this of such importance, I thinke it verie requisit with earnest praier to beséech his di∣uine maiestie, so to illuminat my vnderstanding, and inspire me with his grace, as I maie doo and de∣termine that, which shall serue to the establishment of his church, preseruation of your estates, and pros∣peritie of this common wealth vnder my charge. Wherein (for that I know delaie is dangerous) you shall haue with all conueniencie our resolution de∣liuered by our message. And what euer anie prince maie merit of their subiects, for their approoued testi∣monie of their vnfained sinceritie, either by gouer∣ning iustlie, void of all parcialitie, or sufferance of anie iniuries doone (euen to the poorest) that doo I as∣suredlie promise inuiolablie to performe, for requi∣tall of your so manie deserts.

¶ The occasions of the se∣cond accesse.

THis answer thus made by hir maiestie, the lords and commons were dismissed. And then hir highnesse some few daies after, vpon deliberation had of this petition, being (as it appeared) of hir mercifull dis∣position of nature, and hir princelie magnanimitie, in some conflict with hir selfe what to doo in a cause so weightie and important to hir and the realme, sent by the lord chancellor (as I heard) and by the mouth of an honorable person, and a right worthie member of the lower house, this message to both houses: moouing and earnestlie charging them, to enter into a further consideration, whether there might not be some other waie of remedie, than that they had alreadie required, so far disagreeing from hir owne naturall inclination. Wherevpon, the lords and commons in either houses assembled, had sundrie consultations, both in their seuerall houses generallie, and by priuat committees deputed spe∣ciallie. And after conference had betwixt the said committées, it was resolued with vnanimitie of consent amongst them in the lower house, and by vniuersall concord in the vpper house (the question there propounded to euerie one of the lords) that there could be found no other sound and assured meane, in the depth of their vnderstanding, for the continuance of the christian religion, quiet of the realme, and safetie of hir maiesties most roiall person, than that which was conteined in their for∣mer petition. The reasons whereof were summa∣rilie these that follow, which are more shortlie repor∣ted than they were vttered.

A briefe report of the second accesse the foure and twentith of Nouember 1586: and of the answer made in the name of t••e lords of the parlement, to a message sent from hir maiestie by the lord chancellor after hir first answer.

THe lord chancellor, accompanied with a∣boue fiue or six and twentie lords of par∣lement, came before hir highnesse in hir [line 10] chamber of presence, to deliuer the reso∣lution of all the lords of parlement, concerning a message which he had not long before deliuered from hir maiestie, for further consultation, whether anie other means could be thought of, or found out by anie of them, how the Scotish quéens life might be spared, and yet hir maiesties person saued out of pe∣rill, and the state of the realme preserued in quiet; declared, that according to that he had receiued in commandement from hir maiestie, he had impar∣ted [line 20] the same vnto the lords assembled in the vpper house, whom he found by their generall silence much amazed at the propounding thereof, considering the same had béene before in deliberation amongest them, and resolued vpon, and as appeared by their former petition exhibited to hir highnesse, wherein they had expressed the same resolution.

Notwithstanding, for hir maiesties further satisfac∣tion, they had entred into a new consultation, & for that purpose selected a great number of the choisest [line 30] persons of the higher house of parlement to confer thereof, either priuatlie or togither with the lower house: which also was doone accordinglie at seuerall times. At all which conferences it was concluded by them all, & so afterwards by the whole assemblie of both houses, that there could be no other assured means for the preseruation of hir maiesties life, and continuance of Gods religion & quiet of this state, than by the full execution of the sentence according to their former petition, instantlie pressing hir ma∣iestie [line 40] with manie arguments and reasons tending thereto. All which, though by distance from his lord∣ship I could not well conceiue, yet this I did re∣member preciselie and especiallie was one: that as it were iniustice to denie execution of law at the sute of anie one particular, and the meanest of hir people: so much more not to yeeld to the earnest in∣stance and humble praiers of all hir faithfull and louing subiects. And so concluded, with earnest peti∣tion for hir maiesties resolute determination and [line 50] answer, for a present and spéedie direction by pro∣clamation, and otherwise also, according vnto the forme of the statute.

A summarie report of the second speach, vttered by the speaker of the lower house, by direction of all the commons.

[line 60]

THat if hir maiestie should be safe with∣out taking awaie the life of the Scotish quéene, the same were most likelie and probablie to grow, by one of these means following.

1 First, that happilie she might be reclamed and become a repentant conuert, agnising hir maie∣sties great mercie and fauors in remitting hir hei∣nous offense, and by hir loialtie hereafter performe the fruits of such conuersion.

2 Or else by a more streict gard be so kept, as there should be no feare of the like attempts here∣after.

3 Or that good assurance might be giuen by oth, bonds or hostages, as cautions for hir good and loi∣all demeanor from henseforth.

4 Or lastlie by banishment, the realme might be voided of hir person, and thereby the perils further remooued that grow to hir maiestie by hir presence. The moments whereof being dulie pondered, did yet appeare so light in all their iudgements, that they durst not aduise anie securitie to rest in anie, no not in all of them. For touching hir conuersi∣on, it was considered, that if pietie or dutie could haue restreined hir from such heinous attempts, there was cause abundantlie ministred vnto hir on hir maiesties behalfe, when she not onelie protected hir against the violence of hir owne subiects, who pursued hir to death by iustice, but couered hir honor when the same by publike fame was touched, and by verie heinous and capitall crimes (obiected and pro∣ued against hir before certeine commissarie dele∣gats assigned to examine the same) more than ble∣mished; and spared hir life, when for hir former con∣spiracies and confederacies with the Northerne re∣bels, hir highnesse was with great instance pressed by both the houses in the fouretéenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, to doo like iustice vpon hir, as now is desired, and as hir treasonable practises then had most iustlie deserued.

And where the penaltie of this act sufficientlie notified vnto hir, should haue terrified hir from so wicked attempts; she hath neuerthelesse insisted in hir former practises, as a person obdurat in malice against hir maiestie, and irrecouerable; so as there was no probable hope of anie conuersion, but ra∣ther great doubt and feare of relapse and recidiuati∣on, forasmuch as she stood obstinatlie in the deniall of matter most euidentlie prooued, and now most iustlie sentenced against hir, and was not entred into the first part of repentance, the recognition of hir offense, and so much the further off from the true fruits that should accompanie the same.

As for a surer gard & more streict imprisonment, it was resolued that there was no securitie therein, nor yet in the other two means propounded of bonds and hostages: forasmuch as the same meanes that should be practised to take hir maiesties life awaie, (which God forbid) would aptlie serue for the deliue∣rie of hir person, and release of the bonds & hostages that should be giuen for cautions in that behalfe: which being vnhappilie atchiued, and to our irrepa∣rable losse, who should sue the bonds, or deteine the hostages? Or being deteined, what proportion was there in bonds or hostages whatsoeuer, to counter∣uaile the value of so pretious & inestimable a iewell, as hir maiestie is to this realme, & to vs all? But she will solemnlie vow & take an oth, that she will not attempt anie thing to the hurt of hir maiesties person. She hath alreadie sundrie times falsified hir word, hir writing, and hir oth; and holdeth it for an article of religion, that faith is not to be holden with heretiks, of which sort she accounteth your maies∣tie and all the professors of the gospell to be: and therfore haue we little reason to trust hir in that, wherof she maketh so small a conscience.

As for banishment, that were a step A malo in pe∣ius, to set hir at libertie, a thing so greatlie desired and thirsted for by hir adherents, and by some prin∣ces hir alies, who sought hir inlargement chéeflie to make hir a head to be set vp against hir maiestie, in time of inuasion. To the which were added some few reasons collected out of hir owne letters and the confession of Babington, hir instrument and con∣spirator: by which appeared how hir owne conscience bewraied what might iustlie fall vpon hir, in case a∣nie of hir intended designements came to light, that she might haplie be shut vp in some more close

and strict prison, as the Tower of London, if there befell hir no woorse thing. And in that she directed Babington, in case he failed in the action of hir de∣liuerie, that he should neuerthelesse proceed in the residue; which was the death of hir maiestie: who also confessed, that vpon assurance of hir maiesties death, or the arriuall of strangers, he intended to proclame the quéene of Scots, and made no doubt of the desired successe: and therefore hir maiesties death being so earnestlie sought, for aduancement [line 10] of this competitor, hir highnesse could not remaine in quietnesse or securitie, if the Scotish queene should longer continue hir life.

THE SECOND ANSWER made by the queens maiestie, deliuered by hir owne mouth, to the second speach, vttered in the names of the lords and commons of the parlement.

FUll gréeuous is the waie, whose go∣ing on, and end, bréed cumber for the [line 20] hire of a laborious iourneie. I haue striued more this daie than euer in my life, whether I should speake, or vse silence. If I speake and not complaine, I shall dissemble; if I hold my peace, your labour taken were full vaine. For me to make my mone, were strange and rare: for I suppose you shall find few, that for their owne particular, will cumber you with such a care. Yet such I protest hath beene my grée∣die desire and hungrie will, that of your consulta∣tion [line 30] might haue fallen out some other meanes to worke my safetie ioined with your assurance (than that for which you are become such earnest sutors) as I protest, I must néeds vse complaint, though not of you, but vnto you, and of the cause; for that I doo perceiue by your aduises, praiers, and desires, there falleth out this accident, that onelie my iniu∣rers bane must be my lifes suertie.

But if anie there liue so wicked of nature, to sup∣pose, that I prolonged this time onelie, Pro forma, [line 40] to the intent to make a shew of clemencie, thereby to set my praises to the wierdrawers to lengthen them the more: they doo me so great a wrong, as they can hardlie recompense. Or if anie person there be, that thinke or imagine, that the least vaine∣glorious thought hath drawne me further herein, they doo me as open iniurie as euer was doone to a∣nie liuing creature, as he that is the maker of all thoughts knoweth best to be true. Or if there be a∣nie, that thinke, that the lords appointed in com∣mission [line 50] durst doo no other, as fearing thereby to dis∣please, or else to be suspected to be of a contrarie o∣pinion to my safetie, they doo but heape vpon me iniurious conceipts. For either those put in trust by me to supplie my place, haue not performed their duties towards me; or else they haue signified vnto you all, that my desire was, that euerie one should doo according to his conscience, and in the course of his procéedings should inioie both fréedome of voice and libertie of opinion; and what they would not o∣penlie [line 60] declare, they might priuatlie to my selfe haue reuealed. It was of a willing mind and great de∣sire I had, that some other meanes might be found out, wherein I should haue taken more comfort, than in anie other thing vnder the sun.

And sith now it is resolued, that my suretie can not be established without a princesse end, I haue iust cause to complaine; that I, who haue in my time pardoned so manie rebels, winked at so manie treasons, and either not produced them, or altogither slipt them ouer with silence, should now be forced to this procéeding, against such a person. I haue besides, during my reigne, séene and heard manie opprobrious books and pamphlets against me, my realme and state, accusing me to be a tyrant; I thanke them for their almes: I beleeue, therein their meaning was to tell me news, and news it is to me in déed; I would it were as strange to heare of their impietie! What will they not now saie, when it shall be spread, that for the safetie of hir life, a maiden queene could be content to spill the bloud, euen of hir owne kinswoman? I maie therefore full well complaine, that anie man should thinke me giuen to crueltie, whereof I am so giltlesse and innocent, as I should slander God, if I should saie he gaue me so vile a mind: yea, I protest, I am so far from it, that for mine owne life I would not touch hir: neither hath my care beene so much bent how to prolong mine, as how to preserue both: which I am right sorie is made so hard, yea so im∣possible.

I am not so void of iudgement, as not to sée mine owne perill; nor yet so ignorant, as not to know it were in nature a foolish course, to cherish a swoord to cut mine owne throte; nor so carelesse, as not to weigh that my life dailie is in hazard: but this I doo consider, that manie a man would put his life in danger for the safegard of a king, I doo not saie that so will I: but I praie you thinke, that I haue thought vpon it. But sith so manie haue both written & spoken against me, I praie you giue me leaue to saie somewhat for my selfe, & before you re∣turne to your countries, let you know, for what a one you haue passed so carefull thoughts. Wherein, as I thinke my selfe infinitlie beholding vnto you all, that seeke to preserue my life by all the meanes you maie: so I protest vnto you, that there liueth no prince, that euer shall be more mindfull to requite so good deserts. And as I perceiue you haue kept your old woonts, in a generall séeking of the length∣ning of my daies: so am I sure that I shall neuer requite it, vnlesse I had as manie liues as you all: but for euer I will acknowledge it, while there is anie breath left me. Although I maie not iustifie, but maie iustlie condemne my sundrie faults and sinnes to God: yet for my care in this gouern∣ment, let me acquaint you with my intents.

When first I tooke the scepter, my title made me not forget the giuer: and therefore began, as it be∣came me, with such religion, as both I was borne in, bred in, and I trust shall die in. Although I was not so simple, as not to know what danger and pe∣rill so great an alteration might procure me: how manie great princes of the contrarie opinion would attempt all they might against me: and ge∣nerallie, what enimitie I should breed vnto my selfe: which all I regarded not, knowing that he, for whose sake I did it, might, and would defend me. For which it is, that euer since I haue béene so dange∣rouslie prosecuted, as I rather maruell that I am, than muse that I should not be: if it were not Gods holie hand that continueth me, beyond all other ex∣pectation. Then entered I further into the schoole of experience, bethinking what it fitted a king to doo: and there I saw, he scant was well furnished, if either he lacked iustice, temperance, magnani∣mitie, or iudgement. As for the two latter, I will not boast, my sex dooth not permit it: but for the two first, this dare I saie; amongst my subiects I neuer knew a difference of person, where right was one: nor neuer to my knowledge preferred for fauour, whome I thought not fit for woorth: nor bent my eares to credit a tale that first was told me: nor was so rash, to corrupt my iudgement with my censure, before I heard the cause. I will not saie, but manie reports might fortune be brought me by such as might heare the case, whose parcialitie might mar sometime the matter: for

we princes maie not heare all our selues. But this dare I boldlie affirme, my verdict went euer with the truth of my knowledge. As full well wished Al∣cibiades his fréend, that he should not giue anie answer, till he had recited the letters of the alpha∣bet: so haue I not vsed ouer sudden resolutions, in matters that haue touched me full neere: you will saie that with me, I thinke.

And therefore, as touching your counsels and consultations, I conceiue them to be wise, honest, [line 10] and conscionable: so prouident and carefull for the safetie of my life (which I wish no longer than maie be for your good) that though I neuer can yéeld you of recompense your due: yet shall I indeuour my selfe to giue you cause, to thinke your good will not ill bestowed, and striue to make my selfe worthie for such subiects. And now for your petition, I shall praie you for this present, to content your selues with an answer without answer. Your iudgement I condemne not, neither doo I mistake your rea∣sons, [line 20] but praie you to accept my thankefulnesse, excuse my doubtfulnesse, and take in good part my answer answerlesse: wherein I attribute not so much to mine owne iudgement, but that I thinke manie particular persons maie go before me, though by my degrée I go before them. Therefore if I should saie, I would not doo what you request, it might peraduenture be more than I thought: and to saie I would doo it, might perhaps bréed perill of that you labour to preserue, being more than in [line 30] your owne wisedoms and discretions would séeme conuenient, circumstances of place and time be∣ing dulie considered.

Thus far the procéeding against the Scotish quéene, as the same is reported by R. C. Now fol∣loweth the publication of the same, which was doone with great port and statelinesse. For vpon tuesdaie, being the sixt daie of December,* 59.1 the lord maior of London, assisted with diuers earls, and barons, [line 40] the aldermen in their scarlet gownes, the princi∣pall officers of the citie, the greatest number of gentlemen of the best accompt in and about the citie, with the number of fourescore of the most graue & worshipfullest citizens, in cotes of veluet, and chaines of gold, all on horsse backe, in most so∣lemne and statelie maner, by the sound of foure trumpets, about ten of the clocke in the forenone, made open and publike proclamation and declara∣tion of the sentence latelie giuen by the nobilitie a∣gainst [line 50] the quéene of Scots, vnder the great seale of England, bearing date at Richmont the fourth daie of December, being openlie read by master Se∣bright, towne-clerke of London, & with lowd voice solemnelie proclamed by the sargent at armes of the said citie, in foure seuerall places, to wit, at the crosse in Cheape, at the end of Chancerie lane in Fleetstreet, ouer against the Temple, at Leaden hall corner, and at saint Magnus corner néere London bridge.

During which time, the like solemne procla∣mations [line 60] were made with great solemnities in the countie of Middlesex, namelie in the palace at Westminster, without Temple barre, and in Hol∣borne, by the shiriffes of London and Midlesex, as∣sisted with sundrie noblemen, gentlemen of good account, and the iustices of peace of the said coun∣tie, to the great and woonderfull reioising of the people of all sorts, as manifestlie appeared by their eger running after the portlie traine, their thron∣ging to heare the same published, their ringing of bels, making of bonfires, and singing of psalmes in euerie stréet and lane of the citie. The said pro∣clamation followeth.

A true copie of the proclamation late∣lie published by the queenes maiestie, vnder the great seale of England, for the declaring of the sentence latelie giuen against the queene of Scots, in forme as fol∣loweth.

ELisabeth by the grace of God, quéene of England, France, and Ireland, defen∣der of the faith, &c. Whereas we were gi∣uen to vnderstand very crediblie, though to our great greefe, that diuerse things were, and of late time had beene compassed▪ imagined, and re∣solutelie intended, tending directlie to the hurt and destruction of our roiall person, and to the subuersi∣on of the state of our realme by forren inuasions and rebellions at home, as well by the quéene of Scots, remaining in our realme vnder our protection, as by manie diuerse other wicked persons with hir pri∣uitie, who had fréelie confessed the same, and had therevpon receiued open triall, iudgement, and exe∣cution according to the lawes for their deserts. And though in verie truth we were greatlie and deeplie gréeued in our mind, to thinke or imagine that anie such vnnaturall and monstrous acts should be either deuised, or willinglie assented vnto against vs, by hir being a princesse borne, and of our sex and bloud, and one also whose life & honor we had manie times before saued and preserued: yet were we so direct∣lie drawne to thinke all the same to be true, by the sight and vnderstanding of such proofes as were ma∣nifestlie produced afore vs, vpon matters that had as well procéeded from hir selfe, as from the conspi∣rators themselues, who voluntarilie & fréelie with∣out anie coercion had confessed their conspirations, both iointlie with hir, and directed by hir, against our person and our realme: and therefore also we saw great reason, to thinke the same ouer dangerous to be suffered to passe onward to take their full effect.

Wherefore we were by sundrie lords of our nobi∣litie, and others our louing subiects, earnestlie moo∣ued and counselled, to take vndelaied order for the inquisition and examination of all these dangerous enterprises & conspiracies, by sundrie waies direct∣lie auowed to be by the said quéen of Scots against vs and our realme certeinlie intended; and also to vse all present meanes with expedition to withstand or rather to preuent the same. And for that we were verie vnwilling to procéed against hir, considering hir birth and estate, by such vsuall sort as by the com∣mon lawes of the realme we might haue lawfullie doone, which was by indictment and arreignment by ordinarie iuries: therefore, in respect both of our owne honor, and of hir person, we yéelded, by good aduise giuen to vs, to procéed in the most honorable sort that could be deuised within our realme, to the examination hereof, according to a late act of par∣lement, made the thrée and twentith daie of Nouem∣ber, in the seuen and twentith yeare of our reigne.

Wherevpon by our commission vnder our great seale of England, bearing date at our castell of Windsore in our countie of Barkeshire, the sixt daie of October now last past, we did (for that pur∣pose) according to that statute, assigne, name, and appoint all the lords and others of our priuie coun∣cell, and so manie other earls and barons lords of parlement, of the greatest degrée and most ancient of the nobilitie of this our realme, as with the same lords and others of our priuie councell, made vp the number of fortie and two, adding also thereto a further, number according to the tenor of the fore∣said act of parlement, of certeine of the cheefest and other principall iudges of the courts of record at Westminster, amounting in the whole to the num∣ber

of fortie and seuen, to examine all things com∣passed and imagined, tending to the hurt of our roi∣all person, as well by the said quéene of Scots, by the name of Marie the daughter & heire of Iames the fift late king of Scots, commonlie called the quéene of Scots & Dowager of France, as by anie other by hir priuitie, and all the circumstances there∣of, & therevpon according to the tenor of the said act of parlement, to giue sentence or iudgment, as vpon good proofe the matter vnto them should appeare, as [line 10] by the same commission more fullie appeareth.

And where afterwards the more part of the said councellors, lords, and iudges, in our said commissi∣on named, that is to saie, the number of six and thir∣tie, did in the presence and hearing of the said quéene of Scots, where she remained at our castell of Fo∣deringhaie, at diuerse daies and times in publike place, verie exactlie, vprightlie, and with great deli∣beration examine all the matters & offenses, where∣of she was charged and accused, tending vnto the dangers afore rehearsed and mentioned in our said [line 20] commission and all the circumstances thereof, and heard also at large in all fauorable maner, what the same quéene did, or could saie for hir excuse and de∣fense in that behalfe. Wherevpon afterwards on the fiue and twentith daie of October now last past, all the said councell, lords, and iudges, that had heard and examined the same cause in the said queenes presence, as afore is mentioned, with one assent and consent, after good deliberation did giue [line 30] their sentence and iudgement, in this sort follow∣ing.

That after the first daie of Iune, in the seuen and twentith yeare of our reigne, and before the date of our said commission, diuerse things were compassed and imagined within this realme of En∣gland by Anthonie Babington, and others, with the priuitie of the said Marie, pretending title to the crowne of this realme of England, tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of our roiall per∣son. [line 40] And likewise, that after the same first daie of Iune, and before the date of our said commission, the said Marie, pretending title to the same crowne, had compassed & imagined within the same realme, diuers things tending to the hurt, death, and destru∣ction of our roiall person, contrarie to the forme of the said statute: which sentence and iudgement the same lords and commissioners haue with one full consent caused to be put in writing, and dulie in∣grossed, with the whole processe of their procée∣dings therevnto belonging, and haue subscri∣bed [line 50] the same with their hands, as by a record thereof shewed to vs more fullie and largelie dooth appeare.

And whereas also, sithence the same sentence and iudgement so giuen and recorded, the lords and com∣mons in this present parlement assembled, haue also at sundrie times in open parlement, heard and considered the principall euidences, proofes, and cir∣cumstances, wherevpon the same sentence and iudgement was grounded, and haue by their pub∣like assent in parlement affirmed the same to be a [line 60] iust, lawfull, and true sentence, and so haue allowed and approoued the same in writing presented vnto vs: and haue also notified to vs, how déepelie they did foresée the great and manie imminent dangers, which otherwise might and would grow to our per∣son, and to the whole realme, if this sentence were not fullie executed: and consequentlie therefore, they did by their most humble and earnest petitions in that behalfe, of one accord, hauing accesse vnto vs (vpon their sundrie requests) most instantlie vp∣on their knées, praie, beséech, and with manie rea∣sons of great force and importance, mooue and presse vs, that the said sentence and iudgement so iustlie & dulie giuen, and by them approoued, as is aforesaid, might (according to the expresse tenor of the said act of parlement) by our proclamation vnder our great seale be declared and published, and the same also fi∣nallie executed.

But after such most earnest request, so made to vs from all the said lords and commons in parle∣ment, they perceiuing by our owne speeches and answers, how déepelie we are greeued to heare of these horrible and vnnaturall attempts and acti∣ons of that quéene, whose manie former offenses, manifestlie and dangerouslie committed against vs, our crowne and realme, we had ouerpassed with our ouer great clemencie, contrarie to the manie aduises and requests of our subiects, aswell in par∣lement as otherwise: and therefore they also vnder∣standing from our selfe, how desirous we were to haue some other meanes deuised by them in their seuerall places of parlement, to withstand these mischiefes intended both against our selfe, and the publike quiet state of our realme, and suertie of our good subiects, than by execution of the foresaid sen∣tence, as was required: they did after their sundrie consultations apart, and conferences iointlie with one accord, in the names of all the lords of parle∣ment, euen by the particular votes of them all as∣sembled, and also of the commons with one vniuer∣sall assent, representing the state of all our realme, at their seuerall times of accesse vnto vs, alledge, declare, and protest, that vpon their long, manie, & aduised consultations and conferences by our com∣mandement, and for our satisfaction in that behalfe had, they could not by anie meanes find or deuise, how the suertie of our roiall person, and the preser∣uation of themselues and their posteritie, with the good state of the realme, might be prouided for and continued, without the publication and due execu∣tion of the said sentence.

Wherevpon, being not onelie mooued to our gréefe, but also ouercome with the earnest requests, declarations, and important reasons of all our said subiects, the nobles and commons of our realme, whose iudgement, knowledge, and naturall care of vs, and the whole realme, we know dooth farre sur∣mount all others, being not so interessed therin, and so iustlie to be esteemed: and perceiuing also the said sentence to haue béene honourablie, lawfullie, and iustlie giuen, agréeable to iustice and to the lawes of our realme: we did yéeld, and doo according to this said statute by this our proclamation vnder our great seale of England, declare, notifie, and publish to all our louing subiects, and other persons whatso∣euer, that the said sentence and iudgement is giuen in maner aforesaid, to the intent, that they and eue∣rie of them, by this our proclamation may haue full vnderstanding and knowledge thereof. We doo also will you, that you returne this our proclamation in∣to to our court of Chancerie, as spéedilie as you maie conuenientlie, with the place and time of the procla∣ming thereof therevpon indorsed, whereof faile you not. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused this our proclamation to be made patent, and sealed with the great seale of England. At our manor of Rich∣mont the fourth daie of December, the nine and twentith yeare of our reigne, and in the yeare of our Lord God, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six.

Now to conclude with a remembrance of perpe∣tuitie concerning the queens maiestie, of whose lo∣uing care and tender affection towards all hir faith∣full subiects as we haue manifold testimonies in the historie of hir highnesse time, whereby their hearts are linked vnto hir maiestie with an indis∣soluble

knot of deserued loue and loialtie: so we maie not omit in anie case the publike witnesse of hir highnesse naturall care and mercifull prouidence ouer hir liege people, euen those of the poorer sort, vnto whome the comfortable streames of hir rare regard for their benefit and welfare, in a hard time of scarsitie, doo most plentifullie flow. But because our barren and saplesse stile is insufficient, with conuenient dignitie to describe, naie not so much as to delineat or shadow out this incomparable [line 10] pitie and pietie of hir highnesse tender heart to hir commons, I will surcease to intermedle therein, reseruing the same vnto the due consideration of euerie particular member of this bodie politike (whereof hir maiestie is the souereigne head) by the view and perusall of the proclamation and orders here annexed.

A true copie of the said proclamation concerning corne, &c.

THe quéenes most excellent maiestie, [line 20] foreséeing the generall dearth growne of corne & other vittels, partlie through the vnseasonablenesse of the yeare past, whereby want hath growne more in some coun∣tries than in others, but most of all generallie through the couetousnes & vncharitable gréedines of such as be great cornemasters & ingrosers of corne, vsing all the subtill meanes they can, to worke their owne present vnconscionable gaine against the rules of charitie, which hir maiestie of hir princelie [line 30] care and loue towards hir people, vtterlie condem∣neth, and earnestlie desireth to remedie, for the re∣léefe of the poorer sort. And therefore, hir maiestie with hir princelie care towards hir people, hauing (with the aduise of hir councell) had good considera∣tion hereof, dooth by this hir proclamation, giue ex∣presse commandement and charge vnto all such to whom it shall or maie apperteine, that such good or∣ders as hir maiestie hath commanded to be deuised for that purpose, and now also are sent to all parts [line 40] of hir realme, be diligentlie and effectuallie put in spéedie execution: signifieng withall vnto all hir good and louing subiects, that if anie shall be found obstinat or negligent in the due execution, or other∣wise in the obseruation thereof, that then vpon due information and proofe thereof made vnto hir high∣nesse said councell, which she requireth not to be spa∣red by anie, hauing iust cause of complaint, for re∣spect of anie person, she hath giuen speciall com∣mandement and order, that they shall be spéedilie [line 50] called to answer; & therevpon, according to the qua∣litie of their offenses, shall receiue sharpe punish∣ment, whereby others maie take example to auoid the like contempt, negligence, or other defaults.

And although this dearth hath in sundrie parts of the realme first growne by the visitation of al∣mightie God, in the alteration of seasonable wea∣ther this last yeare, which neuerthelesse of his great mercie hath not beene so extreme in this realme, as in manie other countries adioining, where the [line 60] dearth is by manie occasions manifestlie knowne to be far greater than is in this relme hitherto, or by his goodnesse is like to be: yet it is manifestlie knowne the said dearth to haue bin wilfullie increa∣sed in verie manie places of this realme, not onelie by & through the couetousnes of manie ingrosers of corne & cornmasters, but also by vnlawfull transpor∣tation of graine, & lacke also of preseruation of store in time requisit. Hir highnesse acknowledging this maner of Gods mercie and fauour in a more fauou∣rable measure towards hir countrie and hir people, than to other forren parts neere adioining, hath thought good and necessarie, for a further remedie a∣gainst the vncharitable couetousnesse of the corne∣masters, as cause shall require, to notifie, that if such as be the great cornemasters and owners of graine, or of other necessarie vittels for food of the poore, shall not be willing, or doo not performe these orders, whereby the poorer sort maie be releeued in the markets at reasonable prices; or that it shall ap∣peare that other néedfull vittels shall by couetous∣nesse of anie persons grow to excessiue prices, to the pinching of the poorer sort: then hir highnesse dooth hereby signifie, that she will not onelie seuerelie pu∣nish the offendors for their cruell couetousnesse and offenses against hir orders; but will also for redresse of the excessiue prices of other néedfull vittels, giue order that reasonable prices shall be set both on corne and other vittels, to be sold for the reléefe of hir ma∣iesties poore subiects, according both to hir preroga∣tiue roiall, and to the order of iustice, as by speciall law of parlement therefore made in the fiue and twentith yeare of the reigne of hir late noble and deare father king Henrie the eight, is speciallie in such cases prouided. Giuen at Greenewich the se∣cond daie of Ianuarie, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six, in the nine and twentith yeare of hir highnesse reigne.

Now the said orders before specified, being a matter of coherence (deuised by the speciall com∣mandement of hir maiestie, for the releefe and staie of the present dearth of graine within the realme) and published at large, doo here follow (agréeable to that which was sent from the court at Gréenewich abrode into the realme, the second daie of Ianuarie, one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six, in the nine and twentith yere of hir maiesties reigne, by hir maiesties priuie councell) but abridged accor∣ding to the annotations. And first; That the iusti∣ces shall diuide themselues into sundrie parts to ex∣ecute these orders:* 61.1 To appoint sundrie iuries to inquire of things hereafter following: The oth of the iurors, with charge to inquire what number of persons be in the houses of them that haue store of corne: For badgers, broggers, and carriers of corne: Maltmakers, bakers, and brewers: Bui∣ers of corne to sell againe: Buiers of corne vpon the ground: Against such as shall refuse to declare the truth of the matters inquirable: Parties of∣fending to appeare afore the councell: A considerati∣on of all persons that haue corne, to determine how they shall serue the markets with such portions as they maie spare: The forme of the recognisance to be freelie taken.

Orders to be obserued by such as shall be ap∣pointed to serue the markets with corne, for the re∣léefe of the poore people first: To whome corne shall be sold, after that the poore are serued: No corne brought to the market vnsold, to be caried out of the towne: None to buie such kind of corne as they shall bring to sell, but by warrant vpon reasonable cause: No corne to be bought & to sell againe: No corne to be bought but in open market: Inquirie to be made against ingrosers: An order for all licences from the iustices of the peace, to be kept in a record: Re∣gard to the bakers for kéeping of the sise of bread: Bread faultie in anie excesse to be sold towards the reléefe of the poore: No badger to buie corne but in open market, and with a sufficient licence in wri∣ting: The badgers to shew wéekelie their books of buieng: No iustices seruant to be a badger, nor none other, but such as shall be licenced in open sessions: No badger, baker, brewer, or purueior, to buie graine, vntill an houre after the full market begin: Some iustices to be present in the market, to sée the poore reléeued vpon reasonable prices.

Where iustices are wanting in anie hundred

for to appoint some rich persons to supp••••e the want: That ministers and preachers exhort the rich sort to be liberall to helpe the poore with monie or vittels needfull: To make malt of oates in countries where there hath béene vse thereof: No waste of bread corne superfluouslie, nor anie expense thereof but for féeding of people:* 61.2 None suffered to make starch of anie graine: Able poore people to be set to worke: Stocks of monie for prouision of works for poore people: Clothiers to continue their worke∣folks: [line 10] Souldiors hurt, and impotent people, to be relieued in their dwelling places: That no millers be suffered to be common buiers of corne, nor to sell meale, but to attend to the true grinding of the corne brought, & to vse measurable tole these deare seasons: Conferences to be had betwixt the iusti∣ces of peace in the shires, and the principall officers of cities and townes corporat for prouisions of graine, for the inhabitants in cities and corporat towns: Order for places exempted from the iuris∣diction [line 20] of the iustices of peace in the bodies of the shires: Regard to staie all transportation of graine out of the realme: Certificat to be made of the ex∣ecution of these orders monethlie to the shiriffe, and he to certifie the same to the priuie councell within euerie fortie daies: To certifie what iustices be ab∣sent from the seruice, that such as without iust excuse shall not attend, maie be displaced, and their rooms, if there be need, supplied.

The conclusion of these orders is this Ad verbum, That if anie shall offend against the true meaning [line 30] of these instructions, or of anie part thereof, or shall vse anie sinister meane to the defrauding thereof, that such be seuerelie punished according to the lawes; and for such obstinat persons as shall not conforme themselues, the iustices shall at their ple∣sure bind them to appeare before the quéenes maie∣sties priuie councell by a daie certeine, there to be further delt with by seuere punishment, for the bet∣ter example of all others.

[line 40]

* 61.3Now as Holinshed and such as with painfull care and loue to their countrie haue thought good before me, to knit vp the seuerall reigne of euerie seuerall king with a generaltie of the seuerall writers in that princes daies: So haue I béene importuned by manie of my friends, to knit vp the said whole hi∣storie with a particular catalog of all such as haue purposelie in seuerall histories of this realme, or by the waie in the histories of other countries written of England and English matter. For which cause [line 50] (with the title of other anonymall chronicles) I haue here for that purpose, by order of alphabet set downe the same. Wherein, although I shall not set downe euerie mans name, nor of what time & qualitie euerie one was (for he is not liuing I sup∣pose that can doo the same) yet hauing doone my good will therein, and that more than perhaps some o∣thers would haue doone, I praie thée to beare with the defaults, and accept that which I haue doone and could doo. And although perhaps I maie set downe [line 60] one man twise, as first by his name, and then set downe the worke without his name, as another se∣uerall thing: yet is it not of purpose doone, or to the end that I would make a great shew, and séeme am∣bitious of names or knowledge; but for that I haue not as yet atteined to that perfection, which hereaf∣ter I hope to doo in distinguishing of the same. For Rome was not built in one daie, & yet if one daies foundation thereof had not beene first laid, it had neuer béene after builded: and so to the matter.

A, Abbo Floriacensis liued in the time of Dun∣stane archbishop of Canturburie, to whome he dedi∣cated his booke: Abbas Wiseburgensis, Nicholaus Adams liued in the daies of king Edward the sixt, Alfric Abbas, Alfric that gathered the liues of the saints in Saxonie, which I sometimes had, it maie be that these two were all one man; Alfridus Beuerlacensis thesaurarius whom Leland calleth Al∣uredus Fibroleganus; Alanus abbat of Teukesbu∣rie, one of the foure that writ the Quadrilogium of Thomas Becket in the time of king Iohn, Alexan∣der Hessebiensis; he writ Epitome Britannicae historiae; Alexander Somersetensis, Alexander Staffordiensis, Aelius Spartianus, Alured or Alfred king of Eng∣land in the yeare of Christ nine hundred and thrée, Adam Merimuth canon of Paules in the reigne of Richard the second, Anianus Marcellinus, Ri∣chardus Angeruil surnamed De Berie, bishop of Durham died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred fortie and fiue; Antoninus, Arnold of London in the time of king Henrie the eight, Asse∣rius Meneuensis, Aurelius or Aluredus Riualensis, Robert Auersberie.

B, Sir Nicholas Bacon knight lord kéeper of the great seale vnto queene Elisabeth, Bene∣dictus Claudiocestrensis, Balantine a Scot, William Baldwin liued in the time of king Ed∣ward the sixt, Stephan Batemaine died in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eightie and foure, Beda an English Saxon died in the yere of Christ seuen hundred thirtie and two, G. de Barrie archdea∣con of S. Dauids writ the life of Remigius bishop of Lincolne, Iohn Bale flourished in the time of Edward the sixt, Barnardus Andreas writ a chroni∣cle intituled Liber Barnardi Andreae Tolosati poetae laure∣ati regij historiographi de vita atque gestis Henrici septimi, in whose time he flourished; Robert Boston in the time of Edward the second, Rafe Baldocke bishop of London vnder Edward the second, Peter Basset in the time of Henrie the fift, whose life he did write; Robert Bale recorder of London, he died in the yere of our Lord one thousand foure hundred thrée score and one about the latter end of the reigne of Richard the second; Edmund Bedenhame writer of the chronicles of Rochester; Iohn Bramus, and not Bromus as saith Bale a moonke of Tedford; Iohn Bracklow a Benedictine moonke, in the yeare one thousand two hundred fourtéene▪ Iohannes Bromp∣ton, historiae vetus quam contulit Iornal. monasterio, as hath Mathew Parker In vitis episcop. Cantu. Ferdinando Blake liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred foure score and foure, Bodinus, Iohn Bou∣chet a Frenchman of Aquitaine, Nicholas Bro∣dingham or Brodringham, Iohn Bosue of Burie, Blondus Foroliuiensis, Henrie Bradshaw borne in Chester a blacke moonke there in the time of Henrie the eight, Iohn Burgh a moonke in the daies of K. Edward the third, Nicholas Bungeie borne in a towne of the same name in Northfolke in the daies of king Henrie the sixt, sir Iohn Bourchier knight lord Barnes translated Froissard, Bullerus, Roger Bond, Thomas Buckhurst lord Buckhurst now li∣uing, Stephan Birchington, George Buckhanan liued in the yere of our Lord one thousand fiue hun∣dred and foure score.

C, Thomas Castleford, sir William Cicill knight lord Burleigh lord treasuror of England now liuing, William Caxton liued in the daies of king Edward the fourth, Campbell, Carion a Germane, Caradocus Lancarnauensis liued in the daies of K. Stephan, Iulius Caesar a Romane, Iohn Capgraue borne in Kent an Augustine frier died in the fourth yere of king Edward the fourth, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred thrée score and foure, Cornelius Hibernensis, Cornelius Tacitus, Albertus Crantz, Iohn Caius died in the reigne of our quéene Elisabeth, William Camp∣den

now liuing, George Cauendish gentleman vsher vnto cardinall Woolseie, whose life he did write, Iohn Clinu or Linu an Irishman, he flouri∣shed in the yere of Christ one thousand three hundred and fiftie, Rafe Coggeshall abbat of Coggeshall in Essex liued in the time of king Henrie the third and writ the appendix to Radulphus Niger, Thomas Cooper bishop of Winchester now liuing, Richard Carguent flourished in the daies of king Edward the first, Thomas Churchyard now liuing. D, De∣metrius a Britaine, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius, [line 10] Dion Cassius, Thomas Dando a Carmelit frier of Marleborow, writ the life of Alphred king of Mer∣cia or rather of west Saxons, and liued in the time of king Henrie the sixt; Diouionensis, Dolensis writ De laudibus Britonum.

E, Edmerus a moonke of Canturburie liued in the time of Henrie the second; Elwardus, Eutropius a Romane préest, Enguerrant de Monstrellet a Frenchman, and scholer in Paris in the time of king Henrie the fift; Edmund Campian a Iesuit [line 20] brought vp in Oxford, & executed in the yere of our Lord 1581; Iohn Euersoen a moonke of Burie flourished in the time of king Edward the first, and so continued in the time of king Edward the third; Ernulphus bishop of Rochester liued in the time of king Henrie the second, and compiled Textus Roffen∣sis, conteining the grants of the lands to the same house, & the copies of sundrie ancient lawes in the Saxon toong, Thomas Elmeham prior of Lenton.

F, Robert Fabian alderman of London, liued in [line 30] the time of Henrie the seuenth, Geffreie Fenton now liuing; Samuell and Abraham Flemings both liuing▪ brethren by one bellie, and Londoners borne, Quorum prior historiolam quandam de regimine Mariae nuper Anglorū principis, eám{que} elegantem, Latino idiomate (nun∣quā tamē excusam) cōtexuit: posterior in hisce chronicis deter∣gēdis atque dilatandis, vna cum vberrimorū indicum accessi∣one, plurimùm desudauit; Iohannes Fibernis or Beuer writ the historie of Westminster, Iohn Froissart, Ferculphus, Flaccus Albinus or Alcuinus, Philip [line 40] Flattesberie a woorthie Irish gentleman flouri∣shed in the yere 1517, Iohn Fourdon a Scot, Iohn Fox a learned diuine, that writ the Acts and Monu∣ments, and is now liuing; George Ferres liuing in the yere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and eight, Fabius Questor, Florentius Wigor∣nius died about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred and eightéene, being about the eigh∣téenth yeare of king Henrie the first.

G, Robert Gagwin a Frenchman, Iohn Greie [line 50] bishop of Norwich in king Iohns time, Thomas Gardiner a moonke of Westminster in the time of Henrie the eight; Robert Glouer by office named Somerset now liuing a most rare antiquarie, and woorthily deseruing to be named Scientissimus antiqui∣tatū; Francis Guiciardine an Italian liuing in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred three score and eightéene, Laurence Guiciardine, Gildas Sapiens, Gildas Cambrensis, Gildas Badonicus, Gil∣das Albanius, Geffreie of Munmouth liued in the [line 60] time of king Stephan, Iohn Gower knight died a∣bout the second of Henrie the fourth, Giraldus Cambrensis liued in the time of Henrie the second, Richard the first, and king Iohn; Nicholas Gill a Frenchman, Gocelinus first a moonke of saint Ber∣rine beyond the seas, and after a moonke of Cantur∣burie; Giraldus Cornubiensis De gestis Anglorum, Gulielmus Malmsberie in the daies of K. Stephan, Gulielmus Parus aliàs Gulielmus Nouoburgensis or Newberie, Geruasius Dorobernensis▪ Geruasius Tilberiensis, Richard Grafton in the time of quéene Elisabeth, Robert Gréene, Guido de Columna.

H, Iohn Hales, Hugo Albus Petroburgensis, in the time of king Iohn; Iohn Harding esquier liued in the daies of Edward the fourth, Edward Hall a counsellor of Greies inne flourished in the time of Henrie the eight and Edward the sixt▪ Abrahamus Hartwellus Academicus Cantab▪ that writ in verse Regina literata; Henrie of Marleborow, Gualter Hemigsford a moonke of Gisborne in the daies of Edward the third, Hector Boetius a Scot, Hirman∣nus archdeacon in the yeare of our Lord one thou∣sand thrée score and ten, Heribert de Bosham one of the foure that writ the life of Thomas Becket, Hoc∣let one that liued in the time of Henrie the sixt in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred fiftie and foure, Iohn de Hexam and Richard de Hexam liued in the daies of king Richard the first, Wilfrid Holme vnder Henrie the eight, Raphaell Holinshed in the time of queene Elisabeth, Willi∣am Harrison now liuing, Iohn Harrison doctor of arts and of physicke, Rafe Higden aliàs Cestrensis flourished in the time of Edward the third, Iohn Higgins now liuing, Roger Houeden liued in the time of king Iohn, Hugo de sancto Victore; Hugo Abbas Petroburgensis, it maie be that Hugo Ab∣bas before & this Hugo were one man, although for this time I suppose the contrarie; Hugo de Genesis an Italian, Iohn Hooker aliàs Uowell now liuing.

I, Iehan de Bauge, Iohannes Maior a Scot, Iohan∣nes Seuerianus, Iohannes Carnotensis one of the foure that writ the Quadrilogium of the life of Tho∣mas Becket, Iohannes Anglicus writ Historiam au∣reā, Iehan Maior de Belgis, Iohannes Londoniensis, Iohn a moonke of Ford, Iossridus Crowlandensis, Ingulfus abbat of Crowland in the daies of Willi∣am Conqueror, Thomas Ichingham whome Le∣land calleth Thomas Vicanius, Iosephus Domnoni∣ensis, Ioceline of Furneis, Peter de Icham or I∣tham a moonke, whose booke beginneth Non solùm au∣diendis sacrae scripturae verbis aurem sedulus auditor accomo∣dare tenetur, which booke Caius de antiquitate Cantab. dooth ascribe to Robert Remington, as after shall appeare; Iulius Capitolinus In vita Antonij Pij.

K, Albertus Krantz a Dane, Kentigernus, Henrie Knighton liued in the time of king Richard the se∣cond. L, Lanfrancus that writ a chronicle in Welsh, Stephan Langton bishop of Canturburie writ the life of king Richard the first, Iohn Leland in the time of Henrie the eight and Edward the sixt, Wil∣liam Lambard esquire now liuing, and deseruing well of all antiquitie; George Lillie, Humfreie Lhoid, he died in the time of queene Elisabeth; Piers de Longtoft, Thomas Lanquet, Iohn Lesle a Scot bishop of Rosse in Scotland now li∣uing, Iohn Langden bishop of Rochester.

M, Marcerius an Englishman, of whom Iohn Baconthorpe speaketh in the prolog of the fourth booke of Senten. quaest. 10. Iohn Maluerne moonke of Worcester continued Ranulphus in the yeare of Christ, one thousand thrée hundred thrée score and sixtéene; Marianus Scotus liued about the yeare of Christ one thousand foure score and ten, Mat∣thew Paris, Matthew Westminster aliàs Flores historiarum a moonke of Westminster, and liued in the king time of Edward the third; Thomas More knight lord chancellor of England, Thomas de la More knight liued in the daies of Edward the se∣cond, Radulphus Marham, Merlinus Ambrosius, Merlinus Syluester, Melkinus, Nicholas Monta∣cute liued in the time of Henrie the sixt, Edmund Molineux now liuing, Sebastian Munster a Ger∣mane.

N, Nennius Helius brother to Cassiuelane & Lud kings of Britaine, Nennius Banchorensis, Naucle∣rus Alexander Neuill now liuing, Laurence Now∣ell died about the sixtéenth yere of quéene Elisabeth,

Nimanus that wrote Eulogium. O, Osbert de Clare prior of Westminster, Osbe••nus Dorobernensis in the time of William the Conqueror, Thomas O••terborne a Franciscan or greie frier liued in the time of Henrie the fift, Abraham Ortu••lius now li∣uing a Fleming; Christopher Ocland now liuing sometime schoolemaister in Southworke.

P, William Pakington clerke & treasuror to the blacke prince of his houshold in Gascoigne, Patrici∣us Consul, Ioannes de Prato a writer of Aquitaine & protonotarie, Paulus Aemilius, Petrus Blessensis [line 10] archdeacon of Bath, Philip de Comines alias mon∣sieur de Argentone secretarie to Charles duke of Burgoine, Polydor Uirgill an Urbinat Italian and canon of Paules in the daies of Henrie the eight, Paulus Iouius an Italian bishop of Nucerne, Iohn Pike, Iohn Price knight died in the reigne of queene Elisabeth, William Paten now liuing, Iohn Proctor schoolemaister of Tunbridge to whom I was sometime scholer, Ptolomeus, Dauid Pow∣ell now liuing. [line 20]

R. Iohn Read in the time of Edward the first, Iohn Rastall, Radulphus Londonien••is, Radul∣phus Niger liued in the daies of king Henrie the third, Radulphus de Diceto deane of Paules in London in the time of king Iohn, Reutha king of Scots. Michaell Ricius, William Rishanger a moonke of saint Albons in the daies of Edward the second. Richester a moonke of Westminster liued in the time of Edward the third, and wrote an excel∣lent chronicle beginning at the comming of the [line 30] Sa••ons in the yeare of our Lord foure hundred for∣tie and nine, & continued it vntill the yeare one thou∣sand three hundred fortie and eight, conteining eight hundred fourescore and nineteene years; Richardus Deuif••en••••s, Richardus Cadneus, Richardus Elien∣sis whose storie beginneth Cum animaduerterem excel∣l••••tiam Ebien••is insulae, &c. Richardus Eliensis an o∣ther from the former that wrote an other historie of Elie, Robert abbat of saint Michaels mount flo∣rished in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun∣dred [line 40] fiftie and eight; Robertus Montensis, Robertus fi••e cognomento, Robertus Remingtonus De gestis Anglorum, cuiu•• initium, Non s••lum audiendis sacrae scrip∣tur•• verbis, &c This saieth Caius In antiquitate Cant••∣brigiae. But others attribute that worke to Peter I∣cham, See before in the letter I.

Robert Record liuing in the time of quéene Marie, Robert bishop of Hereford which liued in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée∣score and twelue, Robertus de Paterna that wrote [line 50] the register of Oxford, Robert a prior of Shrews∣burie, Roger of Abindon, Roger of Winsore, Ro∣ger de Windore, Roger of Chester liued in the da••es of Edward the third, Iohn R••use borne in Warwikeshire liued in the daies of Henrie the se∣uenth, and being a canon of Osneie died at War∣wike in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred fourescore and eleuen, Thomas Rudborne archdeacon of Sudberie after bishop of S. Dauids [line 60] in Wales liued in the time of Henrie the fourth, Henrie the fift, and Henrie the sixt; Thomas Rud∣borne an other from the former was a moonke of Winchester and followed manie other authors, a∣mongst which was the said Thomas Rudborne bi∣shop of S. Dauids.

S, Saxo Grammaticus a Dane, Samuel Britannus, Sextus Aurelius, Sentleger, Edward Segeswike now liuing, Iohannes Sulgenus or Sullenus, Soli∣nus, Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Thomas Spot who liued in the reigne of Edward the first, An∣tonius Sabellicus a Uenetian, Iohn Sleidan a Germane, Richard Sowthwell, Reginald Scot now liuing, Simon Dunelmensis, Iohn Stow now liuing, Iohn Knish a Cornish man in the daies of Henrie the eight, Richard Stan••hust borne in Ireland now liuing, Sharton now liuing, Iohn Swapham, Stephanides, alias Fitzstephan. T, Ti∣tus Liuius Patauiensis, Titus Liuius F••ro••••iensis an Italian liued in the time of Henrie the fift, Iohn Tartor a moonke of Burie, Andrew Theuet a Frenchman, Nicholas Triuet a blacke frier borne in Northfolke sonne to sir Thomas Triuet knight one of the kings iustices liued in the daies of Ed∣ward the third, and died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred twentie and eight; Iohn Tilberie florished in the yere of Christ one thousand one hundred fourescore and ten; Iohn Treuisa a Cornishman préest and vicar of Barkleie, Tele••inus a Briton, Francis Boteuile alias Thin now li∣uing, Brian Tuke knight liued in the daies of Henrie the eight, Iohn Twine died in the reigne of quéene Elisabeth, William Thorne liued in the daies of Richard the second, Richard Turpin borne of a worshipfull familie in England serued in the garison of Calis, he died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fortie and one; Tobias Roffensis, Turgotus which liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand ninetie and eight in the time of William Rufus wrote a chronicle of Durham.

V, Veremund a Spaniard, Raphaell U••lateran, Giouanni Vilani a Florentine, Ponticus Virunnius an Italian, Iohn Ufford, Iohn Uton. W, Iohn Whethamsted otherwise called Frumentarius a learned man abbat of S. Albons liued in the daies of Henrie the sixt, Roger Wall an herald who in Latine writ the dooings of Henrie the fift, Thomas Walsingham a moonke of the abbeie of S. Albons liued in the reigne of Henrie the sixt, William of Ri••all liued in the age of king Stephan, Williel∣mus Cantuariensis one of the foure that wrote the Quadrilogium of Thomas Becket liued in the time of king Iohn, Willielmus Gemeticensis, Willielmus filius Stephani a clerke of the Chancerie and deane of the chapell of Thomas Becket in the daies of Henrie the second, Willielmus Summersetensis, Willielmus Crowlandensis (for the other Willi∣ams sée in the letter G, in the name of Gulielmus) Thomas Wike canon of Osneie, Iohn Wal∣worth, Walterus Excestrensis, Walterus Couen∣trensis.

Annales Burtonenses, Memoriale historiarum, Chronica Dunstable, Chronicle of Tinmouth,* 61.4 Chro∣nicles of S. Albons, Def••orationes Galfridi, Histo∣ria obsidionis Eliensis insulae, Chronica, curus inituem, Calendarium Bruti, Chronicle beginning Rex Pictorum, Chronica Westmonast. Chronicle beginning In die∣bu•• sanctissimi regis Edward••, Chronicle beginning Aeneas cum Ascanio, C••ronica chronicorū, Supple∣mentum chronicorum, Fasciculus temporū, Historia Richardi secundi beginning De parte Bruti, Eulogiū, Historia Iornalensis, Historia Carina written in La∣tine compiled in the thirtéenth yeare of Richard the second by whom it was caused to be written, as the title declareth, which for that it sheweth no name of the author▪ and for that maister For borowed the ••ame of maister Carie citizen of London, maister For in his Acts and Monuments the second edition calleth the same booke Historia Carina.

The epitome of chronicles from Brute to Hen∣rie 6. beginning Ab origine mundi concurrunt anni secun∣dū Hebraeos, 6646. Chronicle beginning Chronicorū ve∣ro quae sunt imagines historiarum, Chronicle of genealo∣gies beginning Cuilibet principi congruum, The chroni∣cles of S. Swithin, The commentaries of Hide, The continuances of Roger Houeden beginning Ex∣cerpta ex dictis viri religiosi, An other chronicle of S. Al∣bons beginning Fecit rex Edwardus tertius comites, Hi∣storia

regia vel sancti Edmundi, Chronicle of Elie be∣ginning Anno ab incarnatione dominica, 616. qui est an∣nus 21, ex quo Augustinus cum socijs ad praedicandum genti Anglorum missus est, Historia Anglorum beginning Considerans historiae Britonum, Pictorum, Scotorum, Saxo∣num, Anglorum, Danorum, & Normannorū prolixitatem, &c. Le mere des histories, Les annales de France, Les annales d'Acquitaine, Les grand cronicqz de Britane, Les petit cronicqz de Britane, Les cro∣nicqz de Normandi, Le Rosarie, Les genelogies des [line 10] roys, Cronicles de Flandres, The chronicles of Lon∣don, The chronicle called Brute, The Saxon chroni∣cle of the church of Worcester, The Saxon chroni∣cle of the abbeie of Peterborrow, The Saxon chro∣nicle written in the yeare of Christ eight hundred foure score and fiue, The chronicles of England. Thus far this catalog. Now peraduenture some will looke for a rehearsall omni gatherum of such as haue written in the reigne of our blessed soue∣reigne: but herein as it passeth our possibilitie to [line 20] satisfie their expectation, their number being infinit, and manie of them vnknowne and vnworthie of re∣membrance: so it were to be wished that some fa∣uourer of learned mens fame, would comprise their names and works in a particular volume, therein imitating either the order of Bale, or Gesner; or else the commendable method of Iohn Iames the Frislander, printed at Tigurie one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and thrée, either of which courses being taken would well serue the turne. [line 30]

* 61.5Thus far (blessed be Christ) the extent of Eng∣lish chronicles; a long labour, of great care and ex∣pense: howbeit at length conquered and ouercome, by the benefit of his grace who enableth vs to go through with all things that be good: his name be praised therefore. Wherein if the helpe of such as are furnished with varietie of knowledge, or as by gor∣geous shew of words and rich pompe of phrase pre∣tend profound skill, had béene as forward to ad∣uance [line 40] this worke (being of vnexpercted magnitude by means of the multitude of contents) as some of low saile, willing to laie out their poore talent, haue affoorded what furtherance they were able (some∣what to the satisfieng of those honest minded men and parteners, at whose great costs and char∣ges the same is now newlie printed, though not to their full content∣ment who were euer de∣sirous and diuers∣lie made assaies to haue it so absolute, as nothing might want of due perfection, if the meanes might haue béene obteined) the chronicles of England, both for matter & maner, had béene comparable to anie historie or annals in Christendome. Howbeit perfe∣cted as it is, though not with exquisit curiousnes to please euerie fickle fansie, yet according to the pro∣portion of skill vouchsafed of God to the dealers therein (men of commendable diligence though not of déepest iudgement) somewhat to satisfie the well affected and indifferent mind, the same is now come abrode, yéelding matter no lesse manifold than the spring dooth floures, and the same maruellous frute∣full, if they haue their right vse and due application: which indéed is the verie end of histories and chroni∣cles. And so crauing a fauorable acceptation of this tedious trauell, with a toleration of all such defaults as haplie therein lie hidden, and by diligent reading maie soone be spied; we wish that they which best maie, would once in their life grow resolute and at a point, in this laudable kind of studie (most necessa∣rie, next to the word of God, for common know∣ledge) little or much to exercise their head and hand. Finallie beséeching God to blesse the realme of En∣gland, and the pretious iewell of the same (euen good queene Elisabeth) to saue as the apple of his eie; to protect hir with the target of his power against all the pernicious practises of satans instruments; to lengthen the liues of hir highnesse honorable coun∣cellors, by whose vigilant policie this whole land fa∣reth the better; in preuenting, intercepting and ma∣king frustrat (God directing and prospering their consultations and procéedings) all the attempts of traitors, to whom O Lord in vengeance giue the iudgement of Iudas, as they haue beene partakers of his sinne; let them be intangled and taken in the traps of their trecheries, and swallowed vp in the seas of deserued confusion, that they be no more a familie. And we beséech God to increase the multi∣tude of loiall subiects, to make them strong in faith towards him, and in loue one with another, that the gospell (which is the doctrine of pacification and obe∣dience) maie be glorified in the commonwealth of England, a corner of the world, O Lord, which thou hast singled out for the magnifieng of thy maie∣stie, and wherof we praie thee to giue vs a dai∣lie remembrance: so shall we make con∣science of sin, & addict our selues to the exercises of righte∣ousnesse, Amen.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  •• Stow. An vnnatu∣rall brother murthereth his naturall brother, but the vnnatu∣rall brother was hanged as he well d••serued.
• * 1.2

  Anno Reg. 19.
• * 1.3

  A tempest in Richmond∣shire.
• * 1.4

  Tower on Londō bridge ••••ken downe.
• * 1.5

  Robinson hanged for clipping of gold.
• * 1.6

  Second voi∣age to Cataia.
• * 1.7

  Strāge sicke∣nesse at Oxford.
• * 1.8

  Ab. Fl. ex re∣latu W. B. im∣press. 1577.
• * 1.9

  Tempest in Suffolke.
• * 1.10

  The tower on London bridge new builded.
• * 1.11

  Anno Reg. 20. Cutbert Maine exe∣cuted.

  An example of sorcerers, and such as seeme to worke wō∣ders to deceiue men of their monie.
• * 1.12

  Nelson and Sherewood executed.
• * 1.13

  Counterfet∣ters of coine executed.
• * 1.14

  Pirats hanged.
• * 1.15

  Frobishers third voiage.
• * 1.16

  Anno Reg. 21. The recei∣uing of Cas∣simere.
• * 1.17

  Déep•• snow.
• * 1.18

  Great land waters.
• * 1.19

  A murtherer hanged on Mile end gréene.
• * 1.20

  Lord kéeper deceased.
• * 1.21

  Ab. Fl. collect ex epitaph 〈◊〉〈◊〉 praenobilis.
• * 1.22

  On the south side these verses.
• * 1.23

  On the north side these.
• * 1.24

  Great snow in the moneth of Aprill.
• * 1.25

  Sir Thomas Bromleie lord chancellor.
• * 2.1

  The collec∣tion of Fran∣cis Thin.
• * 2.2

  Turketill.
• * 2.3

  Saint Swi∣thin.
• * 2.4

  Wlfinus.
• * 2.5

  Adulphus.
• * 2.6

  Hist. Eliens. lib. 2. written in the time of K. Stephan.
• * 2.7

  Leofricus.
• * 2.8

  Wlfinus.
• * 2.9

  Resenbaldus.
• * 2.10

  Mauricius.
• * 2.11

  Osmundus.
• * 2.12

  Arfastus.
• * 2.13

  Hirmanus.
• * 2.14

  William Uelson.
• * 2.15

  William Gif∣ford.
• * 2.16

  Robert Bluet.
• * 2.17

  Ranulphus
• * 2.18

  Waldricus.
• * 2.19

  Herbertus.
• * 2.20

  Roger.
• * 2.21

  Galfridus.
• * 2.22

  Ranulphus.
• * 2.23

  Reginald.
• * 2.24

  Roger.
• * 2.25

  Godfreie.
• * 2.26

  Alexander bishop of Lincolne.
• * 2.27

  This was a∣bout the be∣ginning of the fourth yeere of K. Stephan, being An. Do. 1138, but Mat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 giueth it to An. Dom. 1139: who saith, Collo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fuit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 anne. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. And Henrie Hun∣tington agre∣eth wholie with W. Par∣••••s.
• * 2.28

  Robert.
• * 2.29

  Philip.
• * 2.30

  Reinold.
• * 2.31

  Iohn.
• * 2.32

  Thomas Becket.
• * 2.33

  Christes church in Canturburie.
• * 2.34

  Rafe Warne∣uile.
• * 2.35

  Walterus de Constantijs.
• * 2.36

  Geffreie.
• * 2.37

  William Longchamp.
• * 2.38

  Eustachius.
• * 2.39

  Hubert Wal∣ter or Walter Hubert.
• * 2.40

  Simon.
• * 2.41

  Hugh de Welles.
• * 2.42

  Walter Braie.
• * 2.43

  Richard de Marischo.
• * 2.44

  Rafe Neuill bishop of Chi∣chester.
• * 2.45

  Geffreie the Templer.
• * 2.46

  Hugh Pate∣shall chanon of Paules.
• * 2.47

  Simon the Norman.
• * 2.48

  Richard Grasse abbat of Euesham.
• * 2.49

  Iohn de Lexinton.
• * 2.50

  Ranulfe Briton.
• * 2.51

  Syluester de Euersden.
• * 2.52

  Iohn Man∣sell.
• * 2.53

  Iohn de Lexinton.
• * 2.54

  Iohn Man∣sell.
• * 2.55

  Radulphus de Diceto.
• * 2.56

  William of Kilkennie.
• * 2.57

  Henrie de Wingham.
• * 2.58

  Walter Merton.
• * 2.59

  Nicholas of Elie.
• * 2.60

  Walter Mer∣ton the se∣cond time.
• * 2.61

  Iohn de Chesill.
• * 2.62

  Vi••a Thomae Cantelupi.
• * 2.63

  Walter Gif∣ford bishop of Bath.
• * 2.64

  Geffreie Gifford.
• * 2.65

  Iohn de Chesill.
• * 2.66

  Richard de Middleton.
• * 2.67

  Iohn de Kirbie.
• * 2.68

  Walter Mer∣ton.
• * 2.69

  Robert Bur∣nell.
• * 2.70

  Iohn de Langhton.
• * 2.71

  Matthew Pa••ker.
• * 2.72

  Iohn Dro∣kensford.
• * 2.73

  William de Greinfield.
• * 2.74

  William de Hamelton.
• * 2.75

  Ralfe Bal∣docke.
• * 2.76

  Iohn Langhton.
• * 2.77

  William Melton.
• * 2.78

  Walter Rei∣nolds.
• * 2.79

  Iohn de Sandall.
• * 2.80

  Iohn Ho∣tham.
• * 2.81

  Iohn Sal∣mon bishop of Norwich.
• * 2.82

  Or Pabeham.
• * 2.83

  Yorke.
• * 2.84

  Twelue miles from Yorke.
• * 2.85

  Robert Bal∣docke.
• * 2.86

  Histor. episc. Norwich.
• * 2.87

  William Ai∣remee kéeper of the seale.
• * 2.88

  Iohn Hot∣ham bishop of Elie.
• * 2.89

  Henrie Cliffe master of the rolles.
• * 2.90

  Henrie Burghwash bishop of Lincolne.
• * 2.91

  Iohn Strat∣ford.
• * 2.92

  Richard de Burie or Ri∣chard de An∣geruile.
• * 2.93

  Iohn Strat∣ford archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie.
• * 2.94

  Robert de Stratford.
• * 2.95

  Richard de Bintwoorth bishop of London.
• * 2.96

  Iohn Strat∣ford archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie.
• * 2.97

  Robert bishop of Chichester.
• * 2.98

  Robert de Bourchier.
• * 2.99

  Robert Per∣ning iustice at the law.
• * 2.100

  Robert de Saddington.
• * 2.101

  Iohn Offord or Ufford.
• * 2.102

  Iohn Thors∣bie.
• * 2.103

  William de Edington.
• * 2.104

  Simon Langham.
• * 2.105

  William de Wikeham.
• * 2.106

  Robert Thorpe.
• * 2.107

  Sir Iohn Kniuet.
• * 2.108

  Adam de Houghton.
• * 5.1

  Ralfe Ne∣uill▪
• * 6.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.2

  Sir Richard Scroope.
• * 6.3

  Simon Sudburie.
• * 6.4

  Sir Richard Scroope lord Scroope of Bolton.
• * 6.5

  Robert Brai∣brooke bishop of London.
• * 6.6

  Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke.
• * 6.7

  Michael de puteaco, or of the Poole.

  Thomas A∣rundell bishop of Elie.
• * 6.8

  William Wickham.
• * 6.9

  Thomas Arundell.
• * 6.10

  Iohn Serle master of the rols.
• * 6.11

  Edmund Stafford.
• * 6.12

  Henrie Beauford.
• * 6.13

  Thomas Langleie bi∣shop of Dur∣ham.
• * 6.14

  Thomas Fitzalen.
• * 6.15

  Thomas Beauford.
• * 6.16

  Iohn Wake∣ring clearke.
• * 6.17

  Thomas A∣rundell arch∣bishop of Can∣turburie.
• * 6.18

  Henrie Beau¦ford bishop at Winchester.
• * 6.19

  Thomas Langleie bi∣shop of Dur∣ham.
• * 6.20

  Henrie Beau¦ford bishop of Winchester.
• * 6.21

  Iohn Kempe bishop of London.
• * 6.22

  Iohn Staf∣ford bishop of Bath.
• * 6.23

  Iohn Kempe bishop of Yorke.
• * 6.24

  Richard Ne∣uill earle of Salisburie.
• * 6.25

  Thomas Bourchier bi∣shop of Elie.
• * 6.26

  In vita Thomae Bo••••cheri ••pisco. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.27

  William Pa∣tan, or Paten 〈◊〉〈◊〉 William Wanfled.
• * 6.28

  George Ne∣uill archbi∣shop of Yorke.
• * 6.29

  Robert Kirk∣ham maister of the rolles.
• * 6.30

  Robert Stil∣lington doctor of the lawes.
• * 6.31

  Henrie Bour∣chier earle of Essex.
• * 6.32

  Laurence Booth bishop of Durham.
• * 6.33

  Thomas Scot aliâs Rotheram.
• * 6.34

  Iohn Alcot bishop of Ro∣chester.
• * 6.35

  Thomas Ro∣theram.
• * 6.36

  Iohn Russell bishop of Lin∣colne.
• * 6.37

  Thomas Barow mai∣ster of the rolles.
• * 6.38

  Thomas Ro∣theram.
• * 6.39

  Iohn Alcot bishop of Wor∣cester.
• * 6.40

  Iohn Moor∣ton bishop of Elie.
• * 6.41

  William War∣ham archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie.
• * 6.42

  Thomas Woolseie.
• * 6.43

  Thomas Moore.
• * 6.44

  Thomas Audleie.
• * 6.45

  H••sto▪ C••ntab. per Caium. 78.
• * 6.46

  Thomas Wriotheslie.
• * 6.47

  William Paulet.
• * 6.48

  Sir Richard Rich▪
• * 6.49

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉.
• * 6.50

  Sir Nicho∣las Hare.
• * 6.51

  Stephan Gardener.
• * 6.52

  Nicholas Heath.
• * 6.53

  Nicholas Bacon.
• * 6.54

  Thomas Bromleie.
• * 6.55

  Ab. Fl. ex pub∣licis aeditio∣nibus B.G. & T. C.
• * 6.56

  The recei∣uing of the quéene into Suffolke and Norffolke.
• * 6.57

  The number of gentlemen that receiued the quéene in∣to Suffolke.
• * 6.58

  Persons of worship in Suffolke that feasted hir highnesse du∣ring hir abode amongst them.
• * 6.59

  Norffolke in∣cited by the example of Suffolke to giue y^e quéene roiall inter∣teinment▪
• * 6.60

  What order was taken in Norwich for the receiuing and recreating of the quéene.
• * 6.61

  The maior of Norwich with his at∣tendants set forth to recei•••• the quéene.
• * 6.62

  The builder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norwich ••astell repre∣••••nted.
• * 6.63

  The founder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Blanch Flowre stai∣•••• person 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meét the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 pro 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fratri∣•••••• ob••estatio.
• * 7.2

  Henricus quar∣tus ciuitati Nordouicensi princeps mu∣nificentssimus
• * 7.3

  Praetoris p••o¦se su••s{que} tratri∣bus quàm sig∣nificanter facta o••atio.
• * 8.1

  The maior speaketh in his owne and his brethren the alderaiens behalfe.
• * 8.2

  Henrie the fourth a most bounti••u••l prince to the citie of Nor∣wich.
• * 8.3

  A most duti∣full submis∣sion.
• * 8.4

  Wherein the dutie of sub∣iects chieflie consisteth.
• * 8.5

  The quéens maiesties ac∣ceptable an∣swer vttered by hir owne mouth in per∣son.
• * 8.6

  Gurguntius his spéech cut off by a showre of raine.
• * 8.7

  Gurguntius the el••est son of Belinus.
• * 8.8

  The ancient∣nesse of Nor∣wich citie by the founders age may be gathered.
• * 8.9

  King Henrie the seuenth, and king Hen∣rie the eight.
• * 8.10

  Gurguntius yeeldeth his estate to the quéene.
• * 8.11

  S. Stephans gates in Nor∣wich richlie beautified.
• * 8.12

  The vnion of the white rose and the red.
• * 8.13

  The boies speach at ma∣ster Pecks doore.
• * 8.14

  The quéene liked this deuise.
• * 8.15

  The first pa∣geant was in S. Stephans parish in this man••r.
• * 8.16

  How the pa∣geant was beautified with repre∣sentation of the mysteries of the citie.
• * 8.17

  • 1. Pointing to the spinners.
  • 2. Pointing to the loomes.
  • 3. Pointing to the workes.
• * 8.18

  The second pageant with the situation of the same, and what re∣presentations & bare.
• * 8.19

  Which is hir owne badge.
• * 8.20

  These mu∣sicians were inclosed in the cham∣bers of the said pageant.
• * 8.21

  ratling skies▪
• * 8.22

  The citie of Norwich speaketh to the quéenes mai••stie.
• * 8.23

  How Nor∣wich is affec∣ted to the quéenes high∣nesse.
• * 8.24

  Then spake Debora the second person.
• * 8.25

  The applica∣tion of the former exam∣ples.
• * 8.26

  Then spake Iudith the third person.
• * 8.27

  The applica∣tiō of the for∣mer examples
• * 8.28

  Then Hester spake the fourth person.
• * 8.29

  The applica∣tion of the for∣mer exāples.
• * 8.30

  Then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mar∣tia the fift per∣son.
• * 8.31

  A dittie soong to soft musicke at the queénes entrance vn∣der the gate.
• * 8.32

  The place of the queénes a∣bode during the time of hir tariance in Norwich.
• * 8.33

  The manner of Mercuries coch & mes∣sage to the queene, reque∣sting hir high∣nesse to come abroad, and see what pastime the gods had prouided for so noble a prince.
• * 8.34

  He reuealeth what he is by office.
• * 8.35

  Rare sights if anie such were as Mercurie nameth.
• * 8.36

  Mercurie is attentiue to his charge.
• * 8.37

  The charge giuen by Iu∣piter to Mer∣curie for y^e re∣creation of the quéene.
• * 8.38

  The quéenes rare estate described.
• * 8.39

  The descrip∣tion of Mer∣curies coch.
• * 8.40

  The descrip∣tion of Mer∣curie, his at∣tire, abili∣ments, &c.
• * 8.41

  The deuisor ventureth the hazard of a shew.
• * 8.42

  The whole manner of the deuise or shew.
• * 8.43

  Dame Chasti∣tie & hir maids incounter with Cupid.
• * 8.44

  What associ∣ats Cupid found out to kéepe him companie.
• * 8.45

  Chastitie and hir maids matched togi∣ther, &c.
• * 9.1

  Quinam orato∣re•• antiqua aetate praeclarissima laudatissimi ex∣titerunt.
• * 9.2

  Beneficiorum à regia maiestate collatorum agni∣tio cum obsequio &c.
• * 9.3

  Monumentum antiquum regiae maiestati exhi∣bitum.
• * 9.4

  Iosephus insig∣niter lau••••atus, neque 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 9.5

  Regia maies••a•• in omnibus Iose∣pho aequiparat••.
• * 10.1

  What ora∣tors were best commen∣ded in former times of best renowme.
• * 10.2

  〈…〉〈…〉 for the same.
• * 10.3

  A monument of antiquitie presented to hir maiestie.
• * 10.4

  Ioseph singularlie commended & not with∣out cause.
• * 10.5

  The quéenes maiestie com∣pared to Io∣seph, &c.
• * 10.6

  The quéenes maiestie is banketted at the earle of Surreis.
• * 10.7

  O singular affabilitie of a prince to put awaie a sub∣iects bashful∣nesse.
• * 11.1

  Egregiae necnon impares Anglig dotes.
• * 11.2

  Henricus & E∣douardus reges▪ necnon Elisabe∣tha regina praeci∣pui benefactores agnoscuntur.
• * 11.3

  Pares gratias pro imparibus bene∣ficijs agi non posse.
• * 11.4

  Angliam meritò alterum orbem nuncupari.
• * 11.5

  Nordouicensium veraeuet ex inti puris medullas prouenicus laetitia quam regiam maiestatem nidean••.
• * 12.1

  The excellent and ••••compa∣rable blessings of England.
• * 12.2

  King Henrie king Edward and quéene Elisabeth ac∣knowledged speciall bene∣factors.
• * 12.3

  Condigne thanks vnp••••∣sible to be giuen.
• * 12.4

  England de∣seruedlie cal∣led another world.
• * 12.5

  Their vnfrig∣ned reioising to see hir maiestie.
• * 12.6

  The quéenes high commen∣dation of ma∣ster Limberts oration.
• * 12.7

  The descrip∣tion of an ex∣••••llent and princelie maske.
• * 12.8

  Mercuries message to the quéene.
• * 12.9

  Then march∣ed they about againe, and that done Iu∣piter spake to the quéene in this sort, and then gaue hir ••nding wand of whales ••in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wrought.
• * 12.10

  Then Iuno spake, whose g••••t was a purse curiou∣slie wrought.
• * 12.11

  Then after they had mar∣ched againe about, Mars gaue his gift, which was a faire paire of kniues, and said:
• * 12.12

  Then spake Uenus whose gift was a white doue.
• * 12.13

  The song of Apollo to the quéene.
• * 12.14

  Pallas then speaketh and presenteth hir gift, which was a booke of wisdome.
• * 12.15

  Then Nep∣tune spake: his gift was a great artifi∣ciall fish, and in the bellie of it a pike, which he threw out be∣fore hir ma∣iestie.
• * 12.16

  Diana pre∣sented a bow and arrowes nocked and headed with siluer; hir speach was this.
• * 12.17

  Cupido his speach, his gift an arrow of gold.
• * 12.18

  The quéenes behauiour af∣ter all this welcomming.
• * 12.19

  The deuisor is commanded to be readie with his shewes to de∣light the queene.
• * 12.20

  A proper de∣uise and verie de••ectable of a caue & twelue water nym∣phes, &c.
• * 12.21

  What was de∣uised to be done by the nymphs at the quéens com∣ming néere the water side.
• * 12.22

  The shew of Manhood and Desert with the furniture declared.
• * 12.23

  A bloodie fight and yet harm∣lesse doone by art.
• * 12.24

  All the prepa∣ration disap∣pointed by thunder and raine.
• * 12.25

  The cities los••e by occa∣sion of this tempest.
• * 12.26

  The queens 〈…〉〈…〉 Norwic•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 take••.
• * 12.27

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.28

  A dittie soong in a verie swéet voice.
• * 12.29

  Fridaies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon the remoouing of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 court.
• * 12.30

  A pleasant de∣uise to make the quéene laugh.
• * 12.31

  The deuisers ••••oings well taken of the queene, &c.
• * 12.32

  Maister ma∣ior 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ano∣ther or••••ion, is wil••ed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forbeare 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 12.33

  The maior of Norwich knighted.
• * 12.34

  The quéenes words at h••r departing.
• * 12.35

  Gentlemen of Suffolke & Norffolke knighted.
• * 12.36

  The quéenes maiestie de∣parteth from Norwich and is now inter∣teined b•• the waie.
• * 12.37

  The vniuer∣si••ie of Cam∣bridge present a faire and statelie cup to the quéene.
• * 12.38

  T.C.
• * 12.39

  The lord of Leicesters bountifull in∣terteinement.
• * 12.40

  Ad solem nubi∣bus obductum die lunae 18. Augusti, 1578.
• * 12.41

  Eiusdem in eandem.
• * 12.42

  To the s••nne couer••d with cloudes vpon mon••a••••, be∣ing the 1•• of August 15••••.
• * 12.43

  By the same concerning the queene.
• * 12.44

  Mathew Ha∣mont burnt at Norwich.
• * 12.45

  The heresies that he held.
• * 12.46

  An English∣man made a locke and a keie, weieng but one whea•• corne.
• * 12.47

  The bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Winchester deceased.
• * 12.48

  Iohn Wolton bish••p of Ex∣cester.
• * 13.1

  Werstanus.
• * 13.2

  Putta.
• * 13.3

  Eadulphus.
• * 13.4

  Ethelgarus.
• * 13.5

  Algarus.
• * 13.6

  Alfwoldus.
• * 13.7

  Alfwolfus.
• * 13.8

  Sideman∣nus.
• * 13.9

  Alphredus.
• * 13.10

  Alwolfus.
• * 13.11

  Arnoldus.
• * 13.12

  Leuigus, or Leuingus.
• * 13.13

  Leofricus.
• * 13.14

  Osbertus or Osbernus.
• * 13.15

  William Warlewast.
• * 13.16

  Robert Chichester.
• * 13.17

  Robert Warlewast.
• * 13.18

  Bartholome∣us Iscanus.
• * 13.19

  Iohn the chanter.
• * 13.20

  Henrie Marshall.
• * 13.21

  Simon de Apulia.
• * 13.22

  William Brewer.
• * 13.23

  Richard Blondie.
• * 13.24

  Walter Bro∣nescom••.
• * 13.25

  Peter Quiuill.
• * 13.26

  Thomas Bitton.
• * 13.27

  Walter Sta∣pledon.
• * 13.28

  Iames Barkeleie.
• * 13.29

  Iohn Gran∣desson.
• * 13.30

  Thomas Brenting∣ham.
• * 13.31

  Edmund Stafford.
• * 13.32

  Iames Carie.
• * 13.33

  Edmund Lacie.
• * 13.34

  George Neuill.
• * 13.35

  Iohn Booth.
• * 13.36

  Peter Court∣neie.
• * 13.37

  Richard Fox.
• * 13.38

  Oliuer King.
• * 13.39

  Richard Redman.
• * 13.40

  Iohn A∣rundell.
• * 13.41

  Hugh Old∣ham.
• * 13.42

  Iohn Uoiseie
• * 13.43

  Miles Co∣uerdale.
• * 13.44

  Iohn Voi∣seie.
• * 13.45

  Iames Tro∣blefield.
• * 13.46

  William Al∣leie.
• * 13.47

  William Bradbridge.
• * 13.48

  I. Stow.
• * 13.49

  A trai••orous fact o•• Tho∣mas Apple∣treé.
• * 13.50

  Iohn Fox an Englishman deliuered two hundred and threé score christians frō captiuitie of the Turke.
• * 13.51

  Winds and high waters.
• * 13.52

  Anno reg. 22.
• * 13.53

  Sir Thomas Gresham de∣ceassed.
• * 13.54

  Glouer a murtherer hanged in Cheape.

  Dod executed for murther.
• * 13.55

  A great earthquake.
• * 13.56

  A water∣quake.
• * 13.57

  A ferrie drowned.
• * 13.58

  William Lambe es∣quier decea∣sed, his al∣mesdeéds.
• * 13.59

  The erection of a gram∣mar schoole & necessarie al∣lowance to the maister and vsher.
• * 13.60

  Almes houses built for the poore.
• * 13.61

  Allowance for poore mens children to be kept at schole.
• * 13.62

  The common¦wealth re∣membred.
• * 13.63

  A reliefe to poore clothi∣ers in diuerse places.
• * 13.64

  London the better by ma∣ster Lambe.
• * 13.65

  A remem∣brance of Holborne conduit foun∣ded and fini∣shed in An. 1577.
• * 13.66

  The wast water at the iudge run∣ning at the standard.
• * 13.67

  Prouident considera∣tions.
• * 13.68

  Poore women benefited by the conduit.
• * 13.69

  The right worshipfull Clothwor∣kers remem∣bred.
• * 13.70

  Allowance for foure yearelie ser∣mons.
• * 13.71

  Euerie poore man and poore women a shirt, a smock, a gowne, and a paire of shooes, &c.
• * 13.72

  Saint Giles without Cri∣plegate bene∣fited.
• * 13.73

  Reliefe for the poore people. M. Lambes loue to the worshipfull Stationers.
• * 13.74

  Perpetuall prouision for the poore.
• * 13.75

  Reliefe for Christes ho∣spitall.
• * 13.76

  A purchase for the said hospitall.
• * 13.77

  Reliefe for S. Thomas spittle.
• * 13.78

  Why he staid his benefi∣cence from the hospitall of the Sauoie.
• * 13.79

  Prisons for offendors.
• * 13.80

  Reléefe for poore priso∣ners.
• * 13.81

  A charitable worke in∣déed.
• * 13.82

  Marriage monie for poore maids.
• * 13.83

  His loue to∣wards his seruants.
• * 13.84

  His faith was fruitfull.
• * 13.85

  I. Stow. An earth∣quake in Kent.
• * 13.86

  T. C.
• * 13.87

  Castels and ships séene in the aier.
• * 13.88

  T. C.
• * 13.89

  T. C. Woonders in Wiltshire and Summerset∣shire.
• * 13.90

  T. C.
• * 13.91

  Haile stones of strange shapes.
• * 13.92

  A monstrous birth.
• * 13.93

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 oratio apud H••••erum.
• * 13.94

  Soldiors transported into Ireland.
• * 13.95

  Monstrous birth.
• * 13.96

  Blasing star.
• * 13.97

  Sergeants least.
• * 13.98

  ••roclamati∣on against the familie of loue.
• * 13.99

  The quéenes maiesties purpose to root out this pestilent sect.
• * 13.100

  Victorie a∣gainst the I∣rish and other in Ireland.
• * 13.101

  Anno reg. 23.
• * 13.102

  Randoll han∣ged for coniu∣ring.
• * 13.103

  Strange spéeches of a child.
• * 13.104

  Pride in great ruffes reprooued and reformed in a seruingman.
• * 13.105

  Ab. Hart. in R. L.
• * 13.106

  Against Ie∣sui••s and massing priests.
• * 13.107

  One executed for counter∣feiting the quéenes hand.
• * 13.108

  Parlement at Westminster.
• * 13.109

  Iusting at Westminster.
• * 13.110

  Mice deuoure the grasse in Daneseie hundred.
• * 13.111

  Banketting house at West∣minster.
• * 13.112

  How this banketting house was garnished and decked with artificiall de∣uises.
• * 13.113

  The costs and charges of this ban∣ketting house.
• * 13.114

  Noblemen of France arriued at Douer.
• * 13.115

  The excel∣lent inuen∣tion of the triumph.
• * 13.116

  The first de∣fie of chal∣lenge.
• * 13.117

  Desire and h••r foure fo∣stered chil∣dren.
• * 13.118

  Uertuous desire not to be excluded from perfect Beautie.
• * 13.119

  The chal∣lenge made and how to be tried.
• * 13.120

  The fortresse of Beautie.
• * 13.121

  Urgent cau∣ses why the challenge was deferd.
• * 13.122

  The order of the rowling trench with most excellent inuentions.
• * 13.123

  The earle of Arundels en∣trie the first daie and his attendants.
• * 13.124

  The lord Windsors en∣trie the first daie and his attendants.
• * 13.125

  M. Sidneis entrie, now sir Philip S••d∣neie and his attendants.
• * 13.126

  M. Fulke Greuils en∣trie with his traine of atten∣dants.
• * 13.127

  The second defie or cha∣lenge.
• * 13.128

  Meaning the musike with∣in the mount.
• * 13.129

  Wherewith the mount mooued & ros•• vp in height.
• * 13.130

  The rowling trench mooued néere to the quéene.
• * 13.131

  The fortresse summoned in soong.
• * 13.132

  The alarme soong.
• * 13.133

  The shooting off of the two canons, the one with swéet water, and the other with swéet powder.
• * 13.134

  The maner of the defen∣dants com∣ming in.
• * 13.135

  The defen∣dants names that run at 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.136

  The spéech of sir Thomas Perot and maister Cooke to the quéene.
• * 13.137

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sun is meant hir ma∣iestie, called before The fortresse of beautie.
• * 13.138

  Sir Thomas Perot & mai∣ster Cooke were both in like armour beset with ap∣ples and fruit, the one signi∣fieng Adam & the other E••e▪ who had haire hoong all downe his helmet.
• * 13.139

  The angell speaketh to the quéene.
• * 13.140

  He speaketh to the chalengers in the behalfe of the two knights A∣dam and Eue.
• * 13.141

  Magnis excidi∣mus ausis, the crie of Phae∣ton at his fall.
• * 13.142

  The defen∣dants gantlet throwne downe, &c.
• * 13.143

  The defen∣dants ••u••e and desire.
• * 13.144

  M. Ratclifs s••éech to the quéen••.
• * 13.145

  A moss••e cliffe.
• * 13.146

  Mosse and nothing but mosse.
• * 13.147

  A claime or conquest of beautie con∣teined in a scroll.
• * 13.148

  A similitude.
• * 13.149

  Here the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deliuered M. Ratclifs shield to the quéene.
• * 13.150

  Here enter the foure ••oes of sir Francis Knolles.
• * 13.151

  The spéech of the foure sons of sir Francis Knoll••s, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 page being appar••••∣•••• like vnto Mercurie.
• * 13.152

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Beautie.
• * 13.153

  Why desire ••••serues least to win beau∣tie.
• * 13.154

  The foure sonnes of sir Francis Knolles.
• * 13.155

  The running 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the tilt.
• * 13.156

  The boie that vttered the defian••••▪ in this speech tooke his good night of the queene.
• * 13.157

  Here entereth a most excel∣lent and braue charriot, with ra••e▪ curious, and costlie worke with the foure chal∣lengers in it, which charri∣ot was verie curiouslie sha∣dowed with fine lawne.
• * 13.158

  The first spéech the second daie.
• * 13.159

  Hope the sup∣plier to desirs armie.
• * 13.160

  Tourneies & barriers cou∣ragiouslie tried.
• * 13.161

  The last spéech to the quéene signi∣fieng the hum∣ble hearted submission of the foure fo∣ster children of desire.
• * 13.162

  An oliue branch pre∣sented to the quéene.
• * 13.163

  Crosse in Cheape de∣faced.
• * 13.164

  Thomas Butcher whipped and rescued.
• * 13.165

  Foure men whipt and set on the pillorie.
• * 13.166

  Bishop of E∣lie deceassed.
• * 13.167

  Two men of strange sta∣tures to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.168

  Euerard Hance exe∣cuted.
• * 13.169

  Men arreig∣•••••• for not ••••••ning to ••••••rch.
• * 13.170

  Monsieur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 into England.
• * 13.171

  Ex libro cui ti∣tulus A disco∣uerie of Ed∣mund Cam∣pion dedica∣ted to certeine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the councell. Edmund Campion with diuerse o hers ar∣reigned of high treason. The fore∣•••••••• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.172

  〈…〉〈…〉 why 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 13.173

  The rebellion in the north, onlie through the popes meanes.
• * 13.174

  The sum of the popes bull which our Englishmen beyond the seas hold as their authori∣tie to rebell a∣gainst hir ma∣iestie.
• * 13.175

  Doctor San∣ders his re∣bellion in Ire∣land, through whome the people were seduced to fight against their lawfull princesse.
• * 13.176

  This bull re∣maineth in his former force by this pope, onelie a toller••tion for the straitnesse to the subiects ther•• in amen∣ded.
• * 13.177

  Campion de∣sireth not to heare how these treasons ••ook•• their o∣riginall, and how from time to time they haue béene en∣terprised and confounded: wherefore to blind the peo∣ples cies he maketh this counterfeit answer.
• * 13.178

  Ex libello que∣da•• fa••ose.
• * 13.179

  Doctor San∣ders and doc∣tor Bristows bookes were there read vn∣to them▪ wher∣in most traito∣rously they de∣fended the re∣bellion against hir maiestie.
• * 13.180

  They denied what one of their owne fe∣lows had con∣fessed, & sub∣scribed to, and what euerie one of the witnesses knew to be most certeine▪
• * 13.181

  M. A.
• * 13.182

  M. A.
• * 13.183

  Campion an∣swered this point subtilie, because in the last edition of the booke the chiefe matters against them∣selues were abridged.
• * 13.184

  The generall determinati∣on how to bring to passe their intent in this realme.
• * 13.185

  Their owne confession how they be∣haue them∣selues when they come into England.
• * 13.186

  Campion co∣••••reth their cōming ouer, affirming it was for the safegard of soules.
• * 13.187

  When he had no other shift, he fell into these words.
• * 13.188

  The depositiō of G. Eliot.
• * 13.189

  Meaning the quéene of Scots.
• * 13.190

  A most traito∣••ous and v••l∣lan••us an∣swer: of eue∣rie true sub∣iect to be read with reue∣rence of the person.
• * 13.191

  No iot of their good will wanted, if God did not (as he dailie dooth) preuent their pur∣poses.
• * 13.192

  Campion nor his fellowes will grant to anie thing, but raile and vse bold spee∣ches, whereby their guiltie consciences were disco∣uered.
• * 13.193

  M. A.
• * 13.194

  Campion co∣uereth their traitorous in∣ten••s vnder the sauing of soules.
• * 13.195

  A holie kind of life were it not for the B▪
• * 13.196

  Note here the perfect image of hypocrisie.
• * 13.197

  When mani∣fest proofes of their treasons were laid be∣fore them: they would in no wise gran•• their guilti∣nesse.
• * 13.198

  Consider eue∣rie matter and then iudge how they con∣cord and agreé togither.
• * 13.199

  A booke which they vse as their instruction, how to an∣swer to euerie question so∣phisticallie.
• * 13.200

  To doo their dutie is a weightie bur∣den to their consciences, and therefore they abide in their obstina∣cie and blind∣nesse.
• * 13.201

  Campion his owne answer as concerning his allegiance to hir maie∣stie.
• * 13.202

  The cause why this pope hath tolerated the former bull of Pius Quinius.
• * 13.203

  Our English doctors con∣ferring with the cardinals found out the meane for this toleration.
• * 13.204

  An other booke how to handle all ma∣ner of persons to win them to their in∣tent.
• * 13.205

  Campion sent for from Pra∣ga to go with other priests appointed for England.
• * 13.206

  The priests are there one∣lie mainteined for this pur∣pose, and none come from thense, but a∣bout this cause, which proueth them altogither gil∣tie.
• * 13.207

  Campion granteth, he came as the other priests did to recon∣cile & shrine: but he wil not allow that he came for anie treason.
• * 13.208

  Iames Bos∣graue, his ha∣stie comming from Uilna, whē he heard that priests were appoin∣ted for Eng∣land.
• * 13.209

  Campion fre∣quenteth his accustomed order of subtil answering.
• * 13.210

  Traitors will neuer beleeue anie truth, es∣peciallie if it touch them∣selues.
• * 13.211

  Robert Iohn∣son his com∣ming from Auinion in France.
• * 13.212

  Edward Rishtons let∣ter to Ri∣chardson one of the con∣demned.
• * 13.213

  Campions letter to mai∣ster Pownd in the Tower.
• * 13.214

  Campion was resolute in the chiefe matter.
• * 13.215

  Sentence of death denoun∣ced against Campion and his confe∣derats.
• * 13.216

  A verie holie thing, but ve∣rie méet for his deuotion.
• * 13.217

  Execution of Campion, Sherwin, and Brian.
• * 13.218

  Campion in his confession implieth a de∣fense of his in∣nocencie.
• * 13.219

  Cam••ion no∣ted to be verie vainglorious.
• * 13.220

  Campion described
• * 13.221

  A further des∣cription of Edmund Campion.
• * 13.222

  Campions curious care to keepe the credit he had woone in England.
• * 14.1

  The true oc∣ca••ion of Cam¦pions & other of his st••mpe comming in∣to England
• * 14.2

  The euill practises of the Iesuits in Ireland.
• * 14.3

  The procée∣ding of iustice against Cam∣pion, &c: defa∣••ned.
• * 14.4

  Campion and his com••lices offense was ranke trea••on.
• * 14.5

  The su•• and dri••t of pope Pius his s••∣ditious bull.
• * 14.6

  Much mis∣chiefe preuen∣ted by the timelie atta∣ching of Cam∣pion and his like.
• * 14.7

  How the trai∣tors stood opinioned to y^e said factio••s bull, &c.
• * 14.8

  Rafe Sher∣wins beha∣uiour at his death.
• * 14.9

  Alexander Brians de∣menour at his death.
• * 14.10

  Ex libello quo∣dam famoso.
• * 14.11

  Alludit ad Angliam.
• * 14.12

  Abr. Fl. Ex concione a∣pud crucem Paulinam per D. Sellar 6. Feb. 1586.
• * 14.13

  Monsieur the duke of Aniou departeth out of England.
• * 14.14

  Nempe Annae Henrici 8 vx••••, sereniss. reginae Elisabethae ge∣netrix.
• * 14.15

  The quéenes maiestie lodgeth at Rochester.
• * 14.16

  The quéenes maiestie ac∣cōpanied the monsieur to Canturburie where they & their traine parted.
• * 14.17

  The prince of Orange ta∣keth order for the intertein∣ment of the monsieur.
• * 14.18

  Nephue the monsieurs secretarie.
• * 14.19

  The lord of S. Aldegond, the prince of Orange and the prince of Espinoie, &c,
• * 14.20

  Embracing of the knée.
• * 14.21

  The mounsier landeth.
• * 14.22

  Lustie dis∣charging of guns on all sides.
• * 14.23

  The monsieur verie ioifullie receiued.
• * 14.24

  Antwerpe reioiseth at the monsieurs comming.
• * 14.25

  English lords and their re∣tinues.
• * 14.26

  Thrée waies to Middlebo∣rough.
• * 14.27

  The monsieur is met going to Middlebo∣rough.
• * 14.28

  The deputies of the states of the earledome of Zeland.
• * 14.29

  The monsieur would doo as the companie did▪
• * 14.30

  The earle of Leicester and other English lords.
• * 14.31

  Burning cressets on each side.
• * 14.32

  The monsieur Taiard re∣corder of Gant.
• * 14.33

  A solemne feast held in the townehall.
• * 14.34

  The mon∣sieur go∣eth to see the towne of Ermwiden.
• * 14.35

  The mon∣sieurs ships painted with his owne co∣lours.
• * 14.36

  The fort of Lislo.
• * 14.37

  The monsieur prepareth to make his en∣trie into Ant∣werpe.
• * 15.1

  The finest shew that can be made what it is.
• * 15.2

  The tri∣umphs of the Romans ex∣celled all their other shewes.
• * 15.3

  Other shewes of the Romās verie gallant.
• * 15.4

  A comparison betwéene the pleasures of the bodie and delights of the mind.
• * 15.5

  A questiō vn∣decided touch∣ing gallant and glorious ••hewes.
• * 15.6

  The respit that Antwerp had to pro∣uide for this triumphan•• shew.
• * 15.7

  Paris for multitude of people passeth▪
• * 15.8

  Monsieur of Brabant his attire and ha∣bit.
• * 15.9

  The cause why this re∣port was published in print.
• * 15.10

  The mōsieur saileth toward Antwerpe.
• * 15.11

  The mon∣sieur lan∣deth at a vil∣lage in Bra∣bant.
• * 15.12

  A theater e∣rected for the monsieur to shew himselfe vpon to the people.
• * 15.13

  Prince Dol∣phin, the earle of Leicester, &c:
• * 15.14

  Kissing the monsieurs hand.
• * 15.15

  A chaire of estate.
• * 15.16

  Banners with the armes of Aniou.
• * 15.17

  The summe of monsieur de Hesseiles oration to the monsieur.
• * 15.18

  The states thankefulnes signified.
• * 15.19

  They ac∣knowledged themselues indebted to th•• monsieur.
• * 15.20

  The secreta∣rie vnto the states falleth to the point of the matter.
• * 15.21

  The king of Spaines offi∣cers full of ty∣rannicall lord∣lines and vil∣lanie.
• * 15.22

  The cause why the states of Brabant made the mon∣sieur their prince & lord.
• * 15.23

  The states loialtie and fealtie signi∣fied by their secretarie.
• * 15.24

  The mon∣sieurs answer to the foresaid oration.
• * 15.25

  The mon∣sieurs promise euen to the shedding of his bloud.
• * 15.26

  The monsieur is content to sweare to the articles a∣gréed vpon.
• * 15.27

  Two oths that the dukes of Brabant were accu∣stomed to take.
• * 15.28

  The mantle and bonnet of the dutchie of Brabant.
• * 15.29

  The mon∣sieur created duke of Bra∣bant.
• * 15.30

  The states promise their fealtie and obedience.
• * 15.31

  An offer of the marquesship of the sacred empire made to the mon∣sieur.
• * 15.32

  The magi∣strates of Antwerps thankfulnesse to the mon∣sieur signified.
• * 15.33

  The soue∣reigntie of what places the monsieur had vnderta∣ken.
• * 15.34

  Antwerpe and the mar∣quesship pro∣miseth hum∣ble subiection.
• * 15.35

  The oth that the monsieur should take openlie read to the people.
• * 15.36

  A largesse cast among the standers by.
• * 15.37

  The mon∣sieurs posie.
• * 15.38

  A shew of mē in armour.
• * 15.39

  The French∣men maruell at the mon∣sieurs strange habiliments, &c.
• * 15.40

  The order of the monsieurs entering into Antwerpe.
• * 15.41

  Lords of England and France well horssed.
• * 15.42

  The earle of Leicester on the right hand of prince Dolphin.
• * 15.43

  The compa∣nies of the guilds.
• * 15.44

  An inscriptiō congratula••o∣rie to the mō∣sieur.
• * 15.45

  The chariot of the maiden of Antwerpe described.
• * 15.46

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉.
• * 15.47

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 15.48

  W••sedome.
• * 15.49

  Emblems of peace & 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 15.50

  Discréet go∣uernement.
• * 15.51

  Attonement.
• * 15.52

  Faithfulnes▪ Watchfulnes.
• * 15.53

  Union.
• * 15.54

  Defense. Offense.
• * 15.55

  A canopie carried ouer the monsieurs ••ead.
• * 15.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 15.57

  The signifi∣cation of the sh••w••s con∣cerning the K. of Spaine and the mon∣sieur.
• * 15.58

  A statelie pa∣geant impor∣tant to the present pur∣pose.
• * 15.59

  An oliphant bearing a ca∣stell of stone with soldio••s and artillerie.
• * 15.60

  A damsell re∣presenting Antwerpe holding a cof∣fer of priuile∣ges, &c.
• * 15.61

  A triumphall arch diuerslie garnished.
• * 15.62

  Six ensignes with the en∣signe of the youth vnder a greene stan∣dard.
• * 15.63

  A cunning deuise of a giant turning his head.
• * 15.64

  A whale car∣rieng Nep∣tune & what 〈◊〉〈◊〉 betokened.
• * 15.65

  An arch who∣lie applied to the monsieurs owne posie.
• * 15.66

  Cherisheth.
• * 15.67

  Chaseth.
• * 15.68

  The mon∣sieurs posie interpreted in a shew.
• * 15.69

  The orna∣ments of the arch aloft.
• * 15.70

  A monstrous sea horsse of twentie foot high, & what it signified.
• * 15.71

  Three score and ten pil∣lers, with a space of two and twentie foot betweene each.
• * 15.72

  Proper em∣blems and their mean∣ings.
• * 15.73

  Enuie and Slander.
• * 15.74

  Concord hol∣ding Discord in a chaine, &c.
• * 15.75

  Light with torches and cressets as cléere as the noone daie.
• * 15.76

  Thrée graces Uertue, Glo∣rie, and Honor in a compar∣tement.
• * 16.1

  Twentie or thirtie thou∣sand harque∣busses shot off.
• * 16.2

  The night resembled the daie.
• * 16.3

  Solemnities vsed whiles the monsieur was taking his peculiar oth to Ant∣werpe.
• * 16.4

  Two page∣ants, one of mount Par∣nassus, and the other a mossie rocke.
• * 16.5

  A scaffold hōg with scarlet and richlie adorned.
• * 16.6

  A chaire of estate of cloth of gold frized.
• * 16.7

  Beautifull emblems a∣bout the chaire of e∣state, & what they signified.
• * 16.8

  1 A little vnder, at the right hand vnder the armes of Brabant▪ were these verses.
• * 16.9

  2 On the left hand vnder the armes of Antwerpe was writ∣ten thus.
• * 16.10

  3 This was written som∣what lower.
• * 16.11

  Banished and condemned men in fetters crauing mer∣cie pardoned.
• * 16.12

  All promises kept on the monsieurs part, they could doo no lesse.
• * 16.13

  The mon∣sieur is readie to take his oth of the magi∣strate & people of Antwerpe.
• * 16.14

  Good successe wished to the mutuall oth∣••akers.
• * 16.15

  The mon∣sieurs oth red in French.
• * 16.16

  The mon∣sieur casteth largesse of gold & siluer among the people.
• * 16.17

  Two peales of great ordi∣nance with o∣ther signes of ioy.
• * 16.18

  What was doone by the waie of courteous du∣tie when all the triumphs were ended.
• * 16.19

  Dukes of Burgognie issued out of the house of France.
• * 16.20

  Under whom the state hath beene a••uan∣ced.
• * 16.21

  Philip duke of Burgognie surnamed the hardie.
• * 16.22

  Duke Iohn the second, and Philip the second, aduancers of the state.
• * 16.23

  Philip the se∣cond a verie rich prince, surnamed Philip the good.
• * 16.24

  He directeth his spéech to the monsieur.
• * 16.25

  A su••e mooued to y^e monsieur.
• * 16.26

  Francis the monsieurs grandfather commended.
• * 16.27

  A good sute to the mōsieur, & the like of all princes and great men to be preferred and granted.
• * 16.28

  Learning and chiualrie must go togither.
• * 16.29

  Causes that mooued the making of this sute.
• * 16.30

  He speaketh in the behalfe of all the rest of like profes∣sion and fa∣cultie.
• * 16.31

  The mon∣sieur speaketh well whatsoe∣uer his mea∣ning was.
• * 16.32

  A good begin∣ning in prince and people.
• * 16.33

  Iohn Paine executed at Chelmsford.
• * 16.34

  A blasing ••tarre.
• * 16.35

  Execution of Thomas Foord, Iohn Shert, and Robert Iohn∣son priests of the popes order.
• * 16.36

  To perseuere in wickednes is no constan∣cie but obsti∣nacie.
• * 16.37

  Consolation ministred to them as they went to their ••eaths.
• * 16.38

  The shiriffe himselfe trieth what he can doo to conuert them.
• * 16.39

  He was the eccho of a false and antichri∣stian voice.
• * 16.40

  Thomas Foord his words touch∣ing his inno∣cencie.
• * 16.41

  The writer of this pam∣phlet, who sée∣med to be ac∣quainted with all their dea∣lings.
• * 16.42

  A shamelesse negatiue voice to a ma∣nifest charge of offense, and euident con∣uiction.
• * 16.43

  Iohn Shert his vaine spée∣ches at the sight of Tom Foords dead bodie dismem∣bred.
• * 16.44

  Sherts ora∣tion to the people iustifi∣eng the forme of a go••lie martyres death.
• * 16.45

  Note Sherts obstinacie.
• * 16.46

  Sh••rt is per∣emptorie in his spéech to iustifie his re∣ligion.
• * 16.47

  Hudling vp of praiers man∣gled and ••ee∣ced togither after the po∣pish maner.
• * 16.48

  Who séemed acquainted with all their practises.
• * 16.49

  Execution of Luke Kirbie, William Fil∣bie, Thomas Coteham, and Laurence Richardson préests of the popes order▪
• * 16.50

  Who was an obseruer (as he pretended) of all their dooings.
• * 16.51

  Most mani∣fest and vn∣doubted to∣••ens of a reso∣lute votarie to the pope his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 16.52

  Th••obseruer ••nd writer of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their plots and deuises ••s he preten∣ded.
• * 16.53

  One of these two must néeds be in a fowle errour: for both hol∣ding contra∣ries could not speake truth.
• * 16.54

  Repetitio bene∣ficij est expre∣bratio.
• * 16.55

  Master shi∣riffes words vttered by the waie of inter∣ception.
• * 16.56

  This was great & verie mercifull for∣bearance to let all this talke passe to and fro at the place of exe∣cution.
• * 16.57

  Men indéed vse to repose their trust in such, whom they suppose to be like themselues.
• * 16.58

  Mercie offe∣red to Kirbie notwithstan∣ding his con∣uiction of treason.
• * 16.59

  To such as are prodito∣riouslie min∣ded it is a matter dispu∣table: but to a good subiect a matter deter∣minable.
• * 16.60

  Prou. 8.15, 16.
• * 16.61

  Rom. 13.1, 2, 3, 4.
• * 16.62

  This counsell of the apostle they had not the grace to follow.
• * 16.63

  Iohn. 19.10, 11.
• * 16.64

  This demand implieth a kind of suspi∣cion or secret charge that hir maiestie is such a one.
• * 16.65

  Not of the pope then, be∣like, who is not to ••oore into o••her princes pro∣uinces, &c.
• * 16.66

  Vox popili Dei, vox fertur esse Dei.
• * 16.67

  Laurence Richardson and Thomas Coteham their gestures and spéeches of their deaths.
• * 16.68

  For he was not so furni∣shed for Eng∣land as to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seules so easi∣lie to papi∣strie.
• * 16.69

  He should haue said Daemon.
• * 16.70

  Philip Price hanged in Fleetstreet for killing of a sergeant.
• * 16.71

  Lord Wil∣loughbie am∣bassador sent into Den∣marke.
• * 16.72

  The lord am∣bassadors ora∣tion in Latine to the king of Denmarke, &c
• * 16.73

  The king of Denmarke inuested into the right ho∣norable order of the garter.
• * 16.74

  Misfortune by gunpow∣der.
• * 16.75

  Strange tempest in Norffolke.
• * 16.76

  Anno reg. 2••.
• * 16.77

  Terme kept at Hertford.
• * 16.78

  Thames wa∣ter conueied ouer saint Magnus stéeple.
• * 16.79

  Iustice Ran∣dolph h••s cha∣ritie.
• * 16.80

  Publike lec∣ture of sur∣gerie founded in London, & presentlie red (as also in the life of the founder) by doctor For∣ster, to his high praise & credit.
• * 16.81

  What exerci∣ses are to be followed in the said col∣lege by the will of the founder. The first yeares exer∣cises.
• * 16.82

  The second years exer∣cises.
• * 16.83

  The third yeares, and fourth yeares exercises.
• * 16.84

  The fift and sixt yeares ex∣ercises, and so to continue with Re••e••n••i•• princip••.
• * 16.85

  Ab. Fl. Specta∣tor & auditor.
• * 16.86

  Doctor Gil∣sord president of the college of physicians.
• * 16.87

  Francis of Ualois at∣tempteth di∣uerse exploits, the issue whereof fell out to his misfortune.
• * 16.88

  The monsi∣••urs ambition spreading like •• canker.
• * 16.89

  The French gentlemen ware armor vnder their garments: with good meaning no doubt.
• * 16.90

  The monsi∣eur was glad to retire not∣withstanding this confident clamor.
• * 16.91

  Noblemen & oth••r French 〈◊〉〈◊〉 priso∣n••••s.
• * 16.92

  Noblemen of France slaine
• * 16.93

  Francis duke of Aniou and Alanson re∣tireth.
• * 16.94

  Generall Norris with 23. ensignes.
• * 16.95

  Francis duke of Alanson and of Aniou sickeneth.
• * 16.96

  Abr. Fl. ex lib. cui tit. Regret funebre, contenant le dis∣cours de la mor•• de Monseigneu•• fils de France, frere vnicque, du roy.
• * 16.97

  Meaning Berson the monsieurs preacher and the writer of this discourse.
• * 16.98

  The maner of the monsieurs sickenesse.
• * 16.99

  Bersons words of comfort to the monsieur, whether his disease were naturall, or procéeding ••rom God.
• * 16.100

  The mon∣si••urs reso∣lu••e to die.
• * 16.101

  Namelie Berson.
• * 16.102

  Berson who was then bu∣sie about cer∣teine ceremo∣nies incident to the time and his office.
• * 16.103

  Great hope conceiued of the monsieur if he had not beene preuen∣ted with d••ath.
• * 16.104

  The monsieur falleth into an extremitie of his maladie, and past hope of recouerie.
• * 16.105

  Doo men ••te thus? saith the monsie••r drawing t•• his end.
• * 16.106

  Bersons words to the monsieur in the hearing of diuerse gen∣tlemen pre∣sent.
• * 16.107

  His will (meaning Gods) be doone, saith the monsieur with a forced spéech on his death bed.
• * 16.108

  The institu∣tion and vse of the sacrament of the bodie and bloud of Christ.
• * 16.109

  Bersons ex∣hor••atorie speeches to the monsieur, preparing and setling him∣selfe to Cod∣ward.
• * 16.110

  The mon∣sieur depar∣ture out of this world like a lamp, whose light 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for want o•• oile.
• * 16.111

  Maruellous 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of in∣ward loue & 〈…〉〈…〉 affectiō 〈…〉〈…〉 the mon••••eur de∣parted.
• * 16.112

  The••e be ve∣rie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••••eed.
• * 16.113

  For he was preacher, &c: to the moun∣sieur and lost dimidium ani∣mae suae vp his death.
• * 16.114

  Ground re∣moued.
• * 16.115

  Eight persons killed by the fall of a scaffold at the bea•••• garden, a warning to prophaners of the sabboth daie.
• * 16.116

  Eob. H••ss. in Psal. 50.
• * 16.117

  Williā Brui∣star and Ma∣rie Breame smothered to death.
• * 16.118

  A man and a woman han∣ged at Shoo∣lane end.
• * 16.119

  The gun∣powder house in Fetterlane blowne vp.
• * 16.120

  Palatine of Siradia in Poland came into England.
• * 16.121

  Elias Thac∣kar, and Iohn Coping han∣ged at Berrie▪
• * 16.122

  Thomas Ratclife earle of Sussex de∣ceased.
• * 16.123

  I. Stow.
• * 16.124

  Edmund Grindall archbishop of Cantur∣burie deceas∣sed.
• * 16.125

  Abr. Hart. in R.L.
• * 16.126

  Iustice Ran∣dolfe his cha∣ritie of one thousand nine hundred pounds.
• * 16.127

  ••••••roners apprehended and executed.
• * 16.128

  A briefe de∣scription of Clinton At∣ki••son and his paren∣tage▪
• * 16.129

  Companie & libertie bring manie to mise∣rie.
• * 16.130

  An heretike Iohn Lewes burned at Norwich. Sée pag. 1299.
• * 16.131

  Palatine of Siradia in Poland re∣turned.
• * 16.132

  A description of Albertus his person, ap∣parell, &c.
• * 16.133

  At Oxen∣ford, where he termed the Latine that he spake Militare Lati∣num, that is, souldiers La∣tine.

  The lord Norris his daughter ma∣ried to sir A. Paulet his eldest sonne.
• * 16.134

  The welcom∣ming of Al∣bertus to the vniuersitie of Oxenford, with a partile description of his intertein∣ment.
• * 16.135

  Raine of rose∣water, and haile of sugar confects, &c.
• * 16.136

  Doctor Whitegift archbishop of Canturburie.
• * 16.137

  Allusio, ad D. archiep. nomen.
• * 16.138

  Ab. Hart. quon∣dam Cant. & Trinitarius.
• * 16.139

  A monstrous fish taken in Norffolke.
• * 16.140

  Slade and Bodie execu∣ted.
• * 16.141

  An Reg. 26. Horssestealers hanged, ten at once in Smithfield.
• * 16.142

  Desmonds head set on London bridge.
• * 16.143

  Nantwich in Cheshire burnt.
• * 16.144

  Someruile, Arden, and o∣thers arreig∣ned.
• * 16.145

  Arden 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 16.146

  This booke for the time that it was in request, set people toongs on woorke▪ and filled their minds with strange conceipts.
• * 16.147

  Why it was called the great coniun∣ction.
• * 16.148

  Touching the yeare of woonders, gath••red to be 1588.
• * 16.149

  ••••ouitius Re∣giomontanus.
• * 16.150

  The great yeare of 1588 is more talked of than feared.
• * 16.151

  When people saw nothing in the aire (as they looked for) they fell to derision.
• * 16.152

  Cartar execu∣ted for prin∣ting a trai∣torous booke.
• * 16.153

  A declaration of the fauora∣ble dealing of hir maiesties commissio∣ners, for the examining of trait••rs.
• * 17.1

  To the rea∣der.
• * 17.2

  The slande∣rous report concerning the extreame vse of y^• racke conuinced.
• * 17.3

  Campion and Briant were too fauoura∣blie vsed: and far vnder the proportion of their treason∣able offenses.
• * 17.4

  The curst & stubborne hart of Bri∣ant.
• * 17.5

  Ergo it is false which the infamous libeller hath ••ast abrode, Relligio 〈…〉〈…〉 mala vita 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 17.6

  This is con∣sonant to the report set downe before in the discoue∣rie of Campi∣on, pag. 1325.
• * 17.7

  What allegi∣gi••nce these fellows meant to her maiestie may appéere by these words of Campion, be∣ing the mouth o•• the ••est.
• * 17.8

  As namelie Campion, of whom an in∣famous libel∣ler reporteth (in commen∣dation for∣sooth of his constancie) Non secreta mee iorius lic••tor•• fatebor.
• * 18.1

  All offendors couer their faults with contrarie causes.
• * 18.2

  Rebels doo most dange∣rouslie couer their faults.
• * 18.3

  Rebellion in England and Ireland.
• * 18.4

  The rebels vanquished by the quéens power.
• * 18.5

  Some of the rebels fled in∣to forreine countries.
• * 18.6

  Rebels pre∣tend religion for their de∣fense.
• * 18.7

  Kingleaders of rebels, Charles Ne∣uill earle of Westmerland, and Thomas Stukeleie.
• * 18.8

  The effect of the popes bull against the queene of England.
• * 18.9

  The practises of the traitors rebels, and fu∣gitiues to exe∣cute the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 18.10

  Seminaries erected to nursse sedi∣tious fugi∣tiues.
• * 18.11

  The semina∣rie fugitiues come secretlie into the relme to induce the people to obeie the popes bull.
• * 18.12

  Sowers of s••dition ta∣ken, co••••en∣ted, & executed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tr••ason.
• * 18.13

  The seditious treitors con∣demned by the ancient lawes of the realme, made two hundred yeres past.
• * 18.14

  Persons con∣demned, spa∣red ••rom exe∣cution, vpon refusall of their treaso∣nable opini∣ons.
• * 18.15

  The forren traitors con∣tinue sending of persons to mooue sedition in the realme.
• * 18.16

  The seditious 〈◊〉〈◊〉 la∣bour to bring the realme in∣to a warre ex∣ternall and domest••••••ll.
• * 18.17

  The dutie of the quéene and all hir gouer∣nors to God and their countrie, is to repell prac∣tises of rebel∣lion.
• * 18.18

  None char∣ged with ca∣pitall crimes, being of a con∣trarie reli∣gion, and pro∣fessing to withstand forreine for∣ces.
• * 18.19

  Names of di∣uerse ecclesia∣sticall persons professing contrarie re∣ligion, neuer charged with capitall crimes.
• * 18.20

  The late fa∣uorers of the popes autho∣ritie were the chiefe aduer∣saries of the same, by their doctrines and writings.
• * 18.21

  A great num∣ber of laie per∣sons of liue∣lood being of a contrarie re∣ligion, neuer charged with capitall crime.
• * 18.22

  No person charged with capitall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the onelie maintenance of the popes supremasie.
• * 18.23

  Foure points of treason. Such cōdem∣ned onelie for treason, as mainteine the effects of the popes bull a∣gainst hir ma∣iestie and the realme.
• * 18.24

  Doctor San∣ders mainte∣nance of the popes bull.
• * 18.25

  The persons that suffered death, were condemned for treason & not for reli∣gion.
• * 18.26

  The diuersi∣tie betwixt truth and falshood.
• * 18.27

  A full proofe that the main∣teiners of the bull are direct∣lie guiltie of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 18.28

  Doctor Mor∣tons secret ambassage frō Rome to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the rebellion in the north.
• * 18.29

  Persons and Campion are offendors as doctor San∣ders is, for al∣lowance of the bull.
• * 20.1

  Faculties granted to Persons and Campion by pope Grego∣rie the thir∣téenth Anno 1580.
• * 20.2

  By what au∣thoritie Cam∣pion came in∣to England.
• * 20.3

  Harts confes∣sion of the in∣terpretation of the bull of Pius Quintus.
• * 20.4

  A conclusion that all the in∣famous books against the quéene and the realme, are false.
• * 20.5

  Difference of the small numbers that haue béene ex∣ecuted in the space of fiue and twentie yeares, from the great numbers in fiue yeares of quéene Ma∣ries reigne.
• * 20.6

  An aduertise∣ment vnto all princes of countries abroad.
• * 20.7

  The authori∣tie proclamed by the pope not warran∣ted by Christ, or by the two apostles Pe∣ter and Paul▪
• * 20.8

  Pope Hilde∣brand the first that made warre against the emperor.
• * 20.9

  An. Do. 1074. The iudge∣ment of God against the popes false erected empe∣ror.
• * 20.10

  Pope Grego∣rie the seuenth deposed by Henrie the fourth.
• * 20.11

  Henrie the fift.

  Frederike the first.

  Frederike the second. Lewes of Bauar, em∣perors.
• * 20.12

  Whatsoeuer is lawfull for other princes souereignes, is lawfull for the queene and crowne of England.
• * 20.13

  The title of vniuersall ••••∣shop is a pre∣amble of an∣tichrist.
• * 20.14

  Rome sacked, and the pope Clement takē prisoner by the emperors armie.
• * 20.15

  King Henrie the second of France his edicts against the pope and his courts of Rome.

  The besie∣ging of Rome and the pope by the duke of Alua and king Philips armie.
• * 20.16

  Quéene Ma∣rie and cardi∣nall Poole re∣sisted the pope.
• * 20.17

  D. Peito a begging frier.
• * 20.18

  The kings of christendome neuer suffer popes to a∣bridge their titles or rights, though they suffer them to haue rule ouer their people.
• * 20.19

  The quéene of England may not suffer the pope by a∣nie meanes to make rebelli∣ons in hir realme.
• * 20.20

  Addit••men•••• to the popes martyrolog••.
• * 20.21

  The strange ends of Iames earle of Desmond, D. Sanders, Iames Fitz∣moris.
• * 20.22

  Iohn of Des∣mond.
• * 20.23

  Iohn So∣meruile.
• * 20.24

  The prospe∣ritie of Eng∣land, during the popes cursses.
• * 20.25

  Reasons to persuade by reason the fa∣uourers of the pope, that none hath béene execu∣ted for reli∣gion but for treason. The first reason.
• * 20.26

  The second reason.
• * 20.27

  The bull of Pius Quin∣tus set vp at Paules.
• * 20.28

  The first pu∣nishment for the bull.
• * 20.29

  The third reason.
• * 20.30

  Rebellion in the north.
• * 20.31

  The fourth reason.
• * 20.32

  The inuasion of Ireland by the pope.
• * 20.33

  The popes forces vanqui∣shed in Ire∣land.
• * 20.34

  The politike aduersaries satisfied.
• * 20.35

  Obiection of the papists, that the per∣sons executed, are but scho∣lers and vn∣armed.
• * 20.36

  Manie are traitours though they haue no ar∣mour nor weapon.
• * 20.37

  The applica∣tion of the scholasticall traitors, to others, that are traitors without ar∣mor.
• * 20.38

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 20.39

  The o••••en∣••ors executed 〈…〉〈…〉, re••i∣gion▪
• * 20.40

  Unreasonable ••nd obstinate persons are left to Gods iudgement.
• * 20.41

  2. Esd. 4.
• * 20.42

  Bishop of Winchester deceased.
• * 20.43

  Fiue executed for treason.
• * 20.44

  A. F. ex add. G. C. Maister Wal∣ter Raleigh his viage for the discouerie of that land which lieth betwéene No∣tembega and Florida.
• * 20.45

  Philip Ama∣dis, and Ar∣thur Barlow.
• * 20.46

  Two sauage men and other things brought from the said land discouered.
• * 20.47

  Maister Wal∣ter Raleigh prepareth for a second vi∣age to the said land late dis∣couered.
• * 20.48

  Gentlemen that associated sir Humfreie Gilbert in his viage to No∣rembega 1578.
• * 20.49

  The viage hath not wi∣shed successe.
• * 20.50

  Maister Wal∣ter Raleigh sailed as far as Cape de Uerde, &c. and arriueth in sa••e••ie at Plimouth.
• * 20.51

  Sir Humfrie Gilberd seue∣red from his companie, dead, and ne∣uer heard of.
• * 20.52

  Ab. Fl. hor•••••• omnium ma••i∣mè cons••ius.
• * 20.53

  The deceasse of D. Cald∣we••l physician of whom there is former mē∣tiō, pag. 1349.
• * 20.54

  The court of Francis the first a vniuer∣sitie, &c. pag. 1343.
• * 20.55

  The distribu∣tions of D. Caldwell in his life times and his be∣quests after his death.
• * 20.56

  His commen∣taries vpon some part of Paulus Ac∣gineta, and other bookes.
• * 20.57

  His ordina∣rie infirmitie was the co∣licke, which tormented him excée∣dinglie.
• * 20.58

  His age and counterfet which séemed to be made 1571, and in the yeare of his age 5••.
• * 20.59

  The armes of Caldwell blasoned.
• * 20.60

  The crosse forme fiche was the cote of Cedwalla∣der the last king of Bri∣tains▪ in An. Dom. 680.
• * 20.61

  These figurs 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, haue relation to certeine marks, name∣lie the mullet, the ••••nque∣soil••, the floure delice, the hād, the cressant or moone, and the pansie, grauen in the copper plate, which markes are referred to their like, in and about the armes aboue said.
• * 20.62

  Francis Throckmor∣ton arreigned and cōdemned of high trea∣son.
• * 21.1

  But how can their interpre∣tations be found, whose iudgements are corrupt?
• * 21.2

  The premis∣ses being all sufficient can∣not but an∣swer anie cir∣cumstance touching this traitor.
• * 21.3

  The bishop of Rosse an eni∣mie to the English state.
• * 21.4

  A colour of truth to coun∣tenance a ma∣nifest lie.
• * 21.5

  The maner of procéeding against Throckemor∣ton by com∣mission.
• * 21.6

  The intent of this declarati∣on what it is.
• * 21.7

  Iennie a no∣torious knowne trai∣tor, & conferre•• with Throck∣morton.
• * 21.8

  Sir Francis Englefield, Thomas Throckemor∣ton, and Tho∣mas Mor∣gan.
• * 21.9

  A pretention of an inuasion into Eng∣land.
• * 21.10

  The speciall meanes wan∣ting.
• * 21.11

  The Spanish ambassadours words ten∣ding to this inuasion.
• * 21.12

  Landing pla∣ces for forren forces about Arundell in Sussex.
• * 21.13

  Charles Pa∣get vnder the name of Mope aliàs Spring a confederat in this action.
• * 21.14

  This would be feared and therefore alwaies by policie pre∣uented.
• * 21.15

  Throckemor∣ton wrote diuerse letters to Marie the Scotish queene.
• * 21.16

  Godfrie Ful∣geam was glad to 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 21.17

  The cause why Throck∣mortons con∣fessions are here mentio∣ned.
• * 21.18

  Throckemor∣ton was at Spaw, and elswhere, &c.
• * 21.19

  This is a principall marke where∣at they shoot, and therefore they cannot but meditat vpon the meanes.
• * 21.20

  The duke of Guise his en∣terprise to in∣uade the realme.
• * 21.21

  The Spanish ambassador and Throcke∣morton did often times conuerse and conferre.
• * 21.22

  Throckemor∣ton surprised and put to a narrow shift.
• * 21.23

  ••eare is an ordinarie tor∣mentor of a guiltie consci∣ence.
• * 21.24

  The clouds of lies cannot so darken the truth but it will appeare.
• * 21.25

  How William Shellie stood affectioned to these treaso∣nable plots.
• * 21.26

  Certeine words and clauses of let∣ters treasona∣ble.
• * 21.27

  What mind Throckemor∣ton hath car∣ried towards hir maiestie.
• * 21.28

  This vehe∣ment speach importeth same secrets of great mo∣mēt betwéene Throckemor∣ton and the Scotish quéene.
• * 21.29

  Chi a perso la fede, a perso l'honore, an Ita∣lian prouerbe.
• * 21.30

  The cause that mooued Throckemor∣ton to denie his confessiōs at his ar∣reignement.
• * 21.31

  These gifts in him were Vivenenum in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 poculo.
• * 22.1

  Throckemor∣tons submis∣on in a letter, answering Ad verbum with his owne handwriting.
• * 22.2

  He sueth for vndeserued mercie to hir maiestie in his miserie, in whose fauour he might haue liued by loi∣altie.
• * 22.3

  A declaration, &c: written by Throcke∣morton to the quéenes ma∣iestie.
• * 23.1

  William Ardington.
• * 23.2

  The next way to atteine libertie for the Scotish quéene, &c.
• * 23.3

  The pestilent persuasion of the Spanish ambassador to prefer this pernicious enterprise.
• * 23.4

  The resolutiō was frustrate as also the later of the plo••▪ such was Gods iustice to persecute & supplant both the one and the other.
• * 23.5

  Was this (thinke you) •• naturall sub∣iects opinion, or not rather the conceipt of a tyrannous traitor?
• * 23.6

  This Spa∣nish ambassa∣dor had no good meaning in moouing this request.
• * 23.7

  This Mope was Charles Paget other∣wise named Spring: as before.
• * 23.8

  Throckmor∣tons purpose if his enter∣prise succée∣ded not by the next spring.
• * 23.9

  Sir Francis Englefield whether excu∣sable or no▪
• * 23.10

  Throckemor∣tons sute for commisera∣tion to hir maiestie.
• * 23.11

  A recapitula∣tion of so••e treasonable enterprises by Throckemor∣ton.
• * 23.12

  Throckemor∣ton executed.
• * 23.13

  Robert baron of Denbigh deceased.
• * 23.14

  The charita∣ble déeds of D. S.
• * 23.15

  These letters are placed aboue the qu••∣drats or squares of the building.
• * 23.16

  Six houses of perpetuall reléefe, foun∣ded vpon S. Peters hill in Baniard ca∣stell ward.
• * 23.17

  Rents left in perpetuitie for the mainte∣nance of the said houses.
• * 23.18

  Ordinances of the founder to be inuiola∣blie obserued.
• * 23.19

  What kind of widowes are to be admitted into these houses.
• * 23.20

  Whom they may lodge and not lodge.
• * 23.21

  In order for the auoiding of infection, sicknesse, an∣noiance, &c.
• * 23.22

  What wéeke daies they are to repaire to the church.
• * 23.23

  Conuenien•• vse of water, &c.
• * 23.24

  Performanc•• of these ordi∣nances in∣tended.
• * 23.25

  An order for lanthorne and candle light in winter.
• * 23.26

  The loue of the Lōdoners to the queenes maiestie.
• * 23.27

  A parlement at Westmin∣ster.
• * 23.28

  An▪ Reg. 27.
• * 23.29

  Addition of Fr. Thin.
• * 23.30

  An act for the maintenance of Rochester stone bridge procured by sir Roger Manwood.
• * 23.31

  Sir Roger Manwood a fréend to the cōmonwealth.
• * 23.32

  The place & time of Sir Ro∣ger Man∣woods birth, and bringing vp.
• * 23.33

  Dissolutiō of chanteries.
• * 23.34

  Sir Roger Manwood reader in the inner temple.
• * 23.35

  He erected •• faire schoole∣house of bricke and stone.
• * 23.36

  He procureth leters patents &c: for the maintenance of the same in perpetuitie.
• * 23.37

  The summe of 40 pounds allowed year∣lie, &c: to the maintenance of the said grammar schoole.
• * 23.38

  Two scho∣lers roomes obteined in Cambridge & two in Ox∣ford for such scholers as remooue from the said schoole to either of the vniuersities.
• * 23.39

  Seuen al∣mes houses by him founded for the reléefe of the honest aged.
• * 23.40

  Sir Roger Manwood•• toome.
• * 23.41

  A house of correction for ••ustie idle per∣sons.
• * 23.42

  The ancient bridge of Ro∣chester, when builded and by whom.
• * 23.43

  Diuerse opi∣nions concer∣ning the first founding of y^e said bridge.
• * 23.44

  How the said bridge began to decaie, and what meanes are vsed for the reparing of the same.
• * 23.45

  Sir Roger Manwoods deuised reme∣die for the kée∣ping of the said bridge well repared.
• * 23.46

  His deuised remedie ten∣ding to so good a purpose was impug∣ned.
• * 23.47

  The yearelie reuenues of the said bridge amount vnto more in value by triple than they were before.
• * 23.48

  A further remedie deuised.
• * 23.49

  An act of par∣lement obtei∣ned for the behoofe of the said bridge.
• * 23.50

  Maister Thomas Wooten of Kent esquire a father and fauourer of his countrie.
• * 23.51

  Sir Roger Manwood and maister William Lambard esquier war∣dens of the said bridge.
• * 23.52

  Elisabeth (daughter of Iohn Copin∣ger esquier) second wife to sir Roger Manwood, hir modestie, &c.
• * 23.53

  The earle of Lincolne deceassed.
• * 23.54

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 siue Elisabeth••▪ C. O.
• * 23.55

  Iesuits, semi∣naries, and massing priests set o∣uer the seas and banished out of this realme of England for euer.
• * 24.1

  The quéenes maiesties mercies no∣table.
• * 24.2

  The names of such I••∣busites (Ie∣suits, I should say) as by vertue of the queenes commission were banished out of the queéenes domi∣nions.
• * 24.3

  A further charge vpon the said semi∣naries tou∣ching trans∣portation.
• * 25.1

  A certificat to the lords of the councell, &c: concer∣ning the fore∣said maiter.
• * 26.1

  A certificat worthie to hang vpon perpetuall re∣cord, wherein the Iesuits doo acknow∣ledge the ex∣céeding cour∣teous and bountifull v∣sage shewed vnto them at and in their banishment, &c. Note good reader note.
• * 26.2

  Ouid. lib. 1. de Pons.
• * 26.3

  Earle of Derbie am∣bassador into France.
• * 26.4

  Attendants vpon the said ambassador.
• * 26.5

  The lord am∣bassadour pas∣seth from Lō∣don to Gra∣uesend, and so to Douer, and arriueth at Calis.
• * 26.6

  Monsieur de Gourdon go∣uernour of Calis inter∣teineth the ambassadour.
• * 26.7

  Monsieur Creuicure lieutenant of Picardie mée∣teth the lord ambassadour▪ &c.
• * 26.8

  Sir Edward Stafford the quéenes am∣bassador resi∣dent with the French king, &c.
• * 26.9

  The lord am∣bassadors in∣terteinement and vsage.
• * 26.10

  The statelie & the honorable receiuing at the lord am∣bassadour be∣fore he came in presence ¶ audience of the French king.
• * 26.11

  The chamber roiall, & man∣ner of recei∣uing and con∣ducting of the lord ambassa∣dour therevn∣to, and other notable obser∣uations.
• * 26.12

  The earle of Darbie & sir Edward Stafford, &c: are courteous∣lie receiued of the king.
• * 26.13

  The lord am∣bassador s••lu∣ted the quéene mother.
• * 26.14

  The lord am∣bassadour con∣ueied to the quéene Re∣gents cham∣ber.
• * 26.15

  The French king inuested into the order of the garter.
• * 26.16

  Gifts of ro••all magnificence bestowed and receiued.
• * 26.17

  William Par∣rie hanged and quartered at Westminster.
• * 27.1

  A description of William Parrie.
• * 27.2

  William Par∣rie reconciled to the pope: and of hi•• treason In superlatiuo gradu.
• * 27.3

  O papisticall dissimulation!
• * 27.4

  Thomas Morgan a fugitiue and furtherer of Parries purpose.
• * 27.5

  Edmund Neuill not ignorant of this attempt.
• * 27.6

  O gratious quéene and too too fauourable, euen to thine enimies!
• * 27.7

  The malice of Parrie grow∣eth to an ex∣tremitie of mischiefe against the quéene.
• * 27.8

  Neuill dis∣couereth the intended trea∣son against hir maiestie.
• * 27.9

  Did euer anie man read or heare of the like magnani∣mitie in a wo∣man.
• * 27.10

  Parrie is committed to the custodie & examination of sir Francis Walsingham.
• * 27.11

  Parrie de∣nieth with protestations whatsoeuer is demanded of him.
• * 27.12

  Parrie is de∣sirous to haue some spéech with maiste•• secretarie.
• * 27.13

  Parrie is exa∣mined before certeine lords of the coun∣cell, &c.
• * 27.14

  Neuill char∣geth Parrie so preciselie, that he is committed to the Tower.
• * 28.1

  Note the malicious hu∣mor of Parrie because he might not ob∣teine prefer∣ment to his liking.
• * 28.2

  A triple rea∣son that mo∣ued Parrie to his pretended treason.
• * 28.3

  Parrie coun∣ted it an act meritorious to murther hir maiestie.
• * 28.4

  O villanous persuasion or inducement to be accessarie to the treason!
• * 28.5

  Note Par∣ries pestilent humor of ma∣lice against hir maiestie.
• * 28.6

  These doubts were of ad∣uantage to Neuill, but meanes of reprochfull ruine to Par∣ri••▪
• * 28.7

  Note the trai∣torous p••oc∣tise of Parrie laid downe in order as it should haue béene come,
• * 28.8

  Marke the resolutenes of Parrie to ac∣complish his treason by oft frequenting the action.
• * 28.9

  Neuill i•• re∣solued at no hand to be partaker with Parrie in his treason.
• * 28.10

  Parries vo∣luntarie con∣fession in the hearing of certein lords, &c.
• * 29.1

  Alacke, good and gratious ladie, whose hard hap it was to inter∣teine so bad & gracelesse a seruant.
• * 29.2

  Parrie sueth ••or licence to trauell beyond sea, and obtei∣neth it.
• * 29.3

  Parrie iusti∣fieth himselfe in religion before the in∣quisitor of Millaine.
• * 29.4

  Parrie is re∣solued in the plot of his treacherous deuise.
• * 29.5

  Note with what felows, enimi••s to God and his church, Par∣rie linketh himselfe.
• * 29.6

  Note the di∣uelish confe∣rēce betwéene Morgan and Parrie.
• * 29.7

  Parrie bow∣eth to vnder∣take the kil∣ling of the quéene.
• * 29.8

  O Lord what a lamē∣table hearing is this!
• * 29.9

  Parrie is now become altogither past grace, and growne resolute with Iudas to kill the Lords an∣nointed.
• * 29.10

  A prouiso for a Scotish in∣uasiō after the deuise of Parrie exe∣cuted.
• * 29.11

  Note the vil∣lans ill mind to hir maie∣stie.
• * 29.12

  Note hir ma∣iesties vnde∣serued grati∣ousnes to pre∣tended catho∣likes.
• * 29.13

  Note Parries resolution by letters from cardinall Como.
• * 29.14

  Parrie is in a mammering what to doo as maie be noted by these spée∣ches interro∣gatorie.
• * 29.15

  Parrie despe∣rat.
• * 29.16

  How long the conspiracie was in hand∣ling ye•• it was detected.
• * 29.17

  Note the ac∣tions that should haue béene com∣mensed and finished in this conspi∣racie.
• * 29.18

  This oth and all of the like qualitie and nature are violable Sa••u•• interi•• anima.
• * 29.19

  The death of Westmerland reported.
• * 29.20

  Parrrie char∣geth Neuill with grieuous spéeches of curssed dis∣loialtie.
• * 29.21

  God (no doubt) will preserue good quéene. Elisa∣beth, though a thousand such traitors as Parrie conspire hir death to their owne destruc∣tion.
• * 30.1

  Parries pur∣pose conceiued in Uenice, continued in Lions, resol∣ued in Paris, to be executed in England.
• * 30.2

  Neuill char∣ged by Parrie to be accessa∣rie to the trea∣son.
• * 30.3

  Compare these war∣nings with the euents in Anno 1585, 1586, speciallie about August.
• * 30.4

  Parries guil∣tie conscience exonerateth it selfe by volun∣tarie confes∣sion.
• * 31.1

  A traitor of singular note by his owne confession was Parrie.
• * 31.2

  An offense sufficient to hang 1000 traitors with∣out drop of mercie.
• * 31.3

  Parrie had more glosing rhetorike than faithfull obe∣dience.
• * 31.4

  Good Lord with what heart might Parrie hope after anie thing but death, hauing béene so capi∣tall a traitor?
• * 31.5

  Creitchton apprehended with diuerse plots for in∣uasions of this realme.
• * 32.1

  Note Cre∣itchtons re∣port of Par∣ries craft and malice.
• * 32.2

  Creitchtons reasons to re∣pell Parries traitorous allegations.
• * 32.3

  Deum magis amare aduer∣bia quàm no∣mina.
• * 32.4

  Creitchton holdeth Par∣ries attempt vnlawfull: note.
• * 32.5

  Parrie saith and vnsaith like a traitor to shift off the heauie charge of treason.
• * 33.1

  Cardinall de Como his a∣nimating let∣ter to Parrie to perseuere in his diuelish deuise.
• * 33.2

  But as God would, Par∣ries enter∣prise wanted that wished Bu••no & se••••c•• successo.
• * 34.1

  A good clear∣gie in the meane time that allow treasons in this sort.
• * 34.2

  Good spirit, naie malignāt spirit & more than diaboli∣call.
• * 34.3

  Naie curssed and abhomi∣nable purpo∣ses, with destruction to the vnderta∣ker.
• * 34.4

  Parrie co••∣uented, and arreigned a•• Westminster hall the 22 of Februarie.
• * 35.1

  The names of such perso∣nages of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 35.2

  The lieute∣nant of the tower retur∣neth his pr••∣c••pt.
• * 35.3

  The indict∣ment against Parrie wher∣in his ••••i∣nous ••reason appeereth.
• * 35.4

  Parrie sent letters to Gregorie the •••• bishop of Rome: and wha•• was the sco•••• of them.
• * 35.5

  Parrie moo∣u•••• Neuill to assi•••• him in his treasons.
• * 35.6

  Parries an∣s••er to the indictment, wherein he c••nfesseth 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 35.7

  Parrie con∣fesseth that he is guiltie of all things cō∣teined in the indictment.
• * 35.8

  Sir Christo∣pher Hattons collection out of Parries indictment.
• * 35.9

  Certeine spe∣ciall matters vnder wri∣ting read in open audience of the multi∣tude for their satisfaction.
• * 35.10

  Parries con∣fession was not Coacta but Voluntaria: ergo more credible.
• * 35.11

  Parries con∣fession of his treasons was read by his owne assent. A letter of cardinall di Como vnto Parrie also read.
• * 35.12

  Parries let∣ter of the eightéenth of Februarie to the lord trea∣suror and the earle of Leice∣ster read.
• * 35.13

  The quéenes atturnie re∣quireth iudge∣ment.
• * 35.14

  Parrie had for his credit a••ore time said verie secretlie, that he had béene solicited beyond the ••••as to com∣mit the fact, but he would not doo it, •• wherewith he crast••••i•• abu∣sed both the quéenes ma∣iestie, & those two coun••••l∣lors, w••erof he now would helpe himselfe with these speeches a∣gainst most manifest proofs.

  Maister vice∣chamberleins spéeches, proo∣uing mani∣festlie Par∣ries traito∣rous intenti••ons.
• * 35.15

  Not•• all this charge of mai∣ster vicecham∣berleine to be a recapitulatiō of all or most the treasons of Parrie▪
• * 35.16

  Parrie char∣ge••h the lords of the councell with vn••ruth.
• * 35.17

  Parrie r••∣prooued of false spéeches, and so by him∣selfe also con∣fessed.
• * 35.18

  The magna∣nimitie of the quéenes ma∣iestie notified by sir Chri∣stopher Hat∣ton.
• * 35.19

  The lord of Hunsdons spéeches con∣uincing Par∣rie manifestlie of hie treason.
• * 35.20

  Parries ex∣clamation of outrage and vnpatient∣nesse.
• * 35.21

  Parrie abu∣seth the hono∣rable and woorshipfull of the bench with termes vncouth and darke spée∣ches.
• * 35.22

  More libertie of speech gi∣uen to Parrie than by law was allow∣able.
• * 35.23

  Parries trea∣••ons recapitu∣lated by the lord chiefe iu∣stice, both for maner and matter.
• * 35.24

  The occa∣sions and meanes that induced Par∣rie to these treasons.
• * 35.25

  The danger & damnable∣ness•• of popish bookes either read or liste∣ned vnto of papists, &c.
• * 35.26

  The forme of iudge∣ment against the traitor pronounced by the lord cheefe iustice▪
• * 35.27

  Parrie ra∣geth at the iustice bar without all reuerence.
• * 35.28

  William Par∣rie the traitor executed.
• * 35.29

  Parrie (euen at the time of his death) sée∣keth to cleare and purge himselfe as in∣nocent of the treasons for the which he was condem∣ned.
• * 36.1

  A description of Parrie both by linage person, educa∣tion, and qua∣litie, &c.
• * 36.2

  Parrie base∣lie borne and baselie brought vp▪
• * 36.3

  Parrie a ve∣rie runna••••te and vag••rant rakehell in his yoong yeares▪
• * 36.4

  Note Par∣ries ambitiō, and how the priest forget∣teth that euer he was parish clerk••.
• * 36.5

  Parrie mat∣cheth himselfe in marriage with a widow in South∣wales.
• * 36.6

  Parrie a shi••∣ter, in debt & danger; he marrieth a rich widow, &c.
• * 36.7

  Parrie de∣floureth his wiues owne daughter, and sundrie waies abuseth the old mother.
• * 36.8

  Parrie con∣demned for burgularie, is pardoned of the quéene.
• * 36.9

  Parrie pre∣tended a con∣science of re∣ligion, being vtterlie pro∣phane and of as religion.
• * 36.10

  Parries vo∣luntarie oth (thrise taken in 22 yeares) of obedience to hir maiestie.
• * 36.11

  And this is most like, for what will not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pope dispense withall.
• * 36.12

  Parries tw•• beaupéers the cardinals of Uand o•• me & Narbone▪
• * 36.13

  What a nota∣ble dissembler was this?
• * 36.14

  Parrie pe••iu∣red towards hir maiestie & perfidious to the pope, &c.
• * 36.15

  No trust nor certeine dea∣ling vsed by Parrie to or fro.
• * 36.16

  Buch. in psalm. 58.
• * 37.1

  Benedicto Palmio a Ie∣suit, mentio∣ned before, pag. 1385.
• * 37.2

  Thomas Morgan and Wats the one termed a ca∣tholike gentle∣man, pag. 1385.
• * 37.3

  They cannot be found in loialtie that are vnfound in religion: Ergo how ca•• they giue Caesar his right, that denie God his due and true seruice?
• * 37.4

  Aniball a Ie∣suit in Paris, of whome be∣fore, pag. 1385.
• * 37.5

  Ragazzoni the Nuntio: sée before, pag. 1385.
• * 37.6

  Sée before pag. 1386.
• * 37.7

  Sée befor••, pag. 1386.
• * 37.8

  Cardinall di Como, of whom sée b••∣fore, pag. 1385. and his letter to Parrie, pag. 1388.
• * 37.9

  S•••• befor••▪ pag. 1386▪
• * 37.10

  S•••• befor••▪ pag. 1386. part of Par∣ries volunta∣rie confession.
• * 37.11

  Note the p••••∣nicious dea∣ling of Parrie euerie waie hurtfull, Ta•• principi quàm populo, dei••∣ceps sibime•• o•• proditori sum∣••••. pag. 1386.
• * 37.12

  All these cir∣cumstances prooue that Parrie was resolute and by prepared both in hart and by hand to put in practise his conceiued vn∣naturall trea∣son.
• * 37.13

  How could this heihound die an inno∣cent for in∣tent; the pre∣misses consi∣dered.
• * 37.14

  A dilemm•• or reason of ad∣uantage, con∣cluding that Parrie died a periured traitor.
• * 37.15

  Abr. Fl. ex lib. manuscripto.
• * 37.16

  Situs nuper do∣mus fratrum praedicatorū vo∣cata le Blacke∣friers in villa Cantabrigiae.
• * 37.17

  The parle∣ment dissol∣ued.
• * 38.1

  The quéenes maiesties ora∣tion in the parlement house.
• * 38.2

  O the care that hir ma∣iestie hath of true religion, the lord of life lengthen hir graces life.
• * 38.3

  Hir maiesties reuerend esti∣mation of Gods word and sacred scriptures.
• * 38.4

  O most princelie reso∣lution and persuasion!
• * 38.5

  The God of vengeance and iustice roote them out, that the Lords an∣nointed maie be frée from all feare of hurt.
• * 38.6

  What subiect would thinke life and lands too déere to lose (if néed were) for so gratious a quéene?
• * 38.7

  C. O. in sua Eli∣sabetha.
• * 38.8

  Abr. Flem. The death of pope Gregorie the thirtéenth: read of this popes practi∣ses against England in Parries trea∣sons, pag. 1382, &c.
• * 38.9

  The pope is verie busie by his owne pre∣sumptuous & proud enter∣prises to im∣peach christian libertie.
• * 38.10

  This hath beene doone in such sort by a mathematici∣an stranger, that he is bold to chalenge anie holding the contrarie opinion to a re∣proofe of his examination.
• * 38.11

  Vide M. Micha∣elem Maestlinum Gaeppingensem in Tibuigens•• academia Ma∣thematicum, &c.
• * 39.1

  A good and plausible be∣ginning, if the procéeding were agree∣able.
• * 39.2

  Popish di∣uines doo ra∣ther imitate anie duns than the pro∣phet Dauid, who setteth downe the age of man to consist of 70▪ yeares.
• * 39.3

  A further ex∣amination of mans age by popish lear∣ning.
• * 39.4

  Happie newes to the true church, when the membes of antichrist de∣crease.
• * 39.5

  This is no adulation to a dead carrion, what did this fellow (thinke you) to the beast when he was aliue?
• * 39.6

  A comparison abused to the commenda∣tion of lewd pope Grego∣rie.
• * 39.7

  Childish rea∣sons and worse diuini∣tie.
• * 39.8

  How did this fellow flatter Gregorie a∣liue, whom he so magnified being dead▪
• * 39.9

  A fit child and scholer for so bad a father and maister.
• * 39.10

  No spouse but a strumpet spotted with spirituall for∣nication.
• * 39.11

  Beastlie and blasphemous diuinitie, fit for so lewd a bishop, and so vnlearned a chapleine.
• * 39.12

  Noblie borne (no doubt) was this Gregorie, o∣therwise cal∣led Hugh the good fellow.
• * 39.13

  A similitude of a pretious stone set in gold, and ver••tues in perso∣nages noblie descended.
• * 39.14

  Gregorie per∣ceiued all things: but it would be kno∣wen how.
• * 39.15

  A long simili∣tude most fōd∣lie and most ridiculous∣lie applied.
• * 39.16

  Marke this principallie, that Gregorie was mortified if the text lie not.
• * 39.17

  Iesu! what a woonder is this? and well woorthie to be placed in Legenda au∣rea.
• * 39.18

  The head which sought to ouerthrow y^e true church, to dissuad•• subiects from their allegi∣ance to their prince, and to mainteine his owne pompe and glorie.
• * 39.19

  For all that is hitherto spo∣ken is méere ridiculous, idle and méere lip∣labour.
• * 39.20

  Notes that he would in time prooue a strong piller of idolatrie.
• * 39.21

  The conti∣nencie and virginitie of the popish cler∣gie dooth con∣sist in kéeping of concubines.
• * 39.22

  Note how Gregorie is extolled by waie of com∣parison.
• * 39.23

  A great stu∣dēt was Gre∣gorie, but in no good facultie.
• * 39.24

  Better had that liberalitie bene exhibited to théeues than to sacri∣legious beasts &c.
• * 39.25

  Gregorie a good compani∣on to traitors, but an ill com∣panion to the godlie.
• * 39.26

  It is vnpossi∣ble (if you will beléeue this flattering pa∣rasite) to re∣hearse Gre∣gories works &c.
• * 39.27

  The woolfe is dead, and the shéepe want a good shéep∣heard.
• * 39.28

  How could the pope néed the praiers of men, sith him∣selfe can for∣giue sinnes?
• * 39.29

  Two things made Grego∣rie wise if you will beleeue the reporter▪
• * 39.30

  Two imagi∣nations in Gregories head toward his death.
• * 39.31

  Some traito∣rous deuise for the perse∣cution of the gospell.
• * 39.32

  God root out all of that suc∣cession, & giue his truth frée passage a∣gainst poperie.
• * 39.33

  A lacke good soule that hast lost thy solace and comfort.
• * 39.34

  Faithfullie translated out of the French copie printed at Paris for Peter Iabert dwelling in Harpe stréet, with y^e kings priuilege 1585
• * 39.35

  Sixtus quin∣tus pope of Rome next af∣ter Gregorie the good felow or boun com∣panion.
• * 39.36

  Excommuni∣cation a peril∣lous bolt to shoot at prin∣ces.
• * 40.1

  The popes excommuni∣catiōs against for••en princes are to be estée∣med but as paper hot.
• * 40.2

  The king of Nauarre gi∣ueth the pope the lie.
• * 40.3

  The king of Nauarre de∣nounceth per∣petuall warre against the pope.
• * 40.4

  This their forgetfulnesse is wilfull, as agréeable to their ambiti∣ous humor.
• * 40.5

  The king of Nauarre im∣ploreth the aid of all christian kings, &c: a∣gainst the ty∣rannie and v∣surpation of the pope.
• * 40.6

  Abr. Fl. ex chi∣rographo D. G. militis.

  Sir Walter Raleighs chargeable voiage to the foresaid land latelie discoue∣red, and by the quéenes maie∣stie named Uirginia.
• * 40.7

  Sir Richard Gréenefield lieutenant to sir Walter Raleigh for this voiage.
• * 40.8

  Gentlemen that associated sir Richard Gréenefield.
• * 40.9

  Sir Richard Gréenefield singled from his companie by fowle wea∣ther arriueth in Hispaniola.
• * 40.10

  The valiant∣nesse of sir Ri∣chard Gréene∣field against the Spani∣ards.
• * 40.11

  A parlée ten∣ding to the concluding of an amitie be∣twéene the English and Spanish.
• * 40.12

  What kind of cattell for vit∣telling sir Ri∣chard Gréene∣field transpor∣ted to Uirgi∣nia.
• * 40.13

  Sir Richard Gréenefield méeteth with the rest of his fléet and is in danger of shipwracke.
• * 40.14

  Sir Richard Gréenefield establisheth an English colonie in Uirginia by commission.
• * 40.15

  Sir Richard Gréenefield descrieth a Spanish ship, chaseth and surpriseth hir.
• * 40.16

  An other voi∣age resolued vpon by sir Walter Ra∣leigh for the supplie of those that were left in Uirginia.
• * 40.17

  Foure thou∣sand men trai∣ned vp with shot in the citie of London.
• * 40.18

  Skirmish be∣fore the quéens maiestie at Gréenewich.
• * 40.19

  The Londo∣ners commen∣ded.
• * 40.20

  Fr. Thin.
• * 40.21

  A league of a∣mitie betwéene England and Scotland established: Edward Wootton esqui∣er ambassador.
• * 40.22

  The Woot∣tons an anci∣ent familie, and of speciall name in di∣uerse kings reignes.
• * 40.23

  Sir Robert Wootton of Bocton Mal∣herbe in Kent, a man of sin∣gular note.
• * 40.24

  Sir Edward Wootton and Nicholas Wootton do∣ctor of both lawes, the rare sonnes of a rare father.
• * 40.25

  Sir Edward Wootton one of king Henrie the eights pri∣uie councell.
• * 40.26

  Sir Edward Wootton refu∣seth to be lord chancellor of England.
• * 40.27

  Chrysost. de re∣paration•• lap••••.
• * 40.28

  Barnard in se••. quadrages.
• * 40.29

  Nicholas Wootton doc∣tor of both lawes refuseth to be archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie: a rare note in him (as also in his brother) of contentation with their estates.
• * 40.30

  Thomas Wootton of Bocton Mal∣herbe (sonne to the said sir Edward) a great regarder of his progeni∣tors estimatiō.
• * 40.31

  Epitaphium ce∣lebre Nicholai Woottoni primi post monasteriorū dissolutionem
• * 40.32

  Annus aetatis cùm è vita ex∣cessisset.
• * 40.33

  Homo summa laude dignus Woottonus vel ipsa inuidia iu∣dice.
• * 40.34

  Dignitatis gra∣dus quibus Woottonus iste est insignitus regnantibus diuersis princi∣pibus.
• * 40.35

  Rerum quar••••∣dum mi••io Wot∣tone ••e••orabi∣lu••m luc••ienta descriptio.
• * 40.36

  Videlice•• ecclesiae christi Cannia∣riensis.
• * 40.37

  Monumentum in demor tui memori•••••• amo∣ris ergô extruct••▪
• * 40.38

  This is tou∣ched in the former epitaph among other his prefer∣ments.
• * 40.39

  Commendati∣on of Edward Wootton, in respect of his great trauel∣ling ouer the most part of Europe and his imploi∣ments in ambassages &c.
• * 40.40

  Earle of Northumber∣land found to haue murthe∣red himselfe in the tower of London.
• * 41.1

  A quest of inquirie vpon his violent & voluntarie death.
• * 41.2

  The verdict of the iurie deli∣uered vpon their oths.
• * 41.3

  The meanes that the earle made and pre∣pared to de∣stroie himselfe.
• * 41.4

  This consen∣teth with the discourse fol∣lowing, wher∣in the same matter is more largelie handled.
• * 41.5

  The order of the action that was the earls destruction.
• * 41.6

  The bredth and depth of his wound.
• * 41.7

  Henrie earle of Northum∣berland buried in the Tower.
• * 42.1

  Incredulitie an essentiall propertie of malice.
• * 42.2

  Truth and falshood com∣monlie concur & are opposite.
• * 42.3

  An ingredi∣ence into the historie of Northumber∣land.
• * 42.4

  The maner of the earles ma∣king awaie of himselfe not generallie be∣loued.
• * 42.5

  The cause whi•• the col∣lection of Nor¦thumberlands treasons and selfe-murther was pub∣lished.
• * 42.6

  Persons of honour and worship as∣sembled in the Starcham∣ber, in whose audience Nor¦thumberlands case was can∣uassed.
• * 42.7

  Examinants appointed for and about the manner of Northum∣berlands selfe murther.
• * 42.8

  Maister at∣turnie, name∣ly Iohn Pop∣ham discoue∣reth the earles treasonable practises.
• * 43.1

  Middlesex.
• * 43.2

  The erle con∣fesseth his of∣fense, and is put to 5000 marks fine.
• * 43.3

  The earle a dealer in re∣bellion as his brother (ther∣fore executed) was.
• * 43.4

  A summe of the traitorous purposes whereinto the earle was en∣tered with a gracelesse re∣solution.
• * 43.5

  The treasons of Throck∣morton com∣municable. with the earle.
• * 43.6

  An inuasion of this land by twentie thou∣sand men con∣cluded vpon.
• * 43.7

  Paine with all of his ac∣curssed stampe shall (I hope in God) be found false prophets.
• * 43.8

  Francis Throckmor∣morton re∣commended to Don Barnar∣dino de Men∣doza & made acquainted with that which cost him his life.
• * 43.9

  Francis Throckmor∣tons owne confessions doo con••••rme the repor•• of these practises, see pa. 1374, 1375.
• * 43.10

  Francis Throckmor∣ton desireth the lord Pa∣get not to make the earle priuie to the consultations of them two.
• * 43.11

  In the North parts should the purposed inuasion of this land haue beene made.
• * 43.12

  Charles Pa∣gets comming ouer about the prosecution & practise of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enter∣prise 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 43.13

  William 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an actor in this purposed 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & what consultations passed be∣tweene him and Charles Paget.
• * 43.14

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 43.15

  This was a shift but yet succourlesse, as appeareth by the sequele.
• * 43.16

  The earle and Shelleie con∣ferre, and as men dismaied for the discoue∣rie of their dealings are extreame pen∣life.
• * 43.17

  What deser∣ued the kéeper that would be corrupted by an offendor so malicious?
• * 43.18

  The earle and Shelleie com∣municat their minds by mes∣sage.
• * 43.19

  Iames Price a messenger to and fro be∣twéene the earle & Shel∣leie.
• * 43.20

  The earle b••∣commeth de∣sperat and forceth not to destroie him∣selfe.
• * 43.21

  Sir Roger Manwood describeth the maner how the earle mur∣thered himself.
• * 43.22

  Thomas Bailiffe the one & twentith of Iune 1585. deposed.
• * 43.23

  Palmer, Pantins and Price com∣mitted close prisoners.
• * 43.24

  This Price is supposed to be mistaken for Edward Brice.
• * 43.25

  O desperat dissimulation!
• * 43.26

  He could not answer hauing discharged the dag into his bodie.
• * 43.27

  Sir Owen Hopton knight, lieute∣nant of the Tower, 1585.
• * 43.28

  The warders with their halbe••ds wrest and wring at the earles chamber doore.
• * 43.29

  The place of the bodie where the earle had wounded him∣selfe.
• * 43.30

  The dag found in the floore, and the box and pellets in the bed.
• * 43.31

  This is a manifest proofe and full of suf∣ficient credit, that none could come at him to doo him violence.
• * 43.32

  Deponents Viua voce, con∣firming the lieutenants deposition vp∣on his exami∣nation.
• * 43.33

  Of whom the dag was bought.
• * 43.34

  The princi∣pall cause that made the earle laie hands vp∣on himselfe.
• * 43.35

  The lord of Hunsdon de∣clareth how the dag was more than or∣dinarilie char∣ged: and how the earle dis∣patched him selfe.
• * 43.36

  Thrée bullets found vnder the point of the earls shoulder blade.
• * 43.37

  A slanderous report of the quéenes eni∣mies and the earles fauou∣rers answered.
• * 43.38

  The earle wanted no prospects for pleasure nor walks of con∣uenient liber∣tie.
• * 43.39

  Sir Christo∣pher Hatton reuealeth to the court and auditorie the gratious dea∣ling of hir ma∣ies••ie with the said earle, no such fauour deseruing.
• * 43.40

  The quéenes maiestie miti∣gateth the pu∣nishmēt which the law would haue awarded against the earle.
• * 43.41

  The quéenes maiesties na∣ture is to loue hir enimies, O that they could change their nature, and loue hir highnesse a∣gaine!
• * 43.42

  The earle standeth vpon termes of his innocencie, all the world sée∣ing the cause to contrarie.
• * 43.43

  To this pe∣tition let all true harted Englishmen saie, Amen.
• * 43.44

  The arriuall and intertein∣ment of the de∣puties for the estates of the low countries.
• * 43.45

  The names of the said depu∣ties for the estates.
• * 45.1

  The quéenes maiesties most gratious fauor acknow∣ledged.
• * 45.2

  The distressed state of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 countri•••• ••••••ter the death of the prince of Orange.
• * 45.3

  The hope that the low coun∣trie people had in hir highnes helpe.
• * 45.4

  Spanish ser∣uitude impor∣table.
• * 45.5

  The cause whie the de∣puties for the states came into England, and their sute vnto hir high∣nesse expressed.
• * 45.6

  The gouerne∣ment & princi∣palitie of the low countries presented to the quéenes maiestie.
• * 45.7

  Manie good townes and places yet re∣maining in the low countries defensible a∣gainst the eni∣mie.
• * 45.8

  The vniting of the low countries to the realmes of England, &c: how benefi∣ciall.
• * 45.9

  Protection of the reformed religion a part of their sute.
• * 45.10

  The loialtie and faithful∣nesse of the low countrie people com∣manded.

  Benefits like to insue vpon the said pro∣tection vnder∣taken of hir highnesse.
• * 45.11

  The said de∣puties doo pre∣sent certeine articles and conditions to hir maiestie concerning their sute.
• * 45.12

  Aufeld and Weblie han∣ged for publi∣shing of sediti∣ous bookes.
• * 45.13

  Fiue or rather 〈◊〉〈◊〉 people slain by the fall of a wall in Lon∣don néere vnto Downegate.
• * 45.14

  Earle of Bed∣ford and the lord Russell his sonne de∣ceased.
• * 45.15

  Souldiers sent to aid the low countries of Holland, Zeland, &c.
• * 45.16

  Ground and trées soonke and swallowed vp in Kent eight miles from London.
• * 45.17

  Seminarie and massing priests bani∣shed.
• * 46.1

  Note in this certificat an acknowledg∣ment of verie great English courtesie to the seminaries in their transpor∣tation.
• * 46.2

  The semina∣ries suddenlie assaulted and in danger of death by a Flushinger as they were pas∣sing ouer sea.
• * 46.3

  The semina∣ries are set on shore at Bul∣logne through their owne im∣portunitie.
• * 47.1

  Kings and princes soue∣reignes, are to yéeld account of their actions onelie to al∣mightie God, the king of kings.
• * 47.2

  Naturall cau∣ses of the an∣cient continu∣all trafficke be∣twixt the peo∣ple of Englād & them of the low countries.
• * 47.3

  Confedera∣titions both betwixt the kings of England and lords of the low countries, and also the subiects of both countries
• * 47.4

  The people of both the coun∣tries bound by speciall obligations interchangea∣blie, for mutu∣all fauours and friendlie offices.
• * 47.5

  Treaties ex∣tant of ancient time, betwixt the kings of England and the dukes of Burgundie, for the com∣merce betwixt their coun∣tries.
• * 47.6

  Conuentions for the subiects of either side, to shew mutuall fauors one to th e other.
• * 47.7

  Spaniards and strangers latelie appoin∣ted gouernors in the low countries, to the violation of the liberties of the countrie.
• * 47.8

  The destruc∣tion of the no∣bilitie, and the people of the countries by the Spanish gouernement.
• * 47.9

  The lamenta∣ble violent death of the countie of Egmond, the glorie of those countries.
• * 47.10

  The rich townes and strengths with the wealth there∣of possessed by the Spani∣ards.
• * 47.11

  The French kings offers to haue aided and receiued to his subiec∣tion the op∣pressed people of the low countries.
• * 47.12

  The quéene of Englands cō∣tinuall fréend∣lie aduises to the king of Spaine for restreining of the tyrannie of his gouernors.
• * 47.13

  The quéene of Englands means vsed to staie the states of the lowe countries frō yéelding their subiection to anie other for∣reine prince.
• * 47.14

  The enter∣prise of the Spaniards in Ireland sent by the king of Spaine and the pope.
• * 47.15

  The refusall of the quéenes messenger, and hir letters to the king of Spaine.
• * 47.16

  The iust cau∣ses of dismis∣sing of Bar∣nardin Men∣doza out of Englā••.
• * 47.17

  Two turbu∣lent spirited persons (Spaniard•• d••uing what they could to set all Englā in a tumult.
• * 47.18

  Sée the vo••luntarie con∣fession of F. Throgmorto•• in pages 1370 1373.
• * 47.19

  The courte∣ous dealing of hir maiestie with Mendo∣za (a man mortallie ha∣ted) departin•• out of Eng∣land.
• * 47.20

  The quéene of Englāds pro∣céeding for the deliuerie of Scotland from the serui∣tude wherein the house of Guise meant to haue broght it.
• * 47.21

  The realme of Scotland re∣stored to the ancient frée∣dome, and so possessed by the present king by the meanes onelie of the quéene of England.
• * 47.22

  The conclu∣sion of the cau∣ses of sending of certeine cō∣panies of English soul∣diors to the de∣fense of the oppressed peo∣ple of the low countries, and to withstand the attempts against this realme.
• * 47.23

  Thrée speciall things reaso∣nablie desired by the quéene of England.

  1. The end of warres with restitution of the low coun∣tries to their ancient liber∣ties.

  2. Suertie frō inuasion of hir owne realme.

  3. And renew∣ing of the mu∣tuall traffike betwéene the countries.

  The causes of taking some townes into hir maiesties custodie.
• * 48.1

  The summe of a slanderous pamphlet pub∣lished in the Italian toong against the quéenes ma∣iestie.
• * 48.2

  The quéenes maiestie is gelous ouer the conserua∣tion of hir re∣putation.
• * 48.3

  An answer to y^e first point of the said pam∣phlet, clearing hir highnes of ingratitude.
• * 48.4

  The second point of the pamphlet an∣swered to the full satisfacti∣on of anie that is reasonable.
• * 48.5

  The prosecu∣tion of the warres in the low countries is not like to cease, though the prince of Parma were dead.
• * 48.6

  This being dulie ponde∣red, all the world maie sée how vniustlie hir highnesse is slandered.
• * 48.7

  The nature of malice compri∣sed in a sen∣••••nce of few 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 48.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of few ••ords.
• * 48.9

  The reward ••••at wicked and infamous ••••bellors shall ••ape at the hands of God and men.
• * 48.10

  The earle of Leicesters pa••sing ouer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the low ••••••ntries.
• * 48.11

  The first shew ••f a woman ••••presenting Leidon.
• * 48.12

  ••he second 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of fa∣••e.
• * 48.13

  ••he third 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 48.14

  The fourth shew of Spa∣nish seruituu••.
• * 48.15

  The fift shew of hope to be succored.
• * 48.16

  The sixt shew of aid promi∣sed.
• * 48.17

  The last shew of libertie, vic∣torie, and tri∣umph.
• * 48.18

  These verses séeme to be made by no metrician, per∣haps they were deuised by some of Leidon.
• * 48.19

  Uerses writ∣ten vpon the doore of the lord lieute∣nāts lodging.
• * 48.20

  The lord lieu∣tenant return∣eth backe from Leidon to Donhage.
• * 48.21

  A géneráll fast proclamed and deuoutlie obserued.
• * 48.22

  The lord lieu∣tenant rideth to Skeueling, and is presen∣ted with a few English ver∣ses.
• * 48.23

  Titles of ho∣nór ascribed to the lord lieute∣nant, with a reioising at his comming.
• * 48.24

  The estates sworne to the quéene of England.
• * 48.25

  The earle of ••eicester in∣stalled at Donhage▪ with the ma∣ner and order thereof.
• * 48.26

  Persons of honor and worship.
• * 48.27

  The coue∣nants betwéen the quéens maiestie and the estates, read in Latine and deliuered to and fro.
• * 49.1

  Note what •• title and stil•• of excellencie the states 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the earle their gouer∣nor, and the honorable se••••uice to him ••••pointed.
• * 49.2

  The good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and aff••ction of the lord lieutenant to performe the premisses sig••nified and by good proofe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stified.
• * 49.3

  The states agnise the p••••••emptorie au∣thoritie put into the lord lieutenants hands in re∣spect of his gouernment.
• * 49.4

  Like auth••••••∣tie giuen to the lord lieu∣tenant, as o∣ther gouer∣nours his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••decessors 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 countries.
• * 49.5

  ••n acknow∣ledgement and performance of dutie and elegiance in∣ioined to all persons of the low countries (vnder paine of punish∣••ent) to the lord lieute∣nant.
• * 49.6

  All pretense of ignorance cut off, least the course of obe∣••••ence might be hindered.
• * 49.7

  Councellors 〈◊〉〈◊〉, matters of late elected by the lord ••••eutenant.
• * 49.8

  ••••wes for captein•• and souldiours.
• * 49.9

  The lord l••eu∣tenant com∣meth from the Hage to Har∣lem, & how he was receiued.
• * 49.10

  Utricht peo∣ple commen∣ded for their great kindnes shewed to the Englishmen.
• * 49.11

  S. Georges feast solemntlie obserued at Utricht.
• * 49.12

  S. Georges feast solemnlie obserued at Utricht.
• * 49.13

  L. lieutenant inuested in the robes of order.
• * 49.14

  Martin Skinke knighted, who promised Portcullis to shew him seuentie en∣signes that he had now in the field.
• * 49.15

  Seminarie préests exec••••t••d at Ti∣burne. A wench burnt in Smithfield.
• * 49.16

  Archbishop Canturburi•• lord Cobha•• & lord Buck••hurst, of the priuie coun∣cell.
• * 49.17

  Pag. 1435, 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 49.18

  The num•••••• of archbish•••• of Cantur••••••rie from th•• first to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 49.19

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 49.20

  Considerati∣ons whie the building of Douer hauen is here recor∣ded.

  Douer the néerest place of England to France.

  Douer the most conueni∣ent place of England for a hauen.
• * 49.21

  Reasons whie a harbor at Douer would be so benefi∣ciall.
• * 49.22

  A true com∣mendation of quéene Elisa∣beth.
• * 49.23

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 Douer w••ll mainteine a hauen there for euer.
• * 49.24

  In peramb. Cant. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Douer.
• * 49.25

  Douer castell reedified by queene Elisa∣beth.
• * 49.26

  Edward the fourth bestow∣ed ten thou∣sand pounds vpon repara∣tions of Do∣uer castell.
• * 49.27

  The situation of Douer har∣bour.
• * 49.28

  A naturall rode for ships at Douer.
• * 49.29

  The hauen of Rie decaied, whereby more néed of a har∣bour at Do∣uer.

  Ships lost for lacke of sufficient har∣bour at Do∣uer.
• * 49.30

  The first be∣nefit bestowed on Douer har∣bour.
• * 49.31

  Little para∣dise.
• * 49.32

  In the reigne of Edward the Confessor.
• * 49.33

  Sir Iohn Thomson préest his sup∣plication.
• * 49.34

  Fiue hundred pounds giuen by Henrie the eight towards a beginning of Douer works The maison de Dieu of Douer.
• * 49.35

  Surueiors & ouerséers.
• * 49.36

  Sir Iohn Thomsons deuise disco∣uered.
• * 49.37

  The Mole∣head.
• * 49.38

  Douer pierre when it was taken in hand and whereof it consisted.
• * 49.39

  A notable d••∣uise to carrie great rocks by water.
• * 49.40

  Foure pence a daie.
• * 49.41

  A Gaboth.
• * 49.42

  The charge of the pierre.
• * 49.43

  The kings care for Do∣uer pierre.

  The kings repaire to Do••er.
• * 49.44

  The cause of the decaie of the pierre.
• * 49.45

  Officers a∣bout the pierre.

  The ruine of Douer pierre.
• * 49.46

  Stone called beach or bowl∣der choked vp Douer hauen
• * 49.47

  Two causes of the decaie of Douer pie rre.
• * 49.48

  Some••i••e no harborough at all at Douer.
• * 49.49

  How Douer was made desolat.
• * 49.50

  That beach which destroi∣ed the pierre helpeth now the hauen.
• * 49.51

  A bountifull gift of quéene Elisabeth to∣wards the re∣paring of Do∣uer hauen.
• * 49.52

  The patent of the quéenes gift sold vnto two mer∣chants.
• * 49.53

  The act of parlement for Douer hauen 23. Elisab.
• * 49.54

  Thrée pence the tun of euerie vessell allowed to∣wards Douer hauen.

  The tunnage amounted to 1000 pounds yearelie.

  The tenure of the quéens commission for Douer hauen.
• * 49.55

  Iohn True suru••ior gene∣rall of Douer hauen.
• * 49.56

  The deuise of Iohn True.
• * 49.57

  Stone he••ed at Folkestone, amounting to 1288 pounds.
• * 49.58

  Infinit charge to ac∣complish the stone wall.
• * 49.59

  Iohn True had ten shil∣lings a day for his fée.
• * 49.60

  Iohn True is dismissed.
• * 49.61

  Ferdinando Poins.
• * 49.62

  Poins his groine.
• * 49.63

  The pent 16 acres.
• * 49.64

  The length of the long wall.
• * 49.65

  The crosse wall.
• * 49.66

  The rode for ships.
• * 49.67

  One thousand pounds to Ferdinando Poins.
• * 49.68

  Customer Smith.
• * 49.69

  Uarietie of deuises.
• * 49.70

  Sir W. Win∣ter sent to Do∣uer to surueie the harbor, &c.
• * 49.71

  Sir Thomas Scot.
• * 49.72

  The wals of Romneie marsh subiect to the raging seas.
• * 49.73

  All the com∣missioners ioine with sir Thomas Scot, and al∣low his deuise.
• * 49.74

  Seuen inuin∣cible reasons against the woodden wall.
• * 49.75

  The lord trea∣surors resolu∣tion.
• * 49.76

  Of Woolwich and Erith breaches.
• * 49.77

  Secretarie Walsingham the chiefe di∣rector and fur∣therer of Do∣uer hauen▪
• * 49.78

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 49.79

  No dealing by great, in matters of ex∣cessiue charge and danger.
• * 49.80

  Sir Thomas Scots notes.
• * 49.81

  Douer pent finished in thrée moneths.
• * 49.82

  Reinold Scot and Rafe Smith exa∣mined by mai∣ster secretarie about the wals of the pent.
• * 49.83

  Questions propounded to Poins and the Plumsted men.
• * 49.84

  Sir Thomas Scots deuise allowed by the lords of the councell.
• * 49.85

  The resolu∣tion at a con∣ference at Do∣uer.
• * 49.86

  Officers elec∣ted at Douer.
• * 49.87

  The commo∣ditie of the pent.
• * 49.88

  Woolwich breach reco∣uerable.
• * 49.89

  Euerie de∣grée willing to set forward this worke.
• * 49.90

  Six hun∣dred courts imploied at once in these works.
• * 49.91

  Iohn Smith the ••••penditor.
• * 49.92

  Iohn Keies gentleman chiefe pur∣ueior.
• * 49.93

  A hors••e, a court, and a driuer for twelue pence the daie.
• * 49.94

  The quantitie of one court or tumbrell.
• * 49.95

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 49.96

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 49.97

  A benefit to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & ••east.
• * 49.98

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 substance of the wal••s.
• * 49.99

  The disposing of the works.
• * 49.100

  Henrie Guil∣ford esquier, capteine of Arcliffe ca∣stell.
• * 49.101

  The begin∣ning of the great works at Do••••r.
• * 49.102

  Reasons for the difficultie of the crosse wall.
• * 49.103

  This worke vndertaken and other re∣iected by sir Thomas Scots means.
• * 49.104

  Bowle a no∣table good workman.
• * 49.105

  Commissio∣ners.
• * 49.106

  Treasuror.
• * 49.107

  Two iura•••• called direc∣tors.
• * 49.108

  Eight gu••ders
• * 49.109

  Eight vntin∣gers.
• * 49.110

  Eight she••∣uers.
• * 49.111

  Eight ••••••∣gers.
• * 49.112

  Laborers.
• * 49.113

  Scauelmen. Béetlemen.
• * 49.114

  Armors.
• * 49.115

  The order of arming.
• * 49.116

  Inferior pur∣ueiors.
• * 49.117

  Clerke. Expenditor▪
• * 49.118

  The groine kéeper.
• * 49.119

  The mane•• of the wall worke.
• * 49.120

  How the wall was saued from being wasted.
• * 49.121

  The inconue∣nience which would haue fol••owed the diuerting of the riuer ano∣ther waie.
• * 49.122

  A sluse made for diuerse good purposes.
• * 49.123

  A difficult and dangerous worke.
• * 49.124

  Gods blessing and fauour shewed to the works of Do∣••er.
• * 49.125

  Dangers happilie es∣caped.
• * 49.126

  Boies plaie.
• * 49.127

  The flag of li∣bertie.
• * 49.128

  Or six.
• * 49.129

  A commenda∣tion of them which wrought or had anie charge about Douer works.
• * 49.130

  Sir Thomas Scot fell sicke in Douer works.
• * 49.131

  The death of the ladie Scot.
• * 49.132

  The bredth, depth, length, and charge of the long and crosse wall, with the ••••••ming▪, &c.
• * 49.133

  A necessarie remedie if water draine vnder the wall
• * 49.134

  Expedition necessarie and profitable.
• * 49.135

  The state of the wals.
• * 49.136

  A sure triall latelie made of the good effect of the pent.
• * 49.137

  A ga••e of the ••••use broken.
• * 49.138

  Edward Wootton es∣quire ambas∣sador into France.
• * 49.139

  The effect of the pent.
• * 49.140

  Of the sluse.
• * 49.141

  The lord Cobham re∣maineth at Douer one whole mo∣neth.
• * 49.142

  Sir Francis Walsingham principall fréend to these works.
• * 49.143

  Of the lat•• works.
• * 49.144

  The note of Iohn Hooker aliâs Vowell concerning the sudden and strange sicke∣nesse of late happening in Excester.
• * 49.145

  The original•• cause of this infection whereto im∣puted.
• * 49.146

  Barnard Drake esqui∣er.
• * 49.147

  The mischiefe of nastie appa∣rell.
• * 49.148

  The assise at Excester ap∣pointed to be quarterlie kept.
• * 49.149

  This sicknes was contagi∣ous & mortall.
• * 49.150

  Principall men that died of that infec∣tion.
• * 49.151

  Sir Iohn Chichester, and sir Arthur Basset bemo∣ned and com∣mended.
• * 49.152

  Eleuen of the iurie with o∣ther officers die of this ••••ckenesse.
• * 49.153

  Affliction draweth men to God, &c.
• * 49.154

  An introduct•••••• to the histori∣call remem∣brance of the Sidneis, the father and the sonne, &c.
• * 49.155

  The note of Edmund Molineux tou∣ching sir Hen∣rie Sidneis life and death.
• * 49.156

  His education in his youth.
• * 49.157

  His ••••••••••••∣ment in am∣bassage.
• * 49.158

  Foure times lord iustice, thrise lord deputie of Ireland.
• * 49.159

  He suppressed by force and policie thrée actuall rebelli∣ons.
• * 49.160

  He reuiued and put in ex∣ecution the lawes for the abolishing of coine and li∣uerie.
• * 49.161

  He deuised the planting of presidents in the remoter prouinces.
• * 49.162

  He deuised the lawes for the distribution of the Irish coū∣tries into shire ground.
• * 49.163

  He increased the reuenues ten thousand pounds yerlie.
• * 49.164

  His buildings fortifications, and other ne∣cessarie works for the benefit and good of the countrie.
• * 49.165

  He built con∣uenient rooms for the kéeping and preserua∣tion of the re∣cords which before were neglected.
• * 49.166

  He caused th•• statutes of Ireland to b•• imprinted which neuer before were published.
• * 49.167

  He procured some English∣men to be sent ouer, for the better admini∣stration of iustice.
• * 49.168

  A great fu••∣therer of all publike works.

  The great loue he got him in all pl••••ces where he serued.
• * 49.169

  His careful∣nesse in the seruice of the state.
• * 49.170

  Uerie expert and able he was of a bad clerke in time to frame a good secretarie.
• * 49.171

  Of great faci∣litie in dis∣patch of com∣mon causes.
• * 49.172

  A great desire to doo for all men.
• * 49.173

  A tender fa∣ther to his children and a louing master to his ser∣uants.
• * 49.174

  Sol••••ario homini atque in agro vi∣tam agenti opinio iustitiae necessaria est.

  He was in∣tirelie beloued of the officers of hir maie∣sties houshold.
• * 49.175

  He was dub∣bed knight the same daie sir William Ce∣cill was.
• * 49.176

  He died at the bishops palace 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Worcester.
• * 49.177

  His death greatlie be∣moned.
• * 49.178

  His corps was buried at Penshurst.
• * 49.179

  The time of my ladie Sid∣neis death.
• * 49.180

  Sir Philip▪ sir Robert and maister Tho∣mas Sidneis.
• * 49.181

  Marie coun∣tesse of Pen∣broke, William lord Herbert of Cardiffe.
• * 49.182

  The commen∣dation of sir Philip Sid∣neie.
• * 49.183

  Lord gouer∣nor o•• U••••ssin∣gen, common∣lie called Fl••••∣shing.
• * 49.184

  He surprise•• Arell in Flanders.
• * 49.185

  He drowned the countrie by making 〈◊〉〈◊〉 entrie into th•• sea.
• * 49.186

  No resistance made by Mondragon.
• * 49.187

  Grauelin.
• * 49.188

  His hurt at the incounter néere Zut∣phen.
• * 49.189

  The daie of the death of sir Philip Sidneie.
• * 49.190

  Omnis virtus nos ad se allicit, facítque vt dili∣gamus eos, in quibus inesse videatur, tamen iusticia & libe∣ralitas id maxi∣mè efficit.
• * 49.191

  Thomas Louelace con∣dig••li•• puni∣shed by iudge∣ment of the ho∣norable court in the Star∣chamber for counterfeiting of letters, &c. I. S.
• * 49.192

  Henrie Ra∣melius ambas∣sador out of Denmarke.
• * 49.193

  The Danish ambassador honorablie in∣terteined.
• * 49.194

  The maiestie of the English court.
• * 49.195

  Heuenlie mu∣sike in the queens cha∣pell.
• * 49.196

  The ambassa∣dor of Den∣marke seeth the roiall ser∣uice of the quéene of England.
• * 49.197

  Recreations and disports for prince and people.
• * 49.198

  This Crosbie ••as a knight, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his gift to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••ondon, pag. ••••, ••50.
• * 49.199

  The ambas∣••••dor depar∣••••th home to∣••ards Den∣••arke.
• * 49.200

  ••ord Ed∣••ard earle of Rutland am∣bassador into Scotland.
• * 49.201

  The quéenes maiestie hath speciall care of christian re∣ligion to be preserued and propagated.
• * 49.202

  •• league be∣tweene Eng∣land and Scotland confirmed.
• * 49.203

  Sée more of this ambas∣sage in the hi∣storie of Scot∣land, pag. 456. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 49.204

  The horrible conspiracie of ••abington & ••ther his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 traitors 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s••oursed by ••. F.
• * 50.1

  Sir Wolstan Dixie lord ma∣ior of London, Anthonie Ratcliffe, and Henrie Pran∣nell shiriffes.
• * 51.1

  Sir Francis Drake his turne into England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his last 〈◊〉〈◊〉 finished.
• * 51.2

  Hispaniola in old time called Ophir.
• * 51.3

  The returne of sir Francis Drake into England with great riches, &c.
• * 51.4

  Manie voia∣ges of great difficultie haue beene vnderta∣ken, but failed in the issue.
• * 51.5

  Traitors in∣dicted, arreig∣ned, and con∣demned at Westminster.
• * 51.6

  I. S.
• * 51.7

  The first seuen condem∣ned without anie iurie.
• * 51.8

  The effect of the last seuen their tresons notable.
• * 51.9

  The place of their execu∣tion was sometime the méeting place of their con∣sultation.
• * 51.10

  The order of the traitors executed. Iohn Bal∣lard preest persuader of Babington to these odious treasons exe∣cuted.
• * 51.11

  How Ballard was affected at his death.
• * 51.12

  Ballards so∣phisticall as∣king of the queens maie∣stie forgiue∣nesse.
• * 51.13

  Anthonie Babington esquier execu∣ted.
• * 51.14

  A note of Ba∣bingtons pride at the verie in∣stant of his execution.
• * 51.15

  Iohn Sa∣uage gentle∣man executed.
• * 51.16

  The fruites that issue from listening to the counsell of Iesuits, Ro∣manists, and Rhemists.
• * 51.17

  Robert Barnewell gentleman executed.
• * 51.18

  Chidiocke Tichborne esquire execu∣ted.

  Charls Til∣neie a pensio∣ner executed.
• * 51.19

  Edward A∣bington e∣squier execu∣ted, his thret∣ning spéech.
• * 51.20

  Throgmor∣tons prophesie and Abing∣tons of like truth in euent.
• * 51.21

  Thomas Salisburie esquier execu∣ted.
• * 51.22

  The last seuen traitors exe∣cuted with great fauour.
• * 51.23

  Salisburie acknowled∣geth his greeuous offense: a note of re∣pentance. Uiolence for∣bidden by Salisburie.
• * 51.24

  Henrie Dun gentleman ex∣ecuted.
• * 51.25

  The ambiti∣ous humour of Henrie Dun.
• * 51.26

  Edward Iones e∣squier execu∣ted.
• * 51.27

  Forren inua∣sion reproued by Iones.
• * 51.28

  Iohn Tra∣uers & Iohn Charnocke gentlemen ex∣ecuted.
• * 51.29

  Robert Gage executed.
• * 51.30

  Hir maiesties gratiousnesse commended by this traitor.
• * 51.31

  Hypocrisie of Robert Gage.
• * 51.32

  Ierom Bel∣lamie gentle∣man executed.
• * 51.33

  One of the Bellamies hanged him∣selfe in the Tower.
• * 51.34

  Ex libello I. Nich. typis C.B. excuso 1581.
• * 51.35

  Sée be fore pag 1357, a, 60, &c. 1358, v, 60, &c.
• * 51.36

  The causes that haue so long hindered king Philip to inuade England.
• * 51.37

  The reuerend regard that subiects ought to haue of their souereignes, &c.
• * 51.38

  A gentleman iudged to die because he once thought to haue killed his prince.
• * 51.39

  A seuere law against trea∣son.
• * 51.40

  A woman tratoresse well rewarded.
• * 51.41

  Against sée∣king after no∣uelties, and to teach men to be well adui∣sed, &c.
• * 51.42

  Extreame kinds of tor∣ments in o∣ther countries for treason, &c.
• * 51.43

  Traitors iustlie rewar∣ded, and yet nothing so as they deserue.
• * 51.44

  A prettie apo∣log allusorie to the present case of mal∣contents.
• * 51.45

  Seldome commeth the better.
• * 51.46

  Barnardino de Mendoza, alwaies mis∣chéefouslie minded a∣gainst the state of Eng∣land: note his practises with Ballard.
• * 51.47

  The Scotish quéene is an actor in this purposed con∣spiracie.
• * 51.48

  Iohn Sauage had vowed and sworne to kill the quéene.
• * 51.49

  Babington vndertaketh the managing of the whole action: note their tresons.
• * 51.50

  The Scotish quéene writ∣eth vnto Ba∣bington in ci∣pher: with his aduise, di∣rection, and re∣quest.
• * 51.51

  The Scotish quéenes ad∣uise in this mischiefous plot fauoring altogither of inhumanitie.
• * 51.52

  Six gentle∣men of resolu∣tion, &c.
• * 51.53

  Ballard ap∣prehended being readie to be imbar∣ked and trans∣ported ouersea.
• * 51.54

  The conspi∣rators disgui∣sed them∣selues, think∣ing by that meane to shift the matter.
• * 51.55

  Magna est ve∣ritas & prae∣ualet.
• * 51.56

  How the po∣pish catholiks are affected to the Scotish queene.
• * 51.57

  What the fu∣gitiue diuines must doo for their parts.
• * 51.58

  Iu nefariam Ba∣bingtoni caetero∣rumque coniu∣rationem, hexa∣stichon.
• * 51.59

  Sir Philip Sidneie slaine at Zutphen in Gelderland: of whome sée more pag. 1554.
• * 51.60

  Seminarie préests execu∣ted at Tiborn.
• * 51.61

  A tempestuous wind in Octo∣ber terrible and hurtfull.
• * 51.62

  The accidents noteworthie by meanes of this blustering wind.
• * 51.63

  A strange ac∣cident of a walnut trée blowne downe with the wind, &c.
• * 51.64

  The third strange chance
• * 51.65

  Ludgate of London new∣lie builded.
• * 51.66

  Parlement at Westminster.
• * 51.67

  Anno Reg. 29. The earle of Leicester re∣turned from the low coun∣tries, and ar∣riued in Eng∣land.
• * 51.68

  In reditum mag∣nanimi herois, Roberti Comitis Lecestrij, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 gratulatorium T. N.
• * 51.69

  The parle∣ment proro∣ged.
• * 54.1

  The danger of the ouer∣throw of the true religion.
• * 54.2

  The perill of the state of the realme.
• * 59.1

  The sentence giuen against the Scotish queene solemn∣lie proclamed.
• * 61.1

  An abridg∣ment of the or∣ders deuised for the reléefe of the poore in this time of dearth, &c.
• * 61.2

  Starch.
• * 61.3

  F. T.
• * 61.4

  Anonymall or namelesse chronicles, treating who∣lie or in part of England.
• * 61.5

  The con∣clusion.