The first and second volumes of Chronicles. [vol. 3 (i.e. The Third Volume of Chronicles)] comprising 1 The description and historie of England, 2 The description and historie of Ireland, 3 The description and historie of Scotland: first collected and published by Raphaell Holinshed, William Harrison, and others: now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of singular note and worthie memorie) to the yeare 1586. by Iohn Hooker aliàs Vowell Gent and others. With conuenient tables at the end of these volumes.

Edward the sixt, sonne and successor to Henrie the eight. (Book Edward VI)

AFter it had pleased al∣mightie God to call to his mercie that famous prince king Henrie the eight, the parlement as yet continuing, and now by his death dissolued, the executours of the said king, and other of the no∣bilitie, assembling them∣selues [line 10] togither,* 1.1 did first by sound of trumpet in the palace of Westminster, and so through London, cause his sonne and heire prince Edward to be pro∣clamed king of this realme by the name of Edward the sixt, king of England, France, and Ireland, de∣fender of the faith, and of the churches of England and Ireland the supreame head, he being yet but nine yeares and od moneths of age: he was thus pro∣clamed the eight and twentith of Ianuarie, in the yeare of the world 5513, and after the birth of our [line 20] Lord 1547, [year 1547] according to the accompt of them that begin the yeare at Christmasse; but after the accompt of the church of England, in the yeare 1546, about the nine and twentith yeare of the emperor Charles the fift, the three and thirtith of Francis the first of that name king of France, and in the fift yeare of the reigne of Marie quéene of Scotland.

Shortlie herevpon the earle of Hertford with o∣ther of the lords resorted to Hatfield, where the yoong king then laie, from whence they conducted him with [line 30] a great and right honorable companie to the Tower of London. During the time of his abode there, for the good gouernement of the realme, the honour and suertie of his maiesties person, his vncle Edward earle of Hertford, was by order of the councell, and the assent of his maiestie (as one most méetest to oc∣cupie that roome) appointed gouernour of his roiall person,* 1.2 and protector of his realmes, dominions and subiects, and so proclamed the first of Februarie by an herald at armes, and sound of trumpet through [line 40] the citie of London in the vsuall places thereof, as it was thought expedient.

The sixt daie of Februarie the earle of Hertford lord protector adorned king Edward with the order of knighthood, remaining then in the Tower, and therewith the king standing vp, called for Henrie Hubbleshorne lord maior of the citie of London, who comming before his presence, the king tooke the sword of the lord protector, and dubbed the said Hub∣blethorne knight, he being the first that euer he [line 50] made. The seauenteenth of Februarie the lord protec∣tor was created duke of Summerset,* 1.3 the earle of Essex was created marquesse of Northhampton, the lord Lisle high admerall of England was crea∣ted earle of Warwike and high chamberlaine of England, sir Thomas Wriothesleie lord chancellour was created earle of Southhampton, sir Thomas Seimer was aduanced to the honour of lord of Sud∣leie and high admerall of England, which office the earle of Warwike then resigned, sir Richard Rich was made lord Rich, and sir William Willoughbie was created lord Willoughbie of Parrham, sir Edmund Sheffield was made lord Sheffield of But∣terwike; and as saith a late writer of this action:

Vt quisque est ditione potentior, auctus honore, Et noua virtutis sumens insignia fulget.

At the same time great preparation was made for the kings coronation,* 1.4 so that the foure and twentith of Februarie next insuing, his maiestie came from the Tower, and so rode through London vnto West∣minster, with as great roialtie as might be, the stréets being hoong, and pageants in diuerse places e∣rected, to testifie the good willes of the citizens, reioi∣sing that it had pleased God to deale so fauourablie with the English nation to grant them such a to∣wardlie yoong prince to their king and souereigne thus to succéed in place of his noble father.* 1.5 ¶ Now as he rode through London toward Westminster, and passed on the south part of Pauls churchyard, an Ar∣gosine came from the battlements of the stéeple of Paules church vpon a cable,* 1.6 being made fast to an anchor by the deanes gate, lieng on his breast, aiding himselfe neither with hand nor foot, and after ascen∣ded to the middest of the cable, where he tumbled and plaied manie pretie toies, whereat the king and the nobles had good pastime.]

The morrow after being Shrouesundaie and the fiue and twentith of Februarie,* 1.7 his coronation was solemnized in due forme and order, with all the roial∣tie and honour which therevnto apperteined. Shortlie after the coronation, to wit, the sixt of March, the erle of Southhampton, lord chancellour of England, for his too much repugnancie (as was reported) in mat∣ters of councell to the residue of the councellors a∣bout the king,* 1.8 was not onelie depriued of his office of chancellor, but also remooued from his place and authoritie in councell, and the custodie of the great seale was taken from him, and deliuered vnto sir William Paulet lord Saint-Iohn, that was lord great maister of the kings houshold.

Also shortlie after his coronation, the kings ma∣iestie by the aduise of his vncle the lord protector and other of his priuie councell, minding first of all to séeke Gods honor and glorie, and therevpon inten∣ding a reformation, did not onelie set foorth by cer∣teine commissioners, sundrie iniunctions for the remoouing of images out of all churches, to the sup∣pressing and auoiding of idolatrie and superstition within his realmes and dominions, but also caused certeine homilies or sermons to be drawne by sun∣drie godlie & learned men,* 1.9 that the same might be read in churches to the people, which were afterward by certeine of these commissioners sent foorth as vi∣sitors, accompanied with certeine preachers th••∣roughout

the realme, for the better instruction of the people,* 1.10 published and put in vre. At Easter next fol∣lowing, he set out also an order thorough all the realme, that the supper of the lord should be mini∣stred to the laie people in both kinds. ¶ On the fif∣teenth of Maie doctor Smith recanted at Paules crosse.* 1.11]

All these things doone concerning religion (as be∣fore is said) the lord protector and the rest of the coun∣cell, calling to mind the euill dealing and craftie dis∣simulation of the Scots, concerning the matter of [line 10] marriage betwixt the kings maiestie, and the quéene of Scotland (which marriage as ye haue heard, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight, was by authoritie of parlement in Scotland fullie concluded) thought it not to stand with the kings ho∣nor to be in such maner by them deluded, and withall considering how greatlie it shuld turne to the quiet∣nesse and safetie of both realmes to haue these two princes conioined in matrimonie, they did deuise [line 20] sundrie waies and meanes how the same might be brought to passe,* 1.12 and the rather (as some doo write) for that king Henrie (before his death) had giuen them in speciall charge by all indeuours to procure that the said marriage might take place, as wholie wishing by the coniunction of those two yoong prin∣ces, the vniting of the two kingdoms in perpetuall amitie and faithfull league of loue; as our poet saith:

Optat coniugio duo regna coire fideli, Aeternam pacem hinc aeternáque foedera iungi. [line 30]

But the lords of Scotland were so inueigled and corrupted by the French king, and abused by cardi∣nall Beton, archbishop of saint Andrewes, and other of their clergie, that they not onelie shranke from that which they had promised, but also sought to de∣stroie those that fauored the king of Englands part: wherevpon a great and puissant armie was now prepared to passe by land into Scotland, and like∣wise a nauie to passe by sea to attend vpon the same: whereof the great gallie and foure and twentie tall ships were thoroughlie furnished with men and mu∣nition [line 40] for the warres, besides manie merchants ships and other small vessels, which serued for carri∣age of vittels, and other necessaries.

But now to shew what noble men and other were ordeined officers, and assigned to haue the conduc∣tion as well of the armie by land, as of the fleete by sea; ye shall vnderstand, that first the duke of Sum∣merset,* 1.13 lord protector, tooke vpon him to go himselfe in person, as generall of the whole armie, and cap∣teine [line 50] also of the battell or middle-ward, wherin were foure thousand footmen. The marshall erle of War∣wike appointed lord lieutenant of the same armie, led the fore-ward conteining thrée thousand footmen. The lord Dacres gouerned in the rere-ward, where∣in were other thrée thousand footmen. The lord Greie of Wilton was ordeined high marshall of the said armie & capteine generall of all the horssemen, being in number six thousand. Sir Rafe Sadler knight treasuror of the armie. Sir Francis Brian knight, capteine of the light horssemen, in number two thou∣sand. [line 60]

Sir Rafe Uane knight lieutenant of all the men of armes and demilances. Sir Thomas Darcie knight capteine of all the kings maiesties pensio∣ners, and men at armes. Sir Richard Leigh knight deuiser of the fortifications. Sir Peter Mewtas knight capteine of the harquebutters, which were in number six hundred. Sir Peter Gamboa knight, capteine of two hundred harquebutters on horsse∣backe. Sir Francis Fleming knight was master of the ordinance. Sir George Blaag & sir Thomas Holcroft commissioners of the musters. Edward Shelleie, the lord Greies lieutenant of the men of armes of Bullongne, who was the first that gaue the onset in the daie of battell, and died most honorablie in the same. Iohn Brenne capteine of the pioners being in number a thousand foure hundred. Thomas Audeleie and Edward Chamberleine harbengers of the field.

The lord Edward Clinton admerall of the fl••et▪ sir William Woodhouse knight his viceadmerall.* 1.14 There were in the armie of great ordinance fifteene peeces, and of carriages nine hundred carts, beside manie wagons, whereof the commissarie generall was George Ferrers. As soone as the armie by land was in a readinesse, and set forward to come to Ber∣wike at a daie appointed, the nauie likewise tooke the sea, and by the helpe of Gods good guiding had so prosperous speed in their passage, that they arriued at Berwicke in time conuenient, whither vpon the thirtith of August being tuesdaie, the lord protector came, and laie in the castell with sir Nicholas Strel∣leie knight, capteine there. The next daie com∣mandement was giuen that euerie man should pro∣uide himselfe for foure daies vittels to be caried foorth with them in carts.

On thursdaie the first of September the lord pro∣tector, not with manie more than with his owne band of horssemen, rode to a towne standing on the sea coast, a six miles from Berwike within Scotland called Aimouth,* 1.15 whereat there runneth a riuer into the sea, which he caused to be sounded, and finding the same well able to serue for an hauen, caused af∣terwards a fortresse to be raised there, appointing Thomas Gower, that was marshall of Berwike, to be capteine thereof. On fridaie, all sauing the councell departed the towne of Berwike, and in∣camped a two flight shoots off, by the sea side, toward Scotland. And the same daie the lord Clinton with his fléet tooke the seas from Berwike, to the end that in case the wind should not serue them to kéep•• course with the armie by land; yet were it but with the driuing of tides, they might vpon anie néed of munition or vittels be still at hand, or not long from them.

The same daie the earle of Warwike,* 1.16 and sir Rafe Sadler treasuror of the armie, came to Ber∣wike from Newcastell, where they had staid till then, for the full dispatch of the rest of the armie, and the next daie the earle of Warwike incamped in field with the armie.* 1.17 On which daie a proclamation with sound of trumpet was made by an herald in thrée se∣uerall places of the campe, signifieng the cause of the comming of the kings armie at that present into Scotland, which in effect was, to aduertise all the Scotish nation, that their comming was not to de∣priue them of their liberties, but to aduance the mar∣riage alreadie concluded and agréed vpon betwixt the kings maiestie of England and their quéene, and no hostilitie ment to such as should shew themselues furtherers thereof. On the fourth of September being sundaie, the lord protector came from out of the towne, and the armie raised, and marched that daie a six miles, and camped by a village called Ro∣stan in the baronrie of Boukendall.

The order of their march was this.* 1.18 Sir Francis Brian capteine of the light horssemen, with foure hundred of his band, tended to the skout a mile or two before. The carriages kept along the sea coast, and the men at armes and demilances diuided into thrée troops, answering the thrée wards, rid in ar∣raie directlie against the cariages a two flight shoots asunder from them. The thrée foot battels kept order in place betwixt them both. The fore-ward foremost, the battell in the middest, the rere-ward hindermost, ech ward hauing his troope of horssemen and gard of ordinance, his aid of pioners for amendment of

waies, where néed should be. The fift of September they marched an eight miles, vntill they came to the Peaths,* 1.19 a clough or vallie, running for a six miles west streight eastward, and toward the sea a twentie score brode from banke to banke aboue, and a fiue score in the bottome, wherein runnes a little riuer. Stéepe is this vallie on either side, and déepe in the bottome.

The Scots had cast trenches ouerthwart the side waies on either side, in manie places, to make the passage more cumbersome: but by the pioners the [line 10] same were soone filled, and the waie made plaine, that the armie, carriage, & ordinance were quite set ouer soone after sun set, & there they pitched downe their campe. Whilest the armie was thus passing o∣uer this cumbersome passage, an herald was sent from the lord protector,* 1.20 to summon a castell, that stood at the end of the same vallie, a mile from the place where they passed downe towards the sea. Matthew Hume capteine thereof, a brothers sonne [line 20] of the lord Humes, vpon his summons required to speake with the lord protector. It was granted, and he came, whome the lord protector handled in such sort with effectuall words, putting him in choise whether he would yeeld, or stand to the aduenture, to haue the place woone of him by force, that he was contented to render all at his graces pleasure.

And so being commanded to go fetch his compa∣nie out of the house, he went and brought them, being in all one and twentie persons. The capteine and [line 30] six other were staied and commanded to the kéeping of the marshall, the residue were suffered to depart whither they thought good. After this surrender, the lord Iohn Greie brother to the marques Dorset, was appointed to seize & take possession of the house, being capteine of a great number of demilances, as for his approoued worthinesse and valiancie right well he might, agréeable to the deserued report remai∣ning of him in print in forren spéech as followeth:

—Graius heros Ob summam belli cataphractis praefuit artem.

The spoile was not rich sure, but of white bread, o∣ten cakes, and Scotish ale indifferent good store, and soone bestowed among my lords soldiors; for swords, bucklers, pikes, pots, pans, yarne, linnen, hempe, and heaps of such baggage, which the countrie peo∣ple there about had brought into that pile, to haue it in more suretie, the soldiors would scarse vouchsafe to stoope and take the same vp.

* 1.21In the meane time the lord protector appointed [line 50] the house to be ouerthrowne, which by the capteine of the pioners was doone, though with some trauell, by reason the walles were so thicke, and the foundation so déepe, and thereto set vpon so craggie a plot. Tues∣daie the sixt of September, the armie dislodged and marched forward. In the waie as they should go, a mile and an halfe from Dunglas northward were two piles or holds,* 1.22 Thornton & Anderwike, set both on craggie foundations, & diuided a stones cast a sun∣der by a déepe gut, wherein ran a little riuer. Thorn∣ton [line 60] belonged to the lord Hume, and was kept by one Thom Trotter,* 1.23 who vpon summons giuen him to render the house, lockt vp a sixteene poore soules like the soldiors of Dunglas fast within the house, tooke the keies with him, commanding them to defend the place till his returne, which should be on the mor∣row, wish munition and releefe: and this doone, he and his prickers prickt (as saith maister Patten) quite their waies.

* 1.24Anderwike perteined to the lord of Hambleton, and was kept by his son and heire, whome of custome they call the master of Hambleton, & eight more gen∣tlemen for the most part, as was reported. The lord protector at his comming nigh, sent vnto both these places, which vpon summons refusing to render, were streight assailed; Thornton by batterie of foure great péeces of ordinance, and certeine of sir Peter Mewtas hackbutters, and Anderwike by a sort of the same hackbutters, who so well bestirred them, that where these keepers had rammed vp their outer doores, cloied and stopt their staires within, and kept themselues for defense of their house about the bat∣tlements, the hackbutters got in,* 1.25 and fired them vn∣derneath, whereby being greatlie troubled with smoke, they cried for mercie, which the lord protector meant to grant them; but yer the messenger came, the hackbutters were got vp to them, & killed eight of them aloft: one leapt ouer the walles, and run∣ning more than a furlong, was after slaine without in a water.

All this while at Thornton was the assault on the English part, and the defense by them within stoutlie continued: but at length when they perceiued in what danger they stood, and how little able they were to helpe themselues, or to annoie the assailants, they pluckt in a banner which they had hoong foorth, in to∣ken of defiance, and put foorth a white linnen clout tied to a stickes end, crieng all with one tune for mercie: but hauing answer by the whole voices of the assailers that they were traitors, and that it was too late, they pluckt in their sticke, and set vp againe their banner of defiance, and shot off, hurled stones, & did what else they could with great courage of their side, & small hurt of the assailants. Wherefore percei∣uing that they could not long kéepe out, being on the one side battered, and mined on the other, kept in with hackbutters on ech side, and some of the En∣glishmen being got into the house below, for they hauing shopt vp themselues also in the highest of their house, pluckt in againe their banner, and cried eftsoones for mercie, but being answered generallie by the assailants, that they should neuer looke for it, they fell to make this petition, that if they should needs die, they might rather suffer by hanging, and so reconcile themselues to God, than to die in ma∣lice with so great danger of their soules.

This sute was so furthered to the dukes grace by sir Miles Partrige that was néere at hand when they made this sute, that it was granted;* 1.26 and they com∣ming foorth, humbled themselues,* 1.27 and without more hurt they were but commanded to the prouost mar∣shall, who kept them for a time, and were after relea∣sed. The house was shortlie after so blowen with pouder,* 1.28 that more than the one halfe of it fell streight downe to dust and rubbish, the rest stood all to shaken with rifts and chinks. Anderwike also was burned, and all the houses of office, and stacks of corne about them both. While this was in doing the dukes grace, in turning but about, saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was vndermined and blowen vp with pou∣der.

This doone, about noone the armie marched, and passing by Dunbar, the castell sent them diuerse shots of artillerie, but all in vaine. The Scotish prickers shewed themselues in the field with proffer of skirmish, but to no great purpose, one of them be∣ing killed with a shot of one of Barteuils men an hackbutter on horssebacke. The armie hauing mar∣ched that daie a ten miles, lodged at night néere vnto Tantallon, and had a blind alarum.* 1.29 Marching the next morning a two miles, they came to a riuer cal∣led Lin, where there is a stone bridge,* 1.30 named Lin∣ton bridge of a towne thereby on the right hand as the armie marched, and standing eastward vpon the same riuer: the horssemen and carriages passed tho∣rough the water, for it was not verie deepe, and the footmen ouer the bridge. The passage was streict for an armie, and therfore the longer in setting ouer.

Beyond this bridge about a mile westward vpon the same riuer, on the south side standeth a proper cas∣tell called Hailes,* 1.31 perteining to the earle of Both∣well, but kept as then by the gouernors appoint∣ment, who held the earle in prison. Out of this castell as the lord protector passed forward in following the fore-ward, there were roundlie shot off (but without hurt) six or seuen péeces, the which before that (though some of the armie had beene verie nigh) yet kept they all couert. In the meane time rose a thicke mist, [line 10] which caused a great disorder in the rere-ward, by reason they could not sée about them. The earle of Warwike therefore doubting least the enimies, who had béen pricking vp and downe néere to the armie, and offered skirmish the same morning, should now by occasion of the mist attempt some feat to the an∣noiance of the Englishmen in their passage, his lordship himselfe scant with sixtéene horsses (whereof Barteuill, and Iohn de Ribaud Frenchmen were two, seuen or eight light horssemen more, and the rest [line 20] being his owne seruants) returned toward the pas∣sage to sée the arraie againe.

The Scotish horssemen perceiuing our horsse∣men to haue passed on before, and thinking (as the truth was) that some capteine of honor did staie for the looking to the order of this rere-ward,* 1.32 they kéep∣ing the south side of the riuer, did call ouer to some of the armie, to know whether there were anie noble man nigh there? They were asked whie they asked? One of them answered, that he was such a one whose [line 30] name the Englishmen knew to be honorable a∣mong the Scots, and would come in to the dukes grace, so that he might be sure to come in safetie. Some yoong soldiors nothing suspecting the craftie falshood of the Scots, told him that the earle of Warwike was nigh there, by whose tuition he should be safelie brought to my lord protectors pre∣sence. They had cand their lesson & fell to their prac∣tise, which was this. Hauing come ouer the water, in the waie as the earle should passe, they had cowched [line 40] about two hundred of their prickers, and had sent fortie beside to search where my lord was, whome when they had found, part of them prickt verie nigh, whome ten or twelue of the earles small companie did boldlie incounter, and droue them well-nigh home to their ambush, fléeing perchance not so much for feare as for falshood, to bring them within their danger. But hereby informed that the earle was so nigh, they sent out a bigger number, and kept the rest more secret vpon this purpose, that they might [line 50] either by a plaine onset distresse him, or else by fain∣ing of flight to haue trained him within danger of their ambush. And thus instructed, they came prick∣ing toward his lordship apase. Whie (quoth he) & will not these knaues be ruled?* 1.33 Giue me my staffe. The which then with so valiant a courage he charged at one (as it was thought) Dandie Car, a capteine a∣mong them, that he did not onelie compell Car to turne, and himselfe chased him aboue twelue score togither, all the waie at the speares point, so that if [line 60] Cars horsse had not beene excéeding good and wight, his lordship had surelie run him through in this race, but also with his little band caused all the rest to flee amaine. After whome as Henrie Uane, a gentle∣man of the said earles,* 1.34 and one of his companie did fiercelie pursue foure or fiue Scots, suddenlie turned, and set vpon him, and though they did not altogither escape his hands free, yet by hewing and mangling his head, bodie, and manie places else, they did so crueltie intreat him, as if rescue had not come the sooner, they had slaine him outright. Here was Barteuill run at sideling,* 1.35 and hurt in the but∣tocke, and one of the Englishmen slaine: of Scots againe none slaine, but thrée taken prisoners, wherof one was Richard Maxwell, and hurt in the thigh;* 1.36 who had béene long in England not long before, and had receiued right manie benefits, both of the late kings liberalitie, and of the earle of Warwike, and of manie other nobles and gentlemen in the court beside.

But to conclude, if the earle of Warwike had not thus valiantlie incountred them, yer they could haue warned their ambush how weaklie he was garded, he had béene beset round about by them yer he could haue bin aware of them, or rescued of other. Whereas hereby his lordship vndoubtedlie shewed his woonted valor, saued his companie, and disc••m∣fited the enimie. As Barteuill the Frenchman that daie had right honestlie serued, so did the lords right honorablie acquite it: for the earle of Warwike did get him a surgion, and dressed he was, streight after laid and conueied in the lord protectors owne chariot. The rest that were hurt were here also drest, Scots and others.

The armie hauing marched that same daie nine miles,* 1.37 incamped at night by a towne standing on the Frith called Lang Nuddreie. The next morning being thursdaie the eight of September, in time of the dislodging of the English campe, signe was made to some of the ships (whereof the most part and chiefest laie a ten or twelue miles in the Forth, be∣yond vs, ouer against Lieth & Edenborough) that the lord admerall should come a shore, to speake with the lord protector. In the meane time, somewhat earlie as our gallie was comming toward vs, about a mile and more beyond our campe, the Scots were verie busie, wasting here on shore toward them with a banner of saint George that they had, so to traine them to come on land there: but the earle of War∣wike soone disappointed the policie, for making to∣ward that place where the lord admerall should come on shore, the Englishmen on the water by the sight of his presence, did soone discerne their friends from their foes.

The lord admerall herevpon came to land, and ri∣ding backe with the earle vnto the lord protector,* 1.38 or∣der was taken, that the great ships should remoue from before Lieth, and come to lie before Muskel∣borough; and the Scotish campe which laie there in field alreadie assembled, to resist the English power that marched thus towards them. The smaller ves∣sels that were vittelers were appointed to lie néerer to the armie. The lord admerall herevpon, being re∣turned to the water, & the armie marching onward a mile or two, there appéered aloft on a hill, that laie longwise east and west, and on the south side of them, vpon a six hundred of their horssemen prickers, wher∣of some within a flight shoot,* 1.39 directlie against the En∣glishmen, shewed themselues vpon the same hill, & more further off.

Toward these, ouer a small bridge that laie ouer a little riuer there, verie hardlie did ride about a do∣zen haquebutters on horssebacke, and held them at baie so nie to their noses, that whether it were by the goodnesse of the same haquebutters, or the bad∣nesse of them, the Scots did not onelie not come downe to them, but also verie courteouslie gaue place, and fled to their fellowes. The armie went on, but so much the slowlier, bicause the waie was some∣what narrow, by meanes of the Forth on the one side, and certeine marishes on the other. The Scots kept alwaies pase with them, till there were shot off two field peeces twise, wherewith there was a man killed, and the leg of one of their horsses striken off, which caused them to withdraw, so that the English∣men saw no more of the••••, till they came to the place where they meant to incampe, for there they shewed themselues againe aloft on the fore remembred hill,

standing as it were to view and take muster of the armie: but when the lord Greie made towards them, minding to know their commission, they wiselie ment their waie, and would not once abide the rea∣soning.

Little else was doone that daie, but that George Ferrers, one of the duke of Summersets gentle∣men, and one of the commissioners of the cariages in the armie, perceiuing where certeine Scots were got into a caue vnder the earth, stopping some of the [line 10] vents,* 1.40 and setting fire on the other, smothered them to death, as was thought it could be none other, by coniecture of the smoke breaking forth at some of the other vents. The English ships also taking their leaue from before Lieth, with a score of shot or more, and as they came by saluting the Scots in their campe also, with as manie, came and laie according to appointment. The armie hauing marched this daie about a fiue miles,* 1.41 incamped at Salt Preston by the Forth. On fridaie the ninth of September, [line 20] the English armie lieng in sight & view of the Sco∣tish campe, that laie two miles or therabouts from them, had the Forth on the north, and the hill last re∣membred on the south, the west end whereof is called Faurside Braie,* 1.42 on the which standeth a sorie castell, and halfe a score houses of like worthinesse by it, and had westward before the Englishmen, the Scots li∣eng in campe. About a mile from the English campe were the Scots horsemen verie busie, prank∣ing vp and downe, & faine would haue béene a coun∣sell with the Englishmens doings; who againe, bi∣cause [line 30] the Scots seemed to sit to receiue them, did di∣ligentlie prepare that they might soone go to them, and therfore kept within their campe all that daie.

The lord protector and the councell sitting in con∣sultation, the capteines and officers prouiding their b••nds, store of vittels, and furniture of weapons, for furtherance whereof our vessels of munition and vittels were here alreadie come to the shore. The Scots continued their brauerie on the hill, the which the Englishmen not being so well able to beare, [line 40] made out a band of light horssemen, and a troope of demilances to backe them: the Englishmen and strangers that serued among them, got vp aloft on the hill, and thereby of euen ground with the enimie rode streight toward them with good spéed and order, whom at the first the Scots did boldlie countenance and abide: but after, when they perceiued that our men would néeds come forward, they began to pricke, and would faine haue béene gone, yer they [line 50] had told their errand.* 1.43 But the Englishmen hasted so spéedilie after, that euen streight they were at their elbowes, and did so stoutlie then bestirre them, that what in the onset at the first, and after in the chase, which lasted a thrée miles welnie to as far as the fur∣thest of their campe on the south side, they had killed of the Scots within a thrée houres, aboue the num∣ber of thirtéene hundred,* 1.44 and taken the maister of Hume, the lords Humes sonne and heire, two priests and six gentlemen, whereof one by sir Iaques Gra∣nado, [line 60] and all vpon the highest and welaéere nighest of the hill toward the Scots, within the full sight of their whole campe.

On the English part one Spanish haquebutter hurt,* 1.45 and taken sir Rafe Bulmer knight, Thomas Gomer marshall of Berwike, and Robert Crouch, all capteins of seuerall bands of the English light horssemen, and men of right good courage and appro∣ued seruice, & at this time distressed by their owne too much forwardnesse, and not by the enimies force. To conclude, of fiftéene hundred horssemen for skir∣mish, and fiue hundred footmen to lie close in am∣bush, and to be readie at néed, which came that mor∣ning out of their campe, there returned not home a∣boue seuen hundred, and diuerse of those sore hurt, and among other, the lord Hume himselfe▪* 1.46 for hast in the flight, had a fall from his horsse, and burst the ca∣nell bone of his necke, that he was faine to be caried streight to Edenborough, and finallie there departed this life of that hurt. So that it is true which C. O. saith, that in this skirmish manie a good rider was dismounted, their horsses with emptie saddles and loose bridles running vp hill and downe dale, as if they had beene starke mad, and to conclude (saith he)

—equi lapsurus inhaesit Tergo alius summo tellurem vertice pulsans.

Then after this, the lord protector, and the earle of Warwike, and other of the councell, with a small gard, mounting vp the hill where the slaughter had beene made, about halfe a mile southeast from the Scotish campe, tooke full view therof, the plot where they laie, so chosen for strength, as in all their coun∣trie (some thought) not a better, saue on the south by a great marish, & on the north by the Forth, which side they fensed with two field péeces, and certeine haque∣butters a crooke, lieng vnder a turffe wall, Eden∣borough on the west at their backes, and eastward betwéene the Englishmen and them stronglie defen∣ded by the course of a riuer called Eske, running north into the Forth, which as it was not verie deepe of water, so were the bankes of it so high and stéepe, as a small sort of resistants might haue beene able to kéepe downe a great number of commers vp. About a twelue score from the Forth, ouer the same riuer, is there a stone bridge, which they did kéepe al∣so well garded with ordinance.

When the lord protector, and the earle of War∣wike had viewed euerie thing, as they thought expe∣dient, they returned home towards their campe, a∣longst before the campe of the enimies, within lesse than two flight shoots, entring into a lane of thirtie foot bread, fensed on either side with a wall of turffe, an ell of heigth. The Scots did often shoot at them in the waie as they passed thus homewards, without hurt, sauing the killing of an horsse among thrée hundred, the rider escaping else harmelesse.* 1.47 And as the dukes grace was passed welnie halfe the waie homewards, a Scotish herald with a cote of his princes armes vpon him (as the maner is) and with him a trumpetter, ouertooke them.

The herald declaring this message to the lord protector, pretended to come from the gouernour, to inquire of prisoners taken, and therewith to proffer honest conditions of peace. And after he had told his tale, then began the trumpetter, and said, how he was sent from the earle of Huntleie:

My lord my maister (saith he) hath willed me to shew your grace, that bicause this matter maie be the sooner ended, and with lesse hurt, he will fight with your grace for the whole quarell, twentie to twentie, ten to ten, or else himselfe alone with your grace man to man. The lord protector hauing kept with him the lord lieu∣tenant, had heard them both throughlie, and then in answering, spake somewhat with lowder voice, than they had doone their messages.

Wherevpon they that were the riders by, thinking that his grace would haue it no secret, were somewhat the bolder to come néerer, the words whereof were vttred so expeditelie with honour, and so honourablie with expedition,* 1.48 that the standers by were mooued to doubt whether they might rather note in them the promptnesse of a singular prudence, or the boldnesse of a noble cou∣rage: and they were thus.

Your gouernour maie know, that the speciall cause of our comming hither was not to fight, but for the thing that should be the weale, both of vs and you. For God we take to record, we mind no more hurt to the realme of Scotland, than we doo to the

realme of England, and therefore our quarell being so good, we trust God will prosper vs the better. But as for peace, he hath refused such conditions at our hands, as we will neuer proffer againe: and there∣fore let him looke for none, till this waie we make it: and thou trumpetter, saie to thy maister, he seemeth to lacke wit so to make this chalenge to me, being of such estate, by the sufferance of God, as to haue so weightie a charge of so pretious a iewell, the gouer∣nance of a kings person, & then the protection of all [line 10] his realms, whereby in this case I haue no power of my selfe, which if I had, as I am true gentleman, it should be the first bargaine I would make: but there be a great sort amongst vs his equals, to whome hee might haue made this chalenge without refusall.

* 1.49Then quoth the lord lieutenant to them both, He sheweth his small wit to make this chalenge to my lords grace, and he so meane, but if his grace will giue me leaue,

I shall receiue it: and trumpetter bring me word thy maister will so doo, and thou shalt [line 20] haue of me an hundred crownes. Naie (quoth my lords grace) the earle of Huntleie is not meet in e∣state with you, my lord: but herald saie to the go∣uernor, and him also, that we haue béene a good sea∣son in this countrie, and are here now but with a so∣ber companie, and they a great number, and if they will méet vs in field, they shall be satisfied with figh∣ting inough: and herald bring me word if they will so doo, and by my honour I will giue the a thousand crownes. Ye haue a proud sort among you, but I [line 30] trust to sée your pride abated shortlie, and of the erle Huntleies too: Iwis he is a glorious yoong gen∣tleman.

This said, the earle of Warwike continued his request, that he might receiue this chalenge: but the lord protector would in no wise grant it. These mes∣sengers had their answers, and therewith leaue to depart. The Scots in midst of this message, dooing contrarie to the order of warre,* 1.50 which as it granteth safetie to heralds and trumpett••rs, to passe betwixt [line 40] armie and armie: so during the time of anie such message, as this was, hostilitie on both parts ought to ceasse, but it skilled not. On the morow after, they had their guns taken from them (as saith maister Patten) and put into their hands that could vse them with more good maner. But now concerning the message of the herald, it was thought that he was sent therewith, not for that it was beléeued of them, that it would be accepted; but rather that whilest he was dooing his errand, he might surueie the English [line 50] power: or else for that vpon refusall of the offer, they might vse the victorie (whereof they accounted them∣selues assured) with more crueltie.

Of nothing they doubted more, than least the Englishmen would haue béene gone backe, and got∣ten to the water,* 1.51 before they should haue incounte∣red them, and therefore they had appointed to haue giuen the English armie a camisado in the night before the daie of the battell: but peraduenture, vn∣derstanding that the Englishmen had warning of [line 60] their intention, and were prouided for them if they had come, they staied and came not at all. But in the morning, they were vp verie timelie, and being put in order of battell, they marched streight towards the English campe, against whome then, though they saw the English horssemen readilie to make: yet could not be persuaded, but that it was for a policie to staie them, till the English footmen and cariages might fullie be bestowed a shipboord, and that for the same purpose the English ships were come backe from before Lieth.

* 1.52In the night of this daie, the dukes grace ap∣pointed, that earlie in the next morning part of the ordinance should be planted in the lane (wherof men∣tion before is made) vnder the turfe of the wall, next to their campe, and some also to be set vpon the hill nie to Undreske church afore remembred: and this to the intent we should with our shot cause them ei∣ther wholie to remooue their campe, or else much to annoie them in that place where they laie. It was not the least of the Englishmens meaning also to win from them certeine of their ordinance, that laie néerest vnto this church.* 1.53 And herewith the same mor∣ning, being the tenth of September, and Saturday, somewhat before eight of the clocke, the English ar∣mie dislodged, & marched streight toward the church of Undre••ke, as well for intent to haue incamped neere the same, as for placing their ordinance, and o∣ther considerations afore remembred.

The Scots either for feare of the Englishmens departing, or hope of their spoiling, were out of their campe comming toward them, passed the riuer, ga∣thered in araie, and well néere at this church, yer the Englishmen were halfe waie to it, so quite dis∣appointing the Englishmens purpose. Which at the first séemed verie strange in their eies, as altogither beside their expectation, as they that thought they would neuer haue forsaken their strength, to méet them in the field. But after it was knowne that they did not onelie thus purpose to doo, but also to haue assailed them in their campe, as they laie if they had not béene stirring the timelier, and hauing caused all their tents to be let flat downe to the ground, yer they came out, bicause none should lie lurking be∣hind them in their campe, and as well the nobles as other, leauing their horsses behind them (except such as were appointed to serue on horssebacke) mar∣ched on with their souldiors on foot.

They came spéedilie forwards on both sides,* 1.54 the one till then no whit aware of the others intent: but the Scots indeed with a rounder pase betweene two hillocks, betwixt the Englishmen and the church, mu∣stred somewhat brim, at whome as they staied, the English gallie shot off, & slue the maister of Greime,* 1.55 with fiue and twentie others néere by him, and there∣with so skard foure thousand Irish archers,* 1.56 brought by the earle of Argile, that where (as it was said) they should haue béene a wing to the fore-ward, they could neuer after be made to come forward. Hervp∣on did their armie hastilie remooue, & from thence de∣clining southward, tooke their direct waie toward Fauxside braie. Of this, sir Rafe Uane, lieutenant of all the English horssemen, first of all, or with the first, noting it, quicklie aduertised the lord protector, who thereby did readilie conceiue their meaning, which was to win the hill, and thereby the wind and sunne, the gaine of which thrée things (as is thought) whether partie in fight of battell can hap to obteine, hath his force doubled against his enimie.

In all this enterprise, they vsed for haste so little the helpe of horsse, that they plucked foorth their ordi∣nance by draught of men, which at that present be∣gan fréelie to shoot off towards the English armie, whereby it was perceiued they ment more than a skirmish.* 1.57 Herewith euerie man began to applie him selfe in his charge and dutie which he had to doo. And herewith the lord protector, and other of the councell on horssebacke as they were, fell streight in consul∣tation. The sharpenesse of whose circumspect wise∣doms, as it quicklie espied out the enimies intents, so did it among other things promptlie prouide ther∣in remedie, to preuent them (as néedfull it was) for the time asked no leisure.

Their deuise was, that the lord Greie of Wilton, marshall of the armie, with his band of Bulleners,* 1.58 and with the lord protectors band, and the earle of Warwikes, all to the number of eightéene hundred horssemen, on the left hand on the east halfe, and sir

Rafe Uane, with sir Thomas Darcie capteine of the pensioners, and men of armes, and the lord Fitz∣waters, with his band of demilances, all to the num∣ber of sixtéene hundred, to be readie and euen with the lord marshall, on the west halfe. And thus all these togither afore to incounter the enimies afront, whereby either to breake their araie, and that waie to weaken their power by disorder, or at the least to stop them of their gate, and force them to staie, while the fore-ward might wholie haue the hilles side, and the battell and rere-ward be placed in grounds next [line 10] that in order, and best for aduantage. And after this, that the same horssemen should retire vp to the hilles side to come downe in order afresh, and infest them on both sides, whilest the foot battels should occupie them in fight afront.

Which enterprise, though it séemed right dange∣rous to the assailers, yet was it not more wiselie de∣uised by the councell, than valiantlie and willinglie executed of the lord marshall, & the others. For euen there taking their leaues of the councell,* 1.59 the said [line 20] lord marshall requiring onelie, that if it went not well with him, the dukes grace would be good to his wife & children, he said he would méet those Scots, and so with their bands the foresaid capteins tooke their waie, and made towards the enimie. By this time were the fore-wards on either part aduanced within two flight shoots in sunder. The Scots came on so fast, that it was thought of the most part of the Englishmen, they were rather horssemen than foot∣men. [line 30] The Englishmen againe were led the more with speed, to shew that they were as willing as the Scots to trie the battell. The master of the ordinance to their great aduantage pluckt vp the hill at that instant certeine péeces, and soone after planted two or thre canons of them welnigh vpon the top there, wherby hauing so much the helpe of the hill, he might ouer the Englishmens heads shoot niest at the eni∣mie. As the lord protector had so circumspectlie taken order for the araie and station of the armie, and for [line 40] the execution of euerie mans office beside, he being perfectlie appointed in faire armour, accompanied onelie with sir Thomas Chaloner knight, one of the clearkes of the kings priuie councell, got him to the hight of the hill, to tarrie by the ordinance, where hée might best surueie the whole field, and succour with aid where most he saw néed, and also by his presence to be a defense to the thing that stood weakest in place, and also most in daunger, the which how much it stood in stead, anon ye shall heare further. [line 50]

As he was halfe vp the hill, the erle of Warwike was ware the enimies were all at a sudden staie, and stood still a good while,* 1.60 so that it séemed to him that they perceiuing now their owne follie in leauing their ground of aduantage, had no will to come anie further forward, but gladlie would haue bin whence they came. The reasons were these. First bicause at that time, beside the full muster of the English foot∣men, of whome they thought there had béene none there in field, but all to haue béene either shipt, or a [line 60] shipping; then they saw plaine that the Englishmen were sure to haue the gaine of the hill, and they the ground of disaduantage out of their hold, and put from their hope: and hereto, for that their herald gaue the lord protector no warning, the which by him (if they had ment to fight it out) who would not haue presumed that for the estimation of their honor, they would little haue stucke to haue sent; and he againe, and it had beene but for his thousand crowns, would right gladlie haue brought? Well yet how so euer their meaning changed, finallie considering belike the state they stood in, that as they had left their strength too soone, so now to be too late to repent, vp∣on a change of countenance, they made hastilie for∣ward againe, and (as it séemed) with no lesse stout∣nesse of courage, than stronglie in order, whose ma∣ner, armour, weapon, and order in fight in those daies and also before (though now somewhat chan∣ged as well as amongest other nations) was as in∣sueth.

Harquebutters had they few, and appointed their fight most commonlie alwaies on foot.* 1.61 They vsed to come to the field well furnished, with iacke and skull, dagger, buckler, and swords, all notablie brode and thin, of excéeding good temper, and vniuersallie so made to slice, as hard it is to deuise the better: here∣to euerie man his pike, and a great kercher wrapped twise or thrise about his necke, not for cold but for cutting. In their araie toward the ioining with the enimie, they thrust so nie in the fore-ranke, shoulder to shoulder, togither with their pikes in both hands, streight afore them, and their followers in that or∣der so hard at their backes, laieng their pikes ouer their foregoerrs shoulders, that if they doo assaile vn∣disseuered, no force can well withstand them.

Standing at defense, they thrust shoulders like∣wise so nie togither, the fore-ranks well nie to knée∣ling stoope low before, for their fellowes behind, hol∣ding their pikes in both hands, and therewith in their left their bucklers, the one end of their pike against their right foot, the other against the enimie breast high, their followers crossing their pike points with them before, and thus each with other, so nie as place and space will suffer, through the whole rankes so thicke, that as easilie shall a bare finger pearse through the skin of an angrie hedgehog, as anie in∣counter the front of their pikes. Thus prouided, they (I meane the Scots) addressed themselues to incoun∣ter inflamed with a heat of furious hatred, but not aduised whether the cause were iust or vniust, for the which they were vp in armes: which foolish mad∣nesse the poet pointeth at, and painteth out, saieng:

Arma Scotus poscit, valida contendere vi vult, Is nec habet pensi sit it aequum an prorsus iniquum.

The lord marshall notwithstanding, whome no danger detracted from dooing his enterprise, with the companie and order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hill side towards them. Here∣with waxed it verie hot on both sides,* 1.62 with pitifull cries, horrible rore, and terrible thundering of guns, beside the daie darkened aboue head with smoke of the artillerie, the sight and appeerance of the enimie euen at hand before, the danger of death on euerie side else, the bullets, pellets and arrowes flieng each where so thicke, and so vncerteinelie lighting, that no where was there anie suretie of safetie, euerie man striken with a dreadfull feare, not so much per∣chance of death, as of hurt, which things though they were but certeine to some, yet doubted of all, assu∣red crueltie at the enimies hands, without hope of mercie, death to flie, and danger to fight.

The whole face of the field on both sides vpon this point of ioining,* 1.63 both to the eie and to the eare so hea∣uie, so deadlie, lamentable, furious, outragious, ter∣rible, confuse, and so quite against the quiet nature of man, as if to the nobilitie the regard of their ho∣nor and fame, to the knights and capteines the esti∣mation of their worship and honestie, and general∣lie to them all the naturall motion of bounden du∣tie, their owne safetie, hope of victorie, and the fauour of God, that they trusted vpon for the equitie of their quarrell, had not béene a more vehement cause of courage, than the danger of death was cause of feare, the verie horrour of the thing had beene able to haue made anie man to forget both prowesse and policie. But the lord marshall and the others, with present mind and courage warilie and quicklie continued their course towards them. The enimies were in a

fallow field, whereof the furrowes laie sidelong to∣ward the Englishmen, next to whome by the side of the same furrowes, & a stones cast from the Scots, was there a crosse ditch or slough, which the English∣men must needs passe to come to them, wherein ma∣nie that could not leape ouer stucke fast, to no small danger of themselues, and some disorder of their fel∣lowes.

* 1.64The enimie perceiuing the Englishmen fast to approch, disposed themselues to abide the brunt, and [line 10] in this order stood still to receiue them. The earle of Angus next to the Englishmen in the Scotish fore∣ward as capteine of the same, with an eight thou∣sand men, and foure or fiue péeces of ordinance on his right hand, and a foure hundred horssemen on his left. Behind him westward, the gouernour with ten thousand Inland men (as they call them) the choi∣sest soldiers counted of their countrie. And the earle of Huntleie in the rere-ward, welnie euen with the battell on the left side with eight thousand.* 1.65 The foure [line 20] thousand Irish archers as a wing to them both, last indéed in order, & first (as they said) that ran awaie. The battell and also the rere-ward were garded like∣wise with their ordinance according.

* 1.66Edward Shelleie lieutenant vnder the lord Greie of his band of Bulleners, was the first that passed ouer the s••ough. The lord Greie himselfe next, with the lord Iohn Greie and others in the foremost ranke,* 1.67 and so then after two or thrée rankes of their former bands. But badlie yet could they make their [line 30] rase, by reason the furrowes laie trauerse to their course. That notwithstanding, and though also they were nothing likelie well to be able thus afront to come within them to doo them hurt, as well bicause the Scotishmens pikes were as long or longer than their staues, as also for that their horsses were all naked without bards, whereof though there were right manie among them, yet not one put on, for as much as at their comming forth in the morning, they looked for nothing lesse than for battell that daie: yet [line 40] did those worthie gentlemen, the lord Greie of Wil∣ton, the lord Iohn Greie, and maister Shelleie with the residue, so valiantlie & stronglie giue the charge vpon them, that whether it were by their prowesse or power, the left side of the enimies that his lordship did set vpon (though their order remained vnbroken) was yet compelled to swaie a good waie backe, and giue ground largelie, and all the residue of them be∣side to stand much amazed.

Beside this, as the Englishmen were welnie at [line 50] their enimies, they stood verie braue and bragging, shaking their pike points, & crieng; Come lounds, come héere tikes, come heretikes; and such like rhe∣torike they vsed. But though (saith master Patten) they meant but small humanitie, yet shewed they thereby much ciuilitie, both of faire plaie, to warne yer they stroke, and of formall order, to chide yer they fought. The English capteines that were be∣hind, perceiuing at eie, that both by the vnéeuennesse of the ground, by the sturdie order of the enimie, and [line 60] for that their fellowes were so nie and streight be∣fore them, they were not able to anie aduantage to mainteine this onset,* 1.68 did therefore according to the deuise in that point appointed, turne themselues, and made a soft retire vp toward the hill againe. Howbe∣it, to confesse the truth, some of the number that knew not the prepensed policie of the counsell in this case, made of a sober aduised retire, an hastie, rash, and vnaduised flight: howbeit, without capteine or standard, & vpon no cause of néed, but of a méere vn∣discretion and madnesse. A madnesse indéed, for first the Scots were not able to pursue, bicause they were footmen; and then if they could, what hope by flight so farre from home in their enimies land, where was no place of refuge?

The valiant lord Greie, Edward Shelleie, little Preston, Brampton, and Ierningham, Bulleners, Ratcliffe, the lord Fitzwaters brother, sir Iohn Cleres sonne and heire, Rawleie a gentleman of right commendable prowesse, Digs of Kent, Eller∣ker a pensioner, Segraue: of the duke of Sum∣mersets band, Standleie, Woodhouse, Conisbie,* 1.69 Horgill, Norris, Denis, Arthur, and Atkinson, with other in the fore-ranke, not being able in this earnest assault, both to tend to their fight afore, and to the re∣tire behind: the Scots againe well considering her∣by how weake they remained, caught courage a∣fresh, ran sharplie forward vpon them, and without anie mercie, slue the most part of them that abode furthest in prease a six more of Bulleners, and o∣ther than before are named, in all to the number of twentie six, and most part gentlemen. My lord Greie yet and my lord Iohn Greie, and likewise my lord Edward Seimer (as some grace was) returned againe; but neither all in safetie, nor without eui∣dent markes they had bin there: for the lord Greie with a pike through the mouth was rased a long from the tip of the toong,* 1.70 and thrust that waie verie dangerouslie more than two inches in the necke; and the other two had their horsses vnder them with swords sore wounded. Like as also a little before this onset, sir Thomas Darcie vpon his approch to the enimies, was striken glansing wise on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field péeces, and thereby his bodie brused with the bowing in of his armour, his sword hilts broken, and the forefinger of his right hand beaten flat. Euen so vpon the parting of this fraie, was sir Arthur Darcie slasht at with swords, and so hurt vpon the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted for the first part of curing to haue it quite cut awaie.

About the same time, certeine of the Scots ran on hastilie to the kings standard of the horssemen (the which sir Andrew Flammocke bare) and laieng fast hold vpon the staffe therof, cried, A king, a king,* 1.71 that if both his strength, his hart, and his horsse had not beene good, and herewith somewhat aided at this pinch by sir Rafe Coppinger a pensioner, both he had béene slaine, and the standard lost, which the Scots neuerthelesse held so fast, that they brake and bare a∣waie the nether end of the staffe to the burrell, and in∣tended so much to the gaine of the standard, that sir Andrew (as hap was) scaped home all safe, and else without hurt. At this businesse also the lord Fitz∣waters,* 1.72 both earle of Sussex and lord chamberleine to the* 1.73 quéenes maiestie, capteine there of a number of demilances was vnhorst, but soone mounted a∣gaine, scaped yet in great danger, and his horsse all hewen.* 1.74 Hereat further were Caluerleie the stan∣dard-bearer of the men at armes, and Clement Pa∣ston a pensioner, thrust each of them into the leg with pikes, and Don Philip a Spaniard into the knée, di∣uerse others maimed and hurt,* 1.75 and manie horsses sore wounded beside.

By this time had the English fore-ward accor∣dinglie gotten the full vantage of the hilles side,* 1.76 and in respect of their march stood sideling toward the eni∣mie: who neuerthelesse were not able in all parts to stand full square in arraie: by reason that at the west end of them vpon their right hand, and toward the enimie, there was a square plot inclosed with turffe (as their maner of fensing in those parts, as well as in diuerse other is) one corner whereof did let the square of the same arraie. The battell in good order next them, but so as in continuance of arraie,* 1.77 the former part thereof stood vpon the hils side, the taile vpon the plaine, and the rere-ward wholie vp∣on the plaine.* 1.78 So that the placing and countenance

of the English armie in this wise, they shewed them∣selues in maner to compasse in the Scots battels, that they should no waie escape them: but how little able they were to doo it with power and number, you may easilie coniecture.

Those horssemen that were so repelled, and in their comming backe vnorderlie brake their arraie from the residue, ran so hastilie through the ranks of the English fore-ward as it stood, that it did both dis∣order manie, feared manie, and was a great incou∣ragement to the enimie. The worthie earle of War∣wike,* 1.79 [line 10] who had the guiding of this fore-ward, right valiantlie had conducted the same to their standing, and there did verie noblie incourage and comfort them with such chéerefull words, offering to liue and die among them, that doubtlesse his presence, de∣me••ing himselfe in such manlike sort, stood the whole companie in great stead. Neither wanted there the chearefull diligence of those capteines, with whome his honor was furnished in that fore-ward likewise to incourage their bands, nor the worthie behauiour [line 20] of other in the battell and rere-ward, euerie one ac∣cording to his calling, shewing such proofe of his du∣tie, as the most part certeinlie deserued to haue their names registred in the kalendar of fame, where no rust of cankered obliuion might fret out the remem∣brance of their commendable demeanours: and therefore if anie among them should haue shewed anie lacke of courage, their dispraise had béene the more, sith by others they saw such worthie example giuen, and were to stand vpon this resolution, to [line 30] haue harts hardened against all hazzards in a iust cause, whereof they hoped almightie God had vnder∣taken the managing and direction, vnto whome they had committed the same; as the poet truelie saith:

Iusta Deo commissa Anglorum causa tonanti, Audaces animosfecit impauidósque pericli.

But sith there were so manie that did well, & ther∣fore deseruing a longer processe to be made of their high valiancies shewed in that dangerous seruice, [line 40] than this volume may permit, I will procéed to the battell. The Scots were somewhat disordred with their comming out about the slaughter of the Eng∣lishmen, the which they did so earnestlie follow, that they tooke not one to mercie. The dukes grace pla∣cing himselfe (as yée haue heard) on the hill of Faux∣side braie, and therewith perceiuing the great disor∣der of the stragling horssemen, that had in the retire broken arraie, hemmed them in from further strai∣eng, whome sir Rafe Uane, and others of the cap∣teins soone after with great dexteritie brought into [line 50] good order and arraie againe,* 1.80 and with all the rest of the strengths of the whole armie, by the policie of the lords, and diligence of euerie capteine and officer be∣side, were so fitlie and aptlie applied in their feat, that where this repulse giuen by the enimie to the horssemen was doubted of manie, to turne to the whole losse of the field, the same was wrought and aduanced according as it was deuised, to the great certeintie of gaine and victorie.* 1.81 For first at this [line 60] slough, where most of the horssemen had stood, sir Pe∣ter Mewtas capteine of all the harquebutters a foot did verie valiantlie conduct & place a good number of his men, in maner hard at the faces of the enimies, wherevnto sir Peter Gamboa a Spaniard,* 1.82 capteine of two hundred harquebutters, Spaniards, and Ita∣lians on horssebacke did readilie bring his men also, who with the hot continuance of their shot in both parts, did so stoutlie staie the enimies, that they could not well come further forward:* 1.83 then the archers that marched in arraie on the right hand of the footmen, and next to the enimies, pricked them sharpelie with arrowes as they stood.* 1.84 Therewith the master of the ordinance, to their great annoiance, did gall them with haile shot and other out of the great ordinance, directlie from the hill top, and certeine other gun∣ners with their peeces a flanke from the rere-ward, most of the artillerie and missiue engines then who∣lie thus at once, with great pu••ssance and vehemen∣cie occupied about them, herewith the full sight of the Englishmen, all shadowed from them before by the horssemen, and dust raised, whome then they were ware in such order to be so néere vpon them, and to this the perfect arraie of the horssemen againe com∣ming couragiouslie to set on them afresh, miserable men, perceiuing themselues then all too late, how much too much they had ouershot themselues, began suddenlie to shrinke.

Their gouernour and other the principall capteins that had brought them to the bargaine,* 1.85 tooke their horsses and fled amaine, which other perceiuing did quicklie follow, and with the formost of that crue their Irishmen, and therewith turned all the whole rout, cast downe their weapons, ran out of their wards, off with their iackes, and with all that euer they might, betooke them to the race that their gouer∣nour began. The Englishmen at the first had found them (as what could scape so manie eies) and sharpe∣lie and quicklie with an vniuersall outcrie, They flie, they flie, pursued after in chase so egerlie, and with such fiercenesse, that they ouertooke manie, and spa∣red indéed but few, that when they were once turned, it was a woonder to see how soone, and in how sun∣drie sorts they were scattered. The place they stood on like a wood of staues strewed on the ground, as ru∣shes in a chamber, vnpassable (they laie so thicke) for either horsse or man. Here at the first had they let fall all their pikes, and after that,* 1.86 euerie where scat∣tered swords, bucklers, daggers, iackes, and all things else that was of anie weight, or might be any let to their course: which course among them, thrée waies speciallie they made, some along the sands by the Frith towards Lith, some streight towards E∣denburgh, whereof part through the parke there (in the walles whereof, though they be round about of flint stone, yet were there manie holes alreadie made) and part of them by the high waie that leadeth along by the abbaie of Holierood house; and the resi∣due and most part of them towards Daketh, which waie by means of the marish our horssemen were worst able to follow.

Sundrie shifts, some shrewd, some sorie, made they in their running: diuerse of them in their cour∣ses, as they were ware they were pursued but of one, would suddenlie start backe, and lash at the legs of the horsse, or foine him in the bellie, and sometime did they reach at the rider also, whereby Clement Paston in the arme, and diuerse in other parts of their bodies otherwise in this chase were hurt. Some other laie flat in a furrow as they were dead, there∣by past by of the Englishmen vntouched, and (as was reported) the earle of Angus confessed he cou∣ched in that sort till his horsse hapt to be brought him.* 1.87 Other some were found to staie in the riuer, couring downe his bodie vnder the root of some willow tree, with scant his nose aboue water for breath. Some for lightnesse cast awaie shoos and doublets, and ran in their shirts, and some were séene in this race all breathlesse to fall flat downe, and haue run them∣selues to death.

Before this, at the time of the onset, which the English horssemen gaue, there came eastward fiue hundred of the Scotish horsmen vp along this Fau••∣side braie, streight vpon the English ordinance and cariage. The lord protector (as yée haue heard) most speciallie for doubt hereof, placing himselfe by the same, caused a péece or two to be turned toward them, with a few shots whereof they were soone tur∣ned

also and fled to Daketh. But had they kept on their purpose, they were prouided for accordinglie. For one parson Keble a chapleine of his graces,* 1.88 and two or thrée other, by and by discharged foure or fiue of the carts of munition, and therewith bestowed pikes, billes, bowes and arrowes, to as manie as came; so that of carters and other, there were soone weaponed about a thousand, whome parson Keble and the other did verie handsomlie dispose in arraie, and made a pretie muster. [line 10]

To returne now after this notable strewing of their footmens weapons, began a pitifull sight of the dead corpses,* 1.89 lieng dispersed abrode, some their legs off, some but hought, and left lieng halfe dead, some thrust quite through the bodie, others their necks halfe a sunder, manie their heads clouen, with other thousand kinds of killing. After that, and further in chase all for the most part killed, either in the head, or in the necke, for the horssemen could not well reach them lower with their swords. And thus with bloud [line 20] and slaughter of the enimie, this chase was continu∣ed fiue miles in length, westward from the place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of Un∣dreske, vntill Edenburgh parke, and well nigh to the gates of the towne it selfe, and vnto Lith, and in breadth nie foure miles, from the Forth sands vp to∣ward Daketh southwards: in all which space, the dead bodies laie as thicke as a man may note cattell grasing in a full replenished pasture.* 1.90 The riuer ran all red with bloud (a signe of great slaughter) so that [line 30] in the same chase were slaine to the number of ten thousand men, some saie aboue fouretéene thousand, as I doo find by this report concerning the battell:

Millia bis septem sunt morte absumpta Scotorum, Caetera pars certam quaerit fugiendo salutem.

To conclude, considering the smalnesse of the Englishmens number, and shortnesse of the time (which was scant fiue houres, from one till well nigh six) the mortalitie was so great (as it was thought) the like afore time had not béene séene. One great [line 40] cause whie the Englishmen spared so few of them,* 1.91 was thought to be their tyrannous vow by them made (which the Englishmen certeinly heard of) that whensoeuer they fought and ouercame, they would kill so manie, and spare so few: a sure proofe whereof they plainelie had shewed at the first onset giuen, where they killed all, and saued not a man that came within their danger. An other respect was, to reuenge their great and cruell tyrannie shewed at Paniar hough,* 1.92 where they slue the lord Euers, whome other∣wise they might haue taken prisoner and saued, and [line 50] cruellie killed as manie else of our men as came in∣to their hands.* 1.93 An other occasion also was their ar∣mor among them so little differing, all clad alike in iacks couered with white leather, doublets of the same, or of fustian, and most commonlie all white hosen, not one with either chaine, brooch, ring, or gar∣ment of silke, vnlesse chains of latten drawne foure or fiue times along the vpper stocks, or to vse master Pattens words, the thighs of their hosen and doublet sleeues for cutting. [line 60]

This lacke for difference in apparell was the chief∣est cause that so manie of their great men and gen∣tlemen were killed, and so few saued. The outward shew, the resemblance or signe, whereby a stranger might discerne a poore man from a gentleman, was not among them to be séene: as for words and good∣lie profers of great ransoms, were as rife in the mouths of the one as the other. And it came here to passe, that after at the examination and counting of the prisoners, there were found taken aboue twentie of their common countrie people, to one of their gentlemen, whome no man need to doubt the Eng∣lishmen had rather haue spared than the other, if they could haue séene anie difference betweene them in taking. And yet verelie considering the case as it stood, the Englishmen shewed more grace, and tooke more to mercie, than the respects before mentioned might séeme to haue required.* 1.94 For beside the earle of Huntleie, who in good armor appointed likest a gen∣tleman of anie among them, but could not then e∣scape bicause he lacked his horsse, and hapned to be taken by sir Rafe Uane, and beside the lord of Ye∣ster, Hobbie Hambleton capteine of Dunbar,* 1.95 the master of Sanpoole, the lard of Wimmes taken by Iohn Bren, a brother of the earle of Cassils, and be∣sides one Montrell, taken by Cornelius comptrollor of the ordinance in the armie, and one Camals an Irish gentleman, and beside manie other Scotish gentlemen more, taken by diuerse others.

The prisoners reckoned in the marshals booke were numbred to aboue fiftéene hundred.* 1.96 Touching the slaughter, sure they killed not so manie, as for the time & oportunitie they might, if they had minded crueltie.* 1.97 For the lord protector mooued with pitie at the sight of the dead bodies, and rather glad of victo∣rie than desirous of slaughter, soone after (by gesse) fiue of the clocke, staid the standard of his horssemen at the furthest part of their campe westward, & cau∣sed the trumpets to sound a retreat. Whereat also sir Rafe Sadler treasuror (whose great diligence at that time,* 1.98 and readie forwardnesse in the chiefest of the fraie before, did woorthilie merit no small commen∣dation) caused all the footmen to staie; and then with much trauell & great paine made them to be brought in some order againe: which was a thing not easilie doone, by reason they all as then were somewhat bu∣sie in applieng their market,* 1.99 the spoile of the Scotish campe, where was found good prouision of white bread, ale, otencaks, otemeale, mutton, butter in pots, chéese, and in diuerse tents good wine also, and in some tents among them was found some siluer plate and chalices, which with good deuotion ye maie be sure were plucked out of their cold clowts, and thrust into their warme bosoms.

The plot of their campe called Edmonston edge, nigh Gilberton a place of the lord of Brimstons, halfe a mile beyond Muskelburgh, and foure miles on this side Edenburgh, occupied in largenesse with diuerse tents and tenticles, that stood in sundrie pla∣ces out of square, about a miles compasse, wherein as the Englishmen vpon the sound of the retreat somewhat assembled, they all with a lowd and entire outcrie and hallowing, in signe of gladnesse and vic∣torie, made an vniuersall noise and showt,* 1.100 the shril∣nesse whereof (as after was reported) was heard vn∣to Edenburgh. It was a woonder to sée, but (as they saie) manie hands make light woorke, how soone the dead bodies were stripped out of their garments starke naked, euen from as farre as the chase went, vnto the place of the onset, whereby the personages of the enimies might by the waie easilie be viewed and considered,* 1.101 the which for the talnesse of their sta∣ture, cleannesse of skin, bignesse of bone, with due proportion in all parts was such, as the beholders, if they had not séene it, would not haue beleeued that there had béene so many of that sort in all their coun∣trie. Among them laie manie priests, and kirk∣men, as they call them,* 1.102 of whome it was bruted that there was a whole band of thrée or foure thou∣sand, but it was found afterwards not to be altogi∣ther so.

Among other banners, standards, and penno••s, a banner of white sarsenet was found, vnder which it was said these kirkmen came,* 1.103 wherevpon was painted a woman with hir haire about hir shoul∣ders, knéeling before a crucifix, & on hir right hand a church, after that written in great Romane letters,

Afflictae sponsae ne obliuiscaris. It was said that this was the abbat of Dunfirmlings banner, but whether it was his or the bishop of Dunkels, the gouernours brother, who (as was said) were both in the field, his meaning was,* 1.104 to signifie that the church made inter∣cession to Christ hir husband, not now to forget hir his spouse, being at that time afflicted and persecuted by the Englishmen. But whose deuise soeuer it was, it maie séeme, that this church comming thus to bat∣tell, full appointed with weapon, and garded with [line 10] such a sort of deacons to fight, howsoeuer in pain∣ting he had set hir out, a man might well thinke, that in condition, he had rather framed hir like a curst queane, that would plucke hir husband by the pate, except she had hir will; than like a meeke spouse, that went about humblie by submission and praier to de∣sire hir husbands helpe, for redresse of things amisse.

But now to leaue this prelat with his Afflicta spon∣sa, and to make an end with this battell. There was vpon Fauxside braie, a little castell or pile, which [line 20] was verie busie all the time of the battell,* 1.105 as anie of the Englishmen came nigh it, to shoot at them, with such artillerie as they had; which was none other than of handguns and harquebuts, & of them not a dozen neither. Little hurt they did, but as they saw their fel∣lowes in the field thus driuen and beaten awaie be∣fore their faces, they plucked in their péeces, and cou∣ched themselues within all mute: but by and by the house was set on fire, and they for their good wils burned and smoothered within. Thus (saith master [line 30] Patten) through the fauour of Gods bountie, by the valiancie and policie of the lord protector, by the for∣ward indeuour of all the nobles and councell there beside, and by the willing diligence of euerie cap∣teine, officer, and true subiect else, they most valiant∣lie wan the victorie ouer their enimies, of whome such slaughter was made in the field, as ye haue heard, amongest whome (as the prisoners reported) beside the lord Fleming, the lard of Loghenware, the master of Greim,* 1.106 the master of Arskin, the ma∣ster [line 40] of Oglebie, the master of Auendale, the master of Rouen, and manie other of noble birth amongest them, there were of lards, lards sons, and other gen∣tlemen slaine aboue twentie six hundred, & among the prisoners also there were manie gentlemen, spe∣ciallie of name these: the earle of Huntleie lord chan∣cellor of the realme, the lord of Yester, Hobbie Ha∣milton capteine of Dunbar, the master of San∣poole, the lord of Wimmes, and a brother of the earle of Cassils. Two thousand by lurking and lieng (as [line 50] they had béene dead) scaped awaie in the night all maimed and hurt. Herewith of weapons and armor more was found than the Englishmen did vouch∣safe to giue carriage for:* 1.107 & yet were there conueied thense by ship into England, of iacks speciallie and swords, aboue thirtie thousand.

This night the Englishmen with great gladnesse and thanksgiuing to God (as good cause they had) a∣bout seauen of the clocke pitched their campe at Edgebuckling braie, beside Pinkerslough, and a [line 60] mile beyond the place they camped at before. Now after the battell, among other questions, one was mooued who killed the first man that daie in the field, the glorie whereof one Ieronimo an Italian would gladlie haue had,* 1.108 a gentleman sure that had serued that daie right valiantlie: howbeit it was after well tried,* 1.109 that Cutbert Musgraue, a gentleman of the earle of Warwiks, deserued the praise of killing the first enimie that died that daie, who right hardilie slue a guner at his péece in the Scots fore-ward, yer euer they began anie whit to turne. As for the ordi∣narie soldiors, it was a pleasure vnto them to make rehearsall of their aduentures past, and to record what dangers (in maner ineuitable) they had esca∣ped, according to the poets report in that case, saieng:

—res est meminisse laboris Praeteriti iucunda: grau•• effugisse peri lum Summa recordari secura mente voluptas.

The next daie being sundaie the eleuenth of Sep∣tember, somewhat before noone, the armie remooued, & marching along the Forth side toward Lieth about three of the clocke in the after noone pitched their field, a pricke shot on this side that towne on the southeast halfe, somewhat shadowed from Eden∣burgh by a hill, but yet the most part of it laie with∣in the full sight and shot of the castell there,* 1.110 and in di∣stance somewhat aboue a quarter of a mile. The lord marshall, and the most part of the horssemen wer•• bestowed and lodged in the towne of Lieth. The dukes grace, the lord lieutenant, and the rest of the armie in the campe. On tuesdaie the thirteenth of September, the smaller vessels of the English flée•• burned Kinkorne, and a towne or two standing on the north shore of the Forth against Lieth.

In the after noone the dukes grace rowed vp the Forth a six or seuen miles westward, as it runneth into the land, and tooke in his waie an Iland there called saint Cooms ins,* 1.111 which lieth foure miles be∣yond Lieth, and a good waie neerer the north shore than the south, yet not within a mile of the néerest. It is but halfe a mile about, and had in it an abbeie, but the moonks were gone: fresh water inough, and store of conies, and is so naturallie strong, that but by one waie it can be entred; the plot whereof the lord protector considering, did quicklie cast to haue it kept, whereby all traffike of merchandize, all com∣modities else comming by the Forth into their land, and vtterlie the whole vse of the Forth it selfe, with all the hauens vpon it, should quite be taken from them.

The next daie the lord protector riding backe a∣gaine eastward, to view diuerse things and places, tooke Daketh in his waie,* 1.112 where a house of George Dowglas did stand, and comming somewhat néere it, he sent Summerset his herald with a trumpet to know who kept it, and whether the keepers would hold or yéeld it to his grace? Answer was made, that there were three score persons within, whome their maister lieng there saturdaie at night after the bat∣tell, did will that they, the house, and all that was in it, should be at his graces commandement. Where∣vpon the chiefest came, and in name of all the rest humbled himselfe to the dukes will. From thense his grace passed to the place where the battell had béene striken, and so by Muskleburgh returned backe to the campe.

On thursdaie being the fiftéenth of this moneth,* 1.113 the lord Clinton high admerall, taking with him the gallie whereof Richard Brooke was capteine, and foure or fiue other smaller vessels besides, as well ap∣pointed with munition and men, rowed vp the Forth a ten miles westward, to an hauen towne standing on the south shore called Blacke Nesse, whereat to∣ward the water side is a castell of a pretie strength; as nigh wherevnto as the depth of the water would suffer, the Scots for safegard had laid the Marie Willoughbie, and the Anthonie of Newcastell, two tall ships, which with extreme iniure they had stol∣len from the Englishmen before time, when no war was betwixt vs: with these laie there also an other large vessell called the Bosse, and seauen more, wher∣of part laden with merchandize.* 1.114 The lord Clinton and his companie with right hardie approach, after a great conflict betwixt the castell and his vessels, by fine force wan from them those thrée ships of name, and burnt all the residue before their faces.

The sixtéenth of September the lard of Brimston a Scotish gentleman came to the dukes grace from

their counsell for cause of communication, and retur∣ned againe to them, hauing with him Norreie an herald and king at armes of ours, who found them with the old quéene at Sterling.* 1.115 On saturdaie the seauentéenth of September, sir Iohn Luttrell in the after noone departed toward saint Cooms ins, hauing with him an hundred harquebutters, fiftie pioners, & two row barks well furnished with muni∣tion, and thrée score and ten mariners to remaine there, & kéepe that from inuasion of the enimies, a∣gainst [line 10] whom the English were so sharplie whetted, that when they came to incounter, they gaue proofe of their manhood by wounds and bloudshed, accor∣ding to the report of C.O. in these verses following:

— Anglorum pectora Mauors Belliger exacüit, crescunt ad vulnera vires.

In the time whilest the armie laie thus in the campe betwéene Lieth and Edenburgh, manie lards and gentlemen came in to the lord protector to require his protection, the which his grace to whome [line 20] he thought good did grant.* 1.116 This daie came the earle of Bothwell to his grace, who hauing beene kept in prison by the gouernour, the night after the battell was set at libertie, and comming thus to the lord protector, was friendlie welcomed and interteined; and hauing this night supped with his grace, he de∣parted.

Lieth was set on fire this saturdaie, whereas it was meant,* 1.117 that there should haue beene but one house onelie burnt, belonging to one Barton that [line 30] had plaid a slipperie part with the lord protector. But the soldiors being set a worke to fire that house, fired all the rest. Six great ships also that laie in the hauen, which for their age and decaie were not so apt for vse, were likewise set on fire and burnt. On sundaie the eightéenth of September, the lord pro∣tector (for considerations moouing him to pitie) ha∣uing all this while spared Edenburgh from hurt, did so leaue it, but Lieth and the ships burning, soone after seauen of the clocke in the morning, caused the [line 40] campe to dislodge,* 1.118 and as they were raised and on foot, the castell shot off a peale, with chambers hard∣lie and all, of foure and twentie péeces. Passing that daie seauen miles, they camped earlie for that night at Crainston by a place of the lard of Brimstons.

* 1.119The same morning the lord protector made mai∣ster Andrew Dudleie knight, brother to the earle of Warwike, dispatched my lord admerall and him by ships full fraught with men and munition toward the winning of an hold in the east side of Scotland [line 50] called Broughticrag,* 1.120 which stood in such sort in the mouth of the riuer of Taie, as that being gotten, both Dundée, saint Iohns towne, and diuerse other townes standing vpon the same riuer the best of the countrie in those parts, set vpon the Taie, should either become subiect vnto this hold, or else be com∣pelled to forgo the whole vse of the riuer, for hauing anie thing comming in or outward. The lord ad∣merall, and the said sir Andrew sped themselues with such good successe and diligence in that enter∣prise, [line 60] that on the wednesdaie following, being the one and twentith of September, after certeine of their shot discharged against that castell, the same was yeelded vnto them,* 1.121 the which sir Andrew did then enter, and after kept, as capteine to his high praise and commendation.

But now to the armie. On mondaie the nine∣teenth of September, they marched ten miles, and incamped a little on this side a market towne called Lawder. Here as they were setled in their lodging, the herald Norrie returned from the Scotish coun∣cell,* 1.122 with the lard of Brimston, and Rose their he∣rald, who vpon their sute to the lord protector, obtein∣ed that fiue of their councell should haue his graces safe conduct, that at anie time and place within fif∣téene daies, during his abode in their countrie, or at Berwike, the same fiue might come and commune with fiue of the English councell, touching matters in controuersie betwéene them. Rose the herald de∣parted earlie with his safe conduct, the campe raised, and that daie they went seauen miles till as far as Hume castell,* 1.123 where they camped on the west side of a rockie hill that they call Hare crag, standing about a mile westward from the castell.

Here they did so much by shewing that they ment indeed to win the castell by force, if otherwise they might not haue it, causing a certeine number of harquebutters vpon appointment before to beset the castell, and to watch that none should passe in or out, that in the end, the ladie of the house,* 1.124 and other that were within in charge with it, yéelded it vp to the lord protectors hands: for the ladie doubting the losse of hir son that was prisoner with the Englishmen, hauing the first daie béene with the lord protector, and got respit till the next daie at noone, in the meane time consulted with hir sonne, and other hir friends the kéepers of the castell, returned at the time appointed the next daie, being the one and twen∣tith of that moneth, and made sute for a longer respit till eight of the clocke at night, and therewith safe conduct for Andrew Hume hir second son, and Iohn Hume lard of Coldan Knows, a kinsman of hir husbands, capteins of this castell, to come and speake with his grace in the meane while. It was granted hir. Wherevpon these capteins about thrée of the clocke came to the lord protector, and after other co∣uenants (with long debating on both parts) agréed vpon, she and these capteins concluded to giue their assent to render the castell, so far foorth as the rest of the keepers would therewith be contented, for two or thrée within (said they) were also in charge with kéep∣ing it as well as they, for knowledge of whose minds the duke sent Summerset his herald with this ladie to the castell vnto them;* 1.125 who as the herald had made them priuie to the articles, would faine haue had lei∣sure for foure and twentie hours longer, to send to their lord to Edenburgh, where he laie hurt (as be∣fore you haue heard) and in danger of death, which followed of the fall that he caught at the fridaies skirmish before the battell, to know his will and ple∣sure in this point of rendering vp the castell: but be∣ing wiselie and sharplie called vpon by the herald, they agréed to the couenants afore by their ladie and capteins concluded on:* 1.126 whereof part (as the sequele shewed) were these. That they should depart thense the next daie in the morning by ten of the clocke with bag and baggage, as much as they could carie, leauing all munition and vittels behind them in the castell. Howbeit, to be assured of them, the lord pro∣tector prouiding ech waie to be readie for them, cau∣sed eight péeces of ordinance fensed with baskets of earth to be planted on the southside toward the cas∣tell within power of batterie, and the harquebutters to continue their watch and ward.

On thursdaie morning being the two and twen∣tith of September, the lord Greie was appointed to receiue the rendring of the castell into his hands, and sir Edward Dudleie now lord Dudleie after to be capteine there. They both departed to it, and at the time set Andrew Hume,* 1.127 and foure other of the chie∣fest there with him came out, and yéelding the castell, deliuered the keies to the said lord Greie: his lord∣ship causing the residue to come out then, sauing six or seuen to keepe their baggage within, who all were in number seuentie and eight, entred the same with maister Dudleie, and diuerse other gentlemen with him. He found there indifferent good store of vittels and wine, & of ordinance two bastard culuerings,

one sacre, also thrée falconets of brasse, and of iron eight péeces beside. The keeping of this castell the lord Greie betaking vnto sir Edward Dudleie ac∣cordinglie returned to the campe. This doone, the next daie being fridaie, and the thrée and twentith of September, they dislodged, and went that morning to Rockesburgh, incamping in a great fallow field, betwixt Rockesburgh and Kelseie, standing east∣ward a quarter of a mile off.* 1.128 Here at Rockesburgh they began to build a fort within the compasse of an old ruinous castell, the plot and site whereof standeth [line 10] naturallie verie strong, vpon a hill east and west of an eight score in length, and three score in breadth, drawing to a narrownesse at the east end, the whole ground whereof the old walles did yet inuiron. Be∣side the heigth and hardnesse to come to, it is strong∣lie fensed on either side with the course of two great riuers, Tiuet on the north, and Twéed on the south, both which ioining somwhat nigh togither at the west end of it. Tiuet by a large compasse about the fields [line 20] (in which the campe laie) at Kelseie, dooth fall into this Twéed, which with great depth and swiftnesse runneth from thense eastward into the sea at Ber∣wike. Ouer this betwixt Kelseie and Rockesburgh there hath béene a great stone bridge with arches, the which the Scots in times past haue all to broken, be∣cause the Englishmen should not that waie come to them.

* 1.129Soone after the lord protectors surueie of the plot, and determination to doo as much in déed for ma∣king [line 30] it defensible, as shortnesse of the time & season of the yéere could suffer (which was) that one great trench of twentie foot broad with depth according, and a wall of like depth, bredth, and heigth, should be made crosse within the castell from the one side wall to the other, and fortie foot from the west end: and that a like trench and wall should likewise be cast a trauerse within, about a coits cast from the east end, and hereto that the castell walles on either side where néed was, should be mended with turffe, and made with lowps, as well for shooting directlie for∣ward [line 40] as for flanking at hand: the worke of which deuise did make that (beside the safegard of these trenches and walles) the keepers should also be much defended from the enimies force by both the end walles of the castell: the pioners were set a worke, and diligentlie applied in the same.

The lard of Sesseforth, and manie other lards and gentlemen of Tiuidall and the Mers, hauing come and communed with the lord protector and the coun∣cell,* 1.130 made an assurance, or as it were a truce for that [line 50] daie, till the next daie at night; and on the next daie, while assurance lasted, these lards and gentlemen be∣ing the chiefest in the whole Mers and Tiuidale, came in againe, whome the dukes grace with wisedome and policie without bloudshed did win then vnto the kings obedience, for the which they did willinglie then receiue an oth: whose names in part insue. The lard of Sesseforth,* 1.131 the lard of Fernihurst, the lard of Greenehead, the lard of Hunthill, the lard of Huntleie, the lard of Markeston by Merside, the [line 60] lard of Boniedworth, the lard of Ormeston, the lard of Mailestaine, the lard of Warmeseie, the lard of Linton, the lard of Egerston, the lard of Marton, the lard of Mow, the lard of Reddell, the lard of Reamerside.* 1.132 George Trombull, Iohn Hollibur∣ton, Robert Car of Greiden, Adam Kirton, An∣drew Kirton, Andrew Meither, Sander Spur of Erleston, Marke Car of Littleden, George Car of Faldenside, Alexander Makdowell, Charles Ro∣therford, Thomas Car of the Yere, Iohn Car of Meinthorne, Walter Holiburton, Richard Han∣ganside, Andrew Car, Iames Dowglas of Cauers, Iames Car of Mersington, George Hoppringle, William Ormeston of Enmerden, Iohn Grim∣stow. Manie more there were beside, but ouerpas∣sed by maister Patten, for that they remained in the register with these, as he saith. The duke of Sum∣merset tendred the furtherance of the worke so much,* 1.133 that he forbare not to laie his owne hand to the spade and shouell, thereby to incourage others: so as there were but few lords, knights, and gentlemen in the field, but with spade, shouell, or mattocke did therein their parts.

The fiue and twentith of September being sun∣daie, the Scots began to bring vittels to the campe, & were so well intreated and paied for the same, that during the time of the Englishmens abode there, they wanted not of the commodities which their countrie could minister. The eight and twentith of September a Scotish herald accompanied with cer∣teine Frenchmen,* 1.134 that were perchance more desi∣rous to marke the armie than to wit of their wel∣fare, came and declared that within a seauen-night after, their commissioners, to whome safe conduct had béene granted, should come and commune with our councell at Berwike; whose comming the earle of Warwike, and sir Rafe Sadler with other the commissioners appointed, did so long while there a∣bide. But what the Scots ment by breaking promise I cannot saie, howbeit come they did not, & therfore escaped not the iust note of dissimulation, howsoeuer else they could colour the matter in their owne ex∣cuse.

The same daie after noone,* 1.135 the duke of Summer∣set adorned with titles of dignitie diuerse lords, knights, and gentlemen, the names and promotions of whom master Patten hath set downe out of the he∣ralds booke, as followeth: Sir Rafe Sadler treasu∣ror,* 1.136 sir Francis Brian capteine of the light horsse∣men, sir Rafe Uane lieutenant of all the horsse∣men: these knights were made banerets, a digni∣tie aboue a knight, and next to a baron. The lord Greie of Wilton high marshall,* 1.137 the lord Edward Seimer the duke of Summersets son, the lord Tho∣mas Howard, the lord Waldike a Cleuelander, sir Thomas Dacres, sir Edward Hastings, sir Ed∣mund Bridges, sir Iohn Thin, sir Miles Patridge, sir Iohn Conweie, sir Giles Poole, sir Rafe Bag∣noll, sir Oliuer Laurence, sir Henrie Gates, sir Tho∣mas Chaloner, sir Francis Fleming master of the ordinance, sir Iohn Gresham,* 1.138 sir William Skip∣with, sir Iohn Buts, sir George Blaag, sir Willi∣am Francis, sir Francis Knolles, sir William Thornburrow, sir George Howard, sir Iames Wil∣ford, sir Rafe Coppinger, sir Thomas Wentworth, sir Iohn Meruen, sir Nicholas Strange, sir Charles Sturton, sir Hugh Askue, sir Francis Salmin, sir Richard Tounleie, sir Marmaduke Conestable, sir George Audleie, sir Iohn Holcroft, sir Iohn South∣worth, sir Thomas Danbie, sir Iohn Talbot, sir Rowland Clarke, sir Iohn Horsleie, sir Iohn For∣ster, sir Christopher Dies, sir Peter Negro, sir Alan∣zo de Uile, sir Henrie Husseie, sir Iames Granado Brabander, sir Walter Bonham, sir Robert Brand∣ling maior of Newcastell, and made knight there at the duke of Summersets returne.

But now that Rockesburgh was sufficientlie made defensible (the which to sée it séemed the duke of Summerset had vowed before he would thence de∣part) his grace and the councell did first determine that my lord Greie should remaine vpon the bor∣ders there as the kings lieutenant, and then tooke or∣der for the forts:* 1.139 that sir Andrew Dudleie capteine of Broughticrag had left with two hundred soldi∣ers of harquebutters & others, and a sufficient num∣ber of pioners for his works: sir Edward Dudleie capteine of Hume castell threescore harquebutters,

fortie horssemen, and a hundred pioners: sir Rafe Bulmer capteine of Rockesburgh thrée hundred soldiers of harquebutters and others, and two hun∣dred pioners. As things were thus concluded, and warning giuen ouer night on this wednesdaie be∣ing Michaelmasse euen,* 1.140 on the next morrow being Michaelmasse daie euerie man fell to packing apase and got them homewards, passing ouer the Twéed there with some trouble and danger also,* 1.141 by reason of raine that latelie fell before, & had raised the streame, [line 10] which being swift of it selfe, and the chanell vneuen in the bottome with great stones made the passage cumbersome, so that manie as well horssemen as footmen were in no small perill as they passed tho∣rough, and one or two drowned, and manie cariages ouerthrowne, and in great hazzard of losing.

The duke of Summerset rode streight to New∣castell, and thence homewards. The earle of War∣wike, my lord Greie, and sir Rafe Sadler, with di∣uerse other rode to Berwike, to abide the comming [line 20] of the Scotish commissioners. In the meane time of their tarieng there, the earle of Warwike made sir knights;* 1.142 sir Thomas Neuill the lord Neuils brother, sir Andrew Corbet, sir Anthonie Strelleie, sir Arthur Manering, sir Richard Uerneie, sir Iohn Berteuille. After that the earle of Warwike had ta∣ried for the comming of the Scots the full terme of the appointment, which was vntill the fourth of Octo∣ber, and perceiued they came not, the next daie he departed homewards.

Here ye haue to vnderstand also, that in part of [line 30] the meane time whilest the duke of Summerset was in dooing of these exploits in Scotland (as ye haue heard rehearsed) the earle of Lenox, and the lord Wharton warden of the west marches,* 1.143 with an ar∣mie of fiue thousand men, entred Scotland on that side, and first passing two miles after a daie and a nights defense,* 1.144 they wan the church of Annan, tooke seuentie & two prisoners kéepers of the same, burnt the spoile for cumber of cariage, and caused the church to be blowen vp with powder, passing thence a six∣téene [line 40] miles within the land, they wan the castell of Milke,* 1.145 the which they left furnished with munition and men, and so returned. But of this ye shall find more in the historie of Scotland, by the sufferance of God, where we intreat of the dooings there in this yeare.

Thus much haue I collected out of master Pattens booke, or rather exemplified the same, not much di∣gressing from his owne words, except where I haue [line 50] bin forced to abridge his worke in some places, wish∣ing to haue inserted the whole, if the purpose of this volume would haue so permitted, as well for the full vnderstanding of euerie particular point, by him re∣membred, as also for his pleasant and apt ma••er of penning the same. Whilest the lord protector was abrode thus in wars against the Scots, the lords of the councell that remained at home, chiefelie by the good and diligent calling on and furtherance of the archbishop of Canturburie, and others of the clear∣gie, [line 60] tooke order for the aduancement of religion, cau∣sing the bookes of homilies and the paraphrase of E∣rasmus to be set foorth and had in churches.* 1.146

At the comming backe of the lord protector from his iourneie into Scotland, the citizens of London determined to haue receiued him with great tri∣umph: but he hearing thereof, forbad them in anie wise so to doo:

for (said he) if anie thing hath béene doone to the honour of the realme, it was Gods doo∣ing, and therefore willed them to giue him the praise.

Neuerthelesse the maior and aldermen, with cer∣teine of the commoners in their liueries and their hoods,* 1.147 hearing of his approch to the citie, the eight daie of October met him in Finnesburie field, where he tooke each of them by the hand, and thanked them for their good wils. The lord maior did ride with him till they came to the pound in Smithfield, where his grace left them, and rode to his house of Shene that night, and the next daie to the king to Hampton court. The fourth daie of Nouember began a par∣lement, called and holden at Westminster,* 1.148 which continued till the foure and twentith of December next following, & was then proroged. In this parle∣ment, all colleges, chanteries, and frée chappels were giuen to the king, and the statute of the six articles was repealed, with diuerse others tending to the like end. Moreouer, during this parlement visiters be∣ing appointed to visit in London, the sixtéenth of No∣uember began to take downe the images in Paules church: and shortlie after all the images in euerie church, not onelie through London, but also through∣out the whole realme, were pulled downe and de∣faced.

The lord protector and others of the councell, considering now in what sort they had got foothold in Scotland,* 1.149 by reason of such peeces as they had taken and fortified within the realme, did deuise for the more suertie of those places, which they had alreadie got, and the better to bring the rest of the countrie vnto reason, to haue some holds also more within the land, and therefore first they caused a fort to be builded at Lowder,* 1.150 where sir Hugh Willoughbie was appointed capteine with a conuenient garri∣son of soldiers to kéepe it. Beside this, it was thought expedient to fortifie the towne of Hadington, where∣vpon the lord Greie lieutenant of the north parts, with sir Thomas Palmer, and sir Thomas Hol∣croft, were appointed to go thither with a conuenient number of men of warre & pioners to sée that towne fensed with trenches, rampiers, and bulworks, as should séeme to his lordship necessarie and behooue∣full; who therefore entring into Scotland the eigh∣téenth of Aprill, passed forth to Hadington,* 1.151 where he began to fortifie, and there remained to sée the worke brought to some perfection. During his abode there, diuerse exploits were both valiantlie attempted and luckilie atchiued by his martiall conduct and politike direction, as occasions offred might moue him, which I would gladlie haue set downe at large, if I could haue come to the true vnderstanding thereof; but sith I cannot get the same, in such full manner as I haue wished, that yet which I haue learned by true report (as I take it) I haue thought good to impart to the reader.

The eight and twentith of Maie, his lordship wan the castell of Yester,* 1.152 after he had beaten it right sore with terrible batterie of canon shot for the time it lasted, and therewith hauing made a reasonable breach for the soldiers to enter, they within yéelded with condition to haue their liues saued: which the lord Greie was contented to grant to them all,* 1.153 one onelie excepted, who during the siege vttered vn∣séemelie words of the king, abusing his maiesties name with vile and most opprobrious termes. They all comming foorth of the castell in their shirts, hum∣bled themselues to my lord Greie (as became them) and vpon strait examination who should be the rai∣ler that was excepted out of the pardon, it was knowne to be one Newton a Scot:* 1.154 but he to saue himselfe, put it to one Hamilton, and so these two gentlemen accusing one an other, the truth could not be decided otherwise than by a combat, which they required, and my lord Greie therevnto assented, and pronounced iudgement so to haue it tried: which he did the rather, bicause all men doo séeme resolute in the triall of truth (as in a verie good cause) by losse of life to gaine an endlesse name; as one saith:

Mors spernenda viris vt fama perennis alatur.

At the appointed time they entered the lists, set vp for that purpose in the market place of Hading∣ton, without other apparell sauing their doublets and hosen, weaponed with sword, buckler and dag∣ger. At the first entrie into the lists, Hamilton kneeling downe,* 1.155 made his hartie praier to God, that it might please him to giue victorie vnto the truth, with solemne protestation that he neuer vttred anie such words of king Edward of England, as his ad∣uersarie charged him with. On the other side New∣ton [line 10] being troubled (as it séemed) with his false accu∣sation, argued vnto the beholders his guiltie con∣science. Now were the sticklers in a readinesse, and the combattors with their weapons drawne fell to it, so that betwixt them were striken six or seuen blowes right lustilie. But Hamilton being verie fierce and egre, vpon trust of his innocencie, con∣streined Newton to giue ground almost to the end of the lists; and if he had driuen him to the end in déed, then by the law of armes he had woone the victorie. [line 20] Newton perceiuing himselfe to be almost at point to be thus ouercome, stept forwards againe, and gaue Hamilton such a gash on the leg, that he was not able longer to stand, but fell therewith downe to the ground,* 1.156 and then Newton falling on him, incon∣tinentlie slue him with a dagger.

There were gentlemen present that knowing as they tooke it for certeine, how Newton was the offendor (although fortune had fauoured him in the combat) would gladlie haue ventured their liues a∣gainst [line 30] him man for man, if it might haue béene granted: but he chalenging the law of armes, had it granted by my lord Greie,* 1.157 who gaue him also his owne gowne beside his owne backe, and a chaine of gold which he then ware. Thus was he well rewar∣ded how so euer he deserued:* 1.158 but he escaped not so, for afterwards as he was riding betwixt the borders of both the realms, he was slaine and cut in péeces. On the fourth of Iune, the towne of Dawketh was burnt, and the castell woone by force, where fourteene [line 40] Scots were slaine, and three hundred taken priso∣ners, amongst whome were these men of name; the maister of Morton, son in law to sir George Dow∣glasse, the lard of Blengaruie, the lard of Wedder∣burne, and one Alexander Hume, a man of good re∣putation among them. The same daie the English horssemen burnt all the mils round about Eden∣burgh, within the compasse of six miles on each side the towne. The seuenth of Iune they burnt Muskel∣burgh.* 1.159 Now after that my lord Greie had fortified [line 50] Hadington, and furnished it with vittels, and mu∣nitions sufficient, the twelfe of Iune he departed from thence homewards, leauing there in garrison about two thousand footmen, and fiue hundred horsse∣men.

In this meane time, Henrie the French king succeeding his father Francis the first (who departed this life the last of March in the yere last past, to wit, 1547) made prouision of an armie,* 1.160 with a nauie of ships and gallies, to passe into Scotland to the aid of [line 60] the quéene and other of his faction. And first he had sent thither monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron, a gen∣tleman of good account, to assist the gouernour with his aduise and counsell, which gouernour desirous to recouer the castell of Broughticrag, and loth to sée it possessed by the Englishmen raised a power of eight thousand men,* 1.161 and with eight péeces of artilleris came before that fortresse, meaning to win it by siege; but by the valiant prowes of sir Andrew Dud∣leie, and the hardie manhood of such English souldi∣ors as serued there vnder him, the Scots were re∣pelled, and driuen to leuie their siege with dishonor.

Yet not thus contented, the earle of Argile with an armie of his Irish Scots, or Hieland men (if I maie so call them) after this likewise came and besie∣ged the place, but glad to take truce for a time with sir Andrew. Before the tearme of the same truce was expired, there came new succours to him, and therevpon the earle in the end was constrained to leuie his siege, and suffer the Englishmen to become maisters of a little hill not farre off from the castell, where afterwards they builded a fortresse. But to re∣turne to the French armie which was prepared to passe into Scotland, ye shall vnderstand that when their ships and prouisions were once readie, and the capteins with their bands come downe to Brest in Britaine, where the nauie was rigged to receiue them, monsieur de Desse generall of all the armie,* 1.162 reckoned to conteine seuen or eight thousand men, imbarked himselfe with all his people, and sailed foorth on his iournie, till they arriued in the Forth, and there tooke land at Lieth the sixteenth of Iune.* 1.163

Shortlie after, hauing got their great artillerie on land, and taken aduise with the lord gouernour & other of the Scotish nobilitie, whome they found at Edenburgh, how to proceed in prosecuting the war against the Englishmen, it was resolued that with∣out delaie they shuld trie their forces about the reco∣uerie of Hadington, and go to besiege that towne,* 1.164 before they attempted anie further exploit. The go∣uernour and other of the Scotish lords, hauing with them seuen or eight hundred light horssemen, offred to go with them, to the better aduancing forward of that enterprise. Herevpon setting forward, and com∣ming to Muskelburgh, the capteins with a cer∣teine number of horssemen and footmen, as well of Scots as Frenchmen, were appointed to go before to view the said towne of Hadington. Upon their approch neere to the towne, there issued foorth certeine Englishmen and Italians, that were of Tiberios band, which skirmished with them right stoutlie, till at length the Frenchmen and Scots retired backe to Lauret a little from Muskelburgh (where their armie incamped for that night) and the Englishmen and Italians returned backe to their fortresse.

The next daie the Frenchmen and Scots with their whole power came before Hadington,* 1.165 where they were welcomed with a right sharpe and hot skirmish, in which was slaine with an harquebuse shot, one of the French capteins called Uilleneufue. In the meane time whilest this skirmish continued,* 1.166 the Reinsgraue with his Almans incamped him∣selfe on the one side of the towne, where the maister of the ordinance in the French armie, named mon∣sieur Duno, caused trenches to be cast for the safe placing of the artillerie:* 1.167 the Englishmen still kept them occupied on each side the towne with skirmi∣shing, to the annoiance of the aduersaries. To con∣clude, they incamped before the towne, cast trenches, lodged their ordinance, & laid their siege to the most aduantage, so far as they might be suffered. Shortlie after that this siege was planted,* 1.168 there came to the aid of the French, the earle of Argile, with a great number of Irish Scots, and monsieur de la Cha∣pelle brought an eight or nine hundred Scotish pio∣ners, which began a trench on the left hand of the ab∣beie gate, and likewise a trauerse to couer their soul∣diors that should watch and ward, from danger of the shot out of the towne on that side.

The Englishmen with often issues gaue their aduersaries small rest, procuring manie hot skirmi∣shes, as occasion serued. At one of the which skirmi∣shes Piero Strozzi,* 1.169 coronell of three ensigns of Ita∣lians, was striken with a musket shot. Yet monsieur de Desse inforcing the siege to the vttermost of his power, caused one night with helpe of baskets filled with earth,* 1.170 six peeces of artillerie to be planted in batterie fast at the towne side, which at the breake

of daie began to shoot off, and discharged that present daie thrée hundred and fortie shots. But after they perceiued that they did litle hurt to the fortifications of the towne in that place where this batterie was laid: the next night, the baskets & peeces of artillerie were remooued lower, and not past three score pases from the ditches of the towne, where the next daie two hundred shots were discharged against the ram∣pire. To conclude, they made such breaches in sun∣drie places for easie entrie into the towne, that it [line 10] was greatlie maruelled whie they durst not assaie to giue a generall assault.

They lodged so neare within the verie ditches, that there were deuised certeine plummets of lead, tied with cords to a truncheon of a staffe, like to an handstaffe of a flaile, wherewith the souldiors that watched and warded within the towne on the ram∣pire, slue diuerse of the Frenchmen being their lod∣ged within their ditches. Thus notwithstanding that the Frenchmen with their artillerie had broken [line 20] downe the fortifications, so as the breaches were made verie reasonable and easie for them to enter; yet durst they not presume once to giue the assault: for the Englishmen although their powder was sore spent,* 1.171 and that for want of matches they were con∣streined to teare their shirts, and vse the same in sted of matches; yet they shewed themselues so valiant in defending the towne thus beaten & made weake on each hand, that there was no hope left to their aduersaries to win it of them by force. Although the [line 30] French power on the one side, and eight thousand Scots on an other had so inuironed it, that the Eng∣lishmen within were driuen to most hard shifts, for want of things necessarie & requisite for their main∣tenance and defense of that towne.

But yet whilest they remained thus in such di∣stresse and necessitie of things, two hundred Eng∣lishmen vnder the conduct of capteine Windham, Warham Seintleger, and Iohn Car of Warke, found meanes one night to passe through all the [line 40] watches on that side where the Scots laie,* 1.172 and ente∣ring the towne, and bringing with them great plen∣tie of powder, and other necessaries, greatlie relie∣ued them within, & so incouraged them, that they sée∣med to make small account of their enimies forces. Herevpon within few daies after, the Scots (fiue or six hundred light horssemen onelie excepted) brake vp their campe and returned home. After this, my lord Greie remaining at Berwike, ment to make a voiage himselfe in person for the reliefe of them that [line 50] were thus besieged in Hadington. Now when all things were so farre in a readinesse as the next daie he ment to haue set forward, letters were brought that night from the court, willing him to performe that seruice by a deputie, and to staie himselfe till the comming of the earle of Shrewesburie, who was appointed with an armie to come verie shortlie as generall into those parties.

My lord Greie herevpon appointed in his stead sir Robert Bowes, and sir Thomas Palmer, to go [line 60] thither,* 1.173 who comming to Dunglas, left there cer∣teine bands of footmen, and with the horssemen be∣ing in number thirtéene hundred (whereof seuen hundred lances were appointed vnder the charge of sir Thomas Palmer) they rode forward to accom∣plish their enterprise: but the French capteins ha∣uing knowledge of their comming, they prouided the best they could to repell them, appointing foure venlins or ensignes of lanceknights to kéepe a stan∣ding watch that night in the trenches, and the like number of French ensignes to watch about their campe. All the other of their bands were comman∣ded to take rest, but yet with their armour on their backs.

Their generall monsieur de Desse himselfe, mon∣sieur de Mailleraie admerall of their fléet, monsieur Dandelot coronell of the French footmen, Piero Strozzi coronell of the Italians, the Reinsgraue co∣ronell of the lanceknights, and all other the noble men and capteins of honour among them were all night long in armour, trauelling vp and downe, some on horssebacke, and some on foot, to visit the watches and scouts, set in places and waies by the which they suspected that the Englishmen ment to come.* 1.174 The lord Hume riding abrode to learne what he might of the Englishmens demeanour, earlie in the morning returned to the campe, and certified monsieur de Desse, that they were at hand. Here∣with were the Scotish and French horssemen that kept the scout called in,* 1.175 and monsieur Dandelot with great expedition ranged his battell of foot∣men in order, and so likewise did the Reinsgraue his Almans.

The Englishmen diuided into two bands came and shewed themselues in the sight of the towne, and charging such Scots and Frenchmen as came foorth to incounter them, gaue them the ouerthrow at two seuerall charges: but finallie presuming too farre vp∣on their good lucke thus chancing to them in the be∣ginning, followed in chase those that fled before them, vntill at length they were inclosed and shut vp betwixt the French footmen on the one side, and the Almans on the other. And herewith the Scotish hors∣men vnder the conduct of the lords, Humes & Dune, & the French horssemen led by monsieur de Etauges their generall, being assembled togither eftsoones,* 1.176 after they had beene so repelled, were now readie to come forward againe: and perceiuing their footmen so to haue inuironed the Englishmen, that they were not able to recouer themselues, nor to get out of danger,* 1.177 but by disordring their ranks to take them to flight, followed amaine, so that those which escaped the Frenchmens hands were taken by the Scots that pursued them in chase, so that few were saued that were not either slaine or taken. My lord Greie lost thréescore and twelue great horsses, and an hun∣dred geldings, with all the men vpon them, armed with his lordships owne furniture, onelie foure or fiue of his men came home, of the which Thomas Cornwallis now groome porter to the * 1.178 quéenes ma∣iestie was one, and Robert Car esquier an other then page to my said lord Greie.

The vnaduised rashnesse of sir Thomas Palmer was thought to be the chiefe occasion of this distresse of those horssemen, who after they had doone suffici∣entlie for that time, would needs haue them to giue a new charge, and so were discomfited. After this o∣uerthrow and chase of our horssemen, the armie that was leuied to passe into Scotland was hasted for∣ward with all spéed possible: for although before the comming of the English horssemen, the French,* 1.179 vp∣on aduertisement giuen that they meant to come, had plucked backe their great artillerie, and sent the same vnto Edenburgh, kéeping onelie with them six field-péeces, and herewith remooued their campe further off from the towne: yet by forestalling vitels and all other necessarie things from them within, they were driuen to such distresse, that they must of force haue left the towne to the enimies, if some pow∣er had not come within a while to remooue the siege that laie thus to annoie them.

When therefore the armie was come to Newca∣stell,* 1.180 & the earle of Shrewesburie generall lieutenant of the same was there arriued, they passed forward to Berwike, and from thense marched streight to∣wards Hadington. The number of the Englishmen and strangers was reported at the point of fifteene thousand, whereof thrée thousand were Almans vn∣der

the conduct of a right woorthie and expert chief∣teine,* 1.181 named Conrad Phenning, commonlie cal∣led Cortpenie. Beside this armie by land, there was also furnished foorth a fléet by sea, vnder the conduct of the lord Clinton high admerall of England, and other capteins of great experience in affaires and seruice by sea. This fléet was appointed so to kéepe course with the armie by land, that the one might be euer in sight of the other. Monsieur de Desse aduer∣tised of the comming forward of this armie, durst [line 10] not abide their comming,* 1.182 but raised his field, and retired with his armie toward Edenburgh: howbeit they were no sooner dislodged, but that a great troope of the English horssemen were got within sight of them, and coasted them all the waie as they marched for the space of seuen or eight miles, in maner to as farre as Muskelburgh,* 1.183 where the Frenchmen staied, and incamped in a place chosen foorth to their most aduantage.

The earle of Shrewesburie, and the lord Greie [line 20] with the armie comming vnto Hadington, were ioifullie receiued of the capteins and soldiours with∣in: where it might appeare how valiantlie they had defended that towne during the siege, being so desti∣tute of all things necessarie for their reléefe; and the fortifications so weake, that if the noble prowesse of their woorthie generall sir Iames Wilford, and the incomparable manhood of the rest of the capteins and soldiours had not supplied all other wants, it was thought impossible that they should haue defen∣ded the place so long a time against such forces as had [line 30] beene there imploied against them. But such was the vndanted valiancie of that noble crue and garrison, that euen the verie enimies themselues could not but yeeld high commendations to the capteins and soldiours for the hardie forwardnesse and manhood, which at all times they had found and tried in them at all points of seruice, when they came to deale with them. And verelie their same deserueth to be had in memorie for euer, not onelie for their woorthie atchi∣ued exploits, doone by force of hand, to the beating [line 40] backe and repelling of the enimies, but also for their patient susteining of hunger, thirst, continuall wat∣ching, nakednesse, sickenesse, and all other such ca∣lamities and miseries, as want of things necessarie for the reléefe and maintenance of mans life is woont to bring,* 1.184 to those that are inclosed in such wise by the enimie. All which extremities they were well content to susteine, so that it might turne to the benefit and renowme of their countrie, in comparison whereof [line 50] they esteemed all things else verie vile and contemp∣tible, were the same neuer so good, as the poet saith:

Tantus amor patriae mortalia pectora tangit, Natalisque soli, prae quo bona caetera sordent.

The noble earle of Shrewesburie could not for∣beare to shed teares, to vnderstand and perceiue that such woorthie soldiours should suffer such great di∣stresse, whose valiant hearts could not be quailed with anie afflictions. Thus with mournefull imbra∣cings intermixed with pitifull regards they met. The [line 60] earle entering the towne, furnished it with new bands of men, good store of vittels, munition, and all other things conuenient, and as then thought requi∣quisit. Thus hauing refreshed the towne, within two daies after he passed foorth towards the enimies, appointing by the aduise of that noble chiefteine the lord Greie, certeine bands of horssemen to kéepe themselues close togither in ambush,* 1.185 and to send a few to the French campe, to trie if they might traine the Frenchmen out of their strength. And as they wished, it partlie came to passe: for diuerse of their horssemen issued foorth of their campe, and prof∣fered the skirmish. The Englishmen suffered them∣selues to be chased, vntill they had got their enimies within danger of their ambush, and then whirling a∣bout, gaue them the charge, inforcing them to make their careir backe, with more than an easie gallop; so that hauing the Frenchmen thus in chase,* 1.186 they slue and tooke diuerse, and among the prisoners were two capteins, Pierre Longue, and one Lucinet. The others that escaped, returned with this losse to their campe.

In the meane time, whilest these things were thus in dooing,* 1.187 there came to the aid of the Frenchmen fouretéene or fiftéene thousand Scots, accounting herewith the Irish Scots which came with the earle of Argile. These Scots were scarse lodged, when suddenlie the earle of Shrewesburie & the lord Greie came with their armie diuided into three battels of footmen, garded with two troops of horssemen,* 1.188 pre∣senting themselues before the faces of their enimies in the same place, where their anant currors the daie before had shewed themselues to draw foorth the Frenchmen. Here the armie thus ranged in arraie of battell, staied aboue the space of an houre, looking if the enimies durst haue come foorth to haue giuen battell:* 1.189 but when they perceiued that by no meanes the Frenchmen meant to forsake their strength, they returned backe to their campe. The English nauie being entered now into the Forth, was not idle: for comming to Brent Iland they set fire on foure ships, which they found there,* 1.190 and after passing by Lieth saluted them within the towne with cannon shot, and after intending to burne saint Minets, were re∣pelled from thense by the lord of Dune, and after re∣turned to attend on the armie. The earle of Shrewes∣burie, and my lord Greie hauing executed so much as their commission would beare, and refreshed Ha∣dington with all things néedfull, departed home∣wards; and comming to Dunglas,* 1.191 began there to build a fortresse. The English Almans as the armie passed by Dunbar, burned the towne. These Almans also, and certeine bands of Englishmen, as well horssemen as footmen, were left at Dunglas, vntill the Forth there begun was in some strength. The earle of Shrewesburie with the rest of the armie came backe into England.* 1.192 My lord Greie remaining on the borders lieutenant of the north parts, after the earle of Shrewesburie was returned home, assem∣bled all the horssemen then lieng on the borders, and being backed with the Almane footmen, entered a∣gaine with the same horssemen into Scotland, bur∣ning and wasting in the countries of Tiuidall, and Liddesdall, for the space of twentie miles, both house, corne, haie, and all other things that came within their reach, and after returned without in∣counter.

The ninth of October being tuesdaie, monsieur de Desse, with his Frenchmen and Almans, came in the morning long before daie to Hadington, mean∣ing to haue woone the towne by stealth. And verelie the enterprise was gouerned in such secret maner, that the Frenchmen had killed the English scouts, and were entered the base court, yer anie alarum was raised: and hauing slaine the watch, some of them ran to a place behind a church, where the Eng∣lishmen had their vittels and munitions, and some thrust vp to the towne gate,* 1.193 inforsing with great vio∣lence to breake it open, crieng with noise and shouts, Uictorie, victorie, whereof in déed they accounted themselues then assured. And questionles the Eng∣lishmen being thus wakened out of their sléeps on the sudden, were in some great disorder; so that ma∣nie of them came running foorth without either ar∣mour or apparell, their shirts excepted; & others ran they wist not well whither, nor where to take héed. But yet as the Frenchmen were thronged togither at the gate to breake it open, a Frenchman (as their

writers doo report) that serued within the towne, but as other saie Tiberio capteine of the Italians, with his match light gaue fier to a double canon, that laie readie bent against the gate, so that the same shooting off,* 1.194 made such a lane among the Frenchmen, that they were glad to giue place, and with such a fearefull crie, that those which were behind, not vnderstanding what losse their fellowes before had susteined, brake their arraie and fled amaine.

The Englishmen herewith passed through a priuie [line 10] posterne into the base court, and comming vpon them with their halberds, and blacke bils, slue of them great plentie, and droue the rest that escaped ouer the wall in such hast, that happie was he that could tumble ouer first. Monsieur de Desse yet ga∣thering them togither againe, gaue that morning thrée sharpe assaults to the towne, but was repelled with great losse, for they caried awaie with them six∣téene carts and wagons laden with hurt persons and dead carcasses, besides thrée hundred that were [line 20] found in the base court, which they could not come to, after they were beaten out, to take awaie with them. And thus was monsieur de Desse constreined to re∣turne, repenting himselfe of that his bold attempted enterprise, hauing lost no small number of his Frenchmen and Almans, being slaine in the place. In this meane time, the kings maiestie summoned his high court of parlement,* 1.195 to be holden vpon pro∣rogation at Westminster the fourth of Nouember, where it continued till the fourteenth of March next [line 30] insuing.

In the meane time, the proceedings for the Sco∣tish wars was not forgotten, whervpon in the deepe of the winter, there were conueied certeine bands of the English lancequenets, and some number of Englishmen, both horssemen and footmen by sea vn∣to Bronghticrag; and passing from thence vnto Dundée, a two miles from thence, entred the towne, and began to fortifie it:* 1.196 but shortlie after by the com∣ming of the French armie with monsieur de Desse, [line 40] they left it, first spoiling the houses, and after set them on fire at their departure. The Reinsgraue coronell of the Almans, and monsieur de Etauges, being sent by monsieur de Desse before, entered Dundee, and lodged within it. Within two daies after their comming thither, they tooke certeine of their bands, and going foorth did view and surueie the new fort, which the Englishmen had begun to make on the hill, a small distance from the castell. But the Eng∣lishmen and their Almans issuing foorth against [line 50] them, were at their elbowes yer they were halfe well aduised that they were got so neare them, whereby being driuen hastilie to retire, they hardlie escaped out of danger,* 1.197 being so hotlie pursued, that if the Reinsgraue had not shewed his approoued valiancie, guided with no lesse policie than manhood, the whole troope had béene (as was thought) vtterlie distres∣sed.

In Christmasse this yéere the castell of Hume was recouered out of the Englishmens hands, through [line 60] treson of certeine assured Scots, that vsing to bring vittels of the Englishmen that kept it, had marked all the manner of the scouts and watches, with the places of the wall where the clime was most easie. Whervpon in the night season, certeine of the Scots secretlie comming into the ditches, got vp to the heigth of the wals, and entring the place, slue and tooke vpon the sudden all that were within it. The sixtéenth of Ianuarie, sir Thomas Seimer baron of Sudleie, [year 1549] lord admerall, and brother to the duke of Summerset lord protector,* 1.198 was arrested and sent to the tower, and after by authoritie of parlement he was attainted, and the twentith of March next insu∣ing,* 1.199 in the third yeare of this kings reigne be headed at tower hill. Moreouer in this parlement,* 1.200 the vse of the masse was clearlie prohibited, and a booke for the vniformitie of diuine seruice, and right admini∣stration of the sacraments, was set foorth and esta∣blished.

Yee haue heard how the Frenchmen fortified the towne of Dundee, where monsieur de Etauges,* 1.201 with his companie of horssemen lieng in garrison chanced in a skirmish to be taken by the English∣men that laie in Broughticrag, to the great reioi∣sing of them that tooke him, and no lesse gréefe of the French and Scots, for the tried valiancie that was throughlie knowne to rest in him. Moreouer, the Englishmen that kept the towne of Hadington all this while against the enimies, could not come by a∣nie vittels, but onelie by a conuoie of some conueni∣ent power to gard the cariages that brought the same from the borders. And as it fortuned at one time when the conuoie came and passed by Dunbar, a skirmish was proffered by the French which laie within that castell in garrison. And as sir Iames Wilford that was there amongst other vpon this occasion (according to his woonted valiancie) shew∣ed himselfe verie forward and egre against the eni∣mie, he was inclosed by an ambush, which the French∣men had laid on ech side the stréete within the towne, that he could by no means escape out of their hands, but hauing his horsse there slaine vnder him, was taken prisoner euen by a Gascoigne of the countrie of Basque named Pellieque,* 1.202 that woone no small commendation for that his good hap, in taking such a prisoner, whose name for his often approoued prow∣esse was verie famous euen among the enimies, who saw well inough a resolutenesse in the man ra∣ther by perillous aduentures to purchase the perpe∣tuitie of renowme, than by defect of courage or neg∣ligent seruice to loose both life and same. Which per∣suasion should enter into the hart of euerie seruitor in the field, if they will be counted right valiant in∣deed, considering that he which in his life time dooth performe nothing worthie memorie, is like a plaier entring vpon the stage, but shewing nothing either in spéech or in action, as the poet verie fitlie saith:

Qui nullum facinus tota memorabile vita Ediderint, obscuri homines migrare videntur Hinc, vt qui structa nil dixerit histrio scena.

Some haue written that he was taken through default of those that were appointed to follow him, sith he vndertooke to charge the enimie, in hope that by them he should haue beene assisted. But suerlie those that had the charge of this conuoie, doubting by aduenturing too far, to put all in hazard, thought it wisedome rather to suffer the losse of one, than to ieopard the whole; not perceiuing which waie to re∣medie the matter at that present. Now after that the generall of Hadington was thus taken prisoner, to the great griefe vndoubtedlie, not onelie of all the garrison there, but also of all such as tendered the ad∣uancement of the kings maiesties seruice, sir Iames Crofts was thought a man most méet to supplie the place,* 1.203 and therefore by the lord protector and others of the councell was ordeined generall of that towne of Hadington, and the garrison there, in which roome he bare himselfe so worthilie, as if I should not be suspected of flatterie, for that he liueth yet, and in such credit (as the world knoweth) I might mooue my selfe matter to saie rather much than suf∣ficientlie inough in his due and right deserued com∣mendation.

The king by the aduise of his councell meaning to prosecute the wars in Scotland, with great forces reteined a new power of lancequenets, and other strangers, vnder the conduct of diuers & sundrie cap∣teines: but in the meane time the French king mea∣ning

to breake with the king of England, thought to haue stolen the fortresse of Bullognberg, so that a chosen power of men of warre, to the number of se∣uen thousand, vnder the conduct of monsieur de Cha∣tillon, being sent downe about that exploit on Maie daie at night, came forward with their ladders, and all other furniture méet for the purpose, approching about the houre of midnight néere to the fort, with∣in the which were not at that time manie aboue thrée hundred and fiftie soldiers, vnder the gouernement of sir Nicholas Arnalt knight generall of that [line 10] péece,* 1.204 a capteine of great courage, and no lesse dili∣gence in his charge.

And as it chanced, there were among the French∣men thrée or foure Englishmen, which hauing mat∣ched themselues in marriage with women of that countrie, after the peace was concluded betwixt France and England, were discharged out of the king of Englands wages; and remaining with their wiues, got interteinement among the French∣men, [line 20] and were with monsieur de Chatillon, now comming towards this enterprise. Wherevpon one of the same Englishmen named Carter, that had a∣foretime giuen intelligence to the said sir Nicholas of the Frenchmens dooings,* 1.205 so farre as he might learne and vnderstand the same, would gladlie haue aduertised sir Nicholas Arnalt of the Frenchmens purpose at this time: but monsieur de Chatillon kept the matter so secret, that Carter nor any of the other Englishmen had knowledge thereof, till they were [line 30] now marching forward, so that Carter could not get awaie from them, till they were approched within lesse than a quarter of a mile of Bullognberg, and then slipping aside from among them, came running so fast as he might towards the fort, crieng; Bowes, bowes, as lowd as his voice would serue, & so gaue the alarum to them within the fort.

One of the soldiers called Morgaine Deaton, that chanced to be there at hand in scout with three or foure other, streight knew him, and brought him to [line 40] the draw-bridge, where sir Nicholas Arnalt caused him to be drawen vp betwixt two pikes,* 1.206 vnto whome he declared how the Frenchmen were at hand, mea∣ning to assaile his fort now vpon the sudden, in hope so to surprise it. Herewith, it néeded not to will sir Nicholas to bestirre him, to cause euerie man to make readie, and place themselues as was thought most expedient. And vndoubtedlie the noble courage of that worthie gentleman, furthered much, to cause euerie capteine and soldier vnder him, to put awaie [line 50] all feare, and to haue a regard to doo his dutie, for the receiuing of the enimies; so as they séemed glad of the occasion, whereby they might shew proofe of their accustomed manhood against the enimie, that thus came to steale on them without warning, in purpose to kill euerie man that fell into their hands, if their intention had taken place, making now such hast forward, that before the Englishmen could ••e well readie with their armour and weapons in their ap∣pointed places, the Frenchmen were got to the dit∣ches, [line 60] and appointing thrée thousand of their numbers, the most part gentlemen and double paies, with tar∣gets,* 1.207 battell axes, and pistols, to haue the first scale, saluted them within vpon their verie approch, with seuen hundred harquebuts shot at the first volée.

The Englishmen by order giuen by sir Nicholas, kept themselues close, till the Frenchmen by their sealing ladders, which they brought with them, and had quickelie raised against the walles, began to mount vp, and enter vpon them; at which instant, off went the flankers. Those of sir Nicholas Arnalts monts discharged verie well at the first, but at the se∣cond volee the morters burst. Albeit there were two brasse peeces that were planted aloft on the same mont, of the which the one discharged fiue & twentie shot by the maister, and the other seuen and twentie by his maiestie. Sir Nicholas Arnalt here being ac∣companied with his capteins and soldiers about him, stood at defense so stoutlie as was possible, doo∣ing so valiantlie, that their fame deserueth to liue for euer. There were burst vpon the faces of the enimies (ouer and beside the shot that was bestowed among them) to the number of fiftéene hundred pikes and blacke bils.* 1.208 The Frenchmen verelie stucke to it to the vttermost, and did what laie in the verie last point of their powers to enter vpon the Englishmen, sup∣plieng still the places of their dead and wearie men with fresh succors.

Carter that came to bring word of their com∣ming, with a pike in his hand,* 1.209 stood at the place of the bulworke where they thus gaue the assault, & fought right valiantlie, giuing manie wounds, and recei∣uing some againe: for he was hurt both in the thigh and arme, who suerlie of a priuat soldier (if he were priuat and ordinarie) séemed verie seruiceable at all assaies, considering into what desperat aduentures and hazzards he did as it were cast himselfe, estée∣ming lesse the losse of life and lim, than the reproch and dishonor of his countrie, the glorie & renowme wherof (aboue all worldlie things which are but tem∣porall) all men are naturallie bound with might & maine both to séeke and saue; as one verie well saith:

Nascimur vt patriam vitáque operáque iuuemus.

Sir Nicholas Arnalt himselfe was hurt with a pike in the nose. Capteine Warren standing on the same bulworke with sir Nicholas, receiued two shots in his corselet, and one of them droue two or three links of his chaine into his necke. Capteine Broughton had there sixtéene of his armed men, e∣uerie of them hauing their corselets persed through. The number of the Englishmen that were slaine, was reckoned to be fiue and twentie, and hurt eight and fiftie. Of Frenchmen there were slaine a great number, beside those that were hurt,* 1.210 and at length through shot, casting downe of stones and timber vpon their heads, scalding water and handblowes they were repelled, retiring out of the trenches shortlie after the breake of the daie, hauing conti∣nued the assault from midnight till that time, still re∣newing their forces, in hope to atchiue their wished preie: but being thus beaten off, they gathered togi∣ther their dead men, and lading fiftéene waggons with their carcasses, they returned backe,* 1.211 without making anie further attempt at that time.

And so by the high valiancie of sir Nicholas Ar∣nalt, and the other capteins that serued in that fort vnder him, and chieflie by the assistance of almightie God, the giuer of all victories, the enimies were re∣pelled, to their great dishonor, and the péece reser∣ued to the immortall renowme of the defendants. Within a daie or two after, the generall of the Frenchmen sent to know of prisoners taken; but sir Nicholas Arnalt answered the messenger,

that he knew of no warre: and therefore if anie had attemp∣ted to make a surprise of his péece by stealth, they were serued accordinglie to their malicious mea∣nings. Indéed (said he) we haue taken none of your men, but we haue got some of your braue guilt ar∣mour & weapons. Well (said the messenger) it is not the cowle that maketh the moonke, and no more is it the braue armour or weapon that maketh the man of warre: but the fortune of warre is such, sometime to gaine, and sometime to lose.

Sir Nicholas recei∣uing him into the fort, made him good chéere, and gaue him fiftie crownes in reward, and so he de∣parted.

But concerning the liberalitie of sir Nicholas, I might here speake further thereof, how bountifullie

he rewarded the souldiers for their great manhood shewed at that time, in defending so sharpe an as∣sault, to their great honour, and no lesse confusion of the aduersaries. The daie after the said assault, there came to Bullognberg from Guisnes,* 1.212 a supplie of thrée or foure hundred men, vnder the leading of sir William Cobham, now lord Cobham and others. Within a while after, sir Nicholas Arnalt sent forth thrée hundred footmen, and fiue and twentie horsse∣men, conducted by the said sir William Cobham, capteine Mutton of the Old man, & capteine More [line 10] of Bullognberg, with certeine cariages, to go vn∣to a wood not farre off, called the North wood, to fetch fagots and brush, to repare and mainteine the ram∣pires.

These capteins with their bands being passed forward, about two miles in distance from the fort, met with certeine of their scouts that were sent forth that morning, who told them that they had discoue∣red the tract of a great number of horssemen. Wher∣vpon [line 20] the Englishmen now being almost come to the wood side, retired with all spéed: and herewith the French horssemen brake out of the wood, and follo∣wing them, fell in skirmish with them. The English∣men casting themselues in a ring, kept them off with their pikes, wherewith they impailed themselues, and hauing their small troope lined with shot, they also galled the Frenchmen right sore therewith, as they still approched them. Neuerthelesse, those horssemen gaue three maine onsets vpon the Englishmen, with the number of a thousand horsse at two of the first [line 30] onsets, and the third they gaue with all their whole power, being estéemed a fiftéene hundred horssemen in all.

But such was the valiant prowesse of the English souldiers,* 1.213 incouraged with the comfortable presence of sir William Cobham, and other their capteins, that conducted them in such order as stood most for their safegard, exhorting them with such effectuall words as serued best to purpose, that the enimie to [line 40] conclude was repelled with losse of seuentie of their great horsses that laie dead there in the field, within the space of halfe a mile. There were also foure thou∣sand French footmen that came forward, but could not reach, and so marching about the fort, returned in vaine, after they once perceiued that the English∣men were safelie retired within their fort. The coun∣cell thus perceiuing the French kings purpose, which he had conceiued to worke some notable damage to this realme, as well in support of his friends in [line 50] Scotland, as in hope to recouer those peeces which the English held at Bullongne, and in those mar∣ches, doubted also of some inuasion meant by him to be attempted into this realme, bicause of such great preparation as he had made, for leuieng of his for∣ces both by sea and land.* 1.214

The councell therefore made likewise prouision to be readie to resist all such attempts, as anie waie foorth might be made, to the annoiance of the realme. But as things fell out, the same stood in good stead, [line 60] not against the forren enimie, but against a number of rebellious subiects at home, the which forgetting their dutie and allegiance, did as much as in them laie (what soeuer their pretense was) to bring this noble realme and their naturall countrie vnto de∣struction. But first, for that it maie appeare, that the duke of Summerset then protector, and other of the councell, did not without good ground and cause mainteine the warres against the Scots, I haue thought good to set downe an epistle exhortatorie, as we find the same in the great chronicle of Richard Grafton, sent from the said protector and councell vn∣to the Scots,* 1.215 to mooue them to haue consideration of themselues, and of the estate of their countrie, by ioining in that friendlie bond and vnitie with Eng∣land, as had beene of the kings part and his fathers continuallie sought, for the benefit of both realmes, the copie of which exhortation here insueth.

Edward by the grace of God, duke of Summerset, earle of Hertford, vicount Beauchampe,* 1.216 lord Sei∣mer, vncle to the kings highnesse of England, go∣uernor of his most roiall person, and protector of all his realmes, dominions, & subiects, lieutenant generall of all his maiesties armies, both by land and sea, treasuror and earle marshall of England, gouernor of the Iles of Gerneseie and Ierseie, and knight of the most noble order of the garter, with others of the councell of the said most high and noble prince Edward, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, and in earth vnder Christ the supreame head of the churches of England and Ireland. To the nobilitie and councellors, gentlemen and com∣mons, and all other the inhabitants of the realme of Scotland, greeting and peace.

COnsidering with our selues the present state of things,* 1.217 and weieng more déepe∣lie the maner and tearmes wherein you and we doo stand, it maketh vs to mar∣uell, what euill & fatall chance dooth so disseuer your hearts, and maketh them so blind and vnmindfull of your profit, and so still conciliate and heape to your selues most extreame mischiefs, the which we whome ye will néeds haue your enimies, go about to take awaie from you, and perpetuallie to ease you therof. And also by all reason & order of necessitie, it should be rather more conuenient for you to séeke and re∣quire moderate agréements of vs, whome God hath hitherto according to our most iust, true, and godlie meanings and intents, prospered and set forward, with your affliction and miserie, than that we being superiours in the field, maisters of a great part of your realme, should seeke vpon you. Yet to the intent that our charitable minds and brotherlie loue should not cease, by all meanes possible to prouoke and call you to your owne commoditie and profit, euen as the father to the son, or the elder brother to the yoong∣er;* 1.218 and as the louing physician would doo to the mistrustfull and ignorant patient: we are content to call and crie vpon you to looke on your estate, to a∣uoid the great calamitie that your countrie is in, to haue vs rather brothers than enimies, and rather countrimen than conquerors. And if your gouernor or capteins shall reteine and kéepe from you this our exhortation, as heretofore they haue doone our pro∣clamation, tending to the like effect, for their owne priuat wealth & commoditie, not regarding though you be still in miserie, so they haue profit and gouer∣nance ouer you, and shall still abuse you with feined and forged tales: yet this shall be a witnesse before God, and all christian people, betweene you and vs, that we professing the gospell of Iesus Christ, accor∣ding to the doctrine thereof, doo not cease to call and prouoke you from the effusion of your owne bloud, from the destruction of the realme of Scotland, from perpetuall enimitie and hatred, from the finall de∣struction of your nation, and from seruitude to for∣ren nations, to libertie, to amitie, to equalitie with vs, to that which your writers haue alwaies wished might once come to passe.

Who that hath read the stories in times past, and dooth marke & note the great battels past ••ought be∣twixt England & Scotland, the incursions, rodes, & spoiles, which haue béene doone on both parties: the realme of Scotland fiue times woone by one king of

England,* 1.219 the Scotish kings some taken prisoners, some slaine in battell, some for verie sorrow and dis∣comfort vpon losse, dieng and departing the world: and shall perceiue againe, that all nations in the world, that nation onelie beside England, speaketh the same language: and as you and we be annexed and ioined in one Iland, so no people are so like in maners, forme, language, and all conditions as we are: shall not he thinke it a thing verie vnméet, vn∣naturall, and vnchristian, that there should be betwixt [line 10] vs so mortall war, who in respect of all other nations, be and should be like as two brethren of one Iland of great Britaine? And though he were a stranger to both, what should he thinke more meet, than if it were possible one kingdome to be made in rule, which is one in language, and to be diuided in rulers, which is all one in countrie?

And for so much as two successors cannot con∣curre and fall into one,* 1.220 by no other maner of meanes than by marriage, wherby one bloud, one linage, one [line 20] parentage is made of two, and an indefensible right giuen of both to one, without the destruction and abo∣lishing of either. If God should grant that whatso∣euer you would wish, other than that which now not by fortune hath chanced, but by his infinit mercie and most inscrutable prouidence, as carefull for you he hath giuen vnto you. The which thing that you should also thinke to come of his disposition, and not by blind fortune, how vnlike hath it beene, and how suddenlie hath it turned, that the power of God might be shewed: your last king being a prince of [line 30] much excellencie and yoong, whom you know after a promise broken contrarie to his honor, & misfortune by Gods iust iudgement following vpon it, God ei∣ther by sorrow or by some meanes otherwise at his inscrutable pleasure, did take awaie from you, had thrée children, did not almightie God (as it were) to shew his will and pleasure to be, that the long conti∣nued warre and enimitie of both the nations should be taken awaie,* 1.221 and knit in perpetuall loue and ami∣tie, take the two men-children of those babes being [line 40] distant the one from the other, and in diuerse places, both as it were at one time, and within the space of foure and twentie houres, leauing but one maiden-child and princesse?

When the most wise and victorious prince late our king and maister, king Henrie the eight, in o∣ther of his mariages not most fortunate, had by his most lawfull and most vertuous wife, quéene Iane, his otther two wiues before that mariage departed [line 50] this world, and neuer surmise nor question made of that mariage, since that time to this daie, nor so much as all hir life time, name or motion to or of a∣nie other wife, one prince of so high expectation, of so great gifts of God, the right and vndoubted heire of the realme of England and his maiestie onelie of male issue left behind him to succéed the imperiall crowne. If nothing else had béene doone, what can anie wise or anie christian man that thinketh the world to be gouerned by Gods proui∣dence [line 60] and not by fortune, thinke otherwise, but that it was Gods pleasure it should be so,* 1.222 that these two realmes should ioine in mariage, and by a godlie sa∣crament, make a godlie, perpetuall and most friend∣lie vnitie & concord, whereby such benefits as of vni∣tie and concord commeth, may through his infinit grace come vnto these realmes. Or if anie man of you or of anie nation doubteth hereof, except you looked for miracles to be doone herein, and yet if ye marke all the possibilities of the natures of the two princes, the children alreadie had, the doubtfull chance, least each of them should haue a sonne, or both daughters, or not of méet ages, with other cir∣cumstances both of the partie of this realme of England, and that of Scotland, which hath not chan∣ced in eight hundred yeares, it must néeds be rec∣koned a great maruell and a miracle.

But let it be no miracle, séeing that God dooth not now speake in oracles, as amongest the Iewes he did: and present prophesies now adaies be but ei∣ther not certeine, or else not plaine: what more cer∣teine can be had of Gods will in this case, than the before rehearsed dooth bring? But if God himselfe should speake, what could he speake more, than he speaketh in these?* 1.223 Call you them prouidences or chances, if you be still afflicted and punished? Maie he not saie: I of mine infinite mercie and loue to your nation, had prouided a right heire and a prince to the one, and a right heire and princesse to the o∣ther, to be ioined in my holie lawes, and by the lawe of nature and the world to haue made an vni∣tie, concord and peace, in the which Isle of both the realmes you refused it; you loued better dissention than vnitte, discord than agréement, warre than peace, hatred than loue and charitie. If you doo then therefore smart for it, whome can you blame but your owne election?

But because some of those, who make therevn∣to impediments, cannot but confesse, that there ap∣peareth Gods prouidence herein, and oportunitie and occasion giuen to vnitie of both the realmes, yet may hereafter say, and heretofore haue said, that the fault herein is, that we séeke not equalitie, nor the mariage, but a conquest: we would not be friends but the lords. Although our proclamation at the last warres dooth inough declare the contra∣rie, yet here we protest and declare vnto you and all christian people, to be the kings maiesties mind our maisters, by our aduise and counsell not to con∣quer, but to haue in amitie; not to win by force, but to conciliate by loue; not to spoile and kill, but to saue and kéepe; not to disseuer and diuorse, but to ioine in mariage, from high to low both the realms, to make of one Isle one realme, in loue, amitie, concord, peace and charitie, which if you refuse, and driue vs to conquer, who is guiltie of the bloudshed? Who is the occasion of the warre? Who maketh the battels, the burning of houses, and the deuasta∣tion which shall follow?

Can it be denied but that we haue the great seale of Scotland granted by the parlement of Scotland,* 1.224 for the mariage which should be made, with assuran∣ces and pledges, vntill the performance? And thus in the time that the late king of most famous me∣morie our souereigne lord king Henrie the eight did reigne, and in the time of the same your gouer∣nour, who now is the earle of Arrane, who then be∣ing a chiefe dooer and laborer therin, for the high and inestimable benefit of that realme, so soone as he was by the late cardinall of saint Andrews and o∣thers, with certeine vaine feares and hopes & grée∣dinesse of dignitie peruerted, reuolted from his first agréement, and put all the realme to the losse of such holds and fortresses as are now taken from you, and to the losse of a foughten field, for the which we are sorie, if otherwise peace might haue bin conclu∣ded, for his owne priuat lucre and retchlesnesse of that noble realme. And what end can you looke for of these manner of proceedings, but such successe as heretofore hath béene experimented & assaied? We offer loue, we offer equalitie and amitie, we ouer∣come in warre, and offer peace: we win holds,* 1.225 and offer no conquest: we get in your land, and offer England.

What can be more offered and more proffered, than intercourse of merchandizes, and interchange of mariages, the abolishing of all such our lawes, as prohibiteth the same, or might be impediment to

the mutuall amitie. We haue offered not onelie to leaue the authoritie name, title, right or chalenge of conquerour, but to receiue that which is the shame of men ouercommed, to leaue the name o•• the nation, and the glorie of anie victorie (if anie we haue had, or should haue of you) and to take the indifferent old name of Britains againe, because nothing should be left on our part to be offered,* 1.226 nothing on your part vnrefused, whereby ye might be inexcusable. And all the world might testifie all other meanes, [line 10] not being able to doo anie thing, after manie other waies and remedies attempted, battell of vs to be taken as an extreame refuge, to atteine right and reason among christian men: if anie man may right∣fullie make battell for his espouse and wife. The daughter of Scotland was by the great seale of Scotland promised to the sonne & heire of England.

If it be lawfull by Gods lawe to fight in a good quarrell, and for to make peace, this is to make an end of all warres, and to conclude an eternall and [line 20] perpetuall peace; which to confirme, we shall fight, and you to breake, is it not easie to discerne who hath the better part? God and the sword hath alreadie, and shall hereafter (if there be no remedie) trie it. Who so willeth the mariage to go forward; who so mindeth the peace and tranquillitie of both the realmes; who willeth no conquest to be had, but a∣mitie and loue to go forward, we refuse no man: let him bring his name and his pledge of good seruice in this quarrell,* 1.227 he shall not onelie be receiued to the [line 30] amitie; but shall haue sufficient defense against the aduersaries, and recompense of his liuing, if he susteine anie losse. We neither doo nor intend to put anie man from his lands, taxes, or offices, vnlesse he will néeds resist, and so compell vs therevnto.

What face hath this of conquest? We intend not to disherit your queene, but to make hir heires inheritors also to England.* 1.228 What greater honour can ye séeke vnto your quéene, than the mariage of∣fered? What more méeter mariage than this with the [line 40] kings highnes of England? What more sure defense in the nonage of your quéene for the realme of Scot∣land, than to haue England your patrone and gar∣rison? We séeke not to take from you your lawes nor customes; but we seeke to redresse your oppres∣sions, which of diuerse ye doo susteine. In the realme of England, diuerse lawes and customes be accor∣ding to the ancient vsage thereof. And likewise, France, Normandie, and Gascoigne haue sundrie kind of orders. Haue all the realmes and domini∣ons [line 50] that the emperour now hath, one custome and one sort of lawes? These vaine feares and fantasies of expulsion of your nation, of changing the lawes, of making a conquest, be driuen into your heads, of those, who in deed had rather you were all conque∣red,* 1.229 spoiled, and slaine, than they would lose anie point of their will, of their desire of rule, of their estimation, which they know in quietnesse would be séene what it were, as it were in a calme water.

Now in this tumult of disorder, when the realme [line 60] is tossed vp and downe with waues and surges of battell, famine, and other mischiefes which the warre bringeth, they thinke they cannot be espied; but looke on them you that haue wit and prudence, and consi∣der the state of your quéene and realme, you will not kéepe hir sole and vnmaried, the which were to you great dishonor. If you maried hir within the relme, that cannot extinguish the title which we haue to the crowne of Scotland. And what dissention, enuie, grudge, and malice that shall bréed among you, is easie to perceiue. You will marrie hir out of the realme, our title remaineth, you be subiects to a for∣ren prince of another countrie, and of another lan∣guage, and vs ye haue your enimies, euen at your elbow, your succours farre off from you: and be we not in the bowels now of the realme? Haue we not a great part thereof, either in subiection or in ami∣tie and loue? Who shall come into your realme, but he shall be met with, and fought with, if néede be, euen of your owne nation, who be faithfull and true to the realme of England in the waie of this most godlie vnion by mariage.

And if anie forren power, prince, or potentate,* 1.230 or whosoeuer be your aider to nourish still discord, send you an armie also, how shall they oppresse you, fill your houses, waste your grounds, spend and con∣sume your vittels, hold you in subiection, & regard you as slaues, which without them could not liue, & will take your quéene to bestow as they lust, & spe∣ciallie if their ruler or king (as perchance he may be) in other warres be otherwise occupied, to be a preie to vs, & a true conquest, then it should be too late to saie; We will haue a mariage and no conquest, We wish peace & amitie, We are wearie of battell and miserie.* 1.231 The stubborne ouercommed must suffer the victors pleasure, and pertinacitie will make the victorie more insolent, whereof you your selfe haue giuen the cause, if they send monie and capteines, but no souldiers. First if they be capteins, who ru∣leth and who dooth obeie? Who shall haue the honor of the enterprise, and if it be well atchiued? But whe∣ther it be well atchiued or no, which number is that which shall be slaine? Whose bloud shall be shed? Their monie peraduenture shalbe consumed, & their commandements obeied. But whose bodies shall smart for it? Whose lands shall be wasted?* 1.232 Whose houses burned? What realme made desolate? Re∣member what it is to haue a forren power within you, a strong power of your enimies vpon you, you (as it were) the campe & plaine betwixt them to fight on, & to be troden vpon, both of the victor, and of the ouercommed. And imagine you see before your eies your wiues & daughters in danger of wantonnesse & insolencie of the soldiors, the proud looks of the cap∣teins & soldiors, whom you call to helpe you, the con∣tempt you shall bring your nation in, then take heed least indeed that follow which you feare, that is, that you shall be by them conquered, that ye shall be by them put from your holds, lands, taxes & offices, that your laws by them shall be altered, that your nation shall be by them destroied. Consider in this realme,* 1.233 did not the Britons call in the Saxons for helpe, & by them were put out? Where be the Picts, once a gret nation betwixt you and vs? How did the nation of France put out the Galles out of all France? How got the Turk first all Grecia, & now of late all Hun∣garie, but being called in for to aid & helpe? And did not the Goths by like meanes get all Italie, and the Lombards one part therof now called Lombardie? What looke you for more? Néedie soldiors, & hauing their weapons in their hands, and knowing that you cannot liue without them, what will not they com∣mand you to doo? What will they not incroch vpon you? What will they not thinke they may doo?* 1.234 And what will they thinke that you dare doo? This forren helpe is your confusion, that succour is your detri∣ment, the victorie so had is your seruitude: what is then to be thought of losse taken with them? The strangers and forren soldiors shall oppresse you with∣in, our power and strength without; and of your owne nation, so manie as loue quietnesse, godlines, and wealth of your realme, shall helpe also to scourge and afflict you.* 1.235 Is it not better to compose and ac∣quite all this calamitie and trouble by marriage, to end all sorrows and battels by such and so honorable a peace? Hath not the emperor Spaine & Burgun∣die by title of marriage? How holdeth the French king Britaine now latelie annexed to that crowne,

but by title of marriage? How haue all the great princes of the world happilie and with quiet made of two kingdoms one, of diuerse lordships one, of nations alwaies at warre with themselues, or else in doubtfull peace, one well gouerned kingdome, rule, and dominion, but by that godlie, most quiet, and most amiable composition of marriage? Two meanes there be of making one rule,* 1.236 wherto title is pretended, and perfect agréement betwixt two nati∣ons, either by force or superioritie, which is conquest; [line 10] or by equalitie and loue, which is by parentage & ma∣riage: you hate the one, that is, conquest; and by refu∣sing the other, you inforce vpon you hatred & malice.

You will not haue peace, you will not haue ali∣ance, you will not haue concord; and conquest com∣meth vpon you whether you will or no. And yet if all things were considered, we feare it will appeere that it were better for you to be conquered of vs, than succoured of strangers, lesse losse to your goods, lesse hurt to your lands, lesse dishonor to your realme; [line 20] this nation which is one in toong, one in countrie and birth, hauing so little diuersitie to occupie the whole, than other powers come in to you, neither like in language, nor yet like in behauior, who should rule ouer you, and take you to be but their slaues. But we eftsoons and finallie declare and protest vnto you, that although for the better furtherance of this god∣lie purpose of vniting the realmes,* 1.237 and for the sure defense of them which fauour the marriage, we are compelled for the time to keepe holds, and to make [line 30] fortifications in your realme: yet the kings maie∣sties mind and determinat pleasure is, with our ad∣uise and counsell to be as before is declared, that where fauour may be shewed, not to vse rigor, if by conditions you will receiue this amitie offered, not to follow conquest: for we desire loue, vnitie, concord, peace and equalitie. Let neither your go∣uernor nor your kirkemen, nor those, who so often haue falsified their faith and promise,* 1.238 and by treache∣rie and falshood be accustomed to proroge the time, [line 40] féed you foorth with faire words, and bring you into the snare from whence they cannot deliuer you. They will peraduenture prouide for themselues with pen∣sions in some other realme, and set soldiors stran∣gers in your holds to kéepe you in subiection, vnder the pretense to defend them against vs. But who prouideth pensions for you? How are you defended when they are fled away? Who conquereth you when the strange capteins haue your holds, when your land is wasted, and the realme destroied, and the more [line 50] part kept from you? Who will set by the mariage of the quéene to buie a title with the war of England; to marrie the name, an other mightie king holding the land?* 1.239 If we two being made one by amitie, be most able to defend vs against all nations, and hauing the sea for wall, the mutuall loue for garrison, & God for defense, should make so noble and well agréeing mo∣narchie, that neither in peace we may be ashamed, nor in war afraid of anie worldlie or forren power: whie should not you be as desirous of the same, and [line 60] haue as much cause to reioise at it as we? If this ho∣nor of so noble a monarchie doo not moue you to take and accept amitie, let the griefe and the danger of the aforenamed losses feare you to attempt that thing which shall displease God, increase warre, danger your realme, destroie your land, vndoo your children, wast your grounds, desolate your countries, and bring all Scotland either to famine & miserie, or to subiection and seruitude of an other nation. We re∣quire but your promised quéene, your offered agrée∣ment of vnitie,* 1.240 the ioining of both the nations, which God of his infinite clemencie and tender loue that he hath declared to beare to both the nations, hath offe∣red vnto vs both, and in manner called vs both vnto it, whose calling and prouocation we haue, and will folow to the best of our powers, and in his name, and with his aid, admonition, exhortation, requests, and ambassages, not being able to doo it, and to find sta∣blenesse in promises, we shall not willing, but con∣streined pursue the battell, chastise the wicked & ma∣licious by the angrie angels of God, fire and sword.* 1.241

Wherefore we require and exhort you all, who haue loue to the countrie, pitie of that realme, a true hart to your quéene and mis••resse, regard of your honors and promises made by the great seale of Scotland, and who fauoureth the peace, loue, vnitie, and concord and that most profitable marriage to en∣ter and come to vs; and declaring your true and god∣lie harts thervnto, to aid vs in this most godlie pur∣pose and enterprise. To be witnesse of our dooings we refuse no man, temporall nor spirituall,* 1.242 lord ne lard, gentleman nor other, who will aid this our pur∣pose, and minish the occasion of slaughter and de∣struction, to whom we shall kéepe the promises here∣tofore declared, and further sée reward and recom∣pense made according to the desert.

And for a more sure proofe and plainer token of the good mind and will which we beare vnto you, that which neuer yet was granted to Scotland in anie league, truce, or peace betwixt England and Scot∣land, because yée shall haue proofe of the beginning of loue and amitie of both the realmes: the kings highnes considering the multitude of them which are come to his maiesties deuotion,* 1.243 and of them that be well-willers and aiders of this godlie enterprise, hath by our aduise and counsell granted, and by these presents doth grant, that from henceforth all maner of merchants and other Scotishmen, who will enter their names with one of the wardens of the mar∣ches, & there professe to take part with vs in this be∣fore named godly purpose, to his owne commoditie, & to serue all such as be of the same agréement, may lawfullie and without anie trouble and vexation en∣ter into anie port, créeke, or hauen of England, and there vse their traffike of merchandize, buie and sell, bring in the commodities of Scotland, and take and carrie foorth the commodities of England, as libe∣rallie and as fréelie, and with the same and none o∣ther custome or paiments therefore, than English∣men and the kings subiects doo at this present: min∣ding further vpon the successe hereof to gratifie so the furtherers of this most godlie enterprise and vni∣on, that all the world may be witnesse of the great zeale and loue which his highnesse dooth beare toward you and your nation. And all this the kings high∣nesse, by our aduise and counsell, hath willed to be declared vnto you; and giuen in commandement vnto vs, and all his lieutenants, wardens, rulers, and other head officers, ministers, and subiects, to sée executed and doone, according to the true purport, effect, and meaning thereof. Fare you well.

Although this admonition and wholsome exhor∣tation might haue mooued the Scots to haue regar∣ded their owne state, yet it litle auailed,* 1.244 as by the se∣quele it appeared. For hauing both great promises made by the French, and now considering therewith the hurlie burlies and tumults that sproong vp in England, they continued in their obstinat purposes, not to yéeld vnto such reasonable motions as had béene offered, if they would haue shewed themselues conformable thereto, and not haue so stubbornlie de∣nied to submit themselues to that which of right they were bound vnto. So that herein they shewed them∣selues verie peruerse and wilfull, reiecting not one∣lie the good aduise that the duke gaue them, but also not so much as once thinking what might insue to their great mischéefe vpon their refusall, and what be∣nefit

redound to them by admitting the offer: naie, they were of opinion and beléefe, that if so braue a bootie might befall England, it would be an occasion of great ruth and wretchednesse to Scotland: as one of late hath affirmed in his poeticall supposall:

—si haec praeda Britannis Cederet, ô miserae Scotiae mis••rabile regnum, Genti infelici nihil est nisiflere relictum.

But now to let the Scots alone for a time, we will returne to the rebellion which followed in this yéere, to the whole disappointing of the plot laid by the [line 10] councell, for the present subduing of the Scots, as it was verie like that it should haue so come to passe, if none other let had come. So it was, that the kings maiestie,* 1.245 by the aduise of his vncle the lord protector, and other of the councell, thought good to set foorth a proclamation against inclosures, and taking in of fields and commons that were accustomed to lie o∣pen, for the behoofe of the inhabitants dwelling neere to the same, who had greeuouslie complained of gen∣tlemen [line 20] and others for taking from them the vse of those fields and commons, and had inclosed them in∣to parks and seuerall pastures for their priuat com∣modities and pleasures, to the great hinderance and vndooing of manie a poore man.

* 1.246This proclamation tending to the benefit and re∣léefe of the poore, appointed that such as had inclosed those commons, should vpon a paine by a daie assi∣gned laie them open againe. But how well soeuer the setters foorth of this proclamation meant, think∣ing [line 30] thereby peraduenture to appease the grudge of the people that found themselues grieued with such inclosures; yet verelie it turned not to the wished effect, but rather ministred occasion of a foule and dangerous disorder. For wheras there were few that obeied the commandement, the vnaduised people presuming vpon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had set it foorth rashlie without order, tooke vpon them to redresse the matter: and assembling themselues in vnlawfull wise, chose to them capteins and leaders, brake o∣pen [line 40] the inclosures, cast downe ditches, killed vp the deare which they found in parkes, spoiled and made hauocke, after the maner of an open rebellion. First they began to plaie these parts in Summersetshire,* 1.247 Buckinghamshire, Northhamptonshire, Kent, Es∣sex, and Lincolneshire.

In Summersetshire they brake vp certeine parks of sir William Herbert, and the lord Sturton: but sir William Herbert assembling a power togither [line 50] by the kings commission, slue and executed manie of those rebellious people. In other places also, by the good diligence and policie vsed by the councell, the rebels were appeased and quieted. But shortlie after, the commons of Deuonshire and Cornewall rose by waie of rebellion, demanding not onelie to haue in∣closures laied open, and parkes disparked: but also thorough the instigation and pricking forward of certeine popish priests,* 1.248 ceased not by all sinister and subtill meanes, first vnder Gods name & the kings, and vnder the colour of religion, to persuade the peo∣ple [line 60] to assemble in routs, to choose capteins to guide them, and finallie to burst out into open rebellion. Their chiefe capteins were these, Humfrie Arundell esquier,* 1.249 gouernour of the Mount, Iames Rosogan, Iohn Rosogan, Iohn Paine, Thomas Underhill, Iohn Soleman, and William Segar. Moreouer, of priests which were principall stirrers, and some of them chiefe gouernors of the camps, and after exe∣cuted, there were to the number of eight, whose names we find to be as follow: Robert Bocham, Iohn Thompson, Roger Barret, Iohn Wolcocke, William Alsa, Iames Mourton, Iohn Barrow, Richard Benet, besides a multitude of other priests which ioined with them.

The whole companies of these rebels amounted little lesse than to the number of ten thousand stout and valiant personages,* 1.250 able indéed (if their cause had beene good and fauoured of the Lord and giuer of vic∣tories) to haue wrought great feats. But being (as they were) ranke and malicious traitors, the almigh∣tie God confounded their deuises, and brought them to their deserued confusion. A strange case, that those mischéefous and wicked traitors could not be war∣ned by the euill successe of their diuelish attempted outrage, in the yeare last past: at what time certeine seditious persons in Cornewall fell vpon one of the kings commissioners named master Bodie, sent thither with others for the reformation of matters in religion, in like manner as other were sent at the same time into other shires of the realme, for the which murther a priest being apprehended, arreig∣ned, and condemned, was drawne into Smithfield, and there hanged and quartered the seauenth daie of Iulie, in the said last yeare before mentioned, to wit, 1548. Other of his complices and associats were ex∣ecuted and put to death in diuerse other parts of the realme.

But now touching these other that rose in this present summer. At the first they were in great hope that the other disordered persons, which stirred in o∣ther parts of the realme,* 1.251 would haue ioined with them, by force to haue disappointed and vndoone that which the prince by law and act of parlement, in re∣formation of religion, had ordeined and established. But afterwards perceiuing how in most places such mischeefous mutinies and diuelish attempts, as the commons had begun, partlie by force and partlie by policie were appeased, or that their cause being but onelie about plucking downe of inclosures, and inlarging of commons, was diuided from theirs; so that either they would not, or could not ioine with them in aid of their religious quarrell: they began somewhat to doubt of their wicked begun enterprise. Notwithstanding now, sith they had gone so farre in the matter, they thought there was no shrinking backe: and therefore determining to proceed, they fell to new deuises, as first before all things to bring into their hands all such places of force, wealth, and defense, as might in anie respect serue for their aid and furtherance. Herevpon the second of Iulie, they came before the citie of Excester,* 1.252 incamping about the same in great numbers, and vsed all waies and meanes they could deuise how to win it by force, sometimes assaulting it right sharplie, sometimes firing the gates, otherwhiles vndermining the wals, and at other times (as occasions serued) procuring skirmishes.

Finallie, nothing was left vndoone which the eni∣mie could imagine to serue his purpose for the win∣ning of that citie. And albeit there wanted not lustie stomachs among the citizens to withstand this out∣ward force of the enimie: yet in processe of time, such scarsitie of bread and vittels increased, that the peo∣ple waxed weari•• & loth to abide such extremitie of famine.* 1.253 Howbeit the magistrats (though it gréeued them to sée the multitude of the citizens in such di∣stresse) yet hauing a speciall regard of their dutie to∣ward the prince, and loue to the common-wealth, left no waies vnsought to quiet the people, & staie them in their dutifull obedience to resist the enimies: so that comforting the people with faire promises, and reléeuing their necessities verie liberallie, so farre as their power might extend, did in such sort vse the matter, that euerie of them within resolued with one generall consent to abide the end, in hope of some spéedie reléefe. And in the meane while, when their corne and meale was consumed, the gouernors

of the citie caused bran and meale to be moulded vp in cloth, for otherwise it would not sticke togither.

Also they caused some excursions to be made out of the citie, to take and fetch into the citie such cattell as were found pasturing abroad néere to the wals, which being brought in, were distributed among the poore. To conclude, into such extremitie were the mi∣serable citizens brought, that albeit mans nature can scarselie abide to féed vpon anie vnaccustomed food; yet these sillie men were glad to eat horsse flesh, [line 10] and to hold themselues well content therewith. Whi∣lest the siege thus remained before Excester, the re∣bels spoiled and robbed the countrie abroad, and lai∣eng their traitorous heads togither, they consulted vpon certeine articles to be sent vp to the king.* 1.254 But herein such diuersitie of heads and wits was among them, that for euerie kind of braine there was one maner of article: so that neither appeared anie con∣sent in their diuersitie, nor yet anie constancie in their agréement. Some séemed more tollerable, o∣thers altogither vnreasonable, some would haue no [line 20] iustices, some no state of gentlemen. The priests euer harped vpon one string, to ring the bishop of Rome into England againe, and to hallow home cardinall Poole their countriman. After much a doo, at length a few articles were agréed vpon, to be di∣rected vnto the king, with the names of certeine of their heads set therevnto, the copie whereof here in∣sueth.

[line 30]

The articles of the commons of De∣uonshire and Cornewall, sent to the king, with answers afterward following vnto the same.

* 2.1FIrst, forsomuch as man, except he be borne of water, and the Holie-ghost, can not enter into the kingdome of God, and forsomuch as the gates of heauen be not [line 40] open without this blessed sacrament of baptisme; therefore we will that our curats shall minister this sacrament at all times of need, as well on the wéeke daies, as on the holie daies.

* 2.22 Item, we will haue our children confirmed of the bishop, whensoeuer we shall within the diocesse resort vnto him.

* 2.33 Item, forsomuch as we constantlie beléeue, that after the priest hath spoken the words of conse∣cration being at masse, there celebrating and conse∣crating the same, there is verie reallie the bodie and [line 50] bloud of our sauiour Iesus Christ God and man, and that no substance of bread and wine remaineth after, but the verie selfe same bodie that was borne of the virgin Marie, and was giuen vpon the crosse for our redemption: therefore we will haue masse celebra∣ted as it hath beene in times past, without anie man communicating with the priests, forsomuch as ma∣nie rudelie presuming vnworthilie to receiue the same, put no difference betweene the Lords bodie & other kind of meat; some saieng that it is bread be∣fore [line 60] and after, some saieng that it is profitable to no man except he receiue it: with manie other abu∣sed termes.

* 2.44 Item, we will haue in our churches reserua∣tion.

5 Item, we will haue holie bread and holie wa∣ter in the remembrance of Christs pretious bodie and bloud.

6 Item, we will that our priests shall sing or saie with an audible voice, Gods seruice in the quier of the parish churches, and not Gods seruice to be set foorth like a Christmasse plaie.* 2.5

7 Item, forsomuch as priests be men dedicated to God for ministring and celebrating the blessed sa∣craments, and preaching of Gods word, we will that they shall liue chast without marriage, as saint Paule did, being the elect and chosen vessell of God▪ saieng vnto all honest priests; Be you followers of me.

Item, we will that the six articles,* 2.6 which our so∣uereigne lord king Henrie the eight set forth in his latter daies, shall be vsed and so taken as they were at that time.

9 Item, we praie God saue king Edward, for we be his both bodie and goods.

For the pacifieng of these rebels, were appointed by the king and his councell,* 2.7 sir Iohn Russell knight lord priuie seale, the lord Greie of Wilton, sir Wil∣liam Herbert after earle of Penbroke, sir Iohn Paulet, sir Hugh Paulet, sir Thomas Speake, and others, with a conuenient power of men of warre both on horssebacke and foot. Amongst others, there were certeine strangers that came with my lord Greie, as capteine Germane an Hennower,* 2.8 with a band of horssemen, most part Albanoises and Ita∣lians. Also capteine Paule Baptist Spinola an I∣talian borne of a noble house in Genoa, with a band of Italian footmen. But now the lord priuie seale that was ordeined by the king and his councell, ge∣nerall of that armie,* 2.9 vpon his first approching to∣wards them,* 2.10 sent vnto them the kings maiesties pro∣clamation: the effect whereof was, that all such per∣sons as were vnlawfullie assembled, and did not within thrée daies next after the proclaming thereof, yéeld and submit themselues to the lord priuie seale (the kings lieutenant) they should from thenceforth be déemed, accepted, and taken for rebels against his roiall person, and his imperiall crowne and dignitie.

And further, the kings maiestie, for a more ter∣rour to the rebels, and the incouragement of such o∣ther his louing subiects, as should helpe and aid to apprehend anie of the said rebels, he by his said pro∣clamation granted and gaue all the offices, fées, goods and possessions, which the said rebels had at and before their apprehension. This proclamation not∣withstanding, the rebels continued in their wicked deuises & traitorous purposes, hastening to the haz∣zards of their owne deaths & vndooings, as the poet saith of the foolish fish swiming to the hidden hooke:

Occultum visus decurrere piscis ad hamum.* 2.11

Wherevpon yet once againe the kings maiestie, for the auoiding of the shedding of christian bloud, sent vnto them a most gentle and louing message in writing, thereby to reduce them againe to their du∣tifull obedience: but all would not serue nor auaile to mooue their obstinate minds to leaue off their de∣sperate and diuelish enterprise. The message was as followeth.

The kings message to the rebels of Cornewall and Deuonshire.

ALthough knowledge hath beene gi∣uen to vs, and our deerest vncle the duke of Summerset gouernor of our person, and protector of all our realms, dominions, and subiects, and to the rest of our priuie councell, of diuerse assemblies made by you, which ought of dutie to be our louing subiects, a∣gainst all order of law, and otherwise than euer anie louing or kind subiects haue attempted against their naturall and liege souereigne lord: yet we haue thought it méet, at this verie first time, not to condemne and reiect you, as we might iustlie doo; but to vse you as our subiects, thinking that the diuell hath not that power in you, to make you of naturall

borne Englishmen, so suddenlie to become enimies to your owne natiue countrie of our subiects, to make you traitors, or vnder pretense to relieue your selues, to destroie your selues, your wiues, children, lands, possessions, and all other commodities of this your life. This we saie, that we trust, that although ye be ignorantlie seduced, ye will not be vpon know∣ledge, obstinate.

And though some amongst you (as euer there is some cockle amongst good corne) forget God, neg∣lect [line 10] their prince, estéeme not the state of the realme, but as carelesse & desperat men delite in sedition, tu∣mults & wars: yet neuerthelesse the greater part of you will heare the voice of vs your naturall prince, and will by wisedome and counsell be warned, and cease your euils in the beginning, whose ends will be euen by God almighties order your owne destru∣ction. Wherfore as to you our subiects by ignorance seduced, we speake and be content to vse our prince∣lie authoritie like a father to his children, to admo∣nish [line 20] you of your faults, not to punish them; to put you in remembrance of your duties, not to auenge your forgetfulnesse.* 3.1 First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble your selues against our o∣ther louing subiects, to arraie your selues to the war, who amongst you all can answer for the same to al∣mightie God, charging you to obeie vs in all things? Or how can anie English good hart answer vs, our lawes, and the rest of our verie louing and faithfull subiects, who in deed by their obedience make our [line 30] honour, estate, and degrée?

* 3.2Ye vse our name in your writings, and abuse the same against our selfe. What iniurie herein doo you vs, to call those which loue vs, to your euill purposes, by the authoritie of our name? God hath made vs your king by his ordinance and prouidence, by our bloud and inheritance, by lawfull succession, and our coronation: but not to this end, as you vse our name. We are your most naturall souereigne lord & king, Edward the sixt, to rule you, to preserue you, to saue [line 40] you from all your outward enimies, to sée our lawes well ministred, euerie man to haue his owne, to sup∣presse disordered people, to correct traitors, théeues, pirats, robbers, & such like, yea to keepe our realms from other princes, from the malice of the Scots, of Frenchmen, of the bishop of Rome. Thus good sub∣iects, our name is written, thus it is honored and o∣beied, this maiestie it hath by Gods ordinance, not by mans. So that of this your offense we cannot write too much. And yet doubt not but this is inough [line 50] from a prince to all reasonable people, from a roiall king to all kindharted & louing subiects, frō the puis∣sant K. of England, to euerie naturall Englishman.

* 3.3Your pretense, which you saie, moueth you to doo thus, and wherewith you séeke to excuse this disorder, we assure you is either false, or so vaine▪ that we doubt not, that after that ye shall hereby vnderstand the truth thereof, ye will all with one voice acknow∣lege your selues ignorantlie led, and by errour sedu∣ced. And if there be anie one that will not, then as∣sure [line 60] you the same be ranke traitors, enimies of our crowne, seditious people, heretikes, papists, or such as care not what cause they haue to prouoke an in∣surrection, so they may doo it, nor in deed can wax so rich with their owne labors & with peace, as they can doo with spoiles, with wars, with robberies and such like, yea with the spoile of your owne goods, with the liuing of your labors, the sweat of your bodies, the food of your owne households, wiues and children: such they be, as for a time vse pleasant persuasions to you, and in the end will cut your throtes for your owne goods.

* 3.4You be borne in hand, that your children, though necessitie chance, shall not be christened but vpon the holie daies: how false this is, learne you of vs. Our booke which we haue set foorth by free consent of our whole parlement in the English toong teacheth you the contrarie, euen in the first leafe, yea the first side of the first leafe of that part which intreateth of bap∣tisme. Good subiects (for to other we speake not) looke & be not deceiued. They which haue put this false opi∣nion into your eares, they meane not the christening of children, but the destruction of you our christened subiects. Be this knowne vnto you, that our honor is so much, that we may not be found faultie of one iote or word: proue it, if by our laws you may not christen your children when ye be disposed vpon necessitie, e∣uerie daie or houre in the wéeke, then might you be offended: but seeing you may doo it, how can you be∣léeue them that teach you the contrarie? What thinke you they meane in the rest, which moue you to breake your obedience against vs, your king & souereigne, vpon these so false tales & persuasions in so euident a matter? Therfore all you which will acknowledge vs your souereigne lord, and which will heare the voice of vs your king, may easilie perceiue how you be de∣ceiued, and how subtillie traitors and papists, with their falsehood séeke to atchiue and bring their pur∣pose to passe with your helpe. Euerie traitor will be glad to dissemble his treason, and féed it secretlie; e∣uerie papist his poperie, and nourish it inwardlie; and in the end make you our subiects partakers of treason and poperie, which in the beginning was pre∣tended to be a commonweale and holinesse.

And how are you seduced by them,* 3.5 which put in your heads the blessed sacrament of Christes bodie, should not differ from other common bread? If our lawes, proclamations, and statutes be all to the con∣trarie, whie shall anie priuat man persuade you a∣gainst them? We doo our selfe in our owne hart, our councell in all their profession, our lawes and statutes in all purposes, our good subiects in all our dooings most highlie estéeme that sacrament, and vse the communion thereof to our most comfort. We make so much difference thereof from other com∣mon bread, that we thinke no profit of other bread, but to mainteine our bodies: but this blessed bread we take to be the verie food of our soules to euerla∣sting life. How thinke you, good subiects, shall not we being your prince, your lord, your king by Gods appointment, with truth more preuaile, than certeine euill persons with open falsehood? Shall anie sediti∣ous person persuade you that the sacrament is despi∣sed, which is by our lawes, by our selfe, by our coun∣cell, and by all our good subiects estéemed, vsed, parti∣cipated, and dailie receiued? If euer ye were sedu∣ced, if euer deceiued, if euer traitors were beleeued, if euer papists poisoned good subiects, it is now. It is not the christening of children, nor the reuerence of the sacrament, nor the health of your soules that they shoot at, good subiects: it is sedition, it is high trea∣son, it is your destruction they séeke. How craftilie, how pitiouslie, how cunninglie so euer they doo it, with one rule iudge yée the end, which of force must come of your purposes.

Almightie God forbiddeth vpon paine of euerla∣sting damnation, disobedence to vs your king,* 3.6 and in his place we rule in earth. If we should be slow, would God erre? If your offense be towards God, thinke you it is pardoned without repentance? Is Gods iudgement mutable? Your paine is dam∣nation, your iudge is incorruptible, your fault is most euident. Likewise are ye euill informed in di∣uerse other articles, as for confirmation of your chil∣dren, for the masse, for the maner of your seruice of mattins and euensong. Whatsoeuer is therein orde∣red, hath beene long debated, and consulted by manie learned bishops, doctors, and other men of great

learning in this realme concluded, in nothing so much labour and time spent of late time, nothing so fullie ended. As for seruice in the English toong hath manifest reasons for it, and yet perchance seemeth to you a new seruice,* 3.7 and yet in déed is none other but the old. The selfe same words in English which were in Latin, sauing a few things taken out, so fond that it had béene a shame to haue heard them in English, as all they can iudge which list to report the truth.

The difference is, that we ment godlie, that you our subiects should vnderstand in English, being our [line 10] naturall countrie toong, that which was heretofore spoken in Latine, then seruing onelie them which vnderstand Latine, & now for all you that be borne English. How can this with reason offend anie rea∣sonable man, that he should vnderstand what anie other saith, and so to consent with the speaker? If the seruice in the church were good in Latine, it re∣maineth good in English: for nothing is altered, but to speake with knowledge,* 3.8 that before was spoken [line 20] with ignorance: and to let you vnderstand what is said for you, to the intent you maie further it with your owne deuotion, an alteration to the better, ex∣cept knowledge be worse than ignorance. So that whosoeuer hath mooued you to mislike this order, can giue you no reason, nor answer yours, if ye vnder∣stand it.

Wherefore you our subiects, remember we speake to you, being ordeined your prince and king by al∣mightie God, if anie wise we could aduance Gods [line 30] honour more than we doo, we would doo it, and sée that ye become subiects to Gods ordinance. Obeie vs your prince, and learne of them which haue autho∣ritie to teach you, which haue power to rule you, and will execute our iustice, if we be prouoked. Learne not of them whose fruits be nothing but wilfulnesse, disobedience, obstinacie, & destruction of the realme. For the masse, we assure you, no small studie & tra∣uell hath béene spent by all the learned clergie ther∣in,* 3.9 and to auoid all contention thereof, it is brought [line 40] euen to the verie vse as Christ left it, as the apostles vsed it, as holie fathers deliuered it: indeed somwhat altered from that which the popes of Rome for their lucre brought to it. And although you maie heare the contrarie of some popish and euill men, yet our ma∣iestie, which for our honor maie not be blemished nor stained, assureth you, that they deceiue you, abuse you, and blow these opinions into your heads for to furnish their owne purposes.

And so likewise iudge you of confirmation of [line 50] children,* 3.10 and let them answer you this one question. Thinke they that a child christened is damned, bi∣cause he dieth before bishopping? Marke good sub∣iects, what inconuenience hereof commeth. Our doctrine therefore is founded vpon true learning, and theirs vpon shamelesse errors. To conclude, be∣side our gentle maner of information to you, what∣soeuer is conteined in our booke, either for baptisme, sacrament, masse, confirmation and seruice in the church, is by parlement established, by the whole cler∣gie [line 60] agréed, yea by the bishops of the realme deuised, & further by Gods word confirmed. And how dare you trust, yea how dare you giue eare without trem∣bling, to anie singular person to disalow a parle∣ment; a subiect to persuade against our maiestie, or anie man of his single arrogancie against the deter∣mination of the bishops, and all the cleargie, anie in∣uented argument against the word of God?

But now you our subiects, we resort to a greater matter of your vnkindnesse, a great vnnaturalnes, and such an euill, that if we thought it had not béene begun of ignorance, and continued by persuasion of certeine traitors amongst you, which we thinke few in number, but in their dooings busie, we could not be persuaded but to vse our sword and doo iustice: and as we be ordeined of God for to redresse your errors by auengement. But loue and zeale yet ouercom∣meth our iust anger, but how long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our heart is; and rather for your owne causes, being our christened subiects, we would ye were persuaded than vanquished, taught than ouerthrowne, quietlie pacified than rigorouslie persecuted.* 3.11 Ye require to haue the statute of six ar∣ticles reuiued. And know you what ye require? Or know ye what ease ye haue with the losse of them? They were lawes made, but quicklie repented; too bloudie they were to be borne of our people, yet at the first in deed made of some necessitie. Oh subiects how are ye trapped by euill persons? We of pitie, bicause they were bloudie, tooke them awaie, and you now of ignorance will aske them againe. You know full well that they helped vs to extend rigour, and gaue vs cause to draw our sword verie often.

And since our mercie mooued vs to write our lawes with milke and equitie, how are ye blinded to aske them in bloud? But leauing this maner of rea∣soning, and resorting to the truth of our authoritie, we let you wit, the same hath béene adnulled by par∣lement with great reioise of our subiects, and not now to be called in question. And dareth anie of you with the name of a subiect, stand against an act of parlement, a law of the realme?* 3.12 What is our power if lawes should be thus neglected? Or what is your suertie if lawes be not kept? Assure you most suer∣lie, that we of no earthlie thing vnder the heauen make such reputation as we doo of this one, to haue our lawes obeied, & this cause of God to be through∣lie mainteined, from the which we will neuer re∣moue a heares bredth, nor giue place to anie crea∣ture liuing: but therein will spend our whole roiall person, our crowne, treasure, realme, and all our state, whereof we assure you of our high honor. For herein resteth our honor, herein doo all kings know∣ledge vs a king. And shall anie one of you dare breath or thinke against our kingdome and crowne?

In the end of this your request (as we be giuen to vnderstand) ye would haue them stand in force till our full age. To this we thinke, that if ye knew what ye spake, ye would not haue vttred the motion, nor neuer giuen breath to such a thought. For what thinke you of our kingdome? Be we of lesse autho∣ritie for our age? Be we not your king now as we shall be? Shall ye be subiects hereafter, and now are ye not? Haue we not the right we shall haue? If ye would suspend and hang our dooings in doubt vntill our full age, ye must first know, as a king we haue no difference of yeares, but as a naturall man and creature of God we haue youth, and by his suffe∣rance shall haue age. We are your rightfull king, your liege lord, the souereigne prince of England, not by our age, but by Gods ordinance; not onelie when we shall be one and twentie yeares of age, but when we were of ten yéers. We possesse our crowne not by yeares, but by the bloud and descent from our father king Henrie the eight. If it be considered, they which mooue this matter, if they durst vtter them∣selues, would denie our kingdome.

But our good subiects know their prince, and will increase, not diminish his honor, inlarge his power, not abate it, knowledge his kingdome, not deferre it to certeine yeares. All is one, to speake against our crowne, and to denie our kingdome, as to require that our lawes maie be broken vnto one and twen∣tie yeares. Be we not your crowned, annointed, and established king? Wherein be we of lesse maiestie, of lesse authoritie, or lesse state, than our progeni∣tors kings of this realme, except your vnkindnes, your vnnaturalnesse will diminish our estimation?

We haue hitherto since the death of our father, by the good aduise and counsell of our deare and intire∣lie beloued vncle the duke of Summerset, and gouer∣nor and protector, kept our estate, mainteined our realme, preserued our honour, defended our people from all enimies. We haue hitherto béene feared and dread of our enimies, yea of princes, kings, and nations. Yea herein we be nothing inferiour to anie our progenitors, which grace we acknowledge to be giuen vs from God, and how else, but by good obedi∣ence, [line 10] good counsell of our magistrates, and by the au∣thoritie of our kingdome?

England hitherto hath gained honour during our reigne: it hath woone of the enimie, and not lost. It hath béene maruelled that wée of so yoong yeares haue reigned so noblie, so roiallie, so quietlie. And how chanceth that you our louing subiects of that our countrie of Cornewall and Deuonshire, will giue occasion to slander this our realme of England, to giue courage to the enimie, to note our realme of [line 20] the euill of rebellion, to make it a preie to our old eni∣mies, to diminish our honour which God hath giuen, our father left, our good vncle and councell preserued vnto vs? What greater euill could ye commit, than euen now when our forren enimie in Scotland, and vpon the sea seeketh to inuade vs, to doo our realme dishonour, than to arise in this maner against our law, to prouoke our wrath, to aske our vengeance, and to giue vs an occasion to spend that force v••on you, which we meant to bestow vpon our enimies, to [line 30] begin to slaie you with that sword that we drew forth against Scots, and other enimies, to make a con∣quest of our owne people, which otherwise should haue beene of the whole realme of Scotland?

Thus farre we haue descended from our high ma∣iestie, for loue to consider you in your simple igno∣rance, and haue béene content to send you an instruc∣tion like a father, who of iustice might haue sent you your destructions like a king to rebels. And now we let you know, that as you sée our mercie abundant∣lie, [line 40] so if ye prouoke vs further, we sweare to you by the liuing God, ye shall féele the power of the same God in our sword, which how mightie it is, no subiect knoweth; how puissant it is, no priuat man can iudge; how mortall, no Englishman dare thinke. But suerlie, suerlie, as your lord and prince, your on∣lie king and maister, we saie to you, repent your selues, and take our mercie without delaie: or else we will foorthwith extend our princelie power, and execute our sharpe sword against you, as against in∣fidels [line 50] and Turks, and rather aduenture our owne roiall person, state, and power, than the same should not be executed.

And if you will proue the example of our mercie, learne of certeine which latlie did arise, as they per∣ceiuing pretended some griefes, and yet acknowled∣ging their offenses, haue not onelie most humblie their pardon: but féele also by our order, to whome onelie all publike order apperteineth, present redresse of their griefes.* 3.13 In the end, we admonish you of [line 60] your duties to God, whome ye shall answere in the daie of the Lord, & of your duties toward vs, whom ye shall answere by our order, and take our mercie whilest God so inclineth vs, least when ye shall be constreined to aske, we shall be two much hardened in heart to grant it you. And where ye shall heare now of mercie, mercie, and life; ye shall then heare of iustice, iustice, and death. Written the eight of Iulie, in the third yeare of our reigne.

Although the rebels receiued this princelie mes∣sage, & wholesome admonition from the kings ma∣iestie, yet would they not reforme themselues, as dutifull subiects ought to haue doone, but stood still in their wicked begun rebellion, offering to trie it at the weapons point. There wanted not priestes and other busie bodies among them, such as by all waies and meanes possible sought to kindle the coles of malice and hatred betwixt the king and his subiects; which as the maner is among all the like wicked disposed people, contriued to raise and strew abroad false forged tales, and feined rumors, giuing it out, that the people should be constreined to paie a rata∣ble taske for their sheepe and cattell,* 3.14 and an excise for euerie thing that they should eate or drinke. These and such other slanderous brutes were spred abroad by those children of Beliall, whereby the cankered minds of the rebels might the more be hardened and made stiffe from plieng vnto anie resonable per∣suasion, that might be made to moue them to re∣turne vnto their dutifull obedience, as by the lawes both of God and man they were bounden: and so it came to passe. For the rebellious ront were growne to an obstinacie, séeming so far from admitting per∣suasions to submission, that they became resolute in their pestilent actions; wilfullie following the woorst, which they knew full well would redound to their detriment; and auoiding the best, which they doubted not might turne to their aduantage, agrea∣ble in sense and meaning vnto that of the poet:

Quae nocüere sequar, fugiam quae profore credam.* 3.15

Herevpon when no hope was left to procure them by anie quiet meanes to laie downe armes, the lord priuie seale, and the lord Greie, with their forces, although not comparable with the rebels in num∣ber, about the latter end of Iulie set vpon them, and by great manhood put them from their ground, not∣withstanding they fought verie stoutlie, & gaue it not ouer for a little: and although they were thus driuen to giue place at this first onset, yet they got togi∣ther againe, and aboad a new charge, defending their ground, & dooing what they could to beat backe and repell those that came to assaile them. But ne∣uerthelesse through the power of the almightie God fauouring the rightfull cause,* 3.16 the rebels were distres∣sed, and followed in chase with great slaughter for the space of two miles. This was about the begin∣ning of August.

Their chiefe capteines, to wit, Humfreie Arun∣dell, Whinsland, Holms, and Burie,* 3.17 were taken and brought vp to London. There were taken also others of their capteins, as Thomas Underhill, Iohn Soleman, William Segar, Tempson, and Barret, which two last were priests; also Boier and Henrie Lée, two maiors, all the which were executed in one place or other, as they had well deserued. The said Boier being maior of Bodmin in Cornewall, (as Grafton reporteth) had béene a busie fellow a∣mong the rebels, to set them forward in mischiefe: howbeit some that loued him sought to excuse him, as if he had béene forced hereto against his will by the rebels, who would haue killed him, and burnt his house, if he had not consented to them. But how∣soeuer it was, sir Anthonie Kingston that was pro∣uost marshall in the kings armie vnder the lord pri∣uie seale, wrote his letter vnto the said maior,* 3.18 sig∣nifieng to him, that he and other with him would come and dine with him such a daie. The maior sée∣ming to be glad thereof, made the best purueiance he could to receiue them, and at the time appointed, sir Anthonie Kingston came with his companie, and were right hartilie welcomed of the maior. But be∣fore they sat downe to dinner, calling the maior a∣side, he told him that there must be execution doone in that towne, and therefore willed him that a paire of gallowes might be framed and set vp with spéed, so that they might be readie by that time that they should make an end of dinner.

The maior with all diligence caused the same to be doone: so that when dinner was ended, sir Antho∣nie calling the maior to him, and asking whether the gallowes were set vp accordinglie as he had willed, the maior answered that they were readie. Where∣with sir Anthonie taking the maior by the hand, de∣sired him to bring him to the place where they stood, and comming thither and beholding them, he said to the maior; Thinke you maister maior that they be strong inough? Yea sir, quoth he, that they are. Well [line 10] then said sir Anthonie, get you euen vp vnto them, for they are prouided for you. The maior greatlie a∣bashed herewith, said; I trust you meane no such thing to me. Sir said he, there is no remedie, ye haue béene a busie rebell,* 3.19 and therefore this is appoin∣ted for your reward: and so without respit or staie, there was the maior hanged.

At the same time, & neere the same place dwelled a miller that had beene a great dooer in that rebellion, for whom also sir Anthonie Kingston sought: but the [line 20] miller being thereof warned, called a good tall fel∣low that he had to his seruant, and said vnto him: I haue businesse to go from home, if anie therefore come to aske for me, saie thou art the owner of the mill and the man for whome they shall so aske, and that thou hast kept this mill for the space of three yeares, but in no wise name me. The seruant pro∣mised his maister so to doo.* 3.20 And shortlie after came sir Anthonie Kingston to the millers house, and calling for the miller, the seruant came forth, [line 30] and answered that he was the miller.

How long, quoth sir Anthonie, hast thou kept this mill? He an∣swered thre yeares. Well then said he, come on, thou must go with me, and caused his men to laie hands on him, and to bring him to the next trée, saieng to him; Thou hast béene a busie knaue, and therefore here shalt thou hang. Then cried the fel∣low out, and said that he was not the miller, but the millers man. Well then, said sir Anthonie, thou art a false knaue to be in two tales, therefore said [line 40] he, hang him vp: and so incontinentlie hanged he was in déed.

After he was dead, one that was pre∣sent, told sir Anthonie;* 3.21 Surelie sir this was but the millers man. What then said he, could he euer haue doone his maister better seruice than to hang for him?

Manie other were executed by order of the mar∣shall law, & a great part of the countrie abandoned to the spoile of the souldiers, who were not slouthfull to gleane what they could find for the time their li∣bertie [line 50] lasted.* 3.22 ¶Thus far the report of this rebellious broile, wherevpon it first kindled, by what meanes the same sparkled and became a flame, and what de∣uises were vsed to extinguish & quench it. Where∣in we sée how prone the people are to rise by routs vpon occasions of discontentments; how hastie and headie to vndertake dangerous enterprises, how wilfull and obstinate to persist in their pernicious proceedings, how cold-harted and hopelesse when they see the course of their plots of perilous policie [line 60] either interrupted, vndermined, or ouerthrowne; and finallie, what a reprochfull reward redoundeth both to the ringleaders in rebellions, as also what falleth to the shares of all such as shake hands and become confederats to the furthering and strengthening of riots, mutinies, insurrections, commotions, and hurlieburlies. Wherby the state is disquieted, & (that more is) the prince drawne into a conceipt of sus∣pecting his subiects loialties; besides a wicked pre∣sident to posterities, without feare of shame, remorse of conscience, regard to allegiance, or foresight of afterclaps, to attempt the like. Now it resteth, that for the further truth and knowledge hereof,* 3.23 we adde a new report (new I meane, in respect of the pub∣lication, hauing not heretofore béene printed) though old enough, and sufficientlie warranted by the re∣porter, who vpon his owne notice hath deliuered no lesse in writing, than himselfe vpon verie good and infallible grounds obserued, and hath left testified in the discourse following; wherein there is not one word either added, or inuerted: but all things (from point to point) agreeable to the written copie.

The description of the citie of Exces∣ter, and of the sundrie assaults giuen to the same: collected and gathered by Iohn Vowell (alias Hooker) gentleman and chamberleine of the same.

Excester or Exceter is a famous and an ancient citie, being the metropole and Emporium of the west parts of England,* 4.1 situated and lieng in the pro∣uince sometime called Dumnonia, that is to saie, the countrie of vallies: for whereas are manie hilles (as that countrie is full of hilles and mounteins) there are manie vallies. But ne•••• cor∣ruptlie it is named Deuonia, or Deuonshire,* 4.2 and not Daneshire of the Danes, as some would haue it. Of the first foundation thereof, by reason of the sun∣drie inuasions of forren nations, who with their hosti∣lities and cruell warres did burne and destroie the same, there remaineth no certeine memoriall, nei∣ther among the records of the said citie, ne yet in a∣nie one other writer.

But most certeine it is, that it was first builded and founded by the Britons or Brutes. For the names which they gaue and vsed, are yet at this pre∣sent had in remembrance, as well among the chrono∣graphers of this land, as also among the Cornish people, who were sometimes one with this prouince; but now in a countie of themselues, and next borde∣ring to this, and in the same diocesse. And they are the remanent of the bloud of Brutus. For when Cad∣wallader king of this land, by reason of a great fa∣mine and pestilence was driuen to forsake the same, & to flie into little Britaine named Armorica, which is now vnder the dition of the French king: diuers & the most part of his people fled, some into Wales, and some into Cornwall, where euer since they and after them their posteritie haue remained and conti∣nued.

The old chronographers, searchers,* 4.3 and writers of antiquities doo find, that this citie was called Co∣rinia, and thereof the cathedrall church of the same was (as Bale saith) named Ecclesia Coriniensis: which name, if it were first giuen by Corinus (as Leland writeth) who after the arriuall of Brutus into this land, was made the first duke of this whole west countrie of Deuon and Cornewall, which were both comprised vnder the name of Corinia, and wherof this citie euer hath beene and is the metropole, and al∣waies parcell sometime of the kingdome, then of the duchie, and after of the earledome, and now againe of the duchie of Cornwall: then out of doubt this citie is of no lesse antiquitie than the said names doo import. It was also called Augusta. Of this name there were diuerse cities, so named by the Romans; but this onelie was named Augusta Britannorum, and so called (as some thinke) by the Romans at the con∣clusion of the peace made at the siege of this citie be∣twéene king Aruiragus and Uespasian coronell of the Romane armie vnder Claudius Augustus. The Britons in their toong or language doo call this citie by sundrie names;* 4.4 the first and eldest in remem∣brance is cair Penhulgoile, that is to saie, the pros∣perous

chiefe towne in the wood, as dooth appeere by Geffreie of Monmouth, and Ponticus Virunnius. It was also called Pennehaltecaire,* 4.5 that is, the chiefe citie or towne vpon the hill; as dooth appéere in a tra∣uerse betweene the bishop, deane, and chapiter of this citie of the one partie; and the maior, bailiffe, and communaltie of the other partie, concerning their liberties. But the names which the Cornish people doo at these presents remember & reteine, are special∣lie thrée,* 4.6 Pennecaire, Caireruth, Caireiske, Penne∣caire [line 10] signifieth, and is to saie, the chéefe citie. Caire∣ruth signifieth the red or reddish citie, so called and taking the name of the ground and soile wherevpon it is situated, which is a red earth. Caireiske is the citie of Iske, being so called of the riuer, which the Britons name Iske, and flotesh fast by the same. And of this name Houeden in his chronicle maketh men∣tion,* 4.7 saieng thus: Anno Domini 877 exercitus Dano∣rum ab Wareham nocte quadam, foedere dirupto, ad Exean∣cestre diuerterunt, quod Britannicè dicitur Caireiske. [line 20]

* 4.8Ptolomeus the famous astronomer, who was a∣bout the yéere of our Lord 162, Coell being king of this land, nameth this citie Isca; and the riuer Isa∣ca.* 4.9 And Bale the searcher of antiquities following the same opinion, dooth also name the citie Isca, and the inhabitants therein Iscans. But vnder corre∣ction be it spoken, a man maie well thinke that Ptolomeus being in Alexandria, and so farre distant from this land, was misinformed, or the print mis∣taken. For it is most likelie that the riuer should be named Isca according to the British spéech, wherein [line 30] it was called Isca; and which name by transposing of the two middle letters, dooth at this present re∣maine being now named Icsa or Era. But what∣soeuer the censures and opinions of Ptolomeus and of Bale, who wrote onelie vpon report, be herein, it is certeine, that the names which the Brutes or Bri∣tons gaue, were of longest continuance. And this citie was called by their denominations, by the space of fiftéene hundred yéeres, vntill the comming [line 40] of the Saxons, the Picts, and the Scots into this realme, which was about the yéere of our Lord foure hundred and fiftie.* 4.10 For they, where, and whensoeuer they preuailed in anie place, did for the most part al∣ter and change the names of all places & townes, ac∣counting it a great renowme, as also a perpetuall memoriall of their chiualrie, to giue new names, ei∣ther of their owne deuises, or of their owne natiue countries; for so is it writen of them: Picti, Scoti, An∣gli, Daci, & Normanni in hac insula rerum potiti, cuncta im∣mutârunt, [line 50] pro tropheis habentes, locis à se deuictis noua impone∣re nomina. The Saxons therfore as of all other cities & townes (few excepted) so of this also they changed and altered the old names and called it Monketon; and by which name it was so called by the space of three hundred and od yéeres,* 4.11 and vntill the time of king Athelstane: for he about the yéere of our Lord nine hundred thirtie and two, being much gréeued and vnquieted with the rebellion of the Cornish peo∣ple, because they refused and denied to acknowledge [line 60] him for their lawfull king, did bend his force, & con∣duct his armie against them. And hauing subdued and preuailed ouer them, he returned to this citie: and while he rested here, he repared the same; and the walles which before were but mightie ditches of earth,* 4.12 and the banks set with great poles of timber now destroied, he builded all of square stone, as it is recorded: Hanc vrbem primus Athelstanus in potesta∣tem Anglorum fugatis Britonibus reductam, turribus muni∣uit, & m••raex quadratis lapidibus randem cinxit. And then he altered and changed the former names, and called it after the name of the riuer Esseterra or Exe∣terra, that is to saie, Exeter. For so is it written, Est Exonia vi•••• Deuoniae comitatus,* 4.13 ••eco praecelso ad occiden∣tem versus posita: ablu••túr{que} flumine Exi, à quo nomen habet. Others name it of the riuer ••••oting by it,* 4.14 which they saie is named Excestrum, & thus they write: Clarissima vrbium est Excestria, quae ab amni Excestro qui eandem prae∣terfluit est sic nuncupata. I find it also written in an old chronicle, that it is named Exancestria or Exancest••e: which shuld seeme to be so called by the Saxons. For the most part of the cities, townes, & forts, which they builded or reedified, did end in cestre: as Glocestre, Lecestre, Manchestre, Winchestre, Oscestre, Wor∣cestre, Colchestre, Cicestre, Ilcestre, Bicestre, & this citie of Excestre, with others. For Caire in British & Cestre in Saxonish are one thing,* 4.15 & doo signifie in English a fort, towre, or castell. This citie (as is be∣fore said) being walled about with stone by king A∣thelstane is not altogither foure square, but decli∣neth somewhat toward a roundnesse, and contein∣eth in circuit or compasse sixteene hundred whole pa∣ses, after fiue foot to a pase; which accounting after the Italian maner one thousand pases to a mile, it is a mile and halfe about, & somewhat more.* 4.16 The situa∣tion of this citie is verie pleasant and delicate, be∣ing set vpon a little hill among manie hilles. For the whole countrie round about is mounteinous and full of hilles. It is pendent towards the south and west parts, after and in such sort, that be the streets neuer so foule or filthie, yet with a shoure of raine they are clensed and made sweet. And albeit hilles are commonlie drie,* 4.17 yet nature is so beneficiall to this litle hill, that it is in euerie quarter full of water springs: & by that meanes the whole citie is through∣lie furnished with wels and tirpits; the great good benefit and commoditie whereof hath well appéered in sundrie times of necessitie, and especiallie in the time of the late commotion, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1549. For albeit the enimie, by breking and spoiling of the pipes or canales,* 4.18 whereby water was conueied to the founteins of the citie, from cer∣teine springs distant not a mile from the same, did abridge them of that water: yet most comfortablie they did inioy without impeachment the wels and tirpits within the walles, which abundantlie floted with waters to the satisfieng of all people therein.

There are also within this citie certeine foun∣teins or conduits, wherevnto,* 4.19 through certeine ca∣nales or pipes of lead, the waters from certeine springs, rising in the fields not far from the citie, are brought and conueied. And these waters are of most price, because by the carriage thereof they are puri∣fied, and made lighter than are the other waters springing within the citie: and by that means more meet for dressing of meats. Of these conduits two are speciall, the one of them standeth and is within the cemiterie or churchyard of the cathedrall church of the said citie, and is called saint Peters conduit:* 4.20 the other being of great antiquitie standeth in the middle of the citie, at the méeting of foure principall streets of the same, and whereof som••times it tooke his name,* 4.21 being called the conduit at Quatrefois or Carfox; but now the great conduit.

At the higher end of this citie is a verie old and ancient castell, named Rugemont,* 4.22 that is to saie the red hill, taking that name of the red soile or earth wherevpon it is situated.* 4.23 The site or situation of it is eminent and aboue both the citie and countrie ad∣ioining: for they doo all lie as it were vnder the lée thereof. It hath a goodlie and pleasant prospect to∣wards the seas: for betweene that and it is no hill at all. It is stronglie ditched round about,* 4.24 and was first builded (as some thinke) by Iulius Cesar: but rather and in truth by the Romans after him when they had their recourse to it for their defense, refuge, and abode, manie yeares. The same was sometimes the palace of such kings, as vnto whome the king∣dome

of Westsex or Westsaxons was allotted vnto: and after them, it was the habitation of the earles of Cornewall, and last of all of the dukes of Exce∣ster. It was alwaies parcell and of the inheritance of the earledome, but now of the duchie of Corne∣wall: it is in great ruine and decaie, and not easilie to be gotten with force, if it were reedified and inui∣roned.

At the lower end and part of this citie, without the wals, floteth a goodlie and a pleasant riuer, which the Britons called Isk; Ptolomeus by misinfor∣mation [line 10] nameth it Isaca:* 4.25 but the other old writers named it Esse, Exe, Exa, or Excestrum: and these names be reteined at these presents. It hath his head or spring in a certeine moore or desert distant from the citie néere about foure and twentie miles, called Ex∣moore. It floweth into the maine seas about eight miles from the citie,* 4.26 at a place named Exmouth, and by the waie it is increased with sundrie riuers, brooks & lakes, the chiefe of which are Créedie and Collome. It is well stored and is plentifull of samon, front, [line 20] peale, dace, pike, and other like freshwater fishes: which albeit they be verie good and delicate, and espe∣ciallie the samon and pike: yet they are the lesse e∣stéemed, bicause the seas being so néere do•• furnish the citie & countrie verie abundantlie with sundrie kinds of sea fishes most delicate.

The maine seas are not distant from the citie a∣boue eight miles, out of which commeth an arme ser∣uing for the port of the same: which (as dooth appeare by certeine old and ancient records) did sometimes [line 30] flow vp to the verie wals of the citie,* 4.27 where boats and vessels were woont to be laden and vnladen of all kind of wares and merchandizes, at a proper place appointed for the same: which at these presents kée∣peth his old and ancient name, and is called the wa∣tergate. The decaie thereof hapned about the yeare of our Lord 1312,* 4.28 by one Hugh Courtneie the third of that name, and earle of Deuon: who being of∣fended and incensed against this citie, his wrathfull humor could not be satisfied, vntill by some meanes [line 40] he did impaire and annoie the state of the common∣wealth of the same. And séeing that among other commodities, the vse of the hauen and watercourse to the citie to be one of the chiefest, he was neuer quiet vntill he had destroied the same: wherefore minding to performe what he had conceiued, he did in the yeare of our Lord 1313, the fift yeare of king Edward the second, enterprise & begin his pretended deuise and mischéefe.

And first whereas the ladie Isabella d•• Fortibus, coun∣tesse [line 50] of Aumerle and of Deuon, his ancestrix had builded certeine wéers vpon the riuer of Exe (the propertie and seignorie whereof did apperteine to the citie) the one of the west side of the riuer of Exe in Exminster parish, and the other of the east side of the same riuer in the parish of Topesham; leauing be∣twéene the said two wéers a certeine aperture or o∣pen space of thirtie foot, thorough which all boats and vessels without let or hinderance might haue and [line 60] had their vsuall passage and repassage, to and from the citie vnto the seas: the said earle to abridge and destroie this great benefit and commoditie, did leuie and build a new wéere in the said aperture or open roome, stopping, filling, and quirting the same, with great trees, timber, and stones, in such sort, that no vessell nor vessels could passe or repasse.

* 4.29After him Edward Courtneie earle of Deuon, and nephue to the said Hugh, did not onelie main∣teine and continue the dooings of his ancestor, by his dailie reparing and defending the same: but also to worke an vtter destruction for euer, of anie passage or repassage to be had thensefoorth to and from the said citie; vnder pretense to build and make certeine mils, did erect two other weeres, the one at saint Iames ouerthwart the whole riuer, and the other at Lampreford: by meanes whereof not onelie the citie did susteine the whole losse of the hauen, but the whole countrie also was surrounded about it, and in pro∣cesse of time altogither, and as it is at these presents couered with salt waters. For which gréefs and iniu∣ries vpon complaints made thereof, diuerse & sun∣drie writs and commissions of inquirie were awar∣ded and granted by the king;* 4.30 and the said earles by sundrie inquisitions and verdicts found giltie. And yet notwithstanding, such was their power and au∣thoritie, and such was the iniquitie of those daies, as no iustice could take place, nor law haue his due course against them.

Furthermore also the foresaid Hugh, to incroch the gaine and commoditie of the lading & vnlading of merchandizes within the port & riuer to himselfe, did build a keie and a crane in the riuer at his towne of Topesham,* 4.31 distant from the citie about thrée miles: and by power did inforce and compell all ma∣ner of merchants arriuing within that port to vn∣lade & lade all their wares and merchandizes brought within that port (to be laden and vnladen) there one∣lie. And from thense, euer since, all wares and merchandizes haue béene caried and recaried to and from the citie by horsse, cart, and waine, though to the gaine of the earle and his tenants, yet to the great trouble and hinderance of the citie and mer∣chants of the same. Neuerthelesse, the port hath euer∣more and yet dooth kéepe his old and ancient name, being called the port of the citie of Excester: and al∣waies hath béene and presentlie is paied a tribute vn∣to the citie, by the name of the towne custome, for all kind of wares and merchandizes, discharged with∣in that port or riuer, or the members thereof.

And although the watercourse thus being de∣stroied can hardlie be restored to his old pristinate and naturall estate; for that thorough long conti∣nuance the old course can not be discerned:* 4.32 yet now at length after manie attempts and with great ex∣penses, a watercourse and passage begun in the yeare 1564, is recouered, and by certeine sluces, boats, and vessels of fifteene or sixtéene tuns are con∣ueied and brought vp to the citie, and there discharged at the old and ancient place, called the watergate: & where is builded a verie faire large keie or wharfe,* 4.33 as also an engine called a crane fit for the purpose. Within the citie were somtimes but few parish chur∣ches, vntill the time of Innocentius the third: who when in the yeare 1198 he had established the doc∣trine of transubstantiation, and had made it an ar∣ticle of the symbole, as appeareth in the decretals, Ti∣tulo de summa trinitate, canone Firmiter: then his next successor Honorius the third, in the yeare 1218 did not onelie confirme the same, but also by decree did establish reseruation, candlelight, and praieng for the dead, as dooth appeare, Decret. tit. de celebratione mis∣sarum, canone Sane cum, & Sane cum creatura: by which meanes the number of sacrificing & massing priests did not onelie increase, but churches also and chapels began in all places and euerie where to be builded and erected.

And among others in this citie in the yeare 1222 and the sixt yeare of king Henris the third, the parish churches were limited,* 4.34 and increased to the number of ninetéene churches within the citie and suburbs, and were called by the name of the christianitie euen to this daie. Euerie of which in times past was a suf∣ficient and competent liuing to mainteine a massing sacrificer; for such and so great was the blind deuo∣tion of the people then in that Romish religion: but the same now being abolished, and the gospell prea∣ched, the liuelihoods are so small, as not sufficient for

the most part to mainteine a poore clerke or scholar, & by reason thereof, the most part of them doo lie void and vacant, without incumbent.

* 4.35Besides these parish churches, there was also a monasterie, sometimes of moonks of saint Benets order, but since a cathedrall church, being of a verie faire and sumptuous building of fréestone and with beautifull pillers of graie marble. It standeth and is situated in the east part of the citie; and (as some re∣port) was first founded and built by king Ethel∣dred,* 4.36 the third sonne to king Ethelwolphus. Some [line 10] thinke that king Edgar did it. True it is that euerie of them builded a house for religious persons within this citie, of which the one was spoiled and burned by the Danes, and the other in processe of time was vni∣ted to the monasterie, which is now the cathedrall church. But the cathedrall church it selfe was founded & builded by king Athelstane, the sonne to king Ed∣ward the elder: for so is it recorded in the historie of the same church, the words whereof are these: Athel∣stanus [line 20] subingatis Cornugualensibus, reuersus est ad ciuitatem, quae antiquitùs Monketon vocabatur, nunc autem Exeter: acibi sedens, anno Dom. 932, non tam lacerata eiusdem ci∣uitatis moenia reparabat, quin & mansum quoddam dedit ad fundandum monasterium promonachis, Deo & sancto Petro famulantibus.

This king besides his great charges and expenses in building of this church, which at the first was but small, and that part which is now called the Ladie chapell, he placed therein moonkes of S. Benets or∣der, [line 30] prouided liuelihoods for them, and appointed a ru∣ler or gouernour ouer them, and who was called by the name of an abbat, towards whose diet and liue∣lihood he gaue Morkeshull and Tresurors béere: and which at these presents doo remaine to the said church and are annexed to the dignitie of the treasurorship of the same. The church being thus begun, kings, princes, & noble men were from time to time glad∣lie and willinglie verie liberall contributors to the absoluing and finishing of the same. For about foure [line 40] score years after king Athelstane, king Knoght who was also named Cahutus or Canutus,* 4.37 at the ear∣nest sute of one of his dukes named Atheldred, did confirme and grant to Athelwood then abbat of the said church, and to his successors manie and sundrie priuileges and liberties, vnder his letters patents, dated the second yeare of his reigne, Anno Domini, 1019.

After him about thirtie yeares, king Edward the confessor remooued the moonkes vnto Westminster,* 4.38 [line 50] and made this church a cathedrall church, and remoo∣ued the bishops sée which was then at Crediton vnto this citie, making Leofricus bishop therof, and whom he and his wife quéene Edith did put in possession of the same, as appeareth by his letters patents dated the eight yeare of his reigne, Anno Dom. 1050, Howbeit the moonke of Burie, Polydorus, and o∣thers doo affirme and write, that this should be doone about the twelfe yeare of William the conqueror,* 4.39 for thus they doo write: Habitum est Londini, sub Lanfran∣co, [line 60] autistitum & sacerdotum comitium, in quo decretum est, quòd aliquot sedes episcopales, quae in oppidulis & pagis an∣teà fuerant in vrbibus & locis celeberrimis collocarentur, vn∣de factum est vt Bathonia, Lincolnia, Sarisburia, Exonia, Ce∣stria, & Cicestria vrbes, huiusmodi nouis episcoporum domici∣lijs sunt nobilitatae.

But the reuerence of these writers reserued, this cannot be true concerning this church,* 4.40 bicause the words of the charter thereof doo witnesse the contra∣rie, and declare expresselie, how that king Edward and queene Edith his wife did put Leofricus the first bishop in possession, the one by the one hand and the other by the other hand, leading him betweene them vp to the high altar, and there put his hands vpon the same▪ And yet it may be true, that at the foresaid councell, this remoouing and placing of this bishop might be ratified and confirmed.* 4.41 Likewise William the conqueror, in the third yeare of his reigne 1069, did not onelie confirme the former charter, but also at the instance and request of William Warewest, then his chapleine, but afterwards bishop of the same sée, did giue vnto it the seigniories of Plimp∣ton, Brampton, and S. Stephans in Excester, which the said William Warewest being afterwards bi∣shop did distribute, giuing Plimpton to the religious canons, whome he placed there: Brampton was annexed to the deanerie, but S. Stephans was re∣serued alwaies to the bishop, and to his successors, whereby they are barons, and so lords in the parle∣ment house.

It was also inlarged from time to time with great possessions, reuenues, buildings, riches, priuileges, and sundrie other commodities, by kings, princes, prelats, bishops, and sundrie others. And this one thing is to be noted,* 4.42 that albeit there were about foure hundred yeares distant from the first founda∣tion and building thereof, vnto the ending and fini∣shing of the same; yet it is so vniformelie and de∣centlie compact and builded in one mould, as though it had beene doone at one instant. The bishop is di∣stinct from the chanons both in house and reuenue: his liuelihoods being no part nor parcell of that which apperteineth to the deane and chapter. It was some∣times of great reuenues and large possessions, but the more part thereof hath béene consumed and ex∣hausted by a wastfull bishop. The bishop and chanons haue verie faire houses, which are situated about the church & cemiterie, and are inclosed euerie night by shutting fast of certeine gates, by which occasion it is called a close, A claudendo: and which gates are to be shut euerie night (except at certeine times) and to be opened euerie morning at certeine hours appointed, as it appeareth by a composition made for the same betwéene the communaltie of Excester, and the bi∣shop and deane of the same. In the middle of the ce∣miterie or churchyard is a verie faire founteine or conduit of water conueied by certeine pipes of lead from out of the same féelds, as is the cities conduit.* 4.43 And albeit the springs of both waters are in the same field, and not farre distant: yet this dooth excell the other. Out of this well or founteine waters are conueied to sundrie of the chanons houses, as also of late vnto the bishops house, and yet it serueth be∣sides the whole close and citie. The citie it selfe is verie populous,* 4.44 and was sometimes chéefelie inha∣bited with clothiers & clothworkers of broad clothes, seruing much for the Spanish and south countries; and which in those daies were of such goodnesse & sub∣stance, that the names of them doo remaine in those countries: but new it is chéeflie inhabited with mer∣chants, kersie-••••othiers, and all sorts of artificers, a∣mong whom the merchants are the chéefe & welthiest.

The gouernement of this citie was sometimes by foure bailiffes,* 4.45 which before the conquest were cal∣led portgreues, that is, the chéefest lords or rulers of the towne: for porta is taken for a towne, and greue in Saxonie is Dominus or maior:* 4.46 but after the conquest they were after the French toong named Prouostres, that is to saie Praefecti or rulers,* 4.47 and now stewards. Not long after the conquest there was or∣dered and constituted a senate of six and thirtie per∣sons, but of later yeares by king Henrie the sea∣uenth of foure & twentie persons, out of which num∣ber yearelie there was and is chosen one to be the chéefest gouernour for the yeare following; and is called by the name of a maior, whome the Saxons called Meregreue, that is, Maior dominus,* 4.48 or the cheefe ruler. This maior associated with the foure prouosts

or bailiffes, hath the hearing, decerning, and deter∣mining in all ciuill causes betwéene partie and par∣tie, and for which they kéepe wéekelie vpon euerie mondaie a court in the Guildhall of the said citie: but the bailiffes reteining their old and ancient cu∣stome,* 4.49 doo kéepe the like courts, and in the like causes distinctlie from the maior by themselues, at all time and times (the mondaies and festiuall daies excep∣ted) as it shall please them to assigne, and with their court is called by the name of the prouost court.* 4.50

Thus the maior and bailiffes both iointlie and se∣uerallie [line 10] haue iurisdiction to decerne and determine in ciuill matters. But if the matters doo touch and concerne the prince, the crowne, the common peace, anie criminall matter, or the publike state of the ci∣tie and common-wealth of the same, then the same are decided by the maior and iustices, or by the maior and common councell, or by the maior himselfe, or by some other officer or officers, according to the nature and qualitie of the cause and offense. But bicause it requireth a large and speciall course, to describe the [line 20] gouernement of this citie and common-wealth of the same, the charge of euerie officer, the diuersitie of officers, their seuerall iurisdictions, and a number of other things incident vnto their charges: there is a particular booke imprinted, and at large the same is set out, in such order as is requisite, and apperteining to the gouernement: whereby euerie man may know his office and charge, and what to him dooth apperteine. And let it suffice, that partlie through good gouernement, and partlie of a good in∣clination,* 4.51 [line 30] the people of this citie haue béene alwaies dutifull and obedient to the king and the lawes: and haue in great awe and reuerence their gouernours and magistrats for the time being. And this one thing is not so strange as worthie to be noted, that euen from the beginning, from time to time they haue béene carefull for their common-wealth, and vigilant for the preseruation of the same. And as in times of peace and quietnesse the same hath beene well gouerned: so in times troublesome and vn∣quiet, [line 40] it hath béene most valiantlie defended against the inuasions and assaults of the enimies, as by sun∣drie histories it may appeare: whereof for example these few may serue.

[line 1] First Aruiragus king of this land, then named Britaine, minding to staie the land in his ancient e∣state, fréedome and libertie, did withdraw and denie to paie vnto the Romans the tribute which they did require and demand: wherefore Claudius the empe∣ror sent Uespasian then duke of the Romane armie,* 4.52 [line 50] into this realme with a great hoast, either to recouer the tribute, or to subdue the land. This Uespasian is he, who in the foure and twentith yeare after this his iourneie, did destroie Ierusalem. Wherfore this duke landing in Torrebate,* 4.53 then named Totonesium littus, came to this citie, laid siege vnto it, and gaue conti∣nuall assaults therevnto, for eight daies continuallie togither. Aruiragus the king, being then in the east parts of the land, and hearing of this, with a great armie and power marcheth towards this citie to re∣mooue [line 60] the siege,* 4.54 and incountereth with the enimie. The Romane after long fight, and not able to pre∣uaile, is contented to come to parlée, and in the end a composition was concluded, as if dooth appeare, and is set downe and written by sundrie historiogra∣phers. The chronicle of the cathedrall church of the said citie hath these words:* 4.55 Anno Domini 49, Vespass∣anus cum Romano exercitu ciuitatem nunc vocatam Exeter, ••cto diebus obsedit sedminimè praeualuit, Aruirago rege ci∣uibus auxilium praestante.

* 4.56Geffreie of Monmouth hath these words: Vespa∣sianus à Claudio missus est, vt Ar••iragum vel pacificaret, vel Romanae subiectioni restitueret. Cùmigitur inportu in Rut••pi applicare voluisset Vespasianus, obu••a••it ei Aruiragus, atque prohibuit n•• portum ingrederetur. Retraxit itaque se Vespasianus à portu illo, retortisque velis in littore Totonesio applicuit. Nactus deinde tellurem Caier ••enhulgoite, quae nunc Exonia vocàtur obsessurus; eandem adiuit, cùmque octo diebus eandem obsedisset, superuenit Aruiragus cum exercitu suo, praeliùmque commisit: die illa, valde laceratus fuit vtro∣rùmque exercitus, sed neuter est victoria potitus, mane autem facto, mediante Ge••a••issa regina, concordes effecti sunt. Mat∣thew of Westminster writeth: Aruiragus Britannorum rex, in tantam pro••apsus est superbiā,* 4.57 quòd Romanae potestatis noluit diutiùs subiectiom parere. Vespasianus igitur à Clau∣dio missus cùm in Rutupi portu applicare incepisset, Aruira∣gus illi ••buius prohibuit ne ingrederetur. At Vespasianus re∣cortis velis in Totonesio littore applicuit, & ciuitatem quae Britannicè Caier Penhulgoite, nunc auten•• Exonia appella∣tur▪ obsedit: elapsis inde septem diebus Aruiragus super∣uenit, praeliùmque commisit, & vtrorùm{que} exercitu valde lacerato, mediante Genwissa Claudij filia, duces amici facti sunt.

In the historie intituled,* 4.58 Noua historia de gestis Anglorum a Britonibus vsque ad Henricum sextum, is written the like in effect: Vespasianus à Claudio missus est vt Aruiragum pacificaret, vel Romanae ditioni restitueret, cui obuians Aruiragus, probibuit ne terram suam ingredere∣tur, timens Vespasianus armatorum cohortem, retraxit sese, retortis{que} velis in Totonesio littore est appulsus, atque vrbem Exoniae obsedit, post septem dies superuenit Aruiragus, prae∣lium committitur, laceratùrque vtrorùmque exercitus, sed neuter potitur victoria, demum mediante Genewissa regina, reconciliati sunt. It was also in manie troubles and great perplexities, in the vncerteine and trouble∣some states of this realme, when sometimes the Ro∣mans, sometimes the Picts, sometimes the Scots, sometimes the Saxons, and sometimes the Danes made their incursions and warres within this land, by reason whereof the records and memorials in those daies for the most part were lost and consu∣med.

And yet Matthew of Westminster writeth that it was besieged by Penda king of Mertia, in the yeare [line 2] of our Lord 632,* 4.59 in the time of Cadwallin one of the last kings of the Britons. The historie is this. Edwin the Saxon king of the Northumbers, ••a∣uing wars against Cadwallin or Cadwall••, did so preuaile and had such conquests ouer him, that Cad∣wallo was driuen to forsake his realme of Wale••, and to flie into Ireland, where he being, was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 carefull and pensifull how to recouer his countrie againe. Wherefore he repareth his armie and gathe∣reth a new force, and gaue sundrie ••ttempts to at∣chiue to his purpose: but all was in vaine, 〈…〉〈…〉 could neuer set foot on land in his countrie. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 win was alwaies at hand and in a readinesse to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and resist the same, for this Edwin had about him in his seruice a man named Pellitus,* 4.60 who was a ma∣gician and verie skilfull in necromancie, and who by his art and science did foreshew and declare vnto Edwin what things were a dooing and attempted against him.

Cadwallo hauing continuallie euill successe, was in vtter despaire and distrust to preuaile against Edwin, and therefore as one giuing ouer all, saileth ouer the seas into Armorica now called little Bri∣taine,* 4.61 vnto Salomon the king thereof, and vnto him dooth disclose his miserable estate and fortune, as also greatlie complaineth of Pellitus and of his sorce∣ries. When these two kings had throughlie consulted and debated the matter, it was at length concluded and thought best, that some one man being bold and wittie should be sent ouer to the court of king Ed∣win, & to giue the aduenture to kill Pellitus.* 4.62 Where∣vpon the matter being discouered to Brienus ne∣phue to king Cadwallo, he taketh vpon him to en∣terprise

the matter, and to couer himselfe from all suspicion, apparelleth himselfe in a poore beggers wéed, and so saileth ouer into England, and trauel∣leth foorthwith towards king Edwins court, who then laie at Yorke, and there ioineth and accompa∣nieth himselfe among the poore people, whose cu∣stome and maner was, to lie about the kings gates at dinner and supper times, waiting for the almesse vsuallie giuen and woont to be distributed amongst the poore. [line 10]

Pellitus being the kings almoner, and hauing the charge to distribute the said almesse, commeth foorth and setteth the poore folke in order.* 4.63 Brienus be∣ing there and amongst them, watcheth his time to worke his purpose, and thrusting himselfe in the middle of the presse of the people, suddenlie with his poinado or weapon which for the purpose he had pre∣pared, thrusteth Pellitus into the bodie, & gaue him a deadlie wound whereof he died, and forthwith (the thing in such a thrust not perceiued) shifteth himselfe [line 20] awaie priuilie, and through woods, hils, thickets, and dales out of the common waie, commeth to this citie of Excester, & declareth vnto the citizens (who were then Britons) what he had doone: whereof they were verie glad and ioifull, and in good hope that their king Cadwallo should yet againe returne; and therefore vpon good aduise doo prepare and make rea∣die both themselues and the citie, aswell for the resi∣sting of the enimie, as for the receiuing, succouring and aiding of their king. [line 30]

King Penda aduertised of this murther, and vn∣derstanding the whole course of the matter and prac∣tise, taketh in griefe the iniurie thus doone to his neighbor and countriman king Edwin. And there∣fore to reuenge the same mustereth his subiects and gathereth a great armie;* 4.64 and vnderstanding that Brienus was come to this citie marcheth towards the same, and in the end laieth his siege round about it, minding the vtter subuersion thereof. But the citi∣zens manfullie withstanding his force, did defend [line 40] and kéepe both themselues and their citie, vntill that king Cadwallo, who before was aduertised both of the fact of Brienus and of this preparation of Pen∣da, did with his force and armie come to the citie, who did not onelie rescue the same; but also ioining the battell with his enimie gaue him the ouerthrow, and so deliuered his countrie, and recouered himselfe and his kingdome.

It was also in greater troubles in the time of [line 3] king Alured or Alfred the fourth sonne to king E∣thelwolphus.* 4.65 [line 50] For Polydorus and others doo write, that in the fift yeare of the said kings reigne, the Danes concluded a peace with the said king, and gaue hostages for the true kéeping thereof. And yet notwithstanding most perfidiouslie and falselie con∣trarie to the same, they assembled themselues, and vpon a sudden marched to this citie, and perforce en∣tered and tooke the same: Daci etenim qui religionem & fidem pro suo commodo postponendam ducebant, Londino se mouent, & maximis itineribus Exoniam proficiscuntur, vrbéin{que}, per vim capiunt. But long they inioied not the [line 60] same, for after that winter passed, the king to be re∣uenged marcheth with a great power to this citie, which the Danes vnderstanding and thinking them∣selues too weake to withstand the K. as also vtterlie distrusting the citizens, shifted themselues awaie, of which some fled vnto Dartmouth and there tooke shipping, and who for the most part were drowned in a tempest at the seas. Some fled to Chipenham or (as some saie) to Bristow,* 4.66 but the king followed and pursued these so sharplie, that he neuer left nor gaue ouer, vntill he had ouercome and slaine the capteins Hubbert and Hungar.

[line 4] Likewise in the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of the said king, the Danes contrarie to their faith, pledges, and promises, did againe come to this citie, and laid siege to the same:* 4.67 Danorum exercitus anno 877, ab Wareham nocte quadam foedere dirupto, ad Exean∣cestre, quod Britannice dicetur Caieriske diuerterunt, at au∣dito regis aduentu••••d puppes fugerunt, & in mari praedantes manebant.

It was also besieged by the said Danes in the [line 5] ninetéenth yeere of king Egelred, in the yeere of our Lord 1001. For the Danes, which were in Nor∣mandie, being aduertised of the good lucke, successe, and great spoiles which their companions and coun∣triemen in England had, and their teeth set on edge therewith▪ suddenlie prepared shipping, and came o∣uer the coasts and landed in Deuon, and forthwith marched and tooke their course towards the citie of Excester; thinking to haue found the citizens nap∣ping & to haue taken them suddenlie and vnawares; Sed ciuibus viriliter resistentibus recesserunt. The people & cōmons of Deuon, Cornewall,* 4.68 Summerset & Dor∣set, aduertised hereof, assembled themselues, & mind∣ing to rescue the citie, as also to incounter & aduen∣ture the field with the Danes, met with them at a place néere the citie called Pinneho, and ioined bat∣tell with them,* 4.69 betwéene whome the fight was cruell and the slaughter great. And thus dooth Houeden testifie, whose words be these:* 4.70 Memoratus paganorum exercitus de Normannia in Angliam reuectus, ostium fluuij Exe ingreditur, & mox ad extinguendam vrbem Exeance∣stre egreditur, sed dum murum illius destruere moliretur, at ciuibus vrbem viriliter defendentibus repellitur, vnde nimis exasperatus more solito villas succendendo, agros depopulando, hominésque caedendo per Domnoniam vagatur, quare Domno∣nenses invnum congregati, in loco qui dicitur Pinho certa∣men cum eis ineunt.

King Sweno being in Denmarke, and aduerti∣sed hereof, as also giuen to vnderstand how king Elfre•• aliàs Etheldred or Egelred had caused all the Danes in the realme to be suddenlie slaine in one night, being much gréeued therewith, did prepare and prouide a great armie for the reuenge thereof.* 4.71 And in the yeare of our Lord 1002, he landed in sundrie and diuerse parts of this realme, vsing great hostili∣tie, and making great spoiles, and brought the whole land to an vnspeakeable miserie and distresse: but at length, receiuing a tribute for a peace, he returned home into his owne countrie. Howbeit the citizens of Excester hearing of this crueltie vsed in the east parts, made themselues strong: and doubting of so mightie an enimie, did make themselues readie, and prepared the citie to withstand him, if he should haue attempted anie force or hostilitie against them.

But the Dane being gone and returned home,* 4.72 and knowing nothing of this preparation, one Hugh then earle of Deuon (as princes lacke no fawners) sent his letters into Denmarke to king Sweno, certifieng him both of the state and wealth of this citie, as also of the great preparation which had bene made to withstand him, persuading him not to su∣steine such an iniurie. And as coles will be soone kindled: euen so the Dane vpon this aduertisement was in a great heat, and foorthwith arreareth his ar∣mie, and repareth all things in readinesse to crosse the seas anew to worke his will against this citie. And accordinglie when time serued, in the yeare fol∣lowing, [line 6] being the yeare of our Lord 1003, he tooke the seas and landed vpon the coasts of Deuon and Cornewall, and marched foorthwith to this citie,* 4.73 and laid his siege against the same in the beginning of the moneth of August, and continued the same vntill the kalends of September: during which time were sundrie sharpe, fierce, and cruell assaults giuen by the Dane, and as valiantlie resisted by the citizens.

But in continuance of time, when they saw them∣selues

dailie more and more to be weakened, vittels to saile, the fire round about them, their walles bea∣ten downe, themselues slaughtered and murthered, and the enimie to increase and be strong, and in all these distresses, their king Eldred being fled into Normandie,* 4.74 to haue no care of them, nor to prepare anie rescue, aid, or helpe for them: it was not to be maruelled, if in so heauie a distresse they were ama∣zed and astonished. And yet considering with them∣selues that Sweno was a Dane, a cruell enimie, a [line 10] bloudie murtherer, an vsurping tyrant, hauing no other title to the crowne of England, but the sword, did with one consent agrée and conclude, neuer to yéeld nor giue ouer whilest anie were left liuing able to withstand the same,* 4.75 wishing rather to die manfullie for their common wealth, than to liue in reproch and infamie; and by death to reape an immor∣tall fame, than by life to become ignominious & in∣famous, and in the end also to be the miserable slaues of a cruell and vsurping tyrant. [line 20]

Wh••n therefore after manie assaults, all or the most part of the ablest men were spent and consu∣med, and none or few left aliue to withstand so migh∣tie and so manie enimies:* 4.76 the Dane on the seuen and twentith daie of August, with force entered the citie, And after that he had serued and satisfied his bloudie appetits, in deflowring the women, murthering the children, and making hauocke of all the people, hée spoiled the citie,* 4.77 burned the houses, rased the walles, bet downe the temples, and left nothing to be doone [line 30] which might by fire, sword, and spoiles be consumed: and this is so witnessed by sundrie writers. Reinulph of Chester writeth thus:* 4.78 Daci cum suo rege Sweno Exce∣striam venerunt, & vrbem funditùs destruxerunt, nullare in∣columi relicta, quae aut serro aut igni vastari poterat: & omnia spolia cineribus tantùm relictis secum deportauerunt. Hun∣tington hath these words:* 4.79 Daci ir a exarserunt sicut ignis quem velit aliquis sanguine extinguere: aduolantes igitur quasi multitudo locustarum, quidam Excestriam venerunt, & vrbem funditùs destruxerunt: & omnia spolia cineribus tan∣tùm [line 40] relictis secum deportauerunt.

* 4.80Houeden thus saith: Rex Danorum Sweni periurium & proditionem Normannici comitis, quem Emma Domnaniae praefecerat, ciuitatem Exon infregit, spoliauit, & murum ab orientali vs{que} ad occidentalem portam destruxit, & cum in∣genti [line 7] praeda naues repetijt. It was also besieged by Wil∣liam the Conquerour in the first yeare of his reigne Anno 1068.* 4.81 For when he first entered this land, and by dint of sword sought the conquest thereof; the ci∣tizens of this citie, and the noble and gentlemen of [line 50] all the countrie about,* 4.82 entered into one common league, conclusion and promise, to ioine togither and to withstand the enimie to the vttermost. And this confederacie being confirmed by a publike oth, pre∣paration on all parts was made accordinglie, for the accomplishing of the same. But the conquerour hauing preuailed, and subdued in a maner the whole land, was aduertised that this citie stood vpon their gard, and would not yéeld nor submit themselues vn∣to him. Wherevpon he sent his armie from London [line 60] and besieged the same: and perceiuing the siege to continue, marched and came himselfe vnto the same, but rather came no further than Salisburie. In the meane time the citizens were aduertised how the whole realme had yeelded,* 4.83 and seeing also how their confederats did dailie shrinke awaie from them, and by that meanes they to grow weaker & weaker, and therefore the lesse able to withstand so great a force, and to keepe out so puissant an armie as was round about them; and considering also, that small mercie or fauor should they find if the citie by force were ta∣ken; did by way of intreatie offer submission, and de∣sire peace, which in the end they obteined: and so pa••∣eng a grieuous fine, they and the citie were restored. But yet in token of his conquest, the king altered and changed the gates of the castell, and tooke an oth of all the citizens to be his liege and true subiects.

Houeden in his historie maketh mention, that Githa king Harolds mother should be within this citie,* 4.84 during the time that this siege and assault la∣sted: and perceiuing the bent of the people to submit and yeeld themselues, secretlie conueied hirselfe a∣waie. For these be his words: Hyeme minuente, re•• Wilhelmus de Normannia in Angliam redijt, & Anglis im∣portabile tributum imposuit: deinde in Dunmoniam hostiliter profectus est ad ciuitatem Excestriam, quam ciues & nonnulli Anglici ministri contra illum retinebant: & obsedit, & in••••e∣git. Githa verò comitissa,* 4.85, mater scilicet Haroldi regis Anglo∣rum, & soror Swani regis Danorum, cum multis de ciuitate fugiens, euasit & Flandriam petijt, ciues autem dextris accep∣tis regi se dederunt. Also in the second yeare of king Stephan Anno 1137, the lords and péeres of the realme, remembring the oth which they had before made to king Henrie the first, to whom they sware [line 8] to be true to Mawd the kings onelie daughter and heire, and to hir heires, and yet contrarie to the same had sworne themselues to king Stephan, began to repent themselues, & consulted how to restore Mawd the empresse, and to expell Stephan. Wherefore they assembled themselues in armor, & diuided them∣selues into sundrie cities, townes and castels.

Among whom one Baldwin Rideuers then erle of Deuon, with force entered and tooke this citie.* 4.86 But the king so sharpelie followed and pursued him, that he draue him from hence into the Ile of Wight, which was then his lordship. But the king when he had receiued the citie into his faith, mar∣ched with his armie to the said Ile, & tooke the same, as also the earle himselfe, whome he foorthwith bani∣shed. But Mawd the empresse afterwards remem∣bring this citie for such their seruice as she well li∣ked, did inlarge the liberties of this citie,* 4.87 for whome yearelie euer after was an anniuersarie kept at the charges of the citie.

It was also in great troubles in the eleuenth yere of king Richard the second, Anno 1387.* 4.88 For a con∣trouersie [line 9] being fallen betwéene the king & his two vncles, the dukes of Yorke & Glocester, none were then so highlie in the kings fauour, as were Robert Uere marques of Dublin, and Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, & others of their faction. To these the king gaue in commandement, to collect and mu∣ster an armie, as it were for his defense, against his said vncles: which when they had partlie doone, whe∣ther it were bicause they mistrusted their owne parts, or whether they doubted of the sequele of their dooings, they left their iourneie towards London,* 4.89 as it was first appointed, and came towards this citie. The two dukes who stood vpon their owne gard and defense, hauing aduertisement hereof, followed and persuaded them with all haste and spéed: and hauing ouertaken them at this citie, they ioined the fight with the marques and the earle. But they trusting more to their feet than to their hands, secretlie gaue the slip and fled awaie, making no staie before they came to Scotland; and from thence into Flan∣ders, where they died.

It was moreouer in troubles in the tenth yere of [line 10] king Edward the fourth Anno 1469, when the states of this king, and of king Henrie the sixt were doubtfull, and the whole realme diuided: some follo∣wing king Henrie, and some king Edward. In time of which troubles the duches of Clarence,* 4.90 the lord Dineham, the lord Fitzwaren, and the baron of Carew, who followed and tooke part with king Hen∣rie, came to this citie, being accompanied and stipa∣ted with a thousand fightingmen. The duches was great with child, and lodged in the bishops palace, but

the lords were in other houses within the close a∣mong the chanons, and here staied themselues. But sir Hugh Courtneie knight,* 4.91 who then fauoured and was on the part of king Edward, hearing of this as∣semblie, raiseth an armie of his friends and alies, approcheth therewith vnto this citie, besiegeth it, brea∣keth the bridges, and stoppeth all the waies leading to the same, and by which means no vittels could bée brought to the markets: and being thus incamped about this citie,* 4.92 sendeth to the maior, requiring him [line 10] either to open the gates and to giue him entrie, or to deliuer vnto him the gentlemen that were therein. On the other side, the gentlemen which were within, they either mistrusting the maior and citizens▪ or not willing to stand to his courtesie, and be vnder his go∣uernement, required the keies of the citie gates to be deliuered vnto their custodie, and that all things to be doone by their order and appointment.

In these doubts and perplexities consulting what were best to be doone, they did at length resolue & con∣clude [line 20] neither to yeeld to the requests of them who were without, nor yet to satisfie the demands of them which were within the citie: but pacifieng both parties with such good words, and in such good order as they might, did reserue to themselues the kée∣ping and safe custodie of the citie, being the chamber of the king, & parcell of the reuenues of the crowne, to the onlie vse of the king and crowne, as to them in dutie and allegiance did apperteine. And there∣fore forthwith they rampired vp the citie gates, for∣tified [line 30] the walles,* 4.93 appointed souldiers, and did set all things in such good order as in that case was requisit; leauing nothing vndoone which might be for the pre∣seruation of the state & commonwealth of the citie.

But yet for want of forecasting, in processe of time the prouision within the citie waxed short, and vit∣tels to be scant; whereof it was doubted there would insue some famine, which the common people nei∣ther could nor would indure, if some remedie were not in due time had and prouided. The magistrats [line 40] did their best indeuor euerie waie, aswell by dili∣gence in following, as by counselling, in persua∣ding euerie man to continue firme and true to the publike state, and their owne priuate common∣weale. And albeit the common people were vnpa∣tient to abide troubles, and loth to indure the pre∣sent state of want and famine; yet they had that re∣spect to their owne truth, faith, and safetie, as euerie man yeelded himselfe contented to abide and indure the time of their deliuerance: and by the good will [line 50] of God it followed, and the same tooke good effect.

For about twelue daies after this sturre begun, by waie of intreatie and mediation of certeine cha∣nons of the cathedrall church of this citie,* 4.94 the siege was remoued and raised; wherevpon verie shortlie after did insue the field of Edgecourt, where the duke of Clarence and the earle of Warwike being put to the worst,* 4.95 did flée vnto this citie, and made their entrie into the same the third daie of Aprill, 1470, and laie in the bishops palace for a few daies, vn∣till [line 60] they had caused to be prouided ships at Dart∣mouth for their passage ouer into Calis.

The king being aduertised which waie his eni∣mies were gone, followed and pursued them with an armie of fortie thousand men, and came to this citie the fourtéenth of Aprill 1470, hauing with him in his companie sundrie & diuerse great lords and estates, as namelie the bishop of Elie lord tresuror of England, the duke of Norffolke earle marshall of England, the duke of Suffolke, the earle of Arundell, the earle of Wiltshire son to the duke of Buckingham, the earle of Shrewesburie, the earle Riuers, the lord Hastings, the lord Greie of Codner, the lord Audleigh, the lord Saie, the lord Sturton, the lord Dacres, the lord Mountioie, the lord Stanleie, the lord Ferris, & the baron of Dud∣leigh, with a number of knights and gentlemen. But they all came too late; for the duke and the earle were both departed and gon to the seas before their comming.

Wherefore the king, after that he had rested and reposed himselfe here thrée daies, he departed and re∣turned to London. It was also in great troubles, [line 11] being besieged in the twelfe yeare of king Henrie the seuenth: by one Perkin Warbecke, 1470, who in the beginning of the moneth of Septem∣ber came to this citie,* 4.96 and incamped about it with his whole armie with ordinance battered the walls, fired the gates, vndermined it, and with mightie ladders scaled them, and left nothing vndoone which might be to compasse their attempt: thinking and supposing that small would be the resistance against them. But such was the noble courage and valiant stomach of the citizens, that they manfullie resi∣sted and defended those forces, and indured the same to the vttermost, vntill that the king be∣ing aduertised thereof, did send the lord Edward Courtneie, earle of Deuon and the lord William his sonne, with sundrie others well appointed,* 4.97 who came and rescued the citie: but in certeine con∣flicts the said earle and others were hurt; notwith∣standing the enimie had the repulse, and was driuen to raise his campe and to depart.

Finallie & last of all, it was besieged in the third [line 12] yeare of king Edward the sixt, 1549,* 4.98 by the com∣mons of Deuon and Cornewall: the historie where∣of, for so much as hitherto it hath not béene fullie and at large set forth by anie man, & wherat I Iohn Hoo∣ker the writer herof was present, and Testis oculatus of things then doone, I will somewhat at large discourse & set downe the whole course & maner of the same. It is apparant and most certeine, that this rebellion first was raised at a place in Deuon named Samp∣ford Courtneie,* 4.99 which lieth westwards from the citie about sixtéene miles; vpon mondaie in the Whitsun∣wéeke being the tenth daie of Iune 1549. The cause thereof (as by the sequele it did appeare) was onelie concerning religion;* 4.100 which then by act of parlement was reformed, and to be put in execution on Whit∣sundaie the ninth of Iune. The which daie being now come, and the statute made for the same to be put in execution throughout the whole realme: it was ac∣cordinglie with all obedience receiued in euerie place, and the common people well inough conten∣ted therewith euerie where; sauing in this west coun∣trie, and especiallie at the said Sampford Court∣neie.

For albeit at the daie appointed by statute, they had heard and were present at the diuine ser∣uice said, and had according to the new reformed or∣der, and could not in anie respect, find fault, or iust∣lie reprehend the same: yet (as old bottels which would not receiue new wine) would rather wallow in the old dreggs and puddels of old superstition, than to be fed and refreshed with the wholesome and heauenlie manna. Wherefore they confederated themselues, vtterlie to renounce, reiect, and cast off the same, not onelie to the great offense of God, whome they ought in all truth and veritie to reue∣rence and honor; and to the great displeasure of the king, whome in all dutifulnesse they ought to haue obeied: but also to the raising of open rebellion, the cause of the spoile of the whole countrie, and the vndooing of themselues, their wiues, and children; as in sequele and in the end it fell out and came to passe.

And here dooth appeare what great detriments doo come and insue to the church of God, and what great

trouble to the publike and commonweale: when as learned preachers doo want to teach and instruct the peoople;* 4.101 and well persuaded magistrats to gouerne the common state. For these people lacking the one, & not stored with the other, were left to themselues, and to their owne dispositions: and thereby partlie of ignorance, but more of a froward and a rebellious disposition, they doo now vtterlie condemne to ac∣cept, and doo openlie resist to receiue the reformed religion, now put, and to be put in vre and execu∣tion. For vpon the said mondaie, the priest being [line 10] come to the parish church of Sampford, & preparing himselfe to saie the seruice according to the booke & reformed order set foorth, & as he had doone the daie before: some of the parishioners, namelie one Wil∣liam Underhill a tailor,* 4.102 and one Segar a laborer, and others who had consulted and determined before of the matter, went to the priest, and demanded what he ment to doo, and what seruice he would saie? Who answered that according to the lawes set forth, [line 20] he would saie the same seruice as he had doone the daie before. Then they said, that he should not so doo, saieng further, that they would kéepe the old and an∣cient religion, as their forefathers before them had doone; and as king Henrie the eight by his last will and testament had taken order, that no altera∣tion of religion should be made, vntill king Ed∣ward his sonne were come vnto his full age. And therefore, for somuch as he was now but a child, and could doo nothing, they also would not haue a∣nie change. [line 30]

In the end, all the parishioners ioining and ta∣king parts togither,* 4.103 were all of the same mind, willing and charging the priest that he should vse and saie the like seruice as in times past he was woont to doo: who in the end, whether it were with his will, or against his will, he relied to their minds, and yéelded to their wills: and forthwith rauisheth himselfe in his old popish attire, and saith masse, and all such seruices as in times past accustomed. These newes, as a cloud caried with a violent wind, and [line 40] as a thunder clap sounding at one instant through the whole countrie, are caried and noised euen in a moment through out the whole countrie: and the common people so well allowed and liked thereof, that they clapped their hands for ioie, and agréed in one mind, to haue the same in euerie of their seue∣rall parishes.

The iustices of peace dwelling not far from Sampford, being aduertised how disorderlie, & con∣trarie to the lawes, things had béene doone in the [line 50] church of Sampford; and how that the common people were clustered and assembled togither, to continue and to mainteine their lewd & disordered behauiour:* 4.104 such of them, namelie, sir Hugh Pol∣lard knight, Anthonie Haruie, Alexander Wood, and Marke Slader esquiers came & met at Samp∣ford, minding to haue had conference with the chiefe plaiers in this enterlude, aswell for the redresse of the disorder alreadie committed, as also to persuade [line 60] and pacifie the rest of the people. But they partlie vnderstanding before hand of the iustices comming, were so addicted and wholie bent to their follies, that they fullie resolued themselues, wilfullie to main∣teine what naughtilie they had begun. And therfore, when the iustices were come to the place, and reque∣sted to talke with them, they refused it; vnlesse the said gentlemen would leaue all their men behind, and go with them into a certeine seuerall close not far off; and so they would be contented to conferre with them.* 4.105

The gentlemen, albeit they and their men were the greater number, and sufficient to haue repressed the small companie of the commoners then & there assembled: yet whether it were because they thought in such a case to vse all the best & quietest waie for the pacifieng of them; or whether some of them being like affected as they were, did not like the alteration, as it was greatlie suspected: they yéelded, and accor∣ding to the motion made, they left their men in the towne, & went into the foresaid close, & there hauing had conference a pretie while togither, did in the end depart without anie thing doone at all. Whereof as there appéered some weakenesse in the said iustices which were so white liuered, as they would not, or durst not to represse the rages of the people (which they might haue done) so therof also insued such a scab as passed their cure, and such a fire as they were not able to quench. For the commons hauing now their willes, were set vpon a pin, that the game was theirs, and that they had woone the garland before they had runne the race; nothing forecasting what might insue, nor yet accounting what follie it is to triumph before the victorie. Wherfore they assemble & confederat themselues throughout the whole shire in great troops and companies, and doo associat and flocke vnto them the Cornish people, minding to ioine togither, and foolishlie to mainteine what rash∣lie they had begun.

The king and councell then occupied in the weightie causes concerning the state of Scotland, being aduertised of this towards rebellion, & respec∣ting the speedie redresse thereof, sent foorthwith for sir Peter Carew knight, who then was in Lincolne∣shire, and for sir Gawen Carew,* 4.106 who was then at∣tendant at the court: and to them commandement was giuen, that foorthwith, and with all spéed they should hasten and depart into Deuon, and there to vse, by the aduise of the iustices, all the best meanes and waies that they might for the appeasing of this rebellion, quieting of the people, and pacifieng of the countrie; and to cause euerie man quietlie to returne to his home, and to refer the causes of their griefs and complaints (if they had anie) vnto the king and councell: and if they then refused so to doo, they to vse such other good means and waies as might be for the suppressing of them. And the councell being dailie more and more aduertised, that these begun rebelli∣ons did more and more increase; and doubting of the sequele thereof, by reason that in other places of the realme the like tumults were begun, though not for the like causes; doo direct and giue an order to the lord Russell, then lord priuie seale, and after earle of Bed∣ford, that he also should follow and dispatch himselfe into Deuon; and he had a commission to deale in such order as he might best doo for the pacifieng of the said tumults and vprores.

The foresaid two knights,* 4.107 hauing receiued their commission vnder the kings hand, came in post into the countrie, and making their repaire to this citie, doo foorthwith send for sir Péers Courtneie then shi∣riffe and the iustices of the peace of the countrie; and vnderstanding, that a great companie of the com∣mons were assembled at Crediton, which is a towne distant about seauen miles from Excester, and that among them were the Sampford men: & who were the chiefe of them tooke councell & aduise what was best to be doone, and what waie méetest to be taken. In the end it was concluded,* 4.108 that the said sir Peter and sir Gawen with others should ride to Crediton, & there to haue conference and spéeches with the said commons, and to vse all the good waies and meanes they might to pacifie & appease them, they then suppo∣sing, and being persuaded, that by good spéeches and gentle conferences they should haue béene able to haue compassed and persuaded the said commons. But the people being by some secret intelligence ad∣uertised of the comming of the gentlemen towards

them, and they fullie resolued not to yéeld one iote from their determinations, but to mainteine their cause taken in hand, doo arme and make themselues strong,* 4.109 with such armors and furnitures as they had; they intrench the high waies, and make a mightie rampire at the townes end, and fortifie the same, as also the barns next adioining to the said rampires with men and munition, hauing persed the walles of the barns with loopes and holes for their shot.

The foresaid gentlemen knowing nothing here∣of, [line 10] rode on their iourneie, and being come almost to the towne, they were aduertised how the waies were stopped and rampired, and that they could not ride into the towne. Whervpon they alighted from their horsses, and after a little conference had, they agréed to go into the towne on foot, nothing thinking lesse that they should be stopped or denied to go in on foot. But when they came to the rampires they found the contrarie: for they not onelie were denied to come néere the rampire, but vtterlie were refused to be talked withall: no offers of persuasions nor motions [line 20] of conference at all could be allowed. For the sun be∣ing in cancer, & the midsummer moone at full, their minds were imbrued in such follies, and their heads caried with such vanities, that as the man of Athens they would heare no man speake but themselues, and thought nothing well said but what came out of their owne mouths.

The gentlemen vpon such checks, taking the mat∣ter in euill part, to be so vnreuerentlie and discour∣teouslie intreated, with one consent doo agree to [line 30] make waie ouer the rampire. But in the aduenture thereof they were so galled both by them which kept the rampires, and speciallie by such as were within the barnes, that they were faine to retire and giue place, with the losse of some, and the hurt of manie. In which distresse,* 4.110 a certeine seruing man named Fox, and reteining to sir Hugh Pollard, suddenlie set one of the barnes on fire: wherevpon not onelie such as were therein, but all they also which were in the rampires fled and ran awaie. And then the gen∣tlemen [line 40] hauing recouered the rampire went into the towne; but there they found none except a few poore and old people, the residue trusting better to their héeles than to their armes were fled to a further place: and then they returned againe to Excester without anie thing doone.

The noise of this fire and burning was in post hast, and as it were in a moment carried and blazed abroad throughout the whole countrie; and the com∣mon [line 50] people vpon false reports, and of a gnat ma∣king an elephant, noised and spread it abroad, that the gentlemen were altogither bent to ouer-run, spoile, and destroie them. And in this rage, as it were a swarme of wasps they cluster themselues in great troops and multitudes, some in one place, and some in an other, fortifieng and intrenching them∣selues as though the enimie were readie to inuade and assaile them. And among other places one was at a village belonging to the lord Russell named S. Marie Clift distant from Excester about two miles, [line 60] where the commons of the countrie thereabout had begun to fortifie the towne for their defense & safetie.* 4.111

The cause and pretense of their dooings herein, was not onelie the burning of the barnes at Credi∣ton aforesaid, which all the commons generallie did vse for a cloke of this their rising and rebellion: but this one thing also increased their disposition. It hap∣pened that a certeine gentleman named Walter Raleigh dwelling not far from thense,* 4.112 as he was vpon a side holie daie riding from his house to Ex∣cester, ouertooke an old woman going to the parish church of saint Marie Clift, who had a paire of beads in hir hands, and asked hir what she did with those beads? And entring into further spéeches with hir concerning religion, which was reformed, & as then by order of law to be put in execution, he did per∣suade with hir that she should as a good christian wo∣man and an obedient subiect yéeld therevnto; saieng further, that there was a punishment by law appoin∣ted against hir, and all such as would not obeie and follow the same, and which would be put in executi∣on vpon them.

This woman nothing liking, nor well digesting this matter, went foorth to the parish church, where all the parishioners were then at the seruice: and be∣ing vnpatient, and in an agonie with the spéeches before passed betwéene hir and the gentleman, be∣ginneth to vpbraid in the open church verie hard and vnséemelie spéeches concerning religion, saieng that she was threatned by the gentleman, that except she would leaue hir beads, and giue ouer holie bread and holie water, the gentlemen would burne them out of their houses and spoile them; with manie other spéeches verie false and vntrue, and whereof no talke at all had passed betwéene the gentleman and hir. Notwithstanding she had not so soon spoken, but that she was beléeued: and in all hast like a sort of wasps they fling out of the church, and get them to the towne which is not far from thense, and there began to intrench and fortifie the towne, sending abroad into the countrie round about, the news aforesaid, and of their dooings in hand, flocking, and procu∣ring as manie as they could to come and to ioine with them.

And they fearing or mistrusting, least the gen∣tlemen which were then at Excester, would come vpon them, they first fortified the bridge, which lieth at the end of the towne towards the citie, and laid great trées ouerthwart the same,* 4.113 as also planted cer∣teine peeces of ordinance vpon the same, which they had procured and fetched from Topsham a towne not far from thense. But before they came into the towne, they ouertooke the gentleman maister Ra∣leigh aforesaid, and were in such a choler, and so fell in rages with him, that if he had not shifted himselfe into the chappell there,* 4.114 and had béene rescued by cer∣teine mariners of Exmouth which came with him, he had béene in great danger of his life, and like to haue béene murdered. And albeit he escaped for this time, yet it was not long before he fell into their hands, and by them imprisoned and kept in prison in the towre and church of faint Sidwelles, without the east gate of the citie of Excester, during the whole time of the commotion, being manie times threatned to be executed to death. But to the mat∣ter.

These the dooings of the commons being aduer∣tised to sir Peter Carew, who then was in Excester, assembleth all the iustices & the gentlemen, & confer∣reth with them what were best to be doone; and in the end, concluded & agréed that he, sir Gawen Ca∣rew,* 4.115 sir Thomas Denis, sir Hugh Pollard, and sun∣drie others should ride to Clift, and there to vse all the best meanes they might, for the pacifieng and quieting of them. And accordinglie in the next morning being sundaie they all rode thither: and be∣ing come almost to the bridge, they perceiued the same to be rampired, & no waie to be open for them to passe into the towne. Whervpon sir Peter Carew alighted from his horsse, and mistrusting nothing, was going on foot toward the bridge. But such was the rancor and malice conceiued against him,* 4.116 partlie for religion, and partlie for the burning of the barns at Crediton, which was laid altogither to his fault, that the gunner whose name was Iohn Hamon an alien and a smith, and dwelling then at Woodburie, not far from Clift, by the procurement and abetting

of some there, hauing charged his peece of ordinance there lieng, leuelled the same, to haue shot and dis∣charged it at him: which he had doone, if one Hugh Osborne seruant then to sergeant Prideox had not let him and staied his hand.

The gentlemen perceiuing they could not passe into the towne, doo send in a messenger vnto the towne, aduertising them that they were come to talke friendlie with them, as also to satisfie them if they had anie cause of griefe, or were by anie bodie misused. They at this message and motion staggered [line 10] a while and cast manie doubts: but in the end they sent word that they were contented, that if sir Tho∣mas Denis, sir Hugh Pollard, and Thomas Yard esquier, would come into the towne to them and leaue their men behind them, as also would take order, and giue their faith and promise that no hurt should be doone or offered to be doone vnto them, whiles they were thus in conference togither:* 4.117 that then vpon these conditions they would be contented to talke with them. Upon which promise made and [line 20] assured vnto them, the foresaid thrée gentlemen went into the towne about ten of the clocke in the fore∣noone, and there taried and spent the most part of the daie in much talke and to no purpose: as in the end it fell out.

The other knights and gentlemen, which in the meane while taried without, and waited a long time euen vntill the daie did draw toward night, be∣gan to mislike of the matter, some speaking one [line 30] thing and some an other; yea and some of them in plaine spéeches said they would ride ouer the water and issue into the towne. But the friends and ser∣uingmen of the two knights, respecting the promise made before their entrie into the towne, but especi∣allie their masters safetie, which by breach of promise might be put in perill, did vtterlie mislike and were grieued with those spéeches,* 4.118 and whereof began a lit∣tle quarrelling among themselues, but foorthwith pa∣cified and quieted. And yet some one or two of the companie rode to the waters side, & with their slaues [line 40] searched the depth thereof: for at that bridge the wa∣ter at euerie tide (by reason that the seas are so néere) swelleth vp and reboundeth. Which thing when they in the towne did sée, foorthwith cried out alarum, and made much a doo; and some of them began and grew into such rages, that the gentlemen within the towne began to distrust their safetie.

Neuerthelesse the conference and talke herewith ended, and they came awaie; who as soone as they were come to sir Peter Carew, they were deman∣ded [line 50] what they had doone, and how they had sped: who answered; Well inough: & giuing no other answer they rode all togither to Excester, deferring the dis∣couerie of their dooings vntill their comming thither. The same night they supped all togither, & after sup∣per ended, and all the seruingmen auoided out of that roome,* 4.119 sir Peter Carew demanded of them what they had doone, and what agréement they had made: who answered that the commons had promised, and were contented to keepe themselues in good & quiet [line 60] order, and to procéed no further in their attempts: so that the king and the councell would not alter the religion, but suffer it to remaine and tarie in the same state as king Henrie the eight left it, & vntill the king himselfe came to his full age. Sir Peter Carew and all the residue nothing liking this an∣swer, being farre from their expectation, were for the time in a great dumpe or studie; but in the end misli∣ked and discommended both the matter and the ma∣ner of their dealings: insomuch that sir Peter Ca∣rew, and sir Péerce Courtneie, then shiriffe of De∣uon, openlie, sharpelie, and in plaine termes inueied against them for their slender, or rather sinister dea∣lings in so weightie a cause: wherein they all ought rather to haue vsed all meanes to haue suppressed their outrages, than to haue mainteined their fol∣lies: and therefore as there was a blame in them, so was there a plaine rebellion in the other.

But though the two knights would haue excu∣sed the matter,* 4.120 and haue purged their sinceritie here∣in; yet on ech side words were so multiplied, that they brake asunder without anie further dealings, and euerie man shifted for himselfe, some one waie some an other waie. The commons vnderstanding hereof stop all the high waies, casting great tren∣ches, and laieng great trées ouerthwart the same,* 4.121 and doo watch & ward the same: and by that meanes sundrie gentlemen suspecting no such matter, and making waie to their appointed places, were intrap∣ped, taken, and put in prison; and manie of them kept in durance,* 4.122 during the whole time of the com∣motion, & abode great hardnesse, and were in perill of life and limme: manie were taken bicause they would be taken, & found fauour; & manie forsaking their houses and home, were driuen to sequester and hide themselues in woods & secret places. In the ci∣tie none or verie few remained or taried, sauing six or seuen persons then knowne of: for by conference had before with the maior, it was knowne that the citie was vnprouided of sufficient vittels, méet for such a companie as the foresaid gentlemen were.

The gentlemen which taried and remained in the citie; namelie, sir Roger Blewet knight,* 4.123 Iohn Beauchampe, Bartholomew Fortescute, Iohn Courtneie, & Iohn Peter customer, esquiers, and o∣thers, did verie good seruice as well in their persons, as in their good aduises and counsels, sauing such as secretlie kept themselues close in certeine houses then vnknowne.* 4.124 Sir Peter Carew verie earlie in the next morning tooke his horsse, and the high waies being then not stopped he escaped and rode vn∣to George Henton, a place of sir Hugh Paulets in Summersetshire: where was the lord Russell, being then newlie come from London, and vnto him he gaue to vnderstand, how all things had passed:* 4.125 who foorthwith dispatched and sent him awaie to the king and councell to aduertise them of the same. The king at the first hearing of the matter, was verie much grieued, & in great perplexitie in two respects; the one bicause at this instant the like tumults and rebellions (though for an other cause) were now raised and begun in other places; the other was bicause he was inforced to leaue and giue ouer the appointed attempt for the conquest of Scotland, and to imploie now those soldiors and strangers, whome he had reteined for that seruice, for the quenching of this fire kindled at home.

Neuerthelesse minding to follow the first,* 4.126 and to appease the last, he sent verie courteous letters, gra∣tious proclamations, and manie mercifull offers vnto all the commons of these parties, to haue paci∣fied and satisfied them, if they had had so much grace so to haue accepted it. The commons being now en∣tered in their follies, and hauing driuen the gentle∣men to the flight, doo openlie shew themselues trai∣tors & rebels: and therefore assembling themselues doo appoint out capteins to direct & order both them∣selues, and all their procéedings,* 4.127 and as the common prouerbe is, Like lips like lettice, as is their cause, so are the rulers, the one being not so bold and euill, as they wicked or woorse. The capteins then are these: Underhill a tailor, Maunder a shoomaker, Seager a labourer, and A••sheredge a fishdriuer, with sundrie other such like, the woorst men and the reffuse of all o∣thers, thought most méet in this seruice. Howbeit it was not long before, that certeine gentlemen and yeomen of good countenance and credit both in De∣uon

and Cornewall were contented, not onelie to be associats of this rebellion: but also to carrie the crosse before this procession, and to be capteins and guiders of this wicked enterprise, as namelie in Deuon sir Thomas Pomeroie knight, Iohn Burie and one Coffin gentlemen: & in Cornewall Hum∣frie Arundell and Winneslade esquiers, & Holmes a yeoman, with sundrie others, who for the most part were in the end executed and put to death: and their facts to the memoriall of their perpetuall infamie [line 10] recorded in chronicles.

The principall & chiefe capteins in Deuon being fullie resolued by their owne power and authoritie to mainteine & continue the religion, according to the Romish church, & vtterlie to impugne the reformati∣sion therof, established by act of parlement; & to sup∣port the authoritie of the idoll of Rome (whome they neuer saw) in contempt of their true and lawfull king,* 4.128 whome they knew and ought to obeie: these I saie sent their messengers vnto the maior of this ci∣tie, [line 20] whose name was Iohn Blackaller, to mooue and praie him to ioine with them, they thinking that they hauing by these meanes the libertie to haue frée accesse to and from the citie, and the helpe of the citi∣zens, should not want monie or armor, or anie thing else to serue their turne: the maior foorthwith aduer∣tised vnto his brethren this motion. And albeit some and the chiefest of them did like & were well affected to the Romish religion: yet respecting their dutie to God,* 4.129 their obedience to the king, their fidelitie to their countrie, and safetie of themselues, gaue their [line 30] full resolute and direct answer, that they would not ioine nor deale with them at all.

This answer was nothing liked, and therefore sent they their second messenger, requiring and com∣manding them to mainteine the old catholike reli∣gion with them, and to doo as they did; or else they would besiege them, and perforce compell them ther∣vnto. The maior and his brethren returned their for∣mer answer, adding moreouer that they in their doo∣ings [line 40] were wicked & bad men; & they did & would re∣pute them for enimies and rebels against God, their king, and countrie: and so renounced them. The one side therefore as they prepare to besiege the citie, and to worke all the extremities they can, by force to take that which by words they can not obteine: so on the other side the maior and his brethren vpon good aduise,* 4.130 garded and watched the citie with sufficient men, armed both by daie and by night. The rebels (according to their determination) relieng themsel∣ues [line 50] vpon a vaine hope, thinking that notwithstan∣ding the answer before made; yet because the most part of the citizens were of their opinions, and of the like affections in religion, would not resist them: as also that they had manie friends within the citie, more readie to ioine with them, than to follow the maior, if they might haue the choise what to doo: they came being in number about two thousand persons, to the citie, vpon the second of Iulie 1••49, first ma∣king proclamation that if the citie would not yeeld,* 4.131 [line 60] and ioine with them, they would enter with force and take the spoile of it, & so then they vpon the deniall compassed the same round about, and gained vnto them at the first all the suburbs.

And hereof they conceiued such a vaine hope to haue their full desire vpon the citie, that not onelie the number in hope did dailie more & more increase, but also manie of them brought their wiues, horsses, and p••niers; persuading themselues, and promising them,* 4.132 by such a daie and vpon such a daie to enter in∣to the citie, and then to measure veluets and silks by the bow, and to lade their horsses home with plate, monie, and other great riches. The maior and his brethren forecasting the perils which might in such a case insue, doo prouide all things necessarie and méet wherewith to defend themselues, and to annoie the enimie. The citie therefore is viewed for armor,* 4.133 men are mustered, soldiers are reteined, capteins in euerie ward appointed, warders for the daie and watchmen for the night assigned, great péeces of or∣dinance laid in euerie gate, and placed in all conue∣nient places of the wals; mounts in sundrie places erected, as well for laieng of ordinance, as for sa∣uing of the soldiers & watchmen from the enimies shot: and nothing was left vndoone, which in anie re∣spect that present state and necessitie required.

The rebels likewise intrench the high waies,* 4.134 plash downe trées, breake downe bridges, kéepe watches and wards in euerie place; so that no man could passe to or from the citie without their sufferance. The markets are stopped, vittels are kept from it, and all dealings and intercourses shut and cut off: and hauing (as they bragged) penned and shut vp the townesmen in a coope or mew,* 4.135 they plant their or∣dinance against euerie gate, and in all other such places as best to serue their turne, and to hurt them within: they burnt the gates, they brake vp the pipes and conduits, aswell for the taking awaie of the water comming to the citie, as also to haue the led to serue for their shot and pellets. But for the bur∣ning of the gates, there followed rather a benefit than a hurt thereof:* 4.136 for foorthwith there were made certeine rampiers within the gate, which were farre stronger and of more defense than the gates, as also there were fiers continuallie kept euerie night be∣twéene the rampiers and the gates: and as for wa∣ter, the citie so standeth vpon a little hill, that it is full of springs in euerie quarter within the same, and by that means full and plentifull of euerie good and swéet waters.* 4.137 Also they in sundrie places did vnder∣mine the wals, minding thereby with gunpowder and with other matters fit for fier to haue blowne vp the wals, and so to haue entered in that waie: but herein they were also preuented by this means and in this maner.

The citie it selfe (as is before said) is set vpon a little hill, and lieth verie stéeping towards two of the gates. And at one of these named the west gate, the said rebels had vndermined on the one side, and filled the place with certeine barels of powder, pitch, and other stuffe, méet and apt to receiue fier, and had ap∣pointed the night when the same should be set on fier, and so to haue blowne the wals vp. At the same time there was a certeine tinner in the citie, whose dwel∣ling was at Teingemouth, named Iohn New∣combe, who depended much vpon the goodwill and fréendship of maister William Hurst one of the al∣dermen of the citie; and he vnderstanding of such an vndermining to be in working, aduertised the same to maister Hurst, and maketh him priuie how he would preuent the same, which was doone in this ma∣ner. For whereas he by a noise vnder the ground did suspect the vndermining to be in working, he tooke a pan of water, & did put the same on the ground, & by shaking of the water in the pan, he by remoouing the pan from place to place, came at length to the verie place, whereas the miners were working, and foorthwith he countermined against the same,* 4.138 and wrought so néere vnto it, vntill that he might and did sée & looke into it. That ••oone, he caused all the wals and tirpits in the citie towards euerie stréet, hauing a fall that waie to be drawne at one time, and euerie man to fill therewith a great tub of water at his foredoore; which being 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he caused them all at one instant to be cast out and emptied, which water run∣ning in great abundance towards the said west gate, was conueied into the place countermined, & so entered and drowned the place, which before was

mined: at which time also by the goodnesse of God, there fell a great showre, as the like for the time had not beene séene manie years before, and which at that instant greatlie serued this turne.

The rebels perceiuing themselues disappoin∣ted of their purpose, gaue ouer to deale anie further in those attempts: howbeit otherwise they left no∣thing vndoone which might be to annoie the citizens. For sometimes they made alarums, as though they with all might and maine would haue giuen the [line 10] scale: and indeed they had prouided ladders for the same purpose. Sometimes they by policies would séeke to come to the gates to burne them, and herein they vsed this stratagem. They prouided carts la∣den with old haie,* 4.139 & driuing the whéeles before them would come to the gate without danger, and so set fier in the gate. But notwithstanding they escaped not scotfrée, for both at the west gate and at the south∣gate, their commings being perceiued, the great port péeces were charged with great bags of flint∣stones [line 20] and haileshot: and as they were approching vnto the gates, the gates were secretlie opened, and the said port péeces discharged, and so they were spoi∣led diuerse of them, & by that means they had small pleasure to follow those deuises; as also the citizens to preuent the same, did from thensefoorth kéepe the gates open.* 4.140 Likewise they would kéepe themselues close in sundrie houses, in the suburbs neere the wals, and would so watch the garrets, that if anie within the citie would looke out at the garrets, was [line 30] in the danger of their shot, and some thereby were killed, and manie hurt. Upon which occasion the citi∣zens set some part of the suburbs on fier,* 4.141 and some part which was next to the wals they beat and brake downe, and so draue the rebels out of those holes. Be∣sides this, they had in sundrie places their great or∣dinance, so set and placed, that in certeine stréets and places none could go but in perill and danger of their shot, which their deuises were choked, by ma∣king of certeine mounts to shadowe the streets [line 40] from the same. Diuerse other deuises they practised to the continuall annoiance of the citie, which though they were greeuous and dangerous, yet not to be compared vnto the perils which were within the walles among themselues, and whereof had insued the confusion of the whole citie, had not the Lord God of his goodnesse kept and preserued the same. For the serpent of diuision,* 4.142 and the fier of malice, was ente∣red into the citie, manie being inuenomed with the one, but more scaulded with the other. [line 50]

In the citie there were two sorts of people, the one and the greater number were of the old stampe, and of the Romish religion. The other being of the lesser number were of a contrarie mind and dispositi∣on, for they wholie relied themselues to the reformed religion, and to the kings procéedings, and indeuou∣red themselues to obeie and follow the same. The first were so addicted to their owne fantasies, and their bottels were so far••e seasoned with the old wines,* 4.143 that they cannot abide to heare of anie other [line 60] religion, than as they were first nuzled in. Wherfore to kéepe and obserue that, was their onelie endeuor, and in respect whereof they regarded not king nor Keisar, passed not for kin nor fréendship, regarded not countrie nor commonwealth, but were wholie of the opinion of the rebels, and would haue no refor∣mation in religion; and how so euer all other things fared, that must néeds remaine as in times past had beene vsed.

* 4.144The magistrates and chéefeteins of the citie, albe∣it they were not as yet fullie resolued and satisfied in religion, yet they not respecting that, but chéefelie their dutifulnesse to the king and commonwealth, nothing like the rebellion, nor beare with the same, but they doo all things to defend the citie and them∣selues against their rebellious attempts, and like∣wise doo their best indeuour to keepe their owne citi∣zens in peace and quietnesse. Wherevpon the fauou∣rers of the old Romish religion, being inwardlie gréeued, that they could not haue their will, nor ob∣teine to haue the gates to be opened,* 4.145 that those good and religious men (as they termed them) might come in, they vsed priuat conferences with them, sometimes by secret conferences ouer the wals, som∣times by priuat letters priuilie conueied too and fro, by messengers lurking and attending for the same, sometimes by open spéeches in times of truce, and manie times by bils and letters bound fast about ar∣rowes, and so shot to and fro: and by these and other such like means they discouered ech one to the other their purposes and wicked deuises and practises: all which tended to this effect, to betraie the citie, and to set vp the religion.

Howbeit, these things were not so secretlie doone, but the same were knowne, & manifest arguments and proofes thereof did appeare. And among sundrie some one of them being one of good credit and coun∣tenance, and of the number of the common coun∣cell, whose name was Iohn Wolcot a merchant, was so farre inchanted herein, that vpon a certeine daie he being (as his course came about) a cap∣teine for the daie and to ward one of the gates that daie, presuming that partlie by reason of his charge that daie,* 4.146 and partlie for that he was one of the com∣mon councell, he might doo more than in déed did ap∣perteine to him, he vpon his first comming to the west gate in the morning met with certeine of his confederats, and after conference had with them, went suddenlie out at the wicket of the gate (which gate as then was not rampired) and carrieng the keies with him, went vnto the rebels, and had a long conference with them. But it tooke small effect, for he promised (as it after appeared) more than he could performe, which turned to his great discredit: both for that he himselfe verie hardlie escaped their hands who were bent to haue kept and reteined him, as they did the two others, who went out with him: as also when he came in, was both checked and blamed for his dooings.

At an other time the maior vpon an occasion as∣sembled all the commoners vnto the Guildhall, e∣uerie man being in his armor, and the papists being then the greater number, some one of them named Richard Tailor a clothier,* 4.147 thinking by making of a tumult or an vprore they should be too hard for the o∣thers, and so atteine to their purposes, hauing his bowe bent, did nocke his arrow, minding to haue striken the man to whom he leuelled the shot: but ga∣ging his hand, and missing his marke, he stroke his owne and best fréend Iohn Peter the kings custo∣mer, a gentleman of good countenance and credit,* 4.148 who had died thereof, had not the arrow lighted vpon one of his rib bones: a great muttering was like to haue bred a tumult, but the matter knowne it was appeased. Also at an other time there was a practise made with the souldiers,* 4.149 who had the charge and cu∣stodie of the castell, that they should receiue in at the posterne of the said castell, a certeine number of the rebels; wherevnto the said souldiers through corrup∣tion had giuen their consent. The daie and time were appointed for the same: but whether the same by se∣cret aduertisement were discouered, or whether the matter were mistrusted, or whether it pleased God to mooue the harts of certeine men to take the view of the castell, & of the maner of the souldiers vsages there: it is most certeine that by the repaire & resort of certeine men, vnder the colour to walke and sée the trecherie, it was espied, and the practises discoue∣red,

and their whole deuises preuented. Likewise ma∣nie times, and often there were truces made, and sundrie parlees and conferences had with the rebels, which were procured to the onlie end that they might compasse their deuises. And this was a common pra∣ctise with them, that when soeuer the parlée was ap∣pointed, there should be hostages or pledges put in on both parties: and they as men vpon whom the grea∣test weight of the matter did depend, would require to haue the best and most chosen citizens, to be hosta∣ges [line 10] with them,* 4.150 in stéed and for the safetie of those which they would send to the parlée for them, who for the most part were the reffuse, the scumme, and the rascals of the whole countrie, and yet such they were in this case, as who ruled the rost and bore the whole or chiefest swaie; and the worsse the man, the greater his authoritie among them, which was good inough for so wicked a matter taken in hand, according as the common adage is: Dignum patella operculum, Like lips like lettice. [line 20]

But during the time of these truces and parlées, there being then a time and scope of libertie to talke and conferre with them euerie man at his pleasure, there wanted no deuises vnder colour of freendlie conferences,* 4.151 to deuise how to compasse their in∣tents: howbeit it pleased the eternall God, so to car∣rie and rule the hearts of the magistrats, that albeit being nuzled in the Romish religion they were af∣fected therevnto; yet they so much respected their du∣tie to their prince, and the safetie to their common∣wealth, [line 30] that they openlie professed they would neuer yéeld the citie so long as they liued, and were able to kéepe and defend the same.

For the maior himselfe maister William Hurst, maister Iohn Buller, maister Iohn Britnall, mai∣ster William Periam, & others of the ancientest of the citie, were by sundrie means, waies, deuises, and reasons, persuaded to conioine themselues in this rebellion with the commoners.* 4.152 They all with one mind and one voice gaue a flat answer that in the ci∣tie [line 40] they had béene brought vp, there they had gotten their liuings, there they had sworne their fidelitie and allegiance to their king and prince, there they had faithfullie hitherto serued him, and there would so continue so long as they could to the vttermost of their powers, all which their promises & auowries (the Lord be praised) they performed.

But to the matter. Sundrie other trecheries & de∣uises were practised, which particularlie to recite were verie tedious & to no purpose. The last but the [line 50] most perillous practise was this.* 4.153 When these male∣contents saw themselues to be preuented in all their deuises, which before they had but secretlie and priuatlie practised, now they conioining themselues togither doo openlie shew and declare themselues, being persuaded that bicause they were the greater number, and that also the most part of the poore peo∣ple were wearie, and for want of vittels would not indure to be pinned in anie longer, that therefore manie would ioine against a few, and that the game [line 60] would go on their side.

And so on a sundaie, being but two dais before the deliuerie of the citie, about eight of the clocke in the forenoone, a companie of them in euerie quarter of the citie,* 4.154 hauing their consorts in a readines to ioine & serue with them (if need so required) get into the streets, walking with their weapons and in their ar∣mour, as to fight with their enimies, and crie out;

Come out these heretikes and twopenie bookemen; Where be they? By Gods wounds & bloud we will not be pinned in to serue their turne; We will go out and haue in our neighbors, they be honest, good, and godlie men.

Their pretense and meaning being then, that if anie of the contrarie side had come out, they would haue quarelled with them, and haue taken oc∣casion to set vpon him and so raise a new tumult.

But by the prouidence and goodnesse of God it so fell out, that some being in their houses, and some at their parish churches, the maior and magistrates were first aduertised herof, before the others heard a∣nie thing of the matter: and they according to their wisedoms pacified the matter, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iohn Uin∣cent, Iohn Sharke, and others the belwedders of this flocke vnto their houses. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the south gate stréet and at the south gate, there was a little stur, which being soone stopped there insued no hurt therof, other than a broken pate or two: for as it fell out, the warders of that gate at that time were a∣gainst them and of the greater companie.* 4.155 These and manie other like practises were dailie and continu∣allie vsed on the one side, which in the end came to no effect, bicause the Lord kept the citie.

The others on the other side being altogither bent to honor God, obeie the king, and to serue in their commonwealth, were fullie resolued to kéepe and defend the citie, whose cause being iust and good,* 4.156 was sufficient of it selfe to kéepe them in that mind: and yet their courage was the more, for that they saw the good bent of the maior and magistrates; who, howso∣euer they were affected otherwise in religion, yet they were wholie bent and determined to kéepe and defend the citie: and therefore they seeing the indu∣strie, carefulnesse, seruice and painefulnesse, of these men, doo fauour, incourage, and countenance them, and (to saie the truth) by the industrie and good seruice of them, the citie was cheeflie kept and preserued.

For there was no seruice to be doone within, nor exploit to be aduentured without vpon the enimie (as manie times there were sallies giuen) but these were the chiefest and commonlie the onelie doo∣ers: for which cause the contrarie side maruelouslie maligned at them, and sought by all means how to impeach and indanger them. Which thing being dai∣lie perceiued more and more by sundrie arguments, and as wise men séeking how to preuent the same,* 4.157 did manie and sundrie times confer among them∣selues herein, and in the end made a couenant and a faithfull promise among themselues (being then a∣bout the number of one hundred persons) that they would stand firmelie and faithfullie to the defense and kéeping of the citie to their vttermost powers.

And if it so fell out, that the rebell and enimie should haue accesse and entrie into the citie, that then they should all méet at the lord Russels (now the earle of Bedfords) house, and there to issue out at the po∣sterne of the garden, and to giue the aduenture to passe and to escape awaie, as also if they were resisted that then they to stand togither to their defense. And for this purpose they had then named some one man to be their capteine for this enterprise. And in the meane time, to doo all things circumspectlie for the preseruation of the citie, & by a particular couenant among themselues, did take order, that during the whole beseeging of the citie and their aboad therein,* 4.158 a certeine number by course and besides the ordina∣rie set watch, should watch, ward, and walke about continuallie both by daie and night, by which means no sleight nor treacherie could be practised, but that they should haue an inkeling and vnderstanding thereof, and which indéed stood and came to such effect that it was the chiefest (if not the onelie) cause of the preseruation of the citie for that time. For there was no seruice, no diligence, no care, nor anie thing wan∣ting or left vndoone, which by these men was not doone.

Howbeit the diuell, the author of all diuision and strife, who cannot abide anie vnitie, concord and a∣gréement in good causes, did here also hurle in a bone

among these men, whereof had insued a great detri∣ment to the common state, and an ouerthrow to themselues, had it not in due time beene preuented. There were two gentlemen within this citie, and both of this companie,* 4.159 the one was borne of a hono∣rable house and parentage, named Iohn Courtneie a yoonger sonne to sir William Courtneie of Pore∣derham knight, and a man of verie good knowledge and experience in seruice. The other also was a man of verie good seruice, practise, and experience, his [line 10] name was Barnard Duffeld, & seruant to the lord Russell, and kéeper of his house in Excester. Both of these were verie forward and carefull in this present seruice against the rebels. But there fell an emulati∣on betwéene them, which albeit it be verie commen∣dable in good things, & he praise woorthie who can best excell therein: yet when the same shall tend to a di∣uision of a publike state, the dissolution of a com∣monwealth, the breach of common societie, or the maintenance of anie euill, it is vtterlie to be shun∣ned [line 20] and lamented.

It happened vpon an occasion offered, that cer∣teine of this companie vpon a time issued out at the forsaid posterne and made a sallie vpon the enimies,* 4.160 and had such good successe, that some of them they slue, some they tooke prisoners, as also spoiled them of their goods, and brought awaie with them some of their ordinance, namelie basses and slings: howbeit they all scaped not scotfrée, for some of them were ta∣ken, some also were hurt, as namelie Iohn Drake, [line 30] who the yeare before was the receiuer of the citie was shot through the chéekes with an arrow, which he brought into the citie with him, and one Iohn Si∣mons a cooke was so hurt that he died thereof.

But among them all one Iohn Goldsmith being of that companie and seruant to Richard Helierd of the same goldsmith, and a Fleming borne, had the best successe: for in the same skirmish he was taken prisoner by one of the rebels, who offered in taking of him with his bill to haue slaine him. With that [line 40] this Iohn Goldsmith fell downe & yeelded himselfe, hauing then in his hand his péece or handgun char∣ged, & suddenlie the other not mistrusting nor mar∣king the same, he discharged into his verie bellie and so slue him, tooke the spoile of him, and brought the same into the citie with him.

This skirmish though it were not cléere gaines to this companie, yet it so incouraged them, that from time to time they consulted, and in the end determi∣ned to make a fresh sallie and to giue a new aduen∣ture: wherevpon there fell and grew a disagréement [line 50] betwéene the two foresaid Iohn Courtneie & Bar∣nard Duffeld, the one affirming that the same was not to be permitted in anie fort or citie, which stood vpon defense or gard, without a verie speciall order of the generall or chéefe capteine, or some vrgent ne∣cessitie, especiallie in that present distresse and ex∣tremitie, wherein the citie as then did stand. But Barnard Duffeld being verie loth to loose anie part of his credit, or to desist from that he with others [line 60] had determined, could by no meanes be persuaded to the contrarie, but plainelie affirmeth that what he had determined should be performed.

Wherevpon the foresaid Iohn Courtneie resor∣teth to the maior,* 4.161 aduertiseth vnto him the matter, & dealeth so fullie and with such persuasions with him, that the maior assembleth his brethren, and sendeth for the foresaid Duffeld: who being come, the mat∣ter was at full debated and discoursed, and in the end concluded that it was verie hurtfull and dange∣rous to that present state, that anie such issuing out should be granted or permitted: and therefore praied the said Duffeld to staie his determination, and to be contented. But he being vnpatient, & thinking his credit to be stained, if he should be debarred or de∣nied to doo that which he had faithfullie promised, did vtterlie refuse to yéeld to this the maiors request, as also by continuing of talkes, fell out in foule and dis∣ordered speaches. Wherevpon to auoid a further in∣conuenience, he was commanded to ward. The daughter of this Duffeld, whose name was Fran∣cis, hearing that hir father was in ward, and taking in greefe that so great an iniurie (as she tearmed it) should be doone to hir father, came more hastilie than aduisedlie vnto the maior, somewhat late in the eue∣ning, & required to haue hir father out of the ward. Which thing being denied vnto hir, shée waxed so warme, that not onelie she vsed verie vnseemelie tearmes and speaches vnto the maior, but also con∣trarie to the modestie and shamefastnes required in a woman, speciallie yoong and vnmarried,* 4.162 ran most violentlie vpon him, and strake him in the face. This was taken in so euill a part, and fearing that it had beene a set match of some further inconueniences, the common bell was foorthwith roong out: and al∣so a rumour spread that the maior was beaten, or killed.

The whole commons immediatlie in great troops, & the most part in armor, ran to the Guildhall, where the maior was, who though he was safe, yet were they so gréeued with this iniurie, that they would in all hast haue run to the lord Russels house, where she was then gone, and haue fetched hir out: but the ma∣ior forecasting what inconueniences might insue, and respecting the necessitie of the present state, was not onlie contented patientlie to wrap vp these iniu∣ries, but also earnestlie requested the commoners to doo the like: who being so pacified, he went home, and they conducted him into his owne doores. The cha∣nons of the cathedrall church which at that time were resident in their houses within the close there, name∣lie archdeacon Pollard, treasuror Southron, chan∣cellor Luson, and master Holwell, with others of the said church, who ioined with the maior and citizens in this seruice for the safegard of the citie, and did kéepe both watches and wards, and their men readie at all times to serue in euerie alarum and skirmish: they at the hearing of this disordered part were verie much greeued therewith, and they likewise forthwith assembled all their men, and being well armed and appointed, they went to the maior, who was then gone home to his house, and then and there verie friendlie did comfort him, and offred to stand by him and to assist him in all the best seruice they were able to doo for his defense, and safetie of the citie.

The said archdeacon offered, that in proper per∣son he would herein stand in his behalfe against all persons whatsoeuer, that would attempt or offer to doo him anie wrong. And in the end, after sundrie friendlie and good speaches, they departed to their homes. And the said archdeacon, euerie daie after, would either come or send to the maior. This maior being a merchant, and onelie exercised in that trade, had small reach in matters of policie or martiall af∣faires: he was maior of the citie thrée times, and in euerie yeare there grew some troubles in the citie, but he had such a speciall care & regard to his charge and gouernment, that he would neuer attempt nor doo anie thing therein, but by the aduise and counsell of wise, graue, and expert men: and God so blessed him that he prospered and had good successe in all his dooings.

Besides these and sundrie other former perils, the which the citie manie and oftentimes stood in, and by the goodnes and prouidence of God still ouercomed, there befell and happened a third one, which excéeded all the rest, and where of the greatest danger and pe∣rill was feared: and this was famine, or penurie,

which of all other turmoils and perils is most dange∣rous, & no other plague to be compared to it. For no force is feared, no lawes obserued, no magistrate o∣beied, nor common societie estéemed, where famine ruleth. For as the poet saith: Nescit plebs ieiuna ti∣mere. The store of vittels within the citie, for want of prouision in due time,* 4.163 and by reason of the restreint of the markets, vpon a sudden was verie slender and small, and the same in verie short time spent and consumed. And albeit there were good store of drie [line 10] fish, rise, prunes, rasins, and wine, at verie reasonable prices, yet bread which as the prophet saith, Confirmat cor hminis, Strengtheneth mans hart, that wanted: neither was anie to be had. And in this extremitie the bakers and housholders were driuen to séeke vp their old store of puffins and bran,* 4.164 wherewith they in times past were woont to make horssebread, and to feed their swine and poultrie, and this they moulded vp in clothes, for otherwise it would not hold togi∣ther, and so did bake it vp, and the people well conten∣ted [line 20] therewith. For (as Plutarch writeth) Fames reddit omnia dulcia, nihíl{que} contemnit esuriens: Hunger maketh all things swéet, and the hungrie bellie shunneth no∣thing.

But when this also was spent, and nothing now left, and the common people being not acquainted with so hard a diet as famine prescribeth, were ve∣rie vnpatient to indure the continuall barking of their hungrie bellies, and therefore they were verie soone & easie to be persuaded, or rather of themselues [line 30] contented to yéeld vnto the enimie, to be fed for a time with the stollen fat of his flesh pot, than to abide for a short time a little penurie in hope of a deliuerie, and then to be filled with saturitie and plentie. But the magistrats and graue senators, who in all other causes had shewed themselues wise, carefull and dis∣creet; and who hauing receiued sundrie iniuries, did yet without rigour, reuenge or malice, wrap the same vp, respecting rather the common state than their owne priuat cause; so in this matter also being [line 40] of a great importance doo verie wiselie & politikelie deale with the said people:* 4.165 who the poorer they were, the better they were considered, and the more care∣fullie prouided for. First, there was a generall collec∣tion set and rated throughout the whole citie for their reliefe, and therby they were liberallie euerie weeke considered: which thing being some increase to their stocke and store,* 4.166 was the better to their content. Then all such vittels as were to be had within the citie, they either had it freelie, or for a verie small price. [line 50]

Besides this, manie times when anie cattell came néere vnto the walles of the citie, some shift was made to haue them, or by skirmishing & issuing out for them, or by some other means. And this also what so euer it was, was altogither diuided among them. And as for the prisoners fast fettered in the gaols, they had also their portions, as farre as it would stretch: notwithstanding in the end, for want they were fed with horsseflesh,* 4.167 which they liked and were well contented withall. For as the prouerbe is, Hun∣ger [line 60] findeth no faults but all things are swéet. Be∣sides, if anie wrong were offered or iniurie doone to anie of them, it was foorthwith vpon complaint re∣dressed: but if anie of them did disorder themselues, it was borne withall, and they in all gentle and cur∣teous meanes intreated: as also from time to time persuaded with good words patientlie to abide and be contented: not mistrusting but that God shortlie would send a deliuerance.

And thus, and by these means, in hope almost against hope,* 4.168 they continued dutifull and obedient, from the second daie of Iulie 1549, vntill the sixt daie of August then folowing, the same being fiue whole wéekes, vpon which daie they were deliue∣red by the comming and entrie into the citie of the lord Russell: and which daie in memoriall for euer to endure is kept for a high and holie feast amongst the citizens yearelie vpon the sixt daie of August. Im∣mediatlie vpon which deliuerance of the citie, the first care that euerie man had, was to shift and to make prouision for vittels, wherof some hungrie bel∣lies were so gréedie, that ouercharging their emptie stomachs too hastilie, they died therewith.

Thus hauing declared something of the state of the citie, and of the dooings therein during the time of this rebellion, though much more might be therein said, let vs now returne to the lord priuie seale, who after the departure of sir Peter Carew to the court, remooued from George Henneton, and came to Honiton, minding from thence to haue passed vnto Excester, if waie had béene open. But being aduerti∣sed that the citie was besieged, and that all the waies leading thitherwards were stopped, he remained still in Honiton. Sir Peter Carew in the meane time, according to the former order betwéene them taken,* 4.169 was ridden to London, and being before the king, declareth the whole matter at large. Which the king, not liking the disloialtie of his people, promised to séeke a spéedie remedie: and so commanded him to the counecli for the same: and being before them, and hauing at full discoursed the state of the matter, the duke of Summerset being much greeued with the matter, would haue reiected the whole on sir Peter,* 4.170 charging him that by reason he had caused the houses to be burned at Crediton, it was the onelie cause of the commotion. But therevnto he answered the ne∣cessitie of that seruice, as also declared that he had doone nothing but by a good warrant, and therewith shewed foorth the kings letters vnder his hand and priuie signet.

The lord Rich then lord chancellor replied and said,* 4.171 that the kings letters were no sufficient warrant, vnlesse he had his commission vnder the brode seale: and therefore if he had right, he should by the lawes be hanged for his dooings. But to this sir Peter an∣swered so stoutlie, and charged the duke so déepelie, that in the end he was willed to returne into the countrie, being promised that sufficient helpe both of men & monie should be with spéed sent downe into the countrie. And to this effect he had both the kings and the councels letters vnto the lord priuie seale, and so tooke his iournie backe againe into the coun∣trie, and deliuered his letters to the said lord Russell, who in hope of the supplie promised, staied and remai∣ned somtimes at Mohonesotre, but most common∣lie at Honiton, still looking for that supplie and furni∣ture that was promised.* 4.172 But hauing long looked for the same in vaine, he was dailie more and more for∣saken of such of the common people, as who at the first serued and offered their seruice vnto him. And hauing but a verie small gard about him, he liued in more feare than he was feared: for the rebels dailie increased, and his companie decreased and shrunke awaie, and he not altogither assured of them which remained.

Wherefore distrusting himselfe, & by a false rumor being aduertised that the citie was taken, & in the possession of the rebels; as also how that there was a new sturre or rebellion begun about Sarisburie; he tooke aduise and counsell of the gentlemen and such as were with him what were best to be doone. The gentlemen of Dorsetshire were of the mind, and gaue him aduise, that it were best for him to returne into Dorsetshire, and there to remaine for a time; because it was a place of a more safetie, vntill such time as he were better prouided. And accordinglie the next daie following he tooke his iournie, & rode backe againe with the said Dorsetshire gentlemen.

Sir Peter Carew then being at Mohorosoton, and aduertised hereof,* 4.173 tooke his horsse and came against the said lord Russell, & met him vpon Blacke downe, where was a long conference betweene them both: and in the end he so persuaded the lord, and with such pithie reasons he caried him, that leauing his former determination, he dooth returne againe into Ho∣niton; & where he continued thenceforth, sauing one night spent at Oterie saint Marie, where as it fell out he was in more feare than perill. At his being [line 10] in Honiton, and dailie waiting and looking for the promised helpe and supplie which came not; he was in an agonie, & of a heauie chéere: not onelie for the want of the men & monie which he had long in vaine looked for, but also because he had spent all that he had brought with him, and could not tell how other∣wise to helpe and prouide to supplie his present need: but as it fell out all happened for the best.

For it chanced that there were then three mer∣chants of the citie, following and attending vpon him;* 4.174 Thomas Prestwood notlong before maior of [line 20] the citie, Iohn Bodlie, and Iohn Periam, men of great wealth. These men vnderstanding of the heauinesse and griefe of his lordship, make their resort vnto him, and promise to helpe and relieue his agonie and want: and forthwith did procure vpon their credit from the merchants of Bristow, Linne, Tawnton, and elsewhere, such a masse of monie, as which when he had receiued, his griefe was eased. For forthwith he so prouided and furnished himselfe with such necessaries, and with a greater number of [line 30] men; that he was now in the better safetie, as also the better able to incounter with the enimie: and it was not long after, but that he had a further supplie from the king, euen to his content. And being now somewhat reuiued, newes was brought vnto him, that the rebels vnderstanding of his distressed state, were comming, and marching toward Honiton to assaile him; and were come as far as Fenington bridge, which is about thrée miles. Wherevpon, he tooke aduise with sir Peter Carew, sir Gawen Ca∣rew [line 40] & others what were best to be doone. And in the end, after manie spéeches, it was concluded that they should march towards them, and giue the onset vp∣on them,* 4.175 & accordinglie, without further delaies or much talke, it was doone out of hand. For vpon the next morning being a holie daie, they set forth, and came to the bridge aforesaid, where the rebels were indéed: some at the bridge, but the greatest companie in a medow beneath the bridge: who, as soone as [line 50] they perceiued the lord Russell and the gentlemen with all their troope to be come, they make them∣selues readie to the fight. But the riuer & the bridge being betwéene them, the lord Russell vseth all the policies that he can, how to recouer the bridge; which by bold aduenturing he did in the end: but with the hurt of sundrie of his companie, amongst whome sir Gawen Carew was one,* 4.176 being hurt with an arrow in the arme.

And hauing recouered the bridge, and the riuer, [line 60] all the rebels (such as were escaped) were gathered togither in a medow néere adioining in the lower side of the bridge, vpon whome they so fiercelie fol∣lowed, and gaue the onset; that though not without good store of blowes and bloudshed, they in the end gaue the enimie the ouerthrow, and had the vpper hand.* 4.177 And thinking that the victorie was cleere with them, and that the enimie was cleane gone, the soul∣diers and seruingmen gaue themselues all to the spoile; and being in the middle of their game, and they nothing thinking lesse than of anie more eni∣mies to be comming towards, euen suddenly march towards a new crue of Gornishmen, to the number of two hundred, or two hundred and fortie persons, vnder the conduct of one Robert Smith of saint Germans in Cornewall gentleman;* 4.178 and who ta∣king these spoilers napping, manie of them paied deerelie for their wares. The lord Russell forthwith setteth all his companie in good araie, as the others did the like, and gaue the onset vpon them: betwéene whome the fight for the time was verie sharpe and cruell. For the Cornishmen were verie lustie and fresh, and fullie bent to fight out the matter: ne∣uerthelesse in the end they were ouerthrowne, and their capteine, whose combe was cut, sheweth a faire paire of héeles and fled awaie. In these two fights▪ there were reported to be slaine about thrée hundred rebels, which were verie tall men, lustie, and of great courage; and who in a good cause might haue doone better seruice.

The lord Russels companie followed the chase neere thrée miles, & he himselfe then throughlie min∣ded and bent to haue passed through to the citie. But one Ioll his foole, who was then in hast come from Honiton, and where he had heard, as also by the waie as he came did heare bels ringing in sundrie parish churches, and supposing the same to be alarum, came with a foule mouth to my lord, and cried that all the countrie behind him were vp, and comming vpon him. Which his report (considering the cruell fights past) was credited, and thought that a new companie was in preparing to follow the for∣mer quarels. Wherevpon they all retired and retur∣ned againe to Honiton; and from thense his lordship sent his comfortable letters secretlie by a boy apoin∣ted and accustomed for the same, vnto the maior of his successe, as also aduertising him of his determi∣nation that he would be shortlie with him for the de∣liuerance of the citie. Which letters (the citie being then but in a doubtfull and dismaied estate) came in verie good season; and yet in the end scarselie cre∣dited by some men, because his comming was not so spéedie as was looked for.

Within verie short time after this ouerthrowe was giuen,* 4.179 the lord Greie of Wilton with a crue of horssemen, and one Spinola an Italian with three hundred shot, came to my lord; who being aduerti∣sed of the ouerthrow of the enimie, and that there were slaine about three hundred persons of them, they were in a great chafe, and much bewailed their euill lucke, that they had not come sooner to haue béene partakers of that seruice. My lord being now of a verie good comfort & courage, aswell for the good successe which he had ouer the enimie, & that his long looked supplie was come, sendeth his other letters to the maior, comforting him, as also as before pro∣mising him to be with him verie shortlie; willing him that he should now take but a little patience for a little time. And accordinglie about six daies after,* 4.180 on saturdaie the third of August, in good order he set foorth out of Honiton, and marched towards Ex∣cester, his companie being aboue a thousand of good fightingmen; and leauing the direct high waie, draweth ouer the downs towards Woodburie, and there lodged and pitched his campe that night, at a windmill apperteining to one Gregorie Carie gen∣tleman. Which when the rebels of saint Marie Clift heard of, forthwith,* 4.181 with all their force and power came forth, and marched onwards, vntill they came to the foresaid mill where they offer the fight: and notwithstanding they were of verie stout sto∣machs, & also verie valiantlie did stand to their t••c∣kels, yet in the end they were ouerthrowne, and the most part of them slaine.

Where after the victorie thus gotten, one Miles Couerdale then the preacher,* 4.182 and attending vpon my lord in this iournie made a sermon, and caused a generall thanksgiuing to be made vnto God: but

before all was ended, there began a new alarum; and forthwith euerie man to horsse & to harnesse againe. The rebels which remained in the towne of saint Marie Clist, hearing of the euill successe befallen to their neighbours, and they doubting that their turne would be next to receiue the like; doo spread abroad the newes, and request to be aided and assisted. Wherevpon, forthwith in great troopes resorted vnto them a number of their companions out of e∣uerie quarter, to the number (as it was said) of six thousand men: and in all hast, they make them∣selues [line 10] and all things in a readinesse to abide the brunt. Upon the next morning being sundaie, my lord minding to follow on his course,* 4.183 commandeth the trumpet to sound, & euerie man to make readie to march forwards. And about nine of the clocke in the same morning, they come to Clist; where the armie is diuided into three parts, and in thrée seuerall pla∣ces doo appoint to make entrie into the towne. For in so manie places they had fortified the towne, and made great rampires for their defense. [line 20]

These rampires were after some bickering reco∣uered,* 4.184 and sir William Francis of Summerset∣shire was named to be the first that gaue the aduen∣ture, & made the entrie. The commons being dri∣uen from the said rampires, ran all into the towne; and there ioine themselues togither to abide the pulse. And as the kings armie was in good order marching into the towne, one of the chiefe cap∣teins of these rebels, named sir Thomas Pomeroie knight, kept himselfe in a furze close, and percei∣uing [line 30] the armie to be past him, and hauing then with him a trumpeter, and a drum••lade, commanded the trumpet to be sounded, and the drumme to be stricken vp. At which sound, the lord priuie seale, and his companie were amazed, supposing verelie that there had beene an ambush behind them to haue in∣trapped and inclosed them. Wherevpon, they forth∣with retire backe in all the hast they may: which when they in the towne perceiued,* 4.185 they follow af∣ter, and neuer staied vntill they came to the wagons [line 40] then being in the high waie; & which now by flieng and retiring of the armie, are the formost and next to the towne.* 4.186 And these being laden with munition, armour, and treasure, they take and bring into the towne, where they rifle as much as they could, sa∣uing the péeces of the ordinance, which with the shot and pouder they bestowed in places conuenient, and emploied the same against my lord and his compa∣nie. [line 50]

The armie hauing recouered the hill, did there pause a while, and finding themselues to be decei∣ued, march backe againe towards the towne: but before they came thither, it was aduertised vnto my lord, that the towne and euerie house therein was fortified and full of men, and that it was not possible for anie to passe that waie without great perill and danger, except the towne were set on fire. Where∣vpon order was giuen, that as they passed and ente∣red into the towne, notwithstanding it was my [line 60] lords owne, they should set the houses on fire. Sir William Francis being in the fore-ward was for∣most,* 4.187 and leauing the ••aie which he tooke before, tooke now an other waie, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••hich waie was both deepe and narrow. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being vpon the banks vpon euerie side of the waie, with their stones so beat him, that they stroke his headpéece fast to his head and whereof he died. The armie being come into the towne, they set fire on euerie house as they passed by.* 4.188 But the rebelles conioining themselues in the middle of the towne, doo stand at their defense, where the fight was very fierce and cruell; and bloudie was that daie▪ for some were slaine with the sword, some burned in the houses, some shifting for themselues were taken prisoners, and manie thinking to escape ouer the water were drowned: so that there were dead that daie one with an other about a thousand men.

The towne thus being recouered,* 4.189 and the ouer∣throw giuen, the lord Greie desireth to passe ouer the riuer, and to be in the open field, which is a great heath named Clist heath: & this he could not doo, but that he must passe ouer either the water or the bridge, both which were somewhat dangerous, for the water was somewhat mirie and muddie, as also at that time ve∣rie deepe, by reason of the flowing of the seas, which causeth the same at euerie tide to swell. Howbeit one Iohn Yard a gentleman,* 4.190 and who had dwelled thereabouts, knowing the said water, gaue the first aduenture ouer, and found waie neere vnto a mill aboue the bridge; and after him others doo followe. But this was not for all the rest of the armie, who must needs passe ouer the bridge, which as then they could not doo, by reason that the same was so ouer∣laid with great trées and timber, as also there stood the gunner with his péece readie charged.* 4.191 Wherevp∣on proclamation was made, that whosoeuer would aduenture and make waie ouer the bridge, should haue foure hundred crownes for his labor. Then one foorthwith more respecting the gaine, than foreca∣sting the perill, gaue the aduenture: but the gunner rewarded him, for he discharged his péece vpon him, and slue him.* 4.192 And then before he could againe charge his péece, one of the companie, who before was pas∣sed ouer the water, came and entred the bridge at the further end, and comming behind him slue him; who foorthwith calleth companie vnto him, and casteth a∣side all the trees and timber, and maketh the bridge cléere, and so the whole armie passeth ouer the bridge into the heath.

The lord Greie as soone as he was passed ouer the water, he rode foorthwith to the top of the hill, which is in the middle of the heath; and from thense did make a view of all the countrie about him: and looking backe towards Woodburie, he saw and espied vpon Woodburie hill a great companie as∣sembled; & marching forward, & suspecting that they were a new supplie appointed to follow and come vp∣on them, and aduertised the lord Russell therof.* 4.193 Wher∣vpon it was concluded, that the prisoners whom they had before taken at the windmill and in the towne, who were a great number, and which if they were newlie set vpon, might be a detriment and a perill vnto them, should be all killed: which foorthwith was doone, euerie man making a dispatch of his priso∣ners; and then the night approching, there they in∣camped themselues for that night.

The rebelles, which were and laie about Excester, were aduertised out of hand of this the euill successe of their neighbors, wherefore they with as manie as they could get, in all hast came to Clist heath: and in the lower side thereof next to the high waie, doo intrench and fortifie a place fast by a hedge, and se∣cretlie there, in the night, doo place their ordinance, & make themselues in readinesse to abide the brunt: and as soone as the daie light serued, discharge and shoot off their péeces vnto the armie incamped about the top of the hill. The lords and capteins to end the quarrell, doo determine to giue the onset vpon them; and according to the nature of warres, doo politike∣lie diuide themselues into thrée parts, and euerie one hath his place assigned and order appointed vnto him.

The lord Russell, hauing no waie open before him, causeth his pioners to make waie ouer the hedges & inclosed grounds, and by that means dooth at length recouer vpon the verie backe of the enimies: and they were so intrapped on euerie side, that they could

not by anie meanes escape, but must yeeld or fight. The one they would not, and in the other they preuai∣led not. For notwithstanding valiantlie and stout∣lie they stood to their tackle, and would not giue ouer as long as life and lim lasted:* 4.194 yet in the end they were all ouerthrowen, and few or none left aliue. Great was the slaughter, and cruell was the fight; and such was the valor and stoutnesse of these men, that the lord Greie reported himselfe, that he neuer in all the wars that he had béen in did know the like. [line 10]

* 4.195This fight being doone, and all things set in good order, the whole armie marched vnto Topsham, which was about a mile off, and laie in that towne all that night, and carried with them in a horslitter the bodie or corps of sir William Francis, and from thense carried it to Excester, where it was buried in martiall manner verie honorablie in the bodie of the cathedrall church of saint Peters. When the rebels who laie about the citie heard how their neighbors had sped,* 4.196 and from time to time had the worse side, [line 20] and were still ouerthrowen: then as men despairing to preuaile, secretlie gaue ouer the siege and ran apase euerie man his waie. The gentlemen, which were kept prisoners in the churches and in other pla∣ces about the citie, being now at libertie, came straight to the walles about midnight, & gaue know∣ledge thereof to the watch; and they foorthwith did the like vnto the maior. The ioie and comfort wher∣of was so great, and the desire of fresh vittels so much persed, that manie not abiding till the daie∣light, [line 30] gat and shifted themselues out of the gates, but more for vittels than for spoile, and yet they were glad of both: howbeit some did not long enioie the same, for manie being more gréedie of meat than measurable in féeding, did so ouercharge themselues in surffetting, that they died thereof.

The next morrow being tuesdaie and the sixt of August, the lord priuie seale thinking it long before he came to the citie, commanded the trumpets verie earlie to sound, and euerie man to make readie and [line 40] to prepare awaie. And accordinglie all things being doone, he marcheth towards Excester, and about eight of the clocke being tuesdaie the sixt of August 1549 he came to the same, to the great ioy & comfort of the long captiuated citizens,* 4.197 who were no more glad of their deliuerie, than was his lordship and all good subiects ioyfull of his victorie. But at his com∣ming he entred not into the citie: for being aduerti∣sed from the maior that the citie was altogither vn∣furnished of vittels, order was taken that no stran∣ger, [line 50] nor one nor other should enter into the citie, but lie in the campe for a time. Then his lordship pitched his tents without the wals in S. Iohns fields, next to Southing haie, & vpon the cities wals next to the posterne of his house was the kings standard of the red dragon set vp.* 4.198 As soone as he was entred into his tent, the maior & all his brethren in most séemelie & decent order went vnto him, who most louinglie embrased them, most thankefullie accepted them, and most highlie commended them for their truth, [line 60] dutie, and seruice, which vpon his fidelitie and honor he did promise should be well considered by the kings maiestie,* 4.199 and which in the end was performed. For the king being aduertised thereof, he did not onelie thankefullie accept and highlie commend their ser∣uices, but also rewarded and considered the same, both by confirmation of their charters, inlarging of their liberties, and augmenting of their reuenues, in giuing vnto them the manor of Exilond, which as was said was sometimes their ancient inheritance, but by power of the earles of Deuon by force taken, and by wrong and iniurie kept from them.

Immediatlie after his comming, sir William Herbert then master of the kings horsses, and after earle of Penbroke,* 4.200 came with a thousand Welsh∣men: who though they came too late to the fraie; yet soone inough to the plaie. For the whole countrie was then put to the spoile, and euerie soldier sought for his best profit: a iust plague of the Lord vpon re∣bels and disloiall persons. But the citie being as yet altogither destitute of vittels, and the Welshmen at their first comming séeing the same, they did by their speciall industries & trauels fraught & furnish the same within two daies with corne, cattels, and vittels, verie plentifullie, to the great reléefe and comfort of the people therin,* 4.201 & to the benefit of them∣selues. The lord priuie seale remained and continued in this citie aboue twelue daies before he remooued: setting all things in good order, rewarding the good & punishing the euill. To sir Peter Carew he gaue all Wineslades land, to sir Gawen Carew Hum∣frie Arundels lands, to William Gibbes esquier Beries lands, and to manie others which had doone good seruices he gaue prisoners, both bodies, goods, and lands.

On the other side he commanded forches and gal∣lowes to be set vp in sundrie places, as well within the citie as also in the countrie; and did command and cause manie to be executed and put to death, e∣speciallie such as were noted to be chiefe and busie dooers & ringleaders in this rebellion. Among them all there was no one so exalted as was Welsh the vicar of saint Thomas neere the Exbridge at Exce∣cester, who was preferred and presented to that bene∣fice by the lord Russell patrone thereof. This man had manie good things in him, he was of no great stature, but well set and mightilie compact: he was a verie good wrestler, shot well both in the long bow as also in the crossebow, he handled his handgun and péece verie well, he was a verie good woodman and a hardie, and such a one as would not giue his head for the polling nor his beard for the washing, he was a companion in anie exercises of actiuitie, & of a cour∣teous and gentle behauiour, he descended of a good honest parentage, being borne at Penuerin in Cornewall; and yet in this rebellion an archcap∣teine and a principall dooer. He was charged with thrée principall crimes. The first was,* 4.202 that he did not onelie persuade the people to the contemning of the reformed religion, according to the kings procée∣dings, and to keepe and obserue the Romish and po∣pish religion: but also did erect, kéepe, and vse the same in his parish church. Secondarilie, he was a capteine and a principall dealer in the cause of the re∣bellion, which was chieflie directed by him, his order, & aduise. Thirdlie,* 4.203 he caused one Kingwell a tinner of Chagford, and seruant to master Iohn Charels of Tauestoke to be hanged, bicause secretlie he had conueied letters betwéene my lord and his master, and was earnest in the reformed religion, which was then termed the kings procéedings, & an enimie to the popish state. And being a sharpe inueier against the one, and an earnest mainteiner of the other, it procured vnto him great hatred and malice: when the rebellion was begun he sought by all the meanes he could how to escape awaie: but he was so nar∣rowlie watched, that he could neuer haue anie opor∣tunitie so to doo.

They vsed all the deuises they could to recouer him to their opinions, sometimes with faire words, sometimes with threatenings, and sometimes with imprisonments: but still he inueied against them, calling them rebels and traitors both against God and the king, and foreprophesied vnto them that de∣struction and confusion would be the end & reward of their dooings. Thus when they could not reclame him to their disposition, then by the order and iudge∣ment of this vicar Welsh, he was fetched out of the

prison, and foorthwith brought foorth before Caiphas and Pilat, and condemned to be hanged: which was executed vpon him foorthwith, and he brought to an elme tree in Exilond, without the west gate of the citie, before the house of one Nicholas Caue, and there hanged. The like crueltie or rather tyrannie was doone at Sampford Courteneie, where when a certeine Frankelin a gentleman, named William Hellions, who comming to Sampford to haue some communication with them for the staie of their re∣bellion, [line 10] and for the pacifieng of them in their due obe∣dience, was at the townes end taken prisoner, & ca∣ried to the churchhouse, where he so earnestlie reproo∣ued them for their rebellion, & so sharplie threatened them an euill successe; that they all fell in a rage with him, and not onlie with euill words reuiled him: but also as he was going out of the churchhouse & going downe the staires, one of them named Githbridge with a bill strake him in the necke, and immediatlie notwithstanding his pitifull requests and lamentati∣ons, [line 20] a number of the rest fell vpon him, slue him, and cut him into small péeces: and though they coun∣ted him for an heretike, yet they buried him in the church-yard there, but contrarie to the common ma∣ner, laieng his bodie north and south.

These things being called to remembrance and obiected against this vicar, although some men in re∣spect of his vertues and good gifts did pitie and la∣ment his case, and would haue gladlie beene sutors for his pardon: yet the greatnesse of his lewdnesse [line 30] and follies considered, they left him vnto his deserts: & so was by order of the marshall law condemned to death. And yet this one thing by the waie I must speake in his commendation. There was among the rebels a stranger and an alien,* 4.204 who was a verie skilfull gunner, & could handle his peece verie well, and did much harme vnto the citie, & among others slue one Smith standing at a doore in northgate street with a great shot from saint Dauids hill. This fellow tooke vpon him, that he would set the whole citie on [line 40] fire, and it should be cleane burned within foure houres, doo they what they could. This his offer was so well liked, that the daie and time was appointed when this should be doone.

The vicar hearing thereof, assembleth vnto him as manie men as he could make and haue,* 4.205 & came to this companie when this fire should be kindled, and was so hot and earnest against their attempts, that he would in no wise suffer so lewd an act and wicked a thing to be doone. For (saith he) doo you what [line 50] you can by policie, force, or dint of sword to take the citie, I will ioine with you, and doo my best: but to burne a citie which shall be hurtfull to all men and good to no man, I will neuer consent therevnto, but will here stand with all my power against you. And so stout he was in this matter, that he stopped them from their further enterprising of so wicked a fact. But to the matter. The execution of this man was committed to Barnard Duffeld, who being no∣thing slacke to follow his commission, caused a paire [line 60] of gallowes to be made, and to be set vp vpon the top of the tower of the said vicars parish church of S. Thomas: and all things being readie and the stage perfected for this tragedie, the vicar was brought to the place, and by a rope about his middle drawne vp to the top of the tower:* 4.206 and there in chains hanged in his popish apparell, and had a holie water bucket and sprinkle, a sacring bell, a paire of beads, & such other like popish trash hanged about him, and there he with the same about him remained a long time. He made a verie small or no confession, but verie pa∣tientlie tooke his death, he had béene a good member in his common-wealth, had not the weeds ouer∣growne the good corne, and his foule vices ouercom∣med his vertues.

The lord priuie seale remaining still in Excester was continuallie occupied in setting things in order, he was verie seuere and sharpe against suth offen∣dors as were chiefe and principall ringleders of this rebellion: but to the common sort who were led and carried, and who did humble themselues, he was pi∣tifull and mercifull, and did dailie pardon infinite numbers. And his lordship thinking verelie that all things were now quieted, & the rebels pacified, sud∣denlie newes were brought vnto him that there as∣sembled at Sampford Courtneie, both Deuonshire∣men and Cornishmen,* 4.207 and who were fullie bent to mainteine their quarrell and abide the battell. These newes so troubled and tickled my lord, that all busi∣nesse set apart, he commandeth foorthwith the trum∣pet to be sounded, and the drumme to be striken vp, and all his armie to be foorthwith mustered: which was then the greater, by reason of the Welshmen and gentlemen of the countrie and of the commo∣ners, who vpon submission had obteined pardon, and increased to the number of eight or ten thousand men, and foorthwith he marcheth towards Sampford Courtneie, where sir William Herbert requested to haue the fore-ward for that daie, which was granted him.

And being come thither, albeit the great compa∣nie of so manie good souldiers and well appointed might haue dismaied them, being nothing nor in or∣der, nor in companie, nor in experience, to be com∣pared vnto the others: yet they were at a point they would not yéeld to no persuasions, nor did, but most manfullie did abide the fight: and neuer gaue ouer, vntill that both in the towne and in the field they were all for the most taken or slaine.* 4.208 At which time one ap Owen a Welsh gentlman, more boldie than aduisedlie giuing the aduenture to enter the rampier at the townes end, was there slaine by the rebels, and after carried backe to Exon, where after the ma∣ner of wars he was honorablie buried in the bodie of saint Peters church, few of the kings side besides him then slaine: and so of a traitorous beginning they made a shamefull ending. Neuerthelesse manie escaped and they fled towards Summersetshire: af∣ter whom was sent sir Peter Carew, and sir Hugh Paulet then knight marshall: with a great compa∣nie attending vpon them,* 4.209 and followed them as far as to King Weston in the countie of Summerset: where they ouertooke them and ouerthrew them, and also tooke one Coffin a gentleman their capteine pri∣soner and brought him vnto Excester.

The lord Russell himselfe minding to make all things sure, taketh his iorneie,* 4.210 and marcheth into Cornewall; and following his former course, causeth execution to be doone vpon a great manie, and espe∣ciallie vpon the chéefe belwedders and ringleaders: but the cheefe and principall capteins he kept as pri∣soners, and brought them with him to Excester. And when this lord had set all things in good order,* 4.211 he re∣turned to Excester, & remained there for a time; but after departed towards London, where he was recei∣ued with great ioy and thanks: and being come be∣fore the king, he forgat not to commend vnto his ma∣iestie the good seruice of this citie in this rebellion, which (as is before said) was liberallie rewarded and considered. After his departure, and according to his order and appointment, the chéefe capteins and prin∣cipall heads of this rebellion,* 4.212 whome he left in prison in the kings goale at Excester, were caried to Lon∣don and commanded to the tower, and in their due time were afterwards executed to death, namelie Humfreie Arundell esquier, Wineslade esquier, Iohn Berrie and Coffin gentlemen, and Holmes yeoman; which Coffin and Holmes were seruants

to sir Iohn Arundell knight. Of the number of them who were slaine, there is no certeintie knowne, but manie more be found lacke then numbred: howbeit it was accounted by such as continued in the whole seruice of this commotion to be about foure thousand men. But what number was of the contrarie side dispatched, nothing is reported, albeit it be well knowne that they escaped not scotfrée, and especial∣lie the Burgonians, who were abhorred of the one partie, and nothing fauoured of the other. Thus much [line 10] concerning the description of the citie, and of the sundrie inuasions and assaults against the same, and especiallie of the last rebellion or commotion in the yeare of our Lord 1549, wherein much more might be spoken, but this may suffice for this matter. And for as much as the cathedrall church of this citie, cal∣led by the name of S. Peters, is a parcell of the citie, and compassed within the wals of the same, though in respect of certeine priuileges distinct from the iu∣risdiction thereof; I thought it good to subnect here∣vnto [line 20] the description of the said church▪ and of the an∣tiquitie of the same.

The antiquitie, foundation, and buil∣ding of the cathedrall church of saint Peters in Excester.

AFter that corrupt religion and super∣stition was crept and receiued into the church, and the people become deuout [line 30] therein, then began the erecting of re∣ligious houses and monasteries in e∣uerie countrie. And as this was vniuersall through∣out all christendome vnder the gouernement of the Romane bishop: so also was it generallie doone throughout all England, in which generalitie this ci∣tie was of a particularitie; for in this citie from time to time as opportunitie serued sundrie religious hou∣ses and monasteries were erected and builded,* 5.1 of which there were thrée within the site, circuit, and [line 40] place now called the close of S. Peters, and which in time accrued and were vnited into one. The first was a house for women called moniales or nuns, which is now the deanes house or Kalendar haie. The other was a house of moonks, supposed to be builded by king Ethelred, the third sonne to king Ethelwolph, and these two were vnited by bishop Leofricus vnto the cathedrall church. The third was a house for moonks of the order of S. Benet, which was builded and founded by king Athelstane, about the yeare of [line 50] our Lord 932: and this is that part of the cathedrall church now called the ladie chappell. For the said king, hauing driuen out of this citie the Britons then dwelling therein, and minding to make a full conquest both of them and of this their countrie which they then inhabited, did so fiercelie follow and pursue them euen into Cornewall, that in the end he con∣quered them,* 5.2 and had the victorie. After which he re∣turned to this citie, and here staieng and soiourning for a time, did reedifie the citie, incompassed it with [line 60] a stone wall, and founded the cathedrall church, which he then appointed for a monasterie for moonks of S. Benets order. For so is it written: Hanc vrbem rex A∣delstanus primus in potestatem Anglorum, effugatis Britoni∣bus redactam turribus muniuit,* 5.3 & muro ex quadratis lapidi∣bus cinxit, ac antiquitùs vocatam Munketon nunc Exester vocari voluit: ac ibi sedens mansum quoddam dedit ad fun∣dandum monasterium pro monachis Deo & sancto Petro fa∣mulantibus.* 5.4 Besides the charges which he was at the building of the said church, he gaue also lands and reuenues vnto them sufficient for maintenance and liuelihoods, whereof Morkeshull and Treasurors béere are parcell, and which now are appendant and apperteining to the treasuror of the cathedrall church.

After the time of king Athelstane,* 5.5 the Danes with great hostilitie and crueltie hauing ouerrun this whole land, they also came to this citie, and in spoiling the same, did also ransacke and spoile the said church, whose continuall inuasions the moonks being not a∣ble to indure, fled and forsooke their house and home, and sought places of better safetie.* 5.6 By which means this monasterie for sundrie yeares was left destitn∣ted, vntill the time of king Edgar; who on a time made a progresse into these west parts, to visit his fa∣ther in law Odogarus then earle of Deuon,* 5.7 and founder of the abbeie of Tauistoke, whose daughter he had married. And being come to this citie, did here rest and staie himselfe, where when he saw the distressed state of the said church, & pitieng the same,* 5.8 caused search and inquirie to be made of the moonks which were scattered and yet left: and when he had gotten them togither, he restored them vnto their house and liuelihoods, and appointed Sidemannus who was afterwards bishop of this diocesse to be ab∣bat of the same.* 5.9 And from thensfoorth they continued togither (though sometimes in troubles) vntill that king Swanus or Sweno the Dane, with a mightie and a huge armie came to this citie, besieged, tooke, spoiled, and destroied it with sword and fier. Howbe∣it not long after it was restored againe by king Cahutus or Canutus,* 5.10 who being aduertised of the great cruelties which his father Sweno had doone to the said monasterie, did at the request of Atheldre∣dus one of his dukes, make restitution vnto Athel∣woldus then abbat of all their lands, liuings and pri∣uileges: as dooth appeare by his charter dated in the yeare of our Lord 1019.

After this, about thirtie yeares, king Edward the Confessor came to this citie, and he by the aduise and at the motion of Leofricus bishop of Crediton, and who sometimes was lord chancellor of England vn∣der the said king, and one of his priuie councell, partlie for the better safetie of the bishop and his suc∣cessors, who lieng and hauing their houses in the countrie, were subiect to manie and sundrie perils, and partlie to prouide a more conuenient place for the moonks, did remooue the bishops sée from Credi∣ton, and remooued the moonks vnto Westminster:* 5.11 and he the king in his owne person, togither with quéene Edith his wife, did install the said Leofricus in possession of this his new church and sée. The bi∣shop thus remooued from the old,* 5.12 and placed in the new sée and church, dooth endow the same with all those lands and liuelihoods which he had of the gift of the said king, and which before did apperteine to his former church, and to reduce and make his sanctua∣rie to his mind, pulleth downe the two monasteries néere adioining, the one being of moonks and the o∣ther of nuns, and addeth and vniteth them vnto his owne church, and hauing brought all things to effect according to his mind, deuiseth and maketh lawes, orders, and ordinances for the good gouernment of his church and cleargie.

After the death of Leofricus, all his successors for the most part procure the augmentation and increase of this their new erected see and church, some in liue∣lihoods, some in liberties and priuileges, some in buil∣dings, and some in one thing, and some in another. William Warewest the third bishop of this church,* 5.13 who had sometimes béene chapleine to the Conque∣ror, and to his two sonnes William and Henrie, was in such fauor and good liking with the Conque∣ror, that at his request he gaue vnto him and to this his church. Plimpton, Brampton, and S. Stephans, in Excester, which gift his said sonnes being kings of England did ratifie and confirme. And then the said bishop, hauing the ordering and distributing

thereof, giueth Plimpton to the regular moonkes there, for whom he had founded and builded a mona∣sterie, and wherein he himselfe shortlie after leauing and yéelding vp his bishoprike, became and was a moonke. Brampton was reserued to the church, and which afterwards was annexed to the deanerie. And S. Stephans with the fee to the same apperteining, he reserued to himselfe and to his successors, & where∣by they are barons and lords of the parlement. This bishop in the yeare of our Lord 1112, first began to inlarge his cathedrall,* 5.14 and laid the foundation of that [line 10] part, which is now the chore or quier: for before that time it was no bigger than that, which since and now is called the ladie chapell. After him William Brewer the bishop made and established in the yeare of our Lord 1235,* 5.15 a deane and a chapter of foure and twentie prebendaries: and for the deane (whome he appointed, and whose name was Serlo) and for his successors, he gaue and impropriated Brampton and Coliton Rawleigh, and for the pre∣bendaries he purchased lands, alloting and assign∣ing [line 20] to euerie of them Pro pane & sale the like portion of foure pounds.

Peter Quiuell the bishop finding the chancell of his church to be fullie builded and ended,* 5.16 beginneth to found and build the lower part or the bodie of his church, in the yeare of our Lord 1284, from the chan∣cell of his church vnto the west end of the said church. This man first appointed a chanter and a subdeane to be in his church.* 5.17 To the one of them he impropriated Paineton and Chudleie, and to the other the perso∣nage [line 30] of Eglosehaile in Cornewall. After him Iohn Grandisson,* 5.18 in the yeare of our Lord 1340, did in∣crease the length of the bodie of the church from the funt westwards, as also vaulted the roofe of the whole church, and did fullie end and finish the same. And al∣beit from the time of king Athelstane the first foun∣der in the yeare of our Lord 932,* 5.19 vntill the daie of the death of this bishop Grandisson, which was in the yeare 1369, there were about 437 yeares di∣stant, and in the meane time this church was conti∣nued [line 40] in building by sundrie persons: yet it is so de∣centlie and vniformelie compacted, as though it had béene builded at one verie time and instant.

The successour of this Grandisson, who was na∣med Thomas Brentingham, finished and ended the north tower of the church.* 5.20 After this, about the yeare of our Lord 1400, and in the time of bishop Stof∣ford, the cloister was added to the church, and builded at the most part of the charges of the deane and cha∣piter. [line 50] And not long after Edmund Lacie bishop began to build the chapiter house,* 5.21 which being not en∣ded in his time, his next successor George Neuill, in the yeare of our Lord 1456, did fullie end and ab∣solue the same: and which is a verie faire, beautifull, and a sumptuous worke. And thus much concerning the antiquitie, foundation, and building of this ca∣thedrall church. Thus far Iohn Hooker.

About the same time that this rebellion (whereto all the foresaid discourse tendeth) began in the west, [line 60] the like disordered hurles were attempted in Ox∣fordshire,* 5.22 and Buckinghamshire: but they were spée∣dilie appeased by the lord Greie of Wilton, who com∣ming downe that waie to ioine with the lord priuie seale, chased the rebels to their houses, of whome two hundred were taken, and a dozzen of the ringleaders to him deliuered, wherof certeine afterwards were executed.* 5.23 Moreouer, in diuerse other parts of the realme, namelie in the south and east parts, did the people (as before ye haue heard) assemble themselues in rebellious maner, committing manie foule disor∣ders: but yet by good policie and holesome persuasi∣ons they were appeased, except in Norffolke, where after there was a rumour spred, that the commons in Kent had throwne downe the diches and hedges, wherewith certeine pasture grounds were inclosed, and had laid the same open. Diuerse seditious per∣sons and busie fellowes began to complaine that the like had not béene doone in Norffolke,* 5.24 and ceased not to practise how to raise the people to an open rebelli∣on; meaning not onelie to laie open parkes and in∣closures, but to attempt other reformations, as they termed them, to the great danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of the common-wealth.

They chieflie declared a spitefull rancor and hate∣red conceiued against gentlemen, whome they mali∣ciouslie accused of inordinat couetousnesse, pride, ra∣pine, extortion, and oppression, practised against their tenants and other, for the which they accounted them worthie of all punishment.* 5.25 Herevpon diuerse of them, namelie the inhabitants of Atilborough, and other of their neighbors, conceiuing no small dis∣pleasure, for that one Gréene of Wilbie had taken in a parcell of the common pasture, as was supposed, belonging to the towne of Atilborough, and adioi∣ning to the common pasture of Harsham, riotouslie assembled togither, and threw downe certeine new diches made by the said Gréene, to inclose in the said parcell of commons.

This was doone before Midsummer, and so it re∣sted till the sixt of Iulie,* 5.26 at which time there should be a publike plaie kept at Wimondham, a towne di∣stant from Norwich six miles, which plaie had béene accustomed yearelie to be kept in that towne, conti∣nuing for the space of one night and one daie at the least. Wherevpon the wicked contriuers of this vn∣happie rebellion, tooke occasion by the assembling of such numbers of people as resorted thither to see that plaie, to enter further into their wicked enterprise: and vpon conference had, they immediatlie assem∣bled at Morleie a mile from Wimondham, & there they cast downe certeine diches of maister Hub∣bords on the tuesdaie, and that night they repaired to Wimondham againe, where they practised the like feats. But as yet they tooke no mans goods by vio∣lence.

Herevpon one Iohn Flowerdew of Hetherset gentleman,* 5.27 finding himselfe grieued with the cast∣ing downe of some diches, came vnto some of the rebels, and gaue to them fortie pence to cast downe the fenses of an inclosure belonging to Robert Ket,* 5.28 aliàs Knight, a tanner of Wimondham (which pasture lieth néere to the faire Wounge at Wimondham aforsaid) which they did. And that night consulting to∣gither, the next morning they tooke their iourneie to Hetherset, by the procurement of the said Robert Ket, in reuenge of the displeasure which he had con∣ceiued against the said Flowerdew, and set them in hand to plucke vp and cast downe hedges and diches, wherewith certeine pasture grounds belonging to the said Flowerdew were inclosed.

Here was somwhat adoo.* 5.29 For maister Flowerdew did what he could to haue caused them to desist from that attempt, in somuch that manie sharpe words passed betwixt Ket and the said maister Flowerdew. But Ket being a man hardie and forward to anie desperat attempt that should be taken in hand, was streight entered into such estimation with the com∣mons thus assembled togither in rebellious wise, that his will was accomplished: and so those hedges and diches belonging to the pasture grounds of mai∣ster Flowerdew were throwne downe and made plaine. Herevpon was Ket chosen to be their cap∣teine and ringleader, who being resolued to set all on six and seuen, willed them to be of good comfort, and to follow him in defense of their common libertie, being readie in the common-welths cause to hazard

both life and goods.

Herewith they passed the water betwixt Crin∣gelford and Eiton, and comming to Bowthorpe, cast downe certeine hedges and diches in that place, and their number being now greatlie increased, they in∣camped there that night. Here sir Edmund Win∣dam knight, being high shiriffe of Norffolke and Suffolke, came and proclamed them rebels, com∣manding them to depart in the kings maiesties name. With which proclamation they were greatlie [line 10] offended, and attempted to haue got him into their hands: but he being well horssed, valiantlie brak•• through them that had compassed him in: howbeit he escaped from them and got into Norwich, being not past a mile off. The same night there came a great number of lewd people vnto them, as well out of the citie of Norwich as out of the countrie, with weapon, armour, and artillerie.

* 5.30The daie before that Ket came to this place, a great number of the meaner sort of the citizens of [line 20] Norwich had throwne downe a quickset hedge, and filled vp the diches, wherewith the foresaid commons were on the one side inclosed, to kéepe in the cattell of the citizens that had the same going before their common neatherd: and so that fense which by good and prouident aduise of their forefathers, had beene raised and made for the common profit of the whole citie, was thus by a sort of lewd persons defaced and cast downe at that present. And scarse had they throwne downe the dich in the vpper end of this pa∣sture, [line 30] but that a companie of euill disposed persons stale out of the citie, and got them to Kets campe. The maior of the citie named Thomas Cod aduerti∣sed hereof,* 5.31 doubting what might follow of this mis∣chiefous begun rebellion, thought good to trie if he might persuade the rebels to giue ouer their traito∣rous enterprises: and therfore taking certeine of the aldermen with him, he went to Kets campe, vsing what persuasions he could to reduce them vnto their dutifull obedience, & to depart home to their houses. [line 40] But his trauell was in vaine, and therefore retur∣ned backe to the citie without hope to doo anie good with that vnrulie rout.

After whose departure, they considering in what danger they stood to be surprised, if they should scat∣ter abroad in such sort as till then they had doone, séeking to wast and spoile the countrie about them, without kéeping togither in anie warlike order, thought it stood most with their suertie to draw into one place, and to fortifie the same for their further [line 50] strength. Upon this resolution they determined to go with all spéed vnto Mousehold, a place as they tooke it meet for their purpose, and therefore sent to the maior of Norwich,* 5.32 requesting him of licence to passe through the citie, bicause it was their néerest waie, promising not to offer anie iniurie or violence to anie person, but quietlie to march through the citie vnto their place appointed. But the maior did not on∣lie denie them passage, but also with sharpe and bitter speach reprouing their rebellious dooings, told them what whould follow thereof, if they gaue not ouer in [line 60] time from further proceeding in such wicked at∣tempts.

* 5.33The next daie being thursdaie, sir Roger Wood∣house with seuen or eight of his houshold seruants, came to them, bringing with him two carts laden with beere, and one cart laden with other vittels: for a recompense whereof he was stripped out of his ap∣parell, had his horsses taken from him, and whatso∣euer else he had, the rebels accounting the same a good preie, he himselfe was cruellie tugged and cast into a dich of one Mores of nether Arleham by Hei∣lesdonbridge; where the same daie the rebels, being disappoint••d of their purpose to passe through Nor∣wich, found meanes to passe, and comming to mai∣ger Corbets house of Sprowston, intended to haue burnt the same house. But yet being persuaded to spare it from fire, they spoiled his goods, defaced a douehouse of his, which had beene a chappell, and after∣wards got them to Mousehold, and comming to S. Leonards hill, on which the erle of Surrie had bu••••t a statelie house called mount Surrie,* 5.34 they inken∣nelled themselues there on the same hill; and in the woods adioining that lie on the west and the south side of the same hill, as the commons or pasture cal∣led Mousehold heath lieth on the east side,* 5.35 which con∣teineth foure or fiue miles in length, & thrée or foure in bredth.

They put sir Roger Woodhouse, and other priso∣ners whom they had caught, in streict ward within the foresaid house of mount Surrie, on the which they seized, and spoiled whatsoeuer they found within it. In the meane time, the maior of Norwich taking aduise with his brethren the aldermen, what was best to doo in this case▪ whether presentlie to issue foorth, and distresse the rebels now in the beginning, least time might giue them meane to increase their pow∣er: or rather to staie till they had aduertised the councell of the whole matter. In the end they agréed that this last aduise was most surest, and so they dis∣patched a post with all spéed to the court. Beside this great campe (as they termed it) at Mousehold, there was a lesser at Rising chase neare to Lin:* 5.36 but the rebels there, by the good diligence and circumspect po∣licie of the iustices and gentlemen of those parts, were spéedilie repressed, and driuen from thence. Notwithstanding afterwards they assembled togi∣ther at Watton, & there remained about a fortnight, stopping also the passage at Thetford and Brandon ferrie, within nine miles of the said Watton:* 5.37 and at length came and ioined themselues with these other at Mousehold, by appointment of their ge∣nerall capteine (as they tooke him) the foresaid Ro∣bert Ket.

Moreouer, there came flocking from Suffolke and other parts, a great multitude of lewd disposed persons, raised by firing of beacons, and ringing of bels. Also a number of rascals & naughtie lewd per∣sons stale out of the citie of Norwich, and went to campe. And thus being got togither in great multi∣tudes, they added one wickednesse to another, as ha∣uing no staie of themselues after their downefall, nor holding them content with the committing of one villanous trespasse and horrible transgression, according vnto the poets words to the like purpose:

Quisnam hominum est, quem tu contentum videris vno Flagitio?—

Now to cloke their malicious purpose with a coun∣terfeit shew of holinesse, they caused one Coniers vicar of saint Martins in Norwich to saie seruice morning and euening,* 5.38 to praie to God for prosperous spéed in that their vngodlie enterprise. Moreouer they went about to ioine to their cause diuerse honest men, and right commendable for religion, doctrine, vertue, and innocencie of life; amongst whome were Robert Watson a preacher, Thomas Cod maior of Norwich, and Thomas Alderich of Mangréene hall. These thrée, although sore against their willes, were constreined to be present with them in all matters of counsell, and to take vpon them (as associats with capteine Ket) the administration and order of euerie thing: which happened well for manie. For when ci∣sher Ket himselfe, or anie other of the capteins, through setting on of the outragious multitude, pur∣posed anie mischéefe (as often it came to passe) in one place or other, through their graue aduise, and approo∣ued industrie, their furie was sundrie times staied and calmed. Although Ket bent to all vngratiousnes,

would diuerse times grant foorth commissions, abu∣sing now and then the names of honest men thereby, appointing his vntheistie mates to fetch in vit∣tels to furnish their campe withall. The tenor of one of the which commissions here insueth.

The forme of a warrant granted out by the rebels to take vp vittels.

WE the kings friends & deputies, doo grant licence to all men, to [line 10] prouide and bring into the campe at Mousehold, all maner of cat∣tell, and prouision of vittels, in what place soeuer they may find the same: so that no violence or iniurie bee doone to any honest or poore man. Commanding all persons as they render the kings honor and roiall ma∣iestie, and the releefe of the common welth, to be obedient to vs the gouernors, and to [line 20] those whose names insue.

Signed Robert Ket.

Then followed in order a long list of names, for the number of the gouernors was great, as they that beside the chéefe capteins had chosen out of euerie hundred two, and there were six and twentie hun∣dreds. By vertue of such commissions, manie that were of good worship and credit in the countrie, whom the rebels in their rage had condemned,* 6.1 were [line 30] fetched from their houses, and other places where they might be found, and being brought to the campe, were committed to prison. Also the ditches and hed∣ges, wherewith the commons abrode in the countrie were inclosed, were throwne downe, & manie were warned and called foorth from sundrie parts, to come and take part with them in these tumultuous vp∣rores. And all these things were doone, the maior, maister Watson, and maister Aldrich not onlie hol∣ding their peace and winking thereat, but also some∣time [line 40] after a maner giuing their consent to the same. For to haue resisted them had béene but follie, and the waie to haue put themselues in danger of de∣struction, and their countrie too.

The honest citizens of Norwich in this meane while remained in great perplexitie, hearing no∣thing from the king nor his councell. They therefore being vncerteine what to doo, abode in the citie, till they might vnderstand what order it should please the king to take for the quieting of these troubles. The cause why the councell was thus slacke in proui∣ding [line 50] remedie against the Norffolke rebels, was: for that they were busie in quieting the troubles in the inner part of the realme about London, and other places (as before ye haue heard) by meanes whereof the power of these Norffolke rebels still increased, so that there were assembled togither into Kets campe, to the number of sixtéene thousand vngratious vn∣thrifts,* 6.2 who by the aduise of their capteins fortified themselues, and made prouision of artillerie, powder and other abiliments, which they fetched out of ships, [line 60] gentlemens houses, and other places where any was to be found, and withall spoiled the countrie of all the cattell, riches and coine, on which they might laie hands.

But bicause manie (as in such case is euer seene) did prouide for themselues, and hid that which they got, laieng it vp for their owne store, and brought it not foorth to further the common cause, Ket and the other gouernors (for so would they be called) thought to prouide a remedie,* 6.3 and by common consent it was decréed, that a place should be appointed, where iudge∣ments might bée exercised, as in a iudiciall hall. Whervpon they found out a great old oke, where the said Ket, and the other gouernors or deputies might fit and place themselues, to heare and determine such quareling matters as came in question. Afore whom sometime would assemble a great number of the re∣bels, and exhibit complaints of such disorders, as now and then were practised among them; and there they would take order for the redressing of such wrongs and iniuries as were appointed, so that such gréedie vagabounds as were readie to spoile more than séemed to stand with the pleasure of the said go∣uernors, and further than there commissions would beare, were committed to prison.* 6.4 This oke they na∣med the trée of reformation.

The maior, maister Aldrich and others, whome they had receiued into the number of their gouer∣nours, would oftentimes go vp into this tree, and make diuerse pithie orations to persuade the outra∣gious multitude to giue ouer their riotous capines and spoilings. There were also certeine diuines which did vse all waies possible to withdraw them from their wicked attempts, and to reduce them to peace and quietnesse, although this was not doone without danger of their liues. Neuerthelesse, these in the daie time vsed to preach in the churches, and in the night to watch with armour vpon their backes, leauing no∣thing vndoone that might séeme to apperteine vnto the dutie of godlie and vertuous diuines, or faithfull and obedient subiects. Among these was doctor Mat∣thew Parker. afterward archbishop of Canturbu∣rie, whose wisdome, faithfulnesse,* 6.5 and integritie was most apparant.

He comming on a daie into the campe with his brother Thomas Parker, that was after maior of Norwich, sound them before the tree at common praier, the foreremembred Coniers vicar of saint Martins in Norwich saieng the Letanie. Wherevp∣on doctor Parker thinking the time to serue for his purpose, went vp into the tree,* 6.6 where he made a sermon, diuiding it into thrée seuerall parts. In the first he exhorted them to vse with moderation those vittels which they had prouided & brought into their campe, and not riotouslie nor lauishlie to wast and consume them. In the second he aduised them in no wise to séeke reuenge of priuat displeasures, and not to chaine or kéepe in irons those persons whom they held in ward, nor to take anie mans life from him. Lastlie, he wished that they should haue regard to themselues, & leaue off their rash begun enterprise, giuing eare to such heralds or other messengers as came from the king, and to shew such honour vnto his maiestie now in his yoong and tender yeares, as they might inioy him hereafter being growne vp in vertue, to their great ioy, comfort, and gladnesse. As he was handling this matter,* 6.7 with manie good and effectuall reasons, hauing the auditorie atten∣tiue to his words, one lewd fellow among the rest cried out and said;

How long shall we suffer this hire∣ling doctor, who being waged by gentlemen, is come hither with his toong, which is sold and tied to serue their appetite? But for all his prating words, let vs bridle them, and bring them vnder the orders of our law.

Then began the multitude to stur and make a noise, threatening the preacher, some of them saieng; It were well, that for his faire told tale we should bring him downe with a mischiefe, with arrowes and iauelings. This spéech brought doctor Parker in no small feare, and the more, for that he heard a noise and clattering of weapons vnder him, so that he looked for present death among them. But herein he was deceiued: for there was not a man that stood next him within the compasse of the trée, would him anie harme. And immediatlie the foresaid vicar of

S. Martins that executed the office of the minister, began with helpe of some singingmen that were present,* 6.8 the canticle Te Deum, wherewith the vnru∣lie multitude seemed partlie to quiet themselues. Which occasion doctor Parker perceiuing to serue his turne, thought not longer to tarie amongst them, but quietlie got him downe from the trée, and with his brother made hast towards the citie. But before he came to Pockthorp gate, there were of the rebels that came to him, and began to question with [line 10] him about his licence, whereby he was authorised to preach: but he perceiuing that there was no rea∣son to be conceiued of them, slipt his waies, and left his brother to argue the matter with them.

Yet the next daie he entring into saint Clements church, tooke occasion to expound somewhat out of one of the lessons that was read that daie, concer∣ning these wicked hurliburlies; manie of the rebels comming about him, but not interrupting him a whit, hearing the end of his exhortation, although [line 20] they séemed greatlie therewith offended. But as he came out of the church, they followed him, and told him that (as they vnderstood) he had three or foure able geldings to serue the king: and therefore charged him that after dinner they might be readie for them to occupie. But doctor Parker made them no great answer,* 6.9 but calling to him his horssekéeper, com∣manded him to plucke off the shooes from some of his geldings, and to pare their hooues vnto the quicke; and that he should annoint the other with [line 30] neruall, as if they had béene lamed with trauell. The rebels perceiuing this, when they saw the same geldings had forth as it had béene to pasture, made no further businesse. Wherevpon doctor Parker shortlie after, feining as if he went abroad to walke two miles off from the citie, at Crinkleford bridge found his horses readie as he had appointed, with his seruants, and mounting vp, tooke his iourneie to∣wards Cambridge, with as much spéed as was pos∣sible, escaping thither out of all danger, although by [line 40] the waie they met with and saw diuerse of the re∣bels plaieng their parts in their woonted outragious maner. Thus did doctor Parker escape the hands of the wicked rebels, who despising his wholesome ad∣monitions, did afterwards by Gods iust iudgement proue his words to be most true.

But in the meane time proceeding from one mis∣chiefe to another, after they had practised to spoile the gentlemen of the countrie of their goods, they began to attach their bodies, and by force to bring them in∣to [line 50] their campe: so that such as escaped their hands, were glad to flée, and hide themselues in woods and caues, where they might best keepe themselues out of their aduersaries reach and intended dangers. But to speake of all the horrible practises by these vngratious people exercised,* 6.10 it would be too long a processe. What shifts they found to cloake their doo∣ings, and that euen vnder the kings authoritie, it is woonderfull. For whereas there were certeine commissions directed vnto diuerse gentlemen in [line 60] the countrie, to take order for the appeasing of these tumults; they getting the same into their hands, tooke vpon them the authoritie committed to the gentlemen, vnto whome the same commissions were sent; and taking off the seales from the other, fastened the same vnto their counterfeit writings. To conclude, they grew to such vnmeasurable disor∣der, that they would not in manie things obeie nei∣ther their generall capteine, nor anie of their gouer∣nors, but ran headlong into all kind of mischiefe, & made such spoile of vittels which they brought out of the countrie adioining vnto their campe,* 6.11 that within few daies they consumed (beside a great number of béefes) twentie thousand muttons, also swans, géese, hens, capons, ducks, & other foules so manie as they might laie hands vpon. And furthermore, they spa∣red not to breake into parks, and kill what déere they could. Such hauocke they made of all that came in their waie, and such number of shéepe speciallie they brought into their campe, that a good fat weather was sold for a groat. The woods, groues, and trées that were destroied I passe ouer, and make no men∣tion thereof. Herewith, what crueltie was shewed by them in fettering and manacing such gentlemen as they caught,* 6.12 and committed to prison for some misliking they had conceiued of them, it was a mi∣serable case to behold. Some there were whom they brought foorth▪ as it had béene to iudgement before the tree of reformation, there to be tried afore the go∣uernors, as if they had béene guiltie of some heinous and gréeuous crime. And when it was asked of the commons, what should be doone with those prisoners, they would crie with one voice; Hang them, hang them. And when they were asked why they gaue so sharpe iudgement of those whome they neuer knew, they would roundlie answer, that other cried the same crie; and therefore they ment to giue their as∣sent with other, although they could yéeld no reason, but that they were gentlemen, & therefore not woor∣thie to liue.

Whilest the rebels thus raged abroad in the coun∣trie at Hengham eleuen miles from Norwich,* 6.13 sir Edmund Kneuet knight, with a small companie of his owne meniall seruants, set vpon the night∣watch of the rebels that were placed there, & brake through, ouerthrowing diuerse of them: and hauing some of his owne men also vnhorssed by the rebels, and in danger to be hewen in peeces among them, yet he recouered them, & escaped their hands through great manhood. After which good nights seruice, as they would haue it esteemed, they repaired to their great capteine Ket, to shew their hurts receiued, & to complaine of their griefes. It was talked among them, that they would go to sir Edmund Kneuets house called Buckenham castell, to assault it, and to fetch him out of it by force. But it was doubted of some, least it were too strong for them; and other feared sharpe stripes, if they should attempt that ex∣ploit, being at the least twelue miles from their maine campe: and so that enterprise went not for∣ward, the most part thinking it best to sléepe in whole skins.

There was at London the same time a citizen of Norwich, one Leonard Southerton fled from thence for feare of his life,* 6.14 whome the councell sent for, to come to speake with them: and being asked what he knew touching the state of the rebels, he de∣clared to them from point to point the maner of all their outragious procéedings: but yet that as he vn∣derstood, there were manie among them that would laie aside their armour, if they might be assured of the kings pardon: and therefore if it would please the king to set foorth a proclamation, that all such as would depart from the campe and be quiet, should haue their pardon for all that was past, he doubted not but that those routs should be dispersed. His ad∣uise was allowed, and therevpon was an herald sent with all spéed in companie with the said Sou∣therton vnto Norwich; & comming into the campe the last of Iulie, and standing before the trée of refor∣mation, apparelled in his cote of armes, pronoun∣ced there before all the multitude, with lowd voice, a frée pardon to all that would depart to their homes, and laieng aside their armour,* 6.15 giue ouer their trai∣torous begun enterprise.

After he had made an end of his proclamation, in maner all the multitude cried, God saue the king. And manie of them falling downe vpon their knées,

could not forbeare with teares gushing from their eies, but commend the kings great and vnspeak∣able mercie thus freelie offered vnto them, which vn∣doubtedlie they had at that time all of them recei∣ued, if the wicked speech of some of the rascall sort, and namelie the traitorous persuasions of that wic∣ked caitife Ket himselfe, had not staied them from their dutifull inclinations. But after that Ket had with lowd voice before declared, that kings & prin∣ces were accustomed to grant pardons to such as [line 10] are offendors, and not to others; he trusted that he néeded not anie pardon, sith he had doone nothing but that belonged to the dutie of a true subiect: and here∣with he besought them not to forsake him, but to re∣member his promise, sith he was readie to spend his life in the quarell. The herald herevpon called him traitor, and commanded Iohn Petibone the swordbearer of Norwich to attach him for treason. Then began a great hurlie burlie among the multi∣tude, so that the herald, perceiuing they began to [line 20] shrinke from their former purpose of receiuing the kings pardon, departed from them with these words; All ye that be the kings friends, come awaie with me. The maior & maister Alderich, with a great num∣ber of other gentlemen & honest yeomen that were readie to obeie the kings commandement, followed him.

The maior being thus returned to the citie, caused the gates to be shut,* 6.16 and such gentlemen as had béen committed to prison within the castell, or other pla∣ces [line 30] in the citie, he caused to be set at libertie, & with their aduise tooke order how the rebelles might be kept out. But as he was busie about such matters, certeine of the citizens that fauored the rebelles had receiued a great multitude of them into the citie, which did put the citizens in such feare, that it was thought the most suretie for the gentlemen that had beene now released out of prison, to be shut vp a∣gaine, least the rebelles finding them abroad, should haue murthered them. Yet after this, when the re∣bels [line 40] were departed out of the citie againe, the ma∣ior & aldermen fell in hand to rampire vp the gates, to plant ordinance, and to make all necessarie proui∣sion that for them was possible.

At length they fell to shooting off their artillerie as well from the citie as from the campe, dooing their best to annoie ech other. But when the rebelles saw that they did little hurt to the citie with their great ordinance lieng vpon the hill, they remoued the same downe to the foot of the same hill, and from thense be∣gan [line 50] to beat the walles. Notwithstanding, shortlie after they made sute for a truce to indure for a time, that they might passe to and fro through the citie, to fetch in vittels, whereof some want began to pinch them in the campe. The maior and aldermen flatlie denied their request, protesting that they would not permit anie traitors to haue passage through their citie.

The rebels sore kindled in wrath with this an∣swer, and deniall of their sute, came running downe from the hill, and assaulting the gates, were beaten [line 60] off with shot of arrowes and other weapons. And yet such rage appéered among the rebels, that the boies and yoong lads shewed themselues so desperat in gathering vp the arrowes, that when they saw and felt the same sticking in some part of their bodies, they would plucke them foorth, and deliuered them to their bow-men, that they might bestow the same again at the citizens. In all this broile (a thing note∣worthie) the seditious sort minding nothing more than the compassing of their purpose, had as little staie of themselues in this their outrage, as a bull at the sight of a cow, or a stoned horsse at the view of a mare; according vnto the old saieng of the poet:

Non facile est taurum visa retinere iuuenca, Fortis equus visae semper adhinnit equae.

In the meane time, whilest they were thus busie vpon one side of the citie, an alarum rose at the de∣fendants backes, crieng that the rebels were entred the citie on the contrarie side: and so euerie man shrinking awaie, and running thither to repell the enimie there, that part was left void of defendants where the first assault began. Whereof the rebels be∣ing aduised, rushed into the riuer that runneth before bishops gate, got to the gates, and breaking them o∣pen, entred without anie great resistance. For all the citizens were withdrawne to their houses and o∣ther places, where they hoped best to hide themselues from the furie of their enimies.

The rebels hauing thus entred the citie by force,* 6.17 conueied all the guns and artillerie, with other fur∣niture of warre out of the citie into their campe. The herald that was yet abiding in the citie, to see if the rebels would before the daie prefixed for their par∣dons, being not yet expired, giue ouer their enter∣prise, came with the maior into the market place, and in the hearing of a great multitude of people that were come foorth and stood about him, he eftsoons gaue commandement in the kings name, that they should laie armes aside,* 6.18 and get them home to their houses: which to so manie as did, he pronounced a ge∣nerall pardon, and to the rest extreme punishment by death.

The rebels that stood by and heard him, when he had once made an end of his proclamation, bade him get him thense with a mischiefe:* 6.19 for it was not his faire offers, nor his swéet flattering words that should beguile them, sith they made no account of such manner of mercie, that vnder a colour of par∣don, should cut off all their safetie and hope of preser∣seruation. The herald perceiuing how obstinatelie they were bent, and set on all mischiefe, and that it was vnpossible to bring them from their outragious treason, either through feare of punishment or hope of pardon, departed; without hauing brought that to passe for which he was sent. Immediatlie after his departure, the rebels sought for Leonard Souther∣ton, purposing to haue apprehended him, and com∣mitted him to prison, for accompanieng the herald thitherwards. But he hauing knowledge of their meaning, hid himselfe from them.

After this,* 6.20 there were by Kets commandement apprehended diuerse persons, as the maior, Robert Watson, William Rogers, Iohn Homerston, William Brampton, and manie others, which were brought out of the citie, and committed to prison in mount Surrie. Ket perceiuing well that he must either now obteine a bloodie victorie by force against his countrie, or else to tast such an end as his vn∣gratious attempts did well deserue, got togither so manie wicked persons as he might procure to come vnto him from ech side, with great rewards and faire promises:* 6.21 so that it was a strange matter to consider what a multitude of vnthrifts and rascalles came to him vpon the sudden.

The citizens of Norwich were sore displeased, that their maior (being an honest man, and one greatlie beloued among them) should be imprisoned, and so remaine in danger of life among the rebels: for they threatned him sore, & ies••ing at his name, would saie one to another; Let vs all come togither to morrow, for we shall sée a * 6.22 cods hed sold in the campe for a pe∣nie. Wherevpon the citizens fearing least through the malice and rage of the rebels, their maior might chance to be made awaie among them, procured maister Thomas Alderich (whose authoritie was great among them) to be a meane for his deliue∣rance: who comming to Ket with sharpe and bitter

words reprooued him for his cruell dealing, by im∣prisoning so honest a man as the maior was,* 6.23 and withall commanded him to release him: which either for shame, or rather through feare of a guiltie consci∣ence that pricked him, he caused incontinentlie to be doone: who therevpon might now and then go and come at his pleasure to and fro the citie. But bicause he could not still remaine in the citie, but was con∣streined to continue for the most part in the campe, he appointed Augustine Steward to be his deputie, [line 10] who with the assistance of Henrie Bacon, and Iohn Atkinson shiriffes,* 6.24 gouerned the citie right orderlie, and kept the most part of the citizens in due obei∣sance.

The councell aduertised now vpon the heralds returne, that there was no waie to reduce these Norffolke rebels vnto quiet otherwise than by force, appointed the marquesse of Northampton with fif∣téene hundred horssemen to go downe vnto Norwich to subdue those stubborne traitors that so vndutiful∣lie [line 20] refused the kings mercifull pardon, fréelie offered by his officer at armes, and others. There went with the lord marquesse diuerse honorable and worshipfull personages,* 6.25 as the lord Sheffeld, the lord Went∣worth, sir Anthonie Dennie, sir Henrie Parker, sir Richard Southwell, sir Rafe Sadler, sir Iohn Clere, sir Rafe Rowlet, sir Richard Lée, sir Iohn Gates, sir Thomas Paston, sir Henrie Beding∣field, sir Iohn Suliard, sir William Walgraue, sir Iohn Cuts, sir Thomas Cornewallis knights, to∣gither [line 30] with a great manie of other knights, es∣quiers and gentlemen, and a small band of Italians, vnder the leading of a capteine named Malates••a.

* 6.26The lord marquesse being approched within a mile of Norwich, sent sir Gilbert Dethicke knight, now Garter, then Norrie, king at armes, vnto the citie, to summon them within to yéeld it into his hands, or vpon refusall to proclame warre against them. Herevpon Augustine Steward the maiors deputie sent to the maior that was in the campe with [line 40] Ket, aduertising him what message he had receiued from the marquesse. The maior sent word againe, that nothing was more greeuous vnto him, than to sée into what miserie the citie and countrie about were brought by the rage of these commotions; and declaring in what case he stood, being kept by force among the rebels, wheras otherwise he would (ac∣cording to his dutie) haue come to his honor. But as for the citie, he had committed the gouernance vn∣to Augustine Steward, who should be readie to sur∣render [line 50] it into his lordships hands: and that if Ket would giue him leaue, he would come himselfe to his honor, submitting all things wholie to his lord∣ships order and disposition.

This message being brought backe by the said Norrie, Augustine Steward the maiors deputie with the shiriffs, and a great number of the citizens, came to the lord marquesses campe, and deliuered vp the sword to his lordship, declaring how the ma∣ior himselfe would gladlie haue come, if he could [line 60] haue got from the rebels: and that although a great rowt of the lewd citizens were partakers with the rebelles, yet a number of the substantiall & honest ci∣tizens would neuer consent to their wicked doings, but were readie to receiue his lordship into their citie. The lord marquesse giuing good woords to the citizens, and willing them to be of good comfort, sith he trusted to appease these troubles verie shortlie,* 6.27 deliuered the sword vnto sir Richard Southwell, who bare it before the lord marquesse as he passed foorth towards the citie, entring the same by saint Ste∣phans gate. And incontinentlie was proclamation made that they should all resort into the market place, where they consulted togither how they might best defend the citie against the enimies, and to re∣presse their furie. Herevpon was order giuen for the placing of watch and ward about the gates and the wals, as might séeme expedient. The lord marquesse supped that night and lodged in the maiors deputies house; but his lordship as well as other kept their ar∣mour on their backs all that night, for doubt of some sudden assault to be made against the citie by the re∣bels. Here it chanced that the strangers,* 6.28 either by appointment or otherwise, went foorth, and offered skirmish to the rebels vpon Magdalen hill.

The rebels came foorth with their horssemen: but it séemed that they were better practised to fetch in booties, than to make their manage or careire, and therefore not able to match the strangers, which be∣ing perceiued of their fellowes that were footmen, they put foorth their archers before their horssemen, and such numbers herewith came swarming foorth of their campe, meaning to compasse in those stran∣gers, that they perceiuing the maner and purpose of the enimies, cast themselues in a ring, and retired backe into the citie againe. But they left one of their companie behind them, a gentleman that was an I∣talian, who more valiantlie than warilie ventured too farre among the enimies, and through euill hap be∣ing ouerthrowne beside his horsse, he was inuironed about with a great multitude of those rebels, that tooke him prisoner, and like vile wretches spoiling him of his armor and apparell, hanged him ouer the wals of mount Surrie.* 6.29 Which act well shewed what courtesie might be looked for at such cruell traitors hands, that would thus vnmercifullie put such a gen∣tleman and worthie souldior to death: for whose ran∣some, if they would haue demanded it, they might haue had no small portion of monie to haue satisfied their gréedie minds. But it séemed that their beastlie crueltie had berest them the remembrance of all ho∣nest consideration and dutifull humanitie.

The marquesse of Northampton causing (as be∣fore yee haue heard) diligent watch to be kept vpon the walles, and at the gates, appointed the same to be visited right often, that through negligence no mis∣hap should follow. Moreouer, besides the watch at the gates and walles, the residue of the soldiors ma∣king a mightie huge fire in the market place, so as all the stréets were full of light, they remained there all that night in their armour, readie vpon anie oc∣casion to resist the enimies if they should make anie attempt. Sir Edward Warner marshall of the field gaue the watch-word, sir Thomas Paston,* 6.30 sir Iohn Clere, sir William Walgraue, sir Thomas Cornwallis, and sir Henrie Bedingfield were ap∣pointed to the defense of other parts of the citie. And now when euerie thing was thought to be safelie prouided for, and that the lord marquesse and other were laid to take their rest, the rebels about the mid∣dest of the night began to shoot off their great artille∣rie towards the citie, so thicke as was possible: but the bullets passed ouer their heads that were lodged in the citie, without dooing anie great hurt at all.

The lord marquesse, by reason of the often ala∣rums that were giuen, whilest the enimies thus cea∣sed not to rage with continuall shot of ordinance, was called vp by the marshall sir Edward War∣ner; and comming into the market place, accompa∣nied with the nobles and gentlemen of the armie, fell in councell with them, how to foresée that the citie in such danger might be safelie defended against the enimies with such small power as he had there with him. It was therefore determined, that all the gates which were on the contrarie part of the towne from the rebels campe, and likewise the ruinous places of the walles should be rampired vp, that if the enimies should chance to giue an assault to the

citie, they might more easilie be repelled.

But as these things were in dooing, and almost brought to end, in a manner all the whole multitude of the rebelles came out of their cabins, running downe in most furious maner to the citie, and with great shouts and yelling cries went about to set fire on the gates, to clime ouer the walles, to passe the riuer, and to enter the citie at such places where the walles were through age decaied and ruinous. The soldiors that were there with the lord marquesse, did [line 10] shew their vttermost indeuor to beat backe the eni∣mies. This fight in most cruell wise continued for the space of thrée houres without ceasing, the rebels forcing themselues to the vttermost of their powers to enter perforce vpon them, and they within the ci∣tie shewed no lesse courage to repell them backe. The hardie manhood of diuerse knights, and other men of worship was here right apparant.* 6.31 It was strange to sée the desperat boldnesse of the rebelles, that when they were thrust through the bodies or [line 20] thighs, and some of them hough-sinewed, would yet seeke reuenge in striking at their aduersaries, when their hands were scarse able to hold vp their weapon; thinking themselues somewhat satisfied if the humor of their enuie and deadlie spite might be fed but with a drop of their aduersaries bloud; with such a malignant spirit (tending wholie to venge∣ance) these desperat rebels were possessed, according to the poets spéech in the like sense and meaning:

* 6.32Inuidiosa dabit minimus solatia sanguis. [line 30]

But such was the valiancie of the gentlemen and soldiers, which were there with the lord marquesse, that in the end the enimies which were alreadie ente∣red the citie,* 6.33 were beaten out againe, and driuen backe to their accustomed kennell holes with losse of thrée hundred of their numbers. They within the towne hauing thus repelled the enimies, & accoun∣ting themselues in more safetie than before, for the rest of the night that yet remained, which was not much, they gaue themselues to refresh their wearied [line 40] bodies with some sléepe. The next daie, the lord mar∣quesse was informed by some of the citizens, that there were no small number in Kets campe that would gladlie come from him, if they might be sure of their pardon; and that at Pockethorpe gate there were foure or fiue thousand, that wished for nothing more than for pardon: and that if the same were of∣fered them, there were no doubt (as they beléeued) but that they would submit themselues to the kings mercie. [line 50]

The marquesse was glad to vnderstand so much, & incontinentlie dispatched Norreie king at armes, with a trumpetter, to assure them on the kings be∣halfe, that they should be pardoned for all offenses past, and that had beene committed in time of this rebellion, if they would laie armes aside. Norreie and the trumpet comming to the gate, found not a man there: but the trumpetter sounding his trum∣pet, there came running downe from the hill a great multitude of their people, & amongst other as chiefe, one Flotman,* 6.34 whome Norreie commanded to staie. [line 60] Wherevpon the said Flotman asked him what was the matter, and wherefore he had called them togi∣ther by sound of trumpet?* 6.35

Go thy waies (said he) & tell thy companie from my lord marquesse of North∣hampton, the kings maiesties lieutenant, that he commandeth them to ceasse from committing anie further outrage: and if they will (saith he) obeie his commandement, all that is past, shall be forgiuen and pardoned.

Flotman hauing heard Norreies declaration, as he was an outragious and busie fellow, presumptu∣ouslie made answer, that he cared not a pins point for my lord marquesse, and withall, like a rebellious traitor, railed vpon his lordship, and mainteined,* 6.36 that he and the rest of the rebels were earnest defen∣dors of the kings roiall maiestie, and that they had taken weapon in hand not against the king, but in his defense, as in time it should appeare, as they that sought nothing but to mainteine his maiesties roi∣all estate, the libertie of their countrie, and the safe∣tie of their commonwealth, &c. To conclude, he vt∣terlie refused the kings pardon, and told Norreie certeinelie, that they would either restore the com∣mon-wealth from decaie, into the which it was fal∣len, being oppressed thorough the couetousnesse and tyrannie of the gentlemen; either else would they like men die in the quarrell.

Scarselie had he made an end of his tale, when suddenlie a fearefull alarum was raised thorough∣out the citie: for whilest Flotman was thus in talke with the king of armes at Pockethorpe gate, the re∣bels in great rage entring the citie by the hospitall,* 6.37 went about to bring all things to destruction: but being incountered néere to the bishops palace, by the lord marquesse his men, there insued a bloudie con∣flict betwixt them, which continued long with great fiercenesse and eger reuenge on both parts. There died about seuen score of the rebels, and of the soldi∣ers that serued against them some number, beside a great multitude that were hurt and wounded on both parts.* 6.38 But the pitifull slaughter of the lord Sheffeld, who hauing more regard to his honor than safetie of life, desirous to shew some proofe of his no∣ble valiancie, entering amongst the enimies, as he fought right hardilie, though not so warilie as had béene expedient, fell into a dich as he was about to turne his horsse: & herewith being compassed about with a number of those horrible traitors, was slaine amongest them: although he both declared what he was, and offered largelie to the vilans, if they would haue saued his life. But the more noble he shewed himselfe to be, the more were they kindled in outra∣gious furie against him. And as he pulled off his head péece, that it might appeare what he was, a butcher∣lie knaue named Fulks, who by occupation was both a carpenter & a butcher, slat him in the head with a club, and so most wretchedlie killed him. A lamen∣table case, that so noble a yoong gentleman, indued with so manie commendable qualities, as were to be wished in a man of his calling, should thus mise∣rablie end his daies by the hands of so vile a vilan.

Diuerse other gentlemen and woorthie soldiers came to the like end among those outragious rebels, and amongst other, Robert Woluaston, that was appointed to kéepe the doore of Christs church, was killed by the same Fulks, who tooke him for sir Ed∣mund Kneuet, against whome the rebels bare great malice, for that he sought to annoie them so farre as by anie meanes he might, as partlie ye haue heard. But the slaughter of that noble man the lord Shef∣feld,* 6.39 sore discouraged the residue of the soldiers that were come with the lord marquesse. And on the other part, the rebels were aduanced thereby, in greater hope to preuaile against them, and therevpon preas∣sed forward with such hardinesse, that they caused the lord marquesse and his people to giue place, and to forsake the citie, euerie man making the best shift he could to saue himselfe. But yet diuerse gentlemen of good account and worship remaining behind, and a∣biding the brunt, were taken prisoners, as sir Tho∣mas Cornewallis, and others, whome the rebels afterwards kept in streict durance, vntill the daie came of their ouerthrow by the kings power, vnder the conduction of the earle of Warwike.* 6.40

The lord marquesse and the residue that escaped, made the best shift they could to get out of danger; and at length, he and the most part of them that

went foorth with him, came to London. The rebels hauing thus repelled the lord marquesse & his power, set fire on the citie, whereby manie faire buildings were consumed and burnt. It happened yet well the same time, that there fell great abundance of raine, the which holpe in part to quench the rage of the fire. Neuertheles, all the houses on either side of Holmes stréet, and the hospitall of the poore; also Bishops gate, Pockthorpe gate, Magdalene gate, and Bearestréet gate, with manie other houses in other parts of the [line 10] citie, were burned, and fowlie defaced with fire. The citizens were brought into such extreame miserie, that they knew not which waie to turne them. Some there were that fled out of the citie, taking with them their gold and siluer, and such short ware as they might conueie awaie with them, abandoning wife and children, to rest at the mercie of the rebels. Other hid their goods in wels, priuies, and other such secret places out of the waie.

The rebels entering into the houses of such as [line 20] were knowne to be wealthie men, spoiled and bare awaie all that might be found of anie value. But to speake of all the cruell parts which they plaied, it would be tedious to expresse the same, their dooings were so wicked and outragious. There was shooting, howling,* 6.41 and wringing among them, wéeping, and crieng out of women and children. To be short, the staie of the citie at that present was most mise∣rable. The maiors deputie kept himselfe close in his house, and might behold all this mischiefe and de∣struction of the citie, but durst not come abroad, nor [line 30] go about to staie them: at length, a great multitude of the rebels that were come downe frō their campe, entering by saint Augustines gate, came straight to his house, and stroue to breake open the doores: but when they could not easilie bring their purpose to passe that waie foorth, they began to fire the house. Wherevpon for feare to be burned within his owne lodging,* 6.42 he set open the doores, and in came those vn∣manerlie ghests, tooke him, plucked his gowne be∣side his backe, called him traitor, and threatened to [line 40] kill him, if he would not tell them where the lord marquesse of Northampton had hidden himselfe.

And when he had told them that vndoubtedlie he and all his companie were gone, they were in a great rage, and with terrible noise and rumbling they sought euerie corner of the house for him, and taking what they found, they departed. But yet ma∣nie of them afterwards partlie pacified for a péece of monie, and other things which they receiued of the [line 50] maior, and partlie reprooued for the wrongfull robbe∣ries by some that were in credit among them, they brought againe such packs and fardels as they had trussed vp togither, and threw them into the shops of those houses, out of the which they had taken the same before: but yet there were diuers of the citizens that were spoiled of all that they had by those rebels, that entered their houses vnder a colour to séeke for the marquesse of Northamptons men. Namelie, the houses of those citizens that were fled, were spoiled [line 60] and ransacked most miserablie, for they reputed and called them traitors and enimies to their king and countrie, that thus had forsaken their houses and dwellings in time of such necessitie:* 6.43 yet manie of the citizens bringing foorth bread, beere, and other vit∣tels vnto the rebels to refresh them with, somewhat calmed their furious rage, and so escaped their vio∣lent hands, although no small number were so fleesed (as before yee haue heard) that they haue liued the woorse for it all the daies of their life since that time.

But now the rebels hauing thus got possession of the citie, & chased awaie the kings people, they tooke order to haue the gates kept hourelie with watch and ward of the citizens themselues, thretning them with most shamefull death, if they omitted the same. These vnrulie persons were so farre stept into all kind of beastlie outrage, that when it ramed, they would kenell vp themselues in the churches, abusing the place appointed for the seruice and worshipping of the almightie God, in most prophane and wicked manner, and neither praier nor yet threats of men or women that aduised them to modestie could take place. The kings maiestie aduertised therefore, that there was no waie to tame their diuelish and traito∣rous outrage, but by force: with the aduise of his councell caused a power to be put in a readinesse, as well of his owne subiects as of strangers, namelie lancequenets, which were come to serue his maiestie against the Scots.

But now it was thought expedient to vse their seruice against these rebels, whose power and despe∣rate boldnesse was so farre increased, that without a maine armie, guided by some generall of great ex∣perience, and noble conduct, it would be hard and right dangerous to subdue them: wherein violence and force was to be vsed, sith they had shewed them∣selues in an extremitie of stubbornesse, like buls that by baiting are to be tamed, or like stifnecked stalions which with bit & bridle must be managed; as one saith:

Asper equus duris contunditur ora lupatis.

Heerevpon that noble chéefteine and valiant erle of Warwike,* 6.44 latelie before appointed to haue gone against the Scots and Frenchmen into Scotland, was called backe, and commanded to take vpon him the conduction of this armie against the Norf∣folke rebels: for such was the opinion then concei∣ued of that honorable earle, for the high manhood, valiant prowesse, and great experience in all war∣like enterprises, sufficientlie tried, and knowne to rest in him, that either they might be vanquished and ouercome by him, or by none other.

Capteine Ket and his rebellious armie, hauing some aduertisement by rumors spred, of this prepa∣ration and comming of an armie against them; they were not slacke to make themselues strong and rea∣die to abide all the hazard that fortune of warre might bring. The earle of Warwike then,* 6.45 after that his men and prouisions were readie, did set for∣ward, and came vnto Cambridge, where the lord marquesse of Northampton and other met his lord∣ship. Héere also diuerse citizens of Norwich came to him, and falling downe vpon their knees before him, besought him to be good lord vnto them; and withall declared their miserable state, great gréefe and sor∣row, which they had conceiued for the wretched de∣struction of their countrie: beséeching him to haue pitie vpon them. And if in such extremitie of things as had happened vnto their citie, they had through feare or ignorance committed anie thing contrarie to their dutifull allegiance, that it might please his honor to pardon them their offenses in such behalfe, sith if anie thing were amisse on their parts, the same came to passe sore against their wils, and to their ex∣treame greefe and sorrow.

The earle of Warwike told them, that he knew indéed in what danger they had béene among those vnrulie ribalds; and as for anie offense which they had committed, he knew not: for in leauing their citie sith matters were growne to such extre∣mitie, they were to be borne with, but in one thing they had ouershot themselues: for that in the begin∣ning they had not sought to represse those tumults, sith if they had put themselues in defense of their countrie, to resist the rebels at the first, such mischiefs as were now growne,* 6.46 might easilie haue béene auoi∣ded. But neuerthelesse, vpon this their humble sub∣mission, he granted them all the kings mercifull par∣don, and commanding them to prouide themselues

of armour and weapon, appointed them to march foorth with the armie, wearing certeine laces or ri∣bons about their necks for a difference, that they might be knowne from others.* 6.47 There were in this armie vnder the earle of Warwike diuerse men of honor and great worship, as lords, knights, esquiers, and gentlemen in great numbers. First the lord marquesse of Northampton, and sundrie of them that had béene with him before, desirous to be re∣uenged of his late repulse, the lords Willoughbie, Powes and Braie, Ambrose Dudleie, sonne to the [line 10] said earle, and at this present worthilie adorned with the title (which his father then bare) of earle of War∣wike, and his brother lord Robert Dudleie now erle of Leicester; also Henrie Willoughbie esquier, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Marmaduke constable, Wil∣liam Deuereux sonne to the lord Ferrers of Chart∣leie, sir Edmund Kneuet, sir Thomas Palmer, sir Andrew Flammocke, and diuerse other knights, esquiers, and gentlemen: all which plaid their parts [line 20] as time and occasion was ministred vnto them to giue triall of their manhood.

The earle of Warwike, and such as were come with him to Cambridge, marched directlie from thence towards Norwich, and came vnto Wimond∣ham the two and twentith of August, where and by the waie the most part of all the gentlemen of Norf∣folke that were at libertie, came vnto him. The next daie betimes he shewed himselfe vpon the plaine, betwixt the citie of Norwich and Eiton wood, and [line 30] lodged that night at Intwood, an house belonging to sir Thomas Tresham knight, a two miles distant from Norwich. Héere they rested that daie and night following, not once putting off their armour, but re∣maining still in a readinesse, if the enimies should haue made anie sudden inuasion against them. The earle of Warwike in the meane time sent the afore remembred king of armes Norreie,* 6.48 to summon the citie, either to open the gates that he might quietlie enter; or else to looke for warre at his hands that would then assaie to win it by force, and such reward [line 40] as rebels (that wilfullie withstand their souereigne) ought to receiue.

When Ket vnderstood that the herald was come to the gates, he appointed the maiors deputie Augu∣stine Steward, and Robert Rug, two of the chéefest citizens, to go to him and to know his errand. They passing foorth at a posterne,* 6.49 and hearing his message, made answer, that they were the miserablest men that were then liuing, as they themselues beleeued, sith that hauing suffered such calamities as they [line 50] could not but tremble at in calling to remem∣brance, they could not now haue libertie to declare the loiall dutie which they bare & ought to beare to the kings highnesse: so that they accompted themselues most vnfortunate, sith their hap was to liue in that season, in which they must either ieopard losse of life, or the estimation of their good name, although they trusted the kings maiestie would be gratious lord vnto them. sith they had giuen no consent vnto such wicked rebellion as was thus raised against his [line 60] highnesse, but with losse of goods and perill of life so farre as in them laie, had doone what they could to kéepe the citizens in good order and dutifull obedi∣ence.

One thing more they would humblie desire of my lord of Warwike, that whereas there was no small number of Kets armie in the citie without armour or weapon, and as it should seeme irkesome and wearie of that which had béene alreadie doone, it might please him once againe to vouchsafe to offer them the kings pardon, and if he should thus doo, they had great hope that the rebels would gladlie accept it, and so the matter might be pacified without more bloudshed.* 6.50 Norreie returned to the earle of War∣wike, and declared what answer he had receiued. The earle desirous of nothing more than to haue the matter thus taken vp, as well for other consi∣derations, as for feare least the gentlemen remai∣ning prisoners with the rebels, should be vnmerci∣fullie murthered by their kéepers, if they came to the vttermost triall of battell, he resolued to prooue if it would thus come to passe. And heerevpon was Norreie with a trumpet sent to offer them a generall pardon, who being entered the citie, met about fortie of the rebels on horssebacke, riding two and two togither verie pleasant and merrie,* 6.51 and so passing from S. Stephans gate vnto Bishops gate, the trumpetter sounded his trumpet, and with that, a great multitude of the rebels came thronging downe togither from the hill: to whome the horsmen spéedilie riding, commanded that they should diuide themselues, and stand in order vpon either side the waie. And as Norreie and the trumpetter, with two of the chéefe citizens entred betwixt them, they were receiued with great noise and clamour, for euerie of them putting off their hats or caps, cried; God saue king Edward, God saue king Edward.

Norreie and the two citizens, highlie com∣mending them herein, requested them to kéepe their place and order wherein they stood for a while: and then Norreie passing foorth about two hundred and fiftie pases, came to the top of the hill, and putting on his coate armour,* 6.52 staied a while (for Ket was not yet come) and at length began to declare vnto them in what maner diuers times since first they had taken armes in hand, the kings maiestie by sun∣drie persons, as well heralds as other, had sought to reduce them from their vnlawfull and rebellious tumults, vnto their former dutie and obedience; and yet neuerthelesse, they had shewed themselues wil∣full and stubborne, in refusing his mercifull pardon freelie offered vnto them, and despised the messen∣gers which his grace had sent vnto them to pro∣nounce the same. He willed them therefore to call themselues now at length to remembrance, and to behold the state of the common-wealth, which they so often to no purpose had still in their mouths, and neuerthelesse by them miserablie defaced, & brought in danger of vtter ruine and decaie.

And herewith discoursing at large of the horri∣ble, wicked, and heinous murthers, riots, burnings, and other crimes by them committed, he willed them to consider into what sea of mischeefes they had throwne themselues, and what punishment they ought to looke for as due to them for the same; sith as well the wrath of God as the kings armie was hang∣ing ouer their heads, and readie at hand, which they were not able to resist. For his grace had resolued no longer to suffer so great and presumptuous a mis∣chéefe as this, to be fostered in the middle of his realme: and therefore had appointed the right ho∣nourable earle of Warwike, a man of noble fame and approoued valiancie,* 6.53 to be his generall lieute∣nant of that his roiall armie, to persecute them with fire and sword; and not to leaue off, till he had vt∣terlie dispersed and scattered that wicked and abho∣minable assemblie. And yet such was the excéeding greatnesse of the kings bountifull mercie and cle∣mencie, that he that was by him appointed to be a reuenger of their heinous treasons committed a∣gainst his maiestie, if they continued in their obsti∣nate wilfulnesse, should be also the interpretor and minister of his gratious and free pardon, to so ma∣nie as would accept it. Which vnlesse they now imbrased, the said earle had made a solemne vow, that they should neuer haue it offered to them againe; but that he would persecute them till he had puni∣shed

the whole multitude according vnto their iust deserts.

* 6.54Manie that heard him, hauing due conside∣ration of their miserable estate, were touched with some remorse of conscience, fearing at length to tast the reuenge of such horrible crimes as they had been partakers of with others in committing the same. But the more part finding themselues highlie offen∣ded with his words, began to iangle (as they had doone before vnto other that had béene sent to offer [line 10] them pardon) that he was not the kings herald, but some one made out by the gentlemen in such a gaie coate, patched togither of vestments and church∣stuffe, being sent onelie to deceiue them, in offering them pardon, which would prooue nought else but halters; and therefore it were well doone, to thrust an arrow into him,* 6.55 or to hang him vp. Although o∣ther séemed dutifullie to reuerence him, and diuerse that had serued in Scotland and at Bullongne, re∣membring that they had séene him there and knew [line 20] him, told and persuaded their fellowes, that he was the kings herald indeed. Wherevpon they be∣came more mild, and offered him no further iniurie: but yet they could not be persuaded that this par∣don te••ded to anie other end, but to bring them to destruction; and that in stéed of pardon, there was prepared for them nought else but a barrell full of halters.

Such lewd speech was amongst them, sauou∣ring altogither of malicious mistrust, and most [line 30] wilfull treason. Norreie neuerthelesse departing from thense, accompanied with Ket, came to ano∣ther place, where he made the like proclamation: for the multitude was such that he could not be heard of them all in one place. Heere, before he had made an end of his tale,* 6.56 there was a vile boie (as some write) that turned vp his bare taile to him, with words as vnseemelie as his gesture was filthie: with which spitefull reproch thus shewed towards the kings maiesties officer at armes,* 6.57 one (which in com∣panie [line 40] of some other that were come ouer the water to view things) being greatlie offended, with an harquebuse shot stroke that vngratious lad through the bodie a little aboue the reins.

Which when some of the rebels had séene, a doz∣zen of their horssemen came gallopping out of the wood, crieng;

We are betraied fréends, we are be∣traied, if you looke not about you: doo you not see how our fellowes are slaine with guns before our faces? What may we hope if we disarme our selues, [line 50] that are thus vsed being armed? This herald goeth about nothing else, but to bring vs within danger of some ambush, that the gentlemen may kill and beate vs all downe at their pleasure.

Héerevpon they all shranke awaie, and fled, as they had béene out of their wits: yet did their great capteine Ro∣bert Ket accompanie Norreie, meaning (as hath béene said) to haue gone to the earle of Warwike himselfe, to haue talked with him: but as he was al∣most at the foot of the hill,* 6.58 there came running after [line 60] him a great multitude of the rebels, crieng to him, and asking him whither he went; We are readie (said they) to take such part as you doo, be it neuer so bad: and if he would go anie further, they would (as they said) suerlie follow him.

Norreie then perceiuing such numbers of peo∣ple following them, desired Ket to staie them: who returning backe to them, they were incontinentlie appeased, and so they all returned with him backe to their campe. When the earle of Warwike vn∣derstood that they were thus altogither set on mis∣chéefe, and neither with praier, proffer of pardon, threatening of punishment, nor other meanes they could be reduced to quietnesse, he determined to procéed against them by force.* 6.59 And héerevpon bring∣ing his armie vnto saint Stephans gate, which the rebels stopped vp, with the letting downe of the port∣culice, he commanded those that had charge of the ar∣tillerie, to plant the same against the gate, and with batterie to breake it open.

As these things were in hand, he vnderstood by Augustine Steward the maiors deputie, that there was an other gate on the contrarie side of the citie, called the Brasen gate,* 6.60 which the rebels had rammed vp, but yet not so, but that it might be easilie broken open. Herewith were the pioners called, and com∣manded to breake open that gate also: which being doone, the soldiers entered by the same into the citie, and slue diuerse of those rebels that stood readie to defend and resist their entrie. In the meane time had the gunners also broken in sunder with their shot the portculice, and néere hand the one halfe of the o∣ther gate, by the which the marques of Northamp∣ton, and capteine Drurie, aliàs Poignard (that being sent from London met my lord of Warwike by the waie) entered with their bands, and droue backe the rebels with slaughter, that were readie there to re∣sist them.

Moreouer, the maiors deputie caused West∣wike gate to be set open: at the which the earle of Warwike himselfe entring with all his armie, and finding in manner no resistance, came to the market place. Here were taken a thréescore of the re∣bels, the which according to the order of martiall law were incontinentlie executed, according to the qua∣litie of their offense, confessing (no doubt) in consci∣ence, that their punishment was proportioned to their trespasse, and that in dieng the death (were the same neuer so extreame & dredfull) they had but their desert; and therefore might well saie with the poet:

Supplicia & scelerum poenas expendimus omnes.

Shortlie after,* 6.61 the carriages belonging to the ar∣mie were brought into the citie by the same gate, and passing through the citie, by negligence & want of order giuen to them that attended on the same ca∣riage,* 6.62 they kept on forward till they were got out at Bishops gate towards Mousehold. Whereof the re∣bels being aduised, they came downe, & setting vpon the carters, and other that attended on the cariages, put them to flight, and droue awaie the carts laden with artillerie, powder, and other munition, bring∣ing the same into their campe, & greatlie reioising thereof, bicause they had no great store of such things among them: but yet capteine Drurie with his band comming in good time to the rescue, recouered some of the carts from the enimies, not without some slaughter on either side. Moreouer, the eni∣mies as yet being not fullie driuen out of the citie, placed themselues in crosse stréets, & were readie to assaile the soldiers as they saw their aduantage, part of them standing at S. Michaels, part at S. Ste∣phans, and part at S. Peters, and some of them also stood in Wimers stréet.

Here they assailing such as vnaduisedlie were en∣tered within their danger, they slue diuerse,* 6.63 and a∣mong other three or foure gentlemen, before they could be succoured from anie part. The erle of War∣wike aduertised hereof, passed foorth with all his for∣ces to remoue the enimie, and comming to S. An∣drew in Iohns stréet, was receiued with a sharpe storme of arrowes: but capteine Drurie his harque∣busiers galled them so with their shot, that they were glad to giue place, and so fled amaine. There were slaine a hundred and thirtie, and diuerse of them shrinking aside into churchyards and other places vnder the walles, were taken and executed. All the rest got them vp to their campe at Mousehold, and so the citie was rid of them for that time. Then di••

the erle of Warwike take order for the safe keeping of the citie,* 6.64 appointing watch and ward to be kept on the walles, and in euerie street. Also that all the gates should be rammed vp, except one or two that stood to∣wards the enimies, at the which were planted cer∣teine péeces of the great artillerie.

But the rebels vnderstanding that the earle of Warwike wanted powder and other things apper∣teining to the vse of the great ordinance, and with∣all perceiuing that the Welshmen which were ap∣pointed [line 10] to the gard of the said great péeces of artille∣rie were no great number, and therefore not able to resist anie great force that should come against them, they came downe the hill vpon the sudden as it were wholie togither in most outragious maner. And withall one Miles that was a verie perfect gun∣ner, and maruellous skilfull in the feat of shooting of great artillerie, and at that time remaining among the rebels,* 6.65 shot off a péece; and flue one of the kings principall gunners, that was attending vpon those [line 20] péeces of artillerie, which stood thus before the gate. Whom when the rebels perceiued thus to be slaine, they made forward with more courage, and gaue such a desperate onset vpon them that garded the said artillerie, that their small number, being not a∣ble to withstand their aduersaries great and huge multitude pressing in such furious rage vpon them, that they were constreined to flée backe, and to leaue the artillerie for a preie vnto the enimies, who seizing vpon the same,* 6.66 conueied them awaie with certeine [line 30] carts laden with all manner of munition for wars vp to their campe: a matter (as was thought) of no small importance, sith the enimies thereby were fur∣nished now with such things, whereof before they stood most in néed, and now hauing store thereof, they spared not liberallie to bestow it against the citie, beating downe not onlie the highest top of Bishops gate, but also a great part of the wals on that side.

* 6.67And here trulie the good seruice of capteine Dru∣rie is not to be forgotten, who now as earst being [line 40] readie to reuenge this iniurie, following vpon the enimies, put them to flight, and recouered much of that which they had taken from the earls souldiers. The earle of Warwike after this cut off the entries at the gates, and rampired them vp, placed at the bridges and turnings of the waies and streets diuers bands of soldiers to kéepe the passages, brake downe the White friers bridge, and at Bishops gate he ap∣pointed the lord Willoughbie with a great number of soldiers to defend that part, & in this sort he made [line 50] prouision to defend the citie from the rebels, if they should attempt to make anie surprise vpon the sud∣den.

The next daie yet they passing ouer the riuer, set fire on certeine houses at Connesfoorth, burning the more part of all the houses of two parishes: and so great was the rage of the fire, that catching hold vp∣on an house wherein the merchants of Norwich vse to laie vp such wares and merchandize as they con∣ueie to their citie from Yermouth, the same house [line 60] with great store of wheat and other riches was mise∣rablie consumed and defaced. Thus whilest euerie thing séemed to chance and fall out in fauour of the rebels, there were some in the earle of Warwiks armie, that despairing of the whole successe of their iourneie,* 6.68 came to the earle of Warwike, and began to persuade with him, that sith the citie was large, and their companies small (for in déed the whole ap∣pointed numbers as yet were not come, neither of strangers nor Englishmen) it was vnpossible to de∣fend it against such an huge multitude as were as∣sembled togither in Kets campe, and therefore be∣sought him to regard his owne safetie, to leaue the citie, and not to hazard all vpon such an vncerteine maine chance.

The earle of Warwike as he was of a noble and inuincible courage, valiant, hardie,* 6.69 and not able to abide anie spot of reproch, whereby to lose the least péece of honour that might be, made this answer:

Whie (saith he) and doo your harts faile you so soone? Or are you so mad withall, to thinke that so long as anie life resteth in me, that I will consent to such dis∣honour? Should I leaue the citie, heaping vp to my selfe and likewise to you such shame and reproofe as worthilie might be reputed an infamie to vs for euer? I will rather suffer whatsoeuer either fire or sword can worke against me.

These words being vttered with such a courage as was maruellous to consider, he drew out his sword. Which other of the honorable and worshipfull that were then present likewise did, whome he commanded that each one should kisse others sword, according to an ancient custome vsed amongst men of war in time of great danger: and herewith they made a solemne vow, bin∣ding it with a solemne oth, that they should not de∣part from thence, till they had either vanquished the enimies, or lost their liues in manfull fight for de∣fense of the kings honour.

Whilest these things were in dooing, the rebels brake into the citie on that side, where was no suspi∣cion of their entring at all; but being come almost to the bridges, they were incountered by the soldiers, beaten backe, and chased out by the same waie they came. The next daie being the six and twentith of August, there came to the earle 1400 lancequenets.* 6.70 The rebels notwithstanding that such reinforcement of the earles power might haue somewhat discoura∣ged them, yet trusting altogither to certeine vaine prophesies, which they had among them,* 6.71 and set out in verses by such wisards as were there with them in the campe, they had conceiued such a vaine hope of prosperous successe in their businesse, that they little estéemed anie power that might come against them. Among other of those same verses, these were two:

The countrie gnuffes, Hob, Dick, and Hick, with clubs and clowted shoone, Shall fill vp Dussin dale with bloud of slaughtered bodies soone.

Upon hope therefore of this and other vaine pro∣phesies, the rebels through the diuels procurement,* 6.72 that had nourished and pricked them forward all this while in their wicked procéedings, determined to remoue thither, to the end that they might with more spéed make an end of the matter, before they should be driuen to disperse themselues by famine. For the earle of Warwike had taken order to haue the passages stopped, in such wise as no vittels could easilie be conueied to their campe, the want whereof began alreadie to pinch them. Herevpon setting fire on their cabins, which they had raised and built here and there of timber and bushes (the smoke whereof couered all the grounds about them) they came downe with their ensignes into the vallie called Dussin daie where with all spéed that might be they intrenched themselues about, and raising a rampire of a good height, set stakes also round about them, to kéepe off the horssemen.

The earle of Warwike perceiuing their dooings, the next daie being the seuen and twentith of August with all his horssemen,* 6.73 and the Almans with cap∣teine Druries band, issued foorth of the citie, march∣ing streight towards the enimies. Yet before he ap∣proched in sight of them, he sent sir Edmund Kneuet & sir Thomas Palmer knights, with others, to vnder∣stand of them, whether now at length they would sub∣mit themselues, & receiue the kings pardon; which if they would doo,* 6.74 he offred to grant it freelie to all the whole multitude, one or two of them onelie excep∣ted:

but they with generall voices refusing it, the earle fell in hand to incourage his people vnto the battell, and hauing appointed as well the horssemen as footmen in what order they should giue the charge, they passed forward in approching the enimies. The rebels beholding them thus to come forward, put themselues in order of battell, in such manner, that all the gentlemen which had béene taken prisoners, and were kept in irons for starting awaie, were pla∣ced in the fore ranke of their battell, coupled two and two togither, to the end they might be killed by their [line 10] owne friends that came to seeke their deliuerance: but yet as God would haue it, the most part of them were saued. Miles the maister gunner among the rebels, leuieng a péece of ordinance, shot it off, and stroke him that caried the kings standard in the thigh, and the horsse through the shoulder.

The earle of Warwike and others sore grieued therewith, caused a whole volie of artillerie to be shot off at the rebels: and herewith capteine Drurie [line 20] with his owne band, & the Almans or lanceknights, whether ye list to call them, on foot, getting néere to the enimies, hailsed them with their harquebut shot so sharplie, and thrust forward vpon them with their pikes so stronglie, that they brake them in sunder. The gentlemen, who (as we haue said) were pla∣ced in the fore ranke, found meanes (as good hap was) to shrinke aside, and escaped the danger for the more part, although some indeed were slaine by the Almans, and other that knew not what they were. [line 30] The light horssemen of the kings part herewith gaue in amongst them so roundlie, that the rebels not a∣ble to abide their valiant charge, were easilie put to flight, and with the foremost their grand capteine Robert Ket gallopped awaie so fast as his horsse would beare him. The horssemen following in chase, slue them downe on heapes, euer still as they ouer∣tooke them; so that the chase continuing for the space of thrée or foure miles,* 6.75 there were slaine to the num∣ber of thrée thousand fiue hundred at the least: beside [line 40] a great multitude that were wounded as they fled here and there ech waie foorth, as séemed best to serue their turne for their most spéedie escape out of dan∣ger. Yet one part of them that had not beene assailed at the first onset, séeing such slaughter made of their fellowes, kept their ground by their ordinance, and shranke not; determining as men desperatlie bent, not to die vnreuenged, but to fight it out to the last man.

They were so inclosed with their carts, carriages, [line 50] trenches (which they had cast) and stakes pitched in the ground to kéepe off the force of horssemen, that it would haue béene somewhat dangerous to haue as∣sailed them within their strength. But sure they were that now they could not escape, séeing no small part of their whole numbers were cut off and distres∣sed, and they inuironed on ech side, without hope of succour or reléefe of vittels, which in the end must néeds haue forced them to come foorth of their inclo∣sure to their vndoubted ouerthrow and destruction. The earle of Warwike yet pitieng their case, and [line 60] loth that the king should loose so manie stout mens bodies as were there amongst them, which might doo his maiestie and their countrie good seruice, if they could be reclamed from this their desperat follie vn∣to due obedience, sent Norreie vnto them, offe∣ring them pardon of life if they would throw downe their weapons and yéeld:* 6.76 if not, he threatened that there should not a man of them escape the deserued punishment. Their answer was, that if they might be assured to haue their liues saued, they could be contented to yeeld: but they could haue no trust that promise should be kept with them. For notwithstan∣ding all such faire offers of pardon, they tooke it that there was nothing meant but a subtill practise, to bring them into the hands of their aduersaries the gentlemen, that had prepared a barrell of ropes and halters, with which they purposed to trusse them vp: and therefore they would rather die like men, than to be strangled at the wils and pleasures of their mor∣tall enimies.

The earle of Warwike right sorie to sée such despe∣rat minds among them, sent to the citie, and caused the most part of the footmen which he had left there to defend the same, to come foorth now in battell arraie, that they might helpe to distresse those wilfull rebels that thus obstinatelie refused the kings pardon. And hauing brought as well them as the Almans and the horssemen in order of battell againe, and readie now to set vpon the rebels, he eftsoones sent vnto them to know that if he should come himselfe and giue his word, that they should haue their pardon,* 6.77 whether they would receiue it or not. Herevnto they answered, that they had such confidence in his ho∣nor, that if he would so doo, they would giue credit thereto, and submit themselues to the kings mercie. Incontinentlie herevpon he went vnto them,* 6.78 and commanded Norreie to read the kings pardon frée∣lie granted to all that would yéeld. Which being read, euerie man threw downe his weapon, and with one whole and entier voice cried; God saue king Ed∣ward, God saue king Edward. And thus thorough the prudent policie, and fauourable mercie of the erle of Warwike, a great number of those offendors were preserued from the gates of death, into the which they were readie to enter.

Thus were the Norffolke rebels subdued by the high prowesse, wisedome, and policie of the valiant earle of Warwike, and other the nobles, gentlemen, & faithfull subiects there in the kings armie:* 6.79 but not without losse of diuers personages of great worship, beside other of the meaner sort, namelie master Hen∣rie Willoughbie esquier, a man so well beloued in his countrie for his liberalitie in housekéeping, great courtesie, vpright dealing, assured stedfastnes in friendship, & modest staiednesse in behauiour, that the countries where his liuings laie lament the losse of so woorthie a gentleman euen to this daie. There died also master Lucie esquier, master Forster es∣quier, and master Throckmorton of Northampton∣shire, gentlemen of no small credit and worship in their countries. The battell being thus ended, all the spoile gotten in the field was giuen to the soldiers, who sold the most part thereof openlie in the market place of Norwich. The next daie the earle of War∣wike was aduertised that Ket,* 6.80 being crept into a barne, was taken by two seruants of one master Riches of Swanington, and brought to the house of the same Riches. Herevpon were twentie horsse∣men sent thither to fetch him, who brought him to Norwich. The same daie examinations were taken of them that were the principall beginners and set∣ters foorth of this vnhappie rebellion, and diuerse be∣ing found giltie were hanged,* 6.81 and nine of the chiefest procurers of all the mischiefe (Robert Ket and his brother William onelie excepted) were hanged vp∣on the oke of reformation, Miles the gunner & two of their prophets being three of that number.

Some others of them were drawne, hanged, and quartered, & their heads and quarters set vp in pub∣like places for a terror to others. But yet the earle of Warwike spared manie, where some would gladlie haue persuaded him,* 6.82 that there might haue béene a great number more executed. But his lordship per∣ceiuing them importunate in that vncharitable sute, told them (as it were in fauour of life of those sillie wretches, whose miserable case he séemed to pitie)

that measure must be vsed in all things, & in punish∣ing

of men by death (saith he) we ought alwaies to beware that we passe not the same. I know well that such wicked dooings deserue no small reuenge, and that the offendors are woorthie to be most sharplie chastised. But how farre yet shall we go? Shall we not at length shew some mercie? Is there no place for pardon? What shall we then doo? Shall we hold the plough our selues; plaie the carters and labour the ground with our owne hands. These and such like words tasting altogither of mercie and compassion [line 10] in that noble earle, did quench the cruell desire of re∣uenge in them that were altogither kindled in wrath and wished nothing more than to see the whole multi∣tude executed: but now moued with the earles wise and mercifull answer to their rigorous sute, they be∣came more mild and mercifull towards the misera∣ble creatures.

This also is not to be forgotten, that when infor∣mation was giuen against some of the rebels, for that they had beene busie fellowes, & great dooers in time of those vprores, so as it was thought of some, [line 20] that it stood with good reason to haue them punished by death, when the earle of Warwike vnderstood by credible report of Norreie king at armes, that vpon the offer of the kings pardon, they were the first that threw downe their weapons, and submitted them∣selues to the kings mercie, the earle would not in a∣nie wise consent that they should die, but protested frankelie that he would kéepe promise with them, and that he would be as good to them as his word: and so they had their liues saued. The same daie was [line 30] order giuen by the earle that the bodies of them that were slaine in the field should be buried.* 6.83 On the mor∣row being the nine and twentith of August, the earle of Warwike, with the nobles and gentlemen of the armie, and others in great numbers, both men and women, went to saint Peters church, and there gaue praises and thanks to God for the victorie obteined. And this doone, he with all the armie departed out of the citie, and returned homewards with high com∣mendation [line 40] of citizens & others, that acknowledged the said earle to be the defendor of their liues, and re∣couerer of their wiues, children, houses, and liuings.

It was afterwards ordeined, that vpon the same daie in the which the rebels were thus subdued, the citizens yearelie should repaire to their churches, and there to heare seruice, and to haue a sermon abrode, to the which they should come togither, to giue thanks to God for their deliuerance as that daie, and this is obserued till these our times. Robert Ket and his [line 50] brother William Ket were brought vp to London,* 6.84 where they were committed to the tower, and short∣lie after arreigned of their treason and found guiltie, were brought to the tower againe, where they con∣tinued till the nine and twentith of Nouember, on which daie they were deliuered to sir Edmund Windham high shiriffe of Norffolke and Suffolke, to be conueied downe into Norffolke, where Robert Ket was hanged in chains vpon the top of Norwich castell: and William Ket his brother on the top of [line 60] Windmondham stéeple, in which towne they had both dwelled, and conspired with others to go for∣ward with their wicked rebellion.

This William Ket (as was thought) had beene sure of his pardon, if he had not plaied the traitorous hypocrite:* 6.85 for vpon his submission at the first to my lord marquesse of Northampton, at his comming downe to suppresse this rebellion, he was sent to his brother to persuade him and the rest to yéeld, and re∣ceiue the kings pardon: but he (like a dissembling wretch, although he promised to my lord to doo what he could in that behalfe) vpon his comming to his brother into the rebels campe, & beholding the great multitude that were there about him, he did one∣lie not dissuade him and them from their traitorous rebellion, but incouraged them to persist and conti∣nue in their dooings, declaring what a small num∣ber of souldiers the marquesse brought with him, nothing able to resist such a puissance as was there assembled. So that if it had not beene thorough the wicked persuasion of him, and some others at that time, not onelie Robert Ket himselfe, but also all the multitude beside, would haue submitted themselues, and receiued the kings pardon, to the preseruation of manie a good mans life that after died in the quarrell.

But now to returne somewhat backe to the doo∣ings in Scotland. In the meane while that such hurls were in hand here in England, ye shall vnderstand that in the beginning of this summer, the king by aduise of his councell sent foorth a nauie by sea to∣wards Scotland, the which arriuing in the Forth, and comming before Lieth, saluted the towne with cannon shot, & remaining there ten or twelue daies, tooke in the meane time the Ile of Iusketh, leauing therein foure ensignes of Englishmen,* 6.86 and one of Italians, with certeine pioners to fortifie the place. But the Frenchmen (as in the Scotish historie yée shall find more at large) after the departure of the English nauie, recouered that Ile againe out of the Englishmens possession (after they had kept it six∣téene daies) with the slaughter of capteine Cotton their generall, capteine Applebie, & one Iasper that was capteine of the Italians, beside others. After the recouering of this Ile,* 6.87 monsieur be Desse retur∣ned into France, leauing his charge to monsieur de Thermes latelie before there arriued: who after the departure of the said Desse, with a campe volant did what he could to stop the Englishmen within Ha∣dington from vittels.* 6.88 But notwithstanding the earle of Rutland being lieutenant of the north, did not on∣lie vittell it, but put the French armie in danger of an ouerthrow, as it was thought must néeds haue fo∣lowed, if they had not with more spéed than is vsed in a common march slipt awaie, after they perceiued the English armie so neare at their elbowes.

Moreouer,* 6.89 beside these inordinate vprores and insurrections aboue mentioned, about the latter end of the said moneth of Iulie, in the same yeare, which was 1549, an other like sturre or commotion began at Semer in the northriding of Yorkeshire, and con∣tinued in the eastriding of the same, and there ended. The principall dooers and raisers vp whereof, was one William Ombler of Eastheslerton yeoman, and Thomas Dale parish clearke of Semer,* 6.90 with one Stéeuenson of Semer, neighbour to Dale and nephue to Ombler, which Stéeuenson was a meane or messenger betwéene the said Ombler and Dale, being before not acquainted togither, and dwelling seuen miles one from the other: who at last by the trauell of the said Steeuenson, and their owne euill dispositions, inclined to vngratiousnesse and mis∣chiefe, knowing before one the others mind by secret conference, were brought to talke togither on saint Iames daie, Anno 1549.

The causes moouing them to raise this rebellion,* 6.91 were these. First & principally their traitorous harts grudging at the kings most godlie procéedings, in aduancing and reforming the true honour of God and his religion. An other cause also was, for tru∣sting to a blind and a fantasticall prophesie, wherwith they were seduced, thinking the same prophesie shuld shortlie come to passe, by hearing the rebellions of Norffolke, of Deuonshire, and other places. The te∣nour of which prophesie and purpose togither of the traitors was,* 6.92 that there should no king reigne in England, the noblemen and gentlemen to be de∣stroied, and the realme to be ruled by foure gouer∣nours,

to be elected and appointed by the commons, holding a parlement in commotion, to begin at the south and north seas of England, supposing that this rebellion in the north,* 6.93 and the other of the Deuon∣shire men in the west, méeting (as they intended) at one place, to be the meane how to compasse this their traitorous diuelish deuise. And therfore laieng their studies togither, how to find out more companie to ioine with them in that detestable purpose, and to set forward the sturre, this deuise they framed: to sturre in two places, the one distant seuen miles from the [line 10] other, and at the first rush to kill and destroie such gentlemen and men of substance about them, as were fauourers of the kings proceedings, or which would resist them.

But first of all for the more spéedie raising of men, they deuised to burne beacons, & thereby to bring the people togither, as though it were to defend the sea∣coasts: and hauing the ignorant people assembled, then to powre out their poison, first beginning with the rudest and poorest sort, such as they thought were [line 20] pricked with pouertie, and were vnwilling to labor, and therefore the more readie to follow the spoile of rich mens goods, blowing into their heads that Gods seruice was laid aside, and new inuentions neither good nor godlie put in place, and so feeding them with faire promises, to reduce into the church againe their old ignorance and idolatrie, thought by that means soonest to allure them to rage and run with them in this commotion. And furthermore, to the intent they would giue the more terror to the gentlemen at the [line 30] first rising,* 6.94 least they should be resisted, they deuised that some should be murthered in churches, some in their houses, some in seruing the king in commissi∣on, and other as they might be caught, and to picke quarels at them by alteration of seruice on the holie daies: and thus was the platforme cast of their de∣uise, according as afterward by their confession at their examinations was testified, and remaineth in true record.

Thus they being togither agréed, Ombler and [line 40] Dale, with others, by their secret appointment, so la∣boured the matter in the parish of Semer, Win∣tringham, and the townes about, that they were in∣fected with the poison of this confederacie, in such sort that it was easie to vnderstand whervnto they would incline, if a commotion were begun, the accomplish∣ment whereof did shortlie follow. For although by the words of one drunken fellow of that conspiracie named Caluerd, at the alehouse in Wintringham, [line 50] some suspicion of that rebellion began to be smelled before by the lord president and gentlemen of those parties, and so preuented in that place where the re∣bels thought to begin: yet they gaue not ouer so, but drew to another place at Semer by the seacoast, and there by night rode to the beacon at Straxton, and set it on fire, and so gathering togither a rude rout of rascals out of the townes neare about, being on a sturre, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and Robert Dale, hasted foorthwith with the rebels to maister [line 60] Whites house to take him: who notwithstanding be∣ing on horssebacke, minding to haue escaped their hands, Dale, Ombler, and the rest of the rebels tooke him, and Clopton his wiues brother, one Sauage a merchant of Yorke, and one Berrie seruant to sir Walter Mildmaie. Which foure without cause or quarell, sauing to fulfill their seditious prophesie in some part, and to giue a terror to other gentlemen, they cruellie murthered, after they had caried them one mile from Semer towards the Wold, and there after they had stripped them of their clothes & purses, left them naked behind them in the plaine fields for crowes to feed on: vntill Whites wife and Sauages wife, then at Semer, caused them to bée buried.

Long it were and tedious to recite what reuell these rebels kept in their raging madnesse,* 6.95 who ran∣ging about the countrie from towne to towne, to in∣large their vngratious and rebellious band, taking those with force which were not willing to go, & lea∣uing in no towne where they came anie man aboue the age of sixtéene yeares, so increased this number, that in short time they had gathered three thousand to fauour their wicked attempts, and had like to haue gathered more, had not the Lords goodnesse through prudent circumspection of some interrupted the course of their furious beginning. For first came the kings gratious and frée pardon,* 6.96 discharging & par∣doning all them and the rest of the rebels, of all trea∣sons, murthers, felonies, & other offenses doone to his maiestie before the one & twentith of August, 1549. Which pardon although Ombler contemptuouslie reading, persisted still in his wilfull obstinacie, dis∣suaded also the rest from the humble accepting of the kings so louing & liberall pardon: yet notwithstan∣ding with some it did good, who of likelihood submitted themselues, assuredlie belieuing if they perseuered in their enterprise, there was no way with them but one, namelie deserued death, wherewith there was no dispensing after the contempt of the princes par∣don and refusall of his mercie; so that in this hea∣uie case they might verie well complaine and saie:

Funditùs occidimus, nec habet fortuna regressum.* 6.97

To make short, it was not long after this, but Ombler as he was riding from towne to towne, twelue miles from Hummanbie, to charge all the conestables and inhabitans where he came, in the kings name to resort to Hummanbie: by the waie he was espied, and by the circumspect diligence of Iohn Word the yoonger, Iames Aslabeie, Rafe Twinge, and Thomas Conestable gentlemen, hée was had in chase, and at last by them apprehended,* 6.98 and brought in the night in sure custodie vnto the ci∣tie of Yorke, to answer vnto his demerits. After whome within short time, Thomas Dale, Henrie Barton,* 6.99 the first chiefteins and ringleaders of the former commotion, with Iohn Dale, Robert Wright, William Pecocke, Weatherell, and Ed∣mund Buttrie, busie stirrers in this sedition, as they trauelled from place to place, to draw people to their faction, were likewise apprehended, commit∣ted to ward, lawfullie conuicted, and lastlie execu∣ted at Yorke the one and twentith of September, in the yere of our Lord 1549. Exactis iudicij publici a regi∣stro exceptis & notatis.

Whilest these wicked commotions and tumults through the rage of the vndiscréet commons were thus raised in sundrie parts of the realme, to the great hinderance of the common-wealth, losse and danger of euerie good and true subiect, sundrie whol∣some and godlie exhortations were published, to ad∣uertise them of their dutie, and to laie before them their heinous offenses; with the sequele of the mis∣chiefs that necessarilie followed thereof, the which if they should consider togither, with the punishment that hanged ouer their heads, they might easilie be brought to repent their lewd begun enterprises, and submit themselues to the kings mercie. Among o∣ther of those admonitions, one was penned and set forth by sir Iohn Chéeke, which I haue thought good here to insert, as a necessarie discourse for euerie good English subiect. Wherein, to a reader of iudge∣ment and capacitie, such learning and wisedome, with a true loiall subiects heart bewraieth it selfe to haue béene setled in that gentleman; as the verie reading of this treatise is able to turne a rebellious mind to méekenesse: if reason be not altogither led awaie captiue by lust.

¶ The hurt of sedition how greeuous it is to a common-wealth, set out by sir Iohn Cheeke knight, in the yeare 1549.

The true subiect to the rebell.

AMong so manie and notable benefits, wherewith God hath alreadie and plen∣tifullie indued vs, there is nothing more beneficiall, than that we haue by his [line 10] grace kept vs quiet from rebellion at this time. For we see such miseries hang ouer the whole state of the common-wealth, through the great misorder of your sedition, that it maketh vs much to reioise, that we haue béene neither partners of your doings, nor con∣spirers of your counsels. For euen as the Lacede∣monians for the auoiding of drunkennesse did cause their sons to behold their seruants when they were drunke,* 7.1 that by beholding their beastlinesse, they might auoid the like vice: euen so hath God like a [line 20] mercifull father staied vs from your wickednesse, that by beholding the filth of your fault, we might iustlie for offense abhorre you like rebels, whome else by nature we loue like Englishmen. And so for our selues, we haue great cause to thanke God, by whose religion and holie word dailie taught vs, we learne not onelie to feare him trulie, but also to o∣beie our king faithfullie, and to serue in our owne vocation like subiects honestlie. And as for you, we haue surelie iust cause to lament you as brethren, [line 30] and yet iuster cause to rise against you as enimies, and most iust cause to ouerthrow you as rebels.

For what hurt could be doone either to vs priuat∣lie, or to the whole common-wealth generallie, that is now with mischiefe so brought in by you, that euen as we sée now the flame of your rage, so shall we necessarilie be consumed hereafter with the miserie of the same. Wherefore consider your selues with some light of vnderstanding, and marke this grée∣uous and horrible fault, which ye haue thus vilelie [line 40] committed, how heinous it must néeds appeare to you, if ye will reasonablie consider that which for my duties sake, and my whole countries cause, I will at this present declare vnto you. Ye which be bound by Gods word not to obeie for feare like men-plea∣sers,* 7.2 but for conscience sake like christians, haue con∣trarie to Gods holie will, whose offense is euerla∣sting death, and contrarie to the godlie order of qui∣etnesse, set out to vs in the kings maiesties lawes, the breach whereof is not vnknowne to you, taken [line 50] in hand vncalled of God, vnsent by men, vnfit by reason, to cast awaie your bounden duties of obedi∣ence, and to put on you against the magistrats, Gods office committed to the magistrats, for the re∣formation of your pretensed iniuries. In the which dooing ye haue first faulted grieuouslie against God, next offended vnnaturallie our souereigne lord, thirdlie troubled miserablie the whole common-wealth, vndoone cruellie manie an honest man, and brought in an vtter miserie both to vs the kings sub∣iects, [line 60] and to your selues being false rebels. And yet ye pretend that partlie for Gods cause, and partlie for the common-wealths sake, ye doo arise, when as your selues cannot denie; but ye that seeke in word Gods cause, doo breake in déed Gods comman∣dements; and ye that séeke the common-wealth, haue destroied the common-wealth: and so ye marre that ye would make, & breake that ye would amend, because ye neither seeke anie thing rightlie, nor would amend anie thing orderlie.

He that faulteth, faulteth against Gods ordi∣nance, who hath forbidden all faults, and therefore ought againe to be punished by Gods ordinance, who is the reformer of faults. For he saith, Leaue the pu∣nishment to me, and I will reuenge them.* 7.3 But the magistrate is the ordinance of God, appointed by him with the sword of punishment to looke streight∣lie to all euill dooers. And therefore that that is doone by the magistrate, is doone by the ordinance of God, whome the scripture oftentimes dooth call God, be∣cause he hath the execution of Gods office. How then doo you take in hand to reforme? Be ye kings? By what authoritie? Or by what occasion? Be ye the kings officers? By what commission? Be ye called of God? By what tokens declare ye that? Gods word teacheth vs, that no man should take in hand anie office, but he that is called of God like Aaron. What Moses I praie you called you? What Gods minister bad you rise?

Ye rise for religion. What religion taught you that? If ye were offered persecution for religion,* 7.4 ye ought to flie: so Christ teacheth you, and yet you in∣tend to fight. If ye would stand in the truth, ye ought to suffer like martyrs, and you would sleie like ty∣rants. Thus for religion you kéepe no religion, and neither will follow the counsell of Christ, nor the con∣stancie of martyrs. Why rise ye for religion? Haue ye anie thing contrarie to Gods booke? Yea, haue ye not all things agréeable to Gods word? But the new is different from the old, and therefore ye will haue the old. If ye measure the old by truth, ye haue the oldest; if ye measure the old by fansie, then it is hard: because mens fansies change, to giue that is old. Ye will haue the old still. Will ye haue anie ol∣der than that as Christ left, & his apostles taught, & the first church after Christ did vse? Ye will haue that the chanons doo establish. Why that is a great deale yoonger than that ye haue, of later time, and newlier inuented. Yet that is it that ye desire. Why then ye desire not the oldest. And doo you preferre the bi∣shops of Rome afore Christ, mens inuentions afore Gods law, the newer sort of worship before the ol∣der? Ye séeke no religion, ye be deceiued, ye séeke traditions. They that teach you, blind you, that so instruct you, deceiue you. If ye séeke what the old doctors saie, yet looke what Christ the oldest of all saith. For he saith; Before Abraham was made I am. If ye seeke the truest way, he is the verie truth; if ye séeke the readiest waie, he is the verie waie; if ye séeke euerlasting life, he is the verie life. What religion would ye haue other now, than his religion?

You would haue the bibles in againe.* 7.5 It is no maruell, your blind guides would leade you blind still. Why, be ye howlets and backs, that ye can∣not looke on the light? Christ saith to euerie one, Search ye the scriptures, for they beare witnesse of Christ. You saie, Pull in the scriptures, for we will haue no knowledge of Christ. The apostles of Christ will vs to be so readie, that we maie be able to giue euerie man an account of our faith. Ye will vs not once to read the scriptures, for feare of knowing of our faith. Saint Paul praieth that euerie man may increase in knowledge: ye desire that our know∣ledge might decaie againe. A true religion ye séeke belike, and worthie to be sought for. For without the sword indéed nothing can helpe it, neither Christ, nor truth, nor age can mainteine it. But why should ye not like that which Gods word establisheth, the primitiue church hath authorised, the greatest lear∣ned men of this realme haue drawen, the whole con∣sent of the parlement hath confirmed, the kings maiestie hath set foorth? Is it not trulie set out? Can ye deuise anie truer than Christes apostles vsed? Ye thinke it is not learnedlie doone. Dare ye commons take vpon you more learning, than the chosen bi∣shops and clearks of this realme haue? Thinke ye follie in it? Ye were woont to iudge your parlement wisest, & now will ye suddenlie excell them in wis∣dome?

Or can ye thinke it lacketh authoritie, which the king, the parlement, the learned, the wise haue iustlie approoued? Learne, learne, to know this one point of religion, that God will be worshipped as he hath prescribed,* 7.6 and not as we haue deuised; and that his will is wholie in his scriptures, which be full of Gods spirit, and profitable to teach the truth, to re∣prooue lies, to amend faults, to bring one vp in righ∣teousnesse, that he that is a Gods man may be per∣fect & readie to all good works. What can be more re∣quired to serue God withall? And thus much for re∣ligion, [line 10] rebels.

* 7.7The other rable of Norffolke rebelles, ye pre∣tend a common-wealth. How amend ye it? By kil∣ling of gentlemen, by spoiling of gentlemen, by im∣prisoning of gentlemen? A maruellous tanned common-wealth. Whie should ye thus hate them? For their riches or for their rule? Rule they neuer tooke so much in hand as ye doo now. They neuer re∣sisted the king, neuer withstood his councell, be faith∣full [line 20] at this daie when ye be faithlesse, not onelie, to the king, whose subiects ye be, but also to your lords whose tenants ye be. Is this your true duetie, in some of homage, in most of fealtie, in all of allegi∣ance; to leaue your duties, go backe from your pro∣mises, fall from your faith, and contrarie to law and truth to make vnlawfull assemblies, vngodlie com∣panies, wicked and detestable campes, to disobeie your betters, and to obeie your tanners, to change your obedience from a king to a Ket, to submit your [line 30] selues to traitors, and breake your faith to your true king and lords? They rule but by law, if otherwise, the law, the councell, the king taketh awaie their rule. Ye haue orderlie sought no redresse, but ye haue in time found it.* 7.8 In countries some must rule, some must obeie, euerie man maie not beare like stroke: for euerie man is not like wise. And they that haue séene most, and be best able to beare it, and of iust dealing beside, be most fit to rule. It is an o∣ther matter to vnderstand a mans owne gréefe, and to know the common-wealths sore; and therfore not [line 40] they that know their owne case, as euerie man doth, but they that vnderstand the common-welths state, ought to haue in countries the preferment of ruling. If ye felt the paine that is ioined with gouernance, as ye see and like the honor, ye would not hurt o∣thers to rule them, but rather take great paine to be ruled of them. If ye had rule of the kings maiestie committed vnto you, it were well doone ye had ruled the gentlemen: but now ye haue it not, and cannot beare their rule, it is to thinke the kings maiestie foo∣lish [line 50] and vniust, that hath giuen certeine rule to them. And séeing by the scripture,* 7.9 ye ought not to speake euill of anie magistrate of the people, why doo ye not onelie speake euill of them whome the kings maie∣stie hath put in office, but also iudge euill of the king himselfe, and thus seditiouslie in field stand with your swords drawen against him?

If riches offend you, because yée wish the like, then thinke that to be no common-wealth, but enuie to the common-wealth. Enuie it is to appaire an o∣ther [line 60] mans estate, without the amendment of your owne. And to haue no gentlemen, bicause ye be none your selues, is to bring downe an estate, and to mend none. Would ye haue all alike rich? That is the ouerthrow of labour, and vtter decay of worke in this realme.* 7.10 For who will labour more, if when he hath gotten more, the idle shall by lust without right take what him lust from him, vnder pretense of e∣qualitie with him. This is the bringing in of idle∣nesse, which destroieth the common-wealth; and not the amendment of labour. that mainteineth the common-wealth. If there should be such equalitie, then ye take awaie all hope from yours to come to anie better estate than you now leaue them. And as manie meane mens children doo come honestlie vp, and are great succour to all their stocke: so should none be hereafter holpen by you, but bicause ye seeke equalitie, whereby all can not be rich. Ye would that (belike) whereby euerie man should be poore; and thinke beside that riches and inheritance be Gods prouidence,* 7.11 and giuen to whome of his wisdome he thinketh good: to the honest for the increase of their godlinesse, to the wicked for the heaping vp of their damnation, to the simple for a recompense of other lackes, to the wise for the greater setting out of Gods goodnesse. Whie will your wisdome now stop Gods wisdome, and prouide by your lawes, that God shall not inrich them, whome he hath by prouidence appointed as him liketh? God hath made the poore, & hath made them to be poore that he might shew his might, and set them aloft when he listeth for such cause as to him seemeth, & plucke downe the rich to this state of pouertie by his power, as he disposeth to order them. Whie doo not we then being poore beare it wiselie, rather than by lust seeke riches vniustlie, and shew our selues content with Gods ordinance, which we must either willinglie obeie, and then we be wise, or else we must vnprofitablie striue withall, and then we be mad?

But what meane yee by this equalitie in the common-wealth? If one be wiser than an other,* 7.12 will ye banish him, because yée intend an equalitie of all things? If one be stronger than another, will yee slaie him, bicause ye séeke an equalitie of all things? If one be well fauourder than an other, will yée pu∣nish him, because yée looke for an equalitie of all things? If one haue better vtterance than another, will ye pull out his toong to saue your equalitie? And if one be richer than an other, will ye spoile him to mainteine an equalitie? If one be elder than an o∣ther, will ye kill him for this equalities sake? How iniurious are ye to God himselfe, who intendeth to bestow his gifts as he himselfe listeth: and ye seeke by wicked insurrections to make him giue them commonlie alike to all men as your vaine fansie li∣keth? Whie would ye haue an equalitie in riches & in other gifts of God? There is no meane sought. Either by ambition ye séeke lordlinesse much vnfit for you; or by couetousnesse ye be vnsatiable, a thing likelie inough in ye; or else by follie ye be not con∣tent with your estate, a fansie to be plucked out of you.

But if we being wearie of pouertie would séeke to inrich our selues,* 7.13 we should go a farre other waie to worke than this, and so should we rightlie come to our desire. Dooth not S. Peter teath vs afore God a right waie to honour, to riches, to all necessarie and profitable things for vs? He saith, Humble your selues that God might exalt you, and cast all your care on him, for he careth for you. He teacheth the waie to all good things at Gods hand, is to be hum∣ble, and you exalt your selues. Ye séeke things after such a sort, as if the seruant should anger his master, when he seeketh to haue a good turne of him. Ye would haue riches (I thinke) at Gods hand who gi∣ueth all riches, and yet ye take the waie cleane con∣trarie to riches. Know ye not that he that exalteth himselfe, God will throw him downe? How can ye get it then by thus setting out your selues? Ye shuld submit ye by humilitie one to another, and ye set vp your selues by arrogancie aboue the magistrates. See herein how much ye offend God. Remember ye not that if ye come nigh to God, he will come nigh vnto you? If then ye go from God, he will go from you. Dooth not the psalme saie, He is holie with the holie, and with the wicked man he is fro∣ward? Euen as he is ordered of men, he will order

them againe. If ye would follow his will, and obeie his commandements, ye should eat the fruits of the earth, saith the prophet; if not, the sword shall deuour you. Ye might haue eaten the fruits of this seaso∣nable yéere, if ye had not by disobedience rebelled against God. Now not onelie ye can not eat that which your selues did first sowe by labour, and now destroie by sedition; but also if the kings maiesties sword came not against you, as iust policie requi∣reth, yet the iust vengeance of God would light a∣mong [line 10] you, as his word promiseth, and your cruell wickednesse deserueth.

For whatsoeuer the causes be that haue mooued your wild affections herin, as they be vniust causes, & increase your faults much,* 7.14 the thing it selfe, the ri∣sing I meane, must néeds be wicked and horrible be∣fore God, and the vsurping of authoritie, and taking in hand of rule, which is the sitting in Gods seat of iustice, and a proud climing vp into Gods high throne, must néeds be not onelie cursed newlie by [line 20] him, but also hath beene often punished afore of him. And that which is doone to Gods officer, God accoun∣teth it doone to him. For they despise not the mini∣ster, as he saith himselfe, but they despise him: and that presumption of chalenging Gods seat, dooth shew you to haue bin Lucifers, and sheweth vs that God will punish you like Lucifers. Wherfore right∣lie looke,* 7.15 as ye dulie haue deserued, either for great vengeance for your abhominable transgression, or else earnestlie repent, with vnfeined minds, your [line 30] wicked dooings; and either with example of death be content to dehort other, or else by faithfulnesse of obe∣dience declare how great a seruice it is to God, to obeie your magistrats faithfullie, and to serue in sub∣iection trulie.

Well, if ye had not thus grieuouslie offended God, whome ye ought to worship, what can ye reaso∣nablie thinke it, to be no fault against the king, whom ye ought to reuerence?* 7.16 Ye be bound by Gods word to obeie your king, and is it no breach of dutie [line 40] to withstand your king? If the seruant be bound to obeie his maister in the familie, is not the subiect bound to serue the king in his realme? The child is bound to the priuat father, and be we not all bound to the common-wealths father? If we ought to be subiect to the king for Gods cause, ought we not then I praie you to be faithfullie subiect to the king? If we ought dutifullie to shew all obedience to heathen kings, shall we not willinglie and trulie be subiect to christian kings? If one ought to submit himselfe [line 50] by humilitie to another, ought we not all by dutie to be subiect to our king? If the members of our natu∣rall bodie all follow the head, shall not the members of the politicall bodie all obeie the king? If good ma∣ners be content to giue place the lower to the high∣er, shall not religion teach vs alwaie to giue place to the highest? If true subiects will die gladlie in the kings seruice, should not all subiects thinke it dutie to obeie the king with iust seruice. But you haue not onelie disobeied like ill subiects, but also taken stout∣lie [line 60] rule vpon you like wicked magistrates.

Ye haue béene called to obedience by counsell of priuat men, by the aduise of the kings maiesties councell, by the kings maiesties frée pardon. But what counsell taketh place, where sturdinesse is law and churlish answers be counted wisdome?* 7.17 Who can persuade where treason is aboue reason, and might ruleth right, and it is had for lawfull whatsoeuer is lustfull, and commotioners are better than com∣missioners, and common wo is named common-wealth? Haue ye not broken his lawes, disobeied his councell, rebelled against him? And what is the common-wealth worth, when the law which is indif∣ferent for all men, shall be wilfullie and spitefullie broken of head-strong men, that séeke against laws to order lawes; that those may take place, not what consent of wise men hath appointed, but what the lust of rebels hath determined?* 7.18 What vnthriftinesse is in ill seruants, wickednes in vnnaturall children, sturdinesse in vnrulie subiects, crueltie in fierce eni∣mies, wildnes in beastlie minds, pride in disdainfull harts; that floweth now in you, which haue fled from housed conspiracies, to incamped robberies, and are better contented to suffer famine, cold, trauell, to glut your lusts, than to liue in quietnesse to saue the common-wealth, and thinke more libertie in wilful∣nesse, than wisedome in dutifulnesse, and so run head∣long not to the mischiefe of other, but to the destruc∣tion of your selues, and vndoo by follie that ye intend by mischiefe, neither séeing how to remedie that ye iudge faultie, nor willing to saue your selues from miserie: which stifneckednesse cannot doo, but hone∣stie of obedience must frame.

If authoritie would serue vnder a king,* 7.19 the coun∣cell haue greatest authoritie; if wisedome and graui∣tie might take place, they be of most experience; if knowledge of the common-wealth could helpe, they must by dailie conference of matters vnderstand it best: yet neither the authoritie that the kings maie∣stie hath giuen them, nor the grauitie which you know to be in them, nor the knowledge which with great trauell they haue gotten, can mooue you either to kéepe you in the dutie ye ought to doo, or to auoid the great disorder wherin ye be. For where disobedience is thought stoutnesse, and sullennes is counted man∣hood, and stomaching is courage, and prating is iud∣ged wisedome, and the eluishest is most méet to rule; how can other iust authoritie be obeied, or sad coun∣sell be followed, or good knowledge of matters be heard, or commandements of counsellors be consi∣dered? And how is the king obeied, whose wisest be withstanded, the disobedientest obeied, the high in au∣thoritie not weied, the vnskilfullest made chiefe cap∣teins, to the noblest most hurt intended, the brag∣gingest braller to be most safe? And euen as the vi∣ler parts of the bodie would contend in knowledge & gouernement with the fiue wits: so doo the lower parts of the common-wealth enterprise as high a matter, to striue against their dutie of obedience to the councell.

But what talke I of disobedience so quietlie?* 7.20 Haue not such mad rages run in your heads, that forsa∣king and bursting the quietnesse of the common peace, ye haue heinouslie and traitorouslie incamped your selues in field, and there like a bile in a bodie, naie like a sinke in a towne, haue gathered togither all the nastie vagabonds and idle loiterers to beare armour against him, whome all godlie and good sub∣iects will liue and die withall. If it be a fault when two fight togither, and the kings peace broken, and punishment to be sought therefore; can it be but an outragious and a detestable mischiefe, when so manie rebels in number, malicious in mind, mischiefous in enterprise, fight not among themselues, but a∣gainst all the kings true and obedient subiects; and séeke to prooue whether rebellion may beat downe honestie, and wickednesse may ouercome truth or no? If it be treason to speake heinouslie of the kings maiestie, who is not hurt thereby, and the infamie re∣turneth to the speaker againe; what kind of outra∣gious & horrible treason is it, to assemble in campe an armie against him, and so not onelie intend an o∣uerthrow to him, and also to his common-wealth; but also to cast him into an infamie, through all out∣ward and strange nations, and persuade them that he is hated of his people, whome he can not rule; and that they be no better than vilans, which will not with good orders be ruled?

* 7.21What death can be deuised cruell enough for those rebels, who with trouble seeke death, and can not quench the thirst of their rebellion, but with the bloud of true subiects; and hate the kings mercifull par∣don, when they miserablie haue transgressed, and in such an outrage of mischiefe will not by stubbornesse acknowledge themselues to haue faulted, but intend to broile the common-wealth with the flame of their treason, and as much as lieth in them not one∣to annoie themselues, but to destroie all others? He [line 10] that is miscontented with things that happen,* 7.22 and bicause he cannot beare the miserie of them, renteth his heare, and teareth his skin, & mangleth his face, which easeth not his sorrow, but increaseth his mise∣rie; maie he not be iustlie called mad and fantasti∣call, and woorthie whose wisedome should be suspec∣ted? And what shall we saie of them, who being in the common-wealth, feeling a sore greeuous vnto them, and easie to haue béene amended, sought not the remedie, but haue increased the gréefe, and like frantike beasts raging against their head, doo teare [line 20] and deface as much as lieth in them his whole autho∣ritie in gouernement, and violentlie take to them∣selues that rule vpon them, which he by policie hath granted vnto other?

And who weieng well the heauinesse of the fault, maie not iustlie saie and hold them to be worse here∣in than any kind of brute beasts?* 7.23 For we sée that the sheepe will obeie the shepheard, and the neat be ru∣led by the neatheard, and the horsse will know his [line 30] keeper, and the dog will be in aw of his maister, and euerie one of them féed there, and of that, as his kée∣per and ruler dooth appoint him, & goeth from thence, and that, as he is forbidden by his ruler. And yet we haue not heard of, that anie heard or companie of these haue risen against their heardman or gouer∣nour, but be alwaies contented not onelie to obeie them, but also to suffer them to take profit of them. And we sée furthermore, that all heards, & all sorts, be more egre in fiercenesse against all kind of stran∣gers, [line 40] than they be against their owne rulers, & will easilier offend him who hath not hurt them, than touch their ruler who séeketh profit on them.

But ye that ought to be gouerned by your ma∣gistrates, as the heards by the heardman, and ought to be like shéepe to your king,* 7.24 who ought to be like a shéepeheard vnto you, euen in the time when your profit was sought, and better redresse was intended, than your vpstirs and vnquietnesse could obteine, haue beyond the crueltie of all beasts fowlie risen a∣gainst your ruler, and shewed your selues woorthie to [line 50] be ordered like beasts, who in kind of obedience will fall from the state of men. A dog stoopeth when he is beaten of his maister, not for lacke of stomach, but for naturall obedience: you being not striken of your head but fauoured, not kept downe but succou∣red and remedied by law, haue violentlie against law not onelie barked like beasts, but also bitten like helhounds. What? Is the mischiefe of sedition either not knowne vnto you, or not feared? Haue not examples aforetimes both told the end of rebels, [line 60] and the wickednesse of rebellion it selfe? But as for old examples, let them passe for a while, as things well to be considered. But at this present one thing more to be weied.

Looke vpon your selues, after ye haue wickedlie stept into this horrible kind of treason, doo ye not sée how manie bottomlesse whirlepooles of mischiefe yee be gul••t withall,* 7.25 and what lothsome kinds of rebel∣lion ye be faine to wade through? Ye haue sent out in the kings name, against the kings will, precepts of all kinds, & without commandement comman∣ded his subiects, and vnrul••lie haue ruled where yée listed to command, thinking your owne fansies the kings commandements, and rebels lusts in things to be right gouernement of things, not looking what should follow by reason, but what your selues follow by affection. And is it not a dangerous and a cruell kind of treason, to giue out precepts to the kings people? There can be no iust execution of lawes, re∣formation of faults, giuing out of commandements, but from the king. For in the king onelie is the right herof, & the authoritie of him deriued by his appoint∣ment to his ministers. Ye hauing no authoritie of the king, but taking it of your selues, what thinke ye your selues to be? Ministers ye be none, except ye be the diuels ministers, for he is the author of sedition.

The kings maiestie intendeth to mainteine peace, and to oppresse warre; ye stirre vp vprores of people, hurliburlies of vagabonds, routs of robbers. Is this anie part of the kings ministerie? If a vaga∣bond would doo what he lust, and call himselfe your seruant, and execute such offices of trust,* 7.26 whether yée would or no, as yee haue committed vnto another mans credit, what would euerie one of you saie or doo herein? Would ye suffer it? Ye wander out of houses, ye make euerie daie new matters as it pleaseth you, ye take in hand the execution of those things, God by his word forbidding the same; which God hath put the magistrates in trust withall. What can ye saie to this? Is it sufferable thinke ye? If ye told a priuat message in another mans name, can it be but a false lie I praie you? And to tell a feined message to the common-wealth, and that from the king, can it be honest thinke ye? To command is more than to speake: what is it then to command so traitorous a lie? This then which is in word a deceit∣full lie, and in déed a traitorous fact,* 7.27 noisome to the common-wealth, vnhonourable to the king, mischie∣fous in you, how can ye otherwise iudge of it, but to be an vnheard of and notable disobedience to the king: and therefore by notable example to be puni∣shed, and not with gentlenesse of pardon to be for∣giuen? Ye haue robbed euerie honest house, and spoi∣led them vniustlie, and pitiouslie wronged poore men being no offendors, to their vtter vndooing, and yet ye thinke ye haue not broken the kings lawes. The kings maiesties law and his commandement is, that euerie man should safelie kéepe his owne,* 7.28 and vse it reasonablie to an honest gaine of his liuing: ye violentlie take and carie awaie from men with∣out cause, all things whereby they should mainteine, not onelie themselues, but also their familie, & leaue them so naked, that they shall féele the smart of your curssed enterprise, longer than your owne vnnatu∣rall & vngodlie stomachs would well vouchsafe. By iustice ye should neither hurt nor wrong man, and your pretensed cause of this monstruous sturre is to increase mens wealth. And yet how manie, and saie truth, haue ye decaied and vndoone, by spoiling and taking awaie their goods? How should honest men liue quietlie in the common-wealth at anie time, if their goods, either gotten by their owne labor, or left to them by their friends, shall vnlawfullie and vnor∣derlie, to the féeding of a sort of rebels,* 7.29 be spoiled and wasted▪ and vtterlie scattered abrode? The thing that ye take is not your right, it is an other mans owne. The maner of taking against his will is vnlawfull, & against the order of euerie good common-wealth. The cause why ye take it is mischiefous and horrible, to fat your sedition. Ye that take it be wicked trai∣tors, and common enimies of all good order.

If he that desireth an other mans goods or cat∣tell, doo fault: what dooth he (thinke you) whose desire taking followeth, and is led to and fro by lust, as his wicked fansie void of reason dooth guide him? Hée that vseth not his owne well and charitablie, hath much to answer for: and shall they be thought not

vniust, who not onelie take awaie other mens, but also misuse and wast the same vngodlie? They that take things priuilie awaie, and steale secretlie and couertlie other mens goods, be by law iudged wor∣thie death: and shall they that without shame spoile things openlie, and be not affeard by impudencie to professe their spoile, be thought either honest creaturs to God, or faithfull subiects to their king, or naturall men to their countrie?* 7.30 If nothing had mooued you but the example of mischeefe, and the foule practise of other mooued by the same, ye should yet haue abstei∣ned [line 10] from so licentious and vilanous a shew of rob∣berie, considering how manie honester there be, that being loth their wickednesse should be blazed abrode, yet be found out by prouidence, and hanged for de∣sert. What shall we then thinke or saie of you? Shall we call you pickers, or hid theeues; naie more than théeues, daie théeues, heard stealers, shire spoi∣lers, and vtter destroiers of all kinds of families, both among the poore and also among the rich. Let vs yet further see. Be there no mo things wherein ye [line 20] haue broken the kings laws, and so vilelie disobeie? him, flat contrarie to your bounden dutie and alle∣giance?

Ye haue not onelie spoiled the kings true subiects of their goods, but also ye haue imprisoned their bo∣dies, which should be at libertie vnder the king, and restreined them of their seruice, which by dutie they owe the king,* 7.31 and appaired both strength and health, wherewith they liue and serue the king. Is there a∣nie [line 30] honest thing more desired than libertie? Ye haue shamefullie spoiled them thereof. Is there anie thing more dutifull than to serue their lord and mai∣ster? But as that was desired of the one part, so was it hindered and stopped on your part. For nei∣ther can the king be serued, nor families kept, nor the common-wealth looked vnto, where fréedome of libertie is stopped, and diligence of seruice is hinde∣red; and the helpe of strength and health abated. Mens bodies ought to be frée from all mens bon∣dage and crueltie, and onelie in this realme be sub∣iect [line 40] in publike punishment to our publike gouer∣nour, and neither be touched of * 7.32 headlesse capteins, nor holden of brainlesse rebels. For the gouerne∣ment of so pretious a thing ought to belong vnto the most noble ruler, and not iustlie to be in euerie mans power, which is iustlie euerie liuing mans treasure. For what goods be so deare to euerie man, as his owne bodie is, which is the true vessell of the mind, to be measurablie kept of euerie man for all exercises & [line 50] seruices of the mind? If ye may not of your owne authoritie meddle with mens goods, much lesse you may of your owne authoritie take order with mens bodies.

For what be goods in comparison of health, liber∣tie, and strength, which be all setled and fastened in the bodie?* 7.33 They that strike other, doo greatlie offend, and be iustlie punishable: and shall they that cruel∣lie and wrongfullie torment mens bodies with irons and imprisonments, be thought not of others but of themselues honest, and plaine, and true dea∣ling [line 60] men? What shall we say by them, who in a pri∣uat businesse will let a man to go his iourneie in the kings high waie? Doo they not (thinke ye) plaine wrong? Then in a common cause not onelie to hin∣der them, but also to deale cruellie with them, and shut them from dooing their seruice to the king, and their dutie to the common-wealth, is it not both dis∣obedience, crueltie, and mischiefe thinke ye? What an hinderance is it, to haue a good garment hurt, anie iewell appaired, or anie estéemed thing to be de∣caied? And séeing no earthlie thing a man hath is more pretious than his body, to cause it to be cruellie tormented with irons, feebled with cold, weakened with ordering: can it be thought anie other thing but wrong to the sufferer, crueltie in the dooer, & great disobedience and transgression to the king?* 7.34 How then be ye able to defend it? But séeing ye so vnpi∣tifullie vexe men, cast them in prison, lade them with irons, pine them with famine, contrarie to the rule of nature, contrarie to the kings maiesties lawes, contrarie to God holie ordinances, hauing no mat∣ter but pretensed and fained gloses, ye be not onelie disobedient to the king like rebels, but withstanding the law of nature like beasts, and so worthie to die like dogs, except the kings maiestie, without re∣spect of your deseruing, doo mercifullie grant you of his goodnesse that which you cannot escape by iu∣stice.

Yet ye being not content with this, as small things enterprise great matters, and as though ye could not satisfie your selues, if ye should leaue anie mischiefe vndoone, haue sought bloud with crueltie, and haue slaine of the kings true subiects manie,* 7.35 thinking their murder to be your defense, when as ye haue increased the fault of your vile rebellion, with the horror of bloudshed, and so haue burdened mischiefe with mischiefe, whilest it come to an im∣portable weight of mischiefe. What could we doo more, in the horriblest kind of faults, vnto the grea∣test transgressours and offendors of God and men, than to looke strictlie on them by death, and so to rid them out of the common-wealth by seuere pu∣nishment, whome ye thought vnworthie to liue a∣mong men for their dooings? And those who haue not offended the king, but defended his realme, and by obedience of seruice sought to punish the disobedi∣ent, and for safegard of euerie man put themselues vnder dutie of law, those haue ye miserablie and cru∣ellie slaine, and bathed you in their bloud, whose doo∣ings ye should haue followed, & not to haue appaired the common-wealth, both by destruction of good men, and also by increase of rebels.* 7.36 And how can that common-wealth by anie meanes indure, wher∣in euerie man without authoritie, may vnpuni∣shed slea whome he list, and that in such case as those who be slaine shew themselues most noble of cou∣rage, and most readie to serue the king and the com∣mon-wealth, and those as doo slea be most vilanous and traitorous rebels that anie common-wealth did euer susteine?

For a citie and a prouince be not the faire hou∣ses, and the strong walles,* 7.37 nor the defense of anie engine, but the liuing bodies of men, being able in number and strength to mainteine themselues by good order of iustice, & to serue for all necessarie & behouable vses in the common-wealth. And when as mans bodie being a part of the whole common-wealth, is wrongfullie touched anie way, and speci∣allie by death, then suffereth the common-wealth great iniurie, and that alwaies so much the more, how honester and nobler he is, who is iniuriouslie murdered.* 7.38 How was the lord Sheffeld handled a∣mong you, a noble gentleman, and of good seruice, both fit for counsell in peace, and for conduct in war, considering either the grauitie of his wisedome, or the authoritie of his person, or his seruice to the com∣mon-wealth, or the hope that all men had in him, or the néed that England had of such, or among manie notablie good, his singular excellencie, or the fauor that all men bare toward him, being loued of euerie man, and hated of no man?

Considered ye who should by dutie be the kings subiects, either how ye should not haue offended the K. or after offense haue required the kings pardon, or not to haue refused his goodnesse offered, or at length, to haue yéelded to his mercie, or not to haue slaine those who came for his seruice, or to haue spared those

who in danger offered ransome. But all these things forgotten by rage of rebellion, because one madnesse cannot be without infinit vices, ye slew him cruel∣lie, who offered himselfe manfullie, nor would not so much as spare him for ransome,* 7.39 who was worthie for noblenesse to haue had honour, & hewed him bare whome ye could not hurt armed, and by slauerie slue nobilitie, in deed miserablie, in fashion cruellie, in cause diuelishlie. Oh with what cruell spite was violentlie sundred so noble a bodie from so godlie a [line 10] mind? Whose death must rather be reuenged than lamented, whose death was no lacke to himselfe, but to his countrie, whose death might euerie way béene better borne, than at a rebels hand. Uiolence is in all things hurtfull, but in life horrible. What should I speake of others in the same case,* 7.40 diuerse and notable, whose death for manhood and seruice can want no woorthie praise, so long as these vglie sturrers of rebellion can be had in mind. God hath himselfe ioined mans bodie and his soule togither, [line 20] not to be departed asunder, afore he euer disseuer them himselfe, or cause them to be disseuered by his minister.

And shall rebels and heedlesse camps, being armed against God, and in field against their king, thinke it no fault to shed bloud of true subiects, hauing nei∣ther office of God, nor appointment of ministers, nor cause of rebellion? He that stealeth anie part of a mans substance, is woorthie to lose his life. What shall we thinke then of them, who spoile men of their liues, for the maintenance whereof, not onelie [line 30] substance & riches be sought for, but also all common-welths be deuised? Now then, your owne conscien∣ces should be made your iudges, & none other set to giue sentence against ye. Séeing ye haue beene such bloudshedders, so heinous manquellers, so horrible murderers, could ye doo anie other than plainlie con∣fesse your foule and wicked rebellion to be gréeuous against God,* 7.41 and traitorous to the king, and hurt∣full to the common-wealth? So manie gréeuous [line 40] faults meeting togither in one sinke, might not one∣lie haue discouraged, but also driuen to desperation, anie other honest or indifferent mind.

But what féele they, whose hearts so déepe mischéefe had hardened, and by vehemencie of affection be made vnshamefast, and stop all discourse of reason, to let at large the full scope of their vnmeasurable madnesse? Priuat mens goods séeme little to your vnsatiable desires, yée haue waxed gréedie now vpon cities,* 7.42 and haue attempted mightie spoiles, to glut [line 50] vp (and yée could) your wasting hunger. Oh how much haue they néed of, that will neuer be conten∣ted, and what riches can suffice anie that will at∣tempt high enterprises aboue their estate? Ye could not mainteine your camps with your priuat goods, with your neighbours portion, but yée must also at∣tempt cities, bicause ye sought great spoiles with o∣ther mens losses, and had forgotten how yee liued at home honestlie with your owne, and thought them worthie death that would disquiet yée in your house, [line 60] and plucke awaie that which yée by right of law thought to be your owne.* 7.43 Héerein in sée what yée would haue doone, spoiled the kings maiesties subiects, weakened the kings strength, ouerthrowne his townes, taken awaie his munition, drawne his sub∣iects to like rebellion, yea and as it is among forren enimies in sacking of cities, no doubt thereof, yee would haue fallen to slaughter of men, rauishing of wiues, deflouring of maidens, chopping of children, fiering of houses, beating downe of stréets, ouer∣throwing of altogither.

For what measure haue men in the increase of madnesse, when they can not at the beginning staie themselues from falling into it. And if the besetting but of one house to rob it,* 7.44 be iustlie deemed worthie death: what shall we thinke of them that besiege whole cities for desire of spoile? We liue vnder a king to serue him at all times when he shall néed our strength: and shall ye then not onlie withdraw your selues, which ought as much to be obedient as we be, but also violentlie plucke other awaie too, fro the du∣tie vnto the which by Gods commandement all sub∣iects be strictlie bound, and by all lawes eueri•• nation is naturallie led?* 7.45 The townes be not onelie the ornament of the realme, but also the seat of mer∣chants, the place of handicrafts, that men scattered in villages, and néeding diuerse things, maie in little roome know where to find the lacke. To ouerthrow them then, is nothing else but to wast your owne commodities, so that when ye would buie a necessa∣rie thing for monie, ye could not tell where to find the same.

Munition serueth the king not onelie for the de∣fense of his owne,* 7.46 but also for the inuasion of his enimie. And if ye will then so strictlie deale with him, that ye will not let him so much as defend his owne, ye offer him double iniurie; both that ye let him from dooing anie notable fact abrode, and also that ye suffer not him quietlie to inioie his owne at home.* 7.47 But herein hath notablie appéered what ci∣ties haue faithfully serued and suffred extreme dan∣ger, not onelie of goods, but also of famine & death, rather than to suffer the kings enimies to enter: and what white liuered cities haue not onlie not withstood them, but also with shame fauored them, and with mischiefe aided them. And I would I might praise herein all cities alike! which I would doo,* 7.48 if all were like worthie. For then I might shew more faith in subiects than strength in rebelles; and testifie to men to come, what a generall faith euerie citie bare to the kings maiestie, whose age although it were not fit to rule, yet his subiects hearts were willing to obeie, thinking not onelie of the hope, which all men con∣ceiue hereafter to be in him, but also of the iust kind of gouernment, which in his minoritie his councell dooth vse among them. And here,* 7.49 how much and how worthilie maie Excester be commended, which being in the middest of rebels, vnuittelled, vnfurni∣shed, vnprepared for so long a siege, did noblie hold out the continuall and dangerous assault of the re∣bell? For they susteined the violence of the rebell, not onlie they had plentie enough of vittels, but also ele∣uen or twelue daies after the extreme famine came on them, and liuing without bread, were in courage so manfull, & in dutie so constant, that they thought it yet much better to die the extreme death of hun∣ger, shewing truth to their king, and loue to their countrie, than to giue anie place to the rebell, and fa∣uor him with aid, although they might haue doone it with their lesse danger. Whose example if Norwich had followed,* 7.50 & had not rather giuen place to traitor Ket, than to kéepe their dutie; and had not sought more safegard than honestie, and priuat hope more than common quietnesse: they had ended their re∣bellion sooner, and escaped themselues better, and sa∣ued the losse of the worthie lord Shefféeld, in whome was more true seruice for his life, than in them for their goods.* 7.51 And although this can not be spoken a∣gainst a certeine honest sort that were amongst them, whose praise was the greater, bicause they were so few: yet the greater number was such▪ that they not onelie obeied the rebell for feare, but also fo∣lowed him for loue, and did so traitorouslie order the kings band vnder my lord marquesse, that they suf∣fered more damage out of their houses by the towns men, than they did abrode by the rebelles. Whose fault as the kings maiestie maie pardon, so I would either the example might be forgotten, that no citie

might hereafter follow the like, or the déed be so ab∣horred,* 7.52 that others hereafter would auoid the like shame, & learne to be noble by Excester, whose truth dooth not onelie deserue great praises, but also great reward.

Who then that would willinglie defend ye, can say anie thing for ye, which haue so diuerslie faulted, so traitorouslie offended, not onlie against priuat men seuerallie, but also generallie against whole townes, and that after such a sort, as outward enimies full of [line 10] deadlie feud could not more cruellie inuade them?* 7.53 And thus the kings maiestie dishonored, his councell disobeied, the goods of the poore spoiled, the houses of the wealthie sacked, honest mens bodies imprisoned, worthie mens personages slaine, cities besieged and threatned, and all kind of things disordered, can ye without teares and repentance heare spoken of, which without honestie and godlinesse ye practised, and not find in your hearts now to returne to dutie, which by witchcraft of sedition were drowned in dis∣order? [line 20] Haue ye not in disorder first gréeuouslie of∣fended God, next traitorouslie risen against your king, and so neither worthie euerlasting life, as long as ye so remaine, nor yet ciuill life being in such a breach of common quietnesse? If euerie one of these cannot by themselues plucke you backe from this your lewd and outragious enterprises,* 7.54 yet let them altogither stir ye; or at least be a fearfull example to others, to beware by your vnmeasurable follie, how they doo so far prouoke God, or offend man: and find [line 30] by your mistemper to be themselues better ordered, and learne still to obeie, bicause they would not re∣pent, and so to liue with honestie, that they would neither willinglie offend Gods law, nor disobeie mans.

But and ye were so much bleared, that you did thinke impossible things, and your reason gaue ye against all reason, that ye neither displeased God herein, nor offended the king, yet be ye so blind, that ye vnderstand not your owne case, nor your neigh∣bors [line 40] miserie, nor the ruine of the whole common-wealth, which dooth euidentlie follow your so foule and detestable sedition? Doo ye not sée how for the maintenance of these vngodlie rablements,* 7.55 not on∣lie cities and villages, but also shires and countries be vtterlie destroied? Is not their corne wasted, their cattell fetcht awaie, their houses rifled, their goods spoiled, and all to féed your vprising without reason, and to mainteine this tumult of rebellion inuented of the diuell, continued by you, and to be o∣uerthrowen [line 50] by the power of Gods mightie hand? And whie should not so hurtfull wasting and harri∣eng of countries be iustlie punished with great seue∣ritie,* 7.56 séeing robbing of houses, and taking of purses, doo by law deserue the extremitie of death? How manie suffer iniurie when one hundred of a shire is spoiled? And what iniurie thinke ye is doone; when not onelie whole shires be destroied, but also euerie quarter of the realme touched? Haue ye not brought vpon vs all pouertie, weaknesse, and hatred within the realme, & discourage, shame, and damage with∣out [line 60] the realme? If ye miserablie intended not one∣lie to vndoo other,* 7.57 but also to destroie your selues, and to ouerthrow the whole realme, could ye haue taken a readier waie to your owne ruine than this is?

And first if ye be anie thing reasonable, lift vp your reason, and weigh by wisdome, if not all things, yet your owne cases, and learne in the beginning of matters to foresee the end, and iudge aduisedlie yer ye enter into anie thing hastilie. See ye not this yeare the losse of haruest?* 7.58 And thinke ye can grow to wealth that yéere when ye lose your thrift and pro∣fit? Barns be poore mens storehouses, wherein lieth a great part of euerie mans owne liuing, his wiues and childrens liuing, wherwith men mainteine their families, paie their rents: and therefore be alwaies thought most rich when they haue best crops. And now when there is neither plentie of haie, nor suffici∣ent of straw, nor corne inough, and that through the great disorder of your lewd rebellion, can ye thinke ye doo well, when ye vndoo your selues, and iudge it a common-welth when the commons is destroied, and séeke your hap by vnhappinesse, and esteeme your owne losse to be your owne forwardnes, and by this iudgement shew your selues, how little ye vnder∣stand other mens matters, when ye can scarselie con∣sider the weightiest of your owne? Hath not the haie this yeare, as it rose from the ground,* 7.59 so rotted to the ground againe: and where it was woont by mens seasonable labor to be taken in due time, and then serue for the maintenance of horsse and cattell wher∣with we liue, now by your disordered mischéefe hath béene by mens idlenesse and vndutifulnesse let alone vntouched, and so neither serueth the poore to make monie of, nor anie cattell to liue with. The corne was sowne with labour,* 7.60 and the ground tilled for it with labour, and looked to be brought home againe with labour: and for lacke of honest laborers it is lost on the ground; the owners being loiterers, and sée∣king other mens, haue lost their owne, and hoping for mounteins, lacked their present thrift, neither ob∣teining that they sought, nor séeking that they ought.

And how shall men liue when the maintenance of their prouision is lacking?* 7.61 For labouring and their old store is wasted by wildnesse of sedition, and so neither spare the old nor saue the new. How can men be fed then or beasts liue, when as such wastfull negligence is miserablie vsed? And mispending the time of their profit, in shamefull disorder of inobedi∣ence, they care not greatlie what becommeth of their owne, bicause they intend to liue by other mens? Haie is gone, corne is wasted, straw is spoiled; what reckoning of haruest can ye make, either for the aid of others, or for the reléefe of your selues? And thus haue ye brought in one kind of miserie, which if yée saw before, as ye be like to feele after, although ye had hated the common-welth, yet for loue of your selues ye would haue auoided the great enormitie thereof, into the which ye wilfullie now haue cast your selues.

An other no lesse is, that such plentie of vittels as was abundantlie in euerie quarter for the reléefe of vs all, is now wastfullie and vnthriftfullie spent,* 7.62 in mainteining you vnlawfull rebels, and so with disorder all is consumed, which with good husbandrie might long haue indured. For, so much as would haue serued a whole yeare at home with dili∣gence and skilfull héed of husbandrie, that is wilfullie wasted in a moneth in the campe, through the rauen∣ing spoile of vilanie. For what is vnordered plentie, but a wastfull spoile, whereof the inconuenience is so great, as ye be worthie to féele, and bringeth in more hardnes of liuing, greater dearth of all things, & occasioneth manie causes of diseases?* 7.63 The price of things must needs increase much, when the number of things waxeth lesse, and by scarsitie be inhansed, & compelleth men to abate their liberalitie in house, both to their owne, and also to strangers. And where the rich wanteth, what can the poore find, who in a common scarsitie liueth most scarselie, and feeleth quickliest the sharpnesse of staruing, when euerie man for lacke is hungerbitten. Which if ye had well remembred before, as ye now maie after perceiue, ye would not I thinke so stiffe-neckedlie haue resi∣sted and indangered your selues in the storme of fa∣mine, whereof ye most likelie must haue the greatest part, which most stubbornlie resisted, to your owne

shame and confusion.

* 7.64Experience teacheth vs, that after a great dearth commeth a great death; for that when men in great want of meat eat much ill meat, they fill their bo∣dies with ill humors, and cast them from their state of health, into a subiection of sickenesse: bicause the good bloud in the bodie is not able to kéepe his tem∣per, for the multitude of the ill humors that corrup∣teth the same. And so grow great & deadlie plagues, and destroie great numbers of all sorts, sparing no kind that they light on, neither respecting the poore [line 10] with mercie, nor the rich with fauour. Can ye there∣forethinke herein,* 7.65 when ye see decaie of vittels, the rich pinch, the poore famish, the following of diseases, the greatnesse of death, the mourning of widowes, the pitifulnesse of the fatherlesse, and all this miserie to come thorough your vnnaturall misbehauiour, that ye haue not dangerouslie hurt the commons of your countrie with a dolefull and vncurable wound? These things being once felt in the common-wealth, [line 20] as they must néeds be, euerie man séeth by and by what followeth: euen a great diminishment of the strength of the realme, when the due number that the realme dooth mainteine is made lesse, and thereby we be made rather a preie for our enimies, than a safetie for our selues.

And how can there be but a great decaie o•• people at the length,* 7.66 when some be ouerthrowne in warre, some suffer for punishment, some pine for famine, some die with the campes diet, some be consumed [line 30] with sickenesse? For although ye thinke your selues able to match with a few vnprepared gentlemen, and put them from their houses, that ye might gaine the spoile: doo ye iudge the refore your selues strong inough,* 7.67 not onelie to withstand a kings power, but also to ouerthrow it? Is it possible that ye should haue so mad a frensie in your head, that ye should thinke the number ye sée so strong, that all ye sée not should not be able to preuaile to the contrarie? With what reason could ye thinke, that if ye bode the hot [line 40] brunt of battell, but ye must néeds feele the smart, speciallie the kings power comming against you: which if ye feare not, belike ye know not the force thereof? And so much the greater number is lost in the realme, that both the ouercommer and the o∣uercommed be parties, although vnlike, of one realme: and what losse is not onelie of either side, but of both, that dooth plainlie redound to the whole.

Then where so great and so horrible a fault is com∣mitted,* 7.68 as woorse can not be mentioned of from the [line 50] beginning, and bringeth in withall such penurie, such weakenes, such disorder in the common-wealth, as no mischiefe besides could doo the like: can anie man thinke with iust reason, that all shall escape vn∣punished that shall escape the sword, and not manie for terrour and examples sake should be looked vnto, who haue beene either great dooers in such a disorde∣red vilanie, or great counsellors to such an out∣growne mischiefe; séeing the onelie remedie of re∣dressing wilfull faults is a iust and seuere punish∣ment [line 60] of such, whose naughtie déeds good men ought to abhorre for duties sake, and ill men maie dread for like punishments sake, and a frée licence to doo mis∣chiefe vnpunished is so dangerous, that the suffe∣rance of one is the occasion of the fall of a great number,* 7.69 and womanish pitie to one is a deceitfull crueltie to the whole, intising them to their owne de∣struction by sufferance, which would haue auoided the danger by fore punishment.

And in such a barrennesse of vittels, as must néeds come after so rauening a spoile, it must néeds be, that some (though few) shall be so nipt with egernesse of famine, that they shall not recouer againe them∣selues out of so fretting a danger. So in a generall weakenesse, where all shall be féebled, some must needs die, and so diminish the number, and abate such strength as the realme defended it selfe withall be∣fore. Which occasion of neuer so few, comming of so great a cause, if ye should make iust amends for, not of recompense which ye could not,* 7.70 but of punish∣went which ye ought; how manie, how diuerse and how cruell deaths ought euerie one of ye often suf∣fer? How manie came to the camps from long la∣bour to sudden ease, and from meane fare to stroieng of vittels: and so fell in a maner vnwares to such a contrarie change, that nature hir selfe abiding ne∣uer great and sudden changes, can not beare it with∣out some grounds entered of diseases to come, which vncircumspect men shall sooner féele than thinke of, and then will scarselie iudge the cause, when they shall be vexed with the effect?

It is little maruell that idlenesse and meat of an other mans charge will soone feed vp & fat like men:* 7.71 but it is great maruell if idlenesse and other mens meat doo not abate the same by sickenesse againe, and speciallie comming from the one, and going to the other: contrarie in those who violentlie séeke to turne in a moment the whole realme to the contra∣rie. For while their mind changeth from obedience to vnrulinesse, and turneth it selfe from honestie to wildnesse, and their bodies go from labour to idle∣nesse, from small fare to spoile of vittels, and from beds in the night to cabins, and from swéet houses to stinking camps, it must néeds be by changing of af∣fections which alter the bodie, and by vsing of rest that filleth the bodie, and by glutting of meats which weakeneth the bodie, & with cold in the nights which accraseth the bodie, and with corrupt aire which in∣fecteth the bodie, that there follow some grieuous tem∣pest not onelie of contagious sickenesse, but also of present death to the bodie.

The greatest plucke of all is,* 7.72 that vehemencie of plague, which naturallie followeth the dint of hung∣er, which when it entereth once among men, what darts of pangs, what throwes of paines, what showts of death dooth it cast out? How manie fall, not asto∣nied with the sickenesse, but fretted with the paine? How beateth it downe not onelie small townes, but also great countries?* 7.73 This when ye sée light first on your beasts which lacke fodder, and after fall on men whose bodies gape for it, and sée the scarse∣nesse of men to be by this your foule enterprise, and not onelie other men touched with plagues, but also your owne house stoong with death, and the plague also raised of your rising, to fire your selues: can ye thinke you to be anie other but mankillers of other, and murtherers of your selues, and the principals of the ouerthrow of so great a number, as shall either by sword or punishment, famine, or some plague or pestilence be consumed and wasted out of the com∣mon-wealth?

And seeing he that decaieth the number of cotta∣ges or plowes in a towne,* 7.74 seemeth to be an enimie to the common-wealth: shall we not count him, not onelie an enimie, but also a murtherer of his coun∣trie, who by harebrained vnrulinesse causeth vt∣ter ruine and pestilent destruction of so manie thou∣sand men? Grant this follie then and ouersight to be such as woorthilie ye maie count it, and I shall go further in declaring of other great inconueni∣ences, which your dangerous and furious misbe∣hauiour hath hurtfullie brought in; séeing diuerse ho∣nest and true dealing men, whose liuing is by their owne prouision, hath come so before hand by time,* 7.75 that they haue béene able well to liue honestlie in their houses, & paie beside the rents of their farmes trulie, and now haue by your crueltie and abhorred insurrections lost their goods, their cattell, their har∣uest,

which they had gotten before, and wherwith they intended to liue hereafter, & now be brought to this extremitie, that they be neither able to liue, as they were woont at home before; nor to paie their accu∣stomeable rent at their due time. Whereby they be brought into trouble and vnquietnesse, not onlie mu∣sing what they haue lost by you, but also cursing you by whome they haue lost it, and also in danger of loo∣sing their holds at their lords hands, except by pitie they shew more mercie, than the right of the law [line 10] will grant by iustice.

* 7.76And what a griefe is it to an honest man, to labor, trulie in youth, and to gaine painefullie by labour, wherewith to liue honestlie in age, and to haue this, gotten in long time, to be suddenlie caught awaie by the violence of sedition, which name he ought to abhorre by it selfe, although no miserie of losse fol∣lowed to him thereby. But what greater griefe ought seditious rebels to haue themselues, who if they be not striken with punishment, yet ought to [line 20] pine in conscience, and melt awaie with the griefe of their owne faults, when they sée innocents and men of true seruice hindered and burdened with the hurt of their rebellion, & who in a good common-wealth should for honesties sake prosper, they by these rebels onlie meanes be cast so behind the hand, as they can not recouer easilie againe by their owne truth, that which they haue lost by those traitors mis∣chiefe? And if vniust men ought not so to be handled at anie mans hands,* 7.77 but onelie stand to the order of [line 30] a law: how much more should true and faithfull sub∣iects, who deserue praise, féele no vnquietnesse, nor be vexed with sedition, who be obedientlie in subiec∣tion, but rather séeke iust amends at false rebels hands, and by law obteine that they lost by disorder, and so constreine you to the vttermost, to paie the re∣compense of wrongfull losses, bicause ye were the authors of these wrongfull spoiles.

Then would ye soone perceiue the common-wealths hurt, not when other felt it who deserued it [line 40] not, but when you smarted who caused it, and stood not & looked vpon other mens losses which ye might pitie, but tormented with your owne which ye would lament. Now I am past this mischiefe, which ye will not hereafter denie, when ye shall praise other mens foresight, rather than your wicked dooings, in be wailing the end of your furie, in whose beginning ye now reioise.* 7.78 What saie ye to the number of vaga∣bonds and loitering beggers, which after the ouer∣throw of your campe, and scattering of this seditious [line 50] number, will swarme in euerie corner of the realme and not onelie lie loitering vnder hedges, but also stand sturdilie in cities, and beg boldlie at euerie doore, leauing labour which they like not, and follow∣ing idlenesse which they should not? For euerie man is easilie and naturallie brought from labour to ease, from the better to the woorse, from diligence to sloth∣fulnesse: and after warres it is commonlie séene, that a great number of those which went out honest, returne home againe like roisters, and as though [line 60] they were burnt to the wars bottome, they haue all their life after an vnsauorie smacke thereof, & smell still toward daiesleepers, pursepickers, highwaie-robbers, quarrelmakers, yea and bloudsheders too.

Doo we not sée commonlie in the end of warres more robbing,* 7.79 more begging, more murdering than before, and those to stand in the high waie to aske their almes, whome ye be affraid to saie naie vnto honestlie, least they take it awaie from you violent∣lie, and haue more cause to suspect their strength, than pitie their need? Is it not then dailie heard, how men be not onelie pursued, but vtterlie spoiled, & few maie ride safe by the kings highwaie, except they ride strong, not so much for feare of their goods, which men estéeme lesse, but also for danger of their life, which euerie man loueth.* 7.80 Worke is vndoone at home and loiterers linger in stréets, lurke in alehouses, range in highwaies, valiant beggers plaie in towns and yet complaine of néed, whose staffe if it be once hot in their hand, or sluggishnesse bred in their bo∣some, they will neuer be allured to labour againe, contenting themselues better with idle beggerie, than with honest and profitable labour. And what more noisome beasts be there in a common wealth? Drones in hiues sucke out the honie, a small mat∣ter, but yet to be looked on by good husbands. Cater∣pillers destroie the fruit, an hurtfull thing, and well shifted for by a diligent ouerséer. Diuerse vermine destroie corne, kill pulleme, engines and snares be made for them.

But what is a loiterer? A sucker of honie,* 7.81 a spoiler of corne, a stroier of fruit, a waster of monie, a spoi∣ler of vittels, a sucker of bloud, a breaker of orders, a seeker of breakes, a queller of life, a basiliske of the commonwealth, which by companie and sight dooth poison the whole countrie, and staineth honest minds with the infection of his veneme, and so draweth the commonwealth to death and destruction. Such is the fruits of your labour and trauell for your pretensed commonwealth, which iustice would no man should taste of but your selues, that yée might trulie iudge of your owne mischéefe, and fraie other by example from presuming the like.* 7.82 When we sée a great num∣ber of flies in a yeare, we naturallie iudge it like to be a great plague, and hauing so great a swarming of loitering vagabonds, readie to beg and brall at euerie mans doore, which declare a greater infection, can we not looke for a greeuouser and perillouser danger than the plague is? Who can therefore other∣wise déeme, but this one deadlie hurt, wherewith the commonwelth of our nation is wounded, beside all other is so pestilent, that there can be no more hurt∣full thing in a well gouerned estate, nor more throwne into all kind of vice and vnrulinesse: and therefore this your sedition is not onelie most odi∣ous, but also most horrible, that hath spotted the whole countrie with such a staine of idlenesse.

There can be none end of faults, if a man rehearse all faults that doo necessarilie follow this vnrulie sturdinesse. For not onelie vagabonds wandering and scattering themselues for mischeefe, shall run in a mans eies, but also disorder of euerie degrée shall enter into a mans mind,* 7.83 and shall behold hereby the commonwealth miserablie defaced by you, who should as much as other haue kept your selues in or∣der in it. Neither be the magistrats dulie obeied, nor the lawes iustlie feared,* 7.84 nor degrées of men conside∣red, nor maisters well serued, nor parents truelie re∣uerenced, nor lords remembred of their tenants, nor yet either naturall or ciuill law much regarded. And it is plainlie vnpossible that that countrie shall well stand in gouernement, and the people growe to wealth,* 7.85 where order in euerie state is not fitlie obser∣ued: and that bodie cannot be without much gréefe of inflammation, where anie lest part is out of ioint, or not duelie set in his owne naturall place.

Wherefore order must be kept in the common-wealth like health in the bodie, and all the drift of po∣licie looketh to this end, how this temper may be safelie mainteined, without anie excesse of vnmea∣surablenesse, either of the one side, or of the other. And easie inough it is to keepe the same, when it is once brought into the meane, and to hold it in the staie it is found in: but when it bursteth out once with a vehemencie, and hath gotten into an vnrulie dis∣order, it spreadeth so fast, and ouerfleweth all honest mens resisting so violentlie, that it will be hard to recouer the breach of long time againe, except with

great and wise counsell, which no doubt shall be in season vsed, there be woonderfull remedies sought therefore. And euen as a man falling, is easier hol∣den vp by staie,* 7.86 than when he is fallen downe he is able to rise againe: so is the commonwealth slipping, by the foresight of wisedome better kept from ruine; than when it is once fallen into anie kind of miserie, the same may be called againe to the old and former state. Doo we not euidentlie know, that a man may better kéepe his arme or his leg from breaking or [line 10] falling out of ioint, afore hurt come to it; than after the hurt it may safelie and quietlie be healed, and re∣stored to the former strength and health againe? And now through your seditious means, things that were afore quiet and in good order,* 7.87 laws feared and obeied, subiects ruled and kept in dutie, be all now in a great disorder, and like (if it be not holpen) to grow to wild∣nesse, and a beas••linesse; séeing that neither common dutie can be kept, which nature prescribeth, nor com∣mon law can be regarded, which policie requireth. [line 20] How can yée kéepe your owne if yée kéepe no order?* 7.88 Your wiues and children, how can they be defended from other mens violence, if yee will in other things breake all order? By what reason would yée be obei∣ed of yours as seruants, if yée will not obeie the king as subiects? How would yée haue others deale or∣derlie with you, if yée will vse disorder against all others? Seeing then there is such a confusion now of things, such a turmoile of men, such a disorder of fa∣shions; who can looke to liue quietlie a great while, [line 30] who can thinke but that yée haue miserablie tossed the commonwealth, and so vexed all men with disor∣der, that the inconuenience hereof cannot onelie nip others, but also touch you?

But now sée how that not onelie these vnlooked for mischeefes haue heauilie growne on yée, but also those commodities,* 7.89 which yée thought to haue holpen your selues and others by, be not onelie hindered, but also hurt thereby. The kings maiestie by the aduise, &c: intended a iust reformation of all such things as poore men could trulie shew themselues oppressed [line 40] with, thinking equalitie of iustice to be the diademe of his kingdome,* 7.90 and the safegard of his commons. Which was not onelie intended by wisedome, but also set on with speed, and so entered into a due consi∣dering of all states, that none should haue iust cause to grudge against the other, when as euerie thing rightfullie had, nothing could be but vnrightfullie grudged at. And this would haue béene doone, not onelie with your glad and willing assent: but also béene doone by this daie almost throughout the whole [line 50] realme: so that quietlie it had béene obteined with∣out inconuenience, and spéedilie without delaie. And whatsoeuer had béene doone by the kings maiesties authoritie, that would by right haue remained for e∣uer, and so taken in law, that the contrarie partie neither could by iustice, neither would by boldnesse haue enterprised the breach thereof.

But least wicked men should be wealthie, and they whose hearts be not truelie bent to obedience,* 7.91 should obteine at the kings hands that they deser∣ued [line 60] not in a commonwealth, yée haue maruellouslie and worthilie hurt your selues, and gréeuouslie pro∣uided (except the kings goodnesse be more vnto you than your owne deserts can claime) that yée be not so much worthie as to be benefited in anie kind, as yée be worthie to lose that yée haue on euerie side.* 7.92 Ye haue thought good to be your owne reformers belike, not onelie vnnaturallie mistrusting the kings iu∣stice, but also cruellie and vnciuillie dealing with your owne neighbours. Wherein I would as yée haue hurt the whole realme, so yee had not enterprised a thing most dangerous to your selues, & most con∣trarie to the thing yée intended. If yée had let things alone, thought good by your selues to be redressed, and dutifullie looked for the performance of that, the kings maiestie promising reformation, they should nor haue béene vndoone at this time, as in a great sort of honest places they be; nor whole countries, who for their quietnesse be most worthie to be looked on, should haue béene vnprouided for at this daie. But this commoditie hath happened by the waie,* 7.93 that it is euidentlie knowne by your mischeefe, and others dutie, who be most true to the king, and most worthie to be doone for, and who be most pernicious and trai∣torous rebels. And it is not to be doubted, but they shall be considered with thanks, and find iust redresse without deserued miserie, & you punished like rebels, who might haue had both praise & profit like subiects.

For that as yée haue valiantlie doone of your selues, thinke yée it will stand anie longer, than men feare your rage, which cannot indure long; and that yée shall not then bide the rigor of the law for your priuat iniuries, as yée vsed the furie of your braines in other mens oppressions? Will men suffer wrong at your hands, when law can redresse it, & the right of the commonwealth will mainteine it, and good order in countries will beare it?* 7.94 Yée amend faults as ill surgions heale sores, which when they seeme to be whole aboue, they rankle at the bottome, and so be faine continuallie to be sore, or else be mended by new breaking of the skin. Your redresse séemeth to you perfect and good, yee haue pulled downe such things as yee would, yee thinke now all is well: yée consider no further, yee seeke not the bottome, yée see not the sore, that yée haue doone it by no law, yee haue redressed it by no order, what then? If it be no other∣wise searched than by you, it will not tarie long so: either it will be after continuallie as it was afore your comming, or else it must be (when all is doone) a∣mended by the king.

Thus haue yée both lacked in the time, and mist in the dooing, and yet besides that ye haue done, which is by your dooing to no purpose. Yée haue doone the things with such inconueniences, as hath béene both before rehearsed, and shall be after declared; that bet∣ter it had béene for you, neuer to haue enioied the commoditie, if there be anie; than to suffer the greefs that will insue, which be verie manie. In euerie quarter some men (whom yee set by) will be lost,* 7.95 which euerie one of you (if ye haue loue in ye) would rather haue lacked the profit of your inclosures, than cause such destruction of them, as is like by reason & iudge∣ment necessarilie to follow. What commonwealth is it then, to doo such abhominable enterprises after so vile a sort, that yée hinder that good yée would doo, and bring in that hurt yee would not, and so find that yée séeke not, and follow that yée lose, and destroie your selues by follie; rather than yée would be orde∣red by reason, and so haue not so much amended your old sores, as brought in new plagues, which yée your selues that deserue them will lament, and we which haue not deserued them may cursse you for?* 7.96 For al∣though the kings maiestie, &c: intended for your pro∣fits a reformation in his commonwealth: yet his pleasure was not, nor no reason gaue it, that euerie subiect should busilie intermeddle with it of their owne head, but onelie those whome his councell thought most méet men for such an honest purpose.

The kings maiestie, &c: hath godlie reformed an vncleane part of religion, and hath brought it to the true forme of the first church that followed Christ, thinking that to be truest, not what later mens ••an∣sies haue of themselues deuised, but what the apo∣stles and their felowes bad at Christes h••nd receiued, and willeth the same to be knowne and set abroad to all his people. Shall euerie man now that listeth and fansieth the same, take in hand vncalled, to be a mi∣nister,

and to set foorth the same, hauing no authori∣tie?* 7.97 Naie, though the thing were verie godlie that were doone, yet the person must néeds doo ill that en∣terpriseth it, bicause he dooth a good thing after an ill sort, and looketh but on a little part of dutie, conside∣ring the thing, and leaueth a great part vnaduised, not considering the person: when as in a well and iustlie doone matter, not onelie these two things ought well to be weighed, but also good occasion of time, and reasonable cause of the dooing, ought also much to be set before euerie dooers eies. Now in this [line 10] your déed, the manner is vngodlie, the thing vnsuf∣ferable, the cause wicked, the person seditious, the time traitorous: and can ye possiblie by anie honest defense of reason, or anie good conscience religious∣lie grounded, denie that this malicious and horrible fault, so wickedlie set on, is not onelie sinfull afore God, and traitorous to the king, but also deadlie and pestilent to the whole common-wealth of our coun∣trie, and so not onelie ouerfloweth vs with the mi∣serie, [line 20] but also ouerwhelmeth you with the rage thereof?

Yet further see and ye be not wearie with the multitude of miseries,* 7.98 which ye haue maruellouslie mooued, what a yoke ye wilfullie doo bring on your selues, in stirring vp this detestable sedition, and so bring your selues into a further slauerie, if ye vse your selues into a further slauerie, if ye vse your selues often thus inobedientlie. When common or∣der of the law can take no place in vnrulie and dis∣obedient [line 30] subiects, and all men will of wilfulnesse re∣sist with rage, and thinke their owne violence to be the best iustice; then be wise magistrats compelled by necessitie to séeke an extreame remedie, where meane waies helpe not, and bring in the martiall law where none other law serueth. Then must ye be contented to bide punishment without processe, con∣demnation without witnesse, suspicion is then ta∣ken for iudgement, and displeasure may be iust cause of your execution, and so without fauor ye find strict∣nesse, [line 40] which without rule seeke violence. Ye thinke it a hard law and vnsufferable. It is so indéed, but yet good for a medicine.

* 7.99Desperate sicknesses in physicke must haue despe∣rate remedies, for meane medicines will neuer helpe great griefes. So if ye cast your selues into such sharpe diseases, ye must néeds looke for sharpe medicines againe at your physicians hands.* 7.100 And worthie ye be to suffer the extremitie in a common-wealth, which seeke to doo the extremitie, and by rea∣son [line 50] must receiue the like ye offer, and so be conten∣red to bide the end willinglie which set on the begin∣ning wilfullie. For no greater shame can come to a common-welth,* 7.101 than that those subiects which should be obedient euen without a law, can not be conten∣ted to be ordered by the law, and by no means kept within their dutie, which should euerie waie offend rather than in their dutie. It is a token that the sub∣iects lacke reason, when they forsake law, and thinke either by their multitude to find pardon, which can∣not [line 60] iustlie stretch to all, or else by strength to beare the stroke, which cannot prosper against a king.

They must néeds little consider themselues, who bring in this necessitie, rather to stand to the pleasure of a mans will, than to abide the reason of the law; and to be indangered more when an other man li∣steth, than when himselfe offendeth. And this must necessarilie folow if your rebellion thus continue: and while ye séeke to throw downe the yoke, which ye fansie your selues burdened withall, ye bring your selues in a greater bondage, leauing safetie and fo∣lowing danger, and putting your selues vnder the iustice of them whose fauour ye might easilie haue kept, if ye would willinglie and dutifullie haue ser∣ued. Now the gentlemen be more in trust,* 7.102 bicause the commons be vntrustie, and they get by seruice, which ye loose by stubbornnesse, and therefore must needs, if ye thus continue, haue more authoritie from the king: bicause ye would be in lesse subiection to the king, and that as ye will not doo of your selues, ye must be compelled to doo by others, and that ye re∣fuse to doo willinglie, thinke ye must be drawne to doo the same constreinedlie. Which when it commeth to passe, as wisedome séeth in your faults that it must néeds, what gaine ye then, or what profit can a∣rise to you by rising, which might haue found ease in sitting still? And what shall ye be at length the bet∣ter for this turmoile, which beside diuerse other in∣commodities rehearsed,* 7.103 shall be thus clogged with the vnsufferable burden of the martiall law.

Yet there is one thing behind, which me thinketh your selues should not forget, séeing that ye haue gi∣uen the cause, ye should dulie looke for the effect. Ye haue spoiled, imprisoned, and threatened gentlemen to death, and that with such hatred of mind, as may not well be borne. The cause therof I speake not on, which tried, will happilie be not so great: but sée the thing, set murther aside,* 7.104 it is the heinousest fault to a priuat man. What could more spitefullie haue béene doone against them, than ye haue vsed with crueltie? Can this doo anie other but breed in their stomachs great grudge of displeasure toward you, and ingen∣der such an hatred, as the weaker and the sufferer must néeds beare the smart thereof.

The kings best kind of gouernment is so to rule his subiects, as a father ordereth his children,* 7.105 and best life of obedient subiects is one to behaue himselfe to an other, as though they were brethren vnder the king their father. For loue is not the knot onelie of the common-wealth, whereby diuerse parts be per∣fectlie ioined togither in one politike bodie, but also the strength and might of the same, gathering togi∣ther into a small roome with order, which sca••tered would else bréed confusion and debate.* 7.106 Dissention we sée in small houses, and thereby may take exam∣ple to great common-wealths, how it not onelie de∣caieth them from wealth, but also abateth them from strength. Thinke small examples to take place in great matters, and the like though not so great to follow in them both, and there by learne to iudge of great things vnknowne, by small things perceiued. When brethren agrée not in a house, goeth not the weakest to the walles; and with whome the father ta∣keth part withall, is not he likest to preuaile? Is it not wisedome for the yoonger brother, after the good will of the parents, to seeke his eldest brothers fa∣uour, who vnder them is most able to doo for him? To séeke them both with honestie is wisedome, to loose them both by sullennesse is madnesse.

Haue there not béene dailie benefits from the gen∣tlemen to you, in some more, and in some lesse,* 7.107 but in none considered, which they haue more friendlie offered, than you haue gentlie requited? This must ye lose, when ye will not be thankefull, and learne to gaine new good will by desert, when ye forsake the old friendship vnprouoked. And ye must thinke that liuing in a common-wealth togither, one kind hath néed of an other: and yet a great sort of you more néed of one gentleman,* 7.108 than one gentleman of a great sort of you. And though all be parts of one com∣mon-wealth, yet all be not like worthie parts, but all being vnder obedience, some kind in more subie∣ction one waie, and some kind in more seruice an o∣ther waie. And séeing ye be lesse able by monie and liberalitie to deserue good will than others be, and your onelie kind of desert is to shew good will, which honest men doo well accept as much worth as mo∣nie, haue ye not much hind••red & hurt your selues

herein, losing that one kind of humanitie which ye haue onelie left, and turning it into crueltie, which ye ought most to abhor, not onelie bicause it is wic∣ked of it selfe, but also most noisome to you.

I can therefore for my part thinke no lesse herein, if ye follow your stiffenesse still, & must needs iudge that ye haue wilfullie brought on your selues such plagues, as the like could not haue fallen on you, but by your selues. Seeing then thus manie waies ye haue hurt the common-welth of this whole countrie within,* 7.109 by destruction of shires, losing of haruest, [line 10] wasting of vittels, decaieng of manhood, vndooing of farmers, increasing of vagabonds, mainteining of disorders, hindring of redresses, bringing in of mar∣tiall law, and breeding continuall hatred among di∣uerse states: what thinke ye, I praie you? Iudge ye not that ye haue committed an odious and detesta∣ble crime against the whole common-wealth, whose f••rtherance ye ought to haue tendered by dutie, and not to haue sought the hurt thereof with your owne [line 20] damage?

Besides all these inward griefes, which euerie one seuerallie must néeds féele with miserie, there happeneth so manie outward mischances among strangers to vs with disdaine;* 7.110 that if there were no∣thing ill within the realme which we should féele, yet the shame which dooth touch vs from other countries, should not onelie mooue, but also compell you harti∣lie to forethinke this your rebellious sedition. For what shall strangers thinke, when they shall heare of [line 30] the great misorder which is in this realme with such confusion, that no order of law can kéepe you vnder, but must be faine to be beaten downe with a kings power?* 7.111 Shall they not first thinke the kings maie∣stie, in whose mind God hath powred so much hope for a child, as we may looke for gifts in a man; either for his age to be little set by, or for lacke of qualities not to be regarded, or for default of loue to be resi∣sted, and no notable grace of God in him considered, nor the worthinesse of his office looked vpon, nor na∣turall [line 40] obedience due to him remembred?

Shall they not next suppose, small estimation to be giuen to the rulers,* 7.112 to whom vnder the king we owe due obedience, that can not in iust and lawfull mat∣ters be heard, nor men to haue that right iudgement of their wisedome, as their iustice in rule, and fore∣sight in counsell requireth: but rather prefer their owne fansies before others experience, and déeme their owne reason to be common-wealth, and other mens wisedome to be but dreaming?* 7.113 Shall they not [line 50] trulie saie the subiects to be more vnfaithfull in dis∣obedience, than other subiects worsse ordered be; and licence of libertie to make wild heads without order, and that they neither haue reason that vnderstand not the mischiefe of sedition, nor dutie which follow their beastlinesse, nor loue in them which so little re∣member the common-wealth, nor naturall affection which will dailie séeke their owne destruction?

* 7.114Thus the whole countrie lacking the good opinion of other nations, is cast into great shame by your [line 60] vnrulinesse, and the proceedings of the countrie, be they neuer so godlie, shall be ill spoken of, as vnfit to be brought into vse; and good things hereby that deserue praise, shall bide the rebuke of them that list to speake ill, and ill things vntouched shall be boldlier mainteined.* 7.115 Nothing may with praise be redressed, where things be measured by changeable disorder, rather than by necessarie vse; and that is thought most politike, that men will be best conten∣ted to doo, and not that which men should be brought vnto by dutie. And with what dutie or vertue in ye, can ye quench out of memorie this foule enterprise, or gather a good report againe to this realme, who haue so vilelie with reproch slandered the same, and diuerslie discredited it among others, and abated the good opinion which was had of the iust gouernement and ruled order vsed heretofore in this noble realme, which is now most grieuous, bicause it is now most without cause.

If this outward opinion (without further incon∣uenience) were all, yet it might well be borne,* 7.116 and would with ease decaie as it grew: but it hath not onlie hurt vs with voice, but indangered vs in deed, and cast vs a great deale behind the hand, where else we might haue had a iollie foredeale. For that opor∣tunitie of time which seldome chanceth, and is al∣waies to bée taken, hath béene by your froward meanes lost this yeare, and so vainlie spent at home for bringing downe of you, which should else profita∣blie haue béene otherwise bestowed, that it hath béene almost as great a losse to vs abrode, to lacke that we might haue obteined, as it was combrance at home, to go about the ouerthrow of you, whose se∣dition is to be abhorred. And we might both conue∣nientlie haue inuaded some,* 7.117 if they would not reaso∣nablie haue growne to some kind of friendship, and also defended others which would beside promise for times sake vniustlie set vpon vs, and easilie haue made this stormie time a faire yeare vnto vs, if our men had beene so happie at home, as our likelihood a∣brode was fortunat.

But what is it (I praie you) either to let slip such an occasion by negligence, or to stop it by stubborn∣nesse, which once past awaie, can be by no means re∣couered; no not though with diligence ye go about to reinforce the same againe? If ye would with wicked∣nes haue forsaken your faith to your naturall coun∣trie,* 7.118 and haue sought craftie means to haue vtterlie betraied it to our common enimies: could ye haue had anie other speedier waie than this is, both to make our strength weake, and their weakenesse strong? If ye would haue sought to haue spited your countrie, and to haue pleased your enimie, and fol∣low their counsell for our hinderance: could ye haue had deuised of them anie thing more shamefull for vs, and ioifull to them? If they which lie like spials, and hearken after likelihoods of things to come, bi∣cause they declare oportunitie of times to the eni∣mie,* 7.119 are to be iudged common enimies of the coun∣trie; what shall we reasonablie thinke of you, who doo not secretlie bewraie the counsels of other, but open∣lie betraie the common-wealth with your owne déeds, and haue as much as lieth in you, sought the ouerthrow of it at home: which if ye had obteined at Gods hand, as he neuer alloweth so horrible an en∣terprise, how could yée haue defended it from the o∣uerthrow of others abrode?

For is your vnderstanding of things so small, that although ye sée your selues not vnfit to get the vpper hand of a few gentlemen, that ye be able to beat downe afore the kings power: ye and by chance ye were able to doo that, would ye iudge your selues by strength mightie enough, to resist the power of outward nations,* 7.120 that for praise sake would inuade ye? Naie, thinke trulie with your selues, that if yee doo ouercome, ye be vnsure both by strength abrode, and displeasure of honest men at home, and by the punishment of God aboue. And now ye haue not yet gotten in déed, that your vaine hope looketh for by fansie: thinke how certeinlie ye haue wounded the common-wealth with a sore stroke, in procuring our enimies by our weakenesse to séeke victorie, and by our outward miserie to séeke outward glorie with in∣ward dishonor. Which howsoeuer they get, thinke it to be long of you, who haue offered them victorie be∣fore they began warre: bicause ye would declare to men hereafter (belike) how dangerous it is to make sturres at home, when they doo not onelie make our

selues weake, but also our enimies strong.

* 7.121Beside th••se, there is another sort of men desi∣rous of aduantage, and disdainefull of our wealth, whose greefe is most our greatest hap, and be offen∣ded with religion, bicause they be drowned in super∣stition, men zealed toward God, but not fit to iudge, meaning better without knowledge, than they iudge by their meaning, woorthier whose ignorance should be taken awaie, than their will should be fol∣lowed; whome we should more rebuke for their stub∣bornesse, than despise for their ignorance. These seeing [line 10] superstition beaten downe, and religion set vp, Gods word taking place, traditions kept in their kind, dif∣ference made betwéene Gods commandements and mans learning, the truth of things sought out accor∣ding to Christes institution, examples taken of the primitiue churches vse, not at the bishop of Romes ordinance, and true worship taught, and wil-worship refused, doo by blindnesse rebuke that as by truth they should follow, and by affection follow that as by [line 20] knowledge they should abhorre, thinking vsage to be truth, and scripture to be error, not weieng by the word, but misconstruing by custome.

* 7.122And now things be changed to the better, and re∣ligion trulier appointed, they see matters go awrie, which hurteth the whole realme, and they reioise in this mischéefe as a thing worthilie happened, mista∣king the cause, and slandering religion, as though there were no cause whie God might haue punished, if their vsed profession might still haue taken place. They sée not that where Gods glorie is truliest set [line 30] foorth, there the diuell is most busie for his part, and laboureth to corrupt by lewdnesse, that as is gotten out by the truth, thinking that if it were not blemi∣shed at the first, the residue of his falsehood should af∣ter lesse preuaile. So he troubleth by biwaies, that he cannot plainlie withstand, and vseth subtiltie of so∣phis••rie,* 7.123 where plaine reason saileth, and persuadeth simple men that to be a cause, which in deed can not be tried and taken for a cause. So he causeth religi∣on [line 40] which teacheth obedience, to be iudged the cause of sedition; & the doctrine of loue, the séed of dissention; mistaking the thing, but persuading mens minds, and abusing the plaine meaning of the honest to a wicked end of religions ouerthrow.

The husbandman had not so soone throwne séed in his ground,* 7.124 but steppeth vp the enimie, and hee soweth cockle too, and maketh men doubt whether the good husband had doone well or no, and whether he had sowne there good séed or bad. The fansifull Iewes in Egypt would not beléeue Ieremie,* 7.125 but thought their [line 50] plague and their miserie to come by his means; and leauing of idolatrie to be the cause of penurie, wher∣fore by wilfull aduise they intended to forsake the prophets councell, and thought to serue God most trulie by their rooted & accustomed idolatrie. When the christian men were persecuted in the primitiue church,* 7.126 & dailie suffered martyrdome for Christs pro∣fession, such faire season of weather was for thrée or foure yeares togither, that the heathen iudged there∣vpon [line 60] God to be delighted with their crueltie, and so were persuaded that with the bloud of the martyrs they pleased God highlie. Such fansies light now in papists, and irreligious mens heads, and ioine things by chance happening togither, and conclude the one to be the cause of the other, and then delight in true worshippers hurt, bicause they iudge cur∣sedlie the good to be bad, and therefore reioise in the punishment of the godlie. For they being fleshlie, iudge by outward things, and perceiue not the in∣ward, for that they lacke the spirit and so iudge amis, not vnderstanding God, what diuersitie he suffereth to blind still the wilfull, and how through all dangers he saueth his forechosen.

And thus haue ye giuen a large occasion to stub∣borne papists, both to iudge amisse,* 7.127 and also to reioise in this wicked chance, contented with our mischeefe, not liking our religion, and thinking God dooth pu∣nish for this better change, and haue thereby an euill opinion of Gods holie truth, confirmed in them by no sure scripture, but by following of mischance, which they ought to thinke to come for the pride and stubbornnesse of the people, who dooth not accept Gods glorie in good part, nor giue no due praise to their Lord and maker. What should I saie more? Ye hurt euerie waie, the dangers be so great,* 7.128 and the perils so manie, which doo dailie follow your diue∣lish enterprise, that the more I seeke in the mater, the more I continuallie see to saie. And what words can worthilie declare this miserable beastlines of yours, which haue intended to diuide the realme, and arme the one part for the killing of the other? For euen as concord is not onelie the health,* 7.129 but also the strength of the realme: so is sedition not onelie the weaknesse but also the apostume of the realme, which when it breaketh inwardlie, putteth the state in great dan∣ger of recouerie, and corrupteth the whole common-wealth with the rotten furie that it hath béene long putrified withall. For it is not in sedition as in other faults, which being mischéefous of themselues, haue some notable hurt alwaies fast adioined to them: but in this one is there a whole hell of faults, not se∣uerallie scattered, but clustered on a lumpe togither, and comming on so thicke, that it is vnpossible for a region armed with all kinds of wisedome, and strength thereto, to auoid the dangers that issue out thereof.

When sedition once breaketh out, sée ye not the lawes ouerthrowne, the magistrates despised,* 7.130 spoi∣ling of houses, murthering of men, wasting of coun∣tries, increase of disorder, diminishing of the realms strength, swarming of vagabonds, scarsitie of labo∣rers, and all those mischiefes plentiouslie brought in, which God is woont to scourge seuerelie withall, warre, dearth, and pestilence? And séeing ye haue theft & murther, plague & famine, confusion and idle∣nesse linked togither, can ye looke for anie more mis∣chéefe in one shamefull enterprise, than ye euidentlie sée to grow herein? As for warre, although it be mi∣serable, yet the one part getteth somewhat,* 7.131 and reioi∣seth in the spoile, and so goeth lustier awaie: and ei∣ther increaseth his countrie with riches, or inhan∣seth himselfe with glorie: but in sedition both parts loose, the ouercommer cannot flie, the ouercommed cannot spoile; the more the winner winneth, the more he looseth; the more that escape, the more infa∣mous men liue; all that is gained is scarselie saued; the winning is losse, the losse is destruction, both wast themselues, and the whole most wasted; the strengthening of themselues, the decaie of the coun∣trie; the striuing for the victorie, is a preie to the eni∣mie: and shortlie to saie, the hellish turmoile of sedi∣tion so farre passeth the common miserie of warre, as to slaie himselfe is more heinous, than to be slaine of another.

O noble peace, what wealth bringest thou in, how doo all things flourish in field and in towne,* 7.132 what for∣wardnesse of religion, what increase of learning, what grauitie in counsell, what deuise of wit, what order of maners, what obedience of laws, what re∣uerence of states, what safegard of houses, what qui∣etnesse of life, what honor of countries, what friend∣ship of minds, what honestie of pleasure hast thou alwaies mainteined, whose happinesse we knew not, while now we féele thy lacke, and shall learne by mi∣serie to vnderstand plentie, and so to auoid mischiefe by the hurt that it bringeth, and learne to serue bet∣ter, where rebellion is once knowen; and so to liue

trulie, and kéepe the kings peace. What good state were ye in afore ye began, not pricked with pouer∣tie,* 7.133 but sturred with mischiefe, to séeke your destruc∣tion, hauing wa••es to redresse all that was amisse? Magistrats most readie to tender all iustice, and pi∣tifull in hearing the poore mens causes, which sought to amend matters more than you can deuise, and were readie to redresse them better than ye could imagine: and yet for a headinesse ye could not be contented; but in despite of God, who comman∣deth obedience, and in contempt of the king, whose [line 10] lawes doo seeke your wealth, and to ouerthrow the countrie, which na••urallie we should loue, ye would proudlie rise, and doo ye wot not what, and amend things by rebellion to your vtter vndooing.* 7.134 What state leaue ye vs in now, besieged with enimies, diuided at home, made poore with spoile and losse of our haruest, vnordered and cast downe with slaugh∣ter and hatred, hindered from amendments by our owne diuelish hast, indangered with sickenesse by reason of misorder, laid open to mens pleasures [line 20] for breaking of the lawes, and féebled to such faint∣nesse that scarselie it will be couered.

* 7.135Wherefore for Gods sake haue pittie on your selues, consider how miserablie ye haue spoiled, de∣stroied, and wasted vs all: and if for desperatnesse ye care not for your selues, yet remember your wiues, your children, your countrie, and forsake this rebellion. With humble submission acknowledge your faults, and tarie not the extremitie of the kings sword, leaue off with repentance, and turne to your [line 30] duties, aske God forgiuenesse, submit ye to your king, be contented for a common-wealth one or two to die. And ye capteins for the residue sacri∣fice your selues, ye shall so best atteine the kings gratious pardon, saue the assemblie, and helpe the common-wealth, & to declare your dooings to procéed of no stubbornesse; but all this mischiefe to grow out of ignorance, which séeing the miserie, would redresse the fault, & to recouer best the blot of your disorder, and staie the great miseries which be like to follow. [line 40] Thus if ye doo not, thinke trulie with your selues, that God is angrie with you for your rebellion, the kings sword drawne to defend his countrie,* 7.136 the crie of the poore to God against ye, the readinesse of the honest in armor to vanquish ye, your death to be at hand, which ye cannot escape, hauing God against ye, as he promiseth in his word, the kings power to ouerthrow ye, gathered in the field, the common-welth [line 50] to beate ye downe with stripes and with curs∣ses, the shame of your mischiefe to blemish ye for euer.

¶Thus far this necessarie treatise touching rebel∣lion, penned by sir Iohn Chéeke, a gentleman e∣uerie waie in complet sort satisfieng the report blazed abroad of him. For if there were no more testimonies extant in the world, but this onelie trea∣tise discoursing Kets rebellion; it were enough to warrant no lesse true, than in common speech and writing is left witnessed of him. And suerlie it ap∣peareth, [line 60] that as in this gentleman there was an ex∣traordinarie heape of laudable gifts;* 7.137 so was there al∣so in him the right vse of them all. Wherby he grew in such fauor with king Henrie the eight, that partlie for his absolute knowledge in toongs, speciallie the Gréeke and Latine, and also for his integritie of life and religion; he was chosen schoolemaister to yoong prince Edward, to traine him vp in the right vn∣derstanding, both of forren languages, & the purenes of Gods seruice. Insomuch that by his industrie such effects followed (God aboue prospering his actions) that the yoong prince, when he came to the kingdome was mindfull of him, and among other (I will not saie gratuities, where cause of desert maketh chal∣lenge of some recompense) tokens of beneuolence, aduanced him to the dignitie of knighthood; as here∣after in due place maie appeare. Of this woorthie man, whose praise though neuer so excessiue (if meet for a man) is equiualent vnto his merits, Iohn Le∣land, vpon presenting vnto him a booke, taketh oc∣casion to write this epigram, comprising in summe no lesse than is here vnder in English remembred:

Si vis Thespiadum choro probari, Fac vt consilio libelle nostro* 7.138 Facundo studeas placere Checo, Quem Pandioniae colunt Athenae, Et quem Roma colit diserta multùm, Quem rex maximus omnium supremúsque Henricus reputans virum probatum, Spectatúmque satis, reconditaeque Censorem solidum eruditionis, Eduardum bene filium suúmque Haeredem puerum, illi ad alta natum, Sic concredidit, vtriusque linguae Flores vt legeret venustiores, Exercens facili manum labore, Et Christi imbiberet suaue nectar. Foelicem arbitror hunc diem fuisse, Tanto discipulo dedit magistrum Qui talem, &c.]

During the time of these commotions and sturs here within the realme,* 7.139 to the great danger of the state; the French king hauing knowledge thereof, ment not to omit the oportunitie offered, to recouer out of the Englishmens hands those fortresses which they held at Bullongne and in Bullongnois. Where∣vpon he gaue summons to the gentlemen and men of armes, and others of his realme, to put them∣selues in order with all their furniture, that they might be readie to attend him in his armie in Bul∣longnois by a daie appointed. And about the same time, that is to saie, in the beginning of August; the French king purposing to surprise the Iles of Gernes••ie and Ierseie, appointed certeine gallies and ships of warre to passe thither; but being recei∣ued by the king of Englands nauie that laie there, and other of the Iland,* 7.140 they were beaten backe and repelled, with the losse of a thousand men (as some write) and so were constreined to retire without at∣chiuing their enterprise.

Credible word was brought out of France to the lord protector,* 7.141 that into one towne in one vessell were brought at the least thrée score gentlemen to be buried, & also an inhibition giuen out by the French king, not to speake of the euill successe of that iour∣nie. In the meane time, the French king being come downe vnto Abuile, departed from thence the sixtéenth of August, and comming vnto Rue, lodged there that night, and the next daie came to Monstreull, where he found the conestable and monsieur Daumalle. The next daie being the eigh∣téenth of August, he came to his armie lodged foure leagues on this side Monstreull at a village called Neufcastell, neere to the forrest of Ardelo, vpon the waie that leadeth to Bullongne. The same daie were certeine pioners sent to Pont de Bricque to repare the bridge there,* 7.142 and to make the waies easie for the artillerie to passe. The next daie the said king with his armie passed by Bullongne berg, and cam∣ped that night on a little hill betwixt that forrest and the forrest of Suren.

In this place he caused trenches to be cast about a plot of ground, after the maner of a fortresse, with∣in the which he left certeine bands of men of warre to be a safegard vnto such as should passe to and fro with vittels to furnish his campe. He staied not there past a daie & a halfe, but remoued to Ardenton,

a mile or little more beyond Marguisen; from thence he came with his armie, and lodged on a hill, some∣what more than a mile & a halfe from Hambleteuue. The French king hauing viewed the forts, caused fiue and twentie péeces of artillerie to be planted a∣gainst that fort, which was built in a place called the Almaine campe, but the Frenchmen named it Le fort de Selaque,* 7.143 distant from Hambleteuue about a quarter of a mile. The artillerie had not gone off lit∣tle more than the space of two houres, but that [line 10] Charls Sturton capteine of that péece, and George Willoughbie a gentleman associat with him, came foorth to parlee with the Conestable, offering to yéeld the fort into his hands, vpon condition they might depart with bag and baggage. But as they were thus in hand to make their composition, the Frenchmen thrust forward to the rampiers, and en∣tered in plumps into the fortresse, slue fourescore persons, & tooke the rest prisoners. There might be in all within that péece two hundred and thirtie per∣sons, men and women. This happened the foure [line 20] and twentith of August, being Bartholomew daie.

This doone, the king caused part of the artillerie to be planted against the castell of Hambleteuue, situated at the one end of the towne néere to the sea side. Towards night monsieur de Uandosme gaue an approch to the said castell, and they within by commandement of the lord Greie retired to the maine fort to helpe to furnish the same,* 7.144 wanting numbers sufficient to defend it. The next daie be∣ing [line 30] the fiue and twentith of August,* 7.145 the king caused approches to be made vnto the great fort, and the morrow after the batterie began most furiouslie. The same daie after dinner, the king summoned them within to yéeld; but the lord Iohn Greie being generall (although he saw how weake the péece was of it selfe, & the lacke of sufficient numbers of men to resist such a puissant force, as the French king had there with him) would not yet hearken vnto anie talke, nor suffer the herald to come néere; for that he [line 40] should not perceiue the weakenesse of the péece: and so he was commanded to get him thence with spéed, or else they would cause him to be packing smallie to his ease. The French king sore offended herewith, that his herald was so vncourteouslie vsed,* 7.146 caused the batterie to be reinforced with great diligence, which dismounting their ordinance within, and bea∣ting downe their rampiers, made such breaches, that my lord Iohn and the capteins within perceiued they were not able by anie meanes to defend the [line 50] place anie longer. Herevpon they offered to ren∣der the fort to the king vpon composition: which in the end fell out to be thus,* 7.147 that the souldiers should depart with their liues saued, and that their generall (for honor sake) should haue one horsse to ride on in his corslet, without sword or dagger, and likewise two other capteins with him: but as for the o∣ther souldiers, with the women and chidren, should depart on foot in their shirts, leauing all their goods and substance behind them. After it was agreed that the fort should be thus surrendered, there entered [line 60] monsieur de Chatillon that was after admerall of France, and monsieur de Desse, latelie returned out of Scotland. The French souldiers entring by stealth into the fort by the breaches, committed foule disorders, not onelie in ransacking the houses, but also in spoiling the souldiers by force, intreating them in most rigorous maner.

The French writers confesse, that it was pitie to sée the poore men and women so miserablie handled and abused as they were by the outragious soldiors that thus entred the fort,* 7.148 and sacked all that they could laie hands vpon. Monsieur de Desse saued a great number of women and yoong maidens from the cruell hands of their aduersaries, causing them to passe foorth by the breach, and presented them to the king, who appointed that they should be conueied in safetie, with all that they had about them, till they had gotten out of danger. Monsieur de Chatillon, by the kings commandement, caused all the rest within the fort to come forth, who passing thrée and thrée in a range came before the king, who stood there to behold them, with the whole armie placed so in order on ei∣ther side the waie as they should come, that they might passe betwixt their ranks, as it were through a lane.* 7.149 They that came foorth in this sort might be (as the French writers record) about seuen or eight hundred in all of men and women, wherof there were manie hurt and maimed; some with halfe a shirt on to couer them, and diuerse starke naked. The lord Iohn Greie being mounted on a curtaile, passing by the French king, and saluting him, was courteouslie of him embraced.

The morrow after was the fort of Blacknesse or Blaconnesse rendered to the French king, with like conditions as they of Hambleteuue had rendered theirs. This was on the tuesdaie the seuen and twen∣tith of August. The nine and twentith of August sir Nicholas Arnault conueieng all the artillerie, mu∣nition, vittels, and goods out of Bullongne berg, caused fire to be set on that fort, and retired with all his soldiors and other people vnto Bullongne. Wher∣vpon shortlie after the Frenchmen seized vpon the said place of Bullongne berg, & kept it. The French king leauing monsieur de Chatillon within Ham∣bleteuue with the old bands of the French footmen,* 7.150 returned towards Bullongne, & approching within a mile and a halfe of the Old man, meant to build there a fort on the sea side: but what through such sharpe skirmishes as the Englishmen continuallie were redie to make with his men, and what through the abundance of raine which fell in that season, he was constreined to breake vp his campe, and lea∣uing strong garrisons both of horssemen and foot∣men in all those places, which he had in that season woone out of the Englishmens hands, he returned himselfe with the princes of his bloud into France.

In this meane time whilest the French king was thus occupied, to vse the oportunitie of time in reco∣uering of those fortresses in Bullongnois out of the Englishmens hands, the kings maiestie and his councell were busie still in quieting his rebellious subiects here in England: and finallie for meane of a full pacification, and to set all things in good frame and quiet rest, the king published his graces most generall and frée pardon to all rebelles,* 7.151 so that they would foorthwith (vpon publication of the same par∣don) returne euerie man to his house and countrie; which they gladlie did: and so these seditious and most dangerous troubles were brought to end and paci∣fied.

¶ Also in this busie time Marie Steward queene of Scots was conueied by sea out of Scotland into France,* 7.152 and there on the ninetéenth daie of Aprill 1549, was married in our ladie church in Pa∣ris (with great triumph and solemnitie) to Francis the Dolphin, eldest sonne vnto king Henrie the se∣cond of that name French king. This conueieng of the yoong quéene is reported by one to haue béene priuilie wrought, at such time as the councell of En∣gland were in some expectation and hope to obteine hir. Neuerthelesse the subtill aduise of the French, and the trecherous forwardnesse of the Scots, vtter∣lie disappointed the honest and honorable purpose of the English. Now when the yoong quéene and hir traine, with the gard of hir person (be they whome you will) were vnder saile, the English nauie was abroade, and lieng in wait to haue intercepted hir

course, meant not onlie to skirmi••h, but also to reco∣uer the yong queene from the French in spite of their hearts, had not the king of England and the most of his councell flatlie forbidden them to attempt anie warlike incounter, for certeine iust and weightie causes to them knowne. But the Scots smarted for this their vaine lightnesse, as in former times for like practices of their vile lewdnesse, as C.O. saith:

Sic leuiora leui pluma promissa Scotorum Infamem reddunt gentem, dant sanguine p••nas [line 10] Perfidiae quandó{que} suae velut antè dederunt.

* 7.153In this troublesome yéere also Edmund Bonner bishop of London preached a sermon at Paules crosse, for the which he was accus•••• vnto the councell by William Latimer parson of saint Laurence Pountneie, and Iohn Hooper sometime a white moonke, and so conuented before the archbishop of Canturburie, and other commissioners at Lambeth, on the twentith daie of that same moneth, and sent to the Marshalsea. On the first of October he was [line 20] depriued of his bishoprike, for disobeieng the kings order in religion.]

Now after that these hurlie burlies were through∣lie quieted,* 7.154 manie of the lords of the realme, as well councellors as other, misliking the gouernment of the protector, began to withdraw themselues from the court, and resorting to London, fell to secret con∣sultation for redresse of things, but namelie for the displacing of the lord protector. And suddenlie vpon what occasion manie maruelled, but few knew. E∣uerie [line 30] lord and councellor went through the citie weaponed, and had their seruants likewise weapo∣ned, attending vpon them in new liueries, to the great woondering of manie. And at the last a great assemblie of the said councellors was made at the earle of Warwiks lodging, which was then at Elie place in Holborne, whither all the confederats in this matter came priuilie armed; and finallie concluded to possesse the towre of London, which by the policie of sir William Paulet lord treasuror of England [line 40] was peaceablie obteined, & who by order of the said confederats immediatlie remooued sir Iohn Mar∣kam then lieutenant of the towre, and placed in that roome sir Leonard Chamberleine. And after that the said councell was broken vp at Elie place, the earle of Warwike remooued foorthwith into the citie of London, and laie in the house of one Iohn Yorke a citizen of London, who was then chéefe maister of the mint, kept at Suffolke place in Southworke. The lord protector hearing of the maner of the as∣semblie [line 50] of this councell, and of the taking of the towre, which séemed to him verie strange and doubt∣full,* 7.155 did presentlie the said night remooue frō Hamp∣ton court, taking the king with him, vnto the castell of Windsore, and there began to fortifie the same, and withall wrote a letter to that noble gentleman the lord Russell lord priuie seale remaining as yet in the west countrie, aduertising him of these troubles as followeth.

[line 60]

A letter of the lord protectors ••o the lord Russell lord priuie seale, concerning troubles working against him.

* 8.1AFter our right hartie commendations to your good lordship. Here hath of late ri∣sen such a conspiracie against the kings maiestie & vs, as neuer hath béene séene, the which they can not mainteine, with such vaine letters and false tales surmised, as was neuer ment nor intended on vs. They pretend and saie, that we haue sold Bullongne to the French, and that we doo withhold wages from the soldiers, & other such tales and letters they doo spread abroad (of the which if anie one thing were true, we would not wish to liue) the matter now being brought to a maruellous extre∣mitie, such as we would neuer haue thought it could haue come vnto, especiallie of those men towards the kings maiestie and vs, of whome we haue deser∣ued no such thing, but rather much fauour and loue. But the case being as it is, this is to require & praie you, to hasten you hither to the defense of the kings maiestie, in such force and power as you maie, to shew the part of a true gentleman, and of a verie friend: the which thing we trust God shall reward, and the kings maiestie in time to come, and we shall neuer be vnmindfull of it too. We are sure you shall haue other letters from them, but as ye tender your dutie to the kings maiestie, we require you to make no staie, but immediatlie repaire with such force as ye haue to his highnesse in his castell of Windsor, and cause the rest of such force as ye maie make to follow you. And so we bid you right hartilie fare∣well. From Hampton court the sixt of October.

Your lordships assured louing friend Edward Summerset.

An answer to the lord protectors letter.

TO this letter of the lord protectors sent the sixt of October,* 9.1 the lord Russell re∣turning answer againe vpon the eight of the said moneth, first lamented the heauie dissention fallen betweene the nobilitie and him, which he tooke for such a plague, as a greater could not be sent of almightie God vpon this realme being the next waie (said he) to make vs of conque∣rors, slaues; and like to induce vpon the whole realme an vniuersall thraldome and calamitie, vnlesse the mercifull goodnesse of the Lord doo helpe, and some wise order be taken in staieng these great extremi∣ties. And as touching the dukes request in his let∣ters, forsomuch as he had heard before of the broile of the lords, and feared least some conspiracie had beene meant against the kings person, he hasted forward with such companie as he could make, for the suertie of the king as to him apperteined. Now perceiuing by the lords letters sent vnto him the same sixt daie of October, these tumults to rise vpon priuat causes betwéene him and them, he therefore thought it expe∣dient, that a conuenient power should be leuied, to be in a readinesse to withstand the woorst (what perils soeuer might insue) for the preseruation both of the king and state of the realme from inuasion of forren enimies, and also for the staieng of bloudshed, if anie such thing should be intended betwixt the parties in the heat of this faction. And this he thinking best for the discharge of his allegiance, humblie besought his grace to haue the same also in speciall regard and consideration; first, that the kings maiestie be put in no feare; and that if there be anie such thing, wherein he hath giuen iust cause to them thus to procéed, he would so conforme himselfe, as no such priuat quar∣rels doo redound to the publike disturbance of the realme: certifieng moreouer the duke, that if it were true which he vnderstood by the letters of the lords, that he should send about proclamations and letters for raising vp of the commons, he liked not the same. Notwithstanding he trusted well that his wisedome would take such a waie, as no effusion of bloud should follow.

And thus much being conteined in his former let∣ters the eight of October,* 9.2 in his next letters againe written the eleuenth of October, the said lord Russell reioising to heare of the most reasonable offers of the lord protector made to the lords, wrote vnto him

and promised to doo, what in the vttermost power of him (and likewise of sir William Herbert ioined togither with him) did lie, to worke some honorable reconciliation betwéene him & them: so as his said offers being accepted and satisfied, some good con∣clusion might insue, according to their good hope and expectation:* 9.3 signifieng moreouer, that as touching the leuieng of men, they had resolued to haue the same in readinesse for the benefit of the realme, to oc∣curre all inconueniences whatsoeuer, that either by forren inuasion or otherwise might happen: & so ha∣uing [line 10] their power at hand to draw néere, wherby they might haue the better oportunitie to be solicitors and meanes for this reformation on both parts, &c. And thus much for the answer of the lord Russell to the lord protectors letters.

* 9.4But now to procéed and go forward with the matter of the lords, who togither with the earle of Warwike (vpon what occasion God knoweth) were assembled at London (as ye haue heard) against [line 20] the lord protector. When the king with his councell at Hampton court heard therof, first secretarie Pe∣ter with the kings message was sent vnto them, whome the lords notwithstanding deteined still with them, making as yet no answer to the message. Wherevpon the lord protector wrote as followeth.

A letter of the lord protectors to the councell at London.

[line 30]

* 10.1MY lords we commend vs heartilie vnto you. And wheras the kings maiestie was informed that you were assembled in such sort as you doo, and now remaine, and was aduised by vs and such other of his councell as were then here about his person, to send master secretarie Peter vnto you with such a message, as whereby might haue insued the suertie of his maie∣sties person, with the preseruation of his realme and subiects, and the quiet both of vs and your selues, as [line 40] master secretarie can well declare to you: his maie∣stie and we of his councell here doo not a little mar∣uell, that you staie still with you the said master se∣cretarie, & haue not as it were vouchsafed to send an∣swer to his maiestie, neither by him nor yet by anie other. And for our selues we doo much more maruell and are sorie, as both we and you haue good cause to be, to see the maner of your dooings bent with force of violence, to bring the kings maiestie & vs to these extremities. [line 50]

* 10.2Which as we intend, if you will take no other waie but violence, to defend (as nature and allegiance dooth bind vs) to extremitie of death, and to put all to Gods hand, who giueth victorie as it pleaseth him: so if that anie reasonable conditions & offers would take place (as hitherto none hath béene signified vn∣to vs from you, nor we doo not vnderstand, what you doo require or séeke, or what you doo meane) and that you doo séeke no hurt to the kings maiesties person, [line 60] as touching all other priuat matters, to auoid the ef∣fusion of christian bloud, and to preserue the kings maiesties person, his realme and subiects, you shall find vs agréeable vnto anie reasonable conditions that you will require. For we doo estéeme the kings wealth and tranquillitie of the realme more than all other worldlie things, yea than our owne life. Thus praieng you to send vs your determinate answer herein by master secretarie Peter, or if you will not let him go, by this bearer, we beséech God to giue both you and vs grace to determinate this matter, as maie be to Gods honor, the preseruation of the king, and the quiet of vs all: which maie be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most hartilie farewell. From the kings maiesties castell of Windsor the seuenth of October, 1549.

Your lordships louing friend Edward Summerset.

After the receipt of these letters,* 10.3 the lords séeming not greatlie to regard the offers conteined therein, persisted in their intended purpose; and continuing still in London conferred with the maior of London and his brethren, first willing them to cause a good and substantiall watch by night, and a good ward by daie to be kept for the safegard of the citie, and the ports and gates thereof: which was consented vnto, and the companie. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 London in their turnes war∣ned to watch and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 accordinglie. Then the said lords and councellors demanded of the lord maior and his brethren fiue hundred men to aid them, to fetch the lord protector out of Windsor from the king. But therevnto the maior answered, that he could grant no aid without the assent of the common councell of the citie: whervpon the next daie a common councell was summoned to the Guildhall in London. But in this meane time the said lords of the councell as∣sembled themselues at the lord maiors house in Lon∣don, who was then sir Henrie Amcotes fishmonger, and Iohn Yorke and Richard Turke shiriffes of the said citie. And there the said councell agréed and pub∣lished foorthwith a proclamation against the lord pro∣tector,* 10.4 the effect of which proclamation was as fol∣loweth.

1 That the lord protector, by his malicious and euill gouernement, was the occasion of all the sedi∣tion that of late hath happened within the realme.

2 The losse of the kings peeces in France.

3 That he was ambitious and sought his owne glorie, as appeared by his building of most sumptu∣ous and costlie buildings, and speciallie in the time of the kings warres, and the kings soldiers vnpaied.

4 That he estéemed nothing the graue councell of the councellors.

5 That he sowed sedition betweene the nobles, the gentlemen, and commons.

6 That the nobles assembled themselues togi∣ther at London, for none other purpose, but to haue caused the protector to haue liued within his limits, and to haue put such order for the kings maiestie as apperteined, whatsoeuer the protectors dooings were, which (as they said) were vnnaturall, ingrate, and traitorous.

7 That the protector slandered the councell to the king, and did what in him laie to cause variance be∣twéene the king and his nobles.

8 That he was a great traitor, and therefore the lords desired the citie and commons to aid them to take him from the king.* 10.5 And in witnesse and testi∣monie of the contents of the said proclamation the lords subscribed their names and titles as followeth.

The lord Rich lord chancellor, the lord S. Iohn lord great maister and president of the councell, the lord 〈…〉〈…〉 of Northampton, the earle of War∣wike 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great chamberleine, the earle of Arundell lord chamberleine, the earle of Shrewesburie, the earle of Southampton Wriothesleie, sir Thomas Cheinie knight treasuror of the kings house and lord warden of the cinque ports, sir Iohn Gage knight conestable of the tower, sir William Peter knight secretarie, sir Edward North knight, sir Ed∣ward Montague chéefe iustice of the common plees, sir Rafe Sadler, sir Iohn Baker, sir Edward Woot∣ton, doctor Wootton deane of Canturburie, sir Ri∣chard Southwell.

After the foresaid proclamation was proclamed, the lords or the most of them continuing and lieng in London, came the next daie to the Guildhall, du∣ring

the time that the lord maior and his brethren sat in their court or inner chamber, and entered and communed a long while with them,* 10.6 and at the last the maior and his brethren came foorth vnto the common councell, where was read the kings letter sent vnto the maior and citizens, commanding them to aid him with a thousand men, as hath maister Fox, and to send the same to his castell at Windsore: and to the same letter was adioined the kings hand, and the lord protectors.* 10.7 On the other side, by the mouth of the [line 10] recorder it was requested, that the citizens would grant their aid rather vnto the lords: for that the pro∣tector had abused both the kings maiestie, and the whole realme, and without that he were taken from the king, & made to vnderstand his follie, this realme was in a great hazard: and therefore required that the citizens would willinglie assent to aid the lords with fiue hundred men: herevnto was none other answer made but silence. But the recorder (who at that time was a worthie gentleman called maister Brooke) still cried vpon them for answer. [line 20]

At the last stepped vp a wise and good citizen, na∣med (as maister Fox saith) George Stadlow,* 10.8 and said thus. In this case it is good for vs to thinke of things past to auoid the danger of things to come. I remember (saith he) in a storie written in Fabians chronicle, of the warre betwéene the king and his ba∣rons, which was in the time of king Henrie the third, and the same time the barons (as our lords doo now) commanded aid of the maior and citie of Lon∣don, [line 30] and that in a rightfull cause for the common∣weale, which was for the execution of diuerse good lawes, wherevnto the king before had giuen his con∣sent, and after would not suffer them to take place, and the citie did aid the lords. Now it came to an o∣pen battell, wherein the lords preuailed, and tooke the king and his sonne prisoners, and vpon certeine conditions the lords restored againe the king and his sonne to their liberties. And among all other condi∣tions, this was one, that the king should not onelie [line 40] grant his pardon to the lords, but also to the citizens of London, which was granted, yea and the same ratified by act of parlement. But what followed?

Was it forgotten? No suerlie, nor yet forgiuen during the kings life.* 10.9 The liberties of the citie were taken awaie, strangers appointed to be our heads and gouernours, the citizens giuen awaie bodie and goods, and from one persecution to another were most miserablie afflicted: such it is to enter into the wrath of a prince, as Salomon saith; The wrath and indignation of a prince is death. Wherefore forso∣much [line 50] as this aid is required of the kings maiestie, whose voice we ought to hearken vnto (for he is our high shepheard) rather than vnto the lords:* 10.10 and yet I would not wish the lords to be clearlie shaken off, but that they with vs, and we with them may ioine in sute, and make our most humble petition to the kings maiestie, that it would please his highnesse, to heare such complaint against the gouernement of the lord protector as may be iustlie alledged and proo∣ued. And I doubt not but this matter will be so paci∣fied, [line 60] that neither shall the king nor yet the lords haue cause to séeke for further aid, neither we to offend a∣nie of them both. After this tale the commons staied, and the lord maior & his brethren for that time brake vp, and afterward communed with the lords.

* 10.11The lords sat the next daie in councell in the Star chamber, and from thence they sent sir Philip Hobbie with their letters of credence to the kings maiestie, beséeching his highnesse to giue credit to that which the said Philip should declare vnto his maiestie in their names: & the king gaue him libertie to speake, and most gentlie heard all that he had to saie. And trulie he did so wiselie declare his message▪ and so grauelie told his tale in the name of the lords, yea therewithall so vehementlie and gréeuouslie against the protector, who was also there present by the king, that in the end, the lord protector was commanded from the kings presence, and shortlie was commit∣ted to ward in a tower within the castell of Wind∣sore called Beauchamps tower. And soone after were staied sir Thomas Smith, sir Michaell Stanhope,* 10.12 and sir Iohn Thin knights, master Whalleie, ma∣ster Fisher, Woolfe of the priuie chamber, Graie of Reading, and diuers other gentlemen that attended vpon the lord protector. And the same daie the lords of the councell came to Windsore to the king, and the next daie they brought from thence the lord protector, and the other that were there staied, and conueied them through the citie of London, with as much woonderment as might be, vnto the tower, where they remained prisoners.

¶Touching the manner of the dukes comming to the tower from Windsore,* 10.13 I find that it was on the fouretéenth of October in the after noone, at which time he was brought on horssebacke through Hol∣burne, in at Newgate, and so to the tower of Lon∣don, accompanied with diuerse lords and gentlemen with thrée hundred horsse: the lord maior,* 10.14 sir Rafe Warren, sir Iohn Gresham, maister recorder, sir William Locke, and both the shiriffes, and other knights, sitting on their horsses against Soper lane, with all the officers with halberds, and from Hol∣burne bridge to the tower, certeine aldermen or their deputies on horssebacke in euerie street, with a number of housholders standing with billes as he passed.] Shortlie after the lords resorted to the tower, and there charged the protector with sundrie articles, as followeth.

Articles obiected against the lord protector.

IN primis, you tooke vpon you the office of a protector and gouernour, vpon condi∣tion, expresselie and speciallie, that you would doo nothing in the kings affaires publikelie or priuatlie, but by the assent of the late kings executors.

2 Also you, contrarie to the said condition, of your owne authoritie, did staie and let iustice, and subuerted the lawes, as well by your letters as by your commandements.

3 Also you caused diuerse persons, being arested and imprisoned for treason, murther, manslaughter and felonie, to be discharged and set at large, against the kings lawes and statutes of this realme.

4 Also you haue made and ordeined lieutenants for the kings armies, and other weightie affaires vn∣der your owne writing and seale.

5 Also you haue communed with the ambassa∣dors of other realmes, discoursing alone with them in the weightie causes of this realme.

6 Also you haue sometime rebuked, checked and tawnted, as well priuatlie as openlie, diuerse of the kings most honorable councellors, for shewing and declaring their aduises and opinions against your purposes in the kings weightie affaires, saieng som∣times to them, that you néed not to open matters vnto them, and would therefore be otherwise adui∣sed: and that you would, if they were not agréeable to your opinion, put them out, and take other at your pleasure.

7 Also you had and held against the law in your owne house, a court of requests, and thereby did in∣force diuerse the kings subiects to answer for their free holds and goods, and determined the same to the

subuersion of the same lawes.

8 Also you being no officer, without the aduise of the councell, or the more part of them, did dispose of the offices of the kings gift for monie, and granted leases and wards of the kings, and gaue presenta∣tions to the kings benefices and bishopriks, hauing no authoritie so to doo. And further, you did meddle with the selling of the kings lands.

9 Also you commanded multiplication and alcu∣mistrie to be practised to abuse the kings coine. [line 10]

10 Also you caused a proclamation to be made concerning inclosures, whereby the common people haue made diuerse insurrections, and leuied open war, and distreined and spoiled diuerse of the kings subiects, which proclamation went foorth against the will of the whole councell.

11 Also you haue caused a commission with cer∣teine articles therevnto annexed, to be made out concerning inclosures of commons, high waies, de∣caieng of cottages, and diuerse other things, giuing [line 20] the commissioners authoritie to heare and deter∣mine the same causes, to the subuersion of the laws and statutes of this realme: whereby much sedition, insurrection, and rebellion haue risen and growne a∣mong the kings subiects.

12 Also you haue suffered the rebels and traitors to assemble and to lie in campe and armor against the king, his nobles, and gentlemen, without anie spéedie subduing or repressing of them.

13 Also you did comfort and incourage diuerse of [line 30] the said rebels, by giuing of them diuerse sums of your owne monie, and by promising to diuerse of them, fées, rewards, and seruices.

14 Also you in fauor of the said rebels did against the lawes cause a proclamation to be made, that none of the said rebels and traitors should be sued or vexed by anie person, for anie their offenses in the said rebellion, to the cleare subuersion of the same lawes.

15 Also you haue said in time of the rebellion, [line 40] that you liked well the dooings and proceedings of the said rebels and traitors, and said that the coue∣tousnesse of the gentlemen gaue occasion to the common people to rise: saieng also, that better it is for the commons to die, than perish for lacke of li∣uing.

16 Also you said that the lords of the parlement were loth to incline themselues to reformation of in∣closures and other things: therefore the people had good cause to reforme the things themselues. [line 50]

17 Also you after the report and declaration of the defaults and lacks reported to you by such as did sur∣ueie Bullongne and the péeces there, would neuer amend the same defaults.

18 Also you would not suffer the péeces beyond the seas, called Newhauen and Blacknesse, to be furnished with men and vittels; although you were aduertised of the defaults therein by the capteins of the same péeces and others, and were thereto aduer∣tised by the kings councell: wherby the French king [line 60] being the kings open enimie, was incouraged and comforted to win the said péeces, to the kings great losse, and dishonour of his realme.

19 Also you declared and published vntrulie, as well to the kings maiestie, as other the yoong lords attendant vpon his graces person, that the lords of the councell at London minded to destroie the king, and you required the king neuer to forget it, but to reuenge it: and likewise you required the yoong lords to put the king in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition & discord betwéene the king and his lords.

20 Also where the kings maiesties priuie councell, of their loue and zeale that they did beare vnto the king and his realme, did consult at London to haue communed with you, to the intent to moue you chari∣tablie to amend your dooings and misgouernement: you hearing of the said assemblie, did cause to be de∣clared by letters in diuerse places the said lords to be high traitors to the king, to the great disturbance of the realme.

And thus much for these troubles of the lord pro∣tector, and articles against him obiected; to the end (as was doubted) that the same should haue cost him his life. But such was the pleasure of almightie God, disposing mens hearts as séemeth to him best, that at length, to wit, the sixt of Februarie next, he was de∣liuered; and that night he supped at sir Iohn Yorks one of the shiriffes of London, also the proclamation before set foorth against him was reuoked & called in. And thus being againe restored, though not to his former office, yet vnto libertie, he continued therein for the space of two yeares and two daies, till new troubles (as after shall appeare) chanced to him, which as they were too heauie for him either to cast off, or carrie awaie; so were his loders more readie to ag∣grauate his burthen, than willing to ease him anie waie of the weight. So that this his exaltation & rai∣sing to dignitie, in respect of the short continuance thereof, as also for the enuie wherewith it was assai∣led, had béene better not to haue happened, than with such infelicitie in so short a time to haue ended. But this fall from honor & aduancement with losse of life (than the which nothing more pretious, nothing more delicious) gréeued him the lesse: bicause he might perceiue (as some suspected) that rather of enuie than otherwise (reseruing the course of Gods iudgement and vengeance to the secrecie of his owne counsels) the same was deuised, prosecuted, & finallie practised:

Nam quo quisque magis pius est, studiosior aequi, Charior & regi, & quo quisque potentior extat, Sentiet à prauis se tanto odiosius iri Dente Theonino rosum, quod fortè latenter Fiet & occultè, linguae ne sentiatictum Laethalem, donec stamen trux Atropos occet, Et vi Parcarum coenum voluatur in imum.]

¶ The seuentéenth of October, king Edward came from Hampton court to his place in Southworke,* 11.1 and there dined,* 11.2 and after dinner he made maister Yorke one of the shiriffes knight, and then rode tho∣rough the citie to Westminster. The lord maior of London for this yeare named sir Rowland Hill, was a man of great charitie and compassion, eui∣dent and effectuall testimonies whereof he hath left in the world; some of whose good deeds partlie in his remembrance & partlie for others example are deser∣uedlie recorded. This man caused to be made a cau∣seie, commonlie called Ouerlane pauement in the high waie from Stone to Nantwich,* 11.3 in length foure miles, for horsse and man, with diuerse lanes on both sides the same causeie. He caused likewise a causeie to be made from Dunchurch to Bransen in War∣wikeshire, more than two miles of length, and gaue twentie pounds in monie towards the making of Roitton bridge, thrée miles from Couentrie. He made the high waie to Kilborne néere to London. He made foure bridges, two of them of stone, contei∣ning eighteene arches in them both, the one ouer the riuer of Seuerne, called Achambridge; the other Ternebridge, for that the water of Terne runneth vnder it; the other two of timber at Stoke, and built a good part of Stoke church. He builded one nota∣ble frée schoole at Draiton in Shropshire, with maister and vsher, and sufficient stipends for them both,* 11.4 be∣sides conuenient lodgings for the same. He also pur∣chased a frée faire to the said towne, with a frée mar∣ket wéekelie, & also a frée market for castell euerie

fouretéene daies.* 11.5 He gaue to the hospitall of Christs church in London in his life time fiue hundred pounds in readie monie, and a hundred pounds at his deceasse.]

But now to returne to other dooings. Whilest these hurls and tumults were in hand, to the danger of the whole state, the wars against the Scots were nothing followed, according to the former purposed meaning of the councell: so that it seemed necessa∣rie to giue ouer the kéeping of Hadington, the same [line 10] being in deed more chargeable (as was thought) than profitable, sith the garrison there could not be vitteled but with a great power to conduct the cariages in safetie, the enimies being still readie to take their aduantage to distresse them vpon anie opportunitie offered. It was therefore resolued, that the earle of Rutland should go thither to sée the fortifications ra∣sed, and to conduct from thence the men & ordinance in safetie home into England. Héerevpon the said earle with the Almans, and other souldiours then [line 20] remaining on the borders,* 11.6 marched thither, and cau∣sed the bulworks, rampiers, and trenches to be rased and filled flat with the ground, and bringing from thence all the men, artillerie and munition, bag and baggage returned vnto Barwike without incoun∣ter, in peaceable and quiet maner.

* 11.7Shortlie after this, the kings maiestie called his high court of parlement, which began at Westmin∣ster, the foure and twentith daie of Nouember in this third yeare of his reigne, and there continued the [line 30] same vntill the first daie of Februarie next follow∣ing, which was in the beginning of the fourth yeare of his reigne. And among other things there enacted and concluded, one statute was made for the punish∣ment of rebels,* 11.8 and vnlawfull assemblies: the which law was made by occasion of the late rebellion that happened in manner through the realme the yeare passed, & was not thought nor meant to haue touched anie noble man, speciallie such as the duke of Sum∣merset was, which after (as it shall appeare) it did, and [line 40] by that statute he was condemned within two yeares next after.

* 11.9¶The nintéenth of Ianuarie, sir Iohn Russell lord priuie seale, was created earle of Bedford: and lord saint Iohn Lord great maister,* 11.10 was created earle of Wilshire: and sir William Paget, comptrollor of the kings house, was made lord Paget. On the same daie at night,* 11.11 were murthered by saint Pul∣••hres church against the kings head without New∣gate of London two capteins, that had serued the [line 50] king of Bullongne and else-where, the one was sir Peter Gambo, the other Filicirga. Which murther was committed by Charles Gauaro a Flemming,* 11.12 who came post from Barwike to doo that act. On the morrow, he with thrée of his companie was taken in Smithfield by the lord Paget, and sent to Newgate, and the foure and twentith of Ianuarie they were all foure, Charles Gauaro, Balthasar Gauaro, Ni∣cholas Disalueron, and Francis Deualasco, had in a cart to Smithfield. And by the waie at the place [line 60] where the murther was doone, Charles Gauaro had his right hand striken off on the cart wheele, and then all hanged in Smithfield; who being exhorted to re∣concile himselfe to God and the world by confessing his fault, by repenting himselfe of the offense, and asking forgiuenesse, that he might with a disburthe∣ned conscience resigne his soule into the hands of God, obstinatlie and desperatlie answered, that he would neuer repent him of the déed.]

* 11.13About the same time, monsieur de Thermes that succéeded monsieur de Desse in gouernement as ge∣nerall of the French forces in Scotland, came be∣fore Broughticrag, where he did so much by batterie & o••her kinds of inforcement, that giuing an assault both with his Frenchmen and certeine Scots ioi∣ned with him, the twentith of Februarie, the fort was entered by fine force, and all within it either ta∣ken or slaine.* 11.14 Sir Iohn Lutterell gouernour of that peece remained prisoner amongst the Frenchmen. Moreouer, now after the end of the parlement, the earle of Warwike, hauing then highest authori∣tie, and the rest of the lords of the councell,* 11.15 calling to remembrance how the last yeare in the time of rebel∣lion, the French king had entered Bullongnois, and woone diuerse of the English forts there, being of great importance for defense of the towne and countrie, the default whereof was imputed to the negligent gouernment of the lord protector: and for so much as they well vnderstood that the French king vpon further practise had placed a capteine cal∣led the Reingraue, with diuerse regiments of Al∣maine lancequenets,* 11.16 and certeine ensignes also of Frenchmen, to the number of foure or fiue thousand at the towne of Morguison, being the midwaie be∣twéene Bullongne and Calis, to the great perill and danger as well of the counti•• of Bollongnois, as al-of Calis, Guisnes, and all the low countrie.

The king therefore for the defense of the said fron∣tiers, caused all the strangers which had serued that yeare against the rebels, being to the number of two thousand,* 11.17 to be transported ouer the sea to the mar∣ches of Calis. And now at Christmas last past, by or∣der of the said earle, and of the councellors aforesaid, Francis earle of Huntington, and sir Edward Ha∣stings his brother, sir Iames Croft, sir Leonard Chamberleine, and diuerse other capteins and soul∣diers, to the number of thrée thousand, were set ouer to the marches of Calis, to ioine with the said stran∣gers, minding with as conuenient speed as they might, to remooue the campe, and otherwise to an∣noie the French. But in the meane time through the diligent trauell of certeine persons, speciallie of one Guidoti an Italian, and a Florentine borne, there was a motion made for a treatie to be had by cer∣teine commissioners, appointed betwixt the kings of England and France, for the conclusion of some peace, vpon such reasonable conditions and articles as might be thought expedient for the present time; and to stand with the honor and commoditie of both the princes.

This motion tooke such effect, that about the seuenth daie of Februarie, certeine commissioners,* 11.18 appoin∣ted for this treatie, that is to wit, Iohn the earle of Bedford, the lord Paget, sir William Peter the kings chéefe secretarie, and sir Iohn Mason, arriued at Calis: by reason of whose comming, the earle of Huntington, and the armie sent ouer before for the defense of the frontiers were countermanded from anie attempt, so that little or nothing was doone in that voiage, sauing certeine skirmishes at diuerse times, not much materiall to be written of. These commissioners being thus arriued, passed from Ca∣lis to Bullongne, there to méet with the commissio∣ners appointed for the French king, where as a cer∣teine house was newlie erected for the said treatie to be had, which was vpon the side of Bullongne ha∣uen next to France, where after diuerse méetings & conferences of the commissioners of either partie, a finall peace was at last concluded betwixt both the realmes. But chéeflie among other things, for the restitution of Bullongne and Bullongnois to the Frenchmen, which were vpon certeine conditions following.

First,* 11.19 that the French king should yeeld and paie to the king of England a certeine summe of monie, and the same to be paid at two paiments, as it was then agréed: and for the same summe the king of England should render the towne of Bullongne,

and all the forts thereto adioining, which he then in∣ioied, with all such artillerie and munition as was there found at the taking of the same to the French king. And for the sure paiment of the said sums, the French king sent into England for hostages and pledges, the counte de Anguien, Lewes the duke of Uandosme his brother, the Uidame of Charters, and the duke de Aumale and others. And on S. Markes daie next following,* 11.20 being the fiue and twentith daie of Aprill, about eight of the clocke in the morning, [line 10] the Englishmen did deliuer to the Frenchmen the possession of Bullongne, and the castels and forts in the countie of Bullognois, according to the agree∣ments and articles of peace afore mentioned. And the fiftéenth daie next following the French king en∣tered into the said towne of Bullongne with trum∣pets blowne,* 11.21 & with all the roiall triumph that might be, where he offered one great image of siluer of our ladie in the church there, which was called our ladie church: the which image he had caused speciallie to be made in the honor of the said ladie, and caused the [line 20] same to be set vp in the place where the like image before did stand, the which before was taken awaie by the Englishmen at the winning of the towne.

* 11.22¶ On Candlemasse daie, William lord S. Iohn earle of Wilshire, lord great maister, and president of the councell, was made lord treasuror. Iohn Dud∣leie earle of Warwike, lord great chamberleine, was made lord great maister. William Parre mar∣quesse of Northampton, was made lord great cham∣berleine. Lord Wentworth was made lord cham∣berleine [line 30] of the household. Sir Anthonie Wingfield capteine of the gard, was made comptrollor of the kings house. And sir Thomas Darcie knight, was made vicechamberleine & capteine of the gard. And the earle of Arundell late lord chamberleine, with the earle of Southampton were put off the councell, and commanded to kéepe their houses in London. ¶On the 10 of Februarie, one Bell a Suffolke man was hanged and quartered at Tiburne, for moouing a new rebellion in Suffolke and Essex.* 11.23 This time, [line 40] the lord maior of London and the aldermen purcha∣sed all the liberties of Southworke, which were in the kings hands.]

Soone after the aforesaid agreement betwéene England and France was concluded,* 11.24 vpon the fore remembred capitulations, bicause of suspicion of displeasure and hatred that was thought to remaine betwéene the earle of Warwike and the duke of Summerset, latelie before deliuered out of the [line 50] tower, a meane was found that their fréendship should be renewed through aliance,* 11.25 and a mariage was concluded betweene the earle of Warwikes eldest sonne, and the duke of Summersets eldest daughter: the which marriage was solemnized at Shene, the king being then present. After the solem∣nitie of this marriage, there appeared outwardlie to the world great loue and fréendship betwéene the duke and the earle, but by reason of carietales and flatterers, the loue continued not long, howbeit ma∣nie [line 60] did verie earnestlie wish loue and amitie to con∣tinue betwéene them.* 11.26 ¶ About this time was a new rebellion in Kent, but it was soone suppressed, and certeine of the chiefe were apprehended and put to death, namelie Richard Lion, Goddard Gorram, and Richard Ireland. This yeare was a parlement holden at Westminster, where among other things by the authoritie of the said parlement,* 11.27 priests chil∣dren were made legitimate, and vsurie for the loane of monie forbidden.]

¶On wednesdaie in Whitsunweeke, at a court of aldermen kept at the Guildhall,* 11.28 sir Iohn Aliffe knight, and maister of Blackwell hall, was sworne alderman of the Bridge ward without,* 11.29 to haue iuris∣diction of the borough of Southworke, and thus was he the first alderman that euer was there, who made vp the number of six and twentie aldermen of Lon∣don, whereas befo••e that time had beene but fiue and twentie.* 11.30 Trinitie tearme was adiourned till Mi∣chaelmasse, for that the gentlemen should keepe the commons from commotion. The eleuenth of Iune being S. Barnabies daie,* 11.31 was kept holiedaie all London ouer: and the same daie at night, the high altar in Paules church was pulled downe, and a table set where the altar stood, with a veile drawne beneath the steps; and on the sundaie next a commu∣nion was soong at the same table; and shortlie after all the altars in London were taken downe, and tables placed in their roomes.* 11.32 This yeare was no such watch at Midsummer as had béene accustomed.

The thirtith of Iulie Thomas lord Wriothesleie erle of Southampton, knight of the garter,* 11.33 and one of the executors to king Henrie the eight, deceassed at Lincolne place in Holborne, and was buried in S. Andrewes church there.* 11.34 Sir Andrew Iude for this yeare maior of London, and skinner, erected one notable fréeschoole at Tunbridge in Kent, wherein he brought vp and nourished in learning great store of youth, as well bred in that shire, as brought from o∣ther countries adioining. A noble act and correspon∣dent to those that haue beene doone by like worship∣full men, and other in old time within the same citie of London.* 11.35 He also builded almesse houses for six poore almesse people, nigh to the parish church of saint Helens within Bishopsgate of London, & gaue land to the companie of the skinners in the same citie, a∣mounting to the value of thréescore pounds thrée shil∣lings eight pence the yeare: for the which they be bound to paie twentie pounds to the schoolemaister, and eight pounds to the vsher of his free schoole at Tunbridge yearelie for euer, and foure shillings the wéeke to the six poore almesse people at S. Helens aforesaid, eight pence the péece wéekelie, and fiue and twentie shillings foure pence the yeare in coles a∣mongst them for euer.]

About this time there was at Feuersham in Kent a gentleman named Arden,* 11.36 most cruellie murthe∣red and slaine by the procurement of his owne wife.* 11.37 The which murther, for the horriblenesse thereof, al∣though otherwise it may séeme to be but a priuate matter, and therefore as it were impertinent to this historie, I haue thought good to set it foorth somewhat at large, hauing the instructions deliuered to me by them, that haue vsed some diligence to gather the true vnderstanding of the circumstances. This Ar∣den was a man of a tall and comelie personage,* 11.38 and matched in marriage with a gentlewoman, yoong, tall, and well fauoured of shape and countenance, who chancing to fall in familiaritie with one Mosbie a tailor by occupation, a blacke swart man,* 11.39 seruant to the lord North, it happened this Mosbie vpon some misliking to fall out with hir: but she being desirous to be in fauour with him againe,* 11.40 sent him a paire of siluer dice by one Adam Foule dwelling at the Floure de lice in Feuersham.

After which he resorted to hir againe, and often∣times laie in Ardens house: in somuch that within two yeares after, he obteined such fauour at hir hands, that he laie with hir, or (as they terme it) kept hir, in abusing hir bodie. And although (as it was said) Arden perceiued right well their mutuall fa∣miliaritie to be much greater than their honestie, yet bicause he would not offend hir, and so loose the bene∣fit which he hoped to gaine at some of hir f••éends hands in bearing with hir lewdnesse, which he might haue lost if he should haue fallen out with hir:* 11.41 he was contented to winke at hir filthie disorder, and both permitted, and also inuited Mos••ie verie of••en

to lodge in his house. And thus it continued a good space, before anie practise was begun by them a∣gainst maister Arden. She at length inflamed in loue with Mosbie, and loathing hir husband, wished and after practised the meanes how to hasten his end.

* 11.42There was a painter dwelling in Feuersham, who had skill of poisons, as was reported. She there∣fore demanded of him, whether it were true that he had such skill in that feat or not? And he denied not but that he had in déed. Yea (said she) but I would haue such a one made, as should haue most vehement [line 10] and speedie operation to dispatch the eater thereof. That can I doo (quoth he) and forthwith made hir such a one, and willed hir to put it into the bottome of a porrenger, & then after to powre milke on it. Which circumstance she forgetting, did cleane contrarie, putting in the milke first; and afterward the poison. Now maister Arden purposing that daie to ride to Canturburie,* 11.43 his wife brought him his breakefast, which was woont to be milke and butter. He hauing receiued a spoonefull or two of the milke, misliked the [line 20] ••ast and colour thereof, and said to his wife; Mistresse Ales what milke haue you giuen me here? Where∣withall she tilted it ouer with hir hand, saieng, I wéene nothing can please you. Then he tooke horsse and road towards Canturburie, and by the waie fell into extreme purging vpwards and downewards, and so escaped for that time.

After this, his wife fell in acquaintance with one Greene of Feuersham, seruant to sir Anthonie A∣ger, from which Greene maister Arden had wrested [line 30] a péece of ground on the backeside of the abbeie of Feuersham, and there had blowes and great threats passed betwixt them about that matter. Therefore she knowing that Gréene hated hir husband,* 11.44 began to practise with him how to make him awaie; and concluded, that if he could get anie that would kill him, he should haue ten pounds for a reward. This Gréene hauing dooings for his master sir Anthonie Ager, had occasion to go vp to London, where his maister then laie, and hauing some charge vp with [line 40] him, desired one Bradshaw a goldsmith of Feuer∣sham that was his neighbor, to accompanie him to Grauesend, and he would content him for his pains. This Bradshaw, being a verie honest man, was content, and road with him. And when they came to Rainham downe, they chanced to sée three or foure seruingmen that were comming from Léeds: and therewith Bradshaw espied comming vp the hill from Rochester,* 11.45 one blacke Will, a terrible cruell [line 50] ruffian with a sword and a buckler, and an other with a great staffe on his necke.

* 11.46Then said Bradshaw to Gréene; We are happie that here commeth some companie from Léeds, for here commeth vp against vs as murthering a knaue as anie is in England: if it were not for them we might chance hardlie to escape without losse of our monie and liues. Yea thought Gréene (as he after confessed) such a one is for my purpose, and therefore asked; Which is he? Yonder is he quoth Bradshaw, the same that hath the sword and buckler: his name [line 60] is blacke Will. How know you that, said Gréene? Bradshaw answered, I knew him at Bullo••gne, where we both serued, he was a soldier, and I was sir Richard Cauendishes man, and there he committed manie robberies and heinous murthers on such as trauelled betwixt Bullongne and France.

By this time the other companie of seruingmen came to them, and they going all togither, met with blacke Will and his fellow. The seruingmen knew blacke Will,* 11.47 & saluting him, demanded of him whi∣ther he went? He answered; By his bloud (for his vse was to sweare almost at euerie word) I know not, nor care not, but set vp my staffe, and euen as it fal∣leth I go. If thou (quo••h they) wilt go backe againe to Grauesend, we will giue thée thy supper. By his bloud (said he) I care not, I am content, haue with you: and so he returned againe with them. Then blacke Will tooke acquaintance of Bradshaw, sai∣eng; Fellow Bradshaw how doost thou? Bradshaw vnwilling to renew acquitance, or to haue ought to doo with so shameles a ruffian, said;* 11.48 Why doo ye know me? Yea that I doo (quoth he) did not we serue in Bul∣longne togither? But ye must pardon me (quoth Bradshaw) for I haue forgotten you.

Then Greene talked with blacke Will, and said; When ye haue supped, come to mine hosts house at such a signe, and I will giue you the sacke and sugar. By his bloud (said he) I thanke you, I will come and take it I warrant you. According to his promise he came, and there they made good cheare. Then blacke Will & Greene went and talked apart from Brad∣shaw, and there concluded togither, that if he would kill master Arden, he should haue ten pounds for his labor. Then he answered,* 11.49 By his wounds that I will if I maie know him. Marie to morrow in Poules I will shew him thee, said Gréene. Then they left their talke, & Gréene bad him go home to his hosts house. Then Greene wrote a letter to mistresse Ar∣den, & among other things put in these words: We haue got a man for our purpose, we maie thanke my brother Bradshaw.* 11.50 Now Bradshaw not knowing anie thing of this, tooke the letter of him, and in the morning departed home againe, and deliuered the letter to mistresse Arden, and Greene & blacke Will went vp to London at the tide.

At the time appointed, Gréene shewed blacke Will maister Arden walking in Poules. Then said blacke Will, What is he that goeth after him? Marie said Gréen, one of his men. By his bloud (said blacke Will) I will kill them both. Naie (said Greene) doo not so, for he is of counsell with vs in this matter. By his bloud (said he) I care not for that,* 11.51 I will kill them both. Naie said Gréene in anie wise doo not so. Then blacke Will thought to haue killed maister Arden in Poules churchyard, but there were so manie gentle∣men that accompanied him to dinner, that he mis∣sed of his purpose. Gréene shewed all this talke to maister Ardens man, whose name was Michaell, which euer after stood in doubt of blacke Will, lest he should kill him.* 11.52 The cause that this Michaell conspi∣red with the rest against his maister, was: for that it was determined, that he should marrie a kinswo∣man of Mosbies.

After this, maister Arden laie at a certeine par∣sonage which he held in London, and therefore his man Michaell and Gréene agréed, that blacke Will should come in the night to the parsonage, where he should find the doores left open, that he might como in and murther maister Arden. This Michaell ha∣uing his maister to bed, left open the doores accor∣ding to the appointment. His maister then being in bed, asked him if he had shut fast the doores, and hée said yea: but yet afterwards, fearing least blacke Will would kill him as well as his maister,* 11.53 after he was in bed himselfe, he rose againe and shut the doores, bolting them fast. So that blacke Will com∣ming thither, and finding the doores shut, departed, being disappointed at that time. The next daie blacke Will came to Gréene in a great chafe, swearing and staring bicause he was so deceiued, and with manie terrible oths threatened to kill maister Ardens man first, wheresoeuer he met him. No (said Gréene) doo not so, I will first know the cause of shutting the doores.

Then Greene met and talked with Ardens man, and asked of him, why he did not leaue open the doors, according to his promise? Marie (said Michaell) I

will shew you the cause. My maister yesternight did that he neuer did before: for after I was in bed, hée rose vp and shut the doores, and in the morning rated me for leauing them vnshut. And herewith Gréene & blacke Will were pacified. Arden being redie to go homewards,* 11.54 his maid came to Gréene & said; This night will my maister go downe. Whervpon it was agréed that blacke Will should kill him on Reinam downe. When maister Arden came to Rochester, his man still fearing that blacke Will would kill him [line 10] with his maister, pricked his horsse of purpose, and made him to halt, to the end he might protract the time, and tarie behind. His maister asked him whie his horsse halted, he said, I know not. Well (quoth his maister) when ye come at the smith here before (betwéene Rochester and the hill foot ouer against Chee••am) remooue his shoo, and search him, and then come after me. So maister Arden rode on: and yer he came at the place where blacke Will laie in wait for him, there ouertooke him diuerse gentlemen of his acquaintance,* 11.55 who kept him companie: so that [line 20] blacke Will mist here also of his purpose.

After that maister Arden was come home, hee sent (as he vsuallie did) his man to Shepeie to sir Tho∣mas Cheinie, then lord warden of the cinque ports, about certeine businesse, and at his comming awaie, he had a letter deliuered sent by sir Thomas Cheinie to his maister. When he came home, his mist resse tooke the letter and kept it, willing hir man to tell his maister, that he had a letter deliuered him by sir [line 30] Thomas Cheinie, and that he had lost it; adding that he thought it best that his maister should go the next morning to sir Thomas, bicause he knew not the matter: he said he would, and therefore he willed his man to be stirring betimes. In this meane while, blacke Will,* 11.56 and one George Shake bag his compa∣nion, were kept in a storehouse of sir Anthonie A∣gers at Preston, by Greenes appointment: and thi∣ther came mistresse Arden to sée him, bringing and sending him meat and drinke manie times. He ther∣fore [line 40] lurking there, and watching some opportunitie for his purpose, was willed in anie wise to be vp earlie in the morning, to lie in wait for maister Ar∣den in a certeine broome close, betwixt Feuersham & the ferrie (which close he must néeds passe) there to doo his feat. Now blacke Will stirred in the morning be∣times, but mist the waie, & taried in a wrong place.

Maister Arden & his man comming on their waie earlie in the morning towards Shornelan, where sir Thomas Cheinie laie: as they were almost come to [line 50] the broome close,* 11.57 his man alwaies fearing that blacke Will would kill him with his maister, feined that he had lost his pursse; Why said his maister, thou foolish knaue, couldst thou not looke to thy pursse but loose it? What was in it? Thrée pounds said he. Why then go thy waies backe againe like a knaue (said his maister) and séeke it, for being so earlie as it is, there is no man stirring, and therefore thou maist be sure to find it, and then come and ouertake me at the ferrie. But neuerthelesse, by reason that blacke Will [line 60] lost his way, maister Arden escaped yet once againe. At that time, blacke Will yet thought hée should haue beene sure to haue met him homewards: but whether that some of the lord wardens men accom∣panied him backe to Feuersham, or that being in doubt,* 11.58 for that it was late to go through the broome close, and therfore tooke another waie, blacke Will was disappointed then also.

But now saint Ualentines faire being at hand, the conspirators thought to dispatch their diuelish in∣tention at that time.* 11.59 Mosbie minded to picke some quarrell to maister Arden at the faire to fight with him; for he said he could not find in his heart to mur∣ther a gentleman in that sort as his wife wished: al∣though she had made a solemne promise to him, and he againe to hir, to be in all points as man and wife togither, and therevpon they both receiued the sacra∣ment on a sundaie at London, openlie in a church there. But this deuise to fight with him would not serue, for maister Arden both then and at other times had beene greatlie prouoked by Mosbie to fight with him, but he would not. Now Mosbie had a sister that dwelt in a tenement of maister Ardens néere to his house in Feuersham: and on the faire éeuen,* 11.60 blacke Will was sent for to come thither, and Gréene brin∣ging him thither, met there with mistresse Arden, ac∣companied with Michaell hir man, and one of hir maids. There were also Mosbie and George Shake∣bag, and there they deuised to haue killed him in ma∣ner as afterwards he was. But yet Mosbie at the first would not agree to that cowardlie murthering of him, but in a furie floong awaie, and went vp the abbeie stréet toward the flower de lice, the house of the aforenamed Adam Foule, where he did often host. But before he came thither now at this time, a messenger ouertooke him, that was sent from mi∣stres Arden, desiring him of all loues to come backe againe to helpe to accomplish the mater he knew of. Herevpon he returned to hi•• againe, and at his com∣ming backe, she fell downe vpon hir knées to him,* 11.61 and besought him to go through with the matter, as if he loued hir he would be content to doo, sith as shee had diuerse times told him, he néeded not to doubt, for there was not anie that would care for his death, nor make anie great inquirie for them that should dispatch him.

Thus she being earnest with him, at length hee was contented to agree vnto that horrible deuise, and therevpon they conueied blacke Will into mai∣ster Ardens house, putting him into a closet at the end of his parlour. Before this, they had sent out of the house all the seruants, those excepted which were priuie to the deuised murther. Then went Mosbie to the doore,* 11.62 and there stood in a night gowne of silke gir∣ded about him, and this was betwixt six and seuen of the clocke at night. Master Arden hauing béene at a neighbors house of his, named Dumpkin, & hauing cleared certeine reckonings betwixt them, came home: and finding Mosbie standing at the doore, as∣ked him if it were supper time? I thinke not (quoth Mosbie) it is not yet readie. Then let vs go and plaie a game at the tables in the meane season, said mai∣ster Arden. And so they went streight into the parlor: and as they came by through the hall, his wife was walking there, and maister Arden said; How now mistresse Ales? But she made small answer to him. In the meane time one cheined the wicket doore of the entrie. When they came into the parlor,* 11.63 Mosbie sat downe on the bench, hauing his face toward the place where blacke Will stood. Then Michaell mai∣ster Ardens man stood at his masters backe, holding a candle in his hand, to shadow blacke Will, that Arden might by no meanes perceiue him comming foorth. In their plaie Mosbie said thus (which séemed to be the watchword for blacke Wils comming foorth) Now maie I take you sir if I will.* 11.64 Take me (quoth maister Arden) which waie? With that blacke Will stept foorth, and cast a towell about his necke, so to stop his breath and strangle him. Then Mosbie hauing at his girdle a pressing iron of fourtéene pounds weight, stroke him on the hed with the same, so that he fell downe, and gaue a great grone, inso∣much that they thought he had béene killed.

Then they bare him awaie, to laie him in the coun∣ting house, & as they were about to laie him downe, the pangs of death comming on him,* 11.65 he gaue a great grone, and stretched himselfe, and then blacke Will gaue him a great gash in the face, and so kil∣led

him out of hand, laid him along, tooke the monie out of his pursse, and the rings from his fingers, and then comming out of the counting house, said; Now the feat is doone, giue me my monie. So mistres Arden gaue him ten pounds:* 11.66 and he comming to Gréene, had a horsse of him, and so rode his waies. After that blacke Will was gone, mistresse Arden came into the counting house, and with a knife gaue him seuen or eight picks into the brest. Then they made cleene the parlor, tooke a clout, and wiped where [line 10] it was bloudie, and strewed againe the rushes that were shuffled with strugling, and cast the clout with which they wiped the bloud, and the knife that was bloudie, wherewith she had wounded hir husband, into a tub by the wels side; where afterwards both the same clout and knife were found. Thus this wic∣ked woman, with hir complices, most shamefullie murdered hir owne husband, who most entirelie lo∣ued hir all his life time. Then she sent for two Lon∣doners to supper, the one named Prune, and the o∣ther [line 20] Cole, that were grosers, which before the mur∣der was committed, were bidden to supper. When they came, she said: I maruell where maister Ar∣den is; we will not tarie for him, come ye and sit downe, for he will not be long. Then Mosbies sister was sent for, she came and sat downe, and so they were merie.

* 11.67After supper, mistres Arden caused hir daughter to plaie on the virginals, and they dansed, and she with them, and so séemed to protract time as it were; [line 30] till maister Arden should come, and she said, I mar∣uell where he is so long; well, he will come anon I am sure, I praie you in the meane while let vs plaie a game at the tables. But the Londoners said, they must go to their hosts house, or else they should be shut out at doores, and so taking their leaue, depar∣ted. When they were gone, the seruants that were not priuie to the murder, were sent abroad into the towne; some to séeke their maister, and some of o∣ther errands, all sauing Michaell and a maid, Mos∣bies [line 40] sister, and one of mistres Ardens owne daugh∣ters. Then they tooke the dead bodie, and caried it out, to laie it in a field next to the church••yard, and ioining to his garden wall,* 11.68 through the which he went to the church. In the meane time it began to snow, and when they came to the garden gate, they remembred that they had forgotten the kaie, and one went in for it, and finding it, at length brought it, opened the gate, and caried the corps into the same field, as it were ten pases from the garden gate, and [line 50] laid him downe on his backe streight in his night gowne, with his slippers on: and betwéene one of his slippers and his foot, a long rush or two remai∣ned. When they had thus laid him downe, they re∣turned the same way they came through the garden into the house.

* 11.69They being returned thus backe againe into the house, the doores were opened, and the seruants re∣turned home that had béene sent abroad: and being now verie late, she sent foorth hir folks againe to [line 60] make inquirie for him in diuerse places; namelie, among the best in the towne where he was woont to be, who made answer, that they could tell nothing of him. Then she began to make an outcrie, and said; Neuer woman had such neighbors as I haue, and herewith wept: in somuch that hir neighbors came in, and found hir making great lamentation, pretending to maruell what was become of hir hus∣band. Wherevpon, the maior and others came to make search for him.* 11.70 The faire was woont to be kept partlie in the towne, and partlie in the abbeie; but Arden for his owne priuat lucre & couetous gaine had this present yeare procured it to be wholie kept within the abbeie ground which he had purchased; & so reaping all the gaines to himselfe, and bereauing the towne of that portion which was woont to come to the inhabitants, got manie a bitter cursse. The maior going about the faire in this search, at length came to the ground where Arden laie: and as it hap∣pened, Prune the groser getting sight of him,* 11.71 first said; Staie, for me thinke I sée one lie here. And so they looking and beholding the bodie, found that it was maister Arden, lieng there throughlie dead, and viewing diligentlie the maner of his bodie & hurts, found the rushes sticking in his slippers, and mar∣king further, espied certeine footsteps, by reason of the snow, betwixt the place where he laie, and the garden doore.

Then the maior commanded euerie man to staie, and herewith appointed some to go about, & to come in at the inner side of the house through the garden as the waie laie,* 11.72 to the place where maister Ardens dead bodie did lie; who all the waie as they came, perceiued footings still before them in the snow: and so it appeared plainlie that he was brought along that waie from the house through the garden, and so into the field where he laie. Then the maior and his companie that were with him went into the house, and knowing hir euill demeanor in times past, ex∣amined hir of the matter: but she defied them and said, I would you should know I am no such wo∣man. Then they examined hir seruants, and in the examination, by reason of a péece of his heare any bloud found néere to the house in the waie,* 11.73 by the which they caried him foorth, and likewise by the knife with which she had thrust him into the brest, and the clout wherewith they wiped the bloud awaie which they found in the tub, into the which the same were throwen; they all confessed the matter, and hir selfe beholding hir husbands bloud, said; Oh the bloud of God helpe, for this bloud haue I shed.

Then were they all attached, and committed to prison, and the maior with others went presentlie to the flower de lice, where they found Mosbie in bed: and as they came towards him, they espied his hose and pursse stained with some of maister Ardens bloud.* 11.74 And when he asked what they meant by their comming in such sort, they said; Sée, here ye may vnderstand wherefore, by these tokens, shewing him the bloud on his hose and pursse. Then he confessed the déed, and so he and all the other that had conspi∣red the murder, were apprehended and laid in pri∣son, except Gréene, blacke Will, and the painter,* 11.75 which painter and George Shakebag, that was also fled before, were neuer heard of. Shortlie were the sessions kept at Feuersham, where all the prisoners were arreigned and condemned. And therevpon being examined whither they had anie other compli∣ces, mistres Arden accused Bradshaw, vpon occa∣sion of the letter sent by Gréene from Graues end,* 11.76 (as before ye haue heard) which words had none o∣ther meaning, but onelie by Bradshaws describing of blacke Wils qualities; Gréene iudged him a méete instrument for the execution of their preten∣ded murder. Whereto notwithstanding (as Gréene confessed at his death certeine yeares after) this Bradshaw was neuer made priuie; howbeit, he was vppon this accusation of mistres Arden, immediat∣lie sent for to the sessions, and indicted, and declara∣tion made against him, as a procurer of blacke Will to kill maister Arden, which procéeded wholie by mis∣vnderstanding of the words conteined in the letter which he brought from Greene.

Then he desired to talke with the persons con∣demned, and his request was granted. He therefore demanded of them if they knew him, or euer had a∣nie conuersation with him, & they all said no. Then the letter being shewed and read, he declared the ve∣rie

truth of the matter,* 11.77 and vpon what occasion he told Gréene of blacke Will: neuerthelesse, he was condemned, and suffered. These condemned per∣sons were diuerslie executed in sundrie places, for Michaell maister Ardens man was hanged in chaines at Feuersham,* 11.78 and one of the maids was burnt there, pitifullie bewailing hir case, and cried out on hir mistres that had brought hir to this end, for the which she would neuer forgiue hir. Mosbie & his sister were hanged in Smithfield at London; [line 10] mistres Arden was burned at Canturburie the foure and twentith of March. Gréene came againe certeine yeares after, was apprehended, condem∣ned,* 11.79 & hanged in chaines in the high waie betwixt Ospring & Boughton against Feuersham; blacke Will was burnt on a scaffold at Flishing in Ze∣land. Adam Foule that dwelt at the floure de lice in Feuersham was brought into trouble about this matter, and caried vp to London, with his legs bound vnder the horsse bellie, and committed to pri∣son [line 20] in the Marshalseie: for that Mosbie was heard to saie; Had it not béene for Adam Foule, I had not come to this trouble: meaning that the bringing of the siluer dice for a token to him from mistresse Ar∣den, as ye haue heard, occasioned him to renew fa∣miliaritie with hir againe. But when the matter was throughlie ripped vp, & that Mosbie had cléered him, protesting that he was neuer of knowledge in anie behalfe to the murder, the mans innocencie preserued him. [line 30]

* 11.80This one thing séemeth verie strange and nota∣ble, touching maister Arden, that in the place where he was laid, being dead, all the proportion of his bo∣die might be séene two yeares after and more, so plaine as could be, for the grasse did not grow where his bodie had touched: but betwéene his legs, be∣tweene his armes, and about the hollownesse of his necke, and round about his bodie, and where his legs, armes, head, or anie other part of his bodie had touched, no grasse growed at all of all that time. So that manie strangers came in that meane time, be∣side [line 40] the townesmen, to see the print of his bodie there on the ground in that field. Which field he had (as some haue reported) most cruellie taken from a woman, that had beene a widow to one Cooke, and after maried to one Richard Read a mariner, to the great hinderance of hir and hir husband the said Read: for they had long inioied it by a lease, which they had of it for manie yeares, not then expired: neuerthelesse, he got it from them. For the which, the [line 50] said Reads wife not onelie exclaimed against him,* 11.81 in sheading manie a salt téere, but also curssed him most bitterlie euen to his face, wishing manie a vengeance to light vpon him, and that all the world might woonder on him. Which was thought then to come to passe, when he was thus murdered, and laie in that field from midnight till the morning: and so all that daie, being the faire daie till night, all the which daie there were manie hundreds of people came woondering about him. And thus far touching this horrible and heinous murder of maister Arden. [line 60] To returne then where we left.

* 11.82About this time the kings maiestie calling his high court of parlement, held the same at West∣minster the three and twentith daie of Ianuarie, in this fift yéere of his reigne, and there continued it, vntill the fiftéenth daie of Aprill in the sixt yeare of his said reigne. In this parlement the booke of com∣mon praier,* 11.83 which in some part had béene corrected and amended, was newlie confirmed & established. ¶ In the end of this parlement, namelie the fifteenth of Aprill the infectious sweating sicknesse began at Shrewesburie,* 11.84 which ended not in the north part of England vntill the end of September. In this space what number died, it cannot be well accounted: but certeine it is, that in London in few daies nine hundred and sixtie gaue vp the ghost. It began in London the ninth of Iulie, and the twelfth of Iulie it was most vehement: which was so terrible,* 11.85 that people being in best helth, were suddenlie taken, and dead in foure and twentie houres, and twelue, or lesse, for lacke of skill in guiding them in their sweat. And it is to be noted,* 11.86 that this mortalitie fell chéeflie or rather vpon men, and those also of the best age, as betwéen thirtie & fortie yeers. The spéedie riddance of life procured by this sicknes, did so terrifie people of all sorts, that such as could make shift, either with monie or freendship, changed their soile, and leauing places of concourse, betooke them (for the time) to a∣bodes, though not altogither solitarie, yet lesse frequented: to conclude, manifold meanes were made for safetie of life. The first wéeke died in Lon∣don eight hundred persons.

The manner of this sweat was such,* 11.87 that if men did take anie cold outwardlie, it stroke the sweat in, and immediatlie killed them. If they were suffered to sléepe, commonlie they swooned in their sleepe and departed, or else died immediat∣lie vpon their waking.* 11.88 But the waie to escape dan∣ger was close keeping moderatlie with some aire and a little drinke, and the same to be posset-ale, and so to kéepe them thirtie houres, & then was the dan∣ger past; but beware of sudden cold. Before men had learned the manner of keeping, an infinit num∣ber perished. This disease at that time followed Englishmen & none other nation; for in Antwerpe and other countries, our Englishmen being there a∣mongst diuerse other nations, onelie our English∣men were sicke thereof, and none other persons. The consideration of which thing made this nation much afraid thereof, who for the time began to repent and giue almes, and to remember God from whom that plague might well séeme to be sent among vs. But as the disease in time ceased, so our deuotion in short time decaied.* 11.89] At this time also the king with the ad∣uise of his priuie councell, and hauing also great conference with merchants and others, perceiuing that by such coins and copper monies, as had beene coined in the time of the king his father, and now were commonlie currant in the realme; and indéed a great number of them not worth halfe the value that they were currant at, to the great dishonor of the kings maiestie & the realme, and to the deceit & no little hinderance of all the kings maiesties good subiects, did now purpose not onelie the abasing of the said copper monies, but also meant wholie to r••∣duce them into bullion, to the intent to deliuer fine and good monies for them. And therefore in the mo∣neth of Iulie by his graces proclamation, he abased the péece of twelue pence,* 11.90 commonlie called a tes∣ton vnto nine pence, and the péece of foure pence vnto three pence. And in August next following, the peece of nine pence was abased to six pence, and the peece of thrée pence vnto two pence, and the pennie to an halfepennie.

On the eleuenth daie of October, there was a great creation of dukes and earles,* 11.91 as the lord mar∣quesse Dorset was created duke of Suffolke, the earle of Warwike made duke of Northumberland, and the earle of Wilshire made marquesse of Win∣chester, & sir William Herbert maister of the horsse; he also made William Cicill his secretarie knight,* 11.92 maister Iohn Chéeke one of his schoolemaisters knight, maister Henrie Dudlie knight,* 11.93 & maister Henrie Neuill knight. The sixtéenth daie of the said moneth being fridaie, the duke of Summerset was againe apprehended, & his wife also, & committed to the tower; with him also were cōmitted sir Michaell

Stanhope, sir Thomas Arundell, sir Rafe Uane, sir Miles Partrige & other for suspicion of treason and felonie, whereof they were all shortlie after indicted. And so standing indicted, the second daie of Decem∣ber next following, the said duke was brought out of the tower of London with the ax of the tower borne before him, with a great number of billes, gleaues, halberds & pollaxes attending vpon him, & so came into Westminster hall, where was made in the middle of the hall a new scaffold, where all the [line 10] lords of the kings councell sate as his iudges:* 11.94 and there was he arreigned and charged with manie ar∣ticles both of felonie and treason. And when after much mild speech he had answered not guiltie, he in all humble manner put himselfe to be tried by his péeres: who after long consultation among them∣selues, gaue their verdict that he was not guiltie of the treason, but of the felonie. The people there pre∣sent (which was a great number) hearing the lords saie not guiltie, which was to the treason, thinking [line 20] most certeinlie that he was cléerelie acquited; and chieflie for that immediatlie vpon the pronouncing of those words, he that caried the ax of the tower departed with the ax,* 11.95 they made such an outcrie and ••o••e, as the like hath not béene heard. Which was an euident declaration of their good willes and hartie fa∣uors vnto him, whose life they greatlie desired to haue saued, for that he had deserued right well of most (though the good gentleman had some priuat e∣nimies) and had béene as a man maie iustlie saie:

Solamen magnum patriae, solamen amicis. [line 30]

* 11.96But neuerthelesse, he was condemned to the death, whereof shortlie after he tasted. The felonie that he was condemned of, was vpon the statute made the last yeare against rebelles, and vnlawfull assemblies, wherein amongst other things is one branch, that whosoeuer shall procure the death of anie councellor, that euerie such attempt or procurement shall be felonie. And by force of that statute, the duke of Summerset, being accompanied with cer∣teine [line 40] others, was charged that he purposed and at∣tempted the death of the duke of Northumberland, the lord marquesse, the lord of Penbroke, and others of the priuie councell, which by statute was felonie.

* 11.97After the duke was thus condemned, he was a∣gaine returned to the tower, and landed at the crane of the vinetree, and so passed through London, where were both exclamations: the one cried for ioie that he was acquitted, the other cried out that he was condemned. But howsoeuer they cried, he was con∣ueied [line 50] to the tower of London, where he remained vntill the two and twentith daie of Ianuarie next fo∣lowing.* 11.98 The duke being condemned (as is afore∣said) the people spake diuerslie, and murmured a∣gainst the duke of Northumberland, and against some other of the lords, for the condemnation of the said duke: and also (as the common same went) the kings maiestie tooke it not in good part. Wherefore as well to remooue fond talke out of mens mouths, as also to recreat and refresh the troubled spirits of [line 60] the yoong king; who (as saith Grafton) séemed to take the trouble of his vncle somewhat heauilie:* 11.99 it was deuised, that the feast of Christs natiuitie, com∣monlie called Christmasse then at h••nd, should be so∣lemnlie kept at Gréenwich with open houshold, and franke resort to court (which is called kéeping of the hall) what time of old ordinarie course there is al∣waies one appointed to make sport in the court, cal∣led commonlie lord of misrule: whose office is not vnknowne to such as haue beene brought vp in no∣ble mens houses, and among great house-keepers, which vse liberall feasting in that season.* 11.100 There was therfore by order of the councell, a wise gentleman & learned named George Ferrers, appointed to that office for this yeare; who being of better credit & esti∣mation than cōmonlie his predecessors had beene be∣fore, receiued all his commissions and warrants by the name of the maister of the kings pastimes: Which gentleman so well supplied his office, both in shew of sundrie sights and deuises of rare inuenti∣ons, and in act of diuerse interludes, and matters of pastime plaied by persons, as not onelie satisfied the common ••ort, but also were verie well liked and al∣lowed by the councell, and other of skill in the like pastimes: but best of all by the yoong king himselfe, as appéered by his princelie liberalitie in rewarding that seruice.

¶On mondaie the fourth of Ianuarie, the said lord of merie disports came by water to London,* 11.101 and landed at the tower wharffe, entred the tower, and then rode through tower street, where he was receiued by Uause lord of misrule to Iohn Mainard one of the shiriffes of London,* 11.102 and so conducted through the citie with a great companie of yoong lords & gentlemen to the house of sir George Barne lord maior, where he with the chéefe of his companie dined, and after had a great banket: and at his de∣parture, the lord maior gaue him a standing cup with a couer of siluer and guilt of the value of ten pounds for a reward, and also set a hogshed of wine, and a barrell of beere at his gate, for his traine that followed him. The residue of his gentlemen & ser∣uants dined at other aldermens houses, and with the shiriffes, and then departed to the tower wharffe a∣gaine, & so to the court by water, to the great com∣mendation of the maior and aldermen, and highlie accepted of the king and councell.]

This Christmas being thus passed and spent with much mirth and pastime, [year 1552] wherewith the minds and eares of murmurers were méetlie well appeased, ac∣cording to a former determination as the sequele shewed: it was thought now good to procéed to the execution of the iudgement giuen against the duke of Summerset, touching his conuiction & atteindor of the fellonie before mentioned. Wherevpon, the two and twentith daie of Ianuarie, then next fol∣lowing being fridaie, he was brought out of the tower, and according to the manner,* 11.103 deliuered to the shiriffes of London; and so with a great compa∣nie of the gard & others with weapons, was brought to the scaffold where he should suffer, without chan∣ging either voice or countenance, other than he was accustomed to vse at other times.

The same morning earelie,* 11.104 the conestables of e∣uerie ward in London (according to a precept direc∣ted from the councell to the maior) strictlie charged euerie houshold of the same citie, not to depart anie of them out of their houses, before ten of the clocke of that daie: meaning thereby to restreine the great number of people that otherwise were like to haue béen at the said execution. Notwithstanding, by sea∣uen of the clocke, the tower hill was couered with a great multitude, repairing from all parts of the ci∣tie, as well as out of the suburbs. And before eight of the clocke, the duke was brought to the scaffold, in∣closed with the kings gard, the shiriffes officers, the warders of the tower, & other with halberds: where as he nothing changing neither voice or counte∣nance,* 11.105 but in a maner with the same gesture which he commonlie vsed at home, knéeling downe vpon both his knees, and lifting vp his hands, commended himselfe vnto God. After he had ended a few short praiers, standing vp againe, and turning himselfe toward the east side of the scaffold, nothing at all a∣bashed (as it séemed vnto those that stood by) neither with the sight of the ax, neither yet of the hangman, nor of present death, but with the like alacri••ie and chéerefulnesse of mind and countenance as before

times he was accustomed to heare the causes & sup∣plications of other, & speciallie of the poore (towards whome as it were with a certeine fatherlie loue to his children he alwaies shewed himselfe most atten∣tiue) he vttered these words to the people.

The words of the duke of Summerset at his death.

DEerelie beloued friends, I am [line 10] brought hither to suffer death, albeit I neuer offended against the king, neither by word nor deed, and haue beene alwaies as faithfull and true vnto this realme, as anie man hath beene. But forsomuch as I am by law condemned to die, I doo acknowledge my selfe as well as others, to be subiect there∣vnto. Wherefore to testifie mine obedience [line 20] which I owe vnto the lawes, I am come hither to suffer death, wherevnto I wil∣linglie offer my selfe with most hartie thanks vnto God, that hath giuen me this time of repentance, who might thorough sudden death haue taken awaie my life, that I neither should haue acknowledged him nor my selfe.

Moreouer (deerelie beloued friends) there is yet somewhat that I must put [line 30] you in mind of, as touching christian reli∣gion, which so long as I was in authori∣tie, I alwaies diligentlie set foorth, and furthered to my power. Neither doo I re∣pent me of my dooings, but reioise therein, sith now the state of christian religion com∣meth most neere vnto the forme and order of the primitiue church. Which thing I esteeme as a great benefit giuen of God, [line 40] both to you and me, most hartilie exhorting you all, that this which is most purelie set foorth vnto you, you will with like thanke∣fulnesse accept and embrace, and set out the same in your liuing: which thing if you doo not, without doubt, greater mischiefe and calamitie will follow.

When he had spoken these words, suddenlie there [line 50] was a great noise heard,* 12.1 wherevpon the people were streight driuen into a great feare, few or none knowing the cause. Wherefore I thinke it good to write what I saw (saith Iohn Stow) concerning that matter. The people of a certeine hamlet which were warned to be there by seauen of the clocke to giue their attendance on the lieutenant, now came tho∣rough the posterne, and perceiuing the duke to be al∣readie on the scaffold, the foremost began to run, cri∣eng to their fellowes to follow fast after. Which sud∣dennes [line 60] of these men, being weaponed with bils and halberds, & this running caused the people which first saw them, to thinke some power had come to haue rescued the duke from execution, and therefore cried Awaie awaie. Wherevpon the people ran, some one waie, some an other, manie fell into the tower ditch, and they which tarried, thought some pardon had beene brought: some said it thundered, some that the ground mooued, but there was no such matter.

* 12.2¶ This amazement of the people is in other words recorded by Iohn Fox in the storie of this dukes trou∣bles & death: which bicause they be effectuall I thinke good to interlace. When the duke had ended his speech (saith he) suddenlie there was a terrible noise heard: whervpon there came a great feare on all men.* 12.3 This noise was as it had beene the noise of a great storme or tempest, which to some séemed to be heard from a¦boue: like as if a great deale of gunpowder being inclosed in an armorie, and hauing caught fire, had violentlie broken out. But to some againe it seemed as though it had béene a great multitude of horsse∣men running togither, or comming vpon them; such a noise was then in the eares of all men, albeit they saw nothing. Whereby it happened, that all the people being amazed without any euident cause, and without anie violence or stroke striken, they ran awaie, some into the ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabout. Other some being affraid with the horrour and noise, fell downe groue∣ling vnto the ground with their pollaxes & halberds, and most part of them cried out: Iesus saue vs, Ie∣sus saue vs. Those which tarried still in their places, for feare knew not where they were. And * 12.4 I my selfe which was there present among the rest, being also affraid in this hurlie burlie, stood still altogi∣ther amazed, looking when anie man would knocke me on the head. It happened here, as the euangelists write, it did to Christ, when the officers of the high priests & Phariseis comming with wepons to take him, being astonied ran backe, & fell to the ground.

In the meane time,* 12.5 whilest these things were thus in dooing, the people by chance spied one sir Antho••ie Browne riding vnto the scaffold: which was the oc∣casion of a new noise. For when they saw him com∣ming, they coniectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they all wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent his vncle pardon: and therfore with great reioising and casting vp their caps, they cried out; Pardon, pardon is come: God saue the king. Thus this good duke,* 12.6 although he was destitute of all mans helpe, yet he saw before his de∣parture, in how great loue and fauour he was with all men. And trulie I doo not thinke, that in so great slaughter of dukes as hath béene in England within this few yeares, there was so manie weeping eies at one time: and not without cause. For all men did sée in the decaie of this duke, the publike ruine of all England, except such as indeed perceiued nothing.] The duke in the meane time standing still, both in the same place and mind wherin he was before, shaking his cap which he held in his hand, made a signe vnto the people that they should kéepe themselues quiet: which thing being doone, & silence obteined, he spake to them the second time in this maner.

The second speech of the duke of Summerset to the people.

DEerelie beloued friends, there is no such matter in hand, as you vainlie hope or beleeue. It seemeth thus good to almightie God, whose ordinance it is meet & necessarie that we be all obedient vnto. Wherfore I praie you all to be quiet, and without tumult: for I am euen now quiet, and let vs ioine in praier vnto the Lord, for the preseruation of our noble king, vnto whose maiestie I wish continu∣all health, with all felicitie and abundance & all maner of prosperous successe: where∣vnto the people cried out, Amen. Moreo∣uer, I wish vnto all his councellors the grace and fauour of God, whereby they may rule althings vprightlie with iustice, vnto whome I exhort you all in the Lord to shew your selues obedient, the which is

also verie necessarie for you, vnder the paine of condemnation, and also most pro∣fitable for the preseruation and safegard of the kings maiestie. And forsomuch as here∣tofore I haue had oftentimes affaires with diuers men; & that it is hard to please euerie man that hath beene offended or in∣iuried by me, I most humblie require and aske them forgiuenesse: but especiallie al∣mightie God, whome thoroughout all my [line 10] life I haue most greeuouslie offended. And vnto all other, whatsoeuer they be that haue offended me, I doo with my whole heart forgiue them.

And once againe (dearelie beloued in the Lord) I require that you will keepe your selues quiet and still, least thorough your tumult you might cause me to haue some trouble, which in this case would [line 20] nothing at all profit me, neither be anie pleasure vnto you. For albeit the spirit be willing and readie, the flesh is fraile and wauering, and thorough your quietnesse I shall be much more the quieter: but if that you fall vnto tumult, it will be great trouble & no gaine at all vnto you. Moreo∣uer, I desire you to beare me witnesse, that I die heere in the faith of Iesus [line 30] Christ, desiring you to helpe me with your praiers, that I maie perseuere constant in the same vnto my liues end.

Then he turning himselfe about knéeled downe vpon his knées,* 13.1 vnto whome doctor Cox, which was there present, to counsell and aduertise him, deliue∣red a certeine scroll into his hand, wherein was con∣teined a briefe confession to God. Which being read, he stood vp againe on his féet, without anie trouble of mind as it appeared, and first bad the shiriffes fare∣well, [line 40] then the lieutenant of the tower, & certeine o∣ther that were on the scaffold, taking them all by the hands. Then he gaue the executioner monie, which doone, he put off his gowne, and knéeling downe a∣gaine in the straw, vntied his shirt strings: and then the executioner comming to him, turned downe his collar round about his necke, and all other things which did let and hinder him. Then he couering his face with his owne handkerchiefe, lifting vp his eies vnto heauen, where his onelie hope remained, laid [line 50] himselfe downe along, shewing no maner of trou∣ble or feare; neither did his countenance change, but that before his eies were couered there began to ap∣péere a red colour in the middest of his cheeks.

* 13.2¶ Thus this most méeke and gentle duke lieng a∣long and looking for the stroke, bicause his doublet couered his necke he was commanded to rise vp and put it off: & then laieng himselfe downe againe vpon the blocke, and calling thrise vpon the name of Iesus, saieng: Lord Iesu saue me, as he was the [line 60] third time repeating the same, euen as the name of Iesu was in vttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head and life; and slept in the Lord Iesus, be∣ing taken awaie from all the dangers and euils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and gospell he alwaies shewed himselfe an excellent instrument and mem∣ber, and therefore hath receiued the reward of his la∣bours. Thus gentle reader thou hast the true histo∣rie of this worthie and noble duke, and if anie man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lie.]

This duke was in high sauour and estimation with king Henrie the eight, of whome he receiued sundrie high & great preferments, by reason that the the said king had married ladie Iane his sister, by whome he had issue king Edward the sixt.* 13.3 He was not onelie courteous, wise and gentle, being dailie attendant at the court; but forward and fortunate in seruice abroad, as may well appeare in his sun∣drie voiages, both into France and Scotland. He was of nature verie gentle and pitifull, not blemish∣ed by any thing so much, as by the death of the adme∣rall his naturall brother, which could not haue beene brought to passe in that sort, without his consent. But of this good duke (to let passe multitude of words) maister Fox hath written no lesse trulie than commendablie, & no lesse commendablie than deser∣uedlie, and no lesse deseruedlie than profitablie in his historie, whereto I refer the reader for further know∣ledge. Neuerthelesse of this vertuous duke by waie of application I saie as somtime one said (verie apt∣lie as some thinke) of the gratious ladie * 13.4 An Bullen,

Discite vos viui, quid dira calumnia possit, Inuidia alterius vitae comes arcta beatae, Et falsis linguae commista venena susurris.

The protectors of England collected out of the ancient and moderne chronicles, wherin is set downe the yeare of Christ, and of the king in which they executed that function.

VPon the death of this duke of Summer∣set protector of England,* 14.1 it shall not be vnsitting in this place to set downe all the protectors (whereof I can as yet haue intelligence) and who haue béene gouernors, re∣gents, gardians, or deputies of the realme, and of the kings person during his minoritie and time of his insufficiencie of gouernement; or else of his absence being out of the realme: whereof I haue made an especiall title in my Pantographie of En∣gland, in which this my collection of the protectors, although perhaps I shall not set downe all (for Bar∣nardus non videt omnia) yet it is better to haue halfe a loafe than no bread, knowledge of some than of none at all. Thus therefore I begin.

Guendoline the daughter of Corineus duke of* 14.2 Cornewall (after the procurement of warre against hir husband wherein he was slaine) was by common consent (for that hir sonne Madrane which she had by Locrine was insufficient by reason of his minoritie to gouerne the kingdome) made by the Britons ru∣ler of the Ile, in the yeare of the world 2894, and so continued the same by the space of fiftéene yéeres, vntill hir sonne came to lawfull age.

Martia (the widow of Guenteline the king) by reason that Sicilius hir sonne was not of age con∣uenient* 14.3 to weld the scepter (as one being but seuen yeares old) obteined the gouernement both of the realme and of hir sonnes person, which she most wor∣thilie deserued, being a woman of rare vertue and iudgement.

Eldred, Ethelred,* 14.4 or Edred (for all these diuersi∣ties are found in authors) brother to Edmund king of England, while the sonnes of Edmund (Edwine and Edgar) were for their minorities insufficient to dispose the kingdome, was appointed protector to his nephues, in the yeare of Christ 940, who about six or seuen yeares after his protectorship tooke on him the kingdome at Kingstone on Easter daie, in the yeare of Christ, as hath Iohn Stow 946, as others haue nine hundred fortie seuen.

Emma the quéene of England,* 14.5 the widow of king Etheldred, and of Canutus, both kings of England iointlie, with Goodwine earle of Kent had the gouernement of the realme vnder Hardiknute

king of England, who began his reigne in the yeare of Christ 1041.

* 14.6Harold the sonne of Goodwine at the death of king Edward the Confessor (which fell in the yeare of Christ 1066, and the three and twentith yeare of the same king) was by the testament of the said king Edward appointed regent of the yong Edgar Athe∣ling (named heire in the life of the said Edward) and of the kingdome, after the death of king Edward, during the minoritie of the said Edgar. Beside which the like commending of the kingdome to this Ha∣rold, [line 10] in respect of the quéenes honour, as that before of the successours right, is set downe by one that li∣ued at that time, and wrote the life of king Edward, of erle Goodwine, and of his children, in these words. Porrectá{que} manu (meaning king Edward lieng on his death bed, and speaking in the behalfe of Editha the quéene, sister to this Harold) ad praedictum nutricium suum fratrem Haroldum; Hancinquit cum omni regno tutan∣dam tibi commendo, vt pro domina & sorore vt est fideli ser∣ues & honores obsequio, vt quoad vixerit à me adepto non [line 20] priuetur honore debito. Commendo pariter etiam eos, qui na∣tiuam terram suam reliquerunt causa amoris mei, mihíque haectenus suleliter sunt obsequuti: vt suscepta ab eis siita volunt fidelitate eos tuearis & retineas, aut tua defensione conductos cum omnibus quae sub me acquisiuerunt cum salute ad propria transfretari facias, &c. But he, when king Edward was dead, vsurped the crowne to himselfe, and short∣lie after lost both his life and his kingdome.

Odo bishop of Baieux, and William Fitzos∣borne the first,* 14.7 being earle of Kent, and chiefe iustice [line 30] of England, and the second being earle of Hereford, were gouernours of the realme, in the yeare of our Lord 1067, and the first yeare of William the Con∣querour, when he went into Normandie after the conquest and indifferent quieting of the realme.

Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie, as ap∣peareth by Matthew Parker,* 14.8 writing in this sort in the life of the said Lanfranke: Absente Gulielmo omnia Lanfranco mandabantur, qui summa prudentia cunctae mode∣ratus, [line 40] proceres & plebem in officio tranquillè sine vlla motu atque tumultu continebat, adeò vt si quae defectionis suspicio nascebatur, ad eam illicò compescendam maximus & potentis∣simus quisque opem & adiumentum illi imperantipraestitit.

Sir Richard Lucie knight, chiefe iustice of Eng∣land was protector of the realme in the twelfe yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the second,* 14.9 being the yeare of our Lord 1166, in the absence of the king when he was in Normandie, and in the parts be∣yond the seas. Which Lucie in the thirteenth yeare of the same king, being the yeare of our redemption [line 50] 1167, did valiantlie resist, and politikelie driue backe the earle of Bullongne inuading the realme. Hée built the abbeie of Leosnes or Westwood in the pa∣rish of Erith in Kent (and not in Southfléet as some haue written) in the yeare of Christ 1178, being a∣bout the foure and twentith yeare of king Henrie the second; and further built the castell of Angier in Essex, in the diocesse of the bishop of London. He had issue Godfreie bishop of Winchester, and thrée daughters, who after the death of Godfreie their bro∣ther [line 60] were his heires: the eldest daughter of which sir Richard Lucie, was maried to Robert the first cal∣led Fitzwater: the second daughter Auelina, was maried to Riuers, of whome issued Iohn de Riuers: the third daughter Rose, was maried to Richard Warraine, son to king Iohn, as appeareth by a déed (belonging to my selfe, who had the rectorie of Leos∣nes) beginning thus: Rosade Douer quondam vxor ve∣nerabilis viri Richardi filij regis de Chilham.

Hugh Pusaz de Puteaco or Pudsie, nephue to king Stephan,* 14.10 being bishop of Durham, and erle of Northumberland, and William Longchampe bi∣shop of Elie, had the gouernement of the realme for Richard the first, vpon his departure foorth of the realme to take his iournie into the holie land. For in his absence he appointed this Hugh to haue the rule of the north parts, as chiefe iustice & warden of the realme from Humber to Scotland, deliuering to him also the keeping of the castell of Winchester, the other parts of the realme, with the custodie of the tower, he assigned to the gouernement of Wil∣liam Longchampe bishop of Elie, whome he made chiefe iustice and warden of those east, south and west parts, making him also his chancellour: who being a man of great diligence and knowledge in the administration of things, was yet verie facti∣ous and desirous of rule, honour and riches, farre a∣boue all measure. And with these two bishops hée linked in authoritie by commission Hugh lord Bar∣dolph, William Marshall the great, earle of Chep∣stow Strigull or Penbroke, Geffreie Fitzpeter, and William Brewer, barons, men of great honor, wisdome & discretion. This the king did in the yeare of Christ 1190, and the first yeare of his reigne.

Walter de Constantijs sometime chancellor of England, bishop of Lincolne,* 14.11 and now archbishop of Roane, vpon the misdemeanor of the proud bishop of Elie William Longchampe, about the yeare 1192, had the custodie and gouernement of the realme committed vnto him, whilest king Richard the first remained still in the holie warres: who be∣ing called from that place in the yeare of Christ 1193 (with Eleanor mother to the king) to come to king Richard then imprisoned in Austria, the archbishop of Canturburie Hubert succeeded him in the yeare 1194, whome the said archbishop of Roane procured to be installed in the see of Canturburie, which Wal∣ter de Constantijs (as hath Eueresden) was made bishop of Lincolne in the yeare 1183, and the next yeare after bishop of Roane.

Hubert Walter,* 14.12 or Walter Hubert (for such a tansmutation of the name is vsed amongst historio∣graphers) was made (vpon the discharge and going of Walter archbishop of Roane beyond the seas to king Richard) gouernor and protector of the realme, before the returne of Richard the first into England after the said kings imprisonment (by the duke of Austria and the emperour) procured by Sauaricus bishop of Glastenburie and Welles, & kinsman to the emperor, wherof our moderne printed chronicles nor our ancient writers, except one, make any men∣tion. This Hubert died at his manor of Tenham, and was buried at Canturburie in the south wall, in the yeare of our redemption 1205, the third ides of Iulie, being the seuenth yeare of king Iohn.

Eleanor widow to Henrie the second,* 14.13 and mo∣ther to Richard the first, was made protectresse of England, after the departure of hir son into France, when he had beene deliuered out of prison: in which office she continued during the life of hir sonne, which he ended in Poitiers in those French warres, by a hurt receiued from one that discharged a crossebow against him, on a fridaie as he besieged Chalons. Touching whose death (sith I am now in hand with the same) it shall not be amisse to set downe such se∣uerall verses composed by seuerall men in seuerall sorts, as I haue read, and are not yet made common to the world, which verses be these, concerning his death and place of buriall, as hereafter followeth:

Pictauus exta ducis sepelit, tellúsque Chalucis Corpus dat claudi sub marmore fontis Ebraudi, Neustria tá{que} tegis cor inexpugnabile regis, Sic loca per trina se sparsit tanta ruina, Nec fuit hoc funus cui sufficeret locus vnus.

Whereof also another composed these following verses somewhat eloquentlie, as saith Matthew Pa∣ris (and so in truth they were, considering that age

which mostlie vsed a riming kind of Latine verses, induced into the west part of the world by the bar∣barous Gothes) in his greater historie of the life of king Richard in manner and forme following:

Ad Chalus cecidit rex regni cardo Richardus, * 14.14His ferus, his humilis, his agnus, his leopardus, Casus erat lucis, Chalus per secula nomen Non intellectum fuerat, sed nominis omen Non patuit, res clausa fuit, sed duce cadente Prodijt in lucem, pro casu lucis adeptae.

Besides which verses of two seuerall men, it plea∣seth [line 10] my pen to ad also the third mans dooing, aswell for that the number of thrée is the holie number, as for that there is nothing so sweet, but that varietie dooth refresh it: yet especiallie sith it is delightfull to sée the seuerall inuentions of manie wits, this third poet therefore, exclaming against the daie in which the said king Richard the first receiued his deaths wound (being on a fridaie) dooth thus write:

O veneris damnosa dies! ô sydus amarum! [line 20] Ille dies tua nox fuit, & Venus illa venenum, Illa dedit laethum, sed pessimus ille dierum, Primus ab vndecimo, quo vitae victricus ipsum Clausit vtra{que} dies: homicida tyrannide mira Transigitur, clausus exclusum, tectus opertum, Prouidus incautum, miles inimicus inermem.

This quéene Eleanor the protectresse died in the yere of Christ 1205, being the seuenth of king Iohn.

Gefferie Fitzpeter lord Ludgersall, who was by Richard the first made chiefe iustice of England,* 14.15 af∣ter [line 30] the remouing of Hubert the archbishop of Can∣turburie, and was in the first yeare of king Iohn girded by him with the sword of the earldome of Es∣sex, was also protector of the realme. Who being a man of great power and authoritie, was by nature gentle, by birth noble, in the lawes cunning, in re∣uenues great, and to all a good iusticer. This man was a bridle to king Iohn, to restreine his insolen∣cie; since he was confederat and alied in friendship & bloud with all the nobilitie of England: & for that [line 40] cause was greatlie feared of the K. who said of him, as he did before of the archbishop Hubert, that he then did fullie reigne, when they two were dead. For turning to those which stood by him, when news was brought vnto him of the death of Fitz Geffreie, he sware by Gods feet, that he was then king & lord of England, and not before. Which words he would not vse, when the archbishop Hubert died; because this man was yet liuing, whome the king (as is al∣readie said) greatlie feared. And therefore vpon the [line 50] death of the archbishop, he did onelie saie that he be∣gan to reigne; but now vpon this mans departure out of the world, he said he was become a full lord & absolute king of England. This Geffreie Fitzpeter died in the yeare of our redemption 1212, being about the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of the said miserablie afflicted king Iohn, who died in the yeare of Christ 1216: whose death I haue beene the wil∣linger here to mention; because I would set downe his epitaph (not else before set downe in our Eng∣lish [line 60] chronicles) as I find the same of ancient report:

Hoc in sarcophago sepelitur regis imago, Qui moriens multum sedauit in orbe tumultum, Et cui connexa dum vixit probra manebant, Hunc mala post mortem timor est nefata sequantur. Qui legis haec metuens dum cernis te moriturum, Discito quid rerum pariat tibi meta dierum.

This Geffreie Fitzpeter maried Beatrice, daugh∣ter and heire of William lord Saie, by whom he had issue, Geffreie Mandeuile earle of Essex, & Mawd maried to Humfreie de Bohuns, by whome the Bo∣hunes became earles of Essex.

* 14.16William Marshall surnamed the great, being erle of Penbroke, was made protector of the realme, & person of the king, after that the king (being nine yeares of age) was crowned in the yeare of our Lord 1216. Which office this William (being also marshall of England) vsed so honorablie, that he re∣couered a great part of the nobilitie (which tooke part with Lewes son of the French king against king Iohn father to this Henrie) to assist the yoong king Henrie against the said Lewes: who in the time of the said Iohn had obteined a great part of the king∣dome of England. By which meanes the said Lew∣es was expelled, and the kingdome wholie recouered to the vse of the said yoong king Henrie the third.

This William Marshall maried Isabell daugh∣ter and heire to Richard Strangbow earle of Pen∣broke, who made him a happie father in the multi∣tude of his children. For by hir he had fiue sonnes, all which were in succession marshals of England, and earles of Penbroke; and fiue daughters. The sonnes were William, Richard, Gilbert, Walter, and Anselme; who all dieng without issue, the inhe∣ritance was deuolued to the fiue sisters; which were, Mawd the eldest, maried to Hugh Bigod, in hir right earle marshall; Ione the second, maried to Waraine Monthensie, in hir right also earle of Penbroke, as hath Nicholas Triuet; Isabell the third, maried to Gilbert de Clare earle of Glo∣cester; Sibill the fourth, maried to William Fer∣rers erle of Darbie; & Eue the fift daughter, maried to William de Berehuse, or de Brause. This Wil∣liam the great died in the yeare of our redemption 1219, being the third (as hath Nicholas Triuet) or the fourth (as hath Matthew Westminster) yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie the third, and was buried at the new temple, on Ascension daie, be∣ing the seuenteenth calends of Aprill: of whome was made this epitaph by Geruasius Melckeleie, taking vpon him the person of the earle marshall:

Sum quem Saturnum sibi sentit Hibernia, Solem Anglia, Mercurium Normannia, Gallia Martem.

Which signifieth that he was a sharpe corrector and ruler of the Irish, an honor & glorie to the Eng∣lish, a councellor and dispatcher of the affaires of Normandie, a warlike knight and inuincible cap∣teine against the Frenchmen.

Petrus de rupibus, or Peter of the Roch,* 14.17 being bi∣shop of Winchester, was after the death of Wil∣liam Marshall earle of Penbroke aduanced to the protectorship of the king; because that the yoong king was almost destitute of anie of his owne kin∣dred that might woorthilie haue the rule of his per∣son. For his mother quéene Isabell was newlie maried to Hugh Brune earle of March in France. This bishop of Winchester (who was both a wise and a stout prelat) being now in possession of the king, and mistrusting that he had entred into a more weightie office than he might well discharge, if all things were not doone according to the fansie of the nobilitie, procured diuerse graue and honorable men to be preferred to the kings councell, and to be associats to him in the administration of the weale publike; and so entred into the administration of his new atchiued honor. Which yet he did not long in∣ioie.

But as the bishop was at the first carefull to plant such of the nobilitie about the king, for the support of the realme; so yet himselfe being a Gascoine, did after in the riper yeares of the king prefer to offi∣ces about the king such Gascoins as both were of his owne bloud and kindred; and by their extraor∣dinarie dealing procured the nobilitie with an hard and vndutifull course to oppose themselues against the king. This Peter was aduanced to the seat of Winchester, in the yeare of our redemption 1204, being about the sixt yeare of king Iohn. After which

he went to Rome, and being a prelat more fit to fight than to preach▪ for Mars than for the muses; did re∣turne from Rome in the yeare of Christ 1205, be∣ing about the seuenth yeare of king Iohn. He re∣mained bishop about two and thirtie yeares, and di∣ed at his manour house of Fernham, on the fift ides of Iune, in the yeare of our Lord (as haue Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster) 1238, being the two & twentith yeare of Henrie the third. Who somewhat before his death, about the one and [line 10] thirtith yeare of his bishoprike, went into the holie land with the bishop of Excester. He builded, and in∣dued with possessions manie religious houses: a∣mongst which he founded Tichfield in Hampshire; of which Peter de la Roches, or of the rocks, Mat∣thew Paris maketh a more large discourse.

Hubert de Burow, conestable of Douer castle, earle of Kent,* 14.18 and chiefe iustice of England, being of great account in the realme for his probitie and goodnesse, was made protector of the king and king∣dome, [line 20] in the yeare of our redemption 1221, being the fift yeare of king Henrie the third. This man in the yeare of Christ 1221 (being the same yeare in the which he was made protector) maried at Yorke, Margaret, sister to Alexander king of Scots. And here I thinke it not amisse to saie somewhat tou∣ching the issue of this Hubert of Burow, who in a certeine namelesse booke (caried about in the hands of all men) treating of the nobilitie (created since the inuasion of William Conqueror) is said to die without issue: which cannot possiblie be so, if that be [line 30] true which I haue séene: which I am led by manie reasons to beléeue to be most true.

For I haue read of two children which this Hu∣bert had, whereof the one being a sonne, was called Richard de Burow, who was knighted by Hen∣rie the third (as it séemeth to me) after the death of his father: if this Richard be not the same Iohn, of whome Matthew Paris writeth, that in the yeare of Christ 1229, Rex Anglorum Henricus, in die Penteco∣stes Iohannem filium Huberti Angliae iusticiarij cingulo mi∣litari [line 40] donauit tertio nonas Iunij. The other child was a daughter called Margaret, maried to Richard heire to the earldome of Glocester, as noteth Iohn Beuer in these words: Richardus haeres comitis Glouerniae Mar∣garetam filiam Hoberti de Burgo comitis Cantiae in vxorem accepit. This Hubert of Burow was a verie old man, who after manie persecutions by the king, and after so manie chances of both fortunes, depar∣ted this world on the fourth ides of Maie, in the [line 50] yeare of our redemption 1243, being the seuen and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third at his manour of Banstud, or Bansted. Whose bodie was honorablie caried to London, and there buried in the church of the frier preachers, to whom in his life he had giuen great gifts; and amongst other things, his goodlie place which stood not far from the palace of earle Richard of Cornewall (as I with some probable reasons coniecture) néere vn∣to Westminster, which afterward the archbishop of Yorke did procure. His wife the countesse of Kent, [line 60] being likewise verie old, a woman that kept verie great hospitalitie, and that was well beloued, died in the yeare of Christ 1259, being the three and fortith yeare of Henrie the third, about sixteene years after the death of the earle hir husband.

* 14.19Walter Greie archbishop of Yorke was made protector of the realme in this sort. The French king hauing vniustlie giuen the earldome of Poitiers to his brother Adulphus; Hugh Brune earle of March (the greatest of the nobilitie in that prouince) would not doo homage vnto Adulphus, but wrote his let∣ters to his son in law king Henrie the third (whose mother Eleanor he had married) that if he would come into those parts, he should haue both aid of men, and furniture of war for the perfect restoring of those dominions to the crowne of England. For which cause Henrie the third assembling his power, did with his brother Richard (then latelie returned frō Ierusalem) depart the realme in the yéere of our redemption 1242, being the six & twentith yeare of his gouernment into Poitiers, & left the administra∣tion of the kingdome to Walter Greie archbishop of Yorke, whilest he should remaine in those parts. Which office the said archbishop held also in the yéere of Christ 1243, being the seauen and twentith yéere of king Henrie the third. Of this man is more men∣tion made in my collection of the chancellors of En∣gland; in this place onelie further setting downe, that this Walter died in the yeere of Christ 1255, being about the nine and thirtith yeare of this Hen∣rie the third, as hath Anonymus M. S.

Eleanor daughter to Reimond earle of Pro∣uince,* 14.20 wife to king Henrie the third and quéene of England, with Richard earle of Cornewall the kings brother (to whose custodie was committed Edward Longshanks, being after king of Eng∣land by the name of Edward the first, son to the said king Henrie) were (in the yéere of our redemption 1253, being the seuen and thirtith yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the third) appointed gouernors and protectors of the realme in the kings absence, whilest he went into Gascoine, whither he went to pacifie the nobilitie, and to kéepe the same in safetie from the French. And because my pen hath here fallen vpon Richard earle of Cornwall, I determine to say somewhat of him in this place, not hauing other oc∣casion offered to me therefore. This Richard the son of king Iohn was borne in the yeare of Christ 1208, being the tenth yeare of the reigne king Iohn. He was made (and so called) earle of Poitiers by Hen∣rie the third, about the ninth yéere of his reigne, in the yéere of Christ 1225, who also that yéere with his vncle William earle of Sarisburie went into Poi∣tiers, where he was ioifullie receiued: he putteth the earle of March to flight, he recouereth that which was lost in Gascoine, he went into the holie land, refuseth the kingdome of Apulia offered vnto him, he is chosen emperor, and receiueth that honor at Co∣len, being there crowned king of the Romans: he subdued Alfonsus competitor with him for the em∣pire, he after returneth into England: he is an eni∣mie to Simon Montfort and the barons rebelling a∣gainst his brother king Henrie the third; he is taken prisoner by the barons, and is afterward deliuered: he was created knight and earle of Cornwall in the yeare of our redemption 1225, as hath Matthew Westminster, but as saith William Packington, he was created earle of Cornwall in the yeare of Christ 1227. He married foure wiues, if that Eli∣sabeth his first wife and Isabell the widow of Gil∣bert de Clare were not all one woman. But lea∣uing that to further knowledge, I doo for this time make them but one person; for so in truth it must be, whatsoeuer otherwise shall be shewed in mistak∣ing their names. Elizabeth that was his first wife, as noteth Leland, was buried in the quéere of Bel∣land, being that woman which is called Isabell, and was the daughter of William Marshall earle of Penbroke surnamed the great: and the widow of Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester was maried to this erle of Cornwall, in the yeare of our Lord 1231 being the fiftéenth yeare of king Henrie the third.

This Isabell died in the yeare of our redemption 1240, being the foure and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third, after this manner. For she being great with child, and néere to the time of hir deliuerance, fell into Mer••um ictericum, or the

hicket, and deliuering a child into the world, which had life, and was baptised by the name of Nicholas, they both presentlie died therevpon. Which thing when the earle vnderstood being then on his iourneie into Cornwall, he burst out in teares, and greatlie lamented that losse. Wherefore hastilie returning, and leauing his former iourneie, he honorablie bu∣ried his wife at * 14.21 Belland or Beauleu, an house of religion builded by king Iohn from the foundati∣on, and replenished with Charterhouse moonks. [line 10]

His second wife was Sinthia or Sanclia, daugh∣ter to Reimond earle of Prouince, and sister to the queene of England, wife to king Henrie the third, brother to the said Richard earle of Cornwall, who maried the said Sinthia in the yeare of our redemp∣tion 1243, being the seuen and twentith yéere of the reigne of king Henrie the third. Leland also appoin∣teth to him the third wife, which was Beatrix de Fa∣mastais, whom he calleth quéene of Almaine, & wife to king Richard, brother to Henrie the third. Which ladie died in the yere of our redemption 1277, being [line 20] the sixt yéere of Edward the first, and was buried at the friers minors in Oxford. This noble Richard erle of Cornwall died in Februarie at Berkhamsted, in the yeare of Christ 1271, in the fiue and fiftith yeare of king Henrie the third, as saie Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster: but Nicholas Triuet refer∣reth his death to the yeare 1270, being the foure and fiftith yéere of Henrie the third: and the chronicle be∣longing to Euesham to the yeare 1272, being the six and fiftith yeare of Henrie the third. After whose [line 30] death his hart was buried in the friers minors of Oxford, and his bodie committed to the earth in the monasterie of Hales (being Charterhouse moonks) which he had builded at his charge of 10000 marks, which at this daie at fiue shillings the ounce of sil∣uer amounteth to the summe of twentie thousand pounds. He had two sonnes, the one called Henrie by his first wife Isabell; the other called Edmund de Almania by his second wife Sinthia. Henrie was slaine by Simon and Guie of Montfort sonnes [line 40] of the last Simon Montfort earle of Leicester, in the life of his father Richard in Italie at Uiterbo, in the yere of our redemption 1270. Which fact be∣ing doone in saint Syluesters church as he was at masse, occasioned the townesmen to paint the ma∣ner of his death on the wall of the church: and that picture being beheld by a certeine versifier, he was vrged therevpon to compose these following verses:

Regis Theutonici Richardi clara propago, [line 50] Sternitur Henricus, velut haec designat imago, Dum redit à Tripoli, regum fultus comitiua, In crucis obsequio patitur sub gente nociua, Irruit in templum, post missam, stirps Guen••lonis Perfodit gladius hunc Simonis atque Guidonis, Disposuit Deus vt per eos vir tantus obiret, Ne reuocatis his, gens Anglica tota periret, Anno milleno Domini cum septuageno▪ Atque duceno, Carolo sub rege sereno, Vrbe Viterbina fit in eius carne ruina, [line 60] Coeli regina precor vt sit ei medicina.

His bones were brought into England, and bu∣ried in the monasterie of Hales, where his father was after also buried: but his hart was bestowed in a guilt cup, and placed beside the chaine of saint Ed∣ward the Confessor in Westminster abbeie. The o∣ther sonne to this Richard earle of Cornwall was Edmund of Almaine, who after the death of his fa∣ther was inuested with the honor of the earledome of Cornwall, being borne at Berkhamsted in the yéere of our redemption 1250, being the foure and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third, to whome his vncle Bonifa••ius bishop of Cantur∣burie was godfather, and called him Edmund in the honor of saint Edmund archbishop of Canturburie and Confessor. This Edmund earle of Cornwall married the daughter of Richard earle of Clare, of whome shall be more spoken when we come to treat of him as protector of England.

Boniface the archbishop of Canturburie, with o∣thers which follow,* 14.22 were protectors of the realme af∣ter this maner, as I haue gathered. It was ordei∣ned in the parlement at Oxford called Parlementum insanum, that the king should choose foorth twelue per∣sons of the realme, and the communaltie of the land other twelue, the which hauing regall authoritie in their hands, might as gardians of the kingdome take in charge vpon them the gouernment of the realme, & should from yeare to yeare prouide for the due election of iustices, chancellors, treasurors, and other officers, and further prouide to sée to the safe kéeping of the castels belonging to the crowne.

These foure and twentie persons appointed to that function, began to order all things at their owne ple∣sure: in the meane time not forgetting to vse things chieflie to their owne aduantage, as well in proui∣ding excheats and wards for their children and kins∣folks, as also in bestowing of patronages of chur∣ches belonging to the kings gift, vnto their owne li∣king. So that these prouiders which shuld haue made carefull and beneficiall prouisions for the realme, made spéedie and plentifull prouision for them and theirs, insomuch that neither king nor Christ could get anie thing from these protectors. There be that write, how that there were but twelue or thirtéene chosen to be gouernors at this time (which for this present I déeme to be the truer opinion) whose names are as follow: Boniface archbishop of Can∣turburie, the bishop of Worcester, Roger Bigod earle of Norffolke and marshall of England, Si∣mon de Montfort earle of Leicester, Richard de Clare earle of Glocester, Humfreie Bohune earle of Hereford, Richard Fitzalane earle of Arundell, sir Iohn Mansell chiefe iustice of England, sir Ro∣ger lord Mortimer, sir Hugh Bigod, sir Peter de Sauoie, sir Iames Audleie, & sir Peter de Montfort. To these (as some saie) was authoritie onlie giuen to punish all such as trespassed in the breach of anie of the constitutions of the parlement of Oxford. O∣thers say that they were made rulers & protectors of the realme, and to dispose thereof, because the king was much misseled in the gouernment of the king∣dome by the peruerse councell of his flatterers. Which twelue gouernors I suppose did not long con∣tinue: for being euerie one priuatlie for himselfe, and so not iointlie for the common-wealth, they grew diuided, and what the one labored to set vp, the other sought to pull downe.

Boniface archbishop of Canturburie the second time, & the bishop of Worcester,* 14.23 with sir Philip Bas∣set, or rather sir Hugh Bigod made chiefe iustice of England by the barons, were appointed in the yeere of our redemption 1260, being the fortie and fourth of king Henrie the third, to haue the gouernment of the realme in the absence of the king, whilest he re∣mained in France at Paris about the affaires of Normandie: at what time a peace was made be∣twéene the kings of England and France.

Gilbert de Clare the second of that name that was earle of Glocester and Hertford,* 14.24 was the sonne of Richard de Clare erle of Glocester and Hertford, which died in the yeere of our redemption 1262, be∣ing the fortie & sixt yeare of the reigne of king Hen∣rie the third, and was buried at Tewkesburie, with a great image of siluer and gilt vpon his toome, and the same sword and spurres which he did weare in his life time. Of which Richard these verses were composed for his probitie and rarenesse of vertuous

maners and conditions, and set vpon his toome:

Hîc pudor Hyppoliti, Paridis gena, sensus Vlyssis, Aeneae pietas, Hectoris ira iacet.

This Gilbert (I saie) the sonne of the said Richard was after the death of Henrie the third (which happe∣ned in the yeare of our Lord 1277, & in the seuen & fiftith yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie) in the absence of king Edward the first in the holie warres made gouernour of the realme, vntill the re∣turne of the said king Edward into England, to which function he was appointed by king Henrie the [line 10] third, lieng on his death-bed: who caused the said Gil∣bert to sweare to kéepe the peace of the land to the be∣hoofe of Edward his sonne. Which he did most faith∣fullie, vntill the second daie of August, in the second yeare of the said king, in which the said king Ed∣ward landed in England, being in the yeare of our redemption 1274, at what time the king was hono∣rablie interteined of the said Gilbert, and Iohn earle of Warraine (a supporter to him in the charge of the [line 20] kingdome) at the castell of Tunbridge in Kent, and Rigate in Surrie, which Gilbert with the other péers of the land, immediatlie after the death of king Hen∣rie the third, assembling at the new temple brake the old seale of king Henrie, made a new seale in the name of king Edward, and appointed faithfull officers for the sure kéeping and obseruing of the treasure, the riches, the peace, and the lawes of the kingdoms.

This Gilbert had two wiues, his first wife was [line 30] Alice the daughter of Hugh le Brune erle of March, by whom he had issue a daughter, that was countesse of Fife in Scotland: his second wife was Ione the daughter of king Edward the first, called Ione of Acres, by whome he had one sonne, called Gilbert the third, earle of Glocester and Hertford, who mar∣ried Mawd the daughter of Richard earle of Ulster in the yeare of Christ 1308 at Waltham, by whome he had issue a sonne, Iohn borne in the yeare of Christ 1312, being in the sixt yeare of Edward the second, that died without issue; after the death of which Gil∣bert [line 40] the third, his lands and earldomes of Glocester and Hertford came to the sister of the said Gilbert the third, who was slaine in the battell of Striueling against the Scots in the seuenth (or as others haue the eight) yeare of king Edward the second, whome the Scots would gladlie haue kept for ransome if they had knowne him: but he had forgotten to put on his cote of armes to shew what he was, after which he was brought into England and was buried [line 50] at Tewkesburie, vpon whose death the two earle∣domes of Glocester and Hertford were so dispersed, that there was neuer anie to this daie, that iointlie succéeded or possessed them both. Thus hauing digres∣sed from Gilbert the second, in treating of his sonne Gilbert the third, let vs againe returne to him. He besides his sonne Gilbert the third, had by his wife Ione thrée daughters; Elenor, first married to Hugh Spenser, second sonne to Hugh Spenser earle of Glocester, and after his death to William Zouch; Margaret married to Piers de Gaueston earle of [line 60] Cornewall, and after to Hugh Audeleie; and Eliza∣beth or Isabell married in the yeare of our Lord 1308, being the first yeare of Edward the second, to Iohn the sonne of Richard earle of Ulster. This Gil∣bert the second, before the marriage of his second wife, was on the fiftéenth kalends of August diuor∣sed from Alice his first wife, in the yeare of our re∣demption 1271, being the six and fiftith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third; and after in West∣minster church the last of Aprill married his second wife, about the eightéenth yeare of Edward the first being the yeare of Christ 1290, which Gilbert the se∣cond, being taken awaie by vntimelie death, de∣parted this world in the yeare of our redemption 1195 (being the thrée and twentith of the reigne of the said Edward the first) who was in word & déed, in commandement and authoritie the greatest per∣son of the kingdome, next to king Edward the first: for which cause he well deserued to haue his sepul∣ture among his worthie ancestors.

Edmund earle of Cornewall,* 14.25 of whome there is somewhat spoken before, being the sonne of Richard king of Almaine, and earle of Cornewall brother to Henrie the third, married Margaret the daughter of Richard de Clare erle of Glocester, he was made protector of the Realme by Edward the first in the fouretéenth yeare (as some saie) or in the fifteenth, as others saie (for there is so much disagréement a∣mongst authors for the accounts of yeares, as it pas∣seth anie one man to reconcile them in all points) when the said king went into Aragon to reconcile the two kings of Arragon & Naples. He continued in this office in the yeare of Christ 1287, or 1228, as hath Treuet, being the sixteenth yeare of Edward the first, in which he subdued Rise ap Merdach the Welsh prince, rebelling against Edward the first, and ouerthrew the castell of Druffillane (as hath the said Nicholas Treuet) he was lord of Wallingford, did much cost therevpon, and died without issue, as hath Matthew Westminster, in the yeare of Christ 1300: but as hath Thomas Walsingham 1301, lea∣uing the king of England his heire. Yet are there some pedegrées and other authors, and those not the meanest, which saie that he had a daughter, Isabell married to Morice Fitz Harding lord Barkleie: so that these authors, which saie that he died without is∣sue, are to be vnderstood of the issue male, & not of the heire generall: for they account him to die without issue, which leaueth no posteritie to continue his title of honor. The which their meaning they make more plaine, in that they saie that after his issulesse death, the earledome came to the crowne. And here bicause there is mention made of Wallingford, I will set downe what Leland hath written touching the same, bicause I desire to make common, and to preserue all whatsoeuer monuments of Leland that come vnto my hands: thus therefore he writeth of Wal∣lingford in his commentaries of England, written in the yeare of our redemption 1542, being the foure and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight in these words.

The towne of Wallingford hath béene a verie no∣table thing and well walled. The dich of the towne, and the crest wherevpon the wals stand, be yet ma∣nifestlie perceiued, and begin from the castell, going in compasse a good mile and more, and so continueth to Wallingford bridge, a large thing of stone ouer the Thames. There remaine yet the names of these stréets amongst others. Thamesstréet, Fishstréet, Woodstréet, Goldsmiths row. And by the patents and donation of Edmund earle of Cornewall and lord of the honour of Wallingford, it appeereth that there were fourtéene parish churches in Walling∣ford: and there be men yet aliue that can shew the places and churchyards where they stood, at this time there are but thrée parish churches. The towne and the castell was sore defaced by the Danes warres, yet they méetlie florished in the time of Richard king of the Romans earle of Cornewall, and brother to Henrie the third, he did much cost vpon the castell which ioineth to the north gate of the towne, and hath thrée diches (as vpon the crests of the same may ap∣péere) large and déepe, about each of the two first di∣ches (on the crests of the ground cast out) runneth an embatteled wall now sore in ruine, and for the most part defaced. All the goodlie buildings, with the tower and dungeon, be within the third dich. There

is also a collegiat chapell amongest the buildings within the third dich. Edmund earle of Cornewall son to Richard king of Romans was the first foun∣der and indower of this college. Prince Edward the blacke (as one told me) augmented this college. There is a deane, foure priests, six clerkes, and foure choristers. The late deane before doctor London that now is, builded a faire stéeple of stone at the west end of the collegiat chapell, to the making whereof he defaced (as it is said without licence) a peece of the [line 10] kings lodging on the east end of the chapell. The deane hath a faire lodging of timber within the ca∣stell, and to it is ioined a place for the ministers of the chapell. Thus much Leland for Wallingford, & thus much I for Edmund earle of Cornewall and lord of Wallingford.

* 14.26Edward of Carnaruan prince of Wales, sonne to Edward the first, was in the yeare of our re∣demption 1295, being the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the first, protector of England, in the ab∣sence of his father in Flanders, who because he was [line 20] of tender yeares, had as tutors and gouernours ap∣pointed vnto him Richard bishop of Durham (Eu∣logium hath the bishop of London) William Mont∣acute, with diuerse other knights, as Reignold Greie, Iohn Giffard, & Alane Plunket, being wise, discreet and expert soldiers.

* 14.27Piers or Peter de Gauestone a Gascoine borne, whome king Edward the second so tenderlie loued as that he preferred him before all men, was appoin∣ted gardian of the realme in the first yeare of the [line 30] said king Edward the second, being the yeare of our redemption 1308, when the king went into France and there aboad to marrie Isabell daughter to Phi∣lip king of France, before that the said Edward was crowned king of England, as hath Radulphus Higden. Of this Piers I will here saie litle, bicause I haue spoken more largelie of him in my panto∣graphie of England.

* 14.28Iohn de Drokensford bishop of Bath and Wels, was in the yeare of our redemption 1313, being the [line 40] sixt yeare of king Edward the second, made protec∣tor of the realme in the absence of the said king Ed∣ward the second, and his wife quéene Isabell, who went into France to solemnize the coronation of Philip (sonne to Philip king of France) who was at that instant created king of Nauarre. This Dro∣kensford was the fourtéenth bishop of Bath & Wels. Great contention was there betwéene him and the deane and priests of that church. He succéeded in the bishoprike Walter Houelshaw. This Drokensford [line 50] held the bishoprike about ninetéene yeares, he beau∣tified the same with manie goodlie buildings, procu∣red manie priuileges vnto it, and greatlie exalted his kindred. He was buried at Welles before the high altar of saint Iohn Baptist.

* 14.29Henrie Lascie or Lacie earle of Lincolne, and of Salisburie, baron of Halton and of Pontfrait, cor∣ruptlie called Pomefret, and constable of Chester, was made protector of the realme in the fift yeare of Edward the second, being the yeare of our redemp∣tion [line 60] 1310, whilest the king remained in the warres of Scotland. Which Henrie died shortlie after in the same yeare, and was buried in the new worke of Paules, who carried for his armes the purple lion cōtrarie to the cote his ancestors had borne before. This man had doone great seruice in the warres in the time of Edward the first, he married Margaret the daughter and heire of William Longespée earle of Salisburie, and had by hir a daughter named A∣lice, married to Thomas Plantagenet earle of Lancaster, Leicester, and Darbie. This Henrie (as I haue learned of other and read in Leland) had issue a bastard sonne, and hauing amongst manie other lordships the manour of Grantcester besides Cam∣bridge, he gaue the same with other lands vnto that bastard, and commanded that the same Lacie so set vp in Grantcester, should for himselfe and his suc∣cessors euer name their sonnes and heires by the names of Henrie, which hitherto hath béene religi∣ouslie obserued amongst them. And this was the ori∣ginall of the houses of the Lacies in Grantcester, as Leland learned of him which was then heire of those lands.

Gilbert de Clare the third earle of Glocester of that name, after the death of Henrie Lacie,* 14.30 was cho¦sen gouernour of the realme (the king being still in Scotland) during the time that the king shuld make his abode in that countrie. Of this man see before in the discourse of his father Gilbert the second earle of Glocester and Hertford, and protector of the realme.

Edward prince of Wales and duke of Aqui∣tane,* 14.31 comming out of France with Isabell in the second yeare of Edward the second, his father was after his landing in England and the taking of his father made gardian of England vnder his father, which office he did not long continue: for deposing his father from the kingdome in the yeare of Christ 1326 he assumed the crowne himselfe in his fathers life.

Walter Reinolds archbishop of Canturburie was with others appointed gardian of England on this sort.* 14.32 Edward the third as before atteining to the crowne in the yeare of our redemption 1327, or as some others more trulie saie 1326, being fourteene years of age did then begin his reigne. But bicause he was so yoong (not being of power or policie to weld so great a charge) it was decréed in this first yeare of his reigne, that twelue gouernors of the greatest lords within the realme should possesse the gouernement, vntill he came to riper yeares, whose names were as insueth: Walter archbishop of Canturburie, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Hereford, Henrie earle of Lancaster, Thomas Brotherton earle marshall, Edmund of Woodstocke earle of Kent, Iohn earle of Warren, the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Hen∣rie Persie, the lord Oliuer de Ingham, and the lord Iohn Rosse, who were sworne of the kings councell and charged with the gouernement of the kingdome as they would answere for the same. But this ordi∣nance continued not long, for in the second yeare of this king, Isabell the kings mother and the lord Ro∣ger Mortimer tooke the whole rule into their hands, in such sort that the king and his councellors were in all affaires of state, and otherwise, onelie gouer∣ned by their direction. Of this Walter Reinolds the archbishop, bicause he was sometime chancellor, and sometime treasuror, is more mention made in the large volume of the liues of the chancellors.

Iohn of Eltham earle of Cornewall sonne to Edward the second,* 14.33 had (in the fourth yeare of king Edward the third being the yeare of our redemp∣tion 1330) the gouernement of the realme com∣mitted vnto him, whilest king Edward the third had passed the seas onelie fiftéene horsses in his compa∣nie, apparelled in clokes like vnto merchants, which office the said Iohn of Eltham executed vntill the returne of the said king, and before that also when the said Edward the third, in the second yeare of his reigne, did before this time go into France to doo his homage. He was made earle of Cornewall in the second yeare of king Edward the third, being the yeare of Christ 1328, and died at Barwike, others saie at S. Iohns towne in Scotland, in the moneth of October 1336, being the tenth yeare of Edward the third, and was honorablie buried at Westmin∣ster; for the solemnization of whose buriall the king

came out of Scotland about the feast of the Epi∣phanie.

* 14.34Edward the Blacke prince, eldest sonne to Ed∣ward the third, being about the age of nine yeares, was in the twelfe yéere of his father, being the yeare of our redemption 1338, or as saith Matthew Par∣ker 1337, made gardian of England in the ab∣sence of his father being as then sailed into Flan∣ders to procure the Flemmings to aid him against the French king. Under which prince as some write (or rather as I for the time take it) equall in commis∣sion [line 10] to him it séemeth that Iohn archbishop of Can∣turburie had the cheefest rule of the land,* 14.35 bicause that king Edward after his returne into England, which was about the fouretéenth or the fifteenth of his reigne, charged the said bishop with certeine negli∣gences which he vsed in collections of monie, whilest he had the chiefe rule of the land, when he was in the wars of France. Wherefore the words of Matthew Parker in the life of the said Iohn Stratford (saieng that the king held a parlement, in which Omnem regni [line 20] curam & gubernationem archiepiscopo cōmisit) must néeds be intended that he had that charge vnder or equallie with the said Blacke prince, as chiefest councellor to support the tender yeares of his sonne.

After which also in the yeare of our redemption, as hath the same Matthew Parker 1342, being about the sixteenth of the said Edward the third, the king committed the care & gouernement of the kingdome to the said archbishop, whilest the king was beyond [line 30] the seas in the warres: for thus writeth the said Par∣ker, fol. 257. Ac paulo post nulla purgatione indicta (speaking of the said bishop vniustlie accused to the king) aut recepta, omnibus penè parlamenti ordinibus pro ar∣chiepiscopo deprecantibus, rex eum sua sponte legitimè purga∣tum & excusatum pronuntiauit, eúmque multo magis charum quàm antè habuit, omnibúsque gerendis in Anglia rebus se in militia absente praefecit. Of which archbishop being som∣time chancellor and treasuror of England shall be set downe a more large discourse in my large booke of the liues of the chancellors. [line 40]

* 14.36Lionell third sonne to Edward the third, was in the ninth yere of the reigne of the said king Edward the third, being the yeare in which the word became flesh 1345, made gardian of England, in the absence of his father, who as then was sailed into the parts (beyond the seas) of Flanders. Of this man there is more spoken in my following treatise of the dukes of England.

Henrie lord Persie, & Rafe lord Neuill, when Ed∣ward [line 50] the third was sailed into Normandie,* 14.37 were in the twentith yere of the reigne of the said Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1346, appointed to be gardians of the realme in his absence with the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of Lincolne, and Thomas Hatfield bishop of Durham.

Thomas of Woodstocke being verie yoong was made custos or gardian of England,* 14.38 in the yere that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1359, being the thrée & thirtith of the reigne of the said king Ed∣ward the third, when he sailed into France with a [line 60] 1100 ships. Of this man is more spoken in my dis∣course of the dukes of England, set downe in the time of quéene Elizabeth: and in my treatise of the conestables of England, set downe in the time of Henrie the eight pag. 867.

* 14.39Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, fourth sonne of Edward the third, bicause the king his father was féeble and sicklie (being now about thrée score & fiue yeares of age, though Bodinus in his Methodo historiae saie that he died in his climactericall yeare of thrée score and thrée: for the truth is, that the said Edward the third was fourtéene yeares old when he began to reigne, and he reigned about one and fiftie yeares, which make of his age thrée score and fiue yeares) but especiallie for the sorrow which the king inwardlie conceiued for the death of that worthie prince his son, commonlie surnamed the Blacke prince. This Iohn of Gaunt (after the death of the said Blacke prince, which died in the yeare of Christ 1376, being the fiftith yeare of the reigne of Edward the third, whose death was déemed to be hastned by the said Iohn of Gaunt aspiring to the crowne, the plat whereof though it tooke not effect in the life of the said Iohn, yet it was performed in his sonne Henrie of Bullingbrooke. who deposed Richard the second) was appointed by his father Edward the third to haue the rule of the realme vnder him, the which he continued during his fathers life, which was not a full yeare after that he had made the said Iohn of Gaunt gouernour of England. After which death of king Edward the third, when Richard the second, a child of eleuen yeares of age began his reigne, in the yeare of our redemption 1377, in the first yeare of the said Ri∣chard the second, after his coronation, the said Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster, & Edmund of Lang∣leie earle of Cambridge brother to the said Iohn of Gaunt, were appointed to haue the gouernement of the kings person, and the administration of the com∣mon-wealth. But shortlie after, in the same yere of the king, in the yeare of our redemption 1378, the said Iohn of Gaunt gaue vp the same office. Of this man is more said in my treatise of the dukes of England.

William Courtneie bishop of London (but short∣lie after his protectorship aduanced vnto the sée of Canturburie, in the yeare of Christ 1381,* 14.40 about the ninth of Ianuarie, being about the fourth of Richard the second, was made gouernor of the realme in this maner. After (as is before said) that the duke of Lan∣caster had wiselie weied the fickle estate of the realme, and considered that by the euill gouernment of the nobilitie, and inconstant mind of the yoong king, there must néeds fall a change of the estate, & doubting that if any thing succéeded otherwise than the nobles liked, the cause and negligence might be imputed to him, as one who cheeflie had the gouern∣ment in his hands (and thanks howsoeuer the state was ruled he looked for none) did in the end after a few months authoritie (wholie misliking the maners of the court, which commonlie are not of the best in the minoritie of princes) surrender his protectorship, and obteined licence of the king to depart, and so got him quietlie to his castell of Kenelworth, permit∣ting others to haue the whole swaie of the king∣dome.

Notwithstanding all which, in the second yeare of Richard the second, about the yeare of Christ 1379 being not altogither carelesse of the kings well doo∣ing; this duke before his departing to Kenelwoorth, caused certeine graue persons with his full consent, to be ordeined, which should haue the gouernement of the kings person, and administration of the com∣mon-wealth. The names of whome were, William Courtneie before mentioned, Edmund Mortimer earle of March, Rafe Ergume bishop of Salisburie, and William lord Latimer, with others, of whome for the most part the people had conceiued a good o∣pinion: yet bicause the said bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Latimer were associat to the rest, and of e∣quall authoritie with them, the commons murmured greatlie against them. The cause for which they so misliked the lord Latimer, was for that he had some∣times bin too much fauouring to dame Alice Piers, concubine to king Edward the third, to whome the said lord Latimer was chiefe chamberleine, & there∣fore was of him best be loued, which two persons, the lord Latimer, and dame Alice, were by parlement

in the fiftith yeare of Edward the third remooued from the king, for that they miscounselled him, but especiallie sith much mischiefe grew in the realme by the same Alice Piers. For she being now exalted in pride by ouermuch loue of K. Edward the third, would beyond the modestie and maner of women, sit in iudgement with the kings iustices, be with the doctors in the consistorie, turne sentences to what side she would, and require manie things dishonest in themselues, and dishonourable to the king. Of [line 10] which woman, an old written chronicle belonging to the house of Euesham, hath deliuered to me these words: Alicia Piers regis concubina supra modum mulierum nimis & supergressa, sui etiam sexus & fragilitatis foemineae immemor, nunc iuxta iusticiarios regios nunc in foro ecclesi∣astico iuxta doctores sedendo, & pro defensione causarum sua∣dere, & etiam contra iura postulare minimè verebatur, vnde propcer scandalum-petierunt ab illo (which was the king) penitùs amoueri in parlemento tento anno Domini 1376 & 50 Ed. 3. Thus that author. [line 20]

And here before I go anie further with my pro∣tectors, bicause some curious heads that find not all these matters in the records of the tower, which they dailie turne with a churlish hand, or else thinke that nothing maie be knowne out of the walles of their office, will séeme to séeke a knot in a rush, and saie that I in compasse of some few lines haue written a contrarietie, in saieng that Iohn of Gaunt thirsted after the kingdome, and for that cause hastened the death of his elder brother prince Edward the blacke [line 30] as Richard the third did the death of his brother George duke of Clarence, which intent could not possiblie be in Iohn of Gaunt, as appeareth by my owne following words: where I saie that he gaue ouer the protectorship of his nephue, bicause he would auoid all suspicion of euill gouernement: which hée would neuer haue doone if he had so ment, that place being so apt for the execution of his purpose, and might giue occasion to him that neuer ment anie such matter before, to attempt it being in that place, [line 40] as Richard duke of Yorke did attempt, but not per∣forme it, in the time of Henrie the sixt; and as Ri∣chard duke of Glocester, being in the same office of protectorship, did not onelie attempt it, but brought to perfection. Wherevnto I answer, that all this is no contrarietie, but onelie a manifest shew and con∣firmation, the one part of my words to the other. For sith he could not in the life of his father Edward the third before the crowning of king Richard the se∣cond (as Richard the third did) atteine the crowne, he [line 50] would not now attempt it (the king being once crowned, and in full possession of the kingdome) so rashlie and vnaduisedlie (as did Richard duke of Yorke against Henrie, for which he was in the end slaine) least that thereby his part might séeme to ca∣rie the face of a rebellion, as in truth it should haue doone. For whosoeuer either for colour of God, bene∣fit to their countrie, or for whatsoeuer cause, lift vp the sword against a crowned king, sitting at the sterne of gouernement, being one of the gods of the [line 60] earth, the same must needs tend vnto a rebellion, which Iohn of Gaunt would not seeme to execute, & for that cause leauing off his purpose at that time, he did in the end also leaue the whole matter to his son to performe, especiallie sith he afterward perceiued Richard the second so much to fauor and further him with monie, munition, and men, to recouer the king∣dome of Castile & Arragon in Spaine, in the right of the wife of the said Iohn of Gaunt. To whom and to his wife (as hath Henrie Knighton) king Richard the second gaue a seuerall crowne of gold to honour them withall, & to shew how intierlie he loued them when they both went into Spaine. And for these cau∣ses the said Iohn of Gaunt refused the oportunitie of time & place in the king his nephues minoritie to execute it. But did he cease it so? No. For that sparke although it were a litle cooled, was not vtterlie quen∣ched, bicause he hastened the same in his son, whom he not onelie persuaded, but furthered (after the ba∣nishment of his said sonne Henrie of Bullingbrooke by Richard the second in the life of said Iohn of Gaunt) to returne into England, and after his death to chalenge by sword the earldome of Lancaster his right inheritance, and vnder the same to reuenge the death of the duke of Glocester and others: and by that means, when Richard the second was out of the realme of England in Ireland, the said Henrie Bullingbrooke sonne of Iohn of Gaunt entered the realme, put downe the king, and got the crowne which his father sought. Thus this much digressing from the protectors, and to returne to that course which I haue in hand, I will leaue the discourse of policies to obteine kingdoms, bicause they be no balles for me to bandie, and follow on my former in∣tent as meeter for my simplicitie.

Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was in the third yeare of Richard the second,* 14.41 being the yeare of our redemption 1380, made protector in this sort. In the parlement holden the same yeare, at the speciall sute of the lords, and of the commons, the bishops and barons chosen (as you haue heard) before by Iohn of Gaunt to be protectors of the realme, were remoued, and the earle of War∣wike especiallie elected to that function, to remaine continuallie with the king as chéefe gouernor of his roiall person; & one that should giue answer to all for∣reners repairing thither, vpon what cause soeuer their comming were; hauing further as ample go∣uernment of the kingdome giuen vnto him, as the other remoued gouernors had. Being placed in that office by the duke of Lancaster, he died the sixt ides of Aprill, in the yeare of Christ 1401, being the third yeare of Henrie the fourth. He maried Margaret, the daughter of William lord Ferrers of Grobie; by whome he had issue, Richard earle of Warwike.

Thomas Fitzalane otherwise called Arundell bishop of Elie,* 14.42 the two and twentith that inioied that seat, being two and twentie yeares of age, and the son of Richard Fitzalane earle of Arundell & War∣ren, was with others made protector of England in this sort. At a parlement holden at London in the tenth yeare of Richard the second, being the yeare of Christ 1386, were certeine gouernors of the kingdome elected, because the treasure of the realme had beene imbesiled & lewdlie wasted, nothing to the profit of the king and kingdome, by the couetous and euill gouernment of the deposed officers, which were Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke lord chancellor, Iohn Fortham bishop of Durham lord treasuror, & diuerse other persons that ruled about the king.

Now the gouernors elected by this parlement were in number thirtéene; and by name Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie, then made lord chancellor; Iohn Gilbert bishop of Hereford made lord treasu∣ror; and Nicholas abbat of Waltham at that time made kéeper of the priuie seale; William Court∣neie archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Edmund Langleie duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstocke duke of Glocester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Ercester, Richard Fitzalane erle of Arundell, Iohn lord Deuereux, and Reinold lord Cobham of Star∣borow. These were thus by parlement chosen to haue vnder the king the whole ouersight and gouern∣ment of the realme, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth yeare of the said Richard the se∣cond it dooth in the printed booke appeare.

* 14.43Edmund Langleie duke of Yorke, vncle vn∣to Richard the second, was in the eighteenth yeare of the said Richard, being about the yeare of our redemption 1395, ordeined lord gardian of England, in the kings absence in the realme of Ire∣land. This protector caused a parlement to be assem∣bled at Westminster: where he dealt so effectuallie, notwithstanding the vntowardnesse of the burges∣ses, that a tenth was granted by the cleargie, and a fiftéenth by the temporaltie; but not without prote∣station, [line 10] that those paiments were granted of a méere fréewill, for the loue they bare to the king, and to haue the affaires in Ireland to succéed the better. After this, about foure yeares; king Richard the second in the two and twentith yeare of his reigne, in the yeare of Christ 1399, making another viage into Ireland (being the last and most vnhappie that euer was to him, for before his returne he had in effect lost his realme, which after his com∣ming he lost in deed) did againe in his absence sub∣stitute [line 20] this Edmund duke of Yorke as cheefe gouer∣nor of England. Who in the absence of the king, assembled a power of men against Henrie of Bul∣lingbrooke, now entered into the land to chal∣lenge the dukedome of Lancaster after the death of his father Iohn of Gaunt, and vnder that colour to vsurpe the crowne. Which Edmund passing into Wales in the thrée and twentith yeare of Richard the second, was receiued into the castell of Bark∣leie, & there remained vntill the comming of Hen∣rie [line 30] of Bullingbrooke. Whom when he perceiued (for the power which the said duke of Lancaster had as∣sembled from all parts of the realme) that he was not of sufficiencie to resist; he came foorth into the church that stood without the castell, and there fell to par••ée with the duke of Lancaster; after which he did neuer forsake the duke of Lancaster, vntill he came to the crowne. Who, if he had faithfullie stood vnto his nephue, might perhaps haue saued vnto him both his crowne and life. Of this man is more said [line 40] in my treatise of the dukes of England.

Ione de Namures sometime dutches of Britaine, (widow to Philip Montfort,* 14.44 as saith Hypodigma; but Walsingham in his historie casteth him Iohn duke of Britaine; being also the widow of king Henrie the fourth) was substitute gouernor of the realme by hir son in law king Henrie the fift, king of England, in the third yeare of his reigne, being the yeare from the birth of the Messias 1415, when the said Henrie the fift tooke his iournie into [line 50] France to conquer the same. This woman in the seuenth yeare of Henrie the fift, which was in the yeare of Christ 1419, being suspected (as saith Iohn Stow) to practise witchcraft against the king, was committed to the custodie of Iohn Wellam, or ra∣ther Iohn Pelham, who appointed nine seruants to attend vpon hir, and brought hir to Peuenseie castell to be gouerned vnder his prouidence. But shortlie after cléering hir selfe, she was deliuered. This ladie died at Hauering at the bowre in Essex [line 60] the ninth of Iulie in the seuentéenth yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and seuen, and was buried at Canturburie with hir husband king Henrie the fourth.

* 14.45Iohn duke of Bedford son to Henrie the fourth, & brother to K. Henrie the fift, was in the fourth yeare of the reigne of the said Henrie, being the yeare of our redemption 1416, by parlement appointed regent of the realme, to inioie the same office so long as the king was imploied in the French wars. Which place he possessed accordinglie; and in the ninth yeare of the victorious prince, king Henrie the fift, being gardian of England, he, with Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester vncle to Henrie the fift, and Iaqueline duches of Holland remaining then in England, were godfathers, and godmother to Henrie, after king by the name of Henrie the sixt, the son of Henrie the fift; Henrie Chichleie archbi∣shop of Canturburie baptising the child. In the tenth and last yeare of Henrie the fift, this Iohn with a strong power conueied quéene Katharine wife to Henrie the fift▪ from Southampton into France. This man being duke of Bedford, earle of Rich∣mond and of Kendall, conestable of England, and warden of the marches of Scotland, died the four∣téenth daie of September at Rone in Normandie, who (hauing also béene regent of France, a most valiant gentleman, and one that kept the parts be∣yond the seas in great obedience to the crowne of England) had for his yearelie pension 20000 crownes at the least. After whose death all things went backeward, and the English lost all that they had beyond the seas, Calis, & those dominions onlie excepted.

This man (I saie) died in the yeare of our redemp∣tion 1435, being the thirtéenth yeare of the vnfor∣tunat gouernment of the deposed king Henrie the sixt, and was honorablie buried at Rone in our la∣die church there. Touching whome it shall not gréeue me to set downe the answer of a French king late∣lie in our age made to one of his nobilitie; saieng vnto the king (then being in the said ladie church of Rone, and beholding the toome of this Iohn of Bedford) that it were conuenient that the same toome were defaced and pulled downe; since he was the onelie man that wrought the greatest damage that euer happened vnto France. To whom the king said; Hold thy peace foole, God forbid that euer we should doo such reproch to him being dead; whome the proudest of our nation durst not looke in the face when he was liuing. This duke Iohn maried the se∣cond yeare of Henrie the sixt, in the yeare of Christ 1423, Anne the daughter of Iohn duke of Bur∣gognie, who died in the tenth yeare of Henrie the sixt, in the yeare of Christ 1433, after which he ma∣ried Iaques daughter to Peter earle of S. Paule in the same yeare, and yet died without issue. Of this man is mention made in my former discourse of the conestables of England, pag. 868.

Humfreie duke of Glocester brother to Henrie the fift, and vncle to Henrie the sixt,* 14.46 was in the tenth and last yeare of Henrie the fift, being the yeare of our Lord 1422, made regent of England, vpon the remouing and departure of Iohn duke of Bedford with quéene Katharine, wife to Henrie the fift into France. In which yeare (happening the lamentable death of that woorthie prince king Henrie the fift) the said Henrie vppon his death-bed appointed this Humfreie to be protector of the realme; which he did exercise in the time of the minoritie of Henrie the sixt, from the time of his first enterance into the kingdome. Who at that time taking vppon him that function, called vnto him graue and wise coun∣cellors; with whose support he might with better ho∣nor to the realme, and benefit to the subiects, rule the ship of this kingdome, sailing in the dangerous waues of the kings infancie. By which meanes holding the sterne thereof, directed by the course of iustice, he did most honorablie during his life dis∣charge the dutie of so weightie an office. Who in the fourteenth yeare of Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our Lord 1439, did with fiue hundred saile land at Calis, and for eleuen daies spoiled the low countries and so by Calis returned againe into England. This man in the fiue & twentith yeare of king Hen∣rie sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1447, was in his castell of U••es in Wilshire, & comming from thence

to the parlement was lodged in the hospitall, and ar∣rested by Iohn lord Beaumont high conestable of England. But on the foure and twentith daie of Fe∣bruarie he died for sorrow as some said, and as Iohn Stow hath noted, bicause he might not come to his answer. Other write that he was murdered in the night by the quéens procurement, to the great griefe of the commons, and in time following to the vtter destruction of the king and the quéene. He was duke of Glocester, and also in the right of his wife duke of Holland and Zeland, earle of Penbroke, lord cham∣berleine [line 10] of England, and protector of the realme, be∣ing highlie estéemed of learned men, himselfe also not meanlie furnished with knowledge, hauing rare skill in astrologie, wherof beside manie other things he compiled a singular treatise, obteining the name of Tabula directionum, touching whose death I haue read these verses following in Iohn Whethamsted:

Aemula sors varijs signanter honoribus altis Causauit miserè mala multos flere ruinae, Laesus erat Iulius, vndis mersus Ptolomeus, [line 20] Pulsus Tarquinius, exul factúsque Tydeus, Dux nimis properè iam dictus tempora vitae Compleuit tristis, heu indignatio regis Causa fuit magna, maior detractio falsa, Plebis & iunctae fallacis & insidiosae, Nam regis patrius, quamuis & proximus haeres, Tunc fueratque suus consultor in ordine primus, Vir prudénsque pius, vir doctus & ingeniosus, Non tamen erubuit, nec pertimuit, ve pepercit Hunc accusare falsè de proditione, [line 30] Discere quódque suam clàm vellet tollere vitam Et sibi surripere violenter iura coronae. Diuitis argentum, proprium qui captat in vsum, Desiderat medium quo vindicet aptiùs ipsum, Sic regem plures comitantes collaterales Sectantur praedam, mediat fraus, dat dolus ipsam, Fidior in regno regi duce non fuit isto, Plúsue fide stabilis aut maior amator honoris, Et tamen vt praedo voto potiretur iniquo, Fraudem consuluit, cum fraude dolum sociauit, [line 40] Sícque ducem falsi maculans cum proditione Obtinuit votum, praedator erátque bonorum Illius, & tristis obijt dux criminis expers.

Which duke Humfrie was buried at saint Al∣bons, dieng without issue, after he had married two wiues; whereof the first wife was Iacoba or Ia∣queline (daughter and sole heire of William of Bauier) being then the lawfull wife to Iohn duke of Brabant then liuing, which wife this Humfrie mar∣ried in England in the yéere of our redemption 1424 [line 50] being the third yéere of king Henrie the sixt, vpon which grew great warres, and Humfrie duke of Glocester challenged the combat of the duke of Burgognie, taking part with his cousine Iohn duke of Brabant. But in the end the duke of Glocester left his wife at Mons & returned into England, and shée vnto Gaunt, and so into Holland, & the combat staid by means of the duke of Bedford brother to the duke of Glocester. But after (as it séemeth) the duke [line 60] of Glocester was diuorsed from this dutchesse, and then married Eleanor Cobham (whome he had ten∣derlie loued as his paramour before that) in the yeere of our redemption 1428, being the sixt yéere of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt. This woman in the nineteenth yeere of the said Henrie the sixt (vp∣on the taking of Henrie Bullingbrook for practising necromancie, thereby to consume the king) fled in the night to Westminster for sanctuarie, which cau∣sed hir to be suspected of treason. Wherevpon Bul∣lingbrook confessing that he wrought the same at the procurement of the said Eleanor, desirous to know to what estate she should come vnto, the said dame Eleanor did oftentimes for the same fact appéere be∣fore the bishop, and in the end was conuicted. After which in the twentith of Henrie the sixt she did grée∣uous penance therefore, and so escaped with hir life. And here because I haue said somewhat of Ia∣queline dutchesse of Holland, I thinke it not amisse to adde a little more of hir, being a woman of great beautie, and desire of change in performing the ple∣sures of the flesh: wherefore I will set downe what I haue seene written vnder the pictures of hir and hir husband Francis in this sort.

The subscription vnder the pictures of the ladie Iaqueline, and of Francis hir husband.

IAcoba Dei gratia comitissa Hannoniae, Hollandiae, & Ze∣landiae, domina Frisiae, Zutbeuerlandiae, terrae Brilensis, Vorensis, &c: Gulielmi Bauariensis ducis filia & haeres vnica, quae primò desponsata fuit Philippo Burgundiorum duci: po∣stea Delphino Francorum regis filio: tertiò Iohanni duci Bra∣bantiae Antonij filio: deinde Humfrido Glocestriae duci Hen∣rici quarti Angliae regis filio: & postremò Franconi Bursa∣liensi comiti Osteruandiae matrimonio copulatur. Quae obijt absque liberis 8 Idus Octobris, anno Domini 1463 sepulta apud Hagam comitis in Hollandia.

Beside which was this written in Dutch:

Vrowen Iacoba van Byeren Grauenne van Hollant starfe Anno Domini 1463.

The subscription vnder the picture of hir husband Francone or Fran∣cis was in this sort.

FRanciscus Dei gratia comes de Osteruant (erfginocht) in comitatibus Hollandiae, Hannoniae, Zelandiae, & Frise∣landiae, dominus de Boursalia de Viorne, Zuylen, Hochstraten, Kortkene, de la Veer, Flishing, Zandenburge, terrae Bri∣lensis, Sentmartinsdike, quo loco fundauit coenobium cano∣nicorum, &c: & regi Edwardo quarto fideliter assistebat, necnon equestris ordinis diui Antonij.

Beside which also was this written in the Dutch toong. Here vranck van Boselen graue van Osteruant starfe Anno Domini 1470.

Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester (appointed to that office by Henrie the fift on his death-bed) was with Henrie Beaufort bishop of Winchester great vncle to king Henrie the sixt in the yéere of our re∣demption 1422,* 16.1 being the first yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt (then but nine months old) made protector and gardian of the person of the yoong king, to see him tenderlie and carefullie brought vp and in∣structed in all such parts as were to be required in the person of a monarch. Which office he left about the fourth yeere of king Henrie the sixt, and died on Newyéeres daie at his manor of Gréenwich in the said fift yéere of Henrie the sixt, being the yeere of our redemption 1446: he married Margaret the daughter of Thomas Neuill of Hornesbie.

Richard Beauchampe earle of Warwike son of the former Thomas Beauchampe,* 16.2 being beyond the seas, and there deputie for Iohn duke of Bedford (be∣ing regent of France) did (whilest the said regent was come ouer into England) obteine manie cas∣tels in his deputieship; who being thus imploied in the forren warres, was in his absence out of his countrie (for his singular wisdome and valor) ordei∣ned by the thrée estates of the realme of England in open parlement, to be gouernor of the person of the yoong king Henrie the sixt, in the place of Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester latelie deceased: which Richard did not yet foorthwith hasten his returne in∣to England, but remained in France for a season,

inlarging the fame of his martiall exploits. This his election to the protectorship of the kings person, was in the fift yéere of Henrie the sixt, being the yéere of our redemption 1426. He died in the yeere of our Lord 1439, being the seuentéenth yéere of the deposed king Henrie the sixt, at Rone in Norman∣die the last daie of Maie, as hath Iohn Stow; and the fourth of October next following his corps was ho∣norablie conueied, as well by land as by water from Rone to Warwike, and there honorablie buried in [line 10] the college of our ladie church founded by his noble ancestors. He maried two wiues, the first Elisabeth daughter and heire of Thomas lord Barkleie, by whome he had thrée daughters, Margaret maried to Iohn lord Talbot earle of Shrewesburie, Eleanor maried to Thomas lord Rosse, and Elisabeth mar∣ried to Gorge Neuill lord Latimer. His second wife was Isabell the daughter and heire of Richard lord Spenser, by whome he had issue Henrie duke of Warwike, and Anne married to Richard Neuill [line 20] earle of Salisburie.

* 16.3Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke, sonne to Richard earle of Cambrige, and father to Edward the fourth king of England, notwithstanding that he made challenge to the crowne against Henrie the sixt, then in possession thereof, as heire to the house of Yorke, and was to be preferred before the house of Lancaster; and notwithstanding that he was by parlement appointed to weare the crowne after the death of Henrie the sixt: yet after all this, in the thrée [line 30] and thirtith yeere of the same king, being the yéere of our redemption 1455 (such was the imperfection of the king to gouerne) he was appointed protec∣tor of the realme, ruling the same at his owne dispo∣sition. Which office he did not long inioie, and that most worthilie: for the next yéere after being the foure and thirtith of king Henrie the sixt, and the yeere of our redemption 1456, he was depriued from the same, and queene Margaret wife to Henrie the sixt tooke againe the absolute regiment into hir [line 40] hands: which duke after in the nine and thirtith of king Henrie the sixt, being the yéere of our redempti∣on 1460, the thirtith daie of December, being lord of Wakefield, was there with his sonne the earle of Rutland slaine at the battell commonlie called the battell of Wakefield; of which I haue read these verses in Whethamsted once abbat of saint Albons:

Anno milleno centum quater quoque seno, * 16.4Terdenóque die, duodeno mense Decembre, Infra Eboracensem nixta Wakefield comitatum [line 50] Dux dominus villae fertur pugnans habuisse Conflictum grandem contra gentem borealem, Ac proceres plures praeerant quae gentibus ipsis, Quod docuit, quia sors quod res fortuna secundas, Vitat habere moras, cecidit dux natus & eius, Ac comes insignis sors belli, sors fuit ipsis Obuia, sícque fatis regni fuerat breuis haeres Omen & idlaetum tulerat mutamine meestum Deslendum multis, ius regni, ius fuit eius.

He maried Cicilie daughter to Rafe Neuill first [line 60] earle of Westmerland, by whome he had issue Ed∣ward duke of Yorke, earle of March, and after king of England by the name of Edward the fourth: George Plantagenet duke of Clarence, Richard Plantagenet duke of Glocester, after king of Eng∣land by the name of Richard the third: thrée daugh∣ters, Anne maried to Henrie Holland duke of Ex∣cester, Elisabeth married to Iohn de la Poole duke of Suffolke, and Margaret maried to Charles duke of Burgognie.

George Plantagenet duke of Clarence, and co∣nestable of England,* 16.5 sonne of the foresaid duke of Yorke, and brother to king Edward the fourth, with Richard Neuill earle of Warwike (who set vp and pulled downe kings at his pleasure) were after the flight of Edward the fourth out of England into Burgognie to his brother in law (in the tenth yeare of the reigne of the said king Edward, being the yeare of our redemption 1470, when Henrie the sixt had by their means readepted the kingdome) made gouernors of the land, which office they inioied not long. For the said Edward the fourth returning into England, in the eleuenth yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of our redemption 1471, reconciled to him the duke of Clarence, did againe put downe king Henrie the sixt, and slue the said earle of Warwike (flieng awaie) at Barnet field (on Easter day) by one of the men of his campe. After this, on the fiftéenth daie of Ianuarie began a parlement, in the eigh∣téenth yere of the reigne of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption 1478, where this duke of Clarence was atteinted of treason, and the eleuenth of March following he ended his life in a but of malmeseie, and was buried at Teukesburie beside his wife, who being with child died by poison a little before him. Of this man sée more in my dis∣course of the conestables of England pag. 869.

Richard Plantagenet third sonne to Richard duke of Yorke,* 16.6 was conestable of England and go∣uernour of the person of the king, of whome is more spoken in my discourse of the conestables of Eng∣land pag. 869. But here mentioning the conesta∣bles of England,* 16.7 I thinke it better now than not at all, to mention also some imperfection and default in my former discourse of the said conestables, set downe by me before in pag. 865. Which default of mine in that place grew by reason of ouermuch hast, which I vsed in sudden seeking for the same, whereby (according to the old prouerbe) I brought foorth a blind whelpe. For in the former description I haue omitted diuerse the which were conestables of England, the names of which were Henrie the first in the life of his father, Nigellus, and Robert de Oilie, with others of that line in descent, which Ni∣gellus I can not as yet learne to be anie other but Nigellus de Oilie,* 16.8 brother to Robert de Oilie that came in with the Conqueror, who gaue Oxfordshire vnto the said Robert.

Besides which, if it shall séeme to anie that I haue in my former treatise rashlie written I know not what, & that here I make Henrie the first conestable in his father the Conquerors time, & by contrarietie therevnto did before make Walter conestable also in the Conquerors and William Rufus his time: let them know that there is no contrarietie herein. For Walter might first be conestable, & then Hen∣rie the first, and both they in the Conquerors time, this office being taken from the first, and giuen to the latter by the Conqueror. After whose death Wil∣liam Rufus might take it from his brother Henrie, bicause he would not make him too great in Eng∣land, for doubt least he might hereby put the crowne in hazard, being fauoured of the people as one borne in England, and for that cause might restore that of∣fice to Walter. Againe it maie be, that some men reading that I haue before set downe, that Mawd the empresse gaue the conestableship to Milo the son of Walter in the sixt of king Stephan, and that king Stephan tooke that office from Milo in the first yere of his reigne, and gaue it to Walter Beauchampe, will condemne me therefore of like vnaduised wri∣ting: bicause it seemeth thereby that Stephan tooke it from Milo before that Milo had it. Which is not so, for I can proue with some reason and authoritie, that Milo had it a little before the death of king Henrie the first, and also after his death in part of the first yeare of king Stephan, being witnesse to a deed by king Stephan, made and dated the first of his reigne,

to which he subscribed his name Milo Constabularius, After which, king Stephan might in that yeare take that office from him, and so he did. Which Mawd the empresse vnderstanding, and finding Milo (now fal∣len from king Stephan) one which assisted hir, she the better to confront Stephan, gaue the conestable∣ship to Milo (accounting hir selfe as quéene) in the sixt of Stephan.

This being thus spoken in defense of that which before I haue written pag. 866. let vs go to our o∣ther [line 10] matter concerning the conestables not mentio∣ned before in the said discourse, wherein I find my selfe in a maruellous laberinth (out of which I doubt that the best antiquaries cannot loose themselues, no not he which thinketh and saith that he can controll all men, for I suppose he will be lame in this matter) how all these could be conestables, vnlesse that in the time of Henrie the first, and of king Stephan, as it is most likelie, there was chopping & changing, put∣ting in and taking out, setting vp and pulling downe [line 20] one man in diuerse yeares of one and the selfe same king: for king Stephan was sometime a king, and sometime as no king, and then againe a king. And so likewise was it with Mawd the empresse at the same time, bearing hir selfe sometime as queene, and then deiected as no quéene. But be it as it will be, I will here set downe what I find in ancient charters and pedegrées touching the conestables of England not before mentioned, leauing the same to others (ei∣ther to order for succession of time, or to amend for [line 30] truth of matter) who peraduenture reading these things, which I haue seene and will here set downe, can bestow them in better order than I can, which I earnestlie praie them to doo, whereby truth maie be brought to light and perfection; which as yet tou∣ching these conestables set downe in this place, sée∣meth to be obscured and confused vntill the time that Roger Fitz Miles had that office: for from his time the same is without all controuersie sufficientlie knowne. Wherefore, here before I enter into the de∣scent [line 40] of the de Oilies, who were conestables of Eng∣land, I will set downe a strange note of thrée per∣sons witnesses to a déed, dated Primo Stephani, anno Dom. 1136, who doo all subscribe their names as cone∣stables. Which charter being the same wherein king Stephan gaue the manor of Sudton or Sutton to the house of Winchester, the same was amongst o∣ther witnesses thus signed, Robertus de Veer constabula∣rius, Milo constabularius, Brientius filius comitis constabula∣rius: all who could not be conestables of England at [line 50] one time. Wherfore sauing correction I suppose that it is out of all controuersie, that neither the first nor the last of these three were conestables of England, but of some other places, as of Douer or other ca∣stels. And so to that which I haue further to saie of the kings conestables in one descent and succession of the de Oilies, being tearmed the kings conesta∣bles, both in ancient charters and pedegrées, whereof Nigellus before mentioned séemeth to be one.

This Nigellus was conestable of England in the [line 60] yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred and one, being the first yéere of king Henrie the first, as may appeare by a déed of confirmation made by Henrie the first touching the cathedrall church of Norwich, whereof I thinke good to saie somewhat to bring in the proofe that this Nigellus was constable. This church was built for the most part in the time of William Rufus,* 16.9 by Herebert de Losinga the first bishop of Norwich, who translated the sée from Tet∣ford vnto Norwich, in the yeare of Christ 1094, which church being finished and consecrated to the holie tri∣nitie, was afterward confirmed by Henrie the first, and Mawd his wife, in the first yeare of the said Henrie, being the yeare of our redemption 1101, to the charter whereof signed by king Henrie & Mawd his wife, were manie bishops, noblemen and abbats witnesses, amongst whome are these two set downe; Nigellus Constabularius, and Rogerus Cancellarius, of which Nigellus thus writeth Leland in his com∣mentaries on the song of the swan in the word Isidis insulae: Erat Roberto frater Nigellus nomine, de quo fam•• non admodum multa refert, which I suppose is this Nigellus de Oilie the conestable, as I before said.

Robert de Oilie, sonne of the said Nigellus,* 16.10 did succéed his father, and was as may appeare by some authors (who tearme him accordinglie) great consta∣ble of England. This man together with his wife Edith were the founders of the religious house of Osneie, touching whome I shall not greeue to set downe what I haue gathered out of Leland and o∣thers. This Edith obteined of hir husband to build a church in the Ile of Osneie in Oxfordshire, to our sa∣uiour Christ, about the yeare of our redemption 1129,* 16.11 being about the nine and twentith yeare of king Henrie the first, which church did after grow to be of great renowme and building, the occasion of building whereof is set downe by others in this sort. Edith being in great estimation with Henrie, first married the said Robert de Oilie by the kings pro∣curement, which Robert began the priorie of the blacke chanons of Osneie by Oxford, amongst the Iles made by the riuer of Isis or Owse. This Edith vsed oftentimes to walke out of Oxford castell with hir gentlewomen for to solace and recreate hir selfe. At what time at a certeine place, as often as she came by the same, certeine pies assembled them∣selues in a tree, where they chattered and as it were spake vnto hir. This ladie much maruelling at the matter, happening so continuallie at one time in one place after one order, and with one maner of foules, was manie times astonished and feared therewith, esteeming it a verie strange woonder. Whervpon she sent for one Radulph or Rafe a chanon of saint Fre∣diswide in Oxford, a man of vertuous life & hir con∣fessor, asking his counsell vpon the same. To whom he answered (after that he had séene the order of those pies onelie chattering at hir comming thither) that she should build some church or monasterie in that place. Wherevpon she intreated hir husband to build a priorie, and so he did, making that Radulph the first prior of that house. All which matter, that is the com∣ming of Edith to Osneie, Radulph wating on hir, and the trée with the pies were all extant (at the ge∣nerall dissolution of the abbeies in the time of Hen∣rie the eight) to be séene painted on the north side of the high altar, in the arch of the wall ouer Ediths toome in Osneie priorie, vpon which toome there laie a stone image of Edith in the habit of a vowesse holding a hart in hir right hand. This Robert de Oi∣lie was buried in Osneie in the verie middle of the presbiterie, vnder a flat marble stone; wherevpon was a flowred crosse portraid, which Robert had issue Henrie de Oilie, baron of Hochnorton, & the kings conestable, which maried Margerie the daughter of Humfreie de Bohune, by whome that Henrie had issue Henrie de Oilie baron of Hochnorton, and the kings conestable which died without issue. Thus this much by waie of digression, touching the conestables of England, left out in my former discourse of those officers. And so againe to the protectors.

Katharine the daughter of Ferdinando king of Spaine, and wife to king Henrie the eight,* 16.12 was (in the absence of the said king beyond the seas in the the warres of Turwine and Turneie) made regent of the realme, in the yeare of Christ 1513, and the fift yeare of king Henrie the eight, she had béene the wi∣dow of Arthur prince of Wales, eldest sonne vnto king Henrie the seauenth, and eldest brother to king

Henrie the eight, who after the death of that Arthur was by dispensation of the pope married to Henrie after king, by the name of Henrie the eight, being yoonger brother of the said Arthur, from which king Henrie she was afterward not onelie diuorsed, in the one and twentith of his reigne, being the yeare of Christ 1529, but after by parlement also in the foure and twentith of the kings reigne, in the yeare of Christ 1532, disgraded from the name of quéene, and from thensefoorth appointed onlie to be called the [line 10] princesse dowager of prince Arthur, about fiue yeers after which she died on the eight of Ianuarie, being the yeare of our redemption 1535, which was the seauen and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight, and was honourablie buried in the abbeie of Peter∣borow, for which cause afterward in the generall dis∣solution of the abbeies, when all those houses were spoiled, this abbeie was not onelie for hir buriall there spared and not defaced, but also further honored with a greater title, and turned into a bishoprike, by [line 20] the said king Henrie the eight.

Katharine Par, the daughter of sir Thomas Par, lord of Kirkbie Kendall, and wife to king Henrie the eight, was by patent made protectresse of the realme of England, when king Henrie the eight went in person to the wars of Bullongne, on the thirtéenth of Iulie in the yeare of our redemption 1544, being the six & thirtith yeare of the triumphant reigne of the said king. This ladie Katharine being the lord Latimers widow, was maried to the king [line 30] at Hampton court, one the twelfe of Iulie being the fiue and thirtith yeare of his reigne, and the yeare of Christ 1543, who hauing no issue by the king, was after the kings death married to Thomas Seimer knight, lord Seimer of Sudleie and high admerall of England.

Edward Seimer knight, vicount Beauchampe earle of Hertford, & after duke of Summerset, was protector of the kings person, and of the kingdome, in the first yeare of king Edward the sixt, his nephue [line 40] which was in the yeare of our redemption 1546, the king being then but nine yeares old. Of this man is more spoken in my following discourse of all the dukes of England by creation or descent since the conquest, with which duke of Summerset, the last in office of protectorship, Francis Thin knitteth vp this simple discourse of the protectors of England of the kings person.

* 16.13¶ On the 17 of Februarie, on which daie were [line 50] receiued the bookes of the reliefe of all the wards of London, towards the new hospitals, by the kings commissioners, the councell dined at maister Coo∣pers the shiriffe, and after dinner maister Thomas Curteis alderman came thither to speake with the lord chancellor for a matter he had depending afore him in the chancerie, but for his misdemeanour in words and signes to the lord chancellor at that time, the said maister Curteis was committed to ward in the Fléet.* 16.14] The six and twentith of Februarie, sir [line 60] Rafe Uane and sir Miles Patridge were hanged on the tower hill; & sir Michaell Stanhope with sir Thomas Arundell were beheaded there. The last of Aprill, through negligence of the gunpowder ma∣kers, a certeine house néere the tower of London, with thrée last of powder was blowne vp and burnt, the gunpowder makers being fiftéene in number, were all slaine.

The sixtéenth of Maie was a goodlie muster of horssemen made before the king,* 16.15 in the parke at Gréenwich, vnder the kings banner his band of pen∣sioners, in number a hundred and fiftie, euerie pensi∣oner two great horsses and a gelding, the lord Braie their lieutenant.* 16.16 The duke of Northumberland, great maister of the kings houshold vnder the white lion & the ragged staffe fiftie. The duke of Suffolke vnder the vnicorne in the starre a hundred and ten. The lord marquesse of Winchester, high treasuror,* 16.17 vnder his banner the falcon, one hundred men. The marquesse of Northampton high chamberleine vnder the maidenhead a hundred.* 16.18 The earle of Bed∣ford lord priuie seale vnder the gote a hundred. The erle of Warwike maister of the kings horsses vnder the white lion fiftie. The erle of Huntington vnder his banner fiftie. The earle of Rutland vnder the peacocke fiftie. The earle of Penbroke vnder the greene dragon fiftie. The lord Darcie vnder the mai∣dens bodie fiftie.* 16.19 The lord Cobham vnder the Sa∣racens head, fiftie. The lord Clinton lord admerall vnder the anchor, fiftie. The lord warden of the fiue ports, vnder the rose in the sunne beames, one hun∣dred.

Not long after the death of the said duke of Sum∣merset and his complices,* 16.20 it chanced the reuerend fa∣ther in God maister doctor Ridleie then bishop of London, to preach before the kings maiestie at Westminster. In the which sermon he made a fruit∣full and godlie exhortation to the rich, to be mercifull vnto the poore, and also to mooue such as were in au∣thoritie, to trauell by some charitable waie & meane, to comfort and reléeue them. Wherevpon the kings maiestie being a prince of such towardnesse and ver∣tue for his yeares, as England before neuer brought forth, and the same also being so well reteined and brought vp in all godlie knowledge, as well by his déere vncle the late protector, as also by his vertuous and learned scholemaisters, was so carefull of the good gouernement of the realme, and chieflie to doo and prefer such things as most speciallie touched the honor of almightie God. And vnderstanding that a great number of poore people did swarme in this realme, and chieflie in the citie of London, and that no good order was taken for them, did suddenlie and of himselfe send to the said bishop as soone as his sermon was ended, willing him not to depart, vn∣till that he had spoken with him (and this that I now write was the verie report of the said bishop Rid∣leie) who according to the kings commandement gaue his attendance.* 16.21 And so soone as the kings ma∣iestie was at leasure, he called for him, and made him to come vnto him in a great gallerie at West∣minster, where (to his knowledge) and the king also told him so, there was present no mo persons than they two, and therefore made him sit downe in one chaire, and he himselfe in another, which (as it seemed) were before the comming of the bishop there pur∣poselie set, & caused the bishop (maugre his teeth) to be couered, and then entered communication with him in this sort.

First giuing him most hartie thanks for his ser∣mon and good exhortation, he therein rehearsed such speciall things as he had noted, and that so manie, that the bishop said;

Trulie, trulie (for that was com∣monlie his oth) I could neuer haue thought that ex∣cellencie to haue béene in his grace, that I beh••ld and saw in him. At the last, the kings maiestie much commended him for his exhortation for the reliefe of the poore.* 16.22 But my lord (saith he) ye willed such as are in authoritie to be carefull therof, and to deuise some good order for their reliefe, wherein I thinke you meane me, for I am in highest place, and therefore am the first that must make answere vnto God for my negligence, if I should not be carefull therein, knowing it to be the expresse commandement of al∣mightie God, to haue compassion of his poore and néedie members, for whome we must make an ac∣compt vnto him. And trulie my lord, I am before all things most willing to trauell that waie, and I

doubt nothing of your long and approued wisedome and learning, who hauing such good zeale as wisheth h••lpe vnto them, but that also you haue had some conference with others, what waies are best to be ta∣ken therein, the which I am desirous to vnderstand, and therefore I praie you saie your mind.

The bishop thinking least of that matter, and be∣ing amazed to heare the wisdome and earnest zeale of the king, was (as he said himselfe) so astonied, that he could not well tell what to saie: but after some [line 10] pause, said that as he thought at this present for some entrance to be had, it were good to practise with the citie of London, bicause the number of the poore there are verie great,* 16.23 & the citizens are manie & also wise; and he doubted not but they were also both pi∣tifull & mercifull, as the maior & his brethren, & other the worshipfull of the said citie. And that if it would please the kings maiestie to direct his gratious let∣ter vnto the maior of London, willing him to call vnto him such assistants as he should thinke méet, to [line 20] consult of this matter, for some order to be taken therein, he doubted not but good should follow there∣of. And he himselfe promised the king to be one him∣selfe that should earnestlie trauell therein.

The king forthwith not onelie granted his letter, but made the bishop tarie vntill the same was writ∣ten, and his hand and signet set therevnto, and com∣manded the bishop not onelie to deliuer the said let∣ter himselfe, but also to signifie vnto the maior, that it was the kings speciall request and expresse com∣mandement, [line 30] that the maior should therein trauell, and as soone as he might conuenientlie giue him knowledge how farre he had proceeded therein. The bishop was so ioious of the hauing of this letter, and that he had now an occasion to trauell in that good matter, wherein he was maruellous zealous, that nothing could more haue pleased and delighted him: wherefore the same night he came to the maior of London, who then was sir Richard Dobs knight, and deliuered the kings letter, and shewed his mes∣sage [line 40] with effect.

The maior not onelie ioiouslie receiued this let∣ter, but with all spéed agreed to set forward this mat∣ter, for he also fauoured it verie much. And the next daie being mondaie,* 16.24 he desired the bishop of London to dine with him: and against that time, the maior promised that he would send for such men, as he thought méetest to talke of this matter, and so he did. And sent first for two aldermen and six commoners, and afterward were appointed more, to the number [line 50] of foure and twentie. And in the end after sundrie méetings (for by meane of the good diligence of the bishop it was well followed) they agréed vpon a booke that they had deuised, wherein first they consi∣dered of nine speciall kinds and sorts of poore people, and those same they brought in these thrée degrees:

* 16.25Thrée degrées of poore.

• The poore by impotencie.
• Poore by casualtie.
• Thriftlesse poore.

• 1 The poore by impotencie are also diuided in∣to three kinds, that is to saie:
  • 1 The fatherlesse poore mans [line 60] child.
  • 2 The aged, blind, and lame.
  • 3 The diseased person, by le∣prosie, dropsie, &c.
• 2 The poore by casualtie are of thrée kinds, that is to saie:
  • 4 The wounded souldier.
  • 5 The decaied housholder.
  • 6 The visited with gréeuous disease.
• 3 The thriftles poore are three kinds in like wise, that is to saie:
  • 7 The riotor that consumeth all.
  • 8 The vagabond that will a∣bide in no place.
  • 9 The idle person, as the strumpet and others.

For these sorts of poore were prouided thrée seuerall houses. First for the innocent and fatherlesse,* 16.26 which is the beggers child, and is in déed the séed and bree∣der of beggerie, they prouided the house that was late Graie friers in London, and now is called Chri∣stes hospitall, where the poore children are trained in the knowledge of God, and some vertuous e••ercise to the ouerthrowe of beggerie.* 16.27 For the second de∣grée is prouided the hospitall of saint Thomas in Southworke, & saint Bartholomew in west Smith∣field, where are continuallie at least two hundred diseased persons, which are not onelie there lodged and cured, but also fed and nourished.* 16.28 For the third degrée they prouided Bridewell, where the vaga∣bond and idle strumpet is chastised and compelled to labour, to the ouerthrow of the vicious life of idlenes. They prouided also for the honest decaied housholder,* 16.29 that he should be relieued at home at his house, and in the parish where he dwelled by a wéekelie reliefe and pension. And in like manner they prouided for the lazer to kéepe him out of the citie from clapping of dishes, and ringing of bels, to the great trouble of the citizens, and also to the dangerous infection of manie, that they should be relieued at home at their houses with seuerall pensions.

Now after this good order taken, and the citizens by such meanes as were deuised, willing to further the same, the report therof was made vnto the kings maiestie: and his grace for the aduancement here∣of, was not onelie willing to grant such as should be the ouerséers and gouernors of the said houses a cor∣poration and authoritie for the gouernement there∣of: but also required that he might be accounted as the chiefe founder and patrone thereof.* 16.30 And for the furtherance of the said worke, and continuall main∣tenance of the same, he of his méere mercie and good∣nesse granted, that where before certeine lands were giuen to the maintenance of the house of the Sa∣uoie, founded by king Henrie the seuenth, for the lod∣ging of pilgrims and strangers, and that the same was now made but a lodging of loiterers, vaga∣bonds, and strumpets that laie all daie in the fields, and at night were harboured there, the which was rather the maintenance of beggerie, than the reliefe of the poore, gaue the same lands, being first surren∣dred into his hands by the maister and fellowes there (which lands were of the yearelie value of six hundred pounds) vnto the citie of London, for the maintenance of the foundation aforesaid.

And for a further reliefe, a petition being made to the kings maiestie for a licence to take in mort∣maine, or otherwise without licence, lands to a cer∣teine yearelie ••alue, and a space left in the patent for his grace to put in what summe it would please him; he looking on the void place, called for pen and inke, and with his owne hand wrote this summe, in these words (foure thousand marks by yeare) and then said in the hearing of his councell:* 16.31

Lord God I yeeld thée most hartie thanks, that thou hast giuen mée life thus long, to finish this worke to the glorie of thy name.

After which foundation established, he liued not a∣boue two daies, whose life would haue béene wished equall to the patriarchs, if it might haue pleased God so to haue protracted the same. But he was too good a prince for so bad a people, and therefore God re∣mooued him, and translated him to his owne king∣dome, foreséeing the euent of something which in his secret counsell he had purposed, against a nation that knew not the benefit of the acceptable time of grace: wherein God by this péerelesse princes means ment all good to this land, as might be gathe∣red by the reformation of religion, wherin the kings care was exceeding great, as his desire to establish Gods glorie was zealous: according to that notable

allusion of Iohn Leland recorded in praise of this most excellent prince, as followeth in this epigram:

* 16.32Quisquis Eaduerdum Romano expresserat ore, Custodem fidei dixerit esse sacrae. Hoc ego crediderim puero feliciter orto A superis nomen coelitùs esse datum. Est pater antiquae fidei defensor amicus, Degener & nullo tempore natus erit.

But to returne where we left. By example of the charitable act of this vertuous yoong king, sir Willi∣am Chester knight and alderman of London,* 16.33 and [line 10] Iohn Calthrop citizen and draper of the said citie, at their owne proper costs and charges made the bricke walles and way on the backeside that leadeth from the said new hospitall, vnto the hospitall of saint Bartholomewes, and also couered and vau∣ted the towne dich from Aldersgate to Newgate, which before was verie noisome and contagious to the said hospitall.

This hospitall being thus erected and put in good order,* 16.34 there was one Richard Castell aliàs Casteller, [line 20] shoomaker, dwelling in Westminster, a man of great trauell and labor in his facultie with his owne hands, and such a one as was named the cocke of Westminster, for that both winter and summer he was at his worke before foure of the clocke▪ in the morning. This man thus trulie and painfullie labou∣ring for his liuing, God blessed and increased his labours so abundantlie, that he purchased lands and tenements in Westminster, to the yearelie value of fortie and foure pounds. And hauing no child, with the [line 30] consent of his wife (who suruiued him, & was a ver∣tuous & good woman) gaue the same lands wholie to Christs hospitall aforesaid, to the reliefe of the inno∣cent and fatherlesse children, and for the succor of the miserable, sore and sicke, harbored in the other hospi∣tals about London, whose example God grant ma∣nie to follow.

¶The third of August, at Midlenton eleuen miles from Oxford,* 16.35 a woman brought foorth a child which had two perfect bodies from the nauill vpward, and [line 40] were so ioined togither at the nauill, that when they were laid in length, the one head & bodie was east∣ward, and the other west: the legs for both the bo∣dies grew out at the midst where the bodies ioined, and had but one issue for the excrements of both bo∣dies: they liued eightéene daies, and were women children. The eight of August were taken at Quin∣borow thrée great fishes called dolphins:* 16.36 & the weeke following at Blackewall were six more taken, and [line 50] brought to London, the least of them was more than anie horsse.]

Much about this season there were thrée no∣table ships set foorth and furnished for the great aduenture of the vnknowne voiage into the east by the north seas. The great dooer and incourager of which voiage was Sebastian Gabato an English∣man,* 16.37 borne at Bristow, but was the sonne of a Ge∣nowaie. These ships at the last arriued in the coun∣trie of Moscouia, not without great losse and dan∣ger, [line 60] and namelie of their capteine, who was a woor∣thie and aduenturous gentleman, called sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, who being tossed and driuen by tempest, was at the last found in his ship frozen to death and all his people. But now the said voiage and trade is greatlie aduanced, and the merchants aduenturing that waie, are newlie by act of parle∣ment incorporated and indued with sundrie priuile∣ges and liberties.

About the beginning of the moneth of Maie next following,* 16.38 there were thrée notable mariages con∣cluded, & shortlie after solemnized at Durham place. The first was betwéene the lord Gilford Dudleie, the fourth sonne of the duke of Northumberland, and the ladie Iane, eldest daughter to Henrie duke of Suf∣folke, & the ladie Francis his wife, was the daugh∣ter of Marie second sister to king Henrie the eight, first maried to Lewes the French king, and after to Charles Brandon duke of Suffolke. The second ma∣riage was betwéene the lord Herbert, son and heire to William earle of Penbroke, and the ladie Katha∣rine, second daughter of the said ladie Francis, by the said Henrie duke of Suffolke. And the third was betwéene Henrie lord Hastings, sonne and heire to Francis earle of Huntington, and ladie Katharine yoongest daughter to the forenamed duke of Nor∣thumberland.

These mariages were compassed & concluded chief∣lie vpon purpose to change & alter the order of succes∣sion to the crowne,* 16.39 made in the time of king Henrie the eight, from the said kings daughters, Marie and Elizabeth, and to conueie the same immediatlie af∣ter the death of king Edward to the house of Suf∣folke, in the right of the said ladie Francis: wherein the said yoong king was an earnest traueller in the time of his sickenesse,* 16.40 & all for feare that if his sister Marie, being next heire to the crowne, should suc∣céed, that she would subuert all his lawes and sta∣tutes made concerning religion, whereof he was most carefull: for the continuance whereof he sought to establish a meet order of succession, by the aliance of great houses by waie of marriage, which neuer∣thelesse were of no force to serue his purpose. For tending to the disheriting of the rightfull heirs, they proued nothing prosperous to the parties: for two of them were soone after made frustrate, the one by death, the other by diuorse.

In the meane while,* 16.41 the king became euerie daie more sicke than other of a consumption in his lungs, so as there was no hope of his recouerie. Where∣vpon those that then bare chiefe authoritie in coun∣cell, with other prelats and nobles of the realme, cal∣led to them diuerse notable persons, learned as well in diuinitie as in the lawes of the land, namelie bi∣shops, iudges, & other, who fell to consultation vpon this so weightie cause, and lastly concluded vpon the deuise of king Edwards will, to declare the said la∣die Iane, eldest néece to king Henrie the eight, and wife to the said lord Gilford, to be rightfull heire in succession to the crowne of England, without re∣spect had to the statute made in the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight:* 16.42 the true meaning of which statute they did impugne and ouerthrow by di∣uerse subtill sinister constructions of the same, to dis∣herit the said kings daughters, to whome the suc∣cession of the crowne of England of right appertei∣ned, as well by the common lawes of this realme, as also by the said statute made in the said fiue and thir∣tith yeare of king Henrie, as aforesaid. To which new order of succession, all the said kings councell, with manie bishops, lords, doctors and iudges of the realme subscribed their names,* 16.43 without refusall of anie, except sir Iames Hales knight, one of the iu∣stices of the common plées, who being called to this councell, would in no wise giue his assent, either by word or writing, as ye shall heare more in the histo∣rie of quéene Marie.

Now when these matters were thus concluded,* 16.44 and after confirmed by a number of hands, as afore∣said, then the noble prince king Edward the sixt, by long lingering sickenesse and consumption of his lungs aforesaid, approched to his death, and departed out of this life the sixt daie of Iulie, in the seuenth yeare of his reigne, and seuentéenth of his age, after he had reigned and noblie gouerned this realme six yeares, fiue moneths, and eight daies. And a little be∣fore his departing, lifting vp his eies to God, hee praied as followeth.

The praier of king Edward the sixt at his death.

LOrd God, deliuer me out of this miserable and wretched life, take me among thy chosen: howbeit not my will, but thy will be doone. Lord I commit my spirit to thee, oh Lord thou knowest how happie it were for mee to be with thee: yet for thy chosens sake if [line 10] it be thy will, send me life and helth, that I maie trulie serue thee. Oh my Lord blesse thy people, and saue thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, saue thy chosen people of England. Oh my Lord God defend this realme from papistrie, and mainteine thy true religion, that I and my people maie praise thy holie name. And therewithall he said, I am faint, Lord haue mercie vpon me, and take my spirit. [line 20]

Thus did this good yoong king yéeld vp to God his ghost the sixt daie of Iulie (as before is mentio∣ned) whome if it had pleased God to haue spared with longer life, not vnlike it was, but he should haue so gouerned this English common-wealth,* 17.1 that he might haue béene comparable with any of his noble progenitors: so that the losse of so towardlie a yoong king, greatlie discomforted the whole English na∣tion, that looked for such a reformation in the state of [line 30] the common-wealth at his hands, as was to be wi∣shed for of all good subiects: which bred such a liking in them toward him, that euen among verie traitorous rebels his name yet was had in reuerence, although otherwise they neuer so much forgat their dutie both towards him and other, appointed to gouerne vnder him, through a malicious and most wilfull error; as if his tender yeares had not sufficientlie warranted his roiall authoritie, but that the same had béene v∣surped by others against his will and pleasure. [line 40]

And as he was intierlie beloued of his subiects, so with the like affection of kindnes he loued them a∣gaine; of nature and disposition méeke, much inclined to clemencie, euer hauing a regard to the sparing of life. There wanted in him no promptnes of wit, gra∣uitie of sentence,* 17.2 ripenesse of iudgement, as his age might beare, sauour and loue of religion was in him from his childhood, his skill and knowledge in scien∣ces, besides his other excellent vertues, were such, that to them he séemed rather borne than brought vp. [line 50] It maie séeme verie strange, that in his yoong years (as maister Fox reporteth of him) he could tell and recite all the ports, hauens, and créekes, not within his owne realme onelie,* 17.3 but also in Scotland, and likewise in France, what comming in there was, how the tide serued in euerie of them; moreouer, what burthen, and what wind serued for the com∣ming into each hauen: also of all his iustices, magi∣strates, & gentlemen that bare any authoritie within his realme, he knew their names, their houskeeping, [line 60] their religion and conuersation what it was. He had a singular respect to iustice, a vertue most commen∣dable in a prince, and chieflie to the dispatch of poore mens sutes. Hée perfectlie vnderstood the Latine toong, the French, the Gréeke, Italian, and Spanish, neither was he ignorant (saith Cardanus) in Lo∣gike, in the principles of naturall philosophie, or in musicke.

To conclude, his towardlinesse was such in all heroicall vertues, noble gifts, and markable quali∣ties conuenient for his princelie estate, that so much was hoped for in his roiall person (if he had liued till triall might haue béene had of the proofe) as was to belooked for in anie one prince that euer had rule ouer this noble realme. ¶ The eight of Iulie,* 17.4 the lord maior of London was sent for to the court, then at Gréenwich, and to bring with him six aldermen, as manie merchants of the Staple, and as manie mer∣chant aduenturers, vnto whom by the councell was secretlie declared the death of king Edward, & also whom he had ordeined to the succession of the crowne by his leters patents, to the which they were sworne, and charged to kéepe it secret.] But now to procéed with the dooings that followed. Immediatlie after the death of this so worthie a prince king Edward,* 17.5 the aforesaid ladie Iane was proclamed quéene of this realme by the sound of trumpet, that is to saie, the ninth daie of Iulie, at which proclamation were present the lords of the councell, the maior of Lon∣don, with others.

¶ The eleauenth of Iulie, Gilbert Pot,* 17.6 drawer to Ninion Sanders vintenex, dwelling at S. Iohns head within Ludgate, who was accused by the said Sanders his maister, was set vpon the pillorie in Cheape, with both his eares nailed, and cleane cut off, for words speaking at time of the proclamation of ladie Iane. At the which execution was a trumpet blowne, and a herald read his offense, in presence of one of the shiriffes, &c. About fiue of the clocke the same daie in the afternoone, Ninion Sanders, mas∣ter to the said Gilbert Pot,* 17.7 and Iohn Owen a gun∣ner, comming from the tower of London, by water in a wherrie; and shooting London bridge, towards the blacke friers, were drowned at saint Marie Locke, and the whirriemen saued by their ores.]

The ladie Marie, a little before lieng at Honesdon in Hartfordshire, hauing intelligence of the state of the king hir brother, and of the secret practise against hir: by the aduise of hir fréends, with all spéed tooke hir iorneie toward hir house of Keningall in Norf∣folke, intending there to remaine, vntill she could make hir selfe more strong of hir freends and alies, and withall wrote vnto the lords of the councell in forme as followeth.

A letter of the ladie Marie sent to the lords of the councell, wherein she claimeth the crowne now after the decease of hir brother king Edward.

MY lords we gréet you well, and haue re∣ceiued sure aduertisement, that our dearest brother the king our late soue∣reigne lord is departed to Gods mer∣cie: which newes, how they be wofull to our heart, he onelie knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and doo humblie submit vs, and all our wils. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, now after his maiesties departure and death, concerning the crowne & gouernance of this realme of England, with the title of France,* 18.1 and all things thereto belonging that hath béene prouided by act of parlement, and the testament and last will of our dearest father, besides other circumstances aduan∣cing our right; you know, the realme, and the whole world knoweth, the rolles and records appeare by the authoritie of the king our said father, and the king our said brother, and the subiects of this relme, so that we verelie trust that there is no true subiect that is, can, or would pretend to be ignorant thereof: and of our part we haue our selues caused, and as God shall aid and strength vs, shall cause our right and title in this behalfe to be published and proclamed accor∣dinglie. And albeit this so weightie a matter séemeth strange, that the dieng of our said brother vpon thursdaie at night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you thereof: yet we consider your wisedomes and prudence to be such, that hauing eftsoones amongst you debated, pondered, and well

weighed this present case with our estate, with your owne estate, the commonwealth, and all our honors, we shall and may conceiue great hope and trust, with much assurance in your loialtie and seruice, and ther∣fore for the time interpret and take things not to the worst, and that ye yet will like noblemen worke the best. Neuerthelesse, we are not ignorant of your con∣sultations to vndoo the prouisions made for our pre∣ferment,* 18.2 nor of the great bands and prouisions for∣cible, wherevnto ye be assembled and prepared, by whome, and to what end, God and you know, and na∣ture [line 10] can feare some euill. But be it that some consi∣deration politike, or whatsoeuer thing else hath moo∣ued you thereto, yet doubt you not my lords, but we can take all these your dooings in gratious part, be∣ing also right readie to remit and fullie pardon the same, with that fréelie to eschew bloudshed & venge∣ance against all those that can or will intend the same, trusting also assuredlie you will take ani•• ac∣cept this grace and vertue in good part, as appertei∣neth, and that we shall not be inforced to vse this ser∣uice [line 20] of other our true subiects and freends, which in this our iust and rightfull case, God (in whome our whole alliance is) shall send vs. Wherefore my lords, we require you, and charge you, and euerie of you, that euerie of you of your allegiance which you owe to God and vs,* 18.3 and to none other, for our honour, and the suertie of our realme, onelie imploie your selues and foorthwith vpon receit hereof cause our right and title to the crowne and gouernment of this realme, to be proclamed in our citie of London, and such o∣ther [line 30] places as to your wisedoms shall seeme good, and as to this case apperteineth, not failing hereof, as our verie trust is in you: and thus our letter signed with our owne hand shall be your sufficient warrant in this behalfe. Yeuen vnder our signet at our ma∣nor of Keningall the ninth of Iulie 1553.

To this letter of the ladie Marie, the lords of the councell answered againe [line 40] as followeth.

MAdam, we haue receiued your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your sup∣posed title, which you iudge your selfe to haue to the imperiall crowne of this realme, and all the dominions thereto belonging. For answer wherof, this is to aduertise you, that for∣somuch as our souereigne ladie quéene Iane is, after the death of our souereigne lord Edward the sixt,* 19.1 a prince of most noble memorie, inuested and possessed [line 50] with the iust and right title of the imperiall crowne of this realme, not onelie by good order of old anci∣ent good lawes of this realme; but also by our late souereigne lords letters patents, signed with his owne hand, and sealed with the great seale of Eng∣land, in presence of the most part of the nobles, coun∣cellors, iudges, with diuers other graue and sage per∣sonages, assenting and subscribing to the same: we must therefore, as of most bound dutie and allegi∣ance, [line 60] assent vnto hir said grace, and to none other, except we should (which faithfull subiects cannot) fall into gréeuous and vnspeakeable enormities. Where∣fore we can no lesse doo, but for the quiet both of the realme and you also, to aduertise you, that forsomuch as the diuorse made betwéene the king of famous memorie king Henrie the eight, and the ladie Katha∣rine your mother, was necessarie to be had, both by the euerlasting lawes of God, and also by the ecclesi∣asticall lawes,* 19.2 and by the most part of the noble and learned vniuersities of christendome, and confirmed also by the sundrie acts of parlements, remaining yet in their force, and thereby you iustlie made illegi∣timate, and vnheritable to the crowne imperiall of this realme; and the rules, dominions, and possessi∣ons of the same: you will vpon iust consideration hereof, and of diuers other causes lawfull to be alled∣ged for the same, and for the iust inheritance of the right line, and godlie orders taken by the late king Edward the sixt, and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease, by anie pretense to vex and molest anie of our souereigne ladie quéene Iane hir subiects, from the true faith and allegiance due vnto hir grace; assu∣ring you, that if you will for respect shew your selfe quiet and obedient (as you ought) you shall find vs all, and seuerall, readie to doo you a••••e seruice that we with dutie may, and to be glad of your quietnesse, to preserue the common state of this realme, where∣in you may be otherwise gréeuous vnto vs, to your selfe, and to them. And thus we bid you most hartilie well to fare. From the tower of London this ninth of Iulie.

Your ladiships freends shewing your selfe an obedient subiect,

• Thomas Canturburie, the marquesse of Winche∣ster,
• Iohn Bedford,
• William Northampton,
• Tho∣mas Elie chancellor,
• Iohn Northumberland,
• Hen∣rie Suffolke,
• Henrie Arundell,
• Francis Shrewes∣burie,
• William Penbroke,
• Cobham,
• R. Rich,
• Hun∣tington,
• Darcie,
• Cheineie,
• R. Cotton,
• Iohn Gates,
• William Peter,
• William Cecill,
• Iohn Chéeke,
• Iohn Mason,
• Edward North,
• Robert Bowes.

All these aforesaid, except onelie the duke of Nor∣thumberland, and sir Iohn Gates, were either by speciall fauour, or speciall or generall pardon, dischar∣ged for this offense against hir committed, after hir comming to be quéene. But now vpon the receit of this answer,* 19.3 vnderstanding by hir fréends that she could not lie in suertie at Keningall, being a place o∣pen & easie to be approched, she remooued from thence vnto hir castell of Fremingham, standing in a wood countrie, & not so easie to be inuaded by hir enimies. So soone as the councell heard of hir sudden depar∣ture, and considering that all came not to passe as they supposed; they caused spéedilie a power of men to be gathered togither. And first they agréed that the duke of Suffolke father to the new made quéene, should haue the conduct and leading of the armie.

¶But afterward it was deuised and decréed vpon further considerations,* 19.4 and by the speciall means of the ladie Iane his daughter, who taking the matter heauilie, with wéeping teares, made request to the whole councell, that hir father might tarrie at home in hir companie.* 19.5 Wherevpon the councell persuaded with the duke of Northumberland, to take that voi∣age vpon him, saieng, that no man was so fit there∣fore: bicause that he had atchiued the victorie in Norffolke once alreadie, and was therefore so fea∣red, that none durst once lift vp their weapon a∣gainst him: besides that, he was the best man of warre in the realme, as well for the ordering of his campes and souldiers, both in battell and in their tents, as also by experience, knowledge and wisdome; he could both animate his armie with wittie persua∣sions, and also pacifie and allaie his enimies pride with his stout courage, or else to dissuade them (if néed were) from their enterprise. Finallie, said they, this is the short and the long, the quéene will in no wise grant, that hir father shall take it vpon him: wherefore (quoth they) we thinke it good, if it may please your grace, it lieth in you to remedie the mat∣ter. With these & the like persuasions the duke was allured to put himselfe desperatlie vpon hazzard:

Non morte horrenda non vllis territus armis.

Insomuch that he reioined vpon their talke, and said: Well then, sith yee thinke it good, I and mine will go, not doubting of your fidelitie to the queenes

maiestie, which now I leaue in your custodie. So that night he sent for both lords, knights, and other that should go with him, and caused all things to be pre∣pared accordinglie. Then went the councell in to the ladie Iane, and told hir of their conclusion, who hum∣blie thanked the duke for reseruing hir father at home, and beséeched him to vse his diligence: where∣to he answered, that he would doo what in him laie. The morrow following, great preparation was made, the duke earlie in the morning called for his [line 10] owne harnesse, and saw it made readie at Durham place, where he appointed all his retinue to méet. The same daie carts were laden with munition and ar∣tillerie,* 19.6 and field péeces were set forward.

The same forenoone the duke mooued eftsoones the councell to send their powers after him, as it was before determined, the same to méet with him at Newmarket, and they promised they would. He said further to some of them: My lords, I and these other noble personages,* 19.7 with the whole armie that [line 20] now go foorth, as well for the behalfe of you & yours, as for the establishing of the quéenes highnesse, shall not onelie aduenture our bodies and liues amongst the bloudie strokes and cruell assaults of our aduer∣saries in the open fields: but also we doo leaue the conseruation of our selues, children, and families at home here with you, as altogither committed to your truth and fidelities: whome, if we thought ye would through malice, conspiracie, or dissention leane vs your fréends in the briers, and betraie vs; [line 30] we could as well sundrie waies foresee and prouide for our owne safegards, as anie of you by betraieng vs can doo for yours. But now vpon the onelie trust and faithfulnesse of your honors, whereof we thinke our selues most assured, we doo hazzard our liues. Which trust and promise if yée shall violate, hoping thereby of life and promotion: yet shall not God count you innocent of our blouds, neither acquite you of the sacred and holie oth of allegiance, made fréelie by you to this vertuous ladie the queenes highnesse,* 19.8 who by your and our intisement is rather [line 40] of force placed therein, than by hir owne séeking and request. Consider also, that Gods cause, which is the preferment of his word, & feare of papists entrance, hath beene (as ye haue here before alwaies laid) the originall ground wherevpon ye euen at the first mo∣tion granted your goodwils and consents therevnto, as by your handwritings appeareth; and thinke not the contrarie, but if ye meane deceit, though not foorthwith, yet hereafter God will reuenge the same. [line 50]

I can saie no more, but in this troublesome time wish you to vse constant hearts, abandoning all ma∣lice, enuie, and priuat affections. And therewithall the first course for the lords came vp, wherefore the duke shut vp his talke with these words. I haue not spoken to you in this sort vpon anie mistrust I haue of your truths,* 19.9 of which alwaies I haue euer hither∣to conceiued a trustie confidence, but I haue put you in remembrance thereof, what chance of variance so euer might grow amongst you in mine absence: and this I praie you, wish me not worsse good spéed in this [line 60] iorneie, than yée would haue to your selues. My lord, saith one of them, if yee mistrust anie of vs in this matter, your grace is farre deceiued, for which of vs can wash his hands cleane thereof? And if we should shrinke from you as from one that were cul∣pable, which of vs can excuse himselfe to be giltlesse? Therefore herein your doubt is too farre cast. I praie God it be (quoth the duke) let vs go to dinner: and so they sat downe. After dinner the duke went in to the quéene, where his commission was by that time sealed, for his lieutenantship of the armie, and then tooke his leaue of hir, and so did certeine other lords also.

Then as the duke came through the councell cham∣ber, he tooke his leaue of the earle of Arundell,* 19.10 who praied God be with his grace, saieng he was sorie it was not his chance to go with him and beare him companie, in whose presence he could find in his heart to spend his bloud euen at his féet. Then the earle of Arundell tooke Thomas Louell the dukes boie by the hand, and said; Farewell gentle Thomas with all my heart. Then the duke, with the lord mar∣quesse of Northampton, the lord Greie, and diuerse other tooke their ••••rge, and went to Durham place, and to White 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where that night they mustered their men: and the next daie in the morning the duke departed with the number of six hundred men, or thereabouts. And as they rode through Shordich, said the duke to the lord Greie; The people prease to see vs, but not one saith God spéed vs. The same daie sir Iohn Gates and other went out after the duke.]

Now as the duke went forward on his waie (with his commission from the whole councell,* 19.11 and his warrant vnder the broad seale of England, without mistrust of that which after fortuned to his owne de∣struction, as in the historie of quéene Marie shall ap∣peare, accompanied with no small number of lords and gentlemen, hauing notwithstanding his times prescribed, and his iourneies appointed by the coun∣cell, to the intent he would not seeme to doo any thing but vpon warrant) what a doo there was, what stir∣ring on euerie side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, & instructions went to and fro, what talking among the souldiers, what hartburning among the people, what faire pretenses outwardlie, inwardlie what priuie practises there were, what speeding and sending foorth ordinance out of the tower, yea euen the same daie that quéene Marie at euen was proclaimed quéene, what ru∣mors, and comming downe of souldiers as there was from all quarters, a world it was to see, and a processe to declare, enough to make (as saith master Fox) a whole volume, euen as big as an Ilias.

The greatest helpe that made for the ladie Marie, was the short iourneies of the duke, which by com∣mission were assigned vnto him before, as aboue is mentioned: and happilie not without the politike forecast of some in fauour of the ladie Marie: for the longer the duke lingered in his voiage,* 19.12 the ladie ma∣rie the more increased in puissance, the hearts of the people being mightilie bent vnto hir. Whervpon she in the meane time remaining at Fremingham, and hearing of this preparation against hir, gathered to∣gither such power of the noblemen & other hir fréends in that countrie, as she could get. And first of all, the noblemen that came vnto hir aid, were the earles of Sussex, Bath, and Oxford, the lord Wentworth, sir Thomas Cornewallis, sir Henrie Ierningham, sir William Walgraue, with diuerse other gentlemen and commons of the counties of Norffolke and Suf∣folke. Here (as master Fox noteth) the Suffolke men being the first that resorted to hir,* 19.13 promised hir their aid and helpe to the vttermost of their powers, so that she would not go about to alter the religion which hir brother had established, and was now vsed and exercised through the realme. To this condition she agréed, with such promise, as no man would haue doubted that anie innouation of matters in religi∣on should haue followed, by hir sufferance or pro∣curement during hir reigne: but how soone shée forgat that promise, it shall shortlie after plainelie appeare.

In this meane season, the lord Windsor,* 19.14 sir Ed∣mund Peckham, sir Robert Drurie, and sir Edward Hastings, raised the commoners of the shire of Buckingham; vnto whome sir Iohn Williams, which afterward was lord Williams of Thame,

and sir Leonard Chamberleine, with the cheefe pow∣er of Oxfordshire. And out of Northamptonshire came sir Thomas Tresham, and a great number of gentlemen out of diuerse parts, whose names were too long to rehearse. These capteins with their com∣panies being thus assembled in warlike manner, marched forward towards Norffolke to the aid of the ladie Marie, and the further they went, the more their power increased.

¶About this time six ships well manned, that were [line 10] appointed to lie before Yarmouth,* 19.15 and to haue taken the ladie Marie if she had fled that waie, were by force of weather driuen into the hauen, where one maister Ierningham was raising power on the la∣die Maries behalfe, who hearing therof, came thither. Whervpon the capteins tooke a bote and went to the ships, but the sailers and souldiers asked master Ier∣ningham what he would haue,* 19.16 and whether he would haue their capteins or no, and he said yea. Marrie said they, ye shall haue them or we will throw them [line 20] into the bottome of the sea. But the capteins said foorthwith, that they would serue quéene Marie wil∣linglie, and so brought foorth their men, and conueied with them their great ordinance. Of the comming of these ships the ladie Marie was woonderfull ioi∣ous, & afterward doubted little the dukes puissance: but when newes thereof was brought to the tower, each man there began to draw backward: and ouer that, word of a greater mischeefe was brought to the tower: that is to saie, that the noblemens tenants [line 30] refused to serue their lords against quéene Marie.

* 19.17The duke thought long for his succors, and wrote somewhat sharplie to the councell at the tower in that behalfe, as well for lacke of men as munition, but a slender answer had he againe. And from that time forward, certeine of the councell, to wit, the erle of Penbroke, and sir Thomas Cheineie lord war∣den, and other, sought to get out of the tower to con∣sult in London, but could not. On the sixtéenth of Iulie, being sundaie, doctor Ridleie bishop of Lon∣don,* 19.18 [line 40] by commandement of the councell, preached at Paules crosse, where he vehementlie persuaded the people in the title of the ladie Iane, late proclamed quéene, and inueied earnestlie against the title of la∣die Marie, &c. The same sixteenth of Iulie, the lord treasuror was gone out of the tower to his house in London at night, and foorthwith about seauen of the clocke the gates of the tower vpon a sudden were shut vp, and the keies borne vp to the ladie Iane, which was for feare of some packing in the lord trea∣suror: [line 50] but he was fetched againe to the tower about twelue of the clocke in the night.]

The lords of the councell, being in this meane while at London,* 19.19 after they vnderstood how the bet∣ter part of the realme were inclined, and hearing euerie daie newes of great assemblies, began to sus∣pect the sequell of this enterprise. So that prouiding for their owne suertie, without respect of the duke (who now was at Burie) they fell to a new councell, and lastlie by assent made proclamation at London in the name of the ladie Marie, by the name of Ma∣rie quéene of England, France, & Ireland, defender of the faith, & of the churches of England & Ireland supreme head. Of which proclamation, after the duke of Northumberland, being then at Burie, was ad∣uertised by letters of discomfort from the councell, he incontinentlie, according to the new order recei∣ued from them, returned with his power againe to Cambridge. Now so sudden change of minds foorth∣with appeared in his armie, that they which before séemed most forward in that quarrell, began first to flie from him, & so euerie man shifting for himselfe, he that late before was furnished of such multitude of souldiers, was suddenlie forsaken of all sauing a few, whose perils were ioined with his.

But now before I proceed anie further in the hi∣storie of quéene Marie, who was now receiued and proclamed quéene, as then to succeed hir brother, I will speake somewhat of the learned men that wrote & published anie pamphlets or treatises in his daies,* 19.20 as in deed there were manie: but for that the more part of them died in quéene Maries time, or in the quéenes maiesties time that now is, or else are yet liuing, I doo omit those here, meaning to speake of them hereafter, if God shall permit, as occasion maie serue. For the residue that ended their liues in this kings daies, these I find: Dauid Clapham a lawyer and well séene in the Latine toong, wrote sundrie treatises; Robert Talbot a prebendarie of Norwich, verie skilfull in antiquities; Edward Hall a counsellor in the common law, but excellent∣lie séene in histories, wrote a notable chronicle of the vnion of the two houses of Yorke & Lancaster.

Furthermore Richard Tracie of Todington in Glocestershire, an esquier, and verie well learned, sonne to William Tracie; doctor Ioseph an excel∣lent preacher; George Ioie a Bedfordshire man, that wrote diuerse treatises concerning diuinitie, and died either in the last yeare of king Edward, or in the beginning of quéene Maries reigne, as appea∣reth by master Bale; Alexander Barkleie a Scot, a notable poet, and a good rhetorician, departed this life in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and two; William Hugh a Yorkeshireman, wrote, be∣sides other things, a notable treatise called the trou∣bled mans medicine, he deceassed by the bursting of a veine, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and nine; Thomas Sternehold borne in South∣hampton, turned into English méeter seuen & thir∣tie psalmes chosen foorth of Dauids psalter. Of stran∣gers that liued and died here in this kings daies, ex∣cellentlie learned, and renowmed for such treatises as they published to the world, Martine Bucer and Paulus Fagius are most famous. To end now with this part of the booke concerning king Ed∣ward, I haue thought good to set downe Ierom Car∣dans verses, written as an epitaph of him (and recor∣ded by master Fox in his historie) as here followeth:

Flete nefas magnum, sed toto flebilis orbe Mortales, vester corruit omnis honor.* 19.21 Nam regum decus, & iuuenum flos, spésque bonorum, Deliciae secli, & gloria gentis erat. Dignus Apollineis lachrymis, doctaeque Minerua: Flosculus heu miserè concidit ante diem. Te cumulo dabimus musa, supremáque flentes Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet.

Thus farre the good and vertuous yoong prince Edward the sixt, successor to Henrie the eight of most famous memorie.

Notes

• * 1.1

  ••. Edward proclamed.
• * 1.2

  The earle of Hertford cho∣•••••• protector.
• * 1.3

  Lord protec∣•••••• made duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Summer∣set
• * 1.4

  The king r••∣deth through London to Westminster.
• * 1.5

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1036.
• * 1.6

  Pauls stéeple laie at anchor.
• * 1.7

  K. Edward crowned.
• * 1.8

  The lord chancellor discharged of his roome.
• * 1.9

  H••milies.
• * 1.10

  The commu∣nion in both kinds.
• * 1.11

  I.S pag. 1036. D. Smith recanted.
• * 1.12

  Rich. Crafton.
• * 1.13

  Chiefteines in the armie.
• * 1.14

  The chie••∣teins that commanded in the nauie by sea were these.
• * 1.15

  The lord pro∣tector causeth Aimouth ri∣uer to be soun∣ded.
• * 1.16

  Sir Rafe Sadler trea∣suror of the English ar∣mie.
• * 1.17

  A proclama∣tion.
• * 1.18

  The order of the armie in marching forward.
• * 1.19

  The Peaths.
• * 1.20

  ••n English herald sent from the lord protector to s••mmon a ca∣stell.
• * 1.21

  The castell of Dunglas o∣uerthrowne▪
• * 1.22

  Thornton. Anderwike.
• * 1.23

  Thom Trotter.
• * 1.24

  The lord of Hambleton.
• * 1.25

  The pile of Anderwike woone.
• * 1.26

  Sir Miles Partrige.
• * 1.27

  Thornton yéelded.
• * 1.28

  The piles of Thornton and others defaced.
• * 1.29

  Tantallon.
• * 1.30

  Linton bridge.
• * 1.31

  Hailes castell.
• * 1.32

  A subtile pra∣ctise of the Scots.
• * 1.33

  The manlie courage of the earle of War∣wike. Dandie Car.
• * 1.34

  Henrie Uane.
• * 1.35

  Barteuill hurt.
• * 1.36

  Richard Maxwell taken,
• * 1.37

  Lang Nud∣dreie.
• * 1.38

  Order taken for the placing of the ships.
• * 1.39

  The Scotish prickers shew themselues.
• * 1.40

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.41

  Salt Preston.
• * 1.42

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.43

  The Scots ••••ssemen discomfited and put to flight
• * 1.44

  Scots slaine. Prisoners taken.
• * 1.45

  Englishmen 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.46

  The lord Hume hurt with a fall in the chase.
• * 1.47

  A Scotish herald deliue∣reth a message to the duke of Summerset.
• * 1.48

  The lord pro∣tectors an∣swer.
• * 1.49

  The earle of Warwikes request and message to the earle of Huntleie.
• * 1.50

  The order of war touching heralds vio∣lated.
• * 1.51

  The vaine doubt of the Scots.
• * 1.52

  Ordinance plāted against the enimie.
• * 1.53

  Saturday, the tenth of Sep∣tember, the daie of the battell.
• * 1.54

  The English¦men & Scots march the one armie toward the other.
• * 1.55

  The gallie.
• * 1.56

  The Irish archers.
• * 1.57

  Consultation of the Eng∣lish lords on horssebacke.
• * 1.58

  The deuise of the lords vpon their consul∣tation.
• * 1.59

  The lord Greies re∣quest to the lord protector.
• * 1.60

  The Scots at a staie vpō the sudden.
• * 1.61

  The order of the Scots in warres both touching their furniture and disposition.
• * 1.62

  The incoun∣ter is verie hot betwéene both sides.
• * 1.63

  The face of the field at the point of ioi∣ning.
• * 1.64

  The order of the Scotish battels.
• * 1.65

  The Irish archers on a wing.
• * 1.66

  Edward Shelleie.
• * 1.67

  The lord Iohn Greie.
• * 1.68

  The English horssemen re∣pelled.
• * 1.69

  Gentlemen slaine.
• * 1.70

  The lord Greie hurt.
• * 1.71

  Sir Andrew Flammocke.
• * 1.72

  The lord Fitzwaters.
• * 1.73

  Quéene Elizabeth.
• * 1.74

  Caluerleie & Clement Pa∣ston.
• * 1.75

  Don Philip •• Spaniard.
• * 1.76

  The placing of the English vantgard.
• * 1.77

  The battell.
• * 1.78

  The rere-ward.
• * 1.79

  The presence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the earle of ••arwike 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in∣••••••••aged the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.80

  Sir Rafe Uane.
• * 1.81

  Sir Peter Mewtas.
• * 1.82

  Sir Peter Gamboa.
• * 1.83

  The Archers.
• * 1.84

  The m••••ster 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.85

  The Scots flie and are sharplie pur∣sued.
• * 1.86

  The enimies cast awaie their muniti∣on and furni∣ture the light∣lier to flie and be gone.
• * 1.87

  The earle of Angus.
• * 1.88

  Parson Keble one of the lord protectors chapleins.
• * 1.89

  The maner of the slaughter.
• * 1.90

  The number of Scots slaine.
• * 1.91

  The causes why so few Scots were taken.

  The Scotish∣mens vow.
• * 1.92

  Paniar hough.
• * 1.93

  The apparell of the Scots.
• * 1.94

  The earle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Huntleie ••••••ken.
• * 1.95

  Other pris••••ners taken▪
• * 1.96

  The numbe•• of the priso∣ners.
• * 1.97

  The lord pro••tector not des••••rous of slaughter.
• * 1.98

  Sir Rafe Sadler.
• * 1.99

  The spoile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Scotish campe.
• * 1.100

  A showt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 signe of vic∣torie.
• * 1.101

  The featur•• of the Sco∣tishmens p••••••sonages.
• * 1.102

  Priests o•• kirkmen.
• * 1.103

  A baner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 papists ••••∣uise.
• * 1.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 signifi••••∣•••••• and mea∣••••••g of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.105

  A little castle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pile verie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the English.
• * 1.106

  ••••at men of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and taken priso∣••ers.
• * 1.107

  Armor and weapons ca∣ried into England.
• * 1.108

  Ieronimo an Italian.
• * 1.109

  Cutbert Musgraue.
• * 1.110

  The Eng∣lish armie in∣campeth by Lieth.
• * 1.111

  S. Cooms ins.
• * 1.112

  The castell of Daketh.
• * 1.113

  Blacke Nesse an hauen towne on the south shore of Scotland.
• * 1.114

  Thrée ships of name woone from the Scots.
• * 1.115

  Sir Iohn Luttrell. S. Cooms ins kept with a garrison of Englishmen.
• * 1.116

  The earle of Bothwell.
• * 1.117

  Lieth burned.
• * 1.118

  The armie dislodged.
• * 1.119

  Crainston.
• * 1.120

  Broughti∣crag.
• * 1.121

  Broughti∣crag yéelded to the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 1.122

  Lawder.
• * 1.123

  Hume caste••••.
• * 1.124

  Hume castell besieged and yéelded vp to the lord pro∣tector.
• * 1.125

  Summerset the dukes herald.
• * 1.126

  The conditi∣ons of the sur∣rendring of Hume castell.
• * 1.127

  The lord Greie recei∣ueth the pos∣session of Hume castell.
• * 1.128

  The situation of Rockes∣burgh.
• * 1.129

  The determi∣natiō in what 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rockes∣burgh should be fortified.
• * 1.130

  Scots that came to the kings obei∣s••••ce.
• * 1.131

  Lards.
• * 1.132

  Gentlemen.
• * 1.133

  The diligence of the duke of Summerset to further the fortification to Rockes∣burgh.
• * 1.134

  A Scotish herald.
• * 1.135

  Creation of banerets, knights, &c.
• * 1.136

  Banerets.
• * 1.137

  Knights. Edward Seimer the duke of Sum∣mersets son.
• * 1.138

  Sir Francis Fleming.
• * 1.139

  Order taken for defense of the fort gai∣ned and built in this voiage.
• * 1.140

  The armie re∣turneth home∣wards.
• * 1.141

  The danger of the soldiers in passing the riuer of Twéed.
• * 1.142

  Knights made.
• * 1.143

  An inuasion made into Scotland.
• * 1.144

  Annan church woone.
• * 1.145

  The castell of Milke woone.
• * 1.146

  The homilies & paraphrase of Erasmus.
• * 1.147

  The lord pro∣tectors re∣turne.
• * 1.148

  A parleme••••.
• * 1.149

  1548 Anno Reg. 2.
• * 1.150

  Lowder for∣tified.

  Sir Hugh Willoughbie.
• * 1.151

  Hadington fortified by the lord Greie.
• * 1.152

  Yester castell woone.
• * 1.153

  Vlpian Ful∣well in the flower of fame.
• * 1.154

  Newton and Hamilton 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scotish gen∣tlemen accuse each other.
• * 1.155

  〈…〉〈…〉 them.
• * 1.156

  Hamilton vanquished and slaine.
• * 1.157

  Newton re∣warded by my lord Greie.
• * 1.158

  Newton 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by his aduersaries.
• * 1.159

  Muskel∣burgh burnt.
• * 1.160

  The French king prepa∣reth an armie in aid of the Scots.
• * 1.161

  Broughti∣crag besieged.
• * 1.162

  Monsieur de Desse general of the French armie.
• * 1.163

  He landeth at Lieth.
• * 1.164

  The French men resolue to besiege Ha∣dington.
• * 1.165

  The French armie com∣meth before Hadington.
• * 1.166

  The Reins∣graue.
• * 1.167

  They plant their artillerie
• * 1.168

  The earle of Argile. Monsieur de la Chapelle.
• * 1.169

  Piero Stroz∣zi hurt.
• * 1.170

  Hadington battered.
• * 1.171

  The valiancie of the Eng∣lishmen.
• * 1.172

  Succours entring the towne.
• * 1.173

  Sir Robert Bowes sent to succour Hadington.
• * 1.174

  The lord Hume.
• * 1.175

  Dandelot.
• * 1.176

  Monsieur E∣tauges.
• * 1.177

  The English horssemen dis∣comfited.
• * 1.178

  Quéene Elizabeth.
• * 1.179

  The French∣men remooue their campe.
• * 1.180

  The earle of Shrewesbu∣rie generall of the armie.

  The number of soldiours is the same ar∣mie.
• * 1.181

  Conrad Phenning 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.182

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.183

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.184

  ••x patience 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the English¦•••••• 〈…〉〈…〉 all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.185

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.186

  The French∣men chased.
• * 1.187

  The armie of the Scots come to ioine with the Frenchmen.
• * 1.188

  The earle of Shrewesbu∣rie profereth the enimies battell.
• * 1.189

  The French∣men durst not come foorth of their campe.
• * 1.190

  Ships bur∣ned.
• * 1.191

  A fortresse built at Dun∣glas.
• * 1.192

  The lord Greie ente∣reth againe into Scot∣land.
• * 1.193

  A camisado giuen to Ha∣dington.
• * 1.194

  The French∣men repelled.
• * 1.195

  A parlement.
• * 1.196

  Dundeé spoi∣led.
• * 1.197

  The Reins∣graue con∣streined to retire.
• * 1.198

  Sir Thomas Seimer sent to the tower.
• * 1.199

  Anno Reg. 3.
• * 1.200

  The masse abolished.
• * 1.201

  Monsieur de Etauges ta∣ken prisoner.
• * 1.202

  Sir Iames Wilford taken prisoner.
• * 1.203

  Sir Iames Crofts gene∣rall of Had∣ington.
• * 1.204

  Sir Nicho∣••••s Arnalt ••••••teine of Bullognberg.
• * 1.205

  Carter an Englishman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 amōg 〈◊〉〈◊〉 french∣men, but to their disad∣••••••tage.
• * 1.206

  Sir Nicho∣las Arnalts 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.207

  The French∣men assaile Bullogn∣berg.
• * 1.208

  The number of pikes and bils broken vpon the Frenchmen.
• * 1.209

  Carter an hardie soldier and a good ser∣uitor.
• * 1.210

  The French∣men repelled.
• * 1.211

  Fifteéne wa∣gons laden with French carcasses.
• * 1.212

  The lord Cobham with a new supplie of soldiers.
• * 1.213

  The great valiācie of the Englishmen vnder the con∣duct of their noble capteins
• * 1.214

  The prepara∣tion for warre as well in England as France.
• * 1.215

  Rich. Grafton in fol. 1294.
• * 1.216

  The lord pr••∣tectors right honorabl•• stile.
• * 1.217

  The epistle exhortatorie sent to the Scots.
• * 1.218

  Herein appea∣reth the lord protectors care for their good estate.
• * 1.219

  S••otland 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fiue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by one king of Eng∣••••nd.
• * 1.220

  The case of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 coniunctiō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mariage of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two yoong princes tou∣••••ed.
• * 1.221

  The course of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iust ••••dgement in t••is example ••••••able.
• * 1.222

  The lord pro∣te••tor infor∣••eth by ••itchie persuasions a perpetuall ••••itie be∣twéene the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 realms 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the foresaid 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.223

  The lord pro∣tector still vr∣geth peace and amitie.
• * 1.224

  The Scots by the consent of a parlement granted their great seale for the confirma∣tion of a mari∣age to be had betwéen Ma∣rie the heire of Scotland, & prince Ed∣ward heire of England.
• * 1.225

  What offers are made to the Scots.
• * 1.226

  Britaine was the first name of England and Scot∣land.
• * 1.227

  A verie good, lawfull, and bountifull of∣fer.
• * 1.228

  The case of the foresaid mariage still vrged.
• * 1.229

  The lord pro∣tector telleth the Scots who they be that put doubts into their heads, &c.
• * 1.230

  Further in∣ducements to make the Scots for∣ward in this mariage.
• * 1.231

  A true saieng.
• * 1.232

  The lord pro∣tector pointeth (as it were) at the inconueni∣ences which he would haue the Scots to preuent.
• * 1.233

  Examples confirming the former as∣sertion.
• * 1.234

  Insolencie o•• soldiors and l••wlesse licen∣tiousnesse.
• * 1.235

  The issue of the lord pro∣tectors e••t••••••tation.
• * 1.236

  Two meanes or waies of making one regiment or 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.237

  The lord pro∣••••••tor protest∣eth what the kings deter∣mination is.
• * 1.238

  ••nitem to the Scotish go∣••ernor and ••irkemen, &c.
• * 1.239

  What Eng∣land & Scot∣land might do being made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by amitie.
• * 1.240

  Nothing re∣••••••red of the Scots that was not pro∣••••sed by them.
• * 1.241

  Fire & sword Gods angrie angels.
• * 1.242

  An argument of vpright me∣ning that re∣suieth no wit∣nesse.
• * 1.243

  The kings grant as a proofe of the beginning of loue betwéene England and Scotland.
• * 1.244

  The Scots reiect the be∣nefit of this exhortation.
• * 1.245

  A proclama∣tion for the laieng open of inclosures.
• * 1.246

  The meaning of the foresaid proclamation.
• * 1.247

  Commotions in Summer∣setshire, and other places.
• * 1.248

  Rebellion in Deuonshire. Iohn Fox in Acts & Mo∣numents.
• * 1.249

  The names of the capteins of the rebels.
• * 1.250

  The number of the rebels in Deu••n∣shire.
• * 1.251

  Their hope in others failed them.
• * 1.252

  Excester be∣sieged.
• * 1.253

  The great loialtie of the citizens of Excester.
• * 1.254

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iohn Fox 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Acts & Sacraments.
• * 2.1

  Sacrament 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ptisme.
• * 2.2

  Confirma∣••••••••
• * 2.3

  Consecrating of the Lords 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 2.4

  Reseruation of the lords bodie conse∣••••ated.

  Holie bread and holie water.
• * 2.5

  The single 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of priests.
• * 2.6

  The six arti∣cles to be re∣newed.
• * 2.7

  The capteins appointed to go against the Deuonshire rebels.
• * 2.8

  Strangers.
• * 2.9

  Ric. Grafton.
• * 2.10

  A proclama∣tion.
• * 2.11

  H••••. epist. lib. ••.
• * 3.1

  Disorder in subiects.
• * 3.2

  Abusing of the kings name.
• * 3.3

  False causes.
• * 3.4

  Baptisme.
• * 3.5

  Sacrament of the bodie, &c.
• * 3.6

  Disobedience to a king••s disobedience to almightie God.
• * 3.7

  Seruice in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 English 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.8

  knowledge is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 than 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.9

  The masse.
• * 3.10

  Confirmation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 children.
• * 3.11

  Six articles.
• * 3.12

  The autho∣ritie of a par∣lement.
• * 3.13

  A godlie and princelie ad∣monition.
• * 3.14

  False rumors
• * 3.15

  Har. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 1.
• * 3.16

  The rebels put from their ground.
• * 3.17

  Iohn Fox. The capteins of the rebels taken.
• * 3.18

  Sir Anthonie Kingston pro∣uost marshall.
• * 3.19

  The maior of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 han∣ged.
• * 3.20

  A millers man hanged for his mai∣ster.
• * 3.21

  This was a hard procéeding, though the partie had beene no∣••••nt.
• * 3.22

  Abr. Fl. intro∣duction into the next nar∣ration being a new addition, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this rebellion.
• * 3.23

  The addition following being a large dis∣course, was neuer hereto∣fore published.
• * 4.1

  Dumnonia, the countrie of vallies.
• * 4.2

  Deuonia, Deuonshire.
• * 4.3

  Corinia, Baleus lib. 1. Centuriarum Lelandus in Genethliaco.
• * 4.4

  Penhulgoile.
• * 4.5

  Pennehalte∣caire
• * 4.6

  Pen necaire the chéefe citie, Caireruth the red citie, Caireiske the citie of Exe.
• * 4.7

  Houeden.
• * 4.8

  Ptolomeus in ••abulis.
• * 4.9

  Baleus centur. lib.
• * 4.10

  New lords new names.
• * 4.11

  Monketon.
• * 4.12

  〈…〉〈…〉 ••ibro.
• * 4.13

  Polydorus hist. lib. 5. Exeter.
• * 4.14

  Baleusce•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 descripti•••• Exces••er Ex••ancestre.
• * 4.15

  Caire, a fort Cestre a fort
• * 4.16

  The site of Excester and circuit.
• * 4.17

  The citie is full of water springs.
• * 4.18

  The rebels breake and spoile the pipes o•• lead for waters.
• * 4.19

  The conduits for water.
• * 4.20

  Saint Pe∣ters conduit.
• * 4.21

  The great conduit.
• * 4.22

  Castell Ruge∣mont.
• * 4.23

  The site of the castell.
• * 4.24

  The cast••ll builded by the Romans.
• * 4.25

  The riuer of E••e.
• * 4.26

  E••e riseth in Exmoore.
• * 4.27

  The hauen of Excester.
• * 4.28

  The decaie of the hauen of Excester. Hugh Court∣n••ie the first ••estroier of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.29

  Edward Courtneie
• * 4.30

  Sundrie in∣quisitions and iuries ta∣ken against the earles of Deuon for destroieng of the hauen.
• * 4.31

  A keie first builded at Topesham. The mer∣chants com∣pelled to lade and vnlade at Topesham keie.
• * 4.32

  The hauen is recouered and renewed a∣gaine.
• * 4.33

  A keie and a crane builded at Excester.
• * 4.34

  The parish churches first limited in Ex∣cester.
• * 4.35

  A monasterie of saint Be∣nets order builded in Excester.
• * 4.36

  King Ethel∣dred the first founder of the monasterie. King Edgar founder of a religious house in Ex∣cester.

  The cathe∣drall church was first a monasterie and founded by king A∣theistane. Chronica ecclesiea.
• * 4.37

  King Canu∣tus confir∣meth the pri∣uileges of the monasteries.
• * 4.38

  K. Edward the confessor remooued the moonks vnto Westminster, and made this a cathe∣drall church. Leofricus the first bishop of Excester.
• * 4.39

  Polyd. hist. li. 19 Chronica chro∣nicorum. lib. 7.
• * 4.40

  The charter of the church.
• * 4.41

  The con••••e∣ror confirmeth the charters of the church, and inlargeth the possessions of it.
• * 4.42

  The cath••∣drall church was foure hundred yeres in building.
• * 4.43

  S. Peters conduit.
• * 4.44

  The inhabi∣tants of this citie.
• * 4.45

  The gouern∣ment of this citie.
• * 4.46

  Portegreues.
• * 4.47

  Prouostres.
• * 4.48

  Mai••r or Meregreue.
• * 4.49

  The maiors 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.50

  The prouost 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.51

  The good in∣clination and ••••••••fulness of the citizens.
• * 4.52

  Claudius ••e••o the em∣peror sendeth Uespasian in∣to Britaine.
• * 4.53

  Uespasian ••andeth in Torreb••••e, and lateth ••••ge to this 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.54

  King Aruira∣gus rescueth this citie and ••ncountereth the enemie.
• * 4.55

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ecclesi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.57

  Flores histo∣riar••m.
• * 4.58

  Noua historia.
• * 4.59

  Flores historia∣rum.

  Penda king of Mertia. Edwin king of Northum∣berland.

  King Cad∣wallo is dri∣uen to flée into Ireland.
• * 4.60

  Pellitus a witch droth foretell to king Edwin of things to come.
• * 4.61

  King Cad∣wallo ••a••leth into Armo∣rica.
• * 4.62

  Brienus the kings nephue is sent to kill Pellitus.
• * 4.63

  Brienus kil∣leth Pellitus.
• * 4.64

  King Penda besiegeth Ex∣cester.
• * 4.65

  Polyd. lib. 5
• * 4.66

  The Danes are ouer∣throwne and their capteins are slaine.
• * 4.67

  Neus 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.68

  Flores hist••∣riarum
• * 4.69

  The battell at Pinneh••▪
• * 4.70

  Houeden.
• * 4.71

  King Sweno inuadeth and spoileth the land.
• * 4.72

  Hugh earle of Deuon as a false mā to his countrie, dooth betraie the citie.
• * 4.73

  King Sweno by the treche∣rie of the earle of Deuon be∣siegeth the citie.
• * 4.74

  k••ng Eldred 〈…〉〈…〉 his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.75

  The stoutnes ••nd courage of the citizens.
• * 4.76

  king Sweno entereth and ••aketh the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & vtterlie destroieth it.
• * 4.77

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Malm.
• * 4.78

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Co••t.
• * 4.79

  Hen. Hunt.
• * 4.80

  Houeden.
• * 4.81

  William the Conqueror besiegeth the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.82

  A league be∣twéene the gentlemen & the citizens to resist the Con∣querour.
• * 4.83

  The records of the citie.
• * 4.84

  Houeden. Polychron. li. 7
• * 4.85

  Githa king Harolds mo∣ther laie in the citie during the siege, and secretlie fleeth awaie into Flanders.
• * 4.86

  Baldwin Ri∣deuers earle of Deuon entred into this citie▪ and resisteth against king Stephan. Baldwin the earle is taken and banished.
• * 4.87

  Q. Mawd is friendlie to the citie.
• * 4.88

  Polydor. li. 20.
• * 4.89

  The marques of Dublin, and the earle of Suffolke, come to Exon and are pur∣sued by the dukes of York and Glocester.
• * 4.90

  The duches of Clarēce with others com∣meth to Exon being great with child & li∣eth in the bi∣shops palace.
• * 4.91

  Sir Hugh Courtneie laieth siege to the citie.
• * 4.92

  The maior is required to de∣liuer the keies of the citie▪ and refuseth so to doo.
• * 4.93

  The maior and citizens doo fortifie the citie.
• * 4.94

  The siege rai∣sed, and the citie deliuered.
• * 4.95

  The duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwike came from Edgecourt field to this ci∣tie, and from hence to Dartmouth.
• * 4.96

  Perkin Wa••∣becke com∣meth to Ex∣cester and b••∣siegeth it.
• * 4.97

  The earle of Deuon sent to rescue the citie and i•• hurt.
• * 4.98

  The rebellion or commotio•• in Deuon.
• * 4.99

  The rebellion first began at Sampford Courtneie.
• * 4.100

  The cause of this rebellion was for reli∣gion.
• * 4.101

  The want of preaching was the cause of the rebel∣lion.
• * 4.102

  Underhill and Segar 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first cap∣tains of the rebellion.
• * 4.103

  The priest was comp••l∣led▪ b••cause he would be com∣pelled saie ••asse.
• * 4.104

  The iustices 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Sampford and doo no good.
• * 4.105

  These gentle∣men were a∣fraid of their ••wne shadowes.
• * 4.106

  Sir Peter Carew and sir Gawen Carew sent into Deuon.
• * 4.107

  The iusticia∣ries doo assem∣ble all at Ex∣cester.
• * 4.108

  Sir Peter Carew by the aduise of the iustices rideth to Kirton.
• * 4.109

  The people at Kirton doo arme them∣selues & ram∣pire vp the waies.
• * 4.110

  The barns at the townes end at Kirton are set on fire.
• * 4.111

  An assemblie of the people at Clift Ma∣rie or bishops Clift.
• * 4.112

  A cause whie they rose at bishops Clift.
• * 4.113

  The towne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Clift is forti∣fied, and the bridge ram∣pired.
• * 4.114

  Walter Ra∣leigh esquier in danger of the rebelles.
• * 4.115

  Sir Peter Carew and others ride to Clift.
• * 4.116

  Sir Peter Carew like to be slaine.
• * 4.117

  The conference of the gentleman with the com∣mons at 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.118

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 to∣wards among the serving∣men.

  This man ••as named Richard Carwithian ••••ruant to sir Peter 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.119

  The agrée∣ment offered by the commo∣••ers.
• * 4.120

  The gentle∣men depart asunder and euerie man shifteth for himselfe.
• * 4.121

  The high waies are stopped and intrenched.
• * 4.122

  Sundrie gen∣tlemen taken and impriso∣ned.
• * 4.123

  A few gentle∣men taried in the citie.
• * 4.124

  Sir Peter Carew rideth to the lord Russell being at George Henton.
• * 4.125

  Sir Peter Carew rideth to the court & aduertised the king & coun∣cell.

  The king grieued to heare of the commotion. The determi∣ned conquest of Scotland was hindered by the rebel∣lion.
• * 4.126

  The king v∣seth all gentle persuasions to reduce the commoners to conformi∣tie.
• * 4.127

  The first and chiefe cap∣teins of the rebellion.
• * 4.128

  The rebels send to the maior of the citie to ioine with them.
• * 4.129

  The maior & citizens refuse to ioine or to deale with the rebels.
• * 4.130

  Preparation is made on both sides to withstand the one the other.
• * 4.131

  The citie of Exon besie∣ged.
• * 4.132

  The vaine persuasions of the rebels to haue the spoile of the citie.
• * 4.133

  The citie is viewed for ••r∣mor and all things are prepared for defense of the citie.
• * 4.134

  The rebels stop vp all the waies com∣ming to the citie.
• * 4.135

  The rebels plant their ordinance against the citie & break•• vp the condu•••• pipes, and burne one of the gates.
• * 4.136

  The gates of the citie wer•• kept open con∣tinuallie and rampired within side, as also fiers kept burning all night in the same.
• * 4.137

  The citie be∣ing full of wa∣ter springs they want no water. The citie wals at the west gate were vnder∣mined, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 countermi∣ning the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was preuen∣ted.
• * 4.138

  The vnder∣minings of the wals how it was ••ound and destroi••d.
• * 4.139

  Aprettie stra∣tagem of the rebels.
• * 4.140

  The citie gates kept al∣waies open.
• * 4.141

  The suburbs burned and the houses beaten downe.
• * 4.142

  The citie di∣uided within it selfe into two factions of religion.
• * 4.143

  The affection and dispositi∣on of the Ro∣mish faction.
• * 4.144

  The discreti∣on and great ci••cumspecti∣on of the ma∣gistrates.
• * 4.145

  The secret conferences of the papists.
• * 4.146

  A fond enter∣prise of an ex∣pert citizen.
• * 4.147

  This Tailor died after in prison for 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.148

  What man purposeth God disposeth
• * 4.149

  A wicked practise to re∣ceiue the re∣bels into the castell.
• * 4.150

  The chiefest rulers & cap∣teins among the commons were the worst men.
• * 4.151

  Great practise vsed to pro∣cure the citi∣zens to ioine with the re∣bels.
• * 4.152

  The faithfull and flat deter∣mination of the citizens to refuse the cō∣ioining with the rebels.
• * 4.153

  The last and perilous prac∣tise of the re∣bels.
• * 4.154

  A pestilent practise.
• * 4.155

  The papists were disap∣pointed of their pur∣poses.
• * 4.156

  The determi∣nation of the honest & good citizens.
• * 4.157

  The best citi∣zens con••••de∣rated.
• * 4.158

  The careful∣nesse of the good citizens.
• * 4.159

  A variance between Iohn Courtneie & Barnard Duffeld.
• * 4.160

  A sallie made vpon the re∣bels.
• * 4.161

  •• broile towards.
• * 4.162

  Francis the daughter of Barnard Duffeld strake the maior in the face.
• * 4.163

  Uittels wax scant within the citie.
• * 4.164

  Bread made of bran and of puffins.
• * 4.165

  The godlie and politike dealings of the magistrates with the poore. The poore are wéekelie libe∣rallie relieued.
• * 4.166

  All vittels ••etched into the citie were distributed a∣mōg the poore.
• * 4.167

  The prisoners in the gaole did and were driuen to eate horsses. The gentle intreating of the poorer sort.
• * 4.168

  The lord Russ••l•• after that the citie had béene be∣sieged fiue wéekes tur∣neth to this citie up•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sixt of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and deliuer•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the same.
• * 4.169

  Sir Peter Carew ad∣uertiseth the king & councell of the rebelled.
• * 4.170

  The duke of Summerset charged sir Peter Carew of the rebelliō.
• * 4.171

  The king his letters vnder his priuie sig∣net counted to be no sufficiēt warrant. The stout an∣swer of sir Peter Carew Sir Peter Carew being promised of helpe retur∣neth home.
• * 4.172

  The lord Russell is almost l••ft forsaken.
• * 4.173

  The lord R••ssell distru∣ting himselfe, i•• vpon his departure from out of Deuon; but by sir Peter Carew is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 backe againe.
• * 4.174

  The mer∣chants of Eron procure and borow monie to helpe the lord Rus∣sel.
• * 4.175

  The lord Russell mar∣cheth towards Fenington bridge.
• * 4.176

  Sir Gawen Carew is hurt at Fe∣nington bridge.
• * 4.177

  The rebels are ouer∣throwne at Fenington.
• * 4.178

  The Cornish rebels giue an onset, and are ouerthrowne at Fenington; their capteine flieth awaie.
• * 4.179

  The lord Greie and Spinol•• come with a supplie to the lord Russell.
• * 4.180

  The lord Russell mar∣cheth towards Excester for their deliue∣rance.
• * 4.181

  The rebels are ouer∣throwne at the windmill.
• * 4.182

  Miles Co∣uerdale pre••∣cher.
• * 4.183

  The kings armie mar∣cheth towards bishops Clist.
• * 4.184

  Sir William Francis first entreth the rampire.
• * 4.185

  The kings armie reti∣reth.
• * 4.186

  The rebels take the kings wa∣gons, muni∣tion and trea∣sure.
• * 4.187

  Sir William Francis slaine••
• * 4.188

  Bishops Clist towne set on fire and burnt.

  The rebels ouerthrowne to the towne.
• * 4.189

  The lord Greie passeth ouer the riuer into Clist heath.
• * 4.190

  Iohn Yard first giueth the aduenture and findeth waie ouer the water.
• * 4.191

  A proclama∣tion, that who¦soeuer recoue∣reth first the bridge to haue foure hundred crownes.
• * 4.192

  The bridge recouered.
• * 4.193

  All the priso∣ners before taken are committed to the sword.
• * 4.194

  The rebelles 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ouerthro∣wen upon Clist heath.
• * 4.195

  Sir William Francis bu∣ried at Exces∣••••••▪
• * 4.196

  The rebels forsake the ••ne.
• * 4.197

  The lord Russell com∣meth to Ex∣cester.
• * 4.198

  The maior and his bre∣thren salute the lord Rus∣sell, and he embraceth them.
• * 4.199

  The king thankefullie accepteth the seruice of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and libe∣rallie rewar∣deth the same.
• * 4.200

  The Welsh∣men came too late to the fight, but soone inough to the spoile.
• * 4.201

  The lord pri∣uie seale ta∣rieth at Exon rewardeth the good and puni∣sheth the euill. Sir Peter Carew, sir Gawen Ca∣rew, William Gibbes, re∣warded with traitors lands.
• * 4.202

  Thrée things laid to the charge of the vicar of saint Thomas.
• * 4.203

  The rebels hang King∣well.
• * 4.204

  The rebels appoint to set fire on the citie and to burne it.
• * 4.205

  The vicar of saint Tho∣mas lette••h and will not consent to the burning of the citie.
• * 4.206

  The vicar is hanged in chaines vpon the top of the tower with his popish trash and or∣naments a∣bout him.
• * 4.207

  The rebels assembled at Sampford Courtneie.
• * 4.208

  The rebels ouerthrowne at Sampford Courtneie.
• * 4.209

  Sir Peter Carew pur∣sueth the re∣bels which fled to King Weston.
• * 4.210

  The lord pri∣uie seale ta∣keth his ior∣neie into Cornewall.
• * 4.211

  The lord pri∣uie seale ta∣keth his ior∣neie towards London and is honoura∣blie receiued▪
• * 4.212

  The chéefe capteins of the rebels are caried to Lon∣don and there put to death▪
• * 5.1

  The religi∣ous houses within the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of S. Peters.
• * 5.2

  King Athel∣••ran builded the wals of the citie of stone.
• * 5.3

  Ex pamphleto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S. Io∣hannis Baptistae Exon.
• * 5.4

  Ex chronica 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cathred. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.5

  The Danes spoile the church of S. Peters.
• * 5.6

  The moonks forsake their monasterie.
• * 5.7

  Floreshistori∣arum.
• * 5.8

  King Edgar restoreth the abbat and moonks to their house.
• * 5.9

  Sidemannus abbat of this church, and after bishop of this dio∣cesse.
• * 5.10

  K. Canutus restoreth both lands & priui∣leges to the church.
• * 5.11

  The bishops sée remooued from Credi∣ton to Exon.
• * 5.12

  Leofricus the first bishop of Excester.
• * 5.13

  The king at the request of William Warewest bi∣shop, giueth Plimpton, Brampton, & S. Stephans to the church of Excester.
• * 5.14

  The founda∣tion of the quier of S. Peters church.
• * 5.15

  Bishop Wil∣liam Brewer instituteth the deane & foure and twentie prebendaries.
• * 5.16

  The bodie of saint Peters church first founded.
• * 5.17

  The chanter and subdeane first consti∣tuted in this church.
• * 5.18

  Bishop Gran∣disson a great benefactor to the church.
• * 5.19

  The church of S. Peters was in buil∣ding 437 yeares.
• * 5.20

  The cloister builded.
• * 5.21

  The building of the chapiter house.
• * 5.22

  Iohn Fox.
• * 5.23

  Common rebellion.
• * 5.24

  Norffolke.
• * 5.25

  The begin∣ning of the rebellion in Norffolke.
• * 5.26

  A conference to further this rebellion in a méeting at a publike plaie▪
• * 5.27

  Iohn Flow∣erdew.
• * 5.28

  Robert Ket.
• * 5.29

  Ket chosen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be capteine of the rebels.
• * 5.30

  The citizens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norwich.
• * 5.31

  Thomas Cod.
• * 5.32

  The rebels request licence to passe tho∣rough Nor∣wich.
• * 5.33

  Sir Roger Woodhouse.
• * 5.34

  Mount Sur∣rie.
• * 5.35

  Mousehold.
• * 5.36

  Rising chase.
• * 5.37

  Watton.
• * 5.38

  Counterfeit religion.
• * 6.1

  Gentlemen imprisoned.
• * 6.2

  The number of the rebels.
• * 6.3

  Rebels and théeues can not kéepe to∣gither with∣out ministra∣tion of iustice.
• * 6.4

  The trée of reformation.
• * 6.5

  Doctor Par∣ker.
• * 6.6

  He preacheth to the rebels.
• * 6.7

  The rebels threaten doc∣tor Parker.
• * 6.8

  Doctor Par∣ke•• conueieth ••••••selfe from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the re∣••••••s.
• * 6.9

  The policie of ••••ctor Par∣ker to beguile the rebels.
• * 6.10

  The falsifieng 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the kings ••••••missions.
• * 6.11

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.12

  The outragi∣ous dealing a∣gainst gen••lemen.
• * 6.13

  Sir Edmund Kneuets ser∣uice.
• * 6.14

  Leonard Southerton.
• * 6.15

  Pardon pro∣clamed by an herald at armes.
• * 6.16

  The citizens fauouring the rebels.
• * 6.17

  The rebelles conueie artil∣lerie and mu∣nition out of the citie to their campe.
• * 6.18

  The h••ralds proclamation in Norwich.
• * 6.19

  The traito∣rous refusall of the rebels to accept the kings pardon.
• * 6.20

  Prisoners committed to¦ward in moūt Surrie.
• * 6.21

  Kets power increaseth.
• * 6.22

  Alluding to the maior whose name was Cod.
• * 6.23

  The maior of Norwich set 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.24

  Augustine Steward.
• * 6.25

  The lord marquesse of ••••thamp∣••a sent into ••••uffolke to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.26

  Norwich summoned.
• * 6.27

  Sir Richard Southwell.
• * 6.28

  The strāgers offer skirmish to the rebels.
• * 6.29

  An Italian hanged by the rebels.
• * 6.30

  Sir Edward Warner.
• * 6.31

  The despe∣ratnesse of rebelles.
• * 6.32

  Iutienal. sat. 13.
• * 6.33

  The rebels beaten backe.
• * 6.34

  Flotman.
• * 6.35

  Pardon offe∣red to the re∣bels.
• * 6.36

  Flotmans presumptu∣ous and n••∣torous alleg••∣tions.
• * 6.37

  The rebels enter the citie.
• * 6.38

  The lord Sheffeld wofullie slaine.
• * 6.39

  Alexander Neuill.
• * 6.40

  The mar∣quesse ma∣keth shift to escape dan∣ger.
• * 6.41

  The misera∣ble estate of Norwich.
• * 6.42

  The alder∣mans depu∣•••••• roughlie handled to tell where the lord marquesse had hidden him∣self.
• * 6.43

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 mini∣••••red to the re∣bels for feare 〈◊〉〈◊〉 force.
• * 6.44

  The earle of Warwike ap∣pointed to go against the Norffolke re∣bels.
• * 6.45

  The earle of Warwike commeth to Cambridge.
• * 6.46

  The kings pardon gran∣ted.
• * 6.47

  Who serued vnder the erle of Warwike.
• * 6.48

  Norwich summoned.
• * 6.49

  What answer was made to the herald by the citizens of Norwich, whom Ket assigned ther∣vnto.
• * 6.50

  Norreie the herald deliue∣reth his an∣swer to the earle of War∣wike.
• * 6.51

  Norreie king of armes sent to offer the re∣bels their pardon.
• * 6.52

  Norreie the herald maketh a long ••is∣courie to the rebels, for the reducing of them to good order.
• * 6.53

  The kings purpose in sending the earle of War∣wike against them.
• * 6.54

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 the re∣••els were af∣••••ed after the ••eralds dis∣••••••rse was 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.55

  The herald is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at ••••••trusted 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c.
• * 6.56

  Alexander Neuill.
• * 6.57

  The iust re∣ward of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bo••e.
• * 6.58

  Ket meant to haue talked with the earle of Warwike.
• * 6.59

  S. Stephans gate.
• * 6.60

  The Brasen gate.
• * 6.61

  Virgii▪
• * 6.62

  Cartes lad•••• with muniti∣on taken by the rebels.
• * 6.63

  Gentlemen slaine.
• * 6.64

  Order taken for the safe k••••ping of the citie.
• * 6.65

  Alexander Neuill.
• * 6.66

  The rebels take certeine peeces of ar∣tillerie from the earle of Warwike.
• * 6.67

  Capteine Drurie.
• * 6.68

  Councell gi∣uen to the erle of Warwike to abandon the citie.
• * 6.69

  The earles answere.
• * 6.70

  Lanceque∣nets come to the earle of Warwike.
• * 6.71

  The rebels trust in vaine prophesies.
• * 6.72

  The rebels remooue.
• * 6.73

  The earle of Warwike go∣eth foorth to giue the eni∣mies battell.
• * 6.74

  Pardon of••∣red
• * 6.75

  The number of the rebels slaine.
• * 6.76

  Pardon eft∣s••••••es offered.
• * 6.77

  Pardon once againe offe∣red.
• * 6.78

  They yéeld to the earle of Warwike.
• * 6.79

  Gentlemen slaine in this rebellion.
• * 6.80

  Ket taken.
• * 6.81

  Execution.
• * 6.82

  The earle of Warwike she∣weth mercie.
• * 6.83

  The slaine carcases bu∣ried.
• * 6.84

  The two Kets exe∣cuted.
• * 6.85

  William Ket a dissembling traitor.
• * 6.86

  Iusketh taken.
• * 6.87

  Monsieur be Desse retur∣neth into France.
• * 6.88

  The earle of Rutland.
• * 6.89

  M. Fox. An other re∣bellion or tu∣mult begun in Yorkeshire.
• * 6.90

  The chiefe stirrers o•• th•••• rebellion.
• * 6.91

  The causes moouing the Yorkshiremen to rebellion.
• * 6.92

  A blind pro∣phesie among the northerne men.
• * 6.93

  The deuise of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rebels how 〈…〉〈…〉 purpose.
• * 6.94

  The deuise of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rebels that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 might be 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.95

  The rebels increase their number & ••e∣bellious band.
• * 6.96

  The kings pardon offred, receiued, refused.
• * 6.97

  Virgil.
• * 6.98

  Ombler cap∣teine o•• the re∣bels taken.
• * 6.99

  The names of the rebels ta∣ken and exe∣cuted at Yorke.
• * 7.1

  What the La∣cedemonians did to make their sons de∣test drunken∣nesse.
• * 7.2

  Rebellion a verie grée∣uous and hor∣rible offense a∣gainst God, the prince, and the state.
• * 7.3

  The autho••i∣tie of the ••••∣gistrats 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and peremp∣torie.
• * 7.4

  Rebellion ••n∣lawfull in de∣fense of true religion, E••go much more vnlawfull in maintenance of false reli∣gion, &c.
• * 7.5

  The necessa∣rie benefit an•• vse of the bi∣ble, and con∣trariwise.
• * 7.6

  A principall p••int of reli∣••••on for re∣••••ls speciallie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ca••ne.
• * 7.7

  The rebelles of Norffolke pretended the c••mmmon-we••lth the cause of their rising.
• * 7.8

  whie all must not looke to beare like r••le.
• * 7.9

  Magistrates 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be hono∣red both in speech and maners.
• * 7.10

  To haue all degrees alike, •• no inequali∣tie how incon∣••enient.
• * 7.11

  Riches and inheritance from whom, to whom, and to what end giuen.
• * 7.12

  The vncon∣scionable wi∣shing of equa∣litie how hurtfull.
• * 7.13

  The precept of S. Peter teaching the right waie to riches and honor.
• * 7.14

  The act of re∣bellion aggra∣uated, & proo∣ued most wic∣ked and hor∣rible.
• * 7.15

  An exhorta∣tion to rebels.
• * 7.16

  Disobedience to the prince is a most ab∣hominable sinne, and that we are bound by dutie to o∣beie.
• * 7.17

  A notable and rhetoricall clause, and to the purpose.
• * 7.18

  The rebels fullie fraught with most ••••∣••anous quali∣ties, &c.
• * 7.19

  The kings councell of greatest au∣thoritie▪ and why; yet are they disobei∣ed: note.
• * 7.20

  The action of rebellion pro∣ued by reason to be most hei∣nous, intolle∣rable, and di∣uelish.
• * 7.21

  No death cru∣•••••• enough for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and t••••itors.
• * 7.22

  A desperat m••lecontents behauiour.
• * 7.23

  Rebels and traitors worse than brute 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.24

  The applica∣tion of the for∣mer compari∣sons implieng obedience.
• * 7.25

  The presump∣t••ous & arro∣••••nt vsurped 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the re∣••••ls noted to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 imp••ach∣••••nt of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 7.26

  The rebels outragious and intollera∣ble demeanor descried.
• * 7.27

  Their disobe∣dience noto∣rious.
• * 7.28

  The rebels offend against the law of iu∣stice & equitie.
• * 7.29

  The former matter vehe∣mentlie vrged.
• * 7.30

  The rebels are still char∣ged with their rapines, and violentlie inferred wrongs.
• * 7.31

  Libertie desi∣red aboue all things.
• * 7.32

  Fit epithets and terms for head and taile of this rebel∣lion.
• * 7.33

  The offense of excluding the kings sub∣iects from the benefit of li∣bertie aggra∣uated.
• * 7.34

  A pithie con∣clusion in••er∣red vpon the premisses, i•• forme of sen∣tence defini∣tiue.
• * 7.35

  The rebels charged with the murder and bloudshed of the kings liege people.
• * 7.36

  A licentious common-wealth cannot indure.
• * 7.37

  Wherein and whereof con∣sisteth a citie, prouince, or politike bodie.
• * 7.38

  Lord Shef∣felds slaugh∣ter laid to the rebels char••••▪
• * 7.39

  L••••d Shef∣••••••s wofull 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 p••thilie 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.40

  The knitting 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mans bodie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mind G••ds worke, 〈…〉〈…〉 whome the dissolving ••••••reof belon∣ged.
• * 7.41

  ••ereby he ••••ooeth the rebels consci∣••••ces see••ed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as it were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an hot 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.42

  The rebels ••••••tousnesse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ambition ••••satiable.
• * 7.43

  A briefe ca∣••••••••lation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rebels 〈◊〉〈◊〉 atempts 〈◊〉〈◊〉 purposes.
• * 7.44

  An argument from the lesse to the greater.
• * 7.45

  The vse and necessarie ser∣uice of towns, & what it is to ouerthrow them.
• * 7.46

  The vse and seruice of munition.
• * 7.47

  Wherein ap∣péereth the faithfull ser∣uice of cities.
• * 7.48

  A good sub∣iects wi••h, and the reason thereof.
• * 7.49

  Excester com∣mended for loue & loiail seruice to the king & estate.
• * 7.50

  Norwich vp∣braided with the example of Excester.
• * 7.51

  Some citi∣zens of Nor∣wich excusa∣ble of this re∣bellion, but most charge∣able therwith in a high de∣grée of disloi∣altie.
• * 7.52

  Excester no∣ble and true.
• * 7.53

  A collection or beadroll of certeine out∣rages doone by the rebels.
• * 7.54

  Persuasions to obedience and loialtie.
• * 7.55

  The hurts & mischiefes that befall ci∣ties, &c▪ by mainteining rebelles.
• * 7.56

  Rebellion is worthilie to be punished,
• * 7.57

  A further view of the in∣conuenien∣ces bred by rebellion.
• * 7.58

  The losse of haruest. Barns be poore mens storehouses.
• * 7.59

  Haie rotting on the groūd.
• * 7.60

  Losse of corne for lacke of reaping.
• * 7.61

  The losse of one yeares haruest verie hurtfull.
• * 7.62

  Wastfull spē∣ding of vit∣tels by the re∣bels inconue∣nient to the whole state▪
• * 7.63

  A necessitie of inhansing the price of things.
• * 7.64

  After a great dearth com∣meth a great death, a reason why.
• * 7.65

  A briefe re∣hearsall or summarie of mischiefes is∣suing from re∣bellion.
• * 7.66

  A great decaie of people.
• * 7.67

  Rebels can not preuaile against the princes power.
• * 7.68

  A necessarie consequent that rebels are seuerelie to be punished, and that such punishment is good and ne∣cessarie.
• * 7.69

  Against 〈…〉〈…〉 for∣••••aring and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a withall 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.70

  Rebels pu∣nishable with manie deaths.
• * 7.71

  Idlenesse and meat of other mens charge.
• * 7.72

  The force of pestilence fol∣lowing fa∣mine.
• * 7.73

  The plague & pestilence oc∣casioned by re∣bellion.
• * 7.74

  Rebels eni∣mies & mur∣therers of their coun∣trie.
• * 7.75

  Further mis∣chiefes of vn∣charitablenes issuing from rebellion▪
• * 7.76

  The fruits of honest mens trauels long in gathering, quickelie spoi∣led by rebel∣lion.
• * 7.77

  An argument from equitie & vpright dea∣ling euen with the vn∣iust.
• * 7.78

  Multitudes of vagabonds and roges procured by rebellions.
• * 7.79

  To what shifts soldiers fall after dis∣camping and ceassing from warres.
• * 7.80

  Against loite∣ring lubbers that can not awaie with labour.
• * 7.81

  A loiterer described.
• * 7.82

  The sight of manie flies in a yeare a na∣turall progno∣stication of a plague like to follow.
• * 7.83

  Disorder in euerie degrée caused by re∣bellion.
• * 7.84

  Magistrats disobeied, and neglect of dutie in gene∣rall by rebel∣lion.
• * 7.85

  Obseruing of order in euerie state suppor∣teth a com∣monwealth, & contrariwise the hurt of disorder.
• * 7.86

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••rgument 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••rom 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.87

  A t••p••ie tur∣•••• of all ••••ings by re∣b••l••••on.
• * 7.88

  The necessitie of order, and ••••erefore S. Paule said 〈◊〉〈◊〉; Let all things be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in order.
• * 7.89

  R••b••ls are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 profit.
• * 7.90

  Equalitie of ••••••tice.
• * 7.91

  ••ebels h••rt themselues.
• * 7.92

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.93

  The benefit of rebellion in one respect.
• * 7.94

  Reformation intended by rebels, like sores cured by ill surgions.
• * 7.95

  Gréefes insu∣ing to the re∣bels vpon this rebellion.
• * 7.96

  Reformation ought to be no priuat mans but the princes action
• * 7.97

  What things in a well and iustlie doone matter ought well to be weighed.
• * 7.98

  The yoke that rebels wilfullie bring vpon themselues.
• * 7.99

  Desperat re∣medies for desperat di∣seases.
• * 7.100

  Rebels wor∣thie to suffer extremitie of punishment.
• * 7.101

  The greatest shame that can come to a com∣mon-wealth.
• * 7.102

  Gentlemen more trustie bicause the commons be vnt••ustie.
• * 7.103

  Martiall la•• a burden vn∣sufferable.
• * 7.104

  Crueltie and extremitie shewed to the gentlemen by the rebels.
• * 7.105

  The kings best kind of gouernment.
• * 7.106

  The fruits of dissention.
• * 7.107

  The rebels had cause to beare with the gentlemen and to haue l••∣ued them.
• * 7.108

  All the parts of a common-wealth b•• not of like wor∣thinesse: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gentlemen more wor••hie than yeomen, &c.
• * 7.109

  〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 flow∣••••g from this 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.110

  Outward mischances insuing vpon rebellions to the shame of the land and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wherin they be raised.
• * 7.111

  King con∣temned.
• * 7.112

  Rulers little esteemed.
• * 7.113

  Subiects dis∣ordered.
• * 7.114

  The whole ••••untrie ill spoken of.
• * 7.115

  Nothing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by disorder ••••anc••able.
• * 7.116

  Further out∣ward hurt be∣sides voice in∣gendere•• of rebellions.
• * 7.117

  He meaneth the Scots & French with whome we haue had al∣waies incom∣berance.
• * 7.118

  Note in a few words of force the dangerous qualitie of rebellion.
• * 7.119

  A reason drawne from the lesse to the greater.
• * 7.120

  Rebellion ma∣keth passage to forren inua∣sion, & ••ea••e∣neth our owne region.
• * 7.121

  Rebellion a••∣••••teth the papists, & each one beside that is offended at true religion.
• * 7.122

  Religion bea∣reth the blame and is counted the cause of rebellion, but amisse.
• * 7.123

  The diuels sophistrie.
• * 7.124

  Examples.
• * 7.125

  The Iewes ascribe their miserie to a false cause.
• * 7.126

  The heathens fond opinion of gods fauou∣ring their cru∣eltie against christians.
• * 7.127

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haue an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 op••nion of Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 truth.
• * 7.128

  The hurts is∣suing from re∣bellion out of count.
• * 7.129

  Concord and discord with their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 effects.
• * 7.130

  The mischiefs springing frō sedition.
• * 7.131

  Forren wa•• farre better than sedition at home.
• * 7.132

  The praise and benefits of peace▪
• * 7.133

  The rebels 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 meanes 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 7.134

  The state of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in time of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and tumult.
• * 7.135

  Reasons to withdraw the rebels from their enterpri∣ses of rebel∣lion, and to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.136

  A conclusion p••••emptorie against irre∣••u••able re∣bels.
• * 7.137

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••l. ex 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 7.138

  Ad libellion, vt Ioanni Checo Gran••ano place∣••e studea••.
• * 7.139

  The French king purposed to surprise Gernes••ie and Ierseie, but is repelled.
• * 7.140

  Iohn Fox.
• * 7.141

  The French king is asha∣med that anie report should passe of his e∣uill successe.
• * 7.142

  The French king perseue∣reth in his former pur∣pose, and mar∣tiall action.
• * 7.143

  Charles Sturton, and George Wil∣loughbie.

  Les chroniques de Aquitaine. The fort cal∣led Almaine campe woo••e.
• * 7.144

  The lord Greie.
• * 7.145

  The castell of Hambleteuue lost.
• * 7.146

  Hambleteuue summoned.
• * 7.147

  Hambleteuue rendered to the French king.
• * 7.148

  The French writers re∣port of their owne coun∣triemens cru∣eltie and sa∣uagenesse.
• * 7.149

  The number that came foorth of Ham∣bleteune.
• * 7.150

  Causes that compelled the French king to breake vp his campe.
• * 7.151

  The kings generall par∣don.
• * 7.152

  Abr. Fl. ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••r∣rundam c••••••∣ctan••is.
• * 7.153

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 1043.
• * 7.154

  The councell withdraw themselues 〈◊〉〈◊〉 priuat conferences about the lord protectors displacing.
• * 7.155

  The protector remooueth in hast with the king to Wind∣sore.
• * 8.1

  Iohn Fox in the Acts and Monuments. A letter of the lord protec∣tors to the lord priuie 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 9.1

  The effect of the lord Rus∣sels letter an∣swering the lord protector.
• * 9.2

  The contents of the second answer of the lord Russell to the lord pro∣tector.
• * 9.3

  The good lord Russell a soli∣citor for peace betwéene the lord protector and the lords.
• * 9.4

  The lords of the councell assembled a∣gainst the lord protector.
• * 10.1

  The protec∣tors letter to the lords.
• * 10.2

  No word hi∣therto sent from the lords to the lord protector what they re∣quired of him to doo.
• * 10.3

  The lords continue in their intended purpose a∣gainst the lord protector.
• * 10.4

  A proclamati∣on published against the lord protec∣tor.
• * 10.5

  Witnesses to the contents of the said pro∣clamation.
• * 10.6

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 kings 〈◊〉〈◊〉 read to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••izens.
• * 10.7

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 enimie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 10.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Stad¦•••••• citizen of L••••don 〈◊〉〈◊〉 answer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 recorder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 London 〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 10.9

  ••hat it is to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pleasure 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the prince.
• * 10.10

  The aduise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 George ••radlow.
• * 10.11

  Sir Philip 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lords.
• * 10.12

  The lord pro∣tector commit∣ted to prison.
• * 10.13

  Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1044.
• * 10.14

  The lord pro∣tectour com∣mitted to the tower.
• * 11.1

  Abr. Fl. ex I •• 1044, 1045.
• * 11.2

  K. Edward rode through London.
• * 11.3

  Charitable déeds of sir Rowland Hill.
• * 11.4

  Fréeschole at Draiton in Shropshire.
• * 11.5

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 gift to 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 11.6

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 11.7

  •• parlement.
• * 11.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 act for vn∣lawfull assem∣••••••s.
• * 11.9

  A••r. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1045.
• * 11.10

  States crea∣ted.
• * 11.11

  Peter Gambo ••nd another capteine murthered.
• * 11.12

  Gauaro and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hanged.
• * 11.13

  1550 Anno Reg. 4.
• * 11.14

  Sir Iohn Lutterell prisoner.
• * 11.15

  Erle of War∣wike in high∣est authoritie.
• * 11.16

  Morguison the midwaie betwéene Bullen and Calis.
• * 11.17

  It is agréed among the lords to inf••st and annoie the French.
• * 11.18

  Commissio∣ners sent to treat of peace.
• * 11.19

  A peace con∣cluded with France vpon certeine con∣ditions.
• * 11.20

  Bullongne giuen vp to the French.
• * 11.21

  He entereth.
• * 11.22

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S pag. 1046. N••w officers created of the nobilitie.
• * 11.23

  The liberties of South∣worke pur∣chased.
• * 11.24

  The duke of Summerset deliuered out of the tower.
• * 11.25

  A marriage to compose strife and establish amitie.
• * 11.26

  Rich. Grafton. Rebellion in Kent execu∣ted.
• * 11.27

  Priests chil∣dren legiti∣mate.

  Usurie for∣bidden.
• * 11.28

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1047, 1048
• * 11.29

  Alderman of Southworke.
• * 11.30

  Terme ad∣iourned.
• * 11.31

  S. Barnab•••••• kept h••l••e. High altar Paules pul∣led downe.
• * 11.32

  No watch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Midsummer
• * 11.33

  Earle of Southamp∣ton deceas••e••
• * 11.34

  Charitable deeds of An∣drew Iude. Fréeschoole 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tunbridge.
• * 11.35

  Almes houses.
• * 11.36

  1551 Anno Reg. 5.
• * 11.37

  Arden mur∣thered.
• * 11.38

  Arden d••∣scribed.
• * 11.39

  Loue and lust.
• * 11.40

  A paire of sil∣uer dice worke much mischiefe.
• * 11.41

  Arden wi••∣keth at his wiues l••w••∣nesse, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 11.42

  Ardens wife a••tempteth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to make awaie hi•• husband.
• * 11.43

  Ardens is poi∣soned by his wife but reco∣uereth.
• * 11.44

  She deuiseth another waie ••o dispatch hir ••usband Ar∣den.
• * 11.45

  A notorious murthering ruffian.
• * 11.46

  Marke how the diu••ll will no•• let his or∣gans or in∣struments let 〈◊〉〈◊〉 either oc∣casiō or oppor∣tunitie to con∣•••••• most hei∣nous wicked∣••••s••e.
• * 11.47

  •• desperat 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 11.48

  An honest man is asha∣med to re∣new old ac∣quaintance with a knaue,
• * 11.49

  The match made to mur∣ther Arden.
• * 11.50

  Simplicitie abused.
• * 11.51

  Blacke will maketh no conscience of bloudshed and murther.
• * 11.52

  Why Ardens man conspired with the rest to kill his maister.
• * 11.53

  One murthe∣ring mind mistrusting a∣nother, doo hinder the ac∣tion where∣about they agréed.
• * 11.54

  The fourth attempt to make Arden awaie disap∣pointed.
• * 11.55

  Blacke Will misseth his purpose.
• * 11.56

  Ardens wife visiteth, suc∣coureth, em∣bold••eth, and directeth black Will &c: how to accomplish his bloudie purpose.
• * 11.57

  Note here the force of feare and a troubled conscience.
• * 11.58

  Blacke Will yet againe disappointed.
• * 11.59

  A pr••pens••d quarel against Arden by the conspirators.
• * 11.60

  Ardens wi••e, blacke Will, & the knot of vilans meet and conclude vpon their for∣mer prepensed mischiefe.
• * 11.61

  O importu∣nate & blou∣die minded strumpet!
• * 11.62

  The practise to kill Arden is now set abroch.
• * 11.63

  Here the con∣federats w••ne their practises
• * 11.64

  The watch∣word to the principall murtherer.
• * 11.65

  Arden ••lain•• outright.
• * 11.66

  ••lacke will r••••••••ueth ten pounds for h••s reward of Ardens wife, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 murdering 〈◊〉〈◊〉 husband.
• * 11.67

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 what 〈…〉〈…〉 after he m••rde∣••••ng of hir husband.
• * 11.68

  The workers of this mis∣chiefe carie out Arden ••laine into the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 11.69

  This she did is colour hir wickednesse which by no meanes was ••••••••seable.
• * 11.70

  Arden a coue∣•••••••• man and ••••••••errer of his priuat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••fore common 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 11.71

  Ardens dead bodie is descri∣ed by one of his acquain∣tance.
• * 11.72

  Footsteps 〈◊〉〈◊〉 alongst from the dead bodie of Arden to his dwelling house.
• * 11.73

  A péece of Ar∣dens heare and his bloud spil•• in the house espied, as also a bloudie knife and a clou•• found.
• * 11.74

  Some of Ar∣dens bloud vpon Mos∣bies pursse.
• * 11.75

  The princi∣pals of this murder fled a∣waie.
• * 11.76

  Bradshaw as vniustlie accu∣sed, as his simplicitie was shame∣fullie abused.
• * 11.77

  Innocencie no barre a∣gainst execu∣tion.
• * 11.78

  Note how these malefac∣tors suffered punishment.
• * 11.79

  Blacke Will burnt a•• Flishing.
• * 11.80

  A wonder tou∣ching the print of Ar∣dens dead bo∣die two yeares after he was slaine.
• * 11.81

  God heareth the teares of the oppressed and taketh vengeance: note an exam∣ple in Arden.
• * 11.82

  A parlement.
• * 11.83

  Fooke of common prai∣er confirmed.
• * 11.84

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1049. Sweating sickenesse.
• * 11.85

  Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 11.86

  Of this 〈◊〉〈◊〉 died Henrie •• Charles 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Charles Brandon, the elder first, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the yoong•••• after: so th•••• they both 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dukes of Suffolke.
• * 11.87

  Rich. Gra••••••••.
• * 11.88

  Remedie ••∣gainst the danger of the sweating sicknesse.
• * 11.89

  The imb••∣sing of the coine.
• * 11.90

  Two ••a••les of moni••.
• * 11.91

  Creation of honorable estates,
• * 11.92

  I.S. pag. 1050.
• * 11.93

  The duked Summer••et againe appre∣hended, and committed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the to••••••.
• * 11.94

  The duke ar∣reigned both of treason and ••••lonie.
• * 11.95

  The people ••••pposing the duke to be ••••••••re gaue a great showt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ioie.
• * 11.96

  The duke condemed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for felonie.
• * 11.97

  The duke of Summerset condemned returneth to the tower.
• * 11.98

  The people murmur at the dukes condemnatiō.
• * 11.99

  Policie.
• * 11.100

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 11.101

  Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow 1055.
• * 11.102

  The shiriffe•• lord of mis∣rule.
• * 11.103

  The executiō of the duke of Summerset.
• * 11.104

  Meanes to restraine the multitude from the dukes exe∣cution.
• * 11.105

  Iohn Fox. The dukes behauiour as his death.
• * 12.1

  Great feare among the people assem∣bled on the tower hill. Rich. Grafton. Iohn Stow.
• * 12.2

  Abr. Fl. ex Io. Foxi martyrolo∣gio.
• * 12.3

  A sudden noise & feare of the people at the death of the duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Summerset.
• * 12.4

  Namelie Iohn Fox the writer of the•• report.
• * 12.5

  The like sto∣rie you shall read of Caius Marius in Valerius Ma∣ximus the se∣cond booke and fift chap∣ter.
• * 12.6

  The great fa∣uour of the people to the duke o•• Sum∣merset.
• * 13.1

  Doctor Cox the dukes 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.2

  ••x. Fl. out of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fox in 〈…〉〈…〉 and Monuments. The godlie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Sum∣••erset.
• * 13.3

  The duke of Summerset described.
• * 13.4

  Who as it is supposed and proued since (saith Slei∣dan) was vniustlie condemned.
• * 14.1

  The collectiō of Frācis Thin in the yeare 1585.
• * 14.2

  Guendoline.
• * 14.3

  Martia.
• * 14.4

  Eldred.
• * 14.5

  Emma.
• * 14.6

  Harold.
• * 14.7

  Odo bishop of Baieux, and William Fitz∣osborne earle of Hereford.
• * 14.8

  Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie.
• * 14.9

  Sir Richard Lucie chéefe iustice of England.
• * 14.10

  Hugh Pudsie bishop of Durham.
• * 14.11

  Walter de Constantijs archbishop of Roane.
• * 14.12

  Hubert arch∣bishop of Can∣turburie.
• * 14.13

  Eleanor the widow of Henrie the second.
• * 14.14

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 14.15

  Geffreie Fitz∣peter earle of Essex.
• * 14.16

  〈…〉〈…〉 Marshall earle of Pen∣broke.
• * 14.17

  Peter de l•• Roches.
• * 14.18

  Hubert de Burow earle of Kent.
• * 14.19

  Walter Greie archbishop of Yorke.
• * 14.20

  Eleanor wi•••• to king Hen∣rie.
• * 14.21

  〈…〉〈…〉 religious ••••use in ••••••pshire, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by some ••••pposed.
• * 14.22

  Boniface archbishop of Canturburie.
• * 14.23

  Boniface archbishop of Canturbu∣rie.
• * 14.24

  Gilbert de Clare.
• * 14.25

  Edmund 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Corne••••••••
• * 14.26

  Edward prince of Wales.
• * 14.27

  Piers de Gauestone erle of Corne∣w••ll.
• * 14.28

  Iohn de Dro∣kensford.
• * 14.29

  Henrie Lacie earle of Lin∣colne.
• * 14.30

  Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester▪
• * 14.31

  Edward prince of Wales.
• * 14.32

  Walter Rei∣nolds archbi∣shop of Can∣turburie.
• * 14.33

  Iohn of El∣tham earle of Cornewall.
• * 14.34

  Edward the Blacke prince.
• * 14.35

  Iohn Strat∣ford.
• * 14.36

  Lionell duke of Clarence.
• * 14.37

  Henrie lord Persie.
• * 14.38

  Thomas of Woodstocke.
• * 14.39

  Iohn of Gant duke of Lan∣caster.
• * 14.40

  William Courtneie bishop of London.
• * 14.41

  Thomas Beauchampe earle of War∣wike.
• * 14.42

  Thomass Arundell bi∣shop of Elie.
• * 14.43

  Edmund of Langleie duke of Yorke.
• * 14.44

  Ione de Na∣mures wi∣dow to Henrie the fourth.
• * 14.45

  Iohn de Plantagenet duke of Bed∣ford.
• * 14.46

  Humfreie duke of Glo∣cester.
• * 16.1

  Thomas Beaufort duke of Ex∣cester.
• * 16.2

  Richard Beauchampe earle of War∣wike.
• * 16.3

  Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke.
• * 16.4

  This was doone 1561, counting the yeare to begin at Christmas as some doo, or at Ianuarie as others d••••▪
• * 16.5

  George Plan∣tagenet duke of Clarence.
• * 16.6

  Richard Plantagenet duke of Glo∣cester.
• * 16.7

  A digression concerning the conesta∣bles of Eng∣land nor men∣tioned before in pag. 865.
• * 16.8

  Nigellus de Oilie cone∣stable of Eng∣land.
• * 16.9

  The founda∣tion of the ca∣thedral church 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Norwich.
• * 16.10

  Robert de Oilie consta∣ble of Eng∣land.
• * 16.11

  The foundati∣on of the ab∣beie of Osneie or Orosneie in the yeare of Christ 1129, being about the thirtih yeare of Hen∣rie the first, as some write.
• * 16.12

  Katharine quéene of England▪
• * 16.13

  Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1051.

  Curteis, al∣derman of London com∣mitted to ward for vn∣reuerend words and signes to the lord chan∣cellor.
• * 16.14

  Anno Reg. 6. Sir Rafe Uane & other executed.

  House blowne vp with gun∣powder.
• * 16.15

  Muster of horssemen be∣fore the king in Gréenwich parke.
• * 16.16

  Dukes.
• * 16.17

  Marquesses.
• * 16.18

  Earles.
• * 16.19

  Lords.
• * 16.20

  Rich. Graf••on. Doctor Rid∣leie preached before the king, mercie and charitie.
• * 16.21

  The verie re∣port of bishop Ridleie, wher∣in we may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what fruits followed vpon his sermon: Ergo the hea∣ring of the word preach∣ed is profita∣ble.
• * 16.22

  A most noble and vertu••us saieng of king Edward to bishop Ridleie.
• * 16.23

  The citizens of London mooued to be assistants in this charita∣ble action.
• * 16.24

  The readines of the lord ma∣ior to prefer this good déed.
• * 16.25

  Degrées of poore.
• * 16.26

  Christes hos∣pitall.
• * 16.27

  S Thomas hospitall.
• * 16.28

  Bridewell.
• * 16.29

  Reliefe for the decaied house∣holder and lazer.
• * 16.30

  K. Edward the sixt foun∣der of the hos∣pitals in Lō∣don.
• * 16.31

  A blessed king.
• * 16.32

  Allusio ad ety∣mon nominis Eaduerdi.
• * 16.33

  Sir William Chester. Iohn Cal∣throp draper.
• * 16.34

  Richard Ca∣stel shoomaker.
• * 16.35

  I. Stow. 1053. A monster.
• * 16.36

  Great fishes,
• * 16.37

  Sebastian Gabato.
• * 16.38

  Thrée maria∣ges betwéene great estates.
• * 16.39

  The euill end whereto the knitting of these couples in mariage tended.
• * 16.40

  The kings feare fell out to be true.
• * 16.41

  The kings sickenesse in∣creaseth.
• * 16.42

  An euill min∣ded consulta∣tion of coun∣cellors.
• * 16.43

  Sir Iames Hales the od man.
• * 16.44

  The death of king Edward the sixt.
• * 17.1

  The commen∣dation of king Edward.
• * 17.2

  Sir Iohn Fox 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Acts & Monuments ••nder the title of Edward the sixt.
• * 17.3

  The noble memorie of ••ing Edward and his rare w••t.
• * 17.4

  I. Stow. 1••••8. K. Edwards death opened.
• * 17.5

  Ladie Iane proclamed quéene.
• * 17.6

  I. Stow. 1059. Gilbert Pot punished in Cheape.
• * 17.7

  Men drow∣ned at Lon∣don bridge.
• * 18.1

  The ladie Maries chal∣lenge to the crowne by right of suc∣cession.
• * 18.2

  She certi∣fieth the lords that she know¦eth what is intended a∣gainst hir.
• * 18.3

  She chargeth the lords vp∣on their loial∣ties to cause hir right to the regiment to be procla∣med.
• * 19.1

  The lords ad∣uertise the la∣die Marie that the ladie Iane is queene.
• * 19.2

  A subtill shift to prooue the ladie Marie illegitimate.
• * 19.3

  Ladie Marie remooueth frō Keningall to Fremingham castell.
• * 19.4

  Abr. Fl. ex. I. S. 1059.
• * 19.5

  The councell persuade the duke to vn∣dertake this enterprise.
• * 19.6

  C••rts laden 〈◊〉〈◊〉 munitiō.
• * 19.7

  The dukes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the councell.
• * 19.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 meaneth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 new quéen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 depriued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 executed.
• * 19.9

  The conclusi∣•••• of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 talke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the lords.
• * 19.10

  The earle of Arundell pro∣fesseth him∣selfe sorie that he goeth not with the duke of Northum∣berland.
• * 19.11

  Much a do on all sides du∣ring this stir broched be∣twéene the duke and the ladie Marie.
• * 19.12

  The old pro∣uerbe ver••fied Delaie brée∣deth danger.
• * 19.13

  Suffolke men the first that resorted to the ladie Marie.
• * 19.14

  Assistants to the ladie Marie.
• * 19.15

  Abr. Fl. ex I.S pag. 1062.
• * 19.16

  Aid by wind and wether for quéene Marie that was bent against hir.
• * 19.17

  The duke of Northumber∣land writeth for more suc∣cours.
• * 19.18

  Doctor Rid∣leie persua∣deth the peo∣ple in the title of queene Iane, &c.
• * 19.19

  The lords of the councell suspecting that all would go against them, procla∣med the ladie Marie quéen.
• * 19.20

  Learned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that wrote 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the reigne of king Ed∣ward.
• * 19.21

  Carmen 〈…〉〈…〉 in obitum regi•• Ed••ardi▪