Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 2] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

* 1.1❧Heere beginneth the XII. Booke, containing the bloudye doings and persecutions of the aduersaries against the Faithfull and true seruantes of Christ, with the particular processes and names of such as were put to slaughter from the beginning of Ian. An. 1557. and the fifte of Queene Marie. (Book 12)

The order and maner of the Cardinals visitation in Cambridge, with the condemning, taking vp, and burning the bones and Bookes of Bucer and Paulus Phagius, An. 1557. Ian. 9.

* 1.2CArdinall Poole, three yeares after his retourne into Englande, hauinge somwhat withdrawn his mind from other affaires of the realme,* 1.3 and hauing in all poyntes established the Romish religion, be∣gan to haue an eye to the vniuersity of Cambridge, whiche place amōg other, speciallye seemed to haue neede of reformation out of hand. To perform this charge,* 1.4 were chosen Cuth¦bert Scot, not long before consecrated Bishop of Chester, Nicholas Ormanet an Italian, Archpriest of the people of Bodolon, in the dioces of Ueron, professed in bothe the lawes, and bearing the name of the popes Datary, Tho. Watson, elected Bish. of Lincolne, Iohn Chrystopherson, elected bish. of Chichester, and Henry Cole Prouost of the colledge of Eaton. There was good cause why the matter was especially cōmitted to these persons. For as touching Ormanet, it is wel knowen that he was a man of much e∣stimation with Iulius the 3. at that time B. of Rome, and was appoynted to come into Englande with Cardinall Poole, because without his knowledge (as in whome hee put his chief trust and confidence) the B. would haue no∣thing done that was of any importance or weight.

These persones thus appoynted (in the meane while as the visitors were addressing themselues to their iour∣ney) sent their letters with the Cardinals Citation before doctor Andrew Perne,* 1.5 Uicechācellor then of Cambridge, with the other Commissioners associate, commāding him to warne all the Graduates of the Uniuersitie in theyr name, to be in a readinesse against the 11. day of Ianuarie, betwixt 8. and 10. of the clocke, in the churche of S. Marye the virgin: willing him especially to be there hym selfe in presence, and also to sette forward all the residue, to whose charge it belonged, y^t they should search out all Statutes, Bookes, Priuiledges, and Monuments appertaining to the Uniuersitie, or to any of the Colledges, or finally to a∣ny of thēselues, and these to present the same before them at the day appoynted, and euery mā to appeare there per∣sonally: for they woulde not faile, but be there at the same time, to lay before them such things as should seme neces∣sary to this charge of reforming y^e vniuersitye, and further to geue charge of all such things as should seeme most for the profit & behoue of the same, together with such thyngs as were to be done on theyr parte, accordinge as shoulde seeme most agreeable to the Decrees of the Canon lawe.

This citation of the Cardinal being brought to Cam∣bridge by master bullocke, was first exhibited in the Con∣uocation house of Regents, and there openly redde by the Orator of the Uniuersitie the 11. of December.

* 1.6After thys, vppon the 24. of December, whyche was Christenmasse euen, the Uicechancellor, wyth the heads of houses meeting together in the Schooles, it was there cō∣cluded, that the visitors charges should be borne by the v∣niuersitie and Colledges (which then cost the Uniuersitie an 100. pound thicke) and also that no master of any Col∣ledge should suffer any of the fellowes, scholers, or mini∣sters, to goe foorth of the towne, but to retourne before the Uisitation.

On friday, the 8. of Ianuarie, the Queenes Commis∣sioners, videlicet, Doctor Perne Uicechauncellor, Doctor Segewicke, Doctor Haruy, M. Francke, Kust, and an o∣ther who is here namelesse, also with sir Iames Dyer, the Recorder, M. Chapman, Euered sitting together in the Hal, certaine were there called by the appoyntment of L. Hawes, and charge giuen what should be done. And first the Commission was read. Then were all the high Con∣stables called to bring in theyr precepts, and sworne. Also 2. of euery Parishe of 10. or 12. hundredes, were sworne to inquire of heresie, lollardie, conspiracie, seditious words, tales, and rumors against the King and Queene. Item, for hereticall and seditious bookes, for negligences & mis∣demeanour in the church, for obseruation of Ceremonies, for Ornaments, and stocke of the church.

We sayd at the first,* 1.7 that the Cardinall thought the U∣niuersitie to haue neede of reformation. The reason whye hee shoulde thinke so, was this: either because the same of long continuance since any man could remember, had cast of the Yoke of the B. of Rome, and cleaued to the whole∣some doctrine of the gospel, or els by reason that bothe for the late schisme, not yet worne out of memorie, and for the doctrine of Martine Bucer, who not long before openlye in the sayd Uniuersitie interpreated holy Scripture, they saw many so sore corrupted and spotted with thys infecti∣on, that (euen as when a fire is spred in a towne) vnlesse a speedy remedy were adhibited out of hande, it were not possible, to their thinking, to quench it many yeares after. Who also feared (if it were not looked to in time) least this mischief should take rote, and by litle and litle infect al the members next vnto it, which yet were whole and sounde.

This was the yeare of our Lorde 1556. To the intent therfore to make a salue for this sore, the Inquisitours,* 1.8 of whome we spake before, came vnto Cambridge the 9. day of Ianuarie. And as they were yet on theyr iourney, not farre from the towne, diuers of the Masters & Presidents of the colledges met them, and brought them courteously, first into the town, and after to their lodging. They were entertained in Trinity colledge by M. Iohn Christopher¦son Master of the same house,* 1.9 and lately before elected B. of Chichester. Notwithstanding they were desired, some to one place, and some to an other as occasion serued, ey∣ther to do theyr dueties, or to shew theyr good wils: Cole to the kings Colledge, and D. Watson to S. Iohns. But whether it were for the acquaintaunce of Christopherson, or for the largenes of the house, which semed most conue∣nient for theyr purpose, they al tooke vp their lodgings in the sayd Colledge with M. Christopherson.

At theyr comming thether an Oration was made by a felowe of the house, who in the name of all the rest,* 1.10 w^t long Protestation declared that they were moste heartely wel∣come thether, & that he and his fellowes gaue them great thanks, that it had pleased theyr lordships to haue so good opiniō of them, as to chuse their house especially to lodge in, whereby they had bothe encouraged them to stande in hope of some further beneuolence towardes them, and also done great worship to theyr Colledge by theyr being there: wherefore they should looke at theyr hand agayne for as much duetie and reuerence, as lay in theyr power to perfourme.

To this Oration Watson made answer, that this fore∣warde and earnest good willes and mindes of theyrs,* 1.11 in doing suche curtesie, was right thankefully taken, both of hun and his, exhortinge them to continue stedfastly in the same, and to procede also when nede should require: for it was so far from any of their thoughts, to stop thē in this theyr race, that they would rather haste them forwarde to runne throughe more speedely, being not w^tout good cause perswaded to conceiue good hope of their beneuolēce to∣wardes them, in asmuch as they would do for them, what soeuer might tourne to theyr profit and commoditie.

Thys day, for asmuch as it was towarde euening ere they came, and the sunne was going down,* 1.12 was nothing els done. The next day being the 10. of Ianuarie, they be∣stowed in recreating them selues after theyr iourney, and in setting other things at a stay. Neuerthelesse to the en∣tent the same should not escape altogether without doing of somewhat, they interdited the 2. Churches, namely S. Maries, where Martin Bucer, and S. Michaels, where Paulus Phagius lay buried.

* 1.13These menne were dead a good while before Paulus Phagius had scarce yet shewed the proofe of his wit and learning, when he departed to God. 1549. Bucer lyued but a little after. During which time somewhat by wry∣ting, but chiefly by reading and preaching openly (where∣in the old man being painfull in the woorde of God,* 1.14 neuer spared himselfe nor regarded his health) hee broughte all men into such admiration of him, that neyther his frends could sufficiently praise him, neither his ennemies in anye poynt finde fault with his singular life & sincere doctrine. A most certaine token wherof may be his sumptuous bu∣riall, solempnised with so great assistence and gladnesse of all the degrees of the Uniuersitie, that it was not possible to deuise more to the settinge oute and amplifyinge of the same. The whole maner and order of the doyng whereof, beyng wrytten by M. Nicholas Carre, a learned man in a little treatise to Syr Iohn Cheeke Knight, wyth an E∣pistle full of consolation as concerning his departure ad∣ded thereunto, was sent afterwarde vnto Peter Martyr, then abiding at Oxford.

From the burial of Bucer and Phagius, vnto the cō∣ming of these visitours were passed aboute 3. or 4. yeares more or lesse. And from the time that that blessed Kynge Edward the vj. deceased, vnto that day, the Priests neuer ceased to celebrate theyr Masses, and other kinde of Cere∣monies in those places, and that without scruple of con∣science, as farre as men could perceiue. But after the time that these Commissioners came thether, those things that before were accompted for sacred and holy, beganne to be denounced for prophane and vnholy. For they comman∣ded that al those assemblies that should hereafter be made for the executing of holy Ceremonies, should be remoued to the kings Chappell, which is a place farre more stately then all the other.

* 1.15Now was come the 11. day, in the which the Uicechā∣cellor of the Uniuersitie, with the maisters and presidents of the Colledges, and all the other Graduates of euerye house, were commanded to appeare before the said Com∣missioners in their habites. It was commanded that the scholers also should come in theyr surplises, but that was not done. They assembled in great nūber to Trinitie col∣ledge: hauinge the Uniuersitie crosse borne before them, & in the gatehouse a forme was sette and couered, with cus∣shings and carpet on the ground for the visitours. Where the Uicechancellor hauing on a Tishewe cope, sprinkeled holy water on them, and purposed to sence them, but they refused it there, which notwithstanding afterwarde in the Queenes Colledge and elswhere they refused not.

There M. Iohn Stokes common Orator of the vni∣uersitie, made an Oration in the name of all the rest. The Copie whereof I thought good heere to exemplificate, in Latin as it was pronounced.

Maister Stokes Oration to Queene Maryes Visitors at Cambridge, An. 1557. Ian. 11.

* 1.16ACademia, Reuerendi Patres, in expectatione aduentus ve∣stri sollicita aliquandiu fuit, nunc praesentia dominationum vestrarum valde recreata libentissime vultus vestros intuetur, & ad apertam voluntatis suae testificationem, ecce vniuersa se suas∣que opes effudit. Conuenit in hunc locum tota Cantabrigiae fre∣quentia, adsunt omnes ordines, de quorum certa mihi & explo∣rata ad hanc rem voluntate, illud publica fide apud dominatio∣nes vestras affirmo, eos & separatim singulos, & coniunctim om∣nes optatissimum hunc aduentum mirificis studijs, & consenti∣entibus animis gratulari. Illud enim omnium animis habemus persuasum, & negotium hoc quod hodierno die, fauente Deo, excellentia vestra auspicatur, ad academiae rationes fore accom∣modum, neque in re, ad communem salutem tam necessaria, o∣peram aliquando vestram nobis defuturam. Permulta sunt ad hanc opinionem confirmandam, sed caetera non persequor: ea tantum oratione attingam, quae ita intimè cum praesenti nego∣tio cohaerent, vt diuelli ab eo disiungique nulla ratione possint. Atque sunt illa quidem numero certa & finita: verum re & vir∣tute, ita immensa, vt nulla dicendi facultate mea plene compre∣hendi possent: q́uoniam tamen & antea sum professus summam esse academiae laetitiam, eamque iustis de causis in aduentu ve∣stro susceptam, quaeso à vobis, vt dum eas breuiter recenseo fa∣ciles mihi aures praebeatis.

Reuerendiss. in Christo Pater Cardinalis Polus, Legatus, qui religionem oppressam restituit,* 1.17 patriae ruinas suffulsit, leges & decreta quasi postliminio reduxit, iste inquàm, iste Polus An∣glus, & verè noster Moyses, legationis vestrae autor est, à cuius excellenti virtute in omnes suae patriae partes plurima commo∣da dimanarunt. Quo vinculo necessitudinis, & si omnibus tem∣poribus optima ab illo sperare liceret, quòd ex corpore simus ipsius reipublicae, arctior est tamen & interior causa, quae nobis cum dominatione illius separatim intercedit. Superiore anno academiae procurationem in se humanissimè recepit, quam li∣berari custodia ita coeptam tenere se velle, literis significauit, vt non solum incommoda dimoueret, quibus studia nostra afflige∣rentur, sed vt ornamenta adijceret ea, quorum splendore augeri dignitas academiae aut maximè illustra••i posset. Quae res & spem antea nostram confirmauit, & nunc in eam cogitationem nos adducit, vt omnem illius humanitatem in hanc vnam visitatio∣nem esse collectam putemus, in qua quidem ea a vobis expecta∣mus omnia, quae summi cancellarij nostri insignis amor prae∣ter communem charitatem academiae, quasi pupillae suae propriae pollicetur. Atque vtinam quidem ipse sine reipublicae detrimē∣to, hoc tempore adesse posset, & academiam suam è tenebris & profunda nocte emersam, ipse suis radijs verae religionis splen∣dore illustraret, verum optioni nostrae publica vtilitas repugnat, qua valde impeditus sanctissimae sedis Apostolicae legatus, vos Vicarios substituit: quorum naturas propter prouidentiam, per∣sonas propter dignitatem, voluntates propter educationem ap∣tissimas ad hanc rem esse iudicauit. Ita que illud verè & ex ani∣mis istorum omnium affirmare possum, vos eos esse viros quo∣rum religionem amamus, virtutem colimus, voluntatem, fidem, & consilium ad publicam salutem impendimus. Post quam enim singulari & praestantissima virtute Cardinalis Poli, legati è su∣periorum temporum caligine, & tenebris, lucem in republica re∣spicere coepimus, vna certè grauissima etiam superioris aetatis mala sensimus, quibus profecto infinitis & miserrimis etsi antea premeremur, tamen ad calamitatis nostrae magnitudinem acces∣sit eiusdem ignoratio, vt (mea quidem opinione) eo simus ma∣gis miserabiles iudicandi, quòd tam turbulenta tempestate ia∣ctati ne moueri quidem nos, tam graui & periculoso haeresis mor∣bo oppressi, aut aegrotare mentes nostras, non intelleximus. Val∣de enim periculosa est aegrotatio illa, quaecunque sine doloris sensu naturam conficit, & affectos saepe priùs extinguit, quam aegrotare se fateantur. Eiusmodi morbo Academia laborabat, quae ad alias fortasse res satis ingeniosa & solers, in hac Religio∣nis causa, propter caput Ecclesiae laesum, vnde omnis sentiendi vis est, omnino hebes, stupida, & sine mente fuit, quoad tertio ante hunc anno diuina sanctissimi patris Iulij Clementia Angliae ferè emortuae miserata, iterum nos Ecclesiae inserit, corpus sen∣susque recreat, cuius ope conualescens Britannia, quam certa gehennae pericula effugerit, quiuis facile intelligit. Idem Aca∣demia cernit acutius, ne{que} quicquàm mali vspiam accidisse pu∣tat, quo nostra Regio in hac religionis vastitate & schismate mi∣serius fuerit afflicta. Non est opus recensere in hoc loco euersa Monasteria, spoliata Templa, strages sacerdotum, caedes nobili∣um, motus & tumultus populi, totius Regni egestatem, quae & si aliunde accidere possunt, tamen cum tam grauia sint vt oppri∣mant, vltionis & vindictae potius quam probandi causa in malos & nocentes infligi putamus. Sed sunt ista fortunae ludibria, gra∣uiora sumus passi religionis & conscientiae detrimenta: pietas in Deum omnis euanuerat, virginalis sacerdotum professio ad libidinem soluta est, animus quasi consopitus iacebat, quem nullae Ceremoniae excitabant, ipsa mens opinionum varieta∣te ita distracta, ita sibi ipsi dissentiens, vt infinitis erroribus implicaretur. In his erant duo praecipue fontes, ex quorum riuu∣lis & hausisse Academiam paulo liberalius, & illa potione ferme inebriatam confi••emur.

Prior ortum habebat ex illa nostri violenta diuulsione, à ca∣tholicae Ecclesiae vnitate, re non dissimili illius pugnae, quam o∣lim Menenius Agrippa in intestina ciuium discordia, de corpo∣re humano memorabat. Posterior ex immensa palude & coeno Wicleuiano emanauit: quem celebris apud nos imo miserabilis de Sacramento altaris patefecit. De cuius rei veritate plerique suo sensu abundantes, pro arbitrio quisque suo statuerat. Nos Philosophos, nec illos quidem optimos, imitati ex Epicureorū schola ad scripturae lumen aliquid attulimus, quòd enim Chri∣stus omnino, praecise, & sine exceptione, de vera & perpetua sui corporis praesentia affirmarat (in cuius verbi veritate fundamen∣tum fidei nostrae collocatur) id nos ita sumus interpretati, vt mā∣cam & alienam Christi vocem iudicaremus, nisi illa Epicuri propria particula (quasi) adderetur, & quod Christiani corpus & sanguinem, id nos quasi corpus & sanguinem diceremus. Sed non est istius temporis praeterita nimium meminisse, quae vti∣nam eterna obliuione obrui possent, neque vlla tantae labis me∣moria ad posteros nostros propagetur, tamen fuerunt attingen∣da generatim quidem, quòd erranti confessio salutaris sit, mem∣bratim verò, quod Academia his vulneribus á Censoria pote∣state confecta, à Censoria medicina ad salutem reduci postulat. Ipsa vero pro se & suis spondet omnes in authoritate vestra futu∣ros, quos assiduis concionibus adeo ad poenitentiam edocuit, vt & eos ad sanam religionem fidissime transijsse, & in eadem dili∣genti praesentis vitae vsu superioris aetatis damna sarcituros pu∣tetis. Nam qui primi in hoc cursu sunt acerrime contendunt in eo, quod tam voluntarie susceperunt & qui pigrius egressi, quasi pomeridianis horis ad hoc certamen accesserunt, ea certè prae∣bent iam immutatae voluntatis indicia, vt quomodo temerè & iuueniliter à sana religione defecerunt, ita non nisi maturi &

cum iudicio ab haeresi desciuisse videantur. Vniuersis vero si∣mul restituta & desiderata religio magis placere videtur, quia si assiduè praecepta, neque ad tempus obscurata fuisset.

Quapropter Academia supplex & prostrata primùm à Deo immortali pacem & veniam petit precaturque ab eo, vt hodier∣num diem ad suorum salutem conseruandam, & rempublicam hanc constituendam illuxisse patiatur. Deinde pro se, pro suis, pro vniuersis, pro singulis, hanc petitionem ad celsitudines ve∣stras affert, vt superiorum temporum offensas ex errore & iusti∣tia profectas praesenti hominum industriae condonetis. De reli∣quis vero pro summa prudentia vestra, & singulari in nos amore eam sentētiam feratis, vt su••rum causas vel iustitia vestra bonas inue••at, vel clementia bonas esse faciat. In vtroque parerit be∣neficium, si••e Academiam pro causarum aequitate iudicaueritis, si••e pro amoris vestri abundantia innocentem eam esse volue∣ritis Nos pro referenda gratia, summam in sacris modestiam, as∣siduam in literis operam, perpetuum verae religionis amorem, sempiternam vestri beneficij memoriam repromittimus.

* 1.18When he had made an ende of speaking, the Byshop of Chester answeared thereunto, that they tooke in ryghte good part, that the mother the Uniuersitie had made so o∣pen a declaration of her good will towardes them: for the whych he gaue most hearty thanckes, desiring her to per∣fourme in deede and in her woorkes, the thyngs that shee had so largely promised of her selfe in woordes and com∣munication.

AS concerning their good willes, there was no cause to mistrust. For theyr comming thether was not to deale any thyng roughly wyth such as fell to the amendement: but both the Cardinall hymselfe, and they also, were fully minded to shew fauour, deuising howe to bring al thyngs to peace and tranquillitie, desiring nothing more earnest∣ly, then that they which haue erred & gone astray, shoulde retourne in the right pathe againe. The right reuerende father the Lord Cardinall (whom he wished to haue bene present) wished the self same thing also, desiring nothyng so much as he with hys owne hands to sustaine and hold vp nowe ready to fall, or rather to raise vp already fallen to the ground, the Uniuersitie hys ward: for he gladly ta∣keth vpon him the name and duety of her Garden, whom it greatly grieued that the infections of the times past had spreade abroade so grieuous diseases, that euen the Uni∣uersitie it self was touched with the contagious aire ther∣of. For he woulde gladlier haue come thither to visite and salute it, then to correcte it, if the waightye affayres of the realme would haue permitted it. But now seing he could not so do,* 1.19 he had appoynted thys Commission, in y^e which he had assigned them to be his deputies, which (for because they knew him to set much store by the vniuersity) should extend the more fauor to it, and (for because they thēselues had bene there brought vppe) woulde the more earnestly embrace it. The chiefe matter that they came for, tended to this ende y^t such as had erred should confesse their faults,* 1.20 and retourne into the right way againe. For they were in good forwardnesse of healing, that acknowledged them∣selues to haue offended. And therefore it was wisely pro∣pounded on hys part that he would not altogether excuse the faultes of the Uniuersitie, nor of other men, but con∣fesse and acknowledge the crime, as that there were many thyngs had neede to be corrected and amended.

The cause why they were sent thither was to raise vp them that were fallen, and to receiue into fauour suche as were sory and would amend, wherin if (contrary to theyr expectation) they shoulde not be able to do so much wyth some men as they would: yet notwithstanding according to their duety, they wold shew themselues so dilygent for theyr parte, as that no lacke myghte be founde in them. For it was more openlye knowne than that it coulde be denied, that manye men did diuers thyngs of a frowarde wilfulnesse, and take stoutlye vppon them, wherewith as they were greatly mooued and agrieued (as reason was) so they coueted to remedy the mischiefe. Against whom, if any thing shuld seeme hereafter to be straitly determined, it was to be imputed to theyr own deserts, and not to the willes of them. Neither ought such as are whole & sound to be mooued at the chastisement of others, forasmuch as it pertained not onely to the wiping out of the foule blotte, which now sticked in the vniuersitie, but also to the health of many others whych had taken much hurt by the infec∣tion of them.* 1.21 For their owne partes, they more enclyned vnto mercy then to rigour. Howbeit considering that so greate diseases coulde not by gentle medicines be healed, they were driuen of necessitie to vse stronger. And yet if they would be contented to bee broughte againe to theyr ryght mindes, whych thing they chiefly coueted (for they wished that all shoulde amende and be led by wholesome counsel) & would yet at length waxe wery of their errors, and in stead of them frequent againe the ancient customes of themselues, & of theyr forefathers, they myghte boldlye looke for all kinde of humanitie and gentlenesse at theyr hands, in al this theyr busines of reformation, which they had now entred and begon, requesting no more of the U∣niuersity but to doe as became them: which being perfor∣med, he promised that theyr beneuolence, neyther in anye publike nor in any priuate personnes case shoulde in any wise be behinde hand.

These things being finished,* 1.22 they were broughte pro∣cessionaliter to the kinge colledge, by all the Graduates of the vniuersity, wheras was song a masse of y^e holy ghoste with great solemnitie, nothing wanting in that behalfe y^t might make to the setting forthe of the same. In this place it was marked that Nich. Ormanet, commōly surnamed Datary (who albeit he wer inferior in estate vnto Chester being a Bish. yet was superior to them all in authoritye) while the Masse was a celebrating, eft standing, eft sitting and sometime kneling on his knees, obserued certaine ce∣remonies, which afterward were required of al others to be obserued, as in processe hereof was to be seene.

From thence they attended all vpon the Legates to s. Maries church, which we declared before to haue ben in∣terdited. In the which place,* 1.23 for as much as it was suspē∣ded, although no masse might be song, yet ther was a ser∣mon made in open audience by M. Pecocke in the Latine tounge, preaching against heresies and hereticks, as Bil∣ney, Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley. &c. The which being en∣ded, they proceeded eftsoones to the visitation. Where first D. Haruye did in the Cardinals name exhibite the cōmis∣sion to the bishop of Chester with a few words in Latin. Which being accepted, and by M. Clarke openly redde to the end, then the Uicechancellor wyth an Oration did ex∣hibite the certificate vnder his seal of office,* 1.24 with the Car∣dinals citation annexed, conteining euery mans name in the Uniuersitie and Colledges, with the Officers and all the maisters of houses. Among whom was also Roberte Brassey maister of the kings colledge, a woorthy old man, both for his wisedom and his hoare haires. Who hearing hys owne name recited next after the Uicechauncellours, sayd: he was there present as all the other were: neuerthe∣lesse, for as much as y^e reformation of his house was who∣ly reserued to the discretion of the byshop of Lincolne, not only by the kings letters Patents,* 1.25 but also by graunte of confirmation from the bishop of Rome him selfe, vnder a penaltie if he should suffer any strangers to entermeddle, he openly protested in discharge of hys duety, that vnlesse theyr Commission gaue them authoritye and iurisdiction vppon that Colledge, either by expresse woordes or mani∣fest sense, he vtterly exempted himselfe from being present. This his exception they tooke all in great displeasure: al∣leaging that they were fullye authorysed for the order of that matter by the Cardinall, out of whose iurisdiction no place nor persons was exempted: wherefore he had done euil to call into question theyr authoritie,* 1.26 so well knowen to all men. Chester seemed to be more mooued at the mat∣ter then all the other: and that was because Brassey had a litle before obtained the woorship of that roume, eue•• vt∣terly against his wil, and maugre his head, doing y^e worst he coulde against him.

After the formal solemnity of these things thus accom∣plished, the commission being red, and the citation exhibi∣ted, al the masters of houses being openly cited, euery mā for a while departed home to his owne house, wyth com∣mandement to be at the common schooles of the sayd vni∣uersity at one of the clock the same day.* 1.27 When the degrees of the vniuersitye, commonly called Regents & non Re∣gents, were assembled thither, they spent the rest of y^e daye in reading ouer of Charters, graunted to the Uniuersi∣ty by kings and princes, in searching out of bulles & par∣dons from the pope, & in perusing of other Monuments pertaining to the Uniuersitie.

The next day folowing, being the 12. of Ianu. they re∣sorted to the kings Colledge to make Inquisition,* 1.28 eyther because the same for the woorthines therof was chiefe and soueraigne of all the residue, or els because that that house especially before all others, had beene counted, time out of minde, neuer to be without an hereticke (as they tearme them) or twaine. And at that present time, alb••it that ma∣ny nowe alate had withdrawne themselues from thence, yet they iudged there were some remaining still. The or∣der and maner how they woulde be intertained of euerye Colledge, when they shoulde come to make Inquisition,* 1.29 they themselues appoynted, which was in this sort.

They commaunded the master of euery house together with the residue, as well fellowes as scholers, apparelled in priestlike garmēts (which they cal habits) to mete them

at the vttermoste gate of theyr house towarde the towne. The maister him selfe to be dressed in like apparell as the Priest when hee rauisheth himselfe to Masse, sauing that he should putte on vppermoste his habite, as the rest dyd. The order of theyr goynge they appoynted to be in thys wise.* 1.30 The Maister of the House to goe formost. Next vn∣to him euery man in hys order as he was of degree, seig∣niority, or of yeres. Before the M. should be caried a crosse & holy water to sprinckle the Commissioners withal, and then after that the sayd Commissioners to be sensed. And so after this meeting, and mumbling of a few deuotions, they determined with this pompe and solempnitie to bee brought to the Chappell.

Many thought they tooke more honor vpon them than belonged to the state of man. Other some (forasmuche as at that time they not only pretended the iurisdiction of the Cardinall,* 1.31 but also represented the power and authoritye of the Bishop of Rome himselfe, who was accoumpted to be more than a mortall man) sayde it was farre lesse then of duety appertained to hys holinesse, in that the honoure that was done to his Legates, was not done to them but to his holinesse. Now was the houre come, at which they appoynted to meete:* 1.32 and being entred the kings colledge gate, where they looked for the maister and fellowes of the house, seeing no man came to meete them, they proceeded foorth to the Church doore, where they staied. There per∣ceiuing how the maister and the rest of y^e house were dres∣sing themselues as fast as they coulde, as in such order as was appoynted before, they came in sodenly vppon them, before they had set out any foote out of theyr places.

Then the maister first excused himselfe, that hee was ready no sooner,* 1.33 acknowledging that it had bene his due∣ty to haue bene in a readinesse. Secondly, he saide he was very glad of their comming, promising firste in hys owne name, and after in the name of all the rest, as muche reue∣rence, as mighte be, in all matters concerning theyr com∣mon veilitie, the which he doubted not, but should be per∣formed at their hands, according to his expectation. But like as he had don the other day in S. Maries church,* 1.34 the same exception he made to them nowe also: the whych his doing he besoughte them not to be offended withall. For seeing he did it onely for the discharge of his duetie, he had iuster cause to be helde excused.

Hee had scarsly yet finished his tale, but the Bishop of Chester with a frowning looke and an angry countenāce, interrupting him of his talke,* 1.35 said: he needed not to repeat the things hee had protested before, nor they to make aun∣swer any more to those things wherin they had sufficient∣ly enformed him before. He rather feared that their quarel was not good, that they made such a doe about it, & sought such starting holes. For so were diseased persones often∣times woont to do, when for the paine and griefe they are not able to abide a strong medicine. As thoughe that anye man were able to graunte so strong a priuiledge, as to w^t∣stand the Popes authoritye. As for the bishops letters, he sayd must nedes make on his side,* 1.36 and with such as were with him, & could not in any wise be alleged against him. Therefore he admonished him to desist from his vnprofi∣table altercation, and to conforme himselfe and his to such things as then were in doing.

After thys they went to Masse. Whych finished, wyth great solemnitie, first they went to the high aultare of the churche,* 1.37 & hauing there saluted theyr God, and searching whether all were well about him or no, they walked tho∣row all the inner chappels of the Churche. The Church goodes, the crosses, the chalices, the masse bookes, the vest∣ments, and whatsoeuer ornamentes were besides, were commaunded to be brought out vnto them. Whē they had sufficiently viewed all things, & had called foorth by name euery fellow and scholler of the house, they went to y^e ma∣sters lodging, where first and formost swearing them vp∣on a booke to answer to all such interrogatories as should be propounded vnto them (as farre as they knewe) they examined first the master himself, and afterward al the re∣sidue,* 1.38 euery man in his tourne. But there were some that refused to take this oth, because they had geuen their faith to the Colledge before, and also because they thought it a∣gainst all righte and reason to sweare against themselues: for it was contrary to all law that a man should be com∣pelled to bewraye himselfe, and not to be suffred to keepe his conscience free, when there is no manifest proofe to be laid to his charge: but muche more vniust is it, that a man shoulde be constrained perforce to accuse himselfe. Neuer∣theles these persons also, after much altercation, at length (conditionally, that their faithe geuen before to the Col∣ledge, wer not impeched therby) wer cōtēted to be sworn.

Three daies long lasted the Inquisition there. Thys was nowe the 3. day of their comming, & it was thought that the case of Bucer and Phagius was delayed longer then neded.* 1.39 For they looked to haue had much altercation and businesse about the matter. Nowe, forasmuche as the present state of the case required good deliberation and ad∣uisement, the Uicechauncelor and the maisters of the col∣ledges assembled at the common schooles, wher euery mā gaue his verdit what he thought meete to be done in this matter of Bucer. After muche debating, they agreed alto∣gether in this determination: that for asmuch as Martin Bucer whiles he liued, had not onely sowed pernicious & erroneous doctrine among ••hem, but also hadde hym selfe bene a sectarie and famous hereticke, erring from the Ca∣tholicke churche, and geuing others occasion to fall from the same likewise: a supplication should be made to y^e lord Commissioners, in the name of the whole vniuersity, that his deade carkas might foorthwith be digged vp (for so it was needefull to be done) to the intente that Inquisition might be made as touching his doctrine,* 1.40 the which beyng brought in examination, if it were not foūd to be good and wholesome, y^e law might proceede against him: for it was against the rule of the holy Canons,* 1.41 that his body should be buried in christen buriall. Yea, and besides that it was to the open derogation of Gods honor, and the violating of his holy lawes, with the great pearill of many mennes soules, and the offence of the faithfull, especially in so dif∣ficulte and contagions a time as that was.* 1.42 Wherefore it was not to be suffered, that they, which vtterlye dissented from all other men in the trade of their liuing, lawes, and customes, should haue any parte with them in honoure of buriall. And therefore the glory of God first and before all things ought to be defended, the infamye (which through this thing riseth on them) with all speede putte awaye, no roume at all left vnto those persones to rest in, who euen in the same places where they lay, were iniurious & noy∣some to the very elements, but the place ought to be pur∣ged, and all things so ordered as might be to the satisfying of the consciences of the weake. In executing whereof, so notable an example ought to be geuen to all men, that no man heereafter should be so bolde to attempt the like.

They gaue the same verdicte by common assent vpon Phagius also.* 1.43 Unto thys wryting they annexed an other by the which they lawfullye authorised Andrewe Perne the Uicechauncellour, to be the common factoure for the Uniuersitie. He was a man meerest for the purpose, bothe for the office that he bare, and also because that by the testi∣mony of Chrystopherson hee was deemed to be the moste Catholicke of all others. This supplication confirmed by the consent of all the Degrees of the Uniuersitie, and sig∣ned with theyr common seale, the nexte daye, whiche was the 13. of Ianuarie, the Uicechauncelour putte vppe to the Commissioners. Note here good reader, what a feat con∣ueiance this was, to suborne the Uniuersitie vnder a co∣lourable pretence to desire this thinge of them by waye of peticion. As who should say, if they had not done so, the o∣ther would neuer haue gone about it of themselues.

But thys glose was soone found out. For the Cōmis∣sioners had geuē the Uicechancellor instructions in wry∣ting before. But peraduēture they thought by this means to remooue the enuie of this acte from themselues.

Thus the Uicechauncelour came vnto the Commis∣sioners according to appoyntment made the daye before, about seuen of the clocke in the morning. Hee hadde scarse declared the cause of his comming, but that he hadde not only obtained his sute,* 1.44 but also euen at the very same time receiued the sentence of condemnation, for taking vppe Bucer and Phagius, faire copied out by Ormanet Data∣rie himselfe. This was to be confirmed by the consente of the degrees of the Uniuersitie. Whereuppon a solempne Conuocation called congregatio regentium & non regenti∣um for the same purpose was appoynted to be at ix. of the clocke: where the graduates being assembled together, the demaunde was propounded concerning the condemnati∣on of Bucer and Phagius, and the grace asked, whyche was thys: Pleaseth it you that M. Bucer for the heresyes nowe recited, and many other by hym wrytten, preached, and taughte, wherein he dyed without repentaunce, and was buried in Christen buriall, may be exhumate and ta∣ken vp againe. &c. After this grace eftsoones being graun∣ted, then was the Sentence of condemnation drawen by the Datarie, openlye redde, and immediatelye an other grace asked, that the same myghte bee Signed wyth the Common Seale. The whyche request was verye light∣lye and easilye obtayned. And it was no meruaile.

For nowe after the deathe of Kinge Edwarde, since the time that the gouernement of the Realme came to the hande of Queene Marye, all suche personnes being dry∣uen awaye as hadde reiected the Romishe Religion (in whom wel nie alone rested whatsoeuer wit and learning

was in the whole Uniuersitie besides) such a sort of Ras∣kals were put in their roumes, that all places now swar∣med with vnlerned and vnnurtured chaplains. To whō nothyng was greater pleasure, then to cause all men to speake slander and reproch of Bucer. There were dyuers yet left among them, that spake agaynst their demaunds. But they (because, as it commonly commeth to passe, that might ouercommeth right) could nothing auaile. For this is a common custome in all such matters & ordināces, that looke what the greater number decreeth, is published in y^e name of all: and that which the better part disallowed, se∣meth as though no man at all disallowed it.

* 1.45The next day beyng the 14. of Ianuary, all the Uisi∣tors (onely Christopherson elect of Chichester excepted) came to the Kings Colledge. Where first goyng into the Church, and there makyng their prayers at the gresings, they so proceeded into the stalles, there sitting all the masse tyme, the company standyng in their copes, and singing a solemne Respond in honour of the Uisitors. After the re∣spond done, the Prouost in the best Cope made to them his protestation, vnto whom the B. of Chester made aun∣swer also in Latine, declaryng that he could not perceyue to what purpose his protestation was, notwithstandyng they would accept it and beare with him. Then went they to Masse, which ended, the Catholike Uisitors approched vp to the aulter, & tooke downe the Sacrament, & searched the pixe, but first the two Bishops sensed the Sacrament.

Then they went to the reuestry, and opened the Cha∣lices, corporas cases, and crismatory, and viewed all those thyngs. And so re••urnyng into the Prouosts chamber, de∣uided themselues in examination of the Prouost, Uicepro∣uost, and the rest of the company. The same day D. Bacon M. of Gonwell hall, bad the Uicechauncellor, D. Young, D. Haruy, Swineborne, Maptide with others home to dinner.* 1.46 These men immediately after diner, caused the cō∣mon seale of the Uniuersitie to bee put to the foresayd in∣strument of condemnation, accordyng as was determined the day before by the generall consent of the Graduates of the Uniuersitie. And by and by after, they caried the same to the Commissioners to their lodgyng. The which when they had receiued,* 1.47 forasmuch as after more diligent peru∣sing thereof, it liked them not in all points, some thynges they rased out, some they enterlined, other some they chan∣ged: so that in fine, they were faine to take the payne to engrosse it new agayne.

To the signing wherof, a congregation was eftsoones called of all the Graduates of the Uniuersitie agaynst the next day,* 1.48 which there beyng red ouer, a new grace againe was asked and granted for settyng to the seale. Thē were the Graduates dismissed, with commaundement to resort forthwith to S. Mary Church,* 1.49 whether the Commissio∣ners also repayred. When they had taken their places, D. Harny presented to them before all the company, a newe commission to make enquest vpon heresie then newly sent from the Cardinall, which was red immediately by Uin∣cent of Noally, Ormanets Clarke. This done, D. Perne (who as ye heard, was factor for the Uniuersitie, exhibi∣ted to the cōmissioners in the name of y^e Uniuersitie y^e sen∣tence of the foresayd condemnation.* 1.50 The copy and tenour whereof, hereafter (God willyng) shall follow. This cō∣demnation beyng openly red, then D. Perne aforesaid de∣sired to send out processe to cite Bucer and Phagius to ap∣peare, or any other that would take vpon them to pleade their cause, & to stand to the order of the court agaynst the next Monday: to the intent that when they had exhibited themselues, the Courte might the better determine what ought to be done to them by order of law.

The commissioners condescended to hys request, and the next day processe went out to cite the offenders.* 1.51 This citation Uincent of Noally their common Notarie, ha∣uyng first red it ouer before certayne witnesses appointed for the same purpose, caused to bee fixed vp in places con∣uenient, to witte, vpon S. Mary church doore, the doore of the common Schooles, and the crosse in the market steade of the same towne. In this was specified, that whosoeuer woulde maintayne Bucer and Phagius, or stande in de∣fence of their doctrine, should at the xviij. day of the same moneth, stand foorth before the L. Commissioners, in S. Mary Church, which was appoynted the place of iudge∣ment, and there euery man should be sufficientlye heard what he could say. This Commaundement was set out with many wordes.

* 1.52Shortly after, the matter drewe toward Iudgement. Therefore the next day before the day limited, which was the xvij. of Ianuary,* 1.53 the Uicechauncellor called to hym to Peterhouse (whereof he was M.) D. Young, D. Segis∣wike, & with them Bullocke, Taylor, Parker, and Red∣man, Whitlocke, Mitch, & certaine others. These men cast their heds togither how they might beare witnes against Bucer & Phagius, to conuince them of heresie. For seyng the matter was brought in face of open court, & because it might so come to passe, that some Patrones of their cause would come out, they thought it needfull to haue witnes∣ses to depose of their doctrine. What came of this their cō∣sultation, it is not perfectly knowen.

The xviij. day the Uicechauncellor goyng to the In∣quisitors sittyng at the Kyngs Colledge,* 1.54 did put them in remembrance, that the same was the day in which by their processe sent forth the xvj. day before, they had commanded to appeare in S. Mary Church, such as would take vpon them to defend Bucer and Phagius by the law. He desi∣red therefore that they would vouchsafe to sitte there, if perchaunce any man would try the aduenture of the law. They lightly condescended thereunto. When the Uice∣chauncellor had brought them thether, hee exhibited vnto them the processe of the Citation which he had receyued of them to publish a little before, saying, that he had diligent∣ly executed whatsoeuer the contents of the same required. After that they had taken their places, and that no mā put forth hymself to answer for the offenders, the Iudges cal∣led aside D. Yong, D. Segiswike, Bullock, Tailor, Map∣tide, Hunter, Parker, Redman, aboue mentioned.* 1.55 Also Browne, Gogman, Rud, Iohnson, Mitch, Rauen and Carre, who had before written out the buriall of Bucer, with a singular commendation of hym, and sent it to Sir Iohn Cheeke Knight. These men takyng first their othe vpon a booke, were commanded to beare witnes agaynst the heresies and doctrine of Bucer and Phagius. The 22. day of the same month was limited to this Iurie to bryng in their verdict.

In the meane while, Ormanet and Doctor Watson a∣bode at home in their lodgyng to take the depositions of them whom we shewed you before to haue bene called to Peterhouse, & to haue communicated with the Uicechan∣cellor as concernyng that matter, whose depositions (as I told you) neuer came to light. The B. of Chester and D. Cole this day visited them of Katherine Hall, where, as farre as could bee learned, nothyng was done worthy of rehersall.

As Ormanet the Popes Datary was sittyng at Tri∣nitie Colledge,* 1.56 Iohn Dale one of the Queenes Colledge came to hym, whom he had commanded before to bryng with hym the pixe, wherein the Bish. of Romes God of bread is woont to be enclosed. For Ormanet told them he had a precious iewell: the same was a linnen cloute that the Pope had consecrated with his owne hands, which he promised to bestow vpon them for a gift. But Dale mis∣vnderstandyng Ormanet, in steade of the pixe brought a chalice and a singyng cake called the hoste, the whiche hee had wrapped vp and put in hys bosome. When hee was come, Ormanet demanded if he had brought him y^e thyng he sent hym for. To whom he aunswered, he had brought it. Then geue it me (quoth he.) Dale pulled out the cha∣lice and the singyng cake. When Ormanet sawe that,* 1.57 hee stepped somewhat backe as it had bene in a wonder, cal∣lyng hym blockhed, and little better then a mad man, de∣maundyng what he ment by those thyngs, saying: he wil∣led hym to bryng none of that geare, and that he was vn∣worthy to enioy so high a benefite: yet notwithstandyng, forasmuch as hee had promised before to geue it them, hee would performe his promise. Whereupon with great re∣uerence & ceremony, he pulled out the linnen cloth & layd it in the chalice, and the bread with it, commandyng them both for the holynes of the thyng, & also for the author of it, to keepe it among them with such due reuerence as belon∣ged to so holy a relique.

About the same tyme the Commissioners had geuen commandement to the maisters of the Colledges,* 1.58 that e∣uery man should put in writyng what books he had, with the authors names. And to the intent that euery mā shuld execute it without deceit, they tooke a corporal oth of them. This commandemēt some executed exactly and diligently other some, for as much as they deemed it wrongfull, exe∣cuted it slacke enough.

We declared before that the xviij. day was limited for the day of iudgement. Whē the day came▪ and that neither Bucer nor Phagius would appeare at their call in y^e court nor that any put forth hymself to defend them: yet the cur∣teous Commissioner would not proceede to iudgement, which neuerthelesse,* 1.59 for their con••umacy in absenting thē∣selues, they might haue done, consideryng how that daye

was peremptory. But these men beyng bent altogether to equity and mercy, had rather shew some fauour, then to do the vttermost they might by the law. Whereupon Uin∣cent published the second processe, and set it vp in the same places, as in maner before. The meanyng thereof varied not much from the first, but that it put of the iudgement day vnto the 26. of the same month. Uppon the which day the Uicechauncellor was sent for to their lodgyng, with whome they agreed concernyng the order of publishing the sentence. And because there should want no solemni∣tie in the matter, they commaunded him further to warne the Maior of the Towne to be there at the day appointed with all hys Burgesses, which the Uicechauncellour dyd speed with all readinesse.

This day (as I sayd) was the 26. of Ianuary, which beyng now come,* 1.60 first all degrees of the mother Uniuer∣sitie were assembled. And to fil vp this Pageant, thither came also the Maior and hys townesmen, and all met to∣gether in S. Mary Church to behold what there shoulde be determined vpon these men. After long attendaunce, at length the Commissioners came forth and went vppe to a scaffold that was somewhat higher then the residue, pre∣pared for the same purpose.* 1.61 When they had takē their pla∣ces, D. Perne the Uicechauncellor, the player of this En∣terlude, fashionyng hys countenance with great grauitie, reached to them the processe that was lastly published, to cite thē, saying these wordes: I bring forth againe (quoth he) to you right reuerend father and Commissioners, of the most reuerend my L. Cardinall Poole (payntyng out the rest of his stile) this Citation executed according to the purport and effect of the same: omittyng nothyng for his part that might make to the commendation of this mat∣ter. When he had thus finished his tale, by and by the B. of Chester after he had a little viewed the people, beganne in maner as followeth.

¶The Oration of D. Scot B. of Chester, before the condemnation of Bucer and Phagius.

* 1.62YE see ({quod} he) how sore the Vniuersitie presseth vpon vs, how earnest intercession it maketh vnto vs, not only to denounce Bucer and Phagius, which these certayne yeares past haue spred most pernicious doctrine among you, to be heretickes (as they be in deede) but also that we will commaund their dead carcas∣ses, which vnto this day haue obtayned honourable buriall a∣mong you, to be digged vp, and as it is excellently ordained by the Canon law to be cast into fire, or whatsoeuer is more grie∣uous then fire,* 1.63 if any can bee. For the degrees of the Vniuersitie deale not slightly nor slackly with vs in this case, but do so presse vpon vs, and follow the sute so earnestly, that they scarse geue vs any respite of delay. And I assure you, albeit this case of it selfe be such, as that euen the vnworthinesse of those persons, though there were no further cause,* 1.64 ought to induce vs to the doyng thereof, much the rather mooued with these so wholesome peti∣tions, it is meete and conuenient we should graunt it. For howe soeuer we of our selues are enclined to mercye in our heartes, (then the which wee protest there is nothyng vnder the Sunne to vs more deare and acceptable) yet notwithstandyng, the very law riseth vp to reuengement,* 1.65 so that the common saluation of you all, which the law prouideth for, must bee preferred before the priuate charitie of our mynds. Neither ought any such negli∣gence to ouertake vs for our partes, that we beyng scarce yet e∣scaped out of the shipwracke of our former calamitie, shoulde now suffer this vnexpiable mischiefe, to disquiet any longer the consciences of the weake.

* 1.66Moreouer, it is but reason that we should doe somewhat at so earnest intreatance and sute of the Vniuersitie. It needeth not me to speake much of our selues. For if we had bene desirous to enterprise this matter, it had bene lawfull after the first Citation, to haue proceeded to iudgement: but for because we were wil∣lyng that their defendours should be heard, and that the matter should be denounced and tried by law, we sent out the seconde processe.

If we had desired reuengement, we myght haue shewed cru∣eltye vpon them that are alyue:* 1.67 of the which (alas the more pi∣tie) there are too many that embrace this doctrine. If we thirsted for bloud, it was not to be sought in withered carcasses and drie bones. Therefore ye may well perceiue, it was no part of our wils that we now came hether,* 1.68 but partly induced at the intrea∣tie of the Vniuersitie, partly mooued with the vnworthinesse of the case it selfe, but especially for the care and regard we haue of your health and saluation, which we couet by all means to pre∣serue.

For you your selues are the cause of this busines: you gaue occasion of this confession, among whom this day ought to be a notable example, to remayne as a memoriall to them that shall come after, as in that which ye may learne not onely to shake of the filth which ye haue taken of these persons, but also to beware hereafter that ye fall no more so shamefully as ye haue done. But I trust God will defend you, and geue you myndes to kepe your selues from it.

As concernyng the parties themselues,* 1.69 whose case now hā∣geth in lawe, they bare about the name of the Gospell, where as in deede they wrought nothyng els than the euery and deceite. And so much the wickeder were they, in that they sought to co∣uer so shameful actes, with the cloke of so faire and holy a name. Wherefore it is not to be doubted, but that God will punish this despite of it selfe wicked, to you pernicious, by the authors ther∣of shamefull and abhominable.

But if God, as he is slow to wrath and vengeance, wil winke at it for a tyme, yet notwithstandyng, if we vppon whome the charge of the Lordes flocke leaneth, should permit so execrable crimes to escape vnpunished, we should not lyue in quiete one hower.

When he had thus spoken, hee recited the sentence out of a scroll, and condemned Bucer and Phagius of heresie: the form and tenour of which sentence, framed after y^e bar∣barous rude stile of that church, thus followeth.

The sentence of condemnation against M. Bucer, and Paulus Phagius.

NOs Cutbertus Dei & Apostolicae sedis gratia Episcopus Ce∣strensis, Nicolaus Ormanetus, Archiepiscop. plebis Bodo∣loni Veronen. diocesis infra scripti,* 1.70 Reuerendi Domini Cardi∣nalis & Legati auditor, Thomas Watson Decanus Dunelmens. & Henricus Cole, Praepositus Collegij Etonens. ad Vniuersita∣tem studij generalis oppidi Cantabrigien. Elien. dioces. visitand. Necnon ad in quibuscunque causis in eodem oppido Cantabri∣giae, & locis ei adiacen. commorantes personas, motis, & mo∣uendis, inquirendum & quomodolibet procedendum, & expres∣se ad eorum, qui in haeresi decesserint, memoriam damnandum, per literas illustris. ac Reuerendis. in Christo patris, D. Reginaldi Mariae in Cosmedin, S. Romanae Ecclesiae Presbyteri Cardinalis Poli nuncupati, sanctis. Domini nostri Papae & sedis Apostolicae ad Serenis. Philippum ac Serenis. Mariam Angliae Regem & regi nā & vniuersū Angliae regnū de latere Legati, Commissarij, siue delegati specialiter deputati, & ad huiusmodi peragendum suffi∣cienti facultate muniti, saluatoris & Domini nostri Iesu Christi nomine inuocato, pro tribunali seden. & solum Deum qui iustus est Dominus prae oculis habentes, per hanc nostram diffinitiuam sententiam, quam de sacrae Theologiae, & Iurisperitorum consi∣lio erimus, in his scriptis, in causa & causis, quae coram nobis in∣ter Vicecancellarium & Vniuersitatem Cantabrigien. denunci∣atores ex vna, & iniquitatis filios q••ondam Martinum Bucerum & Paulum Phagium, natione Germanos, & in hoc oppido olim commorantes & decedentes, reos denunciatos de & super cri∣mine haeresis notorie per eos, dum vixerint, incurso, rebusque a∣lijs in actis causae & causarum huiusmodi latius deductis, ex al∣tera, partibus, in prima versae fuerunt & vertuntur instantia, pronunciamus, sententiamus, decernimus, & declaramus prae∣dictos.

Martinum quidem Bucerum contra regulas & dogmata san∣ctorum patrum, necnon Apostolicas Romanae Ecclesiae,* 1.71 & sacro∣rum conciliorum traditiones, Christianaeque religionis, hacte∣nus in Ecclesia consuetos ritus ac processus (qui singulis annis die coenae domini per Romanos Pontifices celebrari & legi con∣sueuerunt, in quibus, inter alia, Wickleffistae, & Lutherani, & om∣nes alij haeretici damnati, & an athematizati fuerunt) de Sacra∣mentis Ecclesiae, praesertim circa illorum numerum, aliter quam sancta mater Ecclesia praedicat & obseruat, sentiendo, & docen∣do, ac sanctae sedis Apostolicae, & summi Pontificis primatum, & authoritatem negando, & publicè damnando, & praesertim hunc articulum.

Quod Ecclesia erret in fide & moribus.

Hic in publicis commitijs expressè defendendo, & illum ve∣rum esse definiendo, & determinando, ac multa alia tam per dam natae memoriae Iohannem Wickleffe & id maxime.

Omnia fato & absoluta necessitate fieri.

Et per Martinum Lutherum & alios haeresiarchas proposita & damnata, quam à se etiam inuenta & fabricata, falsa & haere∣tica dogmata credendo, & sequēdo, ac desuper etiam libros scri∣bendo & imprimi faciendo, impressosq́ue publicando in illisq́ue scripta etiam hic publicè legendo, & in publicis disputationibus defendendo, ac in pertinacione & obstinatione huiusmodi per∣manendo, & decedendo, notorium non solum haereticum, sed haeresiarcham.

Paulum verò Phagium, qui praeter alia, quae haeresim sapi∣unt,

ab eo in suis scriptis prolata, impiae memoriae Iohannē Oe∣colampadium, ac Martinum Bucerum praedictum, necnon Phi∣lippum Melancthonem, & Iohannem Brentium, notorios & in∣signes haeresiarchas, & eorum doctrinam, & in eius scriptis im∣pressis & vulgo aeditis,* 1.72 non solum probando, sed summis laudi∣bus attollendo, se non solum haereticis fauere, sed eorum falsis dogmatibus assentire, & ea credere, & probare: ad eaque credē∣da,* 1.73 alios inducere, niti manifeste se ostendit, & hic pro haeretico communiter & notoriè habitus & reputatus, in huiusmodi erro∣re impaenitens decessit, non solum haereticorum fautorem, sed haere••icum fuisse, nec non eosdem Martinum Bucerum, & Pau∣lum Phagiū excommunicationis & anathematis, ac alias quas∣cunque contra huiusmodi personas, tam de iure communi, quàm per literas, processum, praedictorum statutas sententias, censuras & poenas damnabiliter incidisse & incurrisse: & eorum memo∣riam condemnandam esse, & condemnamus, ac eorum corpora & ossa quae hoc tempore perniciosissimi schismatis, & aliarum haeresium, in hoc regno vigentium, Ecclesiasticae fuerunt teme∣re tradita sepulturae▪ quatenus ab alijs fidelium corporibus, & ossibus discerni possunt iuxta canonicas sanctiones, exhuman∣da, & procul ab Ecclesia proijcienda, & exhumari & proijci mā∣damus, & eorum libros ac Scripturas, si quae hic reperiantur, pub¦licè comburen. & comburi praecipimus: ac eosdem libros & Scriptu••as quibuscunque, tam huius vniuersitatis, quàm oppi∣di, & locorum eis adiacentium, personis, sub poenis, tam ex iure communi, quàm literis processuum praedictorum, seu quomodo libet alias contra haben. & legen. libros haereticos statutis, in∣terdicimus.

After the sentence thus read, the Byshop commaun∣ded their bodies to be digged out of their graues, and be∣yng disgraded from holy orders, deliuered them into the handes of the secular power. For it was not lawfull for such innocent persons as they were, abhorryng from all bloudshed, and detestyng all desire of murder, to put any man to death.

¶The effect of Doctor Pernes Sermon against M. Bucer.

* 1.74OVer and besides this oration & sentence of D. Scot, came in also D. Perne Vicechancellour, with his sermon tendyng to the same effect, to the deprauyng of Maister Bucer, taking for his theame the place of the 132. Psalme: Behold how good & plea∣sant a thyng it is. &c.

Where beginning first with the commendation of concord, and of the mutual knittyng together of the myndes, he alledged, that it was not possible to hold together, vnlesse the concorde were deriued out of the hed, the which he made to be the B. of Rome, and that it also rested in the same.

After he had made a long protestatiō hereof, he passed forth to Bucer, vpon whom he made a shamefull railyng, saying: that his doctrine gaue occasion of diuision in the common wealth, & that there was not so grieuous a mischiefe, which by his meanes had not bene brought into the realme.

Although all men myght perceyue by the bookes hee had compiled, what manner of Doctrine it was: yet notwythstan∣styng (he sayde) he knewe it more perfectly hymselfe, then any dyd, and that hee had learned it aparte at the Authours hande hymselfe.

For at such tyme as they had communication secretly amōg themselues,* 1.75 Bucer (sayd he) would oftentymes wishe he myght be called by some other name, then by the name he had: for this purpose, as though knowyng himselfe guiltie of so grieuous a crime, he might by this meanes escape vnknown to the worlde, and auoyd the talke that went among men of hym.

Moreouer, among other thyngs he told how Bucer held opi∣nion (which thyng he should confesse to hym his own selfe) that God was the author and welspring,* 1.76 not onely of good, but also of euill: and that whatsoeuer was of that sort, flowed from him, as from the headspring and maker therof. The which doctrine he vpheld to be sincere: howbeit, for offending diuers mens con∣sciences, he durst not put it into mens heads.

Many other thyngs hee patched together of lyke pur∣port and effect,* 1.77 as of the supremacie of the Bish. of Rome, of the mariage of Priests, of diuorcements, and of shame∣full vsurie also, as though he had deemed the same lawfull to be vsed among christen people, with diuers other of the lyke sort.

In all which his allegations, considering how lewd∣ly without all shame he lied vpō Bucer (as his writyngs euidently declare) he dyd not so much hinder hys name with railyng vpon hym, as win vnto hymselfe an inexpi∣able infamy, by forging so shameful leesings vpon so wor∣thy a man.

But what needeth witnesse to prooue hym a lyer? hys owne conscience shall make as much agaynst hym, as a number of men.

It was reported for a truth, and that by his owne fa∣miliar friends testified, that the said D. Perne himselfe, ei∣ter immediately after hys Sermon, or els somewhat be∣fore he went to it, strikyng himselfe on the brest,* 1.78 and in a maner weepyng, wished at home at his house with all his heart, that God would graunt his soule might euen then presently depart and remaine with Bucers. For he knewe well enough that his life was such, that if any mans soule were worthy of heauen, he thought his in especially to bee most worthy.

Whiles he was thus talking to the people, in y^e meane tyme the leaues of the Churche doores were couered ouer with verses:* 1.79 in the which the yong men to shew their fol∣ly, which scarse knew hym by sight, blased Bucers name with most reprochfull Poetrie.

These thynges beyng dispatched, Perne (as thoughe he had sped his matter maruelously well) was for hys la∣bour, of curtesie bidden to dinner to Trinitie Colledge by the Commissioners. Where, after the Table was takē vp they caused the sentence of condemnation to be copied out with all speede:* 1.80 which beyng signed with the B. of Che∣sters seale, the next day followyng was for a triumph sent to London, with diuers of those verses and slaunderous Libels.

Besides this, they sent also their owne letters, where∣in they both aduertised the Cardinall how farre they had proceeded in that matter, and also desired hys Grace that he would cause to be sent out of hand to Smith the Maior of the Towne, the Commaundement, commonly called a Writte for the burnyng of Heretikes.* 1.81 For vnlesse hee had the Queenes warrant to saue hym harmelesse, hee would not haue to do in the matter: and that which remained to be done in that case, could not be dispatched till that War∣rant came.

Whiles this pursiuant went on his iourny, they wil∣led to be brought vnto them the bookes that they commā∣ded before to be serched out. For they determined to throw them into the fire with Bucer and Phagius.

About the same tyme D. Watson takyng occasion vp∣pon the day, because it was a high feast, in the which was woont to bee celebrated the memoriall of the Purification of the blessed Uirgin,* 1.82 made a Sermon to the people vpon that Psalme: We haue receyued thy mercye (O Lord) in the middest of thy Temple, &c. In the which Sermon he spake much reproche of Bucer and Phagius, and of their doc∣trine.

He sayd, that these men, & all the heretikes of our time that were of the same opinion (the which for the most part he said, were budded out of Germany) amōg other things which they had perniciously put into mens heds, taughte to cast away all Ceremonies. Whereas notwithstandyng the Apostle hymselfe commanded all thyngs to be done in due order.

And vpon that deed of the blessed Uirgin and Ioseph which was done by them as vpon that day, it was mani∣festly apparant, that they with our Sauiour beyng then a little babe, obserued these rites and ceremonies for catho∣like men to teach. For he sayd,* 1.83 that they came to the Tem∣ple the same tyme with waxe Candles in their hands, af∣ter the maner of procession (as they terme it) in good order with much reuerence and deuotion, and yet we were not ashamed to laugh and mocke at these things with the he∣retikes and schismatikes.

As he was tellyng his tale of Christ, Mary, and Io∣seph, one of them that heard hym, a pleasaunt & mery con∣ceited fellow, turnyng himselfe to him that stood next him, and if it be true (quoth he) that this man preacheth, which of them I pray you (if a man might spurre him a questi∣on) bare the crosse before them?* 1.84 for that might not be mis∣sing in such solemne ceremonies. Not onely this man ie∣sted at the Preachers folly, but diuers other also laughed at his manifest vnshamefastnes, in preaching these so vain and foolish superstitions.

While hee was thus talkyng to hys audience,* 1.85 Iohn Christopherson elected B. of Chichester, beyng strikē with a sodaine sicknes, fel downe in a sound among the prease, & with much adoe, beyng scarse able a good whyle to come to hymself againe, in the meane tyme babled many things vnaduisedly, and as though he had bene out of his wittes. Some thought it came vpon this occasion, because he had bene greatly accused before the Commissioners for mispē∣dyng & misordering the goods of the Colledge, & therefore was grieued with the matter, knowyng that they had ben offended with hym, by that that Ormanet had canceiled before his face a Lease of his, by the which hee had let to ferme to his brother in lawe a certaine Manor of that col∣ledge, because the couenants seemed vnreasonable.

By this tyme was returned agayne the Pursiuaunt, who (as we before tolde) was sent to London wyth the Commissioners letters, and brought with him a warrant for the burning of these men.

* 1.86Upon the receit wherof, they appoynted the vj. day of Febr. for the accomplishment of the matter. For it had hā∣ged already a great while in hand.

Therefore when the sayd day was come, the Commis∣sioners sent for the Uicechancellor, demandyng of hym in what case things stood, whether all things were in a rea∣dines for the accomplishment of this busines, or no. Un∣derstandyng by hym that all thyngs were redy, they com∣manded the matter to be broched out of hand.

* 1.87The Uicechancellor therefore taking with hym Mar∣shall the common Notary, went first to Saint Michaels church where Phagius was buried. There he called forth Andrew Smith, Henry Sawyer, and Henry Adams, mē of the same parish, and bound them with an oth, to dig vp Phagius bones, and to bryng them to the place of executi∣on. Marshall tooke their othes, receiuyng the like of Ro∣ger Smith and W. Hasell the Towne Sergeants, & of I. Capper, Warden of the same Church, for doyng the lyke with Bucer. Smith the Maior of the town, which should be their executioner, (for it was not lawfull for them to intermeddle in cases of bloude) commaunded certayne of hys Townesmen to wayte vpon hym in harnesse, by whō the dead bodies were garded, and beyng bound w^t ropes, and layd vppon mens shoulders (for they were enclosed in Chestes, Bucer in the same that hee was buried, and Phagius in a newe) they were borne into the middest of the Market steade, with a great trayne of people follow∣yng them.

This place was prepared before, and a great Poste was set fast in the grounde to bynde the Carcasses to,* 1.88 and a great heape of Woode was layed readye to burne them withall.

When they came thither, the Chestes were set vp on ende with the dead bodies in them, and fastened on both sides with stakes, and bound to the Post with a long iron Chayne, as if they had bene alyue. Fire beyng forthwith put too, as soone as it began to flame round about, a great sort of bookes that were condemned with them, were cast into the same.

* 1.89There was that day gathered into the towne, a great multitude of countreyfolke (for it was market day) who seyng men borne to execution, and learnyng by inquirie that they were dead before, partly detested and abhorred the extreme crueltie of the commissioners toward the rot∣ten carcasses, and partly laughed at their folly in makyng suche preparature. For what needeth any weapon, sayde they? As though they were afrayed that the deade bodies which felte them not, woulde doe them some harme? Or to what purpose serueth that Chayne wherewith they are tyed, sithence they might bee burnt loose wythout pe∣ryll? for it was not to bee feared that they woulde runne away.

Thus euery body that stoode by, found faulte with the cruelnesse of the deed, either sharply, or els lightly, as eue∣ry mans mynde gaue hym. There were very few that li∣ked their doyng therein.

¶The purpose of D. Watsons Sermon against Martin Bucer.

IN the meane tyme that they were a rostyng in the fire, Watson went into the Pulpit in S. Mary Church,* 1.90 and there before his audience rayled vppon their doctrine, as wicked and erroneous, saying: that it was the ground of all mischiefe that had happened of a long tyme in the com∣mon weale. For beholde (sayd he) as well the prosperitie as the aduersitie of these yeares that haue ensued, and ye shall find that all thyngs haue chanced vnluckely to them that haue followed this new found fayth:* 1.91 as contrary all thynges haue happened fortunately to them that haue es∣chewed it. What robbyng and pollyng (quoth hee) haue we seene in this Realme, as long as Religion was defa∣ced with sects, the common treasure (gathered for y^e main∣tenance of the whole publike weale) and the goodes of the Realme shamefully spent in waste for the maintenance of a few folkes lustes, all good order broken, all discipline cast aside, holydayes appointed to the solemnising of ceremo∣nies neglected: and that more is, the places themselues beaten downe, flesh and other kynde of prohibited suste∣nance eaten euery where vpon dayes forbidden, without remorse of conscience, the priests had in derision, the masse rayled vpon, no honour done to the Sacramentes of the church: all estates and degrees geuen to such a licentious liberty without checke, that all things may seeme to draw to their vtter ruine and decay.

And yet in the meane time the name of the gospel was pretended outwardly,* 1.92 as though that for it men ought of duetie to geue credite to their erroneous opinions: where as in deed there is nothing more discrepant, or more to the slaunder of Gods worde then the same. For what other thyng taught they to remayne in that most blessed & my∣sticall Sacrament of the body of our Lorde, then bare vn∣leauened bread? And what els doe the remnaunt of them teach vnto this day? Whereas Christ by expresse wordes doth assure it to be his very body. Howe perillous a doc∣trine is that which concerneth the fatall and absolute ne∣cessitie of Predestination? And yet they set it out in suche wyse, that they haue left no choise at all in things. As who should say, it skilled not what a man purposed of any mat∣ter, sithens he had not the power to determine otherwyse then the matter should come to passe. The which was the peculiar opinion of them, that made God the authour of e∣uill, bringyng men thorough this perswasion into such a carelesse securitie of the euerlastyng eternitie, that in the meane season it made no matter eyther toward saluation, or toward damnation, what a man did in this lyfe. These errors (whiche were not euen among the Heathen men) were defended by them with great stoutnesse.

These and many such other thyngs he slanderously & falsly alledged against Bucer,* 1.93 whose doctrine (in such sort as he himselfe taught it) eyther he would not vnderstand, or els he was mynded to slaunder. And yet he was not ig∣noraunt, that Bucer taught none other thynges then the very same whereunto both he and Scotte in the raigne of K. Edward the vj. had willingly assented by subscribyng thereto with their owne handes. While hee talked in this wyse before the people, many of them that had writtē ver∣ses before, did set vp other new, in the which lyke a sort of waterfrogges, they spued out their venemous malice a∣gaynst Bucer and Phagius. This was the last act of this Enterlude, and yet there remained a few thynges to bee done, among the which was the reconciling of two chur∣ches, of our Lady, & of S. Michaell, which we declared to haue bene enterdicted before.

This was done the next day followyng, by the afore∣sayd B. of Chester, with as much ceremoniall solemnitie as the law required. But that impanate God, whom Bu∣cers carcasse had chased from thence, was not yet returned thether agayne: neither was it lawfull for hym to come there any more, but if he were brought thether with great solemnitie. As I suppose, duryng all the tyme of hys ab∣sence,* 1.94 he was entertained by the Commissioners at Tri∣nitie Colledge, and there continued as a Soiourner. For thither came al the Graduates of the Uniuersitie, the 8. of February, of gentlenes and curtesie, to bryng hym home agayne. Amongst the which number, the Bish. of Chester (worthy for hys estate to come nearest to hym, because hee was a B.) tooke and caried hym cladde in a long Rochet, and a large Tippet of Sarcenet about hys necke, wherein he wrapped his Idoll also. Ormanet Datarie had geuen the same a little before to the Uniuersitie, for that and such lyke purposes.

When this Idoll should returne home, hee wente not the straightest and nearest way as other folkes are woont to go, but he fetched a compasse about the most part of the towne, and romed through so many of the streetes, that it was a large houre and more, ere he could find the way in∣to his Church agayne. I beleeue the auncient Romaines obserued a custome not much vnlike this in their process••∣on, when they made supplications at the shrines of al their Gods. The order of which procession was this: the mai∣sters Regents went before singyng with a lowde voyce:* 1.95 Salue festa dies. &c. Next then followed the B. of Chester, about hym went Ormanet and his fellowe Commissio∣ners, with the maisters of the colledges, bearing euery mā a long Taper light in hys hand. After whom a little space of, followed other degrees of the Uniuersitie. Last behind came the Maior and hys Townesmen. Before them all went the Bedles, crying to such as they mette, that they should bowe themselues humbly before the hoste. If any refused so to doe, they threatned to send hym forthwith to the Tolboth. Their God beyng ledde with this pompe, and pacified with great sacrificed Hostes of Bucer & Pha∣gius, at length setled hymselfe agayne in his accustomed roume.

Scot of Chester prayed with many wordes, that that day might be luckie and fortunate to hymselfe, and to all that were present, and that from that day forward (nowe that Gods wrath was appeased, and all other thyngs set in good order) al men would make themselues conforma∣ble to peace & quietnes, namely, in matters appertainyng

to Religion. After this they bestowed a few dayes in pu∣nishing and amercyng such as they thought had deserued it. Some they suspended from geuyng voyces eyther to their owne preferment, or to the preferment of any other. Some they forbade to haue the charge of pupils,* 1.96 least they should infect the tender youth (being pliable to take what print soeuer should be layd vpon them) with corrupt doc∣trine and heresie, others they chastised wrongfully with∣out any desert, and many a one they punished, contrary to all right and reason.

Last of all they set forth certayne statutes, by y^e which they would haue the vniuersitie hereafter ordered. Wher∣in they enacted many thynges as concernyng the election of their Officers of the Uniuersitie, of keepyng and admi∣nistryng the goods of the Uniuersitie,* 1.97 and of many other thyngs. But especially they handled the matter very cir∣cumspectly for religion. In the which they were so scru∣pulous, that they replenished all thyngs, eyther with opē blasphemy, or with ridiculous superstition. For they pre∣scribed at how many Masses euery man should be day by day, and how many Pater nosters and Auies euery manne should say when he should enter into the Church, and in his entrance, after what sort he should bow hymself to the aultar, and how to the maister of the house, what he shuld do there, and how long he should tary, how many, & what praiers he should say, what, and how he should sing, what meditations other shoulde vse while the Priest is in hys Memento, mumbling secretly to himselfe, what time of the Masse a man should stand, and when he should sit down, when he should make curtesie, when exclusiuely, when in∣clusiuely, and many other superstitious toyes they decreed that it was a sport then to behold their superstitions, and were tedious now to recite them.

Moreouer, these maisters of good order, for fashions sake, ordained that euery man should put on a surples, not torne nor worne, but cleane, forbiddyng them in any wyse to wipe their noses thereon.

These thyngs thus set at a stay, when the Commissio∣ners were now ready to goe their wayes, the Uniuersitie for so great benefits (which she should not suffer to fal out of remembraunce many yeares after) couetyng to shewe some token of curtesie towardes them agayne,* 1.98 dignified Ormanet and Cole with the degree of Doctorship for all the residue, sauyng Christopherson, who now, by reason he was elected Bishop, preuentyng that degree, had re∣ceyued that order before. Thus at length were sent away these peacemakers that came to pacifie strifes and quarels, who through prouokyng euery mā to accuse one another left such gaps and breaches in mens harts at their depar∣ture, that to this day they could neuer be closed nor ioyned together agayne.

These Commissioners, before they departed out of the Uniuersitie,* 1.99 gaue commaundement, that the Maisters of euery house should copy out their Statutes, the which be∣side common Ordinaunces, conteined in them certayne Rules of priuate Order, for euerye House particularly. Swinborne (who as I sayd, was M. of Clarehall) being demaunded whether he would haue those thyngs engros∣sed in parchment or in paper,* 1.100 aunswered that it made no matter wherein they were written: For the Paper, or a sleighter thing that were of lesse continuance then Paper, would serue the turne well enough: For he sayd, a slende∣rer thyng then that, would last a great deale longer then those dercees should stand in force. Neither was the man deceiued in his coniecture: For within two yeares after, God beholdyng vs with mercy, called Queene Mary out of this life, the 17. day of Nouember, an. 1558. After whom her sister ELIZABETH succedyng in y^e kingdome, raised to life agayne the true religion. Whereupon as the church of Christ began by little & little to florish. So the memory of Bucer and Phagius (although their bones were burnt by Cardinall Poole) was restored agayne by this godlye Queene ELIZABETH, who gaue then in Commis∣sion to Math. Parker then Archbishop of Canter∣bury, and to Edmund Grindall then Bishop of London, to Maister Gualter Haddon and o∣thers: For the performaunce of whiche Commission, the sayd Reuerend Bi∣shoppes addressed their Letters to the Uicechancellor, &c.

❧ The Oration of M. Acworth, Oratour of the Vniuersitie, at the restitution of Martin Bucer, and Paulus Phagius.

I Am in doubt whether I may entreate of the prayse and commendation of so great a Clarke (for the celebratyng whereof,* 1.101 this assembly and concourse of yours is made this day) or of the vices and calamities, out of the whiche we bee newly deliuered, or of them both, consideryng the one cannot be mentioned without the other. In the which tymes ye felt so much anguish and sorrow (my right dere brethren) that if I should repeat them and bryng them to remembraunce agayne, I feare me, I should not so much worke a iust hatred in vs towardes them, for the iniuries receyued in them, as renew our olde sorrow and heuines. Agayne, men must needes account me vnaduised and foo∣lish in my doyng, if I should thinke my selfe able to make him which hath lyued before our eyes in prayse and esti∣mation, more famous and notable by my Oration, which he by his liuyng and conuersation hath oftentymes poli∣shed. But the wickednes of the tymes which endeuoured to wipe cleane out of remembrance of men the name that was so famous and renoumed in euery mans mouth, did much profite hym. In so much, that both in his life tyme all thyng redounded to hys continuall renowme, and in especially, after hys decease nothing could be deuised more honourable, then w^t so solemn furniture & ceremonies, to haue gone about to haue hurt y^e memorial of such a worthy man, & yet could not bryng to passe the thyng that was so sore coueted, but rather broght that thing to passe, which was chiefly sought to be auoyded. For the desire that men haue of the dead, hath purchased to many men euerlasting fame, and hath not taken away immortalitie, but rather amplified and increased the same. By meanes whereof it commeth to passe, that he y^t wil intreat of those things that pertaine to the prayse of Bucer after hys death, can not chuse but speake of the crabbednesse of the tymes past, vpō the which riseth a great encrease and augmentation of his prayse. But his lyfe so excellently set foorth, not onelye by the writyngs of the learned Clarkes, Cheeke and Carre, and by the liuely voyce of the right famous D. Haddon, vttered in this place to the great admiration of all the hea∣rers, when his body should be layd into his graue to bee buried, and after his buriall by the godly and most holye preachings of the right Reuerend father in Christ y^e Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury that now is, and of D. Redman, the which for the worthinesse and excellencie of thē, ought to stick longer in our mynds vnwrittē, then many things that are penned and put in print, but also by the great as∣sembly of all the degrees of the Uniuersitie the same daye, in bringyng hym to his graue, and the nexte day after by the industry of euery man that was endued w^t any know∣ledge in the Greeke or Latine tongs: of the which, there was no man but set vp some Uerses as witnesses of hys iust and vnfeined sorrow, vpon the wals of the Churche: that neither at that tyme any reuerence or duety which is due to the dead departyng out of this lyfe, was then ouer∣slipped, or now remayneth vndone that may seeme to per∣taine either to the celebratyng of the memoriall of so holy or famous a person, or to the consecrating of hym to euer∣lastyng memory. We at that tyme saw with our eyes this Uniuersitie flourishyng by his institutions, the loue of sincere religion, not onely engendred, but also confirmed and strenghthened through his continuall and daily prea∣chyng. In so much that at such tyme as hee was sodainly taken from vs, there was scarse any man that for sorrow could find in his hart to beare with the present state of this life, but y^t either he wished with al his hart to depart out of this lyfe w^t Bucer into another, & by dieng to follow hym into immortality, or els endeuoured hymselfe with wee∣pyng and sighyng to call hym agayne, beyng dispatched of all troubles into the prison of this body, out of y^e whiche he is escaped, lest he shuld leaue vs as it were standyng in battaile ray without a Captayne, and he hymselfe as one casshed, depart with hys wages, or as one discharged out of the Campe, withdraw hymselfe to the euerlasting qui∣etnesse and tranquillitie of the soule. Therefore all men e∣uidently declared at that tyme, both how sore they tooke hys death to hart, and also, how hardly they could away with the misture of such a man. As long as the ardēt loue of his religion (wherewyth we were inflamed) florished, it wrought in our hartes an incredible desire of hys pre∣sence among vs. But after the tyme that the godly man ceased to be any more in our sight, and in our eies, that ar∣dent and burnyng loue of religion by little and little wax∣ed cold in our myndes, and according to the times y^t came after (which were both miserable and to our vtter vndo∣yng)

it began not by little and little to be darkened,* 1.102 but it altogether vanished away, and turned into nothing. For we tell agayne into the troublesomnesse of the popish doc∣trine: the old rites & customs of the Romish church, were restored againe, not to the garnishment & beautifieng of the christian Religion (as they surmised) but to the vtter defacing, violating, & defiling of the same. Death was set before the eyes of such as perseuered in the christē doctrine that they had learned before. They were banished y^e realm that could not apply themselues to the tyme, & do as other mē did: such as remained, were enforced either to dissēble, or to hide themselues and creepe into corners, or els as it were by drinking of the charmed cup of Circes, to bee tur∣ned and altered, not only from the nature of man into the nature of brute beasts, but (that far worse and much more monstrous is) from the likenes of God & his Angels, in∣to the likenes of deuils. And all England was infected w^t this malady. But I would to God the corruption of those tymes which ouerwhelmed all the whole realme, had not at least wise yet pierced euery part & member thereof. Of the which there was not one but that (besides the griefe y^t it felt, with the residue of the body, by reason of the sicknes & contagion spred into the whole) had some sorrow & ca∣lamitie peculiarly by it selfe. And to omit the rest (of the which to entreat, this place is not appointed, nor the time requireth ought to be spoken) this dwelling place of the Muses (which we call the Uniuersitie) may be a sufficient witnes what we may iudge of all the rest of the body. For certes my brethren, the thing is not to be dissembled, that cannot be hidden. We applieng our selues to those most fil¦thy tymes, haue most shamefully yelded like faint harted Cowards, which had not the stomackes to sustaine y^e ad∣uersities of pouerty, banishment, and death. Which in our liuyng and conuersatiō kept neither the constancy taught vs by philosophy, nor yet the patience taught vs by holye scripture, which haue done all things at the commaunde∣ment of others. And therefore that which the Poete (al∣though in another sence) hath trimly spoken, may well be thought to haue bene truly prophesied vpon vs.

The tymes and seasons changed be: And changed in the same are we.

Diuers of them that were of a pure and sincere iudge∣ment as conceruyng religion, beyng driuen from hence & distroubled, the rest that remained tasted and felt of the in∣humanity of them in whose hands the authoritie of doing things here consisted: although to say the truth. I haue v∣sed a gentler terme then behooued. For it is not to bee ac∣compted inhumanitie, but rather immanitie & beastly cru∣elty, the which, when they had spent all kynds of tormēts and punishments vpon the quicke, when they had cruelly taken from such as constantly perseuered, life, from others riches, honors, and all hope of promotion, yet they coulde not be so satisfied, but that incensed and stirred with a gre∣ter fury, it began to outrage euen agaynst the dead. Ther∣fore where as in euery singuler place was executed a sin∣gular kynd of cruelty, in so much, that there was no kynd of cruelnes that could be deuised, but it was put in vre in one place or other, this was proper or peculiar to Cam∣bridge, to exercise the cruelty vppon the dead, which in o∣ther places was extended but to the quicke. Oxford burnt vp the right reuerend fathers, Cranmer, Ridley, and La∣tymer, the noble witnesses of the cleare light of the Gos∣pell. Moreouer, at London perished these two lanternes of light, Rogers and Bradford: In whome it is hard to say whether there were more force of eloquence and vtte∣rance in preaching, or more holynes of lyfe and conuersa∣tion. Many other without number both here and in other places were consumed to ashes for bearyng record of the truth. For what City is there that hath not flamed, I saye not with burning of houses and buildings, but with bur∣nyng of holy bodies? But Cambridge, after there were no more left alyue vpon whom they might spue out their bit∣ter poyson, played the mad Bedlem against the dead. The dead men, whose liuyng no man was able to finde faulte with, whose doctrine no man was able to reprooue, were by false and slanderous accusers indited, contrary to the lawes of God and man sued in the law, condemned, their sepulchres violated and broken vp, their carcasses pulled out and burnt with fire. A thyng surely incredible if wee had not seene it with our eyes, and a thing that hath not lightly bene heard of. But the haynousnes of this wicked act, was spred abroad as a common talke in euery mans mouth, and was blowen and dispersed through all Chri∣stendome. Bucer by the excellency of hys wit and doctrine knowen to all men, of our countreymen in maner craued, of many others intreated & sent for, to the intent he might instruct our Cambridge men in the sincere doctrine of the christen religion, beyng spent with age, and hys strength vtterly decayed, forsooke his owne countrey, refused not the tediousnesse of the long iourney, was not afrayd to ad∣uenture hymselfe vpon the sea, but had more regard of the dilatyng and amplifieng of the Church of Christ, than of all other thyngs. So in conclusion he came, euery man re∣ceyued and welcommed hym: afterward he liued in such wyse, as it might appeare he came not hither for his owne sake, but for ours. For he sought not to driue away y^e sick∣nesse that he had taken by the troublesome trauaile of his long iourney: and albeit his strength were weakened & appalled, yet he regarded not the recouery of hys health, but put hymselfe to immoderate labour and intollerable payne, onely to teach and instruct vs. And yet toward this so noble and worthy a person while he lyued, were shew∣ed all the tokens of humanitie and gentlenesse, reuerence and curtesy that could be, and when he was dead, the most horrible crueltie and spight that might be imagined. For what can be so commendable, as to grant vnto the liuyng house, and a bidyng place, and to the dead burial? Or what is he that will find in his heart to geue entertainement, & to cherish that person in his house with all kynde of gen∣tlenes that he can deuise, vpon whom he could not vouch∣safe to bestow buriall when he is dead? Agayne, what an inconstancy is it, with great solemnity, and with much ad∣uauncement and commendation of his vertues, to bury a man honourably, and anone after to breake vp his tomb, and pull him out spitefully, and wrongfully to slander him beyng deade, who duryng his lyfe tyme alway deserued prayse? All these things haue happened vnto Bucer, who whilest hee lyued, had free accesse into the most gorgeous buildyngs and stately pallaces of the greatest Princes, & when he was dead, could not be suffred to enioy so muche as his poore graue. Who beyng layd in the ground, nobly to his eternall fame, was afterward to hys vtter defacing spightfully taken vp and burned. The which thynges al∣beit they did no harme to the dead (for the deade carcasses feele no payne, neyther doth the fame of godly persons de∣pend vpon the report of vulgar people, and the lyght ru∣mours of men, but vpon the rightfull censure & iust iudge¦ment of God) yet it reprooueth an extreme cruelnesse and vnsatiable desire of reuengemēt, in them which offer such vtter wrong to the dead. These persons therefore whome they haue pulled out of their graues and burned, I beleue (if they had bene alyue) they would haue cast out of house and home, they would haue driuen out of all mens com∣pany, and in the ende with most cruell tormentes haue torne them in peeces, beyng neuerthelesse Alientes, beyng Straungers, and beyng also fetched hether by vs oute of such a countrey, where they not onely needed not to feare any punishment, but contrary wise were alwayes had in much reputation, as well among the noble and honoura∣ble, as also among the vulgare and common people. But yet how much more gentle then these men, was Byshop Gardiner, otherwyse an earnest defender of the Popishe doctrine. Who agaynst his owne countreymen, let passe no crueltie wherby he might extinguish with f••re & sword the light of the Gospell: and yet he spared Forreiners, be∣cause the right of them is so holye, that there was neuer nation so barbarous, that would violate the same. For when he had in his power the renowmed Clearke Peter Martyr then teachyng at Oxford, he would not kepe hym to punish hym, but (as I haue heard reported) when hee should go his way, he gaue hym wherewith to beare hys charges. So that the thyng which he thought he might of right do to his owne countreymen, he iudged vnlawfull to do to strangers. And whom the law of God coulde not withhold from the wicked murthering of his owne coun∣treymen, hym did the lawe of man bridle from killyng of straungers, the whiche hath euer appeased all barbarous beastlynesse, and mitigated all cruelty. For it is a poynt of humanitie for man and man to meete together, and one to come to an other, though they be neuer so far separated & set asunder, both by sea & by land, without the which ac∣cesse, there can be no entercourse of merchādise, there cā be no conference of wits, which first of al engendred lerning nor any commoditie of societie long to continue. To re∣pulse them that come to vs, and to prohibite thē our coun∣tries, is a poynt of inhumanitie. Now to entreat them e∣uill that by our sufferaunce dwel among vs, and haue en∣crease of household and household stuffe, it is a poynte of wickednesse. Wherefore this crueltie hath farre surmoun∣ted the cruelty of all others, the which to satisfie the vnsa∣tiable greedinesse thereof, drewe to execution, not onelye straungers, brought hether at our entreataunce and sen∣ding for, but euen the withered and rotten carcasses dig∣ged out of their graues: to the intent that the immeasu∣rable

thurst which coulde not be quenched with shedding the bloud of them that were aliue,* 1.103 might at the least be sa∣tisfied in burning of dead mens bones. These (my brethe∣ren) these I say, are the iust causes which haue so sore pro∣uoked the wrath of God agaynst vs, because that in doing extreme iniury to the dead, we haue bene prone and rea∣dy: but in putting the same away, we haue bene slow and slacke. For verely I beleue (if I may haue liberty to saye freely what I thinke) ye shall beare with me (if I chaunce to cast forth any thing vnaduisedly in the heat and hasty di∣scourse of my Oration) that euen this place, in the whiche we haue so often times assembled, being defiled with that new kinde of wickednesse, such as man neuer heard of be∣fore, is a let and hindraunce vnto vs, when we call for the helpe of God, by meanes whereof, our prayers are not ac∣cepted, which we make to appease the Godhead, & to win him to be sauorable vnto vs agayne.

The bloud of Abell shed by Cain, calleth and crieth frō the earth that sucked it vp: likewise, the vndeserued bur∣ning of these bodyes, calleth vpon God almighty to pu∣nish vs, and cryeth, that not onely the Authours of so greate a wickednesse, but also the Ministers thereof are vnpure, the places defiled, in which these thinges were perpetrated, the ayre infected which we take into our bo∣dyes, to the intent that by sundry diseases and sickenesses we may receiue punishment for so execrable wickednesse. Looke well about ye (my deare brethrē) and consider with your selues the euils that are past: & ye shall see how they tooke theyr beginning at Bucers death, following one in anothers necke euen vnto this day. First and formost whē we were euen in the chiefest of our mourning and scarcely yet recomforted of our sorrow for his death, the sweating sickenesse lighted vpon vs, the whiche passed swiftly tho∣row all Englande, and as it were in haste dispatched an innumerable company of men: Secondly, the vntimely death of our most noble king Edward the sixt (whose life in vertue surmounted the opinion of all men, and seemed worthy of immortality) happened contrary to mens expe∣ctation in that age, in which vnlesse violence be vsed, fewe do dye. The conuersion of Religion, or rather the euersion and turning therof into papistry. The incursiō and domi∣nation of straungers, vnder whose yoke our neckes were almost subdued. The importunate cruelty of the Byshops agaynst the Christians, which executed that wickednesse, for making satisfaction whereof, we are gathered together this daye. These are the thinges that ensued after his death: but after his burning ensued yet greeuouser thin∣ges. Namely newe kinde of plagues, and contagious diseases, vnknowne to the very Phisitians, whereby ey∣ther euerye mans health was appayred, or els they were brought to theyr graues, or elles very hardly recouered: bloudy battel••es without victory, whereof the profite re∣dounded to the enemy, and to vs the slaughter with great losse. The which thinges doe euidently declare, that God is turned from vs, and angry with vs, and that he geueth no eare to our prayers, and that he is not moued with our cries and sighes, but that he looketh, that this our meeting and assembly shoulde be to this end, that for as muche as we haue violated theyr coarses, we should doe them right agayne: so that the memoriall of these most holy men, may be commended to posteritye vnhurted and vndefamed. Wherefore amende yet at length (my brethren) which hy∣therto by reason of the variablenesse and vnconstancy of the times, haue beene wauering and vnstedfast in your hartes: shew your selues chearefull and forwarde in ma∣king satisfaction for the iniury you haue done to the dead, whome with so greate wickednesse of late ye endomaged and defiled: not by censing them with the perfumes of those odours and spices now worne out of vre, and put to flight, but with a true and vnfained repētance of the hart, and with prayer: to the intent that the heauenly Godhead, prouoked by our doinges to be our enemy may be our hū∣ble submission be entreated to be fauorable and agreable to all our other requestes.

When Acworth had made an ende of his Oration, M. Iames Pilkinton the Queenes reader of the diuinity le∣cture,* 1.104 going vp into the Pulpite, made a Sermon vpon the 111. Psalme, the beginning whereof is. Blessed is the mā that feareth the Lord.

Where intending to prooue that the remembraunce of the iust man shall not perishe, and that Bucer is blessed, & that the vngodly shall fret at the sight therof, but yet that all theyr attemptes shall bee to no purpose, to the entent this saying may be verifyed: I will cursse your blessinges, and blesse your curssinges, he tooke his beginning of hys owne person, that albeit he were both ready and willyng to take that matter in hande, partly for the worthinesse of the matter it selfe, and inespecially for certayne singuler vertues, of those persons, for whome that Congregation was called, yet notwithstanding he sayde he was nothing meet to take that charge vpon him.

For it were more reason that he which before had done Bucer wrong, should now make him amendes for the di∣spleasure. As for his owne part, he was so farre from wor∣king any euill agaynst Bucer, eyther in worde or deede that for theyr singular knowledge almost in al kind of lear¦ning, he embraced both him and Phagius with all hys harte. But yet hee somewhat more fauoured Bucer, as with whom he had more familiarity and acquayntaunce. In consideration whereof, although that it was scarce conuenient, that he at that time should speake, yet notw^t∣standing he was contented for frendshippe and curtesye sake, not to fayle them in this theyr businesse. Hauyng made this Preface, he entered into the pith of the matter, wherein he blamed greatly the barbarous crueltye of the Court of Rome, so fiercely extended agaynst the dead. He sayd it was a more heynous matter then was to be borne with, to haue shewed such extreme cruelnesse to them that were aliue: but for any manne to misbehaue himselfe in such wise towarde the deade, was such a thing as hadde not lightly bene heard of. Sauing that he affirmed this custome of excommunicating and curssing of deade folke, to haue come first from Rome. For Euagrius reporteth in his wrytinges, that Eutichius was of the same opinion, induced by the example of Iosias, who slew the Priestes of Baall, and burnt vppe the boanes of them that were deade, euen vppon the Aultars. Whereas, before the time of Eutichius this kinde of punishment was welneare vnknowne, neither afterwarde vsurped of any manne (that euer he heard of) vntill a nine hundreth yeares after Christ. In the latter times (the whiche howe muche the further they were from that golden age of the Apostles, so much the more they were corrupted) this kinde of cru∣elnesse beganne to creepe further. For it is manifestlye knowne, that Stephen the sixt Pope of Rome, digged vp Formosus, his last Predecssour in that Sea, and spoy∣ling him of hys Popes apparell, buryed him agayne in lay mans apparell (as the call it) hauing first cut off and throwne into Tyber his two fingers, with which, accor∣ding to theyr accustomed maner, he was woont to blesse and consecrate. The whiche his vnspeakeably tyrannye vsed against Formosus, within sixe yeares after, Sergius the third encreased also agaynst the same Formosus. For taking vp his dead body and setting it in a Popes chayre, hee caused his heade to be smitten of, and his other three fingers to be cut from his hand, and his body to be cast in∣to the ryuer of Tyber, abrogating and disanulling all his decrees, which thinge was neuer done by any man before that daye. The cause why so great crueltye was exercised (by the reporte of Nauclerus) was this: because that For∣mosus had beene an aduersarye to Stephen and Sergius when they sued to be made Bishops.

This kinde of crueltye vnharde of before, the Popes a while exercised one agaynst an other. But nowe, or euer they had sufficiently felte the smarte thereof themselues, they had turned the same vpon our neckes. Wherefore it was to be wished, that seeing it began among thē it might haue remayned still with the Authors thereof, & not haue bene spread ouer thence vnto vs. But such was the nature of all euill, that it quickely passeth into example, for others to do the like. For about the yeare of our Lord 1400. Iohn Wicklyfe was in lyke maner digged vp, and burnte into ashes, & throwen into a brooke that runneth by the towne where he was buryed. Of the which selfe same sauce ta∣sted also William Tracye of Gloucester, a man of a wor∣shipfull house, because he had written in his laste will that he shoulde be saued onely by fayth in Iesus Christe, and that there needed not the helpe of any manne thereto, whether he were in heauen or in earth, and therefore be∣quethed no legacye to that purpose as all other men were accustomed to doe. This deede was done sithens we may remember, aboute the 22. yeare of the raigne of Henry the 8. in the yeare of our Lord. 1530.

Now seeing they extended suche crueltye to the dead, he sayde it was an easye matter to coniecture what they would doe to the liuing. Whereof we had sufficient tryall by the examples of our owne men, these fewe yeares past. And if we woulde take the paynes to peruse thinges done somewhat lenger ago, we might find notable matters out of our owne Chronicles. Howbeit, it was sufficient for y^e manifest demonstration of that matter, to declare the beast∣ly butchery of the Frenche King executed vppon the Wal∣denses, at Cabryer, and the places nere thereabout, by his captayne Miner, aboute the yeare of our Lorde. 1545.

then the which there was neuer thing read of more cruel∣ty done,* 1.105 no not euen of the barbarous Paganes. And yet for all that when diuers had shewed theyr vttermost cru∣elty both agaynste these and many others, they were so farre from theyr purpose in extinguishing the light of the Gospell, which they endeuoured to suppresse, that it in∣creased dayly more and more. The which thing Charles the 5. (then whom all christendome had not a more prudēt Prince, nor the Church of Christ almost a sorer enemy) ea∣sily perceiued, and therefore when he had in his hand Lu∣ther dead, and Melancthon and Pomeran, with certayne other Preachers of the Gospell aliue, he not onely deter∣mined not any thing extreamely agaynst them nor viola∣ted theyr graues, but also entreating them gently sent thē away, not so much as once forbidding them to publish o∣penly the doctrine that they professed. For it is the nature of Christes Church, that the more that Tyrauntes spurne agaynst it, the more it encreaseth and florisheth. A nota∣ble proofe assuredly of the prouidence and pleasure of God in sowing the Gospell, was that comming of the Bohe∣mians vnto vs, to the intent to heare Wickliffe, of whom we spake before, who at that time read openly at Oxford: and also the goyng of our men to the sayde Bohemians, when persecution was raysed agaynste vs. But muche more notable was it, that we had seene come to passe in these our dayes: that the Spanyardes sent for into thys Realme of purpose to suppresse the Gospell, as soone as they were returned home, replenished many partes of theyr Countrey with the same trueth of Religion, to the which before they were vtter enemyes. By the which ex∣amples it might euidently be perceiued, that the Princes of this world labour in vayne to ouerthrowe it, conside∣ring how the mercy of GOD hath sowne it abroad, not onely in those Countryes that wee spake of, but also in Fraunce, Poole, Scotland, and almoste all the rest of Europe. For it is sayd, that some partes of Italy, (al∣though it be vnder the Popes nose) yet do they of late en∣cline to the knowledge of the heauenly trueth: Wherefore sufficient argument and proofe mighte be taken by the suc∣cesse and encreasement therof, to make vs beleue that this doctrine is sent vs from heauen, vnlesse we will wilfully be blinded. And if there were any that desired to be per∣swaded more at large in the matter, hee might aduisedlye consider the voyage that the Emperor and the Pope with both theyr powers together, made ioyntly agaynste the Bohemians. In the which the Emperour tooke suche an vnworthy repulse of so small a handfull of his enemyes, that he neuer almost in all his life tooke the like dishonour in any place. Hereof also might bee an especiall example that death of Henry Kyng of Fraunce, who the same day that he had purposed to persecute the Churche of Christe, and to haue burned certayne of his Garde, whome he had in prison for Religion, at whose execution he had promi∣sed to haue bene himselfe in proper person, in the middes of his tryumph at a tourney, was wounded so sore in the head with a Speare by one of his owne Subiectes, that ere it was long after he dyed. In the which behalfe, the dreadfull iudgementes of GOD were no lesse approued in our owne Countreymen▪ For one that was a notable slaughterman of Christes Sayntes rotted aliue,* 1.106 and ere euer he dyed, such a rancke sauour stemed from all his bo∣dye, that none of his frendes were able to come at hym, but that they were ready to vomit. Another being in vtter dispayre well nighe of all health, howled out miserably. The third ranne out of his wittes. And diuers other that were enemyes to the Churche perished miserablye in the end. All the which thinges were most certayne tokens of the fauour and defence of the diuine Maiesty towades his Churche, and of his wrath and vengeance towardes the Tyrauntes. And for as much as he had made mention of the Bohemians, he sayd it was a most apte example that was reported of theyr Capitayne Zisca: who when hee should dye, willed his body to be slayne, and of his skin to make a parchment to couer the head of a drumme. For it should come to passe, that when his enemies hearde the sound of it, they should not be able to stand agaynste them. The like counsell (he sayd) he himselfe nowe gaue them as concerning Bucer. That like as the Bohemians dyd with the skinne of Zisca, the same should they doe with the Argumentes and doctrine of Bucer. For as soone as the Papistes shoulde heare the noyse of hym, theyr Gew∣gawes would forthwith decay. For sauing that they vsed violence to such as withstoode them, theyr doctrine con∣teyned nothing that might seeme to any man (hauing but meane vnderstanding in holy Scripture) to be grounded vpon any reason. As for those thinges that were done by them agaynst such as could not play the madmen as well as they some of them sauoured of open force, and some of ridiculous foolishnes. For what was this first of all? was it not friuolous, that by the space of three yeares together, Masse shoulde be songe in those places where Bucer and Phagius rested in the Lord without any offence at al? and assoone as they tooke it to be an offence, straight waye to be an offence if any were heard there? or that it should not be as good then as it was before? as if that then vppon the soddeyne it had bene a haynous matter to celebrate it in that place, and that the fault that was past, should be counted the greuouser because it was done of lenger time before. Moreuer, this was a matter of none effect, that Bucer and Phagius onely should be digged vppe as who shoulde say,* 1.107 that he alonely had embraced the Religion which they call heresy. It was well knowne howe one of the Burgesses of the Towne had bene minded towarde the Popish Religion. Who when he shoulde dye, wil∣led neither ringing of Belles, Diriges, nor any other such kinde of trifles to be done for him in his anniuersary, as they terme it, but rather that they should go with In∣struments of Musicke before the Maior and coūsell of the Citty, to celebrate his memoriall, and also that yearely a Sermon shoulde bee made to the people, bequeathing a piece of money to the Preacher for his labour. Neither might he omit in that place to speak of Ward the paynter, who albeit he wer a man of no reputation, yet was he not to be despised for the religion sake which he diligently fo∣lowed. Neyther were diuers other moe to be passed ouer with silence, who were knowne of a certaynety to haue continued in the same sect, and to rest in other Churchyar∣des in Cambridge, and rather through the whole realme, and yet defiled not theyr Masses at all. All the which per∣sons (for as much as they were all of one opinion) ought all to haue bene taken vppe, or els all to haue bene let lye with the same Religion: vnlesse a man would graūt, that it lyeth in theyr power to make what they list lawfull and vnlawfull at theyr owne pleasure. In the condemnation of Bucer and Phagius (to saye the trueth) they vsed to much cruelty, and to muche violence. For howsoeuer it went with the doctrine of Bucer, certaynely they coulde finde nothing wherof to accuse Phagius, in as much as he wrote nothing that came abroad sauing a few things that he had translated out of the Hebrew and Chaldy tounges, into Latine. After his comming into the Realme, he ne∣uer read, he neuer disputed, he neuer preached, he neuer taught. For he deceased so soone after, that he coulde in that time geue no occasion for his aduersaries to take hold on, whereby to accuse him whome they neuer hearde speake. In that they hated Bucer so deadly, for the allow∣able maryage of the Cleargy, it was theyr owne malice conceiued agaynste him, and a verye slaunder raysed by themselues. For he had for his defence in that matter, (o∣uer and besides other helpes) the Testimony of the Pope Pius the second, who in a certayne place sayth that vppon waighty considerations Priestes wiues were taken from them, but for more weighty causes were to be restored a∣gayne. And also the statute of the Emperour, they call it the Interim, by the which it is enacted that such of the clear∣gye as were maryed shoulde not bee diuorced from theyr wiues.

Thus turning his stile from this matter to the Uni∣uersity, he reprooued in fewe wordes theyr vnfaythfulnes towardes these men. For if the Lord suffered not the bo∣nes of the King of Edome, being a wicked man, to bee taken vppe and burnt without reuengement (as sayth A∣mos) let vs assure our selues he will not suffer so notable a wrong done to his godly Preachers, vnreuenged. After∣ward, when he came to the condemnation (whiche we tolde you in the former action was pronounced by Perne the Uicechauncellour, in the name of them all) being some∣what more moued at the matter, he admonished thē how much it stoode them in hand, to vse great circumspectnes, what they decreed vpon any man by theyr voyces, in ad∣mitting or reiecting any man to the promotions and de∣grees of the Uniuersity. For that which should take hys authority from them, should be a great preiudice to all the other multitude, which (for the opinion that it had of theyr doctrine, iudgement, allowance, and knowledge) didde thinke nothing but well of them. For it would come to passe, that if they would bestow theyr promotions vpon none but meet persons, & let the vnmeet go as they come, both the common wealth should receiue much commodity and profite by them, and besides that they should highly please God. But if they persisted to be negligent in do∣ing thereof, they should grieuously endommage the com∣mon weale, and worthely worke theyr owne shame and reproch. Ouer and besides that the should greatly offend the maiesty of God, whose commaundement (not to beare false witnesse) they should in so doing breake and violate.

In the meane while that he was speaking these and ma∣ny other thinges before his audience,* 1.108 many of the vniuer∣sity, to set out and defend Bucer withall, beset the walles of the Church and Church porche on both sides with ver∣ses, some in Latine, some in Greeke, and some in English, in the which they made a manifest declaration howe they were minded both toward Bucer and Phagius. Finally, when his Sermon was ended, they made common Sup∣plication and prayers. After thankes rendred to God for many other thinges, but in especially for restoring of the true and sincere religion, euery man departed his way.

For as muche as mention hath beene made of the death of the worthy and famous Clerke, Martin Bucer, & of the burning of his boanes after his death, it shall not be vnfruitful, as the place here serueth, to induce the testimo∣ny or Epitaph of Doctor Redman which came not yet in print, vpon the decease of that man.

¶The Epitaph or funerall verse of D. Redman, vp∣on the death of Mayster Bucer.

ET tu liuor edax procul hinc abscede maligna, facessito inuidentia, Et procul hinc nemesis, procul hinc & Momus abesto, labes lues{que} mentium, Daemonibus similes homines quae redditis, almam foedatis atque imaginem Quam nostro impressit generi pater ille supremus, similes sui dum nos creat: Contemptrix odij & mendacis nescia fuci Adesto sancta Veritas. Dicito quis qualis{que}, elatum funere nuper quem vidimus tam flebili? Est in quam misera hac defunctus luce Bucerus, lux literati & dux Chori, Doctrinae radios qui totum solis ad instar misit per orbem splendidos. Hunc dirae nuper sublatum vulnere mortis lugubre flet Gymnasium, Et pullata gemit maerens schola Cantabrigensis orbata claro sydere. Ergo, quasi obstructo doctrinae fonte, querelas precesque nunc fundit. Agnoscit nunquam se talem habuisse magistrum ex quo sit olim condita. Non vnquam Cathedrae gauisa est praeside tanto, tam nobili & claro duce. Cuius & ingenij & doctrinae munera, summum virtutis ornauerat decus, Integritas morum grauitas prudentia, sermo semper dei laudem sonans, Et sale conditus, qualem vult esse piorum Apostoli sententia. Accessit zelus feruens & praesule dignus, peccata semper arguens. Nunquam desidiae, aut languori deditus, vllum indulsit otium sibi. Credibele est nimio fatum accelerasse labore, prodesse cunctis dum studet. Sed frustra laudes auguste carmine nitor tam copiosas claudere. Ergo Bucere, scholae & suggestus gloria sacri, valeto etiam vel mortuus. Aeternum in superis foelix iam viuito regnis, exutus etsi corporis Terrenis spolijs, huius miseri atque caduci: Quod est sepulchro conditum Christus depositum reddet cum foenore magno, Iudex breui quum venerit.

❧ The despightfull handling and madnesse of the papistes toward Peter Martyrs wife at Oxford, taken vp frō her graue at the commaundement of Cardinall Poole, and after buryed in a dunghill.

ANd because the one Uniuersity shoulde not mocke the other,* 1.109 like crueltye was also declared vpon the deade body of Peter Martyrs wife at Oxford, an honest, graue, and sober matrone, while she liued, and of poore people al∣wayes a great helper, as many that be dwelling there, can right well testify. In the yeare of our Lord. 1552. she depar∣ted this life, w^t great sorow of al those needy persōs, whose necessities many times & often she had liberally eased and relieued. Now, when Brokes Bishop of Glocester, Ni∣cholas O••maner Datary, Robert Morwen President of Corpus Christi Colledge, Cole and Wright Doctors of the Ciuill Law, came thither as the Cardinals visitours, they among other thinges had in Commission to take vp this good woman agayne out of her graue, and to consume her carkas with fire, not doubting but that she was of y^e same religion that her husband had professed before, whē he read the Kinges lecture there. And to make a shewe that they would do nothing disorderly, they called al those before thē that had any acquayntance with her or her husband.* 1.110 They ministred an othe vnto them that they should not conceale whatsoeuer was demaunded. In fine, theyr answere was that they knewe not what religion she was of, by reason they vnderstood not her language.

To be shorte, after these visitours had sped theyr busi∣nes they came for, they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them to the Cardinall agayne, certifying him that vpon due inquisition made, they could learne nothing, vpon which by the law they might burne her. Notwithstanding the cardinall did not leaue the mat∣ter so,* 1.111 but wrote downe his Letters a good while after to Marshall, then Deane of Frideswides that he should dyg her vp, and lay her out of christian buriall, because she was interred nigh vnto S. Frideswides relicks, sometime had in great reuerence in that Colledge. Doct. Marshal like a prety man calling his Spades and mattockes together in the euening,* 1.112 when he was well whitled caused her to be taken vp, and buryed in a dunghill.

Howbeit, when it pleased God vnder good Queene E∣lizabeth, to geue quietnes to his Church, long time perse∣cuted with prison and death, then Doctour Parker, Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, Edmund Grindall Bishop of Lō∣don, Richard Goodricke, with diuers other her Maiesties high Commissioners in matters Religion (nothing igno∣raunt howe farre the aduersaries of the trueth had trans∣gressed the boūdes of all humanity, in violating the sepul∣chre or graue of that good and vertuous woman) wylled certayne of that Colledge, in the whiche this vncurteous touch was attempted and done, to take her out of that vn∣cleane & dishonest place where she laye, & solemnely in the face of the whole towne, to bury her agayne in a more de∣cent & honest monumēt. For though of the body being once dead, no great estimatiō were to be had,* 1.113 how or where the bones were layde: yet was some reuerence to be vsed to∣ward her for sexe and womanhood sake. Besides, to saye the truth, it was great shame, that he which had trauelled so farre at king Edwardes request, from the place wherin he dwelt quietly, and had takē so earnest paynes, beyng an old man, in reading and setting forth the truth al he could, with learning to teach and instruct, and so wel deserued of that Uniuersity:* 1.114 should with so vngentle a recompence of ingratitude be rewarded agayne, as to haue his wife, that was a godly woman, a straūger, good to many, especially to the poore, and hurtfull to none, either in word or deede, without iust deseruing, & beside theyr owne law, not pro∣ceeding against her according to the order therof, spitefully to be layd in a stincking dunghill.

To all good natures the fact seemed odious, & of suche as be indued with humanity, vtterly to be abhorred. Wher¦fore M. Calfield, then Subdeane of the Colledge,* 1.115 diligēt∣ly prouided, that from Marshals dunghill she was resto∣red and translated to her proper place agayne, yea & with∣all coupled her with Frideswides boanes,* 1.116 that in case any Cardinall wil be so mad hereafter to remoue this womās bones agayne, it shall be hard for thē to discerne the bones of her from the other. And because to the intent the same might be notified to the mindes of men the better, the next day after, which was sonday, M. Rogerson preached vnto the people, in whiche Sermon by the way he declared the rough dealing of the aduersaries, which were not conten∣ted to practise their cruelty against the liuing, but that they must also rage agaynst one that was dead, and had lien 2. yeares in her graue. God graunt thē once to see their own wickednes. Amen.

And thus much touching the noble actes and straunge∣nes of this worthy Cardinal in both y^e vniuersities: wher∣vnto it shall not be impertinent, here also consequently to adioyne and set forth to the eyes of the worlde, the blinde and bloudy articles set out by Cardinal Poole, to be inqui∣red vpō within his dioces of Canterbury, whereby it may the better appeare what yokes and snares of fond & fruit∣les traditions were layd vpon the poore flock of Christ, to entangle and oppresse them with losse of life and libertye. By the which wise mē haue to see what godly fruits pro∣ceeded from that catholicke Church and See of Rome. In which albeit thou seest (good Reader) some good Articles insparsed withall, let that nothing moue thee: for els how could such poysō be ministred, but it must haue some hony to relish the readers taste.

* 1.117¶Here folow the articles set forth by Cardinall Poole, to be inquired in his ordinary visitation, with∣in his Dioces of Caunterbury.

❧ Touching the Clergy.

1 FIrste, whether the Diuine Seruice in the Churche at times,* 1.118 dayes, houres, be obserued and kept duly, or no.

2 Item, whether the Parsons, Uicars, and Curates do comely and decently in theyr maners and doinges behaue themselues or no.

3 Item, whether they do reuerently and duely minister the sacraments or sacramentals or no.

4 Item, whether any of theyr parishioners do die with∣out ministration of the sacraments, through the negligēce of theyr Curates or no.

5 Item, whether the sayd parsons, vicars, or curates, do haunt Tauernes or Alehouses, increasing thereby infamy and sclaunder, or no.

6 Item, whether they be diligent in teaching the Myd∣wiues how to christen children in time of necessity, accor∣ding to the Canons of the Church or no.

7 Item, whether they see that the Font be comely kept, and haue holy water alwaies ready for children to be chri∣stened.

8 Item, if they do keepe a book of all the names of them that be reconciled to the duety of the Church.

9 Item, whether there be any Priestes, that late vnlaw∣fully had women vnder pretensed maryage, and hytherto are not recōciled, and to declare theyr names and dwelling places.

10 Item, whether they doe diligently teach theyr Pari∣shioners, the articles of the fayth, and the ten commaun∣dementes.

11 Item, whether they do decently obserue those thinges that do concerne the seruice of the church, & al those things that tend to a good and Christian life, according to the Ca∣nons of the Church.

12 Item, whether they do deuoutly in theyr prayers pray for the prosperous estate of the Kyng and Queenes Ma∣iestyes.

13 Item, whether the sayd Parsons and Uicars do suf∣ficiently repayre theyr Chauncels, Rectoryes, and vicara∣ges, and do keep and mayntein them sufficiently repayred and amended.

14 Item, whether any of them do preach or teach any er∣roneous doctrine, contrary to the catholicke fayth & vnity of the church.

15 Item, whether any of them do say the diuine seruice, or do minister the sacraments in the English tongue, con∣trary to the vsuall order of the church.

16 Item, whether any of them do suspiciously keepe any women in theyr houses, or do keepe cōpany with men sus∣pected of heresies, or of euill opinions.

17 Item, whether any of thē that were vnder pretence of lawfull matrimony maried, and now reconciled, do priui∣ly resort to theyr presented wiues, or that the sayd women do priuily resort vnto them.

18 Item, whether they do goe decently apparelled, as it becommeth sad, sober, and discreet ministers, and whether they haue theyr crownes and beardes shauen.

19 Itē, whether any of thē do vse any vnlawfull games as di••e, cardes, & other like, wherby they grow to sclaun∣der and euill report.

20 Item, whether they do keepe residence and hospitali∣ty vpon theyr Benefices, and do make charitable cōtribu∣tions, according to all the lawes Ecclesiasticall.

21 Item, whether they do keepe the booke or Register of Christening, Burying, and Mariages, with the names of the godfathers and godmothers.

❧ Touching the lay people.

1 FIrst, whether any maner of person, of what estate, degree,* 1.119 or condition so euer he be, do hold, maintein, or affirme any heresies, errors, or erroneous opinions, cō∣trary to the lawes Ecclesiasticall, and the vnity of the Ca∣tholicke Church.

2 Item, whether any person doe holde, affirme, or saye that in the blessed Sacrament of the Aultar there is not cō∣teined the reall and substantiall presence of Christ: or that by any maner of meanes do contemne and despite the sayd blessed Sacrament, or do refuse to do reuerēce or worship thereunto.

3 Item, whether they doe contemne or despise by anye maner of meanes any other of the Sacramentes, Rites or Ceremonies of the Church, or do refuse or deny auricular confession.

4 Item, whether any do absent or refrayne, without vr∣gent and lawfull impedement, to come to the Church, and reuerently to heare the diuine seruice vpon Sondaies and holy dayes.

5 Item, whether being in the Church, they do not apply themselues to heare the diuine seruice, and to be contem∣platiue in holy prayer, and not to walke, iangle, or talk, in the time of the diuine seruice.

6 Item, whether any be fornicatours, adulterers, or doe commit incest, or be baudes, and receiuers of euill persons or be vehemently suspected of any of them.

7 Item, whether any do blaspheme and take the name of God in vayne, or be common swearers.

8 Item, whether any be periured, or haue cōmitted Si∣mony or vsury, or do still remayne in the same.

9 Item, whether the Churches & churchyardes be well and honestly repared and inclosed.

10 Item, whether the Churches be sufficiently garni∣shed and adorned with all ornaments and bookes necessa∣ry, and whether they haue a Roode in theyr church of a de∣cent stature, with Mary and Iohn, and an Image of the Patrone of the same church.

11 Item, whether any do withholde, or doth draw from the church any maner of mony or goodes, or that do with∣hold theyr due and accustomed tithes frō theyr Parsons & Uicars.

12 Item, whether any be common drunkardes, ribalds, or mē of euill liuing, or do exercise any lew pastimes, espe∣cially in the time of diuine seruice.

13 Item, if there be any that doe practise or exercise any artes of Magike, or Necromancy or do vse or practise any Incantations, Sorceries, or witchcraft, or be vehemently suspected therof.

14 Item, whether any be maried in the degrees of affi∣nity, or consanguinitye, prohibited by the Lawes of holye church or that do mary, the banes not asked, or do make a∣ny priuy contractes.

15 Item, whether in the time of Easter last, any were not confessed, or did not receiue the blessed sacrament of the aultar, or did reuerētly behaue themselues in the receiuing thereof.

16 Item, whether any do keepe any secret conuenticles, preachinges, lectures, or readinges, in matters of religion contrary to the lawes.

17 Item, whether any do now not duly keep the fasting and embring dayes.

18 Item, whether the aultars in the Churches be conse∣crated or no.

19 Item, whether the Sacrament be caryed deuoutly to them that fall sicke, with light and with a little Sacring Bell.

20 Item, whether the common scholes be well kept, and that the scholemaisters be diligent in teathing, and be also Catholicke, and men of good and vpright iudgemēt, & that they be examined and approued by the Ordinary.

21 Item, whether any do take vpon them to minister the goodes of those that be dead, without authority from the Ordinary.

22 Itē, whether the poore people in euery parish be cha∣ritably prouided for.

23 Item, whether there do burne a Lampe or a Candle before the sacramēt. And if ther do not, that then it be pro∣uided for, with expedition.

24 Item, whether infantes & children be brought to be confirmed in conuenient time.

25 Item, whether any do keepe or haue in theyr custody any erroneous or vnlawfull bookes.

26 Item, whether any do withhold any mony or goodes bequeathed to the amending of the high wayes, or any o∣ther charitable deede.

27 Item, whether any haue put away theyr wyues, or any wiues do withdraw thēselues from theyr husbandes, being not lawfully diuorced.

28 Item, whether any do violate or breake the sondaies and holy dayes, doing theyr daily labors & exercises vpon the same.

29 Item, whether the Tauernes or Alehouses, vpon the sondayes and holy dayes, in the time of Masse, matins and Euensong, do keepe open theyr doores, and do receiue people into theyr houses to drink and eat, and therby neg∣lect theyr dueties in comming to the church.

30 Item, whether any haue, or do depraue or contemne the authority or Iurisdiction of the Popes holynes, or the See of Rome.

31 Item, whether any Minstrels, or any other persons do vse to sing any songes against the holy sacramēts, or a∣ny

other the rites and ceremonies of the church.* 1.120

32 Itē, whether there be any hospitals within your pa∣rishes, & whether the foundations of them be duely & tru∣ly obserued and kept. And whether the charitable contri∣butions of the same be done accordingly.

33 Item, whether any goodes, plate, iewels, or possessi∣ons be taken away, or withholden from the sayd Hospi∣tals, and by whom.

¶A History of tenne Martyrs condemned and burned within the Dioces of Caunterbury, for the testimony of Iesus Christ, and trueth of his Gospell.

* 1.121MEntion was made a little before of the persecution in Kent, pag. 1860. Where we declared, that fiftene were in the Castle of Canterbury imprisoned and cōdemned for Gods word. Of the which fiftene moreouer we shewed & declared fiue to be famished vnto death within the said ca∣stle, and buryed by the high waye, about the beginning of Nouember. The other tenne, in the first month of the next yeare folowing, which was the yeare of our Lord. 1557. were committed vnto the fire, and there cōsumed to ashes, by Thornton, called Bishop or Suffragane of Douer, o∣therwise called Dicke of Douer, and by Nicholas Harps∣field the Archdeacon of the sayd Prouince.

The names of these tenne godly and Christian Mar∣tyrs be these:

• ...Iohn Philpot of Tēterden.
• ...* 1.122W. Waterer of Bedingden.
• ...Stephen Kempe of Nor∣gate.
• ...W. Haye Hythe.
• ...Thomas Hudsonne of Sa∣lenge.
• ...Mat. Bradbridge of Ten∣terden.
• ...Thomas Stephens of Be∣dingden.
• ...Nich. Finall of Tenterden.
• ...W. Lowicke of Crābroke.
• ...W. Prowting of Thornhā.

What the ordinarye articles were commonly obiected to them of Canterbury Dioces,* 1.123 is before rehearsed, Pag. 1672. saue onely that to some of these, as to them that folo∣wed after, as the time of theyr persecution did growe, so theyr articles withall did encrease to the number of two & twenty conteining such like matter as serued to the main∣teinaunce of the Romish See.

To these articles what theyr answeres were, likewise, needed here no great rehearsall, seeing they all agreed to∣gether,* 1.124 though not in the same fourme of woordes, yet in much like effecte of purposes: first graunting the Churche of Christ, and denying the Church of Rome, denying the seuen Sacramentes, refusing the Masse, and the hearing of Latine Seruice, praying to Saynctes, iustification of works. &c, And though they did not al answere vniforme∣ly in some smaller thinges, as theyr learning serued them, yet in the most principall and chiefest matters they did not greatly discord. &c.

[illustration]

¶The burning of sixe Martyrs at Caunterbury.

* 1.125

Of these tenne Godly Martyrs of Christe, sixe were burned at Canterbury, about the fiftene of Ianuary, that is. Kempe, Waterer, Prowting, Lowike, Hudson, and Haye. Other two, that is, Stephēs, and Philpot, at Wye, about the same moneth. Other two, which were Finall & Bradbrige, were burned both together at Ashford, the xvj. of the same.

The next moneth folowing, whiche was Februarye, came out an other bloudy Commission from the king and Queene, to kindle vp the fire of persecution,* 1.126 as though it were not hoate enough already: the contentes of whiche Commission I thought here not to pretermit: not for lack of matter, whereof I haue too much: but that the Reader may vnderstand how kinges & princes of this world, like as in the first persecutions of the primitiue Church vnder Ualerianus, Decius, Maximian, Dioclesian, Licinius. &c. so now also in these latter perillous dayes, haue set out all theyr maine force and power, with lawes, policy, & autho∣rit to the vttermost they coulde deuise agaynst Christe and his blessed gospel. And yet notwithstāding al these lawes, constitutions, Iniunctions, and terrible proclamations prouided agaynst Christ and his Gospell, Christ yet styll continueth, his gospel florisheth, & truth preuaileth: kings and Emperors in their owne purposes ouerthrown, their deuises dissolued, theyr counselles confounded: as exāples both of this & of all times & ages do make manifest. But now let vs heare the intent of this Commission, in tenor as foloweth.

¶A bloudy Commission geuen forth by King Philip and Queene Mary, to persecute the poore members of Christ.

PHilip and Mary by the grace of God king & Queene of England.* 1.127 &c. To the right reuerend Father in God our right trusty & welbeloued Counsellour Thomas B. Elye, and to our right trusty & welbeloued Williā Wind∣sore knight, L. Winsore, Edw. North knight, L. North, and to our trusty & welbeloued Counsellours, Io. Bourn knight, one of our chiefe Secretaryes, Iohn Mordaunt knight, Frances Englefield knight, maister of our Wards and Liueries, Edward Walgraue knight, Mayster of our great Wardrobe, Nicholas Hare knight,* 1.128 master of y^e Rol∣les, and our high Court of Chauncery, & to our trusty and welbeloued Tho. Pope knight, Roger Cholmley knight, Richard Rede knight, Rowlād Hil knight, William Ra∣stall Sergeant at law, Hēry Cole Clerke, Deane of Pau∣les, William Roper, & Rafe Cholmley, Esquiers, Williā Cooke, Thomas Martin, Iohn Story, & Iohn Uaughan Doctours of Law, greeting.

For as muche as diuers deuillishe and sclaunderous persons, hauing not onely inuented, bruted, and sette forth diuers false rumors, tales, and sedicious sclaūders against vs, but also haue sowne diuers heresies, and heretical opi∣nions,* 1.129 and sette forth diuers seditious bookes within thys our Realme of England, meaning thereby to styrre vp di∣uision, strife, contention, & sedition, not onely amongst our louing subiectes, but also betwixt vs & our sayd subiectes, w^t diuers others outragious misdemeanors, enormityes, contemptes, and offences, dayly committed and done, to y^e disquieting of vs and our people, we minding the due pu∣nishment of such offenders, & the repressing of such like of∣fences, enormities, and misbehauiours from hencefoorth, hauing speciall truste and confidence in your fidelityes, wisedomes, and discretions, haue authorised appoynted & assigned you to be our Commissioners, and by these pre∣sentes do geue full power & authority vnto you, and three of you, to enquire as well by the othes of twelue good and lawfull men, as by witnesses and all other meanes & poli∣tick wayes you can deuise, of all & singuler heretical opini∣ons, Lollardies, heretical & seditious bookes cōcealemēts, contemptes, conspiracies, and all false rumors, tales, sedi∣tious and sclaunderous wordes or sayinges, raysed, pub∣lished, bruted, inuented, or set forth against vs,* 1.130 or either of vs or agaynst the quiet gouernance & rule of our peoples, & subiects, by bookes, lies, tales, or otherwise, in any Coū∣tie, Key, bowing, or other place or places, within this our realme of England or els where, in any place or places be∣yond the Seas, & of the bringing in, vtterers, buyers, sel∣lers, readers, kepers, or cōueyers of any such letter, books, rumor, and tale, and of all and euery theyr coadiutors, coū∣sellers, comforters, procurers, abettors, and mainteiners, geuing vnto you and three of you, full power & authoritye by vertue hereof, to search out and take into your hands & possessiōs, all maner of hereticall and sedicious bookes, let∣ters & writinges, wheresoeuer they or any of them shalbe foūd, as well in Printers houses and shops, as elsewhere, willing you and euery of you to searche for the same in all

places,* 1.131 according to your discretions.

And also to enquire, heare, and determine all and sin∣gular enormities, disturbances, misbehauiours, and neg∣ligences committed in any Church, Chappell, or other ha∣lowed place within this Realme,* 1.132 and also for and concer∣ning the taking away or withholding any landes, tene∣mentes, goodes, ornamentes, stockes of money, or other thinges belonging to euery of the same Churches & Cha∣pels, and all accountes and reckoninges concernyng the same.

And also to enquyre and search out all such persons as obstinately do refuse to receiue the blessed sacrament of the aultar, to heare masse, or come to their parish Churches, or other conuenient places appoynted for diuine seruice, and all such as refuse to go on Procession,* 1.133 to take holy bread, or holy water, or otherwise doe misuse themselues in any church or other halowed place, whersoeuer any of the same offences haue bene, or hereafter shalbe committed within this our sayd Realme.

Neuertheles our will and pleasure is, that when, and as oftē as any person or persons, hereafter being called or conuented before you, do obstinatly persist or stand in any maner of heresy,* 1.134 or hereticall opinion, that then ye or three of you do immediately take order, that the same person or persons, so standing or persisting, be deliuered & commit∣ted to his Ordinary, there to be vsed according to the spi∣rituall and ecclesiasticall lawes.

And also we geue vnto you, or three of you, full power and authority,* 1.135 to enquyre and search out all vacabondes, and maysterles men, Barettours, quarrellers, and suspect persons, abiding within our City of London, & ten myles compasse of the same, and all assaultes and affrayes done & committed within the same city and compasse.

And further to search out all waste, decayes, and ruins of Churches,* 1.136 Chauncelles, Chappelles, Parsonages and Uicarages in the Dioces of the same, being within thys Realme, geuing you and euery of you full power and au∣thority by vertue hereof to heare and determine the same, and all other offences and matters aboue specifyed and re∣hearsed, according to your wisedomes, consciences, and discretions, willing and commaūding you or three of you, from time to time, to vse and deuise all such politick waies and meanes, for the triall & searching out of the premises, as by you or three of you shal be thought most expedient & necessary: and vpon inquyry and due proofe had, knowne, perceiued and tried out, by the confession of the parties, or by sufficient witnesses before you, or three of you, concer∣ning y^e premises or any part thereof, or by any other waies or meanes requisite, to geue and award such punishment to the offenders, by fine, imprisonment, or otherwise, & to take such order for redresse and reformatiō of the premises, as to your wisedomes, or three of you shalbe thought meet and conuenient.

Further willing and commaundyng you and euerye three of you, in case you shall finde any person or persons, obstinate or disobedient, either in theyr appearance before you or three of you, at your calling or assignment, or els in not accomplishing or not obeying your Decrees,* 1.137 Orders, and commaundementes in any thing or thinges, touching the premises or any part thereof, to commit the same per∣son or persons so offending, to Ward, there to remaine, till by you or three of you he be discharged or deliuered. &c. And so forth with other such like matter, as foloweth, see in our first edition, pag. 1563.

❧ The apprehension of two and twenty prisoners sent vp together for Gods word, to London, from Colchester.

AFter this bloudye Proclamation or Commission thus geuen out at London, which was Februarye 8. the thyrde and fourth yeares of the Kynge and Queenes raigne, these new Inquisitours, especial∣ly some of them beganne to ruffle and to take vpon them no•• a little: so that all quarters were full of persecution and prisons almost full of prisoners, namely in the Dioces of Canterbury, wherof (by the leaue of Christ) we will say more anon.

In the meane time, about the Towne of Colchester, the wind of persecution beganne fiercely to rise: insomuch that three and twenty together, men and women were ap∣prehended at one clap,* 1.138 of the which xxiij. one escaped. The other xxij. were driuen vp like a flock of Christen lambes, to London, with two or three leaders with them at most, ready to geue theyr skinnes to be pluckt of for the Gospels sake.* 1.139 Notwithstanding the Bishops, afrayd belike of the nūber, to put so many at once to death, sought meanes to deliuer them, and so they did, drawing out a very easy sub∣mission for them, or rather suffring them to draw it out thē¦selues: notwithstanding diuers of thē afterward were ta∣kē againe & suffered, as hereafter ye shall heare (God wil∣ling) declared. Such as met them by the way cōming vp, saw them in the fieldes scattering in such sort, as that they might haue easily escaped away. And when they entred in∣to the townes, their keepers called them againe into aray,* 1.140 to go two & two together, hauing a band or line going be∣tweene them, they holding the same in theyr handes, ha∣uing another corde euery one about his arme, as though they were tied. And so were these fourteene men & eight women caried vp to London, the people by the way pray∣ing to God for them, to geue them strength. At the entring into London, they were pinioned, & so came into the city, as the Picture here shortly after folowing w^t their names also subscribed, doth describe. But first let vs declare con∣cerning their taking and their attachers, conteined in the Commissaryes letter, written to Boner: then, the Inden∣ture made betwene the commissioners and the popish cō∣missary. The letter of the Commissary is this.

¶The Letter of the Commissary, called Iohn Kingston, written to Bishop Boner.

AFter my duety done in receiuing and accōplishing your ho∣norable and most louing letters, dated the 7. of August:* 1.141 Be it knowne vnto your Lordship, that the 28. of August, the Lorde of Oxenford, Lord Darcy, H. Tyril, A. Brown, W. Bendlowes, E. Ty∣rill, Ric. Weston, Roger Apleton, published their cōmissiō to selfe landes and tenements & goodes of the fugitiues, so that the ow∣ners should haue neither vse nor commodity thereof, but by In∣uētory remaine in safe keeping, vntill the cause were determined.

And also there was likewise proclaimed the queenes graces warrant, for the restitution of the Church goods within Colche∣ster, & the hundredes thereabout, to the vse of Gods seruice. And then were called the parishes particularly, & the hereticks part∣ly cōmitted to my examination. And that diuers persons should certify me of theyr ornamentes of theyr Churches, betwixt this and the Iustices next appearaunce, which shalbe on Michaelmas euen nexte. And that parish which had presented at two seuerall times, to haue all ornamentes, with other thinges in good order, were exonerated for euer, til they were warned againe, & others to make theyr appearaunce from time to time. And those names blotted in the Indenture, were indited for treason, fugit••ues, or disobedients, and were put foorth by M. Brownes commaunde∣ment. And before the sealing, my Lord Da••cy said vnto me apart, and M. Bendlowes, that I should haue sufficient time to send vn∣to your Lordship, yea, if need were, the heretickes to remayne in¦durance till I had an answere from you: yea to the Lord Legates graces Commissioners come into the Country.

And mayster Browne came into my Lord Darcyes house & parlour belonging vnto M. Barnaby, before my sayd Lord and all the Iustices, and laid his hand of my shoulder, with a smiling coū∣tenaunce, and desired me to make his harty commēdations vnto your good Lordship, and asked me if I would, and I said. Yea, with a good will. Wherefore I was glad, and thought that I should not haue bene charged with so sodeine carriage. But after dinner, the Iustices councelled with the Bayliffes, and with the Gaolers, and then after tooke me vnto them, and made collation of the In∣dentures, and sealed; and then Mayster Browne commaunded me this after noone, being the 30. of August, to go and receyue my prisoners by and by. And then I sayd, it is an vnreasonable commaundemēt, for that I haue attended of you here these three dayes, and this Sonday early I haue sent home my men. Where∣fore I desire you to haue a conuenient time appoynted, wherein I may know whether it will please my Lord my maister to sende his Commissioners hither, or that I shall make carriage of them vnto his Lordship. Then M. Browne: We are certified, that the Councell hath written vnto your mayster, to make speed,* 1.142 and to rid these prisoners out of hand: therefore go receiue your priso∣ners in haste. Then I: Sir, I shall receiue them within these tenne dayes. Then M. Browne: The limitation lyeth in vs, and not in you, wherfore get you hence.

Syr, ye haue indited and deliuered me by this Indenture, whose fayth or opinions I know not, trusting that ye will graūt me a time to examine them, least I should punish the Catholicks. Well sayd Maister Browne, for that cause ye shall haue time be∣twixt this and Wednesday. And I say vnto you maister Bailiffes, if he do not receiue them at your handes on Wednesday, set o∣pen your doore, and let them go.

Then I: My Lord and maisters all, I promise to discharge the towne and countrey of these heretickes, within ten dayes. Then my Lord Darcy sayd: Cōmissary, we do and must all agree in one Wherfore do you receiue them on, or before Wednesday.

Then I: My Lord, the last I carryed, I was goyng betwixte the Castell and Sayncte Katherines Chappell, two howres and an halfe, and in great preasse and daunger: Wherefore th••s

may be to desire your Lordship,* 1.143 to geue in commaundement vn∣to my Mayster Sayer, Bayliffe, here present, for to ayd me tho∣rough his liberties, not onely with men and weapons, but that the Towne clarke may bee ready there with his booke to write the names of the most busie persons,* 1.144 and this vpon three houres warning, all whiche both my Lorde and M. Browne commaun∣ded.

And the 31. of August, William Goodwin of Muchbirch hus∣bandman, this brynger, and Thomas Alsey of Copforde youre Lordships Apparitour of your Consistory in Colchester, couenā∣ted with me, that they shoulde hyre two other men at the leaste, whereof one should be a Bowman, to come to me the next day a∣bout two of the clocke at after noone, so that I might recite this bargayne before M. Archdeacon, and pay the money, that is, 46. shillinges 8. pence. Wherefore they should then go foorth wyth me vnto Colchester, & on Wednesday before three of the clock in the morning receiue there at my hand within the Castell, and Motehall, fourteen men, and eight women, ready bound wyth giues and hempe, and driue, cary, or lead and feede with meat & drinke, as heretickes ought to be found continually, vnto suche time that the sayd William and Thomas, shall cause the sayde 22. persones for to be deliuered vnto my Lord of Londons Officers and within the safe keeping of my sayd Lorde, and then to bring vnto me againe the sayd Giues, with a perfect token, of, or from my sayd Lord, and then this couenant is voyde, or els. &c.

Maister Bendlowes sayde vnto mee in my Lorde of Oxen∣fordes Chamber at the kinges head, after I had sayd Masse before the Lordes, that on the morow after Holy Roode day, when wee shall meete at Chelmesford for the deuision of these landes, I thinke Mayster Archdeacon, you, and Mayster Smith shalbe fayn to ride with certaine of the Iury to those porcions and manours in your part of Essex, and in like case deuide our selues, to tread and view the ground with the Quest, or els I thinke the Quest will not labour their matter, and so doe you saye vnto Mayster Archdeacon.

Alice the wyfe of William Walleys of Colchester, hath sub∣mitted herselfe,* 1.145 abiured her erroneous opinions, asked absolu∣tion, promised to do her solemne penance in her Parish Church at Saint Peters on Sonday next, and to continue a Catholicke & a faythfull woman, as long as GOD shall send her lyfe. And for these couenauntes, her husband standeth bounde in fiue pounde. Which Alice is one of the nine women of this your Indenture: and that shee is bigge with childe. Wherefore she remayneth at home, and this done in the presence of the Bayliffes, Aldermen, & towneclarke. And for that Maister Browne was certyfied, there was no Curate at Lexdon, he inquired who was the Farmer. The aunswere was made, Syr Fraunces Iobson. Who is the Parson? They of the Questmen aunswered, Syr Roger Chostlow. When was he with you?* 1.146 Not this fourtene yeares. How is your Cure ser∣ued? Now and then. Who is the Patron? My Lord of Arundell. And within shorte tyme after Syr Fraunces Iobson came with great curtesy vnto my Lord Darcies place. And of all Gentlemē about vs, I saw no more come in Sir Robert Smith Priest, some∣time Chanon of Bridlington: now Curate of Appledote, in the wild of Kent, came to Colchester the 28. day of Aug. with his wife bigge with childe, of late diuorced, taken on suspition, examined of the Lordes, and M Browne tolde me that they haue receiued letters from the counsell, for the attachment of certayn persons, and e••peciallye of one Priest, whose name is Pullen (but hys right name is Smith) doubting this Priest to be he the sayd Pul∣len, although neither he nor his wife would confesse the same.

Wherfore he lyeth stil in prison, but surely this is not Pullē. If it please your Lordshippe to haue in remembraunce, that the housholders might be compelled to bring euerye man his owne wife to her owne seate in the Churche in time of Diuine seruice it would profite much. And also there be yet standing Hospitals and other of like foundation about Colchester, whiche I haue not knowne to appeare at any visitation, as the Maister and Lazars of Mary Magdalene in Colchester, the Proctour of saynct Katherines Chappell in Colchester, the hospitall or Beadhouse of the foundation of Lord H. Marney, in Laremarny, the Hospital and Beadman of little Horksley. Thus presuming of youre Lord∣ships goodnes, I more then bold euer to trouble you, with thys worldly busines, beseeching almightye God to send your hono∣rable Lordship a condigne reward.

From Eastthorp this present xxx. of August.

We found a letter touching the Maryage of Priestes in the handes of the foresayd Syr Robert Smith.* 1.147 Also I desired Mayster Browne the doer of all thinges, to require the audience to bring in theyr vnlawfull writinges and bookes. Who asked me if I had proclaymed the Proclamation. I sayd, yea. Then he sayd openly on the Benche, that they shoulde be proclaimed euerye quarter once And then take the Constables and Officers, and they a∣lone ••ake and punish the offenders, accordingly.

By your poore Beadman, Iohn Kingston, Priest.

An Indenture made betweene the Lordes and the Iustices within specified, and Boners Commissary, concerning the deliuery of the priso∣ners aboue named.

THis Indēture made the xix. day of August, in the third and 4. yeres of the raygnes of oure soueraigne Lord and Lady,* 1.148 Philip and Mary by the grace of God King & Queene of England, Spayne, Fraunce, both Cicils, Ie∣rusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the fayth, Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Burgundy, Myllayne, & Brabant Countyes of Hasburgh, Flaunders, and Tirell, betwene the ryght honourable Lord Iohn de Ueere, Earle of Ox∣enford, Lord high Chamberlayne of England, Thomas Lord Darcy of Chiche. Henry Tirel Knight, Anthony Browne, the King and Queenes Maiestyes Sergeaunt at lawe, William Bendelowes, Sergeaunt at lawe, Ed∣mund Tirel, Richard Weston, Roger Appletō, Esquiers, Iustices of Ooyer, and determiner, & of the peace, within the sayd County of Essex, to be kept of the one party, and Iohn Kingstone clerke Bacheler at law, Commissary to y^e Bish. of London. of y^e other party, witnesseth that Ro. Colman of Walton in y^e County of Essex labourer,* 1.149 Ioan Winseley of Horseley Magna in y^e said County, Spinster, Steuen Glouer of Raylye, in the County aforesayd, Glo∣uer, Richard Clerke of much Holland in the sayd County Mariner, William Munt of much Bently, in the sayde County husbandmā, Tho. Winseley of much Horseley in y^e sayd County, Sawyer, Margaret field of Ramesey, in the sayd County, Spinster: Agnes Whitlocke of Douer∣court, in the sayd Countie, Spinster, Alice Munt of much Bentley in the sayd Countye, Spinster, Rose Alin of the same towne and County, Spinster, Richard Bongeor of Colchester in the sayd County Corier, Richard Atkin of Halstead in the sayd County, Weauer, Robert Barcocke of Wiston, in the sayde Countye of Suffolke, Carpenter, Rich. George of Westbarhoult, in the county of Essex, la∣borer, Rich. Iolley of Colchester in the said County. Ma∣riner, Tho. Feeresanne of the same towne and County, Mercer, Robert Debnam late of Dedham, in the said coū∣ty, Weauer, Cicely Warren of Cocksall in the sayd county Spinster, Christian Peper widow, of the same town and County, Allin Simpson, Elene Euring, Alice the wife of William Walles of Colchester, Spinster, and William Bongeor of Colchester in the sayd County, Glasier, being indited of heresie, are deliuered to the sayde Iohn King∣stone Clerke, Ordinary to the Byshop of London, accor∣ding to the statute in that case prouided.

In witnesse wherof to the one part of this Indenture remayning with the sayd Erle, Lord, and other the Iusti∣ces, the sayd Ordinary hath set to his hand and seale, and to the other part remayning with the sayd Ordinary, the sayd Earle, Lord, and other the Iustices haue set to their seueral handes & seales, the daye & yeares aboue written.

• ...Oxenford.
• ...Thomas Darcy.
• ...Henry Tyrell.
• ...Antony Browne.
• ...William Bendelowes* 1.150
• ...Edmund Tyrell.
• ...Richard Weston.
• ...Roger Appleton.

These xxii. aforesayd prisoners thus sēt from Colche∣ster to London, were brought at length to B. Boner. As touching the order and maner of their comming & bryng∣ing, the sayd Boner himselfe writeth to Cardinall Poole, as you shall heare.

*A letter of B. Boner to Cardinall Poole.

MAy it please your good grace with my most humble o∣bedience, reuerence and duetie,* 2.1 to vnderstand that go∣ing to London vpon Thursday last, and thinking to be troubled with M. Germaynes matter onely, and such other common mat∣ters as are accustomed, enough to wery a right strong body, I had the day following to comfort my stomacke withall letters from Colchester, that either that day, or the daye following I should haue sent thence 22. heretickes, indited before the Com∣missioners, & in dede so I had, & compelled to beare theyr char∣ges as I did of the other, which both stoode me aboue 20. nobles a summe of money that I thought full euill bestowed. And these heretickes, notwithstanding they had honest Catholicke keepers to conduct and bring them vp to me, and in all the way frō Col∣chester to Stradford of the Bow, did goe quietly, and obediently yet comming to Stratford, they began to take hart of grace and to doe as pleased themselues, for there they beganne to haue theyr garde, which generally increased till they came to Algat•• where they were lodged Friday night.

And albeit I tooke order that the sayde heretickes shoulde be with me very early on saterday mornyng, to the intent they mighte quietlye come and bee examined by me, yet it was

[illustration]

¶The Picture of xxij. godly and faythfull Christians, apprehended about Colchester, prisoned together in one band, and so with three leaders at the most, brought vp to London.

* 2.2 betweene x. and a xi. of the clocke before they would come, and no waye woulde they take, but through Cheapside, so that they were brought to my house with about a thousande Persons. Which thing I tooke very strange and spake to sir Iohn Gressam then being with me, to tell the Mayor and the Sheriffes that thys thing was not well suffered in the City. These naughty hereticks all the way they came through Cheapside both exhorted the peo¦ple to their part, and had much comfort à promiscua plebe, and being entred into my house and talked withall, they shewed thē∣selues desperate and very obstinate, yet I vsed al the honest mea∣nes I could both by my self and other to haue wonne them, cau∣sing diuers learned men to talke with them: and finding nothing in them but pride and wilfulnes, I thought to haue had them all hether to Fulham, and here to geue sentence agaynst them. Ne∣uerthelesse perceiuing by my last doing that your grace was of∣fended, I thought it my duetie before I any thing further proce∣ded herein, to aduertise first your grace hereof, and knowe your good pleasure, whiche I beseeche your grace I may doe by thys trusty bearer. And thus most humblye I take my leaue of youre good grace, beseeching almighty God alwayes to preserue the same, At Fulllam, postridie Natiu .1556.

Your graces most bounden Bedesman and seruaunt, Edmond Boner.

By this letter of Bishop Boner to the Cardinall, is to be vnderstand, what good will was in this Bish. to haue the bloud of these men, and to haue past w^t sentence of con∣demnation agaynst them, had not the Cardinal somwhat (as it seemed) haue stayed his feruent headines.* 2.3 Concer∣ning the which Cardinal, although it cannot be denyed by his Actes and writings, but that he was a professed ene∣my, and no otherwise to be reputed but for a papist: yet a∣gayne it is to be supposed, that he was none of the bloudy & cruell sort of papistes,* 2.4 as may appeare not only by stay∣ing the rage of this Byshop: but also by his solicitous wri¦ting, and long letters written to Cranmer, also by y^e com∣plaintes of certayne papistes, accusing him to the Pope to bee a bearer with the heretickes, & by the popes letters sent to him vpon the same, calling him vp to Rome, & set∣ting Fryer Peto in his place, had not Q. Mary by special entreaty haue kept him out of the popes danger. All whi∣che letters I haue (if neede be) to shewe: besides also that it is thought of him that toward his latter end a little be∣fore his comming from Rome to England, he begā som∣what to sauour the doctrine of Luther, and was no lesse suspected at Rome:* 2.5 Yea & furthermore did there at Rome conuert a certayne learned Spanyarde from papisme to Luthers side: notwithstanding the pompe and glory of the world afterward caryed him away to play the papist thus as he did. But of this Cardinall enough.

To returne now to this godly company agayne, first how they were brought vp in bandes to London, ye haue heard: Also how Boner was about to haue red the Sen∣tence of death vpon them, & how he was stayed by y^e Car∣dinall ye vnderstand. As touching their confession, which they articled vp in writing, it were to tedious to recite the whole at length. Briefly touching the article of the Lords Supper (for the whiche they were chieflye troubled) thus they wrote, as here followeth.

The supper of the Lord.

WHeras Christ at his last supper, took bread, & whē he had geuē thanks he brake it & gaue it to hys dis∣ciples and sayd: take, eate, this is my body:* 2.6 & likewise tooke the cup and thanked. &c. We do vnderstand it to be a figu∣ratiue speache, as the most maner of his language was in parrables & darke sentences, that they which are carnally minded, should see with their eyes, and not perceiue, and heare with their eares & not vnderstand, signifying this, that as he did breake the breade among them, being but one loafe, & they al were partakers thereof, so we through his body, in that it was broken, and offered vpon y^e crosse for vs, are all partakers thereof, and his bloud clenseth vs from our sinnes, & hath pacified Gods wrath towards vs and made the attonement betwene God & vs, if we walke henceforth in the light euen as he is the true light.

And in that he sayd further, do this in the remembrance of me, it is a memoriall and token of the suffering & death of Iesu Christ: and he commaunded it for this cause,* 2.7 that y^e congregatiō of Christ should come together to shew his death, and to thanke and laud him for all his benefites, & magnifye his holy name, & so to breake the bread & drinke the wine, in remembrance that Christ had geuen his body and shed his bloud for vs.

Thus you may well perceiue, though Christe called y^e bread his body, & the wine his bloud, yet it followeth not, that the substaunce of his body shoulde be in the bread and wine: as diuers places in Scripture are spoken by Christ and the Apostles in lyke phrase of speach, as in Iohn. 15. I am the true vine, also in Iohn the .10. I am the doore, and as

it is written in the 9. to the Hebrues,* 2.8 and in Exodus 24. how Moyses tooke the bloud of the Calues and sprinck∣led both the booke and all the people, saying: This is the bloud of the couenant or Testament. And also in the 5. chap∣ter of Ezechiell, how the Lord said vnto him concerning y^e third parte of his heare, saying: This is Hierusalem. &c.

Thus we see the Scriptures how they are spoken in figures,* 2.9 and ought to be spiritually examined, and not as they would haue vs to say, that the bodily presēce of christ is in the bread, which is a blasphemous vnderstanding of the godly word, and is contrary to all holy scriptures. Al∣so we do see that great Idolatry is sprong out of y^e carnall vnderstanding of the word of Christ:* 2.10 This is my body, & yet dayly springeth, to the great dishonour of God, so that men worship a peece of bread for God, yea and hold that to be their maker.

After this confession of their fayth and doctrine, being written and exhibited, they also deuised a letter withall, in maner of a short supplication, or rather an admonition to the Iudges and Commissioners, requiring that Iustice and Iudgement, after the rule of Gods worde might be ministred vnto them. The copye of whiche theyr letter I thought here also to shew vnto the reader in forme as fol∣loweth.

*A letter or supplication of the priso∣ners to the Iudges.

TO the right honourable audience before whome these oure simple writinges and the confession of our fayth shall come to be read or seene, we poore prisoners being fast in bandes vp∣on the tryall of our faythe,* 2.11 whiche wee offer to bee tryed by the scriptures, pray most hartily, that for asmuch as God hath geuen you power, and strength ouer vs, as concerning our bodyes, vn∣der whom we submit our selues as obedient subiects in al things due, ye being officers and rulers of the people, may execute true iudgement, keepe the lawes of righteousnesse, gouerne the peo∣ple according to right, and to heare the poore and helplesse in truth, and to defend their cause.

God for his sonne Iesus Christes sake, geue you the wisedom and vnderstanding of Salomon, Dauid, Ezechias, Moyses, wyth diuers others most vertuous rulers, by whose wisedome & most godly vnderstanding, the people were iustly ruled, and gouerned in the feare of God, all wickednesse was by them ouerthrowne and beaten downe, and all godlinesse and vertue did florish and spring. O God whiche art the most hyghest, the creator & ma∣ker of all thinges, and of all men both great and small, and carest for all alike, which doest try all mens workes and imaginations, before whose iudgement seate shal come both high and low, rich and poore, we most humbly beseeche thee to put into our rulers heartes the pure loue and feare of thy name, that euen as they thē¦selues would be iudged, and as they shall make aunswere before thee, so to heare our causes, to iudge with mercy, and to read o∣uer these our requestes and confessions of our fayth, with deli∣beration, and a godly iudgement.

And if any thing here seemeth to your honourable audience to be erroneous or disagreeing to the scripture, if it shall please your Lordship to heare vs patiently, whiche doe offer our selues to the scriptures, thereby to make aunswere, and to be tryed, in so doyng wee poore subiectes being in much captiuitie & bon∣dage are most bound to pray for your noble estate and long pre∣seruation.

The request of these men being so iust, and theyr doc∣trine so sound, yet all this could not preuayle with the Bi∣shop and other Iudges, but that Sentence shoulde haue proceeded agaynst them incontinent, had not the goodnes of the Lord better prouided for his seruauntes, then the Bishoppe had intended. For as they were now vnder the edge of the axe, ready to be condemned by sentence it was thought otherwise by the Cardinall, and some other wiser heades, fearing belike, least by the death of so many toge∣ther, some disturbance might rise. peraduēture among the people, and so was decreed among themselues, that rather they shuld make some submission or confessiō, such as they would themselues, ••nd so to be sent home agayne, as they were in deed: howbeit diuers of them afterward, wer ap∣prehended and put to deathe. But in the meane space as touching their submission which they made, this it was, as in forme here followeth.

¶The submission or confession of these aforesayd prisoners.

* 2.12BEcause our sauiour Christ at his last supper took bread and when he had geuen thankes, he brake it, and gaue it vnto his Disciples and sayde: Take, eate, this is my bodye whiche is geuen for you, this doe in the remembraunce of me: Therefore according to the wordes of our sauioure Iesus Christ, we do beleue in the sacrament to be Christes body. And likewise he tooke the cup, gaue thankes, and gaue it to his Disciples and sayd: This is my bloud of the newe Te∣stament which is shed for many.

Therefore likewise we do beleue that it is the bloud of Christ, according as Christes Churche dothe minister the same. Unto the whiche Catholicke Church of Christe, we do in this, like as in all other matters submit oure selues promising therein to liue as it becommeth good chrystian men, and here in this realme to vse our selues, as it be∣commeth faythfull subiectes vnto our most gracious king and Queene, and to all other superiours bothe spirituall and temporall, according to our bounden dueties.

The names of them which subscribed to this submissi¦on were these, Iohn Atkine, Alyn Symson, Richard Ge∣orge. Thomas Firefanne, William Munt, Richard Ioly Richard Gratwicke, Thomas Winsley, Richard Rothe, Richard Clerke, Stephen Glouer, Robert Colman, T. Merse, William Bongeor, Robert Bercocke, Margaret Hide, Elyn Euryng, Christian Pepper, Margaret feld, Alyce Munt, Ioane Winesley, Cysly Warren, Rose Alyn Anne Whitelocke, George Barker, Iohn Saxebye, Tho∣mas Locker, Alyce Locker.

¶A story of fiue other godly Martyrs burned at one fire in Smithfield, the 12. daye of Aprill.

TO proceede further in this story of persecuted martyrs next in order followe fiue other burned at London in Smithfield in the foresayd yeare of the Lord. 1557. April 12. whose names were these.* 2.13

• ...Thomas Loseby.
• ...Henry Ramsey.
• ...Thomas Thyrtell.
• Margaret Hyde, and
• ...Agnes Stanley.* 2.14

Who being, some, by the Lord Riche, some by other Iu∣stices of peace, and Constables (their own neighbours) at the first accused, and apprehended for not comming to their parish Churches, were in the end sent vnto Boner Bish. of London,* 2.15 and by hys commaundement the 27. day of Ianuary, were examined before Doctour Darbyshyre, then Chauncellour to the sayd Bishop, vppon the former generall Articles mentioned, pag. 1672.

Aunsweres to the Articles.

WHose aunsweres thereunto were, that as they con∣fessed there was one true & Catholick church wher∣of they steadfastly beleeued,* 2.16 and thought the Churche of Rome to be no part or member: so in the same Churche they beleued there were but two sacraments,* 2.17 that is to say Baptisme, and the supper of the Lorde. Howbeit some of them attributed the title and honour of a sacrament, to the holy estate of Matrimony, which vndoubtedly was done rather of simple ignoraunce then of anye wilfull opinion, and are thereof to be adiudged as before is admonished.

Moreouer, they acknowledged themselues to be Bap∣tised into the fayth of that true Church, as in the thyrd ar∣ticle is specified. And here in reading, as wel of these Arti∣cles, as also of the rest, marke I beseech you, the crafty sub∣teltie of these Catholicke Champions, who intermitting certayne poyntes of faith, and of the true Church, with the Idolatrous and superstitious mametry of theyr romyshe Sinagogue, cause the poore and simple people, for lacke of knowledge, oftentimes to fall into their crafty nettes.

For after they haue made them graunt a true Churche with the Sacraments of the same, though not in such nū∣ber as they would haue them, and also that they were chri∣stened into the fayth thereof, that is,* 2.18 in the name of the Fa∣ther, of the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, they craftily now in the other their obiections, descending as it were from the fayth of the Trinitie, vnto theyr Idolatrous Masse & other superstitious ceremonyes, would make them grant that now in denying thereof, they haue seuered thēselues from the fayth of the true Churche, whereunto they were Baptised, whiche is most false. For though the true lyght of Gods Gospel & holy word, was marueilously darkned and in a maner vtterly extinguished: yet the true fayth of the Trinitie, by the mercifull prouidence of God, was still preserued, and into the fayth therof were we baptised, and not into the beliefe and profession of their horrible Idola∣try and vayne ceremonies.

These things not throughly wayed by these poore, yet faythfull, and true members of Christ, caused some of them ignorauntly to graunt, that when they came to the yeares

of discretion,* 2.19 and vnderstood the light of the Gospell, they did seperate themselues from the fayth of the Church, mea¦ning none other but only to separate themselues from the admitting or allowing of such their popishe and errone∣ous trash as they now had defiled y^e church of christ w^tall & not from their fayth receiued in baptisme,* 2.20 which in expres words in their aunsweres to y^e other articles they constāt∣ly affirmed, declaring the Masse and sacrament of the aul∣tar, to be most wicked blasphemy agaynst Christ Iesus, & contrary to the truth of his Gospell, and therfore vtterly they refused to assent and to be reconciled againe therunto.

These aunsweres in effect, of them thus taken by the sayd Chauncellour, they were for that time dismissed: but the Bishop taking the matter into his owne handes, the vi. day of Marche, propounded vnto them certayne other new articles, the copy wherof followeth.

¶Other articles obiected by Boner Bi. of London agaynst Tho. Loseby, Henry Ramsey, Thomas Thyr∣tell, Margaret Hide, and Agnes Stanley, the vi. day of March, being the second tyme of theyr examination.

* 2.211. FIrst, that thou hast thought, beleued, and spoken, w^t in some part of the citie and Dioces of London, that the fayth, Religion, and Ecclesiasticall seruice here obser∣ued and kept, as it is in the Realme of England, is not a true and a laudable fayth, Religion, and seruice, espe∣cially concerning the Masse,* 2.22 and the 7. sacramentes, nor is agreable to Gods worde & testament, & that thou canst not finde in thy heart without murmuring, grudging, or scruple to receaue and vse it, & to conforme thy selfe vnto it, as other subiectes of this realme customably haue done and doe.* 2.23

2. Item, that thou hast thought. &c. that the english seruice set forth in the time of kinge Edwarde the vi. here in thys Realme of England, was and is good and godly, & Ca∣tholicke in all poynts, and that it alone ought here in this realme to be receiued, vsed, and practised, & none other.

* 2.243. Item, likewise thou hast thought. &c. that thou art not bound to come to thy Parishe Churche, & there to be pre∣sent, and heare Mattins, Masse, Euensong and other Di∣uine seruice, song or sayd there.

4. Item, thou hast thought. &c. that thou art not bound to come to procession to the Church vppon dayes and tymes appointed, and to go in the same with others of the parish singing or saying then the accustomed prayers vsed in the Church,* 2.25 nor to beare a taper or candel on Candelmas day nor take Ashes vppon Ashwednesday, nor beare Palmes vpon Palme sonday, not to creep to the crosse vpon daies accustomed, nor to receiue and kisse the paxe at Masse time nor to receiue holy water or holy bread, or to accept and al¦lowe the ceremonies and vsages of the Churche, after the maner and fashion as they are vsed in this realme.

5. Item, thou hast thought. &c. that thou art not bound at any time to confesse thy sinnes to any priest,* 2.26 and to receiue absolution at his hands, as Gods Minister, not to receiue at any time the blessed sacrament of the aultar, especiallye as it is vsed in this Church of England.

6. Item, thou hast thought &c. that in matters of religion and fayth, thou must follow and beleue thine own consci∣ence onely, and not to geue credite to the determination & common order of y^e Catholicke Church, & the sea of Rome nor to any member therof.

* 2.277. Item, thou hast thought. &c. that all thinges do chance of an absolute and precise meere necessitie, so that whether man do wel or euil, he could not chuse but do so, and y^t ther¦fore no man hath any free will at all.

* 2.288. Item, thou hast thought &c. that the fashiō and maner of Christening of infantes, is not agreable to Gods word and that none can be effectually Baptised, and thereby sa∣ued except he haue yeares of discretion to beleue himself, & so willingly accept or refuse Baptisme at his pleasure.

9. Item, thou hast thought &c. That Prayers to Saints or Prayers for the dead,* 2.29 are not auaylable and not allow∣able by Gods word, or profitable in any wise, and that the soules departed do straightwayes go to heauen or to hell, or els do sleep till the day of dome, so that there is no place of purgation at all.

10. Itē, thou hast thought &c. that all such as in the tyme of king Hen. the viii. or in time of Queene Mary of Eng∣land, haue bene burned as heretickes, were no here∣tickes at all: but faythfull and good Christian people, especially Barnes, Garret, Ierome, Frith, Rogers, Hoo∣per, Cardmaker, Latimer, Taylor, Bradford, Philpot, Cranmer,* 2.30 Ridley, and such like, and that thou diddest and doest allowe, like, and approue all their opinions, & doest mislike their condemnations and burninges.

11. Item, thou hast thought &c. that fasting and prayers vsed in this Churche of England, and the appoynting of dayes for fasting, and the abstayning from flesh vpon fa∣sting dayes, and especially in the tyme of Lent, is not lau∣dable or allowable by Gods word, but is hipocrisie & foo∣lishnes: and that men ought to haue libertie to eate at all tymes all kindes of meate.

12. Item,* 2.31 thou hast thought &c. that the sacrament of the aultar is an idoll, and to reserue and keepe it, or to honor it, is playne idolatry and superstition: and likewise of the masse and the eleuation of the sacrament.

13. Item, thou hast thought. &c. that thou or any els, con∣uented before an Ecclesiasticall iudge concerning matters of beliefe and fayth, art not,* 2.32 nor is bound to make answer at all, especially vnder an othe vpon a booke.

¶Their aunsweres to the Articles before obiected.

THeir aunsweres to these obiections were,* 2.33 that as tou∣ching the first, second, thyrd, fourth, fift, ninth, tenthe, & twelfth, they generally graunted vnto, sauing that they de¦nyed the soules of the departed to sleepe til y^e day of iudge∣ment, as is mentioned in the ix. article.

And as concerning the sixt obiection, they thought thē selues bound to beleue the true Catholicke Church, so far foorth as the same doth instructe them according to Gods holy word, but not to follow the determinations of the er∣roneous and Babilonicall Church of Rome.

As for the seuenth, eight, and thirtenth, they vtterly de∣nyed, that euer they were of any such absurde opinions as are contayned therein, but they graunted that man of him selfe without the helpe and assistance of Gods spirite, hath no power to do any good thing acceptable in Gods sight.

To the eleuenth they sayd,* 2.34 that true fasting and prayer vsed according to Gods word, are allowable and auayla∣ble in his sight, and that by the same word euery faythfull man may eate all meates at all times, with thankesgeuing to God for the same.

After this y^e first day of Aprill, were they agayne con∣uented before the Bishop in his palace at London, where little appeareth to be done, excepte it were to know whe∣ther they would stand to their aunsweres, & whether they would recant or no. But when they refused to recant and deny the receiued and infallible truthe, the Byshop caused them to be brought into the open Consistory, the third day of the same moneth of Aprill in the forenone, where firste vnderstanding by them their immutable constauncye and stedfastnes, he demaunded particularly of euery one what they had to say, why he should not pronounce y^e Sentence of condemnation.

To whom Tho. Loseby firste aunswered: God geue me grace and strength to stand agaynst you,* 2.35 & your Sen∣tence, & also agaynst your law, which is a deuouring law, for it deuoureth the flocke of Christe. And I perceiue there is no way with me but death, except I would consent to your deuouring law, and beleeue in that Idoll the Masse.

Next vnto him answered Thomas Thirtell, saying: my Lorde, I say thus, if you make me an hereticke, then you make Christ and all the 12. Apostles heretickes,* 2.36 for I am in the true fayth and right beliefe, & I will stand in it, for I know full well I shall haue eternall lyfe therefore.

The Byshoppe then asked the lyke question of Henry Ramsey. Who sayd agayne: my Lord, will you haue me to go from the truth that I am in?* 2.37 I say vnto you that my opinions be the very truth, which I will stand vnto, and not go from them: & I say vnto you farther, that there are two Churches vpon the earth, and we (meaning himselfe & other true Martyrs and professours of Christ) be of the true Church, and ye be not.* 2.38

Unto this question next aunswered Margaret Hide, saying: my Lord, you haue no cause to giue Sentence a∣gaynst me, for I am in the true fayth and opinion, & will neuer forsake it: & I do wishe that I were more stronger in it then I am.* 2.39

Last of all aunswered Agnes Stanley, & sayd: I had rather euery heare of my head were burned, if it were ne∣uer so much worth, then that I will forsake my fayth and opinion which is the true fayth.

The tyme being now spent, they were commaunded to appeare agayne at afternoone in the same place, which commaundement being obeyed, y^e Bishop firste called for Loseby,* 2.40 & after his accustomed maner willed his Articles & answeres to be read: in reading thereof, when mention was made of the Sacrament of the Aultar, the Bishoppe with his Colleagues put of their cappes. Whereat Loseby sayd: my Lord, seing you put of your cappe, I will put on my cappe, & there withall did put on his cappe. And after,

the Bishop continuing in his accustomable perswasions,* 2.41 Loseby agayn sayd vnto him: my Lorde, I trust I haue y^e spirite of truth, which you detest and abhorre, for the wis∣dome of God is foolishnes vnto you. Wherupon the By∣shop pronounced the sentence of condemnation agaynst him. And deliuering him vnto the Sheriffe, called for Margaret Hide, w^t whō he vsed y^e like order of exhortatōs

* 2.42To whom notwithstanding she sayd: I will not de∣part from my sayinges till I bee burned: and my Lorde (quoth she) I would see you instruct me with some parte of Gods word, & not to geue me instructiōs of holybread and holy water, for it is no part of the scripture. But he be¦ing neither himselfe, nor any of his, able rightly to accom∣plish her request, to make short worke, vsed his final rea∣son of conuincement, which was of the sentence of condē∣nation. And therfore leauing her off, called for an other, vi∣del. Agnes Stanley, who vpon the Bishoppes like per∣swasions made this aunswere.

My Lord, wher you say I am an heretick, I am none: neither yet will I beleue you, nor any man y^t is wyse will beleue as you do. And as for these that ye say bee burnt for heresie, I beleue are true martyrs before God: therefore I will not go from my opinion and fayth,* 2.43 as long as I liue.

Her talk thus ended, she receaued the like reward that the other had. And the bishop then turning his tale & ma∣ner of inticement vnto Thomas Thyrtel, receiued of him likewise this finall aunswere: My Lord, I will not holde with youre Idolatrous wayes, as you do: for I saye the Masse is Idolatry, and will sticke to my fayth and beliefe so long as the breath is in my body. Upon which wordes he was also condemned as an hereticke.

Last of all, was Henry Rāsey demanded if he would (as the rest) stand vnto his aunsweres, or els recanting y^e same, come home agayn, and be a member of their church. Whereunto he aunswered: I will not go from my religiō and belief as long as I liue: and my Lord (quoth he) your doctrine is naught, for it is not agreable to Gods worde.

After these wordes, the Bishop (to conclude) pronoū∣cing the sentence of condemnation agaynst him and y^e rest: (as ye haue heard) charged y^e Sheriffes of London w^t thē: who being therunto commaunded, the xii. day of the same

[illustration]

*The cruell burning of 5. Martyrs in Smithfield.

* 2.44 month of Aprill, brought them into Smithfield, where al∣together in one fire, most ioyfully & constantly they ended their temporall liues, reciuing therefore the life eternal.

Three burned in Sainct Georges field in Southwarke.* 2.45

AFter these, moreouer in the month of May followed 3. other that suffered in S. Georges field in Southwark William Morant, Stephen Gratwicke, with one king.

Among other histories after the persecuted and con∣demned saintes of God, I find the condemnation of none more straunge nor vnlawfull, thē of this Stephen Grat∣wicke. Who first was condemned by the byshopp of Wyn∣chester and the byshop of Rochester, which where not hys Ordinaryes.* 2.46

Secondly when he did appeale from those imcompetēt Iudges to hys right Ordinary, his appeale coulde not be admitted.

Thirdly, when they had no other shifte to colour theyr inordinate proceedings with all, they suborned one of the priestes to come in for a counterfayt and a false Ordinary and sit vpon him.

Fourthly being openly conuinced and ouerturned in his own argumentes, yet the sayd Byshop of Winchester D. White, neyther would yeald to the force of trueth, nor suffer any of the audience assistant, once to say, God streng¦then him.

Fiftly, as they brought in a false Ordinarye to sit vpon him: so they pretended false articles agaynst him, whiche were no part of his examinations, but of their deuising, to haue his bloud.

Sixtly and lastly, hauing no other groūd nor iust mat∣ters agaynst him, but onely for saying these wordes: that which I sayd, I haue sayde, they red the sentence of death vpon him.

And this was the dealing of these men, whiche needes will be reputed for Catholicke fathers of y^e spirituality suc∣ceders of the Apostles, disciples of Christ, pillers of the ho∣ly Churche, and leaders of the people. Of whose doynges and proceedinges, howe agreable they are to the example of Christ and his Apostles, I leaue to discusse, referryng y^e iudgement hereof to them, which know the institution of Christes religion and doctrine.

Now least peraduēture the disordered misrule of these Christmas Lordes, will not be credited vppon the simple narration of the story, yee shall heare the whole discourse of this processe registred by the hand of the Martyr hym∣selfe, who as he could tell best what was done:* 2.47 so I am sure would not testifie otherwise, then trueth was, accor∣ding as you shall heare by his owne declaration here fol∣lowing.

¶The declaration of Steuen Gratwicke concer∣ning his owne story and condemnation.

VPon the xxv. day of May, in y^e yeare of our Lord, 1557. I. Stephen Gratwick came before y^e Bishop of Win∣chester, D. White,* 2.48 into S. Georges Churche in South∣warke at eight of the clocke in the morning and then hee called me before him, and sayd vnto me.

B. Winchester.

Stephen Gradwick, how standeth the mat∣ter with thee now? Art thou contented to reuoke thy here∣sies, the which thou hast mayntayned and defended here within my Dioces, oftentimes before me and also vppon Sonday last, ye stoode vp in the face of the whole Churche mayntayning your heresies, so that you haue offended w^t in the libertie of my Dioces, and now I being your Ordi∣nary you must aunswere to me directly, whether you will reuoke them or not: the which I haue here in writing, and if so be, that you wil not reuoke them, then I will excom∣municate you: and therefore note well what you doe, for now I read here the Articles agaynst you.

And so whē he had ended, he bad me answer vnto them.

Grat.

My Lord, these articles whiche you haue here obiec∣ted agaynst me, are not mine but of youe owne making. For I neuer had any of mine examinations written at a∣ny time, and therefore these be the obiections that you laye agaynst me as a snare to get my bloud.

Wherefore I desyer your lawfull fauour, to allow my lawfull appeale vnto myne Ordinary,* 2.49 for I haue nothing to do with you. And whereas you do burden me, that I haue offended within your Dioces, it is nothing so, for I haue not interprised neyther to preache nor teache within your Dioces, but was apprehended by mine own Bishop & sent prisoner into your Dioces, by the consent of y^e Coū∣sell & mine own Ordinary, & therefore I so being in your Dioces, you haue no cause to let my lawfull appeale.

And with that there came the Bishop of Rochester, & was receaued at the B. of Winchesters hands with much gladnes, according to their determinate purpose,* 2.50 before inuented. And so followed the Archdeacon of Canterbury And then the Bishop agayne start vp as a man halfe raui∣shed of his wittes for ioye, embracing him with many gē∣tle wordes, and sayd, y^t he was very glad of his comming,* 2.51 making himselfe ignorant thereof, as he thought it should appeare to me. Then sayd Winchester.

B. Win.

Syr I am very glad of your cōming. For here I haue one before me, who hath appealed vnto you being his Ordinary. Then sayd the Archdeacon of Canterbury.

Arch. Cant.

I know this man very well. He hath bene di¦uers

times before me.* 2.52 And then I aunswered and sayd.

Gratw.

My Lorde, I am not of his Dioces, not by fiue miles: for his Dioces reacheth on that parties but to the Cliffes of Lewes, & I dwelled at Bright Hempson, fiue miles beyond, in the Dioces of the Bishop of Chichester, and therefore I am not of his Dioces.

Then the the Bishop of Winchester, the B. of Roche∣ster,* 2.53 and the Archdeacon of Canterbury, cast their heades together, & laughed: and thē they sayd my Ordinary wold be here by and by, & so they sent forth for a counterfayte in steede of mine Ordinary and then I saw them laugh, and I spake vnto them, and sayd:

Grat.

Why do ye laugh? are ye confederate together for my bloud,* 2.54 and therein triumph? you haue more cause to looke waightely vpon the matter: For I stand here before you vpon life and death. But you declare youre selues what you are, for you are lapped in Lambes apparell, but I would to God ye had coates according to your assemblye here, which is scarlet gownes, for I do here perceiue you are bent to haue my bloud.

And then came rushing in their counterfayted Bishop who was the hyred seruaunt to deliuer me into the hands of y^e high Priest:* 2.55 & the Bishop hearyng him come, w^t haste enquired of his man, who was there, and he sayd, my lord of Chichester. Then the Bish. with hast rose vp and sayd.

Wint.

Ye are most hartily welcome, and required him to sit downe: and then sayd the Bishop of Winchester to me: Loe here is your Ordinary. What haue you nowe to saye vnto him?

Grat.

I haue nothing to say vnto him. If he haue nothing to say vnto me. I pray you let me depart. Then aunswe∣red my Counterfeyt Ordinary, and sayd.

Counterf.

Here you stand before my Lords and me in tri∣all of your fayth, and if you bring the trueth, wee shall by compulsion geue place vnto you, as it is to be proued by y^e word, and your doctrine to be heard and placed for a truth.

Grat.

Then I demaunded of him whether hee meant by authoritie, or by the iudgement of the spirite of GOD in his members.

And he aunswered me, by authoritie as well as by the spirite.

Grat.

Then I sayd: Nowe will I turne your own Ar∣gument vpon you:* 2.56 for Christ came before the high priests Scribes and Phariseis, bringing the truth with him, be∣yng the very truth hymselfe, which truth cannot lye, yet both he and his truth was condemned, and took no place with them. And also the Apostles, and all the Martyrs y^t dyed since Christ: therefore I turne your owne argument vpon you, aunswere it if you can.

Counterf.

Then he with a great hast of coller, sayd vnto y^e Bishop of Winchester: obiect some Articles agaynst hym, for he is obstinate, and would fayne get out of our handes therefore holde him to some particular: so that other aun∣swere could I not haue of his argument.

Wint.

Then the Bishop of Winchester began to reade hys obiections of his owne making agaynst me,* 2.57 and bad me aunswere vnto them. And I sayd:

Grat.

No, except you would set the law apart, because I see you are mindfull of my bloud.

Wint.

Now you may see hee will not aunswere to these, but as he hath aforesayd. Then spake the Counterfeit Or∣dinary agayne, and sayd:

Counterf.

My Lord, aske him what he sayth to the Sacra∣ment of the aultar. Then the Byshop asked me, as my Counterfeit Ordinary required him.

Grat.

* 2.58My Lord, I doe beleue that in the sacrament of the Supper of the Lord truely ministred in both kinds accor∣ding to the institution of Christ, vnto the worthy receauer, he eateth mistically by fayth the body and bloud of Chryst. Then I asked him if it were not the truth. And hee sayde yes. Then sayd I, beare witnesse of the truth.

Winchester.

Then the Bishop of Winchester, whose head being subtilest to gather vpon my wordes,* 2.59 sayd: My Lord see you not how he creepeth away with his heresies, and couereth them priuely? Note how hee here seperateth the Sacrament of the aulter, from the supper of y^e Lord mea∣ning it not to be y^e true sacrament, & also how he condem∣neth our ministration in one kinde, and alloweth that the vnworthy receauer doth not eate and drinke the body and bloud of Christ:* 2.60 which be sore matters truely wayed, be∣ing couered very craftely with his subtill shiftes of sophi∣stry, but he shall aunswere directly or euer he depart.

Grat.

My Lord, this is but your gathering of my wordes for you before confessed the same sayinges to be the truth, & this you catch at me, and fayne woulde haue a vauntage for my bloud: but seeing you iudge me not to meane y^e sa∣cramēt, of y^e aultar, nowe come to y^e probatiō of y^e same sa∣crament, and proue it to be the true sacrament, and I am with you: or els if you can proue your Church to be y^e true Church, I am also with you.

But then he called to memory the last probation of the Churche and sacramentes, howe hee before was driuen to forsake the scriptures,* 2.61 and to shew me by good reason how they might minister the sacrament in one kinde: & his rea∣son was this: Like as a man or woman dyeth on a sodayn and so when we haue geuen him the body of Christ, in the meane time the partie dyeth, and so he eateth the bodye of Christ, & not drinketh his bloud. And this was his simple shift in the prouing of their Sacramentes: so that he was now halfe abashed to begin that matter agayne.

But yet a little subtile shift he brought in, and sayd.

Winc.

What sayest thou by the administration of y^e priests euery day for them selues, and they minister in bothe kindes?

To that I aunswered, you haue two administrations for I am sure at Easter you minister but in one kinde, and therfore it is not according to the institution of Christ, but after your owne imaginations.

Winc.

Why, then what sayest thou to these wordes: Take, eate this is my body. These are the wordes of Christe. Wilt thou deny them?

Grat.

My Lord, they are the words of scripture, I affirme them, and not deny them.

Rochest.

Why, then thou doest confesse in the sacrament of the aulter to be a reall presence, the selfe same body y^t was borne of the Uirgine Mary, and is ascended vp into hea∣uen.

Grat.

My Lord, what do you now meane? do you not also meane a visible body? for it cannot be, but of necessitie, if it be a reall presence, and a materiall body, it must be a visi∣ble body also.

Winc.

Nay, I say vnto thee, it is a reall presence, and a materiall body, and an inuisible body to.

Grat.

My Lord,* 2.62 then it must needes be a phantastical bo∣dy, for if it shoulde bee materiall and inuisible as you af∣firme, then it must needes be a phantasticall body, for it is aparaunt that Christes humayne body was visible, and seene.

Winc.

Then the Bishop brake out and said, when diddest thou see him? I pray thee tell me.

Grat.

To that I aunswered and sayd: a simple argument it is. Because our corporall eyes cannot comprehend christ doth that proue or follow, that he is inuisible, because wee cannot see him?

Winc.

And with that the Bishop began to waxe weary of his argument, and remoued his talke to Iudas in eatyng y^e sacrament, & said: he eat him wholy, as the Apostles did.

Grat.

And then I asked him, if he meant Christes flesh and bloud the which he speaketh of in the 6. of Iohn, and saith: he that eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud, hath eternall lyfe in me.

Winc.

To that he aunswered, and sayd, yea.

Grat.

Then sayd I, of necessitie Iudas must needes be sa∣ued, because hee eate the fleshe,* 2.63 and dranke the bloude of Christ as you haue affirmed, and also all the vngodly that dye without repentance, because they haue eaten your sa∣crament, which you say is the flesh & bloud of Christ: ther∣fore of necessitie they shall receiue the benefite thereof, y^t is, eternall life. Which is a great absurditie to graunt, & then of necessitie, it must follow, that all that eate not, & drynke not of your sacrament, shall finally pearish and bee dam∣ned: for Christ sayth, except you eate my fleshe and drinke my bloud, you can haue no life in me. And you haue afore sayd, y^t your sacrament, which you say is the same flesh & bloud that Christ speaketh of, and here I proue, that all children then, that dye vnder age to receaue the sacrament, by your owne argument, they must be damned, whiche is horrible blasphemy to speake. Nowe here I turne your owne ar∣gument vpon you, aunswere it if you can.

Winc.

My Lord, do you not see what deceitful arguments he bringeth in here agaynst vs, mingled with sophistry, & keepeth himselfe in vauntage, so that we can get no holde vpon him. But I say vnto thee, thou peruerse hereticke, I see now, thou art a peruerse fellowe. I had a better opini∣on of thee, but now I see we lose our time about thee, yet I aunswere thee, S. Paule doth open the sixte of Iohn, playne, if thou wilt see, for he sayth: they eate Christes body and drinke his bloud vnworthely, and that was the cause of their damnation.* 2.64

Grat.

My Lord, take heede ye doe not adde vnto the texte for he that addeth vnto the text, is accursed of God, and I am sure here you haue brought more then Paule hath spo∣ken, for he sayth not, because they haue eaten his body and dronke his bloud vnworthily, but S. Paule sayth: Who so euer shall eate of this bread, and drinke of the Cuppe vnworthe∣ly, shall be giltie of the body and bloud of Christ.

* 2.65Note my lord, he saith not as you haue affirmed, but clene contrary. And with that they were all in a great rage.

Winch.

And the bish. of Winchester said, I belied the text.

Grat.

And then I called for the text.

Winch.

And he said, I asked thee euen now if thou vnder∣stoodest Latine, and thou saidest, whether I can or no, the people shall beare witnesse in English.

Grat.

And so I called againe for the Testament, whether it were Latin or English for the triall of the text.

Winch.

And then when the bish. of Winchester sawe that I cared not, whether of the Translations I had, he stoode vp, thinking to beguile some simple man that had a booke there, & bad him that had an English Testament to bring it in, that he might get some hold at him that should bring a testament,* 2.66 but God disappointed him therof, & so he flue away from his matter, and began to raile vpon me, & said my subtill Arguments shuld not serue, for if I would not answer directly, I should neuerthelesse be excommunica∣ted: for (sayd he) I see a madde ••oy in thine head: thou glo∣riest muche in thy talke, and thinkest nowe the people are come about thee, that thou shalt encourage them with thy constant heretical opinion.* 2.67 For y^e last day when thou wast before me vpon Sonday in s. Mary Oueries church, thou there reprouedst my sermon, & haddest a thousand by thee at the lest, to bid God strengthen thee: but now let me see him here that dare open his mouth to bid God strēgthen thee: he shall die the death that thou shalt die.

Grat.

* 2.68To that I answered: my Lord I know your cruel∣tie doth extend more largelier then your pity. Good expe∣rience so I haue to say, for you kepe men in prison •• yeare or two, taking their bookes from them, permitting thē not so muche as a Testament to looke vppon for theyr soules comfort, the which all men oughte to haue: and so you en∣treat them more like brute beastes then Christen men.

Winch.

No, syr we will vse you as we will vse the childe, for if the childe will hurte himselfe with the knife, we will kepe the knife from him.* 2.69 So because you wil damne your soule with the woord, therefore you shall not haue it.

Grat.

My lord, a simple argument you bring for to main∣taine and couer your fault. Are you not ashamed to make the woord the cause of our damnation? I neuer knew any man but only you that did not affirm our sinnes to be the cause of our damnation,* 2.70 and not the word, as you say: and therfore if your Argument be good, then this is good also: Because that some men do abuse drinke, therefore the be∣nefite of drinke should be taken from al men, or any other such like good gift.

Winch.

My lordes, here we lose much time, for this felow is peruerse, speaking nothing but sophistrie and peruerse questions: so that we can get no aduantage vpon him.

Then spake my Counterfait Ordinarie, as one halfe a sleepe al this while: yet somwhat with hast, when he was awaked he began to tell his tale, and sayde.

Counterf.

Read these articles against him once more, and if he wil not answer them, take him vpon his first words: That which I said, that I haue said.

Winch.

Then the Bishop of Winchester began to reade them againe.

Grat.

But I sayd vnto him, I would not aunswere them, because they were none of mine examinations, but obiec∣tions of their owne making, because they would haue my bloud. But yet I said, if they would set the lawe a part, I would talke my conscience freely to them.

Counterf.

Then my counterfet Ordinarie began to speake againe, charging mee with the saying of S. Peter, that I should render account of such hope as was in me.

Grat.

* 2.71So can I do, and yet shal I not please you, for here I now render my hope as S. Peter willeth me: I beleue only in Iesus Christ, to haue my saluatiō in him, by him, and through him: but I perceiue you would haue me rē∣der my faith in such sorte, as you may haue my bloud, and therfore you bring good Scriptures and euil apply them.

Win.

Why, this felow is peruerted, & we shal get no more at his hands then we haue already: therfore lette vs pro∣nounce sentence against him, for we do but lose our time.

Grat.

Nay good my lordes, seeing you wil nedes haue my bloud, let me say a little more for my selfe.

* 2.72Upon sonday last, whē I was before you, you preached this, which was a truth, & agreeable to the doctrine of the apostle s. Iames, and said: If any mā thinke himself a re∣ligious man, & in the meane time seduce his toung or hys heart, y^e same mans religion is a vain religion: and so my lord you stāding there in y^e pulpit,* 2.73 in y^e mean time seduced your tōg to slander vs pore prisoners being there present in yron bondes, burdening vs w^t the sect of Arrians, and w^t the sect of Herodiās, and w^t the sect of Anabaptists, and w^t the sect of sacramentaries, & with the secte of Pelagiās.

And when we stoode vp to purge our selues therof, you saide you would cut out our tonges, & cause vs to be pul∣led out of the church by violēce. But there you gaue your selfe a shrewde blow,* 2.74 for your toungue in the meane time slandered your neighbor. For I my Lord wil geue my life against all these heresies, the which you ther burdened vs withall, euen as I will geue my life against that where∣in I now stand before you. And with that he was raging angry, and caught my condemnation and said.

Win.

Thou wilt graunt here no more, but this word: that I haue said, I haue said: and here I gather mater enough to condemne thee, for this is a confirmation of all y^t thou hast heretofore said.

Grat.

Then I answered: If you can proue that euer any of mine examinatiōs were written, it were inough: but you haue nothīg agaīst me, but obiectiōs of your own makīg.

Win.

Haue at thee now. If thou wil not yelde,* 2.75 I wil pro∣nounce sentence against thee, and so he proceded forth on∣ward apace, curssing and banning in Latin: so that I told him: If the people might heare it in English, they would thinke you an vncharitable bishop.

Grat.

And then I said, stay my Lorde and note what you doe,* 2.76 for you haue neither temporall law nor spiritual here against me in any cause.

Then stepped foorth a gentleman & said vnto my Lord: take hede what you do, for he doth hear say that you haue no title nor cause why you should condemne him.

Then the bish. looked about him againe, and asked me if I would recant.

I asked him whereof I should recant?

Then saide the bish. are you there? nay then I knowe what I haue to do, and so he proceded forth in reading my condemnation. And there was an other gentlemā which began to snap and snatch at me: and then said I, I would God I had knowen this or euer I had come from home: I would surely haue put on breeche, and not had my skin thus torne. And all this while the Bishop red foorth still.

At last his chaplains cried, stop, stop my Lord, for now he will recant, and then the bishop asked me againe.

And I answered & sayd: my lord, my faith is grounded more stedfastly, then to change in a momēt,* 2.77 it is no proces of time can alter me, vnles my faith were as the waues of the sea: and so the B. made an end, & deliuered me into the hands of the sheriff, to be caried prisoner to the Marshal∣sey againe. And when I was condemned, I desired God with a loud voice that he would not lay my bloud to their charges, if it were his good will,* 2.78 & so then they refused my praier and sent me away. Then I beganne to talke as I went, and they cried, cut out his toung, or stop his mouth, and so I was broughte to the Malshalsey, and lapped in yron bandes. Therefore I pray vnto God that they vnto whom this present wryting shal come, may take example by my death and souldiour fare. So be it. By me Steuen Gratwicke, condemned for Gods euerlasting truth.

HEere for want of time I haue left out many matters, because the Lord hath hastened the time,* 2.79 so that I haue wrytten but the briefnes of the matter in probation of faith, and the reward of faith, the which the bish of Roch. & I debated vpon: the whych matter I wold haue ben very glad to haue set down in wryting.

Also much more talke there was, that the B. of Winch. and I had concerning my worldly frendes & personable estate: for he plaied sathan with me, hee caried me vp to the mountaines,* 2.80 and there told me, my learning was good and my eloquēce, and also my knowledge, saue that I did abuse it (saide he): and then he fell to praising of my person, that it was comely & worthy to serue a Prince. Thus Sathan flattered with me to make me aunsweare vnto such obiections as he woulde lay against me, that I mighte fall into his Diocesse.

Thus Steuen Gratwicke this Christian Martyr, be∣ing wrongfully condemned by the bish. of Winchester (as ye haue heard) was burned with William Moraunt, and one King, in s. Georges field, about y^e latter end of May.

Seuen godlye Martyrs, v. women and ij. men, burned at Maidstone for the word of truth, and professing of sincere religion of Christ.

I Shewed a litle before, how after the vnmerciful procla∣mation was sent & set forth by the K. and Quene, in the month of Febr. last,* 2.81 the storme of persecution began in all places to rise (whereof some part also is declared before:) but yet in no place more thē in y^e country & dioces of Cāt. by reason of certaine the aforesaid inquisitors, being now armed w^t authority, but especially by reasō of Ric. Thorn∣ton Suffragan of Douer, and the Archd. of Cant. who of their owne nature were so furious and fierye against the harmles flocke of Christ,* 2.82 y^t there was no nede of any pro∣clamation to stir vp the coles of their burning crueltie: by reason wherof many a godly Saint lieth slaine vnder the altare: as in diuers places of this booke wel may appeare.

And now to returne to the said dioces of Cant. againe, in the next moneth following, being y^e month of Iune, the 18. day of the same, were 7. Christian & true faithfull mar∣tirs of christ burned at Maidst. whose names here folow.

Ioane Bradbridge of Stapleherst. Walter Appelbie of Maidstone.* 2.83 Petronil his wife. Edmund Alen of Fri∣tenden. Katherine his wife. Ioane Mannings wyfe of Maidstone. Elizabeth a blinde Maiden.

As concerning the generall Articles commonly obiec∣ted to them in the publicke Consistory, & the order of theyr cōdemnation, it differeth not much from the vsuall maner expressed before, pag. 1585. neither did their aunsweares in effect much differre from the other that suffered vnder the same Ordinarie in the foresaid dioces of Canterburie.

Now as touching their accusers, and maner of appre∣hension, and their priuate cōflicts with the aduersaries, I finde no great matter comming to my hands, saue only of Edmund Alen some intimation is geuē men, how his tro∣bles came, what was his cause and aunsweres before the Iustices, as here consequently ye shall vnderstand.

The examination of Edmund Alen.

THis Allen was a milner of the parish of Frytenden in Kent, and in a deare yere, when as many poore people were like to starue, he fed them, and solde his corne better cheape by halfe then others did:* 2.84 and did not that only, but also fedde them with the foode of life, reading to them the scriptures, and interpreting them. This being known to the popish priests there abouts dwelling, by the procure∣ment of them, namely of Iohn Tailor parson of Friten∣den, and Thomas Henden parson of Stapleherst, he was eftsones cōplained off to the Iustices, and brought before syr Iohn Baker Knight, who first sending for them, com∣mitted both him and his wife to Ward: but not long after they were let out, I know not how, & so went ouer vnto Calice. Whereafter that he had continued a certaine space, he began to be troubled in conscience, & there meeting w^t one Iohn Web of the same parish of Fritēden,* 2.85 (who was likewise fled from the tirāny of sir Iohn Baker, and par∣son Tailor) said vnto him, y^t he could not be in quiet there, what soeuer the cause was: for God (saide he) hadde some thing to do for him in Englād: & thus shortly he returned home again to the parish of Fritenden. Where was a cru∣el Priest,* 2.86 there Parson, called Iohn Tailor.

This parson Tailor being infourmed by his brother Sertan, that Edmund Allen the Miluer & his wife, were returned, and were not at masse time in the churche: as he was the same time in the midst of his masse, vpon a Son∣day, a little before the eleuation (as they terme it) euen al∣most at y^e lifting vp of his Romish God, he turned him to the people in a great rage, and commanded them with all spede,* 2.87 to go vnto their house, and apprehend them, and he wold come to them w^t as much hast as might be possible. Which promise he well performed. For he had not so soone made an end of Ite missa est, and the vestments of his back, but by and by he was at the house, and there laying hande of the said Alen, caused him againe to be brought to sir Ih. Baker, with a greuous complaint of his exhorting & rea∣ding the scriptures to the people, and so was he & his wife sent to Maidstone prison. Witnessed by Richard Fletcher Uicare of Crambroke, and Iohn Webbe of Fritenden.

* 2.88They were not so soone in prisone, but maister Baker immediately sent vnto their house, certaine of his mē, Ih. Doue, Thomas Best, Thomas Linley, Perciuall Bar∣bel, with the foresaide Iohn Tailor parson of Fritenden, and Thomas Henden Parson of Stapleherst,* 2.89 to take an inuentorie of all the goodes that were in the house. Where they found in y^e bedstraw a casket locked with a padlocke, & so cutting the wist therof, opened it, and founde therein a sackecloth bagge of money, containing the summe of 13. or 14. pound, partly in gold, & partly in siluer. Which mo∣ney after they had told and putte in the bagge againe, like good caruers for themselues, they caried away with them.

Besides also they found there certaine bookes, as Psal∣ters, Bibles, and other wrytings. All which bookes, with the money, were deliuered to the foresaid Priest Thomas Henden, parson of Stapleherst, and after in the raigne of this Queene,* 2.90 an. 5. Reg. Elisab. was by right law recouered from him againe, as in Recordes remaineth to be seene.

Thus good Edmund Allen and his wife, being malici∣ously accused, wrōgfully imprisoned, & cruelly spoiled and robbed of al their goods, were brought (as is aforesaid) be¦fore sir Iohn Baker the iustice, to be examined: who taū∣ting and reuiling him w^tout all mercy and pity, asked him if those were y^e fruits of his gospell, to haue cōuenticles to gather people together, to make conspiracies, to sow sedi∣tion and rebellion: and thus he began w^t him to reason.

The talke or reasoning betwene Sir Iohn Ba∣ker, Colins his chaplaine, and Edmund Allen.

BAker

Who gaue thee authority to preache & interprete?* 2.91 Art thou a priest? art thou admitted thereunto? Let me see thy licence. Mart. Collins, sir Ihon Bakers scholemaster said, surely he is an arrāt heretike & worthy to be burned.

Alen.

And it may plese your honor to geue me leaue to an∣swer in the cause of my faith, I am persuaded y^t God hath geuē me this autority as he hath geuē to al other christiās.* 2.92 Why are we called christians if we do not folow Christ▪ if we do not read his law, if we do not interpret it to others y^t haue not so much vnderstāding? Is not Christ our Fa∣ther? shal not y^e son folowe the fathers steps? is not Christ our master? and shal y^e scholer be inhibited to lern & preach his precepts? Is not Christ our redemer? and shal not we praise his name, & serue him y^t hath redemed vs from sin & dānation? Did not christ being but 12. yeres of age dispute w^t the doctors, & interprete y^e prophet Esay, and notw^tstā∣ding hee was neither of the tribe of Leuie,* 2.93 whiche were Priestes, but of the royal tribe of Iuda, neither had taken any outward priesthode? wherfore if we be christians, we must do the same.

Col.

And it shal like your honor, what a knaue is this, y^t cōpareth himself w^t Christ.

Baker

Let him alone, he wil pump out anon an infinite heap of heresies. Hast thou any more to say for thy self?

Alen.

Yea y^t I haue. Adam was licēced of God, & Abraham was cōmanded to teach his children & posteritye, & so Dauid teacheth in di∣uers psalmes: and Salomon also preached to y^e people, as y^e boke of the precher proueth very wel, where he teacheth y^t there is no immortal felicity in this life, but in the next. And Noe taught them y^t were disobediēt in his daies, and therfore is called the 8. Preacher of righteousnes in the 2. epi∣stle of Peter. Also in y^e 11. of Numb. where Moses had cho∣sen 52. elders to helpe him to teach & rule the rest, Eldad & Medad preached in y^e tents, wherfore Iosua being offen∣ded, cōplained to Moses y^e Eldad & Medad did preach w^t∣out licēce.* 2.94 To whō Moses answered & wished y^t al y^e peo∣ple could do y^e like. What shuld I be long? most of y^e priests were not of the tribe of Leuy & Aaron.

Col.

These are au∣thorities of y^e olde testament, & therefore abrogated, but y^e art a foole, & knowest no schoole poynts. Is not y^e law de∣uided into the lawe ceremonial, moral, & iudicial?

Allen.

I graunt y^t the ceremonies ceased when Christ came, as S. Paul proueth to the Heb. & to the Col. where he saith: Let no man iudge you in any part of a sabboth day, new moone, or other ceremonies which are figures of things to come,* 2.95 for Christ is the body.

Collins.

And are not the iudicials abrogated by Christ?

Allin.

They are confirmed both by Christ in the 5. of Mathew, and by Paule in the 1. Epistle to Timothe 4. The law saith he is not set foorth for the vertuous & god∣ly, but for men slayers, periured, aduouterers & such like.

Collins.

* 2.96Thou art an hereticke. Wilt thou call the Iudi∣cials of Moses againe? wilt thou haue adultery punished with death? disobedient children to their parēts to be sto∣ned? wilt thou haue Legem talionis? But thou arte an Asse. Why shoulde I speake Latine to thee thou erroneous re∣bell? shall we now smite out eye for eye, toothe for toothe? thou art worthy to haue thy teeth and tonge plucked out.

Allin.

If we had that law, we should neither haue disobe∣dient children, neither adulterers, neither false witnesse bearers, neither ruffians.

Baker.

Master Collins, lette vs returne to our first matter. Why diddest thou teach y^e peo∣ple, whom thou saidst thou didst fede both bodely and spi∣ritually, being no Priest?

Allin.

Because y^t we are al kings to rule our affections, preests to preach out the vertues & woorde of God, as Peter wryteth: & liuely stones, to geue light to other. For as out of flint stones commeth foorthe that, that is able to set al the world on fire, so out of Chri∣stians shoulde springe the beames of the Gospell, whiche should inflame al the world. If we must geue a reckening of our faith to euery man, and now to you demanding it, then must we study the Scriptures & practise them? What auaileth it a man to haue meate and will eate none, and apparell and will weare none, or to haue an occupation, and to teach none, or to be a lawyer and vtter none? Shall euery artificer be suffered, yea and commended to practise his facultie and science, and the Christian forbidden to ex∣ercise his: Doth not euery lawyer practise his law? Is not euery christiā a folower of Christ? Shall ignorance which is condēned in al sciences be practised of christians? Doth not s. Paul forbid any mās spirit to be quenched? Doth he prohibite any man y^t hath any of these giftes, which he re∣peateth. 1. Cor. 14. to practise the same? Only he forbiddeth womē, but no man. The Iewes neuer forbad any. Read the Acts of y^e apostles. And y^e restraint was made by Gre. y^e 9. pope of that name, as I hard one, a learned mā preach in K. Ed. daies.

Col.

This villen (& it like your honor) is madde. By my Priesthoode, I beleeue that her wil saye, a Priest hath no more authoritye then an other man. Doth not a Priest binde and loose?

Allin.

No, my sinne bindeth me, and my repētance loseth. God forgiueth sin only, and no priest. For euery Christian when he sinneth, bindeth himselfe, and when he repēteth, loseth him self.* 2.97 And if any other be losed from his sinne by my exhortation, I am saide to lose him: and if he perseuere in sin, notw^tstanding my exhortation, I am saide to binde him, althoughe it is God that bindeth and loseth, and ge∣ueth the increase: Therefore saith Christ. Mat. 18. Where∣soeuer 2. or 3. are gathered togither in my name, there am I in the middest of them, & whosoeuer sinnes they forgeue, they are for∣geuen: and whosoeuer they retaine, they are retained. Neither hath the Pope any keies, saue the keies of error: for y^e key that openeth the locke to Gods mysteries and to saluati∣on, is the key of faith and repentāce. And as I haue heard learned men reason, S. Austine and Origen, with others are of this opinion. Then they reuiled him and laide hym in the stockes all the night. Wherewith certaine that were better minded, being offended with such extremity, willed Allin to keepe his cōscience to him selfe, and to folow Ba∣ruckes counsel in the 6. chap. Wherfore when ye see the mul∣titude of people worshipping thē,* 2.98 behinde and before, say ye in your harts, O Lord it is thou that ought only to be worshipped.

Wherewith he was perswaded to goe to heare Masse the next day, and sodenly before the sacring went out, and considered in the Churchyard with him selfe, that suche a litle cake betwene the priests fingers could not be Christ, nor a materiall body, neither to haue soule, life, sinnewes, bones, flesh, legs, head, armes nor brest, and lamēted that he was seduced by the place of Barucke,* 2.99 which his consci∣ence gaue him to be no Scripture, or els to haue an other meaning, and after this he was brought againe before syr Iohn Baker, who asked why he did refuse to worship the blessed Sacrament of the aultar.

Allin.

It is an Idol.

Collins.

It is Gods body.

Allin.

It is not.* 2.100

Collins.

By the Masse it is.

Allin.

It is bread.

Collins.

How proouest thou that?

Allin.

When Christ sate at his last supper, and gaue them bread to eate.

Col.

Bread knaue?

Allin.

Yea bread, which you cal Christes body. Sate he stil at the table, or was he both in their mouthes, & at the ta∣ble? If he were both in their mouthes & at the table, then had he two bodies, or els had a fantasticall body: which is an absurditie to say it.* 2.101

Sir Iohn Baker.

Christes body was glorified, and might be in mo places then one.

Allin.

Then had he more bodies thē one, by your own placing of him.

Collins.

Thou ignorāt Asse, the schoole men say, that a glo∣rified body may be euery where.

Allin.

If his body was not glorified til it rose againe, then was it not glorified at his last supper, and therefore was not at the table, and in their mouthes, by your owne reason.

Collins.

A glorified body occupieth no place.* 2.102

Allin.

That which occupieth no place, is neither God, nor any thing els: but Christes bo∣dy say you, occupieth no place: therefore it is neither God nor any thing els. If it be nothing, then is your religion nothing. If it be God, then haue we iiij. in one Trinitie, which is the persone of the father, the person of the sonne, the person of the holy ghost, the humane nature of Christ. If Christ be nothing, which you must needes confesse if he occupie no place, then is our study in vaine, our faith pro∣strate, and our hope without reward.

Collins.

This re∣bel wil beleue nothing but scripture. How knowest thou that it is the scripture but by the church? and so sayeth S. Austin.

Allin.

I cannot tell what Austine sayth, but I am perswaded, that it is Scripture, by diuers arguments.

* 2.103First, y^t the law worketh in me my condemnation. The law telleth me y^t of my selfe I am dāned: and this damna∣tiō, M. Collins, you must find in your self, or els you shal neuer come to repētance. For as this grief & sorow of cō∣science, w^tout faith, is desperation, so is a glorious & Ro∣mish faith w^tout the lamentatiōs of a mās sins presūption.

The second is the gospel, which is the power & spirit of God. This spirite (sayth S. Paule) certifieth my spirite that I am the sonne of God, and that these are the Scriptures.

The thirde, are the wonderfull woorkes of God, which cause me to beleue that there is a God though we glorifie him not as God.* 2.104 Rom. 1. The sunne, the moone, y^e starres and other his workes (as Dauid discourseth in the xix. Psalme) declareth that there is a God, and that these are y^e scriptures, because that they teach nothing els but God and his power, maiestie and might: and because the scrip∣ture teacheth nothing dissonant from this prescription of nature. And fourthly, because that the woord of God gaue authoritye to y^e church in paradise, saying that the seede of the woman should brast down the Serpents head. This sede is the gospel: this is al the scriptures, and by this we are assured of eternall life, and these words: The seede of the woman shall braste the serpentes heade, gaue authoritie to the church, and not the church to the worde.

Baker.

I hearde say that you spake against priests and bishops.

Allin.

I spake for thē, for now they haue so much liuing,* 2.105 & especi∣ally bishops, archdeacons, and deanes, that they neyther can nor wil teach Gods woord. If they had a 100. pounds a peece, then would they apply their studie: now they can not for other affaires.

Col.

Who wil then set his children to schoole.

Allin.

Where there is now one set to schoole for that end, there would be 40. because that one Bishops li∣uing deuided into 30. or 40. partes, would finde so manye as wel learned men as the bishops be now, who haue all this liuing, neither had Peter or Paul any such reuenew.

Baker.

Let vs dispatch him: he wil mar all.

Collins.

If e∣uery man had a 100. pounds, as he saith it wold make mo learned men.

Baker.

But our bishops would be angrye if that they knew it.

Allin.

It were for a common wealth to haue such bishoppricks deuided for the further increase of learning.

Baker.

What sayest thou to the Sacrament?

Allin.

As I sayde before.

Baker.

Away w^t him. And thus was he caried to prison, and afterward burned. And thus much touching the particular storie of Edm. Allin and his wife. Who with the v. other martyrs aboue named,* 2.106 being vij. to wit, v. women, and ij. men were altogether burned at Maidstone, the yere and moneth afore mentioned, and the 18. day of the same moneth.

An other storie of like crueltie, shewed vpon other 7. Martyrs burnt at Cant. 3. men and 4. women.

AMong suche infinite seas of troubles in these most dā∣gerous daies,* 2.107 who can withhold himselfe from bitter teares, to see the madding rage of these presented Catho∣lickes, who being neuer satisfied with bloud to maintaine their carnall kingdome, presume so highly to violate the precise law of Gods commandements in slaying the sim∣ple pore Lambes of the glorious congregation of Iesus Christ, and that for the true testimonie of a good cōscience, in confessing the immulate gospell of their saluatiō. What heart wil not lamēt the murdering mischief of these men,* 2.108 who for wāt of worke, do so wreke their tine on seely pore women, whose weake imbecillitie the more strēgth it lac∣keth by natural imperfection, the more it ought to be hel∣ped, or at least pitied, and not oppressed of men y^t be stron∣ger, and especially of Priests that should be charitable.

But blessed be the Lord omnipotent, who supernatu∣rally, hath indued from aboue such weake creatures with such manly stomacke and fortitude, so constantly to with∣stād the vttermost extremitie of these pitilesse persecutors: as he did before strengthen the mother of the 7. sonnes in the Machabees, & as he hath done since with diuers & son¦dry other godly womē in these our later daies, partly be∣fore mentioned, & partly to be mētioned hereafter, & heere presently may appeare by the martyrdome of these 7. here vnder folowing, of the which were 4. women and 3. men, burnt together at Canterb. the 31. day of the sayde moneth of Iune, in the yere aforesaid, whose names are these.

• ...Iohn Fishcocke. Nicolas White.
• ...Nicolas Pardue.
• Barbara Final, Widow.
• ...* 2.109 Bradbreges widow
• Wilsons Wife.
• Bendens Wife.

As it were too tedious exactly and particularly to pro∣secute the seuerall storie of euery one of these godly Mar∣tyrs: so I can not passe ouer vntouched the cruel and vn∣christian handling of Alice Benden during her imprison∣ment,* 2.110 according as I haue receiued by the faithfull relati∣on of them which best were acquainted with her, & partly also some doers in the matter, beinge her owne naturall brethren. The storie is thus.

¶The order of the imprisonment and tragicall hand∣ling of Alice Benden, wife of Edw. Benden of the parish of Stapleherst in the Countie of Kent, for the testimonye of Christes Gospell.

FIrst Alice Bēden was broght before one M. Roberts of Crābroke in the said Countie,* 2.111 the 14. day of Oct. in the yere of our lord 1556. of whom she was demāded, why she wold not go to the church. And she answered, that she could not so do w^t a good and cleare cōscience, because there was much idolatrie committed against the glory of God. For the which, with many mocks and taūts she was sent to prison, where she lay 14. daies. For on y^e 20. day of Oc∣tober her husband required his neighbors the welthy mē of Stapleherst to wryte to the Bishop of Douer, who had the chiefe gouernment of the tyrannical sword in Kent for those daies, which they did, desiring him to sēd her home.

Wherfore the B. called her before him, & asked her if she would go home & go to the church. Wherunto she answe∣red: If I would haue so done I nede not to haue come hi∣ther. Then wilt thou go home, and be shriuen of y^e parish Priest? And she sayd, no, that would she not.

Well, said he, go thy waies home, and go to the Church when thou wilt. Wherunto she answered nothing. But a

Priest that stoode by,* 2.112 sayd: shee sayeth, shee will my Lord. Wherefore he let her goe, and shee came foorthwith home.

On the Saterday following, her husbande willed her to goe to the Churche: which she both then and else when refused to do. Wherefore on the Sonday 14. daies after, he going to the church,* 2.113 came into the companie of diuers in∣habitaunts of the same parish, among whome thoroughe his fonde talke and behauior, he procured her to be sent to Syr Iohn Gilforde, who commaunded her to prisone a∣gaine, yea and the more to vtter his owne shame, th•• said her husband tooke money of the Constable to carry her to prisone, the p••ice of his wiues bloud, meaning in deede to carry her to prison him selfe. But she hauing muche more care of his honest and good report, then he had regard (as it is easie to see) of his owne infamie, and no lesse ashamed of his so rude and vnnatural doings, chose rather to com∣mit her selfe willingly into the hands of her enemies, then that the world shoulde witnesse against her husband, of so facinorous a fact. Wherfore she went to the Constable, de∣siring him to go with her. But he answered that he could not so doe, but graunted her his boy to go with her: with whom she went to prison, namely, the castle of Canterbu∣rie, according to the commaundement geuen.

* 2.114Where this one thing is woorthy to be noted, y^• while she was in this prison, she practised with a prison fellowe of hers, the wife of one Potkin, to liue bothe of them w^t ij. pence halfpenie a day, to trie therby how well they coulde sustaine penurie & hunger, before they were put to it. For they had heard that when they should be remooued from thence to the Bishops prison, their liuings should be but iij. farthings a peece a day, and did in dede both so liue for xiiij. daies ere shee were from thence remooued.

The 22. day of Ianuarie folowing, her husband went againe to the bishop, desiring hym to deliuer his wife out of prison: but he saide shee was an obstinate hereticke and would not be reformed, and therefore sayde that he could not deliuer her.

* 2.115Then said he: my Lord, she hath a brother whose name is Roger Hal, that resorteth vnto her. If your Lordship could keepe him from her, she would turne: for he comfor∣teth her, geueth her money, and perswadeth her not to re∣turne or relent.

This occasion was not so soone geuen, but it was as quickly taken,* 2.116 and as cruelly put in execution. For y^e Bi∣shop commaunding her vppon the same to a prison called Mondaies hole, there also he gaue strait charge, y^t if at any time her brother came, he should be taken & apprehended.

This prison was w^tin a Court where the Prebendes chambers were,* 2.117 being a valt beneath the ground, & being before the window, inclosed with a pale of height, by esti∣mation 4. foote & a halfe, and distant from the same 3. foote, so y^t she looking from beneath, might only see such as stood at the pale. After this her Brother sought often for her, w^t no les danger of life, then diligence. But for the vnknown situation of y^e place, it being also, but rarely vsed for a pri∣son, and the matter as closely kept as it was secretly dou, he could neuer come to vnderstād of her being there, vntil through Gods merciful wil and vnsearchable prouidēce, he cōming thether very rathe in a morning,* 2.118 her keper be∣ing then gone to the church to ring (for he was a bell rin∣ger) chaunced to heare her voyce, as she powred out vnto God her sorowful complaints, saying y^e Psalmes of Da∣uid: and there could he none otherwise relieue her, but by putting money in a loaf of bread, and sticking the same on a pole, and so reached it vnto her: for neither w^t meate nor drinke he could sustaine her. And this was 5. wekes after her comming thether. Al the which time no creature was knowen to come at her, more then her keeper.

Their lying in that prison was onely vpon a litle short straw, betwene a paire of stockes & a stone wall: being al∣lowed iij. farthings a day, that is, a halfe penye bread, and a farthing drinke: neither could she gette any more for her mony.* 2.119 Wherefore she desired to haue her whole alowance in bread, and vsed water for her drinke. Thus did shee lye 9. weekes. During all which time she neuer changed her apparel: wherby she became at the last a most pitious and lothsome creature to beholde.

At her first comming into this place, she did greuously bewaile with great sorrowe & lamentation, and reasoned with her selfe: why her Lorde God did with his so heauy iustice suffer her to be sequestred from her louing fellowes into so extreeme miserie.

In these dolorous mournings did shee continue til on a night as shee was in her sorrowful supplications in re∣hearsing thys verse of the Psalme:* 2.120 Why arte thou so heauie O my soule? And againe: The right hande of the most highest can chaunge all: shee receiued comforte in the middest of her miseries: And after that continued very ioyfull vntill her deliuerie from the same.

About the 25. day of March,* 2.121 in the yeare of our Lorde 1557. shee was called before the Bishop: who demaunded of her, whether shee would nowe goe home, and go to the church or no, promising her great fauour if she woulde be reformed and doe as they did.

To whom she answered: I am throughly perswaded by the great extremitie that you haue already shewed me, that you are not of God, neither can your doings be god∣ly, and I see (sayeth she) y^t you seeke my vtter destruction, shewing how lame she then was, of cold taken, & for lacke of foode, while she lay in that painful prison: whereby shee was not able to mooue her selfe without great paine.

Then did the bish. deliuer her frō that filthy hole, and sent her to Westgate, whereas after she had bene changed,* 2.122 and for a while ben cleane kept, her skin did wholy so pill & scale off, as if she had bene w^t some mortal venome poy∣soned. Heere she continued till the latter end of Aprill. At which time they called her before them, and with others condemned her, committing her then to the prisone called the Castle. Where shee continued till the slaughter daye, which was the 19. day of Iune, when by terrible fire they tooke away her life.

When she was at the stake,* 2.123 she cast her handkerchiefe vnto one Iohn Bankes, requiring him to kepe the same in y^e memorie of her, and from about her middle she tooke a white lace which she gaue to the keeper, desiring him to geue the same to her brother Roger Hall, and to tell hym that it was the last band that she was bound with, except the chaine. A shilling also of Phillip and Mary shee tooke foorth, which her father had bowed and sent her when shee was first sent to prison, desiring y^t her said brother should with obedient salutations render the same to her father a∣gaine, & shew him that it was the first peece of mony that he sent her after her troubles begon, which (as shee prote∣sted) she had kept & now sent him to do him to vnderstand that shee neuer lacked money while shee was in prison.

With this Alice Benden were burned also the residue of the other blessed Martyrs aboue named, being seuen in number. Who being brought to y^e place where they shuld suffer for the Lordes cause at Canterbury, vndressed them selues ioyfully to the fire, and being ready thereto: they all (like the communion of Saints) kneled downe and made their humble praiers vnto the Lorde, with such zeale and affection, as euen y^e enemies of the Crosse of Christ coulde not but like it. When they had made inuocation together, they roase and went to the stake, where being compassed with horrible flames of fire, they yeelded their soules and liues gloriously into the handes of the Lord.

This Bradbeges wife, when shee was condemned of the Bishop to be burned, had ij. children, named Pacience & Charitie. Who then said to the bishop, that if he woulde needes burne her, yet she trusted, that he woulde take and

[illustration]

The burning of seuen Martyrs at Caunterburie.

* 2.124

keepe Pacience and Charitie,* 2.125 meaning her two children. Nay, quoth the Bishop, by the faith of my bodye, I will meddle with neither of them both.

* 2.126The troubles and examinations of Mathew Plase.

VNto these holy martyrs of Kent aboue specified, wher of seuen suffered at Maidstone, and seuen at Canterb. I thought not vnmeete heere also to be adioyned the exa∣mination of Mathew Plase,* 2.127 a Weauer of the same Coun∣tie of Kent, and a faithful christian. Who being apprehen∣ded and imprisoned likewise for the testimonie of a good conscience, in the Castell of Canterbury, was brought to examination before the Bishop of Douer, and Harpsfield the Archdeacon, as here is to be red and seene.

The examination and answeres of Mathewe Plase Weauer, of the Parish of Stone in the Countie of Kent, before Thornton Bishop of Douer, Harpesfield Archdeacon, Collins Commissarie, & other Inquisitours. An. 1557.

FIrst when I came before the bishop, he asked me whe∣ther I were not of that Dioces, and where I dwelt, for that was my first Article.* 2.128

Ans.

I aunsweared, I was of the Parishe of Stone in Kent, and subiect vnto the King & Queene of England.

Bish.

Then he sayd, I was indicted by xij. men, at Ashford at the Sessions, for heresie.

Auns.

I sayd, that was sooner sayd then prooued.

Bish.

Then he sayde, it was the truthe that he had spoken to me, for he had whereby to prooue it.

Auns.

Then I desired him to let me heare it, and I would answere to it.

Bish.

But he sayd he would not so do, but I should aun∣swere to my Article, yea or nay.

Auns.

I said, he could not: for I was not at Ashforde, and therfore he had nothing to lay to my charge. But nowe I perceiue you goe about to lay a net to haue my bloud.

Arch.

After many woordes betwixt the bishop and me, the Archdeacon said: peace, peace, we do not desire thy bloud, but we are glad to heare that thou art no hereticke, wyth many flattering woordes, and said: yet I was suspected of heresie, and if I woulde be content to confesse howe I did beleeue as concerning those Articles, they woulde gladly teache me.

Auns.

But I sayd, I did not so thinke, for I talked wyth one of your doctors, and after long talke, he would nedes know how I did beleeue in the Sacrament, and I recited vnto him the text, and because I would not make him an exposition, he would teach me nothing: yet I praied hym for my learning to wryte his minde, & if it were the truth, I would beleeue him: and this I did desire him for y^e loue of God, but it would not be.

Arch.

Then sayd he, it was not so, he durst sweare vpon a booke.

Auns.

I sayd, it would be so prooued.

Arch.

Then he stoode vp with a long processe, and sayd: he would tell me the truth, and was sure that the same Doc∣tour did beleeue as he did.

Auns.

I asked him how he knew that, seing S. Paul doth say, that no man knoweth what is in man but the spirite which dwelleth in him: but if you wist what Christ meant by these woords,* 2.129 I require mercy and not sacrifice, you wold not kill innocents.

Bishop.

The Bishop began with me againe, and charged me in the king and Queenes name, and the Lord Cardi∣nals, to answere yea or nay, to the Articles that followed.

Auns.

Then I commanded him in his name that should come in flaming fire with his mighty Aungels to render vengeance to the disobedient, and to all those that beleued not the gospell of our Lord Iesus Christ, which should be punished with euerlasting damnation, y^t he should speake nothing but the truth grounded vpon Christ and hys A∣postles, and then I would answer him, or els not.

Bish.

Then he was very angry, and sayd: if I would not answer he would condemne me in dede: vnlesse I would answer euery Article.

Auns.

Wel said I, if you do, you shalbe giltie of my bloud, and prooue your selfe a murtherer.

Arch.

Then the archdeacon tooke the articles in his hand, & red the seconde Article, which was, that I was a Chri∣stian man,* 2.130 and did beleeue in theyr mother the Catholicke church, and the determination thereof.

Auns.

I sayd, I was a Christian man in deede, and there∣fore they had nothing against me.

Arch.

Thē said he, what saiest thou to y^e catholicke church, which hath so long cōtinued, except it were 9. or 10. yeres, that this heresie hath sprong vp here in this realme.

Auns.

I sayde, no man can accuse me of any thing spoken against the catholicke church of Christ.

Bish.

Then saide y^e bish. doest thou not beleue the Creede?

Ans.

Yes verely I beleue my Creede,* 2.131 & all that is written in the Testamēt of Christ, with the rest of the Scriptures.

Bish.

Then sayth he: thou doest confesse that there is a Ca∣tholicke church, I am glad of that: but tell me, is the King and Queene of that Church or not?

Ans.

Wel said I, now I perceiue, you go about to be both mine accuser, & also my iudge, contrary to all right.* 2.132 I con∣fesse Christ hath a Church vpon earth, which is built vp∣on the Apostles & Prophets, Christ being the head therof, and as touching the King and Quene, I answere, I haue nothing to do with no mās faith but with my owne: nei∣ther came I hether to iudge, for I iudge not my selfe, but the Lord must iudge me.

Bishop.

Then sayd he: Is there no part of that church here in England?

Auns.

Well I perceiue, you would faine haue some thing to lay to my charge. I will tell you where. Christ sayeth, whereas two or three be gathered together in his name, there is he in the middest among them.

Then the archdeacon stoode vp with his mockes,* 2.133 to put me out of comfort, & said to the people: that I had no wit, but y^t I thought all they were deceiued so long time, and that halfe a dosen of vs should haue the truth in a corner, & that al they should be deceiued, with such like taunts and mockes: but would not suffer me to speake one woord.

Arch.

Then he red the Article of the Sacrament, and said, I did denie the reall presence to be in the Sacrament af∣ter it was once consecrated, and that I sayde, Christes bo∣dy was in heauen & no where els, and that the bread was nothing but a signe, token, or remembrance.

Ans.

Then I said: you haue to shew where and what my woordes were: and heereof we talked a great while.

Bish.

At the last the bishop was so angrie, that he charged me in the Kinges, Queenes, and Cardinals name before the Maior and his brethren, taking them to witnesse, if I did not say yea or nay, he would condemne me.

Ans.

Then I saide: seeing you haue nothing to accuse me of, wherefore should I so answer?

Arch.

Then the archd. said, I was gilty: and sayd I was like a thefe at the barre, which would not cōfesse his fault because his accusers were not present: with a great many wordes, & would not let me open my mouth against him.

Ans.

Then I sawe where about they went, graunting to answere them by the woorde, or els I thinke they woulde haue cōdemned me for holding of my peace: and this was my beginning: I beleue that Christ tooke bread,* 2.134 and when he had geuen thankes, he brake it, and gaue it to his disci∣ples, and sayde: Take, eate, this is my body which is geuen for you, this doe in remembrance of me.

Arch.

Doest thou beleeue y^t Christ meant euen as he sayd?

Ans.

I said, Christ was no dissembler, but he spake the ve∣ry truthe.

Arch.

Thou hast very well sayd: we will make the best of thy words. Then he praised me with many words, going about to prooue it his body reall and substantiall, and said: Christ called himself bread: and this to proue, when Christ saide. This is my body: the breade was his body, saide he, in dede, real & substantial, not so long & so big as it hong on y^e Crosse, as the Capernaites did thinke: but we eate it, as mās weake nature can eate Christ. Therfore when he had sayd: This is my body, the bread was his body in very dede.* 2.135

Ans.

Then I asked him, what Christ meant by these wor∣des. Which is geuen for you?

Arch.

He saide: Christ spake that by the bread also, but it was not written in Mathew, but Luke had those words.

Ans.

Then I asked him, if Christes bodye were made of bread, that was geuē for our redemption, or whether the bread was crucified for vs, or not?

Arch.

Then he sayd: no by saint Mary, I say not so.

Ans.

You haue said the truth in dede, & euen as I beleue.

Arch.

Then he stoode vp with a great many of words,* 2.136 and sayd: that I did think it but bare bread stil, as other bread is: but he was sure Christe called it his body, and then it was his body in deede, for he would beleeue Christ.

Ans.

When he had spoken his pleasure by me, thinking to haue condēned me by their law, I said: he had not iudged right of mee, for I hadde not so spoken, but did beleue the wordes of Christ as well as he, and as much as he coulde prooue by the woorde.

Arch.

Then he would heare what I did say it was.

Ans.

I said, I did beleeue it was that he gaue them.

Arch.

Then he asked me, what it was that he gaue them.

Auns.

I sayd, that which he brake.

Arch.

* 2.137Then he asked me, what was that he brake?

Auns.

I sayd, that he tooke.

Arch

What was it that he did take?

Auns.

I sayd the text sayth, he tooke bread.

Arch.

Wel, then thou sayest it was but bread that his Dis∣ciples did eate, by thy reason.

Auns.

Thus much I say: looke what hee gaue them, they did eate in deede.

Arch

Why, then was not that his body that they did eate?

Auns.

It was that which he brake.

Arch.

Well sayd he, I perceiue thy meaning well inough, for thou doest thinke it is but breade still, and that hee was not able to make it his body.

Auns.

That is your exposition vpon my minde.

Arch.

Then saide he, what diddest thou receiue when thou diddest receiue last?

Auns.

I sayde, I doe beleue, that I did eate Christes flesh, and drinke his bloud. For he saith: My flesh is meat in deede, and my bloud is drinke in deede.

Arch

Then he sayd, I had well aunsweared, thinking to haue had some aduauntage at my hand, and praied me to tell him, how I did eate his flesh and drinke his bloud.

Auns.

Then I sayde, I must aunswer you by the woorde, Christ sayeth: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my bloude, dwelleth in me, and I in him.

Arch▪

Then he faced out the matter with Sophistrie, and sayde, I did eate Christe, as that Church was in his eye, with many such like mockes, but woulde not let me aun∣swere one woorde.

Commis.

Then the Commissarie did aske mee, if I did not remember S. Paule, which did rebuke the Corinthes for theyr euill behauior, and because they made no difference of the Lordes body, and brought in to prooue hys matter, howe he called him selfe bread in the 6. of Iohn. So Paul sayth:* 2.138 So oft as ye eate of this breade (meaning Christes bo∣dy) vnwoorthely, ye eate and drinke your owne damnation, be∣cause ye make no difference of the Lordes body. For thus say∣eth Christ: The bread that I will geue you is my flesh. Now, it is no bread, but it is his flesh. And thus he alledged euery Scripture false to make vp the matter.

Auns.

Then I sayde, I did beleeue the woordes of Paule very wel, euen as he had spoken them. For thus he sayeth: He that eateth and drinketh vnwoorthely, eateth and drynketh hys owne damnation, because hee maketh no difference of the Lordes body.

Commis.

What is the cause that he eateth his owne dam∣nation?

Auns.

I sayd, Saint Paule declareth it plainly wyth these woordes: If ye had iudged your selues, ye should not haue bene iudged of the Lord.

Arch.

Then the Archdeacon sayde, he marueiled whye I would not say,* 2.139 that he called the breade hys bodye, seeing Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer with many other, sayd he called it his bodye.

Auns.

I saide, you haue condemned them as heretickes, and you wold haue me say with them, because you wold kill me.

Arch.

Then he saide: In that they said it was his bodye, they did say the truth.

Auns.

I asked wherefore they were killed, seeing they sayd the truth?

Bishop.

Then sayde the Byshop, that he had all theyr aun∣sweres, and that they did not beleue as they said. For they sayd, Christ called it his body, but it was not his naturall body: but thou shall answere me by and by, whether it be his body or not, or els I will anger thee.

Auns.

Then I sayd: I had answeared him by the word al∣ready, and did beleeue it also: therefore if he did condemne me for that, my life was not deare vnto me, & I was sure he should not scape vnpunished: for God wil be reuenged vpon such murtherers.

Arch.

Then the Archdeacon intreated mee to be ruled by him, & take mercy while it was offered: for if I were con∣demned, I must needes be burned. Yet he would not say but my soule might be saued: with many moe wordes, and desired me that I would beleue hym, for he would speake the truth, beginning how Christ fed fiue thousande wyth foure loaues, and how he turned y^e water into wine: euen so Christ tooke breade and blest it, and when he had done, he brake it, and sayd: This is my body, and then he commā∣ded them to eat it, and therfore it must nedes be his body.

Auns.

Then I desired him to speake the text right, or els I would not beleeue him.

Arch.

Then he stoode vp and put off his cap, and thanked me for teaching of him, and sayde: I was a stubberne fel∣low, and tooke scorne to be taught.

Auns.

I sayd, I ought to holde him accursed, if he taught doctrine contrary to Christ and his Apostles.

Arch.

Then he asked me, whether I did beleue that Christ did geue that he tooke, or not?

Auns.

I said, I do beleue as much as can be proued by the Scripture, and more I will not beleeue.

Arch.

Then he began with Moyses rod, howe God com∣manded him to lay it down, and it was turned into a ser∣pent. Seing that this was by Moyses being but a man, how much more Christ being both God & man tooke one thing, and gaue to his Disciples an other?* 2.140

Ans.

I said, his comparison was nothing like, for Moyses rod when it was laid downe, he saw that it was tourned into a verye Serpent in deede, but in this Sacrament no mā can see neither qualitie nor yet quantitie to be chāged.

Bish.

Then sayd the Bishop, that mine opinion and Faith was like vnto the Capernaites.

Ans.

I sayd, theirs was more like theyr opiniō then mine.

Arch.

The Archdeacon asked me, whether Christe tooke not one thing, and gaue an other?

Auns.

I sayde, Looke what he brake, hee gaue vnto them, and had them eate: and other answere I will make none, contrary to the woorde.

Arch.

Then he sayd, he marueiled why I woulde not be∣leue them, seeing this learning had continued this fiftene hundred yeares: neither yet did saye, as other had before, howe Christ did call it his bodye.

Auns.

Then I sayde, when Cranmer whyche was heere Byshop, was in authoritie, he sayde, that he did holde the truth, and commaunded vs to beleeue him, and hee hathe geuen his life for his opinion, and would you haue me to beleeue you, because you say, that you holde the truth? and that which makes me beleeue chiefly, is y^e scripture, which I am sure is the truth in deede.

Bish.

The Bishop sayd, he hath spoken the truthe, & that I would not beleeue him.

Auns.

I sayde, if he did not nowe speake the truthe, I was sure he had spoken the truthe, for hee had preached before, doctrine cleane contrary vnto this.

Then were the rest of my articles read: which I aun∣swered, and in euery article, we had vp this breaden god. And they sent for a candle light, & I thought they woulde haue condemned me, but God would not suffer their cru∣el hearts to haue theyr pleasure at that time: blessed he hys name for euermore. Amen.

Arch.

Then the Archdeacon was angry, & began to chide with me, because I woulde not desire a day of the byshop, and said: I was a noughty stubberne felowe, and sayde, it had bene my duety to haue desired him to haue bene good to me, that I might haue a day.

Auns.

Then I sayde: I haue spoken the truth, and there∣fore I would aske him no day, except he would geue me a day of his owne minde.

Commis.

Then sayde the Commissarie: Doest thou not thinke that thou maiest be deceiued, seeing hee may be de∣ceiued that hath gone to study all the daies of his life?

Auns.

I saide, Yes, I mighte be deceiued in that I was a man: but I was sure Gods woord could not be deceiued.

Com.

Then hee praied me to be content, and confesse that I might learne, and said, they would be glad to teach me.

Auns.

And I sayde, I would be as glad to learne as any man. And thus they roase vp and went away, saying no∣thing.

What became of this Mathewe Plaise after, whether he died in prison, or was executed, or deliuered, I haue as yet no certaine knowledge.

The hystorie of ten true godly Disciples, and Martyrs of Christ, burnt together in one fire at Lewes. An. 1557. Iune 22.

* 2.141

IN the towne of Lewes were ten faithfull seruauntes of God put in one fire, the xxij. day of Iune, whose names followe.

• 1 Rich. Woodman.
• 2 George Steuens.
• 3 W. Mainard.
• 4 Alexander Hosman his seruaunt.
• 5 Tomasin a Wood, Mai∣nards maide.* 2.142
• 6. Margerie Moris.
• 7. Iames Moris her sonne.
• 8. Denys Burgis.
• 9. Ashdons wife.
• 10. Groues wife.

Of the which noumber Richarde Woodman was the firste. Concerninge whose apprehension firste by hys e∣nemies, and of hys deliueraunce oute of Byshoppe Bo∣uers handes, then of hys second taking againe by the pro∣curement of hys father, brother, kinsfolkes and frendes, also of hys sundrye examinations and couragious aun∣sweres before the Bishoppes, and lastly of his condemna∣tion, and of his letters sent to his faithfull friendes,* 2.143 heere foloweth to be declared by his owne woords, and relation reported. Which Rich. Woodman, by his occupation was

an Ironmaker,* 2.144 dwelling in the Parish of Warbleton, in the Countie of Sussex, & Dioces of Chichester, of the age of 30. yeres, and somewhat more. The occasion of his first apprehension was this.

There was one Fairebanke, who somtimes had bene a maried priest,* 2.145 and serued the Cure of Warbleton, where he had often perswaded the people not to credite any other doctrine, but that which he then preached, taught, and set forth in K. Edwards dayes. And afterward in the begin∣nyng of Q. Maries raigne, the sayd Fayrebanke turnyng hed to taile, preached cleane contrary to that which he had before taught.

Whereupon Richard Woodman hearyng hym in the Church of Warbleton so to preache contrary to hymselfe, admonished hym of hys inconstancie, how before tyme he had taught them one thing,* 2.146 and now another, and desired hym to teach them the truth. For the which words he was apprehended and brought before M. Iohn Ashbornham, M. Toston, M. Culpeper, and M. Robertes, Iustices of Peace in the Countie of Sussex, and by them committed to the Kyngs Bench, where he continued from Iune, the space almost of a yeare and a halfe: and from thence was transferred by D. Story into Boners Colehouse, where he remayned the space of a moneth before he came to exa∣mination.

At length, the same day when M. Philpot was bur∣ned,* 2.147 which was the 18. of December, he with 4. other pri∣soners was deliuered and set at libertie by Boner himself. Notwithstandyng, shortly after he was sought for again, and at last found out and taken by meanes of hys father, brother, and certaine other his acquainted friendes, and so was sent vp agayne to London to B. Boner, where he remayned in the Colehouse 8. weekes. He was there sixe tymes examined, and 26. tymes before, so that his exami∣nations in all, were 32. from his first apprehension, to his condemnation. Touching the whole discourse wherof, for so much as the matter is something strange, and will per∣aduenture scarce find credit vpon my narration, with thē which deny all thynges, that lyke them not to beleeue, ye shall heare himselfe speake, and testify both of the maner of his troubles, and also his owne examinations by himselfe recorded, in order as followeth.

❧ A true Certificate written by Richard Woodman, of his taking, & how he was brought to the Shiriffes the xv. of March, 1556. and how long he was in prison, and how he was there vsed, till he was broughte before the Bishoppe of Chiche∣ster at blacke Friers in London, with the or∣der of his examinations followyng af∣ter the same.

* 2.148GEntle Reader, here you shall perceiue how the scri∣ptures bee partly fulfilled on me, beyng one of the least of his poore Lambes. First, you shall vnderstād that since I was deliuered out of the Bishop of Londons hands, which was in the yeare of our Lord, 1555. and the same day that M. Philpot was burned, (which was the 18. of December) I lay in his Colehouse 8. weeks lacking but one day. And before that, I was a yeare and a halfe al∣most, in the Kings Bench after my first apprehension, for reproouyng a Preacher in the pulpit, in the parish of War∣bleton where I dwelt. Wherfore I was at two Sessions before I was sent to prison,* 2.149 and caried to two more Sessi∣ons whyle I was in pryson, twyse before the B. of Chi∣chester, and fiue tymes before the Commissioners, & then sent to Londons Colehouse, & many tymes called before him, as it appeareth by my examinations which I wrote, the which examinations, the B. of Chichester now hath, for they were found in my house when I was takē, wher∣in is conteined all the talke, which I had before them a∣forenamed. Also there be in London that had copies of the same of me, when I was in the Colehouse.

* 2.150And it pleased God to deliuer me, with foure or more, out of the butchers handes, requiring nothing els of vs but that we shuld be honest men, and members of the true Catholike Church that was builded vpon the Prophetes and Apostles, Christ beyng the head of the true Churche, the which all we affirmed that we were members of the true Church, and purposed by Gods helpe therein to dye. And hereupon we were deliuered, but he willed vs many tymes to speake good of hym. And no doubt he was wor∣thy to be praysed, because he had bene so faithfull an ayd in his maister the deuils businesse. For he had burnt good M. Philpot the same mornyng, in whose bloud his hart was so drunken (as I supposed) that he could not tell what he did, as it appeared to vs, both before & after. For but two dayes before he promised vs that we should bee condem∣ned that same day that we were deliuered: yea & the mo∣row after that he had deliuered vs, hee sought for some of vs agayne, yea and that earnestly. He waxed dry after his great dronkennes, wherfore he is lyke to haue bloude to drink in hel as he is worthy, if he repent it not with speed. The Lord turne all their harts if it be his will.

This haue I written, chiefly to certifie all people how we were deliuered,* 2.151 because many carnall Gospellers and Papists haue sayd, that it was prescribed that we should be so deliuered, because they thinke that God is subiect to man, and not man to God. For if they did, they would not blaspheme hym as they doe, or if they thought they should geue account for it. Haue not many of them red, how God deliuered Israel out of Egypt? Daniel out of the Lyons denne? Sydrach, Misaach, and Abednago out of the bur∣nyng ouen? with diuers other such like exāples, yea God is the same God that he was then. He is no older, nor lesse in power, as some count hym in wondring at his works. Now to the matter.

After I was deliuered,* 2.152 the Papists sayd that I hadde consented to them, whereof they made themselues glad: the which was the least part of my thought (I praise God therefore) as they well perceiued, and knew the contrarye within a while. For I went from parish to parish, & tal∣ked with them, to the number of 13. or 14. and that of the chiefest in all the Countrey: and I angred them so,* 2.153 y^t they with the Commissioners complayned on me to my Lord Chamberlaine that was then to the Queene, Sir Iohn Gage shewyng him that I baptised children, and married folks, with many such lyes, to bryng me into their hands agayne. Then the Commissioners sent out certaine Cita∣tions to bring me to the Court.* 2.154 My L. Chamberlain had directed out 4. or 5. Warrantes for me, that if I had come there, I should haue bene attached and sent to prisō straite way. Which was not Gods will: for I had warnyng of their laying await for me, and came not there, but sent my deputie, & he brought me word that the Bailifs waited for me there, but they mist of their pray for that tyme, where∣vpon they were displeased.

Then within 3. dayes after,* 2.155 my L. sent 3. of his men to take me, whose names were Deane, Ieffrey, and Frāces. I beyng at plough with my folkes, right in the waye as they were commyng to my house, least mistrusting thē of all other, came to them and spake to them, asking thē how they did. And they sayd,* 2.156 they arested me in the Kyng and Queenes name, and that I must goe with them to their Maister the L. Chamberlaine. Which wordes made my flesh to tremble and quake because of that sodayne. But I answered them that I would go with them.* 2.157 Yet I desired them that they would go to my house with me, y^t I might breake my fast, and put on some other geare, and they said I should. Then I remembred my selfe, saying in my hart: Why am I thus afraid? they can lay no euill to my charge. If they kill me for well doyng,* 2.158 I may thinke my self hap∣py. I remembred how I was contented gladly before to dye in that quarell, and so had continued euer since: and should I now feare to dye? God forbid that I should, for then were all my labour in vayne.

So by and by I was perswaded, I praise God, consi∣dering it was but the frailty of my flesh, which was loth to forgo my wife & childrē and goods: for I saw nothing but present death before mine eyes. And as soone as I was perswaded in my mynd to die, I had no regard of nothing in this worlde, but was as mery and glad and ioyfull, I prayse GOD, as euer I was. This battaile lasted not a quarter of an houre, but it was sharper then death it selfe for the tyme, I dare say.

So when I had my breakfast, I desired them to shew me their warrant, thinkyng thereby I should haue seene wherfore I was arested,* 2.159 to the intent I might y^e better an∣swer for my self whē I came before their maister. And one of them answered, they had not their warrāt there. Which words made me astonied, and it was put in my mynde by God, that I neede not to goe with them,* 2.160 vnlesse they had their warrant. Then said I to them, that is meruaile that you will come to take a man without a warrant. It see∣meth to me that you come of your owne mind to get thāke of your maister, for in deed I heard say (sayd I) that there was 4. or 5. warrants out for me, but they were called in agayne,* 2.161 because I had certified my L. and the Commissa∣ry by a letter that I sent to the Commissaries court, that I was not faulty in that they layd to my charge, which was for baptising of children, and marying of folks: the which I neuer did, for I was neuer minister appointed to do a∣ny such thyng: wherfore set your hartes at rest, I will not

go with you (said I) vnlesse you will cary me by force, and if you will do so, at your owne aduentures. And so I rose from the boord and stepped into my chamber, meanyng to goe from them if I could possible, seeyng God had made the way so open for me.* 2.162 I ment to play Peters part with them, but God would not it should be so, but sent a feare amongst them, that as soone as I was gone into my chā∣ber, ere euer I could come out againe, they were gone out of my house.

When I saw that, I knew it was Gods doyng to set me at liberty once againe.* 2.163 Yet I was compelled to speake to them, and said: If you haue a warrant, I desire you for Gods sake to shew it me, and I wil go with you, with all my hart: if not, I desire you to depart in Gods peace and the kings: for surely I will not go with you without the order of the law: for I haue bene too simple in such things already. For before I was sent to prison first, I went to the Iustices to two Sessions, without any warrant or cō∣mandement, but had word by one of their men, & I went gently to them, & they sent me to prison, and kept me there almost a yere and thre quarters, without all right or equi∣tie, as it is openly known, not hearing my cause iustly de∣bated. And it semeth to me that I should be thus euil hād∣led, and therefore I will not go to none of them all hence∣forth without the extremitie of the law.

Then one of them answered me, and said: we haue not the warrant here, but it is at home at my house: the worst is you can but make vs fetch it. Then I said: Fetch it, if you wil, but if you come in my house before you haue it, at your owne aduenture.* 2.164 So I shut my doore, and went my way out of the other doore. So they got helpe to watch my house, while one of them fet the Constable and many moe, thinking to haue had me in my house, and to haue takē me in my house, & caried me away with a licence: but I was gone before as god would haue it.* 2.165 Notwithstanding they sought euery corner of my house, but could not preuaile, I mistrusted they would search it again that night, and kept me abroad, and in deed there came seuen of his men & the Constable, and searched my house.

And when they sawe that they could not meete w^t me, they were redy to rent their coats, that I had scaped them so, knowing they should haue such a checke of their mai∣ster. When I heard that they had sought so for me againe, I perceiuyng that they were greedy of their pray, came home, and my wyfe told me all thyngs.

Then I supposed that they would lay all the countrey for me, and the sea coast, because I should not go ouer, and thē I thought that they would not mistrust that I would dare bee nigh home. So I tolde my wyfe that I woulde make my lodgyng in a woode not past a flight shotte from my house, as I did in deede, euen vnder a tree, and there had my Bible, my penne and myne inke, and other neces∣saries,* 2.166 and there continued a sixe or seuen weekes, my wife bringing me meate daily as I had neede. Yea I thought my selfe blessed of God, that I was counted worthy to lye in the woodes for the name of Christ. Then there came word into the countrey, that I was seene and spoken too in Flaunders:* 2.167 whereupon they left laying awaite for me for they had layd all the Countrey for me, and the sea coast from Portesmouth to Douer, euē as God put in my mind they would.

So when all was husht, I went abroad among our friends & brethren, and at length I went beyond the Sea both into Flanders and in Fraunce: but I thought eue∣ry day seuen yere or euer I were at home agayne. So I came home again as soone as it was possible. I was there but three weeks, but as soone as I was come home, and it once knowen among Baals priests, they could not abide it, but procured out warrantes agaynst me, causing my house to bee searched sometymes twise in a weeke. This continued from Saint Iames tide to the first Sonday in Lent. Otherwhile I went priuily, otherwhile openly, o∣therwhile I went from home a fortnight or three weeks, otherwhile I was at home a month or fiue weekes toge∣ther, liuing there most commonly and openly, doing such woorkes as I had to doe: and yet all mine enemies coulde lay no hands on me,* 2.168 till the houre was ful come: and then by the voice of the country, and by manifest proofes, mine owne brother as concerning the flesh, deliuered mee into theyr hands, by that he knew that I was at home.

For my father & he had as much of my goodes in theyr hands,* 2.169 as I might haue 56. pound for by the yeare cleare, and therunto praied. It was a Lordship and a honor, and halfe a honor that I had deliuered into their hands, to pay my debts, and the rest to remaine to my wife and childrē. But they had reported that it woulde not pay my debtes: which grieued me sore. For it was two hundred pounds better then the debts came to. Which caused me to speake to some of my frendes, that they would speake to them to come to some reckening with me, and to take all such mo∣ney againe of me, as they were charged with, and to deli∣uer me such wrytings and wryts, as they had of mine, a∣gaine, or to whom I would appoynt them.

So it was agreed betwixt my Father and mee, that I should haue it againe, and the day was apoynted, that the reckening shoulde be made and sent to me that same daye that I was taken, my brother supposing that I shoulde haue put him out of most of al his occupying, that he was in: for it was all mine in a manner that he occupied▪ as all the countrey can and doe well knowe. Whereon (as it is reported) he told one Gradillar my next neighbor, and he told some of M. Gages men, or to M. Gage himselfe: and so he sent to his brother,* 2.170 and hys brother sent 12. o•• his mē (he being Sheriffe) in the night before I was taken, and laye in the bushes not farre from my house, till about 9. of the clocke, euen the houre that was appoynted amongest themselues: for about the same time they thought to haue had me within my house.

They had taken a man of mine and two of my childrē that were abroad in the land: and kept them with them til theyr houre was appoynted to come in, & then a litle girle one of my children, saw them come together, & came run∣ning in, & cried: mother, mother, yonder cōmeth 2. men. I sitting in my bedde and making of shoe thonge••▪ heard the woordes, and suspecting straight way that I was be∣trayed, I stirred out of my bed & whipt on my hol••▪ thin∣king to haue gone out of the doores or euer they had bene come. My wife being amased at the childes words,* 2.171 looked out at the doore, and they were hard by. Then she clapped to the doore and barred it fast, euen as I came oute of my chamber into the Hall, and so barred the other: So the house was beset round straightway, and they badde open the doores, or els they would breake them in peces. Then I had no shift, but either I must shew my selfe openly, or make some other remedy.

So there was a place in my house y^t was neuer found which was at the lest, I dare say 20. times,* 2.172 and somtimes almost of 20. men searched at once, both by night & by day. Into which place I went: And assoone as I was in, my wife opened the doore: wherby incontinent they came,* 2.173 and asked for me: and she sayd I was not at home. Then they asked her wherefore shee shutte the dore, if I were not at home. Shee sayd, because shee had bene made afrayde di∣uers times, with such as came to search vs, and therefore shee shut the doore. For it is reported (sayth she) that who soeuer can take my husband, shall hang him or burne him strait way: and therfore I doubt they will serue me or my children so: for I thinke they may doe so vnto vs as well as to him, shee sayd. Well, sayd they, we know he is in the house, and we must searche it, for we be the sheriffes men: let vs haue a candle. It is tolde vs, there be many secrete places in your house. So shee lighted a candle, & they sou∣ght vp and downe in euery corner that they coulde finde, and had geuen ouer, and many of them were gone out of my house into the churchyard, and were talking with my father, and with some that he had brought with him.

Now when they could not find me,* 2.174 one of them went to him y^t gaue them word that I was at home, and sayde, we can not finde him. Then hee asked them whether they had soughte ouer a windowe that was in the Hall (as it was knowen afterwarde) for that same place I had tolde hym of my selfe. For many times when I came home, I would send for him to beare me company: yet as it chan∣ced I had not tolde him the way into it. Then they began to searche a newe. One looked vp ouer the windowe, and spied a little loft, with three or foure chestes, and the waye went in betwixt two of the chestes, but there could no mā perceiue it. Then hee asked my wife which was the way into it. Here is a place that we haue not sought yet. Then she thought they wold see it by one meanes or other. She sayde, the way was into it out of a chamber they were in euen now. So shee sent them vp, and cried, Away, away. Then I knewe there was no remedye, but make the best shift for my selfe that I could. The place was boarded o∣uer and fast nailed, and if I had come out that way that I went in, I must needes come amongst them al in the hall. Then I had no shift,* 2.175 but set my shoulders to the boardes that were nailed to the rafters to keepe out the raine, and brake them in peeces, which made a great noyse, and they that were in the other chamber, seeking for the waye into it, heard the noise, and looked out of a window, and spyed me, and made an outcry. But yet I gotte oute, and leaped downe, hauing no shoes on.

So I tooke downe a lane that was ful of sharpe syn∣ders, and they came running after, with a great crie, with theyr swordes drawne, crying, Strike him, strike hym.

Which woordes made me looke backe, and there was ne∣uer a one nigh me by a 100. fote: and that was but one, for all the rest were a great way behinde. And I tourned a∣bout hastily to goe my way, and stepped vppon a sharpe Sinder with one foote, & sauing of it, I stepped in a great miery hole,* 2.176 and fell downe withall, and ere euer I coulde arise and get away, he was come in with mee. His name is Parker the wilde, as he is counted in all Sussex. But if I had had on my shooes, they had bene like to haue gone away arrandlesse, if there had beene 500. more, if I hadde caught the plaine grounde once, to the which I had not a stones cast: But it was not Gods will: for if it hadde, I shoulde haue scaped from them all, if there had bene tenne thousand of them.

Then they tooke me and led me home again to put on my shooes and suche geare as I had neede off. Then sayde Iohn Fancouer:* 2.177 Nowe your maister hath deceiued you. You sayd, you were an Angel, and if you had bene an An∣gell, whye did you not flee away from vs? Then sayde I, what be they that euer heard me say that I was an Aun∣gel? It is not the first lie by a thousande y^e they haue made of mee. Angels were neuer begotten of men, nor borne of women: but if they had saide, that they had heard me saye, that I doe trust I am a Saint, they hadde not said amisse. What, do you thinke to be a Saint? Yea that I do, and am already in Gods sight,* 2.178 I trust in God: for he that is not a Saint in Gods sight already, is a deuil. Therefore he that thinketh scorne to be a Saint, let him be a deuil. And with y^e woord they had brought me to mine owne doore: where met w^t me my father, and willed me to remember my self.

To whom I answeared: I praise God, I am wel re∣membred wherabout I go. This way was appoynted of God for me to be deliuered into the handes of mine enne∣mies, but woe vnto him by whom I am betraied. It had bene good for that man, that he had neuer ben borne, if he repent not with speede. The Scriptures are nowe fulfil∣led on me:* 2.179 For the father shall be against the sonne, and the bro∣ther shall deliuer the brother to death, as it is this daye come to passe. Then sayd one: He doth accuse his Father: a good childe in deede. I accuse him not, but say my minde: for there was no man knewe me at home, but my father, my brother, and one more, the which I dare saye, woulde not hurt me for all the good in this towne.

* 2.180There was one George Bechinge that marryed one of my sisters, & he thoughte that I had meant him, that he had betraied me: and he said: Brother, I would you shuld not thinke that I was the cause of your taking. To whō I answered, that I ment him not: I meant one that was nearer of my bloud then he was. Then said one of Lause, that had bene a gospeller, & stood from them, when I was brought to a sessions to Lause, and he said, I thought you would haue ben an honest man when you were at Lause, and I offered Hussey the sheriffe to be bound for you, that you shuld go home to your wife, and come to him againe. Then I remembred what he was,* 2.181 and saide: Be you the Peauterer? And he saide, Yea. Then saide I: It is happe∣ned to you according to the true Prouerbe, as sayeth S. Peter: The dogge is tourned to his vomit againe, and the sowe that is washed, to wallow in the mire, and the ende of all suche will be worse then the beginning. Then his mouth was stopped so, that he had nothing to say.

* 2.182All this while I stoode at my doore without: for they would not let me goe in. So I put on my shooes and my cloathes, and then they putte on an harnesse aboute mine armes made of a dogs slip, which reioyced my heart, that I was counted woorthy to be boūd for the name of God. So I tooke my leaue of my wife and children, my father & other of my friendes, neuer thinking to see them more in this world. For it was so thought of all the country, that I should not liue 6. daies after my taking: for they had so reported. But yet I knew it was not as they would, vn∣lesse God wold graunt it. I know what God can do: but what he wil do, I know not: but I am sure he wil worke al things for the best, for them that loue and feare him. So we dranke and went our way, and came to Firle about 3. of the clocke. And thus much touching the causes & effecte of the troubles of Rich. Woodman. Nowe let vs see his examinations, which follow in this order.

The first examination of Rich. Woodman, be∣fore Doctor Christopherson Bishop of Chichester, Doctor Story, Doctor Cooke, and other.

FIrst you shal vnderstād, that I was sent from the she∣riffes to London, the 12. day of Aprill, in the yere of our Lord. 1557. and afterwarde vppon the 14. daye of the same moneth I was brought before the Bishop of Chichester, and doctor Story, and doctor Cooke. So the sheriffs man deliuered my warrant and me to the bishop.* 2.183 Then the bi∣shop asked me what my name was. My name (quoth I) is Richard Woodman.

Chichester.

I am sory for you, and so are all the worship∣full men of your Countrey. For it hath bene reported to me, that you haue bene a man of good estimation in all the Countrey, amongest the poore and riche, till nowe of late. Wherefore looke wel vpon your selfe, your wife, and chil∣dren, your Father, and other of your frends, and be ruled. Thinke not your selfe wiser then all the Realme. Be en∣fourmed, and you shal haue theyr fauors all, as muche as euer you had.

Wood.

You haue charged me with many things, wherin I haue neuer offended, and if you will geue mee leaue, I will shewe you.

Chichester.

Yes, I pray you, say your minde.

Wood.

If it please you, you haue charged me as thoughe I made my selfe wiser then all the Realme: God doeth knowe, I stande to learne of euerye man that will or can teache me the truthe. And where as you say, I haue beene wel estemed both of the poore and riche, God doth know, I knowe not that I haue geuen any iust offence, either to rich or poore. And as for my wife and children.* 2.184 God doeth know how I loue them in him, and my life also. My life, my wife, and my children are all in Gods handes, and I haue them all as I had them not, I trust, according to S. Paules woords. But if I had x.M. pound of gold, I had rather forgoe it all, then them, if I might be in choice, and not displease God.

Chichest.

The sheriffe tooke paine to come to me of loue, he sayd which he bare to you, as to himselfe: and sayd, you were desirous to speake with me.

Wood.

I thought it mete to appeale to my Ordinarie. For they goe about to shed my bloud vnrighteously.* 2.185 For they haue laid many vniust things to my charge. Wherefore I thoughte it meete to appeale to you, that if you can finde any fault in me, meete to be reformed by Gods woorde, I stād to be reformed: and likewise, if my bloud shalbe shed vnrighteously, that it mighte be required at your handes, because you haue taken vppon you to be the Phisition of our countrey.

Story.

Is not this a peruerse felow, to lay to your charge, that his bloude shalbe required at your hands?* 2.186 Thinkest thou that thou shalt be put to death vniustly, y^t thy bloude should be required? No, if he should condemne a hundred such heretickes as thou art, I helped to ridde a good sort of you. And I promise thee I will helpe to ridde thee too, the best that I can.

Wood.

Then I would haue answeared him, but the Bi∣shop desired vs both to geue him place.

Chichest.

Well, neighbour Woodman: I call you neygh∣bour, because you be one of my Diocesse: and you are sent to me that I should geue you spirituall counsell: for I am your spiritual Pastour. Therefore heare what I shall say to you.

Wood.

First I desire you to heare me a few woordes. You haue said, you wil geue me spiritual counsell. Be you sure that you haue the spirite of God?

Chichest.

No, I am not sure of that?

Wood.

No, be you not sure of that?* 2.187

Chich.

So by S. Mary, I dare not be so bold to say so: I doubt of that.

Wood.

Then you be like the waues of the sea, as saith S. Iames, that be tossed about with the wind, and be vnsta∣ble in all your wayes, and can looke for no good thyng at the Lordes hand: Yea, yee are neither hote nor colde, and therefore God will spew you out of his mouth, as sayeth S. Iohn. Then they were in a great furie, especially doc. Storie, saying:

Storie.

What a peruerse fellow is this? he hath the Deuil within him, and is madde. Hee is woorse then the Deuill.* 2.188 Nowe I perceiue that it is true that is reported by thee, and it is the pride of all suche heretickes, to boaste them∣selues.

Chich.

Yea surely, hee is sent to mee to learne, and taketh vpon him to teache me.

Wood.

I seeing their blindnesse and blasphemie, it made my heart melt, and mine eies gush oute with teares, say∣ing: The Iewes saide to Christ, he hadde the Deuill, and was madde, as you haue said heere by me. But I knowe, the seruant is not aboue his maister. And God forbid that I should learne of him that confesseth that he hath not the Spirite of God.

Chich.

Why, doe you thinke that you haue the Spirite of God?* 2.189

Wood.

I beleeue verely that I haue the spirite of God.

Chich.

You boast more then euer Paul did, or any of the a∣postles, the which is great presumption.

Wood.

* 2.190I boast not in my selfe but in the gift of God, as Paule did: for he sayd, he beleued verily that he had y^e spi∣rit of God, makyng thereof no doubts, in the 1. to the Cor. the 7. chap.

Chich.

* 2.191It is not so, you belye the text.

Wood.

If it be not so, let me be burned to morow.

Story.

Thou shalt not be burned to morow, but thou shalt be burned within these 6. dayes, I promise thee.

Chich

If it be so, it is wrong translated, as it is in a thou∣sand places more.

Wood.

* 2.192Then one looked in a Latine Testament, and ano∣ther in a Greeke Testament, and they said, it was in them both, that Paul supposed that he had the spirit of God, but he was not sure.

Chich.

Euen so I hope and suppose that I haue the spirite of God, but I am not sure.

Wood.

If that place be wrong trāslated, and so many pla∣ces of the Bible as you say, then I may say with Christ, it cannot be auoyded, but offences must be geuen: But woe vnto them by whom they come. I may say woe vnto false Translaters. For cursed are they that adde or take away. But take you heed that you belie not the Translaters. I beleeue they had the feare of God more before their eies then you report of them. And yet if that place bee wrong translated, I can prooue places enough that Paule had the spirit of God, as I my selfe and all Gods elect haue.

Chich.

How prooue you that?

Wood.

No man can beleeue that Iesus is the Lorde, but by the holy Ghost.* 2.193 First to the Corrinth. the 7. chap. I do beleeue that Iesus Christ is my redeemer, and that I shall bee sa∣ued from all my sinnes, by his death and bloudsheding, as Paule and all the Apostles did, and as all faithfull people ought to do, which no man can doe without the spirite of God. And there is no damnation to thē that are in Christ Iesus: so is there no saluation to them y^t are not in Christ Iesu.* 2.194 For he that hath not the spirit of Christ, is none of his, but is a cast away as he saith in the same text. And againe: We haue not receyued the spirite of bondage,* 2.195 to feare any more, but we haue receyued the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry Abba father. The same spirit certifieth our spirites that we are the sons of God. Here are proofes enough, that Paule was sure that he had the spirite of God.* 2.196 Also S. Iohn sayth: He that beleeueth not that Christ is come in the flesh, is an Antichrist, & denieth both the Father and the sonne: which is sinne against the holy Ghost, which shall neuer bee forgeuen in this world, nor in the world to come. Besides all this, Hee that beleeueth in God, dwelleth in God, and God in hym. So is it impossible to beleue in God, vnlesse God dwell in vs. Oh good God, what more iniurie can be done vnto thee, then to mistrust that we haue receyued thy holy spirite by thy gift? Thus may all men see their blindnes, and whose ser∣uants they be, as they do declare themselues both by their words and deeds.

Story.

Oh my Lord, what an heretike is this same? Why heare you hym? Sende hym to prison to his fellowes in the Marshalsee, and they shall bee dispatched within these xij. dayes.

Wood.

When I heard hym say so, I reioyced greatly in my hart, desiring God if it were his will, to keepe hym in that mynd. For I looked surely to haue gone to the B. of Londons colehouse, or to Lollards tower: yea I thoght my selfe happy if I might haue gone to Lollardes tower: but it pleased God to put in the hartes of them to send me to the Marshalsee amongst our brethren and my olde pri∣son fellowes:* 2.197 So mercifully hath God delt with mee in casing of my burden, that I looked for. So when they per∣ceiued that I feared not imprisonment, but rather reioy∣ced as they well perceiued. Then said the B. Me thinkes he is not afraid of the prison.

Wood.

No, I praise the liuyng God.

Story

This is an heretike in deed. He hath the right terms of all heretikes:* 2.198 the liuing God, I pray you be there dead Gods, that you say, the liuyng God?

Wood.

Be you angry with me because I speak the words which are written in the Bible?

Story.

* 2.199Bibble babble, bibble babble. What speakest thou of the Bible? There is no such worde written in all the Bible.

Wood.

Then I am much to blame if it bee not so written: Behold, for the offences that you haue done, you shall bee caried away captiue by Nabuchodonoser to Babylon,* 2.200 and there ye shall be seuen generations: and when you be there▪ you shall see gods of gold, of siluer, of wood, and of stone borne before you & be∣hynd you vpon mens shoulders, to cast out a feare among the Heathen. When you shall see all these abhominations, then say in your heart:* 2.201 It is the liuyng God that ought to bee worshipped. Here I prooue my saying true, both that there is a liuyng God, and that there be dead Gods. Also Dauid sayth in his Psalmes:* 2.202 My soule hath a desire and longyng to enter in∣to the courtes of the Lord: My heart and my flesh reioyce in the liuing God: with diuers other places that I coulde recite. Wherfore I meruaile that you rebuke me for speaking the truth.

Chich.

I doe not deny but it is written, and is the truth,* 2.203 and I know it as well as you, but such is the speach of all heretikes.

Story.

My Lord, I will tell you how you shall knowe an heretike by his words, because I haue bene more vsed to them then you haue bene: that is, they will say (the Lord) and (we prayse God) and (the liuyng GOD.) By these words you shall know an heretike.

Wood.

All these wordes are written for our learnyng, and we are commanded of the Prophets to vse them daily, as this: The Lordes name be praysed frō the rising vp of the sunne vnto the goyng downe of the same. Also, As many as feare the Lord, say alwayes, the Lord be praysed.

Story.

My Lord, send hym to prison, you shall do no good with hym. I will go to church and leaue you here. This is an old heretike. Wast thou neuer before me ere now?

Wood.

Yes forsooth, that I haue.

Story.

Yea, I trowe so: and I sent thee to the B. of Lon∣don, and he released thee, and thou promisedst him to be an honest man, and that thou wouldst be of the true Catho∣like church, which thou hast not fulfilled.

Wood.

I promised him nothing but I haue fulfilled it. No man shall be able to prooue the contrary.

Story.

Well, it will be tried well enough. My Lorde, I will take my leaue. I feare me you shall doe this man no good.

Chich.

I would not haue you to vse such speach as you do, as the Lord be praysed, and the liuing God,* 2.204 with such like words. Can you not say as wel, our Lord, or our God, as otherwyse?

Wood.

I meruaile why you should reprooue me therefore, seeing it is the words of God? I do not refuse to saye our God, or our Lorde, when I talke the Scriptures where it is written. If I should, it must follow that I denied the wordes of God, and must needs be an heretike: but I do not. Wherefore I meruaile what you meane to finde fault therein. It seemeth to me, that you mistrust that I beleeue not as you do.

Chich.

Yea, that is my meanyng in deed.

Woodman.

I beleue in the liuyng God, if you doe not so, then our beliefes be not alike in deede. But if it please you to examine me vpon any perticular matter, now, or at a∣ny other tyme, I will make you answer thereto by Gods helpe.

Chich.

Though you beleeue in God, I can prooue you be∣leeue not as you ought to do, as I can shew you by your hand writing. You haue denied y^e catholike church, Wher∣fore he that erreth from the church, it cannot be sayde that his faith is good. Wherefore be ruled by the Church, from the whiche ye haue erred.* 2.205 I canne shewe you perillous things of your writing, if it should be known, but ye shall not be hurt for me, if you will come to any good order. But I promise you I would not for three thousand poūd some had so much against me, as I cā shew against you of your owne hand writing, which you cannot deny.

Wood.

I will not deny my hand by Gods helpe. For I know well, I haue written nothing at any tyme but the truth. There may be things written against me, reporting it to be myne, and yet be not: but my hand cannot well be counterfeited, there be enow that know my hand.

Chich.

Do you know it your selfe if you see it?

Wood.

Yea, that I do. Then he arose and fet a great bun∣dle of writings, and opened them, and bade me come see. I looked on them, and it was my hand in deed.

Chich.

How say you, is it not your owne writing?

Wood.

Yes surely it is.

Chich.

How say you to this, is not this your hand also?

Wood.

I looked, and it was. And I said, Yes verily is it.

Chich.

Well, you know what it meaneth, I dare say.* 2.206

Wood.

Yea, I know it very well: here is a great deale, the which I had thought had bene in my house, but I thanke God that it is here, for in this you shall try whether it be true or not. For in this is conteined all the talke that was betwixt the Commissioners and me, when I was before them fiue tymes, and also before the Bishop of London diuers tymes: and I am sure, you nor they shall finde no words false therein written:* 2.207 and I thinke the shirifs mē when they searched my house for me, when I was taken, found this, and caried it with them, but I neuer knew it before now. But I am not sory for it, but am rather glad. For herein you may see all the wrong that I receyued at their hands, & how long I was in prisō, and how I was tossed vp and down, and how I was deliuered at length▪

and by this you may try whether it be so or not.* 2.208 I dare say they that found it, & they that brought it to you, had thoght it would haue turned me to displeasure: but in very deed all things worke for the best to them that feare God.

Chic.

In deed I find no great fault in this: but here is pe∣rillous geare, here is sedition. This was set vp vpon the church dore, you know it well enough.

Wood.

* 2.209In deed I wrote it to the Priest and to other that tooke vpon them to fetch my childe out of my house with∣out my leaue, and vsed it at their plesure, when they knew it was baptised already, as they were wel certified before. Wherfore my conscience compelled me to shew them my mynd in writing, wherein is conteined nothyng but the scriptures of God, rebuking them for their folly.

Chichest.

Yea, but it is terribly ment, and vncharitably. It is such geare coupled together I promise you, as I ne∣uer see the lyke. But I promise you, I will make the best of it. And I protest before God, I would you should doe as well as myne owne soule and body. Be contented to be enformed. God hath done his part on you. Cast not your selfe away. Remember your wife and children, & the poore that lacke your occupying. Meane to follow your vocati∣on.* 2.210 Remember you are not called to bee a teacher nor a preacher. S. Paul saith: Let euery man walke wherein he is called, and therein abide. Remember you are called to ano∣ther vocation, for Gods sake walke therin. It is not your office to do as you haue done. You might do as much good by the report of worshipfull men, as any man might do in all the Countrey by your example, and if you would fol∣low the lawes of the catholike church, it would be an oc∣casion to bring a great many into the true church, that are out as you are.

Wood

I would not that you should say, that I am out of the church of God,* 2.211 for I am not, but do allow the Church of God accordyng to his word. Yea, if I were abroad, if I could winne any into the true Church that be out, by any meanes that I could vse, I would be very glad. For God knoweth I loue all people as my self. And where you say I haue bene a preacher, it is not so. I neuer tooke any such thyng vpon me,* 2.212 as it is well known. But as for teaching I cannot deny: for it becommeth euery man to teach and instruct his houshold in the feare of God, and all other (as far as he can) that desire it of him. And where as you haue blamed me for reading the Scripture, and leauing my vo∣cation (as you say) I le•••• not my vocation in reading the Scripture. For I trust I followed my vocation the better therefore. And the greatest cause that I was compelled to read the Scriptures, was, because the preachers and tea∣chers was so changeable.

Chic.

No? did you not preach at a Fayre?

Woodman.

No surely, but it was so reported. I was at a Fayre in deede. Whilest I was in prison, I had leaue of the Counsaile to goe home to pay my debtes, and then I went to a Faire to sell cattayle, and there mette with mee diuers poore men that I had set a worke, and of loue asked me howe I dyd, and how I coulde away with imprison∣ment. And I shewed them howe GOD had delte with mee, and howe he woulde deale with all them that putte their trust in hym:* 2.213 and this they called preachyng. And since that it hath bene reported that I haue baptised chil∣dren, and maried folkes, the which I neuer dyd: for I was neuer Minister. Wherefore if I had so done, I had done contrary to the order of the Apostles, as God forbid I should.

Chich.

I am well apaid, if you be faultles in those thyngs, for I haue heard say the contrary.

Wood.

I haue shewed you the truth, and that no man li∣uyng shal be able to prooue the contrary.

Chich.

You sayd you doe not disallow the true Catholike Church.

Wood.

No, that I do not.

Chich.

* 2.214Why do you not then go to the Church? You come not there, it is enformed me.

Wood.

I trust I am in the true church euery day. But to tell you truth, I come not at the Church where the most do resort. For if I should, I should offend, and be offēded. For at the last tyme that I was there, I offended many, & was offended my selfe. Wherefore for conscience sake I would not come there. For I was sent to prison for my commyng there, & now I am sent to you for biding thēce. So they will not bee pleased any way with mee, for they seeke my lyfe. Wherefore looke you to it, for I am now in your hands, and you ought to be a house of defēce against myne enemies. For if you suffer them to kill me, my bloud shall be required at your hands. If you can finde any iust cause in me worthy of death by Gods word,* 2.215 you may cō∣demne me your self, and not offend god: wherfore looke to it, the matter is weighty, deliuer me not into their hands, and thinke so to be discharged.

Chich.

I tell you truth, I can doe little in the matter. For I haue not full authoritie as yet of myne office: but I wil send for you and talke with you, if I wis•• I should do you any good.

Wood.

I would be glad to talk with you and to shew you my mind in any thing that you shall demaund of me, now or at any other tyme.

Chich.

So then he desired the shiriffes men to tary dinner with hym: that this man (said he) may dine with me also:* 2.216 for it is possible that hee may haue no great store of meate whither he shall go.

Wood.

So we taried dinner with him,* 2.217 and had no further talke, neither how to prooue where the true church of God is, nor of the Sacraments, nor of any other thing pertai∣ning to meward, not for the space of two houres or more: but he entred in talke with me, how I vnderstoode many scriptures, & for bishops and priests mariages, & whether Paul had a wyfe or not. To whom I answered: It is a thyng that I haue little to do with, as concernyng maria∣ges: but I am very well content to talke with you in the matter, as far as my poore learning will serue.* 2.218 So when he had talked with me of diuers Scriptures, he liked my talke well. He asked me how I said by S. Paul, whether he were maried or not. To whom I answered: I prooue by the scriptures, that he was neuer maried.

Chich,

How prooue you that?

Wood.

I will prooue it well enough by Gods helpe. But yet I will prooue that Paul might haue had a wife, as wel as the other Apostles had.

Chich.

Why, had the Apostles wyues?

Wood.

Yea, all, sauing Paul and Barnabas, as I vnder∣stand it.* 2.219 For these are Paules wordes in the 1. to the Cor. 9. chap. Am I not an Apostle? am I not free? haue I not seene Iesus Christ? Are not ye my worke in the Lord? And if I be not an Apostle to other, yet to you I am an Apostle For you are the seale of my Apostleship in the Lord. Myne aunswer to them that aske me, is this: Haue we not power to eate and to drinke? ey∣ther haue we not power to lead about a sister to wyfe, as well as the other Apostles haue, and as the brethren of the Lord? Eyther haue not Barnabas and I power thus to doe? So this text proo∣ueth, that Paul & Barnabas were vnmaried. But Paule declareth that the rest had wiues, & that they had power likewyse so to haue, but they found no neede thereof. But Paul declareth in the 7. chap. of the 1. epistle to the Corin. that he that hath no power ouer his owne flesh, may mar∣rie: For it is better to marrie then to burne. Wherefore, to a∣uoyd fornication (saieth he) let euery man haue his wyfe.* 2.220 Hee sayth, Let euery man haue his wyfe, and euery woman her hus∣band. By this place of scripture I vnderstād,* 2.221 that bishops & priestes may haue wyues, because they are men, rather then burne, or to commit fornication. But I thinke veri∣ly, he that can abstaine, hauing power of his owne wyll, doth best: but if he marrie, he sinneth not.

So then hee debated the Scriptures with me dyuers wayes, that a bishop nor a priest ought not to haue a wife: but I prooued by diuers Scriptures both in the old Law & in the new,* 2.222 that women were at first made for the helpe of men, the which was spoken generally to al men. Wher∣fore (said I) euery man may haue a woman and sinne not in honest matrimony, as well bishops & Deacons, as o∣ther men, which you call priests, if they be true Ministers of Iesus Christ, & of that order that Bishops & Deacons were in Paules tyme.* 2.223 For Paul declareth to Tim. 1. and the 3. That a Bishop should be the husband of one wyfe, & how they should be honestly apparelled, and how they should bring vp their children, and likewise the Deacons. This (sayd I) prooueth more plainly, that both bishops & Dea∣cons had wyues in the Apostles tyme, the which he could not deny. But then he alleaged that no bishop nor Priest might take a wife, after he had taken vpon him that office, but if he had a wife before he tooke the office tryed meet for the purpose, for his lyfe and for his learnyng, hee mighte keepe his wyfe, and bryng vp his children according to s. Paules meadyng to Timothie, or els might they haue no wyues.

Then sayd I, I thinke Paules meanyng in that place was, that a man that hath had two wiues, might not bee made a bishop nor a Deacon, if he had neuer so much lear∣nyng. But that place maketh not that a bishop or a Deacō may not marry after they be made bishops and Deacons. For I am sure that Paul was in the state of a bishop, whē he sayd: He had power to lead about a sister to wyfe, as well as the other Apostles had. Here Paul declareth,* 2.224 that it was in his power to haue a wyfe, after he had the office of a Bi∣shop, which was not in his power, if he had bene forbid∣den of God.

Thus haue I shewed you my mind in this behalf, both of Paul, and also for the mariages of bishops and priests, as I vnderstand the scriptures. Howbeit, it is a thing the which I haue litle to doe withall: but as you required me to say my minde in that matter, so I haue done.

Chich.

Marye I am glad that you haue sayd as you haue done. Many doe affirme boldly that Paul had a wife, and yet can not prooue whether he had or had not, by y^e scrip∣tures: but you haue said very wel. I am glad that yee are contented to be ruled by Gods woord. And if you will be contented likewise in other matters, no dout you shall do well: therefore gentle goodman Woodman be ruled. God hath geuē you a good wit.* 2.225 I protest before God, I would you should do as well as mine owne soule and body, and so would (I dare say) all the worshipfull men in the coū∣trey, as they haue reported to me.

Wood.

Why, my Lord, I take God to recorde (whome I trust to serue) that I woulde be as glad to liue in rest and peace, as any man in all y^e world, if I might. And I stand to learne, & am contented to be reformed of any thing that I hold, if it can be prooued that it be not agreable to gods woorde. And the truthe is so, I haue talked with a dosen Priests at the least, since I was deliuered out of prison, of certaine matters, and they haue not ben able to certify me in any thing that I haue asked them:* 2.226 and therefore haue they complained on me to the Sheriffe and Iustices, ma∣king tales and lies on me, to tourne me to displeasure, as muche as in them lieth. I promise you, there be as manye vnlearned Priests in your dioces, as in any one dioces in England I thinke: the more it is to be lamented.

Chich.

I promise you, I do much lament it my selfe: for I heare say no lesse: but it is true that you say. I woulde I could remedy it, but I can not: but I wil doe the best that I can, when I come into the countrey, and I wil be glad to talke with you some other time, when I am somewhat better at ease. You see I am very tender nowe, as I haue bene this halfe yeare and more. Come to dinner: our din∣ner is ready. I caused not you to tarie for any great chere that you shall haue, nor I would you should not thincke that I goe about to winne you with my meate. But you be welcome with all my heart. Come, sit downe.

Wood.

I thanked him, and wēt to dinner: and there dined with him a Marchant man, one of the sheriffes men, and I,* 2.227 and no mo, & we had good chere, God be praised there∣fore. We had no talke of the scriptures all y^e dinner while: but when dinner was done, the bishop saide.

Chich.

Now cal M. Stories man. For the commissioners haue committed you to prison: but I wil sende for you or euer it be long, and I pray God I may doe you good. I would be very glad of it.

Wood.

If it please you to send for me, I woulde be verye glad to talk with you, for I like your talke wel. And then if it please your Lordship to examine me vpon any parti∣cular matter, I will shew you my minde therein, by gods grace,* 2.228 without dissimulation. But I pray you let me haue nothing to doe wyth M. Storie, for he is a man wythout reason, me thinke.

Chich.

Wel, or euer you goe, how say you to the vij. Sa∣craments? Let me heare what you say to them, y^t I maye be the willinger to send for you againe.

Wood.

* 2.229I know not vij. Sacraments.

Chich.

Then what shall I talke with you? Howe many doe you know?

Wood.

I knowe but two: one the sacrament of baptisme, and the other the supper of the Lorde.* 2.230 But if you can iust∣ly prooue by Gods woord, that there be more then two, I stand to be reformed.

Chich.

If I prooue not vij. by Gods woord, then beleue me not: and so he bade me farewell.

Then the Sheriffes two men, and one of doc. Stories men, caried me to doc. Cookes house, which doctor Cooke commaunded them to carie me to the Sheriffes prisone in Southwarke: saying, he shall be called before vs agayne shortly and all his fellowes, and we shal dispatch them for troubling the countrey any more.

* 2.231And so I was brought to the Marshalsea: where I now am mery (God be praised therfore) loking for iudge∣ment of my flesh: for they intende to dispatch me shortly, if God will geue them leaue: but God hath theyr hearts in his hāds, and they can do nothing to me, but as God wil geue them leaue. Wherefore I commit my cause to God onely,* 2.232 and I am sure there shall not one haire of my head pearish without my heauenly fathers wil, althogh I bide neuer so much trouble. Iob pearished not for all his trou∣ble, although God gaue the deuil leaue to trouble and try him diuers & many waies, as God hath suffered his mem¦bers to trouble and trie mee diuers and many waies, I praise God. They shall as little preuaile against my faith) I haue no mistrust) as y^e deuil preuailed not against Iob,* 2.233 whatsoeuer they doe with my goodes, life or body. For he that kept Iob in al his trouble, neither slombreth nor sle∣peth, but keepeth me & all his electe, that whether we liue or die, it shall be to the praise and glory of God. For if we liue, we liue at the Lordes wil, and if we die, we die to the Lordes will: so, whether we liue or die, we are y^e Lordes, blessed be his name therefore.

Wherfore, dere brethren and sisters, to whom this my wryting shall come, be of good cheare and feare not what man can do vnto you. For they can but kill the body:* 2.234 but feare him that hath power to kill both body and soul. And yet once againe I bid you be of good cheare. For the She∣riffe with diuers other Gentlemen and Priests, whilest I was at the Sheriffes house, said to me that all y^e heretikes in the coūtrey hong on me, as the people did in times past vpon S. Augustine, or S. Ambrose, or such like. Wherfore said they, looke well on it, you haue a great thing to aun∣swer for. To the which I answered: I pray God lay no∣thing more to my charge, then he will doe for heresie, as I am sure he will not. For he hath set my sinnes as far from me, as it is from the East to the West:* 2.235 So that I am sure they shall neuer come neare to mee anye more. Yea, & that they call heresie, wee serue God withall.* 2.236 And I am sure there is no man nor woman that hangeth on me, but on God. But yet that is their imaginations and thoughtes, that if they might winne me to them, they should winne a great many likewise: and thinking to kill mee, if they can not win me, as I trust in God, and am sure they shall ne∣uer by Gods grace, if it were possible to kill me x. times: for I am so linked to Christ in a chaine by Faith,* 2.237 that it is vnpossible for men to loose vs a sunder, neither for life nor death. I praise my Lord God therfore. And no dout their full intent and purpose is to kill me, thinking thereby to make other afraide. Which death of my body were best of al for me, if God were so pleased. But if I may liue for the comfort of other, his name be praised therefore. I knowe what he can doe: but what he will do, I know not. But if death be offred me, so that I can not refuse it, without dis∣pleasing of God, I trust in God I shal not offēd my bre∣thren in receiuing of death, but shall be rather an occasion of the strengthening of their faith, by chusing & receiuing of it, and that with ioy. For as Christ hath geuen hys life for vs,* 2.238 so ought we to geue our liues for the defence of the gospel, and comfort of our brethren. And whereas the by∣shop sayeth, he will prooue vij. sacraments, be you oute of doubt he shal neuer be able to doe it, no more then he hath prooued other arguments with me already.

Thus fare ye well frō the Marshalsey, where I now am, as a sheepe appoynted to be slaine, God be praised therefore.

The second examination of Richard Wood∣man, before the bishop of Chichester, two of his Chapleines: and D. Story at the last came to vs, the xxvij. day of Aprill.

FIrst, I was sent for to the Marshalsey by Doctor Sto∣rie,* 2.239 and was caried to his house besides S. Nicholas Shambles: and when I had spoken to him, he sent me to the bishop of Chichester, and sayde, he would come to him his selfe straight way: and when we were in the Bishops Hall, we had not taried long, but the Bishop sent for me: and when I came before him, I did my duetie to him as much as I could.

Chich.

Then said the Bishop: You be welcome: howe doe you nowe?

Wood.

Well, I praise God, thanking your Lordship for the gentle talke that you hadde with me at my last depar∣ting from you.

Chich.

Well, goodman Woodman, I haue sent for you of loue & good wil that I bare to you, to talke with you: and I would haue you to tel me your minde in few woordes. For in dede the last time that I talked with you, our talke was so long, that I fell into a great drieth thereby, & haue bene the worse in my body euer since. Wherefore I praye you shew me your minde briefly, in those particular mat∣ters that I shall demaunde of you, according to your pro∣mise that you made when you were with me the last time. How say you, will you?

Wood.

Yea forsooth: I wil answere to any thing that you shall demaund of me (by Gods helpe) as wel as I can.

Chich.

Howe say you by the vij. Sacramentes? for there we leaft off, and there we will begin againe. You sayde then there were but two. How say you now to it? wil you denie all sauing two?

Wood.

I say now, as I sayd then. You sayd, there be vij. sacraments, and I said, I knew but two:* 2.240 but if you could

approue seuen by Gods word, when I came before you a∣gain, I must needes graunt thē. And you said, if you could not proue them by Gods word, I should not beleue thē: & now I am come to see how well you can proue thē. Here∣wit•• he was moued and all his Chapleines.

Chich.

By GOD and my troth, I weene he thinketh I can not proue them. How say you to the sacrament of Ma∣trimony?

Wood.

Why, my Lorde, Saynt Paule sayeth to Timo∣thy:* 2.241 A bishop should be faultles: and you vse much swea∣ring, which is a greate fault in a Byshop, of all other, that should be an example to the flocke. Then he and his Pre∣lates were in a great rage w^t me, because I reproued hym for his swearing.

Chich.

What, I perceiue this man is worse then he was the last day: what, he taketh vpō him to teach me to speak, as though I could not tell what I had to do.

Priest.

So me thinketh, my Lorde, he is a stout fellowe in deed, as we haue seene.

Wood.

Yea, I am stout, because I do that I am commaū∣ded. I dare not for my life holde my peace, for I shoulde beare your sinne,* 2.242 the which I will not doe for none of you all, I tell you playnely.

Chich.

Where finde you that you are commaunded to re∣proue me?

Wood.

If thou see thy Brother sinne, reproue hym: if hee repent, thou hast won thy Brother. But you repent it not, me thinketh, but rather goe about to mainteine the same. Christ sayth: He that breaketh one of the least of my commaun∣dementes, and teacheth men so, shall be called least in the king∣dome of heauen: and you goe about to teach men so, as farre as I see.

Priest.

Why my Lord, this man is past cure. I see no hope in him.

Chich.

* 2.243No, so me thinketh. I will neuer talke wyth hym more, Go cal M. Story: let him do with him what he wil. He hath bene with his felowes in the Marshalsea, & now he is worse then he was before. I had some hope in him y^e other day, but now I see none.

Wood.

No, I prayse God, my fayth hangeth vpon no mē, but vpon God.

Priest.

Nay, my Lord, I think he is not the worse for thē: bu•• I feare me they be the worse for him. I know this mā of old, before mine old Lord.

Wood.

Well my Lord, looke well to it: will you deliuer me to other men▪ to shed my bloud, and so think to wash your hands of me, as Pilate did by Christ? Nay you can not be so discharged.

Chichest.

I haue nothing to doe with you: but of my gen∣tlenes I haue sent for you, because you said, you would de∣clare you mind in any particular matter that I would de∣maund of you.

Wood.

Why, I doe not deny but I will doe so, if you doe demaūd it of me. But you go about to deliuer me to other to kill me? and I know that there is none that hath to do with me but you.

Chich.

* 2.244I am not consecrated yet: wherfore my Lord Car∣dinal may examine you, and condemne you, or my Lord of London, for you are now in his Dioces.

Wood.

Yea my Lord, is the matter euen so? Then I per∣ceiue wherabout you go. Nay, I will talke no more wyth you then, if you be at that poynt. Aske me what you will: but I will shew you nothing of my mind. I promise you, I will not aunswere in particuler matters, and so you to accuse me to other, and they to kill me.

Chich.

I goe not about to kill you, but woulde be glad to heare your minde in the sacramēts, that if you vnderstand them not aright, I would be glad with al my hart to shew you my mind how I vnderstand them. For I would you should do as well as mine owne selfe.

Wood.

If you woulde talke with me to doe me good, I would be content to heare you, and shew you my mind: o∣therwise I would be loth.

Chich.

Nay, I will promise you, if I can do you no good, I will do you no harme: for if I meant to doe you harme, I could lay your owne hande writing against you, but I will not:* 2.245 wherefore be in no doubt of me. How say you to y^e sacrament of Matrimony? Is it a sacrament or no? How thinke you by it?

Wood.

I thinke it is a holy institution ordeined of God in Paradise, and so to continue to the worldes end.

Chich.

Lo, now you shall see how you be deceiued in that, as you be in all the rest. Come hither. You can read Latin I am ••ure.

Wood.

Yea, I can read latin, but I vnderstand very litle.

Chich.

Come to me, you shall see that Paule calleth it a ho∣ly Sacrament. For these be the wordes: For this cause shall a man leaue father and mother,* 2.246 and shall be ioyned to his wife: and two shall be made one flesh: This is a great Sacrament.* 2.247

Wood

I remember such a saying: but S. Paule calleth it not a sacrament. But he sayth: It is a great mystery.

Chich.

Where sayth he so?

Wood.

I am not sure in what Texte it is, but I am sure these be S. Paules wordes, and that he calleth it not a sa∣crament in all his writinges.

Chichest.

What, the last daye ye were full of Scriptures: here it is written and there it is written. What, wee can rehearse the Scriptures, as well as you. Wherefore, if we be sure it bee written, it is no greate matter for the place. Come hither, I will shew you the place, I thinke, that you meane.

Wood.

I looked, and it was writtē Sacramentum.* 2.248 I know it is a great mistery in the English translation.

Chich.

I permit it be a mistery. What is a mistery?

Wood.

A mystery is (I take it) vnseene: for he sayth, he speaketh betwixt Christ & the congregation. So the great mystery that he speaketh of, I take to be the fayth of them that be maried, which is hid in christ, the which we see not, but Christe. But the deede which is in the congregation, which is the outward mariage we see, but the inward ma∣riage of y^e hart we see not. Wherefore Paul calleth it a my∣stery. And therfore, if it be a sacramēt, it is inuisible to vs: It is not seene, as other sacraments be.

Chichest.

Nay, I tell you it is a visible Sacrament, seene as the other be: for is not the mariage seen? is not the man and woman seene?

Wood.

My Lord▪ I pray you what is a sacrament?

Chich.

It is the signe of a holy thing.

Wood.

Me thinkes you haue certified mee verye well. There neede not be a signe of a holy thing, where the holy thing is it selfe. Then hys Chapleynes woulde haue in∣terrupted me, but I desired my Lorde I might say out my minde in the matter. So with much adoe he bade me saye what I could.

There neede not to be a signe of a thing, where the thing is it self.* 2.249 Ma∣trimony is a holy thing it selfe and is ended outwardly, and neede no more signes but themselues: Wherefore it canne not be a Sacrament as other bee.

Chich.

Loe, how much you speake a∣gaynste your selfe.* 2.250 And as for an ex∣ample? I come by a Hosier, and there hangeth a payre of Hose, the which be Hose, and be a signe of hose that be to ••ell within.

Priest.

How say you to this? Now my Lord hath hit you home in deed.

Wood.

He hath hit me perillously, I tell you with sophi∣stry to blinde mine eyes withall. I maruell you be not all ashamed of it. I can answere that, to all your shames, if I might be iustly heard, I tell you playnely.

Priest.

What, you be angry me thinkes.

Wood.

I am not angrye, but I am earnest, I tell you, to see your blindnes and folly.* 2.251 I talked of the Scriptures that be written, and it is Gods worde, to prooue my mat∣ter true by, and you wil proue your matter true by a paire of hose. And as well can you proue it by that, as by Gods word.

Priest

Why, is there nothinge true, but that is written in the Bible?

Wood.

S. Paule saith to the Galathians the first chapter: If an Aungell come from heauen, and preach any other doctrine then may be proued by Gods word, hold him accursed: & so doe I, I tell you playnely.

Priest.

Here is a Testament in my hand: if I hurle him in the fire and burne him, haue I burned gods word, or not?* 2.252 I will buy a new for xvj. pence.

Wood.

I saye, you haue burned Gods worde, and I be∣leue, he that will burne a testament willingly, would burn God him selfe, if he were here, if he could: for he and hys word are all one.

Then they made a great laughing at it,

Wood.

Laugh on (quoth I) Your laughing will be turned to weeping, and all such ioy will be turned to mourning. if you repent it not with speed.

Chich.

Then the bishop begon to helpe to cloake the Prie∣stes folly, saying: why, if my Counting house were full of bookes, and if my house should be on fire by chaūce, and so be burned, were Gods word burned?

Wood.

No, my Lord, because they were burned against your will: but yet if you shoulde burne them willingly, or think it well, & not being sory for it, you burn Gods word as well as he. For he that is not sory for a shrewd turne, doth allow it to be good.

Chich.

Folow your vocation: you haue a little learning. We haue an aultar, whereof you may not eate. What meane••h S. Paule thereby?

Wood.

* 2.253There is no manne so foolishe, to eate stones, I trowe.

Chichest.

What Mockers and Scorners be you, to saye no manne will be so foolishe, to eate stones? it is a playne mocke.

Wood.

Why, my Lorde, you sayde I had no learnyng, nor knowledge, nor vnderstanding. Wherefore it becom∣meth you to make things more plaine to me, & not to aske me such darcke questions, and yet blame me too: me thinke it is too much.

Chic.

I dare say you know what it meaneth wel enough. The most foole in my house will vnderstand my meaning better then you do.

Wood.

There stoode some of his menne not farre of, tal∣king together beside a window. He called one of them by his name.

Chich.

Come hither. I say to thee, thou shalt not eate of this table. What do I meane therby?

The man.

* 2.254Forsoothe, my Lorde, you woulde not haue mee eate of this table, laying his hand thereuppon. With this answere he made all them in the house to fall on laughing, and I could not holde it in, but burste out with laughter, and sayd.

Wood.

Hee hath expounded the matter almoste as well as I.

Chich.

He meaneth well enough, if you woulde vnder∣stand him.

Aunswere me agayne, to make it more playne. I saye to thee, thou shalt not eate of this Table. What meane I thereby?

The man.

Forsoothe you woulde not haue mee eate thys Table.

Wood

These wordes made them al laugh. Wherwith the bishop was almost angry, because the answere proued no better, and sayd.

Chich,

He meaneth that I would not haue him eate anye of the meat that is set vpon this Table. How sayest thou, doest thou not meane so?

The man.

* 2.255Yes forsooth my Lorde, that was my meanyng in deede.

Wood.

Yea, my Lorde, nowe you haue tolde him what you meane, he can say so too: and so could I haue done (as litle witte as I haue) if you had sayd Paule meant that no man might eat of that which was offered vpon the aultar, but the priestes.

Chich.

Yea, I perceiue you vnderstande the meaning of Paule well enough, but that you list to cauell with me.

Wood.

Why, my Lord, doe you thinke I vnderstand such darcke places of the scripture, without learning? you sayd euen now, I had no knowledge nor learning, wherefore I aunswered you, as you iudged of me.

Chich.

* 2.256Well, let this matter passe, and let vs turne to the principall agayne. Howe say you by the Sacrament of the Aultar?

Wood.

You meane the sacrament of the body and bloud of Iesus Christ.

Chic.

I meane the sacrament of the aultar, and so I say.

Wood.

You meane Christ to be the aultar, do you not?

Chich.

I mean the sacrament of the aultare in the church. What, is it so straunge to you?

Wood.

It is straunge to me in deede, if you meane the aul∣tar of stone.* 2.257

Chich.

It is that aultar that I meane.

Wood.

I vnderstand not the aultar so.

Chich.

No, I thinke so in deede: and that is the cause that you be deceiued. I pray you, how doe you vnderstand the aultar then?

Wood.

If you will geue me leaue till I haue done, I will shew you how I vnderstand the aultar, and where it is.

Chich.

Yes, you shall haue leaue to say your minde, as much as you will.

Wood.

It is written. Mat. 18. That wheresoeuer two or three be gathered together in Christes name,* 2.258 there is he in the midst a∣mong them: and whatsoeuer they aske the father vpon earth, it shalbe graunted them in heauen, agreeing to the 5. of Math. saying: When thou commest to offer thy gift at the aultar, and there remēbrest that thy brother hath ought agaynst thee,* 2.259 leaue there thy offering, and go first and be reconciled to thy brother, and then offer thy gift. The priests would haue interrupted me: but the bishop bad them let me alone.

Chich.

You shall heare a prety conclusion anone.

Wood.

I pray you let me make an end, and then find fault with me if you can. Now to the matter. In these two pla∣ces of scripture,* 2.260 I proue that Christ is y^e true aultar, wher on euery christian man & woman ought to come and offer their giftes. First wheresoeuer the people are gathered to∣gether in Christes name, there is he in the midst: & where he is, there is the aultar, so that we may be bold to come & offer our gift, if we be in loue and charity: if we be not, we must leaue there our offering, and go first and be reconci∣led to our brother, & agree with him quickely, and so forth, and then come and offer thy gift. Some will say, how shal I agree with my aduersary,* 2.261 when he is not nigh by a hū∣dred miles? may I not pray till I haue spoken with him? To al such I answere: if thou presume to pray among the faithful, wyshing any euil to any mā, womā or child, thou askest vengeaunce vpon thy selfe. For no such asketh any thing els of the Lord in his prayer. Wherefore agree with thy aduersary: y^t is, make thy life agreable to Gods word. Saye in thy harte without dissimulation, that thou askest God and all the world forgeuenes from the bottom of thy hart, entending neuer to offēd thē any more. Thē all such may be bold to come & offer their gifte, their prayer on the aultar, where y^e people of god be gathered together. Thus haue I shewed you my mind, both of y^e aultar, & of the of∣fering, as I vnderstand it.

Chich.

Doe you vnderstand the offering and the aultar so? I neuer heard any man vnderstand it so, no not Luther y^e great hereticke, that was condēned by a generall Coūcell, and his picture burned.

Wood.

If he were an heretick, I thinke he vnderstoode it not so in deed: but I am sure all Christians ought to vn∣derstand it so.

Chich.

O what vayne glory is in you, as though you vn∣derstood all thing, & other men nothing. Heare me: I will shew you the true vnderstanding, both of the aultar, & the offering on the aultar. We haue an aultar (sayd Paul) that ye may not eate of▪* 2.262 meaning thereby that no man might eat of that which was offered on the aultar, but the Priest. For in Paules time all the liuing that the Priest had, the peo∣ple came & offered it on the aultar, mony or other thinges: and when the people came to offer it, and then remēbred that they had any thing agaynst their brother, thē they left their offering vpon the aultar, and went & were reconci∣led to theyr brother: and they came agayne and offred their gift, and the Priest had it. This is the true vnderstanding of the place that you haue rehersed: wherefore you be de∣ceiued.

Wood.

My Lord, that was the vse in the olde law. Christ was the ende of that. But in deede I perceiue by Paules wordes, the sacrifice was offered in Paules time: yet that maketh not that it was wel done, but he rebuked it. Wher¦fore, it seemeth to me that you be deceiued.

Chich.

Who shall be iudges betwixt vs in this matter?* 2.263

Wood.

The xij. of Iohn declareth who shall be iudge in y^e last day.

Chich.

You meane the word shall iudge the word: Howe can that be?

Wood.

Saynct Peter sayth: The Scripture hath no priuate interpretation▪ but one scripture must be vnderstand by an other.

Chich.

And you will vnderstande it one way, and I wyll vnderstand it an other way: and who shalbe Iudges be∣twixt vs then?

Wood.

The true church of God is able to discusse al doub∣tes: to whom I referre it.

Chich.

I am glad you say so, if you will say so in deed.* 2.264

Wood.

My Lord, I neuer meant otherwise.

Chich.

The Church of God doth allow the Sacrament of the aultar.

Wood.

What do you offer now vpon the aultar?

Chich.

We offer vp in the blessed Sacramente of the Aul∣tar the body of Christ,* 2.265 to pacifye the wrath of God the Fa∣ther: and therewith they put off their cappes all, to that a∣bominable Idoll.

Wood.

Saynt Paule sayth to the Hebrues, in the x. chap. We are sanctified by the offering of the body of Iesus Christ vpon the crosse once for all: and euery Priest is dayly mini∣string & oftentimes offereth one maner of offering, which can neuer take away sinnes: and that is the offering that you vse to offer. As farre as I can see, you be priestes after the order of Aaron, that offered vp Sacrifice for their own sinnes, and the sinnes of the people.

Chichest.

Nay, Aarons sacrifice was with bloud, whiche signifieth the death of Christe, the whiche was ended vp∣on the Crosse by his bloudshedding: but we are Priestes after the order of Melchisedech,* 2.266 the whiche offered breade to the king in remembraunce, and signified the geuing of Christes body in bread & wine at his last supper, the whi∣che he gaue to his disciples, & commaunded it to be vsed to the end of the world. This is the sacrifice that we offer, ac∣cording to his word.

Woodman.

Me thinke you haue made the matter verye

playne to me, that as Christ was the ende of all Sacrifi∣ces, so was he the beginning of the Sacramentes, willing them to be vsed in the remembraunce of him, to the worl∣des end.

Chichest.

What, in remembraunce of hym, and not hym selfe,* 2.267 as his worde sayth: Take, eate, this is my body? It is not the signe onely, but the thing it selfe. How say you? is it not his body, after the words be spoken by the priest? How say you? goe briefly to worke, for I can not long ta∣ry with you.

Wood.

My Lord, if you will answere me to one sacramēt, I will answere you to another.

Chich.

Yes, I am very well contented with that.

Wood.

If you say the words of baptisme ouer the water, & there be no childe there, is there true baptisme?

Chich.

No, there must be the water, the worde, and the child, and then it is baptisme.

Wood.

Uerye well. Then if a childe bee Baptised in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, it is not truely ba∣ptised.

Chich.

No the childe muste bee baptised in the name of the father, & of the sonne, & the holy ghost, or els it is not tru∣ly baptised.

Wood.

Then there may be nothing added, nor takē away from the Sacraments: may there?

Chich.

No, sayd the Bishop.

Wood.

Now, my Lord, I will answere to you, if it please you.

Chich.

Well, how say you. Take, eat, this is my body: is it not Christes body, as soone as the wordes be sayd?

Wood.

My Lorde, I will aunswere you by your owne wordes,* 2.268 that you aunswered me, whi••h is true: the water, the word, and the childe, all these together make baptisme: the bread, wine, and the word make the Sacrament: & the eater, eating in true fayth, maketh it his body. Here I proue it is not Christes body, but to the faythfull receiuer. For he sayd: Take, eat, this is my body.

He called it not his body before eating, but after eat∣ing. And Saynt Augustine sayth: Crede, & manducasti: Be∣leue, and thou hast eaten And Saynt Iohn sayth: He that be∣leueth in God, dwelleth in God, and God in him: wherfore it is vnpossible to dwell in God, and to eat his body, without a true fayth.

Priest.

* 2.269Then the fayth of the receiuer maketh it his body, & not his word, by your saying. I pray you, what did Iu∣das eate?

Wood.

Iudas did eat the sacrament of Christ, and the de∣uill withall.

Priest.

He eat the body of Christ vnworthely, as S. Paule sayth.

Wood.

Nay, S. Paule sayth no such thing. He speaketh not of eating of his body vnworthely, but of the sacrament vnworthely. For he sayth: Who soeuer eateth of this bread, & drinketh of this cup vnworthely, eateth and drinketh his owne damnation, because he maketh no difference of the Lordes body: and not because he eateth the Lordes body. If Iudas had eat Christes body,* 2.270 it must needes folow that Iudas is sa∣ued. For Christ sayth in the sixt of Iohn: Who so euer eateth my flesh, and drinketh my bloud, hath eternall life, and I will raise him vp agayne at the last day.

Priest.

My Lord, this man is an interpreter after his own minde.

Chich.

I see it is but folly to talke with you: it is but lost labour. How say you? Doe you not beleue, that after the wordes be sayd,* 2.271 there remayneth neither bread nor wyne, but the very body of Christ really? make me a playne aun∣swere, for I will talke no more with you.

Wood.

I will make you no directe aunswere, howe I be∣leue of the true Sacrament. I doe beleue, that if I come to receiue the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ, truely ministred,* 2.272 beleuing that Christ was borne for mee, and that he suffered death for me, and that I shall be saued from my sinnes by his bloudshedding, & so receiuing the Sacrament in that remembraunce, then I beleue I do re∣ceiue wholly Christ, God and mā, mistically by fayth: this is my beliefe.

Chich.

Why then it is no body without fayth. Gods word is of no force, as you count it.

Wood.

My Lorde, I haue tolde you my minde without dissimulation, & more you get not of me, without you will talke with me by the Scriptures: and if you will do so, I will beginne anew with you, & proue it more plainly thre or foure maner of wayes, that you shall not say nay to that I haue sayd, your selfe.

Then they made a great laughing, and sayd: Thys is an Hereticke in deede, it is time he were burned: Which wordes moued my spirite, and I sayde to them: Iudge not least you be iudged. For as you iudge me, you shall be iudged your selues. For that you call heresy, I serue God truely with, as you all shall well know, when you shalbe in hell, and haue bloud to drinke, and shalbe compelled to say for payne: This was the mā that we iested on, & whose talke we thought foolishnes, and his end to be without ho∣nour:* 2.273 but now we may see how he is counted among the Sayntes of GOD, and we are punished. These wordes shall you say, being in hell, if you repent not with speed, if you consent to the shedding of my bloud: wherefore looke to it, I geue you counsell.

Priest.

What, you be angry, me thinkes. Now I will saye more to you, then I thought to haue done. You were at Baxill a twelue moneth agone, & sent for the Parson & tal∣ked with him in the Churchyard, and would not goe into the church: for you sayd: it was the Idols temple. Yea I was with mine olde Lorde, when he came to the Kinges Bench to you, and you sayd many stout wordes to him.

Wood.

That I sayde, I sayde: and where you sayde, I was angrye, I take God to my recorde, I am not, but am zelous in the truth,* 2.274 & speake out of the spirite of God with chearefulnes.

Priest.

The spirite of God? hough, hough, hough: thinke you that you haue the spirit of God?

Wood.

I beleue surely that I haue the spirite of GOD, I praise God therfore: and you be deceiuers, mockers, and scorners before God, and be the childrē of hel, all the sort of you, as farre as I can see. And therwith came in D. Sto∣ry, poynting at me with his finger, speaking to the bishop in Latin, saying at length.

Story,

I can say nothing to him, but he is an hereticke.* 2.275 I haue heard you talke this houre and a halfe, and can heare no reasonablenes in him.

Wood.

Iudge not, lest you be iudged: for as you iudge, you shalbe iudged your selfe.

Story.

What be you a preaching? you shal preach at a stake shortly with your felowes. My Lord, trouble your self no more with him.

With these wordes, one brought woorde that the Ab∣bot of Westminster was come to dyne with the Byshop, and many other gentlemen and women. Then there was rushing away with speed to meet him. Then sayd Doctor Story to my keeper.

Story.

Cary him to the Marshalsee againe,* 2.276 and let him be kept close, and let no body come to speake with him.

Wood.

And so they departed. Then one of the priestes be∣gon to flatter with me, and sayd: for Gods sake remember your selfe. God hath geuen you a good wit: you haue read the scriptures well, & haue borne them wel in memory: It were great pity you should do amisse.

Wood.

What a flatterer be you, to say my wit is good, and that I haue red the scriptures well: & but euen now you said I was an heretike & despised me. If I be an heretike I can haue no good wit as you haue cōfessed. But I think your owne consciēce doth accuse you. God geue you grace to repent, if it be his will.

Priest.

I cal it a good wit, because you are expert in all que∣stions.

Wood.

You may call it a wicked wit if it agree not with gods word. Then one cried: Away, away, here commeth strangers. So we departed, & I came againe to the Mar∣shalsee with my Keeper.

¶The third examination of Richard Woodman (co∣pied with his owne hand) before D. Langdall parson of Buxted in Sussex, and Chaplaine to my Lord Montague, and M. Iames Gage, at my Lord Montagues house beside S. Mary Oueries in Southwarke, the 12. day of May, Anno. 1557.

THe 1••. day of May the Marshal came to the Marshal∣see & sent for me to speake with him.* 2.277 When I came be∣fore him, & had done my dutie, he asked my name, & what countrey man I was, I shewed him both. Then he asked me when I was abroad in the city. To whom I answe∣red, if it shal please your maistership, I was abroad in the citie on Monday was seuennight.

Marshall.

What made you abroad?

Wood.

The B. o•• Chichester sent for me to talke with mee at home at his house beside S. Nicholas shambles.

Mar.

Were you abroad no otherwise then so?

Wood.

No forsooth: I was neuer abroad since I was sent hither, but then. For I haue nothing to do abroad, vnlesse they send for me.

Mar.

This is a marueilous matter. I promise you I was not so rebuked these 7. yeares,* 2.278 as I was for you within these 3. dayes. It is reported that you were abroad in the citie at certaine Tauernes, & spake seditious wordes both in the Tauernes and Streetes as you went.

Wood.

Syr, the trueth is, I was in neuer a house or Ta∣uerne, whiles I was abroad, but in the bishops house, as my keeper can, & will (I am sure) testify: nor I neuer tal∣ked with any man in the streetes as I came, but with my keeper, sauing with one man in deede, of the Parishe of Framfield in Sussex, where M. Iames Gage dwelleth. His name is Rob. Smith, being one of my most enemies: who stood in a waine as we came by, and was vnlading of Cheese (me thought) but a litle way from the Marshalsee. In deede I bade him God speede, and asked him howe he did: and he sayd, well, he thanked me: and he asked me how I did, and I sayd, well, I prayse God: & that was all the talke that we had: & these wordes were spoken as I came by him. I promise you sir, I stoode not still while I spake thē, as my keeper can tell: and I thinke these words were no seditious wordes, but might be spoken well enough (I thinke) or els it were very strayt.

Marshall.

* 2.279Then it is to bee thought, that that man repor∣ted otherwise then it was. I am gladde it is as you say. Well make you ready, for you must go forth straight way, where you shall be examined of that and of other thinges, where you shal aunswere for your selfe. Go make hast: for I will ••ary till you be ready.

Wood.

* 2.280So I departed from him, & went to my prison fe∣lowes, & took my leaue of them desiring thē to pray for me, for I thought verely to come no more to them. For I sup∣posed I should haue gone before the Counsell, because the Marshall sayd he would tary for me himselfe: and especi∣ally because he sayd it was reported that I had spoken se∣ditious words, it made me to think it is possible that there may be some false things imagined vpon me, to bring me to my end. I remembred that Christ sayd: The seruant is not aboue his Lord. Seyng the Iewes brought false witnes a∣gaynst Christ, I thought they would do much more, or at the least doe so to me, •••• God would suffer thē: which made me cast the worste. But I was and am sure (I prayse my Lord God) that all the world is not able to accuse me iust∣ly of any such thing. Which thing considered, made me me∣ry and ioyfull: and I was surely certified that they coulde do no more against me, then God would geue them leaue: And so I bad my prison fellowes farewell, and went into the Porters Lodge to the Marshall, and he deliuered me to one of his owne men, and to one of my Lord Mounta∣gues men,* 2.281 and bade me go with them: and they caryed me to my Lord Mountagues place in Southwarke not farre from S. Mary Oueries, and brought me into a chamber in my Lord Mountagues house: and there was one Doc. Langdale, chapleine to my Lord. My keepers sayd to the Docto••: this is the man that we went for.

Lang.

Is your name Woodman?

Wood.

Yea forsooth, that is my name.

Lang.

Then hee beganne with a greate Circumstaunce, and sayd: I am sory for you, that you will not be ruled, but stand so much in your owne conceite, displeasing your fa∣ther and other, iudging that all the Realme doth euil, saue a few that doe as you do: with many such wordes, whiche be too long to rehearse: but I will declare the substaunce of them.

Lang.

What think you of them that died long agone, your Graundfather,* 2.282 with theyr fathers before them? You iudge them to be damned, & all other that vse the same that they did, throughout all Christendome, vnlesse it be in Germa∣ny and here in England a few yeares, and in Denmark: & yet they are returned againe. Thus we are sure this is the truth, and I would you should do well. Your father is an honest man and one of my parish, and hath wept to me di∣uers times, because you would not be ruled: and he loueth you well, & so doth all the country, both rich and poore, if it were not for those euill opiniōs that you hold with many such like tales of Robin Hood.

Wood.

I pray you geue me leaue to speake a fewe wordes to you.

Lang.

Yes, say your mind.

Wood.

You haue told a great tale and a long, as it were a∣gaynst me (as you thinke) saying, I hold this and that: I iudge my Father and my Graundfather, and almost al the world, without it be a few that be of our sect. But I iudge no manne. But the xij. of Iohn declareth, who it is that iudgeth, and shall iudge in the last day. The father shal not beare the sonnes offences, nor the sonne the fathers offen∣ces: but that soule that sinneth shall dye, as sayth the Prophet. And agayne,* 2.283 we may not folow a multitude to do euill, as sayth the Prophet: For the most goe the wrong way. And Christ sayth in the xij. of Luke, that his flock is a litle flock. Here be places enough to discharge me, although I do not as the most doe. But can any man say, that I do not as I ought to do? where be my accusers?

Lang.

What, you be full of scripture me thinke, and call for your accusers, as though you were afrayde to vtter your mind to me. But I woulde haue you not to be afrayde to talk with me: For I meane no more hurt to you then I do to my selfe, I take God to my record.

Wood.

I cannot tell. It is hard trusting of fayre wordes, when a man cannot trust his father nor brother,* 2.284 nor other that haue bene his familiar frendes, but they deceiue him. A man may lawfully follow the example of Christ towar∣des them that he neuer saw before, saying: Be as wise as Ser∣pentes, and as innocent as doues. Beware of men, for they goe a∣bout to betray you. And it maketh me suspect you much, be∣cause you blame me for answering with the scriptures. It maketh me to doubt that you would take vauntage of me, if I should speake mine owne wordes. Wherefore I will take as good heede as I can, because I haue bene deceiued already by them I trusted most. Wherefore blame me not though I aunswere circumspectly. It shall not be sayd, by Gods helpe, that I will run wilfully into mine enemyes handes, and yet, I prayse God, my life is not deare to my selfe, but it is deare with God: Wherfore I will do the vt∣termost that I can to keepe it.

Lang.

You be afrayd where no feare is,* 2.285 for I was desired of Mayster Sheriffe and his brother, and of other of your frendes, to talke with you, and they told me thot you were desirous to talke with me, and now ye make the matter as though you had nothing to doe with me, & as though you were sent to prison for nothing: for you call for your accu∣sers, as though there were no man to accuse you. But if there were no man to accuse you, your own hand writing did accuse you enough, that you set vpon the Church doore (if you be remembred) and other letters that you let fall a∣broad, some at one place, and some at an other. Wherefore you need not to cal for your accusers. Your own hand wil accuse you enough, I warrant you: it is kept safe enough. I would not for two hundred pounde there were so much agaynst me.

Wood.

I will not deny mine owne hand, by Gods helpe. For it cannot be lightly counterfayted. I doe not deny but I wrote a letter to the priest and other of the parish, decla∣ring to them theyr folly and presumption, to come into my house without my loue or leaue and fet out my childe, and vse it at their pleasure.* 2.286 Which moued me to write my mind to them: and because I coulde not tell how to conuey it to them, I set it on the Church doore. Which letter my Lorde of Chichester hath: for he shewed it me whē I was before him: wherin is conteined nothing but the very scriptures, to theyr reproch. Let it be layde before me when you or hee will: I will answere to it by the helpe of God, to all theyr shames that I wrote it to. And as for any other letters, I wrote none, as you say I did, neither had I wrote that, if they had done like honest neighbours. Wherfore if they be offended with me, for that I wil aunswere thē with Chri∣stes wordes, in the 18. of Math. woe vnto themselues, be∣cause they gaue me the occasion.

And whereas you sayd, I was desirous to speak with you, and that Maister Sheriffe and his brother, and other of my frendes willed me to talke with you, and that I fare nowe as though I had nothing to doe with you, and as though I were sent to prison for nothing: the truth is, I know no more wherefore I am sent to prison, thē the least child in this towne knoweth. And as for me, I desired not M. Sheriffe to speake with you: but in deede he desired me that I would speake with you, & to vtter my fayth to you.* 2.287 For he supposed that I did not beleeue well: & he reported you to bee learned. But I refused to talke with you at the first. For I remēbred not that you were the parsō of Bux∣ted: wherfore I sayd to him, I would not vtter my faith to any but to the bishop. I sayd, he is mine Ordinary: wher∣fore I appeale vnto him. I am commaunded by S. Peter in the first Epistle the thyrd chap. to render account of my hope that I haue in god, to him that hath authority: wher∣fore I will talke with none in that matter, but with hym. Wherefore send me to him, if you will, or els there shall no man know my fayth, I tell you playnely.

These wordes then made the Sheriffe angry, and he went his way: and when he was gone from me, I remē∣bred that it was you that he would haue me to talke with, and then I remembred that I had made a promise to my father, and goodman Day of Uefield, not past a fournight before I was taken,* 2.288 that when so euer you came into the country, I would speak with you by Gods helpe, because they praysed you so muche, that yee were learned, and they would fayne here vs talke.

So al these thinges called to remēbrance, I desired my keeper, which was the Sheriffes man to shew his maister that I would fayne speake with him: for I had remēbred things that were not in my mind before, when I spake to him. So he went to his maister, & shewed him the matter,

and he came to me: and then I told him my mind, & what promise I had made: and he said, he would send for you on the morow, as he did, and the messēger brought word you could not come: you preached before the Queene, he sayde. Wherupon the Sheriffe came vp himselfe, and spake to the Bishop that he should come downe, but he was sicke. So when he came home agayne, he sent me to the Bishop, and I haue talked with him twise already,* 2.289 and I am sure he can find no fault in me, if he say iustly: and yet I know not wherefore I was sent to prison: For I was not guilty of that whiche was layde to my charge, that I had baptised children, the which I neuer did, as God knoweth: where∣fore I haue wrong to be thus handled.

D. Lang.

In deed it hath bene reported that you haue chri∣stened children, & that you christened your owne child: but since I heard say you would not haue the child christened, which is a damnable way, if you deny baptisme: and they sayd, your child was not christened in a fourtnight or three weekes after it was borne, and the chiefest of the Parishe were fayne to fetch it out of your house agaynst your wyll. Wherefore you wrote rayling wordes agaynst the Prieste and them for theyr good will:* 2.290 the which declareth that you allowe not baptising of children. And if the childe had dy∣ed, it had bene damned, because it was not Christened, and you shoulde haue bene damned, because you were the lette thereof.

Wood.

What abhominable lies haue you told? Be you not ashamed to speake such wordes as you haue done? Fyrste you say, I christened mine owne childe, and by and by you sayd, I denyed baptising of childrē, and that my child was a fortnight or three weekes old ere it was baptised. What abhominable lyes be these? I neither baptised my child my selfe, neither held agaynst the baptising of it, but did moste gladlye allowe it: for it was baptised as soone as it was borne, and I was glad therof: therfore you be to blame to report so of me.

Lang.

* 2.291I pray you, who baptised it? some vnthrift of your prouiding.

Wood.

Nay surely the Midwife baptised it.

Lang.

But it was your mind that it should be so.

Wood.

Nay sure, I was not me home by almost xx. miles nor heard that my wife was brought to bed four dayes af∣ter the child was christened. For it was not like to liue: & therfore the Midwife baptised it.

Lang.

Would you haue had it to church to haue bene chri∣stened,* 2.292 if it had not bene christened?

Wood.

That is no matter what I woulde haue yone. I am sure you can not denye but it is sufficiently done, if the Midwife do it, and I hold not agaynst the doing of it, nei∣ther did I it my selfe, as you sayd I did.

Lang.

Wherfore were you displeased with them that fet it to Church?

Wood.

First tell me whether the child were not truely ba∣ptised by the Midwife?

Langd.

Yes, it was truely Baptised, if shee Baptised it in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holye Ghost.

Wood.

Yes that I am sure shee did, and you graunte that was sufficient: and the cause that I blamed them for, was because they did more to it then neede was,* 2.293 by your owne saying. Yea, they fet it out of my house without my leaue: the which was not well done.

Lang.

They had it to Church to confirme that was done.

Wood.

Yea, but th•••• was more then needs. But God for∣geue them, if it be his will. But let that matter passe. But I would you should not say that I hold agaynst baptising of children, for I doe not, I take God to recorde: but doe allowe it to be most necessary, if it be truely vsed. But me thought you spake wordes euen now that were vncomely to be spoken: if a childe die, & be not baptised, it is damned. How thinke you? be all damned that receiue not the out∣ward signe of baptisme?

Lang.

Yea that they be.

Wood.

How proue you that?

Lang.

* 2.294Goe, sayth Christ, and baptise in the name of the fa∣ther, and of the Sonne, and of the holy Ghost, and he that beleueth, and is baptised, shalbe saued: and he that beleueth not shalbe damned. These be the wordes of Christ, which are my warrant.

Wood.

Then by your saying, baptisme bringeth fayth, and all that be Baptised in the water, shall be saued: shall they? how say you?

Lang.

Yea, that they shall: if they die before they come to di∣scretiō,* 2.295 they shalbe saued euery one of them, and all that be not baptised shall be damned euery one of them.

Wood.

Then my spirite was moued with him to reprooue him sharply, because I had manifest scriptures fresh in my mind agaynst his saying. Then sayd I.

O Lord God, how dare you speake suche blasphemye agaynst God and his word, as you doe? howe dare you for your life to take vpon you to preache, & teach the people, & vnderstand not what you say?* 2.296 For I protest before GOD you vnderstande not the scriptures, but as far as naturall reason can comprehēd. For if you did, you would be asha∣med to speake as you do.

Lang.

Wherein haue I spoken amisse? take heede, you haue a toy in your head wil make you dispayre. I dare say you can not tell what you say. Wherefore reproue you me as you do?

Wood.

Because you blaspheme GOD: and as for dis∣payring, take heed to your selfe. For I can not see but you be out of your wit alreadye· and as for me, I prayse God, I can tell what I say, and what you haue sayd: the whiche shall turne to your shame, if you wil talke the Scriptures with me.

So, when hee perceiued that I spake earnestlye, and challenged hym to talke by the woorde, his colour began to chaunge, and his fleshe beganne to tremble and quake. And I sayd.

Proue your sayinges true, if you can: for I will proue them false, by Gods helpe. You sayd. All children, or o∣ther that be not baptised with water, all shall be damned. I dare not say so, for all the good in the worlde. And you brought in the saying of Christ for your warrant. In the xvi. of Marke it is written: Who so beleueth, and is baptised, shalbe saued: which words be very true: and who so beleueth not, shalbe damned. Which words be very true also. He say∣eth: He that beleueth not, shalbe damned. Yea S. Iohn sayeth: He that beleueth not, is condemned already, because he beleueth not. But neither of these two scriptures, nor no other scri∣ptures in all the newe Testament sayth, that he that is not baptised, shalbe damned, or is damned already. But if he be∣leue not, he shalbe damned, and is damned already, as is afore∣sayd. Then he woulde haue interrupted me, & would haue layd to my charge, that I was an Anabaptist. But I wold geue him no place to speake, but sayd:

Let me make an end, and then say what you can. You shall haue as much to doe, by Gods helpe, with this mat∣ter, as euer you had to aunsweare thing in your life. You knowe (I am sure) it is no maner to plucke a tale out of a mans mouth, nor it is not the order of reasoning, as you know that better then I can tell you. Then Doctor Lang∣dale bade me say on.

Wood.

My saying was, that they that beleue not,* 2.297 shall be damned, and be dāned already. But I dare not say, for all the goods vnder heauen, that all they that receiue no mate∣riall baptisme by the water, shall be damned, as you haue sayd: yet I would you should not gather of these wordes, that I denye Baptisme, as you were aboute to laye to my charge, or euer I had halfe told my tale. But I would not haue you, nor no man so rash in iudgement, to cōdemn the thing y^t they are not able to proue by the worde, & to make it seme to the simple, that the outward washing of the wa∣ter were the cause of fayth.

Langd.

Why, is it not so? will you denye it? Howe say you? Will you denye it? I say, the childe hath no fayth before it is baptised: and therefore the baptising bringeth the fayth. How say you to it? Make me a playne answere to this question.

Wood.

Nowe I perceiue you goe about nothing els, but to take vauntage of my wordes. But by Gods helpe, I will aunswere you so,* 2.298 that you shall well see your sayings vntrue. And yet I will not speak mine owne wordes, but the wordes of the holy Ghost, out of the mouth of the pro∣phets and Apostles: and then aske them whether they wil deny it.

You sayd, that fayth commeth by Baptisme, had by the vse of material water.* 2.299 I must be so bold to aske you where Iacob was baptised before he had fayth. S. Paule sayth in the ninth chapter to the Romanes: Or euer the childrē were borne, or euer they had done eyther good or bad, that the pur∣pose of God which is by election, might stand, not by the reason of workes, but by the grace of the caller, the elder shall serue the younger. Iacob I haue loued, and Esau I hated. How think you, had this childe fayth or euer he were borne, or no? answere to this, if you can.

Lang.

What, you speake of the olde Lawe, Iacob was not christened, but circumcised. I speake of Baptisme and you are gone from baptising to the time of Circumcision: answere me to the baptising. And me thinke by your talk, you deny originall sinne and free will,* 2.300 by the wordes that you brought in of S. Paule.

For if children can bee saued without baptisme, then it must needes follow, that children haue no originall sinne, the which is put away in the baptising. But I thinke you know not what originall sinne is, nor free will neyther

me thinke by your talke.

Wood.

Yes, I prayse God (I thinke) I can tell them all better then you can, me thinke euē by your words. First I pray you what free will hath man to doe good of himselfe? Tell me this first, & then I will answere to all your other questions that you haue obiected agaynst me.

Lang.

I say that all men haue as much free will nowe, as Adam had before his fall.* 2.301

Wood.

I pray you how proue you that?

Lang.

Thus I prooue it, that as sinne entred into the world, & by the meanes of one that sinned, all men became sinners, the whiche was by Adam, so by the obedience of man,* 2.302 righteousnesse came vpon all men that had sinned, & sette them as free as they were before theyr fall, the whiche was by Iesus Christ. Rom. v.

Wood.

Oh Lorde, what an ouerthrowe haue you geuen your selfe here in originall sinne, and yet can not see it? For in prouing that we haue free wil, you haue denied quite o∣riginal sinne. For here you haue declared that we be set as free by the death of Christ, as Adam was before his fall, & I am sure Adam had no originall sinne before his fall. If we be as free nowe as he was then, I maruell wherefore Paul complayned thrise to God, to take away the sting of it, God making him aunswere, and saying: My grace is suf∣ficient for thee.

These wordes with diuers other, approueth originall sinne in vs: but not that it shall hurt Gods electe people, but that his grace is sufficient for all his.* 2.303 But you saye in one place, it is not without baptisme: and in an other place you put it away quite by the death of Christ: and in verye deed you haue spokē truer in the matter thē you be aware of. For all that beleue in Christ, are baptised in the bloude of Christ that he shed on the Crosse, & in the water that he swet for payne & putting away of our sinnes at his death. And yet I say with Dauid in the 51. Psalme: In sinne was I borne, and in sinne hath my mother conceiued me: but in no suche sinne that shall bee imputed, because I am borne of God by fayth, as Sayncte Iohn sayth. Therefore I am blessed,* 2.304 as sayth the Prophet: Because the Lorde imputeth not my sinne, and not because I haue no sinne: but because God hath not imputed my sinnes. Not of our owne de∣seruing, but of his free mercy he hath saued vs. Where is now your free will become that you spake of?* 2.305 If we haue free will, then our saluation commeth of our owne selfe, & not of God: the which is a great blasphemy agaynst God and his word.

* 2.306For Saynt Iames sayth: Euery good gift, and euery per∣fect gift commeth from aboue, from the father of light, with whō is no variablenes, neither is he chaunged into darcknesse. Of his owne will he begate vs. For the winde bloweth where it lusteth, and we heare the soūd therof, as sayth S. Iohn: But we cannot tell from whence it commeth,* 2.307 neither whether it goeth: Euen so is it with euery one that is borne of God. For S. Paule sayth: It is God that woorketh in vs the will and also the deed,* 2.308 euen of good will. Seing then that euery good and perfect gift com∣meth from aboue, & lighteth vpon whom it pleaseth God, and that he worketh in vs both the will and the deede: me thinke all the reste of our owne will is little worthe,* 2.309 or nought at all, vnles it be to wickednes. So me think here be places enough to proue that a man hath no free will to doe good of himselfe: with a hundred places moe, that I could recite if time did serue. And as for originall sinne, I thinke I haue declared my mind therin, how it remaineth in man: whiche you can not denye, vnlesse you deny the word of God. Now, if you will suffer me, I will proue my saying of Iacob and Esau, that I brought in, to proue that faith was before baptisme, and you refused it, because (you sayd) Iacob was not baptised.* 2.310 If you will geue me leaue, you shall see what I can say therin: for me think you think my talke long. This I sayd, because I saw he was sore of∣fended at my sayinges.

Lang.

Saye what you canne, For it auayleth me to saye nothing to you.* 2.311 For I was desired to sende for you, to teache you, and there will no wordes of mine take place in you: but you goe about to reproue me. Saye what you will for me.

Wood.

I take not vpon me to teach you, but to aunswere to such thinges as you lay vnto my charge: and I speake not mine owne minde, but the minde of the holy Ghoste, written by the Prophetes and Apostles. Wyll you geue me leaue to aunswere briefly in that matter, that you may report to other what I holde? And he sayd, he was contē∣ted. But I thinke it was for nothing, but to haue caughte vauntage of my wordes.

Wood.

* 2.312First, if you be remembred, you said, that if my child had dyed without baptisme, if I had bene the cause that it had not bene baptised, the child should haue bene damned, and I too. How say you?

Lang.

Yea that you should.

Wood.

That is moste vntrue. For the Prophete sayeth: The father shall not beare the childes offences, nor the childe the fathers offences: but the soule that sinneth shall dye.* 2.313 What could the child haue done withal, if it had died without baptism? the childe coulde not do withall. How say you vnto this? And I am sure: that which I brought in in the olde Law, to proue that fayth is before baptisme, is not disagreeable vnto the word. For Circūcision was a figure of baptisme. And that I may bring to proue baptisme by, as wel as S. Peter did: for he brought in Noes sloude,* 2.314 whiche was a long time before Iacob & Esau, to proue baptisme, saying: While the Arke was a preparing,* 2.315 wherein few (that is to saye) eight soules were saued by water, like as Baptisme also nowe sa∣ueth vs, not in putting away of the filth of the flesh, but there is •• good conscience consenting to God.

Here Peter proueth, that the water had not saued Noe and the other seuen, no more then it saued all the rest, if it had not bene for theyr fayth, which fayth now saueth vs: not in putting away of the filthy sinne of the fleshe, by the washing of the water, but by a good conscience consenting vnto God.

But you sayd: If they be baptised with the water, if they dye before they come to yeares of discretion, they be al saued: the which S. Peter is cleane agaynste, vnlesse you graunt that children haue fayth before they be baptised.

Nowe I aske you what consent of conscience the chil∣dren haue, being infantes. For you say they beleue not, be∣fore they bee Baptised: Ergo, then they consent not to be Baptised, because they beleue not. And by this it followeth that none shalbe saued, althogh they be baptised. I would fayne see how you can aunswere to this.

Lang.

You are the most peruerse man that euer I knewe. You wote not what you say. The children are baptised in theyr * 2.316 Godfathers and Godmothers fayth, and that is the good conscience that S. Peter speaketh of: and the Christe∣ning is the keeping of the law, that S. Paule speaketh of, saying: neither is Circumcision any thing worth, nor vn∣circūcision any thing worth, but keping of the lawe is al∣together. Like as the Circumcision was the keping of the old law, so is baptisme the keeping of the new law.

Wood.

Ah, me thought if you would talke with me, you should be fayne to bring in the old law, to mainteine your sayinges by (for all that you refused it) when I brought it in. But yet it serueth not for your purpose, so muche as you think for. For here you haue confessed that neither cir∣cumcision auayleth, nor vncircūcision: the which you your selfe haue coupled with Baptisme, prouing that none of them both preuaileth, but keping of the law is altogether: the which law is kept (you say) by the outward signes: the which is nothing so, for Abrahā beleued God, & that was counted to him for righteousnes: And this was before he was Circumcised.* 2.317 So the children beleue before they be ei∣ther Circumcised, or Baptised, according to my first saying of Iacob and Esau: Iacob I loued, but Esau I hated.

These wordes declared that Iacob hadde fayth in hys mothers wombe: also Iohn Baptist was sanctified in his mothers wombe, and therfore it was counted to them for righteousnesse: and I am sure, if they had dyed before, they had eyther receiued Circumcision or Baptisme as concer∣ning the outward deed, they should haue bene saued. For Gods giftes and callinges are such, that he cannot repent him of them. But by your saying he doth both repent and chaūge. For you say, keeping of the outwarde law is alto∣gether. But a bad excuse is as good as none at all.

And where you sayd, the children be Baptised in their Godfathers and Godmothers fayth, they being all vnbe∣leuers, in what fayth is that childe baptised then? in none at all, by your owne saying. Whiche woordes made him stampe and stare.

Lang.

What? then you woulde count that there were very few beleeuers, if there be not one of three that belee∣ueth. You enter into Iudgement agaynst the people. Be∣like you thinke there be none that beleue well vnlesse they be of your minde. In deed then Christes flocke were a ve∣ry litle flocke.

Wood.

In deede these bee Christes woordes, in the 12. of Luke, the which we may see to be very true. Yea you sayd, if there were not one amongest three, that were very few. But there is not one amongest three hundred, for any thing that I can see. For if there were, there would not be so many that would seeke their neighbors goodes & lyues as there be.

Lang.

Is the flocke of Christ such a litle flock as you speak of? you may call it a great flock. How many be there of thē: Can you tell me?

Wood.

A prety question, I promise you, it is that you aske me: as though I did make my selfe equall with God.

No, no, you shal catch no such vauntage of my words nor I know not how many there be. But I will tell you as nigh as I can. For therefore you looke, I am sure, that I should enter into Iudgement.

Lang.

* 2.318Yea, I pray you tell me as much as you can, seing you be so cunning.

Wood.

You shall see my iudgement in it by and by. First the Prophet: Follow not a multitude to do euill, for they must go the wrong way. For the most go the wrong way. There is one poynt to know them.

Thē christ sayth in the 7. of Mat. Broad is the way & wide is the gate that leadeth into destruction, and many there be that go in thereat: and strayte is the gate, and narrow is the waye that leadeth vnto life, and few there be that finde it. And in the xii. of Luke, it is written (which words were spoken of Christ) Come you little flocke, it is my fathers will to geue you a kyng∣dome. The third poynt is this. In the thyrd of Mark and second of Mathewe: You (saythe Christe) shall knowe the tree by the frutes.* 2.319 A good tree bringeth foorth good fruites, and a badde tree tree bringeth forth bad fruites: So by fruites I know them. For euery tree that bringeth not foorth good fruites, must be hewn downe and cast into y^e fire (into hell I thinke Christ meant) and your fruites declare that you be one of them.* 2.320 Thus haue I proued foure wayes that the people that shalbe saued, is but a small companye in comparison of the rest. But if that be not enough, for the proofe thereof, I haue twenty wayes more to proue it by, and you were neuer the nere of your purpose.

Lang.

What a naughty man are you? you would make the patientest mā in the world angry with you. I thinke your talke is nothing but pryde and vayneglorye, w^t frumpes, and mockes, and dispising & iudging of men. It was time such a fellow were taken in deede. Suche a one is enough to trouble a whole country. I thinke he is blest of GOD that tooke you: for you are not meete to be in a common wealth.

Wood.

With diuers other such like wordes that I cannot recite, they came out so thicke, with stamping and staryng and chasing as though he had bene out of his witt. I held my peace, vntil he had made an end of his tormētors talk and then I spake.

Wherein haue I sayd amisse? or haue I not answered you vnto euery question that you haue demaunded of me? What fault can you finde in one word that I haue sayd? I dare say you can finde none. I maruayle why you take on thus agaynst me, hauing no cause so to doe.

Lang.

No, no, you haue not aunswered me to original sin, you deny originall sinne.

Wood.

With these wordes came in at the dore M. Iames Gage: And I thinke hee stoode at the dore a good whyle before he came in, and that Doctour Langdall sawe hym: For his face was to the dore ward,* 2.321 and my face was from it.

Gage.

Ah Woodman, me thinke mayster Doctor and you cannot agree.

Wood.

Yes sir me thinke we agree very well.

Lang.

Without doubte sir he is the naughtiest man that e∣uer I talked with in all my life: for he will haue his owne way in all thinges.

Gage.

Woodman, leaue that pride. Do not trust so muche to your own wit. Harken to this man. This is a learned man, I tell you. He is knowne to be learned. For els hee shuld not be allowed to preach before the Queenes maie∣sty: and I dare say he will tell thee nothing, nor will thee to doe nothing, but that he will do himselfe: and I dare say he will not go to the Deuill to bring the thether: How say you M. Doc.? Thou mightest think vs mad, if we would hurt our selues to hurte thee. No I promise thee, my bro∣ther, neither I, nor no gentleman in the Country, I think of my conscience, but would thou shouldst doe as well as their owne bodyes and soules, as a great many of them haue sayd to thy face whilest thou wast at my brothers, the which thou canst not deny.

Wood.

Sir, I can saye none otherwise but I was gently entreated at your brothers, both with meate and drynke & gentle wordes, both of you and him, and diuers other gē∣tlemen: and I am sure you nor they can say, that you foūd me vnreasonable at any time. For I sayde I was conten∣ted to learne of them that were able to teache me, and so I am, as God knoweth: and here M. Doctour (I think) can say no otherwise: for I dare say he can find no fault in the talke that we haue had.* 2.322

Lang.

No mary, I can finde nothing els in you, I pro∣mise you mayster Gage, if you had bene here, you woulde haue sayd so your selfe. He tooke me vp in deede, and sayd he maruailed how I durst preach. For he sayde, I vnder∣stoode not the scripture, but as farre as naturall reason comprehended? as though he vnderstoode all, and I no∣thing. With diuers other such like words he made a great complaint to him on me, & sayd to mayster Iames Gage, he would make you beleue that I could finde no faulte in in him. Yes iwis: he denieth originall sinne.

Gage.

Yea? doth he so? by S. Mary that is a great matter, Woodman: leaue y^t pride. That pride wil come to naught. Can ye liue without sinne?

Wood.

Sir, now I perceiue he will soone lye on me be∣hinde my backe, when hee will not sticke to lye before my face.

He sayth I denied originall sinne: and it was he hym∣selfe, as I will let you be iudge in the matter. For as hee went about to proue that man hath free will, he sayd wee were set as free by the death of christ,* 2.323 as Adam was before his fall: which wordes proue playnely that we haue no o∣riginal sin: And I tooke him withall, & sayd: had Adam o∣riginall sinne before hys fall? and then hee coulde not tell what to say but cauilled with wordes, and sayd he meant not so: and therefore I maruell he is not ashamed to make such lies to my face, These wordes made them both asto∣nyed.

Gage.

M. Doctour he sayd euen now you coulde finde no fault in all his talke. I will bid you aske him a question, that I will warrant you shall finde faulte enough, I pray you aske hym howe he beleeueth in the Sacramente of the Aultar. I thinke hee will make but a bad accompte thereof.

Wood.

Yes, I wil make accompt good enough of that, by Gods helpe.

Lang.

Well, how say you to the sacrament of the aultar?

Wood.

I say I know no such sacrament, vnlesse Chryst be the aultar that you meane.

Gage.

Lo, I told you, you should soone finde fault in him if you came to that poynt with him. You shuld haue begun with that first, and neuer haue talked with him about o∣ther thinges. What?* 2.324 know ye not the sacrament of the aul∣tar?

Wood.

No sure, I know no such, vnlesse christ be the aul∣tar that you meane: for Christ is the aultar of al goodnes. And if you meane Christ to be the aultar of the sacrament you speake of, you shall soone heare my minde and beliefe therein.

Lang.

Well, we meane Christe to be the aultar. Say your minde, and go briefly to worke: for I thinke it almost din∣ner.* 2.325

Gage.

I pray you go roundly to worke, y^t you may make an end before dinner.

Woodman.

Yes, you shall soone heare my minde therin by Gods helpe. I doe beleue that whensoeuer I come to re∣ceaue the sacrament of the body and bloud of Iesus Christ being truely ministred according to Christes Institution I beleuing that Christ was borne of the virgine Mary, & that he was crucified on the crosse, and shed his bloude for the remission of my sinnes, and so take and eate the sacra∣ment of bread and wine in that remembraunce, that then I doe receiue wholy Christ, God and manne, mistically by fayth. This is my beliefe of the sacrament, the whiche no man is able to disproue.

Gage.

By S. Mary I can finde no fault in this.* 2.326 How say you Maister Doctour?

Lang.

Sir, you see not so much in it as I do. For he goeth craftely to worke: I tell you, as I haue heard. For though he haue graunted that the faythfull receauer receaueth the body of Christe, God and man, yet hee hath not graunted that it is the body of Christe before it bee receaued, as you shall see by and by I warrant you, by hys owne wordes.* 2.327 How say you? is it the body of Christ as soone as y^e words be spoken by the Prieste or not? for these wordes will try hym more then all the rest.

Wood.

Doth the worde say that it is his body before it is receiued? if it do, I will say so to.

Gage.

Why? then you shall agree well inough, if you wyll be tryed by the word.

Wood.

Yes forsooth, that I will: God forbid els.

Gage.

Why? the worde sayth it is his body before it is ea∣ten.

Wood.

Those words would I fayne heare:* 2.328 but I am sure they be not in the Bible.

Lang.

No, that you shall see by and by (M. Gage quoth he) & turned to the xxii. of Luke, & there he read, Whē sup∣per was done, Christ tooke bread, gaue thankes, and brake it,* 2.329 and gaue to his Disciples, and sayd: take, eate, this is my body. Then they spake both at once: Here he saith it is his body.

Wood.

M. Gage, I doe not deny but he called it his body but not before eating, as I saide before. Wherefore I pray you marke the wordes. Christ sayd, Take, eate, I pray you Sir marke these wordes that he sayd, Take and eate,* 2.330 and thē he said, it was his body. So you see, eating goeth before.

For he sayd: eate, this is my body. So according to the verye worde, I doe beleue it is his bodye. Whiche wordes made them both astonied.

Lang.

Why, then by your saying, Iudas eate not the body of Christ. How say you? did he not?

Wood.

Nay, I ask you. Did he?

Lang

I aske you.

Wood.

And I aske you.

Lang.

And I aske you.

Woodman.

Mary and I aske you. And I bid you answer if you dare for your life. For what soeuer you aunswere: vnlesse you say as I haue sayd, you will damne your own soule. For M. Gage, I protest before God, I would you should do as well as myne owne owne soule and body: & it lamenteth my hart to see how you be deceaued with thē: they be deceauers all the sorte of them. He cannot answer to this, but either he must proue Iudas to be saued, or els he must proue that it is no bodye before it bee receiued in fayth, as dou shall well perceiue by Gods helpe, if he dare to aunswere the question.

Gage.

Yes, I dare say he dareth. What? you neede not to threaten him so.

Wood.

Then let him aunswere if he can.

Then he sayd he knew what I woulde saye to him: therefore he was much in doubt to answere the question.

Lang.

Mayster Gage, I will tell you in your eare what words he will aunswere me, or euer I speake to him.

Wood.

Then he told M. Gage, a tale in his eare, & sayde:

Lang.

* 2.331I haue told M. Gage what you will say.

Gage.

Yea, and I will tell the truth for both parties.

Wood.

Well, how say you? did Iudas eate y^e body of christ or not?

Lang

Yea, I say Iudas did eate the body of Christ.

Wood.

Then it must needes f••llowe, That Iudas hath e∣uerlasting life.* 2.332 For Christ sayth in the 6. of Iohn: Who so eateth my fleshe and drinketh my bloud: hath eternall lyfe, and I will rayse him vp at the last day. If Iudas did eate Chrystes body, I am sure you cannot deny but that he did both eat hys flesh, and drynke his bloud, and then is Iudas saued by Christes owne wordes. Therefore nowe you are com∣pelled to say that it was not christes body, or els that Iu∣das is saued.

Gage.

Surely these be the verye wordes that M.D. tolde me in mine eare, that you would say to hym.

Wood.

Well, let vs see, how well he can auoyd this argu∣ment.

Lang.

Iudas is damned, and yet he eate the body of christ: but he eate it vnworthely, and therefore he is damned:

Wood.

Where finde you that Iudas did eate the bodye of Christ vnworthely?

Lang.

* 2.333They be S. Paules wordes. i. Corinth xi. chap.

Wood.

M. Gage, I desire you for gods sake marke my wordes well what I saye. If S. Paule speake anye suche wordes there or in anye other place, if there be anye suche wordes written in al the whole Bible,* 2.334 that euer any man eate the bodye of Christ vnworthely, then say that I am the falsest man that euer you heard speake with tongue. But in deede these be the wordes of S. Paule: Who so ea∣teth of this bread, and drinketh of this cuppe vnworthely, eateth and drinketh his owne damnation;* 2.335 because hee maketh no diffe∣rence of the Lordes body: that is, because hee presumeth to eat the sacrament of the Lordes body without sayth, ma∣king no difference betwixt the sacrament and other bread and drynke: And that is S. Paules meaning, and not that any man doth or can eate the body of Christ * 2.336 vnworthely. For who soeuer eateth the body of christ, hath euerlasting life, as is aforesayd in the 6. of Iohn. With which wordes one came from them to come to dinner in all the hast.

Gage.

I am sory. I woulde fayne heare more of this talke but we shall haue an other day wel inough.

Lang.

Nay M. Gage, I will neuer talke with him more: for he is the vnreasonablest man that euer I talked wyth in all my life.

Wood.

Then M. Gage put of hys capp and desired hym y^t he would not refuse to talk w^t me, and that it might not bee greeuous to hym. For he sayde: wee wyll seeke al the meanes possible to make him an honest man, and to keepe him from burning, if we coulde. For if my brother and I had not bene, he had bene burned ere this tyme. Thē there was great curtisie betwixt them.

Lang.

Sir, for your sake, & for my mayster your brothers sakes and for his fathers sake,* 2.337 and other of his fryendes sakes, that haue spoken to me many tymes with weeping teares, I will doe the best to hym that I can: but for no loue nor fauour that I beare to him. I tell you truth.

Gage.

Woodman, you heare what M.D. sayth. When wyl you come agayne?

Wood.

Euen when you will send for me. For I am a pry∣soner, and cannot come when I woulde. Or if I shoulde desire to come, it will cost me money, and I haue none to geue: but if you send for me, it shall cost me none.

Gage.

Well, I will send for you on Friday or Saterdaye, at the farthest: for to morow I must ride forth of towne & I would fayne heare your talke.

Wood.

Sir I would be very glad you should heare oure talke alway, and I trust in God you shall heare me say no thing, but the word of God shall be my warrant. So M. Gage tooke his leaue and went his way to his lodgyng, which was right in my way as I went vnto prisonward agayne: and when hee came without my Lorde Mounta∣gues gates: there we met with one Hode of Buxted, a Smith. Then sayd M. Gage.

Gage.

Woodman, I had forgot one thing, that Hode hath brought me in remembraunce of as soone as I saw hym, for hee heard when the tale was tolde me.

Gage.

Hode, did not you heare when Smith of Framfield tolde me that hee sawe Woodman abroad in the Cittie at libertie?

Hoode.

Yea forsooth, that I did.

Gage.

Yea surely, and I was very glad, for I had wel ho∣ped you had bene conformable. But I heard otherwise af¦terward agayne, that you had leaue of the keeper to go a∣broad and speake openly in the streetes, as you went vpp and downe.

Wood.

In deede so the Marshall told me to day.* 2.338 But in deed I was neuer abroad since I came to prison, but whē I was sent for, and in deede the same time I was abroad with my keeper, comming from the Bysh. and as I was comming, euen not farre from y^e Marshalsey, I saw good∣man Smith, stād in a Wayne vnlading of Cheese & I as∣ked him how he did, euen as I went by and neuer stayed for the matter, and therupon it did rise. So I departed frō them, with my keeper to the Marshalsea agayne, where I now am mery I prayse God therefore, as a sheepe ap∣poynted to be slayne.

*The fourthe examination of Richard Woodman, had before the Byshop of Winchester, the Byshop of Ro∣chester, and a certayn Doctour, with diuers o∣ther Priests and Gentlemen, the xxv. day of May. Anno. 1557.

Woodman.

I Was fet from the Marshalsea to the sayd Byshops and Priestes,* 2.339 sitting in S. Georges Churche in Southwark by one of the Marshals men and one of the Sheriffes mē, When I came before them, and had done my duty to them as nigh as I could, then sayd the Bishop of Winchester.

Winchester.

What is your name?

Wood.

My name is Richard Woodman forsooth?

Winchester.

Ah Woodman, you were taken and apprehen∣ded for heresie about a three yeares agone,* 2.340 and were sente to prison in the kinges Bench, and there remayned a long time. Mine olde Lorde of Chichester, being a learned fa∣mous man well knowne in this realme of England, and almost throughout all Christendome. I think came to pri∣son to you, and there, and at other places, called you before him diuers times, trauayling and perswading with you many wayes (because hee was your Ordinary) to plucke you from your heresies that you held, but he coulde by no meanes aduertise you.

Wherupon you were deliuered to the Commissioners and they could do no good with you neyther.* 2.341 Then they sent you vnto my Lord of Lond. My Lorde of Lond. cal∣ling you before him diuers times, labour was made vnto him of your frendes, that you might be released. My Lord hauing a good hope in you, that you woulde become an honest man, because he had heard so of you in tymes past, yea & you your selfe promising him y^t you would go home and recant your heresies that you held, deliuered you: sen∣ding also a letter of your recantation to the Commissary y^t he should see it done.* 2.342 But as soone as you were out of his hands, you were as bad as euer you were, & would neuer fulfill your promise, but haue hid your selfe in the woodes Bushes, Dennes & Caues, and thus haue continued euer since, til it was now of late. Thē y^e Sheriffe of that Shyre (being a worshipfull man) hearing thereof, sent certayn of his mē, & took you in a wood, & so caried you to his house. I cannot tell his name. What is your Sheriffes name?

Wood.

Forsooth his name is sir Edward Gage.

Winc.

Well, you were apprehended for heresie,* 2.343 and beyng at M. Gages three weekes or more, yee were gentlye en∣treated there, he and other Gentlemen perswading wyth you diuers tymes, little preuayled.

Then you appealed to the Bishop of Chichester that now is▪ The Sheriffe like a worshipfull man sent you to

him, and he hath trauelled with you, and other also, & can do no good with you, whereupon we haue sent for you.

Wood.

Then I spake to him. For I thought he would be long, before hee woulde make an end. I thought hee was a yeare in telling of those lyes y^t he had told there agaynst me already. Yea I kept silence from good wordes: but it was great payne and griefe vnto me (as Dauid sayd).

At length the fire was so kindled within my hart, that I could not chuse but speake with my tongue: for I feared least any of the company shoulde haue departed or euer I had answered to his lyes, and so the Gospell to haue bene sclaundered by my long silence keeping. So I spake I prayse God therefore, and sayd: my Lorde, I pray you let me now answere for my selfe, for it is time.

Winchest.

I permit you to answere to these things that I haue sayd.

Wood.

I thanke God therfore. And I thinke my self hap∣py (as Paule sayd when hee was brought before king A∣grippa) y^t I may this day aunswere for my selfe. My Lord I promise you there is neuer a worde of youre sayinges true that you haue alledged agaynst me.

Winch.

I can not tell, but thus it is reported of you. As for me, I neuer did see you before this day: but I am sure it is not all lyes that I haue sayd,* 2.344 as you report:

Wood.

Yes my Lord, there is neuer a true worde of that you sayd. And ••urther, where you sayd you neuer sawe me before this day, you haue both heard me, and seene me, I dare say, before this day.

Winchester.

I thinke I heard you in deede on Sondaye where you playd the malapart ••ellow: but I cannot tell y^t I sawe you. But I pray you, were you not taken in the woodes by the Sheriffes men?

Wood.

No sure, I was taken besides my house, I beyng in my house when they came, wherefore that is not true,

Winchester.

Were not you at the Sheriffes 3. weekes.

Wood.

Yes that I was, a moneth iust, and was gently en¦treated of him, I can say no otherwise: for I had meat and drinke inough, and fayre wordes.

Winch.

Ah. I am well appayd: it is not all lyes then, as it chaunced. For I spake, but of three weekes, and you con∣fesse a moneth your selfe.

Woodman.

Yet your tale is neuer the truer for that. For you sayd I was there three weekes for heresie, the whiche is not so. For I was not apprehended for heresie at y^e first, neither did mine olde Lorde of Chichester trauayle wyth me to pull me from heresie, as you sayde: for I helde none then, neyther do I now, as God knoweth neither was I sent to the Commissioners nor to the Bishop of London for heresie, neyther was I deliuered to him for anye suche thing, nor promised him to recant, as you sayd I dyd. Wherefore I maruaile you be not ashamed to tel so many lyes, beyng a Byshoppe that should be an ensample to o∣ther.

Winch.

Lo, what an arrogant hereticke this same is. He will deny God:* 2.345 for he that denyeth his owne hand deni∣eth God.

Wood.

My Lord, iudge not least you be iudged yourselfe. For as you haue iudged me, you shalbe iudged, if you re∣pent not. And if I haue set my hand to anye recantation, let it be seene to my shame, before this audience: For I wil neuer deny myne owne hand, by Gods helpe.

Win.

It is not here now, but I thinke it will be had wel enough: but if it cannot be found, by whom will you bee tryed.

Wood.

Euen by my Lord of London: for he delt like a good man with me in that matter that I was sente to pryson for.

For it was vppon the breache of a Statute, as Mayster Sheriffe here can tell.* 2.346 For he was Sheriffe then, as hee is now, & can tell you how I was tossed vp and downe, frō Sessions to Sessions: and because I would not consent y^t I had offended therein, they sent me to prison agayn.

Then my Lorde of Chichester being myne Ordinary, and I being his tenaunt: came to me, to perswade wyth me that I should haue consented,* 2.347 to them, and to finde my selfe in fault, where I was in none. To y^e which I would not agree, but I desired him that he would see me released of my wrong but he said he could not, but willed me or my frendes to speake to the Commissioners for me, because it was a temporall matter:* 2.348 and when I came before them, they sent me to my Lord of London, and my Lord of Lon∣don was certified by the handes of almost thirty mē, both Esquiers, Gentlemen, and Yeomen, the chiefest in all the country where I dwelt, that I had not offended in y^t mat∣ter that I was sent to prison for. Whereupon he deliuered me, not willing me to recant heresies, for I helde none (as God knoweth) neither do I nowe: nor I knowe not wherefore I was sent to prison, no more then anye man here knoweth: for I was taken away from my worke.* 2.349

Winch.

No? wherefore appealed you then to my Lorde of Chichester, if it were not for heresie?

Wood.

Because there was layde to my charge that I had Baptised children, and maried folkes, the whiche I neuer did, for I was no where Minister. Wherfore I appealed to mine Ordinarye, to purge my selfe thereof as I haue. Wherfore if any man haue any thing agaynst me, let them speake, for I came not hither to accuse my selfe, neyther will I.

Winch.

Mayster Sheriffe, can you tell vpon what breache of Statute he was sent to prison first?

The Sheriffe.

Yea forsooth my Lord that I can.

Wood.

My Lord, if you will geue me leaue, I will shewe you the whole matter.

Winch.

Nay, M. Sheriffe, I pray you tell the matter, see∣ing you know it.

The Sheriffe.

My Lord it was for speaking to a Curate in the Pulpit, as I remember.

Winc.

Ah, like enough, that he would not sticke to reproue a Curate.* 2.350 For did you not see how he fashioned himselfe to speake to me in the Pulpit on Sonday? You played y^e ma∣liperte fellowe with me, and therfore it was no great mar∣uell though he played that part with an other.

Woodman.

Why, you will not blame me for that, I am sure. For we spake for no other cause, but to purge oure selues of those heresies that you layd to our charge. For these were your wordes: Good people, these men that bee brought before vs, being here, deny Christ to be God,* 2.351 and the holy Ghost to be GOD (poynting to vs with youre left hand) the whiche might seeme to the whole audience, that you ment vs all. Wherefore to cleare our selues ther∣of, we spake, and sayd we held no such thing. And you sayd you would cut out our tongues. But I am sure you haue no such law.

Win.

Yes, that we haue, if you blaspheme, and as it chaun∣ced, I found such amongest you.

Wood.

In deede, after we spake, you declared who they were, but not before, for you spake generally. Wherefore we blasphemed not, but purged ourselues.

Winch.

But I pray you, how can you purge your selfe for speaking to the Curate that it is not heresie?* 2.352

Wood.

Forsooth these be the wordes of the Statute: Who soeuer doth interrupt anye preacher or preachers, law∣fully authorised by the Queenes Maiestie, or by any other lawfull Ordinary, that all such shall suffer three monthes imprisonment,* 2.353 and furthermore be brought to the quarter Sessions, there (being sory for the same) to be released vp∣on his goodabering one whole yeare. But I had not so offended as it was well proued. For hee that I spake too, was not lawfully authorised, nor hadde not put away his wife. Wherefore it was not lawfull for him to preache by your owne lawe, and therefore I brake not the Statute, though I spake to him.

Winch.

I am glad. I perceaue thys man speaketh against Priestes Maryages, hee is not contented with Pryestes that haue wiues. He is honester man,* 2.354 then I tooke hym for, M. Sheriffe, haue him away. I am glad he loueth not Priestes Mariages.

Wood.

Then I would haue aunswered to hys sayinges, but he would in no wise heare me, but bad y^e Sheriffe haue me away. So the Sheriffe took me by the hand, & plucked me away, and would not let me speake, but goyng out of the Chauncell dore, I sayd: I would shew him the whole matter, if he would haue geuen me leaue, but seeing he wil not, if he will let me go so, they shall see whether I wyll not goe home to my wife and children, and keepe them as my bounden duety is, by the helpe of God. So I was sent to the Marshalsea agayne, where I now am mery, I prayse God therefore, as a sheepe appoynted to be slayne.

Moreouer, I was credibly enformed by one of oure brethren that heard our talke, that the Byshop sayd when I was gone, y^t they would take me whilest I was some∣what good. Which wordes seemed to many of the people that were there, that I spake agaynst priestes Maryages, but I did not, but did not onely aunswere to suche questy∣ons as he asked me, as you shall perceaue wel by y^e words if you marke them, which wordes were these.

How can you purge your self from heresie, for talking to the Curate in the Pulpit, and not offende the Statute, sayd the Bishops?* 2.355 meaning thereby I thinke to haue ta∣ken vauntage of my wordes: but it was not Gods will y^t he should at that tyme. For I aunswered hym by y^e words of the Statute, which wordes bee as hereafter followeth (that is): whosoeuer doth interrupt any preacher, or prea∣chers lawfully authorised by the Queenes Maiestie, or by any other lawfull Ordinary, that all such shall suffer three monthes imprisonment. But I proued that this mā was

not lawfully authorised to preach (by their owne law) be∣cause he had not put away his wife. For their law is, that no Priest may say Masse, nor preach with the Masse, but he must first be separated from his wife. That is because honest Maryages be good and commendable,* 2.356 and theyrs nought and abhominable, therefore they cannot dwell to∣gether.

Now, I geue you al to vnderstand, that I did not re∣proue this Priest he cause he had a wife, but because hee taught false doctrine, which greeued my soule, because hee had bene a feruent Preacher agaynst the Masse and all the Idolatry therof seuen yeares before, and then came & held with it agayne: for the which cause I reproued him in the Pulpit. And the words that I spake to him are written in diuers of my examinations of my first imprisonment for that same.* 2.357 But in very deede, I knew not of the Statute when I reproued him. But because I was sent to prison vpon the breache of it, I bought a Statute booke, & when I had perused it, I perceiue I had not offended by theyr owne lawe: and therefore still when I was called to aun∣swere, I aunswered them with their owne lawe. But yet they kept me in prison a yeare and almost three quarters or euer I was released. I was at mine aunswere for that eighten times. If any thinke I doe not allow Bishoppes and priestes mariages, let them looke in my first examina∣tion before the Bishop of Chichester that nowe is, duryng this my imprisonment, and there they shall finde what I haue found in the matter. The truth is, I looked to be cō∣demned with my brother that same day. But we may also see that they can do nothing but as God will permit them to do. But when the time is full come, I trust in God, I shall runne that ioyfull race that my brethren haue done. Thus I commit you all into the handes of God, who is y^e preseruer, defender, and keeper of all his electe for euer∣more. Amen.

*The fift examination of Richard Woodman, had before the Bishop of Winchester, the Archdeacon of Cant. Doct. Langdale, with a fat headed Priest and other whose names I know not, with certain al∣so of the Cōmissioners, at S. Maryes Oueries church in Southwarke, in the presence, of three C. people at the least, the xv. day of Iune. An. 1557.

WInchester.

* 2.358Woodman, you were before vs the last day and would not be acknowne in anye wise that you were sent to prison for heresie, and called for your accusers and stoode stoutly in defending of your selfe, and in youre departing I had thought you had spoken agaynst priestes Mariages, thinking by youre wordes wee shoulde haue found you an honest man, and conformable when we had called you before vs agayne. You tolde such a fayre tale for your selfe, as though you had bene free from all that was layd to your charge. For you sayde it was all lyes that I tolde agaynst you: but since I haue proued the contrarye, as here is your owne hand to shew. By the which I haue proued that you reproued not the priest for lacking of au∣thoritie, and because he had not put away his wife, but be∣cause you liked not hys preaching. For in deede I tooke it that you reproued him for because hee was not lawfully authorised, but I haue proued the contrary since.

Wood.

I told you not that I did either reproue hym for lacke of authoritie, or because I liked not his preachynge, but I told you wherefore I was first sent to prison. For you sayd I was sēt to prison for heresie, & made a long tale agaynst me. And in deede I told you that there was neuer a word of your sayinges true, but was all lyes, as it was in deed. For I neuer was sent to prison for heresie, neither held I any then, nor do now. I take heauen and earthe to witnesse, but I tolde you I was sent to prison vppon the breach of a Statute, which was for speaking to a Priest in the Pulpit, and for that cause the Iustices of that country had thought I had offended the Statute, and called me be¦fore them, and would haue had me to haue bene bound to my good abearing, and because I refused it, they sent me to prisō. And these be y^e wordes of the Statute, as I told you y^e last day. If any man do interrupt any preacher or prea∣chers, lawfully authorised by the Queenes Maiestie, or by any o∣ther lawfull Ordinary,* 2.359 that then euery partie that so offendeth, shall suffer three monthes imprisonment, and furthermore be brought to the quarter Sessions, and there being sorye for the the same, aad also bound for his good abearing, one whole yeare, to be released, or els to remayne to prison agayne.

And when I was in prison, I bought a Statute book which when I had perused ouer,* 2.360 I founde by the wordes therof that I had not offēded, because he was not lawful∣ly authorised, as the Bishop of London was certified by the handes almost of xxx. men: both Esquiers, Gentlemen and Yeomen, the chiefest in all that Countrey. For he had not put away his wife, and therefore the Statute took no place on me, as I told you the other daye. Wherefore my Lord of London seeing me hauing so muche wrong, dyd like a good man to me in that matter, & released me. Now when I had tolde you this matter, you bad the Sheriffe haue me away: You sayd you were glad I h••lde agaynst Priestes Mariages, because I aunswered to the question you asked me.

The fat Priest.

My Lord, do you not heare what he sayth by my Lord of London?* 2.361 He sayth he is a good man in that he released him, but he meaneth that hee is good in nothyng els.

Wood.

What? can you tell what I meane? let euerye man say as he findeth: he did iustly to me in that matter. I saye if he be not good in any thing els, as you say, he shal aun∣swere for it, and not I: for I haue nothing to doe wyth o∣thers mens matters.

Winc.

Well, how say you? howe liked you his preaching? I pray you tell vs.

Wood.

That is no matter how I liked it. How soeuer I liked it, I offended not the Statute.* 2.362 Wherefore you haue nothing to say to me for that I am sure.

Winc.

Well, how like you this then? Here is youre owne hand writing: I am sure you will not denye it. Will you looke on it?

Wood.

It is mine owne handy worke in deede, the which by Gods helpe I will neuer denye, nor neuer did yet, I prayse God therefore.

Winchester.

And heare is good geare I tell you. I praye you harken wel to it: these be the wordes, before the Com∣missioners. How say you? Doe you not beleeue, as soone as the wordes be spoken by the Priest, that there remay∣neth neyther bread nor wyne, but onely the verye bodye of Christ, both flesh and bloud as he was borne of the vir∣gine Mary? these were the wordes of the Commissio∣ners.

And then thou saydest: thou durst not saye otherwise then the scripture sayth.* 2.363 I cannot finde (sayde you) that it is the body of Christ before it is receaued by fayth, bring∣ing in the xxii. of Luke, saying: Christ sayde, take, eate, this is my body: so I cannot proue that it is his bodye before it is eaten. Then sayd the Commissioners: did not Iudas eate Christes body? And if you can proue that Iud••s is saued (sayd you) I must graunt that he eate his body. For christ sayth in the sixt of Iohn: Who so eateth my fleshe and dryn∣keth my bloud, hath eternall lyfe, and I will rayse hym vp at the last day: which words prooue (said you) that if Iudas eate the body of Christ, he must needes be saued. How say you now? did Iudas eate the body of Christ, or no?

Wood.

Then I perceiued they went about nothyng but to catch words of me in his Dioces, to condemn me with.* 2.364 Though I should confound him neuer so much, I per∣ceiued that he was fully bent thereto. To whom I answe∣red and sayd:

I will answer you to no such thing, for I am none of your Dioces: Wherfore I will not answer to you.

Winchester.

Thou art within my Diocesse, and thou hast offended within my Dioces: and therefore I will haue to do with thee.

Wood.

Haue to do with me and you will:* 2.365 but I wil haue nothing to do with you. I tell you plainly: For though I be now in your Dioces, I haue not offended in your dio∣ces: if I haue, shew me wherein.

Winc.

Mary here is thine owne hand writyng, the which thou affirmedst in my Dioces.

Wood.

I do not deny, but it is myne owne hand writing: but that prooueth neuer the more that I haue offended in your Diocesse: for that doth but declare what talke there was betwixt the Commissioners and me, the which you haue nothing to do withall.

Winchest.

No? hold hym a booke, and thou shalt sweare, whether thou holdest it now or not, & whether thou wro∣test it not in my Dioces, as I thinke thou didst: Lay thy hand on the booke.

Wood.

I wil not be sworne for you:* 2.366 for I am not of your Dioces, and therfore you haue nothyng to doe with mee. And as for the writing of that same, I neuer wrote worde of it in your Dioces.

Lang.

No? did you not? my Lord let me see: I wyll finde where you wrote it.

Wood.

Then he tooke it & looked on it, and anone he found that I was sent for out of the Kings bench, to come before the Commissioners.

Lang.

My Lord, here you may see it was in the Kinges Bench, the which is in your Dioces.

Wood.

Although I were fet out of the Kings Bench, that

prooueth not that I wrote it there, nor I did not, I pro∣mise you truly.

The fat Priest.

Where wrote you it then?

Wood.

Nay, I owe you not so much seruice to tell you: find it out as well as you can: For I perceiue you go a∣bout to shed my bloud.

Winchester.

It is no great matter where it was written: it is here, and he denyeth not but he wrote it. You shall heare more of it. Here the Commissioners asked you whe¦ther Iudas did eate any more thē bare bread, and you an∣swered, that he eate more then bare bread.

Whereupon they sent you away backe to the Kynges Bench agayne, and asked you not what more, for y^e whiche cause (as you haue written here) you had a hell burnyng in your conscience.* 2.367 For you had thought they would haue sent a discharge to the Kinges Benche, and so let me goe (sayd you) and Register my name in their bookes, that I had graunted that Iudas did eate the body of Christe, and so the Gospell should haue bene slaundered by me. For the which cause I was in such case, I could scantly eat, drink, or sleepe for that space, as all my prison fellowes can testi∣fie. If al you (I say) that go to the Church of Sathan, and there heare the detestable doctrine, that they spit, and spue out in their Churches, and Pulpits to the great dishonor of God, if all you (I say) that come there, hadde such a hell burning in your conscience for the time, as I hadde till I came before thē agayne & had vttered my conscience, more playnely. I dare saye you woulde come there no more. All this is your writing is it not? how say you?

Woodman.

I do not deny, but it was mine owne deed.

Winch.

And I pray you, where is there such spitting and spuing out of false doctrine as you speake of?

Wood.

In the sinagogue of Sathan, where God is disho∣noured with false doctrine.

Winc.

And I pray you, where is one of them?

Wood.

Nay, that iudge your selfe: I came not hether to be a iudge.

Winc.

Wel, here you haue affirmed that Iudas (your M.) eate more then bread: but yet he eate not the body of Christ as you haue declared by your wordes. For you had a hell burning in your conscience, because you were in doubt, y^t the commissioners vnderstoode by your wordes y^t Iudas had eaten the body of Chryst, because you sayd, he eat more then bread. Therefore thou haddest a great sorte of Deuils in thee, for in hell he many Deuils: and therefore y^e Deuil, and Iudas is thy mayster, by thyne owne wordes.

Wood.

Nay, I defie Iudas, and the Deuill, and his ser∣uauntes: for they bee youre maysters and you serue them, for any thing that I can see, I tell you truth.

Winchest.

Nay, they bee thy may∣sters.* 2.368 For y^e deuill is mayster wher hell is, and thou saydest thou hadst a hell burning in thee. I pray thee tell me howe thou canst auoyde it but that the Deuill was in thee by thine owne saying.

Wood.

The hell that I hadde, was the louing correction of GOD to∣ward me, to call me to repentance that I should not offend God and his people in leauing thinges so darke, as I left that. For y^e whiche cause, my consciēce bare me record I had not done wel, as at al times I haue felte the sting of it when I haue broken the commaundemēts of God by any meanes, as al gods people do, I dare say, and it is the louing kindnes of god towardes them, to driue them to repentaunce. But it is to be thought that your conscience is neuer troubled, how wickedly soeuer you do. For if it were, it shoulde not be so straunge to you as you make it, which declareth playnely whose seruaunt you be.

Winch.

What a naughty fellow is this? This is such a per¦uerse villayne as I neuer talked with in all my lyfe. Hold him a booke, I will make him sweare, to aunswere dy∣rectly to such thinges, as I will demaund of him: and if he will not aunswere, I will condemne him.

Wood.

* 2.369Call you me a fellow? I am suche a fellowe, I tell you, that will driue you all to hell if you consent to the shedding of my bloud, and you shall haue bloud to drynke as sayd S. Iohn in his Reuelation the ix. chapter and be∣ing in hell, you shall be compelled to say for payne of con∣science: this is the man that we had in derision, & thought his life madnes, and his ende to be without honour, but now we may see how he is counted among the sayntes of God, and wee are punished. This shall you see in hell, if you repent it not, if you do condemne me. This you shall finde in the fift chapter of the booke of wisedome, & there∣fore take heede what you doe, I geue you counsell.

Winchester.

Wisedome? What speakest thou of wisdome? thou neuer haddest it: for thou art as very a ••oole as ••uer I heard speake.

Wood.

Do you not know that the foolishe thin••es of thys world must confound the wise thinges?* 2.370 Wher••ore it gree∣ueth me not to be called a foole at your hand.

Winchest.

Nay thou art none of those fooles: thou art an obstinate foole, and an heretike. Lay hand on the booke, and aunswere to suche thynges as I wyll laye agaynst thee.

Woodman.

I will not laye hand on the booke for none of you all, You be not my Byshop, and therefore I wil haue nothing to do with you.

Winch.

I wyll haue to doe with you.* 2.371 This man is with out law, he careth not for the king nor Queene, I dare say for he will not obey theyr lawes. Let me see the Kynges Commission. I will see whether hee will obeye that or not.

Wood.

I would you loued the king and Queenes Maie∣sty, no worse then I do, if it pleased God: You would not do as you doe then.

Winch.

Holde him a booke, he is a ranke hereticke. Thou shalt aunswere to suche thynges as I wyll demaund of thee.

Wood.

I take heauen and earth to recorde I am no here∣ticke, neither can I tell wherfore I am brought to prison, no more then any man can here tel, and therwith I looked round about on the people, and sayde to the Bishoppe: If you haue any iust cause agaynst me, worthy of death ••ay it agaynst me, and let me haue it: for I refuse not to dye (I praise God) for the truthes sake, if I hadde x. liues. If you haue no cause let me goe home (I pray you) to my wife & children to see them kept, and other poore folk y^t I would set a worke by the helpe of God. I haue set a worke a hun∣dreth persons ere this, all the yeare together, and was vn∣iustly taken from them: but God forgeue them that dyd it if it be his will.

Winchester.

Do you not see how he looketh about for help: But I would see any man shewe thee a cheereful counte∣naunce, and especially you that be of my Dioces.* 2.372 If any of you bid God strengthen him, or take him by the hand, or embrace him, or shew hym a chearefull countenaunce, you shall be excommunicated, and shall not bee receaued in a∣gayne, till you haue done open penaunce, and therfore be∣ware of it.

Wood.

I looke for no helpe of men, for God is on my side I prayse him therefore, and therefore I neede not not care who be agaynst me, neither do I care.

Then they cryed: away with him, and bring vs an o∣ther. So I was caryed agayne to y^e Marshalsea, where I am now mery (I prayse God therfore) as a sheep appoin∣ted to be slayne. But for lack of time, I haue left out much of our talke, but this is the chiefest of it.

¶The 6. and last examinations of Richard Woodman written and copyed with his owne hand.

BE it knowne vnto all men by this present writing that I Ri∣chard Woodman, sometime of the parishe of Warbelton, in the County of Sussex: was condemned for gods euerlasting truth an. 1557. Iuly. 16▪ by the byshop of Winchester, in the churche of S. Mary Oueries in Southwarke, there sitting with him the same time the byshop of Chichester, the Archdeacon of Caunterbury Doctor Langdale, M. Roper with a fatte headed Priest, I cannot tell his name All these consented to the shedding of my bloud, vpon this occasion, as here after followeth.

I affirmed that Iudas receaued the sacrament with a sop and the Deuill withall, and because I would not bee sworne vppon a booke to aunswere directly to suche Articles as hee woulde de∣clare to me: and because I would not beleue that there remained neither bread nor wine after the words of consecration and that the body of Christ could not be receaued of any but of the faith∣full. For these Articles I was condemned, as hereafter shal follow more at large, by the help of God.

First, the Bishop sayd when I came before him.

Win.

You were before vs on Monday last past:* 2.373 & there you affirmed certayne heresies. Howe say you now? Doe you hold them still, or will you reuoke them?

Wood.

I held no heresyes then, neyther do I now, as the Lord knoweth.

Win.

No? did you not affirme, that Iudas receiued bread? which is no heresy, vnlesse you tell what more then bread.

Wood.

Is it heresy to say that Iudas receiued more then bread? I sayd he receaued more then bare bread: for he re∣ceiued

the Sacrament, that was prepared to shewe foorth the Lordes death: and because he presumed to eat without sayth, he eat the deuill withall, as the wordes of Christ de∣clare: after he eate the soppe, the Deuill entred into hym, as you cannot deny.

Winc.

Hold him a booke. I will haue you aunswere dy∣rectly whether Iudas did eate the body of Christ, or no.

Wood.

* 2.374I will answere no more: for I am not of your Di∣oces: wherfore I will haue nothing to do with you.

Winc.

No, you be in my Dioces, and you be of my Dioces because you haue offended in my Dioces.

Wood.

I am not of your Dioces, although I am in your Dioces: and I was brought into your Dioces against my will: and I haue not offended in your Dioces: if I haue, tell me wherein.

Winchester.

Here is your owne hand writing, the whiche is heresie.* 2.375 These be the wordes. I cannot find (say you) y^t it is the body of christ to any, before it be receiued in faith. How say you? is not this your owne hand writing?

Wood.

Yea, I do not deny but it is mine owne hand wry∣ting: but when, or where was it written, or where wer the wo••des spoken?

Before the Commissioners: and here is one of them: Maister Roper,* 2.376 the words were spoken before you. Were they not?

Roper.

Yes in deed, that they were Woodman. I am sure you will not deny them: for you haue written the wordes euen as you spake them.

Wood.

No sir, in deed I will not deny but that I spake thē and I am glad that you haue seene it. For you may see by that whether I lye or not.

Roper.

* 2.377In deede the wordes be written word by word as we spake them.

Winchest.

Well, here you affirme y^t it is your owne deede. How say you now? Will you be sorie for it, and become an honest man?

Wood.

My Lord, I trust no man can say, but that I am an honest manne: and as for that, I maruell that you wil lay it to my charge, knowing that my Lorde of London dys∣charged me of all matters that were layde agaynst me, when I was released of him.

Winc.

You were released▪ and it might fortune, it was not layd to your charge then:* 2.378 therfore we lay it to your charge now because you be suspected to be an hereticke: and wee may call you before vs, and examine you vpon your faith vpon suspicion.

Wood.

In deede S. Peter willeth me to render account of my hope that I haue in God, and I am contented so to do, if it please my Bishop to heare me.

Chichester.

Yes I pray you let vs heare it.

Wood.

I do beleue in God the father almighty, maker of heauē & of earth, and of al things visible & inuisible, and in one Lord Iesus christ, my sauiour very God and man. I beleue in God the holy Ghost, the comforter of al Gods e∣lect people, and that he is equall with the father, and the sonne I beleue the true Catholicke church, and all the sa∣craments that belongeth thereto. Thus I haue rendered accompt of my hope that I haue of my saluation.

Winch.

And how beleue you in the blessed sacrament of the aulter?* 2.379 And with that word they all put of their cappes to that abhominable Idoll.

Wood.

I pray you be contented: for I will not aunswere to any mo questions: for I perceaue you go about to shed my bloud.

Winch.

No, hold him a booke. If he refuse to sweare, he is an Anabaptist,* 2.380 and shall be excommunicated.

Wood.

I will not sweare for you, excommunicate me if you will. For you be not meete to take an oth, for you laid heresies to my charge in yonder pulpite, the whiche you are not able to proue: wherfore you bee not meete to take an othe of any man. And as for me, I am not of your Dy∣oces, nor will haue any thing to doe with you.

Winchester.

I will haue to do with thee: and I saye thou art a strong hereticke.

Wood.

Yea, all trueth is heresie with you: but I am con∣tent to shew you my minde,* 2.381 how I beleue on the sacramēt of y^e body and bloud of Iesus Christe, without flattering. For that you looke for, I am sure. But I will meddle no ••urther: But what I holde my selfe of it. I will not med∣dle of any other mans beliefe on it.

N Harp.

Why? I am sure al mens fayth ought to be alike.

Wood

Yea, I graunt you so, that all true Christians faith ought to be alike. But I will aunswere for my selfe.

N. Harp.

Well, let vs heare what you say to it.

Wood.

I do beleue that when I come to receaue the Sa∣crament of y^e body and bloud of Iesus Christ, if it be truly ministred according to Christes institutiō,* 2.382 I comming in fayth, as I truste in God I will, whensoeuer I come to receiue it, I beleuing that Christ was borne for me: & that he suffered death for the remission of my sinnes, and that I shalbe saued by his death and bloud shedding, and so re¦ceaue the Sacramente of bread and wine in that remem∣braunce, that then I doe receiue whole Christ, God and man, mistically, by fayth. This is my beliefe on the sacra∣ment.

Then they spake all at once, saying:* 2.383 mistically by faythe The fat prieste. What a foole art thou? mistically by faythe thou canst not tell what mistically is?

Wood

If I be a foole, so take me:* 2.384 But God hathe chosen such fooles of this world to confound such wife things as you are.

The fat priest.

I pray thee what is mistically?* 2.385

Wood.

I take mistically to be the fayth that is in vs, that the world seeth not, but God onely.

Winch.

He cannot tell what he sayth. Aunswere to the Sa∣crament of the aulter, whether it be not the body of Christ before it bee receaued, and whether it be not the bodye of Christ to whom soeuer receaueth it. Tell me, or els I will excommunicate thee.

Wood.

I haue sayd as much as I will say: excommunicate me if you will.* 2.386 I am none of your Dioces The Bishop of Chichester is mine Ordinary. Let him do it, if you will needs haue my bloud, that it may be required at his hāds.

Chichest.

I am not consecrated yet, I tolde you when you were with me.

Wood.

No in deede, your kine bringe foorth nothing but Cow calues, as it chaunceth now: Meaning thereby that he had not his Bulles from Rome.

Then they were al in a great rage with me, and called me al to nought, and sayd I was out of my w••t, because I spake feruently to euery mans question: all the whiche I cannot remember: but I sayd:

So Festus sayd to Paule when he spake the words of sobernes and truth out of the spirite of God, as I do. But as ye haue iudged me, you be your selues. You will go to hell all the sorte of you, if you condemne me, if you repent i•• not with speede.

Wood.

Then my keeper and the Sheriffes deputie Ful∣ler, rebuked me, because I spake so sharpely to them.* 2.387 And I sayde: I praye you let me alone: I aunswere for my life.

Then there was muche adoe, that I shoulde keepe si∣lence, and so I held my peace. Then spake the Bishop of Winchester and the Archdeacon of Caunterbury, saying: we go not about to condemne thee, but goe aboute to saue thy soule, if thou wilt be ruled ane doe as we would haue thee.

Wood.

To saue my soule? nay you can not saue my soule. My soule is saued already, I praise God therefore. There can no man saue my soule, but Iesus Christ: and hee it is that hath saued my soule before the foundation of y^t would was layd.

The fat Priest.

What an heresie is that my Lorde?* 2.388 here is an heresie. He sayth hys soule was saued before the founda∣tions we••e layd. Thou canst not tell what thou saiest. Was thy soule saued before it was?

Wood.

Yes I prayse God, I can tell what I say, & I say y^e truth. Looke in the first of the Ephesians, and there you shall finde it, where Paule sayth: Blessed be God the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ▪* 2.389 whiche hath bless••d vs with all maner of spirituall blessinges in heauenly thinges by Christ, according as hee hathe chosen vs in himselfe before the foundation of the earth was layd, that we shuld be holy and without blame before him, through loue, and thereto were wee pred••stinated.* 2.390 These be the wordes of Paule, and I beleue they be moste true. And therefore it is my fayth, in and by Iesus Christe that saueth, and not you or any man els.

The fat priest.

What? fayth without workes? Saint Iames sayth: faythe without workes is dead, and wee haue free will to do good workes.

Wood.

I would not that any of you should think that I do disallow good workes.* 2.391 For a good fayth cannot be w^t∣out good works. Yet not of our selues, but it is the gift of God, as sayth S. Paule to the Phillippians, the 2. Chapt. It is God that worketh in vs both the wil and also the deed, euen of good will.

Winchester.

Make an ende: aunswere to me. Here is your Ordinary, the Archdeacon of Caunterbury:* 2.392 hee is made your Ordinary by my Lord Cardinall: and he hath autho¦ritie to examine you of your fayth vppon a booke, to aun∣swere to such Articles as he will laye to you. And I praye you refuse it not: for the daunger is great if you do. Wher∣fore we desire you shew your selfe a subiect in this matter.

Then they spake al, and said: loe, my Lord desireth you gently to aunswere to him, and so we do all. For if you re∣fuse to take an othe, hee may excommunicate you. For my

Lord Cardinall may put whom he wil in the Bishops of∣fice, vntill he is consecrated.

Wood.

I know not so much. If you will geue me time to learne the trueth of it (if I can proue it be as you saye) I will tell you my mind in any thing that he shall demaūd of me, without any flattering.

Priest.

My Lord and all we tell thee it is true: & therefore aunswere to him.

Wood.

I will beleue none of you all, for you be turne coa∣tes,* 2.393 & chaungelinges, & be wauering minded, as sayth S. Iames: you be neither hoate nor colde, as sayth S. Iohn, therfore God will spue you out of his mouth. Wherfore I can beleue none of you all, I tell you truth.

Winchest.

What? be we turne coates and chaungelinges? what meanest thou by that?

Wood.

I meane that in king Edwardes time you taught the doctrine that was set forth then, euery one of you, and now you teach the contrary: and therfore I call you turne coates, and chaungelinges, as I may well enough. Which wordes made the most part of them to quake.

Winc.

Nay, not all, as it chaunced.

Wood

No? I pray you where were you then?

Winch.

I was in the Tower, as the Lieutenaunt wyll beare me record.

Wood.

If you were in the Tower, it was not therefore, I dare say: it was for some other matter.

Thē they tooke all hart of grace, and sayd: my Lord, he cōmeth to examine you, we think: if he will not answere to the Articles, you were best to excommunicate him.

Winch.

He is the naughtiest verlet hereticke, that euer I knew. I will read the sentence agaynst him.

Wood.

* 2.394Then they spake all at once: and I aunswered then as fast as I could. But I can not remember it all, the wor∣des came out so thicke, & that I spared them not (I prayse God therfore) for I spake freely.

Then they that stood by, rebuked me, & sayd: you cā not tell to whom you speake I thinke.

Wood.

No? thinke you so? they be but men, I am sure I haue spoken to as good as they bee, and better then they will euer be, for any thing that I can see, if they repent not with speed.

Winc.

* 2.395Geue eare: for I will read sentence agaynst you.

Wood.

Will you so? wherefore will you? you haue no iuste cause to excommunicate me: and therefore if you doe con∣demne me you wilbe condemned in hell, if you repent not: and I prayse God. I am not afrayd to dye for Gods sake, if I had a hundred liues.

Winch.

For Gods sake? nay for the Deuilles sake. Thou sayest thou art not afrayde to dye: No more was Iudas that hanged himselfe, as thou wilt kill thy selfe wilfully, be¦cause thou wilt not be ruled.

Wood.

Nay, I defye the deuill, Iudas and all their mem∣bers. And Iudas flesh was not afrayd, but his spirite and conscience was afrayde, and therefore despayred, and hong himselfe. But I prayse God, I feele no lothsomnes in my flesh to dye, but a ioyfull conscience and a willing mynde thereto. Wherfore my flesh is subdued to it, I prayse God: and therfore I am not afrayd of death.

Chichester.

Woodman, for Gods sake be ruled. You know what you sayd to me at my house. I coulde say more if I would.

Wood.

* 2.396Say what you can: the most fault that you founde in me was, because I praysed the liuing God, and because I sayd, I prayse God, and the Lorde: which you ought to be ashamed of, if you haue any grace, for I told you where the wordes were written.

Winc.

Well: how say you? will you confesse that Iudas re∣ceiued the body of Christ vnworthely? tell me playnely.

Wood.

* 2.397My Lord, if you, or any of you all can proue before all this audience, in all the bible, that any man euer eat the body of Christ vnworthely, then I will be with you in all thinges that you will demaund of me: of the which matter I desire all this people to be witnes.

Priest.

Will you so? then we shall agree well enough, S. Paule sayth so.

Woodman.

I pray you where sayeth he so? rehearse the wordes.

Priest▪

In the xi. of the first to the Corinthians, he sayeth: Who so eateth of this bread, and drinketh of this cup vnworthe∣ly,* 2.398 eateth and drinketh his owne damnation, because he maketh no difference of the Lordes body.

Wood.

Doth these wordes proue that Iudas eat the body of Christ vnworthely? I pray you let me see them. They were contēted. Then said I: these be the wordes euen that you sayd.* 2.399 Good people, harken well to them: Who so eateth of this bread, & drinketh of this cup vnworthely: He sayth not, who so eateth of this body vnworthely, or drinketh of this bloude vnworthely. But hee sayeth: Who so eateth of this bread,* 2.400 and drinketh of this cuppe vnworthely (which is the sa∣crament) eateth and drinketh his owne damnation, because he maketh no difference of the sacrament which representeth the Lordes body, and other bread and drinke. Here good people, you may all see they are not able to proue their say∣inges true. Wherefore I can not beleue them in any thing that they do.

Winc.

Thou art a rancke hereticke in deed. Art thou an ex∣pounder? Now I will read sentence agaynst thee.

Wood.

Iudge not leaste you be iudged. For as you haue iudged me, you be your selfe. Then he read the Sentence.* 2.401 Why, sayd I? Will you read the Sentence agaynst me, and can not tell wherfore.?

Winc.

Thou art an hereticke, and therefore thou shalt be excommunicated.

Wood.

I am no heretick, I take heauē & earth to witnes, I defie all heretickes: and if you condemne me, you wilbe damned, if you repēt it not. But God geue you grace to re¦pent all if it be his will:* 2.402 and so he read forth the sentence in latin, but what he said, God knoweth, and not I. God be iudge betwene thē & me. Whē he had done, I would haue talked my mind to thē, but they cried away, away w^t hym. So I was caried to y^e Marshalsea againe, where I am, & shalbe as long as it shall please God: & I prayse god most hartely, y^t euer he hath elected, & predestinated me to come to so high dignity, as to beare rebuke for his names sake: his name be praysed therfore, for euer and euer. Amen.

And thus haue you the Examinations of thys blessed Woodman, or rather Goodman: wherein may appeare as well the great grace and wisedome of God in that man, as also the grosse ignorance and barbarous cruelty of his ad∣uersaries, especially of Doct. White bishop of Winchester. Now foloweth likewise the effect of his Letter.

A godly Letter of Richard Woodman written to a Christian woman Mistres Robertes of Hawkhurst.

GRace, mercy, and peace from God the father, and from hys sonne our alone Sauiour Iesus Christe, by the operation and working of the holy Ghost, be multiplied plenteously vpon you (deare sister Robertes) that you may the more ioyfully beare the crosse of Christ that ye are vnder, vnto the end, to your onely, cō∣fort and consolation, and to all our brethren and sisters that are round about you, both now and euer. Amen.

In my most humble wise I commend me vnto you, and to al our brethren and sisters in those parties, that loue our Lorde vn∣faynedly, certifying you that I and all my brethren with me,* 3.1 are mery and ioyfull, we prayse God therfore, looking daily to be dis∣solued frō these our mortall bodyes, according to the good plea∣sure of our heauenly father: praysing God also for your cōstancy, and gentle beneuolence,* 3.2 that you haue shewed vnto Gods electe people, in this troublesome time of persecution: which may be a sure pledge and token of Gods good will and fauour towardes you, and to all other that heare thereof. For blessed are the merci∣full, for they shall obteine mercy.* 3.3 Wherfore the fruites declare al∣way what the tree is. For a good man or woman, out of the good treasure of theyr hartes bring forth good thinges.

Wherfore deare Sister, it is not as many affirme in these day∣es (the more it is to be lamented) that say God asketh,* 3.4 but a mās hart: which is the greatest iniury that can be deuised agaynst god and his word. For S. Iames sayth: Shew me thy faith by the deeds, and I will shew thee my fayth by my deedes, saying: the deuilles haue fayth, and tremble for feare, & yet shalbe but deuils still, be∣cause theyr minds were neuer to do good.* 3.5 Let vs not therfore be like them, but let our fayth be made manifest to the whole world by our deedes: and in the middest of a crooked and peruerse nati∣on, as S. Paule sayth, let your light shine as in a darcke place.

Oh deare hartes, nowe is the Gospell of God ouerwhelmed with many blacke and troublesome cloudes of persecution, for the which cause very few go about to haue their eies made clere by the true light of the Gospell, for feare of loosing of their trea∣sures of this world which are but vayne, and shall perish.

Let not vs therfore be like vnto them which light their can∣dle and put it vnder a bushell: but let vs set our candle vpon a cā∣dlesticke, that it may geue light vnto all thē that are in the house:* 3.6 that is to saye, let all the people of the housholde of God see our good workes, in suffering all thinges patiently that shalbe layde vpon vs for the Gospels sake, if it be death it selfe. For Christ dy∣ed for vs, leauing vs an example, that we should follow his steps, and as he hath geuen his life for vs, so ought we to geue our liues for the defence of the Gospell, to the comfort of our brethren.

How is it then that some will say, that theyr fayth is good, & yet they do all the deedes of Antichrist the deuill,* 3.7 and be not a∣shamed to alledge certayne Scriptures to maynteine their wic∣kednesse? Saynt Paule sayth: To beleue with the hart iustifieth, & to confesse with the mouth maketh a man safe. Oh good GOD: here maye all menne see that no man or woman can haue a true

faith,* 3.8 vnlesse they haue deedes also: and he that doubteth, is like the waues of the Sea tossed about of the winde, and can looke for no good thing at the Lordes handes. Maye not a man iudge all such to be like those whiche Saynt Iohn speaketh of, that be ney∣ther hoate nor colde,* 3.9 and therfore God will (he sayth) spue them out of his mouth? If we iudge euill of such, haue not they geuen vs occasion?* 3.10 Had it not bene better for them to haue had a myll stone tyed about theyr necks, and to haue bene cast into the Sea, then they should geue such offences to Gods elect people in cō∣demning them as they doe,* 3.11 in going to the sinagogue of Sathan, and there to receiue the marke of the beast, in that they see and heare God blasphemed there, and hold their peace? Doth not that declare to the whole world, that they allow theyr doinges to be good?* 3.12 and these do not only defile themselues, but also be an oc∣casion to confirme the Papistes in theyr Papistry, and so be an oc∣casion of our weake brothers falling, the which will be all requi∣red at theyr handes: which will be to heauy a burden for them to beare,* 3.13 if they repent it not with speed. For they that know theyr Maysters will & doe it not, shalbe beaten with many stripes Oh, do not we perceiue that now is the acceptable time that Christe speaketh of yea euen now is the axe put to the roots of the trees, so that euery tree that bringeth not forth good fruites now,* 3.14 must be hewed downe and cast into the fire.

Now is the Lord come with his fanne in his hand, to trie the wheate from the chaffe. The wheat he will gather into his barne, and the chaffe hee willl burne as is aforesayde. Nowe is the time come,* 3.15 that we muste goe meete the bridgrome with oyle in our Lampes. We are also bidden to the feast: let vs make no excuses. Yea, our Maister hath deliuered his talentes vnto vs: God geue vs grace to occupy them well, that at his comming he may receiue his owne with vauntage. Yea nowe is the Lorde come to see if there be any fruit vpon his trees, so that if the Lord come & find none, he will serue vs as he did the wilde figge trees, that is, neuer fruit shall grow on him more.* 3.16 Also, if we goe to meete the bride∣grome without oyle in our lāpes, & should go to buy: the doubt is, we should be serued as was the foolishe virgins: that was, God sayd to thē depart,* 3.17 I know you not. Or if we should make excuses to come to the feast, other shalbe biddē in our roomes. If we oc∣cupy not our talentes wel,* 3.18 they shalbe taken away from vs & ge∣uen to other, and all such vnprofitable seruantes shalbe cast into prison in hell, whe••e shalbe weeping and gnashing of teeth.

Oh good God what a sort of feareful sayinges are here con∣teined? what christian hart will not harken diligently hereto? Oh, may not all people well perceiue nowe that this is the time that our Mayster Christ speaketh of,* 3.19 that the father should be agaynst the sonne, and the sonne agaynste the father, and one brother a∣gaynst another: that the brother shal deliuer the brother to death: yea and that the wicked shall say all maner of wicked sayinges a∣gaynst vs for his names sake?* 3.20 the which I haue well found by ex∣perience I prayse God therefore, that hath geuen mee strength to beare it. For I thinke there canne no euill bee deuised but it hath bene imagined agaynst me,* 3.21 & that of my familiar frendes, as Da∣uid said: but I prayse my Lord God, they are not able to proue a∣ny of their sayinges true, but that they go about to finde fault in thē that God hath chosen, because they thēselues list not to take vp their crosse and folow Christ, & therfore they spake euil of the thing that they know not: the which shall geue account for it be∣fore him that is ready to iudge both the quicke and the dead.

* 3.22But my trust is, that al the people of God wilbe ruled by the counsell of S. Iohn, saying: My sheepe will heare my voyce, straū∣gers the will not heare: meaning thereby that ye shoulde not be∣leue straungers, counting them straungers that go about to sub∣uert the Gospell. Wherfore marke well what they be, and try thē well or euer you geue credite to thē, according to S. Iohns coū∣sell in his Epistle,* 3.23 saying: Beleue not euery spirit, but trie the spi∣rites whether they be of God or not: meaning thereby that they that be not of God, wil speake good of none but of them that be as they be. Wherefore (deare sister) be of good cheare, & geue no credite to such people, what so euer ye heare them say. For I haue no mistrust, by Gods help, but that all the world shal see & know that my bloud shal not be deare in mine owne sight, whensoeuer it shall please God to geue my aduersaries leaue to shedde it. I doe earnestly beleue that God which hath begon this good worke in me, will performe it to the end, as he hath geuen me grace & wil alway, to beare this easy yoke and light burden: the which I haue alwayes found, I prayse my Lord God.

For when I haue bene in prison, wearing other while boltes other while shackles,* 3.24 other while lying on the bare groūd, some time sitting in the stockes, sometime bound with cordes, that al my bodye hath bene swollen, much like to bee ouercome for the payne that hath bene in my flesh, sometime fayne to lye without in the woodes & fieldes, wandring to and fro, few I say, that durst to keepe my company for feare of the rulers, sometime brought before the Iustices, Shiriffes, Lordes, Doctours, and Bishoppes sometime called dogge, sometime deuill, hereticke, whoremon∣ger, traytor, theefe, deceiuer with diuers other such like: yea & e∣uen they that did eat of my bread, that should haue bene most my f••endes by nature, haue betrayed me. Yet for all this I prayse my Lord God that hath separated me from my mothers wombe,* 3.25 all this that hath happened to me hath bene easy, light and most de∣lectable & ioyful of any treasure that euer I possessed: for I praise God they are not able to proue one iote or title of their sayinges true. But that way that they call heresy, I serue my Lord God, and at all times before whomesoeuer I haue bene brought, God hath geuen me mouth and wisedome, where agaynst all my aduersa∣ries haue not bene able to resist, I prayse God therfore.

Wherfore deare sister, be of good cōfort, with all your bre¦thren and sisters, and take no thought what you shall saye,* 3.26 for it shall be geuen you the same houre, according to the promises, as I haue alwayes found, and as you and all other of Gods elect shall well finde when the time is full come And whereas I and manye other haue hoped, that this persecution woulde haue bene at an end ere this time: now I perceiue, God will haue a further triall to roote out all dissēblers, that no man should reioice in himselfe: but he that reioyceth, shall reioyce of God.

Wherfore if prophecy should fayle, and toungs should cease, yet loue must endure. For feare hath paynefulnesse, but a perfecte loue casteth out all feare: which loue I haue no mistrust but God hath poured it vpō you so aboūdantly, that nothing in the world shalbe able to seprate you from God. Neither high nor low, riche nor poore, life nor death, shalbe able to put you from Christ: but by him I trust you shall enter into new Hierusalem, there to liue for euer, beholding the glory of God with the same eyes that you now haue, and all other faythfull people that cōtinue to the end. Geue all honour and glory to God the father, God the sonne, & God the holy Ghost, three persons and one God, to be honoured now and euer. Amen.

After these examinations thus had and commensed be¦twene Richard Woodman and y^e Bishops, he was (as is afore told) iudged by sentence of cōdēnation, and so depri∣ued of his life: with whom also was burned 9. other, to wit, fiue men and foure women, which were takē not past two or three dayes before theyr iudgement. The names of all which being also before expressed, here agayne folow in this order. Richard Woodman, George Steuēs, William Maynard, Alexander Hosman his seruant, Thomasine a Wood his mayde, Margerye Moris, Iames Moris her sonne, Denis Burgis, Ashdownes wife, Groues wife.

These persons here aboue named, and blessed martyrs, were put to death at Lewes, the xxij. of Iune▪

[illustration]

¶The burning of x. Martyrs at Lewes.

* 3.27

Of the which number the viij. last were apprehend (as is sayd) either the same daye, or the second or third day be∣fore, and so with the sayd Woodman and Steuēs were to∣gether committed to the fire:* 3.28 in which space no writ could come downe from London to the Iustices, for theyr bur∣ning. Wherfore what is to be said to such Iustices, or what reckoning they wil make to God and to the lawes of this Realme, I referre that to them that haue to do in the mat∣ter. The like whereof is to be found also of other Iustices, who without any lawfull writte of discharge, or order of law, haue vnlawfully and disorderly burnt the seruantes

of Christ (whhose bloud the lawe both may and also ought to reuenge:* 3.29) especially at Salisbury, and also at Canterbu∣ry, and Garnesey. But concerning these matters though mans law do wincke, or rather sleep at them, yet they shall be sure Gods law wil find such murderers out at length. I pray God the doers may repent betime.

¶One Ambrose dyed in Maydstone prison.

AFter these x. aboue named burnt at Lewes, aboute the same time and moneth,* 3.30 one Ambrose dyed in Mayd∣stone prison, who els should haue bene burned in the like cause and quarell, as the other were.

The condemnation and Martyrdome of Richard Lush.

IN the Registers of Gilbert Bishop of Bathe & Welles, I finde a certificate made to K. Philip and Q. Mary of one Richard Lush,* 3.31 there condemned & geuen to the secu∣lar power to be burned for the cause of heresy, whose affir∣mations in the sayde certificate he expressed in tenour and effect, as foloweth.

FIrst, for denying the verity of the body & bloud of christ in the Sacrament of the Aultar.* 3.32

2 Item, for denying auricular confessiō to be made to the Priest.

3 Item, for affirming onely to be three sacramēts, to wit, of baptisme, of the supper, and of matrimony.

4 Item, for refusing to call the Lordes Supper by the name of the Sacrament of the aulter.

5 Item, for denying Purgatory, and that prayer & almes profite not the dead.

6 Item, that Images are not to be suffered in the church and that all that kneele to Images at the Church, be Ido∣lators.

7 Item, that they which were burnt of late for religiō, di∣ed Gods seruants and good Martyrs.

8 Item, for condemning the single life of Priestes, and o∣ther votaries.

9. Item, for denying the vniuersall and catholicke church (meaning belike the Church of Rome.)

* 3.33For these assertions, as there are expressed, he was cō∣demned, and committed to the Sheriffes, and also a certi∣ficat directed by the Bishop aforesayd, to the king and Q. Whereby we haue apparantly to vnderstand, that the said Richard Lush, thus condemned by Bishop Borne, was there burnt and executed, vnlesse peraduenture in y^e mean season he dyed or was made away in the prison: wherof I haue no certeinty to expresse.

A note of Iohn Hullier Minister and Martyr burned at Cambridge.

COncerning the story of Iohn Hullier, Martyr, partly mentioned before pag. 1864. for the more ful declaratiō of the death and martirdome of that good man,* 3.34 because the story is but rawly and imperfectly touched before for the more perfetting thereof, I thought thereunto to adde that which since hath come to my hand, as foloweth.

First Iohn Hullier was brought vp at Eaton colledge and after, according to the foūdation of that house, for that he was ripe for the vniuersitye, he was elected scholer in y^e kinges colledge where also not tarying full the 3. yeares of probation, before he was felow of the Colledge, he after a litle season was one of the x. Conductes in the kinges col∣ledge, which was an. 1539. Then at length in processe of time, he came to be Curate of Babrame 3. miles from Cā∣bridge, and so went afterward to Linne: where he hauing diuers conflictes with the papistes, was from thence cari∣ed to Ely, to D. Thuriby then bishop there: who after di∣uers examinations, sent him to Cambridge Castle, where he remayned but a while.

From thence he was conueyed to the town prison cō∣monly called the Tolboth, lying there almost a quarter of a yere, while at lēgth he was cited to appeare at great S. Maries on Palmsonday euē, before diuers Doctors, both Diuines & Lawyers, amongest whō was chiefest Doctor Shaxton, also Doct. Young, D. Sedgewike, Doct. Scot, Mitch, and others. Where after examination had, for that he would not recant, he was first condemned, the sentence being read by D. Fuller.

Then consequētly he was disgraded after their popish maner with scraping crowne and handes. When they had disgraded him,* 3.35 he sayd cherefully: this is the ioyfullest day that euer I saw, and I thank ye all, that ye haue deliuered and lightened me of all this paltry.

In the meane time whilest it was doyng, one standing by, asked Hullier what book he had in his hand. Who aun∣swered a testamēt. Wherat this man in a rage tooke it and threw it violently frō him.* 3.36 Thē was he geuen ouer to the secular powers, Brasey being Maior, who carying him to prison, agayne, took from him all his bookes, writinges, & papers.

On Maundy Thursday comming to the stake, he ex∣horted the people to pray for him, & after holding his peace and praying to himselfe, one spake to him saying,* 3.37 the Lord strenthē thee. Wherat a Sergeant named Brisley, stayed & bad him hold his toung or els he should repent it.

Neuerthelesse Hullier answered and sayd (either thus or very like the effect was all one) frende I truste that as God hath hitherto begon, so also he will strengthen me,* 3.38 & finish his work vpō me. I am bidden to a Maundy, whe∣ther I trust to goe, & there to be shortly. God hath layd the foundation, and I by his ayd will end it.

Then goyng to a stoole (prepared for hym to sit on) to haue his hosen plucked of, he desired the people to pray for him agayne, and also to beare witnesse that he dyed in the right faith, and that he would seale it with his bloud certi∣fying them that he dyed in a iust cause, and for the testimo∣ny of the verity and truth,* 3.39 & that there was no other rocke but Iesus Christ to builde vpon, vnder whose banner he fought, and whose souldiour he was: and yet speaking, he turned himselfe about towards the East, and exhorted the people there likewise.

Now it chaunced on a bancke to stande three Archpa∣pistes George Boyes, Henry Barley, & Gray,* 3.40 all three of Trinity Colledge. This Boyes was one of the Proctors of the Uniuersity that yeare. To whome Mayster Graye spake, saying: heare ye not maister Proctor, what blasphe∣my this felow vttereth? surely it is euil done to suffer him.

At whose words, this Boyes spake with a loud voice: M. Maior, what meane ye? if ye suffer him thus to talke at liberty, I tell ye the Counsell shall heare of it,* 3.41 and we take you not to be the Queenes frend. He is a pernitious per∣son, and may do more harme then ye wote of. Wherat sim∣ple Hullier as meeke as a Lambe, taking the matter very patiently, made no answere, but made him ready vttering his prayer. Which done, he went meekely himselfe to the stake, and with chaines being bound, was beset with reed & wood, stāding in a pitchbarrell, & the fire being set to,* 3.42 not marking the winde, it blew the flame to his backe. Thē he feeling it, began earnestly to call vpon God. Neuertheles his frendes perceiuing the fire to be ill kindled, caused the Sergeantes to turne it and fire it in that place where the winde might blow it to his face.

That done, there was a cōpany of bookes which were cast into the fire, and by chaunce a Communion booke fell betwene his handes, who receyuing it ioyfully, opened it,* 3.43 & read so long as the force of the flame & smoke caused him that he could see no more: and then he fell agayne to pray∣er holding his handes vp to heauen, & the booke betwixte his armes next his hart, thanking God for sending him it: and at that time the day being a very fayre day & a whote, yet the winde was somewhat vp, and it caused the fier to be the fiercer,* 3.44 and when al the people thought he bad bene dead, he sodenly vttered these wordes: Lord Iesu receaue my spirit, dying very meekely

The place where he was burned is called Iesus grene, not farre from Iesus Colledge. Seager gaue him certeine gunpouder, but little to y^e purpose: for he was dead before it took fire. All the people praied for him, and many a teare was shed for him. Which the Papistes seing, cried, he was not to be prayed for, & being but a dāned man,* 3.45 it could pro∣fit him nothing: neuertheles they cōtinued praying. Wher¦at the Papistes fell in such a rage that they manaced them with terrible threatninges to ward. His flesh beyng cōsu∣med, his bones stood vpright euē as if they had bene aliue. Of the people some took as they could get of him, as pieces of bones. One had his hart••, the which was distributed so farre as it would go: one took the scalpe and looked for the toung, but it was consumed except the very roote.

One roūded him in the eare and desired him to be con∣staunt to the end, at which he spake nothing, but shewed a ioyful countenaunce, and so continued both constaunt and ioyfull to the end.

A Note of Thomas Rede.

THo. Rede who was burned at Lewes, as it appeareth aboue pag. 1807. before he was in prison,* 3.46 determined w^t himselfe to go to church. The night following, he sawe in a vision, a company of talle young men in white, very pleasant to behold: to whō he would haue ioyned himself,

but it would not be.* 3.47

Then he looked on himselfe and he was full of spottes, & therewith waked & tooke hold and stood to the truth: god be thanked therefore, and so constantly was burned wyth his felowes, as is aboue specified. pag. 2095.

¶Simon Miller and Elizabeth Cooper burnt at Norwich.

* 3.48IN the Moneth of Iulye nexte ensued the Martyrdome of Simon Miller and Elizabeth Cooper. This Simon dwelling then in the Towne of Linne, a Godly and zea∣lous man in the knowledge of the Lord and of his trueth, detesting and abhorring the contrary enforced Religiō thē set forth, came from Linne to Norwich, where he standing in the prease and hearing of the people, comming out the same time from their popish seruice ended in the Churche,* 3.49 began to aske them comming out of the Church, where he might go to haue the communiō. At which wordes diuers much maruelling to heare & see his boldnes, one that was an euill disposed Papist, hearing y^e same, said: y^t if he would needs go to a communion, he would go bring him thither where he should be sped of his purpose. Wherupō shortly after hee was brought to the Chauncellour of Norwiche (whose name was Dunning:) who after a few wordes & small talk passed with this examinate, committed him to Warde.

In the meane while as he was in examination, he had in his shoo his confession written in a certein paper,* 3.50 wher∣of a peece appearing aboue his shoo, was spyed and taken out. The Chauncellour asking if he would stand to the cō∣fession of the same fayth therin conteined, he constantly af∣firmed the same. Wherupō as is sayd, he was committed. Thus the sayd Simon being in the Bishops house vnder custody of the keper there called M. Felow, how it happe∣ned it is not certayne, whether by gentlenesse of the keper (who was somewhat gentle that wayes) or by leaue geuē of the Bishop: or els whether he had cōdescended of a pur∣pose to theyr articles,* 3.51 he was dismissed and went home to his house at Linne. Where hee continued a certayne space, while he had disposed and set there all things in order.

That done, he returned againe to the bishops house to his prison and keeper, till the time at length he cōstantly a∣biding in his professed purpose, & defence of Gods trueth, was by the sayd byshop and his Chauncellour cōdemned and committed to the fire about the xiij. day of Iuly.

¶Elizabeth Cooper Martyr.

WIth this Simon Miller also was burnt one Eliza∣beth Cooper (as is aforesayde) a Pewterers Wife,* 3.52 dwelling in Saynt Andrewes parish in Norwich, where she had before recanted, and beyng vnquyet for the same, and greatlye troubled inwardlye, at the last came into the sayd Saynt Andrewes Church, the people beyng at theyr popish seruice, and there standing in the same, sayde she re∣uoked her recantation before made in that place, and was hartely sorye that euer she did it,* 3.53 willing the people not to bee deceiued, neither to take her doynges before for an ex∣ample. &c. These or suche like woordes shee spake in the Church.

Then cryed one Bacon of the sayd Parish, laying hys armes abroade, saying: Mayster Shiriffe, will you suffer this? and repeating the same, vrged hym to goe from the church to her house, at whose knocking she came downe, & was taken and sent to prison.

* 3.54This Shiriffe (named M. Thomas Sutterton) & she had bene seruauntes together before in one house, & for the frendship he bare vnto her, & the more for the gospels sake he was very loth to do it, but that he was inforced by those other persons (before specified) much against his owne cō∣science, which he now earnestly repenteth.

This good woman being condemned, and at the stake with Simon Miller to be burnt, when the fire came vnto her, she a little shronke thereat, with a voyce crying once, ha. When the sayd Simon Miller hearde the same, he put his hand behinde him towarde her, and willed her to bee strong, and of good cheare: For good sister (said he) we shall haue a ioyfull and a sweete supper. Whereat she beyng, as it seemed thereby strengthened, stoode as still and as qui∣et as one moste glad to finish that good worke whiche before most happely shee had begonne.* 3.55 So in fine she ended her life with her companion ioy∣fully, committing her soule into the handes of almighty God.

¶The Martyrdome of x. faythfull and blessed Mar∣tyrs, fiue men and fiue women, burnt at Colchester, fiue in the forenoone, and fiue in the afternoone, for the testimony and witnesse of Christ Iesus and his glorious Gospell.

AS it is no n••w thing in those whom we call Prelates and Priestes of the Churche,* 3.56 to be raysers vp of perse∣cution agaynst Christ and his poore flocke: so is it much to be maruelled or rather lamented, that noble persons, and mē of honor, and worship, would be made such Ministers to serue the affections of these tyrauntes, as commonly, as well in all y^e sorowful dayes of the late Queene Mary, as namely in this present story is to be marked.

And first thou remembrest (gentle Reader) how men∣tion was made a litle before pag. 1863. of xxij. which were sent vp prisoners together from Colchester to London by the Earle of Oxforde, the Lord Darcy, Maister Tyrrell of Saynt Osithes, and other Commissioners & Iustices. &c. The which xxij. (as is aforesayd) through a gentle submis∣sion put vnto them, were afterward released & deliuered.

In the number of these foresayd xxij. was one William Mount of Muchbently in Essex, husbandman,* 3.57 with Alice his wife, and Kose Allin mayd, the daughter of the said A∣lice Mount: whiche comming home agayne to their house at Muchbently aforesayde, refrayned themselues from the vnsauery seruice of the Popish Churche, and frequēted the company of good men and women which gaue themselues diligently to reading, inuocating, & calling vpon the name of God through Christ: wherby they so fretted the wicked Priest of the towne called Syr Thomas Tye,* 3.58 & other like vnto him, that casting theyr heades together, they made a pestilent Supplication to the Lord Darcy, in the name of the whole Parish, the tenour whereof hereafter foloweth.

¶The maner of a Supplication to the Lord Darcy, and by him deliuered to Syr Iohn King∣stone Priest and Commissary.

PLeaseth it your honorable Lordship to be aduertised y^t we confesse,* 4.1 whilest your good Lordship laye here in the country, the people were stayed in good order, to our great comfort: but since your Lordshippes departure, they haue made digression from good order in some places, & namely in the Parish of Muchbentley, by reason of three seditious persons, William Mount and his wife, & Rose her daugh∣ter, who by theyr colourable submission (as it doth appere) were dismist and sent nowne from the Bishop of London, and since theyr comming home thei haue not onely in their owne persons shewed manifest signes and tokens of dis∣obedience, in not comming to the Churche, nor yet obser∣uing other good orders: but also most maliciously and sedi∣tiously haue seduced many from comming to the Church, and frō obeying all other good orders, mocking also those that frequent the Church, and calling thē Church Owles, and blasphemouslye calling the blessed Sacrament of the aultar a blind God, with diuers such like blasphemies. In consideration whereof, may it please your honour (for the loue of God, and for the tender zeale your good Lorshippe beareth to Iustice, and common peace and quietnes of the king and Queenes Maiesties louing subiectes) to award out your warrant for the sayd William Mount, his wife, & Rose her daughter, that they being attached & brought before your good Lordshippe, we trust the rest will feare to offend (their ring leaders of sedition being apprehēded) to the quietnes of theyr obedient subiectes.

Your dayly Orators the Parishioners of Much∣bentley, Thomas Tye Priest, Iohn Carter,* 4.2 Thomas Candeler, Iohn Barker, Richarde Mere, Iohn Paynter, William Harrys, Iohn Richard, with other.

This being done, the said sir Thomas Tye bethought with himselfe where the persecuted did resorte.* 4.3 For in the beginning of Queene Maries reign, for a xij. moneth and more, he came not to the Church, but frequented the cōpa∣nye of Godlye men and women, which absteined from the same, and as they thought, he laboured to keepe a good cō∣science, but the sequele shewed him to be a false brother.

Now (as I said) he partly knowing y^e places of refuge for honest mē, did further enquire of other about y^e same, & being therof sufficiently (as he thought) instructed to hys purpose, immediatly about y^e time the supplication aboue specified was exhibited to y^e sayd L. Darcy, wrote secretly a letter to Boner B. of Londō, wherin he maketh his accoūt how he had bestowed his time, & cōplayned of diuers ho∣nest mē, among the which was the sayd W. Mount & hys company. The tenour of which letter herafter foloweth.

*A Letter sent to Boner Byshop of London, from Syr Thomas Tye Priest.

* 5.1RIght honourable Lord, after my bounden duety done in most humble wise, these shall be to signify vnto your Lordship the state of our parties concerning religion. And first since the com∣ming downe, of the 24. rancke hereticks dismissed from you, the detestable sort of Schismaticks were neuer so bold since the king and Queenes Maiesties reignes as they are nowe at this present. In Muc••bently where your Lordship is Patrone of the Churche, since Williā Mount, & Alice his wife, with Rose Allin her daugh∣ter came home, they doe not onely absent themselues from the church, and seruice of God but do dayly allure many other away from the same, which before did outwardly shew signes & tokens of obedience.

They assemble together vpon the Sabbaoth day in the time of diuine seruice, sometimes in one house, sometime in an other, and there ke••pe theyr priuy conuenticles and scholes of heresy. The Iurates sayth, the Lordes Commission is out, & they are dis∣charged of theyr othe. The Quest men in your Archdeacons visi∣tation alleadged that forasmuch as they were once presented & now sent home they haue no more to do with them nor none o∣ther Your Officers sayth, namely Mayster Boswell, that the Coū∣sell sent them not home without a great consideration. I praye God some of your Officers proue not fauorers of hereticks. The rebels are stout in the Towne of Colchester.

The ministers of the Church are hemd at in the open streets, and called knaues. The blessed Sacrament of the aultar is blas∣phemed and rayled vpon in euery Alehouse and Tauerne. Prayer and fasting is not regarded. Seditious talkes and newes are rife, both in towne and countrey, in as ample and large manner, as though there had no honorable Lords and Commissioners bene sent for reformation thereof. The occasion riseth partly by reason of Iohn Lone of Colchester H••e••h (a peruerse place) which Iohn Lone was twise indicted of heresye, and thereupon fled with his wife and householde, and h••s goodes seased within the Towne of Colchester, to the King and Queenes Maiesties vse. Neuerthe∣lesse the sayd Iohn is come home agayne, and nothing sayde or done to him. Whereupon the heretickes are wonderfully encou∣raged, to the no litle discomfort of good and Catholicke people, which dayly prayeth to God for the profite, vnity, and restaurati∣on of his Church agayne, whiche thing shall come the sooner to passe, through the trauell and paynes of su••h honourable Lordes and reuerend fathers, as your good Lordshippe is, vnto whome I wish long life and continuaunce, with encrease of much honour.

From Colchester the xviij. of December.

Your humble Bedes man Thomas Tye Priest.

When Iudasly this wicked Prieste had thus wrought his malice agaynst the people of god, within a while after, the stormes began to arise agaynste those poore persecuted William Mount and his company, wherby they were en∣forced to hide themselues from the heat thereof. And conti∣nuing so a litle space at last, the vij. day of March. an. 1557. being the first Sonday in Lent, and by 2. of the clock in the morning, one Maister Edmund Tyrrell (who came of the house of that Tyrrels which murdered king Edward the v. and his brother) tooke with him the Bailiffe of the hun∣dred called William Simuell, dwelling in Colchester, and the two Cōstables of Muchbently aforesayd named Iohn Baker & William Harries with diuers other,* 5.2 a great nū∣ber: & besetting the house of the said William Mount roūd about, called to them at length to open the doore, which be∣ing done M. Tyrrell with certein of his cōpany, went in∣to the chamber where the sayd father Mount and his wife lay, willing them to rise:* 5.3 for (sayd he) ye must goe wyth vs to Colchester Castle. Mother Mount hearing that, beyng very sicke, desired that her daughter might first fetche her some drinke: for she was (she sayd) very ill at ease.

Then he gaue her leaue & bad her go. So her daughter the forenamed Rose Allin, mayde, tooke a stone pot in one hand, & a candle in the other, & went to draw drink for her mother: & as she came back again through the house, Tyr∣rel met her, & willed to geue her father & mother good coū∣sell, and to aduertise them to be better Catholicke people.

Rose.

Syr, they haue a better instructour then I. For the holy Ghost doth teach them I hope, which I trust wil not suffer them to erre.

Tyrrell.

Why, sayd Mayster Tyrrell, art thou still in that minde, thou noughty houswife? Mary it is time to look v∣pon such heretickes in deed.

Rose.

Syr, with that which you call heresy,* 5.4 do I worshyp my Lord God. I tell you troth.

Tyrrell.

Then I perceiue you will burne, gossip, with the rest, for companies sake.

Rose.

No syr, not for companies sake, but for my Christes sake, if so I be compelled, and I hope in his mercies, if he call me to it, he will enable me to beare it.

Tyrrell.

So he turning to his companye, sayde: Syrs thys gossip wil burne: do ye not thinke it? Mary sir, quoth one, proue her, and you shall see what she will do by and by.

[illustration]

❧ The burning of Rose Allins hand, by Edmund Tyrrell, as she was going to fetch drinke for her Mother, lying sicke in her bedde.

Then that cruell Tyrrill taking the candell from her, held her wrest, and the burning candell vnder her hande, burning crosse wise ouer the backe thereof, so long till the very smowes crackt a sūder. Witnes hereof Williā Kand∣ler then dwelling in Muchbently,* 5.5 which was there presēt and saw it. Also Mistres Bright of Romford, with Anne Starky her mayd, to whom Rose Allin both declared the same, and the sayd Mistres Bright also ministred salue for the curing therof, as she lay in her house at Romforde go∣ing vp towardes London with other prisoners.

In which time of his tyranny, he sayd oftē to her: why whore wilt thou not cry? Thou young whoore, wilt thou not cry? &c. Unto which alwayes she aunswered, that she had no cause, she thanked God, but rather to reioyce. Hee had, she sayd more cause to weepe then she, if he considered the matter well. In the ende, when the sinnowes (as I sayd) brake that all the house heard them, he then thrust her from him violētly, and sayd: ha strong whore, thou shame∣lesse beast, thou beastly whore. &c. with such like vile wor∣des. But she quietly suffering his rage for the time, at the last,* 5.6 said: Syr, haue ye done what ye will doe? And he sayd, yea, and if thou thinke it be not well, then mend it.

Rose.

Mend it? nay, the Lord mend you, and geue you re∣pentance, if it be his will. And now if ye thinke it good be∣gin at the feet,* 5.7 and burne the head also. For he that set you a worke, shall pay you your wages one daye I warrant you: and so she went and caryed her mother drinke as shee was commaūded. Furthermore, after the searching of the house for more company, at the last they found one Iohn Thurston and Margaret his wife there also, whome they caried with the rest to Colchester Castle immediatly.

And this sayd Rose Allin being prisoner, tolde a frend of hers this cruell act of the sayd Tirrell, and shewing him the maner therof▪ she sayd: while my one hand (quoth she) was a burning, I hauing a pot in my other hand, might haue laid him on y^e face with it,* 5.8 if I had would? for no mā held my hand to let me therin. But I thanke God (quoth she) with all my hart, I did it not.

Also being asked of another howe she could abyde the paynefull burning of her hand, she said, at first it was some griefe to her, but afterward, the longer she burned the lesse she felt, or well neare none at all.

And because Mayster Tyrrell shall not goe alone in this kinde of cruelty, you shall heare another like example of a blynde Harpers hand burnt by Bishop Boner, as is testified by the relation of Ualentine Dyngley sometime gentleman to the sayd Bishop: who declared before credi∣ble witnes, as followeth: how the sayd Bishop Boner ha∣uing this blind Harper before him, spake thus vnto him: that such blinde abiectes whiche folow a sorte of hereticall Preachers, when they come to the feeling of the fire, wyll be the first that will flye from it.

To whō the blind man sayd: that if euery ioynt of hym were burnt, yet he trusted in the Lord not to flye. Then Boner signifying priuily to certeine of his men about him what the should do, they brought to him a burning coale. Which coale being put into the poore mans hand, they clo∣sed it fast again, and so was his hand piteously burned. A∣mongest the doers wherof was the said maister Ualentine Dyngley witnes and reporter hereof, as is afore declared.

We read in the story of Titus Liuius of king Porsēna: who after the burning of the righte hande of M. Scaeuola, which came purposely to kill him, beyng onely contented therewith, sent him home to Rome agayne. But thus to burne the handes of poore men and women whiche neuer meant any harme vnto them, and yet not contented with that, but also to consume theyr whole bodyes without any iust cause, we find no example of such barbarous tyranny, neither in Titus Liuius, neither in any other story amon∣gest the heathen.

But to returne to our Colchester Martirs againe, as touching William Munt & his Wyfe, and burning of their daughter Rose Allins hand, sufficient hath bene declared. With the sayd William Munt and his family, was ioyned also in the same prison at Colchester, another faithfull bro∣ther named Iohn Iohnson, alias Aliker, of Thorpe, in the County of Essex labourer, of the age of xxxiiij. yeares, ha∣uing no wife aliue, but three yong children, who also was with them indicted of heresy, and so all these foure laye to∣gether in Colchester Castle.

The other sixe prisoners lay in Mote Hall in the sayde towne of Colchester, whose names were:

First, William Bongeor, of the parish of S. Nicholas in Colchester, Glasier, of the age of lx. yeares.

2. Tho. Benold of Colchester, Talow Chaundler.

3. W. Purcas of Bocking in the County of Essex, Ful∣ler, a yong man, of the age of xx. yeares.

4. Agnes Syluerside, alias Smith, dwelling in Colche∣ster, widow of the age of lx. yeares.

5. Helene Ewring, the wi••e of Iohn Ewring, Myller,* 5.9 dwelling in Colchester, of the age of fiue and forty yeares or thereaboutes, who was one of the two and twenty pri∣soners mentioned before. pag. 1863. sent vp in bandes frō Colchester to London, and after being deliuered with the rest, repayred home to Colchester agayne to her husbande, where notwithstanding she enioyed her liberty not verye long: for shortly after her returne, met with her one Rob. Maynard then Bayliffe of Colchester,* 5.10 a speciall enemy to Gods Gospell, who spying her, came to her, & kissed her, & bade her welcome home from London. Unto whome she considerately aunswered agayne, and sayd, that it was but a Iudas kisse. For in the end (quoth she) I know you will betray me: As in deed it came to passe, for immediately af∣ter that talke she was apprehended by him againe, & there lodged with the rest in the towne prison (as is aforesayde) called the Mote hall.

6. The sixt of this company was Elizabeth Folkes, a yong mayd, and seruaunt in Colchester, of the age of twē∣ty yeares.

These sixe were imprisoned in the town prison of Col∣chester, called Mote Hall, as the other soure aboue specifi∣ed, were in the Castle.

Diuers examinations these good men had at sundrye times before diuers Iustices, Priestes, and Officers, as M. Roper, Iohn Kingstone Commissary, Iohn Boswell Priest and Boners Scribe, and others moe, whereof the sayd Boswell made relation to Bishop Boner, certifying him of their depositions, as is to be read in our first book of Actes and Monumentes. pag. 1607. Last of all they were examined again in Mote hall the xxiij. day of Iune, by do∣ctour Chadsey, Iohn Kingstone Commissary, with other Priestes, & Boswell the Scribe, in the presence of the two Bailiffes of Colchester, Robert Browne & Robert May∣nard, with diuers other Iustices both of the town & coun∣try, and other Gentlemen a great sort: at which tyme and place, and before the said persons, they had sentence of con∣demnation read agaynst thē, chiefely for not affirming the reall presence of the Sacrament in theyr Aultar. The ef∣fect of theyr wordes therein, was this, or such like, as here foloweth.

¶First the Lordes faythfull prisoners in Mote Hall.

WIlliā Bongeor,* 5.11 of the parish of S. Nicolas in Col∣chester, Glasier, sayd: that the sacramēt of the aultar was bread, is bread, & so remayneth bread, & for the conse∣cration it is not the holyer, but rather the worse. To thys he did stand, as also agaynst all the rest of their Papisticall doctrine: and so had sentence read agaynst him.

Thomas Benold of Colchester, Talow Chaundler, af∣firmed the like in effect that the sayd Williā Bongeor dyd:* 5.12 and so had sentence also read against him.

W. Purcas of Bocking said,* 5.13 that when he receiued the sacrament, he receiued bread in an holy vse, that preacheth the remembrance that Christ died for him. To this he stood and against other theyr popish matters: and so also had sē∣tence read agaynst him.

Agnes Syluerside, alias Smith, sayd: that she loued no Consecration.* 5.14 For the breade and wine is rather worse then better therby, she sayd. This good olde woman aun∣swered them with such sound iudgement and boldnesse, to euery thing they asked her, that it reioyced the heartes of many, and especially to see the pacience of such a reuerende olde age, agaynst the tauntes and checkes of her enemies. To this she also stood, and had sentence read agaynst her in like maner.

Helene Ewring aunswered the like in effect as y^e other did, clearely denying all the lawes set forth by the Pope,* 5.15 w^t her whole hart. This good woman was somewhat thicke of hearing, but yet quick in vnderstanding the Lords mat∣ters (his name therfore be praysed.) Agaynst her also there was sentence read.

Elizabeth Folkes the young mayden, being examined whether she beleued the presence of Christes body to be in the Sacrament substantially and really, or no: answered,* 5.16 that she beleued that it was a substantiall lye, and a reall lye. At which wordes the Priestes and others chafed very much, and asked her agayne,* 5.17 whether after the Consecra∣tion there remayned not the bodye of Christ in the Sacra∣ment. And she aunswered, that before Consecration and after, it is but bread, and that man blesseth without Gods word, is cursed & abhominable by the word. &c. Then they examined her of confession to the Priest, of going to church to heare Masse, of the authority of the Bishoppe of Rome. &c. Unto all which she answered, that she woulde neyther

vse nor frequent none of them all, by the grace of God, but vtterly detest and and abhorre them from the bottome of our hart, and all such trumpery.

Then read they the sentence of condemnation against her.* 5.18 In which time Doct. Chadsey wept, that the teares trickled downe his cheekes. So the sentence being read, she kneeled downe on both her knees, lifting vp her hāds & eyes vnto heauen, with seruent praier in audible voyce praysing God that euer shee was borne, to see that moste blessed and happy day,* 5.19 that y^e Lord would count her wor∣thy to suffer for the testimony of Christ: and Lord, sayd she (if it be thy will) forgeue them that this haue done against me, for they know not what they doe. Then rising vp, she exhorted al those on the Benche, to repentaunce, especially those who brought her to prison, as Robert Maynard the Bayliffe, and such like: which Maynard commonly when he sate in iudgment vpon life and death, would sit sleeping on the Bench many times: so careful was his mind on his Office.

Further shee willed halting Gospellers to beware of bloud, for that would cry for vengeaunce, &c. And in y^e end she told them all, laying her hand on the Barre, if they d••d not repent their wicked doynges therin, that vndoubted∣ly the very barre should be a witnes agaynst them at y^e day of iudgement, that they had there that day shed innocente bloud.

This Elizabeth Folkes, the day before she was con∣demned, was examined onely vpon this article, whether she beleued that there was a Catholicke Church of Christ or no. Unto which she answered, Yea. Then was she im∣mediately (by Bowsels meanes the Scribe) deliuered vn∣to her vncle Holt▪ of the same towne of Colchester, to keep who caried her home vnto hys house: & shee being there, might haue departed thence many tymes, if she had wold: for there was meanes offered to conuey her awaye. But she hearyng that some doubted that shee hadde yealded to the Pope (although it was most vntrue) would in no wise content her selfe,* 5.20 but wept, and was in suche anguishe of minde and terrour of conscience, that (no remedye) shee woulde to the Papistes agayne, for any perswasions that could bee, and commyng before them at Cosins house at the white Harte in Colchester, she was at vtter defiaunce with them and their doctrine: and so had, as ye haue heard in the end, a papisticall reward, as the rest of her brethren had.

¶The Lordes faythfull prisoners in Colchester Castle.

* 5.21WIlliam Munt of Muchbentley in Essex, of the age of 61. yeares, sayde: that the sacrament of the Aultar was an abhominable Idoll, and that if he should obserue any part of their popish proceedinges, he should dysplease God, and bring his curse vpon him, and therfore for feare of his vengeāce he durst not doe it. This good father was examined of many thinges, but God be thanked, he stoode to the truth and in the end therfore had sentence of condem¦nation read agaynst hym.

Iohn Iohnson of Thorpe in Essex, wydower of y^e age of xxxiiii. yeares, was examined as the rest, and made an∣swere in suche sorte,* 5.22 as the Papistes counted them none of theirs, and therefore condemned him with theyr bloudye sentēce, as they had done the rest before. This Ioh. Iohn∣son affirmed, that in the receauing of the sacrament, accor∣dyng to Christes institution, he receiueth the body of christ spiritually. &c.

Alice Munt, the wife of the sayde William Munt, of y^e age of xli. yeares,* 5.23 being also examined as the rest, sayd and confirmed the same in effect as her husband dyd, and was therefore also condemned by their bloudy sentence in lyke maner.

Rose Allyn mayd, the daughter of the sayd Alice Munt of the age of twenty yeares,* 5.24 being examined of auricular confession, goyng to the church to heare Masse, of the Po∣pish seuen sacramentes &c. aunswered stoutlye that they stanke in the face of God, and she durst not haue to do with them for her life,* 5.25 neyther was she (she sayde) anye member of theirs: for they were the members of Antichriste, and so shuld haue (if they repented not) the reward of Antichrist. Being asked further, what she could saye of the Sea of the Bishop of Rome, whethere she would obey hys authori∣tie or no: she aunswered boldly, that she was none of hys. As for hys See (quoth she) it is for Crowes,* 5.26 kytes, owles and Rauens to swimme in, such as you be, for by y^e grace of God I shall not swimme in that See, while I lyue, nei¦ther will I haue any thing to doe therewith. Then read they the sentence of condemnation agaynst her, and so sent her vnto prison agayne vnto the rest, where she song with great ioy, to the wonder of many.

Thus these poore condemned Lambes, beyng deliue∣red into the handes of the secular power, were committed agayn euery one vnto y^e Prison from whence they came, where they remayned w^t much ioy & great comfort (in con¦tinuall reading, and inuocating the name of God) euer loo¦king and expecting the happy day of their dissolution. In which time the cruell Papistes left not their mischieuous attemptes agaynst them (although they would seeme now to haue no more to doe with thē) for bloudy Boner, whose throte neuer cryed ho, shortly a••ter got a writ for the bur∣ning of the foresayd ten good creatures, and to shewe the more dilligence in the cause, he sent hys owne trusty man downe with it, named Edward Cosin, and with hym al∣so his letter for the furtheraunce of the matter, the thirtye day of Iuly, the next month after the condemnation.

The writ being thus receiued of the sayde Bayliffes, & they hauing then no leysure thereaboutes, appoynted the day of y^e executiō therof, to be y^e second day of August next following. And because the faythfull soules were in two seuerall Prisons, as the Castle was for the Countrey and Mote Hall for the Towne, therfore it was agreed among them, that they in Mote Hall should be burnt in the fore∣noone and those at the Castle, by the Sheriffe of y^e Shyre, in the after noone, as here thou mayest see it more playne how it came to passe accordingly.

The second day of August. 1557. betwixt sixe and seuen of y^e clock in y^e morning, was brought from Mote Hal vn∣to a plat of ground hard by the towne wall of Colchester on the outward side, William Bongeor, William Purcas Thomas Benold, Agnes Siluerside aliâs Smith. Helene Euring & Elizab. Folkes aforenamed, which being there, & al things prepared for theyr martyrdome at the last these said constant martyrs kneeled downe and made theyr hū∣ble prayers to God, but not in such sorte as they woulde: for the cruel tyrants would not suffer them: especially one Mayster Clere among the rest (who sometyme had bene a Gospeller) shewed hymselfe very extreme vnto them: the Lord geue him repentaunce (if it be hys good will) & grace to be a better man. Whē they had made their prayers, they rose, & made them ready to the fire. And Elizabeth Folkes when she had pluckt off her Peticote, woulde haue geuen it to her mother, (which came and kist her at the stake, and exhorted her to be strong in the Lord) but the wicked there attending, woulde not suffer her to geue it. Therefore ta∣king the sayd peticote in her hand, she threw it away from her saying: Farewell all the world farewell fayth, farewel hope: and so taking the stake in her hand, sayde: Welcome loue &c. Now she being at the stake, and one of the Offi∣cers nayling the chayne about her, in the striking of y^e sta∣ple, he mist the place and strake her with a great stroke of the hammer on the shoulder bone: wherat she sodenly tur∣ned her head lifting vp her eyes to the Lorde, and prayed

[illustration]

¶The martyrdome of three men and three wo∣men at Colchester, burned in the forenoone, be∣sides 4 other burned at after noone.

* 5.27

smilingly, and gaue her selfe to exhortyng the people a∣gayne.

When all sixe were also nayled likewise at their stakes and the fire about them, they clapped their handes for ioy in the fire, that the standers by (which were by estimation thousandes) cryed generally all almost: The Lord streng∣thē them, the Lord comfort them, the Lord poure his mer∣cies vpon them, with such like wordes, as was wonder∣full to heare.

Thus yealded they vp theyr soules and bodyes into y^e Lordes handes, for the true testimony of his trueth. The Lord graunt we may imitate the same in the like quarrell (if hee so vouche vs worthye) for hys mercies sake. A∣men.

In like manner, the sayde day in the afternoone, was brought forth into the Castle yard, to a place appoynted for the same,* 5.28 W. Munt. Iohn Iohnson, Alice Munt, and Rose Allyn aforesayd, which godly constant persons, after they had made theyr praiers, and were ioyfully ••yed to the stakes, calling vpon the name of God, and exhorting the people earnestly to flee from Idolatry, suffered their mar∣tyrdome with such triumphe and ioye, that the people did no lesse showte therat to see it, then at the other that were burnt the same day in the morning.

Thus ended all these glorious x. soules that day, their happy liues vnto the Lord,* 5.29 whose ages all did growe to y^e summe of 406. yeares or thereaboutes. The Lord graunt we may well spend our yeares and dayes likewise to his glory. Amen.

¶Iohn Thurston dyed in Colche∣ster Castle.

BEfore you haue heard of y^e taking of one I. Thurston at Muchbentley,* 5.30 in the house of one William Munt of the same towne: which sayd Iohn Thurston afterwarde, about the moneth of Maye, in the yeare aforesayde, dyed in Colchester Castle, a constaunt confessour of Iesus Christ.

¶The story and death of George Eagles, other∣wise termed Trudgeouer, a most paynefull tra∣uayler in Christes Gospell, who for the same Gospell most cruelly was martyred by the cruell papistes.

AMong other Martirs of singular vertue and constan∣cie,* 5.31 one George Eagles deserueth not the least admy∣ration, but is so much the more to be commended, for that he hauing little learning or none, most manfully serued & fought vnder the banner of Christes Churche. For often∣times the will and pleasure of God is to beautifie & adorn his kingdome w^t the weake & simple instruments of this world: such as in the old Testament Amos was, who w^t many other of obscure and vnknowne names, were called from the heardes and soldes to the honour of Prophetes: as likewise we read of the Apostles that were called from fishermens craft, and put into churches. Wherefore thys George Eagles is not to be neglected for his base occupa∣tion, whome Christ called thence to set foorth and declare abroad his Gospell. Rather we ought to glorifie GOD the more thereby in his holinesse, whiche in so blinde a time inspired him with the gift of preaching, and constan∣cie of suffering: who after a certayne time hee had vsed the occupation of a Taylor, being eloquent and of good vtte∣raunce, gaue and applyed himselfe to the profite of christes Church.

Which man, as before in those moste bright and cleare dayes of king Edw. the 6. he had not vnfruitfully shewed and preached the power & force of y^e Lorde: so afterward in the tempestious time and fall of the churche (at what tyme the confessours of Christ and hys Gospell were turmoy∣led, diuers of thē murthered, parte banished, & other some constrained for feare not to shew their heades) he expressed and vttered his manly stomacke. For he wandring abroad into diuers and farre Countryes,* 5.32 where he could finde a∣ny of his brethren, he did there moste earnestly encourage & comfort them, not tarying in this town, and sometyme abidyng in that certayn mōthes together, as occasion ser∣ued, lodgyng sometyme in the Countrey & sometime for feare liuing in fieldes & woods, who for his immoderate & vnreasonable goyng abroad, was called Trudgeouer. Oftentimes he did lye abroad in the night without couert spending the most part thereof in deuout and earnest pray¦er.

His dyet was so aboue measure spare and sclender, that for the space of three yeares, he vsed for the moste parte, to drinke nothing but very water, whereunto he was com∣pelled through necessitie of the time of persecution: & after whē he perceaued that his body by Gods prouidence pro∣ued well enough with this dyet, he thought best to inure himselfe therwithall agaynst all necessities.

Now when he had profited Christes Churche in thys sort, by going about and preaching the Gospell a yeare or two, and especially in Colchester and the quarters thera∣bout, that priuie enemy which enuieth alwayes the sal∣uation and blessed estate of the good, lurketh & layeth wait by all meanes possible for hym, so that there were diuers espies sent out, who had in commaundement, where soeuer they found him, to bring him eyther quicke or dead.

But when this their attempt could not preuayle, but al was in vayne (the sayd Eagles with his brethren keping in close, and hiding themselues in out and darke places, as in barnes, thickets, holes, and priuy closets) hys aduer¦saries wēt about an other way to compasse this theyr en∣terprise of taking him. For in the Queenes name a gree∣uous Edicte was proclaymed throughout foure Shyres Essex, Suffolke, Kent, and Northfolke, promising y^e party that tooke him, twenty pound for his paynes: doubtles a worthy hyre to entice any Iew to treachery. For being in∣flamed with greedy desire of the mony, deuised and inuē∣ted al waies and reasons they could possible to be enriched with the hurt and destruction of this sely man.

At length it came to passe, that this George being seene by chaunce at Colchester vpō Mary Magdalens day, at which tyme they kept a Fayre in the Towne, should haue foorthw^t ben deliuered to hys aduersaries, if he perceiuing the same (as God would haue it) had not conueyed hym∣selfe away as fast as he could, a great multitude pursuing after, and seeking dilligently for him. Who first hid hym∣selfe in a Groue, and then from thence he stole into a corne field there by, and so laye secretly couched from the vyo∣lence of his enemies, in so muche as they were all, sauyng one, past hope of taking him, and therefore readye to de∣part their way.

This one hauing more subtilly and wicked craft in his head then the rest, woulde not depart thence with his fel∣lowes, but climed vp into a high tree, there to view & espy if he might see Eagles any where stir or moue. The poore man thinking al sure enough, by reason that hee heard no noyse abroad, rose vp vpon his knees, and lifting vpp his hands, prayed vnto God.* 5.33 And whether it were for y^t hys head was aboue the corne, or because his voice was heard the lurker perceiuing hys desired pray that hee hunted af∣ter, forthwith came downe, and sodaynly laying hands on him, brought him as prisoner to Colchester. Notwithstan¦ding the gredy and Iudas knaue which had so much pro∣mised him, was faine to be contented with a very smal re∣ward, and glad to take that too, least he shoulde haue had nothing at all.

This George, not without great lamentation of dy∣uers good men: and great lacke vnto the Church of God (of whiche to his power hee was a worthye instrument) was committed to prison there, and from thence wythin 4. dayes after conueyed to Chelmsford, where he abode all that night in deuout prayer, and would not sleepe, neither would eat or drinke, but bread and water. The next day he was caryed to London to the Bishop or the Counsayle, and there remayned a certayne time, & then was brought downe to Chelmsford to the Sessions, and there was in∣dited and accused of treason, because hee had assembled cō∣panyes together, contrary to the lawes and statutes of the Realme in that case prouided. For so it was ordayned a li∣tle before, to auoyd sedition, that if men shoulde flocke se∣cretly together, aboue the number of six, they shoulde be attached of treason: which strayte lawe was the casting a∣way of the good Duke of Somerset before mentioned.

And albeit it was well known that poore Eagles did neuer any thing seditiously against y^e Queene, yet to cloke an honest matter withall, and to cause hym to be the more hated of the people, they turned religion into a ciuill of∣fence and crime, and though he defended his cause stoutly and boldly, making a full declaration of his religion or fayth before the Iudges: yet could he not bryng to passe by any meanes, but that hee must neeedes be indicted (as is sayd) of treason, whose inditement did runne muche after this fashion.

George Eagles, thou art indicted by y^e name of George Eagles, otherwise Trudgeouer the worlde, for that thou didst such a day make thy prayer, that God shoulde turne Queene Maryes hart, or els take her away.* 5.34

He denyed that he prayed that God should take her a∣way, but he confessed that he prayed that God would turn her hart in his prayer. Well, notwithstanding he was con∣demned for a traytor, although the meaning thereof was for Religion.

This thing done, he was caryed to the new Inne, cal∣led the signe of the Crowne in Chelmsforde, by the beastly Bayliffes, which some of them were they that before dyd the best to take him, and being in the Inne, one Richard Potto the elder,* 5.35 an Inholder, dwelling at the signe of the Cocke in the same towne, did muche trouble him in per∣swading him to cōfesse he had offended the Queene in his prayer which he was condemned for, and to aske her for∣geuenes.

To whome he sayd hee had not offended her Grace in that behalfe. So in processe of time he was layd vppon a Sled with an Hurdle on it, and drawne to the place of ex∣ecution being fast bounde, hauing in his hand a Psalme booke, of the whiche he read very deuoutly all the way w^t a loud voyce till he came there: and being on the Ladder, this foresayd Potto did much trouble him w^t the matter a∣foresayd, when he would haue vttered other thinges, tyll such time as the Sheriffe commaunded Potto to hold his peace and trouble him no more.

So he made his confession and stood very constant stil then he was turned of the ladder. With him were cast cer∣tayn theeues also, and y^e next day when they wer brought out to be executed with him, there happened a thing that did much set forth and declare the innocency and godlines of this man. For being ledde betweene two theeues to the place where he should suffer, when as hee exhorted bothe them & all other, to stand steadfastly to the truth, one of these turned the counsel he gaue, into a iesting matter, and made but a floute of it.

Why should we doubt to obtayne heauen, sayth he, for as much as this holy man shal go before vs, as captayne and leader vnto vs in the way. We shall flee thether strayt as soone as he hath once made vs the entry.

In this, George Eagles and that other did greatly re¦proue him, who on y^e other side gaue good heed to Georges exhortation, earnestly be wayling his owne wickednes, & calling to Christ for mercy. But the more that the first was bid to be still and to leaue off his scoffing, the more per∣uerse did he continue in hys foolishnes and his wicked be¦hauiour. At length he came to the Gallowes, where they shoulde bee hanged, but George was caryed to an other place there by to suffer. Betweene the two it was y^e god∣lyers chaunce to go the foremost, who beyng vpon y^e lad∣der, after he had exhorted the people to beware and take heede to thēselues, how they did transgresse y^e commaun∣dementes of God, and then hadde committed his soule in to Gods handes, he ended his life after a godly and quyet maner.

The mockers turn commeth next, which would haue sayd likewise somewhat, but his tongue did so fumble and falter in his head,* 5.36 that hee was not able to speake a word. Fayne would he haue vttered his mind, but he coulde not bring it out. Then did the vnder Sheriffe bid him say the Lordes prayer, which he coulde not say neyther, but stut∣teringly, as a man would saye, one word to day, and an o∣ther to morowe. Then one did begin to say it, and so bad him say after.

Such as were there and saw it, were very much asto∣nyed: especially those that did beholde the iust punishment of God, agaynst him that had mocked so earnest a matter. George Eagles in the meane tyme, after hee had hanged a small time, hauing a great check with the halter, immedi∣ately one of the Bayliffes cut the halter a sunder, & hee fell to the ground being still aliue, although much amased w^t the checke he had of the ladder.

* 5.37The one William Swallow of Chelmsford a Bayliffe did draw him to the Sledde, y^t he was drawn thether on, and layd his necke thereon, and with a Cleauer, such as is occupyed in many mens kitchins, and blunt, did hackle off his head, and sometime hit his necke, and sometyme his chinne, and did fowly māgle him, and so opened him. Notwithstanding this blessed Martyr of Christe abode steadfast and constant in the very midst of his tormentes, till such time as this tormentor William Swallowe dyd plucke the hart out of his body. The bodye being deuided in foure partes, and his bowels burnt, was brought to y^e foresayd Swallowes dore, and there layd vppon the fishe stalles before his dore, till they had made ready a horse to cary his quarters, one to Colchester, and the reste to Har∣wich, Chelmsford and S. Rouses.

His head was set vpp at Chelmsforde on the Market Crosse on a long pole,* 5.38 and there stoode till the winde dyd blowe it downe, and lying certayne dayes in the streete tumbled about, one caused it to be buryed in the Church∣yarde in the night. Also a wonderfull work of God was it that he shewed on this wicked Bayliffe Swallow, who within short space after this was so punished, that all the heare went welnere of his head, hys eyes were as it were closed vp and could scant see, the nayles of his fingers and toes went cleane off. He was in such case of his bodye, as though he had bene a leper,* 5.39 and now in his last age almost a very begger, and his wife which he a little after maried God hath punished with the falling sickenes, or a disease like vnto that: which may be a warning or glasse for al mē and women to look in, that be enemies to Gods true ser∣uauntes.* 5.40

No lesse token of his marueilous iudgement did God shewe vppon the foresayde Richard Potto, whiche did so much trouble this George Eagles in the Inne, and at the place of execution, as is aboue specified. He liued til the be¦ginning of Queene Elizabethes raygne, al which time he little ioyed, & on a time being in a great chaufe wyth two or three of his neighbors in his own house, feeling himself not well, he said to one of hys seruantes: Goe with me in to the chamber & when hee came there, he fell downe on a low bed, as heauy as it had bene lead, & laye there fomyng at the mouth, & coulde neuer speake after, neyther yet vn∣derstand what was sayd to him, as by al meanes was tri∣ed by his neighbors with signes to him made, but laye as senceles as it had bene a very dumb beast, and within three or foure dayes dyed. God graunt that this token sente of God, with many moe like, may bee a warning to vs euer hereafter, while we shall liue vnto the worlds end.

Besides this, God hathe wonderfully shewed hys worke. For at a time when they layd great wayte for thys George Eagles: so that it was thought that it was vnpos¦sible but that he should be taken being so beset, his frends did put him in a Prentice apparill, that is to say, watche•• hose, as their maner is, and an old cloke, and set him on a packe of woll, as though he had ridden to carry woll to y^e spinners, so he rode amongst the midst of his aduersaries and escaped them al for that time. An other troubler of the sayd George Eagles was also Iustice Browne, who en∣ioyed not his cruelty many yeares after. &c.

Also when hee was at the Sessions at Chelmsforde, there was a rumor raysed that hee had accused diuers ho∣nest men that dyd keepe him in theyr houses, and was con¦uersaunt with him, and all to discredite him, which rumor was very false and vtterly vntrue. Witnes one Reynold, with diuers other dwelling in Chelmsford.

¶The martirdome and examination of Richard Crashfield of Wymoundham, condemned to death for the testimonye of Iesus Christ.

ABout this time suffered at Norwiche,* 5.41 a godly man & a constant martyr of Christ, called Richard Crashfield whose examination before the Chauncellor, named Dun∣nynges, as he penned them with hys owne hand, so haue we faythfully recorded the same.

How say you Syrha, sayd the Chancellor,* 5.42 to the cere∣monyes of the Church?

Then sayd I: what ceremonies?

He sayd vnto me: Do you not beleue that all the cere∣monies of the church were good and godly?

My aunswere was: I do beleue so many as are groū∣ded in the testament of Iesus Christ.

Tush, sayd he,* 5.43 do you beleeue in the Sacrament of the aultar?

I sayd, I knew not what it was.

Then sayd he: Do you not beleeue that Christe tooke bread, gaue thankes, brake it, and sayde: Take, eate, thys is my body.

Yes verily, sayd I, and euen as Christ did speake, so did he performe the worke.

Tush, sayd he, doe you not beleeue this, that after the wordes be spoken by the prieste, there is the substaunce of Christes body, flesh, and bloud? How say you, doe you not beleue this? Speake man.

I doe beleeue that Christes body was broken for me vppon the Crosse, and his bloud shed for my redemption, wherof the bread and the wyne is a perpetuall memory, y^e pledge of hys mercy, the ring and seale of hys promise, and a perpetuall memory for the faythfull, vnto the ende of the world. So then I was commaunded into prison vntil the next day.

¶An other examination of Ri∣chard Crashfield.

* 5.44

THe daye following I was brought foorth. Then the Chauncellor sayd vnto me: Richard, how say you? Are you otherwise minded then you were yesterdaye? Hee re∣hearsing all the wordes that we hadde afore, sayde: are not

these your wordes? Whereto I aunswered, Yes.

Then sayd he: how say you, can you not finde in your hart, when you come to the Church, to kneele downe be∣fore the Roode, and make your prayer?

* 5.45I aunswered and sayd, No: rehearsing the commaun∣dement of God forbidding the same.

He sayd: haue you not read or heard, that God com∣maunded an Image to be made?

I answered, what Image?

He sayd, the brasen serpent.

I sayd, Yes, I haue heard it read, how that God dyd commaunde it to bee made, and lykewise to bee broken downe.

Then D. Brigges sayd: Wherfore did God command the Seraphins and Cherubins to be made?

I sayd, I could not tell: I would fayne learne.

Then sayd the Chauncellor: But how say you to this? can you finde in your hart to fall downe before the picture of Christ, which is the Roode?

I sayd, No, I feare the curse of God: for it is wrytten that God curseth the handes that make them, yea, and the handes that make the tooles wherewith they are carued.

Then D. Brigges raged, and sayd: List nowe what a peece of scripture he hath here gotten to serue hys purpose for he will not allow but where he listeth.* 5.46

Then sayd the Chauncellor: How say you to Confessi∣on to the priest? when were you confessed?

I sayd, I confesse my selfe dayly vnto the eternal God whom I most greuously offend.

Then the Chauncellor sayd: You do not then take con¦fession to the priest to be good?

I aunswered, No, but rather wicked.

Then the Chauncellor sayd, How say you by yonder geare,* 5.47 yonder singing, and yonder playing at y^e Organs? is it not good and godly?

I sayd, I could perceaue no godlines in it.

Then he sayde: why, is it not written in the Psalmes: that we should prayse God with hymmes and spirituall songes?

I sayd, Yes, spirituall songes must be had: but yonder is of the flesh: & of the spirite of error. For to you it is plea∣saunt and glorious, but to y^e Lord it is bitter and odious.

Then sayd the Chauncellor: why, is it not written: My house is an house of prayer?* 5.48

I sayd, Yes. It is written also: That you haue made my house of prayer a denne of theeues.

With that, the Chancellor looked, and sayd: Haue we?

I aunswered and sayde, Christ sayde so. Then was I commaunded to ward.

The thursday next following, was D. Brigges sent to me for to examine me of my fayth.* 5.49 And he sayd: Countrey∣man, my Lord Bishop (for loue he would haue you saued) hath sent me vnto you, because to morow is your day ap∣pointed: therfore my Lord hath thought it meete, that you should declare vnto me your fayth: For to morow my lord will not haue much adoe with you.

I aunswered & said: Hath my Lord sent you? It is not you to whom I am disposed to shew my minde.

Then he sayd to me: I pray you shew me your minde concerning the sacrament of the altar.

I aunswered: Are you ignoraunt what I haue sayd?

He said▪ No: for it was wel writtē. Except you beleue, sayth he, as the Church hath taught, you are damned both body and soule.

I answered and sayd: Iudge not, least yee bee iudged: condemne not, least ye be condemned.

And he sayd: Loe: we shall haue a traytour as well as an hereticke: for hee will disallowe the kinges iudgement.

I sayd, No: I do not disallow the kinges iudgement but yours I do disallowe. For I praye you tell me, howe came you by this iudgement?

He answered and sayd: By the Church: for the Church hath power to saue and condemne, for if you bee condem∣ned by the church, he ye sure, that you be damned both bo∣dy and soule.

* 5.50Then I aunswered: If you haue this power, I am sore deceiued. For I beleue that Christ shall be our Iudge. But now I perceiue you will do much for him, that you will not put him to the payne.

Then he sayd: stand nearer countryman: why stand ye so farre off?

I sayd, I am neare enough, and a little to neare.

Then he sayd: Did not Christ say: Is not my flesh meate and my bloud drinke in deede?

I sayd: To whome spake Christ those wordes?

He sayd: To his Disciples.

I (intending to rehearse the texte) sayde: whereat did Christes disciples murmure inwardly?

He sayd: No, they did not murmure, but they were the Infidels (saith he:) for the Disciples were satisfied w^t those wordes

I sayd: Did not Christ say thus, as hee taught at Ca∣pernaum? whereas his Disciples murmured, saying▪ This is an hard saying. Who can abide the hearyng of it? Iesus percei¦uing their thoughtes: sayd: Doth this offend you?

Then he raged and sayd: Oh, thou wrastest the text for thine owne purpose. For the disciples did neuer murmure but the vnbeleuers, as thou art.* 5.51

I sayd: Yes, but I perceiue you know not the text.

Then sayd he with much raging, I will laye my head thereon, it is not so.

Then sayd I: I haue done with you.

Then sayd he: What shall I tell my Lord of you?

If you haue nothing to tell him, youre errand shalbe the sooner done, sayd I. And so we departed.

Then on Friday I was brought forth to receiue iudge¦ment. Then the Chauncellor said vnto me:* 5.52 Are you a new man, or are you not?

I aunswered and sayd: I trust I am a new man born of God.

God geue grace you be so, sayd he. So he rehearsed all my examination, & sayd: How say you, are not these your wordes?

I sayd, Yes: I will not deny them.

Then he sayd to Doctour Pore, standing by: I praye you talke with him. Then he alledging to me many fayre flattering wordes, sayd: Take, eate, this is my body. How say you to this? Do you not beleue that it is Christes bodye? speake.

I sayd: Haue you not my minde? Why do you trouble me?

He sayd: What did Christ geue you? was it breade, or was it not?

I sayd: Christ tooke bread and gaue thanks, and gaue it, and they tooke bread, and did eate. And Saincte Paule maketh it more manifest, where he sayth: So oft as yee shall eate of this bread, and drinke of this cuppe, yee shall shew forth the Lordes death vntill hee come.* 5.53 Saincte Paule sayth not here, as you say: for he sayth: So ofte as you shall eate of thys bread. He doth not saye, body. So they intendinge that I should go no further in the text, sayd: Tush, you goe about the bush. Aunswere me to the first question. Let vs make an end of that.

What say you to the bread that Christe gaue? Let mee haue your mind in that.

I aunswered: I haue sayd my mind in it.

Then the Chancellor sayde: No, wee will haue youre mind in that.

I aunswered: I haue sayd my minde in it.

Then the Chancellor: No, we will haue your mynde more playnly: For wee intend not to haue many wordes with you.

I said: My faith is fully grounded and stablished, that Christ Iesus the Easter Lamb hath offered his blessed bo∣dy a sacrifice to God the father, the price of my redemptiō. For by that onely sacrifice are all faythfull sanctified, & he is our onely aduocate and mediatour, and hee hath made perfect our redemption. This hath hee done alone, wyth∣out any of your dayly oblations.

Then Doctour Brigges starte vp, and sayd: Truthe, your wordes are true in deede. You take well the litterall sense: but this you must vnderstand, that like as you sayd that Christ offered his body vpon the Crosse, whiche was a bloudy sacrifice, and a visible sacrifice: so likewise wee dayly offer the selfe same body that was offered vppon the crosse, but not bloudy and visible, but inuisible,* 5.54 vnto God the father.

Doe you offer Christes body, I sayd? Why then chry∣stes sacrifice was not perfect. But Christ is true, when all men shalbe lyers.

Then he sayd: Thou shalt not feare him that hath po∣wer to kill the body: but thou shall feare hym that hathe power to kill both body and soule.

I aunswered & sayd: It is not so But the text is thus: Thou shalt not feare them that haue power to kill the body, and then haue done what they can. But thou shalt feare him that hath power to kill both body and soule, and cast them both into hel fire, and not them.

He aunswered and sayd: Yes, for it is the Church.

I aunswered and sayd: Why, Christ sayth: I geue my lyfe for the redemption of the worlde. No manne taketh my lyfe from me (saythe hee) but I geue it of myne owne po∣wer, and so I haue power to take it agayne. Therefore Christ y^e sonne of god did offer his blessed body once for al.

And if you wil presume to offer his body dayly, then your power is aboue Christes power. With that he chafed, and sayd: What, shal wee haue doctrine? Ye are not hereto ap∣pointed.

Then the Chauncellor stoode vp, and sayde: will yee turne from this wicked error, and be an example of good∣nes, as you haue bene an example of euill (for by youre wicked reading you haue perswaded simple women to be in this error) and ye shall haue mercy.

And I said: it is of God that I do craue mercy, whom I haue offended, and not of you.

Then sayde the Chauncellor: When were you at youre parishe Churche? These two yeares and more you haue stand excommunicate. Wherfore you are condemned. And so I was condemned.

* 5.55Thus hast thou, gentle Reader, the examinations of this godly young man, set forth and written with hys own hand, who not long after his condēnation was by y^e Sheriffes and Officers there, brought to the stake, where with much pacience and constancie he entered his blessed Martirdome. At the burning of whiche Christian Martyr one Thomas Carman the same tyme was apprehended, by what occasion, it is not yet to vs fully certayne, whe∣ther it was for words, or for praying with him, or for pled¦ging him at his burning, concerning which Thom. Car∣man, his story hereafter followeth in his order and place, further to be seene.

¶One Fryer and a certayne godly woman burned at Rochester, who was the sister of George Eagles.

* 5.56

ABout the same time and month, one named Fryer, w^t a woman accompanying him, who was the sister of George Eagles in the like cause of righteousnes, suffered the like martyrdome by the vnrighteous papistes, whose tyranny the Lord of his mercy abate & cut shorte, turning that wicked generation, if it be his will, to a better minde.

*The apprehension and death of Maistres Ioyce Lewes, the wife to Thomas Lewes, of Manceter, most constantly suffering for Gods word at Lichfield.

* 5.57MAistresse Ioyce Lewes, a gentlewoman borne, was delicately brought vp in the pleasures of y^e world ha∣uing delight in gay apparell & such like foolishnes, with y^e which follyes, the most part of the Gentlefolkes of Eng∣land were then and are yet infected, who was maried first to one called Appelby, afterwarde to Thomas Lewes of Manceter. In the beginninge of Queene Maryes tyme she went to the Church and heard masse as others did, but when she heard of the burning of that moste godly & lear∣ned M. Laurence Saunders, who suffered in Couentry, she began to take more heede to the matter, and enquired earnestly of such as she knew feared God, y^e cause of hys death: and when she perceaued it was because hee refused to receaue the Masse, she began to be troubled in consciēce & waxed very vnquiet, & because her house was euen hard by M. Iohn. Glouers house, of whome mention was made before. pag. 1614. and 1620. a man of blessed memory and of a singular example of his vnfayned godlines and manifold troubles whiche he suffered for the Gospell) shee did oftentimes resort to him, and desired him to tel her the faultes that were in the Masse, and other thinges that at that time were vrged as necessary to saluation.

Now he perceiuing both her vnquiet minde, & also the desire she had to know the truth, dyd most dilligently in∣struct her in y^e wayes of the Lord, approuing vnto her out of Gods holy word, that the Masse, with all other papisti∣call inuentions, was odious in Gods sight: and besides this, reproued her, for that she delighted in the vanities of this world so much. By the which godly counsell geuē by him, it happened that she began to waxe weery of y^e world throughly sorrowfull for her sinnes, being inflamed with the loue of God, desirous to serue him accordyng to hys word, purposing also to flee from those thinges the whiche did displease the Lord her God. And because she had lear∣ned y^e masse to be euil & abhominable, she began to hate it. And when at a time she was compelled by the furiousnes of her husband to come to the Churche, at the same tyme when the holy water was cast, shee turned her backe to∣wardes it, and shewed her selfe to be displeased with their blasphemous holy water, iniurious to the bloud of christ: Whereupon she was accused before the Bishop, for the de∣spising of theyr sacramentals.

Immediately a Citation was sent for her to her hus∣bandes house, to appeare before the bishop incontinently. The Summer y^t brought the Citation deliuered it to her husband, who looking vpō it, & perceauing what it was, was moued w^t anger, willing the sumner to take the Cita¦tion w^t him agayne (or els he woulde make him to eate it. The Sumner refused to take it agayne, for he thought no man durst haue bene so bold to trouble him. But in y^e ende Lewes compelled the sayd sumner to eate the Citation in¦deed, by setting a daggar to his hart: & when hee had eaten it, he caused him to drinke to it, & so sent him away. But im¦mediately after, the sayd Lewes with his wife were com∣maunded to appeare before the B. where the sayd Lewes by & by submitted himself, & desired the Bish. to be good to him, excusing himselfe after y^e best fashion he could. Wher∣upon the B. was content to receiue his submission, w^t con∣dition that his wife shoulde submit her selfe also. But shee stoutly told the byshop, that by refusing of the holy water she had neither offended God nor any part of hys lawes. At the which words the bish. being greeuously offended, & because she was a Gentlewomā, he would not take her at y^e worst (as he sayd) he gaue her one monthes respite bin∣ding her husband in an hundred pound to bring her again vnto him at y^e monthes end, and so they were both let go.

When they came to their owne house, the sayde May∣stresse Ioyce Lewes gaue her selfe to most dilligent praier and inuocating of the name of God,* 5.58 resorting continually to the aboue named man of God, Maister Iohn Glouer who did most dilligently instruct her with Gods worde, willing her in any wise not to meddle with that matter in respect of vayne glory, or to get her selfe a name, shewyng her the great daungers shee was like to cast her selfe in, if shee shoulde meddle in Gods matters otherwyse then Christ doth teach.

When the moneth was nowe almost expired, and the time at hand that shee shoulde be brought before the Bi∣shop, her husband being aduertised by the sayde Mayster Iohn Glouer and others, not to carry her to the Byshop, but to seeke some wayes to saue her, or if the worst should come, to be content to forfeit so much money, rather then to cast his own wife into y^e fire: He answered, hee woulde not loose or forfeit anye thinge for her sake: and so lyke a murtherer of his owne wife, caryed her to the bloudye B. where she was examined, and found more stout then shee was before death was threatned. And to begin withal,* 5.59 she was sent to such a stincking prison, that a certayn mayde which was appoynted to keep her companye, did sownd in the same prison.

Being thus kept in prison, and oftentimes examined and euer founde stoute, at the length shee was brought in iudgement, & pronounced an hereticke, worthy to be bur∣ned. When the Bishop reasoned with her, why she would not come to the masse, and receiue the sacramentes and sa∣cramentals of holy Church, she answered: Because I find not these thinges in Gods worde, which you so vrge and magnifie, as thinges moste needefull for mens saluation. If these thinges were in the same word of God commen∣ded: I would with all my hart receiue, esteeme, and beleue them. The Bishoppe aunswered: if thou wilt beleeue no more then is in the scripture, concerning matters of reli∣gion: thou art in a damnable case. At the whiche wordes she was wonderfully amased, and being moued by y^e spi∣rite of God, tolde the Bishop, that hys wordes were vn∣godly and wicked.

After her condemnation, she cōtinued a whole twelue moneth in prison, because she was committed to the She∣riffe that was of late chosen, who coulde not be compelled to put her to death in his tyme, as he affirmed: for y^• which thing after her death, he was sore troubled and in daunger of his life. All that time shee was in prison,* 5.60 her behauiour was such both in wordes and deedes, that al they that had any sparke of godlines or ciuile honesty, did greatly lamēt her case, that she should be put to death.

Now when the tyme did drawe neare the which God had appoynted for her deliueraunce, the writte De combu∣rendo, (as they terme it) beyng brought down from Lon∣don, she desired certaine of her frends to come to her, with whom when they came, shee consulted how shee might be haue her self, that her death might be more glorious to the name of God, cōfortable to his people, and also most dis∣comfortable vnto the enemies of God. As for death, sayd shee, I do not greatly passe: when I behold the amyable countenance of Christ my deare Sauiour, y^e vglesome face of death doth not greatly trouble me. In y^e which time al∣so shee reasoned most comfortably out of Gods worde, of Gods election and reprobation.

In the euenyng, before y^e daye of her suffering, two of the priests of the close of Lichfield, came to the vnder She∣riffes house where shee laye, and sent worde to her by the

Sheriffe,* 5.61 that they were come to heare her confession: for they would be sory shee shoulde dye without it. She sente them word agayne, shee had made her confession to Christ her sauiour, at whose hands she was sure to haue forgeue∣nes of her sinnes:* 5.62 As concerning the cause for the whiche she should dye, she had no cause to confesse that, but rather geue vnto God most humble prayse that he did make her worthy to suffer deathe for his worde: And as concerning that absolution that they were able to geue vnto her, be∣ing authorised by y^e pope, she did defie the same, euen from the bottome of her hart. The which thing when the priests heard, they said to the Sheriffe: Well, to morow her stout∣nes will be proued and tryed. For although perhaps shee hath now some friendes that whisper her in her eares, to morow will we see who dare be so hardy as to come neare her: and so they went theyr wayes with anger, that theyr confession and absolution was nought set by.

All that night she was wonderfully chearefull & mery with a certaine grauitie, in so much that the maiestie of the spirit of God did manifestly appeare in her, who did expel the feare of deathe out of her heart, spending the tyme in prayer, reading, & talking with them that were purposely come vnto her for to comfort her with the word of God.

About three of the clocke in the morning, Satan (who neuer sleepeth especially when death is at hand) began to stirre himselfe busily,* 5.63 shooting at her that fierye darte the whiche he is wont to doe agaynst all that are at defiaunce with him, questioning with her, how shee coulde tell that she was chosen to eternal life, and that Christ dyed for her. I graunt that he dyed, but that he dyed for thee howe canst thou tell? with this suggestion when shee was troubled, they that were about her, did councell her to follow the ex¦ample of Paule, Galathians, 2. where he sayth: Which hath loued me, and geuen hymselfe for me. Also, that her vocation and calling to the knowledge of Gods word, was a mani∣fest token of Gods loue towards her, especially that same holy spirite of God working in her hart that loue and de∣sire towardes God to please him, and to bee iustified by him through Christ &c. By these and like perswasions & especially by the comfortable promises of Christ,* 5.64 brought out of the scripture, Satan was put to flight, and she con∣forted in Christ.

About eight of the clocke, maister Sheriffe came to her into her chamber, saying these wordes: Maistres Lewes, I am come to bring you tidings of the Queenes pleasure the whiche is, that you shall liue no longer but one houre in this world: therefore prepare your selfe therunto: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stā∣deth you in hand. At which wordes being so grosely vtte∣red and so sodaynly by such an officer as he was, she was somewhat abashed. Wherefore one of her friendes and ac∣quayntaunce standing by, sayde these words: Maistresse Lewes, you haue great cause to prayse GOD, who wyll vouchsafe so speedily to take you out of this worlde, and make you worthy to be a witnesse to his truth, & to beare record vnto Christ that he is the onely sauiour.

After the which words spoken thus, she sayde: maister Sheriffe, your message is welcome to me, and I thanke my God that he will make me worthye to aduenture my life in his quarrell. And thus maister Sheriffe departed: and within the space of one houre, he came agayn, cum gla∣diis & fustibus: and when he came vp into the chamber, one of her friendes desired him to geue him leaue to goe with her to the stake, & to comfort her, the whiche the Sheriffe graunted at that time, but afterwardes he was sore trou∣bled for the same when she was dead.

Nowe when shee was brought throughe the towne with a number of bill menne,* 5.65 a great multitude of peo∣ple being present, she being led by two of her frends (whi∣che were M. Michaell Reniger and M. Augustine Bern∣her) she was brought to the place of execution: and because the place was farre off, and the throng of the people great, and she not acquaynted with the fresh ayre (being so long in prison) one of her frendes sent a messenger to the She∣riffes house for some drinke: and after she had prayed three seuerall times, in the whiche prayer she desired God most instantly to abolish the idolatrous Masse, and to delyuer this realme from Papistry (at the end of the whiche pray∣ers the most parte of the people cryed Amen, yea, euen the Sheriffe that stoode harde by her,* 5.66 readye to cast her in the fire for not allowing the Masse, at this her prayers sayde with the rest of the people, Amen) when she had thus pray¦ed, she tooke the cup into her handes saying: I drynke to all them that vnfaynedly loue the Gospell of Iesus Christ and wish for the abolishment of Papistry. When she had dronken,* 5.67 they that were her frends dranke also. After that a great number, specially the women of the towne dyd drynke wyth her: which afterward were put to open pe∣naunce in the Churche by the cruel Papistes, for drinking with her.

When she was tyed to the stake with the chayne, shee shewed such a cheerefulnes, that it passed mans reason, be¦yng so well coloured in her face, and being so patient, that the most part of them that had honest hartes did lament, and euen with teares bewayle the tyranny of y^e Papistes.* 5.68 When the fire was sette vppon her, she neither struggled nor sturred, but onely lifted vp her handes towardes hea∣uen, being dead very speedely: for the vnder Sheriffes at the request of her friendes had prouided such stuffe, by the whiche shee was sodenly dispatched out of this miserable worlde.

This amongest other thinges may not bee forgotten, that the Papistes had appoynted some to rayle vppon her openly, and to reuile her, both as shee went to the place of Execution, and also when she came at the stake. Amongest others there was an olde Prieste, whiche hadde a payre of writing tables to note bothe the names of the women that dranke of her cuppe (as before you heard) and also de∣scribed her friendes by their apparell: for presentlye hee could not learne their names, and afterwardes enquyred for their names, and so immediately after processe was sente out for them, bothe to Couentrye and other places: but God, whose prouidence sleepeth not, did defende them from the handes of these cruell tyrauntes. Unto y^e whiche God, with the sonne▪ and the holy Ghost bee honour and glory for euer, Amen.

*The Martyrdome of Rafe Allerton, Iames Austo, Margery Awstoo, and Richard Roth burned at Islington.

IN searching out the certayne number of the faythfull Martyrs of God y^t suffered within the tyme & raygne of Queene Mary:* 5.69 I finde that about the 17. day of Septem∣ber, wer burned at Islingtō, nigh vnto London, these 4. constant professours of christ, Rafe Allerton, Iames Aw∣stoo, Margery Austoo, his wife, and Richard Roth. A∣mongest the which: it first appeareth that this Rafe Aller∣ton was more then a yeare before his condemnation, ap∣prehended and brought before the Lorde Darcy of Chich. and was there accused, aswell for that he woulde not con∣sent and come vnto the idolatrye and superstition whiche then was vsed, as also that he had by preaching entised o∣others to do the like.

Being then hereupon examined, he confessed that hee comming into hys parishe Churche of Bentley, and seing the people sitting there, either gasing about, or els talking together, exhorted them that they would fall vnto prayer and meditation of Gods most holy worde, and not ••it styll idlely. Whereunto they willingly consented. Then after prayer ended, he read vnto them a chapiter of the New te∣stament, and so departed.

In which exercise he continued vntill Candlemas, & then being enformed that he might not so doe by the lawe (for that he was no priest or minister) he lefte of and kepte himselfe close in his house vntill Easter then nexte after.* 5.70 At what time, certayne sworne men for the inquiry of such matters, came vnto hys house and attached him for rea∣ding in the Parish of Welley.

But when they vnderstood that he had red but once, & that it was of obedience (whereunto hee earnestly moued the people) they let hym for that tyme depart. Notwyth∣standing for feare of their cruelty hee was not longe after constrayned to forsake his owne house, and keepe himselfe in woodes, barnes, and other solitary places, vntill y^e time of his apprehension.

After this examination, the Lord Darcy sent him vp to the Counsell: but they (not minding to trouble them selues with him) sent him vnto Boner. Who by threate∣ninges and other subtill meanes, so abused the simple and fearfull hart of thys man (as yet not throughly stayed vp∣on the ayd and helpe of God) that within shorte tyme hee won him vnto his most wicked will, and made him opē∣ly at Paules crosse to reuoke and recante his former pro∣fession, and thereupon set him at libertie of body. Whiche yet brought such a bondage and terrour of soule and con∣science, and so cast him downe, that except the Lord (whose mercies are immeasurable) had supported and lifted hym vp agayne, he had perished for euer.

But the Lord, who neuer suffereth his elect Children vtterly to fall, castinge his pittifull eyes vppon this loste sheepe, with his mercifull and fatherly chastisment, dyd (w^t Peter) rayse hym vp agayne, geuing vnto him not on∣ly harty and vnfayned repentaunce, but also a moste con∣stant boldnes to professe agayne (euen vnto the death) hys

most holy name and glorious gospel. Wherefore at y^e pro∣curement of one Thomas Tie priest: sometime an earnest professor of Christ, but now a fierce persecutour of y^e same, (as appeareth more at large before in the history of Willi∣am Munt and his wife,* 5.71 page 1979) he was againe appre∣hended, and sent vp againe vnto Boner, before whome he was the 8. day of Aprill, and sondry other times else exa∣mined. The report of which examination, wrytten by his owne hand with bloud for lacke of other incke, heereafter followeth.

The examination of Rafe Allerton at his seconde ap∣prehension, appearing before the Bishop of London at Ful∣ham, the 8. day of Aprill. An. 1557. wrytten by him selfe, wyth his owne bloud.

BOner.

Ah syrrha, howe chaunceth it that you are come hether againe on this fashion?* 6.1 I dare say thou art ac∣cused wrongfully.

Rafe.

Yea my Lord, so I am. For if I were guilty of such things as I am accused off, then I would be very sorie.

Boner.

By sainct Marie that is no•• wel done. But let me heare: Art thou an honest man? for if I can proue no here∣sie by thee, then shall thine accusers doe thee no harme at all. Goe too, lette me heare thee: For I did not beleeue the tale to be true.

Rafe.

My Lorde, who doeth accuse me? I pray you let me know, and what is mine accusation, that I may answere thereunto.

Boner.

Ah, wilt thou so? Before God, if thou hast not dis∣sembled, then thou needest not to be afraide, nor ashamed to aunswer for thy selfe. But tell me in faith, hast thou not dissembled.

Rafe.

If I cannot haue mine accusers to accuse me before you, my conscience doth constrain me to accuse my self be∣fore you: For I confesse that I haue grieuously offended God in my dissimulatiō at my last being before your lord∣ship, for the which I am right sorrie, as God knoweth.

Boner.

Wherein I pray thee, diddest thou dissemble, when thou wast before me?

Rafe.

Forsooth my Lord, if your lordsh. remēber, I did set my hand vnto a certain writing, the contents wherof (as I remember) were, y^t I did beleue in all things as the ca∣tholike churche teacheth. &c. In y^e which I did not disclose my minde, but shamefully dissembled, because I made no difference betwene the true church and the vntrue church.

Bon.

Nay, but I pray thee let me heare more of this gear. For I fear me y^u wilt smel of an hereticke anone. Which is the true church, as thou saiest? Dost thou not call the here∣tikes church y^e true church, or y^e catholike church of Christ? Now which of these 2. are the true church, saiest thou? Go too: for in faith I will know of thee ere I leaue thee.

Rafe.

As concerning the church of heretikes, I vtterly ab∣horre y^e same, as detestable and abhominable before God, with all their enormities and heresies: and the church ca∣tholicke is it that I onely embrace, whose doctrine is sin∣cere, pure and true.

Boner.

By s. Augustine, but that is wel said of thee. For by God almighty, if thou haddest allowed the church of here∣tikes, I would haue burned thee with fire for thy labour.

Morton.

Then said one Morton a Priest: My Lorde, you know not yet what church it is that he calleth catholicke. I warrant you he meaneth naughtely enough.

Boner.

Thinke you so? Now by our blessed Lady, if it be so, he might haue deceiued me. How say you syrrha, which is the catholicke church.

Rafe.

Euen that which hath receiued the wholsome sound, spoken of Esay, Dauid, Malachie, and Paule, with many other moe. The which sounde, as it is wrytten, hath gone throughout all the earthe in euery place, & vnto the endes of the worlde.

Boner.

Yea, thou sayest true before God. For this is the sound that hath gone throughout all Christendom, and he that beleeueth not the sound of the holy church, as S. Cy∣prian saith, doth erre. For he saieth, that whosoeuer is out of the Churche, is like vnto them that were out of Noes ship when the flud came vpon al the whole world: so that the Arke of Noe is likened vnto the church: and therefore thou hast wel said in thy confession. For the churche is not alone in Germanie, nor was here in England in the time of the late schismes, as the heretikes doe affirme. For if the church should be there alone, then were Christe a lier. For he promised that the holy Ghost should come to vs, leade vs into all truth, yea, and remaine with vs vnto the ende of the world. So now if we wil take Christ for a true say∣er, then must we needes affirme, that the waye whyche is taught in Fraunce, Spaine, Italie, Flanders, Denmark, Scotland, and all Christendome ouer, must needes be the true catholicke church.

Rafe.

My Lord, if you remember, I spake of al the world, as it is wrytten, and not of all Christendome only, as me thinke your Lordship taketh it, the whiche kinde of spea∣king you doe not finde in al the Bible. For sure I am that the Gospel hath bene both preached and persecuted in all lands: First in Iewrie by the Scribes and Phariseis, and since that time by Nero, Dioclesian and such like, & nowe here in these our daies by, your Lordship knoweth whō.* 6.2 For truth it is that the church which you call Catholicke, is none otherwise Catholike then was figured in Caine, obserued of Ieroboam, Ahab, Iezabell, Nabuchadono∣zor, Antiochus, Herode, wyth innumerable more of the like: and as both Daniell and Esdras maketh mention of these last daies by a plaine prophecie, and now fulfilled as appeareth, and affirmed by our Sauiour Christe, and hys Apostles, saying: There shall come greeuous wolues to deuour the flocke.

Boner.

Nowe, by the blessed Sacrament of the Aultar, M. Morton, he is the rankest hereticke that euer came before me. How say you? haue you heard the like.

Morton.

I thought what he was my Lord, at the first, I.

Boner.

Now by all Halowes thou shalt be brent with ••ire for thy lying, thou horeson verlette and prickelouse th••••. Dost thou finde a prophecie in Dan. of vs: nay you knaue it is of you that he speaketh off, and of your false preten••••d holinesse. Go too, lette me heare what is the saying of Es∣dras, and take heede ye make not a lie, I aduise you.

Rafe.

The saying of Esdras is this: the heat of a great mul∣titude is kindled ouer you,* 6.3 and they shall take away certaine of you, and feede the Idols with you, and hee that consenteth vnto them, shall be had in derision, laughed to scorne, and troden vn∣der foote: yea they shall be like mad men, for they shall spare no man: they shall spoile and wast such as feare the Lord &c.

Boner.

And haue you taken thys thinge to make youre market good? Ah syrrha, wilt thou so? by my Faith a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 instruction, and a necessary thing to be taught among the people. By my trouth I thinke there be no more of thys opinion. I pray thee tell me? Is there any that vnderstā∣deth this scripture on this fashion? Before God, I thinke there be none in all England, but thou.

Rafe.

Yes my Lord, there are in England three religions.* 6.4

Boner.

Saist thou so? which be those three?

Rafe.

The first is that whiche you holde: the seconde is cleane contrary to the same: and the thirde is an Neuter, being indifferent, that is to say, obseruing all things that are commaunded, outwardly, as though he were of your part, his heart being set wholy against the same.

Boner.

And of these three which art thou? for nowe thou must needes be of one of them.

Rafe.

Yea my Lord, I am of one of them: and that which I am of, is euen that which is contrary to that which you teach to be beleeued vnder paine of death.

Boner.

Ah syr, you were here with me at Fulham, and had good cheare, yea and mony in your purse when you went away, and by my faith I had a fauour vnto thee, but now I see thou wilt be a naughtie knaue. Why, wilt thou take vpon thee to read the Scripture, and canst not vnderstād neuer a woorde? For thou hast brought a text of scripture, the which maketh cleane against thee. For Esdras spea∣keth of y^e multitude of you heretickes, declaring your hate against the catholicke Churche, making the simple or idle people that beleeue that all is idolatrie that we do, and so intise them away vntill you haue ouercome them.

Rafe.

Nay not so my Lord. For he maketh it more plaine, and sayth on this wise: They shall take away their goodes,* 6.5 and put them oute of their houses, and then shall it be knowen who are my chosen (sayth the Lord) for they shal be tried, as the sil∣uer or gold is in the fire. And we see it so come to passe, euen as he hath sayd. For who is not now driuen from house & home, yea and his goodes taken vp for other menne that neuer swette for them, if hee doe not obserue as you com∣mand and set foorth? Or els, if he be taken, then must he ei∣ther deny the truth, as I did, in dissembling, or els he shal be sure to be tried, as Esdras sayeth, euen as the golde is tried in the fire. Whereby all the worlde may knowe that you are the bloudy church, figured in Caine the tyraunte, neither yet are ye able to auoide it.

Morton.

I promise you my Lorde, I like hym better nowe then euer I did, when he was heere before you the other time. For then hee did but dissemble, as I perceiued well inough: but nowe me thinke he speaketh plainly.

Bon

Mary syr, as you say in dede, he is plaine. For he is a plaine heretike and shalbe burned. Haue y^e knaue away. Let him be caried to little ease at London, vntil I come.

Rafe.

And so was I caried to London vnto Little case, and there remained that nighte, and on the next morrowe I appeared before him againe, the Deane of Paules and

the Chauncellour of London being present.* 6.6Then were brought foorth certaine wrytings that I had set my hand vnto.

Boner.

Come on your wayes, syrha. Is not thys youre hand,* 6.7 and this, and this?

Rafe.

Yea, they are my hande all of them: I confesse the same, neither yet will I denie any thing that I haue sette my hand vnto. But if I haue sette my hand to anye thing that is not lawfull, therefore am I sorie. Neuerthelesse, my hand I will not deny to be my doing.

Boner.

Well sayde. Nowe yee must tell mee: Were you neuer at the Churche since you went from mee, at Masse and Mattens? &c.

Rafe.

No my Lorde, not at Masse, Mattens, nor none other straunge woorshipping of God.

Boner.

Yea, sayest thou so? Wast thou neither at thyne owne parish church, nor at none other? And doest thou also say, that it is a straunge worshipping? Why I praye thee, wilt thou not beleeue the Scripture to be true?

Rafe.

Yes my Lorde, I beleeue the Scripture to be true, and in the defence of the same I entend to geue my life, ra∣ther then I will deny any part thereof, God willing.

Deane.

My Lorde, this fellow will be an honest man, I heare by him. He will not stand in his opinion: for he she∣weth himselfe gentle and pacient in his talke.

Boner.

Oh, he is a glorious knaue. His painted termes shall no more deceiue me. Ah horeson Prickelouse, doeth not Christ say: This is my body? And howe darest thou de∣ny these woordes, for to say as I haue a wryting to shew, and thine owne hand at the same? Lette me see, wilt thou deny this? Is not this thine owne hande?

Rafe.

Yes my Lord, it is mine owne hand, neyther am I ashamed thereof, because my confession therein is agreea∣ble to Gods woorde. And where as you doe laye vnto my charge that I shoulde denye the woordes of our Sauiour Iesus Christ: Oh good Lord, from whence commeth this rash, hastie, and vntrue iudgement? Forsooth not from the spirite of truthe: for he leadeth men into all truthe, and is not the father of liers. Whereupon should your Lordship gather or say of me so diffamously? Wherefore I beseeche you, if I denie the Scriptures Canonicall, or anye parte thereof, then let me die.

Tie the Priest.

* 6.8My Lord, he is a very sedicious fellow, and perswadeth other men to doe as he himselfe doth, contra∣ry to the order appoynted by the Queenes highnesse and the Clergie of this Realme. For a great sorte of the parish will be gathered one day to one place, and an other day to an other place to heare him: so that very fewe commeth to the Church to heare diuine seruice: and this was not one∣ly before that he was taken and brought vnto the Coun∣cell, but also since his retourne home againe, he hath done much harme. For where both men and women were ho∣nestly disposed before, by Saint Anne, now are they as ill as he almoste. And furthermore, hee was not ashamed to withstande me before all the Parish, saying that we were of the malignant churche of Antichrist, and not of the true Church of Christ, alledging a great manye of Scriptures to serue for his purpose, saying: Good people, take heede, and beware of these bloudthirsty dogges. &c. And then I commaunded the Constable to apprehend hym, and so he did. Neuerthelesse after thys apprehension, the Consta∣ble let him goe about his businesse all the next day, so that wythout putting in of suerties, he lette him go into Suf∣folke and other places, for no goodnesse, I warrante you my Lorde: It were almes to teache suche Officers theyr duetie, howe they should let such rebels go at their owne libertie, after that they be apprehended and taken, but to keepe them fast in the stockes vntill they bring them be∣fore a Iustice.

Rafe.

As I sayde before, so say I nowe againe: thou arte not of the Churche of Christe, and that will I prooue, if I may be suffered. And where you said, that you commaun∣ded the Constable to apprehende mee, you did so in deede contrary to the Lawes of this Realme,* 6.9 hauing neither to lay vnto my charge, Treason, Fellonie, nor murther: no neither had you Precept, Processe, nor Warrante to serue on me, and therefore I say, without a law was I appre∣hended. And whereas you seeke to trouble the Constable, because he kept mee not in the stockes three dayes & three nightes, it doth shewe a parte what you are. And my go∣ing into Suffolke was not for any euill, but only to buye halfe a bushell of corne for bread, for my poore wife & chil∣dren, knowing that I had no longer time to tarrye wyth them. But if I had runne away, then you woulde surely haue laid somewhat to his charge.

Boner.

Goe to, thou art a Marchant in deede. Ah syrrha, before God thou shalt be burnt with fire. Thou knowest Richard Roth, doest thou not? Is hee of the same minde that thou art off or no? canst thou tell.

Rafe.

He is of age to answer: let him speake for himselfe: for I heare say that he is in your house.

Boner.

Loe what a knaue heere is. Goe Clunie, fetche me Roth hither. By my trouth he is a false knaue:* 6.10 but yet thou art woorse then he. Ah Syrha, did not you sette your hand to a wryting, the tenoure whereof was, that if thou shoulde any time say or doe heretically, then it shoulde be lawfull for mee to take thee as a Relaps, and to proceede in sentence against thee?

Rafe.

Yea, that is so. But heere is to be asked whether it be sufficient, that my hād or name wryting be able to geue authoritie to you or to any other to kill mee. For if I, by wryting canne doe so muche, then must my authoritye be greater then yours. Neuerthelesse, I haue neither sayde nor done heretically, but like a true Christian man haue I behaued my selfe. And so I was committed into prison a∣gaine, and the 24. day of the same month, I was brought before the Bishop, the Lord North, D. Story and others, and after a long talke in Latine amongst themselues (vn∣to the which I gaue no answere, because they spake not to mee, although they spake of me) at the last the Byshoppe sayde.

Boner.

How say you syrrha? tell me briefly at one woord, wilt thou be contented to goe to Fulham with me, & there to kneele thee downe at masse, shewing thy self outward∣ly as though thou didst it with a good wil? Go to, speake.

Rafe.

I will not say so.

Boner.

Away with him, away with him.

The 2. day of May I was brought before the byshop, and three noble men of the counsell,* 6.11 whose names I doe not remember.

Boner.

Lo my Lordes, the same is this fellowe that was sent vnto me from the Counsell, and did submit himselfe, so that I had halfe a hope of him: but by S. Anne I was alwayes in doubt of him. Neuerthelesse he was with me, and fared well, and when I deliuered him, I gaue hym money in his purse. How sayest thou? was it not so, as I tell my Lordes heere?

Rafe.

In deede my Lorde, I hadde meate and drynke e∣nough: but I neuer came in bed all the while. And at my departing you gaue mee xij.d. howe be it I neuer asked none, nor would haue done.

A Lorde.

Be good to him my Lorde. Hee will be an ho∣nest man.

Boner.

Before God, howe should I trust him? He hathe once deceiued me already. But ye shall heare what he wil say to the blessed Sacrament of the altare. Howe say you sirha? after the woordes of consecration be spoken by the priest, there remaineth no bread, but the very bodye of our sauiour Iesus Christ, God and man, and none other sub∣stance, vnder the forme of bread?

Rafe.

Where finde you that, my Lord, wrytten?

Boner.

Lo Syr. Why? Doeth not Christ saye: This is my body? Howe sayest thou? Wilt thou denye these woordes of our Sauiour Christ? Or els, was he a dissembler, spea∣king one thing, and meaning an other? Goe to, nowe I haue taken you.

Rafe.

Yea my Lord, you haue taken me in dede, and will kepe me vntill you kill me. How be it my Lord,* 6.12 I maruel why you leaue out the beginning of the institution of the supper of our Lord? For Christ sayde: Take yee, and eate yee, this is my bodye. And if it will please you to ioyne the for∣mer woordes to the latter, then shall I make you an aun∣swer. For sure I am that Christe was no dissembler, ney∣ther did he say one thing, and meane an other.

Boner.

Why? Then must thou needes saye, that it is hys body: for he sayeth it him selfe, and thou confessest that he will not lie.

Rafe.

No my Lorde: he is true, and all menne are lyers. Notwithstanding, I vtterly refuse to take the woordes of our Sauior, so fantastically as you teach vs to take them: for then should we conspire with certaine heretickes, cal∣led the Nestorians: for they denie that Christ hadde a true naturall body, and so me thinke you doe, my Lord. If you wil affirm his body to be there, as you say he is, then must you needes also affirme, that it is a fantasticall bodye, and therfore looke to it for Gods sake, and let these wordes go before: Take yee, and eate ye, without which wordes the rest are sufficient: but when the worthy receiuers do take and eat, euen then is fulfilled the words of our Sauiour, vnto him, or euery of them, that so receiueth.

Boner.

Ah,* 6.13 I see well thou canste not vnderstand these woordes: I will shewe thee a Parable. If I should set a peece of beefe before thee, and say, eate: is it no beefe? And then take part of it away, & send it to my cooke, and he shal change the fashion thereof, and make it looke like breade. What wouldest thou saye that it were no Beefe, because

it hath not the fashion of beefe?

Rafe.

Let me vnderstand a little further my Lorde: shall the Cooke adde nothing therunto, nor take nothing there from?

Boner.

What is that to the matter, whether he do or no, so long as the shape is changed into an other likenesse?

Rafe.

Ah, will you so my Lord? your Sophistrie will not serue: the truth wil haue the victorie, neuerthelesse, as E∣say sayth:* 6.14 He that restraineth himselfe from euill, must be spoyled.* 6.15 And Amos hath suche like woordes also. For the wise must be faine to holde their peace: so wicked a time it is, sayth he. Neuertheles he that can speake the truth, and will not, shall geue a strait accounts for the same.

A Doctor.

By my Lords leaue, here me thinks thou spea∣kest like a foole. Wilt thou be a iudge of the scripture. Nay thou must stand to learne, and not to teache: for the whole congregation hath determined the matter long agoe.

A priest

No by your leaue, we haue a Church, and not a cong••egation. You mistake that worde, master Doctor.

Rafe.

Then sayd I to my fellowe prisoners standing by: My brethren, doe yee not heare howe these men helpe one an other? Let vs doe so also. But we neuer came all in to∣gether after that time, but seuerallye one after an other. Then was I caried away for that time. The xix. daye of May I was brought before the Bishop of Rochester, and Chichester with others.

B Rochest.

Were you a companion of George Eagles, o∣therwise called Trudgeouer? My Lord of London telleth me that you were his fellow companion.

Rafe.

I know him very well, my Lord.

Rochest.

By my faith I had him once, and then hee was as dronke as an Ape, for he stonke so of drinke, y^t I coulde not abide him, and so sent him away.

Rafe.

My Lorde, I dare saye you tooke your markes a∣misse. It was either your selfe or some of your own com∣panie: for he did neither drinke Wine, Ale, nor Beere in a quarter of a yeare before that time, and therefore it was not he forsooth.

The rest of mine examinations you shal haue when I am condemned, if I can haue any time after my comming into Newgate, the which I trust shall touch the matter a great deale more plainly: for y^e pithie matters are yet vn∣wrytten. Thus fare you well good frendes all. Yea I say, farewel for euer in this present world. Greete yee one an other, and be ioyfull in the Lord. Salute y^e good widowes among you, with all the rest of the congregation in Bar∣fold, & Dedham, and Colchester.

This promise of hys, being either not perfourmed, for y^t he might not thereto be permitted, or els if he did wryte the same not comming to my hands, I am faine in the rest of his examinations to follow the only report of the Re∣gister: who witnesseth that the 15. day of May. An. 1557. in the Byshops palace at London, he was examined vppon certaine interrogatories, the contents wherof be these.

FIrst, that he was of the parish of Muchbentley, and so of the Diocesse of London.* 6.16

Secondly, that the 10. daye of Ianuarie then last past, M. Iohn Morant preaching at Paules, the said Rafe Al∣lerton did there openly submit himselfe vnto the Churche of Rome, with the rites and Ceremonies thereof.

Thirdly, that he did consent and subscribe aswell vn∣to the same submission, as also to one other bil, in y^e which he graunted, that if he should at any time turn againe vn∣to his former opinions, it shoulde be then lawfull for the Bishop immediately to denounce and adiudge hym as an hereticke.

Fourthly, that he had subscribed to a bill, wherein hee affirmed, that in the sacrament, after the woordes of conse∣cration be spok••n by the Priest, there remaineth still ma∣teriall bread and materiall wine: and that he beleueth that the bread is the breade of thankesgeuing, and the memori∣all of Christes death: and that when he receiueth it, he re∣ceiueth the body of Christ spiritually in his soule, but ma∣teriall bread in substaunce.

Fiftly, that he had openly affirmed, and also aduisedly spoken that which is contained in the sayde former fourth article last before specified.

Sixthly, that hee hadde spoken against the Bishop of Rome, wyth the Church and Sea of the same, and also a∣gainst the seuen Sacraments and other Ceremonies and ordinaunces of the same Churche, vsed then wythin thys Realme.

Seuenthly, that hee had allowed and commended the opinions and faith of M. Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and others of late burned within this Realme, and beleeued that theyr opinions were good and godly.

Eightly, that he hadde diuers times affirmed that the religion vsed within this realme at the time of his appre∣hension, was neither good nor agreeable to Gods woord, and that he coulde not conforme himselfe thereunto.

Ninthly, that he had affirmed, that the booke of Com∣mon prayer sette foorth in the raigne of king Edward the vj. was in all partes good and godly: and y^t the sayd Rafe and his company prisoners, did daily vse amongst them∣selues in prison some part of the booke.

Tenthly, that hee had affirmed, that if hee were out of prison, he would not come to Masse, Mattins, nor Euen∣song, nor beare Taper, Candle, or Palme, nor goe in pro∣cession, nor would receiue holy water, holy breade, ashes, or paxe, or any other ceremonie of the Churche then vsed within this Realme.

Eleuenthly, that he had affirmed, that if he were at li∣bertie, he would not confesse his sinnes to any Priest, nor receiue absolution of him: nor yet would receiue the Sa∣crament of the altar, as it was then vsed.

Twelfly, that he had affirmed, that praying to saints, and prayers for the deade, were neither good nor profita∣ble, and that a man is not bounde to fast and praye, but at his owne wil and pleasure, neither that it is lawful to re∣serue the Sacrament, or to woorship it.

Thirtenthly, that the sayd Allerton hath, according to these his affirmations, abstained & refused to come vnto his parishe Churche euer sithens the 10. day of Ianuarie last, or to vse, receiue or alow any ceremonies, sacramēts, or other rites then vsed in the church.

To all these Articles he answeared affirmatiuely, de∣nieng precisely none of them: sauing to this clause contai∣ned in the 12. article, that a man is not bounde to fast and pray but at his owne will & pleasure, he sayde that he had affirmed no such thing, but he confessed that he had not fa∣sted nor prayed so oft as he was bounde to doe. And vnto this answer he also subscribed in this sorte.

Except it be prooued otherwise by the holy Scrip∣ture, I doe affirme these articles to be true. By me Rafe Allerton.

The next examination was the fourth daye of Iulie. The actes whereof, because they do appeare more amply in hys other examination, had the 10. daye of September, I doe heere omit, geuing you farther to vnderstande, that vppon the seuenth daye of the same moneth of Iulie, hee was brought before Doctor Darbishiere in the Byshops Palace, who examined him againe vppon the former Ar∣ticles, and after perswaded him to recant, threatning hym that otherwise he should be burned. To whome he bold∣ly answeared: I woulde I mighte be condemned euen to morrowe: for I perceiue my Lord (meaning Boner) doth nothing but seeke mennes bloud. Uppon whiche sayinge Darbishire committed him againe to prisone, and the 10. day of September, the Bishop caused him (with the other thre aboue named) to be brought vnto Fulham, and there in his priuate Chappell wythin his house, hee iudiciallye propounded vnto him certaine other newe Articles: of the whyche, the tenours of the first, fifte, sixte, and seuenth are already mentioned in the seconde, thirde, and fourthe for∣mer obiections: as for the rest, the contentes thereof here followeth.

Thou Rafe Allerton canst not denie, but that the In∣formation geuen against thee, and remaining now in the Actes of this court of thine Ordinarie, Edmunde Bishop of London, was and is a true information.

This information was geuen by Tho. Tie,* 6.17 Curate of Bentley (of whome yee haue already heard) and certaine other of the same parishe and affinitie: as namelye Iohn Painter, William Harris, Iohn Barker, Iohn Carter, Thomas Candeler, Ieffrey Bestwoode, Iohn Richarde, Richard Meere.

The effect whereof was, that one Laurence Edwards of Bentley aforesayde, had a child that was vnchristened,* 6.18 and being demaunded by the sayde Tye, whye hys childe was not Baptised, he made aunsweare it should be when he coulde finde one of his religion (meaning a true profes∣sour of Christes gospell) Whereat the Curate sayd: Ah, ye haue hadde some instructer that hathe schooled yo•• of late. Yea (quoth the sayd Edwardes) that I haue: and if youre doctrine be better then his, then I will beleeue you: and therewithall fondly offered to fetch him.

Wherupon the Cōstable going with him, they brought before the said curate the said Rafe Allerton: of whome in this information they make this reporte that he was a se∣ditious person, who sithens his comming down from the bish. had set vpon the Constables doore certaine seditious Letters, moouing and perswading thereby the people to folow his malicious disobedience: and that these his per∣swasions

had taken effecte in manye: And farther, that the saide Rafe Allerton (y^e Curate asking him whether he had instructed thys Laurence Edwardes that it was agaynst Gods commandement to enter into the church) casting a∣broad his hands, should say. Oh good people, now is ful∣filled the saying of the godly Priest and Prophet Esdras, who sayeth: The fire of a multitude is kindled against a fewe: they haue taken away their houses,* 6.19 & spoiled their goods. &c. Which of you all haue not seen this day, who is he here a∣mongest you, that seeth not all these things done vpon vs this day. The church which they call vs vnto, is y^e church of Antichrist, a persecuting church, and the church malig∣nant. With these and many mo words (said they most ma∣liciously and falsly alledged out of the Scriptures, he thus perswaded a great multitude there present (as muche as in him lay) vnto disobedience. For the which cause y^e con∣stables did then apprehend him.

3. Item, thou Rafe Allerton canst not denie, but that the letter sent vnto me by my Lorde Darcie, beginning wyth these woordes (pleaseth it your Lordship. &c.) was thine owne letter, and was subscribed by thine owne hand.

The contents of the letter mentioned in this Article, and wrytten by Allerton, vnto the Lorde Darcie, was a confession of his demeanor before his first apprehension: the effect and purport whereof because it appeareth in the beginning of this his Historie, I doe heere omit.

4. Item, thou Rafe Allerton canst not deny, but that the other letter, sent also to me from my said Lord Darcy, be∣ginning thus (pleaseth it youre Lordship. &c.) and ending with these woordes (whensoeuer it be) is thine owne ve∣ry letter, and subscribed with thine owne hand.

This was also an other letter wrytten by hym vnto the Lorde Darcie, the contents whereof were, that where the said Lorde had commaunded him to declare where he had bene euer sithens Whitsontide last before hys first ap∣prehension, this was to certifie his Lordship, that he was not able so to do, otherwise then as he had already shewed him by his former letters. And moreouer, where as hee charged him to haue read vnto the people abroade in the woodes, he certified him that he did neuer read any thyng abroad, sauing once whē he was in the cōpany of George Eagles and others, Richarde Roth tooke a wryting out of his bosome, and desired the saide Rafe to read it, which request heethen accomplished: and demaunding of hym whose doing the same was, the said Roth told that it was maister Cranmers, late Archbishop of Canterburie: and farther he could not shew him. Neuertheles he was rea∣dy, and willing to suffer such punishment as his lordship should thinke meete, desiring yet that the same myghte be with fauour and mercye, although hee feared neither pu∣nishment nor death, praying the Lord, that it might be in his feare, when soeuer it should be.

8. Item, thou Rafe Allerton canst not denie, but that the letters wrytten with bloud, beginning with these words (Grace, mercy and peace. &c. and ending thus.) Farewell in God) remaining nowe Registred in the Actes of thys Court, were wrytten voluntarily with thine owne hand.

He wrote this letter in the prison with bloud for lacke of other inke, and did meane to send the same vnto Agnes Smith, alias Siluerside, at that time imprisoned, and af∣terwardes burned at Colchester for the testimonie of the Gospell of Christe, as before is mencioned. The Copie of which letter heere ensueth.

A letter wrytten by Rafe Allerton, vnto Agnes Smith, Widowe.

GRace, mercy, and peace from God the father, and from our Lord Iesus Christ,* 7.1 with the assistance of Gods holy spirite, and the aboundant health both of soule and body, I wish vn∣to you, as to mine owne soule, as GOD knoweth, who is the searcher of all secretes.

Forasmuch as it hath pleased almighty God of his infinite mercy, to call me to the state of grace, to suffer Martyrdom for Iesus Christes sake, although heretofore I haue most negligēt∣ly dalied therwith, and therfore farre vnwoorthy I am of suche an high benefite, to be crowned with the moste ioyfull crowne of Martyrdom: neuertheles it hath pleased God not so to leaue me, but hath raised mee vp againe according to his promyse, which sayeth: Although he fall, yet shall he not be hurt: For the Lord vpholdeth him with his hand.* 7.2 Wherby we perceiue Gods election to be most sure: for vndoubtedly hee will preserue all those that are appoynted to die. And as he hath begonne thys worke in me: euen so do I beleeue that he wil finish the same, to his great glory, and to my wealth, through Iesus Christ. So beit.

Dearly beloued sister (I am cōstrained so to cal you because of your constante faith and loue vnfained) consider, that if we be the true seruaunts of Christ, then maye not we in anye wise make agreement with his enemie Antichrist. For there is no cō∣corde nor agreement betweene them sayth the Scriptures, and a man can not serue two maisters, sayeth Christ. And also, it is prefigured vnto vs in the olde lawe, whereas the people of God were most straitly commaunded that they shoulde not mingle themselues with the vngodly heathen, and were also forbiddē to eate, drinke, or to marrye with them. For as often as they did either marrye vnto their sonnes, or take their daughters vnto them, or to their sonnes, euen so oft came the great and heauye wrath of God vpon his owne people, to ouerthrow both them and all their Cities, with the holy Sāctuarie of God: & brought in straunge Princes to raigne ouer them, and wicked rulers to gouerne them, so that they were sure of hunger, sworde, pesti∣lence, and wilde beastes to deuour them. Which plagues neuer ceased, vntill the good people of God were cleane separated frō the wicked idolatrous people.

Oh dearely beloued, this was wrytten for our learning, that we through patience and comfort of the scriptures might haue hope. And is it not in like case happened now in this Realme of England? For now are the people of god had in derision, & tro∣den vnder foote, and the Cities, Townes, and houses wher they dwelt, are inhabited with them that haue no right therunto, & the true owners are spoiled of their labours: yea, and the holye sanctuarie of Gods most blessed word, is laid desolate and wast, so that the very Foxes run ouer it. &c. yet is it the foode of oure soules, the lanterne of our feete, and the lighte vnto our pathes: and where it is not preached, the people perish. But the Prophet sayeth: hee that refraineth himselfe from euill, must be spoyled.* 7.3 Why should we then be abashed to be spoiled, seeing that it is tolde vs before, that it must so happen vnto them that refrayne from euill? And thus I bid you farewell in God.

R. A.

Item, thou Rafe Allerton canst not denie, but that the letters wrytten with bloud, beginning with these woords in the ouer part thereof. (The angell of God. &c.) and en∣ding thus (be with you, Amen) and hauing also this post∣script (do ye suppose that our brethrē. &c.) remaining now registred in the actes of this Court, are thine owne hande wryting.

9. For the better vnderstanding of this Article, I haue also here inserted the Copie of the Letter mentioned in the same: which letter he wrote (by his owne confession) vnto Richard Roth, then in danger of the subtill snares of that bloudy wolfe Boner.

A Letter wrytten by Rafe Allerton vnto Ri∣chard Roth, his fellowe Martyr.

THe Angell of God pitch his tent about vs, and defend vs in all our waies. Amen. Amen.* 8.1

O deare brother, I pray for you, for I heare say that you haue ben diuers times before my Lorde in examination. Wherefore take heede for Gods sake what the wise man teacheth you, and shrinke not away when you are entised to confesse an vntruthe, for hope of life, but be ready alwaies to geue an answere of the hope that is in you. For whosoeuer confesseth Christe before men, him will Christ also confesse before his father. But hee that is ashamed to confesse him before men, shall haue his rewarde with them that doe deny him. And therefore deare brother goe forward: ye haue a ready way, so fair as euer had any of the Pro∣phets or Apostles, or the rest of our brethren, the holy Martyrs of God. Therefore couet to go hence with the multitude while the way is full. Also deare brother vnderstande that I haue seene your letter, and although I cannot read it perfectly, yet I partly perceiue your meaning therein, and very gladly I woulde copie it out, with certaine comfortable additions therunto annexed. The which as yet will not be brought to passe for lacke of paper, vntil my Lord be gone from hence, and then your request shalbe accomplished, God willing without delay. Thus fare ye well in God. Our deare brother and fellowe in tribulation, Robert Al∣len saluteth you, and the fellowship of the holye ghost be wyth you, Amen.

Rafe Allerton.

Doe ye suppose that our brethren and sisterne are not yet dispatched out of this world?* 8.2 I thinke that eyther they are dead, or shalbe within these two daies.

And for the other Obiection yet remaining, and not specified, if it were not more somewhat to shewe the follie of those bloudy tyrants (which of so small trifles take oc∣casions to quarel with the Sainctes of God) then for any weighty thing therein contained: I woulde neither trou∣ble you with y^e reading therof, nor yet my selfe with wry∣ting. But that yee may iudge of them as their doings doe geue occasion, I will now proceede in the matter.

* 8.3 Item thou Rafe Allerton canst not deny, but confes∣sest, that the wryting of letters in a little peece of paper on both sides of it, with this sentence on the one side follow∣ing (looke at the foote of the stockes for a knife) and wyth this sentence following vpō the otherside (looke betwene the poste an•• the wall for two bookes and two Epistles, leaue them here when ye goe) remaining now in the Re∣g••••••••ie and Acts of this courte is voluntarily wrytten by the•• Rafe Allerton with thine owne hand.

Item, thou Rafe Allerton canst not denie, but that thou arte priuie to a certaine wryting, remaining nowe in the Registrie & acts of this Court, the beginning wherof is with these woordes (I would haue men wise. &c.) and ending thus (from house to house.)

Item, thou Rafe Allerton, canste not denie, but that thou art priuie and of consent and maintenaunce of a cer∣taine great Woodknife, a long cord, a hooke, a stone, and of a trencher wrytten vpon with chalk, hauing this sentence (All is gon and lost, because of your follie:) of two bordes wrytten vppon with chalke, the one hauing this sentence (••nder the stone looke) and the other hauing thys sentēce, (whereas you ••id mee take heede, I thanke you, I trust in God that I shall be at peace with him shortly) remai∣ning now registred in the actes of this Court.

For answer vnto al these articles, he graunted that the first ••x. were true,* 8.4 as the Register recordeth. Howbeit, I finde noted in the backeside of the information, specified in the 2. article (although crossed out againe) that he deni∣ed such things as were there in the same informed against him. Wherefore it is not likely that hee did simply graunt vnto the contents of the 2. article, but rather that he onely affirmed that such an information was geuē against him, and not that the same was true.

Thus much I thought to warne the reader of, lest that in mistaking his answers, it might seeme, that he graun∣ted himselfe to be a sedicious and a rebellious persone: of which facte he was most cleare & innocent. And being far∣ther demanded vpon the contentes of the 8. article, where he had the bloud he wrote that letter withall: he sayd that Richard Roth, sometime his prison fellow, did make his nose blede, and thereby he got the bloud wherwith he did then wryte. The bish. again asked him, to whom he wold haue sent the same. He answered, vnto one Agnes Smith alias Siluerside of Colchester. Why (quoth the bish.) Ag∣nes Smith was an Hereticke, and is burned for Heresie. Nay, said Allerton, shee is in better case, then either I my selfe, or any of vs all. Then being againe demanded (vp∣on the 9. obiection) to whom he would haue sent the letter mentioned in the same: he answered, that he ment to haue sent it vnto Richard Roth, at that present separated from him. Wherupon the bish. farther enquired, what he ment by these wordes (brethren and sistern) specified in the sayd letter? he answered that he ment therby, such as wer late∣ly condemned at Colchester, and were like (at y^e wryting therof) shortly to be burned. Now, as for the contents of the 10. and 11. articles he vtterlye denied them. But to y^e 12. he confessed, that he wryt vpon the said trencher and other bordes, the woordes mentioned in the sayd Article, & that he did leaue the same in the prison house, to the entent that Richard Rothe shoulde read them. Boner also bringing out the woodden sword, mencioned in the saide article, as∣ked him who made it, and for what purpose. Whereunto he answered, that he was the maker thereof, howebeit for no euil purpose. But being idle in the prison, and finding there an old board, he thought y^e time better spent in ma∣king thereof, then to sit still and do nothing at all.

The forenoone being now spent, the rest of this trage∣die was deferred vntil the afternoone. Wherin was mini∣stred vnto him yet certaine other obiections, the tenoure whereof was.

* 8.5FIrst, that hee hadde misliked the Masse, callyng vppon Saincts, and caryinge the crosse in procession, wyth o∣ther theyr ceremonies, calling them Idolatrie, & also had disswaded them there from.

1. Item, that he was muche desirous to haue the people beleeue as he did, and therefore being in prisone with hys fellowes, did sing Psalmes and other songes againste the Sacrament of the Aultare, and other ordinaunces of the church, so loud, that the people abroade might heare them and delight in them.

2. Item, that he had diuers times conspired against hys keeper, and hadde prouided thinges to kill him, and so to breake the prison and escape awaye.

Item, that he had raised against the B. being his ordi∣narie, calling him a bloudy butcher, tyrant and rauening wolfe, and also against his officers, especially Clunie hys sumner, calling him butchers cur, with other such names.

4. Item, that he had murmured, grudged, disdained, and misliked that the bishop had proceeded against certaine of his Diocesse, and had condemned them as Heretickes: or that he should proceede nowe against him and others yet remaining in errours, notwithstanding that hee and hys chaplaines had charitably admonished and exhorted them from the same.

5. Item, that he ought faithfully to beleeue, that there is one catholicke churche, without the which there is no sal∣uation: of the which church Iesus Christ is the very priest & sacrifice, whose body and bloud is really and truly con∣tained in the sacrament of the altare vnder the formes of breade and wine: the breade and wine being by the diuine power transubstanciated into his body and bloude.

6. Item, that he had kept himself, and also distributed to others certaine hereticall and corrupt bookes, condemned and reprooued by the lawes of this realme.

7. Item, that he had contrary to the orders and statutes of this realme, kept company with that seditious heretike and traitor, George Eagles, commonly called Tru••ged∣ner, and had heard him read in woodes and other places, yet not accusing, but allowing and praising him.

8. Unto which articles, because they were for the moste part, so foolish and full of lies, he would in a maner make no answer, sauing he graunted that he did misselike theyr masse and other ceremonies, because they were wicked & naught. And moreouer he told the bishop, that he and his complices, did nothing but seeke how to kill innocents.

The bishop then asked him, whether he would beleue in all poyntes touching the Sacrament of the altar, as is contained in the generall councell holden and kept vnder Innocentius 3. and therwithall he did read the decree of the sayd Counsel touching the Sacrament.

Wherunto Allerton againe made answer and sayd: I beleeue nothing contained in the same Councell, neyther haue I any thing to doe therewith: and it were also very necessary that no man els should haue to do therewith.

Then (quoth Boner) thou arte of the opinion that the heretikes lately burned at Colchester were of.

Yea (said he) I am of their opinion, and I beleeue that they be Saincts in heauen.

This done, the Bish. perceiuing that he would not re∣cant, demaunded what he had to say, whye he shoulde not pronounce the sentence of condemnation against him. To whom he answered: yee ought not to condemne me as an heretike, for I am a good christian. But now go to, doe as you haue already determined: For I see right well, that right and truth be suppressed, and cannot appeare vppon the earth.

These woordes ended, the bish. pronounced the Sen∣tence of condemnation, & so deliuered hym vnto the tem∣porall officers: Who reserued him in their custodye vntill the 17. day of September, at which time, bothe he and the other 3. before mencioned were all burned, as ye haue al∣ready heard. Of which other 3. because as yet litle is sayd, I wil therfore now procede to declare suche cause of theyr cruel deathes, as in the Registrie is recorded.

Iames Austoo and Margerie his wife

TOuching the first apprehension of these ij. persones, I finde neither occasion whye, neither time,* 8.6 nor manner howe. Howbeit as the daies then serued, it was no harde or strange matter to fall into the hāds of such as with cru∣elty persecuted the true professors of Gods gospell, especi∣ally hauing so many promoters, and vnneighborly neigh¦bors to help them forwards. By which kinde of people, it is not vnlike these two godly yokefellowes were accused and taken: and being once deliuered into the pitiles hād∣ling of Boner: their examinations (ye may be sure) were not long deferred. For the 16. day of Iuly 1557. they were brought before him into hys palace at London. Wher first he demāded of the said Iames Austoo (amongst other que∣stions) where he had bene confessed in Lent, and whether he receiued the sacrament of the altare at Easter or not.

To whom he answered that in dede he had ben confes∣sed of the curate of A••halowes Barking, ••e to the tower of London, but y^t he had not receiued the sacrament of the altar, for he defied it from the bottome of his heart.

Why, quoth the Bishop, doest thou not beleeue that in the sacrament of the altare there is the true body & bloude of Christ.

No sayd Austoo, not in the Sacrament of the altar, but in the Supper of the Lorde, to the faithfull receiuer is the very body and bloud of Christ by faith.

Boner not well pleased with this talke, asked then the wife, how she did like the religion then vsed in this cour••h of England.

* 8.7Shee answered that shee beleeued, that the same was not according to Gods word, but false and corrupted, and that they which did goe thereunto, did it more for feare of the law, then otherwise.

Then hee againe asked her if shee woulde goe to the Churche and heare Masse, and pray for the prosperous e∣state of the king, being then abroad in his affaires.

Whereunto she said that she defied the Masse with all her heart, and that she would not come into any Churche wherein were Idols.

After this the Bish. obiected vnto them certaine arti∣cles, to the number of 18. The tenor whereof (because they touch only such common & trifling matters as are alrea∣dy mentioned in diuers & sondry places before) I do here for breuitie sake omit and passe ouer: geuing you yet this much to vnderstand, that in the maters of faith, they were as soūd, and answered as truly (God be therfore praised) as euer any did, especially the woman, to whom the Lord had geuen the greater knowledge and more feruentnes of spirit. Notwithstanding, according to y^e measure of grace that God gaue them, they both stood most firmly vnto the truthe. And therefore to conclude, the 10. day of Sept. they were (with Rafe Allerton, of whō ye haue heard) brought againe before the bishop within his chappell at Fulham, where he speaking vnto them, said first on this wise: Au∣stoo, doest thou knowe where thou art nowe, and in what place, and before whom, and what thou hast to doe?

Yea (quoth Austoo) I knowe where I am: For I am in an idols temple.

After which wordes their articles being againe red, & their constancie in faith perceiued, Boner pronounced a∣gainst either of them seuerally the sentence of cōdemnati∣on, and deliuering them vnto the sheriff there present, did rid his hands (as he thought) of them: but the Lorde in the ende will iudge that: to whome I referre his cause.

It so happened vpon a night, that as this Margerie Austoo was in y^e bishops prisone (which prison I suppose was his dogge kennel,* 8.8 for it was, as is reported, vnder a paire of staires) by y^e bishops procurement there was sent a stoute champion (as appeared) about 12. of the clocke at nighte, who suddenly opened the doore, and with a knife drawen or ready prepared, fell vppon her, to the intent to haue cut her throte. Which she by reason of the clearnes of the Moone perceiuing, and calling vnto God for helpe, he (but who it was she knewe not) geuing a grunt, and fea∣ring (belike) to commit so cruel a dede, departed his waies without any more hurt doing.

The next night following, they caused a great rumbe∣ling to be made ouer her head, which semed to her to haue bene some great thūder, which they did for to haue feared her out of her wittes, but yet thanks be to God, they mis∣sed of their purpose.

Richard Roth.

IN the godly felowship of the forenamed three Martyrs, was also this Rich. Roth,* 8.9 as is alreadye specified. Who being apprehended and brought vp vnto the bish. of Lon∣don, was by him examined y^e 4. day of Iuly: at what time the bish. did earnestly trauel to induce him to beleeue that there were 7. sacraments in Christes churche, and that in the sacrament of the altar (after the words of consecration duely spoken) there remained y^e very substance of Christes body and bloud and none other. Wherunto, (at y^e present) he made only this aunsweare: that if the scriptures did so teach him, and that he might be by the same so perswaded, he would so beleue, otherwise not. But at another exami∣nation (which was the 9. day of Sept.) he declared plain∣ly, that in the said sacramēt of the altar (as it was then v∣sed) there was not the very body and bloud of Christ, but that it was a dead God, and that the Masse was detesta∣ble and contrary to Gods holy woorde and will, from the which faith and opinion he would not goe or decline.

The next daye being the 10. day of the same moneth of September, the Bishop at his house at Fulham (by waye of an article) laid and obiected against him: that he was a comforter and boldener of hereticks, and therefore hadde wrytten a letter to that effect vnto certaine that were bur∣ned at Colchester: the copie whereof ensueth.

A letter wrytten by Rich. Roth, vnto certaine bre∣thren and sisters in Christ, condemned at Colche∣ster, and ready to be burned for the testi∣monie of the truth.

O Deare brethren and sisters, how much haue you to reioyce in God,* 9.1 that he hath geuen you such faith to ouercome thys bloud thirsty tyrants thus far: and no doubt he that hathe begon that good worke in you, wil fulfil it vnto the end. O de•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 in Christ, what a crowne of glory shall ye receiue with Christe in the kingdom of God? Oh that it had bene the good will of God, that I had ben ready to haue gon with you For I lie in my 〈◊〉〈◊〉 little ease in the day, and in the night I lie in the Colehouse, frō Rafe Allerton, or any other: and we loke euery day whē we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be condemned For he said that I shoulde be burned wythin 〈◊〉〈◊〉 daies before Easter: but I lie still at the pooles brinke, and euery man goeth in before mee: but we abide paciently the lordes l••i∣sure, with many bandes, in setters and stockes: by the whiche we haue receiued great ioy in God. And nowe fare you well deare brethren and sisters, in this worlde: but I trust to see you in the heauens face to face.

Oh brother Munt, with your wife and my deare sister Rose, how blessed are you in the Lord, that God hath found you wor∣thy to suffer for his sake: with all the rest of my deare brethren & sisters knowen & vnknowen. O be ioyful euen vnto death. Feare it not, saith Christ: for I haue ouercome death, saith he. Oh deare hearts, seeing that Iesus Christ will be our helpe, oh tary you the Lordes laisure. Be strong, let your hearts be of good comfort, & wait you stil for the Lord. He is at hand. Yea the angel of the lord pitcheth his tent rounde about them that feare him, and deliue∣reth them which way he seeth best. For our liues are in the lords hands: and they can doe nothing vnto vs before God suffer thē. Therefore geue all thankes to God.

Oh deare hearts, you shall be clothed with long white gar∣ments vpon the mount Sion, with the multitude of Saintes, and with Iesus Christ our Sauiour, which will neuer forsake vs. Oh blessed virgins, ye haue plaied the wise virgines part, in that you haue taken oyle in your lamps, that ye may go in with the bride grom when he commeth into the euerlasting ioy wyth hym. But as for the folish they shalbe shut out, because they made not thē∣selues ready to suffer with Christe, neither goe about to take vp his crosse. O deare hearts, howe precious shall your death be in the sight of the Lord? for deare is the death of his saintes. O fare you well, and pray. The grace of our Lorde Iesus Christ be wyth you all, Amen, Amen. Pray, pray, pray.

By me Rich. Roth, wrytten with mine bloud.

This letter he confessed in dede (vpon the sayd exami∣nation) to haue wrytten with his bloude, & that he meant to haue sent the same vnto suche as were condempned at Colchester for the gospel of Iesus Christ, and were after∣wardes burned there, as ye haue already heard.

The bish. then farther asked him,* 9.2 what he thought hys prison fellow Rafe Allerton to be?

He aunsweared that he thought hym to be one of the elect children of God: and that if at any time heereafter he happened to be put to death for his faith and religion, hee thought he shoulde die a true Martyr. And moreouer fin∣ding him selfe agreued with the Bishoppes priuie and se∣crete condēning of Gods people, he said vnto him in this sort: My Lord, because the people should not see & behold your doings, ye cause me and others to be brought to our examinatiōs by night, being afraid (belike) to do it by day.

[illustration]

Foure Marty••s burned at Islington.

* 9.3

The Bishop not greatly caring for this talke,* 9.4 procee∣ded to examine hym of other matters, amongest whiche this high and waighty thyng was one, videlicet, how he did lyke the order and rites of the Churche then vsed here in England.

To whome he said, that hee euer had, and yet then did abhorre the same with all his heart.

Then diuers of the Bishops complices entreated and perswaded him to recant, and aske mercy of the bishop.

* 9.5No (quoth Roth) I will not aske mercy of hym that cannot geue it. Wherupon he was (as the rest before mē∣tioned) condemned, and deliuered vnto the Shiriffe, and the xvij. day of September, they all most ioyfully ended their lyues in one fire at Islington, for the testimonie of Christ, as before is declared.

¶Agnes Bongeor, and Margaret Thur∣ston, two godly Christian women, burnt at Col∣chester for the sincere professing of Chri∣stes Gospell.

A Little before (gentle Reader) was mention made often that suffred Martyrdome at Colchester,* 9.6 pag. 2007. at wh••ch tyme there were two other women also,* 9.7 one called Margaret Thurston, and the other Agnes Bongeor, that should haue suffered with them, and were likewyse condemned at the same tyme and place that the other aboue named ten were, for the like cause, and aun∣swered also in their examinations the like in effect as the other did. But the one, namely Margaret Thurston, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 she should suffer with those that went from the Castle, was for that tyme deferred. What the cause was, the testimonie of Io••e Cooke shal declare vnto vs.* 9.8 Which Io••e Cooke, the wife now of Iohn Sparke, beyng then in the castle of Colchester for religion, did demaund of this widow Thurston, whose husband died in the prison being imprisoned for religion, wherefore the sayd Margaret be∣yng a condemned woman, should be reserued, when the other suffred in the Castle Baily. She aunswered, that it was not for any feare of death, but beyng prepared as the rest were that suffered the same day, she felte in her selfe a great shiuering and trembling of the flesh. Whereuppon forsaking the company, she went aside to pray. And whi∣lest she was a praying, she thought that she was lifted vp with a mighty wynd that came round about her. Euen at that instant came in the Gaoler and company with hym, & whilest she turned her selfe to fetch her Psalter, they tooke the other prisoners and left her alone. Shortly after shee was remooued out of the Castle and put into the Towne prison, where she continued vntill Friday seuennight af∣ter her company were burnt. That day, not two howers before her death, she was brought to the Castell agayne, where shee declared thus much to the aforesayde Ioane Cooke.* 9.9

The other named Agnes Bongeor, who should haue suffred in like maner with the 6. that went out of Motchal was also kept backe at that tyme, but not in lyke sort, be∣cause her name was wrong written within the writte, as in the Bailiffes letters of Colchester, sent to Boner about the same, more plainely doth appeare in the booke of our first edition, pag. 1632.

The same morning, the 2. of August, that the sayd sixe in Motehall were called out to goe to their Martyrdome, was Agnes Bongeor also called with them,* 9.10 by the name of Agnes Bowyer. Wherefore the Bailiffes vnderstāding her (as I sayd) to be wrong named within the writ, com∣manded the sayd Agnes Bongeor to prison agayne, as ye haue heard in the letter before named, and so from Mote∣hall that day, sent her to the Castle, where shee remayned vntill her death.

But when she saw her selfe so separated from her sayd prison fellowes in that sort, Oh good Lord what piteous mone that good woman made, how bitterly shee wepte, what strange thoughts came into her mynde, how naked and desolate she esteemed her selfe, and into what plunge of dispayre and care her poore soule was brought, it was piteous and wonderful to see: which all came because she went not with them to geue her lyfe in the defence of her Christ: for of all thyngs in the world, lyfe was least looked for at her hands. For that morning in which she was kept backe from burnyng, had she put on a smocke that she had prepared onely for that purpose.* 9.11 And also hauyng a child, a little yong Infant suckyng on her, whom she kept with her tenderly all the tyme she was in prison, agaynst y^e day likewyse did she send it away to another Nurse, and pre∣pared her selfe presently to geue her selfe for the testimonie of the glorious Gospell of Iesus Christ. So little did shee looke for lyfe, and so greatly did Gods gifts worke in her aboue nature, that death seemed a great deale better wel∣come then lyfe. But this tooke not effect at that time as she thought it would, and therfore (as I sayd) was she not a little troubled.

Beyng in this great perplexitie of mynde, a friend of hers came to her and required to knowe whether Abra∣hams obedience was accepted before God for that hee did sacrifice his sonne Isaac, or in that he would haue offered hym. Unto which she answered thus.

I know (quoth she) that Abrahams will before God was allowed for the deede, in that he would haue done it, if the Aungell of the Lorde had not stayed him: but I (said she) am vnhappy, the Lorde thinketh me not worthye of this dignitie, and therfore Abrahams case and mine is not alyke.

Why (quoth her friend) would ye not willingly haue gone with your company, if God should so haue suffe∣red it?

Yes (said she) with all my hart, and because I did not, it is now my chiefe and greatest griefe.

Then said her friend: My deare sister, I pray thee con∣sider Abraham and thy self well, & thou shalt see thou doest nothing differ with him in will at all.

Alas (quoth she) there is a farre greater matter in A∣braham then in me: for Abraham was tried with the of∣fering of his owne childe, but so am not I, and therefore our cases are not lyke.

Good sister (quoth her friend) way the matter but in∣differently. Abraham I graunt (sayd he) would haue offe∣red his sonne: and haue not you done the lyke in your lit∣tle suckyng babe? But consider further then this, my good sister (sayd he) where Abraham was commanded but to offer his sonne, you are heuy and grieued because you of∣fer not your selfe, which goeth somewhat more neere you then Abrahams obedience did, & therefore before God as∣suredly, is no lesse accepted & allowed in his holy presence: which further the preparing of your shroud also doth ar∣gue full well, &c. After which talke betweene them,* 9.12 she be∣gan a little to stay her selfe, and gaue her whole exercise to readyng and prayer, wherein she found no little comfort.

In the tyme that these foresayd ij. good women were prisoners, one in the Castle, & the other in Motehall, God by a secret meane called the sayd Margaret Thurston vn∣to his truth agayne, who hauyng her eyes opened by the workyng of his spirit, did greatly sorrow and lament her backsliding before, and promised faithfully to the Lord, in hope of his mercies, neuer more while she liued to doe the like agayne, but that she would constantly stand to the cō∣fession of the same,* 9.13 against all the aduersaries of the crosse of Christ. After which promise made, came in short tyme a writ from London for the burning of them, which accor∣dyng to the effect thereof, was executed the 17. day of Sep∣tember, in the yeare aforesayd.

[illustration]

*The burning of Margaret Thurston, and Agnes Bongeor, at Colchester.

* 9.14

〈1 page missing〉〈1 page missing〉

to Laxfield to bee burned, and on the next day mornyng was brought to the stake where was ready agaynst hys commyng, the foresayd Iustice M. Thurstō, one M. Wal∣ler then beyng vnder shiriffe, and M. Tho. Louell beyng high Constable,* 9.15 as is before expressed, the which comman∣ded men to make redy all things meete for that sinful pur∣pose. Nowe the fire in most places of the streete was put out, sauyng a smoke was espied by the said Tho. Louell proceeding out from the top of a chimney, to which house the shiriffe and Grannow his man went, and brake open the dore and thereby got fire and brought the same to the place of execution. When Iohn Noyes came to the place of execution. When Iohn Noyes came to the place where he should be burned, he kneeled downe and sayde the 50. Psalme, with other prayers, and then they making haste bound hym to the stake, and beyng bounde, the sayd Iohn Noyes sayd: Feare not them that can kill the body, but feare hym that can kill both bodye and soule, and cast it into euerla∣styng fire.

* 9.16When he saw his sister weeping and making mone for him, he bade her that she should not weepe for hym, but weepe for her sinnes.

Then one Nich. Cadman beyng Hastler, a valiaunt champion in the Popes affaires, brought a fagotte and set agaynst him: and the said Ioh. Noyes tooke vp the fagot and kissed it, and sayd: Blessed bee the tyme that euer I was borne to come to this.

Then he deliuered his Psalter to the vndershirife, de∣siring him to be good to his wyfe and children, & to deliuer to her that same booke: and the shiriffe promised hym that he would, notwithstāding, he neuer as yet performed his promise. Then the sayd Iohn Noyes sayd to the people: They say they can make God of a piece of bread, beleeue them not.

* 9.17Then sayd he, good people beare witnes that I do be∣leeue to be saued by the merites & passion of Iesus Christ, and not by myne owne deedes: and so the fire was kind∣led, and burned about him, and thē he sayd: Lord haue mer∣cy vpon me, Christ haue mercy vppon me, Sonne of Dauid haue mercy vpon me.

[illustration]

¶The burnyng of Iohn Noyes, Martyr.

* 9.18

And so he yelded vp his lyfe, and when his body was burned, they made a pit to bury the coales and ashes, and amongst the same they found one of his feet that was vn∣burned, whole vp to the anckle, with the hose on, and that they buried with the rest.

Now while he was a burnyng, there stoode one Iohn Iaruis by, a mans seruant of the same towne, a plaine fel∣low,* 9.19which sayd: Good Lorde, how the sinewes of hys armes shrinke vp. And there stood behynd hym one Gran now and Benet beyng the shiriffes men, and they sayd to their maister, that Iohn Iaruis said, what villeine wret∣ches are these. And their maister bade lay hand on hym, & then they tooke hym and piniond hym, and caried hym be∣fore the Iustice that same day, and the Iustice did examine hym of the words aforesayd, but he denied them, and aun∣swered, that he sayd nothing but this: Good Lorde howe the sinews of his armes shrinke vp. But for all this y^e Iu∣stice did bynd his father and his maister in v. poundes a piece that he should be forth commyng at all tymes. And on the Wednesday next hee was broughte agayne before these Iustices, M. Thurston, and M. Kene, they sittyng at Fresingfield in Hoxton hundred, and there they did ap∣point and commaund that the sayd Iohn Iaruis shoulde be set in the stockes the next market day, and whipt about the market naked. But his Maister one William Iaruis did after craue friendship of the Constables, and they dyd not set him in the stockes till Sonday morning, and in the after noone they did whip hym about the market wyth a dog whip hauyng three cords, and so they let hym go.

Some doe geue that Iohn Iaruis was whipped for saying that Nich. Cadman was Noyes Hastler, that is, such one as maketh and hasteth the fire.

The copy of a certaine letter that he sent to comforte his Wyfe at such tyme as he lay in prison.

WIfe, you desired me that I would sende you some tokens that you might remember me.* 9.20 As I did read in the newe Testament, I thought it good to write vnto you certayne places of the Scripture for a remembraunce. S. Peter sayth: Derely be∣loued, be not troubled with this heat that is nowe come among you to try you, as though some strange thyng had happened vn∣to you, but reioyce in so much as ye are partakers of Christes suffryngs, that whē hys glory appeareth, ye may be mery & glad. If ye be rayled on for the name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory, and the spirit of God resteth vpon you.

It is better if the will of God be so,* 9.21 that ye suffer for well do∣yng, then for euill doyng.

See that none of you suffer as a murtherer, or as a thiefe,* 9.22 or an euill doer, or as a busie body in other mens matters: but if any man suffer as a Christian man, let hym not be ashamed, but let him glorifie God in this behalfe: for the tyme is come that iudgement must begin at the house of God. If it first begin at vs, what shal the end of them be that beleue not the gospel of God? Wherfore let them that suffer according to the will of God, com∣mit their soules to hym in well doyng.

S Paule saieth: All that will lyue godly in Christ Iesu,* 9.23 must suffer persecution.

S. Iohn saieth: See that ye loue not the worlde,* 9.24 neither the thyngs that are in the world.

If any man loue the worlde, the loue of the father is not in him. For all that is in the world, as the lust of the flesh, the lust of the eyes, and the pride of lyfe, is not of the father, but is of the world, which vanisheth away and the lust therof, but he that ful∣filleth the will of God, abideth for euer.

S. Paule saith: If ye bee risen againe with Christ,* 9.25 seeke those things which are aboue, where Christ sitteth on the right hande of God. Set your affection on things that are aboue, and not on things which are on the earth.

Our Sauiour Christ sayeth:* 9.26 Whosoeuer shall offend one of these little ones that beleeue in me, it were better for hym that a milstone were hanged about his necke, and that he were cast in∣to the sea.

The Prophet Dauid sayth:* 9.27 Great are the troubles of the righ¦teous, but the Lord deliuereth them out of all.

Feare the Lord ye his saintes, for they that feare hym lacke nothyng.

When the righteous crye, the Lorde heareth them and de∣liuereth them out of all theyr troubles: But misfortune shall slaye the vngodlye, and they that hate the righteous shall pe∣rish.

Heare oh my people. I assure thee O Israel, if thou wilt har∣ken vnto me, there shall no strange God be in thee, neyther shalt thou worship any other God. Oh that my people would obey me, for if Israell would walke in my wayes, I should soone put downe their enemies, and turne my hande agaynst their aduer∣saries.

Our Sauior Christ sayth: The Disciple is not aboue hys mai∣ster, nor yet the seruant aboue his Lord. It is enough for the Di∣sciple to be as his maister is, and that the seruant be as his Lord is. If they haue called the maister of the house Belzebub, howe much more shall they call them of his houshold so: feare not thē therefore.

S. Paule sayth: Set your selues therefore at large, and beare not a strangers yoke with the vnbeleuers:* 9.28 for what fellowship hath righteousnesse with vnrighteousnesse? what company hath light with darkenes: either what part hath the beleeuer with the Infidell? &c. Wherfore come out from among them, & separate your selues now (saith the Lord) and touch none vnclean thing: so will I receiue you, and I will be a father vnto you, & ye shall be my sonnes and daughters, sayth the Lord almighty.

For neither eye hath seen, nor the eare hath heard, neither can it enter into the hart of man, what good thynges the Lord hath prepared for them that loue hym.

Ye are not bought neither with siluer nor gold, but with the precious bloud of Christ.* 9.29

There is none other name geuen to men wherein wee must be saued.

So fare ye well wife and children, and leaue worldly care, and see that ye be diligent to pray.

* 9.30Take no thought (sayth Christ) saying: what shall we eate or what shall we drinke, or wherewith shall we be clothed: for after all these thynges seeke the Gentiles) for your heauenly father knoweth that ye haue need of all these thyngs, but seeke ye first the kingdom of heauen, and the righteousnesse thereof. And all these things shall be ministred vnto you.

¶The Martyrdome and sufferyng of Cicelie Ormes, burnt at Norwich for the testimonie and witnesse of Christes Gospell.

* 9.31ABout the 23. day of the sayd moneth of September, next after the other aboue mentioned, suffered at Nor∣wich Cicelie Ormes, wyfe of Edmund Ormes Worsted∣weauer, dwelling in S. Laurence parish in Norwich, she beying of the age of xxxij. yeares or more, was taken at y^e death of Simon Miller and Elizabeth Cooper aboue mē∣cioned, in a place called Lolardes pit without Bishoppes gate, at the sayd Norwich, for that shee sayde shee would pledge them of the same cup that they dranke on.* 9.32 For so saying, one Maister Corbet of Sprowson by Norwich, tooke her and sent her to the Chauncellor. When shee came before him, he asked her what she sayd to the Sacra∣ment of Christes body.* 9.33 And she sayd, she did beleue, that it was the Sacramente of the bodye of Christ. Yea saide the Chauncellor, but what is that that the priest holdeth ouer his head? Shee aunswered him and sayd, it is bread: and if you make it any better it is worse. At which words the Chauncellor sent her to the bishops Prison to the kee∣per called Fellow, with many threatning, & ho••e words as a man being in a great cha••e.

The xxiij. day of Iuly shee was called before y^e Chaū∣cellor againe, who sat in iudgemēt with Master Bridges and others. The Chauncellor offred her if she would goe to the Church and keepe her tongue, shee should be at ly∣bertie, and beleue as shee would. But she tolde him shee would not consent to his wicked desire therein, doe wyth her what he would: for if she should, she sayde GOD woulde surelye plague her. Then the Chauncellour tolde her, he had shewed more fauour to her, then euer he did to any, and that he was loth to condeme her, conside∣ring that shee was an ignoraunt, vnlearned, and foolysh woman. But she not weying his words, tolde him if he did, he should not be so desirous of her sinfull flesh, as she would (by Gods grace) be content to geue it in so good a quarell. Then rose he and red the bloudy sentence of con∣demnation against her, and so deliuered her to the secular power of the shiriffes of the Citie, M. Thomas Suther∣ton, and M. Leonard Sutherton brethren, who immedi∣ately caried her to the Guildhall in Norwich, where shee remayned vntill her death.

This Cicelie Ormes was a very simple woman, but yet zelous in the Lordes cause, beyng borne in East De∣ram, and was there the daughter of one Thomas Haund Tailor. She was taken the v. day of Iuly, and dyd for a twelue month before she was taken, recant, but neuer af∣ter was she quiet in conscience, vntill she was vtterly dri∣uen from all their Poperie. Betweene the tyme she recan∣ted and that she was taken,* 9.34 she had gotten a letter made, to geue to the Chancellor, to let hym know that she repē∣ted her recantation from the bottome of her hart, & would neuer do the like again while she liued.* 9.35 But before she ex∣hibited her bil, she was taken & sent to prison, as is before sayd. She was burnt the 23. day of September, betweene 7. and 8. of the clocke in the morning,* 9.36 the sayd two shirifes being there, and of people to the number of 200. When she came to the stake, she kneeled downe and made her pray∣ers to God. That beyng done, she rose vp and sayde: good people, I beleeue in God the father, God the sonne, and God the holy ghost, three persons and one God.

This do I not, nor will I recant, but I recant vtter∣ly from the bottome of my hart, the doynges of the Pope of Rome, and all his popish priestes and shauelynges. I vtterly refuse and neuer will haue to do with them again by Gods grace. And good people, I would you shoulde not thinke of me that I beleeue to be saued in that I offer my selfe here vnto the death for the Lordes cause, but I beleeue to be saued by the death of Christes passion: and this my death is and shall be a witnesse of my fayth vnto you all here present. Good people, as many of you as be∣leeue as I beleue, pray for me. Then she came to the stake and layd her hand on it, and sayd: welcome the Crosse of Christ. Which beyng done, she lookyng on her hand,* 9.37 and seeyng it blacked with the stake, she wiped it vppon her smocke, for she was burnt at the same stake that Symon Miller and Elizabeth Cooper was burned at. Then after she had touched it with her hand, shee came and kissed it, and sayd welcome the sweete crosse of Christ, and so gaue her selfe to be bound thereto. After the tormentours had kindled the fire to her, she sayd:* 9.38 My soule doth magnify the Lord, and my spirite reioyceth in God my Sauiour, and in so

[illustration]

¶The burnyng of Cicelie Ormes at Norwich.

* 9.39 saying she set her hands together right against her brest, rasting her eyes and head vpward, and so stood, heauyng vp her hands by little and little, till the very sinewes of her armes brast asunder, and then they fell: but she yel∣ded her lyfe vnto the Lord, as quietly as she had bene in a slumber, or as one feelyng no payne: So wonderfully did the Lord worke with her: his name therfore be prai∣sed for euermore, Amen.

¶The trouble and disturbance among good men and women at Lichfield.

* 9.40

AFter the death and Martyrdome of maistresse Ioyce Lewys, a little aboue specified, diuers good men and women in the same towne of Lichfield were vexed and in trouble before the Bishop and his Chauncellor, for kis∣sing the sayd Ioyce Lewys,* 9.41 and drinking with her about the tyme of her death, the names of which persones were these: Ioane Loue, Elizabeth Smith, Margaret Bid∣dell, Helene Bouring, Margaret Cootesfote, Nich. Bird Ioh. Hurlstone and his wyfe, Agnes Glyn, Agnes Glo∣uer, Agnes Penyfather. &c. These with other were pro∣duced to their examination before the Bishop & his Chā∣cellor for the cause aboue named, and therefore adiudged for heretikes, for that they did pray and drinke with the sayd maistresse Lewys, but especially Agnes Penyfather sustained the most trouble, for that she accompanied the sayde Ioyce Lewys goyng to her death. Whiche Agnes beyng examined further of the sayd Bishop, what words she had spoken to two priestes of the church of Lichfield, called Iohn Adye and Iames Foxe, concernyng the sayd Ioyce Lewys after her burnyng, sayd as followeth: that she beyng asked by y^e said two priests beyng at her fathers house in the Citie of Lichfield, at such tyme as she came frō the burning of the sayd Ioyce Lewys,* 9.42 wherefore shee the sayd Agnes did weep for such an heretike, meanyng Ioice Lewys, whose soule sayd they was in hell: the sayd Ag∣nes Penyfather to the demaund made this aunswer, that she thought the sayde blessed Martyr to bee in better case

then the sayde two Priestes were.

With the which wordes she beyng charged, and wil∣led to submit her selfe as the other had done aboue reher∣sed to such penaunce as they should inioyne vnto her, re∣fused so to do, and therfore was commaunded to close pri∣son, the shiriffes beyng charged with her vnder payne of one hundred poundes, that none should haue any accesse vnto her. At length at the perswasion of her friendes, shee was compelled to doe as the other had done before. And thus much concernyng thyngs done at Lichfield.

¶The Persecution and crueltie exer∣cised by the Papistes in the Diocesse of Chichester.

* 9.43ANd now from Lichfield to come to Chichester, al∣though we haue but little to report thereof, for lacke of certaine relation and recordes of that countrey, yet it seemeth no little trouble and persecution there also to haue raged, as in other countreys. For what place was there almost in all the Realme, where the Popes mini∣sters did not besturre them, murtheryng some or other, as in the Acts of this ecclesiastical history may sufficiently ap∣peare. Wherfore as this plague of the popes tiranny was generall to all other people and countries of England, so likewyse in the Diocesse of Chichester, diuers and many there were condemned and martyred for the true testimo∣ny of righteousnesse within the compasse of Queene Ma∣ries raigne. In the number of whom were these.

Martyrs.

• ...Iohn Foreman, of Estgrimsted.
• ...Iohn Warner of Berne.
• ...Christian Grouer of the Archdeacon∣ry of Lewys.
• ...Thomas Athoth Priest.
• ...* 9.44Thomas Auyngton of Erdinglie.
• ...Dennis Burgis of Buxsted.
• ...Thomas Rauens∣dale of Rie.
• ...Iohn Milles of Hel∣linglegh.
• ...Nich Holden of Withiam.
• ...Iohn Hart of Wi∣thiam.
• ...Margery Morice of Hethfield.
• ...Anne Trie of Est∣grenested.
• ...Iohn Oseward of Woodmancote.
• ...Thomas Harland of Woodmancote.
• ...Iames Morice of Hethfield.
• ...Tho. Dougate of Estgrenested.
• ...Iohn Ashedon of Ketherfield.

The greatest doers against these godly and true faith∣full Martyrs and sitters vpon their condemnation,* 9.45 were these: Christopherson the Bishop after Day, Rich. Bris∣ley Doctour of Lawe, and Chauncellour of Chichester, Rob. Taylor Bacheler of Lawe his Deputy, Tho. Pac∣card Ciuilian, Anth. Clarke, Albane Langdale Bach. of Diuinitie, &c.

¶The examination of Thomas Spurdance one of Queene Maries seruaunts, before the Chauncel∣lour of Norwich.

THe Bishops Chauncellour did aske me if I had bene with the priest,* 9.46 and confessed my sinnes vnto him. And I sayd no, I had confessed my sinnes to God, and God sayeth: In what hower so euer a sinner doth repent and be sory for his sinnes, and aske hym forgeuenes, willyng no more so to doe, he will no more recken his sinne vnto him, and that is sufficient for me.

Then sayd the Chancellor: Thou deniest the Sacra∣ment of penance.

I said, I deny not penance, but I deny that I shoulde shew my sinnes vnto the priest.

Then sayd the Chancellor, that is a deniyng of the sa∣crament of penance.

Write this Article.

Haue you receiued the blessed sacrament of the aulter (sayd he) at this tyme of Easter?

And I sayd, no.

And why haue ye not, sayth he?

I said, I dare not meddle with you in it, as you vse it.

Why? do not we vse it truly, sayd he.

I sayde, no, for the holy supper of the Lord serueth for the Christen congregation, and you are none of Christes members, & therfore I dare not meddle with you, least I be like vnto you.

Why, are wee none of Christes members sayde the Chancellor?

I sayd: because you teache lawes contrary to Gods lawe.

What lawes are those, sayd he?

I sayd, these 3. articles that you sweare the people vn∣to here, be false and vntrue, and you do euill to sweare the people vnto them.

Then sayd hee: Good people take no heede vnto hys words: for he is an heretike & teacheth you disobedience: and so he would no more speake of that matter.

Then said he, how beleuest thou in the blessed Sacra∣ment of the aultar? doest thou not beleeue that after it is consecrated, it is the very same body that was borne of the virgin Mary?

I sayd: no, not the same body in substance: for y^e same body hath a substance in flesh, bloud and bones, and was a bloudy sacrifice, and this is a dry sacrifice.

And I sayd, is the Masse a sacrifice?

Unto which a D. answered that sate by him, it is a sa∣crifice both for the quicke and the dead.

Then sayd I, no, it is no sacrifice: for s. Paul saith, that Christ made one sacrifice once for all, and I doe beleeue in none other sacrifice, but only in that one sacrifice that our Lord Iesus Christ made once for all.

Then sayd the D. that sacrifice that Christ made, was a wet sacrifice, and the Masse is a dry sacrifice.

Then sayde I:* 9.47 that same drye sacrifice is a sacrifice of your own making, & it is your sacrifice, it is none of mine

Then sayd the Chancellor, he is an heretike, he denieth the sacrament of the aulter.

Then sayd I: will ye know how I beleeue in the ho∣ly supper of our Lord?

And he sayd, yea.

Then sayd I: I beleue that if I come rightly & wor∣thily as God hath commaunded me, to the holy supper of the Lorde, I receiue him by fayth, by beleeuyng in hym. But the bread beyng receiued, is not God, nor the bread y^t is yonder in the pixe is not God. God dwelleth not in tē∣ples made with hands, neither will be worshipped wyth the works of mens hands. And therfore you do very euill to cause the people to kneele down and worship the bread: for God did neuer bid you hold it vp aboue your heades, neither had the Apostles such vse.

Then sayd the Chauncellour: he denyeth the presence in the sacrament. Write this Article also. He is a very he∣retike.

Then sayd I: the seruant is not greater then his mai∣ster. For your predecessors killed my maister Christ, the Prophets and Apostles, and holy vertuous men, & nowe you also kil the seruants of Christ, so that al the righteous bloud that hat hath bene shed, euen from righteous Abell, vntill this day, shall be required at your hands.

Well, said the Chancellor, haue him away.

Another examination of Spurdance, before the Bishop in his house.

THe B. sayd: sirrha, doest thou not beleue in the catho∣like fayth of holy Church?* 9.48

And I sayd: I beleue Christes catholike church.

Yea sayd he, in Christes church, of the which the Pope is the head? Doest thou not beleeue that the Pope is su∣preme hed of the catholike church?

And I sayd, no. I beleue not that he should bee aboue the Apostles, if hee take them to be his predecessors. For when there came a thought among y^e Apostles, who shuld be the greatest when their maister was gone, Christ aun∣swered them vnto their thoughtes:* 9.49 The Kinges of the earth beare domination aboue other, but ye shall not so doe, for hee that will be greatest among you, shall become seruaunte vnto you all. How is it then (sayde I) that hee will climbe so high aboue his fellowes? And also wee were sworne by my Maister King Henries tyme, that wee should to the vttermost of our power, neuer consent to hym again. And therefore as he hath nothyng to doe here in Englande, so neyther in his owne countrey more, then a Bishop hath in his Dioces.

Yea sayd the B. what of that? We were then in error & sinne, now we are in the right way agayne, and therefore thou must come home again with vs, and knowledge thy fault, and become a christian man, and be sworne vnto the Pope as our supreme head.* 9.50 Wilt thou be sworne vnto the Pope? How sayst thou?

Then I sayd, no I warrant you by the grace of God, not as long as I liue. For you cannot prooue by the scrip∣ture, that the Pope is head of the church, and may do ther∣in what him list.

No, sayde he? yes I trowe: For as the Belweather whiche weareth the Bell, is head of the flocke of sheepe,

euen so is the Pope the head of the Church of Christ.* 9.51 And as the Bees in the hiue haue a maister Bee when they are gone out, to bring them home againe to the hiue: euen so the Pope when we be gone astray and wandered from the fold, from the hiue, &c. then is ordeined our head by succes∣sion of Peter, to bring vs home againe to the true church: as thou now my good fellow hast wandred long out of the way like a scattered sheepe, &c. Heare therefore that Bel∣wether, the maister bell, &c. & come home with vs to thy mother the true church againe.

Unto whom I aunswered: My Lord, all this is but naturall reason, & no scripture: but since ye cannot prooue the Pope to be authorised by scripture, ye aunswer not me as I thought ye would.

Ha, sayd he, I see well ye be stout, and will not be an∣swered: therfore ye shall be compelled by law whether ye will or no.

* 9.52My Lord sayd I, so did your forefathers intreat Christ and his Apostles. They had a law, and by their lawe they put hym to death: and so likewyse, you haue a law which is tyrannie, & by that would ye inforce me to beleue as you doe. But the Lord I trust will assist me agaynst all your beggerly ceremonies, and make your foolishnesse knowen to all the world one day.

Then sayd he, when were ye at church & went in pro∣cession, and did the ceremonies of the church?

And I sayd, neuer since I was borne.

No sayd he? How old are you?

And I sayd, I thinke about xl.

Why said he, how did you vse your selfe at Church xx. yeres ago?

I sayd, as you do now.

And euen now, said he, you sayd you did not the Cere∣monies since you were borne.

No more I did sayd I, since I was borne a newe: as Christ sayd vnto Nicodemus, except ye be borne a newe, ye cannot enter into the kingdom of heauen.

Then sayd a D. that sate by, he is a very Anabaptist: for that is their opinion playne.

No sir, you say falsely, sayd I, for I am no Anabap∣tist: for they denye Children to bee Baptised, and so doe not I.

Well sayd the B. why doest thou not go to the church, and do the ceremonies?

And I sayd: because they be contrary to Gods worde and lawes, as you your selfe haue taught: but nowe you say it is good agayne: and I thinke if there were a re∣turne to morrow, you would say that is false again which you hold now. Therfore I may well say there is no truth in you.

Then sayd the B. thou art a stubborne fellow, and an heretike, and a Traitor.

No sayde I, I am no Traitour, for I haue done I thinke, better seruice to the crowne imperiall of England, then you.

If you had done so good seruice (said he) you would be obedient to the lawes of the Realme.

So I am, sayd I. There is no man alyue (I thanke God) to accuse me iustly that euer I was disobedient to any ciuill lawes.* 9.53 But you must consider my Lord, that I haue a soule and a body, & my soule is none of y^e Queenes, but my body and my goods are the Queenes. And I must geue God my soule, and all that belongeth vnto it: that is, I must do the law and commandements of God, and whosoeuer commandeth lawes contrary to Gods laws, I may not do them for losing of my soule, but rather obey God then man.

And he sayd: why doest thou not these lawes thē? are they not agreeable to Gods law?

And I sayd, no, you cannot prooue them to bee Gods lawes.

Yes sayth he, that I can.

Then sayd I, if you can prooue me by the word of God that you should haue any grauen Images made to set in your churches for lay mens bookes, or to worship God by them, or that you should haue any Ceremonies in your church as you haue, prooue them by the word of God, and I will do them.

Then sayde hee, It is a good and decent order to fur∣nishe the Church:* 9.54 as when you shall goe to dinner, you haue a clothe vppon the table to furnish the Table before the meate shall come vppon it: so are these ceremonies a comely decent order to be in the Church among Christian people.

These sayd I are inuentions and imaginations out of your owne braine, without any worde of God to prooue them. For God sayth: looke what you thinke good in your owne eyes, if I commaund the contrary, it is abhomina∣ble in my sight. And these ceremonies are agaynst Gods lawes. For S. Paul sayth, they be weake and beggerly, & rebuketh the Galathians for doyng of them.

Well, sayd he: If you will not do them, seyng they bee the lawes of the realme, you are an heretike and disobedi∣ent: and therefore come home agayne and confesse your fault with vs, that you haue bene in errour, &c. Wyll you doe so?

And I sayd no, I haue bene in no error: for the spiri∣tuall lawes were neuer trulier set forth, then in my mai∣ster K, Edwards tyme, and I trust vnto God I shall ne∣uer forsake them whiles I lyue.

Then came a Gentleman to me and sayd: are ye wi∣ser then all men? and haue ye more knowledge then all men? will you cast away your soule willingly? my Lord and other men also, woulde fayne you woulde saue your selfe: therfore chuse some man where you will, eyther spi∣rituall or temporall, and take a day: my Lord wyll geue it you.

Then sayd I, if I saue my lyfe, I shall loose it, and if I loose my lyfe for Christes sake, I shall finde it in lyfe euer∣lasting. And if I take a day, whē the day commeth, I must say then, euen as I do now, except I will lye, and therfore that needeth not.

Well, then haue him away sayd the Bishop.

This aboue named Thomas Spurdance was one of Queene Maries seruauntes,* 9.55 and was taken by two of his fellowes, the sayd Queenes seruauntes named Iohn Haman, otherwise called Barker, and George Loos••n, both dwelling in Codman in the Countie of Suffolke, who caried hym to one maister Gosnall, dwellyng in the sayd Codnam, and by hym he was sent to Bury, where he remayned in prison, and afterward burned in the moneth of Nouember.

¶The story and Martyrdome of three constant witnesses of Christ.

NOt long after the Martyrdome of the two good wo∣men at Colchester, aboue named,* 9.56 were three faythfull witnesses of the Lordes Testament, tormented and put to death in Smithfield at London, the 18. of Nouemb. in the yeare aforesayd, whose names hereafter follow.

• ...Iohn Hallyngdale.
• ...William Sparow.
• ...Richard Gybson.

Which three were produced before Boner B. of Lon∣don, the v. day of Nouem. 1557. and had by hym and his Officers certaine Articles ministred, the summe whereof hereafter followeth.

*Articles ministred by Boner vnto Iohn Hallingdale.

FIrst, that the sayd Iohn Hallyngdale is of the Diocesse of Lon∣don, and so subiect to the iurisdiction of the Bishop of Lon∣don.* 9.57

Secondly, that the sayd Iohn before the tyme of the raigne of K. Edward the 6 late K. of England, was of the same fayth and religion that was then obserued, beleeued, taught, & set forth in the realme of England.

Thirdly, that duryng the raigne of the sayd K. Edward the 6. the said Iohn Hallingdale, vppon occasion of the preachyng of certaine ministers in that tyme, did not abide in his former fayth and religion, but did depart from it, and so did and doth continue till this present day, and so determineth to do (as he sayeth) tyll his lyues ende.

Fourthly, that the sayd Iohn Hallyngdale hath thought, be∣leeued and spoken diuers tymes, that the sayth, religion, and ec∣clesiasticall seruice receiued, obserued & vsed now in this realme of England, is not good and laudable, but agaynst Gods commā∣dement and word, especially concernyng the Masse and the seuē Sacraments: and that he the sayd Iohn, wil not in any wyse con∣forme hymselfe to the same, but speake and thinke agaynst it du∣ryng his naturall lyfe.

Fiftly, that the sayd Iohn absenteth himselfe continually frō his owne Parish church of S. Leonards, neyther hearing Mattins, Masse, nor Euensong, nor yet confessing his sinnes to the Priest, or receiuyng the Sacrament of the aultar at his hands, or in vsing other Ceremonies as they are nowe vsed in this Churche and realme of England: and as he remembreth, he neuer came but once in the parish church of S. Leonard, and careth not (as hee sayth) if he neuer come there any more, the seruice beyng as it is there, and so many abuses being there, as he saith there are, espe∣cially

the Masse,* 9.58 the Sacraments, and the ceremonies and seruice set forth in Latine.

6. Sixtly, that the sayd Iohn, when his wife, called Alyce, was brought in bed of a man child, caused the said child to be christe∣ned in English, after the same maner and forme in all poyntes, as it was vsed in the time of the reigne of king Edward the 6. afore∣sayd, and caused it to be called Iosue, & would not haue the sayd child christened in Latin after the forme and maner as it is nowe vsed in the Church and Realme of Englande, nor will haue it by his will (as he sayth) to be confirmed by the Byshop.

Unto all whiche Articles the sayde Iohn Hallingdale made aunswere,* 9.59 confessing them all, and euery part of thē to be true, and saying that he would not reuoke hys sayde aunsweres, but stand vnto them according as it was in e∣uery Article aboue written.

Furthermore, the sayde Iohn Hallingdale, being de∣maunded by the sayde Boner, whether he did firmely be∣leue that in the sacrament commonly called the sacrament of the aultar,* 9.60 there is really and truely the very body and bloud of our Sauiour Christ, or nor made answere that he neither in the time of the sayd king Edward 6. nor at that present did beleue, that in the sayd Sacrament there is re∣ally the very body and bloud of Christ. For he sayd that if he had so beleued, he would (as other had done) haue recei∣ued the same, which he did not because he had and then did beleue that the very body of Christ is onely in heauen, and no where els. And furthermore the sayd Ioh. Hallingdale sayd that Crāmer, Latimer, Ridley, Hooper, and general∣ly all that of late haue bene burned for heretickes, were no heretickes at all, because they did preach truely the Gos∣pell: vpon whose preaching, he grounded his fayth & con∣science, as he sayde, according to the saying of S. Iohn in the xviij. chap. of his Reuelation, where he sayth, that the bloud of the Prophets and of the Sayntes, and of all that were slayne vppon earth, was founde in the Babilonicall church by the which he said is vnderstād the church where the Pope is the head.

After which examination, the sayd Iohn was sent vn∣to prison agayne.* 9.61 And the next day, being the vi. daye of the sayd moneth, he was called before the Bishop agayne, who perswading him with some wrested sentences of the Scripture, the sayd Iohn Hallingdale aunswered: Be∣cause I will not (sayth he) come to your Babilonical chur∣che, therefore (speaking vnto Boner) you goe about to condemne me. And being of Boner further demaunded, whether he woulde perseuer and stand in his opinions or no, he made aunswere that he would continue and persist in them vnto the death.* 9.62 Then Boner read the bloudy sen∣tence of condemnation. At which time the sayd Iohn affir∣med openly that (thanking God) he neuer came into the church since the abhomination came into it: and so he was sent to prison agayne.

Upon the same 6. day also, in the fornoone, was produ∣ced before the Byshop, the forenamed William Sparrow, and had layed vnto him certayne Articles, which hereafter foloweth.

*Articles ministred by Boner vnto William Sparrow.

* 9.63FIrst, that thou William Sparrow wast in times past detected & presented lawfully vnto thy Ordinary the Byshop of London, called Edmund, who also is now thine Ordinary of the sayd dio∣ces: and thou wast presented and detected vnto him for heresye, errors, and vnlawfull opinions, whiche thou diddest beleue, set forth, and holde.

2. Secondly, that thou before the sayd Ordinary didst openly & iudicially confesse the sayde heresies, errours, and vnlawfull opi∣nions, as appeareth playnly in the actes of the court, had & made before thy sayd Ordinary.

3. Thirdly, that thou after the premises, didst make thy submis∣sion in writing, and diddest exhibite and deliuer the same as thy deed, to thy sayd Ordinarye: openly confessing and recognising thy heresies, errours, vnlawfull opinions, and thine offences & transgressions in that behalfe.

4. Fourthly, that thou after the premisses, diddest promise vnto thy sayde Ordinary voluntarily and of thine owne minde, that alwayes after the sayd submission, thou wouldest in all poyntes conforme thy selfe vnto the common order of the Catholicke Church obserued and kept here in this Realme of Englande, and in no wise fall agayne to heresies, errours, or vnlawfull opi∣nions.

5. Fiftly, that thou since thy sayd submission, hast willingly fal∣len into certayne heresies and errours, and hast holden and sette forth diuers vnlawfull opinions, to the right great hurt of thyne owne soule, and also to the great hinderaunce and losse of diuers others, especially agaynst the Sacrament of the Aultar, agaynste confession auricular, with other the Sacramentes of the Catho∣licke Church.

6. Sixtly, that thou since the sayd submissiō, hast willingly gone about diuers places within the dioces of London, and soulde di∣uers hereticall, erroneous, and blasphemous ballets about, and wast apprehended and taken with the sayd ballets about thee, & commited to prison.

Unto all which Articles the sayd William Sparrowe aunswered in effect as hereafter foloweth.

TO the first, second, third, and fourth articles he answe∣red affirmatiuely, as thus:* 9.64 that he was presented & de∣tected to Boner, vnto whō he made his submission. &c. as in the articles.

To the fifth article, he aunswered, that if he had spoken agaynst thē, he had spokē but the truth: for they be nought, meaning the contentes of the sayd article.

To the sixte, he graunted to the article, adding that he did sell the sayd ballets then shewed and read before him, & that the same did conteine Gods word.

After which aunsweres the sayde William Sparrowe was sent vnto prison. And the same day in the afternoone, being produced before the Bishop agayne, and there char∣ged with his said Submission, made the yeare before vnto the Byshop, he aunswered thus: I am sory (sayd he) that euer I made it, and it was the worst deed that euer I did, adding further vnto them: Holde vp your abhomination so long as you can. Also being layd vnto him, and char∣ged by the Byshoppe that he went to Churche, and there was confessed and heard Masse, the sayde William Spar∣row made answere and confessed, that he did so, but with a troubled conscience he sayde, God knoweth. And spea∣king further to the Byshoppe, he sayde: that which you call trueth, I doe beleue (sayd he) to be heresy. And al∣so the Byshoppe charging him agayne with the contentes of the fifth article aboue named, he aunswered that he had so done, as is conteyned in the same article, and so will do agayne if he were at liberty. And being further demaun∣ded of Boner, whether he woulde persist and continue in the same, or no: he made aunswere that he would not go from his opinions: and adding thereunto, he sayd: that which you call heresy (speaking to the Byshoppe) is good and Godly, and if euery hayre of my head were a manne (sayd he) I would burne them all, rathe then to goe from the truth.

Then being demaunded what ground of learning hee had to cleaue to his opinions, he made aunswere and sayd, that all the lawes now vsed (meaning the Ecclesiasticall lawes) are nought and abhominable. And further, there∣vnto he sayd: that the Masse is nought and abhominable. &c. Which wordes being spoken,* 9.65 the Byshop immediately read the sentence of condemnation vpon him, and so deli∣uered him to the secular power, by whome he was sent to prison agayne.

Richard Gibson Martyr.

WIth the other two aboue named, suffered also in the same fire, Richard Gibson,* 9.66 who first was cast into the Counter in the Poultry (where he had bene prisoner by the space of two yeares for suretishippe in a matter of debt, & then stood vpon his deliuerance) then vpon suspi∣tion and euill will was accused to Boner, for that in the prison he was neuer confessed nor receiued at the Popishe aultar: by reason whereof he was called for, and susteined diuers & sundry conflictes and examinations in the cause of his fayth and religion. But first he semed to make a cer∣teine submission which also he exhibited with the other 28. mentioned aboue pag. 1865. but because it seemed some∣thing to differ in wordes from the other, it appeareth not to be receiued: or whether it was receiued or no, it is not fully certayne. This is certayne, that although his submis∣sion was in the bishops Register recorded, yet he was not deliuered out from imprisonment till the daye of his bur∣ning. The Articles first obiected and ministred vnto hym by the Bishop, were these.

Articles obiected and ministred to Richard Gibson by Boner Bishop of London.

FIrst, that the sayd Richard Gibson prisoner in the Counter in the Pultry in the dioces of Lōdō,* 9.67 hath otherwise thē became a faythfull Christian man and a good subiecte of this Realme of England, behaued himselfe in wordes and deedes in diuers con∣ditions and poyntes, contrarye to the order, Religion, and fayth of Christes Catholicke church, and contrary to the order of this Realme, to the pernicious and euill example of the inhabi∣tauntes

of the City of London, and the prisoners of the prison of the sayd Counter in the Poultry, and greatly to the hurt & dam∣mage of his owne soule, offending especially in the Artiles fol∣lowyng. By reason whereof the sayde Richard Gibson was, and is of the iurisdiction of the sayde Byshoppe of London, and sub∣iect to the sayd iurisdiction, to make aunsweare to his offences and transgression vnder written, according to the order of the law.

2. Secondly, that the sayd Richard Gibson hath vnreuerentlye spoken agaynste the Pope, and Sea and Churche of Rome, and likewise agaynst the whole Church of this Realme of Englande, and agaynst the seuen Sacramentes of the Catholicke and whole Churche of Christendome and agaynst the Articles of the Chri∣stian fayth here obserued in this Realme of England, and agaynst the commendable and laudable Ceremonies of the Catholicke Church.

3. Thirdly, that the sayd Richard Gibson hath commended, allo∣wed, defended, and liked, both Cranmer, Latimer, Ridley, and al∣so all other heretickes here in this Realme of Englande, accor∣ding to the Ecclesiasticall lawes condemned for heretickes, and also liked all their hereticall and erroneous, damnable, and wic∣ked opinions, especially agaynst the Sacrament of the aultar, and the authority of the Pope and Sea of Rome, with the whole Reli∣gion therof.

4 Fourthly, that the sayd Richard Gibson hath cōforted, ayded, assisted and mainteined both by words and otherwise, hereticks and erroneous persons, or at the least suspected and infamed of heresies and errors condemned by the Catholicke Churche, to continue in their hereticall and erroneous opinions aforesayde, fauouring and counselling the same vnto his power.

5. Fifthly, that the sayd Gibson hath affirmed and sayde that the Religion and Fayth commonly obserued, kepte, and vsed now here in this Realme of Englande,* 9.68 is not good and lau∣dable nor in any wise agreable vnto Gods word and commaun∣dement.

6. Sixtly, that the sayd Gibson hath affirmed that the English ser∣uice, and the bookes commonly called the bookes of communi∣on, or common prayer, here set forth in this Realme of Englande in the time of K Edwarde the sixt,* 9.69 were in all partes and poyntes good and godlye, and that the same onely and no other ought to be obserued and kept in this Realme of England.

7. Seuenthly that the sayd Gibson hath affirmed, that if he may once be out of prison and at liberty, he will not come to any pa∣rish church,* 9.70 or ecclesiasticall place to heare Mattins Masse▪ Euē¦song, or any diuine seruice now vsed in this Realme of Englande, nor come to procession vpon times and dayes accustomed, nor beare at any time any Taper or Candle, nor receiue at any tyme Ashes, nor beare at anye time Palme, nor receiue Pax at Masse time, nor receiue holy water, nor holy bread, nor obserue the ce∣remonies or vsages of the Catholicke Church, here obserued or kept commonly in this realme of England.

8. Eightly, that the said Gibson hath affirmed that he is not boūd at any time, though he haue liberty, and the presence of a Priest conuenient and meete,* 9.71 to confesse his sinnes to the sayd Prieste, nor to receiue absolution of his sinnes, at his handes, nor to receiue of him the sacrament commonly called the Sacramente of the aultar, after such fo••me as is now vsed within this Realme of England.

9. Ninthly, that the sayd Gibson hath affirmed, that prayer vnto Sayntes,* 9.72 or prayers for the dead, are not laudable, auayleable, or profitable: and that no man is bound at any time, or in any place, to fast or pray, but onely at his owne will and pleasure, and that it is not lawful to reserue or keepe the sayd sacrament of the aul∣tar, nor in any wise to adore and worship it.

The greatest matter whiche hee was charged withall, was for not comming to Confession, being thereunto re∣quired, for not receiuing of the sacramentes of the Popysh making, and for that he would not sweare to answere vn∣to theyr interrogatoryes layd agaynst him.

Notwithstanding after these his first examinations, he continued in the aforesayde Prison of the Counter a good space, from the moneth of May, vnto Nouember: at what time he was agayne produced vnto the finall examinatiō iudiciary.* 9.73 Where is to bee noted, that M. Gibson being a very big and talle man, of a personable and heroycall sta∣ture, was sent for of Boner by a little and short person, a promoter, like Robin Papiste, called Robin Caley, if it were not he himselfe.

This Robin Caley hauing the conducting of the sayde Gentleman from the Pultry, would needes hale him tho∣row Chepeside, the gentleman desiring him to turne some other waye.* 9.74 But the more the Gentleman entreated, the more fierce was the sely iack vpon him: and drawing and holding him by the arme, woold needes hale him through the high street, that the all world might see what he coulde do in his office. M. Gibsō desirous to be led without hol∣ding, willed and entreated him to let his arme loose: he would go quietly of his accord w^t him whether he would, onely crauing that he might go by him freely without no∣ting of the people.

The saucy and impotent miser the Promoter hearing this, who was scarse able to reach vnto his shoulders: nay (sayth he) thou shalt not escape me so, come on thy wayes. Thou shalt not choose but come: & so reaching at his arme, would needes drag him vnto the Byshop. The Gentle∣man content to goe, yet loth to be notified in the streetes, gently requested agayne and agayne, that re••rayning hys hold, he would suffer him to goe of his owne free and vo∣lūtary will: he should not neede to feare him, for he would not start frō him. To whom the Caytiff, looking vp to his face: Come on thy way, sayth he, I wil hold thee fast, spite thy beard, and whether thou wilt or no.

Mayster Gibson seing and beholding the intollerable bragging of the wretched miser, and moued therwith not a little, could beare no longer, but sayd: Wilt thou sayd he? and addeth moreouer, bitterlye looking downe towardes hym, that if he dyd not incontinentlye plucke awaye hys hand (and so stayed withall) he would immediatly wring his necke from his body. Whereupon Robin Papist the Promoter, was fayne to plucke awaye his holde, and so proceeded they vnto the Bishop, there to bee examined a∣gayne before him.

After this,* 9.75 an other day being assigned him to appeare agayne, muche talke past betweene him and Darbyshyre, then Chauncellour. But in fine, being required to sweare that he should aunswere vnto all they would demaund, he denyed to aunswere vnto all thinges the Bishops should commaund hym as Ordinary: for he is not (sayeth he) mine Ordinary, and so bidde him goe tell the Byshoppe. Before the which Byshoppe he being then commaunded to appeare the Friday next following, was brought vn∣to the Iustice Hall without Newgate, where he had the like conflictes with the foresayde Bishoppe and diuers o∣ther Iustices. At length he was assigned the Saterdaye folowing, to be present in the Bishops consistory Court, to heare his finall sentence. At whiche day and place, the sayd Examinate appearyng as he was commaunded, the Byshop after other matter of communication, asked hym if he knew any cause why the sentence should not be read agaynst hym. To whom the sayd Mayster Gibson aun∣swered, that the Bishoppe had nothing wherefor iustly to condemne him. The Bishops reason was agayne obie∣cted to him, that men sayd he was an euil man. To whom Gibson replying agayne: yea, sayth he, and so may I saye of you also. To be short, after this and such other talke, the Bishop hasted vnto the sentence. Which being read, Gib∣son yet agayne admonished to remember himselfe and to saue his soule, sayd,* 9.76 that he would not heare the Byshops babling, and sayde moreouer, boldly protesting and affir∣ming that he was contrarye and an enemye to them all in his mind and opinion, although he had afore time kepte it secret in minde for feare of the law. And speaking to the bi∣shop: blessed, sayd he, am I that am cursed at your handes. We haue no••hing now, but thus will I. For as the bishop sayth, so must it be. And now heresy is to turne the trueth of Gods word into lyes, and that do you, meaning the bi∣shop and his felowes.

Thus this valiaunt souldiour fighting for the Gospel and sincere doctrine of Gods trueth and religion, agaynst falsehood and errour, was committed with his felowes to the secular power.

And so these three godly men, Iohn Hallingdale, Wil∣liam Sparrow, and Maister Gibson,* 9.77 being thus appoin∣ted to the slaughter, were the xij. day after theyr condem∣nation (which was the xviij. day of the sayde Moneth of Nouember) burnt in Smithfielde in London. And beyng brought thyther to the stake, after theyr prayer made, they were bound thereunto with cheines, and wood sette vnto them, and after wood, fire, in the which being compassed a∣bout, and the fierye flames consuming theyr fleshe, at y^e last they yelded gloriously and ioyfully theyr soules and lyues into the holy bandes of the Lord, to whose tuition and go∣uernement, I commend thee good Reader. Amen.

¶It is a litle aboue declared in this story of Richarde Gibson, how Boner ministred vnto the layd Gibson cer∣teyne Articles, to the nūber of nine. Now let vs see lyke∣wise the Articles which the sayde Gibson ministred a∣gayne to Boner, according to the same number of nine for him to aunswere vnto, as by the same here vnder written may appeare.

* 9.78¶Articles proponed by Richard Gibson vnto Ed∣mund Boner, Byshop of London, by him to be aunswered, be yea, or nay, or els to say he cannot tell

1. WHether the Scriptures of God, written by Moyses, & other holy Prophetes of God, through fayth that is in Christ Iesus,* 10.1 is auayleable doctrine to make all men in all thin∣ges vnto saluation learned without the helpe of anye other do∣ctrine, or no.

2. What is authority and from whence it commeth, to whom it apperteineth, and to what end it tendeth.

3. Whether the holy word of God, as it is written, doth suffici∣ently teach all men, of what dignity, estate, or calling by office so euer he or they be, theyr full, true, and lawfull duety in theyr of∣fice: and whether euery man of what dignity, estate, or calling by office so euer he or they be, are bound vpon the payne of eternall damnation in all thinges to do as they are hereby taught & com∣maunded, and in no wise to leaue vndone any thing that is to be done, being taught and commaunded by the same.

4 Whether any man, the Lorde Iesu Christ God and man onely except, by the holye ordinaunce of God euer was, is, or shall be Lord ouer fayth, and by what lawfull authority any man, of what dignity, estate, or calling by office soeuer he or they be, may vse Lordship or power ouer any man for fayth sake or for the secre∣cy of his conscience.

5. By what lawfull authority or power any man, of what digni∣ty, estate, or calling so euer he or they be, may be so bolde as to alter or chaunge the holy ordinaunces of God, or any of them, or any part of them.

6. By what euident tokens Antichrist in his Ministers may bee knowne, seing it is written that Sathan can chaunge himselfe in to the similitude of an Aungell of light, and his ministers fashion themselues as though they were the Ministers of righteousnesse, and how it may be knowne to him that is desirous thereof, when he is one of that number or in the daunger thereof, or when he is otherwise.

7. What the beast is, the which maketh warre with the Sayntes of God, and doth not onely kill them, but also will suffer none to buy nor sell, but such as worship his Image, or receiue his marke in theyr right handes, or in theyr foreheades, his name or the number of his name, or do worship his Image, which hy the iuste and terrible sentence of God already decreed, shalbe punished in fire and brimstone before the holy Angels and before the lambe: and they shall haue no rest day nor night, but the smoake of their torment shall ascend vp for euermore: Also what the gorgious & glittering whore is, the which sitteth vpon the beast with a Cup of gold in her hand, full of abhominations, with whom the kings of the earth haue committed fornication, and the inhabitours of the earth and she her selfe also is dronken with the bloud of Sain∣ctes, which is the wine of her fornication, whose flesh the hornes of the beast shall teare in pieces, and burne her with fire. For god hath put in their hartes to do his will.

8. Whether a king ouer all those people whiche are borne and inhabite within his owne dominions, regions, and countryes, or any part of them, of what dignity, estate, or calling by office soe∣uer they be, here vpon this earth immediately vnder Christ, by the holy ordinaunce of God, is lawfull, supreame, and chiefe Go∣uernor or no: And whether a king ouer all those people within his dominions, regions and countryes, and euery part of them, by holy ordinaunce of God, lawfully may, and ought not otherwise to doe, nor suffer otherwise to be done, then in his owne name, power, and authority (the name of God onely except) as lawfull, supreame and chiefe heade in all thinges that belongeth to rule (without exception) to gouerne and rule: And whether all those people of what dignity, estate, or calling soeuer they be, are boūd by the holy ordinaunce of God, to owe theyr whole obedience and seruice in all thinges without exception (theyr duety to god onely excepted) to their king onely, as to theyr supreame and chiefe Gouernour vpon earth immediately vnder Christ: And whether a king without offence agaynst GOD and his people, maye geue away, and not himselfe vse that his authoritye and po∣wer geuen him of God, or lawfully may without offence to God and his people (after knowledge thereof hadde) suffer himselfe by fraud or guile, or by any other vnlawfull meane, to be beguiled, defrauded, and spoyled thereof, and whether any subiect, of what dignity, estate, or calling soeuer he or they be, without offence to God and to his kinge, to the minishing or derogating of the su∣preme prerogatiue roial of his king or of any part therof, may do ought, or after knowledge therof, had without offence to God & to his king, may conceale the same.

9. Whether the holy written law of God be geuen of God vnto all men, of what dignity, estate, or calling by office soeuer they be,* 10.2 aswell thereby to gouerne all theyr Dominions, Regions, and Countryes, and theyr people therin inhabiting, as themselues: and whether any law or lawes (the holy law of God onely excep∣ted) not being made within any Dominion, Region, or Country whereas it or they be vsed, may be lawfully vsed before it or they be, as the lawfull law or lawes of the same Dominion, Region o•• Countrey, by publicke and common order of the same Domini∣on, Region, or Countrey lawfully allowed: and whether any sub∣iect without offence agaynst God and his king, within the Do∣minion of his king, may lawfully vse any such lawe or lawes not so allowed.

Emanuell,

¶Ascribe vnto the Lord, O ye mighty, ascribe vnto the Lord, worship and strength: geue the Lord the honor of his name,* 10.3 and bow your selues to the holy maiesty of the Lord.

I will harken what the Lord God will say:* 10.4 for he shall speake peace vnto his people, that they turne not themselues vnto foo∣lishnes. This 6. of Aprill. 1557.

By me Richard Gibson.

¶The death and Martyrdome of Iohn Rough Minister, and Margaret Mea∣ring burned at London the 22. of December.

IN this furious time of persecution, were also burned these two constant and faythfull Mar∣tyrs of Christ, Iohn Rough a Minister,* 10.5 and Margaret Mearing.

This Rough was borne in Scotland, who (as himselfe confesseth in his aunsweres to Boners Arti∣cles) because some of his kinsfolke woulde haue kept hym frō his right of inheritaunce which he had to certaine lan∣des, did at the age of xvij. yeares,* 10.6 in despite (and the rather to displease his frendes) professe himselfe into the order of the blacke Friers at Sterling in Scotlande: where he re∣mained the space of xvj. yeres, vntill such time as the Lord Hamulton, Earle of Arren, and gouernour of the Realme of Scotland aforesayde (casting a fauour vnto hym) did sue vnto the Archbishop of Saynt Andrewes, to haue him out of his professed order, that as a Seculare Prieste he might serue hym for his Chapleine. At which request the Archbishoppe caused the Prouincial of that house, hauing thereto authority, to dispence with hym for his habite and order.

This sute beyng thus by the Earle obteined, the sayde Rough remayned in his seruice one whole yeare:* 10.7 duryng which time it pleased God to open his eyes, and to geue him some knowledge of his truth, and thereupon was by the sayd gouernour sent to preach in the freedome of Ayre, where he continued foure yeares, and then after the death of the Cardinall of Scotland, he was appoynted to abyde at S. Andrewes, and there had assigned vnto him a yeare∣ly pension of xx. pound from king Henry the eight Kyng of England. Howbeit, at last waying with himselfe hys owne daūger, and also abhorring the Idolatry and super∣stition of this countrey, and hearing of the freedome of the Gospell within this Realme of England, he determyned with himselfe not to tary any longer there: And therefore soone after the battel of Muscle bourough, he came first vn∣to Carliell, and from thence vnto the Duke of Somerset, then Lord Protectour of England,* 10.8 and by his assignment had appoynted vnto him out of the Kinges treasurye xx. poundes of yearely stipend, and was sent (as a Preacher) to serue at Carliell, Barwicke, and Newcastell. From whence (after he had there, according to the lawes of God and also of this Realme, taken a countrey woman of hys to wife) he was called by the Archbyshoppe of Yorke that then was, vnto a benefice nighe in the Towne of Hull: where he continued vntill the death of that blessed & good king Edward the 6.

But in the beginning of the reigne of Queene Marye (perceyuyng the alteration of Religion, and the persecu∣tion that woulde thereupon arise, and feeling hys owne weakenes) he fled with his wife into Friseland,* 10.9 & dwelte there at a place called Norden, labouring truely for his li∣uing, in knitting of Cappes, hose, and such like thinges, till about the end of the moneth of October last before hys death. At which tyme, lacking yearne and other suche ne∣cessary prouision for the mainteinaunce of his occupation, he came ouer againe into England, here to prouide for the same, and the x. daye of Nouember arriued at London. Where hearing of the secret society, and holy Congregati∣on of Gods children there assembled, he ioyned himselfe vnto them,* 10.10 and afterwardes being elected theyr Minister and Preacher, did continue moste vertuously exercised in that Godly felowshippe, teaching and confirming them in the trueth and Gospell of Christ. But in the ende (suche was the prouidence of God, who disposeth all thinges to the best, the xij. day of December, he with Cutbert Sym∣son

and others,* 10.11 through the crafty and trayterous sugge∣stion of a false Hipocrite and dissembling Brother called Roger Sergeaunt, a taylour, were apprehended by the Uicechamberlayne of the Queenes house, at the Saracēs head in Islington:* 10.12 where the Congregation had thē pur∣posed to assemble themselues to theyr Godly and accusto∣mable exercises of prayer, and hearing the word of God: which pretence, for the safegarde of all the rest, they yet at theyr examinations, couered and excused by hearing of a playe that was then appoynted to be at that place. The Uicechamberlayne after he had apprehended them, caried ••ough and Symson vnto the Counsell, who charged thē to haue assembled together to celebrate the Communion or Supper of the Lord, and therefore after sundry exami∣nations and aunsweares, they sent the sayd Rough vnto Newgate: but his examinations they sēt vnto the bishop of London, with a Letter signed with they handes, the copy wherof foloweth.

¶A Letter sent from the Queenes Councell vnto Boner, Bishop of London, touching the exa∣mination of Iohn Rough Minister.

* 11.1AFter our harty commendations to your good Lordship, we send you here inclosed the examination of a Scottish man, named Iohn Rough, who by the Queenes Maiesties commaun∣dement is presentlye sent to Newgate, beyng of the chiefe of them that vpon Sonday last, vnder the colour of comming to see a Play at the Saracens head in Islington, had prepared a commu∣nion to be celebrated and receiued there among certayne other seditious and hereticall persons. And forasmuch as by the sayde Roughes examination, conteining the story and progresse of hys former life, it well appereth of what sort he is: the queenes high∣nes hath willed vs to remit him vnto your Lordship, to the ende that being called before you out of prison, as ofte as your Lord∣ship shall think good, ye may proceed, both to his further exami∣nation, and otherwise ordering of him, according to the lawes, as the case shall require. And thus we bidde your Lordshippe har∣tely well to fare. From Saynt Iames the 15. day of December. 1557.

Your Lordships louing frendes. Nicholas Ebor.

* 11.2F. Shrewsbery.

Edward Hastinges.

Antony Mountague.

Iohn Bourne.

Henry Iernegam.

Boner nowe minding to make quicke dispatche, dyd wythin three dayes after the receipt of the Letter (the xviij. day of December) send for this Rough out of New∣gate, and in his Palace at London ministred vnto him 12. Articles: Many whereof because they conteine onely que∣stions of the profession and Religion of that age, wherein both he and his Parentes were Christened (which in sū∣dry places are already mentioned) I doe here for breui∣ty omitte: minding to touche suche onely, as perteyne to matters of fayth now in controuersy, and then chiefely ob∣iected agaynst the Martyrs and Saynts of God, which in effect are these.

1. FIrst, that thou Iohn Rough diddest directly speake agaynst the 7. Sacramentes,* 11.3 vsed commonlye and reuerently, as thinges of estimation and great worthines in the catholick chur∣che: and also diddest reproue and condemne the substance of the sayd Sacramentes, but especially the Sacrament of the aultar, af∣firming that in that same is not really and truely the very body & bloud of Christ: and that confession to the priest, and absolution geuen by him (as the minister of Christ) for sinnes, is not neces∣sary or auayleable in any wise.

2. Item, thou hast misliked and reproued the religion and eccle∣siasticall seruice, as it is now vsed in this realme, and hast allowed the religion and seruice vsed in the latter yeares of king Edward the 6. and so much as in thee hath leyne,* 11.4 hast by word, writing, & deed, set forwardes, taught, and preached the same openly, and in sundry places, affirmed, that the sayde Englishe seruice and doc∣trine therein conteined, is agreable in all poyntes to Gods word and vnto the truth, condemning vtterly the Latine seruice nowe vsed in the Queenes reigne, and inducing other by thine exam∣ple to do the like

3. Item, thou hast in sundrye places within this Realme com∣mended and approued the opinion & doctrine of Thomas Cran∣mer, late Archbishop of Canterbury. Nicholas Ridley, & Hugh Latimer, concerning the Sacrament of the aultar, affirming that in the Sacrament there remayneth after the wordes of consecra∣tion, materiall breade and materiall wine, without any transub∣stantiation.

4. Item, thou hast in sundrye places of this Realme, since the Queenes reigne, ministred and receiued the Communion as it was vsed in the late daies of king Edward the sixt,* 11.5 and thou kno∣west, or credibly hast heard of diuers, that yet do keepe bookes of the sayd Communion, and vse the same in priuate houses ou•• of the Church, and are of opinion agaynst the Sacrament of the aultar.

5. Item, that thou in sundry places of this realme hast spoken a∣gaynst the Pope of Rome and his Apostolicke sea,* 11.6 & hast plaine∣ly contemned & despised the authority of the same, misliking & not allowing the faith and doctrine therof, but directly speaking agaynst it, and by thine example hast induced other the subiects of this realme, to speake and do the like.

6. Item, thou doest knowe, and hast bene conuersaunt with all, or a great part of such English men as haue fledde out of this Realme for Religion, and hast consented and agreed with them in theyr opinions, and hast succoured, maynteyned, and holpen them, and hast beene a conueyer of theyr seditious Letters and bookes into this realme.

7. Item, that thou hast sayd, that thou hast bene at Rome, and taryed there about 30. dayes or more, and that thou hast sene li∣tle good or none there, but very much euill.* 11.7 Amongest the which thou sawest one great abhomination, that is to say, a man (or the Pope) that shoulde goe on the ground, to bee carried vppon the shoulders of foure men, as though he had bene God and no mā: Also, a Cardinall to haue his harlot riding openly behinde hym: And thirdly a Popes Bull that gaue expresse licence to haue and vse the stewes, and to keepe open bawdry by the Popes approba∣tion and authority.

8. Item, that thou sithens thy last comming into England out of the parties beyond the sea, hast perniciously allured and comfor∣ted diuers of the subiectes of this Realme, both young, olde men, and women, to haue and vse the booke of Communion, set forth in this Realme in the latter daies of king Edward the sixt, and hast also thy selfe read and sette forth the same, causing others to doe the like, and to leaue theyr comming to their parish churches to heare the Latine seruice now vsed.

9. Item, that thou the thirde sondaye of Aduent the xij. daye of this December. 1557. wast apprehended at the Saracens heade at Islington, in the county of Middlesexe and dioces of London, by the Queenes Vicechamberlayne, with one Cutbert a Taylour,* 11.8 Hugh a hosier, and diuers other there assembled, vnder the co∣lour of hearing a playe, to haue read the communion booke, and to haue vsed the accustomed fashion, as was in the latter dayes of king Edward the sixt.

The aunsweres of Iohn Rowgh to the foresayd Articles.

1. TO the first he said and confessed that he had spoken against the number of the sayde sacramentes,* 11.9 being fully perswa∣ded that there be but onely two Sacramentes: to wit, baptisme, and the supper of the Lord: and as for the other fiue, he deny∣ed them to be sacramentes, and therefore hath spoken agaynste them. And as concerning the sacrament of the aultar (which he then called the supper of the Lord) he confessed that he had spo∣ken and taught that in the sayde sacrament there is not really and substantially the very body and bloud of Christ, but that the sub∣stance of bread and wine doth remayne in the sayde Sacrament, withou any transubstantiation at all. Farther as touching con∣fession of sinnes to the priest, he answered that he thought it ne∣cessary, if the offence were done vnto the priest: but if the offēce were done to another, then confession made to the priest is not necessary, but reconciliation onely to bee made to the partye so offended.

2. To the second, he aunswered that he then did and had before misliked the order of latine seruice then vsed: and also did allowe the seruice vsed in the latter time of King Edwardes reigne, for that the holy scripture doth the same, and therefore he graunted that he did teach and set forth the sayd Englishe seruice, as in the same article is obiected.

3. To the third, he graunted that he had approued the doctrine of the parties articulate as agreable to Gods word, and that they were godly learned men, and such as had perfect vnderstandyng in the contentes of the same article.

4. To the fourth, he aunswered that hee did well like the Com∣munion vsed in Kyng Edwardes dayes, but sayde that he had not ministred or receyued the same here in England since the Quee∣nes reygne, neyther yet knewe any that had the bookes thereof. But on the other side, he knew many that had those bookes, and that there also hee hadde receiued the Communion in sundrye places.

5. The contentes of the fift he graunted to be true.

6. To the sixt, he confessed that he had bene familiar with diuers Englishe menne and women being in Friseland, and agreed with them in opinion, as Maister Scory, Thomas Young, George Roo, and others, to the number of one hundreth persons, whiche fled thither for Religion, vsing there the order set forth in the reigne of king Edward, and otherwise he denyeth the contentes of thys Article.

7. The contentes of the seuenth hee graunted in euery poynt to be true.

* 11.108. To the eight he aunswered and confessed that sithens his last comming into England (which was aboue the x. day of Nouem∣ber) he had in sundry places in the suburbes of London prayed and read such prayers and seruice, as is appoynted in the booke of the communion, and hadde willed others to doe the like, both men and women, which he did know by sight, but not by name. Howbeit he didde neyther cause any to withdrawe themselues from the Latine seruice, but he sayed that it were better to pray in a tongue that they didde vnderstande, then in an vnknowne tongue.

9. To the ninth, he confessed that the time and place articu∣late he was present to heare and see a playe, and there was appre∣hended by the Queenes Maiesties Vicechamberleyne, with one Cutbert a taylour, and one Hugh a hosier, and diuers other both men and women, whose names he knewe not, and by him was brought before the Counsell, who sent him vnto Newgate, and from thence he was brought to the bishop. And othewise he de∣nieth the contentes of this Article.

Upon these answeres he was dismissed, and the nexte day (being the xix. of December) he was agayne brought before the sayd Byshop and others.* 11.11 Who, when they per∣ceiued his constantnesse, determined the nexte day after to bring him openly into the Consistory, there to adiudge, & condemne him as an hereticke. Whiche purpose they ac∣complished. For the xx. day at afternoone, in the presence of the Byshops of London, and S. Dauides, with Feck∣nam Abbot of Westminster, and others he was there pro∣duced. Where, after muche and many fayre perswasions, Boner read vnto him the articles, and aunsweres before mentioned, in the which they charged him to haue recey∣ued the orders of the church, and therefore might not ma∣ry, and that he had refused to consent vnto the Latine ser∣uice then vsed in the Church. Whereunto he then aunswe∣red and sayde, that theyr orders were no thing at all, and that he being a Prieste might lawfully mary, and that hys children whiche he had by his wife, were lawfull. And as touching the seruice then vsed, he vtterly detested it, say∣ing, that if he should liue as long as did Methusalach yet he would neuer come to the Church to heare the abhomi∣nable Masse and other seruice, being as it was then. Upō which wordes the Bishop proceeded to the actuall degra∣dation of the sayde Rough,* 11.12 exempting him from all the benefites and priuiledges of theyr Church, and after con∣demning him as an hereticke, committed his body to the secular power, who taking him into their charge and cu∣stody, caried him vnto Newgate.

Moreouer, as touching the sayde M. Rough, this is further to be noted,* 11.13 that he being in the North country in the dayes of king Edward the sixt, was the meane to saue Doctor Watsons life (who in queene Maryes tyme was Byshop of Lincolne) for a Sermon that hee made there. The sayd Watson after that, in the sayde dayes of Queene Marye, being with Boner at the examination of the sayde M. Rough, to requite the good turne in sauing his life, de, tected him there to be a pernicious hereticke who did more hurt in the North partes, then an hundreth besides of hys opinions. Unto whom M. Rough sayd agayne. Why sir, is this the rewarde I haue for sauing your life, when you preached erroneous doctrine in the dayes of king Edward the sixt? This M. Rough sayd, he had liued thirty yeares, and yet had neuer bowed his knee to Baall: and being be∣fore Boner, among other talke, he affirmed that he hadde bene twise at Rome, and there had sene playnely with his eyes, whiche he had manye times heard of before, namelye that the pope was the very Antichrist, for there he saw him caried on mens shoulders, and the false named sacrament borne before him. Yet was there more reuerence geuen to him, then to that which they counted to be theyr GOD. Whē Boner heard this, rising vp, and making as though he would haue torne his garmentes: hast thou (sayd hee) bene at Rome, and sene our holy father the Pope, & doest thou blaspheme him after this sort, and with that flying v∣pon him he plucked of a piece of his beard:* 11.14 and after ma∣king speedy haste to his death, he burnt him half an houre before sixe of the clocke in the morning, because the day (be∣like) shoulde not be farre spent, before he had done a mis∣chieuous deed.

Furthermore note that this Mayster Rough being at the burning of Austoo in Smithfield, and returning home ward agayne,* 11.15 met with one Mayster Farrar, a Marchant of Hallifaxe, who asked him where hee had beene. Unto whō he aunswered: I haue bene (saith he) where I would not for one of mine eyes, but I had bene. Where haue you bene, sayd M. Farrar? Forsoothe sayth hee to learne the way. And so he tolde hym hee had bene at the bur∣ning of Austoo, where shortly after he was burned hymselfe.

¶A letter written by Iohn Rough, vnto certeine of his godly frendes, confirming and strengthning them in the truth, which he had before taught.

THe comfort of the holy Ghost make you able to geue conso∣lation to others, in these daungerous dayes,* 11.16 when Sathan is let lose, but to the triall onely of the chosen, when it pleaseth our God to sift his wheat from the Chaffe. I haue not leysure & tyme to write the great tēptations I haue bene vnder. I speak to Gods glory: my care was to haue the senses of my soule open, to per∣ceiue the voyce of God, saying: Who so euer denyeth me before men, him will I deny before my father and his aungels. And to saue the life corporall, is to lose the life eternall. And he that will not suffer with Christ, shall not reigne with him. Therefore most tender ones, I haue by Gods spirite geuen ouer the flesh, with the fight of my soule, and the spirite hath the victory. The fleshe shall now ere it be long, leaue of to sinne: the spirite shall reigne eter∣nally. I haue chosē the death to confirme the truth by me taught. What can I do more? Consider with your selues, that I haue done it for the confirmation of Gods trueth. Pray that I may continue vnto the end. The greatest part of the assault is paste, I prayse my God. I haue in all my assaultes felt the present ayde of my God, I geue him most harty thankes therefore. Looke not backe, nor be ye ashamed of Christes Gospell, nor of the bonds I haue suffe∣red for the same: thereby ye may be assured it is the true word of God. The holy ones haue bene sealed with the same marke. It is no time for the losse of one man in the battell, for the campe to turne backe. Vp with mennes hartes, blowe downe the dawbed walles of heresies: Let one take the Banner, and the other the Trumpette, I meane not to make corporall resistaunce, but pray, and ye shall haue Elias defence, and Elizeus company to fight for you. The cause is the Lordes. Nowe my brethren I can write no more, time will not suffer, and my harte with panges of death is assaulted: but I am at home with my God yet aliue. Pray for me, & salute one another with the holy kisse. The peace of god rest with you all. Amen. From Newgate prison in haste, the day of my con∣demnation.

Iohn Rough.

An other letter of Iohn Rough written vnto the Congregation two dayes before he suffered.

THe spirite of all consolation be with you, ayde you and make you strong to runne to the fight that is layde be∣fore you: wherewithall God in all ages hath tryed hys e∣lect, and hath found them worthy of himselfe, by copling to theyr head Iesus Christ: in whome, who so desireth to liue Godly, the same must needes suffer persecution. For it is geuen vnto them not onely to beleeue, but also to suf∣fer. And the Seruaunt or Scholer can not be greater then his Lord or Mayster: but by the same way the head is en∣tered, the members must folow: no life is in the members which are cutte from the body, likewise we haue no life, but in Christ: for by him we liue, moue, and haue our be∣ing. My deare sonne, now departing this life to my great aduauntage, I make chaūge of mortality with immorta∣lity, of corruption, to put on incorruption, to make my bo∣dy like to the corne cast into the ground, which except it die first, it can bring forth no good fruite. Wherefore death is to my great vauntage, for therby the body ceaseth from sinne, and after turneth into the first originall: but after shall be chaunged, and made brighter, then the Sonne or Moone. What shall I write of this corporall death, seeing it is de∣creed of God, that all men shall once die: happy are they that die in the Lord, which is to dye in the fayth of Christ, professing and confessing the same before many witnesses. I prayse my God I haue passed the same iourney by ma∣nye temptations, the deuill is very busye to perswade, the world to entise with promises and fayre wordes, which I omitte to write, least some might thinke I did hunt after vayne glorye, whiche is farthest from my hart. Lastly the daunger of some false brethren who before the Byshop of London purposed to confesse an vntrueth to my face: yet the God that ruled Balaam, moued theyr hartes, where they thought to speake to my accusation, hee made them speake to my purgation. What a iourney (by Gods pow∣er) I haue made, these eight dayes before this date, it is a∣boue flesh and bloud to beare: but as Paule sayth, I may do all thinges in hym which worketh in me, Iesus Christ. My course brethrē haue I run, I haue fought a good fight, the crowne of righteousnes is layd vp for me, my daye to receiue it is not long too. Praye Brethren, for the enemye doth yet assaulte. Stande constaunt vnto the ende, then shall you possesse your Soules. Walke worthely in that vocation, wherein you are called. Comfort the Brethe∣ren. Salute one another in my name. Be not ashamed of

the Gospell of the Crosse,* 11.17 by me preached, nor yet of my suffering: for with my bloud I affirme the same. I go be∣fore, I suffer first the bayting of the Butchers Dogges: yet I haue not done, what I should haue done: but my weak∣nes, I doubt not, is supplied in the strēgth of Iesus christ: and your wisedomes & learning will accept that small ta∣lent, which I haue distributed vnto you (as I trust) as a faythfull stewarde, and if what was vndone, impute that to my frayltye and ignoraunce, and with your loue couer that which is and was naked in me. God knoweth ye all are tender vnto me, my hart bursteth for the loue of you. Ye are not without your great pastor of your soule: who, so loueth you, that if men were not to bee sought out (as God be praysed, there is no want of men) he would cause stones to minister vnto you. Cast your care on that Rock, the wind of temptation shall not preuayle, fast and praye for the dayes are euill. Looke vp with your eyes of hope, for the redemption is not farre off, (but my wickednesse hath deserued that I shall not see it.) And also that which is behind of the bloud of our brethren, which shall also be layd vnder the aulter, shall crye for your reliefe. Time wil not now suffer me to write longer Letters. The spirite of God guid you in and out, rising & sitting, couer you with the shadow of his winges, defend you agaynst the tyran∣nye of the wicked, and bring you happely vnto the Porte of eternall felicitye, where all teares shall be wyped from your eyes, and you shall alwayes abyde wyth the Lambe.

Iohn Rough.

¶Margaret Mearing Martyr.

IT is declared, that in the companye of Iohn Roughe, was burned one Margaret Mearyng,* 11.18 who, as the Re∣gister maketh mention, was at one time and day brought wyth the sayde Rough foorth to examination: where the Byshop hauynge no priuate matters to charge her with∣all, did the eightenth daye of December obiecte agaynste her those common and accustomable Articles mentio∣ned before pag, 1585. To which she aunswered as fol∣loweth.

FIrst, that there is here in earth a catholicke Churche and that there is the true fayth of Christ obserued,* 11.19 and kept in the same Church.

2 Item, that there were onely two sacramentes in the Church, namely the sacrament of the bodye and bloud of Christ, and the sacrament of Baptisme.

3 Item, that she was baptised in the fayth, & beliefe of the sayd Church, renouncing there, by her Godfathers and Godmothers, the Deuill and all his workes. &c.

4 Item, that when she came to the age of fouretene yeares, shee did not knowe what her true beliefe was, because shee was not then of discretion to vnderstande the same, neyther yet was taught it.

5 Item, that she had not gone from the catholicke fayth at any time: but she sayde that the Masse was abhominable before the sight of God, and before the sight of all true Christian people, and that it is the playne Cup of fornication, and the whore of Babi∣lon. And as concerning the Sacrament of the aultar, she sayd she beleued there was no such sacrament in the catholicke Church. Also she sayd, that she vtterly abhorred the authoritye of the By∣shop of Rome, with all the Religion obserued in the same An∣tichristes Church.

6 Item, she aunswered to the sixt Article, as to the first, before specified.

7 Item, that she hath refused to come to her Parish Church, be∣cause the true Religion of Christ was not then vsed in the same: and farther sayd that she had not come vnto the Churche by the space of one yeare, and three quarters, then last paste, neither yet did meane any more to come vnto the same in these Idola∣trous dayes.

* 11.208 Item, as touching the maner of her apprehension she said that Cluney the Bishops Somner, did fetch her to the Bishop.

These aunsweres being then registered, they were a∣gayne (with the sayd Articles), propounded agaynste her the xx. day of December, and there being demaunded if she would stand vnto those her aunsweres, she sayde: I wyll stand to them vnto the death: for the very Aungels of hea∣uen do laugh you to scorne, to see your abhomination that you vse in the Churche.* 11.21 After the whiche wordes the By∣shop pronounced the sentence of condemnation: and then deliuering her vnto the Sheriffes, she was wyth the fore∣named Iohn Roughe caryed vnto Newgate. From whence they were both together led vnto Smithfield, the xxij. day of the same Moneth of December, and there most ioyfullye gaue theyr liues for the profession of Christes Gospell.

When the latter end of this history of Mayster Rough,* 11.22 and Margarete Mearing was in finishing, there came to our hands one necessary thing of the said Margaret Mea∣ryng, which wee thought not good to omit. The matter is this. Mayster Rough being chiefe Pastour to the congre∣gation in the said time of Queene Mary, as before ye haue heard (of which companye this Margaret Mearyng was one) did not well like the sayd Margaret, but greatly su∣spected her, as many other of them did besides, because she would often times bring in straungers among them, and in her talke seemed (as they thought) somewhat ••o bu∣sye. &c. Nowe, what they sawe or vnderstoode further in her, we know not, but this followed the euill suspition conceiued of her. Mayster Rough the Fridaye before hee was taken, in the open face of the Congregation, did ex∣communicate her out of the same company: and so seemed with the rest to exclude, and cut her of from theyr fellow∣ship and society. Whereat she being mooued, did not well take it, nor in good part, but thought her selfe not indiffe∣rently handled amonge them. Whereupon to one of her frendes in a heate, she threatned to remoue them all. But the prouidence of God was otherwise. For the Sondaye after Mayster Rough being taken by the information of one Roger, Sergeaunt to the Bishop of London (as here after thou shalt heare) was layd prisoner in the Gatehouse at Westminster,* 11.23 where none of his frendes coulde come to him to visite him. Then this sayd Margaret hearing ther∣of, gotte her a basket, and a cleane shyrt in it, and went to Westminster, where she fayning her selfe to be his Sister, got into the prison to him, and did there to her power not a litle comfort him.

Then comming abroade agayne, shee vnderstandinge that the Congregation suspected the said Sergeaunt to be his Promoter, went to his house, and asked whether Iu∣das dwelt not there. Unto whom aunswere was made, there dwelt no such. No, sayd she? Dwelleth not Iudas here that betrayed Christ? His name is Sergeaunt. Whē she saw she could not speake with him, she went her way. So the Friday after, she standing at Marke lane ende in London, with an other woman, a frende of hers, sawe Cluney Boners Somner, commyng in the Streete to∣wardes her house. Whome when she sawe, she sayed to the other woman standyng with her: whether goeth yon∣der fine felowe sayde she? I thinke surely he goeth to my house: and in viewing him still, at the last she saw him en∣ter in at her doore. So immediately she went home, and asked him whome hee sought.* 11.24 Whereunto Cluney made answere and sayd, for you: you must go with me. Mary, quoth she, here I am: I will go with you, and comming to the Bishoppe, she was layde in prison, and the Wed∣nesday after burnt with Mayster Rough in Smithfielde, as ye haue heard.

Anno. 1558.

¶The Suffering & cruell tormen∣tes of Cutbert Symson, Deacon of the Chri∣stian Congregation in London, in Queene Ma∣ries dayes, most paciently abiding the cru∣ell rage of the Papistes for Christes sake.

NExt after the Martyrdome of M. Rough Mi∣nister of the Congregation, aboue mentioned,* 11.25 succeded in like Martyrdome the Deacon also of that sayde Godly company or Congregati∣on in London, named Cutbert Symson, be∣ing committed to the fire, the yeare of our Lord. 1558. the 28. day of March.

This Cutbert Symson was a manne of a faythfull, and zealous hart to Christ and his true flocke, in so much that he neuer ceased labouryng, and Studying most ear∣nestly, not onely how to preserue them without corrup∣tion of the Popish religion, but also hys care was euer vi∣gilant, how to keepe them together wythout peryll, or daunger of persecution. The paynes, trauayle, zeale, pacience, and fidelity of this man, in caryng, and proui∣ding for thys Congregation, as it is not lightly to be ex∣pressed▪ so is it wonderfull to beholde the prouidence of the Lord by vision, concerning the troubles of this fayth∣full minister, and godly Deacon,* 11.26 as in this here folowyng may appeare.

The Fridaye at nighte before Maister Rough Mini∣ster of the congregation (of whom mētion is made before) was takē, being in his bed he dreamed, that he saw 2. of the

Gard leading Cutbert Simson Deacon of the sayde con∣gregation,* 11.27 and that he had the booke about hym, wher∣in were written the names of all them which were of the Congregation. Whereupon being sore troubled, hee a∣waked, and called hys wife, saying: Kate strike lighte, For I am much troubled with my brother Cutbert thys nyght. When she hadde so done, he gaue himselfe to reade in his booke a while, and there feeling sleepe to come vp∣on him, he put out the candle, & so gaue himselfe agayn to rest. Being a sleepe, hee dreamed the like dreame agayn: & awaked therwith, hee sayde: O Kate, my brother Cutbert is gone. So they lighted a candle againe and rose. And as the ••ayd M. Rough was making him ready to go to Cut∣bert to see how he did, in the meane time the sayd Cutbert came in with the book, conteining the names & accompts of the congregation. Whom when Maister Rough hadde seene, he sayd: brother Cutbert, ye are welcome, for I haue bene sore troubled with you this night, and so tolde hym his dreame. After he had so done, he willed him to lay the booke away from him, and to cary it no more about him. Unto which Cutbert aunswered, he would not so doe: for dreames he sayd, were but phantasies, and not to be cre∣dited. Then maister Rough straightly charged him in the name of the Lord to doe it. Whereupon the sayde Cutbert tooke suche notes out of the booke, as hee had willed hym to doe, and immediately left the booke with M. Roughes wife.

The next day following, in the night, the said Maister Rough had an other dreame in his sleepe, concerning hys owne trouble. The matter wherof was this. He thought in his dreame that he was caried himselfe forceably to the Bishop, and that the Bishop pluckt of his beard, and cast it into the fire, saying these wordes: Nowe I may saye I haue had a peece of an heretick burned in my house, and so according it came to passe.

Now to returne to Cutbert agayne, as we haue tou∣ched something co••cerning these visions, so nowe remay∣neth to story also of his paynes and sufferinges vpon the racke, and otherwise like a good Laurence for the congre∣gations sake, as he wrote it with his owne hand.

¶A true report how I was vsed in the Tower of London, being sent thether by the Counsell the xiii. day of December.

* 11.28

ON the Thursday, after I was called vnto the ware∣house, before the Constable of the Tower and y^e Re∣corder of Londer Maister Cholmley, they commaunded me to tell, whome I did will to come to the Englishe ser∣uice. I aunswered I would declare nothing. Wherupon I was set in a racke of Iron, the space of three houres, as I iudged.

Then they asked me if I would tell them. I aunswered as before. Then was I losed, and caried to my lodging a∣gayne. On the sonday after, I was brought into the same place agayne, before the Lieuetenaunt, and the Recorder of London, and they examined me. As before I had sayde, I aunswered. Then the Lieuetenaunt did sweare by god I shuld tell. Then did they binde my 2. forefingers toge∣ther, and put a small arrowe betwixt them, and drewe it through so fast that the bloude followed, and the arrowe brake.

Then they racked me twise. Then was I caryed to my lodging agayne, and x. dayes after the Lieuetenant asked me if I would not confesse that, which before they had as∣ked me. I sayd I had sayd as much as I would. Thē fiue weekes after, he sent me vnto the high Prieste, where I was greatly assaulted, and at whose hande I receiued the Popes curse, for bearing witnesse of the resurrection of Ie¦sus Christ. And thus I commend you vnto God, and to the worde of his grace, with all them that vnfaynedly call vpon the name of Iesus, desiring God of his endles mer∣cy, through the merites of hys deare sonne Iesus Christe to bringe vs all to hys euerlasting kingdome. Amen. I prayse God for his great mercy shewed vppon vs. Syng Osanna vnto the highest with me Cutbert Simson, God forgeue me my sinnes. I aske all the worlde forgeuenesse, and I doe forgeue all the worlde, and thus I leaue thys world, in hope of a ioyfull resurrection.

A note for Cutbert Simsons patience.

NOw as touching this Cutbert Simson,* 11.29 this further is to be noted, that Boner in his Consistory speaking of Cutbert Simson, gaue this testimony of hym there to the people, saying, ye see this man (sayth he) what a perso∣nable man he is: and after hee had thus commended hys persone, added moreouer:* 11.30 And furthermore concerning his pacience, I say vnto you, that if hee were not an here∣ticke, hee is a manne of the greatest pacience that yet euer came before me. For I tell you, he hath bene thrise racked vppon one day in the Tower: Also in my house hee hathe felt some sorrowe, and yet I neuer see hys pacience bro∣ken. &c.

[illustration]

❧ A true description of the racking and cruell handeling of Cutbert Simson in the Tower.

* 11.31It is thought and sayd of some, that that arrowe, whiche was grated betwixt his fingers, being tyed together, was not in the tower, but in the Bishops house.

The day before the blessed Deacon and Martyr of god Cutbert Simson, after his paynfull racking should go to his cōdēnation before Boner,* 11.32 to be burned, being in the Bishops colehouse there in the stockes, he had a certayne vision or apparition very straunge which he himself with hys owne mouthe declared to the Godly learned man M. Austen, to his owne wi••e, and Thomas Simson, and to others besides, in the prison of Newgate a litle before his death. The relation whereof I stande in no little doubte, whether to reporte abroad or not, considering with my sel••e, the greate diuersitie of mennes iudgementes in the reading of historyes, and varietie of affections. Some, I see, will not beleue it, some will deride the same, some also will be offended with setting forth things of that sorte in∣certayne, esteeming all thinges to bee incertayne and in∣credible, whatsoeuer is straunge from the common order of Nature.

Other will be perchaunce agreeued, thinking with thē selues, or els thus reasoning with me, that althoughe the matter were as is reported, yet for somuch as the common error of beleuing rash miracles, phantasied visions, drea∣mes, and appparitions thereby may be confirmed, more expedient it were the same to be vnsetforth.

These and such lyke will be, I know, the sayinges of many. Whereunto brieflye I aunswere, grauntynge firste, and admyttyng wyth the woordes of Basill, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, not euery dreame is strait waye a Prophecie. Agayne, neither am I ignoraunt that the Papistes in their bookes and legendes of saintes haue theyr prodigious visions, and apparitions of Aungelles of our Lady: of Christ, and other sayncts: which as I wil not admit to be beleeued for true, so will they aske me a∣gayne, why should I then more require these to be credy∣ted of them, then theirs of vs.

First I write not this, binding any manne precisely to beleue the same, so as they do theyrs, but onely reporte it as it hath bene heard of persons knowne, naming also y^e parties, who were the hearers thereof, leauing the iudg∣ment therof notwithstanding free vnto the arbitremente of the reader.* 11.33 A••beit, it is no good argument, proceedyng from the singular or particular, to the vniuersall, to saye that visions be not true in some, ergo they be true in none. And if any shall muse, or obiect agayne, why should suche visions be geuen to him, or a few other singular persons, more then to all the rest, seeing the other were in the same cause and quarrell, and dyed also martyrs as well as hee? To thys I say, concerning the Lordes tymes and doings I haue not to meddle nor make, who may woorke where and when it pleaseth him. And what if the Lorde thought chiefly aboue the other, with singular consolation to re∣specte him, who chiefly aboue the other, and singularly did suffer most exquisite tormentes for his sake? What greate maruell herein? but as I sayd, of the Lords secrete tymes I haue not to reason. This onely whiche hathe out of the mans owne mouth bene receiued, so as I receiued it of the parties, I thought here to communicate to the Rea∣der, for him to iudge thereof as God shall rule hys mynd. The matter is this.

The day before thys Simson was condemned, he be∣ing in the stockes, Cloney his keeper commeth in with y^e keies, about 9. of the clocke at night (after his vsuall ma∣ner) to view hys prison, and see whether all were present, who when he espyed the sayd Cutbert to be there, depar∣ted agayne, locking the dores after him. Within two hou∣res after, about eleuen of the clocke, towarde midnighte, the sayd Cutbert (whether being in a slumber, or beyng a∣wake I cannot say) heard one comming in, first openyng the outwarde dore, then the seconde, after the thyrd dore, and so looking into the sayd Cutbert, hauing no Candell or Torche that he could see, but geuing a brightnesse, and light most comfortable and ioyfull to hys hart, saying: Ha vnto him, and departed agayne. Who it was hee coulde not tell, neither I dare define. This that he saw, he hym∣selfe declared foure or fiue tymes to the sayd Mayster Au∣sten, and to other. At the sight whereof hee receiued suche ioyfull comfort, that he also expressed no little solace, in tel∣ling and declaring the same.

Articles seuerally ministred to Cutbert Sim∣son the xix. of March, with his aunsweres also to the same annexed:

FIrst, that thou Cutbert Simson, art at this present abidinge within the Cittie and Dioces of London,* 11.34 and not out of the iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome.

Item, that thou within the Cittie and Diocesse of London hast vttered many times, and spoken deliberately these wordes and sentences following, videlicet: that though thy parentes, auncestours, kinsefolkes, and friendes, yea, and also thy selfe▪ be∣fore the time of the late schisme here in this realme of Englande haue thought and thoughtest, that the fayth and religion obser∣ued in times past here in this Realme of Englande, was a true fayth and religion of Christ, in all poyntes and Articles, though in the Churche it was set foorthe in the Latine tongue, and not in Englishe, yet thou beleuest and sayest, that the faythe and re∣ligion, now vsed commonly in the Realme, not in the Englysh but in the Latine tongue, is not the true faythe and religion of Christ, but contrary and expressely agaynst it.

Item, that thou within the sayde Cittie and Dioces of Lon∣don, hast willingly, wittingly, and contemptuously done,* 11.35 & spo∣ken agaynst the Rites and the Ceremonyes, commonlye vsed here tbrough the whole realme, and obserued generally in the Churche of England.

Item, that thou hast thought, and beleued certaynlye,* 11.36 and so within the Dioces of London, hast affirmed, and spoken dely∣berate••y, that there bee not in the Catholicke Churche seuen Sacramentes, nor of that vertue and efficacie, as is commonly beleued in the churche of England them to be.

Item, thou hast likewise thought, and beleeued,* 11.37 yea and so within the Cittie and Dioces of London spoken, and deliberate∣ly affirmed, that in the sacrament of the aultar, there is not re∣ally, substantially, and truely, the very body and bloud of our sa∣uiour Iesus Christ

Item that thou hast beene, and to thy power arte at this pre∣sent, a fauourer of all those, that eyther haue beene here in this Realme, heretofore called heretickes, or els conuented, & con∣demned by the Ecclesiasticall Iudges for heretickes,

Item that thou, contrary to the order of this Realme of En∣glande,* 11.38 and contrary to the vsage of the holy Churche of this Realme of England, hast at sundry tymes and places, within the Citye and Dioces of London, beene at assemblyes, and conuen∣ticles, where there was a multitude of people gathered toge∣ther, to h••are the Englishe seruice sayed, which was set forth in the late yeares of King Edward the sixte, and also to heare, and haue the Communion booke reade, and the Communion mini∣stred, both to the sayd multitude, and also to thy selfe, and thou hast thought, and so thinkest, and hast spoken that the sayd Eng∣lishe seruice, and Communion booke, and all thinges conteyned in eyther of them was good and laudable, and for such thou did∣dest, and doest allowe, and approue eyther of them at this pre∣sent.

*The aunswere of the sayd Cutbert to the foresayd articles.

VNto all which articles the sayd Cutbert Simson aunswered thus, or the lyke in effecte.* 11.39

To the 1 2 3.4 5. and 6. article he confessed them to be true in euery parte thereof.

To the 7. article he sayd, that he was bounde to aunswere vn∣to it, as he beleeueth.

¶A letter of Cutbert Simson, written to his wyfe out of the Colehouse,

DEarely beloued in the Lorde Iesus Christe,* 12.1 I can not write as I doe wishe vnto you.

I beseeche you with my soule, committe your selfe vnder the mighty hande of our God, trusting in his mercye, and hee will surely helpe vs, as shall be moste vnto his glory, and oure euerlasting comforte, being sure of this, that hee wyll suffer no∣thing to come vnto vs, but that whiche shall bee moste profi∣table for vs.

For it is either a correction for our sinnes, or a tryall of oure faythe, or to set forthe his glorye, or for altogether, and there∣fore must needes be well done. For there is nothing that com∣meth vnto vs by fortune or chaunce, but by oure heauenlye Fa∣thers prouidence, And therefore praye vnto oure heauenly Fa∣ther that he will euer geue vs his grace for to consider it. Let vs geue hym moste hartye thankes, for these his fatherly correcti∣ons: for as many as hee loueth, hee correcteth. And I beseech you nowe bee of good cheare, and compte the Cross•• of Chryste greater ryches, then all the vayne pleasures of Eng∣lande. I do not doubt (I prayse God for it) but that you haue supped wyth Chryste at his Maundie, I meane beleeue in hym, for that is the effecte, and then muste you drynke of hys cuppe, I meane hys Crosse (for that doth the cuppe signifie vnto vs.) Take the Cuppe wyth a good stomacke, in the name of GOD and then shall you be sure to haue the good wyne Chrystes bloude to thy poore thirstie soule. And when you haue the wy••e you muste drinke it out of this cuppe. Learne this when you

come to the Lordes supper, pray continually. In all thinges geue thankes.

In the name of Iesus shall euery knee bowe. Cutbert Simson.

Hugh Foxe.

Iohn Deuenishe.

* 12.2WIth Cutbert likewise was apprehended and also suffered (as is before mentioned) Hugh Foxe, and Iohn Deuenish. Who being brought into their examina∣tions with the sayd Cutbert, before Boner Byshoppe of London, the xix. day of March, had articles and Interro∣gatories to them ministred by the sayd officer, albeit not al at one time. For first to the sayd Cutbert seuerall Articles were propounded, then other articles in generall wer mi∣nistred to them altogether. The order and maner of which articles, now ioyntly to them ministred here follow, with their aunsweres also to the same annexed, to be seene.

*Articles generally ministred to them all three together, the sayd xix. day of March with theyr an∣sweres to the same annexed.

AFter these articles thus ministred and layd to Cutbert Simson,* 12.3 w^t his aunsweres likewise vnto the same, the Bishop calling them altogether, obiected to them other po¦sitions and articles, the same whiche before are mentio∣ned in the story of Bartlet Greene. pag. 1736. onely the 8. Article out of the same omitted and excepted, which Arti∣cles because they are already expressed in the page aboue mentioned, we neede not here to make anye newe reporte thereof, but onely referre the Reader to the place assig∣ned.

¶The aunsweres generall of Cutbert Simson, Hugh Foxe, and Iohn Deuinishe, to the Articles by the Bi∣shop to them generally proposed.

* 12.4TO the first Article they all aunswered affirmatiuely: but Iohn Deuenishe added, that that Churche is grounded vpon the Prophetes and Apostles, Christe being the head corner stone, and how in that Churche there is the true fayth and reli∣gion of Christ.

To the second Article, they all confessed and beleeued, that in Christes Catholicke Churche, there are but two Sacra∣mentes, that is to witte, Baptisme, and the supper of the Lord: o∣therwise they do not beleue the contentes of this Article to be true in any part therof.

To the 3. Article they all aunswered affirmatiuely.

To the 4. Article they all aunswered affirmatiuely.

To the 5. Article they all aunswered affirmatiuely, that they do beleue, and haue and will speake agaynst the sacrifice of the Masse, the sacrament of the altar, and likewise agaynst the autho∣ritie

[illustration]

¶Three godly Martirs burned in Smithfield.

* 12.5 of the sea of Rome, and are nothing sory for the same but will do it still while they liue.

To the sixt Article, they al answered, and denied to acknow∣ledge the authoritie of the sea of Rome, to be lawfull and good, eyther yet his religion.

To the seuenth Article, they all aunswered affirmatiuely, that they haue, and will doe still while they liue: and Iohn De∣uinishe adding thereto, sayde that the sacrament of the aultar as it is now vsed, is no sacrament at all.

To the 8. Article, they all confessed, and beleued all thynges aboue by them acknowledged and declared, to be true, and that they be of the Dioces of London, and iurisdiction of the same.

These three aboue named persons, and blessed witnes∣ses of Iesus Christ, Cutbert, Foxe, and Deuenish as they were altogether apprehended at Islington, as is aboue declared, so the same all three together suffered in Smith∣field about the xxviii. day of March, in whose perfect con∣stancie the same Lorde (in whose cause and quarrell they suffered) giuer of all grace, and gouernour of all thinges, be exalted for euer. Amen.

¶The suffering and Martyrdome of William Nichole, put to death by the wicked hands of the papistes at Here∣fordwest in Wales.

WE finde in al ages from the beginning, that Sathan hath not ceassed at all times,* 12.6 to molest the Churche of Christ with one affliction or other, to the tryall of theyr fayth, but yet neuer so aparauntly at anye time to all the worlde, as when the Lorde hath permitted him power ouer the bodyes of hys saynctes, to the shedding of theyr bloud, and peruerting of religion: for then sleepeth he not I warrant you, from murdering of the same, vnlesse they will fall downe with Achab and Iesabell to worship him and so kill and poyson their owne soules eternally: as in

[illustration]

The burning of W. Nicole at Hereford∣west in Wales.

* 12.7 these miserable latter dayes of Queene Mary we haue felt heard and seene practised vppon Gods people.* 12.8 Amonge whome wee finde recorded an honest good simple poore man, one William Nicole, who was apprehended by the Champions of the pope, for speaking certayne wordes a∣gaynst the cruell kingdome of Antichriste, and the ninth day of Aprill. 1558. was butcherly burnt and tormented at Herefordwest in Wales, where he ended his life in a most happy and blessed state, and gloriously gaue his soule into the handes of the Lorde, whose goodnes bee praysed for e∣uer, Amen.

This William Nicoll (as we are informed) was so simple a good soule, y^t many esteemed him half foolish. But what he was we know not, but this are we sure he died a good man, and in a good cause, what soeuer they iudge of hym. And the more simplicitie of feeblenes of wit appea∣red

in him,* 12.9 the more beastly and wretched dothe it declare their cruell & tyrannicall acte therin. The Lord geue them repentaunce therefore, if it bee his blessed will, Amen, Amen.

The Martyrdome of William Seaman, Thomas Carman, and Thomas Hudson, put to death by the persecuting papists at Norwich in the county of Norfolke.

* 12.10IMmediately after William Nicoll succeeded in that ho∣nourable and glorious vocation of Martyrdome three constaunt godly menne at Norwiche in Northfolk, who were cruelly and tyrannically put to death for the true te∣stimony of Iesus Christ, the xix. of May. an. 1558. Whose names be these.

• ...William Seaman.
• ...Thomas Carman.
• ...Thomas Hudson..

The sayde William Seaman was an Husbandman, of the age of xxvi. yeares,* 12.11 dwelling in Mendlesham in the county of Suffolke, who was sūdry sought for tymes by y^e commandement of Sir Iohn Tirrell knight, & at laste he himselfe in the night searched his house and other places for him:* 12.12 notwithstanding hee somewhat mist of his pur∣pose, God be thanked. Then he gaue charge to hys Ser∣uauntes, Robert Baulding, and Iames Clarke wyth o∣thers,* 12.13 to seek for him. Who hauing no officer, went in the euening to hys house, where he being at home, they took him and caryed him to theyr Mayster Syr Iohn Tirrell. This Baulding being Seamans nighe neighbour, and whome the sayde Seaman greatly trusted as a speciall friend,* 12.14 notwithstanding to doe hys Mayster a pleasure, now became enemy to hys chiefe friend, and was one of the busiest in the taking of him. Now as they were goyng to cary hym to theyr Mayster Syr Iohn Tyrrell in the night, it is credibly reported that there fell a lyghte be∣tweene them out of the element and parted them. Thys Baulding being in company with the rest when the light fell,* 12.15 and albeit he was then in hys best age, yet after y^e time neuer enioyed good daye, but pyned away euen vnto the death.

Well, for all that straunge sight (as I sayd) they caried him to theyr Mayster.* 12.16 Who when he came, asked him why he would not goe to Masse, and to receaue the sacrament and so to worship it? Unto which William Seaman aun∣swered, denying it to bee a sacrament, but sayde it was an Idoll,* 12.17 and therefore would not receaue it. After whiche wordes spoken, sir Iohn Tirrel shortly sent hym to Nor∣wiche to Hopton then Bishop, and there after conference and examination had with him, the bishop read his blou∣dy sentence of condemnation agaynst him: and afterward deliuered him to the secular power, who kepte him vnto the day of Martyrdome.

This sayd William Seaman left behynde him when he dyed, a wife, and three children very young: and wyth the sayd young children, hys wife was persecuted oute of the sayde towne also of Mendlesham, because that shee would not go to heare Masse, and all her corne and goods seased, and taken awaye by Mayster Christopher Coles officers, he being Lorde of the sayd towne.

Thomas Carman (who as is sayd, pledged Richarde Crashfield at hys burning,* 12.18 and thereupon was appre∣hended) being prisoner in Norwiche, was about one time wyth the rest examined and brought before the sayde By∣shop, who aunswered no lesse in his Maysters cause, then the other, and therfore had the like rewarde, that the other had,* 12.19 which was the Byshops bloudy blessing of condem∣nation, and deliuered also to the Seculare power, who kept him with the other, vntill the day of slaughter, which hasted on, and was not long after.

Thomas Hudson was of Ailesham in Norfolke, by his occupation a Glouer,* 12.20 a very honest poore manne, ha∣uing a wife, and three children, and laboured alwayes tru¦ly and dilligently in hys vocation, being of thirtye yeares of age, and bearing so good a will to the Gospell, that he in the dayes of king Edward the 6. two yeares before Q. Maryes raygne, learned to read Englishe of Anthony & Thomas Norgate of the same Towne, wherin he great∣ly profited about the tyme of alteration of Religion.* 12.21 For when Queene Mary came to raygne, and had chaunged y^e seruice in the Churche, putting in for wheate draffe, and darnill, and for good preaching blasphemous crying out agaynst truthe, and godlinesse, he then auoyding all theyr ceremonies of superstition,* 12.22 absented hymselfe from hys house and went into Suffolkl a longe tyme, and there re∣mayned trauelling from one place to an other, as occasi∣on was offered. At the last, hee returned backe agayne to Northfolke to his house at A••lesham, to comfort his wyfe and children, being heauy, and troubled with hys ab∣sence.

Nowe when he came home, and perceiued hys conty∣nuance there would be daungerous, he and hys wife deui¦sed to make hym a place among hys fagottes, to hide him selfe in, where he remayned all the day (in steede of hys chamber) reading and praying continually, for the space of halfe a yeare, and his wife lyke an honest woman be∣ing carefull for hym, vsed her selfe faythfullye, and dilly∣gently towards him.

In the meane time came the Uicare of the Town, na∣med Berry (who was one of the Byshoppes Commissa∣ries,* 12.23 a very euill manne) and inquired of this sayd Tho∣mas Hudsons wife, for her husband. Unto whom he an∣swered, as not knowing where hee was. Then the sayde Berry rated her, and threatned to burne her for that shee would not bewraye her husbande where hee was. After that, when Hudson vnderstoode it, hee waxed euerye day more zelous then other,* 12.24 and continually read & sange Psalmes, to the wonder of many, the people openlye re∣sorting to him, to heare hys exhortations, and vehement prayers.

At the last he walked abroad for certayne dayes, open∣ly in the Towne, crying out continually agaynst y^e Masse and all theyr trumpery, and in the ende, commyng home in hys house, he sate him downe vpon hys knees, hauyng his book by hym, reading and singing Psalmes continu∣ally without ceassing, for three dayes and three nightes to¦gether, refusing meate and other talke, to the great won∣der of many.

Then one Iohn Crouch his next neighbour, went to the Constables Robert Marsham, and Robert Lawes in the night, to certifie them thereof:* 12.25 for Berry comman∣ded openly to watche for hym, and the Constables vn∣derstanding the same, went cruelly to catche hym in the breake of the day, the xxii. of the moneth of Aprill. An∣no. 1558.

Now when Hudson saw them come in, he sayd: Now myne houre is come. Welcome frendes welcome. You bee they that shall leade me to lyfe in Christ,* 12.26 I thanke GOD therefore, and the Lorde enhable me thereto for hys mer∣cyes sake. For his desire was, and euer he prayed (if it wer the Lordes will) that hee might suffer for the Gospell of Christ. Then they tooke him,* 12.27 and lead him to Berry the Commissarye, whiche was Uicar of the towne, and the sayde Berrye asked him first: where hee kepte hys Church for foure yeares before. To the whiche the sayde Hudson answered thus, where so euer he was, there was the church.

Doest thou not beleue, sayth Berry, in the sacramente of the aultar? What is it?

Hudson.

It is wormes meate: my beliefe (saythe hee) is in Christ crucified.* 12.28

Berry.

Doest thou not beleeue the Masse to putte awaye sinnes?

Hudson.

No, God forbidde: it is a patched monstre, and a disguised Puppet,* 12.29 more longer a peecing then euer was Salomons Temple. At whiche wordes Berry stamped, fumed, and shewed himself as a mad man, and sayd: well thou villayn, thou: I wil write to the B. my good Lord, and trust vnto it, thou shalt be handled according to thy de¦sertes. Oh sir, sayde Hudson: there is no Lorde but God, though there be many Lordes and many Gods. With that Berry thrust hym backe with hys hand. And one Richard Cliffar standing by, sayde: I pray you sir,* 12.30 bee good to the poore man. At which wordes Berry was more mad then before, and woulde haue had Cliffer bound in a recogny∣saunce of 40. poundes for hys good abearyng, bothe in worde and deede: whiche his desire tooke no effecte. Then he asked the sayd Hudson whether he would recant or no. Unto whiche wordes Hudson sayde: the Lorde forbid: I had rather dye many deathes, then to do so.

Then after long talke, the sayde Berry seeing it booted not to perswade with him, tooke hys penne and inke, and wrote letters to the Bishop thereof, and sent this Hud∣son to Norwiche bound like a theefe to him, whiche was 8. miles from thence, who with ioy and singing chere wēt thether, as mery as euer he were at anye tyme before. In prison he was a month where hee dyd continually read & inuocate the name of God.

These three Christians and constaunt Martyrs,* 12.31 Wil∣liam Seaman, Thomas Carman, and Thomas Hudson after they were (as ye haue heard) condemned, the xix. day of May. 1558. were caryed out of prison to the place where they should suffer, whyche was without Byshoppes gate

at Norwich, called Lollards Pit. And being al there, they made their humble prayers vnto the Lorde. That beyng done, they rose and went to the stake, and standing al ther with their chaynes about them, immediately this sayde Thomas Hudson commeth foorth from them vnder the Chayne,* 12.32 to the great wonder of many: whereby diuers feared and greatly doubted of hym. For some thought hee would haue recanted: other iudged rather that he went to aske a further day, and to desire conference, and some tho∣ught he came forth to aske some of hys parentes blessing. So some thought one thinge and some an other: but hys two companions at the stake cryed out to him to comforte him what they coulde, exhorting him in the bowelles of Christ to be of good cheare.* 12.33 &c. But this sweete Hudson, felt more in hys heart, and conscience, then they could con∣ceaue in him. For (alas good soule) hee was compassed (God knoweth) with great dolour and griefe of minde, not for hys death, but for lacke of feeling of his Christ, and therefore beyng verye carefull he humbly fell downe vp∣pon his knees,* 12.34 and prayed vehemently and earnestly vn∣to the Lord, who at the last according to hys olde mercies sent him comfort, and thē rose he with great ioy, as a man new chaunged euen from death to life, and sayd:

Now I thanke God I am strong, and passe not what man can do vnto me. So going to y^e stake to his fellowes agayne, in the end they all suffered most ioyfully, constāt∣ly, and manfully the deathe together, and were consumed in fire, to the terror of the wicked, the comforte of Gods Children, and the magnifiyng of the Lordes name, who be praysed therfore, for euer, Amen.

[illustration]

Three godly Martyrs burned at Norwich.

* 12.35

After this, the forenamed Commissarye Berry made great stirre about other which were suspected within the sayd towne of Aylsham, and caused two hundred to creep to the crosse at Penticost, besides other punishmentes which they sustayned.

* 12.36On a tyme this Berry gaue a poore man of his parish of Marsham, a blowe with the swingell of a flayle, for a worde speaking, that presently thereon he dyed, and the sayd Berry (as is sayd) held vpp his hande at the Barre therefore.

* 12.37Then, after that in his parishe of Aylesham also, ann. 1557. there was one Alice Oxes came to his house, and going into the Hall, hee meeting her (being before mo∣ued) smote her with his fist, whereby shee was fayne to be caryed home, and the next day was founde dead in her chamber.

To write how many concubines and whores he had, none would beleue it, but such as knew him in the coun∣trey he dwelt in. He was riche and of great authoritie, a great s••earer, altogether geuen to women, and persecu∣ting the Gospell, and compelling men to idolatry.

* 12.38One Iohn Norgate a man learned, godly, and zelous who would not goe to their trashe, but rather dye, being sore hunted by the sayd Berry, prayed hartely to God, and the Lorde shortly after in a consumption deliuered hym. Notwithstanding, the rage of this wicked manne waxed more fiercer and fiercer. Hee troubled sundry men,* 12.39 burnt all good bookes that he could get, and diuorsed many men and women for religion.

When he heard say that Queene Mary was dead,* 12.40 and the glory of theyr triumph quayled, the sonday alter, be∣ing the xix. of Nouember. an. 1558. he made a great feast, & had one of hys concubines there, with whome he was in his chamber after dinner vntill Euensong. Then went he to Church, where hee had ministred Baptisme, and in going from Church homeward, after euensong, betwene the churchyard and his house,* 12.41 being but a little space (as it were a churchyarde bredth asunder) he fell downe sodain∣ly to the ground with a heauy grone, and neuer stirred af¦ter, neyther shewed any one token of repentaunce. Thys hapned his neighbors being by to the example of al other The Lord graunt we may obserue his iudgementes.* 12.42 And those that had his great riches, since his death haue so con¦sumed with them, that they be poorer now then they were before they had his goodes, such iudgement hath the Lord executed to the eyes of all men.

At that tyme one Dunning, Chauncellor of Lincolne (which in some part of Queene Maryes dayes was Chā¦cellor of Norwiche,* 12.43 and a very mercilesse tyrant as liued) died in Lincolnshyre of as sodayne a warning, as the sayd Berry dyed.

Thus haue I shewed thee (good reader) the constan∣cie, boldnes, and glorious victory of these happy Martyrs as also the tyrannicall cruelty of that vnfortunate Com∣missary, and his terrible end. The Lorde graunt wee may all effectually honour the iudgementes of God, and feare to displease his holy Maiesty, Amen.

The persecution of mother Seman.

ABout this tyme, or somewhat before, was one Ioane Seman, mother to the foresayd William Seman,* 12.44 be∣ing of the age of 66. yeares, persecuted of the sayde Syr Iohn Tyrrell also out of the towne of Mendlesham a∣foresayd, because she would not goe to masse, and receyue agaynst her conscience. Which good old woman being frō her house, was glad sometime to lye in bushes, groues, & fieldes, and sometyme in her neighhors house, when shee could. And her husband beyng at home, about the age of 80. yeares, fell sicke: and she hearing thereof, with speede returned home to her house agayn,* 12.45 not regarding her life but considering her duetie, and shewed her dilligence to her husband most faythfully, vntill God tooke him awaye by death. Then by Gods prouidence she fell sicke also, and departed this lyfe within her owne house shortly after. And when one M. Simondes the Commissarye heard of it, dwelling thereby in a towne called Thorndon, he com∣maunded straitely that she shuld be buryed in no Christi∣an buriall (as they call it) where through her frendes wer compelled to lay her in a pit vnder a motes side.* 12.46 Her hus∣band and she kept a good house, and had a good report a∣mongest theyr neighbours, willing alwayes to receiue straungers, and to comfort the poore and sicke, and lyued together in the holy estate of Matrimony very honestly a¦boue forty yeares, and shee departed thys life willingly & ioyfully, with a steadfast fayth and a good remembraunce of Gods promise in Christ Iesus.

The persecution of mother Benet.

IN the sayde time of Queene Mary, there dwelte in the towne of Wetherset by Mendlesham aforesayde,* 12.47 a very honest woman called mother Bennet, a widowe whiche was persecuted out of the same towne because she woulde not goe to masse and other theyr beggarly ceremonyes: but at rhe last shee returned home agayne secretly to her house, and there departed this lyfe ioyfully. But Syr I. Tyrrell & M. Simondes the Commissary,* 12.48 would not let her be buryed in the Churchyarde. So was she layde in a graue by the high way side.

The same good old woman mother Benet, in y^e tyme of persecution, met one of the sayd mother Semans neigh¦bours, and asked her how the sayd mother Seman did, & she aunswered that she did very wel, God be thanked. Oh (sayd she) mother Seman hath slept a great sleepe before me: for she was neuer couetous that I could perceiue. Her husband in his mirth would say vnto her: O woman if thou were sparing,* 12.49 thou mightest haue saued me an C. markes more then thou hast. To the whiche shee woulde aunswere agayne gently and saye: O man be content, and let vs be thankefull, for God hath geuen vs enough if we can see it. Alas good husband would shee saye, I tell you

truth, I cannot ••irken vp my butter, and keep my cheese in the chamber, and wayte a great price, and let the poore want, and so displease God. But Husband, let vs be riche in good workes: so shal we please the Lord, & haue al good thinges geuen vs.* 12.50 &c. This good w••man of that vice of couetousnesse (of all that knew her) was iudged least to be spotted, of any infirmitie she had. The Lord roote it out of the hartes of them that be infected therwith, Amen.

¶The Martyrdome of three constant and godly per∣sons burnt at Colchester for the defence and testi∣mony of Christes Gospell.

THou hast heard (good Reader) of the forenamed three that were burnt at Norwich,* 12.51 whose bloud quenched not the persecuting thurst of the Papistes. For immedy¦ately after, euen the same month, vpon the xxvi. day was seene the like murther also at Colchester in Essex of two men and a woman, lying there in prison, appoynted rea∣dy to the slaughter: who were brought forth the sayde daye vnto a place prepared for them to suffer, and accordinglye gaue theyr liues for the testimonye of the trueth, whose names likewise hereafter followeth.

• ...William Harryes.
• ...Richard Day.
• ...* 12.52Christian George.

These three good soules were brought vnto the stake and there ioyfully and feruently had made theyr pray∣ers vnto the Lord.* 12.53 At the last being setled in theyr places, and chayned vnto theyr postes, with y^e fire flaming fiercely round about them, they like constaunt Christians trium∣phātly praysed God within the same, and offered vp their bodyes a liuely sacrifice vnto his holy Maiestie: in whose habitation they haue now theyr euerlasting tabernacles: his name therfore be praysed for euermore. Amen.

The sayd Christian Georges Husbande, had an other wife burnt before this Christian, whose name was Ag∣nes George, which suffered (as you haue heard) with the thirteene at Stratford the Bow. And after the death of the sayde Christian, hee maryed an honest Godly woman a∣gayne, and so they both, I meane y^e sayd Richard George and his last wife) in the end were taken also, and layde in prison,* 12.54 where they remayned til y^e death of Queene Mary and at the last were deliuered by our most gracious soue∣raigne Lady Queene Elizabeth, whom the Lorde graunt long to raygne among vs, for hys mercies sake, Amen.

In the month of Iune came out a certayne proclama∣tion, short but sharpe, from the king and the Queene a∣gaynst wholesome and godly bookes, which vnder y^e false title of heresie and sedition, here in the sayd Proclamation were wrongfully condemned.

By the king and Queene.

WHereas diuers bookes, filled both with heresie, sedition, and treason, haue of late, and be dayly brought into thys Realme,* 12.55 out of forreine countryes and places beyonde the seas, and some also couertly printed within this Realme, and cast a∣broad in sundry partes thereof, whereby not onely God is disho∣nored, but also an encouragemēt geuen to disobey lawfull prin∣ces and gouernours: The king and Queenes maiesties, for redres hereof, doth by this theyr present Proclamation, declare & pub∣lish to all theyr subiectes, that whosoeuer shall after the proclay∣ming hereof, be found to haue any of the sayde wicked and sedi∣tious bookes, or finding them, do not forthwith burne the same without shewing or reading the same to any other person, shall in that case be reputed and taken for a rebell, and shall wythout delay bee executed for that offence according to the order of Martiall law.

Geuen at our Manor of S. Iameses, the sixt daye of Iune.

Iohn Cawood Printer

The order and occasion of taking certayn god∣ly men and women praying together in the fieldes about Islington, of whom 13. were condem∣ned by Boner, & after suffered in the fire for the truthes sake, as in the story here following may appeare.

* 12.56SEcretly in a backe close in the fielde by the Towne of Islington were collected and assembled together a cer∣tayne companye of Godly and innocent persons, to the number of fourty, men and women. Who there sitting to∣gether at prayer, and vertuously occupied in the meditati∣on of Gods holy worde, first commeth a certayne man to them vnknowne: who looking ouer vnto them, so stayed & saluted them, saying that they looked like men y^t meant no hurt. Then one of the sayd company asked the man, if he could tel whose close that was, and whether they might be so bold there to sit. Yes sayd he, for that yee seeme vnto me such persons as entende no harme, and so departed.* 12.57 Within a quarter of an houre after, commeth the consta∣ble of Islington, named king, warded with sixe or seuē o∣ther, accompanying him in the same busines, one wyth a bow, an other with a Bill, and other with theyr weapons likewise. The which sixe or seuen persons the sayde Con∣stable left a little behinde hym in a close place, there to bee ready if need should be while he with one with him shuld go and view them before. Who so doyng, came throughe them, looking and viewing what they were doyng, and what bookes they had: and so going a little forward, and returning backe agayne, bad them deliuer theyr bookes. They vnderstanding that he was Constable, refused not so to do. With that cōmeth forth the residue of his fellowes aboue touched, who bad them stande and not to departe. They aunswered agayne, they would be obedient & rea∣dy to go whether so euer they would haue them: & so were they first caryed to a bruehouse but a little way of, whyle y^• some of the sayd souldiers ran to the Iustice next at hand. But the Iustice was not at home: Whereupon they were had to sir Roger Cholmley. In the meane tyme some of y^e women being of the same number of the foresayde xl. per∣sons, escaped away from thē, some in y^• close, some before they came to the bruehouse. For so they were caryed .x. w^t one man, 8. with an other, and with some moe, with some lesse, in such sorte that it was not hard for thē to escape that would. In fine, they y^t were caryed to Sir Roger Cholm∣ley,* 12.58 were 27. which Sir Roger Cholmley & the Recorder taking their names in a Bill, & calling them one by one so many as answered to theyr names, they sēt to Newgate. In the whiche number of them that answered, and y^t were sent to Newgate, were 22.

These 22. were in the sayde prison of Newgate seuen weekes before they were examined, to whome word was sent by Alexander the keeper, that if they woulde heare a Masse, they should all be deliuered. Of these foresayd xxii. were burned 13. In Smithfield 7. at Braynford 6.

* 12.59

IN prison 2. dyed in Whitson weeke, the names of whō were Mathew Wythers, T. Taylar.

Seuen of them which remayned, escaped with theyr liues hardly, although not without much trouble, yet (as GOD woulde) without burning. Whose names were these.

• ...Iohn Milles.
• ...Thomas Hinshaw.
• ...R. Baily, wolpacker.
• ...Robert Willeys.
• ...Hudleys.* 12.60
• ...T. Coast, haberdash.
• ...Roger Sandey.

The first seuen were brought forth to examination be∣fore Boner, and so hauing their condēnation, were burnt (as is sayd) in Smithfield. The other 6. followed not long after, and suffered at Brayneford, whereof specially here followeth now in order of story to be seene.

The examination and condemnation of seuen godly and faythfull Martyrs of Christe, burnt in Smithfield.

COncerning the examination and condemnation of these abouesayd,* 12.61 whiche were apprehended and taken at Is••ington, 7. first were produced before Boner the 14. of Iune, to make aunswere to suche articles and interro∣gatoryes, as by the sayd Byshop should be ministred vnto them. The names of these seuen were:

• ...Henry Ponde.
• ...Raynold Eastland.
• ...Robert Southam.
• ...Mathew Richarby
• ...Iohn Floyd.* 12.62
• ...Iohn Holydaye.
• ...Roger Holland.

To these 7. constant and godly Martyrs produced be∣fore Boner, certayne articles were ministred in this effect as followeth.

Articles.

FIrst that ye being within the Cittye and Dyoces of London▪ haue not (according to the commō custome of the catholick

churche of this realme of Englande) come to your owne parishe churche,* 12.63 nor yet to the Cathedrall church of this citie and dio∣cesse of London, to heare deuoutly and christianly the Matins, the Masse, the Euensong, song or sayd there in the Latine toung, after the common vsage and maner of the church of this realme.* 12.64

2. Second, that ye haue not come to any of the said churches, to pray, to goe in procession, or to exercise your selues there in godly and laudable exercises.

3. Thirde, yee haue not conformed your selues duely to all the laudable customes, rites, and Ceremonies of anye the sayde churches.

4. Fourth, ye haue not bene confessed at due times and places to your owne curate, of your sinnes.

5. Fifth, yee haue not receiued at your sayd Curates handes (as of the minister of Christ) absolution of your sinnes.

6. Sixt, ye haue not at due times and places, of your Curate re∣ceiued reuerently and duely the sacrament of the altar.

7. Seuenth, yee haue not faithfully and truely beleeued, that in the said sacrament of the altar there is really and truely the ve∣ry body and bloud of Christ.

8. Eight, yee haue not by your mouthe, nor otherwise by your deede expressed or declared in any wise, that ye without waue∣ring or doubting doe thinke and beleeue that the faith and reli∣gion now obserued in the church of England, is a true faith and religion in all poyntes.

9 Ninthe, yee haue not made any signification, that yee doe in deede approoue▪ or allowe in any wise, the common seruice in Latine, heere obserued and kepte in the Church of this Realme of Englande.

10. Tenth, ye haue not beleeued, nor doe beleeue at this present, that the seruice in Latine, commonly vsed and obserued in the Churche of this realme, is good and lawfull, and not against the woorde of God.

11. Eleuenth, yee haue in times past liked, allowed, and appro∣ued as good and godly and so do like, alow, and approue at this present, the seruice in English, the bookes of Common prayer, the bookes of Communion, the religion setforth and vsed in the time of king Edward the sixt, especially as it was set forthe and vsed in the latter daies of the said king Edward.

12. Twelfth, ye haue in times past bene very desirous, and so are at this present, that the sayde English seruice, the sayde booke of common praier, the sayd booke of communion, and the sayd re∣ligion and faith so set foorth and vsed in King Edwardes time, might nowe againe be restored, set foorth, and vsed, and youre selfe freely at your libertie, without anye restraint, or lets to vse it: and also in all poyntes and things to doe therein, as ye did, es∣pecially in the latter daies of the said Edward the sixt.

13. Thirtene, yee haue of late bene charitably sent to from me the Bishop of London, and also by mouth exhorted, that where of late yee did leaue your Churches, and went in the time of di∣uine seruice into the fieldes and prophane places, to reade Eng∣lish Psalmes, and certaine English bookes, ye wold leaue of that, and being out of prisone, and at your libertie, come in to youre owne parish churches, there to heare Mattens, Masse, and Euen∣song, after the common order of the churches of this realme, & to make due confession of your sinnes to your owne curate, and receiue at his handes (as of the minister of Christ, hauing there∣in sufficient authoritie) absolution of your sinnes, heare Masse, receiue the Sacrament of the altare with a true faith, according to the beliefe of the catholicke church, and obserue all other the rites and customes of the saide catholicke churche vsed in thys realme of England, aswell in going in procession after the crosse, as also otherwise generally.

14. Fourtene, ye being so required, haue refused, and do refuse so to do, saying amongst other vaine and light wordes, that for∣asmuch as yee were imprisoned by the space of sixe weekes, not knowing wherewith you were charged, your petition should be and was, that yee might first aunswere to your former cause, and then ye would be ready to answere me the said bishop to al that by me should be laid to your charge.

Unto the which Articles, all the forenamed 7. (onely Reinold Eastland excepted) made answer in effect as here after followeth.

The aunsweres of the forenamed persons to the Articles aforesayde.* 12.65

1. TO the first article they aunsweared affirmatiuely, Roger Holland adding that hee came not to their Latine seruice these two yeares before.

Mathewe Ricarby added that he came not to churche since Latine seruice was renewed, because it is against the woorde of God, and Idolatrie committed in creeping to the crosse.

Henry Pond added, if hee had licence then to goe to church, he woulde.

2. To the 2. Article, they all aunsweared affirmatiuelye, Henrye Ponde adding as in the first Article. Iohn Floyd adde that the Latine seruice then vsed, was set vp by man, and not by God, & this he learned (he sayd) in king Edwardes daies, which he bele∣ued to be true. Robert Southam added, that he refused to come to churche, because it is furnished with idoles, and because the sacrament of the altar he beleeued to be an idoll.

3. To the 3. Article they all aunsweared affirmatiuely. For they sayd, that the customes, rites, and ceremonies of the church then vsed, are not agreeable to Gods woord.

4 5. To the 4 and 5. Articles, they all answeared affirmatiuely, adding that they beleeued no Priest hath power to remit sinne.

6. To the 6. Article Ihon Holiday, Henry Ponde, and Robert•• Southam aunsweared, that since the Queenes maiesties raigne, but Robert Southam added, not for 10. yeares before, he had re∣ceiued the Sacrament of the altar, either at their Curates hands or any other Priest. Ihon Floyde, Mathewe Ricarby, and Roger Holland answeared affirmatiuely, adding in effecte that the Sa∣crament of the altare is no Sacrament approoued by the worde of God. &c.

7. To the 7. Article they all confessed the contentes thereof to be true in euery part: Henry Ponde adding that he knoweth not nor beleeueth any such Sacrament, called the Sacrament of the altare, but confesseth the Sacrament of the Lordes Supper, and beleeueth that to be approoued. Iohn Floyde added that those that kneele and worship the Sacrament of the altare, committe i∣dolatrie. &c.

8.9.10. To the 8 9.10. Articles, they all confessed the contentes of those Articles to be true. But Iohn Holiday, Henry Pond and Iohn Floyd added, that they do allow the Latine seruice for thē that vnderstandeth the same, so farre as it agreeth with Gods word. For some parte thereof is not agreeable to Gods woorde (they sayd:) but to such as do not vnderstand the sayd seruice in Latine, they doe not allowe it, for it doeth not profite them▪ Ro∣bert Southam added and sayd, that it was a fond question to aske a simple man, whether the Latine seruice be good and lawfull. Mathew Ricarby and Roger Hollande denied the seruice in La∣tine to be good.

11. To the 11. Article, they all confessed the same to be true in euery part, sauing Henry Pond, and Mathew Ricarby, who aun∣sweared in effecte that they coulde not iudge thereof, but leaue them to be tried by the woorde of God.

12. To the 12. Article, they graunted and confessed the same to be true, and desired of God that the seruice were in the Eng∣lish againe.

13. To the 13. Article they all graunted and confessed the same to be true.

14. To the 14. Article they all graunted and confessed the same to be true in euery part.

Thus haue ye the aunsweres of these men to the fore∣sayde Articles, saue that Reginald Eastlande required to aunswere therunto, refused so to do, alleaging y^t he know¦eth that to ende a strife an othe is lawfull,* 12.66 but to beginne a strife an othe is not lawfull, and therefore he nowe refu∣seth to take his othe in y^e beginning of this matter against him. Whereupon being charged by the Bishoppe, he said: for his not aunswearing to the Articles, he was contente to stande vnto the order of the lawe for his punishment, whatsoeuer it should be.

The 17. day after of the sayd moneth of Iune, the sayd Eastland appeared againe before the bishop,* 12.67 who stāding firme in that he had sayd before, denied to make any aun∣swere in that case. &c. Wherupon the sayd Eastland wyth the other 6. his felow prisoners, were assigned by the Bi∣shop to repaire againe to y^e same place at afternoone, who being there present in the foresaid consistorie as they were commaunded, and standing altogether before the said Bi∣shop, he beginning thus with them, asked them, if hee had committed them to prisone. They sayde no, but Maister Cholmley and the Recorder of London committed them to Newgate.

Then being demaunded further by the Bishop, if hee had done any thing or acte to keepe them in prisone, or to hinder their libertie from prisone, to this they answeared, they could not tel. Then the foresaid articles being againe recited to them, all they answered and knowledged them to be the articles, & that they would stād to their answers made to the same. Wherupon the bish. disseuering them a part one frō an other, proceeded with them seuerally, first beginning with Reginald Eastlande, who there declared y^t he had bene vncharitably handled and talked w^tal•• since his first imprisonment in that behalfe. Then being requi∣red to reconcile him selfe againe to the catholike faith,* 12.68 and go from his opinions, he sayd, that he knew nothing why he should recant, and therefore woulde not conforme hym selfe in that behalf. &c. and so the sentence was red against him, and he geuen to the secular power. &c.

After him was called in Iohn Holiday, who likewise being aduertised to renounce hys heresies (as they called them) & to returne to the vnitie of their church, sayde, that

hee was no heretike, nor didde holde any heresie, neither any opinion contrary to the catholike faith, and so would offer him selfe to be iudged therein. Whereuppon hee like∣wise persisting in the same, the sentence was pronounced against him,* 12.69 condemning him to be burnt.

Next to hym was condemned wyth the like sentence, Henry Pond, because he would not submit him self to the Romish church, saying to Boner, that he had done or spo∣ken nothing wherof he was or would be sorie, but that he did holde the truth of God and no heresie. &c.

After whome next followed Iohn Floyde, who like∣wise denied to be of the popes church,* 12.70 and saide his minde of the Latine seruice, that the prayers made to Saintes is idolatrie, and that the Seruice in Latine is profitable to none, but only to such as vnderstand the Latine. Moreo∣uer, being charged by Boner of heresie, and sayinge, that what soeuer he and such other now a daies do, all is here∣sie: for this hee was condemned with the same butcherlye sentence, and so by the secular power was sent away.

* 12.71Then Robert Southam, after him Mathew Ricarby and last of all Roger Holland were seuerally produced.

Thus Roger Holland with his fellowes (as ye heard) standing to their answeres, and refusing to acknowledge the doctrine of the Romish church, who were alltogether condemned, the sentence being red against them, and so al vij. by secular magistrates being sent awaye to Newgate the 17. of Iune, not long after about the 27. day of the said moneth were hadde to Smithfield, and there ended theyr liues in the glorious cause of Christes gospel. Whose par∣ticular

[illustration]

The burning of vij. godly Martyrs in Smithfield.

* 12.72 examinations came not to our hands: sauing only the examinations of Roger Holland, whych here followe in order and maner as wee receiued them by the informa∣tion of certaine, who were present at the same.

The examinations and condemnation of Roger Holland.

THis Roger Holland a marchant Taylor of London, was first prentise with one maister Kempton at the blacke boy in Watling streete,* 12.73 where hee serued his pren∣tiship w^t much trouble vnto his maister in breaking hym from his licencious libertie whych he had before ben trai∣ned and brought vp in, geuing himselfe to riote, as daun∣cing, fence, gaming, banketting, and wanton companie: and besides all this, being a stubborne & an obstinate pa∣pist, farre vnlike to come to any suche ende as God called him vnto: the which was as followeth.

His maister, notwithstanding this his leudnesse, put∣ting him in trust w^t his accomptes, he had receiued for him certaine money, to the summe of 30. poundes, and falling into ill companie, lost the saide money euery grote at dice, being past all hope which way to answer it, and therefore he purposed to conuey him selfe away beyond the seas, ei∣ther into Fraunce or into Flaunders.

Now hauing determined with himselfe thus to do, he called betimes in the morning to a seruaunt in the house, an auncient and discrete maide, whose name was Eliza∣beth, which professed the Gospel, with a life agreeing vn∣to the same, and at al times much rebuking the wilful and obstinate Papistrie, as also the licencious liuing of thys Roger Holland. To whome he sayd: Elizabeth I would I hadde followed thy gentle perswasions and frendly re∣bukes: which if I hadde done, I hadde neuer come to this shame and miserye which I am nowe fallen into: for this night haue I lost 30, pound of my masters mony, which to pay him and to make vp mine accomptes, I am not able. But thus muche I pray you desire my mistresse, that shee would intreat my master to take this bil of my hand, that I am thus much indebted vnto him, and if I be euer able, I wil see him paied, desiring him that y^e matter may passe with silēce, and that none of my kinred nor frendes neuer vnderstand this my leud part. For if it should come vnto my fathers eares, it woulde bring his graye heares ouer soone vnto his graue: and so was he departing.

The maide considering that it mighte be his vtter vn∣doing: stay said she, and hauing a peece of money lying by her, geuē vnto her by the death of a kinsman of hers, who (as it was thought,* 12.74 was doctour Redman) shee brought vnto him 30. pounde, saying: Roger, heere is thus muche money: I will let thee haue it, and I will keepe this Bill. But since I do thus much for thee, to helpe thee, & to saue thy honestie, thou shalt promise me to refuse all leude and wilde companie, al swearing and ribaldrie talke, and if e∣uer I know thee to play one 12. pēce, at either dice or car∣des, then I will shewe this thy bill vnto my maister. And furthermore thou shalt promise me to resort euery day to the lecture at Alhallowes, and the sermon at Pauls euery Sondaye, and to cast away all thy bookes of papistrie and vaine ballets, and get thee the Testament and the Booke of seruice, and read the scriptures with reuerēce and fear, calling vnto God still for his grace to directe thee in hys truth. And pray vnto God feruētly, desiring hym to par∣don thy former offences, and not to remember the sinnes of thy youth: and euer be afraid to breake his lawes or of∣fend his maiestie. Then shall God keepe thee and sende thee thy hearts desire.

After this time, w^tin one halfe yeare God had wrought such a change in this man,* 12.75 that he was become an earnest professor of the truth, and detested al papistrie & euil com∣pany: so that he was in admiration to all them that hadde knowen him and seene his former life and wickednesse.

Then he repaired into Lankeshiere vnto hys Father, and brought diuers good bookes with him,* 12.76 and bestowed them vppon his frendes, so that his father and others be∣gan to taste of the Gospell, and detest the Masse, idolatrie, and superstition: and in the ende his father gaue hym a stocke of money to begin the world withall, to the summe of fiftie pound.

Then he repaired to London againe, and came to the maide that lent him the money to pay his master withall,* 12.77 and sayd vnto her: Elizabeth, here is thy money I borro∣wed of thee, and for the frendship, good will, and the good counsel I haue receiued at thy hands, to recompence thee I am not able, otherwise then to make thee my wife: and soone after they were maried, which was in the first yeare of Queene Marie. And hauing a childe by her, hee caused maister Rose to baptise his said childe in his owne house. Notwithstanding he was bewrayed vnto the ennemies, and hee being gone into the countrey to conuey the childe away, that the papists shoulde not haue it in their anoyn∣ting handes, Boner caused his goodes to be sea••ed vppon, and most cruelly vsed his wife.

After this he remained closely in the Citie, and in the Countrey in the congregations of the faithfull,* 12.78 vntill the last yeare of Queene Marie. Then hee with the vj. other aforesaid, were taken in or not farre from s. Iohns wood, and so brought to Newgate vppon May day in the mor∣ning. An. 1558.

Then being called before the bishop, D. Chedsey, both the Harpsfieldes, & certaine other, after many other faire and craftie perswasions of doctor Chedsey, to allure hym to theyr Babylonicall churche: thus the Bishop beganne with him.

Holland.

I for my part do wish well vnto thee, & the more for thy frendes sake. And as doctour Standish telleth me, you and he were both borne in one parish, & he knoweth your father to be a verye honest Catholicke Gentleman. And maister Doctour tolde me that he talked wyth you a yeare a goe, and founde you very wilfully addicte to your owne conceit. Diuers of the Citie also haue shewed me of you, that you haue bene a great procurer of mens seruāts to be of your religion, & to come to your congregations:

but since you be now in the daunger of the law, I would wish you to playe a wise mannes parte: So shall you not want any fauoure I can doe or procure for you, bothe for your owne sake, and also for your friendes, which be men of worship and credite, and wish you well, & by my trooth Roger so doe I.

Then sayd M. Egleston, a gentleman of Lankeshire, and nere kinsman to Roger, being there present: I thank your good Lordship: your honour meaneth good vnto my cousin, I beseeche God he haue the grace to followe your counsaile.

Holland.

Syr, you craue of God you knowe not what. I beseech God open your eies to see the light of his worde.

Egleston▪

Roger, holde your peace, least you fare the worse at my Lordes handes.

Holland.

No, I shall fare as pleaseth God: for man can do no more then God doth permit him.

Then the bishop and the Doctors, with Iohnson the Register, casting their heades together, in the ende sayeth Iohnson:* 12.79 Roger, how sayest thou? wilt thou submitte thy selfe vnto my Lorde, before thou be entred into the booke of contempt?

Holland.

I neuer meant but to submit my selfe vnto the Magistrate, as I learne of S. Paul to the Romaines, the 13. chap. and so he recited the text.

Chedsey

Then I see you are no Anabaptist.

Holland.

I meane not yet to be no Papist: for they and the Anabaptists agree in this poynt, not to submit thēselues to any other prince or magistrate, then those that must first ••e sworne to maintaine them and their doings.

Chedsey.

Roger, remember what I haue said, & also what my Lorde hath promised, he will perfourme wyth further frendship. Take heede Roger, for your ripenesse of witte hath brought you into these errours.

Holland.

M. Doctor, I haue yet your words in memorie, though they are of no such force to preuail with me. Then they whispered together againe, and at the last saide Bo∣ner: Roger I perceiue y^u wilt be ruled by no good counsell for any thing y^t either I or your friēds or any other cā say.

Holland.

I may say to you my lorde, as Paul said to Felix & vnto the Iewes, as doth appeare in the 22. of the Actes, and in the 15. of the 1. Epistle to the Corinth.* 12.80 It is not vn∣knowen vnto my master whom I was prentise withall, y^t I was of this your blind religion that nowe is taught, and therein did obstinately & wilfully remaine, vntill the later end of K. Edward in maner, hauing y^e liberty vnder your auriculare Confession, that I made no conscience of sinne, but trusted in the Priests absolution, hee for money doing some penance also for me: which after I had geuen, I cared no further what offences I did, no more then hee passed after he had my mony, whether he fasted bread and water for me or no: so y^t lecherie, swearing & all other vi∣ces I accompted no offence of danger, so long as I could for money haue them absolued. So straitly did I obserue your rules of religion, that I woulde haue ashes vppon Ashwensday,* 12.81 though I had vsed neuer so muche wicked∣nes at night. And albeit I could not of conscience eat flesh vpon the friday, yet in swearing, drinking, or dising al the night long, I made no conscience at all. And thus was I brought vp, and herein haue I continued til now of late, that God hath opened the light of his word, and called me by his grace to repentaunce of my former idolatrie & wic∣ked life: for in Lankeshire their blindnes and whoredom is ouermuch more, then may with chaste eares be hearde. Yet these my friends which are not cleare in these notable crimes,* 12.82 thinke the Priest with his Masse can saue them, though they blaspheme God, & keepe concubines besides their wiues, as long as they liue. Yea I know some prie∣stes, very deuout, my Lorde, yet suche as haue 6. or 7. chil∣dren by 4. or 5. sundry women.

M. Doctor, now to your antiquitie, vnitie, & vniuer∣salitie (for these D. Chedsey alledged as notes and tokēs of theyr religion) I am vnlearned. I haue no sophistrie to shifte my reasons withall: but the truthe I trust I haue, which nedeth no painted colours to set her forth. The an∣tiquitie of our church is not from pope Nicolas or Pope Ioane, but our church is from the beginning, euen from the time that God saide vnto Adam y^t the seede of the wo∣man should breake the Serpents head: and so to faithfull Noe: to Abraham, Isaac and Iacob, to whō it was pro∣mised that their seede should multiply as the starres in the skie: and so to Moses, Dauid & all the holy fathers y^t were frō the beginning, vnto the birth of our sauior Christ. All they y^t beleeued these promises, were of the church, though y^e number were oftentimes but few & small, as in Helias daies whē he thought there was none but he that had not bowed their knees to Baal, whē God had reserued 7000. that neuer had bowed their knees to that idoll: as I trust ther be vij.C.M. more then I know of, that haue not bo∣wed their knees to y^• idol your masse, and your god Ma••∣zim: the vpholding wherof is your blody cruelty, whiles you daily persecute Helias & the seruants of God, forcing them (as Daniell was in his chamber) closely to serue the Lord their God: and euen as we by this your cruelty are forced in the fields to pray vnto God that his holy worde may be once againe truely preached amongst vs, and that he would mitigate and shorten these idolatrous & bloudy daies, wherin all cruelty raigneth. Moreouer, our church haue ben the Apostles and Euangelists, the Martyrs and Confessors of Christ that haue at all times and in all ages bene persecuted for the testimonye of the woorde of God.* 12.83 But for the vpholding of your church and religion, what antiquitie can you shew? Yea the Masse, that idol & chiefe piller of your religion, is not yet iiij.C. yeres olde, & some of your masses are younger, as that masse of S. Thomas Becket the traitor,* 12.84 wherein you pray that you may be sa∣ued by the bloude of S. Thomas. And as for your Latine seruice, what are we of the laitie the better for it? I thinke he that should hear your priests mumble vp their seruice, although he did well vnderstand latine, yet should he vn∣derstand few words therof: the priests do so champ them and chaw them, & posteth so fast, that neither they vnder∣stande what they say, nor they that heare them: and in the meane time the people when they should praye wyth the priest, are set to their beads to pray our ladies Psalter. So craf••ie is Sathan to deuise these his dreames (which you defend with fagot and fire) to quench the light of the word of God: which (as Dauid saieth) shoulde be a lanterne to our seete. And againe, wherin shall a yong man direct his waies, but by the woorde of God? and yet you will hide it from vs in a toung vnknowen. S. Paul had rather in the church to haue 5. wordes spoken with vnderstāding, then x.M. in an vnknowen toung: and yet wil you haue your Latin seruice and praying in a strange toung, wherof the people are vtterly ignorant, to be of such antiquitie? The Greke church & a good part of Christendom besides, neuer receiued your seruice in an vnknowen tounge,* 12.85 but in theyr owne natural language which al the people vn∣derstand, neither yet your transubstantiation, your recei∣uing all alone, your purgatorie, your images. &c.

As for the vnitie which is in your churche, what is it els but treason, murther, poysoning one an other, idola∣trie, superstition, wickednesse? What vnitie was in youre church, when there was iij. Popes at once? Where was your head of vnitie when you had a woman Pope? Here he was interrupted and could not be suffered to proceede, but sayth the Bishop: Roger, these thy woordes are very blasphemie, and by the meanes of thy friendes thou haste bene suffered to speake, and art ouer malepert to reache a∣ny heere: Therefore keeper take him away.

The second examination of Roger Holland.

THe day that Henrye Ponde and the rest were brought foorth to be againe examined, D. Chedsey said: Roger,* 12.86 I trust you haue nowe better considered of the Churche then you did before.

Holland.

I cōsider this much: That out of the church there is no saluation, as diuers ancient Doctors say.

Boner.

That is wel sayd. M. Egleston I trust your kins∣man wil be a good catholicke mā. But Roger, you meane, I trust, the church of Rome.

Holland.

I meane that church which hath Christ for her head: which also hath his word, and his Sacraments ac∣cording to his woord and institution.

Chedsey.

Then Chedsey interrupted him, and said, is that a Testament you haue in your hand?

Holland.

Yea M. doctor, it is the new Testament. You wil finde no fault with the trāslation (I thinke.) It is of your owne translation: it is according to the great Bible.

Boner.

Howe saye you? Howe doe you knowe it is the Testament of Christ, but onely by the Churche? For the Churche of Rome hathe and doeth preserue it, and oute of the same hathe made Decrees, Ordinaunces, and true ex∣positions.

No (saith Roger) the church of Rome hath and doeth suppresse the reading of the Testament. And what a true exposition (I pray you) did the Pope make thereof, when he set his foote on the Emperours necke, and sayde:* 12.87 Thou shalt walke vpon the Lion and the Aspe: the yong Lyon and the Dragon shalt thou tread vnder thy foote.

Then said the bishop: Such vnlearned wilde heads as thou and other, woulde be expositours of the Scripture. Woulde you then the auncient learned (as there be some heere aswell as I) should be taught of you?

Holland.

Youth delighteth in vanitie. My wildnesse hathe

bene somewhat the more by your Doctrine, then euer I learned ou•• of this booke of God. But my Lorde, I sup∣pose, some of the old doctors say: If a poore lay man bring his reason and argument out of the woorde of God, he is to be credited afore the learned, thoughe they be neuer so great doctors. For the gift of knowledge was taken from the learned doctors, and giuen to pore fishermen. Notw^t∣stand••ng I am ready to be instructed by the church.

Boner.

That is very well said Roger. But you must vn∣derstand y^t the church of Rome is the catholicke Churche. Roger, for thy friendes sake (I promise thee) I wish thee well, and I meane to doe thee good. Keeper, see he wante nothing. Roger, if thou lacke any money to pleasure thee, I will see thou shalt not want. This hee spake vnto hym alone, his fellowes being aparte, with manye other faire promises, and so he was sent to prison againe.

The last examination of Roger Holland.

* 12.88THe last examination of Roger Holland, was when he with his fellow prisoners were brought into the con∣sistorie, & there excommunicated all sauing Roger, & redy to haue their sentēce of iudgement, geuen w^t many threat∣ning words to feare them withall: the Lord Strange, syr Tho. Iarret, M. Eagleston Esquier, and diuers other of worship, both of Cheshire & Lankeshire, that were Rog. Hollands kinsmē and friends, being there present: which had beene earnest suters to the Bishop in hys fauour, ho∣ping of his safetie of life. Nowe the Bishop hoping yet to winne him with his faire and flattering woordes, began after this maner.

Boner

Rog. I haue diuers times called thee before, home to my house, and haue conferred with thee, and being not learned in the latine toung, it doth appeare vnto me thou art of a good memorie & of a very sensible talke, but some∣thing ouerhastie: which is a naturall disease to some men. And surely they are not the worst natured men. For I my selfe shall now and then be hastie, but mine anger is soone past. So Roger, surely I haue a good opinion of you, that you wil not with these lewd fellowes cast your selfe head∣long from the church of your parents & your frendes that are here, very good catholikes (as it is reported vnto me.) And as I meane thee good,* 12.89 so Roger play the wisemans part, and come home with the lost sonne and say: I haue runne into the church of schismatikes and heretikes, from the catholicke church of Rome, and you shall, I warrante you, not only finde fauor at Gods hands, but the Church that hath authoritie, shall absolue you and put newe gar∣ments vppon you, and kill the fatling to make thee good cheare withall: That is, in so doing, as meate doth refresh and chearish the minde, so shalt thou finde as much quiet∣nesse of conscience in comming home to the church, as dyd the hungry sonne that had ben fed afore with the hogs, as you haue done with these heretikes that seuer them selues from the church. I giue them a homely name, but they be worse (putting his hand to his cap for reuerēce sake) then hogs: For they know the church and will not followe it. If I shoulde saye thus muche to a Turke, hee woulde (I thinke) beleue me. But Roger, if I did not beare thee and thy friendes good will, I woulde not haue sayde so muche as I haue done, but I would haue let mine Ordinarie a∣lone with you.

At these wordes his frendes that were there, gaue the Bishop thankes for his good will and paines that he had taken in his and theyr behalfe.

Boner.

Wel Roger, how say you nowe? Do you not be∣leeue that after the Priest hath spoken the words of conse∣cration, there remaineth the body of Christ really & corpo∣rally vnder the formes of bread and wine: I meane y^t selfe same body that was borne of the virgine Mary, that was crucified vpon the crosse, that rose againe the third day.

Holland.

Your Lordship sayth, the same body which was borne of the virgin Marie, which was crucified vpon the Crosse, which rose againe the third day: but you leaue out which ascended into heauen:* 12.90 and the Scripture sayeth, he shall there remaine vntil he come to iudge the quicke and the deade. Then he is not contained vnder the formes of bread and wine, by Hoc est corpus meum. &c.

Boner.

Roger, I perceiue my paines and good will, will not preuaile, and if I shoulde argue with thee, thou art so wil••ul (as all thy fellowes be, standing in thine owne sin∣gularitie & foolish conceit) that thou wouldest still talke to no purpose this 7. yere, if thou mightest be suffered. Aun∣swer whether thou wilt confesse the reall & corporall pre∣sence of Christes body in the Sacrament, or wilt not.

Holland.

My Lord, although that God by his sufferaunce hath nere placed you to set forth his truth and glory in vs his faithful seruantes: notwithstanding your meaning is farre from the zeale of Christ, and for all your words, you haue the same zeal that Annas and Caiphas had, trusting to their authoritie, traditions and ceremonies, more then to the woorde of God.

Boner.

If I should suffer hym, he would fall from reaso∣ning to railing, as a franticke heretike.

Lord Straunge.

Roger (sayth the Lord Straunge) I per∣ceiue my Lorde woulde haue you to tell him whether you will submit your selfe vnto him or no.

Boner

Yea, sayeth Boner, and confesse this presence that I haue spoken of.

With this, Roger turning him to the Lorde Strange and the rest of his kinsmen and frendes, very chearefully kneled downe vpon his knees and said: God by y^e mouth of his seruant S. Paul hath said: Let euery soule submit him selfe vnto the higher powers, and he that resisteth receiueth hys owne damnation: and as you are •• Magistrate appoynted by the will of God, so do I submit my selfe vnto you, and to all such as are appoynted for Magistrates.

Boner.

That is well sayde: I see you are no Anabaptist. Howe saye you then to the presence of Chr••stes bodye and bloud in the Sacrament of the altare?

Holland.

I say, and I beseeche you all to marke and beare witnes with me (for so you shal doe before the iudgement seate of God) what I speake: for heere is the Conclusion:* 12.91 And ye my deare frendes (turning him to his kinsmen) I pray you shew my father what I doe say, that he may vn∣derstand I am a christian man: I say and beleeue, and am therein fully persuaded by the scriptures, that the Sacra∣ment of the Supper of oure Lorde ministred in the holye Communion according to Christes institution, I beinge penitent & sorie for my sinnes, and minding to amend and lead a new life, and so cōming worthely vnto Gods bord in perfect loue & charity, do there receiue by faith, the body & bloud of Christ. And though Christ in his humane per∣son sitte at the right hand of his father, yet (by saith I say) his death, his passion, his merites are mine, and by faithe I dwell in him and he in me. And as for the Masse, tran∣substantiation, & the worshipping of the Sacrament, they are meere impietie and horrible idolatrie.

Boner.

I thought so much, sayth Boner (suffering him to speake no more) how he wold proue a very blasphemous hereticke as euer I heard. Howe vnreuerently doeth hee speake of the blessed Masse?* 12.92 and so read his bloudy sentēce of condemnation, adiudging him to be burned.

All this while Roger was verye patient & quiet, and when he should depart. he sayd: my lord, I besech you suf∣fer me to speake 2. words. The B. wold not hear him, but bad him away. Notw^tstanding, being requested by one of his frendes, he sayd: speake, what hast thou to say.

Holland

Euen now I told you that your authority was from God, and by his sufferance, and now I tel you, God hath heard the praier of his seruāts which hath ben pow∣red forth with feares for his afflicted sainctes,* 12.93 which daily you persecute, as now you do vs. But this I dare be bold in God to speake (which by his spirit I am moued to say) that God will shorten your hand of cruelty, that for a time you shal not molest his church: And this shal you in short time well perceiue, my deare brethrē, to be most true. For after this day, in this place shall there not be anye by hym put to the triall of fire and fagot: And after this daye there was neuer none that suffered in Smithfielde for the testi∣monie of the gospell, God be thanked.

After these woordes spoken, saith Boner: Roger,* 12.94 thou art I perceiue as madde in these thy heresies as euer was Ioan Butcher. In anger and fume thou woldest become a railing Prophet. Thoughe thou and all the sorte of you would see me hanged, yet I shall liue to burne, yea I wil burne all the sort of you that come in my handes, that wil not worship the blessed sacrament of the altare, for all thy pratling, and so he went his way.

Then Roger Holland began to exhort his frendes to repentance, and to thinke wel of them that suffered for the testimonie of the Gospel, and with that the B. came back, charging the keeper that no man shoulde speake to them without his licence, and if they did, they should be cōmit∣ted to prison. In the meane season H. Pond and Roger spake stil vnto the people,* 12.95 exhorting them to stande in the truthe: adding moreouer, that God woulde shorten those cruel and euil daies for his elect sake.

The day they suffred, a proclamation was made, y^t none should be so bold to speake or talke any word vnto them, or receiue any thing of them,* 12.96 or to touche them vpō payne of imprisonment, without either bale or mainprise: wyth diuers other cruell threatninge woordes, contained in the same Proclamation. Notwithstanding the people cryed out, desiring God to strengthen them: and they likewyse still praied for the people, and the restoring of his woorde.

At length Roger embracing the stake,* 12.97 and the reedes, said these woordes.

Lord, I most humbly thanke thy Maiestie, that thou hast cal∣led mee from the state of death, vnto the lighte of thy heauenlye worde, and nowe vnto the fellowship of thy Sainctes, that I may sing and say, Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of hoastes. And Lord in∣to thy handes I commit my spirite. Lord blesse these thy people, and saue them from Idolatrie, and so ended his life, looking vp into heauen, praying and praising God, with the rest of his fellowe Sainctes. For whose ioyfull constancie the Lord be praised.

The Martyrdome of vj. which suffe∣red at Brainforde for the true testimonie of Iesus Christ.

NOt long after the death of the fore named vij. godlye Martyrs that suffered in Smithfielde, were vj. other faithfull witnesses of the Lordes true Testament,* 12.98 Mar∣tyred at Braynforde, vij. miles from London, the xiiij. day of Iuly 1558. which sayd sixe were of that companie that were apprehended in a close harde by Islington (as is a∣boue specified) and sent to prisone. Whose names and ar∣ticles proponed to them, with their answers vnto y^e same, hereafter followeth.

• ...Robert Milles.
• ...Stephen Corton.
• ...Robert Dynes.
• ...Ste∣phen Wight.
• ...Iohn Slade.
• William Pikes, or Pikers, a Tanner.* 12.99

These vj. forenamed Martyrs (gentle Reader) hadde their articles ministred to them by Thomas Darbishire, Boners Chancellor, at sundrye times, as Robert Mules the 20. day of Iune, Stephen Wight the 21. day of the said moneth, Ste. Cotton and Iohn Slade the 22. day, & Ro∣bert Dines and William Pikes the 23. day. At which said times, though they were seuerally examined, yet had they all one maner of articles ministred to them, yea & th•• selfe same Articles that were ministred to Iohn Holiday, Hē∣ry Pond, and their companie aforesayd. Which sayde arti∣cles I leaue the reader to looke for in page 1967. and think it not necessarye anye more to rehearse them, but onely to proceede with their aunsweres to the same, which briefly and in summe hereafter followeth.

The answeres of the forenamed persons to the Articles aforesayd.

1 TO the first Article they all graunted the same, and added thereto for going to Church, that Robert Milles and Ste∣phen Wight came not there for 3. quarters of a yere before,* 12.100 and Iohn Slade & William Pikes not since the Queenes raigne, Ste∣phen Cotten not for a twelue moneth before, and Rob. Dynes not for two yeares before.

The 2.3.4.5▪ and 6, Articles they all answeared in effecte, as the forenamed Iohn Holiday, Henry Ponde and their companye did, pag. 1931▪ sauing they added, that as their rites, customes & ceremonies are against the worde of God, so will they obserue and keepe no parte of the same. Stephen Wight added further, that he receiued not their Sacrament of the aultar for two yeres before, nor Iohn Slade and William Pikes since Queene Maries raigne, nor Stephen Cotton for a twelue moneth before, nor Ro∣bert Dines for three yeres before.

To the 7. article, they all graunted the same in euerye parte like vnto the aforenamed Henry Pond and his companye, page 1931 sauing Rob. Dines added that it was no part of his beliefe.

To the 8. Article they all graunted the same in euery part, as the forenamed William Holliday and his companye, page 193••. but Robert Milles added therto that he wil not come to church, nor allowe their religion, so long as the crosse is crepte too, and worshipped, and Images are in the Church Iohn Slade affirmed in effecte as Robert Milles did, adding further that there be not 7. Sacraments, but 2. Sacraments, which is Baptisme & the Sup∣per of the Lord. Stephen Cotton woulde no further allowe the Popish religion, then it agreeth with Gods woorde: and Robert Dines affirmed in effect the like to Stephen Cotton also.

To the 9. and 10 articles, Robert Milles, Iohn Slade & Ste∣uen Cotton answered that they do not allow the popish seruice then set foorth, because it is against the truthe, and in a straunge language which the common people vnderstand•• not. Robert Dines and William Pikes, will neither allow nor disallowe the Latine seruice, because they vnderstād it not. And Steuen Wight would make no directe aunswer to the articles at all, and to the 11.12.13. and 14. articles we finde no answeres recorded of the said Steuen Wight, but of the rest of his fellowe prisoners wee finde answers to those articles which hereafter followe.

To the 11. article, Robert Milles, Iohn Slade and Steuen Cotton answered, that concernīg the bookes, faith and religion specified in this article, they doe allowe them so farre foorth as they agree with Gods word. &c. Robert Dines would make no answer thereto, because he thoughte himselfe vnmeete to iudge thereof: and William Pikes doeth not remember that hee hathe misliked the seruice, and the faith, and religion set foorth in king Edward the sixt his time.

To the 12. they graunt, that if they might receiue the sacra∣ment as they did in king Edward the sixt daies, they would with all their heart so doe.

To the 13. and 14. articles, they confesse and graunt the con∣tents of them to be true in euery part.

When at the daies before specified, these good men were produced before Boners Chancellour, Thomas Darbi∣shire, and had the foresaide articles ministred vnto them, and they (as ye haue heard) had made aunswere vnto the same, in the ende the Chauncellor commaunded them to appeare before them againe the 11. day of Iuly after in the sayde place at Paules. Where when they came,* 12.101 he requi∣red of them, whether they woulde tourne from their opi∣nions to y^e mother holy church: and if not, that then, whe∣ther there were anye cause to the contrarye, but that they might procede with the sentence of condemnation. Wher∣unto they all answeared, that they would not go from the truthe, nor relent from any part of the same while they li∣••••ed. Then he charged them to appeare before him againe the next daye in the afternoone, betweene one and two of the clocke, to heare the definitiue sentence redde agaynste them, according to the Ecclesiasticall lawes then in force. At which time, he sitting in iudgemēt, talking with these godly and vertuous men, at the last came into the sayde place syr Edwarde Hastings & sir Thomas Cornewales knights, two of Quene Maries officers of her house,* 12.102 and being there, they sate them down ouer against the Chan∣cellor, in whose presence the sayde Chancellor condemned those good poore Lambes, and deliuered them ouer to the secular power, who receiued and caried them to prisonne immediately, and there kept them in safetie till the daye of their deathe.

In the meane time this naughty Chancellor slept not, I warrant you, but that day in which they were condem∣ned, he made certificate into the Lorde Chancellors office, from whence the next daye after was sent a writ to burne them at Brainforde aforesaid, which accordingly was ac∣complished in the same place, the said 14. daye of Iulye: Whereunto they being brought, made theyr humble prai∣ers vnto the Lorde Iesus, vndressed themselues, wente ioyfully to the stake whereto they were bounde, and the fire flaming about them, they yelded their soules, bodies, and liues into the handes of the omnipotent Lorde, for whose cause they didde suffer, and to whose protection I commend thee gentle Reader. Amen.

[illustration]

The burning of sixe Martyrs at Brainforde.

* 12.103

* 12.104Among these 6. was due William Pikes (as yee haue heard) who sometime dwelt in Ipswiche in Suffolke, by his occupation a Tanner, a very honest godly man, & of a vertuous disposition, a good keper of hospitalitie, and be∣ne••icial to the persecuted in Queene Maries daies. Thys saide William Pikes, in the 3. yeare of Queene Maries raigne, a little after Midsomer, being then at libertie, wēt into his Garden, and tooke wyth him a Bible of Rogers translation, where hee sitting wyth his face towardes the South, reading on the said Bible, sodenly fell downe vp∣on his booke betwene a 11. and 12. a clocke of the day, foure drops of fresh bloud, & he knew not from whence it came. Then he seeing the same, was sore astonished, & coulde by no meanes learne (as I sayd) from whence it should fall: and wiping out one of the droppes with his finger, called his wife, and said: In the vertue of God wife, what mea∣neth this? Wil y^e Lord haue 4. sacrifices? I see wel enough the Lorde will haue bloude: his wil be done, and geue me grace to abide the triall. Wife, let vs pray (sayde hee) for I feare the day draweth nigh. Afterwarde he daily looked to be apprehended of the papistes, and it came to passe accor∣dingly, as yee haue heard. Thus much thought I good to wryte heereof, to stirre vp our dull senses in considering the Lordes woorkes, and reuerently to honour the same. His name therefore be praised for euermore, Amen.

Moreouer, concerning the sayd William Pikes, as he was in Newgate sore sicke and at the poynte of deathe, so that no man looked he should liue 6. houres, there declared to them that stoode by, that he had bene twise in persecuti∣on before, and that now he desired the Lord, if it were his will, that he might glorifie his name at the stake, and so as he prayed, it came to passe at Brainford.

Ye hard before of those 22. taken at Islington, 13. were burned, and 6. escaped, albeit very hardly, & some of them not without scourging by the hands of the bishop. In the which number was Thomas Hinshaw & Ihon Milles, according to the expresse Picture here after purported.

Ex epigrammate Ennij apud Ciceronem allusio.

Si fas caedendo coelestia scandere cuiquam est, Bonnero coeli maxima porta patet.

In effigiem Boneri, carmen.

QVae noua forma viri, quid virga, quid ora, quid aluus Pondera quid ventris, crassitiesq́ue velit? Corpus amaxaeum, disten to abdomine pigrum Rides, anne stupes, lector amice, magis? Vasta quid ista velint, si nescis pondera, dicam, Nam nihil hic mirum venter obesus habet. Carnibus humanis & sanguine vescitur atro, Ducentos annis hauserat ille tribus. Ergo quid hoc monstri est, recto vis nomine dicam? Nomen nec patris, nec gerit ille matris. Qui patre Sauago natus, falso que Bonerus Dicitur▪ hunc melius dixeris Orbilium.

The same in English.

MUse not so much, that natures woorke is thus deformed now, With belly blowen, and head so swolne, for I shall tell you how: This Canniball in three yeares space three hundreth Martyrs slew: They were his foode, he loued so bloud, he spared none he knew.

It should appeare that bloud feedes fat, if men lie well and soft: For Boners bellie waxt with bloud, though he semde to fast oft. O bloudy beast, bewaile the death of those that thou hast slaine: In time repent, since thou canst not their liues restore againe.* 12.105

G. G.

In Bonerum.

CArnificis nomen debetur iure Bonero, Qui sine Christicolas crimine mactat oues. Certe carnificis immitis nomine gaudet, Siq́ue isto peius nomine nomen, amat. Carnificem vocitas? ridet crudelia facta Narris•• rem gratam non facis ipse magis. Det Deus vt sapias meliora Bonere, vel istis Te feriant meritis munera digna precor.

The scourging of Thomas Hinshaw.

IN the godly number aboue mentioned, which were ap∣prehended at Islington, there Congregated together

[illustration]

❧ The right Picture and true Counterfet of Boner, and his crueltie, in scourging of Gods Sainctes, in his Orchard a Fulham.

* 12.106

for their exercise of prayer and readyng, was this Tho∣mas Hinshaw aboue named, a yong man of the age of 19. or 20. yeares, prentise in Paules churchyard with one M. Pugson. Who with the rest was caried to the Constables of Islington,* 12.107 and there euery one of them serched, and led forthwith to the chiefe Iustice M. Cholmley, dwellyng in the Old Baily in London, & by him thā the said Th. Hin∣shaw was sent to Newgate, & there remainyng prisoner w^tout conference with any, about eight weekes, at the last was sent for to Boner Bishop of London,* 12.108 and by hym, Harpsfield and Cole examined. After which examination he was sent to Newgate againe, where hee remayned a three weekes followyng. Which tyme beyng ouerpassed, he was sent for agayne before the sayd bishop, the day be∣yng Saterday, and with hym had much talke to litle pur∣pose. The next day after also, which was Sonday, they perswaded with him very much in like maner, and per∣ceiuyng they could not bend hym vnto their bowe, in the afternoone, the B. goyng vnto Fulham, tooke hym wyth hym,* 12.109 where immediately after his commyng, he was set in the stockes, remainyng there all the first nighte wyth bread and water.

The next mornyng the Bish. came and examined hym himselfe, and perceiuyng no yelding to his mynde, he sent M. Harpsfield to talke with him: who after long talke, in the end fell to raging words, callyng the sayd Thomas Hinshaw p••euish boy, and asked him whether he thought he went about to damne his soule, or no, &c. Unto whiche the sayd Tho. answered, that he was perswaded that they laboured to maintaine their darke and diuelish kingdom, and not for any loue to truth. Then Harpsfield beyng in a mighty rage, told the B. thereof. Whereat the B. fumed & fretted, that scant for anger beyng able to speake, he sayd: Doest thou answer my Archdeacon so, thou naughty boy? I shall handle thee well enough, be assured: so he sent for a couple of rods, and caused him to kneele agaynst a long bench in an arbor in his garden, where the sayd Thomas without any enforcement of his part, offered hymselfe to the beatyng,* 12.110 & did abide the fury of the sayd Boner, so long as the fat panched B. could endure with breath, and til for werines he was fayne to cease, & geue place to his shame∣full act. He had two willow rods, but he wasted but one, and so left of.

Now after this scourgyng, the sayd Thom. Hinshaw notwithstandyng did sustaine diuers conflictes and exa∣minations sundry tymes. At last beyng brought before the sayd Bishop in his chappell at Fulham, there hee had procured witnesses, and gathered Articles agaynst hym, which the yong man denied, and woulde not affirme, or consent to any interrogatory there and then ministred, do what they could.

¶The Articles were these.

COncernyng Palmes, Ashes, Holy bread, Holy water, Auri∣culer confession,* 12.111 receiuyng the Sacrament at Easter, hearyng deuine seruice then set forth, &c.

Whether he had receiued all these, or whether he would re∣ceiue them or no.

Item, what he thought of the seruice set forth in K. Edwards tyme, in his latter dayes, and in especiall, what he thought of the veritie of Christes body in the sacrament.

In which all his answers, the sayd Tho. Hinshaw kept an vp∣right conscience, and entangled himselfe with none of their ce∣remonies: so mercifull was the Lord vnto hym.

Not long after this his examination, about a fortnight or such a thyng,* 12.112 the foresayd Examinate fell sicke of a bur∣nyng ag••••, wherby he was deliuered vpon entreatie vn∣to his maister Martin Pugson in Paules Churchyard a∣foresayd: for the bishop thought verily, he was more like to dye then to lyue. The whiche hys sickenesse endured a twelue month or more, so that in the meane tyme Queene Mary dyed. Then he shortly after recouered health, and escaped death, beyng at the writyng of this yet alyue, both witnesse and reporter of the same, the Lord therefore bee praysed, Amen.

The scourging of Iohn Milles by B. Boner.

* 12.113BEsides the aboue named, was scourged also by y^e hāds of the sayd B. one Iohn Milles a Capper, a right faith full and true honest man in all his dealyngs and conditi∣ons. Who was brother to the foresayd R. Milles burned before at Brainford, as is aboue signified▪ pag. 1967. Who also was apprehended in the same number with them at Islington, as is mentioned also before, pag. 1969. and be∣yng brought before Boner and there examined, was com∣maunded to the Colehouse, with the foresayde Tho. Hin∣shaw, where they remained one night in the stocks. From thence he was sent to Fulham,* 12.114 where hee with the sayde Hinshaw, remayned 8. or 10. dayes in the stockes: during which tyme hee susteined diuers conflictes with the sayde Boner, who had hym oft tymes in Examination, vrgyng hym, and with a sticke which he had in his hand, oft times rappyng him on the head, and flirting him vnder the chin & on the eares, saying he looked downe like a thiefe. More∣ouer, after he had assaied all maner of wayes to cause him to recant and could not, at length hauyng him to his Or∣chard, there within a little arbor, with his owne handes beat hym first with a willowe rod, and that beyng worne well nigh to the stumps, he called for a birchin rod, which a lad brought out of his chamber. The cause why hee so beat him, was this: Boner asked hym when he had crept to the crosse. He answered, not since he came to the yeares of discretion, neither would to be torne with wyld horses. Then Boner bade him make a crosse in his forehed, which he refused to do. Whereupon he had him incontinently to his Orchard, and there callyng for rods,* 12.115 sheweth his cru∣eltie vpon hym, as he did vppon Tho. Hinshaw, as is a∣boue declared.

This done, he had hym immediately to the Parishe Church of Fulham with the sayd Tho. Hinshaw, & wyth Rob. Willis, to whom there beyng seuerally called before hym, he ministred certaine Articles,* 12.116 asking if they would subscribe to the same. To the which the sayd Iohn Milles made his answer according to his conscience, denying thē all, except one article which was cōcernyng K. Edwards seruice in English. Shortly after this beating,* 12.117 Boner sent to him in prison a certain old priest lately come frō Rome to coniure out the euill spirite from hym, who laying hys hand vpon his hed, began with certaine words pronoun∣ced ouer hym, to coniure as hee had bene woont before to do. Milles meruailing what the Priest was about to doe, sayd he trusted no euill spirit to be within hym, & laughed hym to scorne, &c.

As this Iohn Milles was diuers tymes and oft cal∣led before Boner, so much communication and talke pas∣sed betwene them, which to recite all, it were too long. And yet it were not vnpleasaunt for the Reader that lusteth to laugh, to see the blynd and vnsauorie reasones of that B. which he vsed to perswade the ignorant withall. As in the processe of his other talke with this Milles, Boner going about to perswade hym not to meddle with matters of the scripture, but rather to beleeue other mens teachyng,* 12.118 which had more skill in the same: first asked if he dyd be∣leue the scripture? Yea, sayd he, that I do. Then the Bish. Why (quoth he) S. Paul saith: if the man sleepe, the wo∣man is at libertye to goe to another man. If thou were a sleepe hauing a wyfe, wouldst thou be content thy wyfe to take another man? And yet this is the scripture.

Item, if thou wilt beleue Luther, Zuinglius, and such, then thou canst not go right. But if thou wilt beleue me. &c thou canst not erre. And if thou shouldst erre, yet thou art in no peril, thy bloud should be required at our hands. As if thou shouldst go to a far country, & meete with a father∣ly man as I am (for these were his termes) and aske the way to the head citie, and he should say, go this way,* 12.119 and thou wilt not beleeue hym, but follow Luther and other heretikes of late dayes, and go a contrary way, how wi••te thou come to the place thou askest for? so if thou wilt not beleeue mee, but followe the leadyng of other heretickes, so shalt thou bee brought to destruction, and burne both body and soule.

As truly as thou seest the bodies of them in Smith∣field burnt, so truly their soules doe burne in hell,* 12.120 because they erre from the church.

Oft tymes speaking to the sayde Iohn Milles, hee would say: they call me bloudy Boner. A vengeaunce on you all. I would faine ••e rid of you, but you haue a de••ire in burnyng. But if I might haue my will,* 12.121 I would sowe your mouthes▪ and put you in sacks, and drowne you.

Now somewhat to say concerning the deliueraunce of the said Iohn Milles, the same day that he was deliuered, Boner came vnto the stocks where he lay, and asked him how he liked his lodging, and his fare.

Wel said Milles, if it would please God I might haue a little strawe to lye or sit vpon.

Then said Boner: thou wilt shew no token of a chri∣stian man. And vpon this his wife came in vnknowyng vnto him, beyng very great with child, and lookyng euery hower for her lying downe,* 12.122 entreating the Bishop for her husband, & saying, that she would not go out of the house, but there would lay her belly in the bishops house, vnlesse she had her husband with her. How saist y^u (quoth Boner) thou heretike? If thy wife miscarie, or thy child, or children

if she be with one,* 12.123 or two, should perish, the bloud of them would be required at thy hands. Then to this agreement he came, that he should hue a bed in the towne of Fulham and her husband should go home with her the morow af∣ter,* 12.124 vppon this condition, that his kinsman there present (one Rob. Rousie) should bring the sayd Milles vnto his house at Paules the next day.

Whereunto the sayd Milles sayd, he would not agree, except he might go home by and by. At length his wife be∣yng importunate for her husband, & seyng that she would go no further, but there remaine vnlesse she had her hus∣band with her,* 12.125 the bishop fearing belike the rumor which might come vpon his house thereby, bade the sayd Milles make a crosse and say: In nomine Patris & Filij, & Spiritus sancti. Amen.

Then the sayd Milles began to say: In the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the holy ghost, Amē. No, no, sayth Boner, say it me in Latine, In nomine Patris, & Filij, & Spiritus sancti, Amen. Milles vnderstanding the matter of that Latine to be but good, said the same, and so went home with his wyfe, his foresayde kinsman beyng charged to bring hym the next day vnto Paules, either els sayd Boner if thou doest not bring hym,* 12.126 thou art an here∣tike as wel as he. Notwithstandyng, the charge beyng no greater, this kinsman didde not bring hym, but hee of his owne voluntarie accord came to the said B. within a fewe days after, where the B. put vnto him a certaine writing in Latin to subscribe vnto, conteyning as it semed to him no great matter, that he needed greatly to sticke at: albeit, what the bill was, he could not certainly tell. So subscri∣bed he to the bill, and returned home. And thus much cō∣cernyng the 22. taken at Islington.

The history and cruell handlyng of Richard Yeoman, D. Taylors Curate at Hadley, constantly sufferyng for the Gospels sake.

AFter the story of these 22. taken at Islington, procee∣dyng now (the Lord willyng) we wil prosecute like∣wise the taking and cruell handlyng of Richard Yeoman minister.* 12.127 Which Yeoman had bene before D. Tailors Cu∣rate, a godly deuout old man, of 70. yeres, which had ma∣ny yeres dwelt in Hadley, well seene in the scriptures, & geuing godly exhortations to the people. With hym Doc. Tailor left his cure at his departure. But as soone as M. Newal had gotten the benefice, he droue away good Yeo∣man as is before said, & set in a popish Curate to maintain and continue their Romish religion whiche nowe they thought fully stablished. Then wandered he long time frō place to place, moouing & exhorting all men to stand faith∣fully to Gods worde, earnestly to geue themselues vnto prayer, with patience to beare the crosse now layed vpon them for their triall, with boldnes to confesse the truth be∣fore the aduersaries, & with an vndoubted hope to waite for the crowne and reward of eternall felicitie. But when hee perceiued his aduersaries to lye in waite for him,* 12.128 hee went into Kent, & with a little packet of laces, pinnes and points, and such like things, he trauailed from Uillage to village, sellyng such things, & by y^e poore shyft gate hymself somewhat to the susteining of himselfe, his poore wife and children.

At the last, a Iustice of Kent called M. Moyle, tooke poore Yeoman and set him in the stocks a day and a night,* 12.129 but hauyng no euident matter to charge hym with, he let hym go againe. So came he secretly againe to Hadley, and taried with his poore wife, who kept him secretly in a chā∣ber of the Towne house, commonly called the Guild hall, more then a yere. All the which tyme, the good olde father abyde in a chamber locked vp all the day, & spent his tyme in deuout prayer and reading the Scriptures, and in car∣ding of w••ol which his wyfe did spin. His wife also did go and beg bread and meat for herselfe and her children, and by such poore meanes susteined they themselues. Thus y^e saints of God susteined hunger and misery, while the pro∣phets of Baal liued in iollitie, and were costly pampered at Iesabels table.

At the last, person Newal (I know not by what means) perceiued that Rich. Yeoman was so kept by hys poore wyfe,* 12.130 and taking with him the Bailiffes deputies and ser∣uants, came in the night tyme & brake vp fiue dores vpon Yeoman, whom he found in bed with his poore wyfe and children. Whom when he had so found, he irefull cried, sai∣yng,* 12.131 I thought I should find an harlot and a whore to∣gether. And he would haue plucked the clothes of from them. But Yeoman held fast the clothes, and said vnto his wyfe, wife, aryse and put on thy clothes. And vnto y^e per∣son he sayd: Nay Person, no harlot, nor whore, but a ma∣ried man and his wife, accordyng vnto Gods ordinance, and blessed be God for lawfull matrimony. I thank God for this great grace, and I defie the Pope & all his Pope∣rie. Then led they Rich. Yeoman vnto the cage, & set hym in the stocks vntill it was day.

There was then also in the cage an olde man named Iohn Dale, who had sitten 3. or 4. dayes,* 12.132 because wh•• the sayd Person Newal with his Curate, executed y^• Romish seruice in the Church, he spake openly vnto him and said: O miserable & blind guides, will ye euer be blind, leaders of the blynd? will ye neuer amend? will ye neuer see the truth of Gods word? wil neither Gods threates nor pro∣mises enter into you harts? wil not the bloud of Martyrs nothing mollifie your stonie stomacks?* 12.133 Oh indurate hard harted, peruerse, & crooked generation. O damnable sorte, whom nothyng can do good vnto.

These and like words he spake in feruentnes of spirit against the superstitious religion of Rome. Wherfore per¦son Newall caused hym forthwith to be attached, and set in the stockes in the cage. So was he there kept til sir Hē∣ry Doile a Iustice, came to Hadley.

Now when poore Yeoman was taken, the person cal∣led earnestly vpon Sir Henry Doile to send them both to prison.* 12.134 Sir Henry Doile earnestly laboured and entrea∣ted the person, to consider the age of the men, & their poore estate: they were persons of no reputation nor preachere: wherefore hee would desire him to let them be punished a day or two, and so to let them goe, at the least Iohn Dale who was no priest, and therfore seeyng he had so long sit∣ten in the cage, he thought it punishment enough for hys tyme. When the person heard this, he was exceeding mad, and in a great rage called them pestilent heretikes,* 12.135 vnfitte to lyue in the common wealth of Christians. Wherefore I beseech you Sir (quoth he) accordyng to your office defēd holy church, and helpe to suppresse these sectes of heresies, &c. which are false to God, and thus boldly set themselues to the euill example of other, against the Queenes graci∣ous proceedyngs. Sir Henry Doyle seeyng he coulde do no good in the matter, & fearing also his perill if he should too much meddle in this matter, made out the Writte and caused the Constables to cary them foorth to Bury Gaole. For now were all the Iustices were they neuer so migh∣tye, afrayde of euery shauen crowne, and stood in as much awe of them, as Pilate dyd stande in feare of Annas and Cayphas, and of the Pharisaicall broode, which cried Cru∣cifie hym, Crucifie hym. If thou let hym goe,* 12.136 thou art not Cae∣sars friend.

Wherefore, whatsoeuer their consciences were, yet (if they would escape danger) they must needes bee the Po∣pish Bishops slaues, and vassails. So they tooke Richard Yeoman and Iohn Dale, pinioned, and bound them lyke thieues, set them on horsebacke,* 12.137 and bound their legs vn∣der the horses bellies, and so caried them to the Gaole at Bury, where they were tied in irons, and for that they cō∣tinually rebuked Popery, they were throwne into y^e low∣est dungeon, where Iohn Dale through sickenesse of the

[illustration]

¶The burnyng of Richard Yeoman.

* 12.138

prison,* 12.139 and euil keping, died in prison, whose body when hee was deade, was throwen oute and buried in the fieldes. Hee was a man of 46. yeares of age, a Weauer by his occupation, well learned in the holy scriptures, faith∣full and honest in all his conuersation,* 12.140 stedfast in confessi∣on of the true doctrine of Christ set forth in Kyng Ed∣wards tyme: for the which he ioyfully suffred prison and chaines, and from this worldlye dungeon hee departed in Christ to eternall glory, and the blessed paradise of euerla∣sting felicitie.

* 12.141After that Iohn Dale was dead, Rich. Yeoman was remooued to Norwich prison, where after straite and euill keping, he was examined of his faith and religion. Then he boldly and constantly confessed himself to be of the faith and confession that was set forth by the late king of blessed memory, holy K. Edward the 6. and from that he would in n•• wyse vary. Beyng required to submit himself to the holy father the Pope, I defie him (quoth he) & all hys de∣testable abhominations: I will in no wise haue to doe w^t him,* 12.142 nor any thing that appertaineth to him. The chief ar∣ticles obiected to him were his mariage, & the masse sacri∣fice. Wherfore when he continued stedfast in confession of the truth, he was condemned, disgraded, & not only burnt but most cruelly tormented in the fire. So ended hee hys poore & miserable lyfe, and entred into the blessed bosom of Abraham, enioying with Lazarus the comfortable quiet∣nes that God hath prepared for his elect saintes.

¶The story of Iohn Alcocke.

* 12.143THere was also in Hadley a yong man named Ioh. Al∣cocke, which came to Hadley seking worke, for he was a Shereman by his occupation. This yong man after the Martyrdome of D. Tailor, & taking of Rich. Yeomā, vsed first in the church of Hadley to read the seruice in English, as partly is aboue touched. At length, after the comming of person Newal, he being in Hadley church vpon a son∣day when the Person came by with procession,* 12.144 would not once mooue his cap, nor shew any signe of reuerence, but stood behind the font. Person Newal perceiuing this, whē he was almost out of the church dore, ran back again, and caught him, and called for the Constable.

Then came Rob. Rolfe, with whom this young man wrought, and asked: M. Person what hath he done, that ye are in such a rage with hym?

He is an heretike and a traitor (quoth the Person) and despiseth the Queens procedings. Wherfore I command you in the Queenes name, haue hym to the stockes, & see he be forth commyng.

* 12.145Wel quoth Rolfe? he shal be forth comming, proceede you in your busines and be quiet. Haue him to the stockes (quoth the Person.)

I am Constable (quoth Rolfe) and may baile him, and will baile him: he shall not come in the stocks, but he shal be forth comming. So went the good Person forth wyth his holy procession, and so to Masse.

At after noone Rolfe said to this yong man: I am sory for thee, for truly the person will seek thy destructiō, if thou take not good heed what thou answerest him.

The yong man aunswered: Sir, I am sory that it is my lucke to be a trouble to you. As for my selfe I am not sory, but I do commit my selfe into Gods handes, and I trust he will geue me mouth and wisedome to answer ac∣cording to right.

Well (quoth Rolfe) yet beware of him. For hee is ma∣licious, and a bloudsucker, & beareth an old hatred against me, and he wil handle you the more cruelly, because of dis∣pleasure against me.

I feare him not (quoth the yong man) He shall doe no more to me then God wil geue him leaue: and happy shal I be if God wil call me to die for his truths sake.

* 12.146After this talke, they then went to the person, who at the first asked hym: Fellow, what saiest thou to the sacra∣ment of the aulter?

I say (quoth he) as ye vse the matter, ye make a shame full idoll of it, and ye are false idolatrous priests all the sort of you.

* 12.147I told you (quoth the person) he was a stout heretike.

So, after long talk the person committed him to ward and the next day rode he vp to London, and caried y^e yong man with him, and so came the yong man no more againe to Hadley, but after long imprisonment in Newgate, where after many examinations and troubles, for that he would not submit himselfe to aske forgeuenes of the Pope and to be reconciled to the Romish religion,* 12.148 he was caste into the lower dungeon, where with euill keping & sicke∣nes of the house, he died in prison. Thus died he a Martyr of Christes veritie, which he hartily loued & constantly cō∣fessed, & receiued the garland of a well foughten battaile at the hand of the Lord. His body was cast out & buried in a dunghil.* 12.149 For the Papists would in all things be like thē∣selues: Therfore would they not so much as suffer y^e dead bodies to haue honest and conuenient sepulture.

¶Thomas Benbrige Gentleman and Martyr, wrong∣fully condemned and put to death by the cruell Papists, for the defence of the Gospell of Christ Iesu.

THoms Benbrige a Gentleman, single and vnmaried,* 12.150 in the Dioces of Winchester, although hee might haue liued a pleasaunt and a Gentlemans lyfe in the wealthy possessions of this world, yet to follow Christ, had rather enter into the straite gate of persecution, to the heauenlye possession of lyfe in the Lordes kingdome, then here to en∣ioy pleasures present with vnquietnes of consciēce. Wher∣fore manfully standing against the Papists for the defence of the sincere doctrine of Christes Gospell, hee spared not hymselfe to confirme the doctrine of the Gospell. For the which cause he beyng apprehended for an aduersary of the Romish religion, was forthwith had to examination be∣fore D. White Bish. of Winchester,* 12.151 where he susteined sun∣dry conflictes for the truth agaynst the sayd Bishop & hys Colleagues. The Articles of the Bishoppe ministred to hym, with his aunswers to the same annexed, be here fol∣lowyng.

¶Articles ministred to M. Benbrige, with his an∣swers followyng the same.

FIrst, we articulate against you, that the Church of God mini∣streth rightly,* 12.152 according to the rite Apostolicall

To this he aunswereth, that Baptisme is not administred at this present, so as it was in the Apostles tyme, for that it is not ministred in the English tongue.

2. Item,* 12.153 we articulate that the church of God doth beleue and hold, that in the sacrament of thankesgeuyng, after the words of consecration pronounced of the priest, the true and naturall bo∣dy of Christ is present really.

He answereth,* 12.154 that he beleueth not that in the sacrament is conteined the body and bloud of our sauiour Iesu Christ, saying: this is the marke that ye shoote at.

3. Item, we articulate, that the church holdeth and beleeueth, that confirmation is a sacrament in the church,* 12.155 and that by im∣position of hands of a Bishop, commeth grace.

He aunswered,* 12.156 that he knoweth not whether that confir∣mation be a Sacrament or not, and whether the Bishop geueth grace or not: hee knoweth not the order and fashion of mini∣stration.

4. Item, we articulate, that penaunce is a Sacrament in the Church, and that by auricular confession and absolution pro∣nounced by the priest, sinnes be forgeuen.

He answered negatiuely, denying sinnes to be forgeuen,* 12.157 by absolution pronounced of a priest, and that it is not necessarye for a man to recite all his sinnes to a priest.

5. Item, we articulate agaynst thee, that the Church doth be∣leeue and hold, the same authoritie to bee now in the Churche which Christ gaue to his Apostles.

He answered negatiuely,* 12.158 for that the Churche hath not the same power and strength to worke.

6. Item, we articulate, that the Church beleueth and holdeth that the order of ministers now beyng in the church of Christ, is instituted of Christ himselfe.

He answered that he beleueth not the bishops to be the suc∣cessors of the Apostles, for that they be not called as they were,* 12.159 nor haue that grace.

7. Item, we articulate that the churche beleeueth and holdeth,* 12.160 the Pope to be supreme head in the Church, and the Vicare of Christ in earth.

He answered, that it is not the Pope,* 12.161 but it is the deuill that is supreme hed of the church which you speake of.

8. Item, we articulate, that the church doth hold and beleeue that it is necessary to be baptised.

He denied not the same.

9. Item, we articulate, that the church doth hold and beleeue,* 12.162 that there is purgatory, and that the soules of the dead bee relie∣ued with the almes and prayers of the liuyng.

He answereth and sayth, as touching purgatory, hee will not beleeue as their church doth beleeue.* 12.163

10. Item, we articulate, that the church holdeth and beleueth, that Matrimony is a sacrament of the Church.

He aunswered, that he will not say that Matrimony is a Sa∣crament, but to bee a sacrate order and signe of an holy thyng.* 12.164 &c.

Moreouer, hapning into the mention of Martine Lu∣ther, he sayd:* 12.165 that the sayd Martine Luther dyed a good

christen man, whose doctrine and lyfe he did approoue and allowe.

Thus haue ye the articles ministred by the Bishop, & also the answers of the sayd M. Benbrige vnto the same for the which he was then condemned,* 12.166 and after brought to the place of Martyrdome, by the shiriffe called sir Rich. Pecksall, where as he stāding at the stake, began to vntie hsi pointes,* 12.167 and to prepare himselfe. Then hee gaue hys gowne to the keeper, beyng belyke his fee. His Ierkin was laid on with gold lace faire and braue, which he gaue to Sir Richard Pecksall the high shiriffe. His cap of vel∣uet he tooke of from his hed, and threw it away. Then lif∣ting his mynd to the Lord, he made his prayers.

* 12.168That done, beyng now fastened to the stake, D. Sea∣ton willed him to recant, and he should haue his pardon: but when he saw it preuailed not to speake, the said drea∣myng and doltish Doct. willed the people not to pray for him vnlesse he would recant, no more then they woulde pray for a dog.

M. Benbrige standyng at the stake with his handes together in such maner, as the Priest holdeth hys handes in his memento, the sayd D. Seaton came to hym agayne, and exhorted hym to recant: vnto whome he sayde, away Babilonian, away.

Then sayd one that stoode by: Sir, cut out his tongue, & an other beyng a temporall man, rayled on hym worse, then Doct. Seaton did a great deale, who (as is thought) was set on by some other.

Then when they saw he would not yeld, they bade the tormenters to set to fire, and yet he was nothing like coue¦red with fagottes. First the fire tooke away a piece of hys beard,* 12.169 whereat hee nothing shranke at all. Then it came on the other side and tooke his legges, and the nether stoc∣kings of his hose being leather, made the fire to pierce the sharper, so that the intollerable heate thereof made him to cry: I recant, and sodenly therwith he thrust the fire from hym. And hauyng two or three of hys friends by, that wi∣shed his lyfe,* 12.170 they stept to the fire and holpe to take it from him also: who for their labour were sent to prison. The shirife also of his own authoritie tooke hym from the stake and sent him to prison againe: for the which he was sente vnto the Fleete, and there lay a certaine tyme. But before he was taken from the stake, the sayd Seaton wrote arti∣cles to haue hym to subscribe vnto them as touchyng the Pope, the Sacrament, and such other trash. But the sayde M. Benbrige made much ado ere he would subscribe thē, in so much that D. Seaton willed thē to set to fire againe. Then with much paine and great griefe of heart,* 12.171 hee sub∣scribed to them vpon a mans backe. That beyng done, he had his gowne geuen hym agayne, and so was led to pri∣son. Beyng in prison he wrote a letter to D. Seaton, and recanted those words he spake at the stake, vnto which he had subscribed: for he was grieued that euer hee dyd sub∣scribe vnto them. Whereuppon expressyng his conscience, he was the same day seuēnight after burnt in deed, where

[illustration]

The burning of Thomas Benbrige, Gentleman.

* 12.172 the vile tormenters did rather broyle hym, then burne him. The Lord geue his enemies repentance.

The vniust execution and Martyrdome of foure burned at S. Edmunds Bury.

IN this yeare aforesaide, which was the last of Queene Maries raigne, D. Hopton beyng B. of Norwich,* 12.173 and D. Spenser bearing the roume of his Chauncellor, about S. Iames tyde, at S. Edmunds bury, were wrongfully put to death foure christian martyrs, to wit:

• ...Iohn Cooke a Sawyer.
• ...Rob. Myles aliâs Plummer, a Shereman.* 12.174
• ...Alexander Lane a Wheelewright.
• ...Iames Ashley, a Bacheler.

The examination of these forenamed persones, beyng seuerally called before the B. of Norwich, & Sir Edward Walgraue with others, was partly vppon these articles followyng.

First,* 12.175 sir Edward Walgraue called Ioh. Cooke to him and said: How fortuneth it, that you go not to church?

Iohn Cooke sayd: I haue bene there.

Sir Edward said:* 12.176 what is the cause that you goe not thither now in these dayes?

Iohn Cooke said, because the sacrament of the aultare is an abhominable Idol, and (saith he) the vengeaunce of God will come vpon all them that do maintaine it.

Sir Edward said: O thou ranke traitor, if I had as good commission to cut out thy tong, as I haue to sit here this day, thou shouldst be sure to haue it cut out. Then cō∣manded he the Constable to haue him away, saying: hee was both a traitor and a rebell.

Then he called Rob. Myles, and said:* 12.177 How fortuneth it that you go not to the church?

Rob. Myles answered, because I will follow no false Gods.

Then said the B. who told thee that it is a God?

Then said Myles: Euen you and such as you are.

Then the B. commaunded him aside, & to appeare be∣fore hym the next day.

Then he called Alexan. Lane before him,* 12.178 & asked him how it chanced that he would not go to the church?

He sayd that his conscience would not serue him so to doe.

Then sir Edward said: How doest thou beleeue.

Then said Lane, euen as it is written in Gods booke.

Then sir Edward commanded him to say his beliefe.

Then the said Lane being somewhat abashed, said his beliefe to these words, which he missed vnwares: Borne of the virgin Mary.

Then sir Edward said: What, was he not born of the virgin Mary?

Yes, sayd Lane, I would haue said so.

[illustration]

Foure burned at S. Edmondsbury.

Nay, said sir Edward, you are one of Cookes scholers and so commanded him away,* 12.179 and to come before him the next day.

* 12.180After the lyke maner they passed also with Iames Ash∣ley, whom they warned the next day likewyse to appeare before them againe. So in fine they appearing againe, had their condemnatiō. And thus these foure blessed Martyrs & seruants of Christ, innocently suffred together at s. Ed∣mundsbury, as is aforesayd, about the beginnyng of Au∣gust, not long before the sicknes of Queene Mary.

¶The Martyrdome of two godly persons sufferyng at Ipswich for the Gospell of Christ and his euerlastyng te∣stament, named Alexander Gouche, and Alice Driuer.

MAister Noone a iustice in Suffolk, dwelling in Mar∣tlesham,* 12.181 huntyng after good men to apprehend them (as he was a bloudy tyraunt in the dayes of triall) at the length had vnderstanding of one Gouche of Woodbridge, & Driuers wyfe of Grosborough, to bee at Grosborough together, a little from his house, immediately tooke his mē with hym and went thether, and made diligent search for them, where the poore man and woman were compelled to step into an hay golph to hide themselues frō their cru∣elty. At the last they came to search the hay for them, and by gaging thereof with pitchforkes, at the last found them: so they tooke them & led them to Melton Gaole, where, they remainyng a tyme, at the length were caried to Bury, a∣gainst the Assise at S. Iames tide, and beyng there exami∣ned of matters of fayth, did boldly stand to confesse Christ crucified, defiyng the Pope with all his papisticall trashe. And among other thyngs Driuers wife likened Queene Mary in her persecution, to Iezabell, and so in that sense callyng her Iezabel, for that sir Clement Higham beyng chiefe Iudge there, adiudged her eares immediately to be cut off, which was accomplished accordingly, and she ioy∣fully yelded her selfe to the punishment, and thought her selfe happy that she was coūted worthy to suffer any thing for the name of Christ.

After the Assise at Bury, they were caried to Melton Gaole agayne, where they remained a tyme. This Alexā∣der Gouch was a man of the age of 36. yeares or therea∣bouts,* 12.182 and by his occupation was a Weauer of shredding Couerlets, dwellyng at Woodbridge in Suffolke, & borne at Ufford in the same Countie. Driuers wife was a wo∣man about the age of 30. yeares, & dwelt at Grosborough where they were taken, in Suffolke. Her husband did vse husbandry.* 12.183 These two were caried from Melton Gaole to Ipswich, where they remayned & were examined. The which their examination, as it came to our hands, hereaf∣ter followeth.

The examination of Driuers wyfe, before Doct. Spenser the Chauncellor of Norwich.

FIrst, she comming into the place where she should bee examined,* 12.184 with a smiling countenance. Doct. Spenser said: Why woman, doest thou laugh vs to scorne?

Driuers wyfe.

Whether I do, or no, I might well enough, to see what fooles ye be.

Doct. Spenser.

Then the Chauncellour asked her wherfore she was brought before hym, and why she was layed in prison.

Dry.

Wherefore? I thinke I neede not to tell you: for ye know it better then I.

Spens.

No by my troth woman, I know not why.

Dry.

Then haue ye done me muche wrong (quoth shee) thus to imprison me, and know no cause why: for I know no euill that I haue done, I thank God, and I hope there is no man that can accuse me of any notorious fact that I haue done, iustly.

Spenser.

Woman, woman, what sayest thou to the blessed Sacrament of the aultar?* 12.185 Doest thou not beleeue that it is very flesh and bloud, after the words be spoken of con∣secration?

Driuers wife at those words helde her peace, & made no answer. Then a great chuffeheaded priest that stood by, spake, and asked her why shee made not the Chauncel∣lour an aunswere. With that, the sayd Driuers wyfe loo∣ked vpon hym austerely, and sayde: Why Priest, I come not to talke with thee, but I come to talke with thy Mai∣ster:* 12.186 but if thou wilt I shall talke with thee, commaunde thy Maister to holde his peace. And with that the Priest put his nose in hys cappe, and spake neuer a worde more. Then the Chauncellor bade her make aunswere to that he demaunded of her.

Dry.

Sir (sayd she) pardon me though I make no aun∣swer, for I cannot tell what you meane thereby: for in all my lyfe I neuer heard nor read of any such Sacrament in all the Scripture.

Spens.

Why, what scriptures haue you read, I pray you.

Dry.

I haue (I thanke God) read Gods booke.

Spens.

Why, what maner of Booke is that you call Gods booke?

Dry.

It is the old and new Testament. What call you it?

Spens.

That is Gods booke in deed, I cannot deny.

Dry.

That same booke haue I read thoroughout,* 12.187 but yet neuer could find any such sacrament there: & for that cause I cannot make you aunswer to that thing I knowe not. Notwithstanding, for all that, I will grant you a Sacra∣ment, called the Lords supper: and therfore seyng I haue graunted you a Sacrament, I pray you shew me what a sacrament is.

Spens.

It is a signe. And one D. Gascoine beyng by, con∣firmed the same, that it was the signe of an holy thing.* 12.188

Dry.

You haue sayd the truth sir, sayd she. It is a signe in deede, I must needes graunt it: and therefore seyng it is a signe, it cannot be the thyng signified also. Thus farre we do agree: for I haue graunted your owne saying. Then stoode vp the sayd Gascoine, and made an Oration wyth many fayre wordes, but little to purpose, both offensiue & odious to the myndes of the godly. In the ende of which long tale,* 12.189 he asked her if shee did not beleeue the omnipo∣tencie of God, and that he was almighty, and able to per∣forme that he spake. She answered, yes, and said: I do be∣leeue that God is almighty, and able to performe that hee spake and promised.

Gasc.

Uery well. Then he sayd to his disciples: Take, eate, this is my body: Ergo, it was his body.* 12.190 For he was able to performe that he spake, and God vseth not to lye.

Dry.

I pray you did he euer make any such promise to his disciples, that he would make the bread his body?

Gasc.

Those be the wordes. Can you deny it?

Dry.

No, they be the very wordes in deed, I cannot deny it: but I pray you, was it not breade that hee gaue vnto them?

Gasc.

No, it was his body.

Dry.

Then was it his body that they did eat ouer night.

Gasc.

Yea, it was his body.

Dry.

What body was it then that was crucified the nexte day?

Gasc.

It was Christes body.

Dry.

How could that be,* 12.191 when his disciples had eaten him vp ouer night? except he had two bodies, as by your ar∣gument he had: one they did eate ouer night, and another was crucified the next day. Such a Doctor, such doctrine. Be you not ashamed to teach the people, that Christ had two bodies? In the 22. of Luke, He tooke bread, and brake it, and gaue it to his disciples, saying: Take, &c. and do this in the remembraunce of me. Saint Paule also sayeth, 1. Cor. 11. Do this in the remembraunce of me: for as often as ye shall eate this bread, and drinke this cup, ye shall shewe the Lordes death till he come: and therefore I meruaile ye blushe not before all this people, to lye so manifestly as ye doe. With that Gascoine held his peace, & made her no answer: for,* 12.192 as it seemed, he was ashamed of his doyngs. Then the Chan∣cellor lift vp his hed of from his cushion, and commanded the Gaoler to take her away.

Dry.

Now, sayd she, ye be not able to resist the truth, ye cō∣maund me to prison agayne. Well,* 12.193 the Lord in the end shal iudge our cause, and to hym I leaue it. Iwisse, iwisse, this geare will go for no payment then. So went she with the Gaoler away.

The second examination of Alice Dryuer.

THe next day she came before them agayne, & the Chan∣cellor then asked her,* 12.194 what she said to the blessed sacra∣ment of the aulter.

Dry.

I will say nothing to it: for you will neither beleeue me nor your selues. For yesterday I asked you what a sa∣crament was, and you sayde, it was a signe, and I agreed therto, & sayd, it was the truth, confirming it by the scrip∣tures, so that I went not from your owne words:* 12.195 & now ye come and aske me agayne of such a sacrament as I told you I neuer red of in the scriptures.

Spens.

Thou lyest naughty woman, we did not say that it was a signe.

Dry.

Why maisters be ye not the mē that you were yester∣day? will ye eat your owne wordes? Are ye not ashamed to lie before all this multitude here present, who heard you speake the same?

Then stoode vp D. Gascoine & said, she was deceyued: for there were three churches: the malignant church, the

church militant, and the church triumphāt. So he would ••ame haue made matter, but he could not tell which way.

Dry.

Sir, is there mention made of so many Churches in the scripture?

Gasc.

* 12.196Yea.

Dry.

I pray you where find you this word (Church) writ∣ten in the scripture?

Gasc.

It is written in the new Testament.

Dry

I pray you sir shew the place where it is written.

Gasc.

I cannot tell the place, but there it is. With that she desired him to looke in his Testament. Then he fombled & sought about him for one: but at that tyme he had none & that he knew well enough, though he seemed to search for it. At the last she said: Haue ye none here sir?

Gasc.

No.

D••y.

I thought so much in deede, that ye were little ac∣quainted withall. Surely, you be a good Doctor. You say you sit here to iudge accordyng to the law,* 12.197 and howe can you geue iudgement, & haue not the booke of the law with you? At which words Gascoine was out of countenance, and asked her if she had one.

Dry.

No, sayd she.

Gasc.

Then sayd he, I am as good a doctor as you.

Dry.

Well sir, I had one, but you tooke it from me (as you would take me from Christ, if you could) and since would ye not suffer me to haue any booke at all: so burnyng is your charitie.* 12.198 But you may well know (I thanke God) that I haue exercised the same: Els could I not haue an∣swered you (to Gods glory be it spokē) as I haue. Thus she put them all to silence, that one looked on another, and had not a word to speake.

Dry.

Haue you no more to say? God be honoured. You bee not able to resist the spirit of God in me a poore woman, I was an honest poore mans daughter, neuer brought vp in the vniuersitie as you haue bene,* 12.199 but I haue driuen the plough before my father many a tyme (I thanke God:) yet notwithstandyng in the defence of Gods truth, and in the cause of my maister Christ, by his grace I will set my foote against the foote of any of you all, in the maintenance and defence of the same, and if I had a thousand lyues, it would go for payment thereof.* 12.200 So the Chancellour rose vp, and red the sentence in Latine of condemnation, and committed her to the secular power, & so went she to pri∣son agayne, as ioyful as the bird of day, praysing and glo∣rifiyng the name of God.

¶Alexander Gouche, Martyr.

AT which tyme Alexander Gouch also was examined, who was taken with her, as before is said, whose exa∣mination here after followeth.

This Alexander Gouch was examined chiefly of the Sacrament & other ceremonies of the popish church.* 12.201 And as for that his beliefe was, that Christ was ascended into heauen, and there remayneth, & that the Sacrament was the remembraunce of his death and passion, and for refu∣sing the Masse, and the Pope to be supreme hed of Christs Church, for these causes was he condemned, & died with Alice Dryuer at Ipswich, the 4. of Nouember which was the Monday after All Saintes, 1558. D. Myles, Spenser beyng Chancellor, they both endyng their lyues with ear∣nest zeale, nothing fearyng to speake their conscience whē they were commaunded to the contrary.

These two godly personnes beyng come to the place where the stake was set by 7. of the clocke in the morning,* 12.202 notwithstandyng they came the selfe same mornyng from Melton Gaole, which is vj. myles from Ipswich, beyng in their prayers, and singyng of Psalmes both of them to∣gether, Sir Henry Dowell then beyng Shiriffe, was ve∣ry much offended with them, and wylled the Bailiffes of Ipswich to bidde them make an ende of their Prayers, they kneelyng vpon a broome fagot, one of the Bailiffes, whose name was Richard Smart, commaunded them to make an ende, saying: On, on, haue done, haue done: make an ende, nayle them to the stake, yet they continued in prayer.

Then sir Henry sent one of his men, whose name is Rich. Coue, that they should make an end.

* 12.203Then Gouch stood vp, and sayd vnto the Shiriffe: I pray you M. Shirife let vs pray a litle while, for we haue but a little tyme to lyue here.

Then said the Bailife: Come of, haue them to the fire.

Then the sayd Gouch and Alice Driuer sayde: Why M. Shiriffe, and M. Bayliffe, wyll you not suffer vs to pray?

Away, said sir Henry, to the stake with them.

Gouch answered: Take heed M. shiriffe. If you for∣bid praier, the vengeance of God hangeth ouer your heds.

[illustration]

The Martyrdome of Alexander Gouch, and Driuers wyfe.

Then they beyng tied to the stake, and the iron chaine b••∣yng put about Alice Driuers necke: O (said she) here is a goodly neckerchiefe, blessed be God for it.

Then diuers came & tooke them by the handes as they were bound standing at the stake. The shiriffe cryed, laye hands on them, lay hands on them. With that a great nū∣ber ran to the stake. The shirife seyng that, let them all a∣lone, so that there was not one taken.

There was one Bate a Barbour, a busie doer about thē, who hauing thē a freese gowne vpon hym, sold it im∣mediately: saying, it stunke of heretikes,* 12.204 with other foule wordes moe. After this, within three or foure weekes, Gods hand was vpon hym, and so he dyed very misera∣bly in Ipswich.

The Martyrdome of three which were burned at Bury, for the true testimony of Iesus Christ.

ALthough our history hasteth apace (the Lord be pray∣sed) to the happy death of Queene Mary,* 12.205 yet she died not so soone, but some there were burned before, and moe should haue bene burnt soone after them, if Gods prouisi∣on had not preuented her with death. In the number of them which suffred the same month when Queene Mary died, were three that were burned at Bury, whose names were these:

• ...Phillip Humfrey.
• ...Iohn Dauid.
• ...Henry Dauid, his brother.

Concernyng the burnyng of these three,* 12.206 here is to bee noted, that sir Clement Higham about a fortnight before the Queen died, did sue out a writ for the burning of these three aforesayd godly and blessed Martyrs, notwithstan∣dyng that the Queene was then known to be past reme∣die of her sicknesse.

The trouble and Martyrdome of a godly poore woman which suffred at Exeter.

* 12.207

ALthough in such an innumerable company of godlye Martyrs, which in sundry quarters of this Realme were put to torments of fire in Q. Maries time, it be hard so exactly to recite euery perticular person that suffred, but that some escape vs eyther vnknowen, or omitted: yet I

can not passe ouer a certaine poore woman, and a sely crea∣ture, burned vnder the sayd queenes reigne, in the City of Exeter (whose name I haue not yet learned:) who dwel∣ling sometime about Cornewall, hauing a husbande and childrē there,* 12.208 much addicted to the superstitious sect of po∣pery: was many times rebuked of thē, & driuē to go to the church, to their Idols and ceremonies, to shrift, to follow the Crosse in Procession, to geue thankes to God for resto∣ryng Antichrist agayne into this Realme. &c. Which when her spirit could not abide to do, she made her prayer vnto God, calling for helpe and mercy, and so at length lying in her bed, about midnight, she thought there came to her a certaine motion and feeling of singuler comfort.* 12.209 Wherup∣on in short space, she beganne to grow in contempt of her husband and children, and so taking nothing from them, but euen as she went, departed from them, seeking her ly∣uing by labor & spinning as well as she could, here & there for a time. In which time notwithstanding she neuer cea∣sed to vtter her minde, as well as she durst: howbeit she at that time was brought home to her husband agayn. Wher at last she was accused by her neighbours, and so brought vp to Exeter, to be presented to the Bishop and his Cler∣gy. The name of the Bishop which had her in examinati∣on, was Doctour Troubleuile. His Chauncellour (as I gather) was Blackstone. The chiefest matter whereupon she was charged and condemned, was for the Sacrament (which they call of the Aultar) and for speaking against I∣dols, as by the declaration of those which were present▪ I vnderstand, which report the talk betwene her and the bi∣shop on this wise.

Bishop.

* 12.210Thou foolish woman (quoth the Byshop) I heare say that thou hast spoken certayne words of the most bles∣sed Sacrament of the Aultar, the body of Christ. Fye for shame. Thou art an vnlearned person and a woman: wilt thou meddle with such highe matters, whiche all the Doc∣tours of the worlde can not define? Wilt thou talke of so high misteryes? Keepe thy worke, & medle with that thou hast to do. It is no womans matters, at cardes and towe to be spoken of. And if it be as I am infourmed, thou art worthy to be burned.

Woman.

My Lord (sayde she) I trust your Lordship will heare me speake.

Bish.

Yea mary (quoth he) therfore I send for thee.

Woman.

I am a poore woman & do liue by my hands, get∣ting a peny truely & of that I get I geue part to the poore.

Bish.

That is well done. Art thou not a mans wife?

And here the Bishop entred into talke of her husband.

To whom she answered againe, declaring that she had a husband and children: and had them not. So long as she was at liberty, she refused not, neyther husband, nor chil∣dren.* 12.211 But now standing here as I doe (sayd she) in y^e cause of Christ & his trueth, where I must either forsake Christ, or my husband, I am contēted to sticke onely to Christ my heauenly spouse, and renounce the other.

And here she making mention of the words of Christ: He that leaueth not father or mother, sister or brother, husband. &c. the Byshop inferred that Christ spake that of the holy martyrs, which dyed because they would not doe sacrifice to the false Gods.

Woman.

Sikerly syr, and I will rather dye then I will do any worship to that foule Idoll, whiche with your Masse you make a God.

Bish.

Yea, you callet, will you say that the sacrament of the aultar is a foule Idoll?

Wom.

* 12.212Yea truly, quoth she: there was neuer such an Idoll as your sacramēt is, made of your priestes, & cōmaūded to be worshipped of al mē, with many fōd phantasies, where Christ did commaund it to be eaten & drunken in remem∣braunce of his most blessed passion our redemption.

Bish.

See this pratling woman. Doest thou not heare, that Christ did say ouer the bread: This is my body, & ouer the cup: This is my bloud?

Wom.

Yes forsooth, he sayd so, but he meant that it is hys body and bloud not carnally, but sacramentally.

Bish.

Loe, she hath heard pratling among these new prea∣chers, or heard some peeuish book. Alas poore womā, thou art deceiued.

Wom.

No, my Lorde, that I haue learned, was of Godly preachers,* 12.213 & of godly books which I haue heard read. And if you will geue me leaue, I will declare a reason why I will not worship the sacrament.

Bish.

Mary say on, I am sure it will be goodly geare.

Woman.

Truely such geare as I will loose this poore life of mine for.

Bish.

Then you will be a martyr good wife.

Woman.

In deed if the denying to worshippe that bready God be my martyrdome, I will suffer it with all my hart.

Bish.

Say thy minde.

Wom.

You must beare with me a poore woman, quoth she.

Bish.

So I will, quoth he.

Woman.

I will demaunde of you, whether you can denye your creed, which doth say, that Christ perpetually doth sit at the right hand of his father both body & soule, vntill he come againe, or whether he be there in heauē our aduocate & do make prayer for vs vnto God his father. If it be so, he is not here in the earth in a piece of bread. If he be not here, & if he do not dwel in temples made with hands, but in heauen, what shall we seeke him here? if he did offer his body once for all, why make you a new offering? if w^t once offring he made al perfect, why do you with a false offring make al vnperfect? if he be to be worshipped in spirite and truth, why doe you worship a piece of bread? if he be eaten & drunkē in faith & truth, if his flesh be not profitable to be among vs, why do you say, you make his body and fleshe, and say it is profitable for body & soule? Alas, I am a poore woman: but rather then I would do as you doe, I would liue no longer. I haue sayd syr.

Bish.

I promise you, you are a iolly protestant, I pray you in what schooles haue you bene brought vp?

Wom.

I haue vpon the sondayes visited the sermons, and there haue I learned suche thinges, as are so fixed in my brest that death shall not separate them.

Bish.

O foolish woman, who wil wast his breath vpō thee or such as thou art? But how chaunceth it that thou wen∣test away from thy husbande? if thou were an honest wo∣man, thou wouldest not haue left thyne husband and chil∣dren, and runne about the country like a fugitiue.

Wom.

Syr, I laboured for my liuing: And as my mayster Christ counselleth me, when I was persecuted in one city, I fled vnto another.

Bish.

Who persecuted thee?

Wom.

My husband and my children.* 12.214 For when I woulde haue him to leaue Idolatry, and to worship God in hea∣uen, he would not heare me, but he with his children rebu∣ked me, and troubled me. I fled not for whoredom, nor for theft, but because I would be no partaker with him & his, of that foule Idoll the Masse. And whersoeuer I was, as oft as I could vpon sondayes and holy dayes I made ex∣cuses not to go to the popish church.

Bish.

Belike thē you are a good houswife, to flee from your husband, and also from the church.

Wom.

My houswifry is but small but God geue me grace to go to the true church.

Bish.

The true church: what doest thou meane?

Woman.

Not your Popish Church, full of Idolles and a∣bominations, but where three or foure are gathered toge∣ther in the name of God, to that Church wil I go as long as I liue.

Bish.

Belike then you haue a Church of your owne. Well, let this mad woman be put down to prison, vntil we send for her husband.

Wom.

No, I haue but one husband, which is here already in this city and in prison with me, from whom I will ne∣uer depart: and so theyr communication for that day brake of. Blackstone and others perswaded the Bishop that she was a mazed creature, and not in her perfect wit (which is no new thing, for the wisedome of God to appere foolish∣nes to carnall men of this world) & therfore they consulted together, that she should haue liberty and go at large. So the keper of the bishops prison had her home to his house, where shee fell to spinning and carding, and did all other worke as a seruant in the said kepers house & went about the city, when and whither she would, and diuers had de∣light to talke with her. And euer shee continued talking of the sacrament of the aultar. Which, of all thing they coulde least abide. Then was her husband sent for, but she refused to go home with him, with the blemish of the cause and re∣ligion, in defence wherof she there stood before the Bishop and the priestes.

Then diuers of the Priestes had her in handling,* 12.215 per∣swading her to leaue her wicked opinion about the sacra∣ment of the aultar, the naturall body and bloud of our Sa∣uiour Christ. But she made them aunsweare, that it was nothing but very bread and wine, and that they might be ashamed to say, that a piece of bread should be turned by a man into the naturall body of Christ, which bread doth vi∣now, and Mice oftentimes do eate it, and it doth ••ould & is burned: And (sayde she) Gods owne body wyll not be so handled, nor kept in prison, or boxes, or aumbries. Let it be your God: it shall not be mine: for my Sauiour sitteth on the right hand of God, & doth pray for me. And to make that sacramētal or significatiue bread instituted for a remē∣brance, the very bodye of Christ, and to worship it, it is ve∣ry foolishnes and deuillish deceit.

Now truly (sayd they) the deuill hath deceiued thee.

No (sayd she) I trust the liuing God hath opened mine

eyes, and caused me to vnderstand the right vse of the bles∣sed sacrament, which the true church doth vse, but the false church doth abuse.

Then stept forth an old Frier, and asked what she said of the holy Pope.* 12.216

I (sayd she) say that he is Antichrist and the deuill.

Then they all laughed.

Nay (sayde she) you had more neede to weepe then to laugh, & to be sory that euer you were borne, to be the cha∣pleines of that whore of Babilon. I defie him and all hys falshood: and get you away frō me: you do but trouble my conscience. You would haue me folow your doinges: I will first loose my life. I pray you depart.

Why, thou foolish woman (sayd they) we come to thee for thy profite and soules health.

O Lord God (sayd she) what profite riseth by you that teach nothing but lyes for trueth? how saue you Soules, when you preach nothing but damnable lyes, and destroy soules.

How prouest thou that (sayd they?)

Do you not damne soules (sayd she) when you teache the people to worship Idolles, Stockes, and Stones, the worke of mens handes? and to worship a false GOD of your owne making, of a piece of breade, and teach that the Pope is Gods Uicar, and hath power to forgeue sinnes? and that there is a Purgatory, when Gods sonne hath by his Passion purged all? and say, you make God and sa∣crifice him, when Christes bodye was a Sacrifice once for all?* 12.217 Doe you not teach the people to number theyr sinnes in your eares, and say they be damned, if they confesse not all: when Gods word sayth: Who can number hys sinnes? Do you not promise them Trentals and Diriges, & mas∣ses for soules, and sell your prayers for money, and make them buy pardons, and trust to such foolish inuentions of your owne imaginations? Do you not altogether against God? Doe you not teache vs to pray vpon Beades, and to pray vnto Sayntes, and say they can pray for vs? Do you not make holy water and holy bread to fray Deuils? Doe you not a thousand more abhominatiōs? And yet you say, you come for my profite and to saue my soule. No, no, one hath saued me. Farewell you with your saluation. Muche other talke there was betwene her and them, which here were too tedious to be expressed.

In the meane time during this her monethes libertye graunted to her by the Byshop, which we spake of before, it happened that she entring in saynt Peters Church, be∣held there a cunning Dutchman how he made new noses to certayne fine Images whiche were disfigured in Kyng Edwardes time: What a madde man art thou (sayde she) to make them new noses, which within a few dayes shall all lose theyr heades. The Dutchman accused her, & layde it hard to her charge. And she sayd vnto him: Thou art ac∣cursed, and so are thy Images. He called her Whoore. Nay (sayd she) thy Images are Whoores, and thou art a Whore hunter: for doth not GOD say: You go a whoryng after straunge Gods, figures of your owne making? and thou art one of them. Then was she sent for, and clapped fast: and from that time she had no more liberty.

Duringe the time of her imprisonment, diuers resor∣ted to her,* 12.218 to visit her, some sent of the byshop, some of their owne voluntary will: amongest whō was one Daniell a great doer and preacher sometimes of the Gospell, in the dayes of king Edward, in those parties of Cornewall and Deuonshyre, whom after that she perceiued by his owne confession, to haue reuolted from that whiche he preached before, through the grieuous imprisonmentes (as he sayd) and feare of persecution, whiche he had partly susteined by the cruell Iustices in those parties, earnestly she exhorted him to repent with Peter, and to be more constant in his profession.

Moreouer, there resorted to her a certeine worthy gen∣tlewoman, the wife of one Walter Rauley, a womā of no∣ble wit, and of a good & godly opinion, came to the prisō & talked with her: she sayd her creede to the gentlewoman, & when she came to the Article· He ascended: there she stayed, and bade the Gentlewoman to seeke his blessed bodye in heauen, not in earth, & told her playnly that God dwelleth not in temples made with handes, & that sacrament to be nothing els but a remembrance of his blessed passion, & yet (sayd she) as they now vse it, it is but an Idoll, & far wide from any remembrance of Christes body? which (sayd she) will not long continue, & so take it good maistres. So that as soone as she came home to her husband, she declared to him, that in her life, she neuer heard a woman (of such sim∣plicity to see to) talk so godly, so perfectly, so sincerely, & so earnestly: in so muche that if God were not with her, shee could not speak such things: to the which I am not able to answere her (sayd she) who can read, and she can not.

Also there came to her one William Kede,* 12.219 and Iohn his brother, not onely brethren in the flesh, but also in the truth, and men in that Country of great credite, whose fa∣ther Robert Kede, all his life suffered nothing but trou∣ble for the Gospell. These two good and faythfull brethrē were present with her, both in the hall and also at the pri∣son, & (as they reported) they neuer heard the like woman: of so godly talke, so faythfull, or so constant, & as godly ex∣hortations she gaue them.

Thus this good matrone, the very seruant and hand∣mayd of Christ,* 12.220 was by many wayes tried both by harde prisonment, threatninges, tauntes, and scornes, called an Anabaptist, a madde woman, a drunkard, a whoore▪ a run∣nagate. She was prooued by liberty to goe whither she would: she was tryed by flattery, with many fayre promi∣ses: she was tryed with her husband, her goodes and chil∣dred, but nothing could preuayle: her hart was fixed, shee had cast her anker, vtterly contēning this wicked world: A rare ensample of constancy to all professors of Christes holy Gospell.

In the bill of my Information, it is so reported to me, that albeit shee was of suche simplicity and without lear∣ning, yet you could declare no place of Scripture, but she would tell you the Chapter: yea, she woulde recite to you the names of all the bookes of the Bible. For whiche cause one Gregory Basset a rancke Papist, sayd, she was out of her wit, and talked of the Scripture,* 12.221 as a dogge rangeth farre of from his mayster whē he walketh in the fieldes, or as a stolen sheepe out of his maisters handes, she wist not wherat, as all heretickes do, with many other such taūtes, which she vtterly defyed.* 12.222 Whereby as almightye God is highly to be praysed, working so mightely in such a weake vessell: so men of stronger and stouter nature, haue also to take example how to stand in like case: whē as we see this poore woman, how manfully she went through with such constancy and pacience.

At the last, when they perceiued her to be past remedy, and had consumed all theyr threatninges, that by neyther prisonmēt nor liberty, by manaces nor flattery, they could bring her to sing any other song, nor win her to their va∣nities and superstitious doinges, then they cryed out, An Anabaptist, an Anabaptist. Then at a daye they brought her from the Bishops prison to the Guildhall,* 12.223 & after that deliuered her to the tēporall power, according to their cu∣stome, where shee was by the Gentlemen of the countrey exhorted yet to call for grace, & to leaue her fond opinions: And go home to thy husband (sayd they:) thou art an vn∣learned woman, thou art not able to answere to such high matters.

I am not, sayd she: yet with my death I am content to be a witnes of Christs death: and I pray you make no lō∣ger delay with me: my hart is fixed, I will neuer other∣wise say, nor turne to theyr superstitious doinges.

Then the bishop sayd, the deuill did lead her.

No my Lord (sayd she) it is the spirite of God whiche leadeth me, and which called me in my bed, & at midnight opened his truth to me. Thā was there a great shout and laughing among the priestes and other.

During the time that this good poore woman was thus vnder these priestes handes, amongest many other baytinges and sore conflictes whiche she susteyned by thē, here is moreouer not to be forgotten, howe that Mayster Blaxton aforesayd, being treasurer of the Church, had a concubine which sundry times resorted to him, with other of his gossips: so that alwayes when they came, this sayde good woman was called forth to his house, there to make his miniō with the rest of the company some myrth, he ex∣amining her with suche mocking & gyruing, deriding the truth, that it would haue vexed any christian hart to haue seene it. Then when he had long vsed his foolishnes in this sort, & had sported himselfe enough in deriding this chri∣stian martyr: in the end he sent her to prison agayne, and there kept her very miserablye, sauing that sometimes he would send for her, when his foresayd guest came to him, to vse with her his accustomed folly aforesaid. But in sine, these vile wretches (after many combates and scoffing per¦swasions) whē they had played the part of the cat with the mouse, at length condemned her, and deliuered her ouer to the secular power.

Then the Indictment beyng geuen and read, whiche was, that she should go to the place whence she came,* 12.224 and from thence to be led to the place of execution, then & there to bee burned with flames till shee shoulde bee consumed: shee lifted vppe her voyce and thanked GOD, saying: I thanke thee my Lord my God, this daye haue I founde that which I haue long sought. But such outcries as ther were agayne, and such mockings were neuer seene vpō a poore seely woman: Al which she most paciently took. And

yet this fauour they pretended after her iudgement, that her life should be spared, if she would turne & recant. Nay, that will I not (sayd she:) God forbyd that I shoulde loose the life eternall for this carnall and shorte life. I wyll ne∣uer turne from my heauenly husband, to my earthly hus∣band: from the feloshippe of aungels, to mortall children: And if my husband and children be faythfull, then am I theirs. God is my father, God is my mother, God is my Sister, my Brother, my Kinsman, God is my frend moste faythfull.

Then was she deliuered to the Shiriffe, & innumera∣ble people beholding her,* 12.225 she was led by the officers to the place of executiō, without the walles of Exeter, called So∣thenhey, where agayne these superstitious priestes assaul∣ted her: and she prayed them to haue no more talke wyth her, but cryed still, God be merciful to me a sinner, God be mercifull to me a sinner. And so whiles they were tying her to the stake, thus still she cried, and would geue no an∣swere to thē, but with much pacience tooke her cruel death, and was with the flames and fire consumed: and so ended

[illustration]

¶The cruell burning of a woman at Exeter.

* 12.226 this mortall life as cōstant a woman in the fayth of Christ, as euer was vpon the earth. She was as simple a womā to see to as any man might beholde: of a very little & short stature, somewhat thicke, about 54. yeares of age. She had a chearefull countenance, so liuely, as though she had bene prepared for that day of her mariage to meete the Lambe: most pacient of her wordes & answeres, sober in apparel, meat & drinke, and would neuer be idle: a great comfort to as many as would talke with her: good to the poore: and in her trouble, mony, she sayde, she woulde take none: for she sayd, I am going to a city wher mony beareth no maistry: whiles I am here, God hath promised to feede me. Thus was her mortall life ended. For whose constancie God be euerlastingly praysed. Amen.

Touching the name of this woman (as I haue nowe learned) she was the wife of one called Prest, dwelling in the Dioces of Exeter, not farre from Launceston.

¶The Persecution and Martyrdome of three godly men burnt at Bristow, about the latter yeares of Queene Maries reigne.

IN writing of the blessed Sayntes, which suffered in the bloudy dayes of queene Mary,* 12.227 I had almost ouerpassed the names and story of three godly Martyrs, whiche with theyr bloud gaue testimony likewise to y^e gospell of Christ, being condemned and burnt in the town of Bristow. The names of whom were these:

• ...Richard Sharpe.
• ...Thomas Benion.
• ...* 12.228Thomas Hale.

First, Richarde Sharpe Weauer, of Bristowe,* 12.229 was brought the 9. day of Marche. an. 1556. before M. Dalbye Chauncellour of the Towne or City of Bristow, and after examination concerning the sacrament of the aultar, was perswaded by the sayde Dalbye and others, to recant, and the 29. of the same moneth was enioyned to make his re∣cantation before the Parishioners in his parish Churche. Which whē he had done, he felt in his cōscience such a tor∣menting hell, that he was not able quietly to worke in his occupation, but decayed and chaunged, both in colour and liking of his body. Who shortly after vpon a sonday came into his parish Church, called Temple, & after high masse, came to the queere doore & sayd with a loud voyce: Neigh∣bors, beare me recorde that yonder Idoll (and poynted to the aultar) is the greatest and most abhominable that euer was: and I am sory that euer I denied my Lord GOD. Then the Constables were commaunded to apprehende him, but none stepped forth, but suffered him to goe out of the Church. After by night he was apprehended and cari∣ed to Newgate, & shortly after, he was brought before the sayd Chauncellor,* 12.230 denying the sacrament of the aultar to be the body & bloud of Christ, & sayd, it was an Idoll, and therfore was cōdemned to be burnt by the sayd Dalby, He was burnt the 7. of May. 1557. and dyed godly, paciently, and constantly, confessing the articles of our fayth.

¶Thomas Hale, Martyr.

THe Thursday in the night, before Easter .1557. came one M. Dauid Herris Alderman, & Iohn Stone,* 12.231 to y^e house of one Thomas Hale, a Shoomaker, of Bristowe, & caused him to rise out of his bedde, & brought hym foorth of his dore. To whō y^e said Tho. Hale said: You haue sought my bloud these two yeares, & now much good do it you w^t it. Who being committed to the watchmen, was caried to Newgate, the 24. of April, the yere aforesaid was brought before M. Dalby the Chancelor committed by him to pri∣son, & after by him condemned to be burnt, for saying the sacrament of the altar to be an Idoll. He was burned the 7. of May, with the foresayd Rich. Sharpe, & godly, paci∣ently, and constantly embracing the fire with his armes.

[illustration]

Two Godly Martyrs burned at Bristow.

* 12.232

Richard Sharpe & Thomas Hale were burned both together in one fire, and bound backe to backe.

Thomas Benion.

THomas Benion a Weauer, at the commaundement of the Commissioners, was brought by a Constable,* 12.233 the thirtenth daye of August. 1557. before Mayster Dalbye Chauncellour of Bristow, who committed him to pryson for saying there was nothing but bread in the Sacrament as they vsed it. Wherefore, the twenty day of the sayd Au∣gust he was condemned to be burnt by the sayd Dalby, for denying fiue of theyr Sacramentes, and affirming two,

that is: the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ, and the Sacrament of Baptisme. He was burnt the seuen and twenty of the sayd moneth and yeare, and dyed god∣ly,

[illustration]

Thomas Benion burned at Bristow.

* 12.234 constantly and patiently, with confessing the articles of our christian fayth.

¶The Martyrdome of fiue constant Christians, which suffered the last of all other in the time of Queene Mary.

* 12.235THe last that suffred in Queene Maries time, were fiue at Caunterburye, burned about sixe dayes before the death of Queene Mary, whose names follow here vnder written.

• ...Iohn Corneford, of Wortham.
• ...Christopher Browne, of Maydstone.
• ...Iohn Herst, of Ashford.
• ...* 12.236Alice Snoth.
• Katherine Knight, otherwise called Katherine Tynley, an aged woman.

These fiue, to close vp the finall rage of queene Maries persecution,* 12.237 for the testimony of that word, for whiche so many had died before, gaue vp theyr liues, meekly and pa∣ciently suffering the violent malice of the Papistes. Which Papists although they then might haue either well spared them, or els deferred theyr death, knowing of the sicknesse of Queene Mary: yet such was the implacable despite of that generation, that some there be that say, the Archdeacō of Canterbury the same time being at London, & vnder∣standing the daunger of the Queene, incontinently made al post hast home to dispatch these, whom before he had thē in his cruell custody.

The matter why they were iudged to the fire, was for beleuing the body not to be in the sacrament of the aulter,* 12.238 vnlesse it be receiued, saying moreouer that we receiue an other thing also beside Christes body, which we see, and is a temporall thing, according to S. Paule: The thinges that be sene, be temporall. &c.

Item, for confessing that an euill man doth not receiue Christes body: Because no man hath the sonne, except it be ge∣uen him of the father.

Item, that it is Idolatry to creepe to the crosse and S. Iohn forbidding it, sayth, Beware of Images.

Itē, for confessing that we should not pray to our La∣dy and other Sayntes, because they be not omnipotent.

For these and such other articles of Christian doctrine, were these fiue committed to the fire. Agaynst whom whē the sentence shoulde be read, and they excommunicate, af∣ter the maner of the papistes,* 12.239 one of them, Iohn Cornford by name, styrred with a vehemēt spirit of the zeale of god, proceeding in a more true excōmunication agaynst the pa∣pistes, in the name of them all, pronounced sentēce against them, in these wordes as folow.

In the name of our Lord Iesus Christ the sonne of the most mighty God, and by the power of his holy spirite,* 12.240 & the authority of his holy catholick & Apostolick church, we do geue here into th•• handes of Satan, to be destroyed, the bodies of all those blasphemers & hereticks, that do main∣teine any error agaynst his most holy word, or do cōdemne his most holy truth for heresy, to the mainteinaunce of any false Churche or fayned Religion, so that by this thy iuste iudgement, O most mighty God, against thy aduersaries, thy true religion may be knowne, to thy great glory, and our comfort, and to the edifying of al our natiō. Good Lord so be it. Amen.

This sentence of excommunication beyng the same time openly pronounced and registred, proceeding so, as it seemeth from an inwarde fayth and hartye zeale to Gods trueth and Religion, tooke such effect agaynst the enemye, that within sixe dayes after, Queene Mary dyed, and the tyranny of all Englishe Papistes with her. Albeit, not∣withstanding the sicknes and death of that queene, wher∣of they were not ignorant, yet the Archdeacon, with other of Caunterbury,* 12.241 thought to dispatch the Martyrdome of these men before.

[illustration]

¶The burning of fiue Martyrs at Caunterbury.

* 12.242

In the which fact, the tyranny of this Archdeacon see∣meth to exceede the crueltye of Boner: who notwithstan∣ding he had certayne the same time vnder his custodye, yet he was not so importune in haling them to the fire, as ap∣peareth by father Liuing and his wife, and diuers other, who being the same time vnder the custody and daūger of Boner, deliuered by the death of Queene Mary, remayne yet some of them aliue.

These godly martirs in theyr prayers which they made before their martirdome, desired God y^t theyr bloud might be the last that should be shed, and so it was.

This Katherine Tynley was the mother of one Ro∣bert Tynley now dwelling in Maydstone, which Robert was in trouble all Queene Maryes time. To whom hys Mother comming to visite him, asked him how he tooke this place of Scripture (which she had seene, not by rea∣ding of the Scripture, for she had yet in maner no taste of Religion, but had found it by chaunce in a Booke of pray∣ers: I will poure out my spirite vpon all flesh, and your sonnes and your daughters shall prophesy: your olde men shall dreame dreames, and your young men shall see visions.* 12.243 And also vpon the seruantes, and vpon the maydes in those dayes will I poure my spirite. &c. Which place after that he had expounded to her, she began to take hold on the Gospell, growing more and more in zeale and loue thereof, and so continued vnto her Martyrdome.

Among such young women as were burned at Caun∣terbury, it is recorded of a certayne mayd, and supposed to be this Alice Snoth here in this story mentioned,* 12.244 or els to be Agnes Snoth aboue storied, pag. 1751. (for they were

both burned) that when she was brought to bee executed, she being at the stake, called for her godfather and godmo∣thers. The Iustice hearing her, sent for thē, but they durste not come. Notwithstanding the Iustice willed the messē∣ger to go agayne, and to shew them that they should incur no daunger therfore.

Then they hearing that, came to knowe the matter of theyr sending for.* 12.245 When the maide saw them, she asked thē what they had promised for her: and so she immediatly re∣hearsed her fayth, and the commaundements of God, and required of them, if there were any more that they had pro∣mised in her behalfe: and they sayd no.

Then sayd shee: I dye a Christian woman: beare wit∣nes of me, and so cruelly in fire was she consumed, & gaue ioyfully her life vp for the testimony of Christes Gospell, to the terrour of the wicked, and comfort of the godly, and also to the stopping of the sclaunderous mouthes of suche, as falsly doe quarrell agaynst these faythfull Martyrs for going from that religion wherein by theyr Godfathers & Godmothers they were first baptised.

¶The story and condemnation of Iohn Hunt, and Richard White, ready to be burnt, but by the death of Queene Mary escaped the fire.

BEsides these Martyrs aboue named, diuers there were in diuers other places of the Realme impriso∣ned,* 12.246 whereof some were but newly taken and not yet examined, some begon to be examined but were not yet condemned, certayne both examined and condemned but for lacke of the writ escaped.

Other there were also, both condemned, and the writ also was brought downe for theyr burning, and yet by the death of the Chaūcellor, the bishop, and of Queene Mary happening together about one time, they most happely & maruellously were preserued and liued many yeres after. In the number of whom was one Iohn Hunt and Rich. White imprisoned at Salisbury. Touching which historie something here is to be shewed.

First these two good men and faythfull seruauntes of the Lord aboue named, to wit, Iohn Hunt, and Richarde White had remayned long time in prison at Salisburye, & other places therabout, the space of two yeares and more. During which time, oft times they were called to exami∣nation, & manifold waies were impugned by the Bishop, and the Priestes. All whose examinations, as I thoughte not much needefull here to prosecute or to searche out, for the length of the volume: so neither agayne did I thinke it good to leaue no memorye at all of the same, but some part to expresse, namely of the examination of Richarde White before the Bishop of Salisbury, the Bishop of Glocester, with the Chauncellour and other Priestes, not vnworthy perchaunce to be rehearsed.

*The examination of Richard White, before the Byshop of Salisbury in his chamber in Salisbury, the 26. day of Aprill. an. 1557.

* 12.247THe Bishop of Salisbury at that time was Docor Ca∣pon. The Bishop of Glocester was Doctor Brookes. These with Doctour Geffrey the Chauncelour of Salis∣bury, and a great number of Priestes sitting in iudgemēt, Richarde White was brought before them. With whome first the Bishop of Glocester, which had the examination of him, beginneth thus.

Bishop Brookes.

Is this the prisoner?

The chauncellour.

Yea my Lord.

Brookes.

Frend, wherefore camest thou hether?

White.

My Lord I trust to know y^e cause, for y^e lawe saith: in the mouth of two or three witnesses things must stand.

Doctour Capon.

Did not I examine thee of thy fayth whē thou camest hether?

White.

No my Lord, you did not examine me, but cōmaū∣ded me to the Lollardes Tower, and that no man should speake with me. And now I do require mine accuser.

* 12.248Then the Register said: the Maior of Marlborow did apprehend you for wordes that you spake there, & for that I commaunded you to be conueyed hither to prison.

White.

You had the examination of me in Marlborow. Say you what I haue sayd. And I will aunswere you.

Geffray.

Thou shalt confesse thy fayth ere thou depart, and therfore say thy minde freely, and be not ashamed so to do.

White.

I am not ashamed of the Gospell of Christ, because it is the power of God to saluation vnto all that beleue, & S. Peter sayth: If any man do aske thee a reasō of the hope that is in thee, make him a direct aunswere, and that with meekenes. Who shall haue the examination of me?

Chaunc.

My Lord of Glocester shall haue the examinatiō of thee.

White.

My Lorde, will you take the paynes to wet your coate in my bloud? be not guilty thereof: I warne you be∣fore hand.

Brookes.

I will do nothing to the contrary to our law.

White.

My Lorde, what is it that you doe request at my handes?

Brookes

I will appose thee vpon certayne articles, & prin∣cipally vpon the sacramēt of y^e aultar? How doest thou be∣leue of the blessed Sacrament of the aulter? Beleuest thou not the reall, carnall,* 12.249 and corporall presence of Christ in the same, euen the very same Christ that was borne of the vir∣gine Mary, that was hanged on the Crosse, and that suffe¦red for our sinnes? (and at these words they al put of their cappes and bowed theyr bodyes.)

White.

My Lord what is a Sacrament.

Brookes.

It is the thing it selfe the which it representeth.

White.

My Lord that can not be, for he that representeth a Prince can not be the Prince himselfe.

Brookes.

How many sacraments findest thou in the scrip∣tures called by the name of Sacramentes?

White.

I finde 2. Sacraments in the Scriptures, but not called by the names of the sacramentes. But I thinke S. Augustine gaue them the first name of Sacramentes.

Brookes.

Then thou findest not that word sacramēt in the Scriptures.

White.

No my Lord.* 12.250

Brokes.

Did not Christ say: This is my body? and are not his words true?

White.

I am sure the wordes are true, but you play by me as the deuill did by Christ, for he sayd, If thou be. Mat. 4. For it is. &c. Psal. 91.* 12.251 But the words that folowed after he clean left out, which are these: Thou shalt walke vpon the Lion and Aspe. &c. These woordes the Deuill lefte out because they were spoken agaynst hymselfe: and euen so doe you recite the Scriptures.

Brokes.

Declare thy fayth vpon the Sacrament.

White.

Christ and his Sacramentes are like,* 12.252 because of the natures, for in Christ are 2. natures, a diuine and a hu∣mane nature: so likewise in the Sacrament of Cristes bo∣dy and bloud, there be two natures: the which I deuide into 2. partes, that is, externall and internal. The external part is the element of bread and wine, according to the say∣ing of S. Austine. The internal part is the inuisible grace which by the same is represented. So is there an externall receiuing of the same Sacrament, & an internall. The ex∣ternall is with the hande, the eye, the mouth, and the eare.* 12.253 The internall is the holy ghost in the hart, which worketh in me fayth. Wherby I apprehend all the merits of Christ, applying the same wholly vnto my saluation. If this bee truth beleue it, and if it be not, reproue it.

Doct. Hoskins.

This is Oecolampadius doctrine, & Hooper taught it to the people.

Brokes.

Doest thou not beleue that after the wordes of cō∣secration there is the naturall presence of Christes body?

White.

My Lord, I will aunswere you, if you wyll aun∣swere me to one question. Is not this article of our beliefe true: He sitteth at the right hand of God the father almighty? if he be come from thence to iudgement, say so.

Brokes.

No. But if thou wilt beleue the Scriptures, I will proue to thee that Christe was both in heauen and in earth at one time.* 12.254

White.

As he is God, he is in all places: but as for hys manhood, he is but in one place.

Brokes.

S. Paule sayth. 1. Cor. 15. Last of all he was seene of me. &c. Here S. Paule sayth he sawe Christ, and S. Paule was not in heauen.

White.

S. Pauls chief purpose was by this place to proue the resurrection. But how do you proue that Christ when he appered to S. Paule, was not still in heauen: like as he was sene of Stephen, sitting at the right hand of God?* 12.255 S. Augustine sayth the head that was in heauen dyd crye for the body and members which were on the earth & said Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? And was not Paule ta∣ken vp into the thyrd heauen where hee might see Christ▪ as he witnesseth. Cor. 15. For there he doth but onely saye that he saw Christ, but concerning the place, hee speaketh nothing. Wherfore this place of scripture proueth not that Christ was both in heauen and earth at one tyme.

Brokes.

I told you before he woulde not beleeue. Here be three opinions, the Lutherans, the Oecolampadians, and we the Catholickes.* 12.256 If you the Oecolampadians haue the truth: then the Lutherians & we the catholickes be out of the way. If the Lutherians haue the truth, then you the Oecolampadians and we the Catholickes be out of the way. But if we the catholicks haue the truth, as we

haue in deede, then the Lutherians and you the Oecolam∣padians are out of the way: as ye are in deede, for the Lu∣therians do call you heretickes.

White.

My Lorde, ye haue troubled me greatly wyth the Scriptures.

Brokes.

Did I not tell you it was not possible to remoue him from his errour? Away with him to the Lollardes Tower, and dispatch him as soone as ye can.

This was the effect of my first examination. More ex∣aminations I had after this, which I haue no tyme now to write out.

* 12.257Amongest many other examinatiōs of the foresaid Ri∣chard White, at diuers and sondry times susteined, it hap∣pened one time, that Doctour Blackston Chancellour of Exeter sa••e vpon him, with diuers other, who alledging certayne Doctors, as Chrysostom, Cyprian, Tertullian, agaynst the sayd Richard, and being reproued by hym for his false patching of the Doctors, fell in such a quaking, & shaking (his conscience belike remorsing him) that he was fayne, ••lowping downe, to laye both his handes vpon his knees. to stay his body from trembling.

Then the sayd Iohn Hunt and Richard White, after many examinatiōs and long captiuity, at length were cal∣led for and brought before Doctour Geffrey the Byshops Chancellor,* 12.258 there to be condemned, and so they were. The high Sheriffe at that present was one named Syr Antho∣ny Hungerford, who being thē at the Sessions, was there charged with these two condēned persōs, with other, ma∣lefactours there condemned likewise the same time, to see the execution of death ministred vnto them.

In the meane tyme M. Clifforde of Boscon in Wilt∣shyre,* 12.259 sonne in law to the sayd Syr Anthony Hungerford the Shiriffe, commeth to his father, exhorting him & coun∣selling him earnestly in no case to medle with the death of these two innocent persons: and if the Chauncellour and Priestes would needes be instant vpon him, yet he should first require the writ to be sent downe De comburendo, for his discharge.

Syr Anthony Hungerford hearing this, and vnder∣standing Iustice Browne to be in the town the same time, went to him to aske his aduise & coūsel in the matter: who told him that without the writ sent downe from the supe∣riour powers, he could not be discharged: and if the writte were sent, then he must by the law do his charge.

The Sheriffe vnderstanding by Iustice Browne how farre he might go by the lawe,* 12.260 and hauing at that time no writ for his warrant, let them alone, and the next daye af∣ter taking his horse departed.

The Chauncellor all this while maruelling what the Sheriffe ment, and yet disdayning to go vnto him but loo∣king rather the other should haue come first to him, at last hearing that he was ridden, taketh his horse and rideth af∣ter him: who at length ouertaking the said Sheriffe, decla∣reth vnto him, how he had committed certaine condemned prisoners to his hand, whose duty had bene to haue sene ex¦ecution done vpō the same: which for that he had not done, the matter he sayd, was great, and therfore wylled him to look well vnto it how he would aunswere the matter. And thus began he fiercely to lay to his charge.

Wherin note, gentle Reader, by the way, the close and couert hypocrisy of the Papistes in theyr dealinges.* 12.261 Who in the forme and stile of their owne sentence cōdemnatory. pretend a petition vnto the seculer power, In visceribus Ie∣su Christi, vt iuris rigor mitigetur, atque vt parcatur vitae, That is, That the rigour of the law may be mitigated, and that their life may be spared. And how standeth this now with their owne doinges and dealinges,* 12.262 when this Chauncel∣lour (as ye see) is not onely contented to geue Sentence a∣gaynst them, but also hunteth here after the Officer, not suffering him to spare them, although he would? What dis∣simulation is this of men, goyng and doyng contrarye to their owne wordes and profession? But let vs returne to our matt•••• agayne.

The Sheriffe hearing the Chaūcellours wordes, and seeing him so vrging vpon him, tolde him agayne that he was no babe, which nowe was to be taught of hym. If he had any writ to warrant and discharge him in burning those men, then he knew what he had to do. Why, saith the Chauncellour, did not I geue you a writ, with my hande and 8. moe of the Close set vnto the same? Well quoth the Sheriffe that is no sufficient discharge to me, and therfore as I told you, if ye haue a sufficient writ and warrant frō the superiour powers, I know then what I haue to do in my office: otherwise, if you haue no other writ but that, I tell you, I wil neither burne them for you nor none of you all. &c.

Where note agayne (good Reader) how by this it may be thought and supposed, that the other poore Saintes and Martyrs of God,* 12.263 such as had bene burned at Salisburye before, were burned belike without any authorised or suf∣ficient writ from the superiours, but onely vpon the infor∣mation, of the Chauncellour and of the Close, through the vncircumspect negligence of the Sheriffes, which shoulde haue looked more substantially vpon the matter. But this I leaue and referre vnto the Magistrates. Let vs returne to the story agayne.

Doct. Geffrey

the Chauncellour thus sent away from the Sheriffe, went home, and there fel sicke vpon the same (for anger belike) as they signified vnto me, whiche were the partyes themselues, both godly and graue persons, who were then condemned, the one of them,* 12.264 which is Richarde White being yet aliue.

The vnder Sheriffe to this Syr Anthony Hūgerford aboue named, was one M. Michell, likewise a right and a perfect godly man. So that not long after this came down the writ to burne the aboue named Rich. White,* 12.265 & Iohn Hunt, but the vnder Sheriffe receiuing the said writ, sayd I will not be guilty (quoth he) of these mens bloud, & im∣mediately burnt the writing, and departed his way. With in 4. dayes after the Chauncellour dyed. Concerning whose death this cōmeth by the way to be noted, that the••e 2. foresaid Iohn Hunt and Richard White being the same time in a lowe and darcke Dungeon, being Saterday, to∣ward euening (according to theyr accustomed maner) fell to euening prayer. Who kneeling there together, as they should begin theyr prayer,* 12.266 sodēly fel both to such a straūge weeping & tendernes of hart (but how they could not tell) that they could not pray one word, but so cōtinued a great space brusting out in teares. After that night was past, and the morning come, the first word they heard, was that the Chauncellour theyr great enemy was dead. The tyme of whose death they found to be the same houre, whē as they fell in such a sodeyne weeping. The Lord in all his holy workes be praysed. Amen. Thus muche concerning the death of that wicked Chauncellour.

This Richard White, and the sayd Iohn Hunt, after the death of the Chauncellour, the Byshop also being dead a litle before, continued still in prison til the happy cōming in of Queene Elizabeth: and so were set at liberty.

*The Martyrdome of a young lad of eight yeares olde, scourged to death in Bishop Boners house in London.

IF bloudy torm••ntes and cruell death of a poore innocent suffering for no cause of his owne,* 12.267 but in the trueth of Christ and his Religion, do make a Martyr, no lesse de∣serueth the child of one Iohn Fetty, to be reputed in y^e Ca∣talogue of holy Martirs, who in the house of Bishop Bo∣ner vnmercifuly was scourged to death, as by the sequele of this story here folowing may appeare.

Amongest those that were persecuted & miserably im∣prisoned for the profession of Christes Gospell, & ye•• mer∣cifully deliuered by the prouidence of God, there was one Iohn Fetty, a simple and godly poore man dwelling in the parish of Clerkenwell, & was by vocation a Taylor, of the age of 42. yeres or therabout, who was accused and com∣plained of, vnto one Brokenbury a priest & a parson of the same parish, by his own wife, for that he would not come vnto the church, & be partaker of theyr Idolatry & super∣stition: & therfore through y^e sayd priestes procurement, he was apprehēded by Rich. Tanner & his felow, constables there, and one Martin the Hedborough.* 12.268 Howbeit imme∣diatly vpō his apprehēsion, his wife (by the iust iudgemēt of God) was stricken mad, and distract of her wits: which declared a maruelous exāple of the iustice of God agaynst such vnfaythfull and most vnnaturall treachery. And al∣though this example perhaps for lack of knowledge & in∣struction in such cases little moued the consciences of those simple poore mē▪ to surcease their persecutiō: yet natural pi∣ty towards that vngratefull woman, wrought so in theyr harts that for the preseruation & sustentatiō of her & her 2. children (like otherwise to perishe) they for that present let her husband alone and would not cary him to prison, but yet suffered him to remayne quietly in his own house. Du∣ring whiche time, he as it were forgetting the wicked and vnkinde fact of his wife, did yet so cherish and prouide for her, that within the space of three weekes (through Gods mercifull prouidence) she was well amēded, and had reco∣uered agayne some stay of her wits and senses.

But suche was the power of Sathan in the malicious hart of that wicked woman, that notwithstanding his gē∣tle dealing with her, yet she so soone as she had recouered some health, did agayne accuse her husband:* 12.269 whereupon he was the second time apprehended, and caryed vnto Syr

Iohn Mordaunt Knight, one of the Queenes Commis∣sioners, and he vppon examination sent him by Cluny the Bishops Sumner, vnto the Lollardes Tower: where he was (euen at the first) put into the paynefull stockes, and ha•• a dish of water set by him,* 12.270 with a stone put into it. To what purpose God knoweth, except it were to shew that he shuld look for litle other sustenance. Which is credible inough, if we consider their like practises vpon diuers be∣fore mentioned in this history, as amongest other (vppon Richard Smith, who dyed through theyr cruel imprison∣mēt. Touching whom, when a godly woman came vnto Doct. Story to haue leaue y^t she might bury him, he asked her if he had any straw or bloud in his mouth: but what he ment therby, I leaue to the iudgement of y^e godly wise.

After the foresayd Fetty had thus layn in the prison by the space of xv. dayes, hanging in the stockes, sometyme by the one legge and the one arme, sometime by the other, and otherwhiles by both, it happened that one of his chil∣dren (a boy, of the age of eight or nine yeares) came vnto y^e Bishoppes house to see if he could get leaue to speak with his father.* 12.271 At his comming thether, one of the Bishoppes Chaplaynes met with him and asked him what he lacked, and whome he would haue. The childe answered that hee came to see his father. The Chaplayne asked agayne, who was his father. The boy then tolde him and poynting to∣wardes Lollardes Tower, shewed him that his father was there in prison. Why (quoth the priest) thy father is an hereticke. The childe being of a bold and quicke spirit, and also godly brought vp and instructed by his father in the knowledge of God, answered & sayd: my father is no here¦tick: but you are an heretick: For you haue Balams mark

* 12.272With that the Priest tooke the childe by the hand, & ca∣ried him into the Bishops house (whether to the Bishop, or not, I know not, but like enough he did) & there amō∣gest them they did most shamelesly and without all pitty, so whip and scourge, being naked, this tender childe, that he was all in a gore bloud, and then, in a ioly brag of their Catholicke tyranny, they caused Cluny, hauing his coate vpon his arme, to cary the childe in his shyrt vnto his fa∣ther being in prison, y^e bloud rūning downe by his heeles.

At his comming vnto his father, the child fel down vp-his knees,* 12.273 and asked him blessing. The poore man then beholding his childe, & seeing him so cruelly arrayed, cry∣ed out for sorrow and sayd: Alas Wil, who hath done this to thee? The boy aunswered, that as he was seeking how to come to see his father, a priest with Baalams mark took him into the Bishops house, and there was he so handled. Cluny therwith violently plucked the childe away out of his fathers handes, and caryed him backe agayne into the Bishops house, where they kept him three dayes after.

And at the three dayes end, Boner (minding to make the matter whole, and somewhat to appease the poore mā, for this their horrible fact) determined to release him, and therfore caused him early in a morning to be brought out of Lollardes tower,* 12.274 into his bedchamber, where he foūd the B. basting of himselfe against a great fire: & at his fyrst entring into the chamber, Fetty said, God be here & peace. God be here and peace (quoth Boner) that is neither God speede, nor good morrow. If yee kicke agaynst this peace (sayd Fetty) then this is not the place that I seek for.

A Chaplayne of the Bishops standing by, turned the poore mā about, & thinking to deface him, said in mocking wise: what haue we here? a plaier? whilest this Fetty was standing in the bishops chamber, he espied hanging about the Bishops bed a great payre of blacke beades: wherup∣on he said:* 12.275 my Lord, I thinke the hangman is not far off: ••o•• the halter (pointing to the beades) is here already. At which wordes the Bishop was in a marueilous rage.

Then immediately after he espyed also, standing in the sayd Bishops chamber in the windowe, a little Crucifixe (before which belike Boner vsed to kneele in the tyme of his hipocriticall prayers.* 12.276) Then he asked the Bish. what it was: and he answered that it was Christ. Was he hād∣led so cruelly as he is here pictured, quoth Fetty?

Yea that he was, sayd the Bishop.

And euen so cruelly will you handle suche as come be∣fore you.* 12.277 For you are vnto Gods people, as Cayphas was vnto Christ.

The Bishop being in a great fury, sayd: thou art a vile hereticke, and I will burne thee, or els I wil spend al that I haue vnto my gowne.

Nay my Lord, sayd Fetty, yee were better to geue it to some poore body, that he may pray for you. But yet Boner bethinking in himselfe of the daunger that the childe was in by theyr whipping, and what perill might ensue ther∣upon, thought better to discharge him: whiche thing was accomplished.

Wherupon, after this and suche talke, the Bishop at last discharged him, willing him to go home and cary hys childe w^t him: whiche he so did, and that with a heauy hart to see hys poore boy in such extreme payne and griefe.* 12.278 But within 14▪ dayes after the childe dyed, whether thorough this cruell scourging, or any other infirmitie: I know not & therfore I referre y^e truth therof vnto y^e Lord, who kno∣weth al secretes, and also to the discreete iudgement of the wise reader. But howe soeuer it was, the Lorde yet vsed this theyr cruell & detestable fact, as a meanes of his pro∣uidence for the deliuery of this good poore man and fayth¦full Christian, his name be euer praysed therefore. Amen.

The cruell handling and burning of Nicholas Burton Englishman and Marchaunt in Spayne.

FOrasmuch as in our former booke of Actes and Monu∣ments mention was made of the Martyrdome of Ni∣cholas Burton,* 12.279 I thought here also not to omit the same the story being suche as is not vnworthy to be knowne, as wel for the profitable example of his singular constan∣cie, as also for the noting of the extreme dealing and cruell reuenging of those Catholicke Inquisitours of Spayne, who vnder the pretensed visour of Religion, do nothyng but seeke theyr owne priuate gaine and commoditie, with crafty defending and spoyling of other mens goodes, as by the noting of this story may appeare.

The fift day of the moneth of Nouember, about the yeare of our Lord God .1560. this Nicholas Burton Ci∣tizen sometyme of London and Marchaunt,* 12.280 dwellyng in the Parishe of little Saint Barthelmew, peaceably and quietly followyng his traffike in the trade of Marchaun∣dise, and beyng in the Citie of Cadix in the parties of An∣dolazia in Spayne, there came into his lodgyng a Iudas (or as they terme them) a Familiar of the Fathers of the Inquisition. Whom asking for the sayde Nicholas Bur∣ton, fayned that hee had a Letter to deliuer to his owne handes: by which meanes he spake with him immediatly And hauing no Letter to deliuer to him then the said Pro¦moter or Familiar, at the motiō of the Deuill his maister, whose messenger he was, inuented an other lye, and sayde that he would take ladyng for London in such shippes as the said Nicholas Burton had fraited to lade, if he would let any: which was partly to know where he laded hys goods, that they might attache them, and chiefly to detract the tyme vntill the Alguisiel, or Sergeant of the sayd In∣quisition might come and apprehende the body of the sayd Nicholas Burton: which they dyd incontinently.

Who then wel perceauyng y^t they were not able to bur¦den nor charge him y^t he had written, spoken, or done any thyng there in that countrey against the Ecclesiasticall or Temporall lawes of the same Realme, boldly asked them what they had to lay to his charge that they did so Arrest hym and bad them to declare the cause and he would aun∣swere them. Notwithstanding, they aunswered nothing, but commaunded him with cruell threatnyng woordes to hold his peace, and not to speake one word to them.

And so they caryed hym to the cruell and filthy com∣mon prison of the same Town of Cadix,* 12.281 where he remay∣ned in yrons 14. dayes amongst theeues.

All which time he so instructed the poore prisoners in the word of God, according to the good talent which God had geuen hym in that behalfe and also in the Spanyshe tongue to vtter the same, that in short space he hadde wel reclaymed sundrye of these superstitious and ignoraunt Spanyardes to embrace the word of God, and to reiecte theyr popish traditions.

Which being knowne vnto the officers of the Inquisi∣tion,* 12.282 they conueyed hym laden with yrons from thence to a citty called Siuill, into a more cruell and straighter pri∣son called Triana, where the sayd fathers of the Inquisi∣tion proceeded agaynst him secretly according to theyr ac∣customable cruell tyranny, that neuer after he could be suf¦fered to write or to speake to anye of his nation: so that to this day it is vnknowne who was hys accuser.

Afterward the the xx. day of December, in the foresayd yeare,* 12.283 they brought the sayde Nicholas Burton with a great number of other prisoners, for professing the true Christian Religion, into the Cittye of Siuill, to a place where the sayde Inquisitours sate in iudgement, whiche they called the Awto, with a Canuas coate, wherupon di∣uers partes was paynted the figure of on huge Deuill, tormenting a soule in a flame of fire, & on his head a cop∣pyng tanke of the same worke.

His tongue was forced out of hys mouthe with a clo∣uen sticke fastened vpon it,* 12.284 that hee shoulde not vtter hys conscience and fayth to the people, and so he was set with an other englishmā of Southampton, and diuers others condemned menne for Religion, as wel Frenche menne,

[illustration]

❧The maner of the Popish Spaniardes, in carying Nicholas Burton a blessed Martyr of Christ, after most spitefull sort, to the burning.

as Spanyardes, vpon a Scaffold ouer agaynst the sayde Inquisition, where their sentences and iudgementes wer read and pronounced agaynst them.* 12.285

And immediately after the sayd sentences geuen, they were all caryed from thence to the place of execution wyth out y^e citty, where they most cruelly burned him, for whose constant fayth God be praysed.

This Nicholas Burton by the way, and in y^e flames of fire made so chearfull a countenaunce, embracing death with all pacience and gladnesse, that the tormentors and enemies which stoode by, sayd that the Deuill hadde hys soule before he came to the fire, and therefore they sayd his senses of feeling were past him.

It happened that after the Arrest of thys Nicholas Burton aforesayd, immediately all the goodes and Mar∣chaundise whiche he brought with him into Spayne by y^e way of trafficke, were according to their common vsage, seised, and taken into the Sequester: amonge the whiche they also rolled vp much that appertayned to an other En¦glish Marchaunt, wherwith he was credited as Factour. Wherof so soone as newes was brought to the Marchant aswell of the imprisonment of hys Factoure,* 12.286 as of the Ar∣rest made vppon his goodes, hee sent his Atturney into Spayne with authoritie from hym, to make clayme to his goods, and to demaund them: whose name was I. Fron∣ton Citizen of Bristow.

When his Atturney was landed at Siuill, and hadde shewed all hys Letters and writinges to the holye house, requiring them that such goodes might be deliuered into his possession, aunswere was made him that hee must sue by Bill, and retayne an Aduocate (but all was doubtlesse to delay him) and they forsoothe, of curtesie assigned hym one to frame his supplication for him, and other such bils of petition, as he had to exhibite into theyr holye Courte, demaunding for eche Bill viii. Rials, albeit they stoode him in no more stead, then if he had put vp none at al. And for the space of three or foure monthes this fellow missed not twise a day, attending euery morning and afternoone at the Inquisitours Palace, suing vnto them vppon hys knees for hys dispatche, but specially to the Byshoppe of Tarra••on, who was at that very time chiefe in the Inqui∣s••tion at Siuill, that he of hys absolute authoritie woulde commaund restitution to be made thereof: but the bootie was so good and so great, that it was very hard to come by it agayne.

At the length, after hee had spent whole 4. monthes in sutes and requestes, and also to no purpose, hee receaued this aunswere from them, that he must shewe better eui∣dence and bring more sufficient certificates out of Englād for proofe of his matter, then those whiche he had already presented to the Courte.* 12.287 Whereupon the party forthwith posted to London, and with all speede returned to Ciuill agayne with more ample and large letters testimonialles and certificates, according to theyr request, and exhibited them to the Court.

Notwithstanding, the Inquisitours still shifted hym off, excusing themselues by lacke of leysure, and for y^• they were occupyed in greater and more weighty affayres, and with suche aunsweres delayed hym other foure monthes after.

At the last, when the party had wellnigh spent all hys money,* 12.288 and therefore sued the more earnestly for hys dys∣patch, they referred the matter wholy to the Byshop. Of whom, when he repayred vnto him, he had this aunswere that for himselfe he knew what he had to do: howbeit hee was but one man, and the determination of the matter appertayned vnto the other Commissioners as well as vnto him: and thus by posting & passing it from one to an other, the party could obtayn no end of his sute. Yet for his importunitie sake, they were resolued to dispatche hym, it was on this sort: One of the Inquisitours called Gasco a man very well experienced in these practises, willed the party to resort vnto hym after dinner.

The fellow being glad to heare these newes, and sup∣posing that his goodes should be restored vnto hym, and that he was called in for that purpose to talk with y^e other that was in prison, to conferre with him about theyr ac∣comptes, the rather through a little misunderstanding, hearing the Inquisitour cast out a word, that it shoulde be needeful for him to talk with the prisoner, and being ther∣upon more then halfe perswaded, that at the lengthe they ment good fayth, did so, and repayred thether about the euening. Immediately vppon his comming, the Iayler was forthwith charged with him, to shut hym vp close in such a certayne prison, where they appoynted hym.

The party hoping at the first that he hadde bene called for about some other matter,* 12.289 and seeing himselfe contra∣ry to his expectation, cast into a darcke dungeon, percey∣ued at the length that the worlde went with hym farre o∣therwise then he supposed if would haue done.

But within two or three dayes after, he was brought forth into the Court, where he beganne to demaunde hys

goodes:* 12.290 and because it was a deuise that well serued their turne without any more circumstance they bad him saye his Aue Maria.* 12.291 The party began & said it after this maner Aue Maria gratia plena Dominus te cum, benedicta tu in mulie∣ribus & benedictus fructus ventris tui Iesus. Amen.

The same was written word by word as hee spake it: and without anye more talke of clayming his goodes be∣cause it was booteles, they commaunde him to prison a∣gayne, and enter an action agaynst him as an hereticke, for asmuch as he did not say his Aue Maria after the romish fashion, but ended it very suspiciously, for he should haue added moreouer: Sancta Maria mater Dei ora pro nobis pecca toribus, by abbreuiating whereof, it was euident enough (sayd they) that he did not allow the mediation of saintes.

Thus they picked a quarrell to deteine him in prison a longer season, and afterwardes brought him forth into their stage disguised after theyr manner: where sentence was geuen that he should loose all the goodes whiche he sued for, though they were not his own, and besides this suffer a yeares imprisonment.

¶The Martyrdome of an other English∣man in Spayne.

* 12.292AT what tyme this blessed Martyr of Christe suffered, which was the yeare of our Lord .1560. December. 22. there suffered also an other Englishman, with other xiii. one of them being a Nunne, an other a Fryer, both con∣stant in the Lord. Of which xiii. read before, pag. 934.

*Iohn Baker and Willam Bur∣gate Martyrs.

* 12.293IOhn Baker and William Burgate, bothe Englishmen in Cales, in the countrey of Spayne, were apprehended and in the Citty of Siuill burned the second day of No∣uember.

¶Marke Burges and William Ho∣ker Martyrs.

* 12.294MArke Burges an Englishman, Mayster of an Eng∣lish ship called the Minion, was burned in Lushborn a citty in Portingale. an. 1560.

William Hoker a young manne, about the age of xvi. yeares,* 12.295 being an Englishman, was stoned to death of cer¦tayne young men there in the Citty of Siuill, for the con∣fession of his fayth. an. 1560.

But of these and such other actes and matters paste in Spayne, because they fell not within the compasse of Q. Maryes raygne, but since her tyme, an other place shall serue hereafter (the Lord willing) to entreat more at large of the same, when we come to the yeares and raygne of the Queene that now is, where we haue more conueniently to inferre not onely of these matters of the Martyrs (wher¦of somewhat also hath bene touched before, pag. 907. but al¦so of the whole Inquisition of Spayne, and Plackarde of Flanders, w^t the tragical tumults & troubles happening w^tin y^e last memory of these our latter dayes, according as it shall please the mercy of the Lord to enable our endeuor with grace and space to the accomplishment therof.

¶A chapter or treatise concerning such as were scourged and whipped by the Papistes in the true cause of Christes Gospel

* 12.296ANd thus through the mercifull assistaunce and fauou∣rable ayd of Christ our Sauiour, thou hast as in a ge∣nerall Register (good Reader) the story collected, if not of all, yet of the most part, or at least, not many I trust omit∣ted of such good Sayntes and Martyrs as haue lost theyr lyues, and geuen theyr bloud, or dyed in prison for the te∣stimony of Christes true doctrine and sacramentes,* 12.297 from the time of the cruell Statute first geuen out by king Hē∣ry the 4. Ex officio, pag. 523. vnto this present tyme, & espe∣cially vnder the raygne of Queene Mary.

Now after this bloudy slaughter of GODS good sayntes and seruau••tes thus ended and discoursed, let vs proceede (by the good pleasure of the Lord) somewhat like wise to entreate of such as for the same cause of Religyon haue bene, although not put to death, yet whipped and scourged by the aduersaryes of Gods worde, first begyn∣ning with Richard Wilmot and Thomas Farefaxe, who about the tyme of Anne Aschue, wer pittifully rent & tor∣mented with scourges and stripes for theyr faythfull stan∣ding to christ, and to hys truth, as by the story and exami∣nation both of the sayde Rich. Wilmot, and of Thomas Farefaxe nowe following, may appeare.

The scourging of Richard Wilmot, and Thomas Fayrefaxe.

AFter the first recantation of Doct. Crome for his Ser∣mon which he made the fift Sonday in Lent at Saint Thomas Acons, being the mercers Chappell,* 12.298 his Ser∣mon was on the Epistle of the same day, written in the x. chap. to y^e Hebrues, wherein he proued very learnedly by the same place of Scripture and others, that Christ was y^e onely and sufficient Sacrifice vnto God the Father,* 12.299 for the sinnes of the whole world, and that there was no more sa∣crifice to be offered for sinne by the Priestes, for as muche as Christ had offered his body on the Crosse, and shed his bloud for the sinnes of the people, & that once for all. For y^e which Sermon he was apprehended of Boner & brought before Stephen Gardyner & other of the Counsell, where he promised to recant his Doctrine at Paules Crosse, y^e se∣cond Sonday after Easter. And accordingly, he was there & Preached, Boner w^t all his Doctours sitting before him but he so Preached and handled his matter,* 12.300 that he rather verified his former saying, then denyed any parte of that which he before had Preached. For the whiche the Prote∣stantes praysed God, and hartely reioysed.

But Byshop Boner with his Champions, were not therewith pleased, but yet notwithstanding they had hym home w^t them, & so handled him amongest the woluish ge∣neration. that they made him come to the Crosse agayne y^e next Sonday.

And because the Magistrates shoulde now heare him, & be witnesses of this recantation which was moste blas∣phemous,* 12.301 to deny Christes sacrifice to be sufficient for pe∣nitent sinners, & to say that the sacrifice of the Masse was good godly, and a holy sacrifice, propitiatorye and auay∣leable both for the quicke and the deade: Because (I saye) that they would haue y^e nobles to heare this blasphemous doctrine, the viperous generation procured all the chiefe of the Counsell to be there present.

Nowe to come to our matter at this tyme, the same weeke, betweene his first Sermon and the last,* 12.302 and while Doct. Crome was in duraunce, one Rich. Wilmot being Prentise in Bow lane, being of y^e age of eighteene yeares, and sytting at his worke in his Maysters shop the Tues∣day, in y^e moneth of Iuly, One Lewes a Welchmā, being one of the Garde, came into the shoppe, hauing things to doe for himselfe.

One asked him what newes at the Court, and he an∣swered that the old hereticke D. Crome had recanted now in deede, before the Counsell,* 12.303 and that he should on Son∣day nexte bee at Paules Crosse agayne and there declare it.

Then Wilmot sitting at his Maysters worke, & hea∣ring hym speake these wordes and reioysing in the same began to speake vnto hym,* 12.304 saying y^t he was sory to heare these newes. For (sayd he) if Crome should say otherwise then he hath sayd, then is it contrary to the truth of Gods worde, and contrary to his owne conscience, which shall before God accuse hym.

Lewes

aunswered and sayd that he had Preached & taught heresy, and therefore it was meete that he should in such a place reuoke it.

Wilmot

tolde him that he would not so say, neyther did he heare hym Preach any doctrine contrary to Gods worde written, but that he proued his doctrine, and that suffici∣ently by the Scriptures.

Lewes

then asked him how he knew that.

Wilmot

Aunswered by the Scripture of God, wherein he shall find GODS will and pleasure, what he willeth all men to do and what not to do: and also by them he should prooue and trye all doctrines, and the false doctrine from the true.

Lewes

sayde: it was neuer mery since the Bible was in Englishe: and that he was doth an hereticke and a trai∣tour that caused it to be translated into Englishe (mea∣ning Cromwell) and therefore was rewarded according to his desertes.* 12.305

Wilmot

aunswered agayne: what his desertes and offen∣ces were to his Prince, a great many do not knowe, ney∣neyther doth it force whether they do or no: once he was sure that he lost his lyfe for offending his Prince, and the law did put it in execution: Adding moreouer concerning that man, that he thought it pleased GOD to rayse hym vp from a low estate, and to place him in hyghe authority, partly vnto this, that he should do that as all the Bishops in the Realme yet neuer dyd, in restoring agayne Gods holy worde, which being hyd long before from the people in a straunge tongue, & now comming abroad amongest vs, will bring our Byshops & Priestes, sayde he,* 12.306 in lesse

estimation among the people.

Lewes

asked why so?

Wilmot

sayde: because their doctrine and liuing was not according to his word.

* 12.307Then sayde Lewes: I neuer heard but that all men shoulde learne of the Byshops and Priests, because they are learned men, and haue bene brought vp in learning all the dayes of their liues. Wherefore they must needes know the truth, and our fathers did beleue their doctrine and learning, and I thinke they did well: for the worlde was farre better then, then it is now.

Wilmot aunswered: I will not say so: For wee muste not beleue them beause they are Bishops, neyther because they are learned, neither because our forefathers did fol∣low theyr doctrine. For I haue read in Gods booke how that Byshoqpes and learned men haue taught the people false doctrine, and likewise the Priestes from time to time and in deede those people our forefathers beleued as they taught: and as they did thinke, so did the people thinke. But for al this,* 12.308 Christ calleth thē false Prophetes, theeues and murtherers, blinde leaders of the blinde, willing the people to take heede of them, least they should both fal in∣to the ditche.

Moreouer, we read that the Byshoppes, Priests, and learned men haue bene commonly resisters of the trueth, from time to time, and haue alwayes persecuted the Pro∣phetes in the old lawe, as theyr successours did persecute our Sauiour Christ and hys Disciples in the newe lawe.* 12.309 We must take heed therefore, that we credite them no fur∣ther then God will haue vs, neyther to followe them nor our forefathers, otherwise then he commaundeth vs. For almighty God hath geuen to all people, as well to kings and Princes, as Byshoppes, Priests, learned and vnlear∣ned men, a commaundement and law, vnto the which he willeth all men to be obedient. Therfore if any Bishop or Prieste, preache or teache, or Prince or Magistrate com∣maunde any thing contrary to his commaundement, we must take heede how we obey them. For it is better for vs to obey God then man.

Mary sir, quoth Lewes, you are a holy Doctoure in deede. By Gods bloud if you were my man, I woulde set you about your busines a little better, and not to look vp∣on bookes: and so woulde your Mayster if hee were wise. And with that in came his mayster and young man wyth hym, which was seruaunt with M. Daubny in Watling streete.

His mayster asked what the matter was.

Lewes sayd that he had a knauish boy here to his ser∣uaunt,* 12.310 and how that if he were his, he would rather hang him, then keepe him in his house.

Then his Mayster, being somewhat moued, asked his fellowes what the matter was.

They sayde: they began to talke about Doct. Crome.

Then hys Mayster asked hym what hee hadde sayde, swearyng a great othe, that he would make hym to tell hym.

He sayd that he trusted he had sayd nothing, whereby either he or M. Lewes may iustly be offended. I pray you (quoth Wilmot) aske him what I sayd.

Mary sir (sayd Lewes) thys he sayd, that Doct. Crome did preach and teach nothing but the truth, and howe that if he recant on Sonday next, he would be sory to heare it, & that if he do, he is made to doe it agaynst his conscience. And more he sayth, that we must not follow our Bishops doctrine and preaching: For sayth he, they be hinderers of Gods word, and persecutors of that: and how Cromwell dyd more good (that traytour) in setting foorth the Bible, then all our Byshops haue done these hundreth yeares: thus reporting the matter worse then he had sayd.

Then sayde Wilmot, that in many thinges hee made his tale worse then it was. His Maister hearyng of thys was in a great fury, and rated him, saying: that eyther he would be hanged or burned, swearing that he would take away all his bookes and burne them.

* 12.311The younge man (Mayster Dawbnies seruant) stan∣ding by, hearing this, beganne to speake on his part vnto Lewes: and his talke confirmed all the sayinges of other to be true.

This young man was learned: his name was Tho. Fayrefaxe. Lewes hearing this young mans talk, as wel as the others, went his way in a rage vnto the Court.

On the morowe they heard newes, so that the sayde Wilmot and Tho. Fayrefaxe were sent for, to come to the Lord Maior. The messenger was M. Smart, Sword∣bearer of London. They came before dinner to y^e Mayors house, and were commaunded to sit downe at dinner in y^e Hall, and when the dinner was done they were both cal∣led into a Parlour, where the Mayor and Syr Roger Cholmley was, who examined them seuerally,* 12.312 y^t one not hearing the other.

The effect of their talke with them was this, Syr Ro∣ger Cholmley sayd vnto the foresayd Wilmot, y^t my Lorde Mayor and hee had receiued a commaundement from the Counsell, to send for hym and his companion, and to ex∣amine them of certayne thinges, which were layde vnto theyr charge.

Then sayd Mayster Cholmley to hym: Syrra, what Countreyman art thou? He aunswered that he was born in Cambridgeshyre, and in such a towne. Then he asked him how long he had bene in the City. He told him.

Then he asked what learning he had. He sayde: little learning, and small knowledge. Then (deridingly) he as¦ked how long he had knowne Doct. Crome, he sayd: but a while about two yeares. He sayd that he was a lying boy, and said that he the sayd Wilmot was his sonne.

The other sayd vnto hym, that was vnlike, for that he neuer see his mother nor she him, Cholmley sayd he lyed, Wilmot sayd hee coulde prooue it to be true. Then hee as∣ked him how he liked his sermon that he made at S. Tho∣mas of Acres Chappel in Lent. He sayde that in deede hee heard him not. He sayd yes, and the other nay. Then says he, what say you to his sermon made at the Crosse the ••ast day, heard you not that?

Wilmot.

Yes, and in that sermon he deceaued a great nū∣ber of people.

Cholmley.

How so?

Wilmot.

For that they looked that he shoulde haue recan∣ted his doctrine that he taught before, and did not, but ra∣ther confirmed it.

Cholmley.

Yea Syr, but how say you now to him? for hee hath recanted before the counsell: and hathe promised on Sonday next to be at the crosse agayne, how thinke ye in that?

Wilmot.

If hee so did, I am the more sory for to heare it: and sayd he thought he did it for feare and safegard of hys lyfe.

Cholmley.

But what say you? was hys first sermon here∣sie or not?

Wilmot.

No, I suppose it was no heresie. For if it were S. Paules Epistle to the Hebrewes was heresie,* 12.313 & Paule an hereticke that preached such doctrine, but God forbyd that any Christian man should so thinke of the holy Apo∣stle: neyther do I so thinke.

Cholmley.

Why how knowest thou that saynct Paul wrot those thinges that are in English now, to be true, wheras Paule neuer wrot english nor latine?

Wilmot.

I am certified that learned men of God, that dyd seeke to aduaunce hys word, did translate the same out of the Grecke and Hebrue, into Latine and english, and that they durst not to presume to altar the sense of the scripture of God, and last will and testament of Christ Iesus.

Then the Lorde Mayor being in a great furye, asked hym what he had to do to read such bookes, and sayd that it was pitty that his mayster did suffer him so to doe, and that he was not set better to worke: and in fyne sayd vnto him: that he had spoken euill of my Lord of Winchester & Boner, those reuerend & learned fathers & coūcellours of this Realme, for the which his fact he saw no other but he must suffer, as due to the same. And M. Cholmley sayd: yea my Lord, there are such a sort of heretickes & trayterly knaues taken now in Essex by my Lord Rich, that it is to wonderfull to heare. They shall be sent to the Byshoppe shortly, and shall be hanged and burned all.

Wilmot.

I am sory to heare that of my Lord Rich, for that he was my godfather, and gaue me my name at my Bap∣tisme.

Cholmley

asked him when he spake with him.

He sayd not these xii. yeares.

Cholmley.

If he knew that he were such a one, he woulde do y^e like by him, and in so doyng he should do God great seruice.

Wilmot.

I haue read the same saying in the Gospell, that Christ sayd to his Disciples: The tyme shal come (sayth he) that whosoeuer killeth you, shall think that he shal do God hygh seruice.

Well sir, sayd Cholmley, because yee are so full of youre Scripture, and so well learned, wee consider you lacke a quyet place to study in. Therefore you shall go to a place where you shall be most quiet, and I would wish you to study how you will answere to the Counsell of those thin∣ges which they haue to charge you w^t, for els it is like to cost you your best ioynt. I know my lord of Win. wil hā∣dle you wel enough whē he heareth thus much. Thē was the Officer called in, to haue him to the Counter in the Poultrye, and the other to the other Counter,* 12.314 not one of them to see an other: and thus remayned they viii. dayes

In the which time their Maisters made a great labor vn∣to the Lord Mayor, and to sir Roger Cholmley, to know their offences, and that they might be deliuered.

* 12.315At length they procured the Wardens of the company of Drapers to labour with them in theyr sute to the May∣or. The Mayor went with them to the Counsell: but at that time they could finde no grace at Winchesters hand & Sir Anthonie Brownes, but that they had deserued death and that they should haue the law.

At length through entreataunce, he graunted thē thus much fauour, that they should not dye as they had deser∣ued, but should be tyed to a cartes tayle, and be whipped three market dayes through the Cittye. Thus they came home that day, and went an other day, and the Mayor & the Wardens of the company kneeled before them to haue this open punishment released, for asmuche as they were seruauntes of so worshipfull a companye, and that they might be punished in theyr own hall before the Wardens and certayne of the companye. At length it was graunted with condition, as some said as shalbe hereafter declared.

Then were they sent before the Maysters the next day to the hall, both theyr maysters being also present, & there were layd to theyr charges, the heynous offences by them committed,* 12.316 how they were both heretickes and traytors, and haue deserued death for the same, and this was decla∣red w^t a long processe by the Mayster of y^e company, whose name was M. Brooke, declaring what great labour and sute y^e Mayor & the Wardens had made for thē, to saue thē frō death, which they (as he said) had deserued, & from opē shame, which they shoulde haue had, being iudged by the Counsell to haue bene whipped iii. dayes through the city at a cartes tayle, and from these two daungers had they laboured to deliuer them, but not without great sute and also charge. For, saith he, the company hath promised vnto the Counsaile for this their mercy and fauour shewed to∣wardes them, being of such a worshipfull company, a C. poundes, notwithstanding we must see them punished in our Hall within our selues for those theyr offences. After these and many other wordes, hee commaunded them to addresse themselues to receiue their punishment.

Then were they put asunder, and stripped from the wast vpward one after an other,* 12.317 and had into the hal, and in the middest of the hall, where they vse to make theyr fire there was a great ring of Iron, to the whiche there was a rope tyed fast, and one of theyr feete thereto fast tyed.

Then came two men down, disguised in Mommers apparell, with visors on theyr faces, and they beate them with great rods vntill y^e bloud did follow in their bodies. As concerning this Wilmot, he could not lye in his bead 6. nightes after, for Brooke played the tyraunt with them. So it was, that with the beating and the flight, and feare they were neuer in health since,* 12.318 as the sayd Wilmot with hys owne mouth hath credibly ascertayned vs, and we cā no lesse but testifie the same.

Thus haue we briefly rehearsed this little tragedye, wherein ye may note the malice of the enemies at al times to those which professe Christ, and take hys parte, of what estate or degree so euer they bee, according to the Apostles saying, It is geuen vnto you not onely to beleue, but also to suffer with him. To whome be honor and glory. Amen.

Next after these two aboue specified, followeth y^e bea∣ting of one Thomas Greene, who in the time of Queene Mary, was caused likewise to be scourged and beaten by Doctor Story. What the cause was, here followeth in sto∣ry and examination to be seene, whiche hee penned wyth his owne hand, as the thing it selfe will declare to the rea∣der. The copy and wordes of the same as he wrote them, here follow. Wherein as thou mayst note (gentle reader) the simplicitie of the one, so I pray thee, marke the cruel∣ty of the other part.

The scourging of Thomas Greene.

IN the reygne of Queene Mary, I Thomas Greene be¦ing brought before D. Story,* 12.319 by my M. whose name is Iohn Wayland a Printer, for a booke called Antichrist, the whiche had bene distributed to certayne honest menne he asked me where I had the booke, and sayde I was a traytour. I told him I had y^e booke of a Frenchman. Thē he asked me more questions, but I told him I would tell hym no more, nor could not. Then he sayd: it was no he∣resie but treason, and that I should be hanged, drawne, & quartered, and so he called for Cluny the keeper of y^e Lol∣lardes tower, and bad him set me fast in the stockes.

* 12.320I was not in the Lollardes tower two houres, but Clauy came and tooke me out, and caryed me to y^e Cole∣house, and there I found a frenchman lying in the stocks, and he tooke him out, and put on my right legge a bolte & a fetter, & on my left hand an other, and so hee set me crosse fettered in the stockes, and tooke the Frenchman away w^t him, and there I lay a day and a night. On the morow af∣ter, he came and sayd: let vs shift your hand and legge, be∣cause you shall not be lame: and he made as though he pi¦tied me, and sayde, tell me the trueth, and I will be youre frend.

And I sayd, I had tolde the truth and would tell no o∣ther. Then he put no more but my legge in the stockes, & so went his way, and there I remayned 6. dayes, & could come to no answere.

Then Doctor Story sent for me, and asked whether I would tel him I truth, where I had the booke.* 12.321 I sayd I had told him, of a frenchmā, he asked me wher I came ac¦quainted w^t the Frenchman, & where he dwelt &, where he deliuered me the booke. I sayde, I came acquaynted w^t him in Newgate, I comming to my friendes which wer put in for Gods worde and truthes sake, and the French∣man comming to his friendes also: there we did talke to∣gether and became acquaynted one with an other, and dyd eate and drinke together there with our friends in y^e feare of God.

Then Story scoffed at me and sayde: then there was brother in Christ, and brother in Christ,* 12.322 and reuiled me & called me an hereticke, and asked me if I had the booke of him in Newgate. I sayd no, and I tolde him, as I went on my businesse in the streete I met him, and he asked me how I did, and I him also: so falling in communicatiō he shewed me that booke, and I desired him that hee woulde let me haue it.

In this examination Story sayd, it was a great booke and asked me whether I bought it, or had it geuen me. I tolde him I bought it. Then sayd he, I was a theefe, and had stollen my maysters money. And I sayd, a little mo∣ny serued, for I gaue hym but foure pence, but I promised him at our nexte meeting, I woulde geue twelue pence more. And he sayd: that was boldly done, for such a booke as spake both treason and heresie.

Then Story required me to bring him two sureties, & watche for him that I had the booke of, and I shuld haue no harme. I made him aunswere, I would bring no sure∣ties, nor I could not tell where to finde them. Then said he: this is but a lye, and so called for Cluny, and bad hym lay me fast in the Colehouse, saying, he would make me tel an other tale at my next cōming: and so I lay in y^e stockes day and night, but onely when I eate my meate, & there remayned x. dayes before I was called for agayne.

Then Doctor Story sent for me agayne, and asked if I would yet tell him the truth. I sayd,* 12.323 I could tell him no other truth then I had, nor would. And while I was ther standing, there were two brought, whiche I tooke to bee prisoners.

Then mistres Story fell in a rage, and sware a great othe,* 12.324 that it were a good deede to put a hundred or two of these hereticke knaues in a house, & I my selfe (sayth she) would set it on fire. So I was cōmitted to prison agayn, where I remayned 14. dayes and came to no aunswere.

Then Story sent for me againe, and called me into the gardē, and there I found with him my Lord of Windsors Chaplayne, and two Gentlemen more,* 12.325 and he told them all what they had sayd and done. They sayd, the book was a wonderous euill booke, and had both treason and here∣sie in it. Then they asked me what I said by the book. And I sayd: I know no euill by it.

At which wordes Story chafed, and sayd hee woulde hang me vp by the hands w^t a rope, and said also he would cut out my tonge, & mine eares also frō mine head. After this they alledged two or three thinges vnto me out of the book. And I aunswered, I had not read the book through out, and therfore I could geue no iudgement of the book.

Then my Lord of Windsores chaplayne and the other two Gentlemen tooke me aside, and entreated me verye gently, saying: tell vs where you had the booke, and of whō: wde will saue you harmelesse. I made them aun∣swere, I had told all that I could to Doct. Story, & began to tell it thē agayn: but they sayd, they knew y^t already: so they left that talke and went agayne to Story with me.

Then Story burdened me with my fayth▪ and sayd I was an hereticke.* 12.326 Whereupon the Chaplayne asked me how I did beleue. Then I began to rehearse the articles of my beliefe, but he bad me let that alone. Then hee asked me how I beleued in Christe. I made him aunswere that I beleued in Christ which dyed and rose agayne the thyrd day, and sitteth on the right hand of God the father.

Whereupon Story asked me mockingly, what is the right hand of God? I made him aunswere,* 12.327 I thought it was his glory. Then sayd he, so they say all. And he asked me whē he would ••e wery of sitting there. Then inferred

my Lord of Windsors Chaplayne, asking me what I said by the masse. I sayd: I neuer knew what it was, nor what it ment, for I vnderstoode it not, because I neuer learned any Latin, and since the time that I had any knowledge, I had bene brought vp in nothing but in reading of Eng¦lish, and with such men as haue taught y^e same: with ma∣ny moe questions, which I cannot rehearse.

Moreouer, he asked me if there were not the very bo∣dy of Christ,* 12.328 flesh, bloud and bone in the Masse, after the Priest had consecrated it. And I made him aunswere: as for the Masse I cannot vnderstand it, but in the new Te∣stament I read, that as the Apostles stoode looking after the Lord when he ascended vp into heauen, an Angel sayd to them: Euen as you see him ascend vp, so shal he come agayne. And I told them an other sentēce: where Christ saith: The poore shall you haue alwayes with you, but me shall you not haue alwayes.

Then M. Chaplaine put to me many questions more to the which I could make hym no aunswere. Among all other, he brought Chrisostome and S. Hierome for hys purpose. To whome I aunswered, that I neyther myn∣ded nor was able to answere their Doctors, neither knew whether they alledged them right, or no: but to that whi∣che is written in the new Testament I would aunswere. Here they laughed me to scorne and called me foole, & sayd they would reason no more with me.

Then Doctor Storye called for Cluny, and bad hym take me away,* 12.329 and set me fast, and let no man speak with me. So was I sent to the Colehouse: where I hadde not ben a week, but there came in xiiii. prisoners: but I was kept still alone without company, in a prison called the Salthouse, hauing vpon my legge a bolt and a fetter, and my handes manacled together with yrons,* 12.330 and there con∣tinued x. dayes, hauing nothing to lye on, but bare stones or a boorde.

On a time whiles I lay there in prison, the Byshop of London comming downe a payre of stayres on the back∣side vntrust, in his hose and doublet, looked in at y^e grate, and asked wherfore I was put in, and who put me in.

I made him aunswere, y^t I was put in for a booke cal∣led Antichrist,* 12.331 by Doctor Story And he sayde: you are not ashamed to declare wherefore you were put in, and said it was a very wicked booke, and bad me confesse the truth to Story. I sayd, I had told the truth to him already, & desi∣red him to be good vnto me, and helpe me out of prison, for they had kept me there long. And he sayd, he could not medle with it: Story hath begon it: and he must end it.

* 12.332Then I was remoued out of the Salthouse to geue place to two women, and caryed to the Lollardes Tower and put in the stockes: and there I founde two prisoners, one called Lyon, a Frenchman, and an other with hym: and so I was kept in the stockes more then a month both day and night, and no man to come to me, or to speake w^t me, but onely my keeper which brought me meate.

Thus we three being together, Lyon the Frenchman song a Psalme in the Frenche tongue, and wee sang with him, so y^t we were heard down into the street, and the kee∣per comming vp in a greate rage,* 12.333 sware that he would put vs all in the stockes, and so tooke the Frenchman and commaunded him to kneel downe vppon his knees, and put both his handes in the flockes, where hee remay∣ned all that night till the next day

After this I beyng in the Lollardes Tower 7. dayes, at my last being with Story hee sware a great othe that he would racke me,* 12.334 and make me tell the truth. Thē Sto∣ry sending for me, commaunded me for to bee brought to Walbroke, wher he & the Cōmissioners dyned: and by the way my keeper told me y^t I should go to the Tower & be racked. So when they had dyned, Story called for me in, and so there I stoode before thē, & some sayd I was wor∣thy to be hanged for hauing such hereticall books. After I had stayde a little while before them, Story called for the keeper, and commaunded him to cary me to the Lollards Tower agayne, and sayde: I haue other matters of the Queenes to do with the Commissioners:* 12.335 but I will finde an other time for him. Whilest I lay yet in the Lollardes Tower, the womā which brought the bookes ouer, being taken, and her bookes, was put in the Clinke in South∣warke by Hussy, one of the Arches: and I Tho. Greene testifie before God, now that I neyther descryed the man nor the woman, the whiche I had the bookes of.

Then I lying in the Lollardes Tower, being sent for before M. Hussy,* 12.336 he required of me, wherefore I was put into the Lollardes Tower, and by whome. To whome I made aunswere, that I was put there by Doctor Story for a booke called Antichrist. Then he made as though hee would be my friend, and sayd he knewe my friendes, and my father and mother, and bad me tel him of whom I had the booke, and sayd: come on, tell me the truth, I told hym as I had told Doctor Story before.

Then he was very angry and sayd: I loue thee well & therfore I sent for thee, and looked for a further truth: but I would tell him no other: whereupon he sent me agayne to the Lollardes Tower. At my going away he called me backe agayn, and sayd that Dixon gaue me the books be¦ing an old man, dwelling in Birchin lane: and I sayde he knew the matter better then I. So he sēt me away to the Lollardes Tower, where I remayned vij. dayes & more.

Then M. Hussy sent for me agayne and required of me to tell him the truth. I told him I could tell him no other truth then I had told Doctor Story before.

Then hee began to tell me of Dixon of whome I had the bookes, the which had made the matter manifest afore:* 12.337 and he told me of all thinges touching Dixon and y^e books more then I could my selfe, in so much y^t he told me howe many I had, and that he had a sacke full of the books in his house, and knew where the woman lay, better then I my selfe. Then I sawe the matter so open and manifest before my face, that it profited not me to stand in the matter. Hee asked me where I had done the books, and I told hym I had but one, & that Doct. Story had. He sayd I lyed, for I had three at one time, & hee required we to tell him of one.

Then I tolde hym of one that Iohn Beane had of me being prentise with Mayster Tottle.* 12.338 So he promised me before and after, and as he shuld be saued before God, that he should haue no harme. And I kneeling downe vppon my knees, desired him to take my bloud, and not to hurt the young man. Then sayd he: because you haue bene so stubburne, the matter being made manifest by other and not by you, being so long in prison, tell me if you wil stād to my iudgement. I sayd yea, take my bloud, and hurt not the young man.

Then he made me answere, I should be whipped like a theefe and a vacabond: and so I thanked him,* 12.339 and went my way with my keeper to the Lollardes tower: where I remayned two or three dayes, and so was brought by the keeper Cluny, by the commaundement of the Com∣missioners, to Christes hospitall, sometime the Gray Fri∣ers: and accordingly had there for the time the correction of theeues and vacabondes, and so was deliuered to Tri∣nian the Porter, and put into a stincking dungeon.

Then after a fewe dayes I finding frendship▪ was let out of the dungeon, and lay in a bed in the night, & walked in a yarde by the dungeon in the day time, and so remay∣ned prisoner a month and more.

Where at length Doctour Story came and two Gen∣tlemē with hym, and called for me,* 12.340 and so I was brought into a counting house before thē. Then he sayd to y^e gentle∣men: here commeth this hereticke, of whom I had y^e book called Antichrist, and began to tell them how many times I had bene before him, and sayde: I haue intreated hym very gently, and he would neuer tell me the truth till y^t it was found out by other. Then sayd he: it wer a good deed to cut out thy tongue and thy eares of thy head, to make thee an example to all other hereticke knaues. And y^e gen∣tlemen said: nay y^t were pitty. Then he asked if y^t I would not become an honest mā: & I sayd yes, for I haue offēded God many wayes. Whereupon he burdened me with my fayth. I told him I had made hym aunswere of my fayth before my Lord Windsors chaplaine, as much as I could.

So in the end he commaunded me to be stripped he stā∣ding by me, and called for two of the Beadels and the whippes to whippe me:* 12.341 and the two Beadels came wyth a cord, and bound my handes together, and the one end of the corde to a stone piller. Then one of my friendes, called Nicholas Priestman, hearing them call for whips, hurled in a bundell of rods, whiche seemed something to pacifie y^e minde of his crueltie: and so they scourged me with rods. But as they were whipping of me, Story asked me if I would go vnto my Mayster agayne, and I sayd nay. And he sayd: I perceiue now he wil be worse then euer he was before: but let me alone (quoth he): I will finde him out if he be in England. And so with many other things which I cannot rehearse, when they had done whipping of me, they bad me pay my fees and go my wayes.

¶Doctor Story commaunded that he should haue an hundred stripes, but the Gentlemen so intreated: that hee had not so many, Story saying: if I might haue my will, I would surely cut out his tongue.

Of the scourging of M. Bartlet Greene, also of Iohn Milles, & of Thomas Hinshaw, ye heard before. In like maner was ordered Ste. Cotton, burned before at Bram∣ford, who testifieth himselfe to be twise beaten by Boner, in a letter of hys written to his brother, as by the same here following for the more euidence may appeare.

The Copie of Steuen Cottons letter, wryt∣ten to his brother, declaring howe he was beaten of Bishop Boner.* 12.342

BRother, in the name of the Lord Iesus I cōmend me vnto you, and I doe heartely thancke you for your godly exhortation and counsell in your last letter declared to me. And albeit I doe perceiue by your letter, you are informed, that as we are diuers persons in number, so we are of contrary sectes, conditions, and opinions, contrary to that good opinion you had of vs at your last being with vs in Newgate: be you most assured good bro∣ther in the Lorde Iesus, we are all of one minde, one faith, one as∣sured hope in the Lord Iesus, whome I trust we altogether with one spirite, one brotherly loue, doe daily call vpon for mercy & forgeuenesse of our sinnes, with earnest repentaunce of our for∣mer liues, and by whose precious bloudshedding wee trust to be saued onely, and by no other meanes. Wherefore good brother, in the name of the Lorde, seeing these impudente people, whose mindes are altogether bent to wickednesse, enuie, vncharitable∣nesse, euill speaking, doe goe about to slaunder vs with vntruth, beleeue them not, neither let their wicked sayings once enter into your mind. And I trust one day to see you againe, although now I am in Gods prison, which is a ioyfull schoole to them that loue theyr Lord God, and to me being a simple scholer most ioy∣full of all.

Good brother, once againe I doe in the name of oure Lorde Iesus, exhort you to pray for me, that I may fight stronglye in the Lordes battaile, to bee a good souldioure to my Captaine Iesus Christ our Lord, and desire my sister also to do the same: and doe not ye mourn or lament for me, but be ye glad and ioyful of this my trouble: For I trust to be loosed out of this dongeon shortly, and to go to euerlasting ioy, which neuer shal haue end. I heard how ye were with the Commissioners. I pray you sue no more for me, good brother. But one thing I shal desire you, to be at my departing out of this life, that you may bear witnes with me that I shal die, I trust in God, a true Christian, and (I hope) all my cō∣panions in the Lord our God: and therfore beleue not these euil disposed people, who are the authors of all vntruthes.

I pray you prouide me a long shirt against the day of our de∣liuerance: for the shirt you gaue me last, I haue geuen to one of my companions who had more neede then I: And as for the mo∣ney and meat you sent vs, the Bishops seruaunts deliuered none to vs, neither he whome you had so great trust in. Brother, there is none of them to trust to: for qualis Magister talis Seruus. I haue beene twise beaten and threatned to be beaten againe by the bishop himselfe.* 12.343 I suppose we shall go into the Countrey to Fulham, to the bishops house, and there be arraigned. I woulde haue you to harken as much as you can. For when we shall goe, it shall be sodenly done. Thus fare ye well, from the Colehouse, this present Fridaye.

Your brother, Steuen Cotton.

The scourging of Iames Harris.

IN this societie of the scourged professors of Christ, was also one Iames Harris of Billerica in Essex, a stripling of the age of 17. yeares: who being apprehended and sent vp to Boner in the company of Margaret Ellis,* 12.344 by Syr Iohn Mordant Knight, and Edmund Tyrel Iustices of peace (as appeareth by their owne letters before mentio∣ned, pag. 2020.) was by Boner diuers times straitly exa∣mined. In the which examinatiōs he was charged not to haue come to his parish church by the space of one yeare or more.* 12.345 Wherunto he graunted, confessing therwithal, that once for feare he had bene at the Church, and there had re∣ceiued the Popish sacrament of the aultare, for the whych he was hartely sorie, detesting the same with all his hart.

After this and such like answeares. Boner (the better to try him,) perswaded him to goe to shrift. The lad som∣what to fulfil his request,* 12.346 consented to go, & did. But whē he came to the Priest, he stoode stil and saide nothing. Why quoth the Priest, sayest thou nothing? what should I say, sayd Harris? Thou must confesse thy sins, sayd the priest. My sinnes (saith he) be so many, that they cānot be num∣bred. With that the Priest told Boner what he had sayde, and he of his accustomed deuotion, tooke the pore lad into his garden, and there with a rod gathered out of a Cherie tree, did most cruelly whip him.

The scourging of Rob. Williams a Smith.

OUer and besides these aboue mētioned, was one Ro∣berte Williams, who being apprehended in the same cōpany, was so tormented after the like maner wyth rods in his arbour: who there subscribing and yelding himselfe by promise to obey the lawes,* 12.347 after being let go, refused so to doe: whereupon he was earnestly sought for, but could not be found, for that he kept himselfe close, and went not abroad but by stelth: & now in the meane time of this per∣secution, this Robert Williams departed thys life, and so escaped the handes of his enemies. The Lord therfore be honoured for euer. Amen.

¶And for asmuch as I haue begon to wryte of Boners scourging, by the occasion therof commeth to minde to in∣ferre by the way, his beating of other boyes and children, and drawing them naked through the nettels, in his iour∣ney rowing toward Fulham. The storie although it touch no matter of Religion, yet because it toucheth some thyng the nature and disposition of that man, and maye refreshe the Reader, wearied percase with other dolefull stories, I thought not to omitte.

Boner causeth certaine Boyes to be beaten.

BOner passing from London to Fulham by Barge,* 12.348 ha∣uing Iohn Milles and Thomas Hinshaw aboue mē∣tioned with him, both prisoners for Religion, by the way as he went by water, was saying Euensong with Harps∣field his chaplaine in the barge, and being about the mid∣dle of their deuout orisons, they espied a sort of yōg boyes swimming and washing themselues in the Thames ouer against Lambeth, or a little aboue: vnto whome hee went and gaue very gentle language, and faire speach,* 12.349 vntill he had let his man a lande. That done, his men ran after the boyes to get them, as the Bishop commaunded them be∣fore, beating some with nettles, drawinge some throughe bushes of nettles naked, and some they made leape into the Thames to saue them selues, that it was maruell they were not drowned.

Now as the children for feare did crie, and as this skir∣mishing was betweene them, immediatly came a greater lad thither, to know what the matter ment that the boyes made suche a noise. Whome when the bishop espied, he as∣ked him whether he wold maintain them in their doings or no. Unto whom the yong fellow made answer stoutly, yea. Then the B. commanded him to be taken also: but be ran away with spede, and there auoided the bishops bles∣sing. Now when the B. sawe him to flee away, & an other man sitting vpon a rail in the way where he ran, he wil∣led him likewise to stop the boy: and because he wold not, he commaunded his men to fet that man to him also: but he hearing that, ran away as fast as he coulde, and by lea∣ping ouer the ditch, escaped the bishop in like maner.

Then the Bishop seeing the successe of his battaile to prooue no better, cried to a couple of fery boies to run and holde him that last ran away. And for that they sayde they could not (as in deede it was true) therefore he caused his men by and by to take and beat them. The boyes hearing that, lept into the water to saue themselues: notwithstan∣ding they were caught, and in the water by the Byshops men were holden and beaten.

Now, after the ende of this great skirmish, the bishops men returned to their maister againe into the barge,* 12.350 and he and Harpsfielde his chaplaine went to their Euensong a fresh where they lefte, and so forsooth the rest of their ser∣uice, as cleane without malice, as an egge wythout meat. The Lorde geue him repentaunce (if it bee his will) and grace to become a new man. Amen.

The whipping of a begger at Salisburie,

VNto these aboue specified, is also to be added the mise∣rable whipping of a certain pore starued seely begger, who because he would not receiue the sacramēt at Easter in the towne of Colingborow,* 12.351 was brought to Salisbury with billes and gleiues to the Chancellor doctor Geffrey who cast him into the Dongeon, and after caused him mi∣serably to be whipped of two catchpoles. The sight wher¦of made all godly hearts to rew it, to see such tyrannye to be shewed vppon such a simple and seely wretche: for they which saw him haue reported, that they neuer saw a more simple creature: But what pitie can mooue the heartes of mercilesse Papists?

Besides these aboue named, diuers other also suffered the like scourgings and whippings in their bodies for the faithfull standing in the truth. Of whom it may be sayde, as it is wrytten of the holy Apostles in the Actes. Which departed from the counsel,* 12.352 reioysing that they were coun∣ted woorthy to suffer for the name of Iesus.

¶An other treatise of suche as being pursued in Queene Maries time, were in great daunger, & yet through the good prouidence of God, mercifully were preserued.

ALthough the secreat purpose of almighty God, which disposeth all thinges, suffered a greate number of hys

faithfull seruauntes both men and women, and that of all ages and degrees, to fall into the enemies handes, and to abide the brunt of this persecution, to be tried with rods, with whippes, with rackes, with fetters and famin, with burning of handes,* 12.353 with plucking of beardes, wyth bur∣ning also both hand, beard, and body. &c.

Yet notwithstāding some there were againe, and that a great number, who myraculously by the mercifull pro∣uidence of God, against all mannes expectation, in safetie were deliuered out of the fiery rage of this persecution, ei∣ther by voydinge the Realme, or shiftinge of place, or the Lord so blinding the eyes of the persecutors, or disposing the oportunitie of time, or woorking some suche meanes or other for hys seruauntes, as not onely ought to stir them vp to perpetuall thanckes, but also may mooue all menne both to beholde and magnifie the wonderous woorkes of the almightie.

About what time it began to be knowen that Queene Mary was sicke, diuers good men were in hold in diuers quarters of the realme, some at Burie, some at Salisb. as Iohn Hunt and Richard White, of whome we haue sto∣ried before, and some at London, amongest whome was Wil. Liuing with hys wife, and Iohn Lithall, of whome something remaineth now compendiously to be touched.

The trouble and deliueraunce of William Liuing with his wife, and of Iohn Lithall, Ministers.

ABout the time of the latter end of Queene Marie, she then beinge sicke,* 12.354 came one Coxe a Promoter, to the house of William Liuing, about 6. of the clocke, accompa∣nied with one Iohn Launce of the Graihound. They be∣ing not ready, they demaunded for buttons, sayinge they shoulde be as well payed for them, as euer was any: and he would come about 3. houres after againe for them.

* 12.355In the meane while he had gotten the Constable called maister Deane, and George Hancocke the Beadle of that Ward, and searching his bookes, founde a booke of Astro∣nomie, called the worke of Ioannes de sacro busto de sphaera, with figures, some round, some triangle, some quadrate: which booke because it was gilted, seemed to him the chie∣fest booke there, and that he caried open in the streate, say∣ing: I haue founde him at length. It is no maruaile the Queene be sicke, seeing there be suche coniurers in priuie corners: but now I trust he shall coniure no more, and so brought him and his wife from Shoe lane through Fleet streete into Paules Churchyarde, with the Constable, the Beadle, and 2. other following them, til they were entred into Darbishires house, who was bishop Boners Chan∣cellour: And after the Constable and they had talked wyth Darbishire, he came foorth and walked in his yard, saying these woordes.

Darbishire.

What is your name?

Liuing.

William Liuing.

Darb.

* 12.356What are you? a Priest?

Liuing.

Yea.

Darb.

Is this your wife that is come with you?

Liuing.

That shee is.

Darb.

Where were you made Priest?

Liuing.

At Obourne.

Darb.

In what Bishops daies?

Liuing.

By the Bishop of Lincolne, that was king Hen∣ries ghostly father in Cardinall Wolsies time.

Darb.

You are a schismaticke and a traytor.

Liuing.

I would be sorie that were true. I am certaine I neuer was traitor, but alwais haue taught obedience, ac∣cording to the tenour of Gods woord: and when tumults and Schismes haue beene stirred, I haue preached Gods word, and swaged them, as in the time of king Edwarde.

Darb.

What? you are a Schismaticke. You be not in the vnitie of the catholike church: for you pray not as y^e church of Rome doth: You pray in English.

Liuing.

We are certaine we be in the true church.

Darb.

There be that doubteth therof, for so much as there is but one true Church.

Well, you will learne against I talke with you againe, to know the church of Rome, and to be a member thereof.

Liuing

If the church of Rome be of that Churche where∣of Christ is the head, then am I a member thereof: for I know no other Church but that.

Darb.

Wel Cluny, take him with thee to the Colehouse.

Then called he Cluny again, and spake secretly to him, what I know not.* 12.357

Then sayde Cluny: wilt thou not come: and so pluckt me away violently, and brought me to his owne house in Pater noster Rowe, where hee robbed mee of my pursse, my girdle, and my Psalter, and a new Testamēt of Geneua, and then broughte me to the Colehouse to put mee in the stockes, saying: put in both your legges and your handes also: and except you fine w^t me, I will put a collor about your necke. What is the fine, quoth I? Fortie shillinges quoth he, I am neuer able to pay it, sayd I.

Then said he: you haue friendes that be able.* 12.358 I denyed it: and so he put both my legges into the stockes til supper time, whyche was 6. of the clocke, and then a cosine of my wiues brought me meat, who seeing me so sit there, sayd: I will geue you 40. pence and let him goe at libertie: and he tooke her mony, and presently let me forth in her sighte, to eate my supper. And at 7. of the clocke he put mee into the stockes againe, and so I remained till 2. of the clocke the next day, and so he let mee foorth till nighte. This wo∣man aboue mentioned, was Griffins first wife, a brother dwelling then in Aldermanberie, and yet aliue in Chepe∣side.

The thursday following at afternoone was I called to the Lollardes tower, and there put in the stockes,* 12.359 hauing the fauour to put my legge in that hole that Master Iohn Philpots legge was in, and so lay all that night, no body comming to me, either with meat or drinke.

At 11. of the clocke on the Fridaye, Clunie came to mee with meat, and let me forth, and about one of the clocke he brought me to Darbishires house, who drew forth a scroll of names, and asked me if I knew none of them, I said I know none of them, but Foster. And so I kneeled downe vpon my knees, and praied him that he wold not enquire thereof any farther.* 12.360 And with that came foorth two godly women, which sayd: Master Darbishire, it is inough, and so became sureties for mee, and paied to Clunie xv. s. for my fees, and bad me goe with them.

And thus muche concerning William Liuing. After this came his wife to examination, whose answeares to Darbishire the Chancellor, here likewise follow.

The examination of Iulian Liuing, wife to William Liuing.

DArbishire.

Ah syrha: I see by your gowne you be one of the Sisters.* 12.361

Iulian.

I weare not my gowne for Sisterhood, neither for nunnerie, but to keepe me warme.

Darb

Nunne? No I dare say you be none, Is that man your husband?

Iulian.

Yea.

Darb.

He is a Priest.

Iulian.

No, he sayeth no Masse.

Darb.

What then? He is a priest. How darest thou marry him.

Then he shewed me a rolle of certaine names of Citi∣zens. To whom I answeared, I knew none of them.

Then sayd he: you shall be made to know them.

Then said I: do no other but Iustice and right, for the day will come that you shall answere for it.

Iulian.

Why womā, thinkest thou not that I haue a soul.

Iulian.

Yes, I knowe you haue a soule: but whether it be to saluation or damnation, I can not tell.

Darb.

Ho Cluny haue her to the Lollardes tower.* 12.362 And so he tooke me, and caryed me to his house, where was one Dale a Promoter, which sayde to me: Alas good woman, wherefore be you heere.

What is that to you sayd I?

You be not ashamed, quoth Dale, to tel wherfore you came hither.* 12.363

No quoth I, that I am not: for it is for Christes Testament.

Christes Testament, quoth hee? it is the Deuils Te∣stament.

Oh Lorde, quoth I, God forbid that any man shoulde speake any such woorde.

Well, well quoth he, you shall be ordered wel enough. You care not for burning quoth he. By Gods bloud, there must be some other meanes founde for you.

What quoth I, will you find any worse then you haue founde?

Wel quoth he, you hope and you hope: but your hope shalbe a slope. For though the Queene faile, shee that you hope for, shall neuer come at it: For there is my lord Car∣dinals grace, and many more betweene her and it.

Then quoth I: my hope is in none but God.

Then saide Clunye: Come with me: and so went I to the Lollardes Tower.* 12.364 On the next daye Darbishire sent for me againe, and enquired againe of those Citizens that he enquired of before.

I answeared I knewe them not.

Where were you, quoth he, at the communion on son∣day

was fortnight?

And I sayd, in no place.

Then the Constable of S. Brides, beinge there, made sute for me.

And Darbishyre demaunded of him if hee woulde be bounde for me.

* 12.365He answeared, yea. And so he was bounde for my ap∣pearance betwixt that and Christmasse.

Then Darbishire sayd: you be Constable, and should geue her good counsell.

So do I quoth he. For I bid her goe to Masse, and to say as you say. For by the Masse, if you say the Crowe is white, I will say so too.

And thus much concerning the examination of Willi∣am Liuing and his wife, whom although thou seest heere deliuered through the request of women,* 12.366 hys sureties, yet it was no doubt, but that the deadly sicknesse of Queene Marie abated and brideled then the crueltie of those Pa∣pists, which otherwise would neuer haue let them goe.

The trouble and deliueraunce of Iohn Lithall.

AT the taking of William Liuing, it happened that cer∣taine of his Bookes were in the custodie of one Iohn Lithall,* 12.367 whyche knowen, the Constable of the Warde of Southwarke, with other of the Queenes seruauntes, were sent to his house, who breaking open his doores and chests, tooke away not onely the bookes of the sayde Willi∣am Liuing, but also all his owne bookes, wrytings, and billes of debtes, which he neuer had againe. All this while Lithall was not at home.

The next Saterdaye after, as hee was returned, and knowen to be at home, Iohn Auales and certaine of the Queenes seruauntes besette his house all the night, wyth such carefull watch, that as he in the morning issued out of his doores, thinking to escape their handes, Iohn Auales sodenly brusting out vpon him, cried, stop the traitor, stop the traitor. Whereat Lithall being amased, looked backe.

And so Iohn Auales came running to him, wyth other that were with him, saying: ha syrra: you are a prety trai∣torly fellow in deede: we haue had somewhat to do to get you. To whom he answeared, that he was a truer man to the Queenes maiestie then he. For you (sayd he) are com∣maunded by God to kepe holy the Sabboth day, and you seeke to shed your neighbours bloud on the Saboth day. Remember that you must answere therfore to God. But he said, come on you villaine, you must goe before y^e coun∣sell. So was Lithal brought into Paules Churchyard to the bishops Chauncellour,* 12.368 by Iohn Auales, saying, that he had there caught the Captaine of these fellowes, and so caused him to be called to examination before D. Darbi∣shire, who entred with him talke in this wise.

Chaunc.

What countrey man are you?

Lithall.

I am an Englishman, borne in Staffordshire.

Chaunc.

* 12.369Where were you brought vp?

Lith.

In this our countrey of England.

Chaunc.

In what Uniuersitie?

Lith.

In no Uniuersitie, but in a free schoole.

Chaunc.

We haue had certaine bookes from your house & wrytings, wherein is both treason and heresie.

Lith.

Syr, there is neither treason nor heresie in them.

Chaunc.

Thē he asked for certain other men that I knew.

Lith.

If you haue ought to lay to my charge, I will aun∣swer it: but I wil haue no other mans bloud vpō my hed.

Chaunc.

Why come you not to the Churche? Of what Churche be you, that you come not to your owne Parish Church?

Lithall.

I am of the Church of Christ, the fountaine of all goodnesse.

Chanc.

Haue you no ministers of your church but Christ.

Lith.

We haue others.

Chanc.

Where be they?

Lith.

In the whole world disparsed, preaching and profes∣sing the Gospell and faith onely in our Sauior Iesus, as he commaunded them.

Chauncellour.

You boast muche euery one of you of your faith and beliefe: Lette me heare therefore the effecte howe you beleeue.

Lith.

I beleue to be iustified freely by Christe Iesu, accor∣ding to the saying of S. Paule to the Ephesians,* 12.370 without either deedes or workes, or any thing that may be inuen∣ted by man.

Chaunc.

Faith can not saue without woorkes.

Lith.

That is contrary to the doctrine of the Apostles.

Chaunc.

Iohn Auales, you and the Keeper haue this fel∣low to prisone.

Clunie, and Iohn Auales.

Then Iohn Auales and Clunie the Keeper had me into Paules, and would haue had me to haue seene the apostles masse.

Lithall.

I knowe none the Apostles had, and therefore I will see none.

Clunie, and Iohn Auales.

Come kneele downe before the roode, and say a Pater noster and an Aue in the woorship of the fiue woundes.

Lith.

I am forbidden by Gods owne mouthe to kneele to any Idoll or Image: therefore I will not.

Then they pulled me with great extremitie, y^e one ha∣uing me by one arme, and the other by the other, but God gaue me at that present time more strēgth then both these, his name be praised for it.

Then when they coulde not make me to kneele before the roode, neither to see their Masse,* 12.371 there gathered a great company about vs, and all against me. Some spit on me, and sayd: Fie on thee hereticke, and other said it was pitie I was not burned already.

Then they caried me to Lollardes Tower, and han∣ged me in a great paire of stockes, in the which I lay three daies and three nightes, till I was so lame that I coulde neither sturre nor mooue.

Then I offered the Keeper certaine money and gold that I had about me, to release me out of the stockes, and he sayde I would not be ruled by him, neither to see masse nor to kneele before the Roode, and therefore I should lye there still. But I sayde I would neuer doe the thyng that shoulde be againste my conscience, and thoughe you haue lamed my body, yet my conscience is whole, I praise God for it. So shortly after he lette me out of the stockes, more for the loue of my money (as it maye be thought) then for any other affection, and within four or fiue daies my wife gotte leaue of maister Chauncelloure to come to mee, to bring me suche things as were needefull for me, and there I lay fiue weekes and odde dayes. In the which time di∣uers of my neighboures and friendes made sute to the Chauncellor for my deliuerance, the Bishop, as they sayd, at that time being at Fulham sicke. So my neighbors be∣ing there, aboute twentie of them, the Chauncellour sent for me out of the Lollardes Tower to his own house,* 12.372 and sayde as followeth.

Chauncellour.

Lithall, heere be of thy neighbours whych haue bene with me to intreat for thee, and they haue infor∣med me that thou hast bene a very honest & a quiet neigh∣bor amongest them, and I thincke it be Gods will that I should deliuer thee before my Lorde come home. For if he come and thou go home againe, I will be burned for thee, for I knowe his minde already in that matter.

Lith.

I geue you hearty thankes for your gentlenesse, and my neighbours for their good report.

Chauncellour.

Lithall, if thy neighbours will be bounde for thy foorth comming whēsoeuer thou shalt be called for, and also thou wilt be an obedient subiect, I shalbe content to deliuer thee.

Neighbours.

If it please your woorship, we will be bounde for him both in body and goodes.

Chauncellour.

I will require no such bond of you, but that two of you will be bound in 20. pound a peece, that he shal come to aunswere when he shall be called.

Lithall.

Where finde you, maister Chancelloure in all the Scripture, that the Churche of God did binde any manne for the profession of his faithe? whiche profession you haue heard of me, that all oure iustification, righteousnesse, and saluation, commeth onely and freely by the merites of our Sauiour Iesus Christe, and all the inuentions & workes of men, be they neuer so glorious, be all together vaine, as the wise man sayeth.

Chauncellour.

Loe, where he is now, I put no such matter to you: for in that I beleeue as you doe: but yet S. Iames sayth that a man is iustified by woorkes.

Lithall.

Sainte Iames spake to those that boasted them∣selues of faithe, and shewed no woorkes of faith.* 12.373 But O maister Chauncellour, remember I praye you, howe all the promises and Prophesies of the holy Scripture, euen from the firste promise that God made to Adam, and so e∣uen to the latter ende to the Reuelation of Sainte Iohn, doe testifie that in the name of Iesus, and onely by hys merites, all that beleeue shalbe saued from all their sinnes and offences. Esay sayeth:* 12.374 I am founde of them that sought mee not, and am manifest to them that asked not after mee: but against Israel he sayeth:* 12.375 All daye long haue I stretched oute my hande to a people that beleeue not. And when the Iayler asked S. Paule what he shoulde doe to be saued, the Apo∣stle sayde: Beleeue in the Lorde Iesus, and thou shalt be saued and all thy housholde.

Againe, S. Iohn sayeth in the Reuelation, that there was none, neither in heauen, nor in earth, neither vnder y^e earth, that was able to open the booke nor y^e seales therof, but onely the Lambe Iesus our onely Sauiour. And S.

Paule sayth: With one offering hath he made perfecte for euer them that are sanctified.

Chaunc.

* 12.376With vaine glory you reherse much Scripture, as al the sort of you do: but you haue no more vnderstan∣ding then a many of sheepe. But to the purpose. Will you that your neighbors shall enter into bōds for you, or not?

Lith.

By my minde they shall not. Wherfore I desire you that you would not binde me, but let me serue God with my conscience freely.* 12.377 For it is wrytten: They that leade into captiuitie shall goe into captiuitie, and they that strike wyth the sworde, shall pearish with the sworde.

Also it is wrytten in the Gospel of our Sauiour Iesus Christ:* 12.378 that who so doeth offend one of these little ones whych beleeue in mee, it were better for him that a milstone were han∣ged about his necke, and that he were cast into the depth of the sea. Of the which I am assured by his holye spirite that I am one. Wherefore be you well assured that such mercy as you shew, vnto you shall be shewed the like.

Chaunc.

You are a mad man. I would not binde you, but that I must needes haue somewhat to shewe for your de∣liueraunce. Then he called ij. of my neighbours, Thomas Daniel and Saunders Maybe, which offered themselues to be bounde, and called me before them, and sayd: I haue a letter of his own hand wryting with his name and seale at it, with a booke also againste the Regiment of women, for the which I coulde make him to be hanged, drawen, & quartered, but on my faith I will him no more hurt, then I meane to mine owne soule.

Lith.

I desire you that be my neighbours and frends, that you wil not enter into bondes for me: for you knowe not the danger therof, neither I my selfe: It goeth against my conscience that ye should so doe.

Chaunc.

Why I wil not binde you to do any thing against your conscience.

Neighbours.

* 12.379Then they made the bonde and sealed to it, and willed me y^t I shoulde seale to it also: and I saide that I would not, neither could I obserue the bond, and ther∣fore I would not set too my hand.

Chaunc.

It is pitie that thou hast so much fauour shewed thee: yet for these honest mens sake I wil discharge thee.

Notwithstanding all these dissembling woords of mai∣ster Darbishire, pretending for fauoure of his sureties to set him at libertye, it was no suche thing, nor anye zeale of charitie y^t mooued him so to do, but onely feare of the time, vnderstanding the daungerous and vnrecouerable sick∣nesse of Queene Mary, which then began somwhat to as∣swage the cruel proceedings of thes•• persecutors, wherby they durst not do that they would: for els Lithall was not like to haue escaped so easily.

Edward Grew.

MOreouer, there was one Edward Grewe priest, and Appline his wife,* 12.380 compelled to flie from theyr dwel∣ling at a Towne called Broke: and the man being verye aged, trauailed abroade to keepe a good conscience.

At the last he was taken and laid in Colchester Castle, where he remained till Quene Elizabeth came to her re∣gal seat, and by the alteration of Religion he was deliue∣red. His wife, good womā, was in great care for him, and to her power did what she could to succour him.

William Browne.

WIlliam Browne, Parson of Little Stanham, in the Countie of Suffolke,* 12.381 made a Sermon in the sayde Towne, incontinently after the buriall of our good King Edward, and in his sermon he sayde: there goeth a report that our good king is buried with a Masse by the Bishop of Winchester, he hauing a miter vpon his head. But if it were so (sayeth hee) they are all traitours that so doe, be∣cause it is bothe againste the truthe and the lawes of thys realme, and it is greate Idolatrie and blasphemie, and a∣gainst the glory of God: and they are no frends neither to God,* 12.382 the king, nor yet vnto the realm that so do. For this his preaching, one Robert Blomefielde, an aduersarye to the truth, being then constable of the sayd towne, and bai∣l••••se vnto sir Iohn Ierningham knight (the chiefe lord of y^e towne) immediatly rode foorth,* 12.383 & brought home w^t him one Edward Goulding, which was then vnder sheriffe, Syr Thomas Cornewalis being then high sheriffe.

So the sayd Golding and Blomfield sent for certaine men of the sayd Towne, and examined them for the Ser∣mon. Wherunto they made but a small answer. Then the Sheriffe made a Bill, and so feared the men, that 2. or 3. of them set to their hands, and one of them neuer ioyed after but it was a griefe to him till he died.

Then did they take men with them vnto the Parsones house, and in the night they tooke him,* 12.384 and wyth watchmē kept him vntill it was day. Then should he haue bene ca∣ried the next day to the Counsell: but y^e said Rob. Blome∣field was taken so sicke, that hee was like to die: so that he could not carie him for his life.

Then the sayd sheriffe sent him to Ipswich againe, and there he was for a time. Then hee was sent to Burie pri∣son, & from thence to the Councel, and then into the Flete: and so he lay in prisone from the beginning of haruest till it was nigh Christmasse, and he sayd God gaue him ••uche answeres to make when he was examined, that hee was deliuered with quietnes of conscience.* 12.385 And hauing his li∣bertie, he came againe vnto the foresayd Towne: and be∣cause he would not goe to Masse, his liuing was taken a∣way, and he & his wife were constrained to flie heere and there, for his life & conscience. In the last yeare of Queene Maries raigne, God did take him out of this life in peace.

Where moreouer is to be noted, y^t this Robert Blom∣field aboue named, immediately after he had apprehended the saide Browne fell very sicke:* 12.386 And though at that time he was a welthy man and of a great substance (beside his land, which was better then twentie pound a yeare) after thys time, God so plagued his housholde, that hys eldest sonne died, and his wife had a pining sickenesse till she de∣parted this life also.

Then maried he an other, a richer widow: but all wold not helpe, and nothing would prosper: For hee had a sore pining sicknesse, being full of botches and sores, whereby he wasted away both body and goodes, till he died.

So when he died, he was aboue ix. ••core pounds in det, and it was neuer heard of any repentaunce he had. But a litle before his death, he bragged, & threatned a good man, one Symon Hariston, to putte him foorth to the Officers, because he did weare no Surplis when he sayd seruice.

Wherefore it is pitie suche baites of Poperie are lefte to the enemies to take Christians in. God take them away, or els from them: for God knoweth they be the cause of much blindnesse and strife amongest men.

Furthermore, out of the sayde Towne were constray∣ned to flye Robert Boele and Iohn Trapne, because they woulde not goe to Masse and receiue their Sacrament of the aultare.

Elizabeth Young.

YE heard before in the treatise of the scourging of Tho∣mas Grene, how he was troubled and beaten by doc∣tour Storie, for a certaine booke called Antichriste, which he receiued of a woman, because in no case he woulde de∣tect her.

This woman was one Elizabeth Young, who com∣ming from Emden to England, brought with her diuers bookes, and sparsed them abroad in London, for the which shee being at length espied and laied fast, was broughte to examination 13. times before the Catholicke Inquisitours of heretical prauitie. O. the which her examinations, nine haue come to our handes.

Wherein how fiercely she was assaulted, how shame∣fully shee was reuiled, how miserably handled, and what answeres she made vnto the aduersaries in her owne de∣fence, and finally after all this, how she escaped and passed through y^e pikes (being yet, as I heare say, aliue) I thou∣ght to geue the reader here to see and vnderstande.

The first examination of Elizabeth Young, before maister Hussie.

WHo examined her of many thinges: First where she was borne, and who was her father and mother.* 12.387

Elizabeth Young.

Syr, all this is but vaine talke, and ve∣ry superfluous. It is to fil my head with fantasies, that I shoulde not be able to aunswere vnto suche thinges as I came for. Ye haue not (I thinke) put me in prison to know who is my father and mother. But I pray you goe to the matter that I came hether for.

M. Hussie.

Wherfore wentest thou out of the realme?

Elizabeth.

To keepe my conscience cleane.

Hussie.

When wast thou at Masse?

Eliz.

Not this three yeares.

Hussie.

Then wast thou not there iij. yeares before that.

Eliz.

No Syr, nor yet iij. yeares more before that, for and if I were, I had euill lucke.

Hussie.

How old art thou?

Eliz.

Fourty and vpwardes.

Hussie.

Twentie of those yeares thou wentest to Masse.

Eliz.

Yea, and twentie more I may and yet come home as wise as I went thether first, for I vnderstand it not.

Hussie.

Why wilt not thou go to the Masse?

Elizabeth.

Syr, my conscience will not suffer me: For I had rather that all the world should accuse me, then mine owne conscience.

Hussy.

* 12.388What and if a louse or a flea sticke vpon thy skinne, and bite thy flesh? thou must make a conscience in the ta∣king her off: is there not a conscience in it?

Elizabeth.

That is but an easie Argument to displace the Scriptures, and especially in such a part as my saluation dependeth vppon: for it is but an easie conscience y^t a man can make.

Hussy.

But why wilte thou not sweare vpon the Euan∣gelist before a Iudge?

Eliz.

* 12.389Because I know not what a booke oth is.

Hussy.

Then he began to teach her the booke oth.

Eliz.

Syr, I do not vnderstand it, and therefore I wil not learne it.

Hussy.

Then sayde hee: thou wilt not vnderstand it: and with that rose vp and went his way.

Her second examination before Doctour Martin.

WHo sayd to her: Woman, thou art come from beyōd the sea,* 12.390 and hast brought with thee bookes of heresie and treason, and thou must confesse to vs, who translated them, Printed them, and who sent them ouer (for once I knowe thee to be but a messenger:) and in so doynge the Queenes highnesse will be good to thee (for shee hath for∣geuen greater things then this) & thou shalt find as much fauour as is possible.* 12.391 But if thou be stubborne, and wilte not confesse, thou wilt be wondrous euill handled: for we know the truth already, but thus we do, only to see whe∣ther thou wilt be true of thy woord, or no.

Eliz.

Syr, ye haue my confession, and more then that I can not say.

Martin.

Thou must say more, and shalt say more. Doest thou thinke that we wil be full answeared by this exami∣nation that thou hast made? Thou rebell whoore and trai∣torly heretike,* 12.392 thou dost refuse to sweare vpon the Euan∣gelist before a Iudge, I heare say. Thou shalt be racked inch meale, thou traitourly whoore and hereticke, but thou shalt sweare afore a Iudge before thou goe: yea, and thou shalt be made to confesse how many bookes thou hast sold, and to whom.

Eliz.

Syr I vnderstand not what an oth is, and therfore I will take no suche thing vppon me. And no man hathe boughte any bookes of mee as yet, for those bookes that I had, you Commissioners haue them all.

Martin.

Thou traitorly whore, we knowe that thou haste sold a number of bookes, yea, and to whom: and how ma∣ny times thou hast beene here, and where thou layest, and euery place that thou hast bene in. Doest thou thinke that thou hast fooles in hand?

Eliz.

No syr, you be too wise for me: for I can not tel howe manye places I haue beene in my selfe: but if I were in Turkey, I should haue meate and drinke and lodging for my money.

Mart.

Thou rebel whoore, thou hast spoken euil woordes by the Queene,* 12.393 and thou dwellest amongest a sort of trai∣tours and rebelles, that can not geue the Queene a good woorde.

Eliz.

I am not able to accuse any man thereof, nor yet is there any man that can approoue anye such things by me, as ye lay vnto my charge. For I know by Gods woorde, & Gods booke hath taught me what is my duetie to God, and vnto my Queene, and therefore (as I sayd) I am as∣sured that no man liuing vpon the earth, can approoue a∣ny such things by me.

Mart.

Thou rebell and traitourly whoore, thou shalt be so racked & handled, that thou shalt be an example to all such traitorly whoores and heretikes: And thou shalt be made to sweare by the holye Euangelist, and confesse to whome thou haste solde al and euery of these heretical bookes that thou haste solde: for wee knowe what number thou haste solde, and to whome: but thou shalt be made to confesse it in spite of thy bloud.

Eliz.

Here is my carkas: do with it what ye wil, and more then that ye can not haue. Master Martin, ye can haue no more but my bloude.

Then fared he as though hee had bene starke mad, and sayd: Martin? Why callest thou me Martin?

Eliz.

Sir, I knowe you well enough, for I haue bene be∣fore you ere now. Ye deliuered me once at Westminster.

Martin.

Where diddest thou dwell then?

Eliz.

I dwelled in the Minories.

Martin.

I deliuered thee and thy husband bothe: and I thought•• then that thou wouldest haue done otherwyse then thou dost now. For if thou hadst bene before any Bi∣shop in England, and said the woordes that thou didst be∣fore me, thou haddest fried a fagot:* 12.394 and thoughe thou didst not burne then, thou art like to burne or hang now.

Eliz.

Syr, I promised you then, that I woulde neuer be fed with an vnknowen tongue, & no more I will not yet.

Martin.

I shall feede thee well enoughe. Thou shalte be fedde with that (I warrant thee) which shall be finally to thine ease.

Eliz.

Doe what God shall suffer you to doe: for more yee shall not. And then he arose, and so departed, and went to the keepers house, and sayd to the wife: Whom haste thou suffered to come to this vile traitourly whoore and here∣tike to speake wyth her? Then sayde the keepers wife, as God receiue my soule, here came neither mā, woman, nor childe to aske for her.

Mart.

If any man, woman, or childe come to aske for her,* 12.395 I charge thee in paine of death, that they be layed fast, and geue her one day bread, and an other day water.

Eliz.

If ye take away my meat, I trust that God wil take away my hunger: and so he departed, and sayde, that was too good for her: and then was shee shutte vppe vnder two lockes in the Clincke, where shee was before.

The third examination before Doctour Martin againe.

THen was shee broughte before hym in his Chamber,* 12.396 within my Lorde Chauncellours house. Who asked her, saying: Elizabeth, wilt thou confesse these thynges that thou hast bene examined vppon? For thou knowest that I haue bene thy frende: and in so doing.* 12.397 I wil be thy frende againe: geuing her manye faire woordes, and then demaunding of her how many Gentlemen were beyond the Seas.

Eliz.

It is too much for me to tel you how many are on the other side.

Mart.

No, I meane but in Franckford & Emden, where thou hast bene.

Eliz.

Syr, I did neuer take accounte of them: it is a thing that I looke not for.

Martin.

When shall I heare a true woorde come out of thy mouth?

Eliz.

I haue tolde you the truth, but because that it soun∣deth not to your minde, therefore ye will not credite it.* 12.398

Martin.

Wilt thou yet confesse? and if thou wilt, that that I haue promised, I will doe: and if thou wilt not, I pro∣mise thee thou must goe euen hence to the racke, and ther∣fore confesse.

Eliz.

I can say no more then I haue sayde.

Martin.

Well, for as muche as shee will confesse no more, haue her awaye to the Racke, and then shee will be mar∣red. Then aunsweared a Priest that sate there, and sayde: Woman, take an othe and confesse. Wilt thou be hurte for other men?

Eliz.

I can confesse no more then I haue. Doe with my carkas what yee will.* 12.399

Martin.

Did yee euer heare the like of thys Heretique? What a stoute heretique is thys? We haue the truthe▪ and we knowe the truth, and yet looke whether shee will con∣fesse. There is no remedie, but shee muste needes to the Racke, and therefore away with her, and so commaunded her out of the doore, and called her keeper vnto hym, and sayde to him: There is no remedie but this heretike must be racked: and talked with him more, but what it was she heard not.

Then he called her in againe, and sayde: Wilte thou not confesse, and keepe thee from the Racke? I aduise thee so to doe: for if thou wilt not, thou knowest not the payne yet, but thou shalt do.

Eliz.

Syr, I canne confesse no more. Do with my carkas what yee will.

Martin.

Keeper, away with her. Thou knowest what I sayde. Let her knowe the paine of the Racke. And so shee departed, thinking no lesse, but that she should haue gone to the Racke, till shee sawe the keeper tourne towarde the Clincke againe.* 12.400 And thus did God alienate their heartes and diminish their tyrānous power, vnto the time of fur∣ther examination: for she was brought before the byshop, the Deane, and the Chauncellour, and other Commissio∣ners, first and last thirteene times.

The fourth examination was before the Byshop of London, Syr Roger Cholmley, Doctour Cooke, the Re∣corder of London, Doctour Roper of Kent, and Doctour Martin, as concerning her faith. &c.

FIrste, shee being presented by Doctour Martin, before the Bishop of London. Doctour Martin beganne to

declare against her, saying: The Lord Chauncellour hath sent you heere a woman, which hath brought bookes ouer from Emden, where al these bookes of heresie and treason are printed, and hathe therewith filled all the lande wyth Treason and heresie:* 12.401 neither yet will shee confesse, who translated them, nor who printed them, nor yet who sent them ouer. Wherfore my Lord Chācellor committeth her vnto my Lorde of London, he to doe with her as he shall thinke good.* 12.402 For shee will confesse nothing, but that shee bought these said bookes in Hamsterdame, and so brought them ouer to sell for gaine.

D. Cooke.

Let her heade be trussed in a small line, & make her to confesse.

Martin.

* 12.403The booke is called Antichrist, and so may it be wel called, for it speaketh against Iesus Christ & the Queene. And besides that, shee hathe a certaine sparke of the Ana∣baptists, for she refuseth to sweare vpon the iiij. Euange∣listes before a Iudge: For I my selfe and M. Hussy haue had her before vs foure times, but we can not bring her to sweare. Wherfore my Lord Chauncellor would that shee should absteine & fast,* 12.404 for she hath not fasted a great while: For she hathe laine in the Clincke a good while, where she hath had too much her libertie.

Then said the bishop: why wilt thou not sweare before a Iudge? that is the right trade of the Anabaptists.

Eliz.

My Lord, I wil not sweare that this hand is mine.

No, sayd the bishop? and why?

Eliz.

* 12.405My Lorde, Christ sayeth, that what soeuer is more then yea, yea, or nay, nay, it commeth of euill. And moreo∣uer, I know not what an oth is: and therefore I wil take no such thing vpon me.

Then saide Cholmley: xx. pounde, it is a man in a wo∣man clothes: xx. pound it is a man.

Boner.

* 12.406Thinke you so my Lord?

Cholm.

Yea, my Lord. &c.

Eliz.

My Lord, I am a woman.

Bish.

Sweare her vpon a booke, seeing it is but a questi∣on asked.

Then said Cholmley: I will lay twentie pounde it is a man.

Then D. Cooke brought her a booke, commanding her to lay thereon her hande.

Eliz.

No, my Lorde, I will not sweare: for I knowe not what an oth is. But I say that I am a woman, and haue children.

Bish.

That know not we: wherefore sweare.

Cholmley.

Thou yll fauoured whore, lay thy hande vp∣on the booke: I will lay on myne, and so he laied his hande vpon the booke.

Eliz

So will not I mine.

Then the Bishop spake a woorde in Latine, out of S. Paule, as concerning swearing.

Elizab.

My Lorde, if you speake to mee of S. Paule, then speake English, for I vnderstand you not.

The bish.

I dare sweare that thou doest not.

Eliz.

My Lord: S. Paul saith, that fiue wordes spoken in a language that may be vnderstand, is better then manye in a foreine or strange tongue which is vnknowen.

Doctor Cooke.

Sweare before vs whether thou be a man or a woman.

Eliz.

If ye wil not beleue me, then send for women into a secrete place, and I will be tried.

Cholm.

Thou art an ill fauored whore.

Then said the Bishop: How beleeuest thou in the Sa∣crament of the altar?* 12.407

Eliza.

My Lorde: if it will please you that I shall declare mine owne faith, I will.

The bish.

Tell me how thou beleeuest in the sacrament of the altar.

Eliza.

Will it please you that I shall declare my Faithe? And if it be not good, then teach me a better, and I wil be∣leeue it.

D. Cooke

That is well sayd, declare thy faith.

Eliz.

I beleeue in God the Father almighty, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost,* 12.408 three persons and one God. I beleue all the Articles of my Crede. I beleeue al things wrytten in the holy Scripture, and all thinges agreeable wyth the Scripture, geuen by the holy Ghoste into the Churche of Christ, set forth and taught by y^e church of Christ. I beleue that Iesus Christ the only sonne of God, that immaculate Lamb, came into the world to saue sinners, & that in him, by him,* 12.409 & throughe him I am made cleane frō my sinnes, and without him I coulde not. I beleeue that in the holy sacrament of Christes body and bloud, which he did insti∣tute and ordaine, and left among his Disciples the nyght before he was betraied, whē I do receiue his Sacrament in faith and spirite, I do receiue Christ.

Bish.

No more, I warrant you, but the sacramēt of Chri∣stes body and bloud, receiued but in spirit and faith, wyth those heretiques.

Cholm.

Ah whoore, spirite and faith, whoore?

Eliz.

This sacrament neuer man coulde or did make, but only he that did, which no man could do.* 12.410

Mart.

Then thou must allowe that grasse is a sacrament: for who could make grasse but he only?

Eliz.

Syr, he hathe suffered, and made a sufficient Sacri∣fice once for all, and so hath he made hys Sacrament suffi∣cient once for all, for there was neuer man that could say: Take, eate, this is my body that is broken for you, but only Ie∣sus Christ, who had his body broken for the sinnes of the world: which Sacrament he hath left here amongst vs for a testimonial of his death, euen to the worldes ende.

Mart.

Who taught thee this doctrine? did Scorie?

Eliz.

Yea, Bishop Scorie and other that I haue heard.

Bish.

Why, is Scory Bishop now?

Eliz.

If that doe offende you, call him Docteur Scorie, if yee will.

Roper.

I knew when he was but a poore Doctour.

Mart.

What doe ye call Scorie?

Eliz.

Our Superintendent.

Bish.

Loe, their Superindent.

Mart.

And what are ye called?

Eliz.

Christes congregation.

Bish.

Lo, Christes congregation, I warrant you.

Doctor Cooke.

What liuing hath Scorie?

Eliz.

Sir, as farre as I do know, he liueth by his owne, for I know no man that geueth him ought.

Recorder.

Yes, I warrant you, he hath enough sent hym out of England.

Eliz.

Syr, I know no such thing.

Cholm.

Harke whore, harke: harke how I do beleeue.

Eliz.

My Lord, I haue tolde you my beliefe.

Cholmley.

Harke, thou yll fauoured whoore, howe I doe beleeue.* 12.411 When the Priest hath spoken the wordes of Con∣secration, I do beleue that there remaineth the very body that was borne of the virgine Marie, was hanged on the crosse, was deade and buried, and descended into hell, and rose againe on the thirde day, and ascended to heauen, and sitteth at the right hand of God. The same body when the priest hath spoken the woords, commeth down, and when the priest lifteth vp his body on this wise (he lifting vp his handes) sayd there it is.

Eliz.

I haue tolde you also how I do beleeue.

Mart.

Away with her.

Cholmley.

Ah euill fauoured whore, nothing but spirit and faith whore?

Mart.

Away with her, we haue more to talke withall.

Then was shee caried into the Colehouse,* 12.412 and searched for bookes, and then put into the stockhouse, and her knife girdle, and aporne taken from her.

The fifth examination before the Bishop of Londons Chancellour. &c.

THen was she brought out of the stockhouse & brought before the bishops Chauncellour,* 12.413 who required of her what age shee was of.

Eliz.

Sir, fortie yeares and vpwardes.

The Chauncellour.

Why, thou art a woman of a faire yea∣res: what shouldest thou meddle with the Scriptures? it is necessary for thee to beleeue, and that is inoughe. It is more sitte for thee to meddle with thy distaff, then to med∣dle with the Scriptures. What is thy beliefe? I woulde heare it: for it can not be good, in that thou art brought in∣to prison.

Eliz.

Syr, if it will please you to heare it,* 12.414 I will declare it vnto you. But I praye you that you will take your pen and wryte it, and then examine it: and if ye find any thing therein that is not fit for a Christian woman, then teache me better, and I will learne it.

Chaunc.

Wel said. But who shalbe Iudge betwene thee and me?

Elizab.

The Scripture.

Chaunc.

Wilt thou stand by that?

Eliz.

Yea sir.

Chaunc.

Wel, go thy way out at the doore a litle while, for I am busie, and I will call for thee anon againe.

Then he called me againe, and said: Nowe woman, the time is too long to wryte. Say thy minde, and I wil bear it in my head.

Then Elizabeth began, and declared her faith to him, as shee had done before the Bishop.

Chaunc.

Woman, spirit and faith I do allow,* 12.415 but dost not thou beleeue that thou doest receiue the body of Christ re∣ally, corporally, and substantially?

Eliz.

These wordes really and corporally, I vnderstond not: as for substantially, I take it, ye meane I should be∣leue that I should receiue his humane body (which is v∣pon the right hand of God, and can occupy no moe places at once) and that beleeue not I.* 12.416

Chanc.

Thou must beleeue this, or els thou art damned.

Eliz.

Sir, can ye geue me beliefe or fayth?

Chanc.

No, God must geue it thee.

Eliz.

God hath geuen me no such fayth or beliefe.

The Chauncellor then declared a text of S. Paule in Latine, and then in English, saying: I could make thee beleeue, but that thou hast a cankered heart, and wilt not beleeue. Who then can make thee to beleeue?

Eliz.

You sayd euen now, that fayth or beliefe commeth of God, and so beleeue I, and then may not I beleue an vn∣truth to be a truth.

Chanc.

Doest thou not beleeue that Christes flesh is flesh in thy flesh?

Eliz.

No sir, I beleeue not that, for my flesh shall putrifie and rot.

Chanc.

Christ sayd, my flesh is flesh in flesh.

Eliz.

Who so receiueth him fleshly, shall haue a fleshly re∣surrection.

Chanc.

Christ sayeth in the 6. of Iohn: My fleshe is meate in deed, and my bloud is drinke in deed.

Eliz.

* 12.417Christ preached to the Capernaits, saying: Except ye eate the flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his bloud, ye shall not haue lyfe in you: and the Capernaites murmured at it. And his Disciples also murmured, saying among them∣selues: This is an hard saying, and who can abide it? Christe vnderstoode their meanyng, and sayde: Are ye also offen∣ded? Will ye also goe away? What and if ye shall see the sonne of man ascende vp to heauen from whence hee came? will that offende you? It is the spirite that quickeneth, the fleshe profi∣teth nothyng. I praye you Sir, what meaneth Christ by that?

Chanc.

O God forbid. Would ye haue me to interprete the Scriptures? We must leaue that for our olde auncient fa∣thers, which haue studied scriptures a long tyme, & haue the holy ghost geuen vnto them.

Eliz.

Why sir, haue ye not the holy ghost geuen and reuea∣led vnto you?

Chanc.

No, God forbid that I should so beleeue: but I hope, I hope: But ye say, ye are of the spirit. Will you say that ye haue no profit in Christes flesh?

Eliz.

Sir, we haue our profite in Christes flesh, but not as the Capernaites did vnderstand it: For they vnderstoode that they must eate his fleshe as they did eate Oxe fleshe and other, and drinke his bloud, as we drinke Wyne or Beere out of a Bole. But so we must not receyue it. But our profite that we haue by Christ, is to beleeue that hys body was broken vpon the Crosse, and his bloude shedde for our sinnes: That is the very meanyng of Christ, that so we should eate his fleshe, and drinke hys bloude, when he sayde: My fleshe is meate in deede, and my bloud is drinke in deede.

Chanc.

How doth thy body lyue, if Christes flesh bee not flesh in thy flesh?

Eliz.

Sir, I was a body before I had a soule: which body God had created, & yet it could not lyue, til God had brea∣thed lyfe into me, and by that lyfe doth my body lyue. And when it shall please God to dissolue my lyfe, my flesh will offer it selfe vnto the place from whence it came, & through the merites of Christ, my soule wil offer it selfe to the place from whence it came.

Chanc.

Yea, but if thou doe not beleeue that Christes flesh is flesh in thy flesh, thou canst not be saued.

Eliz.

* 12.418Sir, I do not beleeue that.

Chauncel.

Why, doth not Christ saye: My fleshe is meate in deede, and my bloude is drinke in deede? Canst thou denye that?

Eliz.

I denye not that: for Christes fleshe and bloude is meate and drinke for my soule,* 12.419 the foode of my soule. For who so euer beleeueth that Iesus Christ the sonne of God hath dyed and shed his bloud for his sinnes, his soule fee∣deth thereon for euer.

Chauncel.

When thou receiuest the Sacrament of the aul∣tar, doest thou not beleeue that thou doest receiue Christes body?

Eliz.

Sir, when I do receiue the Sacrament which Christ did institute and ordaine the night before he was betraied, and left among hys Disciples, as often (I say) as I re∣ceiue it, I beleeue that spiritually, and by fayth I receyue Christ. And of this Sacrament, I knowe Christ himselfe to be the author, and none but hee. And this same Sacra∣ment is an establishment to my conscience,* 12.420 & an augmen∣ting to my fayth.

Chaunc.

Why did not Christ take bread and gaue thankes, and brake it, and gaue it to his Disciples, and sayde: Take, eate, this is my body that is geuen for you? Did he geue them his body, or no?

Elizabeth.

He also tooke the cuppe and gaue thankes to his Father, and gaue it vnto his Disciples, saying: Drynke ye all hereof: for this is the Cuppe of the newe Testament in my bloude which shall bee shedde for many. Nowe I praye you Sir, let me aske you one question:* 12.421 Dyd he geue the cuppe the name of hys bloud, or els the wyne that was in the cuppe?

Then was he very angry and sayd: Doest thou think that thou hast an hedge priest in hand?

Eliz.

No sir, I take you not to bee an hedge priest. I take you for a Doctor.

Chauncel.

So me thinketh: Thou wilt take vpon thee to teach me.

Eliz.

No sir: But I let you know what I know: and by argument one shall know more.

Christ sayd: As oft as ye do this,* 12.422 do it in the remembrance of me: but a remembrance is not of a thing present, but ab∣sent. Also S. Paule saith: So oft as ye shall eate of this bread, and drinke of this cup, ye shall shew forth the Lordes death till he come. Then we may not looke for hym here, vntill his cō∣myng agayne at the latter day. Agayne, is not this arti∣cle of our beliefe true: He sitteth at the right hand of God the father almighty: from thence he shall come to iudge the quicke and the dead? But if hee shall not come,* 12.423 before hee come to iudgement, then how is he here present in your sacrament of the aultar? Wherefore I beleeue that the humaine bo∣dye of Christ occupieth no more but one place at once, for when he was here, he was not there.

¶The sixt examination before the sayd Chauncellor.

WHo sayd vnto her: Woman, the last tyme that thou wast before me,* 12.424 our talke was concernyng the Sa∣crament.

Eliz.

Sir, true it is, and I trust that I sayd nothyng that ye can deny by the scriptures.

Chanc.

Yes thou wilt not beleeue that Christes fleshe is flesh in thy flesh.* 12.425

Eliz.

No sir, God hath geuen me no such beliefe, for it can not be found by the scriptures.

Chanc.

Wilt thou beleue nothing but what is in the scrip∣ture? Why, how many Sacraments doest thou find in the Scripture?

Eliz.

The church of Christ doth set forth twaine.

Chanc.

I will as well finde seuen by the scripture, as thou shalt finde twaine.

Eliz.

Sir, I talke not to you thereof, but I saye that the church of Christ setteth out twaine,* 12.426 & I haue bene taught no more.

Chanc.

What are those twaine?

Eliz.

The Sacrament of Christes body and bloud, and the sacrament of Baptise.

Chauncellour.

What sayest thou by the Sacramente of Wedlocke?* 12.427

Eliz.

I haue not heard it called a Sacrament, but the holy estate of matrimony, which ought to be kept of all mē that take it vpon them.

Chanc.

How sayest thou by Priestes?* 12.428 Is it good that they should marrie? is it to be kept of them?

Eliz.

I come not hither to reason any such matters, for I am no Diuine, and also it is no part of my faith.

Chanc.

Can ye not tell? ye shall tell or euer you go.

Eliz.

Sir, then must ye keepe me a good while, for I haue not studied the scriptures for it.

Chaunc.

No? why, ye will not be ashamed to flee vnto the highest mysterie, euen to the Sacrament at the first dashe, and ye are not afrayd to argue with the best doctour in the lande.

Eliz.

Gods mysteries I will not meddle w^t, but all things that are written, are written for our edification.* 12.429

Chanc.

What say ye by prayer for the dead? is it not meete that if a mans friend be dead, his friend cōmend his soule vnto God?

Eliz.

There is no Christian man that will commend hys friend nor his foe, vnto the Deuill. And whether it be good for him, when he is dead or no, sure I am, that it is good when he is alyue.

Chaunc.

Then thou allowest not prayer to bee good for thē when they be dead, & lying in Purgatory.* 12.430 Is it not meete that prayer be made vnto God for them?

Eliz.

Sir, I neuer heard in the Scriptures of Purgatory, but in the scripture I haue heard of heauen and hell.

Chaunc.

Why,* 12.431 ye haue nothyng but the skimmyng of the Scriptures, Our auncient fathers could finde out in the

bottome of the scriptures that there is a Purgatory. Yea, they could finde it in the new testament, that a Priest shall take the Sacrament and go to the aultar and make an ob∣lation and offer it vp euery day.

Eliz

Sir, that could neuer be found in the Bible nor Te∣stament, as farre as euer I could heare.

Chanc.

Whome doest thou heare read either the Bible or Testament, but a sorte of chismatikes, bawdie Byshops, and hedge Priests (which haue brought into the Churche a stinkyng Communion,* 12.432 which was neuer heard of in a∣ny place in the world, but here in England) whiche haue deceyued the king and all the Nobilitie, and all the whole Realme.

Eliz.

Sir, it is a vile name that ye geue them all.

Chanc.

Where are all the hedge knaues become now, that they come not to their answer?

Eliz.

* 12.433Aunswer Sir? why, they haue aunswered both with the Scriptures and also with their bloud, and then where were you that ye came not forth to answer in their times? I neuer knew none of you that were troubled, but twain and that was not for Gods worde, it was for their disobe∣dience?

Chaunc.

No I pray you? did ye not knowe that we were killed, hanged, burned, and headed.

Eliz.

Sir, I neuer knew that any of you euer was eyther hanged, killed, burned or headed.

Chanc.

* 12.434No? did ye neuer heare that the Byshop of Roche∣ster lost hys head for the supremacie of the Bishoppes of Rome.

Eliz

Then he died not for Gods word.

Chaunc.

* 12.435Well, thou wilt beleeue nothyng but that which is written in Gods worde. Where canst thou finde the Saboth written in the Scripture, by the name of the Sa∣both? For the right Saboth day I will prooue to be Sa∣terday. Or where canst thou finde the Articles of y^e Creede in the Scripture by the name of the Articles? Or where canst thou find in the Scripture that Christ went downe into hell.

Eliz.

What place or part in the scripture can ye finde for to disprooue any of these things?

Chaunc.

What priest hast thou lyen withall, that thou hast so much Scripture? Thou art some Priestes woman, I thinke, for thou wilt take vppon thee to reason and teach, the best Doctor in all the land, thou.

Eliz.

I was neuer yet Prieests wyfe, nor yet Priests wo∣man.

Chanc.

Haue I touched your conscience?

Eliz.

No Sir, ye haue not touched my conscience, but be∣ware ye hurt not your owne.

Chanc.

Thou hast red a little in the Bible or Testament, & thou thinkest that thou art able to reason with a Doctor that hath gone to schoole thirtie yeares:* 12.436 and before God, I thinke if I had talked thus much with a Iewe, as I haue done with thee, he would haue turned ere this time. But I may say by you as Christ sayd by Ierusalem, say∣ing: O Ierusalem, Ierusalem, how ofte would I haue gathered thee together: euen as a henne gathereth her chickens, but thou wouldst not. And so would we gather you together in one fayth, but ye will not: and therfore your owne bloude bee vpon your own heds, for I can do no more but teach you. Thou art one of the rankest heretikes that euer I heard, for thou beleeuest nothyng but what is in the Scripture, and therfore thou art damned.

Eliz.

I do beleeue all thinges written in the scripture, and all things agreeable with the scripture, geuen by the holy Ghost into the church of Christ, set forth and taught by the church of Christ,* 12.437 and shall I be damned because I beleue the truth, and will not beleeue an vntruth?

Then the Chancellor called the keper, saying: Clunie take her away, thou knowest what thou hast to doe with her. And so she departed and was brought agayne to the stockhouse, and there she lay certaine dayes and both her hands ma••acled in one iron: and afterward was remoo∣ued into the Lollards Tower, and there she remained w^t both her feete in the stockes and irons till the next tyme of examination.

¶The 7. examination before the Chancellor and the Bishops Scribe.

WHen she was brought before the sayd Chancellour and the Scribe,* 12.438 the Chancellor sayd vnto her: Wo∣man, thou hast bene twise before me, but thou & I coulde not agree: and here be certaine articles that my Lorde the B. of London would that thou shouldst make answer vn∣to, which are these. First, how many Sacramentes thou doest allow.

Eliz.

Sir, as many as Christes Church doth allowe, and that is twaine.

Then sayd the Scribe.* 12.439 Thou wast taught 7. before K. Edwards dayes.

Chanc.

Which two Sacraments bee those that thou doest allow?

Eliz.

The sacrament of the body & bloud of Iesus Christ, and the sacrament of Baptisme.

Chaunc.

Doest thou not beleeue that the Pope of Rome is the supreme head of the Church, immediately vnder God in earth?

Eliz.

No sir, no man can be the head of Christes Churche: for Christ himselfe is the head,* 12.440 and hys word is the gouer∣nour of all that be of that Church, where so euer they bee scattred abroad.

Chanc.

Doest thou not beleeue that the Byshop of Rome can forgeue thee all thy sinnes, hereticall, detestable, and damnable, that thou hast done from thine infancie vnto this day?

Eliz.

Sir, the Bishop of Rome is a sinner as I am, and no man can forgeue me my sinnes,* 12.441 but hee onely that is without sinne, and that is Iesus Christ whiche dyed for my sinnes.

Chanc▪

Doest thou not know that the Pope sent ouer hys Iubilies, that all that euer would fast and pray, and go to the church, should haue their sinnes forgeuen them.

The Scribe.

Sir, I thinke that she was not in the Realme then.

Chanc.

Hast thou not desired God to defend thee from the tiranny of the Bishop of Rome,* 12.442 and all his detestable en∣ormities?

Eliz

Yes that I haue.

Chanc.

And art thou not sory for it?

Eliz.

No sir, not a whit.

Chanc.

Hast thou not sayd, that the Masse was wicked, & the sacrament of the aultar most abhominable?

Eliz

Yes that I haue.

Chanc.

And art thou not sory for it?

Eliz.

No sir, not a whit.

Chanc.

Art thou content for to go to the Church and heare Masse?

Eliz.

I will not goe to the church, either to Masse or Mat∣tins, till I may heare it in a tong, that I can vnderstand: for I will be fed no longer in a strange language. And al∣waies the Scribe did write euery of these articles, as they were demanded, and answered vnto.

Then the Scribe asked her from whence she came.

The Chauncellor sayd: this is she that brought ouer all these bookes of heresie and treason.

Then sayd the Scribe to her: Woman, where haddest thou all these bookes?

Eliz.

I bought them in Amsterdam, and brought them o∣uer to sell, thinking to gayne thereby.

Then sayd the Scribe, what is the name of the booke?

Eliz

I cannot tell.

The Scribe.

Why, wouldst thou buy bookes and knowe not their names?

Then sayd Cluny the keeper: Sir, my L. Bishop did sende for her by name that she should come to Masse, but she would not.

Chanc.

Yea, did my Lord send for her by name, and would she not go to masse?

Eliz.

No sir, I will neuer go to masse, till I do vnderstand it, by the leaue of God.* 12.443

Chanc.

Understand it? why, who the deuill can make thee to vnderstand Latine, thou beyng so old?

Then the Scribe commaunded her to set to her hande to all these sayd thyngs.

Elizabeth sayd: sir, then let me heare it read first.

Then sayd the Scribe, M. Chauncellor, shal she heare it read?

Chanc.

Yea, let the heretike heare it read.* 12.444

Then she heard it read, and so she set to her hand.

¶The eight examination before the Bishop.

WHen she was brought before the B. he asked the ke∣per: is this the woman that hath the three children?* 12.445

And the keeper sayd: yea my Lord.

Bish.

Woman, here is a supplication put vnto my handes for thee. In lyke case there was another supplication put vp to me for thee afore this, in the which thou madest as though that I should keepe thy children.

Eliz.

My L. I did not know of this supplication, nor yet of the other.

Then said the Bish. M. Deane,* 12.446 is this the womā that ye haue sued so earnestly for?

The Deane.

Yea, my Lord.

The Deane.

Woman, what remaineth in the sacrament of the aultar, when and after that the Priest hath spoken the words of consecration?

Eliz.

A piece of bread. But the Sacrament of Christes bo∣dy and bloud, which he did institute and leaue amongest his disciples the night before he was betrayed, ministred according to his word, that sacrament I do beleeue.

The Deane.

How doest thou beleeue concernyng the bodye of Christ? where is his body, and how many bodies hath hee?

Eliz.

Sir, in heauen, he sitteth on the right hand of God.

The Deane.

From whence came his humane body?

Eliz.

He tooke it of the Uirgin Mary.

The Deane.

That is flesh, bloud, & bones, as mine is. But what shape hath his spirituall body? hath it face, handes, and feete?

Eliz.

I knowe no other body that he hath, but that bodye whereof he ment when he sayd: This is my body whiche is geuen for you: and this is my bloud which shall be shed for you. Whereby he plainly meaneth that body & no other, which he tooke of the virgin Mary, hauyng the perfect shape and proportion of a humane body.

Story.

* 12.447Then said Story: Ye haue a wise body, for ye must go to the stake.

The Deane.

Art thou content to beleeue in the faith of Chri∣stes Church? But to aske of thee what Christes church is, or where it is, I let it passe.

Eliz.

Sir, to that church I haue ioyned my faith, and from it I purpose neuer to turne by Gods helpe.

The Deane.

Wouldst thou not be at home with thy children with a good will?

Eliz.

Sir, if it please God to geue me leaue.

The Deane

Art thou content to confesse thy selfe to bee an ignorant and a foolsh woman, and to beleeue as our holy Father the Pope of Rome doth, and as the Lorde Cardi∣nals grace doth, and as my Lord the Bishop of London thine Ordinary doth, and as the Kinges grace and the Queenes grace,* 12.448 and all the Nobilitie of England do: yea, and the Emperors grace, and all the noble princes in chri∣stendome.

Eliz

Sir, I was neuer wise, but in fewe wordes I shall make you a briefe answer how I do beleeue. I do beleeue all thynges that are written in the Scriptures geuen by the holy Ghost vnto the Church of Christ, set foorth and taught by the church of Christ. Hereon I ground my faith and on no man.

Then said Story: and who shall be Iudge?

Eliz.

Sir, the scripture.

Story.

And who shall read it?

Elizabeth.

He vnto whom God hath geuen the vnderstan∣dyng.

Bish.

Womā, be reformable, for I would thou were gone, and M. Deane heare hath earnestly sued for thee.

Deane.

Woman, I haue sued for thee in deede, and I pro∣mise thee if thou wilt be reformable, my Lord will be good vnto thee.

Elizabeth.

I haue bene before my Lord Bishop, and before Maister Chauncellour three times, and haue declared my fayth.

Deane.

And yet I know that M. Chancellor will say, that thou art a ranke heretike.

Story.

Away with her.

Bish.

* 12.449M. Deane, ye knowe that I may not tary, nor you neither. Let her keeper bryng her home to your own chā∣ber soone at foure a clocke at after noone, and if that ye find her reasonable, then let her goe, for I would that she were gone.

Then sayd the Deane, with a good will, my Lord: and so she was sent vnto the place from whence she came, vn∣till it was 4. of the clocke at afternoone.

¶The ix. examination before the Deane, before whom it pleased God to deliuer her.

* 12.450WHen it was 4. of the clock at afternoone, as y^e houre was appointed, & the Deane was set, he asked her: Art thou a foole now as thou wast to day?

Eliz.

Sir, I haue learned but small wisedome since.

Deane.

Doest thou thynke that I am better learned then thou?* 12.451

Eliz.

Yes sir, that I do.

Deane.

Thinkest thou that I can do thee good?

Eliz.

Yea sir, and if it please God that ye will.

Deane.

Then I wyll doe thee good in deede. What doest thou receyue when thou receyuest the Sacrament which Christ left among his Disciples the night before hee was betrayed?

Eliz.

Sir, that that his Disciples did receiue.

Deane.

What did they receyue?

Eliz.

Sir, that that Christ gaue them, they receyued.

Deane.

What aunswere is this? Was Christ there pre∣sent?

Eliz.

Sir, he was there present, for he instituted his owne sacrament.

Deane.

He tooke bread, and he brake it, and gaue it to hys disciples, and sayd: Take, eate, this is my body which shall bee broken for you. When thou receiuest it, doest thou beleeue that thou receiuest his body?

Eliz

Sir, when I receiue, I beleeue that through faith I do receiue Christ.

Deane.

Doest thou beleeue that Christ is there?

Eliz.

Sir, I beleeue that he is there to me,* 12.452 and by fayth I do receyue hym.

Deane.

He also tooke the cup and gaue thanks, and gaue it to his Disciples, and sayd: Drinke ye all hereof. This is the cup of the new Testament in my bloude, which is shed for many for the remission of sinnes. When thou doest receiue it after the institution that Christ ordained among his Disciples, the night before he was betraied, doest thou beleeue that Christ is there?

Eliz.

Sir, by faith I beleeue that he is there, and by fayth I do beleeue that I do receiue hym.

Deane.

Now thou hast answered me. Remēber that thou sayest, that when thou doest receiue according to the insti∣tution of Christ, thou doest receiue Christ.

Eliz.

Sir, I beleeue Christ not to be absent from his owne sacrament.

Deane.

How long wilt thou continue in that beliefe?

Eliz.

Sir, as long as I do lyue by the help of God: for it is and hath bene my beliefe.

Deane.

Wilt thou say this, before my Lord?

Eliz.

Yea sir.

Deane.

Then I dare deliuer thee. Why, thou Calfe, why wouldst thou not say so to day?

Eliz.

Sir, ye asked me no such question.

Deane.

Then ye would stande in disputation how manye bodies Christ had.

Eliz.

Sir, in deed that question ye did aske me.

Deane.

Who shall bee thy Sureties that thou wylte ap∣peare before my Lorde of London and me, vpon Friday nexte?

Eliz.

Sir, I haue no Sureties, nor knowe not where to haue.

Then spake the Deane vnto two women that stoode there, who had earnestly sued for her, saying: women,* 12.453 wil ye be her sureties that she shall appeare before my Lord of London and me, vpon Friday next.

The Women.

Yea sir, and it please you.

Deane.

Take heede that I finde you no more a brabler in the Scripture.

Eliz.

Sir, I am no brabler in the Scripture, nor yet any man can burthen me therewith.

Deane.

Yes, I haue hearde of you well enough what ye are.

Then sayde hee to the two Women: what if a man should touch your conscience, do ye not smell a little of he∣resie also?

The women.

No sir.

Deane.

Yes, a litle of the frying pan, or els wherefore haue ye twaine so earnestly sued for her?

The one woman aunswered, because that her children were lyke to perish, and therefore God put me in mynd to sue for her.

Then sayd the other woman: And I gate her chyld a Nurse, and I am threatened to stande to the keepyng of her chylde, and therfore it standeth me in hand for to sue to haue her out.

Deane.

Woman, geue thankes vnto these honest women who haue so earnestly sued for thee,* 12.454 and I promise thee so haue I. These great heretikes will receiue nothyng but in spirit and fayth, and so he rose and departed.

Eliz.

Sir, God be praysed, & I thanke you for your good∣nes and theirs also, and so he went away: & vpon the fri∣day next because she was acrased, her two sureties wente thither and were discharged.

¶Elizabeth Lawson.

IN the towne of Bedfield, and in the countie of Suffolk,* 12.455 was dwellyng a godly auncient Matrone named Eli∣zabeth Lawson, about the age of lx. yeares. This Eliza∣beth was apprehended as an heretike, by the Constables of the same towne, named Robert Kitrich,* 12.456 and Thomas Elas, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1556. because she woulde not go to Church to heare Masse, and receyue the Sacra∣ment, and beleeue in it.

First they layd her in a dungeon, and after that shee was caried vnto Norwich, and from thence to Bury Gaole, where at last she was condemned to be burnt. In y^e mean tyme sir Iohn Sylliard had her home vnty hys house, hee beyng high Shiriffe that yere,* 12.457 where she was hardly kept and wrapped in irons, till at length when they by no wise could mooue her co recant, shee was sent to prison agayne with shamefull reuilings.

Thus she continued in prison the space of two yeares and three quarters. In the meane tyme there was burnt her sonne and many other, whereby she would often say: Good Lord,* 12.458 what is the cause that I may not yet come to thee with thy children? well, good Lord, thy blessed will be done, & not myne.

Not long after this, (most happily) followed y^e death of Queene Mary, after whom succeded our Queene that now is. At which tyme this Elizabeth Lawson remained yet still in Bury prison, till at last she was bayled vppon sureties, or els she could not be deliuered. For she beyng a condemned person, neither the temporalty, nor yet spiritu∣all authoritie would discharge her without sureties.

Now she beyng abroad, and her sureties made afrayd by wicked men, sayd, they would cast her againe in prison, except she would see them discharged.

Then she got a supplication, to go vnto the Queenes maiestie,* 12.459 and came to a friend of hers to haue his counsail therein: who willed her to stay a while, because she was old, the dayes short, and the expenses great, and Winter fowle (for it was a little before Christmas) & to tary vn∣till Sommer. In the meane tyme God brake the bond, & shortened her iourney: for hee tooke her home to hymselfe out of this lyfe in peace.

This good old woman, long before she went to prison had the fallyng sicknesse,* 12.460 and told a friend of hers, one Sy∣mon Harlston, after she was apprehended, that she had it neuer more, but liued in good health & ioy of hart, through her Lord Christ.

She had a very vnkinde man to her husbande, who while shee was in prison, solde away her raimente, and would not helpe her, and after she was out of prison, shee returned home vnto him, yet would he shew her no kind∣nesse, nor helpe her neither: and yet the house & land that he dwelt in, he had by her, wherfore as long as she lyued, she was found of the congregation.

The said Elizabeth Lawson also had a sister, wyfe to one Rob. Hollon of Mickfield in the same countie of Suf∣folk, which likewise was persecuted and driuen out from house to house, & a yong man her sonne with her, because they would not go to the church to heare masse, & receyue the sacrament of the aultar.

¶Thomas Christenmasse and William Wattes.

IN this perillous rage of Queene Maries raigne, were two men persecuted,* 12.461 one called Tho. Christenmas, the other Wil. Wats of Tunbridge in Kent. As these trauai∣led from place to place, not resting two nights together in one place, it happened them on a tyme to come to Roche∣ster in Kent, where as they entryng into the Towne, euē at the Townes ende met with a little Damosell of eyght yeares of age, but whether she went, they knewe not. It was then night, and they wery, and fayne therfore would haue lyen in the same town, but could not tell where, they feared so the bloudy Catholickes. At last they deuised to aske the Damosell whether there were any heretikes in the towne, or no? and she said, yea. They asked her where. She aunswered them.* 12.462 At such an Inne, tellyng them the name, and where the Inne was. Shortly after, as they were gone from her, they bethought themselues better, and God so moouyng their hartes, they went to the childe agayne, and asked her how she knew that the Innekeper (of whome shee spake before) was an heretike. Marrie (quoth she) well enough, and his wyfe also. How know∣est thou, prety mayden, said they? I pray thee tel vs. How know I, sayd she? Marrie because they go to the church: and those that will not holde vp their handes there, they will present them, and hee hymselfe goeth from house to house, to compel them to come to Church. When these two men heard this, they gaue God prayse, and auoyded that house, takyng the warnyng of that Mayde (of good brin∣gyng vp, as it should seeme) to be Gods maruelous pro∣uidence towards them.

* 12.463

¶Another escape of William Wats.

THis foresayd William Wats, dwelling in Queen Ma∣ries dayes at Seale in Kent, the last yere of her raigne saue one, was apprehended by his enemies,* 12.464 and brought by the Constables before the Bish. and Iustices at Tun∣bridge, where the B. and Iustices would haue perswaded hym all they coulde, to turne from the truth: howbeit in vayne, for they could not remooue him, although they spēt all the forenoone therabouts, with many flattring words: so mercifull was the Lord vnto hym.

Now, when dinner tyme was come, as they shoulde rise, they committed the prisoner to the constables againe, and so rose vp to go to diner. The Constables tooke Wats and led him to a vitailing house, where after they had wel filled themselues, they fel a sleepe, supposing their prisoner to be sure enough vnder their handes. Wats wife beyng then in the house with her husband, and very carefull for his well doyng, seyng the Constables thus fast a sleep, de∣sired her husband to depart and go thence, for so much as the Lord had made such away for hym. Unto which her words he would not consent, althogh she perswaded him all that she could.

At the last,* 12.465 (they replieng one against an other) a strā∣ger heard them, and asked her what the matter was, that shee was so earnest with her husbande. The wyfe tolde hym. Then sayde the straunger vnto Wats these words: Father, goe thy wayes in Gods name, and tary no lon∣ger: the Lorde hath opened the way vnto thee. Where∣vpon the sayde Wattes went hys way, and his wyfe de∣parted from hym, and went home to her house at Seale, thinkyng her husband had gone another way. Nowe as she was goyng in at her dore tellyng her friendes of hys deliueraunce, immediately came the sayd Wattes in also, and they all beyng amased thereat, willed hym in all haste to get hym away, for they thought there would bee search for hym immediately.

Then Wats sayd, he would eate meate first, and also pray: which he did, and afterward departed thence.* 12.466 So soone as he was out of the dores, and had hid hymselfe in an holly bush, immediately came the said constables with thirtie persons into the sayd house to search for him, where they pierced the Fetherbeds, broke vp hys Chestes, and made such hauocke, that it was wonderfull:* 12.467 and euer a∣mong as they were searchyng, the Constables cryed: I will haue Wats, I will haue Wats I tel thee, I wil haue Wattes: but (God be thanked) Wats could not be found. And when they saw it booted not to search for hym, in the ende they tooke his wyfe, and set her in a payre of stockes where she remayned two dayes,* 12.468 and she was very bolde in the truth, and at the last deliuered thorough the proui∣dence of God: whose name be glorified in all his workes, Amen.

*Iohn Glouer of Manceter, Gentleman.

WHat a fatherly and manifest prouidence of the Lord likewyse did appeare in the preseruyng of M. Iohn Glouer in the Diocesse of Couentry and Lichfield,* 12.469 in the Towne of Manceter: first at the takyng of Robert hys brother. At which tyme although the Commission came downe for hym, yet so God ordered the matter, that hys brother beyng sicke was apprehended, and yet hee beyng whole escaped, wherof mention is made before, pag. 1709.

And agayne, another tyme how miraculously the mer∣cifull prouidence of the Lorde wrought his escape oute of his enemies handes, they beyng at his chamber dore, and drawyng the latch to search for hym: and how hys wyfe the same tyme was taken and sent to Lichfielde, read be∣fore, pag. 1714.

¶One Dabney.

THere was at London a certaine honest godly person, a Painter, named Dabney,* 12.470 whom Iohn Auales in the tyme of Queene Mary had brought before Boner to bee examined for his fayth. It happened the same tyme. as the sayde Dabney was there, that the Bishop was occu∣pied with examination of other, so that hee was bidde to stand by, and to wayte the Bishops laysure. Uppon the same, or not long after, sodainely commeth worde to the Bishop to prepare hym in all speede, the generall processi∣on taried for hym. The Bishop hearyng that, settyng all businesse aparte, bustleth hymselfe with all speede possible to the Churche, there to furnishe Procession. By reason whereof Dabney, which newly came to the house, was there left alone, while euery man els was busied in prepa∣ring and settyng themselues forwarde, accordyng as the case required.

To bee short, as the tyme called on, Boner with hys houshold maketh hast so fast as they can out of the dores to

the procession. Dabney beyng left alone, commeth downe to the outward Court next the gate, there walkyng with hymselfe all heauy, lookyng for nothing lesse then to escape that daunger. The Porter who was onely left at home, seeyng the man to walke alone,* 12.471 supposing hee had bene some Citizen there left behynde, and waityng for openyng of the Gate, went and opened the wicket, askyng if hee would goe out. Yea sayd he, with a good wyll, if ye wyll l••t me out. With all my hart quoth the porter, and I pray you so do.

And thus the sayd Dabney taking the occasion offered of god, being let out by the porter, escaped out of y^e wolues mouth. The procession beyng done, when the B. returned home, Dabney was gone and could not be found. Where∣vpon much search was made, but especially Ioh. Auales sayd much priuy waite for hym: who after long searching, when he could not get hym, at length he receyued fifteene crownes of his wyfe to let hym alone when he should see him, and so that good man escaped.

¶Alexander Wimshurst.

ALike example of God almighties goodnes toward his afflicted seruaunts in that daungerous tyme of perse∣cution may also appeare euidently in one Alexāder Wim∣shurst a Priest,* 12.472 sometyme of Magdalene Colledge in Ox∣ford, and then the Popes owne Knight, but since an ear∣nest enemy to Antichrist, and a man better instructed in the true feare of God. It happened that one had promoo∣ted hym to Boner for religion, vppon what occasion I do not vnderstand. Accordyng to the olde maner in such ca∣ses prouided, he sent foorth Robin Caly, otherwyse called Robin Papist, one of his Whelpes to bring in the game, and to cause this silly poore man to appere before him. Li∣tle Robin lyke a proper man bestirreth hym in hys busi∣nes,* 12.473 and smelleth hym out, and when he had gotten hym, bringeth hym along by Chepeside, not sufferyng hym to talke with any of his acquaintaunce by the way, though there were of his olde friendes of Oxford that offered to speake vnto hym.

When they came into Paules, it happened this Alex∣ander to espy D. Chadsey there walkyng vp and downe. To whom, because he was able in such a case to doe plea∣sure, and for that he had bene of his olde acquaintaunce in Oxforde, he was very desirous to speake to hym ere hee went through. Chadsey perceiuyng that Robin Caly dyd attend vpon hym, sayd that he durst not meddle in y^e mat∣ter.* 12.474 Yes (sayth little Robin) you may talke with hym if it please you M. Doctor. To bee short, Alexander openeth his case, and in the ende desireth for old acquaintance sake that he would finde meanes he myght be rather broughte before Doctor Martine to bee examined, then any other. Nay sayth he (alledgyng the wordes of Christ vnto Pe∣ter in the last chapter of Saint Ioh.) You remember bro∣ther what is written in the Gospell:* 12.475 When thou wast yong thou diddest girde thy selfe, and wentest whether thou woul∣dest: but beyng aged, other men shall girde thee and leade thee whether thou wouldest not. Thus abusing the Scripture to hys priuate meanyng, whereas notwithstandyng hee might easily haue accomplished so small a request if it had liked hym.

* 12.476Thence was he caried to Story and Cooke Commis∣sioners, there to learne what should become of hym. Be∣fore them he did vse hymselfe boldly & stoutly, as they on the other side did vrge him with captious questions very cruelly. When they had baited the poore man their fill, they asked hym where his whore was. She is not my whore (sayd he) but my lawful wife. She is thy whore, said they. She is not my whore (said he againe) but my wife I tell you. So whē they perceiued that he would not geue place vnto them,* 12.477 nor attribute to them so much as they looked for at his hand, accordyng to the ordinary maner they cō∣maunded him to prison. And nowe marke well the proui∣dence of God in his preser••••tion.

He was brought into Clunies house at Pater noster row, thence to be caried to Lollards tower out of hande, but that Cluny (as it happened) his wyfe and his mayde were so earnestly occupied about present busines, that as then they had not laisure to locke vp their prisoner. In the hall where Alexander sate, was a strange woman, whose husband was then presently in trouble for religiō, which perceiued by some one occasion or other, that this mā was brought in for the lyke cause. Alacke good man sayth she: if you will you may escape the cruel hands of your enemies,* 12.478 forasmuch as they be all away that should looke vnto you, God hath opened the way vnto you of deliueraunce, and therefore loose not the oportunitie thereof, if you bee wise. With those and such lyke wordes beyng then perswaded, he gate out of the dores and went away without any hast making at all: so that if any had followed, he might haue bene easily recouered againe. But vndoubtedly,* 12.479 it was Gods will that he should so escape the furie of his aduer∣saries, and be preserued from all daungers of death & im∣prisonment.

¶Bosomes wyfe.

AS the workes of the Lord are not to bee kept secrete,* 12.480 whatsoeuer the persones be in whom it pleaseth hym to worke: ••o commeth to remembraunce the story of ore Bosoms wyfe not vnworthy to be considered. This good woman beyng at Richmond with her mother, was great¦ly called vpō, and vrged to come to church. At length tho∣rough importunate crying and calling vpon, she granted vnto them, and came. Beyng in the church, & sittyng with her mother in the pue,* 12.481 contrary in al things to the doings of the Papistes shee behaued her selfe: to wit, when they kneeled, she stood, when they turned forward, shee turned backward, &c.

This being notorious in the church,* 12.482 at length y^e Con∣stable and Churchwarden named Sanders, attached her in the Queenes name, charging her with her Mother, the next day to appeare at Kingston. Who at their commaun∣dement so did.

The next day according as they were assigned, they came to Kingston to appeare before the foresayd officers, who at the same tyme (as it chanced) were going ouer the Fery, & meeting them by the way,* 12.483 saluted them by their names, but at that tyme had no further power to speake vnto them. Afterward, as they were in the boat goyng o∣uer, they knockt their hands, stampt and stared, same ••yng that they had let them so passe their hands. This the Fery∣man declared vnto them, and what they sayd in the boat. Whereupon the good woman taking her iourney to Lon∣don, escaped their cruelty, through the secret working (no doubt) of the Lord: who in all his workes and euermore be praysed, Amen.

¶Lady Kneuet in Northfolke.

AMong the number of the godly that were kept vnder the prouidence of the Lord in those perillous dayes,* 12.484 I may not forget an auncient good Lady of much worship, called Lady Anne Kneuet, who till her death dwelte in Norfolke, in a towne named Wimon••ham vj. miles from Norwich. Which sayd good Lady in Queen Maries days beyng iudged by the common people, more then an hun∣dreth yeare of age, and by her owne estimation well to∣wards a C. kept her selfe from their popish church, or ha∣uyng any papisticall trash ministred in her house, but on∣ly the seruice that was vsed in the latter dayes of K. Ed∣ward the 6. which daily she had sayd before her, either by one M. Tollin who was then by Gods prouidence pre∣serued in her house, or els by one of her Gentlewomen or houshold seruant that could serue the place in the sayd M. Tollins absence.

Now this worshipfull Lady continuing in this ma∣ner of true seruyng of God,* 12.485 she and her familie were ma∣ny tymes threatened by messengers, that the Bish. would visite her therfore. Unto which messengrs she would al∣ways answer, that if his Lordship sent word before what day he would come, he should thereafter be entertained at her hand. But God, whose prouidence ruleth the ragyng seas, neuer suffred them al that toyling tyme to molest her. Although oftentimes whē she had seruice before her, there were very great enemies to the truth and of much autho∣ritie, that came in, and kneled to prayer among them, and yet had no power to trouble her therfore.

This good Lady (gentle Reader) kept good hospitali∣tie▪ as any in that countrey, of her liuyng. She also succo∣red many persecuted that came to her house in the said M. Maries dayes. Were they neuer so simple, they were este∣ined of her as the frends of y^e gospel, and departed not frō her without money and meat.* 12.486 Borne she was long before K. Edward the 4. dyed, and ended her life in the Lord Ie∣sus peace, about the beginning of the 2. yeare of our most soueraigne Lady Queene Elizabeths raigne, as one fal∣lyng into a most sweete sleepe.

Unto whom not vnworthely may bee compared the Lady Elizabeth Uane,* 12.487 who likewyse beyng a great har∣borer and supporter of the afflicted Martyrs and Confes∣sors of Christ, was in great ••assards & daungers of the e∣nemies, and yet notwithstandyng, thorough the mercifull prouidence of the Lord, remained still vntouched. Of this Lady Uane thou shalt read before.

¶Iohn Dauis, of the age of twelue yeares and vnder.

AN Dom. 1546. and the last yeare of King Henry the 8. Iohn Dauis,* 12.488 a child of xij. yeares & vnder, who dwel∣lyng in the house of M. Iohnson Apothecarie, in y^e toune of Worcester, his vncle, vsing sometymes to read of the te∣stament and other good English bookes, was complained of by Alice Iohnson his maistresse, which Alice beyng an obstinate person, consulted with one Tho. Parton, & one Alice, wyfe to Nich. Brooke Organemaker, with certaine of the Canons, and M. Iohnson Chancellor to D. Heath their Bish. The meanes wherby he was entrapped, was wrought by the foresayd Alice Brooke, who procured O∣lyuer her sonne, schoolefellow with the sayd Iohn Dauis, to faine friendship with hym, and vnder pretence to be in∣structed, to see his English bookes, and especially to gette some thyng of his writyng against the vj. Articles. Which beyng had, was soone brought to the Canons of y^e church, and the Chauncellor. Wherupon, Tho. Parton, whether beyng sent, or of his owne mynd, came to apprehend him, and his Uncle was forced agaynst his will, to bynde the poore boyes armes behynd him: and so hee was brought to the Officers of the towne, where he lay from the 14. of August, till the last of September. Then was he commā∣ded to the Free mans prison, where one Rich. Howbo∣rough commyng to perswade him from burnyng, willed hym to prooue first with a candle, who then holdyng hys finger, and the other the candle vnder it a good space, yet (as the partie hymselfe to me assureth) felte no burnyng therof, neither would the other that held the candle beleue hym a great while, til he had looked, and saw no skorching of the candle at all appeared.

Then was the child remooued from thence to an inner prison called Peepehole, where the lowe Bailiffe called Rob. Yould, layd vpon hym a paire of bolts, so y^t he could not lift vp his small legs, but leanyng on a staffe, slipt thē forward vpon the ground, the coldnesse of which irons, he feeleth yet in his anckles, and shall so long as he lyueth, with these bolts, his lying was vpon the cold ground, ha∣uyng not one locke of strawe, nor cloth to couer him, saue onely two sheepe skins, neither durst father nor mother, or any of his friends come at hym. Besides this and many great threates of the papists, there was a mad man put to hym in the prison, with a knife about hym, wherewyth he oft tymes in his frantike rage, profered to thrust hym in.

After this came to him one Iolyfe, and N. Yewer, two Canons, which had his writings against the sixe Articles, and his Ballet called Come downe for all your shauen crowne: to see whether he would stād to that he had wri∣ten. Which done, with many great raging wordes, not long after sate M. Iohnson the Chancellour in the Guild hall vpon the poore lad. Where first were brought in hys accusers and sworne, then were sworn also 24. men which went on his Quest, and found hym guiltie, but hee neuer came before the Chancellor. Upon this he was sent to the common Gaole among thieues and murtherers, there to tary the commyng of the iudges, and so to be had straight to execution. But the mighty mercy of the Lord, who hel∣peth the desolate & miserable when all other helpe is past, so prouided for this silly condemned lad, that the purpose of all his hard harted enemies was disappointed. For be∣fore the Iudges came, God tooke away Henry the 8. out of this lyfe. By reason whereof, the force of the lawe was then staied, howbeit, he was neuerthelesse arraigned, be∣yng holden vp in a mans armes at the Barre before the Iudges, who were Portman and Maruen. Which when they perceiued that they could not burne him, would haue hym presently whipped. But M. Iohn Bourne Esquire declared to the Iudges how hee had whipping enough. After that hee had lyen a weeke more in prison, had hym home to hys house, his wyfe annoynted his legs her selfe with ointment, which then were stiffe and nummed with irons, till at length when M. Bourne and his wyfe sawe they could not winne hym to the beliefe of their Sacra∣ment, they put him away, least he should infect their sonne Anthony as they thought with heresie.

Thus Iohn Dauis of the age aforesayde, in what da∣mage he was for the Gospell ye see, and howe the Lorde preserued hym, ye vnderstand. He endured in prisone from the 14. day of August, till within seuen dayes of Easter, who is yet alyue, and a profitable Minister this day in the Church of Eng∣land: Blessed bee the Lord, qui facit mirabilia solus.

¶Maistresse Roberts.* 12.489

FUrthermore to both these may also be associate another Gentlewoman to make the third, named maistres Ro∣bertes, yet liuyng and dwellyng (as I vnderstand) in the towne of Haukehurst in Sussex. She beyng earnestly addicted to the truth of Christes Gospell, and no lesse con∣staunt in that whiche shee had learned therein, so kepte her selfe duryng all the brunte of Queene Maries tyme, that she neuer came to their popish seruice, nor would pol∣lute her conscience with hearyng their Idolatrous masse. There dwelt the same tyme not farre of, a Iustice called sir Iohn Gilford, who beyng as feruent on the contrary side, to set forward the proceedyngs of Q. Mary, thought to prooue masteries with this Gentlewoman, in forcyng her to the Church. And first sendyng his wyfe, he attemp∣ted her by faire wordes and gentle perswasions to con∣forme herselfe to the Princes lawes, and to come as other christian people did, to the Church. Notwithstanding, she constantly persisting in the sinceritie of the truth, woulde by no perswasions be won to do therein against her con∣science: and so kept at home a certayne space, till agayne the second tyme, Maister Gilford thinkyng not to geue her ouer so, sent his Officers and seruauntes to her, by force ond power to hale her out of her house to the church, and so dyd. Where by the way she for griefe of conscience swounded, and so of necessitie was brought home againe, and fallyng into an Ague, was for that tyme dispensed withall.

The third tyme yet the vnquiete spirite of M. Gilford beyng not content, after the tyme that she recouered helth againe, would needes come his owne person to compell her, wild she, nild she, to come to Church. But (as y^e Pro∣uerbe goeth) who can let that God would haue done? For when M. Gilford had purposed as pleased hym, the Lord so disposed for his seruaunt,* 12.490 that as the sayde M. Gilford was commyng vp the staires toward her chamber, so∣dainly hys olde disease the Goute so tooke hym and terri∣bly tormented hym, that he could goe no further: And so he that purposed to cary her to the church against ••er wil, was fayne hymselfe to be caried home to his house to hys payne, protestyng and swearyng that hee woulde neuer from henceforth trouble that Gentlewoman more, and no more he dyd.

¶Maistresse Anne Lacie.

IN this number of good Gentlewomen beyng in trouble and danger for Gods word,* 12.491 is not to be omitted the me∣mory of one maistresse Anne Lacie widowe in Notinghā¦shiere, who was in great danger in Queene Maries time in so much that the processe was forth against her, and she ready to haue bene apprehended, beyng so neerely pursu∣ed, that she was driuen to hide her Bible and other bookes in a dunghill. M. Lacy her brother was then Iustice of peace: but to whom (as I haue heard) she was but smal∣ly beholden. Neuertheles where kindred faileth, yet gods grace neuer fayleth such as sticke to hym: for in this mean tyme, as the processe came out against her, Queene Mary dyed, and so she escaped.

¶Crosmans wyfe.

ONe Crosmans wyfe of Tibnam longrowe in Nor∣folke,* 12.492 in Queen Maries tyme for not going to church was sought for at her house by one Barbour of the sayde towne, then Constable of the hundreth: who whē he came to her house, shee beyng at home with a childe sucking in her armes, stept into a corner on the one side of the chim∣ney, and they seeking the chambers, the child neuer cryed, (although before they came it did) as long as they were there, & so by this meanes the Lord preserued her.

The congregation at Stoke in Suffolke.

THere were some likewise which auoyded the violent rage of the aduersaries by meanes onely of their num∣ber,* 12.493 and mutuall concord in godlinesse, wherein they dyd so holde together that without muche adoe none well could be troubled: whereof we haue example in a certain towne of Suffolke called Stoke. After the three sharpe yeares of Queene Maries persecution beyng past, yet notwithstandyng the inhabitantes of the towne aforesaid specially the women, came not to their Church to receyue after the Popish maner, the Sacrament. Who, if they had bene but fewe, they could by no meanes haue escaped im∣prisonment. But because there were so many, the Papists thought it not best to lay handes vpon them. Onely they

appoynted them 16. dayes respite after Easter, wherein as many as would, should receiue the Sacrament: those that would not, should stand to the peril that would folow. Of this company which were many, geuing theyr handes to∣gether, the chiefest doers were these.

• Eaue, an old woman of three score yeares.
• Alice Coker her daugher.
• ...* 12.494Elizabeth Foxe.
• ...Agnes Cutting.
• ...Alice Spenser.
• ...Henry Cauker.
• ...Ioane Fouke.
• ...Agnes Spaulding.
• Iohn Steyre, and hys brother.
• ...Iohn Foxe.

These, after the order was taken for theyr not com∣ming to the Church, tooke aduisement among themselues what was best to be done, and at length concluded by pro∣mise one to another, that they woulde not receiue at all. Yet some of them afterwarde being perswaded with fayre promises that the Communion should be ministred vnto them according to Kyng Edwardes booke, gat them vnto the parish Priest (whose name was Cotes) and asked him after whiche sort he woulde minister the Sacrament.* 12.495 He aunswered to such as he fauoured, that he woulde geue it a••ter the right sort: the rest should haue it after the papisti∣call maner.

To be short, none did communicate so, but onely Iohn Steyre and Iohn Foxe:* 12.496 of whiche the one gaue his Wyfe leaue to do as she thought best. The other wēt about with threates to compell his wife, saying that otherwise hee would diuorce himselfe from her. As for the rest, they dyd withdraw themselues from church, resorting to their wō∣ted company. Onely Foxes wife taried still at home, all in her dumpes and heauines, whose husband practised wyth the Curate in the meane time, that the nexte daye after he shoulde geue her the sacrament, whiche was the xvij. daye after Easter. But the very same day, vnknowing vnto her husband, she gat her selfe secretly to her companye, & with teares declared how violently her husband had delt wyth her.* 12.497 The other women had her notwithstanding to be of a good cheare, and sayde that they woulde make theyr ear∣nest prayers vnto the Lord, both for her and her husband, and in deed when they had so done, the matter tooke verye good successe. For the next day after, goodman Foxe came of his owne accorde vnto them, a farre other man then hee was before, and bewayled his owne headines and rash∣nesse, praying thē that they would forgeue him, promising euer after to be more strong in fayth, to the great reioysing both of them and his wife.

About halfe a yeare after this, the Bishop of Norwich sendeth forth certaine of his Officers or Apparatours thi∣ther, which gaue them warning euery one to come to the Church the next Sonday following. If they woulde not come,* 12.498 they shoulde appeare before the Commissary out of hand, to render account of theyr absence. But the women hauing secret knowledge of this before, kept themselues out of the way for the nonce, to auoyd the sūmons or war∣ning. Therefore when they were not at the Church at the day appoynted, the Commissary did first suspend them ac∣cording to the Bishop of Romes lawe, and within three weekes after did excommunicate them.* 12.499 Therefore when they perceiued that an Officer of the Towne was sette to take some of them, they conueying themselues priuily out of the towne, escaped all daunger.

¶The Congregation in London.

* 12.500NO lesse maruellous was the preseruation of the con∣gregation in London, which from the first beginning of Queene Mary, to the latter end thereof, continued not∣withstynding whatsoeuer the malice, deuise, searching and inquisition of men, or streitnes of lawes could work to the contrary. Such was the mercifull hand of the Lord, accor∣ding to his accustomed goodnes, euer working with hys people. Of this great bountifull goodnes of the Lord, ma∣ny and great examples appered in the congregation whi∣che now I speake of. How oft, and in what great daūgers did he deliuer them?

* 12.501First at the Blacke Friers, when they should haue re∣sorted to Syr Thomas Cardens house, priuy watch was layd for them, but yet through the Lordes vigilant proui∣dence the mischiefe was preuented, and they deliuered.

Agayne howe narrowly did they escape about Algate, where spies were layd for them,* 12.502 & had not Thomas Sim∣son the Deacō espied them, and bid them disperse thēselues away, they had bene taken. For within two houres the Constable comming to the house after they were gone, de∣maunded of the wife what company had bene there. To whom she to excuse the matter, made aunswere agayne: saying that halfe a dosen good fellowes had bene there at breakefast, as they went a maying.

An other time also about the great conduit, they pas∣sing there through a very strayt Alley, into a Cloth wor∣kers loft, were espied, and the Sheriffes sent for but before they came, they hauing priuy knowledge thereof immedi∣atly shifted away out of the Alley,* 12.503 Iohn Auales standing alone in the Mercers Chappell staring at them.

An other like escape they made in a ship at Billinsgate belonging to a certayne good man of Ley, where in the o∣pen sight of the people they were congregated together, & yet through Gods mighty power escaped.

Betwixt Ratcliffe and Redriffe, in a ship, called Iesus Ship, twise or thrise they assembled hauing there closely,* 12.504 after theyr accustomed maner, both Sermon, prayer & cō∣munion, and yet through the protection of the Lorde they returned, although not vnspied, yet vntaken.

Moreouer in a Coopers house in Pudding Lane, so neare they were to perill and daungers, that Iohn A∣uales comming into the house where they were,* 12.505 talked with the good man of the house, and after he had asked a question or two, departed, God so working that either he had no knowledge of them, or no power to apprehend them.

But they neuer escaped more hardly, thē once in Tha∣mes street in the night time,* 12.506 where the house being besette with enemies, yet as the Lord would, they were deliuered by the meanes of a Mariner, who being at that present in the same cōpany, and seing no other way to auoyd, pluckt of his slops, and swam to the next boate, and so rowed the company ouer, vsing his shooes in steed of owres, & so the ieopardy was dispatched.

I haue heard of one who being sent to thē to take their names, and to espy theyr doinges, yet in being amongest them was conuerted and cryed them all mercy.

What should I speak of the extreame and present daū∣ger whiche that Godly companye was in at the taking of maister Rough theyr minister,* 12.507 and Cutbert Simson their Deacon, had not the Lords prouidence geuen knowledge before to maister Rough in his sleepe that Cutbert should leaue behinde him at home the booke of all theyr names, which he was wont to cary about him? whereof mention is made before. pag, 2034.

In this Church or congregation were sometyme xl. sometymes an hundred, sometimes two hundred, some∣tymes mo, and sometymes lesse. About the latter tyme of Queene Mary, it greatly increased. From the first begin∣nyng, which was about the first entry of Queen Maries reigne, they had diuers ministers, first M. Scamler, then Thom. Fowle, after him M. Rough,* 12.508 then M. Augustine Bernher, and last M. Bentham. Concerning the deliue∣rance of which M. Bentham (beyng now B. of Couentry and Lichfield) Gods mighty prouidence most notably is to be considered. For how is it possible by mans estimati∣on, for the sayd M. Bentham to haue escaped, had not the present power of the Lord, passing all mens expectation, bene prest and redy to helpe his seruaunt in such a straite. The story and case is this.

At what tyme the vij. last burned in Smithfield,* 12.509 men∣tioned in this booke before, pag. 2039. were condemned & brought to the stake to suffer, came downe in the name of the king and Queene a proclamation, beyng twise pro∣nounced openly to the people, first at Newgate,* 12.510 then at the stake where they should suffer, straightly charging and commanding, that no man should either pray for them, or speake to them, or once say God helpe them.

It was appointed before of the godly there standyng together, which was a great multitude, that so soone as the prisoners should be brought, they should goe to them to embrace and to comfort them, and so they did. For as the sayd Martyrs were comming toward the place in the peoples sighte, beyng brought with bils & glaues (as the custome is) the godly multitude and Congregation with a generall sway made toward the prisoners, in such ma∣ner, that the byllmē and the other officers beyng all thrust backe, could nothyng do, nor any thing come nigh.* 12.511 So the godly people meetyng and embracing, and kissing them, brought them in their armes (which might as easily haue conueied them cleane away) vnto the place where they should suffer.

This done, and the people geuing place to the Offi∣cers, the proclamation with a loud voyce was read to the people, containyng (as is before sayd) in the K. & Queens name, that no man should pray for them, or once speake a word vnto them. &c. Maister Bentham, the minister then of the congregation, not sparyng for that,* 12.512 but as zeale and Christian charitie mooued hym, and seeyng the fire set to them, turnyng his eyes to the people, cried and sayd: We

know they are the people of God, and therefore we cannot choose but wish well to them, and say: God strengthen thē: And so boldly he sayde: Almighty God for Christes sake strengthen them.* 12.513 With that, all the people with a whole consent and one voice folowed and sayd: Amen, Amē. The noyse whereof was so great, and the criers thereof so ma∣ny, that the Officers could not tell what to say: nor whom to accuse. And thus much concerning the congregation of the faythfull, assembling together at London in the time of Queene Mary.

The said M. Bentham an other time, as he passed tho∣row S. Katherines,* 12.514 intending to walke and take the ayre abroad, was enforced by two or three men, approching v∣pon him, needes to go with them to a place whether they would lead him. M. Bētham astonied at the sodeinnes of the matter, and maruelling what the thing shoulde be, re∣quired what theyr purpose was, or whether they woulde haue him. They aunswered, that by the occasion of a man there found drowned, the Crowners quest was called and charged to sit vpon him, of the whiche quest he must of ne∣cessity be one. &c. He agayne, loth to medle in the matter, excused himselfe, alledging that in such kind of matters he had no skill, and lesse experience: if it would please them to let him goe, they should meete with other more meete for theyr purpose. But when with this they would not be sa∣tisfied, he alledged further, that he was a scholer of Oxford, and thereby was priuiledged from being of any inquest. The Crowner demaunded the sight of his priuiledge.* 12.515 He sayd, if he woulde geue him leaue, he would fetch it. Then sayd the Crowner: the queene must be serued without all delay, & so cōstrayned him notwithstanding to be with thē in hearing the matter.

Beyng brought to the house where the Crowner and the rest of the quest were sitting, as the maner is, a booke was offered him to sweare vpon.* 12.516 M. Bentham opening the booke, and seing it was a papisticall Primer, refused to sweare thereupon▪ and declared moreouer what supersti∣tion in that booke was conteined. What, sayde the Crow∣ner? I thinke we shall haue here an hereticke among vs. And vpon that, after much reasoning amongest them, he was committed to the custody of an officer till further ex∣amination: by occasion wherof, to all mens reason, hard it had bene and ineuitable for M. Bentham to haue escaped, had not the Lord helped where man was not able. What folowed? Incontinent as they were thus contending and debating about matters of heresye,* 12.517 sodeynly commeth the Crowner of the Admiralty, disanulling and repealing the order & calling of that inquest, for that it was (as he sayde) perteining to his office, and therefore the other Crowner and his company in that place had nothing to do: And so the first Crowner was discharged and displaced: by reasō whereof M. Bentham escaped theyr handes, hauing no more sayd vnto him.

*English men preserued at the taking of Calice.

THe worthy workes of the Lordes mercy toward hys people be manifolde and can not be comprehended,* 12.518 so that who is he liuing in the earth almost who hath not ex∣perienced the helping hand of the Lord, at some time or o∣ther vpon him? Amōgst many other, what a piece of gods tender prouidence was shewed of late vpon our English brethren and country men, what time Calice was takē by the Tyrant Guise, a cruell enemy both to Gods truth and to our English nation? And yet by the gracious prouision of the Lorde, few or none at all, of so many that fauoured Christ and his Gospell, in that terryble spoyle miscaried. In the number of whome there was a godly couple, one Iohn Thorpe and his wife,* 12.519 which feared the Lord, and lo∣ued his trueth, who being sicke the same time, and cast out into the wild fieldes, harbourles, desolate, and despayring of all hope of life, hauing theyr young infant moreouer ta∣ken from them in the sayd fieldes, and caried awaye of the souldiors: yet the Lord so wrought, that the poore woman being almost past recouery of life, was fet and caried, the space welnigh of a mile, by straungers whome they neuer knewe, into a village, where both shee was recouered for that night, & also the next day comming toward England, they chaunced into the same Inne at the next town, where they found theyr young child sitting by the fire side.

¶Edward Benet.

* 12.520ONe Edw. Benet about the second yeare of the reigne of Q. Mary, then dwelling at Quenehieth with one Grynocke a Baker, was desired of one Tyngle prisoner then in Newgate, to bring him a new testament, He pro∣curing one of M. Couerdals translatiō, wrapt it in a hand¦kerchiefe, saying to George the keeper whiche asked hym what he had, that it was a piece of pondred biefe. Let mee see it, sayd he. Perceiuing what it was, he brought him to Syr Roger Cholmley, who examined him why he did so, saying that booke was not lawfull,* 12.521 & so committed him to the Counter in woodstreet, wher he continued 25. weekes.

Doctor Story comming to the prison to examine other Prisoners, this Benet looking out at the grate, spake to him, desiring him to be good vnto him, and to helpe hym out, for he had lien long in prison. To whom D. Story thē aunswering: What, sayd he, wast not thou before me in Christes Church? Yes forsooth, sayd Benet. Ah, sayd Sto∣ry, thou doest not beleue in the Sacrament of the Aultar. Mary I will helpe thee out: come, sayd he to the keeper, turne him out, I will helpe him: and so tooke Benet wyth him and brought him to Cluney in Pater noster Row, and bade him bring him to the Colehouse, and there he was in the stockes a weeke.

Then the Bishoppe sent for him to talke with him, and first asked him if he were shriuen? No, sayd Benet. He asked him if he would be shriuen? No, sayd he. Then he asked him if the Priest could take away his sinnes? No, sayd Benet, I do not so beleue. Then he and Harpsfielde laughed at him and mocked him, asking him if he did not beleue that what so euer the Prieste here bounde in earth, should be bound in heauen: and what so euer he loosed in earth, shoulde be loosed in heauen? No, quoth Benet: But I beleue that the Minister of God preaching Gods word truely, and ministring the Sacramentes accordyng to the same, whatsoeuer he bindeth in earth, shalbe bound in heauen, and what so euer he looseth. &c. Then the Bi∣shop putting him aside, sayd, he should go to Fulham and be whipped.

Then came to him M. Buswell a Pries••, lying in the Colehouse in the stockes, and brought Cranmers recan∣tation, saying that he had recanted. My fayth, sayth the o∣ther, lyeth in no mans booke but in him which hath redee∣med me. The next saterday, Benet with fiue other was cal¦led for to come to masse, into the Chappell. The Masse be∣ing done and they comming out,* 12.522 fiue of thē went to prison and were after burned. Benet being behind and comming toward the gate, the porter opening to a company goyng out, asked if there were no prisoners there. No, sayd they. Benet standing in open sight before him, with other ser∣uing men whiche were there by reason that Boner made many priestes that day (hauing one of his sleues and halfe the fore part of his coat burned of in prisō, being more like a prisoner then any of the other) when the gate was ope∣ned, went out amongest them, and so escaped.* 12.523

Agayne, in the last yeare of Queene Mary, the same Benet being taken againe with the 24. beyond Islington, and brought to Syr Roger Cholmleys, the people com∣ming very thicke did cut of some of them, to the number of 8. which were behinde, among whom was Benet.* 12.524 Then he knocking at the gate to come in, the Porter sayd, that he was none of the company. He sayde yes, and knocked a∣gayne. Thē there stood one by of the congregation, named Iohnson, dwelling now at Hamersmith, which sayd: Ed∣ward, thou hast done well, do not tempt God, go thy way. And so taking the warning as sent of God, with a quyet conscience eschued burning.

¶Ieffrey Hurst brother in law to George Marsh the Martyr.

IN the Towne of Shakerley in Lancashyre dwelled one Ieffrey Hurst the sonne of an honest yeoman,* 12.525 who had besides him 11. children, the sayd Ieffrey being the xij. and eldest of the rest: and for that theyr father being willyng to bring them vp, so that they should be able another day to helpe themselues, he did binde this Ieffrey prentise vnto the craft of nayling, to make all kinde of nayles: which oc∣cupation he learned and serued out the time of 7. yeares. The which yeres being expired, he gaue himselfe at times to learne of his other Brethren which went to schole: and as he was very willing to the same, so GOD sent hym knowledge wherein he did perseuer and go forwardes, in such sort that he could write and read indifferently, and in longer continuaunce came by more knowledge, and so ha∣uing the Bible and diuers other bookes in his house, dyd come by pre••ye knowledge in the Scripture.* 12.526 After this he tooke vnto him a wife being the Sister of Maister George Marsh, of whose Martyrdome mention is made before pag. 1484. and being much familiar with him, did mend his knowledge not a little. Now whē queene Mary was entred, the first yeare of her reigne he kept himselfe awaye from their doings & came not at the church: Wherupon he

was layd in wayt for, and called hereticke, and Lollard, & so for feare of further daunger, he was compelled to leaue his wife and his child, and all, and fled into Yorkeshyre, & there beyng not knowne did lead his life,* 12.527 returning some∣times by night to his house to comfort his wife, and brin∣ging with him some preacher or other, who vsed to preach vnto them so long as the time would serue, and so depar∣ted by night agayne. The names of the Preachers were: M. Reneses, M. Best, M. Brodbanke, M. Russell, & eue∣ry time they came thither they were about 20. or 24. some∣times, but 16. at least, who had there also somtimes a Cō∣muniō. And thus in much feare did he with other lead his life, till the last yeare of the reigne of Queene Mary. Thē it chaunced that the sayde Ieffrey Hurst, after the death of his father, came home, and kept himself close for vij. or viij. weekes.

* 12.528There dwelt not farre of at Morlesse, a certayne Iu∣stice of peace and of quorum, named M. Thomas Lelond, who hearing of him, appoynted a time to come to hys Fa∣thers house where he then dwelt, to rifle the house for boo∣kes, and to search for him also, and so did. Ieffrey and hys company hauing knowledge of his comming, tooke the books which were in the house, as the Bible, the Commu∣nion booke, the new testament of Tindals translation, and diuers others, and threw them all vnderneath a tubbe or ••at, conueying also the sayd Ieffrey vnder the same, with a greate deale of strawe vnderneath him: for as it chaunced they had the more time, because that whē the Iustice came almoste to the doore, he stayed and woulde not enter the house till he had sent for Hurstes mothers Landlady: M. Shakerley, and then with her consent to go forwards. In the meane time,* 12.529 Ieffrey by such as were with him, was willed to lay in his window the testamēt of Tindals trā∣slation, and a litle booke conteining the third part of the bi∣ble, with y^e booke of Ecclesiasticus, to try what they would say vnto them.

This done, Mistres Shakerley came. Unto whō eft∣soones the Iustice declareth the cause of his comming and how he was sory to attempt any such thing agaynst any of her tenauntes for her sake, but notwithstanding he muste needes execute his office. And agayne you must (sayde he) note this, that a skabbed sheepe is able to infect a great nū∣ber: and especially hauing, as he hath, so many brethren, & sisters, he is able to marre them all, if he be not looked vnto in time. And thus concluding, M. Lelond entred into the house,* 12.530 & being come in, set himselfe in a chayre in the midle of the house, and sending Syr Rafe Parkinson his Priest, and one of his men, and one of Mistres Shakerleys men about the house, to searche and rifle the chestes for bookes (whiche so did) in the meane time he talked with Hurstes mother, being of the age almost of lx. yeares: And chiding with her that she would suffer her sonne so to order and be haue himselfe like an heretick, said: thou olde foole I know my selfe that this new learning shall come agayne: but for how long? euen for three moneths or foure monethes and no longer. But I will lay thee olde foole in Lancaster dū∣geon for this geare, and well worthy.

Now as concerning the searchers, they foūd nothyng but latin books, as Grammer, and such like. These be not they that we looke for (sayde they) we must see further, and so looked into Hurstes chamber where they found the fore∣sayd books. Then syr Rafe taking vp the testament, looked on it, and smiled. His Mayster seing that, sayd: nowe Syr Rafe, what haue we there? Forsooth, sayth he, a testament of Tindals translation, plaine heresy, and none worse then it. Then is all theyr goodes, sayth he, lost to the Queene & theyr bodyes to prison, and was wonderfully hasty: not∣withstanding through Mistres Shakerley, for a space hee was content to see farther.

Then the Priest looked on the other booke: What saye ye to that Syr Rafe, is that as euill as the other? No sayde he, but it is not good that they should haue such Englishe Bookes to looke on: for this and suche others, maye doe much harme. Then he asked the Mother where her eldest sonne was, and her daughter Alyce? She aunswered she could not tell: they were not with her of long time before. And he swore by Gods bodye, hee woulde make her tell where they were, or he would lay her in Lancaster Dun∣geon, and yet he would haue them, notwithstandyng too, To be shorte,* 12.531 for feare he hadde hys Brother Iohn Hurst and hys Mother bounde in an hundreth pounde to bring the partyes before him within xiiij. dayes, and so departed he, and the Priest put both the bookes in his bosome, and caryed them away with him. Then Iohn Hurst went af∣ter them, desiring that he mighte haue the booke which the Priest found no fault with: but he (sayd they) should aun∣swere to them both, and which so euer was the better, was not good.

As this past on, when the time was come that Ieffrey Hurst and his sister shoulde be examined, the Iustice sent for them betimes in the morning,* 12.532 & had prepared a masse to beginne withall, asking Ieffrey Hurst if he would first go and see his maker, and thē he would talke further with him. To whom then Ieffrey answered and sayd:* 12.533 Syr my Maker is in heauen, and I am assured in goyng to your Masse I shall finde no edification thereby, and therefore I pray you hold me excused.

Well, well, sayd he, I perceiue I shall finde you an he∣reticke, by God: but I will go to Masse, & I will not lose it for all your pratling. Then into his Chappell he went,* 12.534 and when masse was done, he sent for them, and caused his Priest to read a scrole vnto them as concerning the 7. Sa∣craments, & euer as he spake of the body & bloud of Christ, he put of his cappe, and sayd: loe ye may see:* 12.535 you will deny these thinges and care not for your Prince: but you shall feele it ere I haue done with you, & all the faculty of you, with other talke more betwene them, I know not what: but in the end they were licensed to depart vnder suretyes to appeare agayne before him within 3. weekes,* 12.536 and then to go to Lancaster. Howbeit in the meane while it so plea∣sed God, that within foure dayes of the day appoynted, it was noysed that the Queene was deade, and within xiiij. dayes after, the sayd Ieffrey Hurst fet home his 2. bookes, and nothing was sayd vnto him.* 12.537

It folowed after this that Gods word begon to take place, and the Queenes visitors came down into that coū∣try, who did choose foure men in the parish: to wit, Simōd Smith, Ieffrey Hurst, Henry Browne, George Eccersly,* 12.538 which foure were Protestantes, to see the Queenes proce∣dinges to take place: which according to theyr power dyd the same, notwithstanding it did little preuayle: & therfore the sayd Ieffrey being sore greued with the office, fell sick, in which sickenes it pleased God to call him, making a ve∣ry godly end, God haue the prayse for it.

Nowe to returne to the foresayde Thomas Lelond a∣gayne, he continuing in his office still,* 12.539 did very few tymes come to the Church, but sayd he was aged and might not labor, and there kept with him Syr Rafe Parkinson hys Priest, which could (as it was said) minister the Commu∣nion vnto the people, and sing Masse to his mayster: Yea and (as the fame reported) did a pretyer feate then all that: for he begat two children by a seruant in a house, his may∣ster knowing it, and saying nothing, for that he would not lose his good masse Priest.

Furthermore, this was noted in the same Iustice Le∣londes behauiour at seruice tyme, that he had a little dog which he would play with, all seruice time, and the same Dogge had a coller full of Bels,* 12.540 so that the noyse of them did molest and trouble others as well as himselfe, from hearing the seruice. Also in the same Iustice it was noted & obserued, that as he sate in his Chappell at seruice time, his maner was on a willow barke to knitte knottes, for that he could not be suffered to haue his beades, and to put the same vpō a string also. Witnes hereof Edward Hurst, with others.

Furthermore, as concerning Henry Browne one of the 4. chosen men aboue mencioned,* 12.541 this is also to be ad∣ded, that the sayd Henry Browne dwelling in the towne of Pinington in the same Parish an. 1564. had a litle boy, who as he was playing in the Towne, one Glaues wyfe gaue vnto the boye a payre of Beades made of woode, to play him withall. The little boy being glad therof to haue suche a trim thing, went home & shewed his father of thē. His Father seing the Beades, tooke them and burned thē, and when he had so done, went forth and asked who had geuen vnto his litle boy that payre of Beades.

That did I, sayd Glaues wife.* 12.542

Well sayd he, I haue burned them.

Hast thou so, sayd she? and thrust him from her. They shalbe the dearest Beades that euer thou sawest, & incōti∣nent went & cōplayned vnto the said Iustice, how Brown had burned her beades.

This matter the Iustice tooke sore to snuffe,* 12.543 and was very angry, and did direct his letter vnto the constables of the same Towne, by his owne hand subscribed: the title of which superscription on the backeside was this: To the Cō∣stables of Pinington geue this.

This done the Constables according to this their charge did bring him afore the Iustice at tyme appointed,* 12.544 and when the Iust••ce came to talke with him, he was in suche a chafe, that he called him theefe, and sayde that he had robbed his neighbour in burning of her beades, and that there was ringes and other Iuels on them, and that he might as well haue picked her purse: wherefore I will lay thee (sayd he) in Lancaster for this geare.

Whilest they were thus talking, there came all hys

seruauntes about them from theyr worke, saying: is thys M. Doctor Browne that will burne Beades? I pray you Syr, let vs haue him here and preach. I will geue a quar∣ters wages,* 12.545 sayth one: and I will geue mony sayth an o∣ther, and he shall be mayster Doctour: with much derision and scoffing at this poore man.

He hearing this, spake agayn boldly, and sayd: did you send for me to make a laughing stocke of me? You be in of∣fice, and ought rather to come to the Church, and see suche Papistry abolished your selfe, then thus to trouble me for doyng my duety: but I tell you playnely, you do not come to Church as you ought to doe, and wherefore with more thinges that I haue to charge you withall, I say you doe not well. When all this misdemeanour of the Iustice layd to his charge, woulde not preuayle, and also witnes came in of the Papistes, which did know the Beades, & testified that they were playne & cost but a halfepeny, he then went into his Parlor in a chafe, and one M. Erberston a papist with him·* 12.546 Which Erberston turned backe and sayd: is it you Henry Browne, that keepeth this styrre? you are one of them that pulled downe Crosses in the church, and pul∣led downe the Roode seller, and all the Sayntes: you were best now to goe paynt a blacke Deuill, and set him vp and worship him, for that will serue well for your religiō. And thus vnder suretiship he did depart til Iuly folowing and then he sayd he should go to Lancaster prison,* 12.547 and so came he away.

The time drew on that he should appeare, but GOD stayed the matter, and in Iuly, as the foresayde Thomas Lelond sate in his chaire talking with his friendes, he fell downe sodeinly dead,* 12.548 not much mouing any ioynt: And thus was his end: from such God vs defend.

¶William Wood of Kent.

THe examination of William Woode Baker, dwelling in the Parish of Strowd, in the County of Kent, be∣fore Doctor Kenall Chauncellour of the Dioces of Roche∣ster,* 12.549 Doctor Chadsey, the Maior of Rocher, and M. Ro∣binson the Scribe, the 19. day of October, and in the secōd yeare of Queene Mary, in S. Nicholas Church in Ro∣chester.

M. Robinson.

William Wood, you are presented because you will not come to the Church,* 12.550 nor receiue the blessed sacra∣ment of the Aultar. Howe say you? haue you receiued, or haue you not?

Wood.

I haue not receiued it, nor I dare not receiue it, as you do now minister it.

Kenall.

Thou Hereticke, what is the cause that thou hast not receyued the blessed Sacrament of the Aultar? and at this word all they put off theyr cappes, and made low bei∣saunce.

Wood.

There be three causes that make my conscience a∣feard that I dare not receiue it.* 12.551 The first Christ did deliuer it to his xij. Apostles, and sayd: Take, eat: And drinke ye all of this. &c. and ye eate and drinke vppe all alone. The seconde cause is: you hold it to be worshipped, contrary to Gods comaūdements: Thou shalt not bow downe nor worship. The third cause is: you minister it in a straunge toung, contra∣ry to S. Paules doctrine: I lad rather haue fiue wordes wyth vnderstanding, then ten thousand with tounges: by reasō wher of the people be ignoraunt of the death of Christ.

Kenall.

Thou hereticke, wilt thou haue any playner wor∣des then these: Hoc est corpus meum? Take, eat, this is my body? wilt thou deny the Scripture?

Wood.

I will not deny the holy Scripturs: GOD for∣bid, but with my hart I do faythfully beleue them. Saynt Paule sayth: God calleth those thinges that are not, as though they were. And Christ sayth: I am a Vyne: I am a doore. Saynt Paule sayth: The Rocke is Christ: All which are figuratiue speaches, wherein one thing is spoken, and an other thing is vnderstanded.

Robins.

You make a very long tale of this matter. Learne Wood, learne.

Kenall.

Nay, these heretickes will not learne. Looke howe this heretike glorieth in himselfe. Thou foole, art thou wi∣ser then the Queene and her Counsell, and all the learned men of this Realme?

Wood.

And it please you, Mayster Chauncellour, I thinke you would be loth to haue such glory, to haue your life and goodes taken away, and to be thus rayled vppon, as you rayle vppon me. But the seruaunt is not greater then his Mayster. And where you do mocke me, and saye I am wiser then the Queene and her Counsell, S. Paule sayth: The wisedome of the wise of this world is foolishnesse be∣fore God, and he that will be wise in this world, shall be accoun∣ted but a foole.

Kenall.

Doest not thou beleue that after these wordes spo∣ken by a priest: Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: there remayneth no more bread and Wine, but the very fleshe & bloud of Christ, as he was borne of the virgin Mary, real∣ly and substantially, in quantity and quality, as he did hāg vpon the Crosse?

Wood.

I pray you M. Chaūcellour, geue me leaue for my learning, to aske you one question, and I will aunswere you after.

Kenall.

It is some wise question, I warrant you.

Wood.

God spake to the Prophet Ezechiell, saying:* 12.552 Thou sonne of man, take a rasour and shaue of the heare of thy head & of thy beard, and take one part and cast into the ayre: take the se∣cond part and put it into thy coat lap, and take the third part & cast it into the fire: & this is Ierusalem. I pray you, M. Chaū∣cellour, was this heare that the Prophet did cast into the fire, or was it Ierusalem?

Kenall.

No, it did signify Ierusalem.

Wood.

Euen so this word of Christ: This is my body: is not so to be vnderstanded that Christes carnall, naturall,* 12.553 & re∣all body is in the same, in quantity and quality, as it was borne of the virgin Mary: and as he was crucified vpon the crosse, is present or inclosed in the sacramēt: but it doth signify Christes body, as S. Paule sayth: So oft as ye doe eat of this bread and drinke of this cup, you shall shew forth the Lordes death til he come. What should the Apostle meane by this word, till he come, if he were here carnally, naturally, corporally, and really in the same quantity and quality as he was borne of the virgine Mary, and as he did hang on the crosse, as you say? but Saynt Paule saith: You shall shew the Lordes death till he come. This doth argue that he is not here as you would haue vs to beleue.

Doctour Chadsey.

I will proue that Christ is here present vnder the forme of bread, but not in quantity and quality.

Kenall sayde: yes he is here present in quantitye and quality.

Chadsey.

He is here present vnder a forme, and not in quā∣tity and quality.

Yes, sayd Kenall.

No, sayd Chadsey.* 12.554

I will proue him here in quantity and qualitie, sayde Kenall.

I will proue the contrary, sayd Chadsey.

And these two doctors were so earnest in this matter, the one to affirme, the other to deny, contending & raging so sore one at the other, that they fomed at y^e mouth, & one was ready to spit in an others face, so that in a great fury and rage the two Doctors rose vp from the iudgemēt seat, and Doctor Kenall departed out of the Churche in greate rage and fury immediatly.

Wood.

Behold good people, they would haue vs to beleue that Christ is naturally, really, in quantity & quality pre∣sent in the Sacramēt, and yet they can not tell themselues, nor agree within themselues how he is there.

At these wordes the people made a great shout and the Maior stood vp and commaunded the people to be quiet, & to keep silence. And that God y^t did deliuer S. Paul out of the handes of the high Priests,* 12.555 by the contention that was betwene the Phariseis and the Saduces, did euen so deli∣uer me at that time out of the mouthes of the bloudy Pa∣pistes, by the meanes of the contention of these two Doc∣tors. Blessed be the name of the Lord which hath promised to laye no more vpon his, then he will make them able to beare, and in the midst of temptation he can make a way for his (whome and when it pleaseth him) to escape out of all daungers.

Many other like examples of Gods helpyng hande haue bene declared vpon his elect Sayntes and Children in deliuering them out of daunger by wonderfull and mi∣raculous wayes, some by one meanes some by an other. What a notable worke of Gods mightye hand was seene in Simon Grinaeus, mentioned in the Commentary of Me∣lancthon vpon Daniell. Who hauing a sodeine warnynge by a certaine olde man, who was not seene after, nor kno∣wen then of any what he was, auoided the peril of taking and burning, as by the relation of Melancthon writing and witnessing of the same, may appeare in the wordes of hys owne story here folowing.

*The History of Simon Grinaeus collected out of Melancthons Commentaris vpon the x. Chapiter of Daniell.

* 12.556

WHen I was (sayth he) at the assembly holden at Spyre in the yeare of our Lord 1529. by chaunce Simon Gry∣naeus came thither vnto me from the Uniuersity of Hedel∣berge, where he hearde Faber the Byshoppe of Vienna in a Sermon, defend and maynteyne certayne detestable er∣rors. When the Sermon was done, he folowed Faber go∣yng

out of the Church and saluted him reuerently, decla∣ring vnto him that he was moued of a good zeale & intent, somewhat to say vnto him.* 12.557 Faber was contented to talke with him.

Then Grinaeus sayde vnto him that he was very sorry that a man of such learning and authority shoulde openly mayntein such errors as were both contumelious against God, & also might be refuted by the manifest testimonies of the Scripture. Irenaeus writeth (sayd he) that Polycarpus was wont to stop his cares whensoeuer he heard any er∣roneous & wicked doctrine.* 12.558 With what mind then (thinke you) woulde Polycarpus haue heard you argue and reason what it is that the mouse eateth, when shee gnaweth the consecrated host? Who would not bewayle such ignorance and blindnes of the Church? With this Faber brake of hys talke, as he was about to saye more, and asked his name. This man dissembling nothing, gently tolde him that his name was Grinaeus.

This Faber (as many well knew) was alwayes tyme∣rous and fearefull in the company of learned men. Wher∣fore he fearing the learning, eloquence, and feruent zeale of Grinaeus, specially in such a matter as this was, fayned as though he had bene sent for by the king, and that he had no leysure now to reason vpon this matter. He pretended that he was very desirous of acquayntaunce and longer talke with Grinaeus, intreating him, that bothe for hys owne priuate cause, and also for the common wealth, he would come agayne the next day vnto him, and so shewed him his lodgyng, and appoynted him an houre when hee should come. Grinaeus thinking that he had spoken vnfay∣nedly, promised so to do.

When he was departed frō Faber, he came straight way vnto vs, and was scarsly set at the table (for it was supper time) reciting a part of his talk with Faber vnto me and o∣thers there present, when as I sitting with my company, was sodeinly called out of the Parler by a certayne aunci∣ent fatherly man,* 12.559 who shewing a singular grauitye in hys countenance, wordes, and behauior, spake vnto me & said, that the Sergeantes would by and by come vnto our lod∣ging, being sent by the kinges commaundement, to carye Grinaeus to Prison, whom Faber had accused to the Kynge, commaunding that Grinaeus should straight wayes depart out of the towne, & exhorted me that we shoulde in no case delay the time: and so bidding me farewell, departed. But what olde man this was, neither did I know then nor af∣terward could vnderstand. I returning agayne vnto my company, bad them rise, and told them what the olde man had sayd vnto me.

By and by, we taking Grinaeus in the midst of vs, cary∣ed him through the street to the Riuer of Rhene, whereas after he had stayd vpon the hether bank a while, vntil Gri∣naeus with his companiō were caried ouer in a small boat,* 12.560 returning agayne to our lodging, we vnderstoode that the Sergeants had bene there, when we were but a little way gone out of the house. Now in what great daunger Grinae∣us should haue bene,* 12.561 if he had bene caried to prison, by this cruelty of Faber euery man easily may coniecture. Where∣fore we iudged that that most cruell entent and purpose of him, was disapoynted by Gods merciful prouidence. And as I can not say, what olde man it was that gaue me that warning, euen so likewise the Sergeants made such quick speede, that except Grinaeus had bene couered and defended by Aungels through the maruellous prouidence of God, he could neuer haue escaped.

Cōcerning the truth of this matter, there be many good men yet aliue, which both knowe the same, and also were present at the doing thereof. Therfore let vs geue thankes vnto God, which hath geuen vs his Angels to be our kee∣pers and defenders, wherby with more quiet mindes, we may fulfill and do the office of our vocation.

With such like examples of Gods mighty and mercy∣ful custody, the church of Christ in all ages doth aboūd, as by manifold experiences may appeare as well among the Germanes, as also in all other places and ages, but in no place more, nor in time more plentifull, then in this perse∣cuting time of Queene Mary in this our Realme of En∣land: as partly hath bene already historyed, and parte yet remayneth (the Lorde willing) moreouer hereunto to bee added.

❧Lady Katherine Duches of Suffolcke.* 12.562

STephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, surmising the Ladye Katherine Baronesse of Willoughby and Cresby and Duchesse Dowager of Suffolcke, to be one of his auncient enemies, because he knew he had deserued no better of her, deuised in the holy time of the first Lent in Queene Maries reigne, a holy practise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••e∣uēge, first by touching her in the person of her husbād M. Richard Berty Esquyre, for whom he sent an attachment (hauing the great seale at his deuotion) to the Sheriffe of Lincolnshyre with a speciall Letter commaunding moste straitly the same Sheriffe,* 12.563 to attache the sayd Richard im∣mediatly, and without baile to bring him vp to London to his great Lordship. M. Berty her husband being cleare in conscience, and from offence toward the queene, could not coniecture any cause of this straunge processe, vnlesse it were some quarell for Religion, which he thought coulde not be so sore as the processe pretended.

The Sheriffe notwithstanding the commaundement, aduentured onely to take the bonde of M. Bertye with 2. sureties, in a thousand poūd for his appearance to be made before the Byshop on good Friday folowing,* 12.564 at which day M. Berty appeared, the Bishop then lying at his house by S. Mary Oueryes. Of whose presence when the Byshop vnderstood by a gentleman of his chamber, in a great rage he came out of his gallery into his dining chamber, where he found a prease of suters, saying he woulde not that daye heare any, but came forth only to know of M. Berty, how he being a subiect durste so arrogantly set at light two for∣mer processes of the Queenes.

M. Berty aunswered,* 12.565 that albeit my Lordes woordes might seme to the rest somewhat sharpe towards him, yet he conceiued greate comfort of thē. For whereas he before thought it extremity to be attached, hauing vsed no obsti∣nacy or contumacy, now he gathered of those wordes, that my Lord meant not otherwise but to haue vsed some ordi∣nary processe: albeit in deed none came to his handes.

Yea Mary, quoth the Byshoppe, I haue sent you two subpenas, to appeare immediatly, and I am sure you recei∣ued them, for I committed the truste of them to no worsse man but to Mayster Solicitour, and I shall make you an example to all Lyncolnshyre for your obstinacy.

M. Berty denying the receipt of any, humbly prayed his Lordship to suspend his displeasure & the punishment till he had good trial therof, & then, if it pleased him, to dou∣ble the payne for the fault, if any were.

Well, quoth the Byshoppe,* 12.566 I haue appoynted my selfe this day (according to the holines of the same) for deuoti∣on, and I will not further trouble me with you: but I en∣ioyn you in a thousand poūd not to depart without leaue, and to be here againe to morow at 7. of the clocke. M. Ber∣ty well obserued the houre, and no ••ote ••ayled: At whiche time the B. had with him M. Seriant Stampford, to whō he moued certayn questions of the sayd M. Berty, because M. Serieaunt was towardes the Lorde Wriothesley late Earle of Southhampton, and Chauncellour of England, with whom the said M. Berty was brought vp. M. Ser∣iant made very frendly report of M. Berty of hys owne knowledge for the time of theyr conuersation together. Wherupon the Bishop caused M. Berty to be brought in, and first making a false trayne (as God would, without fire) before he woulde descend to the quarrell of Religion, he assaulted him in this maner.

Winch.

The Queenes pleasure is (quoth the Byshoppe) that you shall make present payment of 4000. pound due to her father by Duke Charles,* 12.567 late husband to the Du∣chesse your wife, whose executor she was.

Bert.

Pleaseth it your Lordshippe (quoth M. Berty) that debt is estalled, and is according to that estallement, truly aunswered.

Winch.

Tush (quoth the Byshop) the Queene will not be bounde to estallementes,* 12.568 in the time of Kettes gouerne∣ment, for so I esteme the late gouernement.

Bert.

The estallement (quoth M. Berty) was appoynted by king Henry the 8. besides the same, was by speciall cō∣missioners confirmed in king Edwardes tyme, and the Lord treasurer being an executor also to the Duke Char∣les soly and wholly, tooke vpon him before the sayd Com∣missioners, to discharge the same.

Winch.

If it be true that you saye (quoth the Byshoppe) I will shew you fauor. But of an other thing M. Berty, I will admonish you, as meaning you well. I heare euill of your Religion: yet I hardly can thinke euil of you, whose mother I know to be as Godlye and Catholicke, as any within this Lande, your selfe brought vp with a mayster, whose education if I should disallow, I might be charged as author of his errour. Besides, partly I know you my selfe, and vnderstande of my frendes, enough to make me your frend: wherefore I will not doubt of you, but I pray you if I may aske the question of my Ladye your wife,* 12.569 is she now as ready to set vp the Masse, as she was lately to pull it downe, when she caused in her progresse, a dog in a Rochet to be caried, & called by name? or doth she think her

lambes now safe enough, which sayd to me whē I vailed my bonnet to her out of my chamber window in the tow∣er, that it was mery with the lambes, now the Wolfe was shut vp?* 12.570 Another time my Lord her husband hauing inui∣ted me and diuers Ladies to dinner, desired euery Lady to choose him whom she loued best, and so place themselues: My Ladye your wife taking me by the hande, for that my Lord would not haue her to take himselfe, sayd that for so much as she could not sit downe with my Lord whom she loued best, she had chosen me whom she loued worst.

Of the deuise of the Dogge, quoth M. Berty, she was neither the author nor the allower. The wordes, though in that season they sounded bitter to your Lordship, yet if it should please you without offence to know the cause, I am sure the one will purge the other. As touching setting vp of Masse, which she learned not onely by strong per∣swasions of diuers excellent learned men,* 12.571 but by vniuer∣sall consent and order whole vj. yeares past, inwardly to abhorre (if she should outwardly allowe, she should both to Christ shew her selfe a false Christian, and to her prince a masquing subiect. You know my Lord, one by iudgemēt reformed, is more worth then a thousand transformed tē∣porizers. To force a confession of Religion by mouth, cō∣trary to that in the hart, worketh damnation where salua∣tion is pretended.

Yea mary (quoth the Bishop) that deliberation would do well i•• she neuer required to come from an old Religi∣on to a new. But now she is to returne from a newe to an auncient Religion: Wherin when she made me her gossip, she was as earnest as any.

For that, my Lord (sayd M. Berty) not long sithen, she aunswered a frend of hers v••ing your Lordships speach,* 12.572 that Religion went not by age but by truth: and therefore she was to be turned by persuasion and not by commaun∣dement.

I pray you (quoth the Bishop) thinke you it possible to persuade her?

Yea verely (sayd M. Berty) with the truth: for she is reasonable enough.

The bishop thereunto replying, sayd: it will be a mar∣uellous griefe to the Prince of Spayne, and to all the no∣bility that shall come with him, when they shall finde but two noble personages of the spanish race within this lād, the Queene, and my Lady your wife, and one of thē gone from the fayth.

M. Berty aunswered, that he trusted they should find no fruites of infidelity in her.

So the Bishop perswading M. Berty to trauell ear∣nestly for the reformation of her opinion,* 12.573 and offring large frendship, released him of his bande from further appea∣raunce.

The Duchesse and her husband, dayly more and more, by their frendes vnderstanding that the Bishop meant to call her to an accoūt of her fayth, whereby extremity might followe, deuised wayes how by the Queenes licence they might passe the Seas. M. Berty had a ready meane: for there rested great summes of mony due to the old Duke of Suffolke (one of whose executers the Duches was) be∣yond the Seas,* 12.574 the Emperour himselfe being one of those debters. M. Berty communicated this his purposed sute for licence to passe the Seas, and the cause, to the Bishop-adding, that he tooke this time most meet to deale with the Emperour, by reason of likelyhoode of Mariage betwene the Queene and his sonne.

I like your deuise well (quoth the bishop) but I think it better, that you tary the Princes comming, and I will procure you his letters also to his father.

Nay (quoth M. Berty) vnder your Lordships correc∣tion and pardon of so liberall speache, I suppose the tyme will then be lesse conuenient: for when the Mariage is cō∣sūmate, the Emperour hath his desire: but till then he will refuse nothing to win credit with vs.

By S. Mary (quoth the Bishoppe, smiling) you gesse shrewdly. Well, proceed in your sute to the Queene, and it shall not lacke my helping hand.

* 12.575M. Berty found so good successe, that he in fewe dayes obteined the Queenes licence, not onely to passe the seas, but to passe and repasse then so oftē as to him semed good, till he had finished all his busines and causes beyonde the seas. So he passed the seas at Douer about the beginning of Iune in the first yeare of her reign, leauing the Duchesse behinde,* 12.576 who by agreement and consent beewixt her & her husband, folowed, taking Barge at Lyon Key, very early in the morning, on the first day of Ianuary next ensuyng, not without some perill.

There was none of those that wēt with her, made pri∣uy to her going till the instant, but an old Gentleman cal∣led M. Robert Cranwell,* 12.577 whom M. Berty had specially prouided for that purpose. She tooke with her her daugh∣ter an infant of one yeare, & the meanest of her seruaunts, for she doubted the best would not aduenture that fortune with her. They were in nūber 4. men, one a Greek borne, which was a rider of horses, an other a Ioyner, the thyrde a Brewer, the fourth a foole one of the kitchin, one g••ntle∣woman, and a Laundreue.

As she departed her house called the Barbican,* 12.578 betwixt 4. and 5. of the clocke in the morning, with her company & baggage, one Atkinson a Herauld, keper of her house: hea∣ring noyse about the house, rose and came out with a torch in his hand as she was yet issuing out of the gate: where∣with being amased, shee was forced to leaue a male wyth necessaryes for her young daughter,* 12.579 and a milke pot wyth milke in the same gatehouse, commaūding all her seruan∣tes to speed them away before to Lyon Key, and takyng with her onely the two womē and her child, so soone as she was forth of her owne house, perceiuing the Herauld to folow, she stept in at Garter house hard by. The Herauld comming out of the Duchesse house, and seeing no bodye stirring, not assured (though by the male suspecting) that she was departed, returned in: and while he stayed ransac∣king parcelles left in the male, the Duchesse issued into the street, and proceeded in her iourney, he knowing the place only by name where she should take her boate, but not the way thither, nor none with her. Likewise her seruauntes hauing diuided themselues, none but one knewe the way to the sayd key.

So she apparelled like a meane Marchantes wife and the rest like meane seruantes, walking in the streetes vn∣knowne, she tooke the way that led to Finesbury field and the others walked the city streetes as they lay open before them, till by chaunce more then discretion, they met all so∣deinly together a litle within Mooregate, frō whence they passed directly to Lyon keye, & there tooke barge in a mor∣ning so misty, that the stearesman was loth to launch out,* 12.580 but that they vrged him. So soone as the day permitted, the Councell was informed of her departure, and some of thē came forthwith to her house to enquire of the maner there∣of, and tooke an inuentory of her goodes, besides further order deuised for search and watch to apprehend and staye her.* 12.581

The fame of her departure reached to Leigh, a towne at the lands end, before her approching thither. By Leigh dwelt one Gosling a marchant of Londō, an old acquain∣taunce of Cranwels, whither the sayd Cranwell brought the Duchesse, naming her Mistres White,* 12.582 the daughter of Mayster Gosling, for such a daughter he had which neuer was in that coūtry. There she reposed her, and made new garmentes for her daughter, hauing lost her owne in the male at Barbican.

When the time came that she shoulde take ship, being constrayned that night to lye at an Inne in Leigh (where she was agayne almost be wrayed) yet notwithstanding, by Gods good working she escaping that hassard, at lēgth, as the tyde and wind did serue, they went aboord,* 12.583 & being caryed twise into the seas, almost into the coast of Zeland, by contrary wind were driuē to the place from whēce they came, and at the last recuile, certayne parsons came to the shore, suspecting shee was within that shippe: yet hauing examined one of her company that was a land for fresh A∣chates, and finding by the simplicitye of his tale, onely the appearaunce of a meane Marchauntes wife to be a ship∣boord, he ceased any further search.

To bee shorte, so soone as the Duchesse had landed in Brabant,* 12.584 she and her womē were apparelled like the wo∣men of Netherlande with hukes, and so she and her hus∣band tooke theyr iourney towardēs Cleueland, and being ariued at a towne therin called Santon, took a house there vntill they might further deuise of some sure place where to settle themselues.

About fiue miles from Santon, is a free towne called Wesell, vnder the sayd Duke of Cleues dominion, and one of the Haūs townes, priuiledged with the company of the Steelyard in London, whether diues Wallons were fled for religion, and had for theyr Minister one Frances Pe∣rusell, then called Frances de Riuers, who had receiued some curtesy in England at the Duchesse handes. Maister Berty being yet at Santon,* 12.585 practised with him to obteine a protection from the Magistrates for his abode & his wi∣ues at Wesell: whiche was the sooner procured because the state of the Duchesse was not discouered but onely to the chiefe Magistrate, earnestly bent to shewe them pleasure, whiles this protection was in seeking.

In the meane while, at the Towne of Santon was a muttering that the Duchesse & her husbande were greater personages then they gaue themselues forth, and the Ma∣gistrates not very well inclined to religion, the Bishop of

Arras also being Deane of the great Minster, order was taken, that the Dutches and her husband should be exami¦ned o•• their condition and Religion vppon the sodayne.* 12.586 Which practise discouered by a gentleman of that country to Mayst••r Bertie, he without delay taking no more then the Duches her daughter, and two other with them, as though he meant no more but to take the ayre, about three of y^e clock in the afternoone in February, on foot, without hiering of horse or wagon for feare of disclosing hys pur∣pose, meant priuily that night to get to Wesel, leauing his other family still at Santon.

After the Duches and he were one englishe mile from the town, there fell a mighty rayne of continuance, wher∣by a long frost and ise before congealed, was thawed, whi∣che doubled more the wearines of those new lacquies. But being now on the way, and ouertakē with the night, they sent their two seruauntes (which onely went with them) to villages, as they past, to hyre some carre for theyr ease, but none could be hyred. In the meane time M. Bertye was forced to cary the childe, and the Duches his cloke and rapier.* 12.587 At last betwixt vi. & vii. of the clocke in y^e dark night, they came to Weesell, and repayring to theyr Innes for lodging and some repose after such a paynfull iourney, found hard intertaynment, for goyng from Inne to Inne offring large mony for small lodging, they were refused of all the Inholders, suspecting Mayster Bertye to bee a Launceknight, and the Duches to be hys woman. The Childe for cold and sustenaunce cryed pittifully, the mo∣ther wept as fast, the heauens rayned as fast as y^e cloudes could poure.

Mayster Bertie destitute of all other succour of hospi∣talitie, resolued to bring the Duchesse to the porche of the great churche in the towne, and so to buy coales, victualls and straw for theyr miserable repose there that night, or at least till by Gods helpe he might prouide her better lod∣ging. Mayster Berty at that time vnderstoode not muche dutche, and by reason of euill weather and late season of y^e night, he could not happen vppon any that coulde speake english,* 12.588 Frenche, Italian, or Latine, till at last goyng to∣wardes the Church porch, he heard 2. striplinges talkyng Latin, to whom he approched and offered thē two stiuers to bring him to some Wallons house.

By these boyes, and Gods good conduicte, hee chaun∣ced at the first vppon the house where Mayster Perusell supped that night, who had procured them the protection of the Magistrates of that towne. At the first knocke, the goodman of the house himselfe came to the dore, and ope∣ning it, asked Mayster Berty what he was. Maister Ber∣ty sayd, an englishman, that sought for one M. Peruselles house. The Wallon willed M. Bertie to stay a while, who went backe and told Mayster Perusell that the same eng∣lish gentleman of whome they had talked the same supper had sent,* 12.589 by likelihoode, his seruaunt to speake with hym. Whereupon M. Perusell came to the dore, and beholding Mayster Bertie, the Duchesse, and theyr childe, their fa∣ces, apparelles, and bodyes so farre from their old forme, deformed with durt, wether, & heauines, could not speake to them, nor they to him for teares. At length recouering them selues, they saluted one an other, and so together en∣tred the house, God knoweth ful ioyfully. Mayster Berty chaunging of his apparrell with the goodman, the Du∣chesse with the good wife, and theyr childe with the childe of the house.

Within fewe dayes after, by M. Peruselles meanes, they hyred a very fayre house in the towne, and did not let to shew themselues what they were, in such good sort as their present condition permitted. It was by this tyme through the whole towne what discurtesie the Inholders had shewed vnto them at their entrie,* 12.590 in so muche as on y^e Sonday following, a preacher in the Pulpit openly in sharpe termes rebuked that great inciuillitie towardes straungers, by allegation of sundry places out of holye scriptures, discoursing how not onely Princes sometyme are receiued in the Image of priuate persons, but Angels in the shape of men, and that God of his Iustice woulde make the straungers one daye in an other lande, to haue more sense of the afflicted hart of a straunger.* 12.591

The time was passing foorth, as they thought them∣selues thus happily setled, sodainly a watchworde came from sir Iohn Mason, then Queene Maries Ambassador in Netherland, that my Lorde Paget had fayned an er∣rant to the Bathes that waies: and whereas the Duke of Brunswick was shortly with x. ensignes to passe by We∣sell for the seruice of the house of Austricke agaynst y^e frēch king, the sayd Duchesse, and her husband shoulde be wyth the same charge and company intercepted.

Wherfore to preuent the cruelty of these enemies, M. Berty with his wife and childe departed to a place called Winheim in high Dutchland vnder the Palsgranes Do∣minion, where vnder his protection they continued tyll their necessaries began to fayle them,* 12.592 and they almost feyn¦ting vnder so heauy a burden, began to fayle of hope.

At what tyme, in the middest of theyr dispayre, there came sodeinly letters to them from the Pallatine of Uil∣ua and the kyng of Poole, being instructed of theyr hard e∣state by a Baron named Ioannes Alasco, that was some∣tyme in England offering them large curtesie.* 12.593 This pur∣uison vnlooked for, greatly reuiued theyr heauye spirites. Yet considering they shoulde remoue from manye theyr countrymen and acquaintaunce, to a place so farre distant a Country not haunted with the English, and perhappes vpon their arriuall not finding as they looked for, the end of their iourny should be worse then the beginning: they deuised thereupon with one M. Barloe, late Byshoppe of Chichester, that if he would vouchsafe to take some payns therein, they woulde make him a fellowe of that iourny.* 12.594 So finding him prone, they sent with him letters of great thankes to the king and Pallatine, and also with a fewe principall Iewelles (which onely they had lefte of many, to solicite for them, that the king woulde vouchsafe vnder his seale, to assure them of the thing whiche hee so honou∣rably by letters offered.

That sute by the forewardnes of the Pallatine, was as soone graunted as vttered. Upon whiche assurance the sayd Duchesse and her husband, with their familye, entred the iorney in Aprill. 1557. from the Castle of Wineheim, where they before lay, towardes Franckford. In y^e which their iorney, it were long here to describe what daungers fell by the way vpon them, and theyr whole company,* 12.595 by reason of theyr Lantgraues Captain, who vnder a quar∣rell pretensed for a spaniell of M. Berties, set vppon them in the high way, with his horsemen, thrusting their bore∣speares through the wagon where the Children and Wo∣men were, M. Bertie hauing but 4. horsemen with hym. In the which brable it happened the Captaynes horse to be slayne vnder him.

Whereupon a rumour was sparsed immediately tho∣rough townes and villages about, that the Lantgraue captayne should be slayne by certayne Wallons, which in∣censed the ire of the countrymen ther more fiercely against M. Bertie, as afterward it proued. For as he was motio∣ned by his wife to saue himselfe by y^e swiftnes of his horse and to recouer some towne there by for his rescue, hee so doing was in worse case then before, for the townsmen and the Captaines brother supposing no lesse but that the Captayne had bene slaine, pressed so egerly vpon him, that he had bene there taken and murthered among them, had not he (as God would) spying a ladder leaning to a wyn∣dow, by the same got vp into the house, and so gone vp in to a garret in the top of y^e house, where hee with his dagge and rapyre defended himselfe for a space: but at lengthe the Burghmayster comming thither with an other Magy∣strate, which could speake latin, he was counselled to sub∣mit himselfe to the order of the law. Mayster Bertye kno∣wing himselfe cleare, and the Captayne to be aliue, was y^e more bolder to submit himselfe to the iudgement of y^e law, vpon condition that the Magistrate woulde receiue hym vnder safe conduct, and defend him from the rage of the multitude. Whiche being promised, M. Bertie putteth him selfe and his weapon in the Magistrates hande, & so was committed to safe custodye, while the trueth of hys cause should be tryed.

Then Mayster Berty writing his letters to y^e Lant∣graue and to the Erle of Erbagh, the next day early in the mornyng the Erle of Erbagh dwellyng within 8. miles, came to the towne whether the Duchesse was broughte with her wagon, M. Bertie also beyng in the same towne vnder custody.

The Earle, who had some intelligence of the Duches before, after hee was come and had shewed suche curte∣sie as hee thought to her estate was seemely, the Townes∣men perceyuyng the Earle to behaue hymselfe so hum∣bly vnto her, beganne to consider more of the matter, and further vnderstandyng the Capitayne to bee alyue, both they, and especially the authors of the sturre shrunke a∣way, and made all the friendes they could to maister Ber∣tie and his wife, not to report their doyngs after the worst sorte.

And thus Mayster Bertie and his wife escaping that daunger, proceeded in their iourney toward Polelande, where in conclusion they were quietly entertayned of the king,* 12.596 and placed honourably in the Earldome of the sayd king of Poles in Sanogelia, called Crozā, wher M. Ber∣ty with the Duchesse hauing the kings absolute power of gouernement ouer the saide Earldome, continued both in

great quietnesse and honoure, till the deathe of Queene Mary.

¶Thomas Horton Minister.

* 12.597AS yee haue heard of the daungerous troubles of the Duchesse of Suffolke in time of her exile for religion sake, whom notwithstanding the Lordes present protecti∣on still deliuered in all distresses, as well from her ene∣mies in England, as in Dutchland frō y^e Launceknightes there: so haue we no lesse to behold and magnifie the lords mercifull goodnes in preseruing of Thomas Horton frō the like perilles of the same Countrey.

Whiche Thomas Horton, what a profitable instru∣ment hee was to the Church of Christ in Queene Maries time, all our Englishmen almost beyond the seas then, did both know and feele.

This good Thomas Horton, as he vsed oftentymes to trauayle betweene Germany and England, for the be∣hoofe and sustenaunce of the poore English exiles there: so he iournying vpon a time betweene Mastricke and Collē chaunced to bee taken there by certayne Rouers, and so being led by them away, was in no little daunger: and yet this daunger of his was not so great, but the present helpe of the Lord was greater to ayd and deliuer him out of the same.

¶Thomas Sprat of Kent, Tanner

VNto these afore rehearsed examples of Gods blessed prouidence towardes his seruauntes,* 12.598 may also be ad∣ded the happy deliueraunce of Thomas Sprat and Willi∣am Porrege his companion, now Minister. Whose story briefly to course ouer, is this.

This Thomas Sprat had bene seruaunt sometimes to one M. Brent a Iustice,* 12.599 and a heauy persecutour, and therefore forsaking his Mayster for religious sake, he wēt to Calice, from whence he vsed often with the sayd Willi∣am Porrege for theyr necessary affayres, to haue a recourse into England.

It so happened about the fourthe yeare of Queene Maryes raygne, that they landing vppon a tyme of Do∣uer, and taking theyr iourny together toward Sandwich sodenly vppon the way within three myles of Douer, met with the foresayd M. Brent, the two Blachendens, and o¦ther Gentlemen moe, with theyr seruaunts, to the num∣ber of x. or xii. horses.* 12.600 Of the which two Blachendens, be∣ing both haters and enemies of Gods worde and people, the one had perfect knowledge of William Porrege, the o∣ther had not seene him, but onely hadde heard of his name before.

Thus they being in the way where this Iustice wyth his mates shuld meete them directly in the face, Thomas Sprat first espying M. Brent, was sore dismayde, saying to hys companion: yonder is M. Brent. William Porrege God haue haue mercy vpon vs. Well quoth the other, se∣ing now there is no remedy, let vs go in our waye. And so thinking to passe by them,* 12.601 they kept themselues aloufe, as it were a score off from them, Thomas Sprat also sha∣dowing his face with his cloke.

Notwithstanding, one of M. Brentes seruauntes ad∣uising him better then his mayster did: yonder, sayd he to his Mayster, is Thomas Sprat. At whiche wordes they all rayned theyr horses, and called for Thomas Sprat to come to them. They cal you, sayd William Porrege. Now here is no remedy but we are takē: and so perswaded him to go to them being called, for that there was no escaping from so many horsemen in those playnes and downes, where was no wood neare them by a myle, nor hedge ney¦ther, but onely one, which was a byrdbolt shot off.

* 12.602All this notwithstanding, Sprat stayed and woulde not go. Then they called agayne, sitting still on horseback. Ah sirra, quoth the Iustice? why come ye not hether? And still his companion moued him to go, seyng there was no other shift to flee away. Nay, sayd Sprat, I will not goe to them, and therwithall tooke hys legges, running to the hedge that was next him. They seeyng that, sette spurres to their horse, thinking by and by to haue hym, and that it was vnpossible for him to escape their hands, as it was in deede,* 12.603 they beyng on horse backe and he on foote, had not y^e Lorde myraculously deliuered his seely seruant frō the gaping mouth of the Lyon ready to deuour him.

For as God would, so it fell out that hee had got ouer the hedge, skrawling through the bushes, when as they were euen at his heeles, striking at him with theyr swords out of the Blachendens crying cruelly: cut off one of hys legges.

Thus Sprat had scarsely recouered the hedge from hys enemies, when one of M. Brentes seruaunts,* 12.604 which had bene fellow sometymes in house with him, followed him in hys bootes: and certayne rode vp at one side of the hedge, and certayne at the other, to meete him at the vp∣per end.

Now while they were following the chase after Tho¦mas Sprat, onely one remayned with William Porrege (who was one of the Blachendens, not he whiche knewe him, but the other) who began to question with hym: not asking what was hys name (as God would (for then hee had bene knowne and taken: but from whence hee came and how he came into Sprats company, and whether he went: Unto whome he aunswered and sayd: from Calyce and that Sprat came ouer with him in the passage boate, and they two were goyng to Sandwich, and so wythout any more questions he let him depart.

Anone as he kept along the hedge, one of the horsemen which rode after Sprat, returning backe,* 12.605 and meeting w^t the sayd W. Porrege, demaunded the very same questions as the other had done, to whome he made also the like an∣swere as afore, and so departed, taking an other contrary way from the meeting of the other horsman. And thus W. Porrege escaped.

Now concerning Thomas Sprat, he being pursued on the one side by horsemen,* 12.606 on the other side by his own fellow, who followed after hym in his bootes, crying: you were as good to tarry, for we will haue you, we will haue you: yet notwithstanding he still kept on his course till at length he came to a steepe downe hil at y^e hedge end, downe the which hil he ran from them, for they could not ride downe the hill, but must fetch a great compasse about and so this Thomas Sprat ran almost a mile, and as god would got a Wood.* 12.607

By that tyme he came to the Wood, they were euen at hys heeles: but the night drew on, and it began to rayne and so the malice of these persecutors was at an ende, the Lord working for his seruauntes, whose name be praised for euer and euer, Amen.

Not long after this, one of the two Blanchendens a∣foresayd, which so cruelly sought the destruction of other, was cruelly murdered by hys owne seruauntes.

¶Iohn Cornet.

HEre might also be recited the hard aduētures and suf∣feringes of Iohn Cornet,* 12.608 and at lengthe his deliue∣raunce by Gods good working, out of the same.

Who being a prentise with a minstrell at Colchester, was sent by hys mayster about the 2. yeare of Queene Maryes raygne, to a wedding in a towne thereby called Roughhedge, where hee being requested by a companye there of good men, the Constables also of the parish being present thereat, so sing some songes of the scripture, chan∣ced to sing a song called Newes out of London, whiche tended agaynst the Masse, and agaynst the Queenes mis∣proceedinges.

Whereupon the next day he was accused by the Parson of Roughhedge called Yackesley, and so committed,* 12.609 first to the Constable, where both his mayster gaue hym ouer and hys mother forsooke and cursed him. From thence hee was sent to the next Iustice, named M. Cānall: and then to the Earle of Oxford, where he was first put in yrons & chaynes, and after that so manacled that the bloude spurt out of hys fingers endes, because he woulde not confesse y^e names of them which allured hym to sing.

And marueile it was that the cruell Papistes were so contended, that they sent him not also to Bishop Boner,* 12.610 to suffer the extremitie of the fire. But Gods gracious pro¦uidence disposed otherwise for hys seruaunt. For after hee was manacled, the Earle cōmaunded hym to be brought agayne to the towne of Roughhedge, & there to be whip∣ped till the bloud followed, and to be banished the towne for euer: and so hee was, during all the time of Queene Mary.

¶Thomas Bryce.

IF our story should proceede so wide and so large, as dyd the exceeding mercy of Gods prouidence in helpyng hys seruauntes out of wretchednes and thraldome of those bloudy dayes, our treatise, I thinke,* 12.611 would extende to an endlesse processe.

For what good man or woman was there almost in all this tyme of Queene Mary, who eyther in carying a good conscience out of the land, or tarying within y^e realm could well escape the Papistes handes, but by some nota∣ble

experience of the Lordes mightye power and helpyng hand working for him? What shoulde I here speake of the myraculous deliueraunce of Thomas Bryce, who beyng in the house of Iohn Seale,* 12.612 in the parish of Horting, and the Bayliffe with other neighbours comming in, sent by Sir Iohn Baker to search and apprehend hym, & know∣ing perfectly both hys stature and colour of his garments yet had no power to see or know him standing before their faces. So mightely the Lorde did blinde their eyes, that they asking for him, and looking vpon him, yet notwith∣standing he quietly tooke vpp his bagge of books, and so departed out of the house, wythout anye hand layd vpon him.

Also an other time, about the 2. yeare of Queene Ma∣ry,* 12.613 the sayde Thomas Bryce, with Iohn Bryce his elder brother, comming then from Wesell, meeting together at their fathers house, as they iornyed towardes London to geue warning there to one Springfield, whiche els was like to bee taken vnawares by his enemies wayting for him vpon Gaddes hill, fell in company with a promoter, which dogged them and followed them again to Graues∣••ad, into the towne, and layed the house for them where they were, and all the waies as they should go to the wa∣ter side: so that it had not bene possible for them to haue a∣uoyded the present daunger of those persecutors, had not the Lordes prouident care otherwise disposed for hys ser∣uauntes through the Hostler of the Inne,* 12.614 couertly to con∣uey them by a secret passage: whereby they tooke Barge a mile out of the towne, and so in the ende both the liues of them, and also of Springfield was preserued, through the Lordes gracious protection.

¶Gertrude Crockhey.

* 12.615GErtrude Crokehey dwelling at S. Katherines by the Towne of London, and being then in her husbandes house, it happened, in the yeare 1556. that the Popes chil∣dish S. Nicholas went about the parish. Whiche shee vn∣derstanding, shut her dore agaynst him, not suffering him to enter into her house.

Then Doct. Mallet hearing thereof, and being then Mayster of the sayd S. Katherines, the next daye came to her wyth twenty at hys tayle,* 12.616 thinking belike to fray her, and asked why shee woulde not the night before let in S. Nicolas and receaue hys blessing. &c. To whom she aun∣swered thus. Syr I knowe no S. Nicholas (sayd she) that came hether. Yes quoth Mallet, here was one that repre∣sented S. Nicolas.

In deede sir (sayd she) here was one y^t was my neigh∣bours childe, but not S. Nicolas: for S. Nicholas is in heauen. I was afrayde of them that came with him to haue had my purse cut by them: for I haue hearde of men robbed by S. Nicolas clerkes. &c. So Mallet perceiuyng that nothing could be gotten at her handes, went his way as he came, and she for that time so escaped.

Then in the yeare 1557. a little before Whitsontide, it happened that the sayde Gertrude aunswered for a childe that was baptised of one Thomas Saunders,* 12.617 whyche childe was christened secretly in a house after the order of y^e seruice booke in king Edwardes time, and that beyng shortly knowne to her enemies, she was sought for. Whi∣che vnderstanding nothing therof, went beyond the Sea into Gilderland, to see certayne landes that should come to her children in the right of her first husband, who was a straunger borne, & being there about a quarter of a yeare at the lengthe comming homeward by Andwarpe, shee chaunced to meete with one Iohn Iohnson a Ducth manne alias Iohn de Uilla of Andwerpe shipper who seeing her there, went of malice to the Margraue, and accused her to be an Anabaptist: whereby shee was taken and caryed to prison. The cause why this naughty manne did thus, was for that he claymed of M. Crokhay her hus∣band a peece of mony whiche was not his due, for a ship y^t Mayster Crokhay bought of him, and for that hee coulde not get it, he wrought this displeasure. Well, she being in prison, lay there a fortnight. In the whiche time she sawe some that were prisoners there,* 12.618 who priuily were drow∣ned in Renish wine fattes, and after secretly put in sackes and cast into the Riuer. Now she, good woman, thinking to be so serued, tooke thereby such feare that it brought the begynning of her sickenesse, of the whiche at length she dyed.

Then at the last was she called before the Margraue and charged with Anabaptistry: whiche shee there vtterly denyed, and detested the error, declaring before hym in Dutch her fayth boldly, wythout any feare. So the Mar∣graue hearyng the same, in the end beyng well pleased w^t her profession, at y^e sute of some of her frends,* 12.619 deliuered her out of prison, but tooke away her booke, and so shee came ouer into England agayne.

¶William Mauldon.

I Lightly passe ouer here the tedious afflictions of Willi∣am Mauldon,* 12.620 how in the daungerous time of the 6. ar∣ticles, before the burning of Anne Askew, hee was scour∣ged being young, of his father, for professing and confes∣sing of true Religion:* 12.621 and afterward being examined in auricular confession by the Priest, hys bookes were sear∣ched for, and so at length hee was presented vp by y^e same Priest in a letter written to the Byshop. Which letter, had it not bene burned by an other Priest to whose handes it came (as the Lord would haue it) it had vndoubtedly cost hym his life.

This one thinge in the sayde William Mauldon is to bee noted, that being younge, in those dayes of kinge Henry, when the masse moste florished, the aultars wyth the sacrament therof being in their moste high veneration y^t to mans reason it might seeme vnpossible that the glory and opinion of that Sacramente and Sacramentalles, so highly worshipped, and so deepely rooted in the hartes of so many, could by any meanes possible so soone decay and vanish to naught: yet notwithstanding hee being then so young, vnder the age of xvii. yeares, by the spirite (no doubt) of prophesie, declared then vnto his parentes, that they should see it shortly euen come to passe,* 12.622 that both the Sacrament of the altar and the altars themselues, with al such plantations which the heauenly father did not plant, should be plucked vp by the rootes: and euen so within the space of very fewe yeares the euent thereof followed accordingly: the Lorde therefore bee praysed for his moste gratious reformation.

¶Robert Horneby.

I Let passe lykewise the daungerous escape of Robert Horneby,* 12.623 seruaunt sometyme and groome of the Cham∣ber to Ladye Elizabeth, shee being then in trouble in Queene Maryes dayes: who being willed to come to Masse, refused so to doe, and therefore comming after∣ward from Woodstocke to Hampton Courte, was called before the Counsayle, & by them committed to the Mar∣shalsey, and not vnlyke to haue susteyned further daun∣ger, had not the Lordes goodnes better prouided for him, who at length by Doctour Martyn was deliuered.

¶Mistres Sandes.

THe lyke also may be testified and recorded of Mistres Sandes, nowe wyfe to Syr Morice Bartlet,* 12.624 then Gentlewooman wayter to the sayde Ladye Elizabeth being in the Tower. Which Mistres Sandes denyed in lyke maner to come to Masse, and therefore beside the heauye displeasure of her father was not onely displaced from her roume, and put out of the house, but also was in greate ieopardye of further tryall. But the Lorde who disposeth for euery one as he seeth beste, wroughte her way out of her enemyes handes by flying ouer the Seas, where shee continued amongest other banished exiles in the Cittye of Geneua & of Basil, till the death of Queene Marye.

*The storye of Thomas Rose yet liuing, a Preacher, of the age of lxxvi. yeares, in the towne of Luton, and Countye of Bedford.

THis Thomas Rose a Deuonshyre man, was borne in Exmouth, and being made Priest in that coūtrey, was brought out of it by one M. Fabiā,* 12.625 to Polsted in Suffolke where y^e sayd M. Fabian was Parson, & in short tyme af∣ter, by his meanes was placed in y^e town of Hadley, wher he first cōming to some knowledg of the gospel, began first there to intreat vpon the Crede, & therupon to take occasiō to inueigh against Purgatory, praying to Saints & Ima∣ges, about the tyme y^t M. Latimer began first to preach at Cambridge, in the tyme of Bilney & Arthur .47. yeares a∣go, or thereabout, in so much that many imbracing y^e truth of Christes Gospell, against the sayd Purgatory and other poynts: and the number of them daily increasing, y^e aduer∣saries beganne to stirre agaynst him, in so muche that M. Bale (who afterwarde became a godly zelous man) was

then brought to preach agaynst the sayd Thomas Rose, & so did. This notwithstanding he continued still very vehe¦ment agaynst Images, & the Lorde so blessed his labours that many began to deuise how to deface and destroy them and especially foure men, whose names were Ro. King, Ro. Debnam, Nic. Marsh, and Ro. Gard. which vsually resorted to his sermons & vpō his preaching were so in∣flamed with zeale, that shortly after they aduentured to de¦stroy the Roode of Douercourt, which coste three of them theyr liues, as appeareth before pag. 1031. The three per∣sons which suffered, and were hanged in chaynes, wer of∣fered theyr liues,* 12.626 to haue accused the sayd Thomas Rose, as of counsell with them, which refused so to do, and ther∣fore suffered. The sayd Tho. Rose had the coat of the sayd Roode brought vnto him afterward, who burned it. The Roode was sayde to haue done many great myracles and great wonders wrought by him, and yet being in the fire could not help him selfe, but burned like a block, as in ve∣ry deede he was.

At this time there were two sore enemies in Hadley, Walter Clerke, and Iohn Clerke, two brethren, these cō∣playned to the Counsayle, that an hundred men were not able to fetch the sayde Thomas Rose out of Hadley, who then was vpon examination of his doctrine, committed to the Commissaries keeping. And in deede such was y^e zeale of a number towardes the truth thē in that towne, y^t they were much offended, that their Minister was so taken frō them, and had therefore by force fet him from the Commis∣sary, if certain wise men hadde not otherwise perswaded, which at length also with more quiet did set him in his of∣fice agayne,* 12.627 which thing so angred y^e two brethren, Walter Clerke & Ioh. Clerk, that they complayned to y^e counsaile, as aforesayd, wherupon a serieant at armes named Cart∣wright, was sent from the counsayle, who arested the sayd Thomas Rose, & brought him before the counsayle. Then his aduersaries being called, they layd to his charge, y^t hee was priuy of the burning of the Rood of Douercourt, and vpon this he was committed to the prison in the Bish. of Lincolns house in Holborne, Bishop Langly the kinges Confessor, and there remayned he in prison, frō Shroftide till tyll Mydsomer very sore stocked tyll after Easter.

The stocks were very hye, & great, so that day & night he did lye with his backe on the ground,* 12.628 vpon a litle straw with his heeles so hye, y^t by meanes the bloud was fallen from his feete, his feet wer almost without sense for a long time, & he herewith waxed very sicke, in so much that hys keeper pittying his estate, and hearing him cry sometyme thorow the extremetie of payne, went to the bishop, & told him that he would not keep him to dye vnder his hand, & vpon this he had some more ease & libertie. Now at thys time his mother was come frō Hadley to see him, but she might not be suffered to speake w^t the saide Tho. Rose her son (such was their cruelty) but the B. flattered her, & gaue her a payre of pardon beades, & bade her go home & pray, for she might not see him, which thing pierced y^e harts both of y^e mother & sonne not a litle. At this time also certain mē of Hadley, very desirous to see him, trauayled to speake w^t him, but might not be suffered, til at length they gaue the keeper 4. s. & yet then might not speake to him, or see hym otherwise then through a grate. And thus continued he til midsomer in prison there. Then was he remoued to Lam∣beth,* 12.629 in the first yeare of D. Cran. consecration, who vsed him much more courteously then euer the B. of Lincolne did, & at length worked his deliuerance, & set him at liber∣ty: but yet so, that he was bounden not to come within xx. myles of Hadley. After this he came to London, and there preached the gospell halfe a yeare, till Hadley men hearing therof, labored to haue him to Hadley agayn, & in deed by meanes of sir Iohn Rainsford knight, obtained at y^e Arch¦bishops hād to haue him thither: howbeit, by meanes one was placed in y^e cure at Hadley, he could not enioy his of∣fice again there, but went to Stratford three miles off, and ther cōtinued in preaching y^e word 3. yeares til at lengthe the aduersaries procured an inhibition from the Bysh. of Norwiche, to put him to silence. But a great number tra∣uayled to haue him continue in preaching, & subscribed a supplication to y^e archb. with seuē score hands, who vnder their seales also testified of his honest demeanor, so that the aduersaries this way preuayling not, they indicted him at Bury in Suffolk, so that he was constrayned to flee to lō∣don, & to vse y^e aid of the L. Audly, then Lord Chauncellor who remoued the matter from thē, & called it before hym & after certain examination of the matter, did set him free & did send him by a token to the Lord Crōwell then L. pry∣uie Seale, for a licence frō the king, to preach, which being obteyned by the L. Cromwell his meanes (who hereupon also had admitted the sayd Thomas Rose his chaplayne) forthwith he was sent into Lincolnshyre and to Yorke. In the meane time such complaynt was made to the Duke of Northfolke,* 12.630 for that he had preached against auricular cō∣fession, transubstantiation, & such other poyntes conteined in the 6. articles (whiche then to haue done, by lawe was death) that the Duke in his owne person not onely sought him at Norwich, but also beset al the hauens for him, from Yarmouth to Londō, & being Lieuetenant, cōmaunded, y^t who soeuer could take y^e said T▪ Rose, should hang him on y^e next tree. Howbeit the sayd Tho. Rose at hys commyng home, hauing warning hereof by certayne godly persons was conueyed away, & passed ouer to Flanders, and so to Germany vnto Zuricke, where a tyme he remayned with M. Bullinger, & afterward went to Basill, & there hosted w^t M. Grineus, till letters came that M. Doct. Barnes shuld be B. of Norwiche, & things shuld be reformed, & he restored. But whē he came ouer into Eng. againe it was nothing so, & therfore forthwith f••ed agayne beyond y^e seas being so beset, as if the mighty prouidence of God had not sent him in readines to receaue him, y^e self same man,* 12.631 bote and boy, y^t before caryed him ouer, it had not bene possible for him to haue escaped. But such was the goodnes of god towards him, that he safely was conueyed, & liued at Ba∣row the space of 3. yeares, til at length purposing to come ouer into Englād, about busines that he had, he, his wife, & their chyld being but a yeare & three quarters old, vpō y^e sea, the ship being in great danger, wherin they sayled (for the mast being hewn downe in that perill, they wer caried whither soeuer the waues tossed them) they with dyuers others made a full accompt of death. Howbeit, at lengthe they wer taken prisoners, & caryed into Deepe in France hauing al their stuffe takē frō them, & xl.li. in mony. There they remayned prisoners frō Michaelmas til Hallowtide in great heauines, not knowing what woulde become of thē, but depending onely vpon Gods prouidēce, it pleased God at the same time, that one M. Young of the towne of Rye (who had heard hym preach before) came thither for y^e redeeming of certayne English men there takē prisoners. This M. Young moued to see them in this case, muche pi∣tied them, & comforted them, and told them hee would pay their ransome, & so he did, had them away, & brought them to Rye, & from thence by stealth came they to London. At length the honourable Earle of Sussex hearing of the said Tho. Rose, sent for him, his wife, & his childe, & had them to his house at Attelborough, where they continued,* 12.632 til at length it was blased abroade, that the Earle was a main∣teiner of such a man to reade in his house, as had preached against the Catholicke fayth (as they terme it.) The Earle being at the parlament, & hearing thereof, wrote a letter to warne him to make shift for himselfe, & to auoyd. So that frō thence he passed to London, making strayt shiftes for a yeare there & somewhat more, til the death of king Henry. After the kinges death, he & others which in the kings ge∣neral pardon were excepted (& therefore dead men, if they had bene taken whilest king Henry liued) by certaine of y^e Coūsayle were let at liberty, & at length, after K. Edward was crowned, were licensed to preach againe by the king, who gaue vnto y^e said Tho. Rose, the benefice of Westham by London. But at the death of that vertuous and noble prince, he was depriued of al, & so should also haue bene of his life, had not God appointed him friends, who receiued him in London secretly, as their teacher in the congrega∣tion, amongest whom for the pore prisoners at their assē∣blies .x.li. a night oftentymes was gathered. And thus he continued amongest them, & with the Lady Uane almost a yeare, in the raigne of Q. Mary. But although he often∣tymes escaped secretly whilst he read to y^e godly in sundry places of London, yet at length through a Iudas that be∣trayed them, he with .xxxv. that were with him,* 12.633 were takē in Bowchurchyard at a Shiermans house on Newyeres day at night being Tuesday. The residue being cōmitted to prisons, the sayd Tho. Rose was had to the B. of Win∣chester Ste. Gardiner, but the Bishop would not speeke with him that night, but committed him to the Clinke tyl Tuesday after.

*The first examination of Thomas Rose before Winchester at saint Mary Oueryes.

ON Thursday being brought before the B. of Winche∣ster at S. Mary Oueries, the said Tho. Rose spake as followeth.* 12.634

Rose.

It maketh me to maruayle (my Lord, quoth he) that I should be thus troubled for that which by the worde of God hath bene established, & by the lawes of this Realme allowed, & by your own writing so notably in your booke De vera obedientia, confirmed.

Bysh.

Ah sirha, hast thou gotten that?

Rose.

Yea, my Lord, I thanke God, and do confesse my self much thereby confirmed. For as touching the doctrine of the supremacie agaynst the B. of Romes vsurped autho∣ritie, no man hath sayde further. And as I remember you confesse in it, that when this truth was reuealed vnto you you thought the scales to fall from your eyes.

Bishop.

Thou lyest like a varlet, there is no such thinge in my booke, but I shall handle thee and suche as thou art well enough. I haue lōg looked for thee, & at length haue caught thee. I will knowe who be thy maynteiners, or els I will make thee a foote longer.

Rose.

My Lord, you shall doe as much as pleaseth God, & no more, yet the lawe is in our hand: but I haue God for my maynteiner▪ & none other. At these wordes one of his seruāts stepped forth and said: my lord, I heard this man preach by Norwich in sir Iohn Robsters house, & in hys praier he desired God to turne Q. Maries hart, or elles to take her out of the world: and this was in K. Edw. time.

Rose.

My Lord, I made no such prayer, but next after the king I prayed for her after this sort, saying: Ye shall pray for my Lady Maries grace, that God wil vouchsafe to in∣due her with his spirite, that she graciously may perceiue y^e misteries conteined within his holy lawes, and so render vnto him her hart purified w^t true fayth, & true & loyall o∣bedience to her soueraigne lord and king, to the good en∣sample of the inferiour subiects. And this, my Lord, is al∣ready aunswered in mine own hand writing to y^e counsel. Unto this he sayd little, but turning his face to certayne y^t were by him: This is he (quoth the Bishop) that my Lord of Norwich told me had begotten his mayd with chylde.

Rose.

* 12.635This is no heresie, my Lord, although it be a lye. In deed certayn wicked persons raysed this report of me, for y^e hatred they bare to the doctrine whiche I preached: but for purgatiō of my self herein. I had no lesse then 6. of the counsails hands, y^t there might be due & dilligent examina¦tion for this matter in the country by men of worship ap∣pointed for that purpose,* 12.636 who can al testifie (I thank god) that I am most cleare frō such wickednes, & in deede they haue cleared me frō it, & therfore I doubt not but all good mē will espye y^e mischieuous deuise of mine aduersaryes, whych (when other wayes fayled) by such sinister means went about to draw me into discredite & hatred: but God which is the helper of y^e innocēt, & searcher of mens harts hath & doth defend me, & hath layd open thinges that wer hid, to their shame. One of y^e chief reporters of this, that I should so abuse my self, was one M. Clarke seruaunt & in some estimation w^t the old Lord Treasurer of England re¦puted & taken for a coniurer, who afterwards for his good demerites hanged himself in the Tower. Then the bishop commanded y^t I shoulde be caryed to the tower,* 12.637 & be kept safely, where I did lye til it was the weeke before Whitsō∣tide. Before which time I was twise called, when as the bish. came to the tower about other prisoners. Notwyth∣standing the B. had no great talk with me, but spake frēd∣ly. Howbeit, one sir Rich. Southwell knight still accused me for my prayer, & sayde, I did put a difference betwixte Lady Mary & Lady Elizabeth, for that I prayed in king Edwardes fayth, & prayed that he would confirme Lady Elizabeth in that which was well begō in her. Unto this the bish. sayde little: but in the weeke before Pentecost I was conueyed from the tower to Norwich, there to be ex∣amined by the bish. and his clergy, as concerning my faith the maner wherof here followeth.

¶The second examination of Tho. Rose before the bishop of Norwiche, Hopkins by name, in his owne Palace in the presence of sir William Woodhouse knight, M. Stew∣arde the Chauncellor, Doct. Barret, with diuers others, the Wednesday in Whitson weeke. an. Domini. 1553.

* 12.638AFter I was presented by my keeper, the bishop imme∣diately asked me what I was. I told him I had bene a Minister.

Bishop.

What is this to the purpose, were yee a Fryer or a Priest▪

Rose.

Fryer was I neuer, but a Prieste haue I bene, and beneficed by the kinges Maiesty.

Byshop.

Where were ye made Priest?

Rose.

In Exceter, in the county where I was borne. Thē the bishop required of me my letters of orders. I told hym I knew not where they were become, for they wer things of me not greatly regarded.

Byshop.

Well, you are sent to me to be examined: what say you, will you submit your selfe to the order of the Churche of England?

Rose.

My Lord, I trust I am not out of the order of chry∣stes Church in England, neither do I knowe my selfe an offender there agaynst.

Bysh.

What, ye••, ye haue here preached moste damnable & deuilish doctrine.

Rose.

Not so, my lord. The doctrine by me here preached, was both true, sincere, & holy. But in deede the doctrine y^t is now set forth, is most wicked and damnable, yea & that both agaynst Gods lawes & mans. But as for the doctrin by me preached, it is grounded vpon the word of God, set out also by the authoritie of two most mighty kings, with the consent of all the Nobilitie and clergy of the same, so y^t I preached nothing but their lawfull proceedinges, ha∣uing their lawfull authoritie vnder their broad Seales for confirmation of y^e same, for which my doyng ye cannot iustly charge me. For why, sithens the lawe ceased, I haue kept silence, so that the Counsaile which sent me vnto you haue not charged me therwith. Wherefore ye doe me open wrong to burden me with that wherein I am free.

Chanc.

What sir? ye are very captious, answerest thou my Lord after such a sort?

Rose.

Syr (sayd I) I aunswere for my selfe, and accordyng to the truth, wherwith ye ought not to be offended, if ye be of God.

Chaunc.

Thou art an euill man. Wast thou not abiured be¦fore now?

Rose.

No, ye vntruely report me, and are in no wise able to proue that whiche ye haue spoken: so that your wordes appeare to proceede altogether of malice, whiche I haue not deserued at your handes. But in this I well perceiue ye are made an instrument to vtter other mennes malice conceiued of olde.

Chaunc.

What sayest thou to the reall presence in the sacra∣ment?

Rose.

I wist right well yee were made an instrument to seeke innocent bloud: well ye may haue it, if God permitte it is present and at hande, for I am not come hither to lye, but to dye (if God see it good) in defence of that whiche I haue sayd. Wherefore ye may begin when ye shall thinke good, for I haue sayd nothing but the trueth, and y^• which in those dayes was of al men allowed for truth, & agaynst the which ye at that time durst not once whisper, although ye now brag neuer so much.

Bish.

Wel father Rose, sayd he, what soeuer hath ben done in times past, shal not now be called in question, so that ye now submit your self. For not only you, but all the whole realm hath bene out of y^e right way, both high & low, spiri¦tual & tēporal but al notw^tstāding haue submited thēselues & acknowledged their faith. Wherfore if ye wil be accoūted for an Englishman, ye must likewyse submit your selfe.

Rose.

My L. I am an Englishman borne, & do most hum∣bly require of y^e christian congregation of England,* 12.639 to bee counted as a perticular member of the same, & with al due reuerence submit my self as in forme & maner followyng: That whatsoeuer law or laws shal be set forth in the same for the establishment of Christs true religion, & that accor∣ding to y^e faith & doctrine of y^e holy patriarchs & prophets, Iesus Christ, & his holy apostles, w^t the faithful fathers of Christs primatiue church: I do not only hold it & beleeue it, but also most reuerently obey it. At which my assertion, the B. seemed to be greatly reioiced, & said: well, then we shall soone be at a point. But said he, you shal take this for no day of examination, but rather of communication, so that ye shall now depart & pawse your selfe, vntill we call for you againe, and so ended our first meetyng.

¶The third examination of Thomas Rose.* 12.640

ON the Friday following, I was called agayne into Christes church within their Ladies chapell (as they termed it) where was gathered a great part of the whole citie of Norwich, & after I was by my keper presented, y^e B. began with a great protestation, & after many wordes demanded of me whether according to my former promise I would submit my selfe or no? I answered as before I had done, y^t according to my former protestation, I would most gladly obey. Then said the Chauncellor, to vtter hys gentlenes, I thinke ye do but fayne.

Rose.

The fault then (said I) shal be in your selfe, and not in me. For if ye burthen me with nothing but scriptures, & the fathers of Christes primatiue church, then, as I sayde before, so I say agayne, I shall most gladly obey.

Chanc.

Well then, seeyng you chalenge to be a member of the church of England, your mother here for triall of obe∣dience, prouoketh you, as mothers are woont, to allure you to receiue this little gift at her hand.

Rose.

Forsooth sayd I, if she offer it me, as receyued of God my father, I shal gladly receiue it, as from the hand of my very true and ghostly mother.

Chanc.

What say you to care confession?* 12.641 is it not a law ec∣clesiasticall, and necessary for the church of England?

Rose.

Some wayes it might be permitted, & some wayes

not, & that because it had not his originall of God & hys blessed word: and yet I deny not, but y^t a man beyng tro∣bled in his conscience, and resorting to a discreete, sober & christian learned man, for the quieting of hys mind, might well be permitted: but to binde a man vnder payne of dā∣nation, once euery yeare to number his sinnes into y^e eare of a filthy lecherous priest, is not of God, neither cā be ap∣proued by his word.

Bish.

Ah sirrha, yee will admitte nothing but scripture, I see well.

Rose.

No truely, my Lord, I admit nothing but scripture for the regiment of the soule:* 12.642 for why, faythe commeth by hearing, & hearing by the word of god, and where y^e word of God is not, there ought no beliefe to bee geuen. For what soeuer is not of fayth, is sinne, and here they leaue of speaking any more of that matter.

But then M. Chancelor began to whet his teeth at me saying: Yea, but you haue here preached that the reall, na∣turall, and substantiall presence of Christ is not in the Sa∣crament of the altar: what say ye to that?

Rose.

Uerily I say, that you are a bloudy man, & seeke to quench your thirst w^t the bloud of an innocent, & therefore to satisfie you in that behalfe, I say verily vnto you, that euen so I haue here preached, and althoughe contrary to law, you charge me with y^e same, yet will I in no wise de∣ny it, though iustly I might do it, but stand thereunto, euē to seale it with my bloud, desiring all that be here present, to testifie the same, and beleue it as the onely truth.

Bish.

I charge you all beleue it not.

Rose.

Yea, But my Lord, sayde I, if ye will needes haue credence geuen you, you must bring Gods word to main¦tayne your sayinges.

Bish.

Why, doth not Christ say: This is my body? and can there be any playner wordes spoken?

Rose.

It is true, my Lord, y^e words be as playne as can be and euē so be these, where as it is said, I am a dore, a vine and Christ called a stone, a Lyon, and yet is hee naturally none of these. For they be all figuratiue speaches, as both the scriptures and fathers do sufficiently proue.

At which my saying, the Bishop woulde haue had me stay, saying, I should haue an other day, wherin I might take better aduisement.

Rose.

Not so, my Lord, sayde I, for I am at a full point w^t my selfe in that matter,* 12.643 and am right well able to proue both your transubstantiation, with the reall presence, to be agaynst the scriptures & the ancient fathers of the prima∣tiue churche. For Iustinus which is one of the ancientest writers that euer wrote vpon the sacramentes, wryteth in his 2. Apologie, that the bread, water, and wine in the sacrament, are not to be taken as other meates & drinkes, but bee meates purposely ordayned to geue thankes vnto God, and therfore be called Eucharistia, and also haue the names of the body and bloud of Christe, and that it is not lawfull for anye man to eate and drinke of them, but suche as professed the religion of Christ, and liue also accordyng to theyr profession: and yet sayth he, the same bread & drink is chaunged into our flesh and bloud, and nourisheth our bodyes. By which saying it is euident, that Iustine ment that the bread and wine remayne still, or els they coulde not haue bene turned into our fleshe and bloud, and nou∣rish our bodyes. At which my saying they were not a litle troubled, but enforced themselues to haue denyed the Doctor, and would suffer me to speake no more, but strait way was I caryed away vnto my lodging: and so ended the second day of mine appearaunce, whiche was the Fri∣day in Whitson weeke, and then was I appoynted to ap∣peare agayne on the monday following. Howbeit, vppon what occasiō, I know not, it was deferred vnto the Wed∣nesday, which was Corpus Christi Euen.

His talke with the Earle of Sussex, sir William Woodhouse, and the Bishops chaplaines.

IN the meane time the Byshop sent two of his chaplens to me, with whome I had communication about the re∣all presence: and after long reasoning to & fro, concerning this poynt, at length I droue them to this issue, whether they did confesse that Christ in the selfe same bodye whiche was conceiued of the virgin Mary, and wherein he suffe∣red and rose agayne, do in the selfe same body naturally, substancially, and really sit at the right hande of God the father, without returne from thence vntill the daye of the generall iudgement or not? Whereunto they aunswered, Yes truely, sayd they, we confesse it, hold it, and beleeue it. Then I agayne demaunded of them, whether they did af∣firme, after the wordes pronounced by the minister ther to remayne flesh, bloud, bones, heare, nayles, as is wonte most grossely to bee preached, or not? And they with great deliberation aunswered, that they did not onely abhorre y^e teaching of such grosse doctrine,* 12.644 but also would detest thē selues, if they should so thinke.

At which two principall poyntes, wherein they fully confirmed my doctrine which I euer taught, I was not a little comforted and reioyced, but marueilously encoura∣ged. Wherupon I demaunded againe of them, what ma∣ner of body they then affirmed to be in the Sacrament? Forsooth, sayd they, not a visible, palpable, or circumscrip∣tible bodye, for that is alwaies at the fathers right hande, but in the sacrament it is inuisible, and can neither be felt, seene, nor occupy any place, but is there by the omnipotē∣cie of Gods woorde they knowe not howe.

And for this they brought in S. Augustine, although of them not truly vnderstanded, yet would they admit none other sense then their owne, but would take vppon them to confirme it with Martine Luther, Melanchthon, Bu∣cer, and Caluine, so that I perceiuing their obstinacie in that behalfe, gaue them ouer for that time, & afterwardes talked with Doctour Barret, whome I also found of the same iudgement in that behalfe. For (sayd he) if ye shoulde dissent from the Fathers of the Primatiue churche in thys behalfe, of which S. Augustine is one, ye shall be counted to die out of the fauour of God. Well, all this their obsti∣nacie and blasphemous errours imprinted and deepely weighed in my minde, I gaue them al ouer, and the more quietly to bring them to confesse that openly, whiche they vnto me had graunted priuately, I graunted them, accor∣ding to the scriptures, and my former protestation, a pre∣sence, although not as they supposed.

After all this, came there vnto me the honorable Earle of Sussex, and that gentle knight sir William Woodhouse, wyth great perswasions: vnto whome I sayd, after long talke, that I woulde doe all that I might, sauing my con∣science, whiche I woulde in no wise pollute, and no more I haue, as knoweth God, by whome all menne must be iudged.

*His last appearance before the Bishop.

NOw to come to my last appearaunce,* 12.645 after I was be∣fore the Bishop presented, he forthwith demaunded of me, whether I were resolued, as hee had hearde say. To whom I aunsweared, that euen as alwayes I had sayde before, y^t euen so I was now. Unto whom by low bowing my knee. I gaue my due reuerence, and the rather for that y^e honorable Earle of Sussex was there. Wherewith some which would be counted great Gospellers, were, contrary to all Christianitye, sore offended. Then I sayde, that what soeuer lawes were set forth for y^e establishment of Christes true religion, & that according to the doctrine of Christes holy Apostles, & the faithful fathers of y^e primitiue church, I did not only obey them, but most earnestly imbrace and beleue them. Yea, and yet to the further blynding of theyr eyes, I sayd, y^t yf any thing could iustly be proued by gods holy worde, by me heretofore preached or taught vntruly, either for lacke of learning, slide of tongue, or of ignorāce, yet by better knowledge whē it shall iustly be tryed & exa∣mined by the same: I shall not refuse (the thing perfectly approued) to reuoke y^e same. Prouided alwayes, the word of God herein to be iudge.

Al this spake I (as God knoweth) to keepe them from suspecting that which I went about, and that they should haue none occasion to iudge me of obstinacy. Then sayd I moreouer. Al you must of force confesse, that y^e doctrine by me heretofore preached, had besides the authority of Gods eternall veritye, the authority of two most noble & mighty princes, with the aduice and counsel of al the Nobility and Clergy of the same, and that with great deliberation from time to time, with open disputations in both y^e Uniuersi∣ties: enacted also by parlament with the consent of the whole body and Commons of the same, and that without any resistance or gainsaying established, as a religion most pure & perfect, most earnestly and sincerely preached by y^e principall Bishops and Doctors, and y^t before the kinges maiesties person, & I as one being called to that office, did the like, with all the rest, and in the zeale of God, & wyth a pure conscience did set forth the same as the onely & ab∣solute truth of God, and the iust and most true procedings of my soueraigne Lord and king, and I had then my head at that present euen where it now standeth, betwixt myne eares, altogether applying the same, to apprehende wyth all dilligence, that which then was established and taught as the onely and absolute truth, and a thing vnto me most desirous and well liking, without my desire to heare the contrary, till now through this my captiuitie I am com∣pelled to heare the contrary part speak, who are euen here present, and which my Lord sent vnto me.

Of whom after long disputations priuately to and fro before this time had betwixt vs, at length I haue heard by them a cōtrary doctrine, which I neuer before had heard, and therefore must confesse myne owne ignoraunce in the same. For (quoth I) after I had inforced these men here present (meaning the Bishops two Chapleynes) to con∣fesse Iesus Christes naturall body with his full complete members in the due order and proportiō of a perfect mans body to be present at the right hand of God the father, and that w^tout returne from thence vntill the last iudgement, and also that after the woordes pronounced by the Priest, there remaineth no suche grosse presence of flesh, bloude, bones, heare, and nailes, as was wont to be preached, but that after I had demaunded of them what maner of body they affirmed to be present, they saide: A body inuisible by the omnipotencie of Gods word, which neither can be felt nor seene, nor that hathe anye distinction of members, but such a body as occupieth no place, but is there, they know not how, necessity compelled me to confesse mine ignorāce in that behalfe: although in very deede they perceiued not my meaning therein, neither was it in my thoughte they should so doe. For by this their confession, and my silence, afterward I perceiued their horrible blasphemies.

And me thought, in this I had well discharged at that time my conscience, in causing them in open audience to confesse the same, and so I graunted a presence, but not as they supposed.

For onely I sayd, that Christ after the worde pronoun∣ced, is present in the lawfull vse and right distribution of his holye Supper, which thing I neuer denied, nor anye godly man that euer I heard of. For (sayde I) Eusebius Emissenus, a man of singulare fame and learning, aboute 300. yeares after Christes Ascension, saieth: That the con∣uersion of the visible creatures of bread and wine into the body and bloude of Christ, is like vnto our conuersion in Baptisme, where nothing is outwardly chaunged, but al the chaunge is inwardly by the mightye woorking of the holy Ghoste,* 12.646 which fashioneth and frameth Christe in the heart and mind of man, as by the example of Peter prea∣ching to the people. Actes 2. By which he so p••erced theyr consciences, that they openly with most earnest repentāce confessed their sinnes, saying: Men & brethren, what shall we doe? Repent, and be baptized euery of you (said Peter) in the name of Iesus Christ: so that at this Sermon there were which turned vnto Christ, three thousand persones, in whome Christ was so fashioned and framed, as that he did dwell in euery one of them, and they in him: and after the like maner (sayd I) is Christ present in the lawfull vse and right distribution of his holy Supper, and not other∣wise. For although I sayd, according to the truth, y^e Christ dwelt in euery one of these persones rehearsed, yet meant I nothing lesse, then that he in them should haue a grosse, carnall, or fleshly dwelling.

* 12.647And no more meant I (as knoweth God) hym car∣nally or naturally to be in the Sacrament, but according to the Scriptures, and my former protestation, that is, to the spirituall nourishment of all such as woorthelye come vnto that holy Supper, receiuing it according to his holy Institution.

And thus I ended, whych the Papistes moste malici∣ously and sclaunderously named a recantation, whyche I neuer meant nor thought (as God knoweth).

Now after I had thus concluded my speache, the Bi∣shop taking me by the hand, sayd: Father Rose, you may be a woorthy instrument in Gods church, and we will see to you at our comming home (for hee was aboute to take hys iourney in visitation of his Diocesse) and they feared much at this very time, least Queene Marie should haue miscaried in childe trauaile, which was looked for, beynge then accounted very greate with childe, so that they were not so fierce as they had bene, and doubted very muche of some sturre, if I shoulde haue suffered, and therefore were glad to be rid of me, so that by any colourable meanes for theyr owne discharge it might be: so that the night folow∣ing I was onely committed to mine olde lodging.

On the morowe when the Bishop was ready to ride forth in visitation, he called me before him, and perceiuing that sir William Woodhouse did beare me great fauoure, sayde, he was sorie for me and my expenses, and therefore wished that I were somewhere, where I might spend no more money, till his retourne. Why my Lord (quoth Syr William Woodhouse) he shall haue meate and drinke, and lodging with me, til your returne againe, seeing you now breake vp house, and hereuppon I went home wyth Syr William that good Knight,* 12.648 who most gently entertained me, and I had great libertie. Uppon thys the Papisticall priestes of the Colledge of Christes Church in Norwich, for that they sawe me at libertye in Sir Williams absence (who also was then from home a fortnighte) blased it a∣broade, that sir William was bounden for me in body 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lands. At his comming home therfore I asked sir William if he were so bounden for me: and he denied it. Then sayd I: syr, but for the reuerence I beare to you, I might haue ben an hundred miles from you ere this. But I trust now sir, seeing you be not bounden for me, I may go visite my frends. Go where you wil, said sir William, for (quoth he) I tolde the bishop I would not be his gailer, but promi∣sed onely meate, drinke, and lodging for you. Shortly af∣ter, vppon the deuise of some friendes, I was closely con∣ueyed to a friendes house, where almost a moneth I was secretly kept, til rumours were ouer. For at the Bishops returne, searching was for mee, in so muche as all houses where it was knowen I had bene acquainted, were sear∣ched, and the shippes at Yarmouth.

At the length the Bishop sent to a Coniurer, to know of him which way I was gone, and he answeared, that I was gone ouer a water, and in the keeping of a woman. And in very deede I was passed ouer a small water, and was hid by a blessed woman and godly widowe (whiche liued in a poore cottage) the space of iij. weekes, till all the great heate was ouer.

Then was I conueyed to London, and from thence passed ouer the seas, where I liued till the death of Quene Marie, and that it pleased GOD for the comforte of his Churche, and restoring of all poore exiles and prisonners for his names sake, to blesse thys Realme, wyth the go∣uernement of our noble Queene, whome God to the glo∣ry of his owne name, and the defence of his Churche, ac∣cording to his good will and pleasure long preserue and continue ouer vs. Amen.

❧A briefe discourse concernyng the troubles and happy deliueraunce of the Reuerend Father in God, Doct. Sandes, first Bish. of Worcester, next of London, and now Archb. of Yorke.

KIng Edward died, the world being vnwor∣thie of hym, the Duke of Northumberland came downe to Cambridge with an armie of men, hauyng Commission to proclaime Lady Iane Queene, and by power to suppresse La∣dy Mary, who tooke vpon her that dignitie, and was pro∣claimed Queene in Northfolke. The Duke sent for D. Sandes being Uicechancellor, for D. Parker, for D. Bill, and M. Leauer, to suppe with hym. Amongst other spea∣ches he sayd: Maisters, pray for vs that we speede well, if not, you shall be made Bishops, and we Deacons. And e∣uen so it came to passe, D. Parker, and D. Sandes were made Bishops, and he and Sir Iohn Gates, who was then at the Table, were made Deacons ere it was long after, on the Tower hill. D. Sandes beyng Uicechancel∣lor, was required to preach on the morrow. The warning was short for such an Auditorie, and to speake of such a matter: yet hee refused not the thing, but went into his chamber, & so to bed. He rose at 3. of the clocke in the mor∣nyng, tooke his Bible in his hand, and after that hee had prayed a good space, he shut his eyes, and holding his Bi∣ble▪ before hym, earnestly prayed to God that it might fall open where a most fit text should be for hym to intreat of. The Bible as God would haue it, fell open vpon the first chapter of Iosua, where he found so conuenient a piece of Scripture for that tyme, that the lyke he coulde not haue chosen in all the Bible. His texte was thus: Responde∣runt{que} ad Iosue atque dixerunt, Omnia quae precepisti nobis fa∣ciemus, & quocunque miseris ibimus: sicut obediuimus in cū∣ctis Mosi ita obediemus & tibi, tantum sit Dominus Deus tuus tecum sicut fuit cum Mose, qui contradixerit ori tuo, & non obe∣dierit cunctis sermonibus quos preceperis ei, moriatur: tu tan∣tum comfortare & viriliter age. Who shall consider what was concluded by such as named themselues by the state, and withall, the Auditorie, the tyme, and other circumstā∣ces, he shall easily see that this text most fitly serued for the purpose. And as God gaue the text, so gaue he hym suche order and vtterance, as pulled many teares out of the eye of the biggest of them.

In the tyme of his Sermon one of the Gard lift vp to hym into the Pulpit a Masse booke and a Graile, whiche sir George Haward with certaine of the Gard had taken that night in M. Hurlestons house where lady Mary had bene a little before, and there had Masse. The Duke with the rest of the nobilitie, required Doct. Sandes to put hys sermon in writyng, and appointed M. Leauer to goe to London with it, and to put it in print. D. Sandes requi∣red

one day and a halfe for writyng of it. At the tyme ap∣poynted he had made it ready, and M. Leauer was ready booted to receiue it at his handes, and cary it to London. As he was deliuering of it, one of the Bedles named M. Adams, came weping to hym, and prayed hym to shift for hymselfe, for the Duke was retired, and Queene Mary proclaimed.

Doctor Sandes was not troubled herewithall, but gaue the sermon written to M. Layfield. M. Leauer de∣parted home, and he went to dinner to one M. Mores a Bedle, his great friend. At the dinner, maistresse Moores seyng him mery and pleasant (for he had euer a mans cou∣rage, and could not be terrified) dranke vnto hym, saying: M. Uicechancellor, I drinke vnto you, for this is the last tyme that euer I shall see you. And so it was, for she was dead before D. Sandes returned out of Germany. The Duke that night retyred to Cambridge, and sent for Doct. Sandes to go with hym to the Market place to proclaim Queene Mary. The Duke cast vp his cap with others, and so laughed that the teares ranne downe hys cheekes for griefe. He told D. Sandes that Queene Mary was a mercifull woman, and that he doubted not thereof: decla∣ryng, that he had sent vnto her to know her pleasure, and looked for a generall pardon. Doctor Sandes answered, my life is not deare vnto me, neither haue I done or sayd any thyng that vrgeth my conscience. For that which I spake of the state, I haue instructions warranted by the subscription of xvj. Counsailors. Neither can speach bee treason, neither yet haue I spoken further then the worde of God, and lawes of this Realm doth warrant me, come of me what God will. But be you assured, you shall neuer escape death: for if she would saue you, those that nowe shall rule, will kill you.

That night the Gard apprehended the Duke, and cer∣taine Groomes of the Stable were as busie with Doctor Sandes as if th••y would take a prisoner. But Sir Iohn Gates who lay then in Doctor Sandes his house, sharp∣ly rebuked them, and draue them away. Doct. Sandes by the aduise of Sir Iohn Gates, walked into the fields. In the meane tyme, the Uniuersitie contrary to all order, had met together in consultation, and ordered, that D. Mouse and D. Hatcher, should repaire to D. Sandes lodgyng, and fee away the statute booke of the Uniuersitie, the keys, and such other things that were in his keepyng, & so they did, for D. Mouse beyng an earnest Protestant the day before, and one whom Doct. Sandes had done much for, now was he become a Papist, and his great enemy. Cer∣taine of the Uniuersitie had appointed a congregation at after noone. As the Bell rang to it, D. Sandes commeth out of the fieldes, and sending for the Bedles, asketh what the matter meaneth, and requireth them to waite vppon hym to the Schooles, accordyng to their duetie. So they did, And so soone as D. Sandes, the Bedles goyng before hym, came into the Regent house & tooke his chaire. One M. Mitch with a rabble of vnlearned Papists, went into a by schoole, and conspired together to pull hym out of his chaire, and to vse violence vnto hym. D. Sandes began his Oration, expostulatyng with the Uniuersitie, char∣gyng them with great ingratitude, declaring that hee had sayd nothing in his sermon, but that he was ready to iu∣sti••••e, and that their case was all one with his: For they had not onely concealed, but consented to that whiche hee had spoken.

And thus while hee remembred vnto them howe be∣neficiall he had ben to the Uniuersitie, and their vnthank∣fulnes to him agayne, in commeth M. Mitche with hys conspirators about xx. in number. One layeth hand vpon the chaire to pull it from hym, another told hym that that was not hys place, and another called hym traitor. Wher∣at he perceuyng how they vsed violence, & beyng of great courage, groped to his dagger, and had dispatched some of them as gods enemies, if D. Bill and D. Blith had not fallen vpon hym, and prayed hym for Gods sake to holde his handes and be quiet, and patiently to beare that great offred wrong. He was perswaded by them, and after that tumult was ceased, he ended his Oration, & hauing some money of the Uniuersities in his handes, he there deliue∣red the same euery farthyng. He gaue vp the bookes, rec∣konings and keyes, pertainyng to the Uniuersitie, and withall, yelded vp his Office, praying God to geue to the Uniuersitie a better Officer, and to geue them better and more thankefull hartes, and so repaired home to his own Colledge.

On the morrowe after, there came vnto hym one M. Gerningham, and one M. Thomas Mildmay. Gernin∣gham tolde hym, that it was the Queenes pleasure that two of the Gard should attend vpon hym, & that hee must be caried prisoner to the Tower of London with y^e Duke. M. Mildmay sayd, he meruailed that a learned mā would speake so vnaduisedly agaynst so good a Prince, and wil∣fully run into such danger. D. Sandes aunswered. I shal not be ashamed of bonds, But if I could do as M. Mild∣may can, I needed not feare bondes: For he came downe in payment agaynst Queene Mary, and armed in y^e field, and now he returneth in payment for Queene Mary, be∣fore a traitor, and now a great friend. I cannot with one mouth blow whote and cold after this sort.

Upon this, his stable was robbed of foure notable good geldinges, the best of them Maister Hudlestone tooke for hys owne Saddle, and roade on hym to London in hys sight. An Inuentory was taken of all his goodes by M. Moore Bedle for the Uniuersitie. He was set vpon a lame horse that halted to the ground, which thyng a friend of his perceiuyng, prayed that he myght lend hym a nagge. The yeomen of the Gard were content. As he departed forth at the Townes ende, some Papists resorted thither to giere at hym, some of his friends to mourne for hym. He came into the ranke to London, the people beyng full of out∣cryes. And as he came in at Bishops gate, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 like a milk wife hurled a stone at hym, and hit 〈…〉〈…〉 brest wyth such a blow, that he was lyke to fall of 〈…〉〈…〉. To whō he mildly sayd: Woman, God forgeue it thee. Truth is, that iourney and euill intreatyng so mortified him, that he was more ready to die, then to lyue.

As hee came through Tower hill streete, one woman standing in her doore, cried: Fie on thee thou knaue, thou Knaue, thou Traitor, thou Hereticke. Whereat hee smi∣led. Looke, the desperate Hereticke (sayeth shee) laugheth at this geare. A woman on the other side of the streat, an∣sweared, saying: Fie on thee neighbor, thou art not woor∣thy to be called a woman, railing vpon thys Gentleman whome thou knowest not, neither yet the cause why he is thus intreated. Then shee sayd, good Gentleman, God be thy comfort, and geue thee strēgth to stand in Gods cause euen to the ende. And thus he passed thorow fire and wa∣ter into the Tower. The first prisoner that entred in that day, which was S. Iames day. The yeomen of the garde tooke from him his borrowed Nagge, and what els so e∣uer he had. His man one Quinting Suainton broght af∣ter him a Bible, and some shirtes and suche like thinges. The Bible was sent in to him, but the shirtes and suche like, serued the yeomen of the Garde.

After he had bene in the Tower three weekes in a bad prison, he was lifte vp into Nonnes bower, a better pri∣son, where was put to him maister Iohn Bradforde.

At the day of Queene Maries Coronation, their pry∣son doore was sette open, euer shutte before. One maister Mitchel his olde acquaintance, and had bene prisoner be∣fore in the same place, came in to him and sayde: Maister Sandes, there is suche a stirre in the Tower, that neyther gates, doores, nor prisoners, are looked to this day. Take my Cloake, my Hatte, and my Rapier, and get you gon, you may goe oute of the gates without questioning, saue your selfe, and let me doe as I may. A rare friendship: but he refused the offer, saying: I knowe no iust cause whye I should be in prison. And thus to do were to make my selfe guiltie, I will expect Gods good will, yet must I thinke my selfe most bound vnto you, and so maister Michell de∣parted.

While D. Sands and M. Bradford were thus in close prison together 29. weekes, one Iohn Bowler was their Keeper, a very peruerse Papist, yet by often perswading of him, for he would geue care, and by gentle vsing of him at the length he began to mislike Poperie and to fauor the Gospell, and so perswaded in true religion, that on a son∣day when they had Masse in the Chappell, he bringeth vp a Seruice booke, a manchet and a glasse of wine, and there D. Sandes ministred the Communion to Bradforde and to Bowler. Thus Bowler was their sonne begotten in bondes when Wiate was in armes, and the olde Duke of Northfolke sent foorth with a power of men to apprehend him, that roume might be made in the Tower for him and other his complices, Doctor Cranmer, D. Ridly, and M. Bradford were cast into one prison, and Doctour Sands with 9. other preachers were sent into the Marshalsea.

The Keeper of the Marshalsea appoynted to euerye preacher, a man to leade him in the streate, he caused them goe farre before, and he and Doc. Sandes came behinde, whom he woulde not lead, but walked familiarlye wyth him. Yet D. Sandes was knowne, and the people euery where prayed to GOD to comfort him and to strength him in the truthe. By that time the peoples mindes were altered, Poperie began to be vnsauerie. After they passed the Bridge, the keeper Thomas Way sayd to D. Sands: I perceiue the vaine people would set you forward to the fire, yee are as vaine as they, if you being a yong man wil

stande in youre owne conceite, and preferre youre owne knowledge before the iudgement of so many worthy Pre∣lates, auncient, learned, and graue menne as be in thys Realme. If you so doe, you shall finde me as strait a kee∣per as one that vtterly misliketh your Religion. Doctour Sandes answeared: I knowe my yeares young and my learning small, it is enoughe to knowe Christe crucified, and he hath learned nothing that seeth not the greate blas∣phemie that is in Poperie, I will yeelde vnto God and not vnto man, I haue reade in the Scriptures of manye godly and courteous Keepers, God may make you one. If not, I trust hee will geue me strengthe and patience to beare your hard dealing with me. Sayth Thomas Way, doe yee then minde to stande to your Religion: Yea sayth Doctor Sandes, by Gods grace. Truely sayeth the Kee∣per, I loue you the better, I did but tempt you. What fa∣uour I can shew you, you shalbe sure of, and I shal think my selfe happie if I maye die at the stake with you. The sayde Keeper shewed Doctour Sandes euer after, all frendship: he trusted him to goe into the fieldes alone, and there mette with M. Bradforde, who than was remooued into the Benche, and there founde like fauour of his Kee∣per. He laid him in the best chamber in the house: he wold not suffer y^e Knight Marshals man to lay fetters on him, as others had. And at his request he put M. Sandes into him, to be his bedfellowe, and sondrye times suffered hys wife, who was M. Sandes daughter of Essex, a Gentle∣woman, beutifull both in body and soule to resort to hym. There was great resort to Doctor Sands, and M. San∣ders, they had much money offered them, but they would receiue none. They hadde the Communion there 3. or 4. times, and a great sort of Communicants. Doctor Sands gaue such exhortation to the people, for at that time being young, he was thoughte verye eloquent, that hee mooued many teares and made the people abhorre the Masse, and defie all Poperie.

When Wyat with his armie came into Southwarke, he sent two Gentlemen into y^e Marshalsea to D. Sandes: Saying, that maister Wyat would be glad of his compa∣nie and aduice, and that the gates should be sette open for all the prisonners. He aunsweared: Tell maister Wyat, if this his rising be of God it will take place: If not, it will fall. For my part I was committed hether by order, I wil be discharged by like order, or I will neuer depart hence. So answeared maister Sanders, and the rest of the prea∣chers being there prisoners.

After that doctor Sands had bene 9. weekes prisoner in the Marshalsea, by the mediation of syr Thomas Hol∣croft then Knight Marshall he was sette at libertye. Syr Thomas sued earnestly to the Bishop of Winchester, doc∣tor Gardiner for his deliuerance after many repulses, ex∣cept doctor Sandes woulde be one of their secte, and then he coulde want nothing. He wroong out of him that if the Queene coulde like of his deliueraunce, he woulde not be against it: for that was Syr Thomas last request. In the meane time he hadde procured two Ladies of the Priuie chamber to mooue the Queene in it: Who was contented if the bishop of Winchester coulde like of it. The next time that the Bishop went into the priuie Chamber to speake wyth the Queene, master Holcroft followed and had his warrant for doctor Sandes remission readye, and prayed the two Ladies, when as the Bishoppe shoulde take hys leaue to put the Queene in minde of doctor Sandes. So they did. And the Queene sayde, Winchester: what thinke you by D. Sandes, is he not sufficiently punished. As it please your Maiestie sayeth Winchester. That hee spake, remembring his former promisse to M. Holcroft, that hee woulde not be against D. Sandes, if the Queene shoulde like to discharge him. Sayeth the Queene: Then truely, we would that he were set at libertie. Immediately M. Holecroft offered the Queene the Warrant. Who subscri∣bed the same, and called Winchester to put too hys hande, and so he did. The Warrant was geuen to the Knighte Marshall againe, Sir Thomas Holcroft. As the Bishop went foorth of the priuie Chamber dore, he called M. Hol∣croft to him: Commaunding him not to set D. Sandes at libertie, vntill he had taken suerties of two Gentlemen of his countrey with him, euery one bounde in 500. pounds that D. Sands should not depart out of the realme with∣out licence. Master Holcroft immediatly after mette with two Gentlemen of the North, friendes and cousins to D. Sandes, who offered to be bounde in bodye, goodes and landes for him. At after dinner the same day, M. Holcroft sent for D. Sandes, to his lodging at Westminster, requi∣ring the Keeper to company with him. Hee came accor∣dingly, fineding M. Holcroft alone, walking in his gar∣den. Maister Holcroft imparted his long sute, wyth the whole proceeding, and what effect it had taken to Doctor Sandes: muche reioycing that it was his good happe i•• to doe him good, and to procure hys libertie, and that no∣thing remained, but that he would enter into bonds with his two suerties, for not departinge oute of the Realme. Doctour Sandes answeared: I geue God thankes, who hath mooued your heart to minde me so wel, and I thinke my selfe most bounde vnto you, God shall requite, and I shall neuer be founde vnthankful. But as you haue dealt friendly with me, I will also deale plainly wyth you. I came a free man into prison, I will not goe foorth a bond∣man. As I cannot benefite my frendes, so will I not hurt thē: And if I be set at libertie, I will not tarie 6. dayes in this Realme if I may get out. If therefore I may not goe free foorth, sende mee to the Marshalsea againe, and there you shall be sure of me.

This answeare much misliked M. Holecroft: He told Doctor Sands that the time woulde not long continue, a chaunge would shortly come: the state was but a cloud, & would soone shake away. And that his cousin sir Edward Bray woulde gladly receiue him and his wife into house, where he should neuer nede to come at Church, and how the Ladie Braye was a zealous Gentlewoman, who ha∣ted Poperie. Adding that he would not so deale with him to loose all his labour. When D. Sandes coulde not be re∣mooued from his former saying, maister Holcrofte sayde: Seeing you can not be altered, I will chaunge my pur∣pose, and yeelde vnto you. Come of it what will, I wil see you at libertie: And seeing you minde ouer Sea, get you gone so quickely as you can. One thing I require of you, that while you are there, you wryte nothing to come he∣ther, for so ye may vndo me. He frendly kissed D. Sands, bad him farewell, and commaunded the Keeper to take no fees of him: Saying, let me answere Winchester as I may. Doctour Sandes retourned with the keeper to the Marshalsee taried all night. There on the morow gaue a dinner to all the prisoners, bad his bedfellow, and sworne stake fellowe, if it had so pleased God, maister Saunders farewell, with manye teares and kissings, the one falling on the others necke, and so departed, clearely deliuered without examination or bonde. From thence hee went to the Benche, and there talked with M. Bradforde, and M. Farrar Bishop of Dauids, then prisoners. Then he com∣forted them, and they praised God for his happie deliue∣raunce. Hee went by Winchesters house, and there tooke boate, and came to a frends house in London, called Wil∣liam Banks, and taried there one night. On the morrow at night he shifted to another frendes house, and there hee learned that searche was made for him.

Doctor Watson and M. Christopherson commyng to the Bishop of Winchester, told hym that hee had set at li∣berty the greatest heretike in England, and one that had of all other most corrupted the Uniuersitie of Cambridge D. Sandes. Whereupon the Bish. of Winchester beyng Chancellor of England, sent for all the Constables of Lō∣don, commanding them to watch for D. Sands, who was then within the Citie, and to apprehend hym, and who so euer of them should take hym and brin•• him to hym, hee should haue v. pounds for his labour. D. Sandes suspec∣tyng the matter, conueighed hymselfe by night to one M. Barties house a straunger, who was in the Marshalsee with him prisoner a while, he was a good Protestant and dwelt in Marke lane. There he was sixe dayes, and had one or two of his friends that repaired vnto hym. Then he repaired to an acquaintance of his, one Hurlestone a Skinner, dwellyng in Cornehill, hee caused hys man Quinting to prouide two geldings for hym, mindyng on the morrow to ride into Essex to M. Sandes hys father in lawe, where his wyfe was.

At his goyng to bedde in Hurlestons house, he had a paire of hose newly made that were too long for hym. For while he was in the Tower, a Tailor was admitted him to make hym a paire of hose. One came vnto hym whose name was Beniamin, a good protestant dwellyng in Bir∣ching lane: he might not speak to hym, or come vnto him to take measure of hym, but onely looke vpon his leg, hee made the hose, and they were two inches too long. These hose he prayed the good wyfe of the house to sende to some Taylor to cut his hose two ynches shorter. The wyfe re∣quired the boy of the house to cary them to the next Tay∣lor to cut. The boy chaunced (or rather God so prouided) to go to the next Taylor which was Beniamin that made them, which also was a Constable, and acquainted wyth the Lord Chauncellors commandement. The boy requi∣red hym to cut the hose. He sayde I am not thy Maisters Taylor. Sayth the boy, because ye are our next neighbour and my maisters Tailor dwelleth farre of I came to you, for it is farre nightes, and he must occupy them tymely in the mornyng. Beniamin tooke the hose and looked vppon

them, he knew his handy worke, and sayd: These are not thy maisters hose, but Doct. Sandes, them I made in the Tower. The boy yelded and sayd, it was so. Sayth he, go to thy maistresse, pray her to sit vp till xij. of the clock, then I will bring the hose and speake with D. Sandes to his good.

At middenight, the goodwyfe of the house, and Ben∣iamin the Taylor, commeth in to Doct. Sandes chamber. The wyfe praieth him not to be afraid of their commyng. He aunswereth, nothyng can be amisse, what God will, that shal be done. Then Beniamin telleth him y^t he made his hose, and by what good chaunce they now came to hys handes, God vsed the meane that he might admonish him of his perill, and aduise hym how to escape it, tellyng him that all the Constables of London, whereof he was one, watched for hym, and some were so greedily set, that they prayed hym if he tooke hym, to let them haue the cariage of hym to the Bishop of Winchester, and he should haue the v. pound. Saith Beniamin, it is knowen that your man hath prouided two geldings, and that you mynde to ride out at Algate to morrow, and there then ye are sure to bee taken. Follow myne aduise, and by Gods grace ye shall escape their handes. Let your man walke all the day to morrow in the streete where your horses stand, booted and ready to ryde. The goodmans seruaunt of the house shall take the horses and carye them to Bednoll greene. The goodman shall bee booted, and follow after as if he would ride. I will be here with you to morrow about viij. of the clocke, it is both Terme and Parliament tyme, here wee will breake our Fast, and when the streete is full, we will go forth. Looke wildely, and if you meete your brother in the streete, shunne hym not, but outface hym and knowe hym not. Accordingly D. Sandes did, clothed lyke a gen∣tleman in all respectes, and looked wildly as one that had bene long kept in prison out of the light. Beniamin cari∣ed hym through Birching lane, and from one lane to ano∣ther, till he come at Moore gate. There they went foorth vntil they came to Bednoll greene where the horses were redy, and M. Hurleston, to ride with hym as his man. D. Sandes pulled on his bootes, and takyng leaue of hys friend Beniamin, with teares they kissed eche other, hee put hys hand in his purse, and would haue geuen Benia∣min a great part of that litle he had, but Beniamin would take none. Yet since, D. Sandes hath remembered hym thankfully. He rode that night to hys father in lawe, M. Sandes where his wyfe was, he had not bene there two howers, but it was told M. Sandes that there was two of the Garde which would that night apprehend Doctor Sandes, and so they were appoynted.

That night Doct. Sandes was guided to an honest Farmer neere the Sea, where hee taried two dayes and two nights in a chamber without all company. After that hee shifted to one Iames Mower a Shipmaister, who dwelt at Milton shore, where hee expected wynde for the English Fleete redy into Flaunders. While he was there Iames Mower brought to hym fortie or fiftie Mariners, to whom he gaue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 exhortation, they liked him so well, that they promised to die for it, or that he should be appre∣hended.

The 6. of May beyng Sonday, the wynd serued. Hee tooke his leaue of his Hoste and Hostesse, & went towards the ship, in taking his leaue of his Hostesse who was bar∣ren, and had bene maried viij. yeares. Hee gaue her a fine handkerchiefe and an old royall of gold in it, thanking her much, and sayd: Be of good comfort, or that an whole yere be past, God shall geue you a child, a boy. And it came to passe, for that day tweluemoneth lacking one day, God gaue her a faire sonne.

At the shore D. Sandes met with M. Isaac of Kent who had his eldest sonne there, who vpon the likyng hee had to D. Sandes, sent his sonne with hym, who after∣ward died in his fathers house in Franckford. D. Sands and D. Coxe, were both in one ship, beyng one Cockrels ship. They were within the kennyng, when two of the Gard came thether to apprehend D. Sands. They ariued at Andwerpe, beyng bid to dinner to M. Locke. And at dinner tyme one George Gilpin beyng Secretary to the English house, and kinsman to D. Sandes, came to hym and rounded hym in his eare, and sayde: King Phillip hath sent to make search for you, and to apprehende you. Hereuppon they rose from their dinner in a meruailous great shower, and went out at the gate toward the lande of Cleue. There they founde a Wagon and hasted away, and came safe to Ausburg in Cleueland where D. Sands taried 14. dayes, and then iorneyed towardes Strausbo∣rough, where after he had lyued one yeare, his wyfe came vnto hym. He fell sore sicke of a flixe, which kept hym nine monthes, and brought him to deathes dore. He had a child which fell sicke of the plage and died. His wyfe at length fell sicke of a consumption and dyed in his armes, no man had a more godly woman to his wyfe.

After this, M. Sampson went away to Emanuel, a man skilfull in the Hebrue. M. Grindall went into the countrey to learne the Dutch tongue. D. Sandes still re∣mayned in Strausborough, whose sustentation then was chiefly from one M. Isaac, who loued him most dearely, and was euer more redy to geue, then he to take. He gaue hym in y^e space aboue one hundreth marks, which summe the sayd D. Sandes payd him agayne, and by hys other gifts and friendlines, shewed hymselfe to bee a thankfull man. When his wyfe was dead hee went to Zurike, and there was in Peter Martyrs house for the space of fiue weekes. Beyng there, as they sate at dinner, word soden∣ly came that Queene Mary was dead, and Doct. Sands was sent for by his friendes at Strausborough. That newes made M. Martyr, and M. Iaret then there, verye ioyfull, but D. Sands could not reioyce, it smote into his hart that he should be called to misery.

M. Bullinger and the Ministers feasted him, and hee tooke his leaue and returned to Strausborough where he preached, and so M. Grindall and he came towards Eng∣land, and came to London the same day that Queene Eli∣zabeth was crowned.

❧A Complaint against such as fauoured the Gospell in Ipswich, exhibited to Queene Maries Counsaile, sittyng in Commission at Bec∣kles in Suffolke, the 18. of May. Ann. 1556. by Phillip Williams, aliâs Foote∣man, Iohn Steward, and Mathew Butler, sworne for the purpose.

¶The names of such as fled out of the Towne, and lurked in secret places.

• ...
  S. Mary Tower.
  • Robert Partriche.
  • Rose Nottingham, daughter of William Nottingham the elder.
• ...
  S. Laurence.
  • Anne Fenne, seruaunt to Robert Nottingham.
  • Andrewe Yngforbye his wife and daughter.
  • Thomas Thompson shomaker, supposed to haue re∣ceiued but twise these 17. yeares.
  • Marten Algate, lockesmith his wife.
• ...
  S. Margarets.
  • William Pickesse, Tanner.
  • Iohn Whoodles, Couerlet weauer, and his wife.
  • William Harset, Bricklaier.
  • Thomas Fowler, Shomaker.
  • W. Wright his wife at the Wind mill.
  • Laurence Waterwarde late Curate, borne in a towne called Chorley, in Lankeshire.
• ...
  S. Nicholas▪
  • Widowe Swaine.
  • Mathew Birde and his wife.
  • Stephen Greenwich and his wife.
  • Wil. Colman, seruant to the sayde Stephen▪
  • Robert Colman and his wife.
  • Roger Laurence, aliàs Sparow.
  • Iohn Carelton, Sadler.
  • William Colman.
  • Iames Hearst his wife.
• ...
  S. Peters.
  • Richard Houer apprentise with Nicholas Notting∣ham.
  • Rich. Hedley a seller of hereticall bookes.
• ...
  S. Stephens.
  • Iames Bockyng Shoomaker, his wyfe.
  • Iohn Rawe, late seruant to Iames Ashley.
  • William Palmer. seruants to Steuen Grene Sho∣maker.
  • Rich. Richman. seruants to Steuen Grene Sho∣maker.
  • Iohn Deersley. seruants to Steuen Grene Sho∣maker.
  • Rich. Richman Shoomaker his wife, daughter to mo∣ther Fenkell Midwyfe.
• ...

• ...
  S Cle∣••••••tes.
  • Mistresse Tooley, who departed to Darsham in Suff.
  • Agnes Wardal the elder widowe.
  • Robert Wardal her sonne.
• ...
  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
  • Iohn Shoomaker and his wife.

The names of such as haue not receiued the Sacrament.

• ...
  S. Cle∣mentes.
  • Robert Bray.
  • Iohn Nottingham.
  • Agnes Wardal, wife of Robert Wardal.
  • Nicholas Nottingham.
  • Richard Mitchel.
  • William Iordane his wife.
  • Richard Butteral.
  • Robert Browne.
• ...
  S. Peters.
  • Iohn Reade.
  • Thomas Spurdance.
  • Iohn, seruaunt to Stephen Grinleffe.
• ...
  S. Stephens.
  • Robert Scolding.
• ...
  S Marga∣rets.
  • Iohn Greenewich and his wife.
• ...
  S. Nicholas.
  • Thomas Sturgeon Mariner.
  • Iohn Finne his wife.
• ...
  S. Mary 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
  • Robert Branstone, brother and seruaunte to William Branstone.
• ...
  S. Mary Tower.
  • Marten Iohnson, who lieth bedrede.
  • Agnes his kee∣per. seruaunts to Rob. Nottingham.
  • Bent Alceede. seruaunts to Rob. Nottingham.
• ...
  S Laurence.
  • Robert Sylke his sonne.
• ...
  S. Mary at Elmes.
  • Iohn Ramsey and his wife, now in prisone.

Names of such as obserue not Ceremonies.

• ...
  S. Cle∣mentes.
  • Robert Cambridge refused the Paxe.
  • Robert Brage his wife refused to suffer anye childe to be dipped in the Font.
  • Ioane Barber widowe. refused to beholde the ele∣uation of the sacrament.
  • Thomasine her Daugh∣ter. refused to beholde the ele∣uation of the sacrament.
  • Mistresse Ponder, mo∣ther to Ioane Bar∣ber. in the same fault.
  • Tie a Mariner his wife.
• ...
  S. Mary at Elmes.
  • Richarde Hawarde refused the Paxe at Masse in S. Laurence.
• ...
  • M. Lyons at Masse at Saint Mary Stoke refused the Paxe.
• ...
  S. Peters.
  • Mother Fenkel. refuse to haue Childrenne dipped in Fontes.
  • Ioan Warde, alias Bent∣leys wife. refuse to haue Childrenne dipped in Fontes.
• ...
  S. Stephens.
  • Mother Beriffe Midwife, refuseth to haue childrē dip∣ped in Fontes.
• ...
  S. Nicholas.
  • George Bushe his wife reiected the Hoaste after receit of it.

Names of priestes wiues, that haue accesse to their husbandes.

• Rafe Carleton his wife, Curate of S. Mathewes, and S. Mary at Elmes.
• Elizabeth Cantrel, wife to Rafe Cantrel.
• Iane Barker, wife to Roberte Barker Prieste, late of Burie.
• Latimer his wife, curate of S. Laurence, and S. Ste∣phens.
• William Clearke his wife, late Curate of Barkeham, and S. Mary at Elmes.

Names of mainteiners against this complaint.

• Robert Sterop, Customer to Queene Marie.
• Gilbert Sterop, deputie to Edwarde Grimstone Es∣quier, for his Butlerage.
• Maister Butler the elder, Searcher.
• Maistresse Tooly, swellynge by muche ritchesse into wealth.
• Margaret Bray, who also presumeth vppon the office of a Midwife, not called.
• ...
  S. Clementes.
  • Ioane Barber widowe, practisinge muche whole∣some counsell.
• ...
  S. Mary keye.
  • Mistresse Birde. practisinge muche whole∣some counsell.
  • Bastian Mannes wife, and him selfe more riche then wise.

Their requests to punish and con∣uent certaine, whose ensample might reuerse other from their opini∣ons, as

• To conuent Richard Birde gailer, who by euill coun∣sel doth animate his prisoners of his secte. Also for that he with his wife did checke vs openly with vnseemely woordes, tending almost to a tumult.
• To conuente Thomas Sadler, for certaine woordes spoken to Iohn Bate the Crier of the towne, the sixte of Maye.
• That it might please the Bishop to wish his Commis∣sarie and Officiall, to be vpright and diligente in theyr office, and to appoynt a Curate of more abilitie to feede his cure wyth Gods woorde.
• That none may be suffred to be midwiues, but such as are Catholicke, because of euill counsell at suche times as the necessitie of womennes trauaile, shall require a number of women assembled.
• That Rafe Carleton Curate, may be conuented, whe∣ther by corruption of mony he hath ingrossed his boke, of any that are there named, and hathe not receyued in deede as it is reported.

The myraculous preseruation of Lady Elizabeth, nowe Queene of England, from extreme calamitie and danger of life, in the time of Q. Marie her sister.

* 13.1BUt when all hath beene sayde and tolde, what soeuer canne be recited touching the admyrable woorking of Gods present hande in defen∣ding and deliuering any one per∣son oute of thraldome, neuer was there since the memorie of oure fa∣thers, any example to be shewed, wherein the Lordes mightye po∣wer hathe more admirably & bles∣sedly shewed it selfe, to the glory of his owne name, to the comforte of all good heartes, and to the publicke felicitie of thys whole Realme, then in the myraculous custodie and outscape of this our soueraigne Lady, now Queene, then Ladye Elizabeth, in the straighte time of Queene Marye her sister.

In which Storie, first we haue to consider in what ex∣treme miserie,* 13.2 sicknes, feare, and pearil her highnes was: into what care, what trouble of minde, and what danger of death shee was brought. Firste with great routes and bands of armed men (and happie was he that might haue the carying of her) being fetched vp as the greatest tray∣tour in the world, clapped in the Tower, and againe tos∣sed from thence, from house to house, from prison to pri∣son, from post to piller, at length also prisoner in her own house, and garded with a sort of cutte throtes, whych euer gaped for the spoyle, whereby they might be fingering of somewhat.

Secondly, to consider againe we haue, all thys notw^t∣standing, howe straungely, or rather myraculously from daunger shee was deliuered: what fauour and grace shee founde with the almightye, who when all helpe of man, and hope of recouerie was past, stretched out his mighty protection, and preserued her highnesse, and placed her in this Princely seate of rest and quietnesse, wherein nowe shee sitteth, and long may shee sit, the Lorde of his glori∣ous mercy graunt, we beseeche him.

In which storie, if I should sette foorth at large and at full, all the particulars and circumstances thereunto be∣longing, and as iust occasion of the historie requireth, be∣sides the importunate length of the storie discoursed, per∣aduenture it might mooue offence to some being yet aliue, and truth might gette me hatred. Yet notwithstanding I intend (by the grace of Christ) therein to vse suche breuitie and moderation, as both may be to the glorye of God, the discharge of the storie, the profite of the Reader, and hurte to none, suppressing the names of some, whome heere al∣though I could recite, yet I thought not to be more cruell in hurting their name, then the Queene hath bene merci∣full in pardoning their liues.

Therefore now to enter into the discourse of thys tra∣gical matter,* 13.3 first here is to be noted, that Queene Marye when shee was first Queene, before shee was crowned, would goe no whither, but would haue her by the hande, and send for her to dinner and supper: but after shee was crowned, shee neuer dined nor supped wyth her, but kept her aloofe from her. &c. After this it happened, immediatly vpon the rising of sir Thomas Wiat (as before was men∣tioned, pag. 1418.1419.) that the Ladye Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney were charged with false suspition of Syr Thomas Wyates rising. Whereuppon Queene Marye, whether for that surmise, or for what other cause I know not, being offended with the sayde Elizabeth her sister, at that time lying in her house at Ashridge, the next day after the rising of Wyat, sent to her three of her Counsailours, to wit,* 13.4 Sir Richard Sowthwel, syr Edwarde Hastings, then maister of the horse, and Syr Thomas Cornwalles, with their retinue and troupe of horsemen, to the number of 200. and 50. Who at their sodaine and vnprouided com∣ming, founde her at the same time sore sicke in her bedde, and very feeble & weake of body. Whither whē they came, ascending vp to her graces priuie Chamber, they willed one of her Ladies, whome they mette, to declare vnto her grace, that there were certaine come from the court, which had a message from the Queene.

Her grace hauing knowledge therof, was right glad of their comming: howbeit being then very sicke, and the night farre spent (which was at 10. of the clock) she reque∣sted them by the messenger, that they would resort thither in the morning. To this they answeared, and by the sayde messenger sent woorde againe, that they must needes see her, and would so do, in what case soeuer she were. Wher∣at the Lady being against, went to shewe her grace theyr woordes: but they hastely folowing her, came rushing as soone as shee into her graces chamber vnbidden.

At whose so sodaine comming into her bed chamber, her grace being not a litle amased, sayd vnto them▪* 13.5 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the hast suche, that it myghte not haue pleased you to 〈…〉〈…〉 morrow in the morning?

They made answere, that they were righte sorye 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her in that case. And I (quoth shee) am not glad to see 〈◊〉〈◊〉 here at this time of the night. Whereunto they answered, that they came from the Queene to doe their message and duetie: which was to this effecte, that the Queenes plea∣sure was, that she shoulde be at London the 7. day of that present moneth. Whereunto shee sayde: Certesse, no crea∣ture more glad then I to come to her maiestie, being right sorie that I am not in case at this time to waite on her, as you your selues doe see and can well testifie.

In deede we see it true (quoth they) that you doe say: for which we are very sorie.* 13.6 Albeit we ••ette you to vnder∣stande, that our Commission is such, and so straineth vs, that we must needes bring you with vs, eyther quicke or dead. Wherat she being amased, sorowfully said, that their Commission was very sore: but yet notwithstanding she hoped it to be otherwise, and not so strait. Yes verely, said they. Whereupon they called for two Phisitions, Doctor Owen and Doctor Wendy, demaunded of them, whether she might be remoued from thence with lyfe, or no. Whose aunswere and iudgement was, that there was no impe∣diment to theyr iudgement, to the contrary, but that shee might trauayle without daunger of lyfe.

In conclusion, they willed her to prepare agaynst the morning at nine of the clocke to goe with them,* 13.7 declaring that they had brought with them the Queenes Lytter for her. After much talk, the messengers declaring how there was no prolonging of times & daies, so departed to theyr chamber, being entertained and cheared as appertained to their worships.

On the next morow at the time prescribed, they hadde her forth as shee was, very faynt and feeble, and in suche case, that shee was ready to swound three or foure tymes betweene them. What shoulde I speake here that cannot well bee expressed,* 13.8 what an heauy house there was to be∣hold the vnreuerend and doulefull dealyng of these men, but espcially the carefull feare and captiuitie of their in∣nocent Lady and Mistresse.

Now to proceed in her iourney from Ashrydge, al sick in the Litter, she came to Redborne, where she was gar∣ded all night: From thence to S. Albones, to Syr Rafe Rowlets house, where she taryed that night, both feble in body, and comfortles in minde. From that place they pas∣sed to Maister Doddes house at Mymmes, where also they remayned that night: and so from thence she came to Highgate: where she being very sicke, taryed that night and the next day. During whiche time of her abode there, came many Purseuantes and messengers from the court: but for what purpose I cannot tell.

From y^e place she was conueied to the Court: where∣by the way came to meete her, many Gentlemen, to accō∣pany her highnesse, which were very sory to see her in that case.* 13.9 But especially a great multitude of people ther were standing by the way, who then flocking about her Luter, lamēted and bewailed greatly her estate. Now, when she came to the Court, her grace was there straight wais s••••t vp, and kept as close prisonner a fortnight, which was till Palme sonday, seeing neither King nor Queene, nor lead, nor frend, all that time, but only then the Lord Chamber∣laine, Syr Iohn Gage, and the Uicechamberlaine, which were attendant vnto the dores.* 13.10 About whiche time Syr William Sentlowe was called before the Counsaile. To whose charge was laid, that he knew of Wyats rebellion. Which he stoutly denied, protesting y^t hee was a true man, both to God & his Prince, defying al traytors and rebels: but being straitly examined, he was in cōclusion commit∣ted to the Tower.

The Friday before Palme sonday, the B. of Winche∣ster, with xix. other of the Counsaile (who shall bee here namelesse) came vnto her grace from the Queenes Ma∣iestie, and burdened her with Wiates conspiracie: which she vtterly denied,* 13.11 affirmyng that she was altogether gilt lesse therin. They beyng not contented with this, charged her grace with busines made by sir Peter Carew, and the r••st of the Gentlemen of the West country: which also she vtterly denying, cleared her innocencie therein.

In conclusion, after long debating of matters, they de∣clared vnto her, that it was the Queenes will & pleasure that she should go vnto the tower, while the matter were further ••ried and examined.

Whereat shee beyng agaste, said, that shee trusted the Queenes Maiestie would bee more gracious Lady vnto her, and that her highnesse would not otherwise conceyue of her, but that she was a true woman: declaring further∣more to the Lordes, that she was innocent in all those ma∣ters wherein they had burdened her, & desired them ther∣fore to be a further meane to the Queen her sister, that she beyng a true woman in thought,* 13.12 word, and deed towards her Maiesty, might not be committed to so notorious and dolefull a place, protesting that she would request no mer∣cy at her hand, if she should bee prooued to haue consented vnto any suche kynde of matter as they layed vnto her charge: and therfore in fine desired their Lordshippes to thinke of her what she was, and that she might not so ex∣tremely be delt withall for her truth.

Wherunto the Lords answered againe, that there was no remedy, for that the Queenes Maiestie was fully de∣termined that she should go vnto the Tower. Wherewith the Lords departed, with their caps hangyng ouer theyr eyes. But not long after, within the space of an houre or little more, came foure of the foresaid Lordes of the coun∣saile, which were the Lord Treasurer, the B. of Winche∣ster, the lord Steward, the Erle of Sussex, with the gard, who wardyng the nexte chamber to her,* 13.13 secluded all her Gentlemen and Yeomen, Ladies and Gentlewomen, sa∣uyng that for one Gentleman Usher, three Gentlewomē, and two Groomes of her Chamber, were appoynted in their roomes three other men of the Queenes, & three wai∣ting women to geue attendance vpon her, y^t none shoulde haue accesse to her grace.

At which tyme there were an hundreth of Northren souldiours in white cotes, watching and warding about the gardens all that night, a great fire beyng made in the midst of the hall, and two certaine Lordes watching there also with their band and company.

Upon Saterday followyng, two Lordes of the coun∣saile (the one was the Erle of Sussex, the other shall bee namelesse) came and certified her grace, that forthwith she must go vnto the tower, the barge beyng prepared for her, and the tide now redy, which tarieth for no body. In hea∣uy moode her grace requested the Lords that she might ta∣ry another tide, trusting that the next would be better and more comfortable. But one of the Lords replied, that nei∣ther tide nor tyme was to be delayed.

And when her grace requested him that she myght bee suffred to write to the Queenes Maiestie,* 13.14 he aunswered, that he durst not permitte that, addyng that in his iudge∣mente it woulde rather hurte, then profite her grace in so doyng.

But the other Lorde, more curteous and fauourable, (who was the Erle of Sussex) kneelyng downe, told her grace that she should haue libertie to write, and as he was a true man, he would deliuer it to the Queenes highnesse, and bring an answer of the same, what soeuer came ther∣of. Wherupon she wrote, albeit she could in no case be suf∣fered to speake with the Queene to her great discomfort, beyng no offender against the Queenes Maiestie.

And thus the tyde and tyme passed away for that sea∣son, they priuily appointing all things redy that she shuld go the next tyde which fell about midnight: but for feare she should be taken by the way, they durst not. So they stayed till the next day, beyng Palme Sonday, when a∣bout ix. of the clocke these two returned agayne, declaring that it was tyme for her grace to depart. She answering, if there be no remedy, I must be contented, willyng the Lordes to go on before. Beyng come forth into the gardē, she did cast vp her eyes toward the window, thinkyng to haue seene the Queene, which she could not. Whereat she sayd, she meruailed much what the nobilitie of the realme ment, which in that sort would suffer her to bee ledde into captiuitie, the Lord knew whether, for she did not. In the meane tyme commandement was geuen in all London, that euery one should keepe the Church and carye their Palmes, while in the meane season she might be conueied without all recourse of people into the Tower.

After all this, she tooke her Barge with the two fore∣sayd Lordes, three of the Queenes Gentlewomen,* 13.15 and three of her owne, her Gentleman Usher, and two of her Groomes, lying and houeryng vpon the water a certai••e space, for that they could not shoote the bridge, the Barge men beyng very vnwilling to shoote the ••ame so soone as they bid, because of the danger thereof: for the sterne of the boate, stroke vpon the ground, the fall was so big, and the water was so shallowe, that the boate beyng vnder the bridge, there stayed agayne a while. At landing, she first stayed, and denied to land at those staires where all trai∣tors and offenders customably vsed to land, neyther well could she, vnlesse she should go ouer her shoe. The Lords were gone out of the boat before, and asked why she came not. One of the Lordes went back againe to her, & broght word she would not come.

Then sayd one of the Lordes which shall be nameles, that she should not chuse: and because it did then raine, he offred to her his cl••ke, which she (puttyng it backe wyth her hand with a good dash) refused. So she comming out, hauing one foote vppon the staire, saide:* 13.16 Here lande•••• as true a subiect beyng prisoner, as euer lāded at these stair••: And before thee O God I speake it, hauyng none other friends but thee alone.

To whom the same Lord aunswered againe, that if it were so, it was the better for her. At her lāding there was a great multitude of their seruantes & Warders standyng in their order, What needed all this said she, It is the vse (sayd some) so to be when any prisoner came thether. And if it be (quoth she) for my cause, I beseeche you that they may be dismissed, Whereat the poore men kneeled downe, and with one voyce desired GOD to preserue her grace, who the next day were released of their cold coates.

After this passing a little further, she sate downe vpon a cold stone & there rested her selfe. To whome the Lieue∣tenant then beyng, said: Madame, you were best to come out of the raine, for you sit vnwholsomly. She then repli∣eng, answered againe: better sitting here then in a worse place: for God knoweth, I know not whether you wyll bring me. With that her Gentleman Usher wept: she de∣maunding of hym what he ment so vncomfortably to vse her, seyng she toke him to be her comforter, and not to dis∣may her, especially for that she knew her truth to be such, that no man should haue cause to weepe for her. But forth she went into the prison.

The dores were locked and bolted vpon her: whiche did not a little discomfort and dismay her grace. At what time she called to her Gentlewomā for her booke, desiring God not to suffer her to build her foundation vppon the sandes but vpon the rocke,* 13.17 wherby all blasts of blustering weather shuld haue no power agaynst her. The dores be∣ing thus locked, & she close shut vp, the Lordes had great cōference howe to keep warde and watch, euery man de∣claring his opinion in that behalfe, agreeing straightly and circumspectly, to keepe her.

Then one of them, whiche was the Lorde of Sussex swearing, sayd: my Lordes, let vs take heede,* 13.18 and doe no more then our commission will beare vs, what soeuer shal happē hereafter. And further, let vs consider that she was the king, our Maistres daughter, and therfore let vs vse such dealing, that we may aunswere vnto it hereafter, if it shall so happen, for iust dealing (quoth he) is alwayes an∣swerable: Whereunto the other Lords agreed that it was well sayde of him, and thereupon departed. Being in the Tower, within two daies commaundement was that she should haue Masse within her house. One M. Yong was then her Chapleyne: and because there was none of her men so well learned to helpe the priest to say masse, y^e masse stayed for that day.

The next day two of her Yeomen, who had gone long to schoole before and were learned, had two Abcies pro∣uided and deliuered them, so that vppon the Abcies they should helpe the Priest. One of the sayd Yeomen, holdyng the Abcie in his hand, pretending ignoraunce at Kirie ••∣leyson, set the priest, making as though he could aunswere that no farther.

It would make a pittiful and and a strange story, here by the way to touche and recite what examinations and rackinges of poore men there were to finde out that knife that should cut her throat: what gaping among my Lords of the clergy, to see the day wherein they might wash their goodly white rochetes in her innocent bloud, but especi∣ally the Bysh. of Winchester Steuen Gardiner, then L. Chauncellour, ruler of the rost, who then within fiue days after came vnto her, with diuers other of the counsell, and examined her of the talke that was at Ashridge,* 13.19 betwixt her and sir Iames Acroft, concerning her remouing from thence to Dunnington Castle, requiring her to declare

what she ment thereby.

At the first, she being so sodainly asked, did not wel re∣member any such house: but within a while, well adui∣sing her selfe, she sayde: In deede (quoth she) I doe now remember that I haue such a place,* 13.20 but I neuer laye in it in all my lyfe. And as for any that hath mooued me there∣unto, I do not remember.

Then to enforce the matter, they broght forth sir Iames Acroft. The B. of Winchester demaunded of her what she said to that man. She answered, that shee had little to say to hym, or to the rest that were then prisoners in y^e tower. But my Lordes (quoth she) you do examine euery mean prisoner of me, wherein me thinkes you doe me great in∣iury. If they haue done euill and offended the Queenes Maiesty, let them answer to it accordingly. I beseech you my Lords, ioyne not me in this sort with any of these of∣fenders. And as concerning my goyng vnto Dunnington Castle, I do remember that M. Hobby and mine officers and you sir Iames Acroft, had such talk: but what is that to the purpose, my Lordes, but that I may goe to myne owne houses at all tymes?

* 13.21The L. of Arundell kneeling downe, said: your grace sayth true, and certainly we are very sory that we haue so troubled you about so vayne matters. She then sayd: my Lordes, you do sift me very narowly. But well I am as∣sured, you shall not do more to me then God hath appoin∣ted, and so God forgeue you all.

At their departure, sir Iames Acroft kneeled downe, declaring that he was sory to see the day in which he shuld be brought as a witnesse against her grace. But I assure your grace (sayd he) I haue bene maruelously tossed and examined,* 13.22 touching your highnesse, which the Lord know¦eth is very strange to me. For I take God to record before all your honours, I do not know any thing of that crime that you haue layd to my charge, and will thereupon take my death, if I should be driuen to so strait a triall.

That day, or thereabouts, diuers of her owne officers who had made prouision for her diet, brought the same to the vtter gate of the Tower, the common rascall souldiors receiuing it:* 13.23 which was no small griefe vnto the Gentle∣m••n, the bringers therof. Wherfore they required to speak with the Lord Chamberlaine, being then Constable of the Tower. Who, commyng before his presence, declared vn∣to his Lordship, that they were much afrayd to bryng her graces diete, and to deliuer it vnto such common and de∣sperate persons as they were which did receiue it, besee∣ching his honor to consider her grace, and to geue such or∣der, that her viands might at all tymes bee brought in by them which were appointed thereunto. Yea Sirs said he? who appointed you this office?* 13.24 They answered, her gra∣ces counsaile. Counsaile quoth he? There is none of them which hath to do, either in that case, or any thing els with∣in this place: and I assure you, for that she is a prisoner, she shall be serued with the Lieuetenaunts men, as other the prisoners are. Whereat the Gentlemen sayd, that they trusted for more fauour at his hands, considering her per∣sonage, saying, that they mistrusted not, but that y^e Queene and her Counsaile would be better to her grace then so,* 13.25 & therewith shewed themselues to be offended at y^e vngrate∣full words of the L. Chamberlaine towards their Ladye and maistresse.

At this he sware by God, strikyng hymselfe vpon the brest, that if they did either fronne or shrug at him, he wold set them where they should see neither sunne nor Moone. Thus takyng their leaue, they desired God to bryng hym into a better mynde toward her grace, and departed from hym.

Upon the occasion wherof, her graces Officers made great sute vnto the Queenes Counsaile, that some might be appointed to bring her dyet vnto her, and that it might no more be deliuered into the common Souldiours of the Tower. Which beyng reasonably considered, was by thē granted. And thereupon were appointed one of her Gen∣tlemen, her clarke of her kitchin, & her two Purueiers to bring in her prouision once a day. All which was done, the Warders euer waiting vpon the bringers thereof.

The Lord Chamberlaine himselfe being always with them, circumspectly and narowly watched, and searched what they brought, and gaue heede that they should haue no talke with any of her graces waiting seruauntes, and so warded them both in and out. At the said sute of her of∣ficers were sent by the commandement of the Counsaile, to waite vppon her grace, two Yeomen of her chamber, one of her Robes,* 13.26 two of her Pantry & Ewry, one of her Buttry, another of her Seller, two of her Kitchin, & one of her Larder, all which continued with her the tyme of her trouble.

Here the Constable, beyng at the first not very well pleased with the commyng in of such a company agaynst his will, would haue had his men still to haue serued with her Graces men. Which her seruaunts at no hand would suffer, desiring his Lordship to be contented, for that order was taken,* 13.27 that no stranger should come within their Of∣fices. At which answer beyng sore displeased, he brake out into these threatnyng wordes: well (sayd he) I will han∣dle you well enough. Then went hee into the kitchin, and there would needs haue his meat rosted with her Graces meate, and sayd, that his Cooke should come thether and dresse it. To that her Graces Cooke answered: my Lord, I will neuer suffer any stranger to come about her diete, but her owne sworne men, so long as I lyue. He said they should. But the Cooke sayd, his Lordship should pardon hym for that matter. Thus did hee trouble her poore ser∣uants very stoutly: though afterward he were otherwise aduised, and they more curteously vsed at his handes. And good cause why. For he had good ••here, & fared of the best, & her grace payed well for it. Wherefore he vsed himselfe af∣terward more reuerently toward her grace.

After this sort, hauyng lyen a whole moneth there in close prison, and beyng very euill at ease therewithall, she sent for the L. Chamberlaine, and the Lord Shandoys to come and speake with her. Who commyng, she requested them that she might haue liberty to walk in some place, for that she felt her selfe not well. To the which they aunswe∣red,* 13.28 that they were right sorye that they coulde not satisfie her graces request, for that they had commaundement to the contrary, which they durst not in any wise break. Fur∣thermore, she desired of them, if that could not be granted, that she might walke but into the Queenes lodgyng. No nor yet that (they answered) could by any meanes bee ob∣tained without a further sute to the Queene & her Coun∣saile. Well sayd she, my Lordes, if the matter be so harde y^t they must be sued vnto for so small a thyng, & that friend∣ship be so strait, God comfort me, and so they departed, she remaining in her old dungeon still, without any kynde of comfort but onely God.

The next day after, the L. Shandoyes came again vn∣to her grace, declaryng vnto her that he had sued vnto the counsail for further liberty. Some of them consented ther∣unto, diuers other dissented, for that there were so manye prisoners in y^e tower. But in conclusion, they did al agree, that her grace might walke into those lodgings, so that he and the L. Chamberlaine, and three of the Queens Gen∣tlewomen did accompany her, the windowes beyng shut, and she not suffred to looke out at any of them: wherwith she contented her selfe, and gaue him thankes for hys good will in that behalfe.

Afterwards there was libertie graunted to her grace to walke in a little garden, the dores and gates being shut vp,* 13.29 which notwithstanding was as much discomfort vn∣to her, as the walke in the garden was pleasaunt & accep∣table. At which times of her walking there, the prisoners on that side straightly were commaunded not to speake or looke out at the windowes into the garden, till her grace were gone out agayne, hauing in consideration thereof, their kepers waiting vpon them for that time. Thus her grace with this small libertie, contented her selfe in God, to whom be prayse therfore.

During this tyme, there vsed a little boy, a mans child in the Tower, to resort to their chābers, and many times to bring her grace floures, which likewise he did to the o∣ther prisoners that were there. Wherupon naughty & sus∣picious heades thinking to make and wring out some matter therof, called on a time the childe vnto thē,* 13.30 promi∣sing him figges and apples, and asked of him whē he had bene with the Earle of Deuonshyre, not ignoraunt of the childes wounted frequenting vnto him. The boy answe∣red, that he would go by and by thether.* 13.31 Further they de∣manded of him, when he was with the Lady Elizabethes grace. He answered: euery day: Furthermore they examy∣ned him, what the Lord of Deuonshyre sent by him to her grace. The childe sayd, I will go know what he will geue to cary to her. Such was the discretion of the childe, being yet but foure yeares of age. This same is a craftye boye, quoth the Lord Chamberlayne. Howe say you my Lorde Shandoyes? I pray you my L. (quoth the boy) geue me the figges you promised me. No Mary (quoth he) y^u shalt be whipped if thou come any more to the Lady Elizabeth, or the Lorde Courtny. The boy aunswered: I will bryng my Lady my mistres, more floures. Wherupon the childs father was commaunded to permit the boye no more to come vp into theyr chambers.

The next day, as her grace was walking in the gardē, the childe peeping in at a hole in the dore, cryed vnto her, saying: mistres, I can bring you no more floures. Wherat she smiled, but sayd nothing, vnderstanding thereby what

they had done. Wherefore afterwards the Chamberlaine rebuked highly his father, commaunding him to put him out of the house. Alasse poore infant, quoth the father. It is a craftie knaue,* 13.32 quoth the Lorde Chamberlaine: let me see him heere no more.

The 5. day of May, the Constable was discharged of hys office of the Tower, and one Syr Henrye Benifielde placed in his rowme, a man vnknowen to her grace, and therefore the more feared: which so sodaine mutation was vnto her no little amaze. Hee brought with him an 100. souldiers in blew coates, wherwith she was marueilou∣sly discomforted, & demaunded of such as were about her, whether the Lady Ianes scaffold were taken away or no, fearing by reason of their comming, least she should haue played her part. To whom aunswere was made, that the scaffolde was taken awaye, and that her grace needed not to doubt of any suche tyrannie: for God woulde not suffer any such treason against her Person. Wherewith beyng contented, but not altogether satisfied, shee asked what syr Henry Benefield was, and whether hee was of that con∣science or no, that if her murdering were secretly commit∣ted to his charge, he would see the execution thereof.

* 13.33She was answeared, that they were ignoraunt what maner of man he was. Howbeit they perswaded her that God would not suffer such wickednesse to proceede. Wel, quoth shee: God graunt it be so. For thou, O God, canste mollifie all suche tyrannous heartes, and disappoynte all such cruell purposes: and I beseeche thee to heare me thy creature, which am thy seruaunt and at thy commaunde∣ment, trusting by thy grace euer so to remaine.

About which time it was spred abroad, that her grace should be caried from thence by this newe iolly Captaine and his souldiours: but whether, it coulde not be learned. Which was vnto her a great grief, especially for that such a company was appoynted to her gard, requesting rather to continue there still, then to be ledde thence with suche a sort of rascals. At last, plaine answer was made by the L. Shandoyes, that there was no remedye, but from thence she must needes depart to the Manour of Woodstocke, as he thought. Being demaunded of her, for what cause: for that (quoth he) the Tower is like further to be furnished. Shee being desirous to knowe what hee meant thereby, demaunded, wherewith. He answeared, with such matter as the Queene and Counsail were determined in that be∣halfe, whereof he had no knowledge: and so departed.

In conclusion, on Trinitie Sonday being the 19. day of Maye, shee was remooued from the Tower, the Lorde Treasurer being then there for the lading of her Car••es, and discharging the place of the same. Where Syr Henry Benifielde (being appoynted her Gailer) did receiue her wyth a companie of rakehelles to Garde her, besides the Lorde of Darbies band••, wayting in the Countrey about for the mooneshine in the water. Unto whome at lengthe came my Lorde of Tame, ioyned in Commission with the sayd Syr Henry, for the safe guiding of her to prisone: and they together conueied her grace to Woodstocke, as here∣after followeth.

The first day they conducted her to Richmond, where she continued al night,* 13.34 being restrained of her owne men, whych were lodged in oute Chambers, and Syr Henrye Benifields souldiours appointed in their roumes to geue attendance on her person. Wherat she being maruelously dismaid, thinking verely some secret mischief to be a wor∣king towards her, called her Gentleman Usher, and desi∣red him, with the rest of his company, to pray for her. For this night (quoth she) I thinke to die. Wherwith he being stricken to the heart, sayde: God forbid that any such wic∣kednes should be pretended against your grace. So com∣forting her as well as he coulde, at last hee brust oute into teares, and went from her downe into the Courte, where were walking the Lorde of Tame and Syr Henrye Be∣nifielde.

Then he comming to the Lorde of Tame (who hadde profered to him muche friendship) desired to speake wyth him a woord or two. Unto whome he familiarly sayde, he should with all his heart. Which when Syr Henry, stan∣ding by, heard, he asked what the matter was. To whom the Gentleman Usher answeared: no great matter Syr (sayd he) but to speake with my Lord a woord or two.

Then, when the Lorde of Tame came to him, he spake on this wise:* 13.35 My Lord (quoth he) you haue ben alwayes my good Lord, and so I beseech you to remain. The cause why I come to you at this time, is to desire your honor, vnfainedly to declare vnto mee whether any daunger is meant towardes my Mistresse this nighte, or no, that I and my poore fellowes may take suche part as shall please God to appoynt: for certainely we wil rather die, then she should secretely and innocently miscarie. Mary (sayde the Lord of Tame) God forbid that any such wicked purpose should be wrought: and rather then it shuld be so, I with my men are ready to die at her foote also:* 13.36 and (so praised be God) they passed that dolefull nighte, wyth no ••••••tle hea∣uinesse of heart.

Afterwards passing ouer the water at Richmond, go∣ing towardes Wyndsore, her grace espied certaine of her poore seruauntes standing on the other side, whiche were very desirous to see her. Whom when she beheld, turning to one of her men standing by, she sayde: yonder I see cer∣taine of my men: goe to them and say these woordes from me: Tanquam ouis.

So she passing forward to Windsore,* 13.37 was lodged there that night in the Deane of Windsores house, a place more meete in deede for a Priest then a Princesse.

And from thence her Grace was garded and brought the next night to M. Dormers house,* 13.38 where much people standing by the waye, some presented to her one gifte▪ and some an other, so that sir Henry was greatly moued ther∣with, and troubled the poore people very sore, for shewing their louing hearts in suche a maner, calling them rebels and traitors, with such like vile woordes.

Besides, as she passed through y^e villages, the townes men rang the bels, as being ioyful of her comming, thin∣king verely it had bene otherwise then it was in deede, as the sequele prooued after to the sayd poore men. For imme∣diately the saide syr Henry hearing the same, sent his soul∣diours thether, who apprehēded some of the ringers, set∣ting them in the stockes, & otherwise vncourteously misu∣sing other some for their good willes.

On the morrow her grace passing from maister Dor∣mers (where was for y^e time of her abode there,* 13.39 a straight watch kept) came to the Lord of Tames house, where she lay all the night, being very princely entertained, bothe of Knightes and Ladies, Gentlemen and Gentlewomen. Whereat Syr Henry Benifield grunted, and was highly offended, saying vnto them, that they coulde not tell what they did,* 13.40 and were not able to answere to their doings in that behalfe, letting them to vnderstand that shee was the Queenes Maiesties prisoner, and no otherwise: aduising them therefore to take heede and beware of after clappes. Wherunto the Lord of Tame answered in this wise: that he was wel aduised of his doings, being ioyned in Com∣mission as well as he, adding with warrāt, that her grace might and should in his house be merry.

The next day, as she should take her iourney frō Rich∣mond toward Woodstocke, the Lord of Tame, with an o∣ther Gentleman being at Tables, playing,* 13.41 and droppyng vie crownes, the Ladie Elizabeth passing by, stayed and sayde, she would see the game plaied out, which sir Henry Benifield would scarse permit. The game running longe about, and they playing drop vie crownes, come on,* 13.42 sayth he, I will tarie, sayth she, and will see this game out.

After this, sir Henry went vp into a chamber, where was appointed for her grace a chaire, two cushions, and a foote carpet very faire & princelike, wherein presumptu∣ously he sate, and called one Barwike his mā to pu•• of his bootes. Which as soone as it was known among y^e ladies and Gentles, euery one mused therat, and laughed him to scorne, obseruing his vndiscrete maners in that behalf, as they might very well.

When supper was done, he called my L. and willed him that all the Gentlemen and Ladies should withdraw themselues euery one to his lodging, meruailing much y^t he would permit there such a cōpany, considering so great a charge committed to him.

Sir Henry (quoth my Lord) content your self, all shal be voyded, your men and all. Nay my souldiours (quoth sir Henry) shall watch all night. The Lord of Tame aun∣swered, it shall not need. Well sayd he, neede or neede no••, they shall so do, mistrusting belike the company, whiche God knoweth was without cause.

The next day her grace tooke her iourney from thence to Woodstocke, where she was inclosed, as before in the Tower of London, the souldiors garding and wardyng both within and without the walles, euery day to y^e num∣ber of three score, and in the night without the wals xl. du∣ring the tyme of her imprisonment there.

At length shee had gardens appointed for her walke, which was very comfortable to her grace. But alwayes when she did recreate her selfe therein, the dores were ••ast locked vp, in as straite maner as they were in the Tower, beyng at the least v. or vj, lockes betwene her lodging and her walkes: Sir Henry himselfe keping the keyes, and trusting no man therewith. Wherupon she called him her Gaoler: and he kneling downe, desired her grace not to cal him so, for he was appointed there to be one of her offi∣cers. From such officers (quoth she) good Lord deliuer me.

And nowe by the way as disgressing, or rather refresh∣ing the reader, if it be lawfull in so serious a story to recite a matter incident, & yet not impertinent to the same: occa∣sion here moueth, or rather inforceth me to touch briefelye what hapned in the same place and time by a certayne me∣ry conceited man,* 13.43 being then about her grace: who noting the strayt and straunge keeping of his Lady and Mistres by the sayd Syr Henry Benifield, with so many lockes & dores, with such watch & ward about her, as was straūge & wonderful, spyed a Goate in the ward where her grace was: and whether to refresh her oppressed mind, or to no∣tify her strayt handling by Syr Henry, either els both, he tooke it vp on his necke, and folowed her grace therewyth as she was going into her lodging.

Which when she saw, she asked him what he would do with it, willing to let it alone. Unto whom the sayd party aunswered: no by Saynt Mary (if it like your grace) will I not: for I cannot tell whether he be one of the Queenes frendes or no. I will cary him to Syr Henry Benifielde (God willing) to know what he is. So leauing her grace, he went with the Goate on his necke, and caryed it to syr Henry Benifield. Who when he saw him comming wyth it, asked him halfe angerly what he had there.

Unto whom the party aunswered, saying: Syr (quoth he) I can not tell what he is. I pray you examine him, for I founde him in the place where my Ladyes Grace was walking,* 13.44 and what talke they haue had I can not tell. For I vnderstād him not, but he should seme to me to be some straunger, and I thinke verely a Welchman, for he hath a white frie••e coate on his back. And forsomuch as I being the Queenes Subiect, and perceiuing the strayte charge committed to you of her keeping, that no straunger should haue accesse to her without sufficient licence, I haue here foūd a straunger (what he is I cannot tell) in place where her Grace was walking: & therefore for the necessary dis∣charge of my duety, I thought it good to bring the sayde straunger to you, to examine, as you see cause: and so he set him down. At which his words Syr Henry semed much displeased, and sayd: Well, well, you will neuer leaue this geare I see: and so they departed.

Now, to returne to the matter from whence we haue digressed, after her Grace had bene there a time, she made suite to the Counsell that she might be suffered to write to the Queene.* 13.45 Which at last was permitted: So that Syr Henry Benifield brought her penne, inke, and paper: and standing by her while she wrote (which he straitly obser∣ued) always she being wery, he would cary away her let∣ters, and bring them agayne when she called for them. In the finishing thereof, he would haue bene messenger to the Queene of the same. Whose request her grace denied, say∣ing: one of her owne men should cary them, and that she would neither trust him, nor none of his therein.

Then he answering agayne, said: none of them durst be so bold (he trowed) to cary her letters, beyng in that case. Yes (quoth she) I am assured I haue none so disho∣nest that would deny my request in that behalf, but wil be as willyng to serue me now as before. Well (sayd he) my commission is to the contrary,* 13.46 and I may not so suffer it. Her grace replying againe, said: you charge me very oftē with your commission. I pray God you may iustly aun∣swer the cruel dealing you vse towards me.

Then he kneeling downe, desired her grace to thinke and consider how he was a seruant, & put in trust there by the Queene to serue her Maiestie, protesting that if y^e case were hers, he would as willingly serue her grace, as now he did the Queenes highnesse. For the which his aunswer her grace thanked hym, desiring God that she might ne∣uer haue neede of such seruauntes as he was: declaryng further to hym, that his doynges towardes her were not good nor answerable, but more then all the friends he had would stand by.

To whome Sir Henry replied and sayde, that there was no remedy but his doyngs must be aunswered, and so they should,* 13.47 trusting to make good accompt therof. The cause which mooued her grace so to say, was for that hee would not permit her letters to be caried iiij. or v. dayes after the writyng thereof. But in fine hee was content to send for her Gentleman from the Towne of Woodstocke, demaunding of him whether he durst enterprise the cari∣age of her Graces letters to the Queene, or no: & he aun∣swered, yea Sir, that I dare, and will withall my heart. Whereupon sir Henry halfe, agaynst his stomacke, tooke them vnto hym.

Then about the viij. of Iune came downe Doctour Owen and Doctour Wendye,* 13.48 sent by the Queene to her grace, for that she was sickly: who ministring to her, and lettyng her bloud, taried there and attended on her grace v. or vj. dayes. Then she being wel amēded, they returned againe to the Courte, making theyr good reporte to the Queene and the Counsaile of her graces behauioure and humblenesse towards the Queenes highnesse. Which her Maiestie hearing, tooke very thankefully: but the bishops thereat repined, looked blacke in the mouth,* 13.49 and tolde the Queene, they marueiled that she submitted not her selfe to her maiesties mercye, considering that shee had offended her highnesse.

About this time, her Grace was requested by a secrete frende, to submit her selfe to the Queenes maiestie, whych woulde be very well taken,* 13.50 and to her great quiet & com∣moditie. Unto whom she answered, that she would neuer submitte her selfe to them whome she neuer offended. For (quoth she) if I haue offended and am giltie, I then craue no mercy, but the law, which I am certaine (quoth she) I should haue had ere this, if it coulde be prooued by me. For I know my selfe (I thanke God) to be out of the daunger thereof, wishing that I were as cleare out of the pearil of my ennemies, and then I am assured I shoulde not so be locked and bolted vp within walles and doores as I am. God geue them a better minde when it pleaseth him.

About this time was there a great consulting among the Bishops and Gentlemen touching a Mariage for her grace,* 13.51 which some of the Spanyardes wished to be wyth some straunger, that she might go out of the Realme with her portion: some saying one thing, and some an other.

A Lorde (who shalbe heere namelesse) being there, at last sayd, that the King should neuer haue any quiet com∣mon wealth in Englande, vnlesse her head were stricken from the shoulders. Whereunto the Spanyards answea∣red, saying: God forbid that their king and master should haue that minde to consent to such a mischiefe.

This was the curteous aunswer of the Spanyardes to the Englishmen, speaking after that sorte against theyr owne country. From that day the Spaniardes neuer left of their good perswasions to the king, that the like honour he shoulde neuer obtaine, as he shoulde in deliueryng the Lady Elizabeths grace out of prison: wherby at lēgth she was happely released from the same. Here is a plaine and euident example of the good clemencie and nature of the King and his Counsellers towards her grace (praised be God therefore) who mooued their heartes therein. Then heereuppon shee was sente for shortlye after to come to Hampton Court.

But before her remoouing away from Woodstocke,* 13.52 we will a litle stay to declare in what dangers her life was in during this time shee there remained: first thorough fire, which began to kindle betweene the boardes and seeling vnder the chamber where shee lay, whether by a sparke of fire, gotten into a cranye, or whether of purpose by some that meant her no good, the Lord doth knowe. Neuerthe∣lesse a woorshipfull Knight of Oxfordshire, whyche was there ioyned the same time with Syr Henry Benifield in keeping that Ladye (who then tooke vp the boardes and quēched the fire) verely supposed it to be done of purpose.

Furthermore it is thought,* 13.53 and also affirmed (if it be true) of one Paule Peny a Keeper of Woodstocke, a noto∣rious ruffin and a butcherly wretch, that he was appoyn∣ted to kill y^e sayd Lady Elizabeth: who both sawe the man being often in her sight, and also knewe thereof.

An other time, one of the priuie chamber,* 13.54 a great man about the Queene, and chiefe darling of Steuen Gardi∣der, named master Iames Basset, came to Blandenbridge a mile from Woodstocke, with 20. or 30. priuie coates, and sent for Syr Henrye Benifielde to come and speake with him. But, as God would, which disposed all things after the purpose of his owne will, so it happened, that a lyttle before the sayd Syr Henry Benifield was sent for by post to the Counsell, leauing straight woord behinde him with his brother, that no man, what so euer hee were, thoughe comming with a Bill of the Queenes hand, or any other warrant, should haue accesse to her before his retourne a∣gaine. By reason wherof it so fell out, that M. Benifields brother comming to him at the Bridge, would suffer hym in no case to approche in,* 13.55 who otherwise (as is supposed) was appoynted violently to murther the innocent Lady.

In the life of Steuen Gardiner wee declared before, page 1787. howe that the Ladie Elizabeth beynge in the Tower, a Wrytte came downe, subscribed wyth certaine handes of the Counsell for her execution. Which if it were certaine, as it is reported, Winchester (no doubt) was de∣uiser of that mischieuous drift: and doubtlesse the same A∣chitophel had brought hys impious purpose that daye to passe, had not the fatherly prouidence of almightye God, (who is alwayes stronger then the deuill) stirred vp M. Bridges, Lieutenaunte the same time of the Tower, to come in hast to the Queene, to geue certificate therof, and to knowe further her consent touching her sisters deathe.

Whereuppon it followed, that all that deuise was disap∣poynted, and Winchesters deuelish plat forme, which hee sayd he had cast through the Lordes great goodnesse, came to no effecte.

Where moreouer is to be noted, that during the pry∣sonment of this Ladye and Princesse, one M. Edmunde Tremaine was on the Racke, and maister Smithwike, & diuers other in the Tower were examined, and diuers offers made to them to accuse the giltlesse Ladie, being in her captiuitie. Howbeit al that notwithstanding, no mat∣ter could be prooued by all examinations, as shee the same time lying at Woodstocke, had certaine intelligence by the meanes of one Iohn Ga••er: who vnder a colourable pre∣tence of a letter to mistres Cleue from her father, was let in, and so gaue them secretely to vnderstande of all thys matter. Whereupon the Lady Elizabeth at her departing out from Woodstocke, wrote these Uerses with her Dia∣mond in a glasse windowe.

Much suspected by me: Nothing prooued can be.* 13.56 Quoth Elizabeth prisoner.

And thus much touching the troubles of Lady Eliza∣beth at Woodstocke. Whereunto this is more to be added, that during the same time, the Lorde of Tame had labou∣red to the Queene, and became surety for her, to haue her from Woodstocke to his house, and had obtained graunte thereof. Whereupon preparation was made accordingly, and all things ready in expectation of her comming. But through the procurement either of M. Benifield,* 13.57 or by the doing of Winchester her mortall enemie, letters came o∣uer night to the contrary: wherby her iourney was stop∣ped.

Thus this woorthy Ladie oppressed wyth continuall sorrowe, coulde not be permitted to haue recourse to any frendes she had, but still in the hands of her enemies was left desolate, and vtterly destitute of all that might refresh a doulefull heart, fraughte full of terrour and thraldome. Whereupon no maruell, if she hearing vpon a time out of her garden at Woodstocke, a certaine milkemaide singing pleasantly,* 13.58 wished her selfe to be a milkemaid as she was, saying that her case was better, and life more merier then was hers, in that state as shee was.

Now after these things thus declared, to procede fur∣ther there where we left before, Syr Henry Benifield and hys souldiours, wyth the Lorde of Tame, and Syr Rafe Chamberlaine, garding and waiting vpon her, the firste night from Woodstock she came to Ricot.* 13.59 In which iour∣ney such a mighty wind did blow, that her seruants were same to holde downe her cloathes about her: In so much that her hoode was twise or thrise blowen from her head. Whereupon shee desirous to retourne to a certaine Gen∣tlemans house there neare, coulde not be suffered by Syr Henry Benifield so to doe, but was constrained vnder an hedge to trimme her head aswell as she could.

After thys, the next nighte they iourneyed to M. Dor∣mers, and so to Colbroke, where shee lay all that nyghte at the George: and by the way cōming to Colbroke, cer∣taine of her graces Gentlemen and Yeomen mette her, to the noumber of three score, muche to all theyr comfortes, which had not seene her grace of long season before, not∣wythstandinge they were commaunded in the Queenes name immediately to depart the towne, to both their, and her graces no little heauinesse, who coulde not be suffered once to speake with them. So that night al her men were taken from her, sauing her Gentleman vsher, three Gen∣tlewomen, two Gromes, and one of her Wardrope, the souldiours watching and warding aboute the house, and shee close shut vp within her prison.

The nexte day following, her grace entred Hampton∣court on the backeside, into the princes lodging, y^e doores being shut to her, and she garded with souldiours, as be∣fore,* 13.60 say there a fortnight at the least, or euer any hadde re∣course vnto her. At length came the L. William Haward, who maruellous honorably vsed her grace. Whereat shee tooke much comfort, and requested him to be a meane that shee might speake with some of the Counsell. To whome (not long after) came the Bishop of Winchester, the Lord of Arundel, the Lord of Shrewsbury, and Secretary Pe∣ter, who with great humilitie humbled them selues to her grace. Shee againe likewise saluting them, sayde: My Lordes (quoth shee) I am glad to see you: for me thinke, I haue ben kept a great while from you desolately alone. Wherefore I would desire you to be a meane to the Kyng and Queenes Maiesties, that I maye be deliuered from prison, wherein I haue bene kept a long space, as to you my Lordes, it is not vnknowen.

When she had spoken, Steuen Gardiner the bishop of Winchester kneeled downe,* 13.61 and requested that she would submit her selfe to the Queenes grace, and in so doing hee had no doubt but that her Maiestie woulde be good vnto her: shee making answere that rather then she woulde so doe, shee wold lie in prison all the dayes of her life, adding that she craued no mercy at her maiesties hand, but rather desired the Lawe, if euer shee did offende her Maiestie in thought, woorde, or deede: And besides this, in yealdinge (quoth shee) I should speake against my selfe, and confesse my selfe to be an offender, which neuer was towards her Maiestie: by occasion whereof the King and the Queene might euer heereafter conceiue of mee an ill opinion: And therefore I say my Lordes, it were better for me to lye in prison for the truth, then to be abroad and suspected of my Prince. And so they departed, promising to declare her message to the Queene.

On the next day, the bish. of Winchester came againe vnto her grace, and kneelinge downe,* 13.62 declared that the Queene marueiled that she would so stoutly vse her selfe, not confessing to haue offended: so that it should seme the Queenes Maiestie, wrongfully to haue imprisonned her grace.

Nay quoth the Lady Elizabeth, it please her to punish me as shee thinketh good.

Well quoth Gardiner, her Maiestie willeth me to tell you, that you must tell an other tale ere that you be sette at libertie.

Her grace answered, that she had as liefe be in prison with honesty & truth, as to be abroad, suspected of her ma∣iestie: and this that I haue said, I wil (said she) stand vn∣to, for I wil neuer bely my selfe.

Winchester againe kneled down, and said: Then your grace hath the vantage of me & other the Lordes for your long and wrong imprisonment.

What vantage I haue (quoth she) you knowe, takyng God to record I seeke no vantage at your hands for your so dealing with me, but God forgeue you & me also. With that the rest kneeled desiring her grace that all myght bee forgotten, and so departed, shee beyng fast locked vppe a∣gayne.

A seuen night after the Queene sent for her grace at x. of the clocke in the nyght to speake with her:* 13.63 for shee had not seene her in two yeares before. Yet for all that shee was amased at the sodayne sendyng for, thinkyng it had bene worse then afterwardes it prooued, and desired her Gentlemen and Gentlewomen to pray for her, for that shee could not tell whether euer shee should see them a∣agayne or no.

At which tyme Sir Henry Benifield with Maistresse Clarencius comming in, her grace was brought into the garden vnto a staires foote that went into the Queenes lodgyng, her graces Gentlewomen waiting vppon her, her Gentleman Usher & her Groomes going before with torches,* 13.64 where her Gentlemen and Gentlewomen being commanded to stay all sauing one woman, maistres Cla∣rencius conducted her to the Queens bed chamber where her maiestie was.

At the sight of whome, her grace kneeled downe and desired God to preserue her Maiestie, not mistrusting but that she should try her selfe as true a subiect towards her Maiestie, as euer did any, and desired her Maiestie euen so to Iudge of her: and sayde that shee should not finde her to the contrary, what so euer reporte otherwyse had gone of her.

To whom the Queene aunswered: you will not con∣fesse your offence, but stand stoutly to your truth:* 13.65 I pray God it may so fall out.

If it doth not, quoth the Ladye Elizabeth, I request neyther fauour nor pardon at your Maiesties hands. Wel sayd the Queene, you stifly still perseuere in your truth. Belike you wil not confesse but that you haue ben wrong∣fully punished.

I must not say so (if it please your Maiesty) to you.

Why, then (sayd the Queene) belyke you wyll to o∣ther.

No, if it please your Maiesty (quoth she) I haue borne the burden, and must beare it. I humbly beseeche your Maiestie to haue a good opinion of me,* 13.66 and to thynke me to be your true subiect, not onely from the beginnyng hi∣therto, but for euer, as long as lyfe lasteth: and so they de∣parted with very few comfortable words of the Queene, in English: but what she sayd in Spanish, God know∣eth.* 13.67 It is thought that king Phillip was there behynde a cloth, and not seene, and that he shewed himselfe a verye friend in that matter, &c.

Thus her grace departyng, went to her lodgyng a∣gayne,

and the seuen night after was released of Sir Hen∣ry Benifield her Gaoler (as she termed hym) and his sol∣diours, and so her grace beyng set at libertie from impri∣sonment, went into the countrey, and had appoynted to go with her Sir Thomas Pope,* 13.68 one of Queene Maries Counsailors, and one of her Gentlemen Ushers, Mai∣ster Bage, and thus straitly was she looked to all Queene Maries tyme. And this is the discourse of her highnesse imprisonment.

Then there came to Lamheyre, M. Ierningham, and M. Norris Gentleman Usher,* 13.69 Queene Maries men, who tooke away from her grace Maistresse Ashley to the Fleete, and three other of her Gentlewomen to the Tow∣er: which thing was no little trouble to her grace, saying: that she thought they would fetche all away at the ende. But god be praysed, shortly after was fetched away Gar∣diner through the mercifull prouidence of the Lords good∣nes, by occasion of whose opportune decease (as is partly touched in this story before, pag. 1705.) the lyfe of this ex∣cellent Princesse, the wealth of all England, was preser∣ued. For this is credible to be supposed, that the said wic∣ked Gardiner of Winchester had long laboured his wits, and to this onely most principall marke, bent all hys de∣uises, to bring this our happy and deare soueraigne out of the way, as both by his words and doyngs before notifi∣ed, may sufficiently appeare.

But such was the gracious and fauourable prouidēce of the Lord, to the preseruation not onely of her royal ma∣iestie, but also the miserable and woful state of this whole Iland, and poore subiectes of the same, whereby the proud platformes and peeuish practises of this wretched Achi∣tophel preuayled not: but contrarywise, both he, and all the snares and trappes of his pernicious counsaile layed agaynst another, were turned to a net to catche hymselfe, accordyng to the Prouerbe: Malum consilium, consultori pessimum.

* 13.70After the death of this Gardiner, followed the death also and droppyng away of other her enemies, whereby by little and litle her ieoperdy decreased, feare diminished, hope of comfort began to appeare as out of a darke cloud: and albeit as yet her grace had no full assurance of perfect safetie, yet more gentle intertainment daily did grow vn∣to her, till at length to the moneth of Nouember, and xvij. day of the same, three yeares after the death of Ste. Gar∣diner, followed the death of Queene Mary, as hereafter God graunting shall be more declared.

* 13.71Although this history followyng bee not directly ap∣pertaining to the former matter, yet the same may here not vnaptly be inserted, for that it doth discouer and shew forth the malicious heartes of the Papistes toward this vertuous Queene our soueraigne Lady in the tyme of Queene Mary her sister, which is reported, as a truth credibly tolde by sundry honest persones, of whome some are yet alyue, and doe testifie the same. The matter wher∣of is this.

* 13.72Soone after the s••urre of Wiate and the troubles that happened to this Queene for that cause: it fortuned one Robert Farrer a Haberdasher of London, dwelling nere vnto Newgate market, in a certaine mornyng to be at the Rose tauerne (from whence he was seldome absent) and falling to his common drinke, as he was euer accustomed and hauing in his company three other companions lyke to himselfe,* 13.73 it chaunced the same tyme one Laurence Shi∣riffe Grocer, dwelling also not farre from thence, to come into the said Tauerne, and finding there the sayde Farrer (to whom of long time he had borne good will) sate down in the seat to drinke with him, and Farrer hauyng in hys full cups, and not hauing consideration who were present began to talke at large, & namely against the Lady Eliza∣beth, and said: that Gill hath bene one of the chiefe doers of this rebellion of Wiat,* 13.74 and before all be done, she and al the heretikes her pertakers, shall well vnderstand of it. Some of them hope that she shal haue the crowne, but she and they (I trust) that so hope, shall hop hedlesse, or be fri∣ed with Fagots before she come to it.

* 13.75The aforesaid Laurence Shiriffe Grocer, beyng then seruaunt vnto the sayd Lady Elizabeth, and sworne vnto her grace, could no longer forbeare his olde acquaintance and neighbour Farrer in speaking so vnreuerently of his Mistres, but sayd vnto him: Farrer, I haue loued thee as a neighbour, and haue had a good opiniō of thee, but hea∣ring of thee that I now heare, I defie thee: and I tel thee I am her graces sworne seruaunt, and she is a Princesse, and the daughter of a noble kyng, and it euill becommeth the•• to call her a Gill, & for thy so saying, I say thou art a knaue, and I will complain vpon thee. Do thy worst said Farrer, for that I said, I will say againe,* 13.76 and so Shiriffe came from his company.

Shortly after the said Shirife taking an honest neigh∣bour with him, went before the Commissioners to com∣plaine: the which Commissioners ••ate then at Boner the Bishop of Londons house beside Paules, and there were present Boner then beyng the chiefe Commissioner, the L. Mordant, sir Iohn Baker, D. Darbishiere Chauncel∣lour to the Bishop, Doctour Story, Doctour Harpsfield, and other.

The aforesayd Shiriffe commyng before them, decla∣red the maner of the sayd Rob. Farrers talke agaynst the Lady Elizabeth. Boner answered, peraduēture you tooke him worse then he ment.

Yea my L. sayd D. Story, if you knew the man as I do, you would say there is not a better Catholike, nor an honester man in the Citie of London.

Well, sayd Sheriffe, my Lord, she is my gracious La∣dy and mistres, and it is not to be suffered that such a var∣let as he is, should call so honorable a princes by the name of a Gil: And I saw yesterday in the Court that my Lord Cardinall Poole meeting her in the Chamber of presence, kneeled downe on his knees and kissed her hand, & I saw also that King Philippe meeting her, made her such obei∣sance that his knee touched the groūd: and then me thin∣keth it were too much to suffer suche a varlet as this is, to call her Gill, and to wish them to hop headlesse that shall wish her grace to enioy the possession of the crowne when God shall sende it vnto her as in the righte of her inheri∣taunce. Yea? stay there quoth Boner.* 13.77 When God sendeth it vnto her, let her enioy it. But truely (sayde he) the man that spake the woordes that you haue reported, meant no∣thing against the Ladie Elizabeth your Mistresse, and no more doe we: but he like an honest and zealous man fea∣red the alteration of Religion, whiche euerye good manne ought to feare: and therefore (sayde Boner) good man goe your wayes home and reporte well of vs towarde youre Mistresse, and we will send for Farrer and rebuke him for his rash and vndiscrete woordes, and we trust he will not doe the like againe. And thus Sheriffe came awaye, and Farrer had a flappe with a foxe taile.

Nowe that yee may be fully informed of the aforesaid Farrer, whom D. Story praised for so good a man, ye shal vnderstande that the same Farrer hauing two daughters being handsome maidens,* 13.78 the Elder of them for a summe of money he him selfe deliuered to Syr Roger Cholmley to be at his commandement, the other he sold to a Knight called Syr William Good dolphin to be at his commande∣ment: whom he made his lackie and so caried her w^t hym, being apparelled in mans apparel to Bolein, and the sayd Farrar followed the Campe. He also was a greate, and a horrible blasphemer of God, and a common accuser of ho∣nest and quiet men, also a common dronkarde. And nowe I referre the life of these Catholickes to your iudgement, to thinke of them as you please.

But of this matter enough and too much. Now let vs retourne where we left before, which was at the deathe of Quene Marie. After whose decease succeeded her foresayd sister Ladie Elizabeth into the right of the crown of Eng∣land: who after so long restrainement,* 13.79 so great daungers escaped, suche blusterous stormes ouerblowne, so manye iniuries digested and wronges sustained by the mightye protection of our mercifull God, to our no small comforte and commoditie, hath ben exalted and erected out of thrall to Libertie, out of daunger to Peace and quietnesse, from dread to Dignitie, from miserie to Maiestie, from mour∣ning to Ruling. Briefly, of a prisonner made a Princesse, and placed in her throne Royal proclaimed now Quene, with as many glad hearts of her subiects,* 13.80 as euer was a∣ny King or Queene in this Realme before her, or euer shall be (I dare say) heereafter.

Touching whose florishing state, her Princely reigne and peaceable gouernment, with other things diuers and sondrye incident to the same, and especiallye touching the great stirres & alterations which haue happened in other foreine nations, and also partly among our selues here at home, for so muche as the tractation heereof requireth an other Uolume by it selfe, I shall therefore deferre the rea∣der to the next Booke or Section insuing: wherein (if the Lorde so please to sustaine me with leaue and life) I may haue to discourse of all and singulare suche matters done and atchieued in these our latter daies and memorie, more at large.

Now then after these so great afflictions falling vpon this Realm, from the first beginning of Queene Maries reigne, wherein so many men, women, and children were burned, many imprisoned and in prisones starued, diuers exiled, some spoyled of goodes & possessions, a great num∣ber

driuen from house to home, so many weeping eyes, so many sobbing hartes, so many children made fatherles, so many fathers bereft of theyr wiues and children, so many vexed in conscience, and diuers against conscience cōstrai∣ned to recant, and in conclusion, neuer a good man almost in all the Realme but suffered something during all the time of this bloudy persecution: after all this (I say) now we are come at length (the Lord be praysed) to the 17. day of Nouember, which day as it brought to the persecuted members of Christ, rest from theyr carefull mourning, so it easeth me somewhat likewise of my laborious writing, by the death I meane of Queene Mary. Who being long sicke before vpon the sayd xvij. day of Nouember, in the yeare aboue sayde,* 13.81 about 3. or 4. a clocke in the morning, yelded her life to nature, and her kingdome to Queene Elizabeth her sister.

As touching the maner of whose death, some say that she dyed of a Tympany, some by her much sighing before her death, supposed she dyed of thought & sorow. Where∣vpon her Counsell seing her sighing, & desirous to know the cause, to the ende they might minister the more readye consolation vnto her, feared, as they sayd, that she took y^e thought for the kinges Maiesty her husband, which was gone from her. To whom she answering againe: In deed (sayd she) that may be one cause, but that is not the grea∣test wound that pearseth my oppressed minde: but what that was she would not expresse to them.

Albeit, afterward she opened the matter more plainly to M. Rise and Mistres Clarentius (if it be true that they tolde me, whiche hearde it of M. Rise himselfe) who then being most familiar with her, & most bold about her, tolde her that they feared she took thought for king Philips de∣parting from her.* 13.82 Not that onely (sayde she) but when I am dead & opened, you shall find Calice lying in my hart. &c. And here an end of Queene Mary, and of her persecu∣tion.

* 13.83Of which Queene this truely may be affirmed & left in story for a perpetual memorial or Epitaph for al kings and Queenes that shal succeed her to be noted, that before her neuer was readde in story of any King or Queene of England since the time of king Lucius, vnder whome in time of peace, by hanging, heading, burning, and pri∣soning: so much Christian bloud, so many Englishmens liues were spilled within this Realme, as vnder the sayd Queene Mary for the space of foure yeres was to be sene, and I beseech the Lord neuer may be sene hereafter.

❧A briefe declaration, shewing the vnprosperous successe of Queene Mary in perse∣cuting Gods people, and how mightily God wrought agaynst her in all her affayres.

NOw, for so much as Queene Mary, during all the time of her reigne, was suche a vehement Ad∣uersary and Persecutour agaynst the sincere Pro∣fessours of Christ Iesus and his Gospell:* 13.84 for the which there be many which do highly magnify & approue her doinges therein, reputing her Religion to be founde and Catholicke, and her proceedinges to be most accepta∣ble and blessed of almighty God: to the intēt therfore: that all men may vnderstande, howe the blessing of the Lorde God did not onely not proceed with her proceedings, but cōtrary, rather how his manifest displesure euer wrought agaynst her, in plaguing both her and her Realme, and in subuerting all her counselles and attemptes, whatsoeuer she tooke in hand: we will bestow a litle time therein, to perpend and suruey the whole course of her doinges and ••heuaunces: and cōsider what successe she had in the same. Which being well considered, we shall finde neuer no rei∣gne of any Prince in this Land, or any other, whiche had euer to shew in it (for the proportion of time) so many ar∣guments of Gods great wrath & displesure, as was to be sene in the reigne of this Queene Mary, whether we be∣hold the shortnes of her time,* 13.85 or the vnfortunate euent of all her purposes? who seemed neuer to purpose any thing that came luckely to passe, neither did any thing frame to her purpose what so euer she tooke in hande touching her owne priuate affayres.

Of good kinges we read in the Scripture, in shewing mercy and pity,* 13.86 in seeking Gods will in his word, & sub∣uerting the monumentes of Idolatry, howe God blessed theyr wayes encreased theyr honours, and mightely pro∣spered all their proceedinges: as we see in king Dauid, Salomon, Iosias, Iosaphath, Ezechias, with such other. Manasses made the streetes of Hierusalem to swimme with the bloud of his subiects▪ but what came of it the text doth testify.

Of Queene Elizabeth, whiche nowe raigneth among vs, this we must needes say, which we see, that she in spa∣ring the bloud, not onely of Gods seruauntes,* 13.87 but also of Gods enemies, hath doubled now the raygne of Queene Mary her sister, with such aboundance of peace and pro∣speritie, that it is hard to say, whether the realme of Eng∣land felt more of Gods wrath in Queene Maryes tyme, or of Gods fauour and mercy in these so blessed & peacea∣ble dayes of Queene Elizabeth.

Gamaliell speaking his minde in the Counsaile of the Phariseis concerning Christes religion, gaue this reason,* 13.88 that if it were of God, it should continue, who soeuer sayd nay: If it were not, it could not stand. So may it be sayde of Q. Mary and her romishe Religion, that if it were so perfect and Catholicke as they pretend, and the contrarye fayth of the Gospellers were so detestable and hereticall as they make it, how commeth it then, that this so Catho∣licke a Queene, suche a necessarye piller of his spouse hys Church, continued no longer, till shee had vtterly rooted out of the land this hereticall generation? Yea how chan∣ced it rather, y^• almightye God, to spare these poore here∣tickes, rooted out Q. Mary so soone from her throne, af∣ter she had reigned but onely v. yeares and v. monthes?

Now furthermore, howe God blessed her wayes and endeuours in the meane tyme,* 13.89 while shee thus persecuted the true seruauntes of God, remayneth to bee discussed. Where first this is to be noted, that when shee first began to stand for the title of the Crowne, and yet had wrought no resistance agaynst Christ and his Gospell, but had pro∣mised her fayth to the Suffolke men,* 13.90 to mayntayn the re∣ligion left by king Edward her brother, so long GOD went with her, aduaunced her, and by the meanes of the Gospellers brought her to the possession of the Realme. But after that she breaking her promise with God & man began to take part with Steuen Gardiner, and had geuē ouer her supremacie vnto the pope, by and by Gods bles∣sing left her, neyther did any thing wel thriue with her af∣terward during the whole time of her Regiment.

For first incontinently the fayrest and greatest ship she had, called great Harry, was burned:* 13.91 suche a vessell as in all these partes of Europe was not to be matched.

Then would she needes bring in king Philip, and by her straunge maryage with him,* 13.92 make the whole realme of England subiect vnto a straunger. And all y^t notw^tstan∣ding, either that she did or was able to doe, she coulde not bring to passe to set y^e crowne of England vpon hys head. With king Phillip also came in the Pope and his popishe Masse: w^t whom also her purpose was to restore agayn y^e Monkes and Nunnes vnto theyr places, neyther lacked there all kind of attemptes to the vttermost of her ability: & yet therin also God stopt her of her wil, that it came not forward. After this, what a dearth happened in her tyme here in her land? the like whereof hath not lightly in Eng∣land bene seene, in so much that in sundry places her poore subiects were fayne to feed of accornes for want of Corne.

Furthermore, where other kinges are wont to bee re∣nowmed by some worthy victory and prowes by them a∣chieued,* 13.93 let vs now see what valiaunt victory was go••••en in this Queene Maryes dayes. King Edward the vi. her blessed brother, how many rebellions did hee suppresse in Deuonshyre, in Northfolke, in Oxfordshyre, & els where?* 13.94 what a famous victorye in hys time was gotten in Scot∣lād, by y^e singular working (no doubt) of Gods blessed had rather then by any expectation of man? K. Edw. the thyrd (which was the xi. K. frō y^e conquest) by princely puissance purchased Calice vnto Englād,* 13.95 which hath bene kept en∣glish euer since, til at length came Quene Mary, y^e xi. like∣wise from the sayd K. Edward, which lost Calice frō En∣gland agayne: so that the winninges of this Queene wer very small: what the losses were, let other men iudge.

Hetherto the affayres of Queene Mary haue had no great good successe, as you haue heard.* 13.96 But neuer worse successe had any woman, thē had she in her childbyrth. For seing one of these two must needes be granted, that either she was with child or not with child, if she were w^t child & did trauaile, why was it not seene? if shee were not, howe was al the realm deluded? And in the meane while where were all the praiers, y^e solemne processions, y^e deuout mas∣ses of the Catholicke Clergy? why did they not preuayle with God, if theyr Religion were so godly as they pretēd? If theyr Masses Ex opere operato be able to fetche Christe from heauen, and to reach down to Purgatory, how chā∣ced then they could not reach to the Queenes chamber, to helpe her in her trauayle, if she had ben with child in deed? if not, howe then came it to passe, that all the Catholicke Church of England did so erre, & was so deeply deceiued? Queene Mary, after these manifold plagues and correc∣tiōs, which might sufficiētly admonish her of Gods disfa∣uour

prouoked agaynst her, would not yet cease her per∣secution, but stil continued more and more to reuenge her Catholicke zeale vpon the Lordes faithfull people, setting f••••e to theyr poore bodyes by dosens and halfedosens to∣gether. Wherevpon Gods wrathfull indignation increa∣sing more and more agaynst her, ceased not to touche her more neare with priuate misfortunes and calamities. For after that he had taken from her the fruit of children (whi∣che chiefly and aboue all thinges she desired) then he bereft her of that,* 13.97 which of all earthly thinges should haue bene her chiefe stay of honor, and staffe of comfort, that is, with∣drew from her the affectiō and company euen of her owne husband, by whose mariage she had promised before to her selfe whole heapes of such ioy & felicity: but now the om∣nipotent gouernour of all thinges so turned the wheele of her owne spinning agaynst her, that her high buildinges of such ioyes & felicities, came all to a Castle come downe, her hopes being confounded, her purposes disappointed, and she now brought to desolation: who semed neither to haue the sauour of God, nor the harts of her subiectes, nor yet the loue of her husband:* 13.98 who neither had fruite by him while she had him, neither could now enioy him whō she had maryed, neither yet was in liberty to mary any other whom she might enioy. Marke here (Christian Reader) the wofull aduersity of this Queene, and learne withall, what the Lord can do when mans wilfulnes will needes resist him, and will not be ruled.

At last, when all these fayre admonitions would take no place with the Queene, nor moue her to reuoke her bloudy lawes,* 13.99 nor to stay the tyranny of her Priestes, nor yet to spare her owne Subiectes, but that the poore ser∣uauntes of God were drawne dayly by heapes most piti∣fully as sheepe to the slaughter, it so pleased the heauenly Maiesty of almighty God, when no other remedy would serue, by death to cut her of, which in her life so litle regar∣ded the life of others: geuing her throne, which she abused to the destruction of Christes Church and people, to an o∣ther who more tēperatly and quietly could guid the same, after she had reigned here the space of fiue yeares and fiue monethes.* 13.100 The shortnes of which yeares and reigne, vn∣neth we finde in any other story of King or Queene since the Conquest or before (being come to theyr own gouern∣ment) saue onely in king Richard the thyrd.

And thus much here, as in the closing vp of this story, I thought to insinuate, touching the vnlucky and ruefull r••ign of queene Mary: not for any detraction to her place and state royall,* 13.101 wherunto she was called of the Lord, but to this onely intēt and effect, that forsomuch as she would needes set her selfe so confidently to woorke and striue a∣gaynst the Lord and his proceedings, all readers & rulers not only may see how y^e Lord did work agaynst her ther∣fore, but also by her may be aduertised & learn what a pe∣rillous thing it is for men and women in authority, vpon blind zeale & opinion, to styrre vp persecution in Christes Church, to the effusion of Christian bloud, least it proue in the end with them (as it did here) that while they think to persecu••e hereticks, they stumble at the same stone as dyd the Iewes in persecuting Christ and his true members to death, to theyr owne confusion and destruction.

*The seuere punishment of God vpon the perse∣cutours of his people and enemyes to his word, with such also as haue bene blasphemers, con∣temners, and mockers of his Religion.

LEauing now Queene Mary, being dead and gone, I come to them whiche vnder her were the chiefe Ministers and doers in this persecution,* 13.102 the By∣shops (I meane) and Priestes of the Clergy, to whō Queene Mary gaue all the execution of her power, as did Queene Alexandra to the Phariseis after the tyme of the Machabees. Of whom Iosephus thus writeth: Ip∣sa solum nomen regium ferebat, caeterum omnem regni pote∣statem Pharisaei possidebant. That is: She onely reteyned to her selfe the name and title of the kingdome, but all her power, she gaue to the phariseis to possesse. &c. Touching which Prelates and Priestes, here is to be noted in lyke sorte the wonderfull and miraculous prouidence of al∣mighty GOD, which as he abridged the reigne of theyr Queene, so he suffered them not to escape vnuisited: first beginning with Stephen Gardiner the Archpersecutour of Christes Church, whom he tooke away about the mid∣dest of the Queenes reigne. Of whose poysoned lyfe and stincking end,* 13.103 forsomuche as sufficient hath bene touched before. pag. 1786. I shall not need here to make any newe rehearsall therof.

After him dropped other awaye also, some before the death of Queene Mary, and some after,* 13.104 as Morgan By∣shop of S. Dauids, who sitting vppon the condemnation of the blessed Martyr bysh. Farrar, and vniustly vsurping his rowm, not long after was stricken by Gods haue af∣ter such a strange sort, that his meate would not go down but rise & pycke vp agayne, somtyme at his mouth, some∣tyme blowne out of his nose most horrible to beholde, & so he continued till his death. Where note moreouer y^t when Mayster Leyson being then Sheriffe at Byshop Farrars burning, had fet away the cattell of the sayde Byshoppe,* 13.105 from his seruauntes house called Matthewe Harbottell, into his owne custody, the cattell comming into the She∣riffes ground, diuers of them would neuer eate meate but lay bellowing and roaring, and so dyed.

This foresayd Byshoppe Morgan aboue mentioned, bringeth me also in remembraunce of Iustice Morgan,* 13.106 who sate vpon the death of the Lady Iane, & not long af∣ter the same, fell mad and was bereft of his wittes, & so di∣ed, hauing euer in his mouth, Lady Iane, Lady Iane. &c.

Before the death of Queene Mary, dyed Doct. Dun∣ning the bloudy and wretched Chauncellour of Norwich who, after he had most rigorously condēned and murthe∣red so many simple and faythfull Sayntes of the Lord, cō∣tinued not longe himselfe, but in the middest of his rage in Queene Maryes dayes dyed in Lincolnshyre being so∣daynly taken (as some say) sitting in his chayre.

The like sodayne death fel also vpon Berry Commis∣sary in Northfolke,* 13.107 who (as is before shewed in the story of Thomas Hudson) foure dayes after Queene Maryes death, when he had made a great feast, and had one of hys concubines there, comming home from the Church after Euensong, where he hadde ministred Baptisme the same tyme, betweene the Churchyard and his house, sodeinly fell downe to the ground with a heauy grone, and neuer styrred after, neither shewed any one token of repentance.

What a stroke of Gods hand was brought vppon the cruell persecutour of the holy and harmeles sayntes of the Lord, Byshop Thornton, Suffragan of Douer,* 13.108 who after he had exercised hys cruell tyranny vpon so many Godly men at Canterbury, at length comming vppon a Sater∣day from the Chapter house at Caunterbury to Borne, & there vpon sonday following, looking vpon his mē pray∣ing at the bowles, ••ell sodēly in a Palsey, and so had to bed was willed to remember God, Yea, so I doe (sayd he) and my Lord Cardinall to. &c.

After hym succeeded an othher Byshop or Suffragan ordayned by the foresayd Cardinall. It is reported that he had bene Suffragan before to Boner,* 13.109 who not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after was made Bysh. or Suffragan of Douer, brake his necke fallyng downe a payre of stayres in the Cardinals chāber at Grenewich, as he had receiued the Cardinals blessing.

Among other plentifull and sondrye examples of the Lordes iudgement and seueritie practised vpon the cruell persecutors of hys people, that is not the least that follow∣eth, concerning the story of one William Fenning, y^e effect and circumstance of which matter is this.

Iohn Cooper, of the age of 44. yeares, dwelling at Watsam in the County of Suffolke, beyng by science a Carpenter, a man of a very honest report & a good house∣keeper, a harbourer of straungers, that trauayled for con∣science, and one that fauoured Religion, and those that were religious, he was of honest conuersation and good lyfe hating all popish and papisticall trash.

This man being at home in his house, there came vn∣to hym one William Fenning, a seruing man dwellyng in the sayd Town of Watsam, and vnderstanding that the sayd Cooper had a couple of fayre Bullockes, did desire to buy them of hym, whiche Cooper told hym that hee was loth to sell them, for that hee had brought them vp for hys owne vse, and if he shoulde sell them, he then must be com∣pelled to buy other and that he would not do.

When Fenning saw he could not get them (for he had often assayed the matter) he sayd he woulde sit as much in his light, and so departed, and wēt and accused him of high treason. The words he was charged with wer these: how he should pray that if God would not take away Queene Mary, that then he should wishe the Deuill to take her a∣way. Of these wordes did this Fenning charge him be∣fore sir Henry Do••ell knight (vnto whome he was caryed by M. Timperley of Hinchlesā in Suffolke, & one Grim∣wood of Lowshaw Cōstable) which words Cooper sta••∣ly denyed: & sayd he neuer spake them, but that coulde not helpe.

Notwithstanding he was arrayned therfore at Berry before sir Clement Higham, at a Lent assise, and there this Fenning brought two noughty menne that witnessed the speaking of the foresayd wordes, whose names were Ri∣chard White of Watsam, and Grimwood of Higham,

in the sayd Countie of Suffolke. Whose testimonies were receiued as truth, although this good man Iohn Cooper had said what he could to declare himselfe innocent there∣in, but to no purpose God knoweth. For his life was de∣termined, as in the ende appeared by sir Clement Hygh∣ams woordes, who said he should not escape, for an exam∣ple to all heretickes, as in deede hee throughly performed. For immediatly he was iudged to be hanged, drawn, and quartered, which was executed vpon him shortly after, to the great griefe of manye a good heart. Heere good Cooper is bereft of his life, and leaues behinde him aliue his wife and 9. children with goodes and cattell, to the value of 3. hundred markes, the which substance was al taken away by the sayd sir Henry Doyel Sheriffe, but his wife & pore children left to the wide world in their cloathes, and suffe∣red not to enioy one pennie of that they had sore laboured for, vnlesse they made frendes to buy it with money, of the sayd Sheriffe so cruel and greedy was he and his officers vpon such things as were there left.

Wel, now this innocēt man is dead▪ his goods spoiled, his wife and children left desolate and comfortlesse, and all things is hushte, and nothing feared of any parte, yet the Lord who surely doth reuenge the guiltles bloud, would not stil so suffer it,* 13.110 but began at the length to punish it him selfe. For in the haruest after, the sayde Grimwood of Hit∣cham one of the witnesses before specified, as hee was in his labour staking vp a goffe of corne, hauing hys health, and fearing no pearill: sodenly his bowels fell out of hys body, and immediately most miserably he died: suche was the terrible Iudgement of God, to sh••we his displeasure against this bloudy act, and to warne the rest by these hys iudgements to repentance. The Lorde graunt vs to ho∣nour the same for his mercies sake. Amen.

This foresaid Fenning, who was the procurer of this tyrannie against him, is yet aliue, and is nowe a minister, which if he be, I pray God he may so repent that fact, that he may declare himselfe hereafter, such a one as may well aunswere to his vocation accordingly.

But since we haue heard that he is no chaungeling but continueth still in his wickednes, & therfore presented be∣fore the woorshipfull Mayster Humerston Esquire and Iustice of Peace & Coram for that he had talke with some of his friendes (as he thoughte) how many honest wo∣men (to their great infamy) were in the Parish of Wen∣sthaston wherein he is now Ui••are resident, wherfore he was commaunded the next sonday ensuing, to aske all the Parish forgiuenes vpō his knees openly in seruice tyme, which he did in Wensthaston Church beforesayd, & more∣ouer the abouesayd Fenning is reported, to be more lyke a shifter then a Minister.

To these examples also may be added y^e terrible iudg∣ment of God vpon the Parson of Crondall in Kent, who vpon Shrouesonday hauing receiued the Popes Pardon from Cardinal Poole, came to his Parish, and exhorted y^e people to receiue the same, as he had done himselfe: saying y^t he stoode now so cleare in cōscience as whē he was first borne,* 13.111 & cared not now if he should dye the same houre in y^e clearenes of conscience: whereupon being sodenly stric∣ken by the hand of God, & leaning a little on the one syde, immediately shronke down in the Pulpit, & so was found dead, speaking not one word more. Read before pag. 1560.

Not long before y^e death of Queene Mary dyed Doc∣tour Capon Bishop of Salisbury. About the which tyme also followed the vnprepared death of Doctour Geffrey Chancellour of Salisbury, who in the midst of his buil∣dings, sodainly being taken by the mighty hand of God, yelded his lyfe, which hadde so little pittye of other mens lyues before. Concerning whose crueltye partly mention is made before pag. 2055.* 13.112

As touching moreouer this foresayde Chauncellour, here is to be noted, that he departing vpon a Saterday, y^e next day before the same, he hadde appoynted to call before him .90. persons and not so fewe, to examine them by In∣quisition, had not the goodnes of the Lord, and his tender prouidence, thus preuented him with death, prouiding for his poore seruauntes in tyme.

And now (to come from Priests to Lay men) we haue to finde in them also no lesse terrible demonstrations of Gods heauy iudgement vpon such as haue beene vexers and persecutours of his people.

Before in the story of M. Bradford .1624. mention was made of Maister Woodroffe, who being thē Sheriffe, vsed much to reioyce at the death of the poore Saints of Christ,* 13.113 and so hard he was in his office, that when Mayster Ro∣gers was in y^e cart going toward Smithfield, and in the way his childrē wer brought vnto him, y^e people making a laue for them to come: Maister Woodroffe bad the car∣mans head should be brokē for staying his cart. But what happened? He was not come out of his office the space of a weeke, but he was stricken by the sodaine hand of God,* 13.114 the one halfe of his body in suche sorte y^t he lay be nummed and bedred, not able to moue himself but as he was li••ted of other, and so contynued in that infirmity the space of 7. or 8. yeares tyll his dying day, pag. 1624.

Lykewise touching Rafe Lardyn the betrayer of Ge∣orge Eagles, it is thought of some, that y^e sayd Rase after∣ward was attached himselfe, arraegned, and hanged.

Who being at the barre, had these woordes before the Iudges there, and a greate multitude of people. This is most iustly fallen vpon me (saythe he) for that he hadde betrayed the innocent bloud of a good & iust man George Eagles, who was here condemned in the time of Queene Maryes raygne thorough his procurment who sold hys bloud for a little money. Not much vnlyke stroke of these seuerally, was shewed vpon W. Swallow of Chemlford, & his wife, also vpon Rich. Potto, & Iustice Browne cru∣el persecutors of y^e sayd George Egles, concerning whose story Reade before, pag. 2009.

Amonge other persecutours also came to our handes y^e cruelty of one Maister Swingfield an Aldermans De∣putye about Thamis streete, who hearing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Angelles wyfe, a midwyfe that kepte her selfe from their Popishe Church, to be at the labour of one Mistres Walter al croo∣ked Lane ende▪ tooke three other with him, and besette the house about, and tooke her and caryed her to Boners offi∣cers, bigge with childe, 28. weekes gone, who layd her in Lollardes Tower, where as the same daye shee came in, thorough feare and a fall at her taking, she was deliuered of a man childe, & could haue no woman with her in that needefull tyme. Lying there 5. weekes, she was deliuered vnder suertyes by friendship, and Doctor Story hearing thereof charged her with fellony, and so sent her to New∣gate. The cause was for that she had a womā at her house in her labour that dyed, and the child also, and so he char∣ged her with their death.

But when Syr Roger Cholmley hearde her tell her tale, he deliuered her:* 13.115 and not much more then 10. weekes after, if it were so long, dyed the sayd Maister Swingfield, and the other three that came to take her.

Because some there be, and not a few, which haue such a great deuotion in setting vp y^e Popish Masse, I shal de∣sire thē to marke well this story following. There was a certain Bailiffe of Crowlād in Lincolnshire named Bur∣ton,* 13.116 who pretending an earnest frendship to the Gospel in king Edwards dayes, in outward shew at least (although inwardly he was a Papist or Atheist, and wel knowen to be a man of a wicked & adulterous life) set forth the kinges proceedinges lustely, till the time that king Edward was dead and Queene Mary placed quietly in her estate.

Then perceiuing by the first proclamation concerning Religion, how the world was lyke to turne, the Bailiffe turned his Religion likewise: and so he moued the Parish to shew themselues the Queenes friendes, & to set vp the Masse speedely. Neuertheles the most substauntiall of the Parish, marueling much at the Bailiffes inconstant light∣nes, considering also his abominable lyfe, and hauing no great deuotion vnto his request: knowing moreouer that their duty & frendship to the Queene stoode not in setting vp y^e Masse, spared to prouide for it, as lōg as they might: but the Bailiffe called on them still in the Queenes name.

At last, when he saw his wordes were not regarded, & purposing to wynne his spurres by playing the man in y^e Masses behalfe and the Queenes, he got him to the church vpon a sunday morning, & when the Curate was begin∣ning the Englishe seruice, according to the Statute secte forth by King Edward the vj. the Bailiffe commeth in a great rage to the Curate & sayth: Syrrha will you not say Masse? buckle your selfe to Masse you knaue, or by Gods bloud I shall sheathe my dagger in your shoulder. The poore Curate for feare fetled himselfe to Masse.

Not long after this, the Bailiffe rode from home vpō certaine busines, accompanyed with one of his neighbors and as they came ryding togeather vpon the Fennebanke homeward agayne,* 13.117 a Crow sitting in a willow tree tooke her flighte ouer hys head, singing after her woonted note, knaue, knaue, & withall let fall vpon his face, so that her excrements ran from y^e top of his nose down to his beard.

The poysoned sent & sauour whereof so noyed his sto∣macke, that he neuer ceased vomiting vntil he came home, wherwith his hart was so sore & his body so distempered: that for extreme sicknes he got him to bed, and so lying, he was not able for the stincke in his stomacke and paynefull vomiting, to receaue any reliefe of meate or drinke, but cryed out still, sorowfully complayning of that stincke, &

with no smal othes, cursing the Crow that had poysoned him. To make short, he continued but a fewe daies, but w^t extreme paine of vomiting and crying, he desperately di∣ed without any token of repentance of his former life.

* 13.118Reported and testified for a certaintie, by diuers of his neighbours, both honest and credible persons.

Of Iames Abbes Martyr, ye heard before. In the time of whose Martyrdom, what befell vppon a wicked railer against him,* 13.119 now ye shall further vnderstand. Wherby all such railing persecutors may learne to feare Gods hand, and to take heede, howe or what they speake againste his seruaunts. As this Iames Abbes was led by the sheriffe toward his execution, diuers poore people stood in y^t way, and asked their almes.* 13.120 He then hauing no money to geue them, and desirous yet to distribute some thing amongest them, did pull off all his apparell sauing hys shirt, & gaue the same vnto them, to some one thing, to some an other: in the geuing wherof he exhorted them to be strong in the Lord, and as faithful followers of Christ, to stand stedfast vnto the truthe of the Gospell, which hee (through Gods helpe) would then in their sight seale and confirme w^t hys bloud. Whiles he was thus charitably occupied, and zea∣lously instructing the people, a seruaunt of the Sheriffes going by & hearing him, cried out aloude vnto them, and blasphemously sayd,* 13.121 beleue him not good people. He is an hereticke and a mad man, out of his wit: beleue him not, for it is heresy that he saith. And as the other continued in his godly admonitions, so did thys wicked wretche still blowe foorthe his blasphemous exclamations vntill they came vnto the stake where he should suffer. Unto y^e which this constant Martyr was tied, & in the ende cruelly bur∣ned, as in his storie more fully is already declared.

* 13.122But immediatly after the fire was put vnto him (such was the fearfull stroke of Gods iustice vpon this blasphe∣mous railer) that he was there presently in the sight of all the people, stricken with a frenesy, wherewith he had be∣fore mooste railingly charged that good Martyr of God, who in this furious rage and madnesse, castinge off hys shoes, with all the rest of his cloathes, cried out vnto the people, and sayde: Thus did Iames Abbes the true ser∣uaunt of God, who is saued, but I am damned. And thus ranne hee rounde about the Towne of Burie, still crying out that Iames Abbes was a good man and saued, but he was damned.

The Sheriffe then being amazed, and caused him to be taken & tied in a darke house, and by force compelled hym againe to put on his cloathes, thinking thereby wythin a while to bring him to some quietnes. But he (all that not∣withstanding) as soone as they were gone, continued his former raging: and casting of his cloathes, cried as he did before: Iames Abbes is the seruant of God and is saued, but I am damned.

At length he was tied in a carte, & brought home vnto his Maisters house, and wythin halfe a yeare or therea∣boutes,* 13.123 he being at the poynt of death, the priest of the pa∣rish was sent for: who comming vnto him, brought wyth him the Crucifixe, and theyr houseling host of the aultare. Which geare when the poore wretch sawe, he cried oute of the Priest, and defied all that baggage, saying y^t the Priest wyth suche other as he was, was the cause of his damna∣tion, and that Iames Abbes was a good man, and saued. And so shortly after he died.

* 13.124Clarke an open enemie to the Gospell and all Godly preachers, in king Edwards daies hanged him self in the Tower of London.

* 13.125The great and notable papist called Troling Smith, of late fell downe sodenly in the streete and died.

Dale the Promoter was eaten into his body w^t Lice, and so died, as it is well knowen of manye, and confessed also by his fellow Iohn Auales, before credible witnesse.

Coxe an earnest protestant in king Edwardes dayes, and in Quene Maries time a papist and a Promoter, go∣ing wel and in health to bed (as it seemed) was deade be∣fore the morning. Testified by diuers of the neighbours.

Alexander the Keeper of Newgate, a cruell enemie to those that lay there for Religion,* 13.126 died very miserably, be∣ing so swollen y^t he was more like a monster then a man, and so rotten within, that no man could abide the smell of him. This cruell wretch, to hasten the poore lambes to the slaughter, would go to Boner, Story, Cholmley, & other, crying out: rid my prison, rid my prison: I am too muche pestered with these heretickes.

The sonne of y^e saide Alexander called Iames, hauing left vnto him by his father great substaunce, within three yeres wasted al to nought:* 13.127 And whē some marueled how he spent those goodes so fast: O sayde he, euill gotten, euill spent: and shortly after as hee went in Newgate market, fell downe sodenly, and there wretchedly died.

Iohn Peter, sonne in lawe to this Alexander,* 13.128 an hor∣rible blasphemer of God, & no lesse cruell to the said priso∣ners, rotted away, and so most miserably died. Who com∣monly when he woulde affirme any thing, were it true or false, vsed to say: If it be not true, I pray God I rotte ere I die. Witnesse the Printer heereof, with diuers other.

With these I mighte inferre the sodeine death of Iu∣stice Lelond persecutor of Ieffray Hurst,* 13.129 mentioned be∣fore, pag. 2076.

Also the death of Robert Baulding stricken w^t Light∣ning at the taking of William Seamen, whereuppon hee pined away and died: the storie of the which W. Seaman, see pag. 2035.

Likewise the wretched end of Beard the promoter.* 13.130

Moreouer, the consuming away of Rob. Blomfielde, persecutor of William Browne, specified pag. 2065.

Further, to returne a little backewarde to king Hen∣ries time, here might be induced also the example of Ihon Rockewoode, who in his horrible ende, cried all to late, w^t the same woordes which he had vsed before in persecuting Gods poore people of Calice, pag. 1055.

Also the iudgement of God vpon Lady Honor a per∣secutor, and of George Bradway a false accuser, both be∣reft of theyr wittes, page. 1227.

And what a notable spectacle of Gods reuengyng iudgement, haue wee to consider in Syr Rafe Ellerker, who as hee was desirous to see the heart taken out of A∣dam Damlyp, whom they most wrongfully put to death: so shortly after the sayd Syr Rafe Ellerker being slaine of the Frenchmen, they all too mangling him, after they had cutte off hys priuie members, woulde not so leaue hym, before they myght see hys heart cutte oute of hys bodye, pag. 1229.

Doctor Foxlorde, Chauncellor to bishop Stokesley, a cruell persecutor, died sodeinly, read pag. 1055.

Pauier or Pauie, Towne Clearke of London, and a bitter enemie to the Gospell, hanged him selfe, pag. 1055.

Steuen Gardiner hearing of the pitiful end of Iudge Hales after he had drowned himself, taking occasiō there∣by, called the following and professiō of the Gospel a doc∣trine of desperation. But as Iudge Hales neuer fell into that inconuenience before hee had consented to Papistrye: so who so well considereth the ende of Doctour Pendle∣ton (which at hys death ful sore repented that euer he had yeelded to the doctrine of the Papists, as he did) and like∣wise the miserable ende of the moste parte of the Papistes besides, and especially of Steuen Gardiner him selfe, who after so longe professinge the doctrine of Papistrie, when there came a Bishop to him in his deathbed,* 13.131 and put him in remembraunce of Peter denying his Maister, he aun∣swearing againe, sayd: that he had denied with Peter, but neuer repented with Peter, and so both stinckingly & vn∣repentantly died: will say, as Steuen Gardiner also hym selfe gaue an euident exāple of the same, to all men to vn∣derstand that Poperie rather is a doctrine of desperation, procuring the vengeaunce of almighty God to them that wilfully do cleaue vnto it.

Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester, and Syr Thomas More, in Kyng Henryes time, after they hadde brought Iohn Frith, Baifield, and Baynham, and diuers other to theyr death, what great reward wanne they therby with almighty God? Did not the sworde of Gods vengeaunce light vpon their owne neckes shortly after, and they them selues made a publicke spectable at the tower hil, of blou∣dy deathe, which before had no compassion of the liues of others? Thus ye see the saying of the Lord to be true:* 13.132 Hee that smiteth with the sword, shall pearish with the sword.

So was Heliodorus in the old time of the Iewes pla∣gued by Gods hand in the Temple of Hierusalem.* 13.133

So did Antiochus, Herode, Iulian, Ualerianus the Emperour, Decius, Maxentius, with infinite others, af∣ter they had exercised theyr crueltye vppon Gods people, feele the like striking hand of God them selues also, in re∣uenging the bloud of his seruaunts.

And thus much concerning those persecutors, as well of the Clergy sort, as of the laity, which were stricken, and died before the death of Quene Mary. With whom also is to be numbered in the same race of persecuting Byshops, which died before Quene Mary, these bishops folowing.

Bishops.

• Coates Bishop of Westchester.
• Parfew Bishop of Harford.* 13.134
• Glinne Bishop of Bangor.
• Brookes Bishop of Glocester.
• King Bishop of Tame.
• Peto Elect of Salisburie.
• Day Bishop of Chichester.
• Holyman Bishop of Bristow.

Now after the Queene immediately followed, or ra∣ther waighted vpon her, the death of cardinal Poole, who the next day departed: Of what disease, although it be vn∣certaine to many, yet to some it is suspected that hee tooke some Italian Physicke, which did him no good. Then fo∣lowed in order.

Bishops.

• Iohn Christopherson B. of Chichester.
• Hopton B. of Norwich.
• * 13.135Morgan B. of S. Dauids.
• Iohn White B. of Winchester.
• Rafe Baine B. of Lichfield and Couentrie.
• Owen Oglethorpe B. of Carlile.
• * 13.136 Cuthert Tonstall B. of Durham.
• Thomas Rainolds elect of Herford, after hys depriuation died in prison.

Besides these Bishops aboue named, first died at the same time.

• D. Weston Deane of Westminster, afterwarde Deane of Windsore, chiefe disputer against Cranmer, Rid∣ley, and Latimer.
• M. Slerhurst, maister of Trinitie colledge in Oxforde, who died in the Tower.
• Seth Holland deane of Worcester, and Warden of Al∣soule Colledge in Oxforde.
• William Copinger, Monke of Westminster, who bare the great Seale before Steuen Gardener, after the death of the sayde Gardener, made him selfe Monke in the house of Westminster, and shortly after, so fell madde, and died in the Tower.
• Doctor Steward Deane of Winchester.

¶To beholde the woorking of Gods iudgements, it is wonderous. In the first yeare of Quene Marie, when the Clergy was assembled in the Conuocation house, and also afterwarde, when the Disputation was in Oxford a∣gainst Doctor Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer, he that had seene then Doctor Weston the Prolocutoure in his ruffe, howe highly he tooke vpon him in the Schooles, and how stoutly he stoode in the Popes quarell against simple and naked truth, full litle would haue thought, and lesse did he thinke him self (I dare say) that his glory and lofty lookes shoulde haue bene brought downe so soone, especiallye by them of hys owne Religion, whose part he so doughtely defended. But such is the rewarde and ende commonly of them, who presumptuouslye oppose them selues to striue against the Lord, as by the example of this Doctorly pro∣locutor right wel may appeare.* 13.137 For not long after the dis∣putation aboue mentioned, against Bishop Cranmer and hys fellowes, God so wrought against the sayd Doctour Weston, that hee fell in great displeasure wyth Cardinall Poole and other Bishops, because hee was vnwilling to geue vp his Deanery and house of Westminster, vnto the Monkes and religious men, whom in deede he fauoured not, although in other things he maintained the Churche of Rome. Who notwithstanding, at last through impor∣tunate sute, gaue vp Westminster, & was deane of Wind∣sore: Where not long after, he was apprehended in adul∣terie,* 13.138 and for the same, was by the Cardinall put from all hys spirituall liuings.

Wherefore he appealed to Rome, and purposed to haue fledde out of the Realme, but was taken by the way, and committed to the Tower of London, and there remained vntill Queene Elizabeth was proclaimed Queene, at whych time he being deliuered, fell sicke and dyed. The common talke was,* 13.139 that if he had not so sodēly ended his life, hee woulde haue opened and reuealed the purpose of the chiefe of the Cleargy, meaning the Cardinall, whyche was to haue taken vp K. Henries body at Windsore, and to haue burned it. And thus much of doctor Weston.

The residue that remained of the persecuting Clergy, and escaped the stroke of deathe, were depriued, and com∣mitted to prisones: the Catalogue of whose names heere followeth.

In the To∣wer.

• Nicholas Death, Archbishop of Yorke, and Lord Chauncellour.
• Thomas Thurlby B. of Ely.
• * 13.140Thomas Watson B. of Lincolne.
• Gilbert Burne B. of Bath and Welles.
• Richard Pates B. of Worcester.
• Troublefield B. of Exetor.
• Iohn Fecknam Abbot of Westminster.
• Iohn Boxal Deane of Windsore and Peter∣borough.

Of Dauid Poole B. of Peterborough, I doubte whe∣ther he was in the Tower, or in some other prisone.* 13.141

Ran away.

• Goldwell B. of S. Asse.
• Maurice Elect of Bangor.

• Edmunde Boner B. of London, in the Marshalsea.
• Thomas Wood B. Elect, in the Marshalsea.
• Cutbert Scothish. of Chester, was in the Fleete, from whence he escaped to Louane, and there died.

In the Fleet.

• Henry Cole Deane of Paules.
• Iohn Harpesfield Archdeacon of London, and Deane of Norwich.
• Nicholas Harpesfield Archd. of Cant.
• Anthony Draycot Archdeacon of Hūting∣ton.
• W. Chadsey Archdeacon of Midlesex.

¶Concerning which Doctour Chadsey here is to be noted,* 13.142 that in the beginning of king Edwards raigne he recanted and subscribed to 34. Articles, wherein hee then fully consented and agreed with his owne hand wryting to the whole forme of doctrine approoued & allowed then in the church, as well concerning iustification by faith on∣ly, as also the doctrine of the two sacramentes then recea∣ued, denying as well the Popes supremacie, transubstan∣tiation, Purgatory, Inuocation of Saints, eleuation and adoration of the Sacrament, the sacrifice, & veneration of the Masse, as also all other like excrements of Popish su∣perstition, according to the kings booke then set foorth.

Wherefore the more maruel it is, that he being counted such a famous and learned Clearke, would shew himselfe so fickle and vnstable in hys assertions, so double in hys doinges, to alter hys Religion according to time, and to maintein for truth, not what he thought best, but what he myght most safely defend. So long as the state of the lord Protectour and of hys brother stoode vprighte, what was then the conformitie of this D. Chadsey, hys owne Arti∣cles in Latine,* 13.143 wrytten and subscribed wyth hys owne hand, doe declare, which I haue to shewe, if he will denye them. But after the decay of the kings vncles, the fortune of them turned not so fast, but his Religion turned with∣all, and eftsoones he tooke vppon hym to dispute agaynste Peter Martyr, in vpholding Transubstantiation at Ox∣forde, which a little before with his owne hād wryting he had ouerthrowen.

After this ensued the time of Queene Mary, wherein doctor Chadsey to shew hys double diligence,* 13.144 was so eger in his commission to sit in iudgement, & to bring poore mē to their death, that in the last yeare of Quene Mary when the Lord Chauncellor, Syr Thomas Cornwalles, Lorde Clinton, & diuers other of the Counsell had sent for hym by a special letter to repaire vnto London out of Essex, he wryting againe to the bishop of London, sought meanes not to come at the Counsels bidding, but to continue still in his persecuting progresse. The Copie of whose letter I haue also in my handes (if neede were) to bring foorth.

Mention was made not long before, of one William Mauldon, who in king Henries time suffered stripes and scourgings for confessing the veritie of Gods true religi∣on. It happened in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth,* 13.145 that the sayd W. Mauldon was bound seruaunt with one named Maister Hugh Aparry then a wheat taker for the Quene, dwelling at Grenewich. Who being newly come vnto him, and hauing neuer a booke there to looke vpon, being desirous to occupie himself vertuously, loked about the house, and founde a Primer in English, whereon hee read in a winters euening. Whiles he was reading, there sat one Iohn Apowel that had ben a Seruing man, about 30. yeres of age, borne toward Wales, whom the said M. Hugh gaue meat and drink vnto, til such time as he could get a seruice. And as the foresayd William Mauldon read on the Booke, the sayde Iohn Apowell mocked hym after euery worde, with contrary gaudes and flouting wordes vnreuerently, in so muche that he coulde no longer abide him for grief of hart, but turned vnto him, and sayd: Iohn take heede what thou doest: Thou doest not mocke mee, but thou mockest God. For in mocking of his word, thou mockest hym: and thys is the word of God, though I be simple that read it: and therfore beware what thou doest.

Then Mauldon fell to reading agayne, and still hee proceeded on in hys mocking, and when Mauldon had redde certayne Englyshe Prayers, in the ende he redde, Lorde haue mercye vppon vs, Christe haue mercye vpon vs. &c.

And as Mauldon was reciting these wordes, the other with a start sodenly sayd: Lord haue mercy vpon me.

With that Mauldon tourned and sayde, what ailest

thou Iohn?

He sayee, I was afraide.

Whereon wast thou afraide, said Mauldon?

Nothing now, sayd the other? and so he would not tel hym. After thys, when Mauldon and he went to bedde, Mauldon asked him whereof he was afraide?

He sayde, when you red Lord haue mercye vppon vs, Christ haue mercy vppon vs, me thought the haire of my head stoode vpright, w^t a great feare which came vpon me.

Then sayd Mauldon: Iohn thou mayest see, the euill spirite could not abide that Christ should haue mercy vp∣pon vs. Wel Iohn (said Mauldon) repent and amend thy life, for God will not be mocked. If we mocke and iest at his woord, he will punish vs.

Also you vse rebauldry woordes and swearing verye much: therfore for Gods sake Iohn amend thy life. So I will (sayd he) by the grace of God: I pray God I may. A∣men said the other, with other words, and so went to bed.

On the next day, about 8. of the clocke in the morning, the foresaid Iohn came running downe out of his cham∣ber in his shirt into the Hall, and wrasteled with hys mi∣stresse as he would haue throwen her downe.* 13.146 Wherat she shriked out, and her seruauntes holpe her, and tooke hym by strength, and caried him vp vnto his bed, & bound him downe to his bed (for they perceiued plainely that he was out of his right minde.)

After that, as he lay, almoste day and night his toung neuer ceased, but he cried out of the deuill of hell, and hys woordes were euer stil: O the deuill of hell: now the deuill of hell: I would see the deuill of hell: thou shalt see the de∣uil of hel: there he was, there he goeth, with other words, but most of the Deuill of hell.

Thus he lay without amendment about 6. daies, that his maister and all his houshold was weary of that trou∣ble and noyse. Then his maister agreed with the keepers of Bedlem, and gaue a peece of money, and sent hym the∣ther. It seemeth that he was possessed with an euill spirit, from the which God defend vs all.

This is a terrible example to you that be mockers of the word of God: therfore repent & amend, lest the venge∣ance of God fall vpon you in like maner. Witnes heereof William Mauldon of Newington.

* 13.147The same William Mauldon chaunced afterwarde to dwel at a Towne 6. miles from London called Waltam∣stow, where his wife taught yong children to read, which was about the yeare of our Lorde 1563. and the 4. yeare of Queene Elizabeths raigne. Unto this schoole, amongest other children, came one Benfieldes daughter, named Dennis, about the age of twelue yeares.

As these children sate talking together, they happened among other talke (as the nature of children is, to be busy with many things) to fall in communication of God, and to reason among them selues, after their childish discreti∣on, what he should be.

Whereunto some answered one thing, some an other. Among whom when one of the children had sayd, that he was a good olde father: the foresayd Denis Benfielde ca∣sting out impious woordes of horrible blasphemie: what he (sayd shee) is an olde doting foole.

What wretched and blasphemous wordes were these yee heare. Nowe marke what followed.

When William Mauldon heard of these abhominable woordes of the girle, hee willed his wife to correcte her for the same. Which was appoynted the nexte day to be done. But whē the next morow came, her mother would nedes send her to the market to London, the wenche greatly in∣treating her mother that she might not go, being maruei∣lously vnwilling thereunto. Howebeit thorough her mo∣thers compulsion, shee was forced to goe, and went. And what happened? Her businesse being done at London, as she was returning againe homewarde, and being a little past Hackney,* 13.148 sodenly the yong girle was so stricken, that all the one side of her was black, and she speachles. Wher∣upon immediately she was caried backe to Hackney, and there the same night was buried. Witnes of the same sto∣rie William Mauldon and his wife, also Benfielde her father, and her mother, which yet be all aliue.

A terrible example (no doubt) both to old and young, what it is for children to blaspheme the Lord theyr God,* 13.149 and what it is for parentes to suffer their young ones to grow vp in such blasphemous blindnes, & not to nurture them betime in the rudimēts of the christian Catechisme, to know first their creation, and then their redemption in Christ our Sauiour: to feare the name of God, and to re∣uerence his Maiestie. For els what do they deserue but to be taken away by ••••eathe, whiche contemptuously despise him, of whome they take the benefite of life?

And therefore let all young maides, boyes, and yong men, take example by this wretched seely wench, not on∣ly not to blaspheme the sacrede Maiestie of the omnipo∣tent God their creator, but also not once to take his name in vaine, according as they are taughte in hys commaun∣dementes.

Secondly, let all Fathers, Godfathers,* 13.150 and Godmo∣thers take this for a warning, to see to the instruction and Catechising of their children, for whom they haue bounde them selues in promise both to God and to hys Churche. Which if the Father, and godfather, the Mother and god∣mothers had done to this younge girle, verely it maye be thought this destruction had not fallen vpon her.

Thirdly, al blinde Atheists, Epicures, Mammonists, belly Gods of this worlde, and sonnes of Beliall,* 13.151 hypo∣crites, infidelles, and mockers of Religion, which saye in their hearts (there is no God) learne▪ also hereby, not only what God is, and what he is able to doe, but also in thys miserable creature here punished in this world, to behold what shall likewise fall on them in the world to come, vn∣lesse they will be warned betime, by such examples as the Lord God doth geue them.

Fourthly and lastly, heere may also be a spectacle for all them which be blasphemous and abhominable swearers,* 13.152 or rather tearers of God, abusing his glorious name in suche contemptuous and despitefull sort as they vse to do. Whome if neither the woorde and commaundemente of God, nor the calling of the preachers, nor remorse of con∣science, nor rule of reason, nor theyr wytheringe age, nor hory haires will admonish: yet let these terrible examples of Gods districte Iudgement, somewhat mooue them to take heede to them selues. For if thys young maiden, who was not fully 12. yeares old, for her vnreuerent speaking of God (and that but at one time) did not escape the stroke of Gods terrible hande, what then haue they to looke for, which being men growen in yeares, and stricken in age, being so often warned & preached vnto, yet cease not con∣tinually with theyr blasphemous othes, not only to abuse his name, but also most cōtumeliously and despitefully to teare him (as it were) and all his partes in peeces?

About the yeare of our Lorde 1565. at Bryhtwell in the County of Backshyre,* 13.153 vppon certaine communication as touching the right reuerende Martyrs in Christ, Byshop Cranmer, Bishop Ridley, and maister Hughe Latimer, there came into an house in Abyngdon, one whose name is Leuar, being a Plowman, dwelling in Bryhtwel afore sayd, and sayd, that he saw that euill fauoured knaue La∣timer when he was burned: And also in despite sayd, that he had teeth like a horse. At which time and hour, as neare as could be gathered, the sonne of the sayde Leauer moste wickedly hanged him selfe, at Shepton in the Countie a∣foresayd within a mile of Abingdon.

These wordes were spoken in the hearing of me Thomas Ienens of Abyngdon.

Did not Thomas Arundell,* 13.154 Archbishop of Canterbu∣rie geue sentence against the Lord Cobham, and died him self before him, being so stricken in his toung, that neither he could swallow nor speake for a certain space before his death? pag. 588.

Frier Campbell,* 13.155 the accuser of Patricke Hamelton in Scotlande, what a terrible ende hee hadde, reade before, pag. 957.

Haruey a Commissarie, that condemned a poore man in Calice, was shortly after hanged, drawen, and quartered, pag. 1229.

William Swallow the cruell tormentor of George E∣gles, was shortly after so plagued of God, that al the hair of his heade, and nailes of his fingers and toes went off, his eyes welneare closed vppe, that hee coulde scante see. Hys wife also was stricken wyth the falling Sickenesse, wyth the whych Maladie shee was neuer infected before. pag. 2010.

Likewise Richard Potto, an other troubler of the sayd George Egles,* 13.156 vppon a certaine anger or chafe with hys seruauntes, was so sodenlye taken with sicknesse, that fal∣ling vpon his bed lyke a beast, there he died & neuer spake woorde, pag. 2010.

Richard Denton, a shrinker from the Gospel,* 13.157 while he refused to suffer the fire in the Lordes quarell, was after∣ward burned in his owne house with two mo, pag. 1717.

The wife of Iohn Fettye beinge the cause of the taking of her husband, how she was immediatly vppon the same by Gods hand stricken wyth madnesse, and was distracte out of her wittes, read before, pag. 2055.

Thomas Mowse and George Reuet, two persecutors were stricken miserably wyth the hand of God, and so di∣ed, pag. 1917.

Also Robert Edgore, for that hee hadde executed the of∣fice of a Parish Clearke against his conscience, thoroughe

anguish and grief of conscience for the same, was so bereft of his wits, that he was kept in chaines and bondes ma∣ny yeares after, pag. 1917.

As touching Iohn Plankney fellow of new Colledge in Oxford,* 13.158 Ciuilian, and one Hanington, both fellowes of the same house aforesaid, and both stubburne Papistes, the matter is not much worthy the memory: yet the exam∣ple is not vnworthy to be noted, to see what little cōfort & grace commonly followeth the comfortlesse doctrine and profession of papistry,* 13.159 as in these two yong men, amongst many other may well appeare. Of whome the one, which was Plankney, scholer somtyme to Marshal (who wrote the booke of the crosse) is commonly reported and known to them of that Uniuersitie, to haue drowned himselfe in the riuer about Ruly, at Oxford. anno. 1566. the other in a Well about Rome, or as some do say, at Padua, and so be∣yng both drowned, were both taken vp with Crucifixes as it is sayde of some, hangyng about their neckes: The more pitie that such young studentes did so much addicte their wittes, rather to take the way of papistrie, then to walke in the comfortable light of the Gospell, nowe so brightly spreading his beames in all the worlde, which if they had done, I thinke not contrary, but it had prooued much better with them.

* 13.160Albeit (I trust) the Gospell of Christ beyng now re∣ceiued in the Queenes Court amongst the Courtiers and seruaunts of her Gard, hath framed their lyues and ma∣ners so to lyue in the due feare of God, and temperance of lyfe, with all sobrietie and mercifull compassion towarde their euenchristen, that they neede not greatly any other instructions to be geuē them in this story: yet for so much as examples many tymes doe worke more effectually in the myndes and memories of men: & also partly conside∣ring w^t my selfe, how these, aboue all other sorts of men in the whole Realme, in tyme past haue euer had most neede of such wholesom lessons and admonitions, to leaue their vnordinate riote of quaffing and drinking,* 13.161 and their Hea∣thenish prophanatie of lyfe: I thought here to set before their eyes a terrible example, not of a strange and forreine person, but of one of their owne coate, a Yeoman of the Gard, not fayned by me, but brought to me by Gods pro∣uidence for a warnyng to all Courtiers, and done of very truth no longer ago then in the yeare of our Lord, 1568. And as the story is true, so is the name of the partie not vnknowen, beyng called Christopher Landesdale, dwel∣lyng in Hackney in Middlesex. The order of whose lyfe, and maner of his death beyng worthy to be noted, is this as in story here vnder followeth.

This foresayd Landesdale beyng maried to an aunci∣ent woman yet liuing,* 13.162 hauing by her both goods & lands, notwithstandyng liued long in filthy whoredome with a yonger woman, by whom he had two children, a sonne & a daughter, and kept them in his house vnto the day of his death. Also when he should haue bene in seruing of God on the Saboth day, hee vsed to walke or ride about hys fieldes, and seldome hee or any of his house came to the Church after the English seruice was againe receyued. Besides this, he was a great swearer, and a great drun∣kard, and had great delight also in makyng other menne drunken, and would haue them whom he had made drū∣kards, to call him father, and he would cal thē his sonnes: and of these sonnes by report, he had aboue fortie. And if he had seene one that would drinke freely, hee would marke hym, and spende his money with him liberally in ale, or wyne, but most in wyne, to make him the sooner drunken. These blessed sonnes of his should haue great chere often∣tymes, both at his owne house and at Tauernes: and not long before his death he was so beastly drunken in a Ta∣uerne ouer against his dore, that he fell downe in the Ta∣uerne yard, and could not arise alone, but lay grouelyng, till he was holpen vp and so caried home.

This father of drunkards, as he was a great feaster of the rich and welthy of Hackney and others,* 13.163 so hys poore neighbours and poore tenauntes fared little the better for hym: except it were with some broken meate, which after his feastes, his wyfe would cary and send vnto them, or some almes geuen at his doore.

Besides all this, he did much iniury to his poore neigh∣bours in oppressing the commons nere about hym, which was a speciall reliefe vnto them, so that his cattaile eat vp all without pitie or mercy.

There chaunced after this about two yeres before hee died, a poore man, beyng sicke of the bloudy flixe, for very weakenes to lie downe in a ditch of the sayd Landsdales,* 13.164 not a stones cast from his house, where he had a litle straw brought him. Notwithstanding, the said Landesdale had backe houses and Barnes enough to haue layed hym in, but would not shew hym so much pitie. And thus poore Lazarus there lay night and day, about sixe weekes ere he died.

Certaine good neighbours hearyng of this, procured things necessary for his reliefe, but he was so farre spente, that he could not bee recouered: who lay broyling in the hote sunne, with a horrible smell, most pitifull to behold.

This poore man a little before he died, desired to be re∣mooued to another ditch into the shadowe. Whereuppon,* 13.165 one of the neighbours commyng to Landesdales wyfe for a bundle of strawe for him to lye vppon, shee required to haue hym remooued to Newyngton side, because (she said) if he should dye, it would be very farre to cary him to the Church.

Besides this, there was a mariage in this Landsdales house, and the gestes that came to the mariage, gaue the poore man mony as they came & went by him, but Landes∣dale disdained to contribute any relief vnto him, notwith∣standing that he had promised to M. Searles, one of the Queenes Gard (who had more pitie of him) to minister to him things necessary.

To be short, the next day poore Lazarus departed this lyfe, & was buried in Hackney churchyard:* 13.166 Upon whom Landsdale did not so much as bestow a ••inding sheet, or any thyng els towards his buriall. And thus much cōcer∣ning the end of poore Lazarus. Nowe let vs heare what became of the rich glutton.

About two yeres after this, the said Landesdale beyng full of drinke (as his custome was) came ridyng in great hast from London on s. Andrews day in the euening, an. 1568. and as it is reported by those that sawe him reelyng too and fro lyke a drunkard with his hat in hys hand, and commyng by a ditch, there tumbled in headlong into the ditch. Some say that the horse fell vppon him, but that is not lyke. This is true, the horse more sober then the mai∣ster, came home leauyng his maister behynde him.* 13.167 Whe∣ther he brake his necke with the fall, or was drowned (for the water was scarsly a foote deepe) it is vncertayne: but certaine it is, that he was there found dead. Thus he be∣yng found dead in the ditch, the Crowner (as the manner is) sate vpon him: and how the matter was handled for sauyng his goods, the Lord knoweth: but in the end so it fell out, that the goods were saued, and the poore horse in∣dited for his maisters death.

The neighbours hearing of the death of this man, and considering the maner thereof, said, it was iustly fallen vpon him, that as he suffered the poore man to lie and dye in the ditch nere vnto hym, so his end was to die in a ditch likewise.* 13.168 And thus hast thou in this story (Christian bro∣ther and Reader) the true image of a rich glutton & poore Lazarus set out before thine eyes, whereby we haue all to learne, what happeneth in the ende to suche voluptu∣ous Epicures and Atheistes, which beyng voyde of all senses of Religion and feare of God, yelde themselues o∣uer to all prophanitie of lyfe, neither regardyng any ho∣nestie at home, nor shewyng any mercy to their needye neighbour abroad.

Christ our Sauiour saith: Blessed be the mercifull, for they shall obtaine mercy:* 13.169 but iudgement without mercy shal be executed on them which haue shewed no mercy, &c. And S. Iohn sayth: He that seeth his brother haue neede,* 13.170 and shutteth vp his compassion from him, how dwelleth the loue of God in hym? &c. Agayne, Esay against such prophane drunkards and quaffers, thus crieth out: Wo be vnto them that rise vp early to follow drunkennesse, and to them that so continue vn∣till night, till they bee set on fire with wyne. In those companies are Harpes and Lutes, Tabrets and Pipes, and wine: but they re∣gard not the workes of the Lord, and consider not the operation of his hands, &c. Woe be vnto them that are strong to spue out wyne, and expert to set vp dronkennesse.

The punishments of them that be dead, be wholsome documents to men that be aliue. And therfore as the story aboue exemplified may serue to warne all Courtiers and Yeomen of the Gard: so by this that followeth,* 13.171 I would wish all gentlemen to take good heed and admonition be∣time, to leaue their outrageous swering and blaspheming of the Lord their God.

In the tyme and raigne of K. Edward, there was in Cornewall a certaine lusty yong Gentleman, which dyd ride in company with other mo Gentlemē,* 13.172 together with their seruaunts, beyng about the number of xx. horsemen. Amongst whom this lusty yonker entring into talke, be∣gan to sweare, most horribly blasphemyng the name of God, with other ribauldry words besides. Unto whome one of the company (who is yet aliue, and witnes hereof) not able to abide the hearing of such blasphemous abho∣minatiō, in gentle wordes speaking to him, said, he should

geue answere and account for euery idle word.

The Gentleman taking snuffe therat: Why (sayd he) takest thou thought for me? take thought for thy winding sheete. Well (quoth the other) amend, for death geueth no warning:* 13.173 for as soone commeth a lambes skin to the mar∣ket, as an olde sheepes. Gods woūdes (sayth he) care not thou for me, raging still after this maner worse & worse in words, till at length passing on theyr iourny, they came riding ouer a great bridge, stāding ouer a piece of an arme of the sea.* 13.174 Upon the which bridge this Gentleman swea∣rer spurred his horse in such sort, as he sprang cleane ouer with the man on his backe. Who as he was going, cryed, saying: horse & man, and all to the deuil. This terrible sto∣ry happening in a Towne in Cornewall, I would haue bene afrayde amongest these storyes here to recite, were it not that he which was then both reprehender of his swea¦ring & witnes of his death, is yet aliue, and now a Mini∣ster, named Heynes. Besides this, also bishop Ridley thē bishop of London, preached and vttred euen the same fact and example at Paules Crosse. The name of the Gentle∣man I could by no meanes obteyne of the party & witnes aforesayd, for dread of those (as he sayd) which yet remaine of his affinity 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kinred in the sayd country.

Hauing now sufficiently admonished, first the Cour∣tyers, then the gentlemen: now thirdly for a briefe admo∣nition to the Lawyers, we will here insert the strange end and death of one Henry Smith student of the law.

* 13.175This Henry Smyth hauing a Godly Gentleman to his father. & an auncient protestant, dwelling in Camden, in Glocester shyre, was by him vertuously brought vp in the knowledge of Gods word, & sincere religion: wherin he shewed himselfe in the beginning, suche an earnest pro∣fessor, that he was called of the Papistes, pratling Smith. After these good beginnings it folowed, that he cōming to be a student of the law in the middle Temple at London, there through sinister cōpany of some, & especially as it is thought,* 13.176 of one Gifford, began to be peruerted to popery, & afterward going to Louane, was more deepely rooted & groūded in the same: and so continuing a certayne space a∣mōg the papistes, of a yong protestant, at lēgth was made a perfect papist. In so much, that returning from thēce, he brought with him pardōs, a Crucifixe, with an Agnus dei, which he vsed cōmonly to weare about his necke,* 13.177 & had in his chamber images before which he was woont to pray. Besides diuers other Popish trashe, whiche he brought with hym from Louane. Now what ende followed after this, I were loth to vtter in story, but that the fact so late∣ly done this present yeare, ann. 1569. remayneth yet so fresh in memorie, that almost all the Citie of London not onely can witnesse, but also doth wonder thereat. The end was this.

Not long after, the said Henry Smith with Gifforde his companion, was returned from Louane, beyng now a foule gierer, and a scornfull scoffer of that religion which before he professed, in his chamber where he lay in a house in S. Clements parish without Temple barre,* 13.178 in the E∣uening as he was goyng to bedde, and his clothes put off (for he was found naked) he had tied his shirt, (which he had torne to the same purpose) about his priuy places, and so with his owne girdle, or ribond garter (as it seemed) fastned to the bedpost, there strangled himselfe. They that were of his Quest and other, which saw the maner of hys hanging, and the print where he sate vpon his bed side, do record that he t••rust himselfe downe from his beddes side where he sate, the place where he had fastned the girdle be∣yng so low, that his hips well nere touched the floore, his legs lying a crosse, and his armes spred abroad. And this was the maner of his hangyng, hauyng his Agnus Dei, in a siluer tablet with his other idolatrous trash in the win∣dow by him. And thus being dead and not thought wor∣thy to be interred in the Churchyard, he was buried in a Lane, called Foskew Lane.

This heauy and dreadfull ende of Henry Smith, al∣though it might seeme enough to gender a terrour to all yong popish students of the law: yet it did not so worke with all, but that some remayned as obstinate still as they were before. Amongst whom was one named Williams, a student of the Inner Temple,* 13.179 who beyng sometyme a fauourer of the Gospell, fell in like maner from that, to be an obstinate Papist, a despitefull railer agaynst true reli∣gion, and in conclusion was so hote in his catholike zeale, that in the midst of his railing, he fell starke madde, and so yet to this present day remaineth. The Lord of his mercy turne him to a better mynd, and conuert him, if it bee hys pleasure, Amen.

The miserable ende of Twyford is here no lesse to bee remembred, a busie doer sometymes in K. Henries dayes by Boners appointment,* 13.180 in settyng vp of stakes for the burnyng of poore Martyrs. Who when he sawe the stakes consume away so fast: yea sayd hee, will not these stakes hold? I will haue a stake (I trow, that shall hold, and so prouided a big tree, and cuttyng of the top, set it in Smith field. But thanks be to God, or euer the tree was all con∣sumed, God turned the state of Religion, and hee fell into an horrible disease, rottyng alyue aboue the ground before he died. Read more of hym, pag. 1258. But because the sto∣ry both of hym and of a number such other lyke, is to bee founde in sundry places of this history sufficiently before expressed, it shall be but a double labour agayne to recapi∣tulate the same.

❧Ye haue heard before, pag. 1911. of the condemnati∣on and Martyrdome of a certain boy called Tho. Drow∣ry, condemned by Williams Chauncellour of Gloucester, contrary to all right and counsaile of the Register then present, called Barker. Now what punishment fell after vpon the said Chancellor, followeth to be declared.

¶The strange and fearefull death of the same Doctor Williams.

WHen God of his inestimable mercy hauing pitie of vs, and pardoning our sinnes for hys sonnes sake Christ Iesu, had now taken from vs that bloudy Prin∣cesse, and sent vs this iewel of Ioy, the Queenes maiestie that now raigneth (and long might she raigne) ouer vs: and that the commissioners for restitution of religion wer comming toward Glocester. The same day D. Williams the Chauncellour, dined with W. Ienings the Deane of Gloucester, who with all his men were booted redy at one of the clocke to set forward to Chipping Norton, aboute xv. miles from Gloucester, to meete the Commissioners which were at Chipping Norton, and sayd to him, Chan∣cellor, are not thy bootes on?

Chanc.

Why should I put them on?

To go with me (quoth the Deane) to meet these com∣missioners.

Chanc.

I will neither meet them, nor see them.

Deane.

Thou must needs see them, for now it is past xij. of the clocke, and they will be here afore iij. of the clocke, and therfore if thou be wise, on with thy bootes and let vs goe together, and all shall be well.

Chanc.

Go your wayes M. Deane, I will neuer see them.

As I sayd, W. Ienings the Deane set forward wyth his company toward the Commissioners, and by and by commeth one vpon horsebacke to the Deane, saying: M. Chancellor lyeth at the mercy of God, and is speachlesse. At that worde the Deane with his company pricked for∣ward to the Commissioners, and tolde them the whole matter and communication betwene them two, as aboue. And they sent one of their men with the best wordes they could deuise, to comfort him with many promises. But to be short: albeit the Commissioners were now nerer Glo∣cester, then the Deane and his company thought, making very great hast, especially after they hadde receyued these newes. Yet Doct. Williams, though false of religion, yet true of his promise, kept his vngracious couenaunt with the Deane: for he was dead or they came to the citie, and so neuer saw them in deed.

Wherefore, to passe ouer our owne domesticall exam∣ples of English persecuters plaged by Gods hand (wher∣of this our present story doth abound) I will stretche my penne a little further to adioyne withall a few like exam∣ples in forraine countries.* 13.181

❧Foraine Examples.

HOfmeister the great Archpapist,* 13.182 and chiefe maister∣piller of the Popes fallyng Church, as hee was in hys iourney goyng toward the Councell of Ratis∣bone, to dispute agaynst the defenders of Christes gospel, sodainly in his iourney, not farre from Ulmes, was pre∣uented by the stroke of Gods hand, and there miserably died, with horrible roring and crying out. Ex Illyrico de vo∣cabulo fidei.

What a pernitious and pestilent doctrine is this of the papists,* 13.183 which leadeth men to seeke their saluation by me∣rites and workes of the lawe, and not by faith onelye in Christ the sonne of God, and to stay themselues by grace? And what inconuenience this doctrine of doubting & de∣speration bringeth men to at length, if the playne word of

God will not sufficiently admonish vs, yet let vs be war∣ned by examples of such as haue bene either teachers or followers of this doctrine, and consider well what ende commonly it hath and doth bring men vnto. To recite all that may be sayd in this behalfe, it were infinite. To note a few examples for admonitions sake, it shalbe requisite.

In the Uniuersitie of Louane was one named Guar∣lacus a learned man,* 13.184 brought vp in that Schoole, who at length was reader of Diuinitie to the Monkes of s. Ger∣trudes order. Where after he had stoutly mainteyned the corrupt errors of such popish doctrine, at last falling sicke, when he perceiued no way with him but death, he fell into a miserable agonie and perturbation of spirite, crying out of his sinnes, how wickedly he had liued, and that he was not able to abide the iudgement of God, and so casting out wordes of miserable desperation, saide: his sinnes were greater then that he could be pardoned, and in that despe∣ration wretchedly he ended his lyfe. Ex Epistola Claudij Se∣narclaei ad Bucerum ante histor. de morte Diazij.

Another like example we haue of Arnoldus Bomeli∣us,* 13.185 a young man of the sayd Uniuersitie of Louane, well commended for his fresh flourishing wit and ripenesse of learnyng, who so long as he fauoured the cause of the go∣spell, and tooke part with the same agaynst the enemies of the truth, he prospered and went well forward, but after that he drew to the company of Tyleman, maister of the Popes Colledge in Louane, and framed hymselfe after the rule of his vnsauourie doctrine, that is, to stande in feare and doubt of hys iustification, and to worke his sal∣uation by merites and deedes of the lawe, he began more and more to growe in doubtfull despaire and discomfort of mynd: as y^e nature of that doctrine is, vtterly to pluck away a mans mynd from all certaintie and true liberty of spirit,* 13.186 to a seruile doubtfulnes, full of discomfort and bon∣dage of soule.

Thus the yong man seduced and peruerted thorough this blynd doctrine of ignoraunce and dubitation, fell into a great agonie of mynde, wandryng and wrestlyng in him selfe a long space, till at length beyng ouercome with de∣spaire, and not hauyng in the popish doctrine wherewith to rayse vp his soule, he went out of the citie on a tyme to walke, accompanied with three other Studentes of the same Uniuersitie, his speciall familiars. Who after their walke, as they returned home agayne, Arnoldus for wea∣rinesse (as it seemed) sate down by a spring side to rest him a while. The other supposing none other, but that hee for wearines there rested to refresh hymselfe,* 13.187 went forward a little past hym. In the meane tyme what doth Arnoldus, but sodainly taketh out his dagger, and stroke himself in∣to the body.

His fellowes seeyng him shrinking downe, and the fountaine to be all coloured with the bloude which issued out of the wound, came runnyng to him to take hym vp, and so searching his body where the wound should be, at length found what he had done, and how hee had striken hymselfe with hys dagger into the brest. Whereupon they tooke hym and brought hym into an house next at hande, and there exhorted hym as well as they could, to repente hys fact: who then by outwarde gesture seemed to geue some shew of repentance. Notwithstanding, the sayd Ar∣noldus espiyng one of hys friendes there busie aboute hym, to haue a knyfe hangyng at hys girdle violentlye plucked out the knife, and with mayne force stabbed hym∣selfe to the hart.

* 13.188By these Louanian examples, as we haue all to learn, no man to be sure of his life, but that he alwayes needeth to craue and cal vnto the Lord to blesse him with his truth and grace: so especially would I wish our English Lo∣uanians, which nowe make fortes in that Uniuersitie a∣gainst the open truth of Christs gospel, to be wise in time, and not to spurne so against the pricke. Ne forte. &c.

* 13.189Or if they thinke yet these examples not enough for sufficient admonition, let them ioyne hereto the remem∣braunce also of Iacobus Latomus, a chiefe and principall captayne of the same Uniuersitie of Louane. Who after he had bene at Bruxels, and there thinkyng to do a great acte agaynst Luther and his fellowes, made an Oration be∣fore the Emperour,* 13.190 so foolishly and ridiculously, that hee was laughed to scorne almost of the whole Courte. Then returnyng from thence to Louan agayne, in his publike Lecture he fell in an open fury and madnesse, vttring such words of desperation and blasphemous impietie, that the other Diuines which were there, and namely, Ruardus Anchusianus, were fayne to cary him away as he was ra∣uyng, and so shut him into a close chamber. From y^t tyme vnto his last breath, Latomus had neuer any thyng els in hys mouth, but that he was damned and reiected of God,* 13.191 and that there was no hope of saluation for hym, because that wittingly and against his knowledge, he withstoode the manifest truth of his word. Ex Epist. Senarclaei ante hist. de morte Diazij. Item, ex Oratione Pauli Eberi in comitijs Wit∣tembergae habita.

Thus almighty God not onely by his worde, but by examples also, diuers and sundry wise doth warne vs,* 13.192 first to seeke to knowe the perfect will and decree of the Lord our God appoynted in his worde. The perfect will and full testament of the Lord in his word, is this, that he hath sent and geuen his onely sonne vnto vs, beyng fully contented to accept our fayth onely vpon him for our per∣fect iustification and full satisfaction for all our transgressi∣ons: and this is called in Scripture, Iusticia Dei.* 13.193 To this will and righteousnesse of God, they that humbly submit themselues, finde place and rest in their soules, that no mā is able to expresse, and haue strength enough agaynst all the inuasions and temptations of Sathan.

Contrarywise,* 13.194 they that will not yeld their obedience vnto the wyll and ordinaunce of GOD ••xpressed in hys worde, but will seeke their owne righteousnesse, which is of man, labouryng by their merites and satisfactions to serue and please God: these not onely do finde with God no righteousnesse at all, but in stead of hys fauour, procure to themselues his horrible indignation, in steade of com∣fort, heape to themselues desperation, and in the end what inconuenience they come to by these aboue recited exam∣ples of Guarlacus, Bomelius, and Latomus, it is eui∣dent to see.* 13.195 And out of this fountayne springeth not one∣ly the punishmentes of these men, but also all other incon∣ueniences whiche happen amongest men, where so euer this pernicious and erroneous doctrine of the Papistes taketh place.

A Dominike Frier of Mounster,* 13.196 as he was inueigh∣yng in the Pulpitte agaynst the Doctrine of the Gospell then springyng vp, was striken with a sodayne flashe of lightnyng, and so ended his lyfe. Ex Pantal. in 2. parte. Re∣rum memor.

Manlius in his booke, De dictis Philippi Melancth. ma∣keth mention of a certaine Tailors seruaunte in Lypsia, who receiuing first the Sacrament in both kyndes wyth the Gospellers,* 13.197 and afterward beyng perswaded by the papists, receiued with them vnder one kynd. Whereupon beyng admonished of his maister to come to the Commu∣nion againe in the Church of the Gospellers, hee stoode a great while and made no answer. At last crying out vpon a sodaine, he ran to the window thereby, and so cast hym∣selfe out, and brake his necke.

In the same Manlius mention is also made of a cer∣tayne Gentleman of name and authoritie, but he nameth hym not, who hearyng these wordes in a song: Ein feste burg ist vnser Gott: that is:* 13.198 Our onely holde or fortresse is our God. Psalme. 46. aunswered, and sayd: Ich will helffē die burg zerschiessé, oder ich wil nit leben: that is, I wil help to shoote agaynst thy staye or forte, or els I will not liue. And so within three dayes after hee dyed without repen∣taunce, or confessing his fayth. Ex Manlio, De dictis Philip. Melancth.

Of Sadoletus the learned Cardinall likewise it is re∣ported of some,* 13.199 that he dyed not without great tormentes of conscience and desperation.

The Commendator of S. Anthony, who sate as spi∣rituall Iudge ouer that godly learned man Wolfgangus burned in Lotharing, in Germany,* 13.200 and gaue sentence of his condemnation, fell sodenly dead shortly after. Read before pag. 884.

Also his fellow the Abbot of Clarilocus,* 13.201 and Suffra∣gan to the bishop of Metz, at the cracke of gunnes sodenly fell downe and dyed. pag. 824.

Dauid Beaton Archbishop of s. Andrewes in Scot∣land, shortly after the beginning of M. George Wisard,* 13.202 how hee by the iust stroke of God was slaine, and wret∣chedly ended his lyfe within his owne Castle, in the dis∣course of his story is euident to see, who so listeth further to read of that matter, pag. 1272.

Ioannes Sleidanus in his 23. booke,* 13.203 maketh relati•••• of Cardinall Crescentius, the chiefe President and mode∣rator

of the Councell of Trident, ann. 1552. The story of whom is certain, the thing that hapned to him was strāge and notable, the exāple of him may be profitable to others such as haue grace to be warned by other mēs euils. The narration is this.

The 25. day of March, in the yere aforesaid, Crescenti∣us the Popes Legate,* 13.204 and Uicegerent in the Councell of Trident, was sitting all the day long vntill darke night, in writing letters to th•• Pope. After his labour when night was come, thinking to refresh himselfe, he began to rise: and at his rising, beholde there appeared to hym a mighty blacke dogge, of a huge bignes, his eyes flamyng with fire, and his eares hanging low downe welneere to the ground, to enter in, and straite to come toward hym, & so to couch vnder the boord. The Cardinall not a little a∣mased at the sight thereof, somewhat recouering himselfe, ralled to his seruauntes, which were in the outward chā∣ber next by, to bring in a candle, and to seeke for the dog. But when the dog could not be found, neither there, nor in no other chamber about, the Cardinall thereupon stri∣ken with a sodaine conceit of mynd, immediately fell into such a sicknes, wherof his Phisitions which he had about hym, with all their industry and cunnyng coulde not cure hym.* 13.205 And so in the towne of Uerona died this popish car∣dinall, the Popes holy Legate, and President of this coū∣cel: wherein his purpose was (as Sleidane saith) to re∣couer and heale againe the whole authoritie and doctrine of the Romish see, and to set it vp for euer.

There were in this Councell beside the Popes Le∣gates and Cardinall of Trident, lxij. Bishops, Doctours of Diuinitie xlij. And thus was the ende of that Popishe Councell, by the prouident hand of the almighty, dispat∣ched and brought to naught. Ex Sleidano, Li. 23.

This Councell of Trident being then dissolued by the death of this Cardinal, was afterward notwithstanding recollected againe about the yeare of our lord, 1562. against the erroneous proceedings of which Councel,* 13.206 other wri∣ters there be that say enough. So much as pertaineth on∣ly to story, I thought hereunto to adde concernyng two filthy adulterous bishops, to the sayd Councel belonging of whome the one haunting to an honest mans wife, was slaine by the iust stroke of God with a Borespeare. The o∣ther Bishop, whose haunte was to creepe through a win∣dow, in the same window was subtilly taken and hanged in a grinne layed for hym of purpose, and so conueied, that in the mornyng hee was seene openly in the streete han∣gyng out of the windowe, to the wonderment of all that passed by. Ex protestatione Concionatorum Germa. aduersus conuentum Trident. &c.

Amongst all the religious order of Papists, who was a stouter defender of the Popes side, or a more vehement impugner of Martin Luther, then Iohn Eckius, who, if his cause wherein he so trauailed,* 13.207 had bene godly, had de∣serued (no doubt) great fauour and condigne retribution at the hands of the Lord. Now for so much as we cannot better iudge of him then by his ende, let vs consider the maner of his departing hence, and compare the same with the end of M. Luther.

In the which M. Luther beyng such an aduersarye as he was to the Pope, and hauyng no lesse then al the world vpon him at once,* 13.208 first this is to bee noted, that after all these trauailes, the Lord gaue him to depart both in great age, and in his owne natiue countrey where he was born. Secondly, he blessed him with such a quiet death, without any violent hande of any aduersary, that it was counted rather a sleepe then a death. Thirdly, as the death of hys body was myld, so his spirit & mynde continued no lesse godly vnto the end, continually inuocating and calling v∣pon the name of the Lord, and so commending his spirite to hym with feruent prayer, he made a blessed and an hea∣uenly ending. Fourthly, ouer and besides these blessings, almighty God did also adde vnto him such an honoura∣ble buriall, as to many great Princes vnneth happeneth the like. And this briefly concernyng the ende of M. Lu∣ther, as ye may read before more at large, pag. 863.

Now let vs consider and conferre with this the death of Iohn Eckius and the maner thereof, which we find in the English translation of the history of Iohn Carion, fol. 250. in these words expressed. This yere (saith he) died at Ingold state, Doctor Eckius a faithful seruant and cham∣pion of the Pope,* 13.209 and a defender of the abhominable Pa∣pacie. But as his lyfe was full of all vngodlines, vnclean∣nes, and blasphemy, so was his end miserable, hard, and pitifull, in so much that his last wordes (as it is noted of many credible personnes) were these: In case the foure thousand guildens were ready, the matter were dispat∣ched, &c.* 13.210 (Dreamyng belike of some Cardinalship that he should haue bought.) Some say, that the Pope had gran∣ted him a certaine Deanry, which he should haue redee∣med from the Courte of Rome with the foresayd summe. Now what a heauenly ende this was of M. Eckius, I leaue it to the Readers iudgement.

In the Citie of Andwerpe was (as they terme hym there) a Shoulted, that is to say,* 13.211 the next Officer to the Markgraue, one named Iohn Uander Warfe, a Bastard sonne of a stocke or kinred called Warfe, of good estimati∣on amongest the chiefest in Antwarpe. Who, as he was of nature cruell, so was he of iudgement peruerse and cor∣rupt, and a sore persecutor of Christes flocke, with greedi∣nes seekyng and sheddyng innocent bloud, and had drou∣ned diuers good men and women in the water: for the which he was much commended of the bloudy generati∣on. Of some he was called a bloudhound or bloudy dog. Of other he was called Shildpad: that is to say,* 13.212 Shel∣tode: for that hee beyng a short grundy and of little sta∣ture, did ride commonly with a great broad hat, as a churl of the countrey.

This man after he was weary of his office (wherein he had continued aboue xx. yeres) he gaue it ouer: and be∣cause he was now growen rich and welthy, he entended to passe the residue of his lyfe in pleasure and quietnes.

During which tyme, about the second yeare after hee had left his office, he came to Antwarpe to the feast called our Ladies Oumegang, to make mery: which feast is v∣sually kept on the Sonday followyng the assumption of our Lady. The same day in the after noone about foure of the clock▪ he being wel loden with wine, rode homewards in his wagon, with his wife and a gentlewoman waiting on her and his foole. As soone as the Wagon was come without the gate of the citie called Croneborgh gate, vpon the wooden bridge beyng at that tyme made for a shifte, with railes or barres on both sides, for more safetie of the passengers (halfe a mans heighth & more) the horses stood still and would by no meanes go forward, whatsoeuer the guider of the wagon could do.

Then he in a drunken rage cried out to him that gui∣ded the wagō, saying: Ride on in a thousand deuils name, ride on. Wherat the poore man answered, that he could not make the horses to goe forward. By and by, whyle they were yet thus talking, sodenly rose, as it were, a mighty hurlewynd, with a terrible noyse (the wether beyng very faire & no wynd stirring before) & tost the wagon ouer the barre into the towne ditch, the ropes whereat the horses had bene tied, beyng broken a sunder in such sort, as if they had bene cut with a sharp knife, the wagon also being cast vpsidedowne, with the fore end thereof turned toward the towne agayne, and he drowned in the mire: and when he was taken vp, it was found, that his necke also was bro∣ken. His wife was taken vp aliue, but died also within three dayes after. But the Gentlewoman and the foole by Gods mighty prouidence, were preserued & had no harm.* 13.213 The foole hearing the people say, that his Maister was dead, sayd: & was not I dead, was not I dead too? This was done, an. 1553. Witnesse hereof not onely the Printer of the same story in Dutch dwelling then in Andwerpe, whose name was Fraunces Fraet a good man, and after∣ward for hatred put to death of Papistes, but also diuers Dutchmen here now in England, and a great number of English merchants, which then were at Antwerpe, & are yet alyue.

* 13.214

Of the sodaine death of Bartholomeus Chassaneus, or Cassanus, persecutor, read before, pag. 943.

Of Minerius the bloudy persecutor, or rather tormē∣tor of Christes saints, how he dyed with bleeding in hys lower partes, ye heard before, pag. 953.

And what should I speake of the iudge which accom∣panied the sayd Minerius in his persecution,* 13.215 who a little after as he returned homeward, was drowned, and three mo of the same company, killed one another vpon a strife that fell amongst them, pag. 953.

Ioannes de Roma cruell Monke, whom rather wee may call a hell hound, then persecutor, what hellishe tor∣mentes hee hadde deuised for the poore Christians of An∣grongne, the cōtents of the story before doth expresse, pag. 216. Agayne, with what like torments afterward, & that doublefold, the Lord payd him home agayne, who in hys rottyng and stinking death, neither could find any enemy to kill hym, nor any friend to bury him, who neither could abide his owne stinking carion, nor any man els to come

neare hym. Hereof read also in the same page and plate a∣boue specified.

Such a like persecutor also the same tyme was the lord of Reuest,* 13.216 who likewise escaped not the reuenging hand of Gods iustice being striken after his furious persecution, with a like horrible sicknes, and such a furie and madnesse, that none durst come neare him, and so most wretchedly died. Whereof read before, pag. 943.

* 13.217Touching the like grieuous punishment of God vpō one Iohn Martin a persecutor, read pag. 955.

* 13.218Erasmus in an Epistle or Apologie written in defence of his Colloquies, inferreth mention of a certayne noble person of great riches and possessions, who hauyng wyfe and children, with a great familie at home (to whom by S. Pauls rule he was bound in conscience principally aboue all other worldly thyngs to attend) had purposed before his death to go see Ierusalem. And thus all thyngs beyng set in order, this Noble man about to set foreward on his iourny, committed the care of his wife (whom he left great with childe) and of his Lordshippes and Castles to an Archbishop,* 13.219 as to a most sure and trusty father. To make short, it happened in the iourney, this Noble man to dye. Whereof, so soone as the Archbishop had intelligence, in stead of a father, he became a thiefe and robber, seising in∣to his owne handes all his Lordshippes and possessions. And moreouer, not yet contented with all this, he layed siege agaynst a strong fort of his (vnto the which his wife for safegard of her selfe did flee) where in conclusion, shee with the child that she went withall, pitifully was slaine, and so miserably perished. Which story was done (as te∣stifieth Erasmus) not so long before his tyme, but y^t there remayned the nephews of the said Noble man then aliue, to whom the same inheritance should haue fallen, but they could not obtaine it.

What commeth of blynd superstition, when a mā not conteining himselfe within the compasse of Gods worde,* 13.220 wandereth in other bywayes of his owne, and not con∣tented with the religion set vp of the Lord, wyll binde his conscience to other ordinaunces, prescriptions, and reli∣gious deuised by men, leauyng Gods commaundements vndone for the constitutions and preceptes of men,* 13.221 what ende and reward (I say) commeth thereof at length, by this one example, beside infinite other of the like sort, men may learne by experience: and therefore they that yet will defend Idolatrous pilgrimage and rash vowes, let them well consider hereof. It is rightly sayd of saint Hierome, to haue bene at Hierusalem,* 13.222 is no great matter, but to lyue a godly and vertuous lyfe, that is a great matter in very deede.

* 13.223In the yeare of our Lord, 1565. there was in the town of Gaunt in Flanders, one William de Weuer, accused & imprisoned by the Prouost of S. Peters in Gaunt (who had in his Cloister a prison and a place of execution) and the day when the sayd William was called to the place of iudgement, the Prouost sent for M. Gyles Brackleman, principall aduocate of the Counsaile of Flaunders, & Bo∣rough maister and Iudge of S. Peters in Gaunt, wyth other of the rulers of the towne of Gaunt, to sit in iudge∣ment vpon hym, and as they sate in iudgement, the Bo∣rough maister named M. Gyles Brackleman reasoned with the sayd William de Weuer, vpon diuers articles of his fayth.

* 13.224The one whereof was, why the sayd William de We∣uer denied that it was not lawfull to pray to Saintes: and he aunswered (as the report goeth) for three causes. The one was, that they were but creatures, and not the creator.

The second was, that if he should call vpon them, the Lord did both see it, and heare it, & therefore he durst geue the glory to none other, but to God.

The third and chiefest cause was, that the creator had commaunded in his holy word, to call vpon him in trou∣bles: vnto which commaundement he durst neither adde nor take from it.

The Borough maister M. Gyles Brackelman also demaunded whethere he did not beleeue that there was a Purgatory which he should go into after this lyfe, where euery one should be purified and cleansed.

He aunswered, that he had red ouer the whole Bible, and could finde no such place, but that the death of Christ was his Purgatory,* 13.225 with many other questions procee∣dyng after their order, vntill hee came to pronounce hys condemnation. But or euer the sayd condemnation was red foorth, the iudgement of God was laid vpon the sayd Borough maister, who sodainly at that present instaunt was striken with a Palsey, that his mouth was drawen vp almost to his eare, and so hee fell downe,* 13.226 the rest of the Lordes by and by standing vp and shadowyng him, that the people coulde not well see hym: and also the people were willed to depart, who beyng still called vpon to de∣part, aunswered, the place was so small to go out, that they could goe no faster. Then the Borough maister beyng ta∣ken vp, was caried to his house, and it is not yet vnder∣stood nor commonly knowen, that euer he spake word af∣ter he was first striken,* 13.227 but was openly knowen to bee dead the next day followyng. And yet notwithstandyng that this was done about tenne of the clocke, they burned the sayd William de Weuer within three houres after on the same day.

The 4. day of March, 1566. the lyke example of the Lordes terrible iudgement was shewed vpon sir Garret Triest knight, who had long before promised to the Re∣gent to bring downe the preachyng. For the which act (as the report goeth) the Regent agayne promised to make hym a Graue, which is an Erle. Of the which sir Garret it is also said, that he commyng from Bruxels towardes Gaunt, brought with him the death of the Preachers, and beyng come to Gaunt, the sayde sir Garret with other of the Lordes hauyng receiued from the Regent a Commis∣sion to sweare the Lordes and Commons vnto the Ro∣mish Religion, the sayd sir Garret the 4. day of March a∣boue noted, at night beyng at supper, willed the Lady his wyfe to call hym in the mornyng one houre sooner then he was accustomed to ryse, for that hee should the nexte day haue much businesse to doe in the towne house, to sweare the Lordes and people to the Romish Religion. But see what happened. The sayd sir Garret goyng to bedde, in good health (as it seemed) when the Lady his wife called him in the mornyng, accordyng to his appoyntment, was found dead in her bedde by her, and so vnable to prosecute his wicked purpose.

The fift day of March, 1566. which was the day that Sir Garret Triest appoynted to be there, and the Lords of Gaunt were come into the Towne house (as they had afore appoynted) to proceed and to geue the othe,* 13.228 accor∣dyng as they had their Commission, and Maister Mar∣tin de Pester the Secretary, beyng appoynted and about to geue the othe as the first man should haue sworne, the sayd Martine de Pester was striken of God with present death likewyse, and fell downe, and was caried away in a chaire or settell, and neuer spake after. Witnes hereunto:

• ...Peter de Bellemaker.
• ...Abraham Rossart.
• ...Maerke de Mill.
• ...Lieuen Hendrickx.
• ...Ian Coucke.
• ...Roger Vanhulle.
• ...Ioys Neuehans.
• ...Lyauin Neuehans.
• ...Wil. vanden Boegarde.
• ...Ioys de Pitte.

About the borders of Sueuia in Germany, not farre from the Citie of Uberlyng, there was a certayne Mo∣nastery of Cistercian Monkes, called Salmesnisie, foun∣ded in the dayes of Pope Innocent. 2. by a noble Baron named Guntherame, about the yeare of our Lord, 1130.* 13.229 This Celle thus beyng erected, in processe of tyme was enlarged with more ample possessions, findyng manye and great benefactoures and endowers, liberally contri∣butyng vnto the same: as Emperours, Dukes, and rich Barons.

Amongest whome most especiall were the Earles of Montforte, who had bestowed vpon that monastery ma∣ny new liberties and great priuiledges, vpon this condi∣tion, that they shoulde receiue with free hospitalitie any stranger both horseman or footeman, for one nightes lod∣ging, who so euer came.* 13.230 But this hospitalitie did not long so continue, through a subtile and diuelish deuise of one of the Monkes, who tooke vpon hym to counterfeite to play the part of the Deuill, ratling and raging in his chaynes, where the straungers should lie, after a terrible maner in the night tyme to fray away the gestes: by reason wher∣of no stranger nor traueller durst there abide, and so con∣tinued this a long space.

At length (as God would) it so happened, that one of the Earles of the sayde house of Mountforte, benefac∣tours to that Abbey, commyng to the Monastery, was there lodged, whether of set purpose, or by chance, it is not knowen.

When the night came, and the Earle was at hys rest, the Monke after his woonted maner beginneth his page∣ant, to play the tame, yea rather the wylde Deuill. There was stampyng, rappyng, spittyng of fire, roring, thunde∣ryng,

bounsing of boordes, and ratling of chaines, enough to make some man starke mad. The Erle hearing the so∣daine noyse, and beyng somewhat peraduenture afraid at the first, although he had not then the feate of coniuring, yet taking a good hart vnto him,* 13.231 & running to his sword, he layd about him well fauoredly, and followyng still the noyse of the deuill, so coniured him at last, that the monke which counterfeited the deuill in iest, was slayne in hys owne likenes in earnest. Ex Gaspare Bruschio, in Chronolo∣gia Monasteriorum Germaniae.

❧After the imprisonment of the congregation, which were taken hearyng Gods word in S. Iames streete in Paris, an. 1558. (as is aboue storied) was a letter written to the king, which was diuulgate abroad, proouing & de∣claring by diuers histories, what afflictions and calami∣ties from tyme to tyme, by Gods righteous iudgement haue fallen vppon such as haue bene enemies to his peo∣ple, and haue resisted the free passage of his holy word. In which letter, forsomuch as beside the sayd examples, much other good fruitfull matter is conteined, worthy of all mē to be read, and especially of Princes to bee considered, I thought here good to copy out the whole, as the Frenche booke doth geue it. The translation of the which letter into English, is after this tenor, as followeth.

¶A Letter translated out of French into English, written to K. Henry the 2. French kyng.

* 13.232COnsider I pray you sir, and you shall finde, that all your affli∣ctions haue come vpon you, since you haue set your selfe a∣gaynst those which are called Lutherans.

When you made the Edict of Chasteaubriant, God sent you warres▪ but when ye ceased the execution of your sayde Edict, and as long as ye were enemye vnto the Pope, and goyng into Almanie for the defence of the libertie of the Germaines affli∣cted for Religion, your affaires prospered as ye would wishe or desire.

* 13.233On the contrary, what hath become vpō you since you were ioyned with the Pope agayne, hauing receiued a sword from him for his own safegard? And who was it that caused you to breake the truce? God hath turned in a moment your prosperities into such afflictions, that they touch not onely the state of your own person, but of your kingdome also.

To what end became the enterprise of the Duke of Guise in I∣taly,* 13.234 goyng about the seruice of the enemy of God, and purpo∣sing after his returne to destroy the Vallies of Piemont, to offer or sacrifice them to God for his victories? The euent hath well declared, that God can turne vpsidedowne our counsailes and enterprises: as he ouerturned of late the enterprise of the Con∣stable of Fraunce at S. Quintins, hauyng vowed to God, that at his returne,* 13.235 he would go and destroy Geneua when he had got∣ten the victory.

Haue you not heard of L. Ponchet Archbish. of Toures, who made sute for the erection of a Court called Chamber Ardente, wherein to condemne the Protestantes to the fire? who after∣wardes was striken with a disease called the fire of God: whiche began at his feete, and so ascended vpward, that he caused one member after another to be cut off, and so died miserably with∣out any remedy?

Also one Castellanus, who hauyng enriched himselfe by the Gospell, and forsaking the pure doctrine thereof, to returne vnto his vomite again, went about to persecute the Christians at Or∣leans, & by the hand of God was striken in his body with a sicke∣nes vnknowen to the Phisitions, the one halfe of his body bur∣nyng as whote as fire, and the other as colde as Ise: and so most miserably crying and lamentyng, ended his lyfe.

There be other infinite examples of Gods iudgements wor∣thy to be remembred:* 13.236 as the death of the Chauncellour and Le∣gate du Prat, which was the first that opened to the Parliament, the knowledge of heresies, and gaue out the first Commissions to put the faythfull to death, who afterwarde died in his house at Natoillet, swearyng and horribly blasphemyng GOD, and hys stomacke was founde pierced and gnawen a sunder wyth wormes.

* 13.237Also Iohn Ruse, Counsailor in the Parliament, comming frō the Court after he had made report of the processe agaynst the poore innocentes, was taken with a burnyng in the lower parte of his belly, and before he could be brought home to his house, the fire inuaded all his secret partes, and so hee died miserably, burnyng all his belly ouer, without any signe or token of the ac∣knowledging of God.

Also one named Claude de Asses, a Counsailour in the sayd Courte,* 13.238 the sayde day that he gaue his opinion and consent to burne a faythfull Christian (albeit it was not done in deede as he would haue it) after he had dyned, committed whoredome with a seruaunte in the house, and euen in doyng the acte, was striken with a disease called Apoplexia, whereof he dyed out of hande.

Peter Liset, chiefe President of the sayd Courte, and one of the authors of the foresayd burnyng chamber,* 13.239 was deposed frō his office, for beyng known to be out of his right wit and berea∣ued of his vnderstandyng.

Also Iohn Morin, Lieuetenaunt Criminall of the Prouost of Paris, after he had bene the cause of the death of many christians, was finally striken with a disease in his legs, called the Wolues: whereby he lost the vse of them, & died also out of his wits, ma∣ny dayes before, denieng and blaspheming God.

Likewise Iohn Andrew, Bookebinder of the Pallace, a spie for the President Liset, and of Bruseard the kings sollicitor, died in a fury and madnes.

The Inquisitor Iohn de Roma in Prouence, his flesh fell from hym by peece meale, so stinkyng that no man might come nere hym.

Also Iohn Minerius of Prouence, which was the cause of the death of a great number of men, women, and children, at Cabri∣ers & at Merindol, died with bleeding in the lower partes, the fire hauing take his belly▪ blaspheming and despising of God, be∣sides many other wherof we might make recital which were pu∣nished with the like kynd of death.

It may please your maiesty to remember your self that ye had no sooner determined to set vpon vs, but new troubles were by and by moued by your enemies, with whom ye could come to no agreement, which God would not suffer, for as much as your peace was grounded vpon the persecution which ye pretended against Gods seruauntes: As also your Cardinals can not let through their crueltie the course of the Gospell, which hath ta∣ken such roote in your realme, that if God should geue you leaue to destroy the professors thereof, you should bee almost a kyng without subiects.

Tertullian hath well sayde,* 13.240 that the bloud of Martyrs is the seed of the Gospell. Wherfore to take away all these euyls com∣myng of the riches of the papistes, which cause so much whore∣dome, Sodomitrie, and incest, wherein they wallowe lyke hogs, feeding their idle bellies: the best way were to put them from their lands and possessions, as the old sacrifising Leuits were, ac∣cording to the expresse commaundement which was geuen to Iosua. For as long as the ordinance of God tooke place, and that they were voyde of ambition, the puritie of religion remayned whole and perfect: but when they began to aspire to principali∣tie, riches, and worldly honours, then began the abhomination of desolation that Christ found out.

It was euen so in the Primatiue church: for it flourished & continued in all purenesse,* 13.241 as long as the Ministers were of smal wealth, and sought not their particuler profite, but the glorye of God onely. For since the Popes began to be princelike, and to v∣surpe the dominion of the Empire vnder the colour of a fals do∣nation of Constantine, they haue turned the Scriptures from their true sense, and haue attributed the seruice to themselues, which we owe to God. Wherefore your Maiestie may seise with good right vpon all the temporalties of the benefices, and that with a safe conscience for to employ them to their true & right vse.

First,* 13.242 for the findyng and maintainyng of the faithfull Mini∣sters of the word of God, for such liuyngs as shall be requisite for them, accordyng as the case shall require. Secondly, for the en∣tertainment of your Iustices that geue iudgement. Thirdly, for the relieuyng of the poore, and maintenance of Colledges to in∣struct the poore youth in that which they shall be most apte vn∣to. And the rest, which is infinite, may remayne for the entertain∣ment of your owne estate and affaires, to the great easement of your poore people, which alone beare the burthen, and possesse in maner nothyng.

In this doyng, an infinite number of men, and euen of your Nobilitie, which lyue of the Crucifix, should employ themselues to your seruice and the common wealths so much the more di∣ligently, as they see that ye recompence none but those that haue deserued: where as now there is an infinite number of men in your kingdome, which occupy the chiefest & greatest benefi∣ces, which neuer deserued any part of them, &c. And thus much touching the superfluous possessions of the Popes Lordly Cler∣gie. Now procedyng further in this exhortation to the king, thus the letter importeth.

But when the Papists see that they haue not to alleadge for themselues any reason,* 13.243 they assay to make odious to your maie∣sty the Lutherans (as they call vs) and say: if their sayinges take place, ye shall be faine to remaine a priuate person: & that there is neuer change of religion, but there is also chaunge of prince∣dome. A thyng as false as when they accuse vs to be Sacramen∣taries, and that we deny the authoritie of Magistrates, vnder the shadow of certaine furious Anabaptists, which Satan hath ray∣sed in our tyme to darken the light of the Gospell. For the histo∣ries of the Emperours which haue begun to receiue the Chri∣stian religion, and that which is come to passe in our tyme, shew the contrary.

Was there euer Prince more feared and obeyed, then Con∣stantine in receiuing the Christian Religion? was hee therefore

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put from the Empire? No▪ he was thereby the more confirmed & established in the same, and also his posterity which ruled them∣selues by his prouidence. But such as haue fallen away and folo∣wed mens traditions,* 13.244 God hath destroyed, and theyr race is no more knowne in earth: So much doth God detest them that for∣sake him

And in our time the late kinges of England and Germanye, were they cōstrayned in reprouing superstitions, which the wic∣kednes of the time had brought in, to forsake their kingdomes & princedomes? Al men see the contrary: and what honor, fidelity, and obedience the people in our time that haue receiued the re∣formation of the Gospell, do vnder theyr princes and superiors. Yea, I may say, that the princes knew not before what it was to be obeyed, at that time when the rude and ignoraunt people re∣ceiued so readily the dispēsations of the Pope, to d••iue out their owne kinges and naturall Lordes.

The true and onely remedy, sir is, that ye cause to be holden a holy and free Counsell, where ye shou••d be chiefe, and not the Pope & his, who ought but onely to defende their causes by the holy scriptures: that in the meane while ye may seeke out mē not corrupted, suspected, nor partial▪ whō ye may charge to geue re∣port faythfully vnto you of the true sence of the holy scriptures. And this done, after the example of the good kinges Iosaphath, Ezechias, & Iosias, ye shall take out of the Churche all Idolatry, superstition, & abuse which is found directly contrary to the ho∣ly scriptures of the old and new testament, & by that meanes ye shall guid you•• people in the true & pure serui••e of God, not re∣garding in the meane time the cauilling pretenses of the papists which say, that such questiōs haue bene already answered at ge∣nerall Counsels: for it is knowne well enoug••, tha•• no Counsell hath bene lawfull since the Popes haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the principali∣ty & tyranny vpon mens soules, but they haue made them serue to their couetousnes, ambition and cruel••y 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the contrariety which is amōg those coūsels, maketh enough for their disproofe, beside a hundred thousand other absurdities ag••in•••• the word of God, which be in them. The true proofe for such matters is in the true & holy Scriptures, to the which no time, nor age hath any prescription to be alledged agaynst thē: fo•• by them we receiue the Counsels founded vpon the worde of God, and also by the same we reiect that doctrine which is repugnant.

And if ye do thus Syr, God will blesse your enterprise, he will encrease & confirme your raigne and Empyre, and your posteri∣ty. If otherwise, destruction is at your gate, and vnhappy are the people which shall dwell vnder your obediēce.* 13.245 There is no doubt but God will hardē your hart as he did Pha••aos and take of the crowne from your head▪ as he did to Ieroboam. N••dab, Baza▪ A∣chab, and to many other kinges, which haue folowed m••ns tra∣ditions, agaynst the commaundemēt of God and geue it to your enemies to triumph ouer you and your children▪

And if the Emperour Antonine the meek, although he were a Pagan & Idolater, seing himselfe bewrapt with so many wars, ceased the persecutiōs which were in his time agaynst the chri∣stians, and determined in the ende to heare their causes and rea∣sons, how muche more ought you that beare the name of moste Christian king, to be carefull and diligent to cease 〈◊〉〈◊〉 persecuti∣ons agaynst the poore Christians, seing they h••ue not t••oubled, nor doe trouble in any wise the state of your kingdome, & your affayres: considering also that the Iewes be suffe••ed through all Christendome, although they be mortall enemies o•• our Lorde Iesus Christ, which we holde by common accorde and consent for our God, Redeemer, and Sauiour: and that vntill you haue heard lawfully debated, and vnderstand our reasons takē of the holy Scriptures, and that your Maiestye haue iudged, if we bee worthy of such punishmentes: For if we be not ouercome by the worde of God, the fires, the sworde, nor the c••••••••lest tormentes shall make vs afrayd. These be the exercises that God hath pro∣mised to his, of the which he foretolde shoulde come in the laste times, that they should not be troubled when such persecutions shall come vpon them.

Translated out of the French booke intituled, Commenta∣ries of the state of the Church and publicke weale. &c. pag. 7.

¶The story and end of the french king.

* 13.246WHosoeuer was the authour or authours of this let∣ter aboue prefixed, herein thou seest (good Reader) good counsell geuen to the king, if he had the grace to re∣ceiue it, and had folowed the same, no doubt but Gods blessing working with him, he had not onely set that Re∣alme in a blessed staye, from much disturbaunce, but also had continued himselfe in all florishing felicity of princely honour and dignity. For so doth the lord commonly blesse and aduaunce such kinges & Princes, as seeke hys honor, and submit their wils to his obedience. But cōmonly the fault of kinges and Potentates of this world is, that be∣ing set about with Parasites, either they seldom heare the truth told thē, or if they do, yet will they not lightly be put from theyr owne willes, disdayning to be admonished by their inferiors, be theyr counsell neuer so holsom & godly. Which thing many times turneth them to great plages & calamitie, as by plentiful exāples of kings destroyed,* 13.247 woū¦ded, imprisoned, deposed, drowned, poysoned. &c. may wel to thē y^t read histories appeare, but especially in this presēt example of Henry French king, the seconde of that name, is in this our age notoriously to be considered. Who b••ing well warned before (as may seeme) would not yet surcease his cruell persecution agaynst the Lordes people, but ra∣ther was the more hardened in hart, and inflamed against them: in so muche that he sayd to Anne du Bourg, one of the high Court of Parliament in Paris, threatning hym, that he would see him burne with his own eyes.

Further,* 13.248 how his purpose was to extende his power and force likewise agaynst other places moe, in persecu∣tyng the Gospell of Christe, and professours thereof, to the vttermost of his abilitie, I leaue it to the reporte of them, which in this matter know more then I here will vtter.

But notwithstanding al these cracks and threatnings of the king (to see what the Lord can doe in making hygh kinges to stoupe) euen the same day when the king was in his most rage agaynst these good men,* 13.249 almightye God taking the cause in hand to fight for his Church, so turned y^e matter, that he made the great enemy of hys, both with his mouth and with his hand, to worke his own destruc∣tion: with his mouth in commaunding, with his han•• in geuing him the Lance into hys hand, which the same day gaue him his deathes wound: as by the sequele hereof in reading ye may vnderstand.

¶The stroke of Gods hand vpon Henry .2. French king.

KIng Henry being in the Parliamēt house, which was kept at the Fryer Augustines at Paris, because y^e Pal∣lace was in preparing agaynst the mariage of hys daugh∣ter and his sister, and hauing heard the opinion in religiō of Anne du Bourg Counsaylour in the lawe, a man elo∣quent and learned, he caused the sayd Anne du Bourg and Loys du Faur Counsaylours, to be taken prisoners by y^e Constable of Fraunce, who apprehended them, and dely∣uered them into the handes of the Countye of Mongom∣mery, the which caryed them to prison. Agaynst whom the king being wrathfull and angry, among other talke, sayd to the sayd Anne du Bourg: These eyes of mine shall see thee burnt: And so on the 19. of Iune, Commission was geuen to the Iudges to make his Proces.

During this meane while, great feastes and banquets were preparing in the Courte, for ioy and gladnes of the mariage that should be of the kinges daughter and sister, agaynst the last day of Iune saue one.* 13.250 So when the day & tyme aboue prefixed was come, the king employed all the morning in examining as wel the Presidentes, as Coun∣saylours of the sayde Parliament agaynst these prisoners and other theyr companions that were charged with the same doctrine, which being done, they went to dinner.

The king after he had dyned, for that he was one of y^e defendauntes at the Tourney, which was solemnly made in S. Anthonies Streate, neare to the prison where the foresayde Prisoners were committed, hee entred into the Lystes, and there in iusting: as the manner is, had bro∣ken many Staues right valiauntly as could be, runnyng as well agaynste the Countye of Montgommery, as o∣ther moe.

Whereupon he was highly commended of the lookers on. And because he had done so valiauntly,* 13.251 and was thou∣ght nowe to haue done enough, hee was desired to cease with praise. But he being the more inflamed with hearing of hys prayse, woulde needes runne an other course wyth Montgommery: who then refusing to runne agaynst the king, and kneling vpon his knees for pardon not to run: the king being egerly set, commanded him vpon his alle∣geance to runne, and (as some affirme) did also him selfe put the staffe in his hand, vnto whose handes he had com∣mitted the foresayd prisoners a little before.* 13.252 Montgom∣mery thus being enforced whether he would or no, to run agaynst the king, addressed hymselfe after the best wyse to obey the kinges commaundement.

Whereupon he and the king met together so stoutly y^t in breaking theyr Speares, the king was striken with the counter blowe, so right in one of hys eyes, by reasonne that the visour of his Helmet so sodenly fell downe at the same instaunt, y^t the shiuers entred into hys head: so that y^e braynes was peryshed, & thereupon so festred, that no re∣medy could bee founde, although Phisitions and Surge∣ons were sent for from all places in the Realme, as also

frō Brabant by king Philip, but nothing auayled, so that the xj. day after, that is, the x. of Iuly. 1559. he ended his life in great dolour, hauing raigned xij. yeares, three mo∣nethes and ten dayes.

* 13.253Some report, that among other wordes he said, that he feared he was strickē for casting y^e poore christians wrong∣fully in prisō: but the Cardinal of Loraine standing by (as he was alwayes at hād) sayd vnto him, that it was the e∣nemy that tempted him, & that he should be stedfast in the fayth. By this meanes the Hall which was prepared for a place of ioy and gladnes,* 13.254 did now serue for a Chappel to keep the corps, being dressed with blacke mourning cloth, & night and day t••ere was nothing heard but mournyng and lamenting for the space of xl, dayes.

About two yeares after this, which was the yeare of our Lord .1561. there were certayne Gentlemen put to death at Amboise,* 13.255 for taking armes agaynst the house of Guise. Touching which Gentlemen, this is to be noted, that as one of thē should be brought to the place of execu∣tiō, where the other lay dead before him, he thrust his han∣des into the bloud of two of his companions which were there beheaded, and then lifting them vp to heauen, cryed with a loud voyce: Lord behold the bloud of thy childrē: thou wilt in time and place reuenge it.

Not long after the same, the Chancellor Oliuier, who was condemner of thē,* 13.256 at the instigatiō and pursuit of the Cardinall of Loraine, through great remorse of cōscience fell sicke, and in a frensy casting out sighes vncessauntly, & afflicting himselfe after a fearefull and straūge fashion for his vnrighteous sentence, and more then barbarous cru∣elty, shriked vpon a sodeyne with an horrible cry, & sayd: O Cardinall thou wilt make vs all to be damned. And within a very few dayes after he dyed.

Fraunces the second of that name, king of Fraunce, at the perswasion of the Cardinall of Loraine & of certeyne others, caused an assēbly of the Estates of the realm in the towne of Orleans, among other things to mainteine the Papall See, to the ouerthrow of those which would lyue after the sincerity of the gospel: but being fallen sick, short∣ly after in the foresayd place, of a feuer, through an Impo∣stume in his left eare, he dyed, the fourth of Decemb. 1561. hauing raigned but one yeare and about fiue monethes.

It was sayd of this king Fraunces (as the authour a∣boue mentioned reporteth) that when he was drawyng toward his end, the Cardinal of Loraine made him to say and pronounce these words which folow:* 13.257 Lord forgeue me my trespasses, and impute not vnto me the faultes which my mi∣nisters haue done vnder my name and authority.

Neither is it vnworthy of obseruation, that after the father happened in much like sort by gods mighty iudge∣ment vpon Carol. 9. his second sonne, & brother to Fran∣ces aboue mentioned, in these our latter dayes, who after the horrible and bloudy murder of the Admyrall,* 13.258 & other true professors of Christes Gospell, both men, womē, and children, to the nūber of many thousandes, of diuers Ci∣tyes, in so much that the prisōs & streetes are said to be co∣loured w^t bloud, smoking after such a cruell sort, as in our time or country the like hath not hitherto bene sene: by the terrible stroke of gods iust reuenge, the same king, by cre∣dible report of stor••, is sayd to dye of bleeding, not onely at his eares and nose, but in all other places of his bodye, where bloud might haue any issue.

Unto these afore recited historyes of king Henry and hys two Sonnes,* 13.259 might also be added the death of the Emperour Charles the fift. Who in like maner beyng an enemy, and a great terrour to the Gospell, was cut of like wise for doing any more hurt to the Church, muche about the same time, an. 1558. which was but three monethes be∣fore the death of Queene Mary, and ten monethes before the death of the sayd Henry the 2. Touching the death of which Charles and Henry, & Fraunces, this Epitaph fo∣lowing was written in Latine verses, and printed in the French story booke, aboue alledged.

Consilijs Christum oppugnans & fraudibus, ingens Regum ille terror Carolus, * 13.260Ipsis ridiculus pueris, furiosus & excors, Totus repentè corruit. Tu{que} Henrice, malis dum consultoribus vtens, Sitis piorum sanguinem, Ipse tuo vecors inopina caede peremptus, Terram imbuisti sanguine. Henrici deinceps sectans vestigia patris Franciscus infoelix puer, Clamantem Christum surda dum negligit aure, Aure putrefacta corruit. Versuti, fatui, surdi, haec spectacula Reges, Vos sapere vel mori iubent.

Not long after Anne du Bourges death, the President Minard, who was a sore persecutour,* 13.261 and the condemner of the sayd Anne du Bourg, as he returned from the Pal∣lace or Counsell chamber, to his owne house, beyng vpon his Mule, euen hard by his house was slayne with a Dag but who was the doer thereof, or for what cause hee was slayne, for all the inquisition and dilligent searche y^t coulde be made, it was neuer knowne.

Amongst many other examples worthy to be noted,* 13.262 let vs also consider the end of the K. of Nauarre, brother to the worthy Prince of Condy, who after he had susteined a certayne time, the cause of the Gospell, at length being al∣lured by the flattering words of y^e Duke of Guise and the Cardinall of Loraine his brother, and vpon hope to haue his landes restored againe, which the king of Spayne re∣teyned from him, was contented to alter his religion and to ioyne side with the Papists, and so being in camp with the Duke of Guise at the siege of Roane, was there shot in with a pellet. After which wound receiued, being brought to a towne three miles from the campe, called Preaux, hee did vehemently repent and lament his backsliding from y^e Gospell, promising to God most earnestly, y^t if hee might escape that hurt, he woulde bring to passe that the Gospell should be preached freely through all Fraunce: Notwith∣standing within fiue or sixe dayes after he dyed.* 13.263

Neyther did the Duke of Guise himselfe, the greate Archenemy of God and his Gospell, continue in life long after that, but both he with y^e whole triumuirat of France that is, three the greatest captayns of popery, were cut off for doyng any more hurt, to wit, the Duke of Guise before Orleance, the Constable before Paris, the Marshal of S. Andrew before Dreux.

¶Of the Emperour Sigismundus.

Amongest others, here is not to bee past ouer nor for∣gotten the notable examples of Gods iust scourge vp¦pon Sigismundus y^e Emperour, of whō mentiō is made before, in the condemnation of Iohn Husse, & Hierome of Prage, pag. 596. After the deathe and wrongfull condem∣nation of which blessed martyrs: nothing afterward went prosperously with the sayd Emperour, but all contrary: so that both he dyed without issue, & in his warres euer wēt to the worst. And not long after, Ladislaus his daughters sonne king of Hungary, fighting agaynst the Turk, was slayne in the fielde. So that in the tyme of one generation, al the posteritie & ofspring of this Emperor perished. Be∣sides this, Barbara his wife came to suche ruine, by her wicked leudnes, y^t she became a shame and slaunder to the name & state of all Queenes. Whereby all Christian prin∣ces and Emperours may sufficiently bee admonished, if they haue grace, what it is to defile themselues with the bloud of Christes blessed sayntes and Martyrs.

¶A note of Christopher Parker.

CHristopher Parker, called Parker the wilde, mentio∣ned before in this booke of Monumentes, pag. 1986. who being a persecuter of Richard Woodman, did mana∣cle his handes with a corde, did cast himselfe into a pond, and so drowned himselfe at Herstnonceux in Sussex, the 8. of September. 1575.

*The story of one Drayner of Kent, common∣ly called Iustice Nyne hooles.

I May not in this place omit the tragedy of one Drayner of Smarden in the Coun••y of Kent, Esquire,* 13.264 who bea∣ring grudge against one Gregory Doddes, Parson of the sayde towne, for reprouing his vicious lyfe, sent for hym by two men, which tooke hym & brought him before him, where he was had into a Parlour, as it were to breakfast. In which behinde y^e doore he had placed one Roger Ma∣thew secretly, to beare witnes what he shuld say, no more being in sight but y^e sayd Drayner & one of hys men, who willed and perswaded him to speake freely his minde, for that there was not sufficient record of his wordes to hurt him. But the Lord kept his talke without perill,* 13.265 wherby the sayd Drayner sent hym to the next Iustice called M. George Dorell, who perceiuing it to be done more of ma∣lice thē otherwise, deliuered him vpon sureties, to appeare at the next Sessions at Cant. and at length was banished the Countrey.

This sayd Drayner afterward, being chosen Iustice, to shew himselfe diligent in seeking y^e trouble of his neigh¦bors, made in y^e Rodeloft nyne hooles, that he might looke about the church in Masse tyme. In which place alway at the sacring therof, he would stand to see who looked not, or

held not vp his hands therto: which persōs so not doing, he would trouble & punish very sore. Wherby he purcha∣sed a name ther, & is called to this day Iustice nine holes: who now (God be thanked) is Iohn out of office, & glad of his neighbors good will.

It so fell out, that since this was published, the sayde Drayner came to the Printers house, with other associate, demaunding: Is Foxe here? To whome aunswere was geuen, that maister Foxe was not within. Is the Printer within (quoth Drayner? It was aunswered, yea: Where∣vpon being required to come vp into his house, was as∣ked what his will was. Mary, sayth he, you haue printed me false in your booke: Why sayth the Printer is not your name M. Drayner, otherwise called Iustice nine holes? It is false sayth he: I made but v. with a great Augure, and the Parson made the rest. It was answered: I haue not read that a Iustice shoulde make him a place in the Roode loft to see if the people held vppe theyr handes. He sayd where as you alleadge, that I did it to see who ado∣red y^e sacrament, or who not, it is vntrue: for I set as litle by it, as the best of you all. In deede sayth the Printer, so we vnderstand now, for you being at a supper in Cheap∣side among certaine honest company, and there burdened with the matter, sayd then, that you did it rather to looke vpon fayre wenches, then otherwise. He being in a great rage▪ sware to the purpose, saying: Can a man speake no∣thing, but you must haue vnderstāding therof? But sayth he, did I any man any hurt? It was aunswered, that hee meant litle good to M. Doddes aforesayd, especially pro∣curing a secret witnesse behinde his doore, to catche some wordes that might tend to Doddes destruction. Whiche thing, Drayner sware, as before, was not true. To whō the printer replied, that it was most true, for that the par∣ty there secretly hidden, hath since vpon his knees, asking forgeuenesse for his intent, confessed the same to Doddes himselfe.* 13.266 I will hang that knaue sayth he: And so he de∣parted in a rage: and since is deceased, whose death & or∣der therof, I referre to the secret Iudge.

¶A Lamentable History of Iohn Whiteman, Shooma∣ker, who suffered most cruell tormentes at Ostend in Flaunders, for the testimony of Iesus Christ, and the truth of his Gospell. an. 1572.

* 13.267IOhn Whiteman Shoomaker, being about the age of 49. yeares, borne in Tinen a towne in Brabant. After hys comming ouer into England, dwelt in Rye in the Coun∣ty of Sussex, maryed xxiij. yeares: alwayes a professour of the Gospell, as well in the time of the freedome therof, as in time of persecution. About Candlemas in the yeare 1572. vnknowne to his frendes in Rye, vnderstanding of shipping in Rye, which was ready bound for Ostend in Flaunders, went aboorde the Saterday morning and ar∣riued at Ostend that night, where he lodged wyth one of his kinsmē there dwelling. The next day being Sonday, in the morning, he accompanyed with his sayd kinsman, tooke his iourney as it were to haue passed hither into the countrey.

When they were about three mile on theyr way out of the Towne, sodeynely Whitman stayd, and would go no further: but immediatly returned back againe to Ostend, whither so soone ••s he was come, it being seruice tyme in theyr Church, he forthwith addressed himselfe thither, and at the time of the heaue offering stept to the sacrificer,* 13.268 and tooke from ouer his head his Idoll, saying these words in the Dutch tongue· Is this your God? and so breaking it, cast it downe vnder his feet and trode theron. Forthwith the people in an vprore came to lay holde on him, and hardly in the Church escaped he death by the souldiers there pre∣sent, but being rescued by some, to the intent to be further examined and made a publicke spectackle, he was carryed immediatly to prison. Upon the next day, being monday, the Iudges & other Counsellers being assembled, he was brought forth into the common hall, and examined of hys fact, the intent, the counsell, and abettors thereof, and also of his fayth: where he very cōstantly in defence of his chri∣stian fayth, & great detestation of Idolatry, demeaned him selfe in such sort, that he wrong teares from the eyes of di∣uers, both of the chiefe, & others present. So was he com∣mitted agayne to prison. The next day being Tuesday, he was brought out agayne before the Iudges into the same place. And being examined as before, he no whit abated, but increased in his cōstancy.* 13.269 Whereupō sentēce was geuē vpō him, to haue his hand cut of, and his body scorched to death, & after to be hāged vp. So the day folowing, being wednesday, he was brought out of prisō to the towne hal, standing in the market place, all thinges belōging to exe∣cution being made ready there. Which when they were al ready, the hangman went into the hall, & with a cord tyed y^e hands of Whitman, & came out leadyng him thereby: so soone as Whitman was out of the house, he made such hast & as it wer ran to the place of execution, y^t he drew y^e hang∣man after him. There was a post set vp with sparres frō the top therof, aslope downe to the ground, in maner of a Tent, to the end that he shoulde be onely scorched to death & not burned. When he was come to the place, y^e hangmā commaunded him to lay downe hys right hand vppon a block, which he immediately w^t a hatchet smote of, the good man stil cōtinuing constāt, y^e hangman stept behind him, & bid him put out his tonge, which he forthw^t did, as far as he could out of his mouth, through y^e which he thrust a lōg instrument like a Packe needle, and so let it sticke. Then the Iudges standing by in the common Hall, read agayn his fact and sentence.* 13.270 Wherunto hee coulde make no aun∣swere, his tongue hāging out of his head: so was he strip∣ped out of his Cassocke, his hose being put of in prison: & put w^tin his Tent, & made fast with two chaynes, and fire and put round about, which broyled and scorched his bo∣dy most miserably, al blacke, he not being seene, but heard to make a noyse within the Tent. When he was dead, hee was caryed out to be hāged vpon a gybbot beside y^e town.

Spectatores praesentes, Cutbert Carr, Bartholo∣meus Bellington, Nautae Rienses.

¶Admonition to the Reader concerning the examples aboue mentioned.

IT hath bene a long perswasion gendred in the heades of many men these many yeares, that to ground a mans fayth vpō Gods word alone, and not vpon the See and Churche of Rome, follo∣wing all the ordinaunces and constitutions of the same; was damnable heresie, and to persecute such men to death, was hygh seruice done to God. Whereupon hath risen so great persecuti∣ons, slaughters, and murders, with such effusion of Christē bloud through all partes of Christendome, by the space of these 70. yeares, as hath not before bene seene. And of these men Chryst himselfe doth full well warne vs long before, true prophesiyng of such times to come, when they that flea his Ministers and ser∣uantes, shuld thinke themselues to do good seruice vnto God. Ioh. 16. Now, what wicked seruice, and howe detestable before God this is, which they falsly perswade themselues to be godly,* 13.271 what more euident demonstrations can we require, then these so many, so manifest, & so terrible examples of Gods wrath pou∣ring down from heauen vpon these persecuters, whereof part we haue already set forth:* 13.272 for to comprehend all (which in number are infinite) it is vnpossible. Wherfore, although there be manye whiche will neyther heare, see, nor vnderstand, what is for theyr profite, yet let al moderate & wel disposed natures take warning in time. And if the playne word of God will not suffice thē, nor the bloud of so many martirs wil moue thē to embrace the truth and forsake errour, yet let the desperate deathes & horrible pu∣nishments of their own papistes perswade thē, how perillous is the end of this dānable doctrine of papistry. For if these papistes which make so much of their painted antiquitie, do thinke theyr proceedings to be so Catholick, & seruice so acceptable to God, let thē ioyn this withal, & tel vs, how commeth then theyr pro∣cedings to be so accursed of God, & their end so miserably pla∣gued, as by these examples aboue specified, is here notoriously to be seene? Agayne, if the doctrine of them be such heresie, whom they haue hetherto persecuted for heretickes vnto death, howe then is almighty God become a mayntayner of heretickes, who hath reuenged theyr bloud so greeuously vppon theyr enemyes and persecuters?

The putting out of the French kinges eyes, which promised before with his eyes to see one of Gods true seruauntes burned who seeth not with his eyes to be the stroke of Gods hand vpon him? Then his sonne Frances after him,* 13.273 not regarding his fathers stripe, would needes yet proceed in burning the same man: and did not the same God whiche put out his fathers eyes, geue hym suche a blow on the eare, that it cost him his life if the platform of Steuen Gardiner had bene a thing so necessary for the church and so gratefull vnto God, why then did it not prosper with him nor he with it: but both he and his platforme lay in the dust, and none left behinde him to build vpon it? After the tyme of Steuen Gardiner, and at the Councell of Trent,* 13.274 what conspiracies and pollicies were deuised? what practises and traynes were layde through the secret confederacy of princes and prelates, for the vtter subuersion of the Gospell and all Gospellers, which if God had seen to haue bene for his glory, why then came they to none effect? yea, how or by whome were they disclosed and foreprised but by the Lord himself, which would not haue them come for∣ward?

The vehement zeale of Queene Mary, whiche was like to haue set vp the Pope here agayne in England for euer,* 13.275 if it had so much plesed the Lord God as it pleased her self: or if it had bene so godly as it was bloudy, no doubt but Gods blessing woulde

haue gone withall. But when was the Realme of England more barren of all Gods blessinges? what Prince euer raigned here more shorter time, or lesse to his owne hartes ease then didde Queene Mary?

* 13.276The Constable of Fraunce when he conuented with GOD, that if he had victory at S Quintines, he would set vpon Gene∣ua, thought (no doubt) that he had made a great good bargaine with God: Much like to Iulian the Emperour, who going against the Persians, made his vow that if he spedde well, he would offer the bloud of Christians. But what did God? came not both theyr vowes to like effect?

The examples of such as reuolted from the Gospell to Papi∣stry, be not many: but as fewe as they were, scarse can any be found which began to turne to the Pope, but the Lord began to turne from them,* 13.277 and to leaue them to theyr ghostly enemy: As we haue heard of the king of Nauarre in Fraunce, of Hēry Smith and Doctor Shaxton in England, with other in other Countries moe, of whom some dyed in great sorow of conscience, some in miserable doubt of their saluation, some stricken by Gods hand, some driuen to hang or drowne themselues.

The stincking death of Steuen Gardiner, of Iohn de Roma, of Twyford, of the Bayliffe of Crowland: The suddeyne death of the Suffragane of Douer, of Doctour Dunning, of Doctour Gef∣fray, of Berry the Promoter: The miserable and wretched end of Poncher Archbishop of Towers, of Cardinall Crescentius, Ca∣stellanus: The desparate disease of Rockewood, of Latomus, of Guarlacus: The earthly ending of Henry Beauforde Cardinall of Winchester, of Eckius, of Thornton called Dicke of Douer: The wilfull and selfe murder of Pauyer, of Richard Long, of Bomelius, besides infinite other: The dreadfull taking awaye and murren of so many persecutyng Byshoppes, so many blou∣dye Promoters, and malicious Aduersaryes, in suche a shorte tyme together with Queene Marye, and that wythout anye mans hand, but onely by the secret working of Gods iust iudge∣ment.

To adde to these also the stincking death of Edmund Boner, commonly named the bloudy Bishop of London: who not ma∣ny yeares agoe, in the time and reigne of Queene Elizabeth, af∣ter he had long feasted and banquetted in Durance at the Mar∣shalsea, as he wretchedly dyed in his blinde Popery, so as stinc∣kingly, and as blindely at midnight was he brought out & bu∣ried in the outside of all the Citty, amonges theeues and murde∣rers, a place right conuenient for such a murderer: with confusi∣on and derision both of men and children, who trampling vpon his graue, well declared how he was hated both of God & man. What els be all these (I say) but playne visible argumentes, testi∣monies, and demonstrations euen from heauē agaynst the pope, his murdering Religion, and his bloudy doctrine? For who can deny their doings not to be good, whose end is so euill. If Christ bid vs to know mē by their fruits, & especially seing by the end all thinges are to be tryed, howe can the profession of that doc∣trine please God, which endeth so vngodly? Esaias chap. 50. pro∣phesying of the ende of Gods enemyes, whiche woulde needes walke in the lighte of theyr owne setting vppe, and not in the light of the Lordes kindling,* 13.278 threatneth to them this finall male∣diction: In doloribus (sayth he) dormietis i. In sorow shall you sleepe. Let vs now take a suruey of all those persecuters, whiche of late haue so troubled the earth (and almost haue burned vppe the world with fagots and fire, for mainetenaunce of the Popes Religion) and see what the end hath bene of them that are nowe gone, and whither their Religion hath brought them, but either to destruction, or desparation, or confusion & shame of life. So many great Doctors and Bishops haue cried out of late so migh∣tely agaynst priestes marriage, and haue they not, by Gods iust iudgement working theyr confusion, bene detected themselues and taken the most part of them in sinnefull adultery,* 13.279 & shame∣full fornication? Cardinall Ioannes Cremensis the Popes Legate here in England, after he had set a law that Priestes shoulde haue no wiues, was he not the nexte daye after, being taken with hys whores, driuen out of Londō with confusion and shame enough, so that afterward he durst not shew his face here any more? Be∣sides the two Bishops in the late counsell of Trent, most shame∣fully taken in adultery, mentioned before. Also besides innu∣merable other like forreigne storyes,* 13.280 which I let passe, to come now to our owne domesticall examples. I could wel name halfe a score at least of famous Doctors, and some Byshops, with theyr great maysters of Popery, who in standing earnestly agaynst the mariage of Priestes, haue afterward bene taken in such dishonest factes themselues, that not onely they haue caried the publicke shame of adulterous lecherers, but some of them the markes also of burning fornication with them in theyr bodyes to theyr gra∣ues. Whose names although I suffer here to be suppressed, yet the examples of them may suffice to admonishe all men that bee wise,* 13.281 and which will auoyde the wrath of Gods terrible venge∣ance, to beware of Popery.

And thus hauing hitherto recited so manye shamefull lyues and desperate endes of so many popish Persecutours stricken by Gods hand: nowe let vs consider agayne on the contrarye syde the blessed endes geuen of almighty God vnto them, which haue stoode so manfully in the defence of Christes Gospel, and the re∣formation of his religion, and let the Papists themselues here be iudges. First what a peaceable and heauenly ende made the wor∣thy seruaunt and singular Organe of God M. Luther?

To speake likewise of the famous Iohn Duke of Saxonie and prince Elector, of the good Palsgraue, of Phillip Melancthon, of Pomeranus, Vrbanus Rhegius, Berengarius, of Vlricus Zuingli∣us, Oecolampadius, Pellicanus, Capito, Munsterius, Ioannes Caluinus, Petrus Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paulus Phagius, Ioan. Musculus, Bibliander, Gesnerus, Hofman, Augustinus,* 13.282 Marlora∣tus, Lewes of Bourbon Prince of Condy, and his godly wife be∣fore him, with many mo, which were knowne to be learned mē, and chiefe standerds of the Gospel side against the Pope, and yet no man able to bring forth any one example eyther of these, or of any other true Gospeller, that eyther killed himselfe, or shew∣ed forth any signification or appearaunce of despayre, but full of hope and constant in faythe, and replenished with the fruite of righteousnesse in Christ Iesu, so yealded they theyr lyues in qui∣et peace vnto the Lord.

From these Forrayners, let vs come now to the Martyrs of England, and marke likewise the ende both of them, and sem∣blably of all other of the same profession. And first to beginne with the blessed and heauenly departure of King Edward the vi. that first put downe the Masse in England,* 13.283 and also of the lyke godly end of his good Vncle the Duke of Sommerset, which dy∣ed before him, with an infinite number of other priuate persons besides of the like religion, in whose finall departing, no suche blemishe is to bee noted like to the desperate examples of them aboue recited: Let vs now enter the consideration of the blessed Martyrs, who although they suffered in their bodyes, yet reioy∣ced they in theyr spirites, and albeit they were persecuted of men, yet were they comforted of the Lorde wyth suche inwarde ioy and peace of conscience, that some writing to theyr friendes, professed they were neuer so merrye before in all theyr lyues, some leapt for ioye, some for tryumphe woulde put on theyr Scarfes, some theyr wedding garment goyng to the fire,* 13.284 other kissed the stake, some embraced the Fagottes, some clapte theyr handes, some song Psalmes, vniuersally they all forgaue, and prayed for ther enemies, no murmuring, no repining was euer heard amongest them, so that moste truely might bee verified in them, whiche their persecuters were wonte to sing in theyre Hymnes.

Caeduntur gladijs more bidentium, Non murmur resonat, nec querimonia: Sed corde tacito mens bene conscia, Conseruat pacientiam. &c.

Briefly, so great was theyr patience, or rather so great was Gods spirite in them, that some of them in the flaming fire, mo∣ued no more, then the Stake whereunto they were tyed. In fine, in them most aptly agreed the speciall tokens whiche most cer∣taynly follow the true children of God: that is, outward persecu∣tion, and inward comfort in the holy Ghost.* 13.285 In the world (sayth Christ our Sauiour) ye shall haue affliction, but in me yee shall haue peace. &c.

And likewise the wordes of S. Paule be playne. Whosoeuer (sayth he) studyeth to liue godly in Christe, shall suffer persecu∣tion &c.

But then what followeth with this persecution? the sayde A∣postle agayne thus declareth, saying: As the passions of Christ a∣bound in vs: so aboundeth also our consolation by Christe. &c. According as by the examples of these godly martyrs right per∣fectly we may perceaue. For as theyr bodyes outwardly lacked no persecutions by the handes of the wicked: so amongest so ma∣ny hundreds of them that stood and dyed in this religion, what one man can be brought forth, which eyther hath bene founde to haue killed himselfe, or to haue dyed otherwise then the true seruaunt of GOD, in quiet peace and much comforte of con∣science?

Whiche being so, what greater proofe can we haue to iusti∣fie theyr cause and doctrine agaynst the persecuting Churche of Rome, then to behold the endes of them both: First,* 13.286 of the Pro∣testantes, how quietly they tooke theyr deathe, and chearefully rested in the Lord: and contrariwise to marke these persecuters what a wrerched end commonly they doe all come vnto.

Experience whereof we haue sufficient, in the examples a∣aboue declared: and also of late in Boner, who albeit he dyed in his bed vnrepentaunt, yet was it so prouided by God, that as he had bene a persecuter of the light, and a childe of darkenes, so his carkase was tumbled into the earthe in obscure darcknes at midnight, contrary to the order of all other Christians: and as he had bene a murderer, so was hee layd amongest theeues & mur∣therers, a place by Gods iudgement rightly appoynted for him.

And albeit some peraduenture that haue bene notable per∣secutors in tyme past, doe yet remayne aliue, who being in the same cause as the other were, haue not yet felte the weyght of

Gods mighty hand, yet let not them thinke that because the iud∣gement of God hath lighted sooner vpon other, therefore it will neuer light vpon them: or because God of his mercy hath graun∣ted them space to repent, let not them therefore of Gods lenitye build to themselues an opinion of indemnity. The bloud of Abel cryed long, yet it wrought at length. The soules of the Saynctes slayne vnder the aultar, were not reuenged at the first. Apoc. 6. but read forth the chapter, & see what folowed in the end. Bloud especially of Christes seruauntes, is a perillous matter, and cry∣eth sore in the eares of God, and will not be stilled with the la∣wes of men.

Wherfore let such bloud guilty homicides beware, if not by my coūsell, at lest by the examples of theyr felowes. And though Princes and Magistrates,* 13.287 vnder whose permission they are suffe∣red, do spare theyr liues, let them not thinke therefore (as some of them shame not to say) that man hath no power to hurt them, and so thinke to escape vnpunished, because they be not puni∣shed by man, but rather let them feare so much the more. For of∣tentimes suche as haue bene persecutours and tormentours to Gods children, God thinketh them not worthy to suffer by mā, but either reserueth them to his owne iudgement, or els maketh them to be theyr owne persecutors, and theyr owne hands most commonly hangmen to theyr owne bodyes.

* 13.288So Saul after he had persecuted Dauid, it was vnneedfull for Dauid to pursue him agayne, for he was reuenged of him, more then he desired.

It was needlesse to cause Achitophell to be hanged, for hee himselfe was the stifeler or strangler of his owne life.* 13.289

Neither for the Apostles to pursue Iudas that betrayed their Mayster, for he himselfe was his owne hangman, & no man els, that his body brust, and his guts brast out.

Senacharib, had he not for his Persecutors his own sonnes, and cost Ezechias nothing to be reuenged of him for his tiranny.

Antiochus and Herode, although the Children of GOD whom they so cruelly persecuted, layd no hand vpon them, yet they escaped not vnpunished of Gods hand, who sent Lyce and Wormes to be theyr Tormentours, whiche consumed and eate them vp.

Pilate, after he had crucified Christ our Sauiour, within few yeares after was he not driuen to hang himselfe?

Nero, after his cruell murders and persecutions stirred vp a∣gaynst the Christians, when he shoulde haue bene taken by the Romaynes, God thought him not so worthy to be punished by the handes of them, but so disposed the matter, that Nero hym selfe when he could finde no frend nor enemy to kill him, made his owne handes to be his owne cutthroat.

Dioclesianus, with Maximinian his fellowe Emperour, whi•••• were the Authours of the tenth and laste Persecution a∣gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christians,* 13.290 being in the middest of theyr furious ty∣ranny ag••••nst the name of Christ, needed no mans helpe to bri∣dle them an•• ••lucke them backe: for God of his secret iudge∣ment put such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the mouthes of these Tyrauntes, that they themselues 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••heyr owne accorde deposed and dispossessed themselues of theyr ••••periall function, and liued as priuate per∣sons all theyr liues afte••▪ And notwithstanding that Maximini∣an after that, sought to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Imperiall state agayne, yet by Maxentius hys Sonne hee was resisted and shortlye after slayne.

* 13.291What should I here speake of the cruell Emperour Maximi∣nus, who when he had set forth his Proclamation engrauen in Brasse, for the vtter abolishing of Christ and his Religion, was not punished by man, but had Lice & Vermin gushing out of his entrals, to be his tormentors, with such a rotting stinch layd vp∣on his body, that no phisitions could abide to come neare, and were caused to be slayne for the same. pag. 82.

* 13.292Maxentius the sonne of Maximinian, and Pharao the king of Egypt, as they were both like enemies agaynst God and his peo∣ple, so dranke they both of one cup, not perishing by any mans hand but both in like maner after were drowned with their har∣nes in the water.

Furthermore, and briefely in this matter to conclude, if the Kynges among the Iewes, which were bloudy and wicked, were not spared, as Achaz, Achab, Iesabell, Manasses, Io∣achim, Sedechias, with many other but hadde at length, al∣though it were long, the hyre of theyr iniquity: let not these bloudy Catholickes then thinke, which haue bene Persecutors of Christes Sayntes, that they being in the same cause as the o∣ther were aboue recited, shall escape the same iudgement, which the longer it is deferred, the sorer many times it striketh vnles by due repentaunce it be preuented in time: which I pray God it may.

* 13.293Innumerable examples moe to the same effecte and purpose might be inferred, whereof plentifull store we haue in all places, and in al ages of men to be collected. But these hitherto for this present maye suffice, whiche I thought here to notify vnto these our bloudy children of the murdering mother church of Rome, of whom it may well be sayd: Manus vestrae plen•• sunt sangui∣ne. &c. Your handes be full of bloud. &c. Esay. Chapter. 1. to the intent that they by the examples of their other fellowes be∣fore mentioned, may be admonished to followe the Prophetes counsell, which followeth and biddeth: Lauamini. mundi estote. &c. Be you washed, and make your selues cleane &c. Esay. 1. and not to presume to farre vppon their owne securitie,* 13.294 nor thinke themselues the further of from Gods hand, because mans hand forbeareth them.

I know and graunt, that man hath no further power vppon any, then God from aboue doth geue.* 13.295 And what the lawes of this Realme could make agaynst them, as agaynst open murde∣rers, I will not here discusse, nor open that I could say (because they shall not say that we desire their bloud to be spilled but ra∣ther to be spared:) but yet this I say, and wishe them well to vn∣derstand, that the sparing of their liues which haue bene murde∣rers of so many, is not for want of power in magistrates, nor lack of anye iust lawe agaynst them, whereby they might iustly haue bene condemned, if it had so pleased the Magistrates to proceed (as they might) agaynst them: but because almighty God perad∣uenture of so secret purpose hauing some thinge to doe wyth these persecuters, hath spared them hitherto,* 13.296 not that they shuld escape vnpunished, but that peraduenture ••he will take his owne cause in his owne hand, eyther by death to take them away (as he did by Boner, and by al Promoters in a manner of Queene Ma∣ryes time) or els to make them to persecute themselues with their own handes, or will stirre vp their conscience to be theyr owne confusion, in such sort as the Church shall haue no neede to lay handes vpon them.

Wherfore with this short admonition to close vp the matter as I haue exhibited in these histories the terrible endes of so ma∣ny persecuters plagued by Gods hand: so would I wish all suche whome Gods lenitie suffereth yet to liue, this wisely to ponder with themselues, that as their cruell persecution hurteth not the sayntes of God, whome they haue put to death: so the pacience of Christs church suffering thē to liue, doth not profite thē, but rather heapeth the great iudgment of God vpō thē in the day of wrath, vnlesse they repent in tyme, which I pray God they may.

And nowe to reenter agayne to the time and story of Queene Elizabeth where we left before.

In whose aduauncement and this her princely gouer∣nance, it cannot sufficiently be expressed, what felicitie and blessed happines this Realme hath receaued in receauing her at the Lordes almighty and gracious hād, for as there haue bene diuers kinges and rulers ouer this Realme, & I haue read of some, yet I coulde neuer finde in Englishe Chronicle the like that may be written of this our noble & worthy Queene, whose comming in not onely was so calme, so ioyfull, and so peaceable, without shedding of a∣ny bloud, but also her reigne hetherto (raygning nowe 24. yeares and more, hath bene so quiet, that yet (the Lord haue all the glory) to this present day, her sword is a Uir∣gine, spotted and polluted w^t no drop of bloude. In spea∣king whereof I take not vpon me the part here of y^e mo∣rall or of the diuine Philosopher, to iudge of thinges done but onely keep me within the compasse of an historiogra∣pher, declaring what hath bene before, and comparyng thinges done, with thinges now present, the like wher∣of as I sayde, is not to be found lightly in Chronicles be∣fore. And this as I speake truely, so I would to be taken without flattery, to be left to our posteritie, ad sempiternam clementiae illius memoriam. In commendation of whiche her clemēcy I might also here adde how mildly her grace after she was aduaunced to her kingdome, dyd forgeue y^e foresayd sir Henry Benifield, without molestation,* 13.297 suffe∣ring him to enioy goodes, lyfe, landes and libertie. But I let this passe.

Thus hast thou, gentle Reader, simply, but truely de∣scribed vnto thee the tyme, first of the sorrowfull aduersitie of this our most soueraigne Queene that now is: also the miraculous protection of God, so graciously preseruing her in so many strayghtes and distresses, which I though•• here briefly to notifie, the rather for that the wondrous workes of the Lord ought not to be suppressed, and y^t also her maiesty, and we likewise her poore subiectes, hauyng thereby a present matter alwayes before our eyes, bee ad∣monished bothe how muche we are bounde to his diuine Maiestie, and also to render thankes to him condigne∣ly for the same.

Now remayneth likewise in prosecuting the order of this, as of other histories before, to notify and discourse of thinges memorable especially in the Church, such as hap∣pened in the time of this her Maiesties quiete and ioy∣full gouernment.* 13.298 And first here I let passe by the way the death of Cardinall Poole,* 13.299 which was the next day after y^e death of Queene Mary, y^e death also of Christopherson B. of Chichest. Hoptō B. of Norwich, omitting also to speak of Doct. Weston, who being chiefe disputer against Cran∣mer, Ridley, & Latimer, as is before declared, first fell in displeasure with the Cardinall & other Byshops, because

he was vnwilling to parte from his Deanerie and house of Westminster vnto the Monkes, whom in deede he fa∣uoured not, although in other things a maynteiner of the Churche of Rome. Then being remoued from thence, was made Deane of Windsor, where he being apprehen∣ded in aduoutry, was by the same Cardinall put from all his spirituall liuinges. Wherefore he appealed to Rome, & flying out of the Realme, was taken by the waye, & clapt in the Tower of London, where he remayned vntill this time that Queene Elizabeth was proclaimed. At whiche time being deliuered, he fell sicke and dyed.

Also I let passe the Coronation of this our moste no∣ble and Christian Princesse, & the order of the same, which was the xv. day of Ianuary. Anno. 1559. To passe ouer also the tryumphant passage and honourable enterteine∣ment of the sayd our most dread Souereigne, through the city of London, with such celebrity, prayers, wishes, wel∣comminges, cryes, tender wordes, Pageantes, Enterlu∣des, declamations and verses set vp, as the like hath not commonly beene seene, arguing and declaring a won∣derfull earnest affection of louinge hartes towarde theyr Soueraigne. Item, to pretermit in silence the letters gra∣tulatory, sent to her Maiestie from diuers and sondry for∣reigne places, as from Zuricke, Geneua, Basill, Berne, Wittemberge, Argentine, Frankeforde. &c. These I saye with many other thinges to let passe, we will nowe (God willing) beginne with the disceptation or conference be∣twene the Popishe Bishops, and the learned men exiled in Germany, had at Westminster. After that first we haue inserted a certayne Oration of a worthy Gentleman cal∣led M. Iohn Hales, sent and deliuered to the sayd queene Elizabeth in the beginning of her reigne, the copy wher∣of is this.

¶An Oration of Iohn Hales, to the Queenes Maie∣stie, and deliuered to her Maiestye by a certayne Noble man, at her first entrance to her reigne.

¶To the Noble Queene Elizabeth,

ALbeit there be innumerable giftes and benefites of al∣mighty God, whereof euery one would wonderfully comfort any person, on whome it should please his good∣nes to bestowe it: yet is none of them either separate by it self,* 13.300 or ioyned with any other, or yet al mingled together, to be compared to this one: that it hath pleased God of his mercy to deliuer this Realme our Countrey from the ty∣ranny of malicious Mary, & to commit it to the gouerne∣mēt of vertuous Elizabeth. For if a man had all the trea∣sure of Salomon, and might not be suffred to haue the vse therof: in what better case were he then miserable Tanta∣lus, ouer whose head the apples continually hung, yet be∣ing hunger sterued, could he neuer touch them? If a man had as strong a body as had Sampson, and besides were as whole as a fish, as the prouerbe is, yet if he were kept in bandes, what should it auayle him? Yea rather if it bee well considered, it is a hurte to him, if continuance of tor∣mentes and paynes may be a hurt.

If a man had as manye children as had Gedeon the Iudge, and might not be so suffered to bring them vpp in the feare of God, & good knowledge & maners, had he not bene more happy to be without them, then to haue them? If a man had as much knowledge of God as had Saynt Paule, and durst not professe it openly with mouth, as he is commaunded, but for feare of death shoulde declare the contrary in deede, sclaunder the word of God, and deny Christ, which is forbidden, shoulde it not rather be a fur∣therance to his damnation, then otherwise?

And to be short, if any one man had all these giftes to∣gether, or generally all the giftes of Fortune, the body, the minde, and of grace, yet if hee mought not haue the vse of them, what should they profite him? Ueryly nothyng at all.* 13.301 For felicitye is not in hauing, but in vsing, not in possessing, but in occupying: not in knowledge, but in do∣ing.

But alas, our naturall Mother Englande, whiche hath bene counted to be the surest, the richest, and of late also the most godly Nation of the earth, hath bene these whole fiue yeares most violently by Tyrauntes forced to lacke the vse of all the giftes and benefites that GOD and nature had endued her. Her naturall and louynge children could not be suffered to enioy theyr right inheri∣tance, whereby they might relieue and succour her or thē¦selues: but whatsoeuer they had, was eyther by opē force or by crafty dealing pulled from thē. And surely this had bene tollerable, if none other mischiefe had bene therwith intended.

He is a gentle theefe (if theeues may bee counted gen∣tle) that onely robbeth a man of his goodes, & refrayneth violent hands from his parson. For suche losse with labor and dilligence may be recouered. He may be called a mer∣cifull murtherer, that onely killeth the aged Parentes, & vseth no force on the children.

For nature hath made al men mortall, and that in like space, and to kill the parentes, is as it were but a preuen∣tion of a shorte tyme, if it were to the vttermost enioyed. But these Tyrantes were more vngentle then common thieues, more empty of mercy, then common murtherers. For they were not onely not contented to haue the goods of the people, but they would haue it deliuered to them by the owners own handes, that it might be sayd to y^e world they gaue it with the hart:* 13.302 and were not therwith pleased but they would haue theyr liues, that they should not be∣wray them, and yet herewith they were not satisfied, but they meant to root out the whole progenie and nation of English men, that none should be lefte to reuenge or crye out on theyr extremities, and to bring our Countrye into the Spanyardes dominion.

It is an horrible crueltie for one brother to kill an o∣ther, muche more horrible for the children to lay violent & murthering handes on theyr parentes, but most horrible of all to murther the children in the sight of the parentes, or the parentes in the sight of their children, as these moste cruell tormenters haue done.

But what do I stand in these thinges which haue some defence, because the Turkes perchaunce vse so to doe, and Ethnykes kill one an other, to make sacrifice of menne to theyr phantasticall Gods?

It was not enough for these vnnaturall English tor∣mentours, Tyrantes, and false Christians, to be Lordes of the goodes, possessions, and bodyes of theyr brethren & Country men: but being verye Antichristes and enemies of Christes crosse, they would be Gods, and raygne in the consciences and soules of men. Euery man, woman, and childe, must deny Christ in word openly, abhorre Chryste in theyr deedes, sclaunder his Gospell with word & deed, worship and honour false gods as they would haue them and themselues did, and so geue body and soule to the de∣uill theyr maister, or secretly flee, or after inward torments to be burned openly. O crueltie, cruelty,* 13.303 farre exceeding al cruelties committed by those ancient and famous tyrants and cruell murderers, Pharao, Herode, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Maximine, Diocletian, Decius, whose names for theyr cruell persecution of the people of God, and their open tyranny practised on the people haue bene, be, & euer shalbe in perpetuall hatred, and theyr soules in continuall torment in hell. If any man would take vppon hym to set foorth particularly all the actes that haue bene done these full fiue yeares by this vnnaturall womā: No, no womā, but a monster, and the deuill of hel couered with the shape of a woman, as it is most necessary for the glorye of God, and the prophet of his churche, and this realme it shoulde be done, hee shall finde it a matter sufficient for a perfect great History, and not to be cōtayned in an Oration, to be vttered at one tyme by the voyce of man. But to compre∣hend the summe of all theyr wickednes in few wordes: be∣hold, whatsoeuer malice in mischief, couetousnes in spoyl, crueltie in punishing, tiranny in destruction could do, that all this poore English nation these full fiue yeares eyther suffered already, or should haue suffered, had not the great mercy of God preuented it.

And albeit there haue ben many that haue hazarded & lost theyr liues to shake of this moste rough brake (where∣with this Uiragin rather then Uirgin as she woulde bee called and taken) boasted her selfe to be sent of God, to ride and tame the people of Englande albeit there haue bene many that haue gone about to lose theyr brethren out of y^e yoke of this moste miserable captiuitie: & albeit some haue proued to breake the bandes of this most cruell tyranny, yet coulde they neuer bring to passe, that they so earnestly labored, and so manfully attempted.

And it is nothing to be wondered, let y^e papistes boast therof what it pleaseth them. For almighty God being a most indifferent gouernour, punishing euill, & rewarding good, could not of his iustice suffer his scourge so soone to be taken from this land, if he meaneth the salutation of the people, as most manifestly it appeareth he did. For hauing once geuen to this realme the greatest Iewell that myght be, that is, the free vse of his liuely worde, whiche if they had imbraced and folowed, would haue reformed al disor∣ders & sinnes. Wherefore his wrath is kindled and prouo¦ked, the people nothing regarded it, but eyther vtterly cō∣temned it, or abused it, and many made it a cloke & colour to couer theyr mischief. So that if he should sodaynly haue withdrawne this plague, as tyrants & euill gouernors be

the plague of God, they would neyther haue passed on his iustice, nor yet should they haue felt the sweetenesse of hys mercy. For commonly the people regard but thyngs pre∣sent,* 13.304 and neither remember thynges past, nor yet passe on thyngs to come, vnlesse they be warned by exceedyng ex∣tremities.

Besides this, it is most euident, that hee had determi∣ned to make this noble conquest alone with his own hand and mighty power, and would not that it should be done by man, least man should impute any part of the glory of this victory to his owne strength,* 13.305 or to his owne pollicie, or that Fortune should seeme to beare any stroke in so glo∣rious conquest, and so be partaker in mens opinions, of the triumph so worthy.

Neither did his almighty power worke this when man would haue it dispatched, that is, as soone as the ene∣my began to gather their force, for it is not so great a vic∣tory to discomfit a few dispersed people, as it is to destroy a perfectly vnited army, but he suffred them to make their force as great as was possible to worke whatsoeuer mis∣chiefs by spoyle, banishment, prisonment, hangyng, hea∣dyng, burning, or otherwise could be imagined.

Neither would his most prouident wisedome doe it out of season: but as the good husbandman doth not crop his tree, till it haue rendered his fruit: so would hee not root out these pestilent tyrannies, til the most profit might be taken thereof.

When he had geuen sufficient laisure to all kynd of mē to declare themselues who were Crocodiles, sometyme lying in water, sometyme on land, that is, both Gospel∣lers and papists.* 13.306 Who were Sponges, suspected whether they had lyfe or no lyfe: whether they were Christians or Epicures: who were Cameleons, that could turn them∣selues into all colours, with Protestantes, Protestantes: with Papists, Papists: with Spaniards, Spaniards: w^t Englishmen, Englishmen: who were Gnatoes y^t could apply themselues to euery mans appetite that was in au∣thoritie: who were Marygolds, that followed Maries mad affections: who were Weathercockes that did turne with euery wynd: who were Mastiues that could byte & barke not: who were Curres euer barking: who were Foxes that would promise much, and performe nothyng: who could bynd themselues with many othes, & do cleane contrary: who were Caines that sought the innocent A∣bels death: who were the Wolfes that wearied y^e lambs: and finally, when he had suffered the spirituall shauelings to spue out their venom, and euery man plainly to declare outwardly, what he was inwardly: then doth hee worke this most victorious conquest. And with his workes see∣meth plainely to say thus vnto vs:* 13.307 Ye see (my people) what I haue done for you, not for your sakes, which no∣thing regarded the benefits that I most plenteously pou∣red on you, and haue deserued most greuous punishment for your vnthankfulnes: but of myne infinite mercy, and for my glories sake, which I will haue opened to all the world in these latter dayes, to the feare of euill doers, & to the cōfort of the well doers. Prouoke no more my wrath, ye see what will follow it, be hereafter more prudent and wyse then ye were before. Ye may, if ye will, be more cir∣cumspect in tyme to come, then ye haue bene in tyme past: ye may if ye list put me to lesse trouble, and keepe your sel∣ues in more safetie. I haue not onely discouered myne, yours, and my land of Englands enemies, & all the crafts subtleties, and pollicies that haue bene, or may be vsed by them, or any like hereafter, but I haue also taken away their head and captaine, and destroyed a great number of them, that ye should not be troubled with them, and some of them haue I left, that ye may make them spectacles and examples to the terrour and feare of their posterity. Loue me, and I will loue you, seeke my honour and glory, and I will worke your commoditie and safetie: walke in my wayes and commaundements, and I wil be with you for euer. Surely, if we consider the wonderfull mercy that it hath pleased God to vse towards vs in the deliueryng of this Kealme and vs his people,* 13.308 out of the handes of these most cruell tyrants, as we cannot but do, vnlesse we wyll declare our selues to be the most vnthankefull people that euer liued, we must needs iudge it not onely worthy to be compared, but also farre to exceed the deliueraunce of the children of Israell out of Egypt from the tiranny of Pha∣rao, and from the powers of Holofernes and Senache∣rib. For it is not read, that either Pharao or the other two sought any other thing, then to be Lords of the goods and bodies of the Israelites, they forced them not to committe Idolatry, and to serue false Gods, as these English tyrāts did.

But besides, if we will note the wonderfull works of God in handling this matter, we shall well perceiue, that farre much more is wrought to his glory, and to the pro∣fite of his church and people, then perchance all men at the first do see. For he hath not onely dispatched the Realme of the chiefe personages and hed of these tyrants: but also as it were, declareth, that he mynded not that eyther they or their doynges, shoulde continue. For albeit that all actes done by tyrantes tyrannouslye, bee by all Lawes, reason and equitie, of no force, yet because no Disputa∣tion shoulde follow on this, what is tyrannously done, and what is not tyrannouslye done, hee hath prouided that this question needeth not come in question.* 13.309 For hee vtterly blinded their eyes, and suffred them to builde on false grounds which can no longer stande, then they bee propped vp with rope, sword and fagot. For her first par∣liament whereon they grounded and wroght a great part of their tyrannie, and wherein they ment to ouerthrowe whatsoeuer king Edward had for the aduauncement of Gods glory brought to passe, was of no force or authori∣tie. For she perceiuing that her enemies stomacke coulde not be emptied, nor her malice spued on the people by any good order, she committeth a great disorder. She by force and violence, taketh from the Commons their libertie, that according to the auncient lawes and customes of the Realme, they could not haue their free election of knights and Burgesses for the Parliament. For shee well knew, that if eyther Christian men, or true English men, should be elected, it was not possible to succeed that she intended. And therfore in many places diuers were chosen by force of her threats, meet to serue her malicious affectiōs. Wher¦fore y^e parliamēt was no parliamēt, but may be iustly cal∣led a conspiracy of tyrantes and traytors. For the greater part by whose authority and voyces thinges proceeded in that Court, by their actes most manifestly declared them∣selues so, the rest being both Christians and true English men, although they had good wills, yet not able to resist or preuayle agaynst the multitude of voyces and suffrages of so many euill false to God,* 13.310 and enemyes to their coun∣trey. Also diuers Burgesses being orderly chosen, and lawfully retorned, as in some places the people did what they could to resist her purposes, were disorderly and vn∣lawfully put out, and others without any order or lawe in their places placed. Doctour Taylour Bishop of Lin∣colne a Christian Byshop and a true English man, being lawfully and orderly called to the Parliament, and pla∣ced in the Lords house in his degree, was in his robes by vyolence thrust out of the house. Alexander Nowell with two other, al three being Burgesses for diuers shyres and Christian men and true Englishe men, and lawfully cho∣sen, retorned, and admitted, were by force putte out of the house of the Commons, for the which cause the same Par∣liament is also voyde, as by a President of the Parliament holden at Couentry in the 38. yeare of K. Henry the sixt, it most manifestly appeareth. And the third Parliamente called in the name of her husband, and of her euill grace, wherein they would haue vndone, that her noble Father and the Realme had brought to passe for the restitution of the libertie of the Realme, and for extinguishment of the vsurped authoritie of the Bish. of Rome, is also voyd, and of none authoritie.* 13.311 For that the title and stile of supreme head of the church of England, which by a Statute made in the 35. yeare of the raigne of the sayd K. Henry, was or∣deined, that it should be vnited and annexed for euer to the imperiall crowne of this Realme, was omitted in y^e writs of summonyng. Wherefore as a woman can bryng foorth no chyld without a man, so cannot those writs bring forth good and sure fruit, because this part of the title which was ordeined by the Parliament for the forme to bee alwayes vsed in the kings stile, was left out. For greater errour is in lacke of forme, then in lacke of matter. And where the foundation is naught, there can nothing builded thereon be good. There is no law spirituall nor temporal (as they terme them) nor no good reason, but allow these rules for infallible principles. And if any man will say, that it was in the free choise, libertie, and pleasure of the king of this Realme and the Queene, whether they would expresse the said title in their stile, or not, as that subtile serpent Gar∣diner beyng Chancellor of the realme, and traiterously sē∣dyng out the writs of Parliament without the same stile, perceiuing he had ouershot himselfe in calling the Parlia∣ment, and hauing committed many horrible murthers, & most mischieuous acts, would haue excused it, as appea∣reth by a piece of the Statute made in the same Parlia∣ment, in the 8. chap. and 22. leafe, it may be iustly and truly answered, that they could not so do. For albeit euery per∣son may by law renounce his own priuate right, yet may he not renounce his right in that which toucheth the com∣mon wealth or a third person.

And this title and stile more touched the common

wealth and realme of England, then the king. For as I said before, it was ordeined for the conseruation of the li∣bertie of the whole realme, and to exclude the vsurped au∣thoritie of the B. of Rome. And therfore no K. or Queene alone could renounce such title: but it ought (if they wold haue it taken away) be taken away orderly and formally by acte of Parliament sufficiently called and summoned. For the naturall and right way to loose & vndoe things, is to dissolue them by that meanes they were ordeined. And so it most manifestly appeareth, that all their doings from the beginning to the end, were and be of none effect, force, nor authoritie: but all that they haue done, hath ben meere tyrannie. O most maruelous prouidence of almighty god, that alwayes and in all thinges, doth that is best for the welth of his people. O most mighty power, that so soden∣ly ouerthroweth the counsails of the wicked, and bringeth their deuises to naught. O infinite mercy, that so gently dealeth with his people, that hee saueth them whome hee might most iustly destroy. O most ioyfull, most mery, and neuer to be forgotten Hopwednesday,* 13.312 in which it hath pleased thee O God, to deliuer thy church this realm, and thy people from so horrible tyrannie. No tongue can ex∣presse, no penne can endite, no eloquence can worthely set out, much lesse exornate these thy meruailous doings. No no hart is able to render vnto thy goodnes, sufficiēt thanks for the benefites we haue receyued. Who could euer haue hoped this most ioyfull tyme? Yea, who dyd not looke ra∣ther for thy most sharpe visitation and vtter destruction of this Realme, as of Sodome, Gomorra, and Hieru∣salem.

But we see and feele good Lord, that thy mercy is gre∣ter then all mens sinnes, and farre aboue all thy workes. And albeit there is no Christian and natural Englishmā, woman or child, eyther present, or that shall succeede vs, which is not or shall bee pertaker of this most exceedyng mercy and wonderfull benefite of almighty God, & there∣fore is bound continually to prayse and thanke hym: yet there is not one creature that is more bound so to do, then you noble Queene Elizabeth. For in this horrible tiran∣ny and most cruell persecution, your grace hath bene more hunted for, then any other. Diuers tymes they haue taken you, sometyme haue had you in strong hold, secluded from all liberty: sometime at libertie, but not without most cru∣ell Gaolers custody, and many tymes they determined, that without iustice ye should be murthered priuily. They thought if your grace had bene suppressed, they shoulde haue fully preuailed. If ye had bene destroyed, their do∣yngs for euer should be stablished. If ye had bene taken out of the way, there were none left that would or coulde vndoe that they ordeined. But he that sitteth on high, and laugheth at their madnesse, would not suffer that the ma∣licious purposes,* 13.313 most cruell deuised iniustice should haue successe. He tooke vpon hym the protection of you. He on∣ly hath bene your Ieoseba, that preserued you from this wicked Athalia. He onely was the Ioiada, that destroyed this cruell Athalia. Hee onely hath made you Queene of this Realme, in steade of this mischieuous Marana. No earthly creature can claime any piece of thanke therefore, no mans force, no mans counsail, no mans ayd hath bene the cause thereof. Wherfore the greater his benefites hath bene toward you, the more are you bounde to seeke hys glory, and to set forth his honour. Ye see his power what he is able to do, he can alone saue, and hee can destroy, hee can pull downe, and he can set vp. If ye feare hym & seeke to do his will, then will he fauour you, and preserue you to the end from all enemies, as he did king Dauid. If ye now fall from him or iuggle with hym, looke for no more fauour then Saule had shewed to hym. But I haue a good hope, that both his iustice and benefites bee so printed in your hart, that ye will neuer forget them, but seeke by all meanes to haue the one, and to feare to fall into the o∣ther. I trust also your wisedome will not onely consider the causes of this late most sharpe visitation, but also to your vttermost power endeuour to out roote them.

And forasmuch as besides this infinit mercy poured on your grace, it hath pleased his deuine prouidence to con∣stitute your highnesse to be our Debora, to be the gouer∣nesse and heade of the bodye of this Realme, to haue the charge and cure thereof, it is requisite aboue all things, as well for his glory and honour, as for your discharge, qui∣etnesse and safety, to labour that the same body now at the first be cleansed, made whole, and then kept in good order. For as if the body of man be corrupted and diseased, he is not able to manage his thinges at home, much lesse to doe any thing abroad: so if the body of a Realme be corrupt & out of order, it shal neither be able to do any thing abroad: if necessitie should require,* 13.314 nor yet prosper in it selfe. But this may not be done with piecing & patching, coblyng & botching, as was vsed in tyme past whilest your most no∣ble father and brother raigned. For as if a man cut of one hed of the serpent Hidra, and destroy not the whole body, many will growe in stead of that one, and as in a corrupt body that hath many diseases, if the Phisition should la∣bour to heale one part, and not the whole, it will in short tyme breake out a fresh: so vnlesse the body of a Realme or common wealth be cleane purged from corruption, all the perticular lawes and statutes that can be deuised shall not profite it.

We need no forraine examples to prooue it, looke vpon this Realme it selfe, it will plainely declare it. And as it is not enough to cleanse the bodye from his corruption, but there must be also preseruatiues ministred to keep it from putrefaction: for naturally of it selfe it is disposed to pu∣trifie: so after the body of a realme is purged, vnles there be godly ordinances for the preseruation thereof ordeined and duely ministred, it will returne to the olde state. For this body which is the people, is vniuersally naturally disposed to euill, and without compulsion will hardly do that is his duety.

This must your grace do if ye mynd the aduancement of Gods glory, your owne quietnesse and safetie, and the wealth of this your politike body. And they be not hard to bring to passe, where goodwill will vouchsafe to take to her a little payne. The Realm will soone be purged, if vice and selfloue be vtterly condemned. It will be in good state preserued if these three things, Gods word truely taught and preached, Youth well brought vp in godly and honest exercises, and Iustice rightly ministred may bee perfectly constituted. And without this foundation,* 13.315 let men ima∣gine what it pleaseth them, the spiritual house of God shal neuer be well framed or builded, nor the publike state of your Realme well ordered. For in what body gods word lacketh, the vnitie and charitie, that ought to bee among the members thereof, and which knitteth them together, is soone extincted. Where the youth is neglected, there can no good successe bee hoped, no more then the husbandman can look for a good crop where he sowed no good seed. And where iustice is not truely and rightly ministred, there the more laws and statutes together be heaped, the more they be contemned. And surely, if this thing could not without exceeding charges be compassed, as God forbid, that char∣ges should be weyed be they neuer so great, where Gods glory and the wealth of the realme may be furthered: yet ought it not to be neglected.* 13.316 What charges did K. Dauid the father, & king Salomon his sonne, employ to build the stony house of God? Howe much more charges should a christian prince employ to build & set vp the liuely house of God? But verily, I am fully perswaded that it shall not be chargeable to do this. No, a great deale of superfluous charges, which otherwise your grace shall be forced to su∣staine, shal thus be cleane cut away, and so your reuenues by a meane most profitable, & to no good person hurtfull, encreased.

Wherefore for Gods sake noble Queene, let not the o∣portunitie now by God offered be by your Grace omit∣ted. A Phisition can in nothing so much declare his good will and cunnyng, nor purchase hymselfe so great estima∣tion, as when he findeth his pacient thoroughly sicke and weakened, and doth restore hym to his perfect health and perfection. Likewyse if a Prince should desire of God a thyng whereby he might declare the zeale that he beareth to GOD, or whereby hee myght winne fame and glo∣ry, he could desire nothyng so much, as to come into a state corrupted, as this Realme of England at this pre∣sent is, not to destroy it as did Caesar, but to make it as did Romulus.

If your grace can bring this to passe, as I am out of all doubt ye may quickly: Ye shall doe more, then any of your progenitours did before you. All men shall confesse that you are not onely for proximitie of bloude preferred, but rather of God specially sent and ordeined. And as the Queene of Saba came from farre of to see the glory of K. Salomon, a woman to a man: Euen so shall the Princes of our tyme, come men to a woman, and Kinges maruell at the vertue of Queene Elizabeth. Thus shall wee your subiects be most bound to prayse God, and to thinke our selues most happy, that beyng so sodainly from the worse, be forthwith preferred to the best: rid from extremest ca∣lamitie, and brought to the greatest felicitie: and it shall be besides an example for all euil Princes to leaue their per∣secution of Christ and his members, to cease from their ti∣ranny, wherewith they continually oppresse theyr poore subiectes. And so all people, not onelye wee of this your Realme, but of all other nations, shall haue iust cause to

pray for your graces health and ancrease of honour.

This Oration of M. Hales beyng premised, now let vs prosecute, the Lord willing, that which we promised, concernyng the Disputation or Conference had at West∣minster. The copy whereof here followeth.

❧The Conference or Discepta∣tion had and begun at Westminster, the last of March, vpon certaine Questions or Articles of Religion proposed, and also of the breaking vp of the same, by the Papistes default, at the first beginning of Queene ELIZABETH.

SO it pleased the Queenes most excellent ma∣iestie, hauyng heard of diuersitie of opinions in certaine matters of religion amongst sun∣dry of her louyng subiects, and beyng very desirous to haue the same reduced to some godly and Christian concord, by the aduise of the Lordes and others of the priuy Counsaile, as well for the satisfac∣tion of persons doubtfull, as also for the knowledge of the very truth in certaine matters of difference, to haue a con∣uenient chosen number of the best learned of eyther part, and to conferre together their opinions and reasons, and thereby to come to some good and charitable agreement. And hereuppon by her Maiesties commaundement, cer∣taine of her priuy Counsaile declared this purpose to the Archbishoppe of Yorke (beyng also one of the same priuy Counsaile) and required hym that he would imparte the same to some of the Bishops, and to make choise of viij.ix. or x. of them, and that there should be the like number na∣med of the other part. And further also declared to hym (as then was supposed) what the matter should be. And as for the tyme, it was thought meet to be as soone as pos∣sible might be agreed vpon. And then after certaine dayes past, it was signified by the sayd Archbishoppe, that there was appointed by such of the Bishops, to whome hee had imparted this matter eight persons, that is to say, 4. Bi∣shops and 4. Doctours. The names of whom here fol∣low vnder written, &c.

*The Papistes.

• ...The B. of Winchest.
• ...The B. of Lich.
• ...The B. of Chest.
• ...The B. of Carlile.
• ...The B. of Linc.
• ...D. Cole.
• ...D. Harpsfield.
• ...D. Langdale.
• ...D. Chedsey.

*The Protestants.

• ...D. Scory B. of Chich.
• ...D. Coxe.
• ...M. Whitehed.
• ...M Grindall.
• ...M▪ Horne.
• ...M Doct. Sands.
• ...M. Gest.
• ...M. Aelmer.
• ...M. Iuell.

Who were content at the Queenes Maiesties com∣maundement, to shewe their opinions, and as the sayde Archbishop termed it, render accompte of their fayth in those matters which were mentioned and that especially in writyng, although he sayd, they thought the same so de∣termined, as there was no cause to dispute vppon them. The matter which they should talke vpon, was compre∣hended in these three propositions, here vnder specified.

1. It is agaynst the worde of God, and the custome of the auncient Church, to vse a tongue vnknowen to the people, in common prayer, and the administration of the Sacraments.

2. Euery Church hath authoritie to appointe, take away, and change ceremonies and Ecclesiasticall rites, so the same be to edification.

3. It cannot be prooued by the worde of God, that there is in the Masse offered vp a sacrifice propitiatorie for the quicke and the dead.

It was hereupon fully resolued by the Queenes ma∣iestie, with the aduise aforesayd, that according to their de∣sire, it should be in writing on both partes, for auoyding of much alteration in wordes, and that the sayd Bishops should, because they were in authoritie of degree superi∣ours, first declare their myndes and opinions to the mat∣ter, with their reasons in writyng. And the other number beyng also viij. men of good degree in schooles, and some hauyng bene in dignitie in the church of England, if they had any thing to say to y^e contrary, should the same day de∣clare their opinions in lyke manner, and so eche of them should deliuer their writings to the other, to bee conside∣red what were to bee improoued therein, and the same to declare agayne in writyng at some other conuenient day, and the like order to bee kept in all the rest of the matters. All this was fully agreed vpon with the Archb. of Yorke, and so also signified to both parties.

And immediately hereupon, diuers of the Nobilitie and states of the realme vnderstanding that such a meting and conference shoulde bee, and that in certaine matters whereupon the Courte of Parliament consequently fol∣lowyng, some lawes might be grounded. They made er∣nest meanes to her Maiestie, that the parties of this con∣ference, might put and read their assertions in the English tongue, and that in the presence of them of the Nobilitie and others of her Parliament house, for the better satisfac∣tion and enabling of their owne iudgements, to treat and conclude of such lawes as might depend hereupon.

This also beyng thought very reasonable, was signi∣fied to both parties and so ••ully agreed vpon, and the daye appoynted for the first meetyng, to bee the Friday in the forenoone, beyng the last of March, at Westminster church. At which foresayd day and place, both for good order & for honour of the conference by the Queenes maiesties com∣mandement, the Lordes and others of the priuy counsaile were present, and a great parte of the nobilitie also: And notwithstanding this former order appoynted, and con∣sented vnto by both partes, yet the Bishop of Winchester & his Colleagues alledging they had mistaken y^t their as∣sertions and reasons should be written, and so onely reci∣ted out of the booke, sayd their booke was not ready the•••• written, but they were ready to argue and dispute, and therefore they would for that tyme repeate in speache that which they had to say to the first probation.

This variation from the former order, and specially from that which themselues had by the sayde Archbishop in writyng before required, adding thereto the reason of the Apostle, that to contend with wordes, is profitable to nothyng, but to subuersion of the hearer, seemed to the Queenes maiesties counsaile somewhat strange, and yet was it permitted without any great reprehension, be∣cause they excused themselues with mistakyng the order, and agreed that they would not faile but put it in writing and accordyng to the former order, deliuer it to the other part, and so the sayd Bishop of Winchester and hys Col∣leagues, appoynted Doctour Cole Deane of Paules, to be the vtterer of their myndes, woo partly by speech one∣ly, and partly by readyng of authorities written, and at certaine tymes beyng enformed of his Colleagues, what to say made a declaration of their meanynges and their reasons to their first proposition, which being ended, they were asked by the priuy Counsaile if any of them had any more to be sayd, and they sayd no. So as the other par••e was licenced to shewe their myndes, which they dyd ac∣cordyng to the first order, exhibityng all that whiche they ment to be propounded, in a booke written, which after a prayer and inuocation made most humbly to almightye God for the enduyng of them with his holy spirite, and a protestation also to stand to the doctrine of the Catholike Church builded vpon the Scriptures, and the doctrine of the Prophets and the Apostles, was distinctly red by one Robert Horne Bacheler in Diuinitie, late Deane of Du∣resme, and after Bishoppe of Winchester. The Copye of which their Protestation here followeth, accordyng as it was by him penned and exhibited, with their preface also before the same, as is here expressed.

FOrasmuch as it is thought good vnto the Queenes most ex∣cellent Maiesty (vnto whom in the Lord all obedience is due) that we should declare our iudgement in writyng vpon certaine propositions: we, as becommeth vs to doe herein, most gladly obey.

See••ng that Christ is our onely maister, whome the father hath commaunded vs to heare: and seyng also hys worde is the truth, from the which it is not lawfull for vs to depart not one haire bredth, and against the which (as the Apostle saith) we can do nothing, we doe in all thinges submitte our selues vnto this truth, and doe protest that we will affirme nothyng agaynst the same.

And forasmuch as we haue for our mother the true and ca∣tholike Church of Christ, which is grounded vpon the doctrine of the Apostles and Prophetes, and is of Christ the head in all things gouerned, we do reuerence her iudgement, we obey her authoritie as becommeth children: and we do deuoutly professe and in all points follow the faith which is conteined in the three Creedes, that is to say, of the Apostles, of the Councell of Nice,

and of Athanasius.

And seyng that we neuer departed, neither frō the doctrine of God which is contained in the holy Canonicall Scriptures, nor yet from the fayth of the true and catholike church of Christ, but haue preached truely the worde of God, and haue sincerely ministred the sacraments accordyng to the institution of Christ, vnto the which our doctrine and fayth, the most part also of our aduersaries did subscribe not many yeares past, (although now as vnnaturall they are reuolted from the same) wee desire that they render accompt of their backsliding, and shewe some cause wherefore they do not only resist that doctrine which they haue before professed, but also persecute the same by all meanes they can. We do not doubt but through the equitie of the Queenes most excellent maiesty, we shall in these disputations be entrea∣ted more gently then in yeres late past, when we were handled most vniustly, & scantly after the common maner of men. As for the iudgement of the whole controuersie, we referre vnto the most holy scriptures, and the catholike church of Christ (whose iudgement vnto vs ought to be most sacred): notwithstanding by the catholike church we vnsterstand not the Romish church, whereunto our aduersaries attribute suche reuerence, but that which S. Augustine & other fathers affirme, ought to be sought in the holy scriptures, and which is gouerned and led by the spi∣rite of Christ.

* 13.317It is against the worde of God and the custome of the Primitiue Church to vse a tong vnknowen to the people in common praiers & administration of the sacraments.

By these words (the word of God) we meane only the written word of God, or canonicall scriptures.

And by the custome of the primitiue church, we meane the order most generally vsed in the church for the space of 500. yeres after Christ, in which times liued the most no∣table fathers, as Iustine, Ireneus, Tertullian, Cyprian, Basill, Chrysostome, Hierome, Ambrose, Austine, &c.

* 13.318This assertion aboue written hath two partes. Fyrst, that the vse of the tongue not vnderstanded of the people in common prayers of the Church, or in the administration of the Sacramentes, is agaynst Gods worde.

The second, that the same is agaynst the vse of the pri∣matiue Church.

The first parte is most manifestly prooued by the 14. chapiter of the Epistle to the Corinthians,* 13.319 almost tho∣row out the whole chapter. In the whiche chapter Saynt Paule intreateth of this matter, ex professo purposely. And although some do cauel that Saint Paule speaketh not in that chapter of praying, but of Preaching, yet is it most e∣uident to any indifferent reader of vnderstanding, and ap∣peareth also by the exposition of the beste writers, that hee plainely there speaketh not onely of Preaching and Pro∣phesying, but also of prayer and thankesgeuing, and ge∣nerally of all other publicke actions, whiche require any speache in the Church or congregation. For of praying he sayth: I will pray with my spyrite, and I will pray with my minde, I will singe with my spyrite, and I will singe with my minde. And of thankesgeuing (which is a kinde of prayer:) Thou geuest thankes well, but the other is not edyfied. And how shall he which occupyeth the roume of the vnlearned say, Amen to thy geuing of thanks when he vnderstandeth not what thou sayest? And in the ende, descending from particulers to a generall proposition, cō∣cludeth that all thinges oughte to be done to edyfication. Thus much is cleare by the very words of Saint Paule: and the auncyent Doctors, Ambrose, Augustine, Hierom, and other do so vnderstand this chapter, as it shal appeare by their testimonyes which shall follow afterwarde.

¶Upon this Chapter of Saint Paule we gather these reasons following.

1. All things done in the Church or congregation, ought so to be done as they may edifye the same.* 13.320

But the vse of an vnknowē tongue, in publicke pray∣er or administration of Sacramentes doth not edifye the congregation.

Therefore the vse of an vnknowen tongue in publicke prayer or administration of Sacramentes is not to be had in the Church.

* 13.321The first part of this reason is grounded vpon Saynt Paules wordes, commaunding all thinges to be done to edyfication.

* 13.322The seconde parte is also prooued by Saynte Paules playne wordes. Fyrst by this similitude. If the trumpet geue an vncertayne sounde who shall be prepared to bat∣taile? Euen so likewise when ye speake with tongues, ex∣cept ye speake wordes that haue signification, how shall it be vnderstanded what is spoken? for ye shal but speake in the ayre, that is to say, in vayne, and consequently with∣out edifieng.

And afterward in the same chapter he sayth: how can he that occupieth the place of the vnlearned say, Amen, at thy geuing of thankes, seeyng he vnderstandeth not what thou sayest? for thou verily geuest thanks well, but the o∣ther is not edified.

These be Pauls words, plainly proouing, that a tong not vnderstanded, doth not edifie. And therefore both the parts of the reason thus prooued by S. Paul, the conclusi∣on followeth necessarily.

Secondly, nothing is to be spoken in the congregati∣on in an vnknown tongue,* 13.323 except it be interpreted to the people, that it may be vnderstand. For saith Paul, if there be no interpreter to him y^t speaketh in an vnknown tong, taceat in ecclesia, let him hold his peace in the church. And therfore the commō praiers & administratiō of sacramēts, neither done in a known tong, neither interpreted, are a∣gainst this commandement of Paul, and not to be vsed.

The minister in praier or administration of sacramēts vsing language not vnderstanded of the hearers,* 13.324 is to thē barbarous, an alien, which of Saint Paul is accompted a great absurditie.

It is not to bee counted a Christian common prayer,* 13.325 where the people present declare not their assent vnto it by saying Amen, wherein is employed all other words of assent.

But S. Paul affirmeth that the people cannot declare their assent in saying Amen,* 13.326 except they vnderstand what is said, as afore.

Therfore it is no Christian common prayer where the people vnderstandeth not what is sayd.

Paule would not suffer in this tyme a strange tongue to be heard in the common prayer in the church, notwith∣standing that such a kind of speach was then a miracle, & a singular gift of the holy ghost, whereby infidels might bee perswaded and brought to the faith: much lesse is it to bee suffred now amongst christian and faithful men, especially being no miracle, nor especiall gift of the holy ghost.

Some will peraduenture answer, that to vse any kind of tong in common prayer or administration of sacramēts is a thing indifferent.* 13.327

But S. Paul is to the contrary. For he commaundeth all things to be done to edification, he cōmandeth to keepe silence if there be no interpreter,* 13.328 and in the end of the chap∣ter he concludeth thus. If any man be spirituall or a pro∣phet, let him know that the things which I write, are the commaundementes of the Lorde. And so shortly to con∣clude, the vse of a strange tongue in prayer and ministra∣tion is agaynst the word and commandement of God.

To these reasons, grounded vpon S. Pauls wordes, which are the most firme foundation of this assertion, di∣uers other reasones may bee ioyned, gathered out of the scriptures and otherwise.

In the old testament all things pertainyng to y^e pub∣like prayer, benedictions, thankesgeuings, or sacrifices,* 13.329 were alwayes in their vulgar and naturall tong. In the 2. booke of Paralipom. chap. 29. it is written that Ezechi∣as commanded the Leuites to praise God with y^e Psalms of Dauid, and Asaph the Prophet, which doubtlesse were written in Hebrew their vulgar tongue. If they did so in the shadowes of the law, much more ought we to doe the like, who (as Christ saith) must pray in spiritu & veritate.

The finall end of our prayer (as Dauid sayth) is,* 13.330 vt populi conueniant in vnum, & annuncient nomen Domini in Sion, & laudes eius in Hierusalem.

But the name and praises of God cannot be set foorth to the people, vnlesse it be done in such a tong as they may vnderstand, therfore common prayer must bee had in the vulgar tongue.

The definition of publike prayer out of the wordes of S. Paule. Orabo spiritu, orabo & mente. Publicè orare,* 13.331 est vo∣ta communia mente ad Deum effundere, & ea spiritu, hoc est, lingua testari. Common prayer is to lifte vp our common desires to God with our myndes, and to testify the same outwardly with our tongues, which definition is approo∣ued by S. Augustine, de magistro. cap. 1. Nihil opus est (inquit) loquutione, nisi forte vt sacerdotes faciunt, significandae mentis causa, vt populus intelligat.

The ministration of the Lordes supper and baptisme are as it were Sermons of the death and resurrection of Christ.* 13.332

But Sermons to the people must be had in such lan∣guage as the people may perceiue, otherwise they shoulde be had in vayne.

It is not lawfull for a christian man to abuse the gifts of God,* 13.333 but he that praieth in the church in a strange tong abuseth the gifts of God. For the tong serueth onely to ex∣presse the mynd of the speaker to the hearer. And August. sayth: De doctrina Christiana, li. 4. ca. 10. loquēdi omnino nulla

est causa, si quod loquimur non intelligunt, propter quos vt in∣telligant loquimur. There is no cause why wee shoulde speake if they for whose cause we speake, vnderstande not our speaking.

* 13.334The heathen and barbarous nations of all countries and sortes of men, were they neuer so wylde, euermore made their prayes and sacrifices to their Gods in their owne mother tongue. Which is a manifest declaratiō that it is the very light and voyce of nature.

¶Thus much vpon the ground of S. Paule and o∣ther reasons out of the Scriptures, ioyning therewith the common vsage of all nations, as a testimony of the lawe of nature.

* 13.335Now for the second part of the assertion, which is, that the vse of a strange tongue in publike prayer and admini∣stration of sacraments, is against the custome of the Pri∣mitiue church, which is a matter so cleare, that the deniall of it must needes proceed either of great ignorance, or els of wilfull malice.

For first of all Iustinus Martyr describing the order of the communion in his tyme,* 13.336 sayth thus: Die solis vrba∣norum ac rusticorum coetus, fiunt vbi Apostolorum propheta∣rum{que} literae, quoad fieri potest praeleguntur: Deinde cessante lectore, praepositus verba facit adhortatoria, ad imitationē tam honestarum rerum inuitans. Posthaec consurgimus omnes, & preces offerrimus, quibus sinitis profertur (vt diximus) panis, vinum & aqua: tum praepositus quantum potest, preces offert, & gratiarum actiones, plebs vero Amen accinit.

That is to saye: Uppon the Sonday assemblies are made both of the citizens and countreymen, whereas the writings of the Apostles and of the Prophets are red, as much as may be. Afterwards when the Reader doth cease the head minister maketh an exhortation, exhortyng them to fol••ow so honest thyngs. After this, we rise altogether and offer praiers, which beyng ended (as we haue sayde) bread, wine & water are brought forth. Then the hed Mi∣nister offreth prayers and thansgeuing, as much as he can and the people answereth, Amen.

☞ These wordes of Iustine, who liued about 160. yeares after Christ, considered with their circumstaunce, declare playnely that not onely the Scriptures were red, but also that the prayers and administration of the Lords supper were done in a tongue vnderstanded,

Both the Liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom declare, that in the celebration of the Communion,* 13.337 the people wer appointed to answer to the prayer of the Minister, some∣tymes Amen, sometymes, Lord haue mercy vppon vs, sometymes, and with thy spirite, and we haue our hartes lifted vp vnto the Lord, &c. Which aunswers, they coulde not haue made in due tyme, if the prayers had not bene made in a tong vnderstanded.

And for further proofe, let vs heare what Basill wri∣teth in this matter to the Clarkes of Neocaesarea.* 13.338 Caeterum ad obiectum in Psalmodijs crimen quo maxime simpliciores ter∣rent calumniatores, &c. As touching that is layed to our charge in Psalmodies and songs, wherwith our slaunde∣rers doe fraie the simple, I haue thus to say, that our cu∣stomes and vsages in all Churches, be vniforme, and a∣greeable.

For in the night the people with vs riseth, goeth to th•• house of prayer, and in trauaile, tribulation, and continual teares, they confesse themselues to God, and at the last ri∣sing agayne, go to their songs or Psalmody, where being deuided into two partes, sing by course together, both deepely weying and confirmyng the matter of the hea∣uenly sayinges, and also stirring vp their attention and deuotion of heart, which by other meanes bee alienated and plucked away. Then appoynting one to beginne the song, the rest followe, and so with diuers songes and prayers passing ouer the nyght, at the dawnyng of the day, altogether euen as it were, with one mouthe and one heart, they sing vnto the Lord a song of Confession, euery man framyng to hymselfe meete wordes of repen∣taunce.

If you will flie vs from hencefoorth for these thynges, ye must flie also the Egyptians, and both the Libianes, ye must eschew the Thebanes, Palestines, Arabians, the Phenices, the Syrians, and those that dwell besides Euphrates. And to be short, all those with whome watchinges, prayers, and common singyng of Psalmes are had in honour.

❧Testimonies of S. Ambrose, written vpon the 14. to the Corinth. the first epistle. Super illud qui enim loquitur linguis.

HOc est quod dicit, quia qui loquitur incognita lingua, &c. This is it that he sayth:* 13.339 because he which speaketh in an vnknowen tongue, speaketh to God. For he knoweth all thyngs but men know not, & therfore there is no profit of this thyng.

¶The same author afterwardes, Super illud, si benedi∣xeris spiritu.* 13.340

Hoc est, si laudem dei lingua loquaris ignota, &c. Uppon these wordes, if thou blesse or geue thanks with the spirit, how shall he that occupieth the roume of the vnlearned, say, Amen at the geuyng of thankes, seeyng he vnderstan∣deth not what thou sayest?

That is (sayth Ambrose) if thou speake the prayse of God in a tongue vnknowen to the hearers. For the vn∣learned hearing that which he vnderstandeth not, know∣eth not the end of the prayer, and he answereth not Amē. That is as much to say as (true) that the blessing or thāks∣geuing may bee confirmed. For the confirmation of the prayer is fulfilled by them which do answer, Amen. That all things spoken might be confirmed in the mindes of the hearers, through the testimony of the truth.

¶Afterward in the same place vpon these wordes, if any Infidell or vnlearned come in.* 13.341

Quum enim intelligit & intelligitur, &c. For when hee vnderstandeth, and is vnderstanded, hearing God to bee praysed, and Christ to bee worshipped, he seeth perfectly, that the religion is true, and to be reuerenced, wherein he seeth nothyng to be done colourably, nothyng in darke∣nesse, as among the Heathen, whose eyes are couered, that they seyng not the thyngs which they call holy, might per∣ceyue themselues to be deluded with diuers vanities. For all falsehood seketh darkenes, and sheweth false things for true. Therefore, with vs nothing is done priuily, nothing couertly, but one God is simply praysed, of whom are all things, and one Lord Iesus, by whom are all things. For if there be none which can vnderstand, or of whome hee may be tried, he may say, there is some deceit and vanitie, which is therfore song in tongues (not vnderstanded hee meaneth) because it is a shame to open it.

Vpon this place: Omnia ad aedificatio∣nem fiant.* 13.342

Conclusio haec est vt nihil incassum in ecclesia geratur: hoc∣que elaborandum magis, vt & imperiti proficiant, ne quid sit corporis per imperitiam tenebrosum. Let all thyngs be done to edifie,

This is the conclusion, that nothyng should be done in the Church in vayne, and that this thyng ought chiefly to bee laboured for, that the vnlearned also myght profite, least any part of the body should bee darke thorough ig∣noraunce.

Agayne: Si non fuerit interpres,* 13.343 taceat in Ecclesia.

Hoc est, intra se tacitè oret aut loquatur deo, qui audit muta omnia. In Ecclesia enim ille debet loqui qui omnibus prosit.

If there be no interpreter, let hym keepe silence in the Church.

That is, let him pray secretly, or speake to God with∣in hymselfe, which heareth all dumme thyngs: for in the church he ought to speake which may profit all men.

❧Testimonies out of S. Hierome, vpon that place of Paule: Quomodo qui supplet locum idiotae, &c.

PEr illum, saith S. Hierome, qui supplet locum ideotae,* 13.344 lai∣cum intelligit, qui nullo gradu ecclesiastico fungitur. It is the lay men saith he, whom Paule here vnderstandeth to be in the place of the ignoraunt man which hath no Eccle∣siasticall office. How shall he answer Amen to the prayer that he vnderstandeth not?

¶And a little after vpon these wordes: Nam si orare lingua, &c.

Hoc dicit, quoniam si quis incognitis alijs linguis loquatur, mens eius non ipsi efficitur sine fructu, sed audienti. Quicquid

enim dicitur ignorat. This is Paules meanyng, saith Hie∣rome. If any man speaketh in strange & vnknown tongs his mynd is not to hymselfe without fruit and profite, but he is not profited that heareth hym.

And in the end of his commentary vpon the Epistle to the Galathians, he saith thus:

Quod autem (Amen) consensum significet audientis, &c. That (Amen) signifieth the consent of the hearer, and is the sealing vp of the truth, Paul in the first Epistle to the Corinths, teacheth, saying. But if thou shalt blesse in spi∣rit, who supplieth the place of the ignorant? How shall he at thy prayer aunswere (Amen) seeyng he knoweth not what thou sayst? Wherby he declareth, that the vnlearned man cannot aunswer, that that which is spoken, is true, vnlesse he vnderstand what is sayd.

The same Hierome sayth in the Preface of S. Pauls Epistle to the Galathians, that the noyse of (Amen) soun∣deth in the Romane church like an heauenly thunder.

* 13.345As Hierome compareth this sound of common prai∣er to thunder, so compareth Basill it to the sound of y^e sea, in these words: If the sea be faire, how is not the assem∣bly of the congregation much fairer, in the which a ioyned sound of men, women and childrē, as it were of the waues beatyng on the shore, is sent forth in our praiers vnto our God.

* 13.346Cum populus semel audiuit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sta∣tim omnes respondent Amen.

When the people once heare these words (world with∣out end) they all forthwith answer,* 13.347 Amen.

And the same writer vpon the same chapter, vppon these words: How shall hee that occupieth the roume of the vnlearned: say Amen. En rursus amussi (quod dicitur) sa∣xum applicat, ecclesiae aedificationem vbi{que} requi••ens. &c. Be∣hold againe, he applieth the stone vnto the squire (as the Prouerbe is) requiring the edifieng of the Congregation in all places. The vnlearned he calleth the common peo∣ple, and sheweth that it is no small discommoditie, if they cannot say, Amen.

And agayne the same Chrysostome: Quin & in preci∣bus viderit quis populum multum simul offerre,* 13.348 tum pro ener∣gumenis, tum pro poenitentibus. Communes enim preces & a sacerdote & ab illis fiūt, & omnes dicunt vna orationē, orationē misericordia plenam. Iterum, vbi excluserimus a sacerdotalibus ambitibus eos qui non possunt esse participes sanctae mensae, a∣lia sacienda est oratio, & omnes similiter surgimus, &c. That is, yea in the prayers you may see the people offer largely, both for the possessed and the penitents. For the Priestes and the people pray altogether commonly, and all one prayer, a prayer full of mercy and pity. And excl••ding out of the Priests limites all such as cannot bee pertakers of the holy table, another prayer must be made, and all after one sort lye downe vppon the earth, and all agayne after one sort ryse vp together. Now when the peace is geuen, we all in lyke maner salute one another, and the Priest in the reuerent mysteries wisheth well to the people, and the people vnto hym, for Et cum spiritu tuo is nothing els but this. All things that belong to the sacrament of thanksge∣uing, is common to all. But he geueth not thanks alone, but all the people with hym.

Hereby it may appeare, that not the priest alone com∣municated nor prayed alone, nor had any peculiar prayer, but such as was common to them all, such as they all vn∣derstood, & all were able to say with the priest, which could not haue bene, if he had vsed a straunge tong in the mini∣stration of the sacraments.

* 13.349Dionysius describing the maner of the ministration of the Lordes supper, sayth: That hymnes were said of the whole multitude of the people.

Cyprian sayth: The priest doth prepare the myndes of the brethren,* 13.350 with a preface before the prayer, saying: Lift vp your hartes, that whiles the people doth aunswer, we haue our hartes lifted vp to the Lord, they may be admo∣nished that they ought to thinke of none other thing then of the Lord.

S. Augustine, Quid hoc sit, intelligere debemus, &c. What this should be we ought to vnderstand,* 13.351 that we may sing with reason of man, not with chatting of birdes. For Ou∣sels and Popiniayes, and Rauens, and Pies, & other such like birds are taught by mē to prate they know not what. But to sing with vnderstanding, is geuen by Gods holy will to the nature of man.

The same Augustine. There needeth no speach when we pray,* 13.352 sauing perhaps as the priestes doe, for to declare their meanyng, not that God, but that men may heare them, and so being put in remembraunce by consentyng with the priest, may hang vpon God.

To these testimonies of the auncient writers, we will ioyne one constitution of Iustinian the Emperour, who lyued 527. yeares after Christ:* 13.353 Iubemus vt omnes Episcopi pariter & Praesbyteri. &c. We commaund that all bishops & priests do celebrate the holy oblation, and the praiers vsed in holy Baptisme, not speaking low, but with a cleare or loud voyce, which may be heard of the people, that thereby the mynd of the hearers may bee stirred vp with greater deuotion, in vttering the prayses of the Lord God. For so the holy Apostle teacheth in his first Epistle to the Corin∣thians, saying: Truly if thou onely blesse or geue thanks in spirit, how doth he which occupieth the place of the vn∣learned, say the Amen, at the geuing of thanks vnto god? for he vnderstandeth not what thou sayest. Thou verily geuest thanks wel, but another is not edified. And again, in the Epistle to the Romains he sayth: Corde creditur ad iustitiam, ore autem fit confessio ad salutem, with the heart a man beleeueth vnto righteousnesse, and with the mouth confession is made vnto saluation.

Therfore for these causes it is conuenient, that amōgst other prayers, those thinges also which are spoken in the holy oblation, be vttered and spoken of the most religious bishops and priests vnto our Lord Iesus Christ our God with the father and the holy Ghost, with a lowde voyce. And let the most religious priests know this, that if they neglect any of these things in y^e dreadful iudgement of the great God and our sauiour Iesus Christ, neither will we when we know it, rest, and leaue it vnreuenged.

¶Out of this constitution of Iustinian the Emperour, three things are worthy to be noted.

First, that the common prayer and ministration done with a lowd voyce, so as may be heard and vnderstanded of the people, is a meane to stirre vp deuotion in the peo∣ple, contrary to the common assertion of Eckius & other aduersaries, who affirme that ignorance maketh a great admiration and deuotion.

Secondly, that Iustinian maketh this matter of not ordering common ministration and prayers, so as it may be vnderstanded of the people, not a matter of indifferen∣cie, but such a thyng as must be answered for at the day of iudgement.

Thirdly, that this Emperour beyng a christian Em∣peror, doth not onely make constitution of Ecclesiasticall matters, but also threateneth reuenge and sharpe punish∣ment to the violaters of the same.

These are sufficient to prooue, that it is agaynst Gods word, and the vse of the primitiue church, to vse a lāguage not vnderstanded of the people, in common prayer & mi∣nistration of the sacraments. Wherfore it is to be meruai∣led at, not onely how such an vntruth and abuse crept at the first into the Church, but also how it is maintayned so stifly at this day, and vpon what ground these that will be thought guides and pastors of Christes church, are so loth to returne to the first originall of S. Pauls doctrine, & the practise of the primitiue catholike Church of Christ.

❧The God of pacience and consolation, geue vs grace to bee lyke mynded one towardes another in Christ Iesu, that we all agreeyng together, may with one mouth prayse God the father of our Lorde Iesus Christ, Amen.

• ...Iohn Scory.
• ...Rich. Coxe.
• ...Dauid Whitehead.
• ...Edmund Grindall.
• ...Iohn Iewel.
• ...Rob. Horne.
• ...Iohn Aelmer.
• ...Edmund Gest.

And the same beyng ended with some likelyhood as it seemed, that the same was much allowable to the audiēce: certaine of the Bishops began to say contrary to their for∣mer aunswer, that they had now much more to say to this matter, wherein although they might haue bene well re∣prehended for such maner of cauillation: yet for auoidyng of any more mistakyng of orders in this colloquy or con∣ference, and for that they should vtter all that which they had to say, it was both ordered & thus openly agreed vpō of both partes in the full audience, that vpon the monday folowing, the bishops should bring their minds & reasons in writyng to the second assertion, and the last also if they could, and first read the same: and that done, the other part should bring likewise theirs to the same. And beyng red, ech of them should deliuer to other the same writings. And in the meane tyme, the Bishops should put in wri∣tyng, not onely all that which D. Cole had that day vtte∣red, but al such other matters as they any otherwise could thinke of for the same, and as soone as they might possible,

to send the same booke touching that firste assertion to the other part, and they should receiue of them that writyng which Mayster Horne had there read that day, and vpon Monday it should be agreed what day they should exhi∣bite theyr aunsweres touching the first propositiō. Thus both partes assented thereto, and the assembly was quiet∣ly dismissed.

*The order of the second dayes talke. ¶The Lord keeper of the great Seale, the Archbyshop of Yorke, the Duke of Northfolke, and all the Counsell being set, the Byshops on the one side, and the Protestantes, that is, the late banished Preachers on the other side, thus beganne the Lord Keeper.

MY Lords and maisters, I am sure ye remember well, what order of talke and writing was appoynted to be had this day in this assembly,* 13.354 at our last meeting, whi∣che I will not refuse now to repeat agayne for the short∣nes of it, which was that ye appoynted here on both sides should bring in english writing, what ye had to say in the second question, and in this place appoynted to reade the same. Therfore begin my Lordes.

Winchester.

I am determined for my part that there shall be now red, that which we haue to say for the first questiō.

L. Keper.

Will ye not then proceede in the order appoynted you?

Winch.

I am, as I sayd prouided for the first question or proposition: and we should suffer preiudice if ye permit vs not to intreat of that first, and so we would come to the se∣cond questiō, and this is the order we would vse. I iudge all my brethren are so minded.

Bishops.

We are so determined.

L. Keper.

I know not what you would do for your deter∣mined order: but ye ought to looke, what order is appoin∣ted you to keepe, which ye by this meanes doe breake and litle regard.

Winch.

Sith our aduersaryes part, if it please your Grace and honours, haue so confirmed theyr affection and pur∣pose, we suffer a preiudice or domage, if ye permit vs not the like. Hereat Doctour Watson bishop of Lincolne be∣ing at this talke very desirous to haue spoken, sayd nowe to the Bishop of Winchester. I pray you let me speake, which was permitted him, we are not vsed indifferently, sithen that you allowe vs not to open in present writyng what we haue to say for the declaration of the first questi∣on, in so much, as that whiche ye take for the infirmation of the same, was meant nothing to that purpose, for that which Mayster Cole spake in this last assembly, was not prepared to strengthen our case, but he made his Oration of himselfe, and ex tempore, that is, with no forestudyed talke.

At such the Bishops wordes, the Nobility and other of the audience muche frowned and grudged at, sith that they well knew that Maister Cole spake out of a writing which he held in his hand, and often read out of the same, & in that the same places which the Bishop informed him and appoynted him vnto with theyr fingers, all whyche thinges doe well declare the matter to bee premeditate, and not done ex tempore, for that Mayster Cole was ap∣poynted by them to be theyr speaker. Whereupon this, the bishop of Lincolne was the worse takē, notwithstanding he went onward complayning & sayd: we are also euil or∣dered as touching the time, our aduersaries part hauing warning long before, & we were warned only two dayes before the last assembly in this place. What with this bu∣sines & other trouble, we haue bene driuen to haue bene occupyed the whole last night. For we may in no wise be∣tray the case of God, nor will not doe, but susteine it to the vttermost of our powers, as we ought so to endeuour by all maner of meanes. But hereunto we want presētly in∣different vsing.

L. Keper.

Take ye heede that yee deceiue not your selues when it shall come to iust triall of the matter, and that thē it be not proued agaynst you, that ye complayne without cause when the order and your maner towardes it shalbe duely wayed. I am willing and ready to heare you after the order taken and appoynted for you to reason therein, and farther or contrary to that I cannot deale with you.

Lich. Cou.

Let vs suffer no misorder or iniury herein, but be hea••d with indifference, that is to say: conuenient and meet we should haue here.

L. Keper.

I praye you Syrs heare me, and marke it you well. It was concluded on by my Lordes of the counsell, who you wel know of, that theyr writing, whiche ye are now so willing to haue heard, should haue bene read the first day, and then did we vnderstande that Mayster Cole had sayd what you would haue him, and as much as you willed him to say, and vpon that indifferency emonges, I iudge ye were asked in the ende of Mayster Coles reher∣sall, whether that whiche he spake, was it ye woulde haue him say, and ye graunted it. Then whether ye would that he shuld say any more in y^e matter. Ye answered no, wher∣upon the other part was hard, which you hearing then in deede without all good indifferencie or playne dealing, ye pretended that ye had more to saye. So marke you wyth how small equitie you vsed your selfe.

The B.

We had in deede more to say, if we might haue bene indifferently heard.

L. Keeper.

Geue me leaue I saye, and looke what gaynes you should haue if your present request should be granted you: that call so muche of indifferent vsing, howe you shoulde vse those other men. For many who are here pre∣sently, were then away, so would you haue your writyng now red to them, whiche heard not this. Marke ye whe∣ther it had not bene more fit that ye had prouided it against the first day, when they orderly read theyrs, sith to my knowledge, and as farre as I haue hadde to doe in the matter, you were of both sides (I am sure) warned at one tyme. Howbeit to satisfy your importunacie and earnest∣nes of this crying out to haue your first writing heard, I might well allow, if it so pleased the rest of the Queenes most honorable Counsell, that you dispatching the worke on the second question, appoynted for this daye, and geue vs vp your writing for the first, so that when the daye commeth that each of you shall aunswer the other in con∣firmation of the first question, that then the same daye ye shall haue time to read this your first writing, whiche ye now would so fayne read. To this order all the Counsel willingly condescended.

Lich Co.

Nay my Lordes, they reading one, and we two bookes in one day, wee shoulde not haue time enough to read them both. It would occupy to much time.

L. Keeper.

For my part I might well stay at the hearing of them both, and I iudge the rest of the Counsell, and lyke∣wise the whole audience. At whiche saying there was a shoute crying on all sides: yea, yea, wee woulde heare it gladly.

Lincolne.

We cannot read them both at one time: for theyr writing (I am sure) would require an houre and a halfe, if so be it be so long as theyr laste was, and then our aun∣swere woulde require no lesse time after the fyrste que∣stion.

L. Keeper.

I haue shewed you we could be well contented to tary out the time when it commeth thereunto. There∣fore ye neede not to be therein so curious, and wee graun∣ting you thus muche, and yet ye will obey no orders, I cannot tell what I shall say vnto you.

Lincoln.

We haue bene wonderfully troubled in the order of this disputation. For first it was appoynted vs by my Lord the Archbishop that we shoulde dispute, and that in Latine, and then had wee an other commaundement that we should prouide a Latine writing, and nowe at last we willed to bring forth our writinges in english.

At these wordes the Lord keeper of the great seale, the Archbishop, with all the Counsell muche mused, and ma∣ny murmured at such his wrong report of the order well taken. Whereupon with an admiration the Lorde keeper aunswered: I maruaile much of the vsing of your selfe in this poynt, sith I am assured the order was neuer other∣wise taken then that you shoulde bring forth in Englishe writing what you had to say for your purpose.

Hereupon the Byshops of Lichfield and Chichester, to excuse my Lord of Lincolne, sayd: we so vnderstood the order, my Lordes.

L. Keeper

Howe likely is that, sith that it was so playnely told you? But to end these delayes, I pray you follow the order appoynted, and beginne to entreate of the seconde question.

Lich. Co.

We were appoynted this day by youre honours to bring in what we had to say in the first question.

At the which saying the audience much grudged, who heard the former talke, contrary to such his reporte.

L. Keeper.

The order was taken, for that your writinges were not ready the last time that ye shoulde yeld the same to these men, meaning the Protestantes, as soone as ye might, and vpon the receipt of your writinges, you shuld haue theyrs, and this day ye should entreate of the second question, and of the thyrd, if that ye had leysure enoughe. This was the order my Lordes, except my memory much fayle me. The same all the Counsell affirmed.

Lincoln.

We were willed then to bring in this daye oure writing for the first question also.

Lorde Keeper.

Ah syrs, if ye bee so harde to bee satis∣fied, and to encline to the trueth, let my Lordes

here say what was then determined.

B. Yorke.

Ye are to blame to stand in this issue, for there was a playne decreed order taken for you to intreat of the second Question. Wherefore leaue you your contention herein, and shew what ye haue to say in the second Que∣stion.

L. Keper.

Go to now, begin my Lordes.

Linc. Couen.

It is cōtrary to the order in disputatiōs that we should begin.

Chester.

We haue the negatiue: the affirmatiue therefore they must begin.

Lich. Couen·

They must first speake, what they can bring in agaynst vs, sith that we are the defending part.

Chester.

So is the schole maner, and likewise the maner in Westminster hall is, that y^e plaintifes part should speak first, and then the accused party to answere.

Lich. Couen.

I pray you let the proposition be read, & then let vs see who hath the negatiue part, and so let the other begin.

L. Keper.

The order was taken that ye should begin.

Lich. Couen.

But then we should do agaynst the Schoole order.

L. Keper.

My maisters, ye inforce much the schole orders. I wonder muche at it, sith diuers of those orders are ofte times taken for the exercise of youth, and ought to main∣teine a fashion and many prescriptions, whiche we neede not here to recite, much lesse obserue. We are come hither to keepe the order of God, and to set forth his truth & here∣vnto we haue taken as good order as we might, which li∣eth not in me to chaunge.

Carlile.

We are of the catholicke church, and abide therein, and stand in the possessions of the truth, and therfore must they say what they haue to answere against vs, and so we to mainteine and defend our cause.

Lich. Couen.

Yea, euen so must the matter be ordered.

Chester.

When they bring any thing agaynst vs, it is suf∣ficient for vs to deny it. Therfore must they begin.

Lich.

And when they affirme any thing, and we say naye, the proofe belongeth to them, and so it behoueth them to shew first what they affirme, and for what cause and pur∣pose.

L. Keper.

Here resteth our purpose, & whole matter, whe∣ther you will begin, if they do not, sith it was determined ye should begin.

Lich. Couen.

We heard of no such order.

L. Keper.

No did? Yes, and in the first question ye beg••n willingly. How commeth it to passe that ye will not now do so?

Chester.

Then had we the affirmation, which sith that our aduersaries haue now, they should presently begin.

This the Protestantes denyed, saying that they in the first day had the negatiue, wherein they did not yet re∣fuse to begin.

L. Keper.

If you haue any thing to say, my Lordes, to the purpose, say on.

Lich.

A particular sorte of men can neuer breake an Uni∣uersall Churche, which wee nowe mainteine: and as for these men, our Aduersary part, I neuer thought that they would haue done so much as haue named themselues to be of the catholicke Church, challenging the name as wel as we.

Protestantes.

We doe so, and we are of the true Catholicke church, and maynteyne the verity therof.

Lincolne.

Yet woulde ye ouerthrowe all Catholicke or∣der.

Horne.

I wonder that ye so much stand in who shoulde begin.

Lincolne.

You count it requisite that we shoulde followe your orders, as we haue takē the question at your hands, in that sort as you haue assigned them.

Lich. Couen.

Yea, euen so are we driuen to do now.

L. Keper.

Nay, I iudge if ye marke the matter well, the questions are neither of their propounding them to you, nor of your deuise to them, but offred indifferently to you both.

Horne.

In deed my Lordes of the Queenes most honou∣rable Counsell, these questions or propositions were pro∣posed vnto vs by your honors, and they then hauing the preheminence, chose to themselues the negatiue, & yet fre∣ly began first: now agayne why do they not the like.

Liechfield being angred that he shoulde so straightlye speake agaynst them, went quite from the matter, saying: My Lord keeper of the great seale, and you the rest of the Queenes most honorable Counsel, I hope that you all, & the Queenes Maiesty her selfe, are inclined to fauour the verity in all thinges, & the truth of the catholicke church, which we must, will, or can do no otherwise, but earnest∣ly maynteyne to the vttermost of our power, and to thys purpose let vs now well way who are of the true Catho∣licke church, they or we.

L, Keeper.

Tary, now you goe from the matter, and make questions of your owne.

Lichfield.

Yet not straying from his digression, sayd thus: we must needes goe to worke, and trye that first, of what Church they be of. For there are many Churches in Ger∣many. Mayster Horne, maister Horne, I pray you which of these Churches are you of?

Horne.

I am of Christes catholicke Church.

L. Keeper.

Ye ought not thus to runne into voluntary talk of your owne inuenting, nor to deuise newe questions of your owne appoyntment, and thereby enter into y^t talke: ye ought not so to doe. But say on, if you haue anye thing to say in this matter.

Lich.

Nay, we must first thus go to worke with them as I haue sayd, if that we will search a truth: howbeit of the truth we haue no doubt, for that we assuredly stande in it. These men come in, and they pretend to bee doubtfull. Therefore they shoulde first bring what they haue to im∣pugne or withstand vs withall.

Winch.

Let them begin: so will we goe onward with our matter.

Chester.

Otherwise, my Lordes, if they should not begin, but end the talke, then shoulde the verity on our sides bee not so well marked, for they should depart speaking last, cum applausu populi, with the reioising triumph of the peo∣ple.

Winch.

Therefore I am resolued that they shall begin or that we say any thing.

Chester.

I am sory my Lordes, that wee shoulde so longe stand in the matter, with your honours and make so ma∣ny wordes, and so much adoe with you, whom we ought to obey: howbeit there is no indifferency if they begin not: and surely we thinke it meete, that they shoulde for theyr partes geue vs place.

Lich.

Yea, that they shoulde and ought to doe where anye indifferencie is vsed.

Aelmer.

We giue you the place (do we not?) and depriue you not of the preeminence, because you are Byshoppes: therefore I pray you begin.

The Byshop.

A goodly geuing of place I assure you: yea marie ye gaue place, suche wordes they vsed, wyth more scoffes.

L. Keeper.

If ye make this assembly gathered in vayne, and will not go to the matter, let vs rise and depart.

Winch.

Contented, let vs be gone: for we will not in this poynt geue ouer.

I pray you my Lords, require not at our hands that we should be anye cause of hinderaunce or lett to our reli∣gion, or geue any such euil example to our posteritie, whi∣che we shoulde doe if we gaue ouer to them, whiche in no wise we may, or will do.

L. Keeper.

Let vs then breake vp, if you bee thus minded. With these wordes the Bishoppes were strayght wayes rising. But then sayd the Lord keeper: let vs see whether euery one of you be thus minded. How say you my Lorde of Winchester, will you not begin to read your writing?

Winch.

No surely. I am full determined, and fully at a poynt therein, how soeuer my brethren do.

Then the Lord Keeper asked how the Bishoppe was called who sate next to Winchester in order. It was the Bishoppe of Exceter, who being enquired his mind here∣in, answered that he was none of thē. Thē the Lord Kee∣per asked the other in order, and first Lincolne, who sayde he was of the same minde that Winchester was of: & like∣wise answered Lichfield Couen. Cole and Chedsy. Then Chester being asked his sentence, sayd: My Lordes, I say not that I will not read it, if yee commaund vs: but wee ought not to do it: yet I desire your honors not so to take it, as though I would not haue read it. I meane not so.

L. Keeper.

How say you to it: my Lord of Carlile?

Carlile.

If they should not read theyrs this daye, so that our writing may be last read, so am I contented that ours shall be first read.

L. Keeper.

So would ye make orders your selues, and ap∣poynt that we should spend one day in hearing you.

Abbot.

Then y^e Abbot of Westminst. was asked his mind who sayd: and if it please your honours, I iudge that my Lordes here stay most on this poynt, that they feare when they shall begin first, and the other aunswere thereupon, there shall be no time geuen to them to speake, whiche my Lord misliketh.

L. Keeper.

Howe can it otherwise be in a talke appoynted in such assembly and audience: thinke you that there can be continuall aunswering one another? when shoulde•••• after that sort haue an end?

Lich. Couen.

It must bee so in a disputation to seeke out

the trueth.

L. Keper.

But how say you, my Lord Abbot, are you of the mynde it shalbe read?

Abbot.

Yea forsooth, my lord, I am very wel pleased with all. Harpesfield being inquired his mind, thought as the other did.

L. Keper.

My Lordes, sith that ye are not willing but re∣fuse to read your writing after the order taken, wee wyll breake vp and departe: and for that ye willl not that wee should heare you, you may perhaps shortly heare of vs.

THus haue we declared the order and maner of this cō∣munication or conference, at Westminster, betweene these two parties, wherin if any law or order were brokē, iudge (good reader) wher the fault was, and consider with al what these Papistes be, from whō if ye take away their sword and authority from them, you see all their cunning how soone it lyeth in the dust, or els why would they not abide the triall of writing? why would they or durst they not stande to the order agreed vpon? Whether shoulde we say ignoraunce or stubbernes to be in them more, or both together? Who first being gently (as is sayd) and fauora∣bly required to keep the order appointed, they would not. Then being secondly (as appeared by the Lord Keepers words) pressed more earnestly, they neither regarding the authority. &c. of that place, nor their owne reputation, nor the credite of the cause, vtterly refused that to doe. And fi∣nally being agayne particularly euery of them aparte di∣stinctly by name required to vnderstande theyr opinions therin, they al, sauing one (which was the Abbot of West∣minster, hauing some more consideratiō of order and hys duety of obedience then the other) vtterly and playnly de∣nyed to haue theyr booke read, some of them as more ear∣nestly then other, some so also, some other more vndiscret∣ly, and vnreuerently then others. Wherupon geuing such example of disorder, stubbernes, and selfe will, as hath not bene seene and suffered in such an honorable assembly, be∣ing of the two estates of this Realme, the nobility and the commons, beside the presence of the Queenes Maiestyes most honorable priuy counsell, the same assembly was dis. missed, and the Godly and most Christian purpose of the Queenes Maiesty made frustrate. And afterward for the contempt so notoriously made, the Byshop of Wincester & Lincolne,* 13.355 hauing most obstinatly both disobeyed commō authority, and varyed manifestly from theyr owne order, and specially Lincoln, who shewed more folly then the o∣ther: were condignely committed to the Tower of Lon∣don, and the rest (sauing the Abbot of Westminster) stoode bound to make dayly theyr personall appearaunce before the counsell, and not to depart the Cittye of London and Westminster, vntill further order were taken with thē for their disobedience and contempt.

Besides the former protestation or libell written and exhibited by the Protestantes, concerning the first questi∣on, there was also an other like writing of the fayde Pro∣testantes made of the second question, but not published, which if it come to our hand, we wil likewise impart vn∣to thee.

As these Byshops aboue named were committed to the Tower, so Boner Bishop of London, about the same time,* 13.356 was commaunded to the Marshalsea, whereas hee both in his blinde bloudy heresy, and also in his deserued captiuity long remayned, abiding the Queenes pleasure, gods pleasure, I beseech him, so be wrought on that per∣son, that the Church of Christes flocke, if they can take or looke for no goodnesse of that man to come, yet they maye take of him and of other no more harme herafter, thē they haue done alredy. We al beseech thee this O Lord eternal per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen.

Aboute this time, at the beginning of the flourishing reigne of Queene Elizabeth, was a Parliament summo∣ned, and holden at Westminster, wherin was much deba∣ting about matters touching religion, and great study on both parties employed, the one to reteine still, the other to impugne the doctrine and faction which before in queene Maries time had bene established. But especially here is to be noted that though ther lacked no industry on the pa∣pistes side, to holde fast that, which they most cruelly from time to time had studied, & by al meanes practised to come by: Yet notwithstanding, such was the prouidence of God at that time, that for lacke of the other bishops, whome the Lorde had taken away by death a little before, the residue that there were left, could doe the lesse: and in very deede, God be praysed therefore, did nothing at all in effect. Al∣though yet notwithstanding there lacked in them neyther will nor labour to do what they could, if their cruell abili∣tie there might haue serued. But namely amongest all o∣ther,* 13.357 not onely the industrious courage of Doctor Story but also his wordes in this Parliament are worthy to be knowne of posteritie, who like a stout and furious cham∣pion of the popes side, to declare himselfe howe lustie hee was, & what he had and would do in his maisters quar∣rell, shamed not openly in the saide Parliament house to brast out into such impudent sort of words, as was won∣der to all good eares to heare, and no lesse worthy of hi∣story.

The summe of which his shameles talke was vttered to this effect: First beginning with himselfe, hee declared,* 13.358 that where as he was noted commonly abroad, and much complayned of, to haue bene a great doer, and a ••e••ter forth of such religion, orders, and proceedinges, as of hys late soueraigne that dead is, Queene Mary, were set forth in this Realme, hee denied nothing the same, protestyng moreouer that he therein had done nothing, but that both his conscience did lead him thereunto, and also his com∣mission did as wel then commaund him, as now also doth discharge hym for the same, being no lesse ready now also to doe the like, and more, in case hee by this Queene were authorised likewise, and commaunded thereunto. Where∣fore as I see (sayth he) nothing to be ashamed of, so lesse I see to be sory for, but rather sayd that he was sory for thys, because he had done no more thē he did, and that in execu∣ting those lawes, they had not bene more vehement and seuere. Wherein he sayd, there was no default in him, but in them, whom he both ofte and earnestly had exhorted to the same, being therefore not a little greeued with them, for that they laboured onely about the young and little sprigges and twigges, whyle they should haue stroken at the roote, and cleane haue rooted it out. &c. And concer∣ning his persecuting and burning them, hee denyed not, but that he was once at the burning of an herewygge (fo•• so he termed it) at Uxbridge, where he tost a faggot at his face as hee was singing Psalmes,* 13.359 and set a wynbushe of thornes vnder his feete, a little to pricke him, wyth many other words of like effect. In the whiche words he named moreouer syr Phillip Hobby, & an other knight of Kent, with such other of the richer and higher degree, whom his Counsell was to plucke at: & to bring them vnder coram, wherein sayd he if they had followed my aduise, then had they done well and wisely. This or much like was the ef∣fect of the shameles and tyrannicall excuse of hym selfe, more meete to speake with the voyce of a beast, then of a man.

Although in this Parliament some diuersitie there was of iudgement & opinion betweene parties, yet not∣withstanding through the mercifull goodnes of the Lord, the true cause of the Gospell had the vpper hand, the Pa∣pistes hope was frustrate, and theyr rage abated, the order and proceedinges of king Edwardes time concerning re∣ligion was reuiued agayne, the supremacie of the Pope abolished, the articles and bloudy statutes of Queene Mary repealed, briefly the furious firebrandes of cruell persecution, which had consumed so many poore mens bo∣dyes, were now extinct and quenched.

Finally, the olde Byshops deposed, for that they re∣fused the othe in renouncing the pope and not subscribing to the Queenes iust and lawfull title. In whose rowmes and places, first for Cardinall Poole, succeeded D. Ma∣thew Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. In the place of Heth, succeeded D. Young. In steede of Boner, Edmund Grindall was Bishop of London. For Hopton, Thurlby Tonstall, Pates, Christoferson, Peto, Coates, Morgan, Feasy, White, Oglethorpe. &c. were placed Doctor Iohn Parkust in Norwich, D. Coxe in Ely, Iuell in Salisbury Pilkenton in Duresme, Doctor Sandes in Worcester Mayster Downam in Westchester, Bentam in Couentry and Lichfield, Dauid in S. Da∣uies, Ally in Exceter, Horn in Winche∣ster, Scory in Hereford, Best in Carlile, Bullingham in Lincoln Scamler in Peterbury, Bart let in Bath, Gest in Ro∣chester, Barlo in Chi. &c.

¶And here to make an end of this Story. Now it remayneth to proceed fur∣ther to the Appendix in supplying such thinges as haue either bene omitted, or newly inserted, as foloweth.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno 1557.
• * 1.2

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.3

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.4

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.5

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.6

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.7

  The cause why the reformation was taken in hande.
• * 1.8

  The comming of the Inquisi∣tors, and of their entertain∣ment.
• * 1.9

  M. Christo∣pherson M. of Trinitye Col∣ledge, Bishop elect of Chi∣chester.
• * 1.10

  An Oration Gratulatory at their comming thither.
• * 1.11

  Watson aun∣swereth to the Oration.
• * 1.12

  Ianuary 9. Ianuary. 10. S Maryes and S. Michaels interdicted be∣cause of Martyn Bucer and Pau∣lus Phagius buryall.
• * 1.13

  Anno 1556. Ianuary.
• * 1.14

  Commendation of Martin Bu∣cer.
• * 1.15

  Ianuary. 11.
• * 1.16

  The Oration of Maister Stokes publike Orator of the Vniuersi∣tye.
• * 1.17

  Cardinal Po∣lus.
• * 1.18

  The aun∣swere of M. Scotte Bi∣shop of Che••ter, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Oration 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.19

  The Com∣mi••••ion as∣signed by t••e Cardi∣nall, and ••ay.
• * 1.20

  The causes ••ecl••red.
• * 1.21

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 more commended 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.22

  A Masse at the Kinges Col∣ledge.

  Ormanet Da∣tarye.
• * 1.23

  Pecocke prea∣cheth at Saint Maryes.
• * 1.24

  The citation of the Maisters of the Colledges.
• * 1.25

  Robert Bras∣se••s exception.
• * 1.26

  Alter••ation be∣tweene D. Bras∣sie and D. Scot B. of Chester.
• * 1.27

  Inquisition at the common schooles.
• * 1.28

  Ianuary. 12. Inquisition at the Kynges Colledge.
• * 1.29

  The maner of receiuing the Inquisitors whē they went to make Inquisi∣tion.
• * 1.30

  Note the ambi∣tious p••mpe of these Papistes.
• * 1.31

  The Commissi∣oners represent the Pope.
• * 1.32

  Here was a foule fault com∣mi••ted, that these men came in without Procession.
• * 1.33

  D. Brassey ex∣cuseth himselfe for the ••lacknes of his Processiō.
• * 1.34

  M. Brassey ma∣keth exception agayne.
• * 1.35

  Doctour Scots aunswere to M. Brassey.
• * 1.36

  The Popes au∣thoritye swal∣loweth vp al o∣ther priuileges.
• * 1.37

  The Legates saluting first their God.
• * 1.38

  The othe refu∣se•• of some in the kinges Col∣ledge, and why▪
• * 1.39

  The consul∣tation of the Maister▪ vpon 〈…〉〈…〉 my vp of M. Bucer.
• * 1.40

  Inquisition to be made of M. Bu∣cers doc∣trine..
• * 1.41

  Martin Bu∣cers bu••iall agaynst the holy Ca∣non lawes.
• * 1.42

  Causes why Mart. Bucer and Paulus Phagius bodyes ought to be taken vp.
• * 1.43

  Andrew Perne Vice chaun∣cellour, made factor for the V∣niuersitye in the case of M. Bucer & Phagius M. Christo∣phersons testimony of Perne. A Suppli∣cation putte vp to the Inquisitors by the Vni∣uersitye. Note this ••••ate of cō∣ueyance.
• * 1.44

  The Sen∣tence of condemna∣tion agaynst Martin Bu∣cer▪ and Paulus Phagius, copied out by the Da∣tarye. Grace as∣ked in the congregatiō for the ta∣king vp of Martin Bu∣cer.
• * 1.45

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 14.
• * 1.46

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.47

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.48

  Ianuary. 15.
• * 1.49

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.50

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.51

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.52

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 17.
• * 1.53

  Witnesses sworne agaynst M. Bucer.
• * 1.54

  Ianuary. 18.
• * 1.55

  Other witnes∣ses sworne a∣gaynst Maister Bucer.
• * 1.56

  A Relicke giuen by Ormanet to Trinity Col∣ledge.
• * 1.57

  Ormanet in a pelting chafe with M. Dale.
• * 1.58

  A commaunde∣ment for bring∣ing in of hereti∣call bookes.
• * 1.59

  Graciously con∣sidered.
• * 1.60

  Ianuary. 26.
• * 1.61

  An high matter in a low house
• * 1.62

  The Oration of Doctour Scotte Bishop of Che∣ster, before the pronouncing of the Sentence of condemnation.
• * 1.63

  What dissem∣bling is here in thes•• Pope holy Catholickes?
• * 1.64

  Tyranny coue∣red with the visor of mercy.
• * 1.65

  Sathan trans∣forming himself into an Aungell of light.
• * 1.66

  O Lord God? as though this were the doing of the Vniuer∣sity, and not your owne.
• * 1.67

  The Wolfe pretendeth to be a Lambe.
• * 1.68

  As though the Cardinall sent you not downe before you came to the Vniuersi∣tye.
• * 1.69

  Bucer and Phagius falsely ac∣cused of hi∣pocrisie by false hipo∣crites.
• * 1.70

  The Sen∣tence of condemna∣tion agaynst Martin Bu∣cer, and Paulus Phagius.
• * 1.71

  Agaynst Martyn Bucer.
• * 1.72

  Agaynst Pa••lus Phagius
• * 1.73

  Paulus Phagius 〈…〉〈…〉 Oe∣••••lampadi∣•••• Bucer, Mela••cthō, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.74

  Pernes Ser∣•••••• against B••cer.
• * 1.75

  D. Pernes accusation against M. Bucer.
• * 1.76

  〈…〉〈…〉 noted D. Perne.
• * 1.77

  Shamefull of D. Perne agaynst M. Bucer.
• * 1.78

  D. Perne spea∣keth agaynst his own•• consciēce, in rayling a∣gainst M. Bucer.
• * 1.79

  Verses agaynst M. Bucer and Phagius.
• * 1.80

  The Sentence of condemnatiō sent to London with the Com∣missioners let∣ters.
• * 1.81

  A writte for burning of he∣retickes.
• * 1.82

  Watsons Sermō vpon Candle∣mas day.
• * 1.83

  Mary and Io∣seph went a procession with waxe candels, or els D. Watsō sayth false.
• * 1.84

  A question to be spurred to D. Watson.
• * 1.85

  The sodayne sownde of Christopherson.
• * 1.86

  The day assig∣ned for burning M. Bucer and Paulus Phagi∣us bodyes.
• * 1.87

  The taking vp of M. Bucer and Paulus Phagi∣us.
• * 1.88

  The burning of Martyn Bucer and Paulus Phagius.
• * 1.89

  The talke of the countreyfolke of the burning of M. Bucer and Paulus Phagi∣us.
• * 1.90

  Watsons Ser∣mon at the bur∣ning of Bucer and Phagius.
• * 1.91

  As though in these dayes of Queene Mary had bene raysed no subsidies at all.
• * 1.92

  Watson sclaunde•• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.93

  Watson and Scot had both sub∣scribed to the doctrine of the Gos∣pell in the raigne of K. Edward the 6.

  The recon∣ciling of the Churches that were interdicted.
• * 1.94

  A solemne Procession of the Vni∣uersitye and of the tow∣nesmen.
• * 1.95

  The order of Processi∣on in Cam∣bridge.
• * 1.96

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.97

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.98

  O••manet & C••l•• pro∣••••••ded Doctours.
• * 1.99

  The depar∣ting of ••he 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.100

  Swine∣••••••nes say∣ing as con∣••••••ing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Inqui∣••••••rs.
• * 1.101

  The Oration of Acworth.
• * 1.102

  Anno 1557. Ianuary.
• * 1.103

  Anno 1557. Maye.
• * 1.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sermō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iames 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.105

  Anno 1557. February.
• * 1.106

  Stephen Gardi∣ner of Winche∣ster.
• * 1.107

  ••ande som∣tyme Maior of the towne.
• * 1.108

  Anno 1557. Aprill.
• * 1.109

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.110

  Iurates sworne agaynst Peter Martyrs wyfe••.
• * 1.111

  Cardinal Poole earnest in bur∣ning dead mens bodyes.
• * 1.112

  D. Marshall Deane of Fri∣deswides.
• * 1.113

  Peter Martyrs Wiues bones a∣gayne reduced out of the Dūg∣hill, and layd in a decent monu∣ment.
• * 1.114

  Great ingrati∣tude shewed to Peter Martyr.
• * 1.115

  M. Iames Caldfield.
• * 1.116

  The bones of Peter Martyrs wyfe coupled with the bones of S. Frideswide.
• * 1.117

  Anno 1556. February·
• * 1.118

  Articles of the Cardinall to be enquired in his visitation of Kent.
• * 1.119

  Articles of Car∣dinall Poole to be inquired vpō touching the Laitye.
• * 1.120

  Anno. 1557. Ianuary.
• * 1.121

  ••••••uary. 15. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mar∣••••••dome of 〈…〉〈…〉 the Dio∣ces of Can∣terbury.
• * 1.122

  The names 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Mar∣tyrs.
• * 1.123

  Concer∣ning their articles read before pag. 1••72.
• * 1.124

  The cause of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mar∣tyrdome.
• * 1.125

  The Mar∣tyrdome of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••empe, W. Hay, Hudson, Lowicke, W. Prow∣ting, at Cā∣terbury. Anno. 1557. Ianuary. 15. The other 4. were turned at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 same 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2. at Wye and 2. •• Ashford.
• * 1.126

  Examples how kinges & Prin∣ces & the power of the world, bend themselues agaynst Christ and his worde, and yet could neuer preuayle.
• * 1.127

  A terrible pro∣clamation of K. Phillip and Q. Mary, agaynst the poore ser∣uauntes and members of Christ.
• * 1.128

  Persecutors.
• * 1.129

  The meaning of the Gospellers falsely reported, and sclaūdered.
• * 1.130

  What watch is here to keepe downe Christ, but yet he will ryse.
• * 1.131

  Anno 1557. Aprill.
• * 1.132

  Enormities or misbehauiours.
• * 1.133

  Not comming to the Church seruice.
• * 1.134

  Heretickes to be committed to their Ordina∣ry.
• * 1.135

  Vacaboundes or maisterles men.
• * 1.136

  Decay of Chur∣ches and Chap∣pells.
• * 1.137

  Prisoning of the obstinate.
• * 1.138

  Persecution a∣bout Colchester
• * 1.139

  22. For Gods word apprehen∣ded.
• * 1.140

  The aray & order of these 22. prisoners comming vp to Lon∣don.
• * 1.141

  Lorde of Oxford, L. Darcy, H. Tyrrell, Anthony. Browne, William Bende∣lowes, Ed∣mund Tyr∣rell, Ri∣chard We∣ston, Roger Appleton, Iohn King∣stone Com∣missarye, persecutors.
• * 1.142

  Maister Browne a hoate and hasty Iustice in persecu∣ting Gods people.
• * 1.143

  Anno 1557. March.
• * 1.144

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.145

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.146

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.147

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.148

  Indenture be∣tweene the Iustices and Bo∣ners Commissa∣ry, for rece••∣uing of priso∣ners.
• * 1.149

  The names of Christes priso∣ners persecuted.
• * 1.150

  The names of the persecutors.
• * 2.1

  B. Boners letter to Cardinall Poole, concer∣ning the 22. pri∣soners aforesayd.
• * 2.2

  The maner how these 22. priso∣ners were brought vp from Colchester to London by 3. keepers.
• * 2.3

  B. Boners cru∣eltye somewhat stayed by the Cardinall.
• * 2.4

  Cardinall Poole a Papist, but no bloudy Papist.
• * 2.5

  Card Poole halfe sus∣pected for a Lutheran at Rome.
• * 2.6

  Their opi∣nion and iudgement of the Lords Supper. Christes language to speake in parables.
• * 2.7

  The cause why the bread and cup wa•• ge∣uen in the Supper.
• * 2.8

  Anno 1556. Aprill.
• * 2.9

  How the Scriptures ought to be examined.
• * 2.10

  Idolatry in worship∣ping the Sacramen∣tall bread and wyne.
• * 2.11

  A letter or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the priso∣ners to the Iudges.
• * 2.12

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.13

  Aprill. 12.
• * 2.14

  5. Martyrs.
• * 2.15

  Touching these articles read be∣fore pag. 1672.
• * 2.16

  Their answeres to the articles.
• * 2.17

  Two Sacramēts onely.
• * 2.18

  Crafty dealing of the Papistes. Simple igno∣raunce deceiued.
• * 2.19

  Anno 1557. Aprill.
• * 2.20

  They which se∣parate them∣selues from cer∣tayne trashe ••rought into the Church, do not seperate themselues frō the Church.
• * 2.21

  Other new ar∣ticles propoun∣ded to them by B. Boner.
• * 2.22

  Masse and 7. Sacramentes.
• * 2.23

  English seruice.
• * 2.24

  Comming to Church.
• * 2.25

  Ashes, Palmes, Creeping to the Crosse, Holy bread, Holy water. &c.
• * 2.26

  Confession.
• * 2.27

  Absolute neces∣sitye.
• * 2.28

  Christening of infantes.
• * 2.29

  Praying for the dead.
• * 2.30

  M••••tyrs that suffered. Fasting dayes.
• * 2.31

  Sacramēt of the Aultar▪
• * 2.32

  Taking of an oth.
• * 2.33

  Their aun∣sweres to the articles before ob∣iected.
• * 2.34

  True fasting
• * 2.35

  Thomas Losebyes wordes to the Bishop.
• * 2.36

  Thomas Thyrtells wordes to Boner.
• * 2.37

  Henry Ram¦seys wordes to Boner
• * 2.38

  Margaret Hydes wordes to Boner.
• * 2.39

  Agnes Stanleys wordes to Boner.
• * 2.40

  Losebyes wordes to the Byshop. Sentence geuen a∣gaynst Loseby.
• * 2.41

  Anno 1557. Maye.
• * 2.42

  The wordes of Margaret Hyde to the ••••••hop. Sentence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣ga••nst Margaret H••de. The wordes Agnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishop.
• * 2.43

  The wordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thomas Th••rtell to the Bishop Th••mas Th••rtell ••••••demned. T••e aun∣••were and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hē∣•••• Ramsey.
• * 2.44

  〈…〉〈…〉 Agnes Stanley, in Smithfield. Anno. 1557▪ Ap••ill. 12.
• * 2.45

  Maye. W. Morant, Stephen Gratwicke, One King, Martyrs.
• * 2.46

  The straunge dealing of the Byshops with Stephen Grat∣wicke, Martyr.
• * 2.47

  The vnordinate handling of Stephen Grat∣wicke written and testified by his owne re∣corde.
• * 2.48

  The story and examination of Stephen Grat∣wicke Martyr, vnder the B. of Winchester & Rochester. &c.
• * 2.49

  Stephen Grat∣wicke appea∣leth from the B. of Winche∣ster to his owne Ordinary.
• * 2.50

  The Byshop of Rochester com∣meth in.
• * 2.51

  Catholicke conueyance a∣mong these Bishops. Stephen Grat∣wicke not of Rochester Di∣oces.
• * 2.52

  Anno 1557. February·
• * 2.53

  The Byshops counterfayte a false Ordinary against Stephen Gratwicke.
• * 2.54

  See what care these men haue of poore mens bloud.
• * 2.55

  Here commeth in the vice in the play.
• * 2.56

  Christ bringing the truth could not be heard of the Scribes and Phariseys.
• * 2.57

  Obiections of the Bishops owne making.
• * 2.58

  Sacrament of the Lordes Supper.
• * 2.59

  The Sacrament of the Aultar no Sacrament.
• * 2.60

  The wicked eate not the body of the Lord.
• * 2.61

  The Bishop of Winche∣sters reason to proue the Sacraments in one kind.
• * 2.62

  The Ca∣tholickes make a Phantasti∣call body in the Sacra∣ment.
• * 2.63

  If the wic∣ked do eate the body of Christ, they must needes be saued: And if In∣fantes eate him not, they must be condem∣ned by the Popes doc∣trine.
• * 2.64

  Falsehoode in alleaging the Scrip∣tures.

  The By∣shops fay∣led of their purpose, and in a rage.
• * 2.65

  Anno 1557. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.66

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.67

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.68

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.69

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 cruelty 〈…〉〈…〉 vpon 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.70

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.72

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.73

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.74

  True Christiās not suffered to purge them∣selues.

  He meaneth a∣gaynst the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 presence.
• * 2.75

  Winchester con∣demneth Ste∣phen Gratwick, and why?
• * 2.76

  Stephen Grat∣wicke condem∣ned agaynst order, both of temporall and spirituall lawe.
• * 2.77

  Stephen Grat∣wicke constant in Christ and in his death.
• * 2.78

  Gratwicke after his condemnati∣on prayeth for his enemyes.
• * 2.79

  Stephen Grat∣wicke to the Reader.
• * 2.80

  Winchester at∣tempteth Ste∣phen Gratwick with flattering and praysing.
• * 2.81

  Iune. 18.
• * 2.82

  Richard Thorn∣ton, Nicholas Hartsfield, per∣secutor••.
• * 2.83

  The names of the Martyrs.
• * 2.84

  The story of Edmund Alen, with his trouble and examinati∣on before Syr Iohn Baker.
• * 2.85

  Edmund Allen went to Calice.
• * 2.86

  Edmund Allen returneth againe from Calice, and is apprehended.
• * 2.87

  Marke what a holy Masse say∣ing was here & what a charita∣ble religion is this.
• * 2.88

  Witnesses to the story.
• * 2.89

  Iohn Doue, Tho. Best, Tho. Linsey, Perciual Barbel, persecu∣tors.
• * 2.90

  Tho. Henden Priest persecu∣tor.
• * 2.91

  The exami∣nation of Edmund Allen be∣fore Syr Iohn Baker.
• * 2.92

  Priuate reading or expounding of the scrip∣tures for∣bidden to no man.
• * 2.93

  Luke. 4.
• * 2.94

  Preaching without li∣cence in the olde Testa∣ment.
• * 2.95

  Coloss. 1.
• * 2.96

  Albeit the positiue law of Moses Iudicials do not binde the Gen∣tiles with the same necessity absolutely in euery condition, as it did the Iewes, to whom it was peculi∣arly geuen: yet may the Gentiles borow out of the same law, such thinges that shallbe expedient for theyr regiment. Neyther can they borow any lawes better then out of Moses. In tyme of publicke corruption, & in want of true tea∣chers, it is not forbid∣den to any man to teach. Pope Gre∣gory the 9. first restray∣ned lay men to teach or instruct o∣thers in Scriptures▪
• * 2.97

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.98

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6.
• * 2.99

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.100

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.101

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.102

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.103

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 12.
• * 2.105

  The reuenewes of Bishops and Prelates in England.
• * 2.106

  The Martyr∣dome of 5. wo∣men and 2. men at Cant. Anno. 1557. Iune. 18.
• * 2.107

  Iune. 19. The story of 7. other Martyrs.
• * 2.108

  Vnmercifull cruelty of the Catholickes agaynst poore women.
• * 2.109

  This Brad∣bridges wyfe was thought to be with childe.
• * 2.110

  Roger and Tho. Hall two godly brethren of A∣lice Benden.
• * 2.111

  The imprison∣ment of Alice Benden, and maner of her handling.

  M. Robertes of Crambroke per∣secutor.

  Alice Benden imprisoned for not comming to the Church. Alice Benden deliuered by su••e of her neighbours.
• * 2.112

  Anno 1556. Iune.
• * 2.113

  The husband procureth the trouble and imprisonment of his wyfe. Syr Iohn Gil∣ford comman∣deth Alice Benden to the Castle of Can∣terbury.
• * 2.114

  The spare dyet of Alice Ben∣den and Potkins wyfe in Canter∣bury Castle.
• * 2.115

  The husband complayneth of his wiues bro••••er Roger Hall.
• * 2.116

  Alice Benden remoued from the Byshops prison.
• * 2.117

  The Byshops prison described.
• * 2.118

  Example of Gods mercyfull prouidence in relieuing his Saintes.
• * 2.119

  Alice Benden kept in the By∣shops prison 9. weekes with bread and wa∣ter.

  The affliction of Alice Benden at her first com∣ming to prison.
• * 2.120

  Alice Benden receaueth com∣fort of the Lord in the middest of her miseryes.
• * 2.121

  Alice Ben∣den called before the Bishop. The aun∣sweres of Alice Ben∣den to the Bishop.
• * 2.122

  Alice Ben∣den from the Byshops prison, sent to West∣gate.
• * 2.123

  Alice Ben∣den condē∣ned, & sent to the Ca∣stle in Can∣terbury.
• * 2.124

  The Mar∣tyrdome of 3. men, and 4. women at Canter∣bury. Anno 1557. Iune. 19.
• * 2.125

  Anno 1557. Iune.
• * 2.126

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neither 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pa∣t••ence nor Charitye.
• * 2.127

  Mathew P••a••e.
• * 2.128

  Examinatiō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mathew P••••se be∣fore the B. o•• Douer, Harpsfie••d Archdeacon and Collins C••mmisia∣•••• &c.
• * 2.129

  Ose. 6. Math. 12.
• * 2.130

  The Catho∣•••••••• church.
• * 2.131

  This article of the K. & Qu••••e is no 〈…〉〈…〉 his Catholicke Creede.
• * 2.132

  And yet he sayd before that he went not aboute to seeke his bloud.
• * 2.133

  Iudgement without truth.
• * 2.134

  Mathew Plaise confesseth his minde of the Sacrament.
• * 2.135

  Capernaicall doctrine.
• * 2.136

  Christ called it his body: Ergo, he made it his body.

  It followeth not: For a thing may be called, & yet no nature chaunged.
• * 2.137

  Anno 1556. Iune.
• * 2.138

  False alleaging the Scriptures.
• * 2.139

  They sayd that Christ called it his body: but they sayd not, that it was his body.
• * 2.140

  Compari∣son be∣tweene turning Moyses rod and the bread into Christes body: not lyke. The opini∣on of the Papistes much lyke to the Ca∣pernaits.
• * 2.141

  Iune. 22.
• * 2.142

  10. Godly Martyrs.
• * 2.143

  The lyfe & story of Richard Woodman.
• * 2.144

  Anno ••557. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.145

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.146

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.147

  R••••hard ••o••dman 〈…〉〈…〉 of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 trouble. R••chard Woodman ag••yne ap∣prehended, 〈…〉〈…〉 of Richard Woodman.
• * 2.148

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.149

  The first ap∣pre••ension 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Richard Woodman.
• * 2.150

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.151

  Woodmen pur∣geth himselfe of false sclander.
• * 2.152

  False surmises agaynst Richard Woodman.
• * 2.153

  Woodman com∣playned of to Syr Iohn G••ge Lord Cham∣berlayne.
• * 2.154

  Warrantes sent out to attach Woodman.
• * 2.155

  L. Chamber∣layne sendeth to take Woodman at his plough.
• * 2.156

  Woodman a∣rested.
• * 2.157

  Feare comming vpon Woodmā at his first ta∣king.
• * 2.158

  Woodman comforted in his spirite after his feare.
• * 2.159

  Woodman as∣keth for their Warrant.
• * 2.160

  How God worketh for his seruauntes.
• * 2.161

  The vnorderly doinges of the Papi••tes in at∣taching men without any warrant.
• * 2.162

  Woodman re∣fus••th to goe with them vn∣lesse they shewe their warrant.
• * 2.163

  Gods great worke, how the persecutors which came to take Woodman, went away without him.
• * 2.164

  Woodman es∣capeth the handes of his takers.
• * 2.165

  Woodmans house agayne searched for him,
• * 2.166

  Woodman lodged sixe wee••es in a woode.
• * 2.167

  All the count••y and Sea coastes l••yd for wood∣man.
• * 2.168

  Woodman deli∣uered by his owne brother into his ene∣nemyes handes.
• * 2.169

  Auri sacra fa∣mes quid non Mortalia cogis pectora? Virgil.
• * 2.170

  Brother bewrayeth the bro∣ther.
• * 2.171

  Woodmans house a∣gayne beset, and sear∣ched.
• * 2.172

  Woodman put to his shiftes.
• * 2.173

  The part of a trusty wife to her hus∣band.
• * 2.174

  This belyke was his brother.
• * 2.175

  Woodman at length after long seeking found out.
• * 2.176

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.177

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.178

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.179

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.180

  George 〈…〉〈…〉 in 〈…〉〈…〉 Woodman.
• * 2.181

  A Pewte∣rer of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 coate.
• * 2.182

  ••oodman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ounde 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Woodman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his ••••fe and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The name of this place 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈…〉〈…〉 Firle.
• * 2.183

  Richard Wood∣man brought before the B. of Chichester., D. Story, and D. Cooke.
• * 2.184

  Richard Wood∣man preferreth the kingdome of Christ, before lyfe, or wyfe, & all worldly respectes.
• * 2.185

  Woodman ap∣pealed to his Ordynary.
• * 2.186

  D. Story a great spiller of bloud by his owne confession.
• * 2.187

  The Papistes in doubte whether they haue the spirite of God.
• * 2.188

  D. Story in a fury.
• * 2.189

  He is no true Christian that hath not the spirite of God.
• * 2.190

  Anno 1556. Iune.
• * 2.191

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 2.192

  Whether Paule was sure to re∣ce••ue the spirite of Christ.
• * 2.193

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 2.194

  Rom. 8.
• * 2.195

  Rom. 8. G••l. ••. 2. Tim. 8.
• * 2.196

  The Papistes bewray their owne blyndnes.
• * 2.197

  Richard Wood∣man glad to goe to the Marshal∣s••••.
• * 2.198

  The liuing God, is a p••••ne of he∣resie among the Catholickes.
• * 2.199

  Story scorneth at the holy Bible.
• * 2.200

  Barne. 6.
• * 2.201

  D. Story set to schoole in the Scriptures.
• * 2.202

  Psal. ••4.
• * 2.203

  If the liuing God in hea∣uen doe make an he¦retick, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 maketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the dead God on the Aultar. Storyes rule to know an hereticke that is a true Chri∣stian.

  When D. Story can∣not confute them by learning, he confu∣teth them by impri∣sonment.
• * 2.204

  No but if he should say: the Sacra∣ment of the aultar, wor∣shipped might he be: then he were a per∣fect Catho∣licke.

  The Lord hereticall, our Lord Catholicke with the Papistes.
• * 2.205

  Fallacia e∣quiuoci. He that er∣reth from the church, which church er∣reth not in in the right fayth, his fayth can∣not be good in deede.
• * 2.206

  Woodman charged with his owne wri∣tinges.
• * 2.207

  Richard Woodman 5. tymes be∣fore the Commissi∣oners.
• * 2.208

  Anno 1557. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.209

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.210

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.211

  ••oodman 〈…〉〈…〉 church.
• * 2.212

  A man may 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prea∣••••••.

  ••eading 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scrip∣ture letteth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man to 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.213

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 and ••••••under.
• * 2.214

  Woodman 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Church.
• * 2.215

  The Bishop 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.216

  The Bishop bid∣deth Woodman to dinner.
• * 2.217

  Talke betweene Richard Wood∣man and the Bi∣shop about Pri∣estes mariage.
• * 2.218

  Paule if he were not maryed, yet he had power to marry as well as the other had.
• * 2.219

  1. Cor. 9.
• * 2.220

  1. Cor. 7
• * 2.221

  Priestes ought to haue wyues, rather then to burne, by Sainct Paules doctrine.
• * 2.222

  Gene, 2.
• * 2.223

  1. Tim. 3. Bishops and Deacons were maryed in the Apostles tyme. Papistes ••olde, that Byshops & Deacons hauing wi••es before, might keepe them still: but not hauing be∣fore, might not afterward mary.
• * 2.224

  Paul confesseth himselfe after his Apostleship to haue power to ma••y.
• * 2.225

  The Bishops fay••e wordes to Richard Wood∣man.
• * 2.226

  Richard Wood∣man complay∣ned of by vn∣learned Priestes which could not certyfie him in matters of reli∣gion.
• * 2.227

  A Byshoplyke di••ner without any talke of Scriptures.
• * 2.228

  D. story a man without reason.
• * 2.229

  7. Sacramentes denyed.
• * 2.230

  Two onely Sa∣cramentes.
• * 2.231

  Richard Wood∣man caryed to the Marshalsey.
• * 2.232

  Luke 22. The deuills members per∣secutors of the Christians.
• * 2.233

  Iob. Psal. 1••▪ Rom 14.
• * 2.234

  Richard Woo••m•••• to the faythfull brethren.
• * 2.235

  Psal. 103.
• * 2.236

  Those that feare God hang not or man.
• * 2.237

  The insepa∣rable knot of loue be∣tweene Christ and his mem∣bers.
• * 2.238

  Christians ought to geue there liues for de∣fence of the Gospell, if they be thereto cal∣led.
• * 2.239

  The second examinati∣on of Rich. Woodman, before D, Christo∣pherson, Bishop of Chichester, Doct. Story &c.
• * 2.240

  Prouing of 7. Sacra∣mentes.
• * 2.241

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.242

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.243

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.244

  Christo∣pherson not yet conse∣crated, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ex∣amination 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.245

  ••••ether ••••trimony 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣ment.
• * 2.246

  Ephe. 5.
• * 2.247

  S. Paules words be these: ••his miste••y is great••▪ &c.
• * 2.248

  In the Greeke text S. Paule calleth it miste∣rium.

  What is a miste∣ry, and what difference there is betweene a mistery and a Sacrament.
• * 2.249

  Argument.

  A thing signified, & a thing signifying can not bee at one tyme in respecte of it selfe, in one subiecte.

  Matrimony is a holy thing it selfe signified

  Ergo, Matrimony cannot be a Sacrament signifying a holy thing.
• * 2.250

  The hose in a hosiers stalle, may be a sign••▪ signifying moe hose to be within: but it is noe signifying signe of it selfe. Neyther againe is eue∣ry signe of an other thing to be called a Sacra∣ment.
• * 2.251

  Chichester pro∣ueth Matrimony to be a Sacramēt by a payre of hose.
• * 2.252

  Letters written in the booke speaking pro∣perly, be one thing: the testa∣ment & worde of God is an o∣ther thing. And yet by vse of speach, the booke of the te∣stament is cal∣led the testa∣ment, as bread, and wine be cal∣led the body & bloud of the Lord.
• * 2.253

  Heb. 13.
• * 2.254

  The Bishop of Chicheste•• rightly aunswe∣red of his man according to his queston.
• * 2.255

  Ai••, Aio.
• * 2.256

  Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 2.257

  The aultar how it is to be taken, and where it is.
• * 2.258

  Math. 18.
• * 2.259

  Math. 5.
• * 2.260

  Christ the true and onely Aul∣tar.
• * 2.261

  The place of Math. •• expound••
• * 2.262

  Heb. 13.
• * 2.263

  The Ca∣tholickes will not haue the worde to iudge.
• * 2.264

  Woodman referreth himselfe to the true Church.
• * 2.265

  Doctrine preiudiciall to Christes passion to say that the Sacrament of the Aul∣tar doth pa∣cyfie the wrath of God.
• * 2.266

  The Ca∣tholickes make them∣selues Priestes, not after the order of Aaron but of Melchi∣sedech.
• * 2.267

  The Ca∣tholickes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sacrament doth a ••••gne signi∣••••••••g, and the thing it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 signi∣••ied.

  Another 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣ment of Baptisme, 〈…〉〈…〉 childe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be ••••ptised?
• * 2.268

  The word, water and childe, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bap∣ti••me: So the word, bread and the receauer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sacrament of the Lordes body.
• * 2.269

  The fayth of the recei∣uer maketh it the body.
• * 2.270

  If Iudas did eate the body of Christ, thē must he be saued.
• * 2.271

  Whether bread re∣mayne in the Sacra∣ment.
• * 2.272

  The true confession of Richard Woodman touching the Sacra∣ment.
• * 2.273

  Sap. ••.
• * 2.274

  The zeale of Gods spirite in Richard Wood∣man.
• * 2.275

  D. Story com∣meth in.
• * 2.276

  D. Story com∣maundeth Ri∣chard Woodmā agayn to the Marshalsey.
• * 2.277

  The third exa∣mination of Richard Wood∣man, before D. Langdale, and M. Iames Gage, May. 12.
• * 2.278

  False lyes and lewde reportes.
• * 2.279

  Woodman war∣ned to appeare.
• * 2.280

  Woodman ta∣keth his leaue of his fellowes.
• * 2.281

  Woodman de∣liuered to one of the Lord Mountagues men.
• * 2.282

  Religion estee∣med by aunci∣tors & Grand∣fathers, and by place.
• * 2.283

  Multitude not to be followed in doing euill. To doe as most men doe and to doe as a man ought to doe, are two things.
• * 2.284

  Hard tru∣sting any man in thi•• world.

  Woodman•• blamed fo•• aunswerin•• with Scrip∣tures.
• * 2.285

  D. Lang∣dales talke with Ri∣chard Woodman, vpon what occasion, & by whose procure∣ment.

  Woodman charged with his owne hand writing.
• * 2.286

  Richard Woodmans writing ••et vpon the the Church dore vpon what occa∣sion.
• * 2.287

  Woodman required of M. Sheriffe and other his frendes, to talke with D. Langdale. D Lang∣dale Pa••••on of Bux∣steede, where Woodman•• father dwelt.
• * 2.288

  Woodmans friendes de∣sirous to heare him and D. Langdale talke toge∣ther.
• * 2.289

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 By∣••hop was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christo∣••••erson. W••odman 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.290

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.291

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.292

  D. Lang∣dale to 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.293

  ••••odman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cause.
• * 2.294

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 childrē 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••mned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Doctour ••••••••dale 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••ptisme.
• * 2.295

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 childrē 〈…〉〈…〉 by D. Langdale, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.296

  Richard Wood∣mad chargeth D. Langdale with ignorance in the scriptures▪
• * 2.297

  Fayth, not Bap∣tisme saueth. Not lacke of Baptisme, but lacke of fayth condemneth.
• * 2.298

  Baptising of water is not the cause of fayth. The Catholicks do hold the con∣trary.
• * 2.299

  A Catholicke paradoxe. The purpose of Gods election standeth by grace and not by reason of workes.
• * 2.300

  Doctor Lang∣dales Argumēt, Children dying without Bap∣tisme may be saued.

  Ergo, children haue no origi∣nall sinne.
• * 2.301

  Absurde doc∣trine.
• * 2.302

  Aunswere. This righteous∣nes by Iesus Christ commeth vpon all men, not in taking a∣way imperfec∣tions of nature, but in not im∣puting the im∣perfections of man to damna∣tion.
• * 2.303

  We are made free by the death of Christ, not from falling but from dam∣nation due by the lawe for our falling.

  Originall sinne.
• * 2.304

  Iohn, 3. Psal. 23.
• * 2.305

  Perfect doc∣trine.
• * 2.306

  Iames. 1.
• * 2.307

  Iohn. 3.
• * 2.308

  Phil. 2.
• * 2.309

  Adams free will nothing.
• * 2.310

  Fayth was be∣fore baptisme.
• * 2.311

  D. Langdale seemeth to be put to silence.
• * 2.312

  Children dying without bap∣tisme are not therefore dam∣ned, speaking absolutely.
• * 2.313

  Children beare not the offences of their fathers.
• * 2.314

  1. Pet. 3.
• * 2.315

  Gene. 6▪
• * 2.316

  Nay ra∣ther in the fayth of their Pa∣rentes. Neyther is it the fayth of the God∣fathers and Godmo∣thers▪ that sancty∣fieth the child but their dilli∣gence may helpe him in seeing him cate∣chised.
• * 2.317

  False doc∣trine of D. Langdale.

  Fyrste where he sayth the keeping of the law is altogether.

  Secondly, that the ke∣ping of the lawe stan∣deth in the outward signes.

  Thirdly, that chil∣dren dying before Bap∣tisme are damned.

  Fourthly, that childrē be baptised in the fayth of their Godfathers and God∣mothers. &c.

  Many called but fewe chosen. Luke▪ 12.
• * 2.318

  Gods elec∣••••on stan∣••eth not by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 most 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but by the fewest. ••ath. 7. Luke. 12.
• * 2.319

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. Math. 2.
• * 2.320

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Argu∣mentes 〈…〉〈…〉 to be 〈…〉〈…〉 taketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agaynst ••••odman 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.321

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Iames 〈…〉〈…〉 talke with Wood¦••••n.
• * 2.322

  D. Lang∣••••le com∣••••••ayneth to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gage of Woodman, causeles. Woodman falsely be∣••••ed.
• * 2.323

  D. Langdale de¦nieth originall sinne, yet accu∣seth Woodman, for the which he is culpable himselfe.
• * 2.324

  Woodman knoweth no Sacrament of the Aultar, vn∣lesse they take Christ to be the Aultar.
• * 2.325

  Woodmans iudgement of the Sacrament.
• * 2.326

  D. Langdale seeketh a knot in a rushe.
• * 2.327

  Whether the Sacrament be be the body of Christ before it be receaued.
• * 2.328

  Luke. ••2.
• * 2.329

  Eating goeth before the wordes of con∣secrating.
• * 2.330

  D. Langdale driuen to his shiftes.
• * 2.331

  D. Langdale a∣frayd to aun∣swere to Ri∣chard Wood∣man.
• * 2.332

  The Catholicks hold that Iudas did eate the bo∣dy of Christ. Argument.

  Who so euer eateth the fleshe of Christ hath euerlasting lyfe. Iohn. 6.

  Iudas did eate the fleshe of Christ: Ergo, Iudas hath euerlasting lyfe.
• * 2.333

  S. Paules words misalleaged by D. Langdale.
• * 2.334

  1. Cor. 11.
• * 2.335

  Making no dif∣ference of the Lordes body expounded.
• * 2.336

  Christ speaketh of eating his fleshe simply, without any determination of vnworthynes: that is simply who soeuer be∣leueth in Christ he shalbe saued neyther is any vnworthines in beleeuing in Christ.
• * 2.337

  Note well the working of this mans charitye, to doe for a man more at request, then for any compassion of the partye.
• * 2.338

  Lewde tales and false lyes raysed vpon Woodman.
• * 2.339

  The 4. exa∣mination of Richard Woodman before the Byshop of Winche∣ster. &c.
• * 2.340

  This olde Byshop of Chichester was Doct. Daye.
• * 2.341

  Vntrue. For B. Boner deliuered him of his owne ac∣corde at the burning of Philpot, vpon other causes.
• * 2.342

  False and vntrue.
• * 2.343

  Syr Ed∣ward Gage Shrieffe of Sussex.
• * 2.344

  Woodman charged with false matter.
• * 2.345

  Winchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in i••dging. Richard Woodman cleareth himselfe of recantation.
• * 2.346

  The honest dealing of B Boner with Wood¦man herein.
• * 2.347

  This was Doct. Day.
• * 2.348

  The cause and maner how Wood¦man was ••eliuered by B. Bo∣ner.
• * 2.349

  Wherefore Woodman ap∣pealed to his Ordinary.
• * 2.350

  The cause why Woodman was first appre∣hended.
• * 2.351

  Rich. Woodman and his fellowe prisoners false∣ly accused and belied of the B. of Winchester in the pulpit.
• * 2.352

  Speaking to the curate in the pulpit made heresie.
• * 2.353

  Woodman clea∣reth himselfe from breach of the Statute.
• * 2.354

  Note the prety shift of this Ca∣tholick Prelate.
• * 2.355

  Woodmā falsly taken to spea••e agaynst Priestes mariage.

  A Priest keping his wyfe yet would needes hold agayne with Papistry.
• * 2.356

  A Priest keping his wyfe yet would needes hold agayne with Papistry.
• * 2.357

  Richard Wood∣man sauing him selfe from his e∣nemyes by theyr owne lawe.
• * 2.358

  The fift exami∣nation of Ri∣chard Woodmā, before the B. of Winchester, and diuers other. Iune. 15. Anno. 1557.
• * 2.359

  The wordes of the statute.
• * 2.360

  No breach of this Statute, & why.
• * 2.361

  The Priest scannet•• vpon the meaning of Woodman.
• * 2.362

  See how neerly these men seeke matter a∣gaynst him whereby to trap him.
• * 2.363

  Luke. ••••. W••odman charged with his aunsweres before the Commissi∣oners at his last exami∣nation.
• * 2.364

  D. White B of Win∣chester bent to haue the bloud of Woodman.
• * 2.365

  Richard Woodman appealeth from the B. of Winche∣ster, to his owne Or∣d••nary.
• * 2.366

  Woodman refuseth to sweare or aunswere before Win∣chester be∣ing not his Ordinary.
• * 2.367

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.368

  *The Bishops Argument.

  The deuill is maister in hel•• Woodman felt a burning hell in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ergo, the deuill was Wood∣•••••• Maister.

  *Aunswere.

  Hell is takē in Scripture two wayes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for the place where damned spi∣•••••• and soules be tormented for euer 〈…〉〈…〉 this lyfe: or els for Gods correc∣•••••• and anguish of the soule in this life 〈◊〉〈◊〉 somtime is felt so sharpe, that it ••••••embled to hell it selfe. As where 〈◊〉〈◊〉: The Lord bringeth to hell and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out agayne. &c. Tob. 13. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of hell haue found me. &c. Psal. ••••.
• * 2.369

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.370

  1. Cor. ••.
• * 2.371

  Rich. Woodman agayne refuseth to sweare or aunswere before the Bishop be∣ing not his Or∣dinary.
• * 2.372

  A charitable commaundemēt of a Catholicke Prelate vnder paine of excom∣munication, no man to say: God strengthen him.
• * 2.373

  The sixt exami∣natiō of Richard Woodman, be∣fore the Byshop of Winchester & diuers other in the Church of S. Mary Que∣ryes.
• * 2.374

  Richard Wood∣man agayne re∣fuseth Winche∣ster to be his iudge.
• * 2.375

  Truth taken for heresie.
• * 2.376

  M. Roper Com∣missioner, and witnes agaynst Woodman.
• * 2.377

  Woodmans hand writing brought in a∣gaynst him.
• * 2.378

  Woodman first released, and yet called to ac∣compt agayne, agaynst all good order.
• * 2.379

  Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 2.380

  Woodman made an Anabaptist, because he will not sweare be∣fore him that is not his Ordina∣ry.
• * 2.381

  All truth is he∣resie, with these men.
• * 2.382

  Woodmans con∣fession of the Sacrament.
• * 2.383

  Mistically.
• * 2.384

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 2.385

  What is Mistically▪
• * 2.386

  Woodman agayne ap∣pealeth to his Ordina••••••lye.

  M. Christo∣pherson B. of Chi∣chester his Ordina••••, not yet con∣secrated.
• * 2.387

  Woodman for hi•• fer∣uent speach rebuked.
• * 2.388

  This fatte Priest well seene in the Scriptures.
• * 2.389

  Ephes 1.
• * 2.390

  Iesus Christ onely Saui∣our of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 soule, and not man.
• * 2.391

  Good wo••••e•• not disallowed.
• * 2.392

  Phil. 2. The Arch∣deacon of Canter∣bury made Ordinary by the Car∣dinall to examine Richard Woodman.
• * 2.393

  Richard ••oodman ••••alengeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iudges 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••e all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 coates 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chaunge∣••••••ges.
• * 2.394

  The free speach of Woodman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the By∣shops and Priestes.
• * 2.395

  Winchester about to read the Sentence.
• * 2.396

  Read in the first exami∣nation of Woodman pag. in the 2. edition 2176.
• * 2.397

  No man can receiue the body of Christ vn∣worthely.
• * 2.398

  1. Cor. 11.
• * 2.399

  The place of S. Paule 1. Cor. 11. expounded.
• * 2.400

  What it mea∣neth to make no difference of the Lordes body.
• * 2.401

  Winchester rea∣deth sentence a∣gainst Woodmā and cannot tell wherefore.
• * 2.402

  Richard Wood∣man condemned & caryed to the Marshalsey, be∣ing not suffered to speake.
• * 3.1

  Phil. 2.
• * 3.2

  Math. 24.
• * 3.3

  Math. 5.
• * 3.4

  God asketh more thē the hart onely. Iames. 2.
• * 3.5

  Phil. 2▪
• * 3.6

  Math. 5.
• * 3.7

  Rom. 10. Confessing with the mouth and beleeuing in hart, must goe together.
• * 3.8

  Anno 1557. August.
• * 3.9

  Apoc. 1.
• * 3.10

  Math. 18.
• * 3.11

  Apoc. 13.
• * 3.12

  Sclaunderers of the Gospell.
• * 3.13

  Luke. 12.
• * 3.14

  Math. 3.
• * 3.15

  Math. 25.
• * 3.16

  Luke. 13.
• * 3.17

  Luke. 14.
• * 3.18

  Math. 25.
• * 3.19

  Math. 10.
• * 3.20

  Math. 5.
• * 3.21

  Richard Wood∣man v••xed of his own friends.
• * 3.22

  Iohn. 10.
• * 3.23

  1. Iohn. 4.
• * 3.24

  The manifold troubles which Woodman hath passed through.
• * 3.25

  Woodma•• comforte•••• in his tro••••bles.
• * 3.26

  Luke. 21. Math. 10. Experienc•• of the Lor•• to keepe promise with his people. 1. Cor. 13.
• * 3.27

  Rom. 8. The Mar∣tyrdome of 10. godly Martyrs of Christ at Lewes. An. 1557. Iune. 22.
• * 3.28

  Certayne Iustices charged for burning of Christes people without a∣ny lawfull warrant: o•• writte.
• * 3.29

  Anno 1557. Iune.
• * 3.30

  Ambrose 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.31

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.32

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 articles.
• * 3.33

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.34

  〈…〉〈…〉 this to the story of Iohn H••••lier ••artyr. pag 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••ory of Iohn Hul∣•••••••• with 〈…〉〈…〉. Iohn Hul∣•••••••• first 〈…〉〈…〉 in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Colledge. 〈…〉〈…〉 Linne 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.35

  H••llier disgraded.
• * 3.36

  Brasey Mayor of Cambridge.
• * 3.37

  Brisley Serge∣ant, persecutor.
• * 3.38

  Hulliars stedfast trust in God.
• * 3.39

  Hullier prepa∣ring himselfe to the stake.
• * 3.40

  Three notorious Papistes in Tri∣nitye Colledge.
• * 3.41

  Boyes Proctour of Cambridge.
• * 3.42

  The Martyr∣dome of Iohn Hullier.
• * 3.43

  Bookes burned with Hullier.
• * 3.44

  The last wordes of Iohn Hullier at his death.
• * 3.45

  Papists of Cambridge forbid the peo∣ple to pray for Hullier.
• * 3.46

  Referre this to Thomas Rede, Martyr. pag. 1807.
• * 3.47

  Anno 1557. August.
• * 3.48

  Iuly. 13. Simon Miller a Marchant, Mar∣tyr.
• * 3.49

  The wordes of Simon Miller to the people. The cause why Simon Miller was taken.
• * 3.50

  Simon Miller examined be∣fore Doctour Dunning. Simon Millers confession espy∣ed in his shoe.
• * 3.51

  Simon Miller dismissed to his house at Linne. Simon Miller returneth agayn to his confession & is condemned.
• * 3.52

  Elizabeth Coo∣per, Martyr.
• * 3.53

  Elizabeth Coo∣per reuoketh her recantation in the open Church.
• * 3.54

  The Shrieffe a∣gaynst his will enforced to lay handes vpon E∣lizabeth Coo∣per.
• * 3.55

  Elizabeth Coo∣•••••• strengthned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the stake by Simon Miller.
• * 3.56

  August. 2. The Mar∣tyrdome of 10. godly Martyrs, 5. men and 5. women, at Colchester.
• * 3.57

  W. Mount, Alice his wyfe, Rose Allin her daughter.
• * 3.58

  Thomas Tye Priest, a wicked Promoter.
• * 4.1

  A supplica∣tion of the persecutors to the L. Darcy.
• * 4.2

  Cruell per∣secutors.
• * 4.3

  Thomas Tye a false brother, & a bloudy persecutor.
• * 5.1

  Tye•• letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bi••hop Boner.
• * 5.2

  W. Simuell, Iohn Baker, W. Harries per∣secutors.
• * 5.3

  The taking of W. Munt, his wyfe, and Rose Allin their daughter.
• * 5.4

  Talke betweene Edmund Tyrrell and Rose Allin.
• * 5.5

  Tyrrell burneth Rose Allins hand.
• * 5.6

  The patience of the faythfull.
• * 5.7

  The deuill pay∣eth the perse∣cutors their wages.
• * 5.8

  Shee reuengeth not euill for e∣uill.
• * 5.9

  Helene Ewring ap∣prehend•••• the second tyme.
• * 5.10

  Robert Maynard a great ene∣my to the Gospell.
• * 5.11

  William Bongeor.
• * 5.12

  Thomas Benolde.
• * 5.13

  W. Purcas condemned.
• * 5.14

  Agnes Sil∣uerside con∣demned.
• * 5.15

  Helene Ewring condemned
• * 5.16

  Elizabeth Folkes con∣demned.
• * 5.17

  A substan∣ciall lye. A reall lye.
• * 5.18

  D. Chadsey wept.
• * 5.19

  Elizabeth Folkes prayseth God at her owne con∣demnation. Elizabeth Folkes prayeth for 〈…〉〈…〉. Sleeping Maynard.
• * 5.20

  Elizabeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 might haue e••caped and ••ould not.
• * 5.21

  W. Munt condemned.
• * 5.22

  ••••hn Iohn∣••on condem¦••••d.
• * 5.23

  Alice Munt ••ondemned.
• * 5.24

  Rose Allen.
• * 5.25

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Allins answeres.
• * 5.26

  Rose Allin condemned
• * 5.27

  The Martyr∣dome of Williā Bongor, Will. Purcas, Tho. Benold, Agnes Siluerside, alias Smith, Helene Ewring, Eliza∣beth Folkes, at Colchester in the forenone. Anno. 1557. August. 2.
• * 5.28

  W. Munt, Alice his wyfe, Rose Allin their daughter, Iohn Iohnson, burnt the same day at afternoone.
• * 5.29

  The age of these Tenne made the summe of 406.
• * 5.30

  Iohn Thurston a confessor of Christ. August. ••.
• * 5.31

  George Eagles Martyred.
• * 5.32

  The paynefull trauell of George Eagles.
• * 5.33

  Quo non mortalia pectora cogis, auri sac••a fames. Virg. Aene∣id. 1.
• * 5.34

  George Ea••gles indit••∣ment.
• * 5.35

  Richard Potto In∣••older at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cocke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chelms∣••••rd.
• * 5.36

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.37

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.38

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 iust punishment 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 persecu∣••••••.
• * 5.39

  W Swallowes wyfe punished with the fal∣ling sicknes.
• * 5.40

  Gods iudgemēt vpon Richard Potto an other persecutor of George Eagles.
• * 5.41

  August. 5.
• * 5.42

  The examinatiō of Rich. Crash∣field before Dū∣ning Chauncel∣lor of Norwich.
• * 5.43

  Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 5.44

  An other exa∣mination of Ri∣chard Crash∣field.
• * 5.45

  Worshiping of Images.
• * 5.46

  Confessiion to the Priest.
• * 5.47

  Playing on the Organes.
• * 5.48

  P••ay. 56. Luke. 19.
• * 5.49

  An other exa∣mination of Ri∣chard Crash∣field.
• * 5.50

  The Popes Church taketh Christes office out of his hand.
• * 5.51

  Note here the igno∣rance of these Ca∣tholicke men, in the Scriptures.
• * 5.52

  An other examinatiō of Richard Crashfield.
• * 5.53

  1. Cor. 10.
• * 5.54

  Vnbloudy Sacrifice of the Masse.
• * 5.55

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Richard Crashfield. Anno. 1557. August. 5.
• * 5.56

  August. 20. One Fr••ar, & the sister of George Eagles, ••urned at Rochester.
• * 5.57

  The story of Mistres Io••ce ••ewes, Martyr.
• * 5.58

  Mistres Lewes instructed by M. Iohn Glouer.
• * 5.59

  Mistres Lewes imp••isoned.
• * 5.60

  Mistres Lewes a yeare in prison after her condē∣nation.
• * 5.61

  Anno 1557. September.
• * 5.62

  Mistres Lewes. refuseth to be confessed of the Priestes.
• * 5.63

  Temptations of Mistres Lewes before her death and Mar∣tyrdome.
• * 5.64

  Ioyce Lewes comforted in he temptations.
• * 5.65

  Ioyce Lewes brought to the place of Mar∣tyrdome.
• * 5.66

  Her prayers.
• * 5.67

  Women put to pennaunce, for pledging Ioyce ••ewes.
• * 5.68

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Mistres Ioyce Lewes.
• * 5.69

  September 17. The story of Rafe Al∣lerton.
• * 5.70

  Rafe Aller∣tō attached.
• * 5.71

  Thomas T••e Priest, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.1

  T••e exami∣nation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Aller∣ton.
• * 6.2

  He meaneth be∣lyke B••ne•• and his f••llo••es.
• * 6.3

  4. Esdr. 16.
• * 6.4

  Three sortes of religion in En∣gland.
• * 6.5

  The place of Esdra•• expla∣ned.
• * 6.6

  Anno 1556. September.
• * 6.7

  All••••ton char∣ged with his o••ne hand writing.
• * 6.8

  Syr Thomas Tye, lately turned to his ••ome••, thirsteth for bloud.
• * 6.9

  Allerton appre∣hended, contra∣ry to the lawes of the realme.
• * 6.10

  Allerton charged with Re∣laps.
• * 6.11

  Allerton brought a∣gayne be∣fore Boner & certayn•• Lordes.
• * 6.12

  Transub∣stantiation.
• * 6.13

  Bishop Bo∣ners para∣ble.
• * 6.14

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.15

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5.
• * 6.16

  〈…〉〈…〉 Rafe Allerton.
• * 6.17

  Persecutours.
• * 6.18

  Information ge∣uen agaynst Rafe Allerton, by Syr Thomas Tye Priest, a wicked 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.19

  4. Esdr. 16.
• * 7.1

  A letter of Rafe Allerton.
• * 7.2

  Psal 37.
• * 7.3

  Esay. 59.
• * 8.1

  A letter of Rafe Aller∣ton.
• * 8.2

  Post scrip∣tum.
• * 8.3

  Anno 1557. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 8.4

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 8.5

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 8.6

  Examination of Iames Austoo & Margery his wyfe.
• * 8.7

  Anno 1556. September.
• * 8.8

  Margery Au∣stoo terrified in prison.
• * 8.9

  Examination of Richard Roth.
• * 9.1

  A letter of Ri∣chard Roth.
• * 9.2

  The testi∣mony of Rich. Roth o•• Rafe Al∣lerton.
• * 9.3

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Rafe Aller∣ton, Iames Austoo, Margery Austoo, Richard Roth at Islington. Anno. 1557. September. 17.
• * 9.4

  Anno 1557. Septem.
• * 9.5

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 con∣••••••••atiō 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Roth.
• * 9.6

  September.
• * 9.7

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.8

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.9

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.10

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.11

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.12

  Agnes Bongeor receiueth com∣fort.
• * 9.13

  A writte for the burning of Margaret Thur∣ston, and Agnes Bongeor.
• * 9.14

  The Martyr∣dome of Marga∣ret Thurston, Agnes Bongeor, at Colchester. Anno. 1557. September. 17.
• * 9.15

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.16

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.17

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.18

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.19

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.20

  A letter of Iohn Noyes to his wyfe. 1. Peter. 4.
• * 9.21

  1. Peter. 3.
• * 9.22

  1. Peter. 4.
• * 9.23

  2. Tym. 3.
• * 9.24

  1. Iohn. 2.
• * 9.25

  Coloss. 3.
• * 9.26

  Math. 18.
• * 9.27

  Psal. 34.
• * 9.28

  2. Cor. 6.
• * 9.29

  Cor ••. 1. Peter 1. Actes. 4.
• * 9.30

  Math. 6.
• * 9.31

  September. 23. Ci••elye Ormes Martyr.
• * 9.32

  M. Corbet of Sprowson, persecutour.
• * 9.33

  The Chauncel∣lours name was Dunning.
• * 9.34

  Brigges a Po∣pish persecutor.
• * 9.35

  Cicelye Ormes first recanted.
• * 9.36

  Cicelye Ormes repenteth her recantation.
• * 9.37

  Note well this saying of Cicelye Ormes.
• * 9.38

  The last wordes of Cicelye Ormes at the stake.
• * 9.39

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Cicelye Ormes at Norwich. Anno. 1557. September. 23.
• * 9.40

  Octob. 27.
• * 9.41

  Good men and women troubled in Lichf••ed, for kissing Mi∣stres Ioyce Lewes be∣fore her death.
• * 9.42

  Agnes Pe∣nifather ac∣cused of two Priests for wordes.
• * 9.43

  Persecution 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••odly men 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 9.44

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.45

  Persecutors.
• * 9.46

  The exami∣nation of Thomas Spurdance.
• * 9.47

  Spurdance exa∣mined vpon the Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 9.48

  An other exa∣amination of Thomas Spur∣dance before the Bishop.
• * 9.49

  Luke. 22.
• * 9.50

  The Popes Su∣premacye.
• * 9.51

  Anno 1557. October.
• * 9.52

  The Phariseys lawe.
• * 9.53

  Obedience to Princes, how farre.
• * 9.54

  Images.
• * 9.55

  Tho. Spur∣dance by whom he was appre∣hended.
• * 9.56

  Nouember. 18. The story & Martyr∣dome of Iohn Hal∣lingdale, William Sparrow, Richard Gibson.
• * 9.57

  Articles a∣gaynst Iohn Hal∣lingdale,
• * 9.58

  Anno 1558. Nouem.
• * 9.59

  His aun∣sweres to the articles.
• * 9.60

  The Reall presence denyed.
• * 9.61

  Iohn Hal∣lingdale a∣gayne brought before the Bishop.
• * 9.62

  Sentence read against Iohn Hal∣lingdale by Bishop Bo∣ner.
• * 9.63

  Articles a∣gaynst Wil∣liam Spar∣row.
• * 9.64

  His aunswere•• to the articles.
• * 9.65

  Sentence read agaynst William Sparrow.
• * 9.66

  Richard Gib∣son, Martyr.
• * 9.67

  Articles agaynst Richard Gib∣son.
• * 9.68

  Queene Maries Religion dis∣proued.
• * 9.69

  The booke of English Ser∣uice.
• * 9.70

  Mattens, Masse, Euensong refu∣sed.
• * 9.71

  Auricular con∣fession.
• * 9.72

  Popishe fast and prayer.
• * 9.73

  Richard Gibson a tall and bigge man.
• * 9.74

  Intolerable bragging of a vile Promotour.
• * 9.75

  An other appearing of Richard Gibson.
• * 9.76

  Sentence read agaynst Richard Gibson.
• * 9.77

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Iohn Hal∣lingdale, William Sparrow, Richard Gibson. Anno. 1557. Nouember 18.
• * 9.78

  Anno 1558. March.
• * 10.1

  Gibsons questions or demaundes put to B. Boner.
• * 10.2

  He mea∣neth the Canon law.
• * 10.3

  Psal. 39.
• * 10.4

  Psalme. 8••.
• * 10.5

  December. 22. Iohn Rough, Margaret Mea∣ring, Martyrs.
• * 10.6

  A zealous occa∣sion of a Frierly profession.
• * 10.7

  Iohn Rough first called to the truth.
• * 10.8

  Iohn Rough first comming to England in K. Edwardes tyme.
• * 10.9

  Iohn Rough with his wyfe flieth into Frise∣land.
• * 10.10

  Iohn Rough ioyneth himself to the congre∣gation at Lon∣don.
• * 10.11

  Anno 1557. December.
• * 10.12

  Iohn Rough apprehended & by whom.
• * 11.1

  A letter sent from the Coun∣sell to B. Boner.
• * 11.2

  Persecutours.
• * 11.3

  Articles agaynst Iohn Rough. Sacrament of the Aultar. Confession.
• * 11.4

  Latin Seruice.
• * 11.5

  Bookes of Com∣munion.
• * 11.6

  Agaynst the Supre∣macy of the Pope.
• * 11.7

  Abomina∣ble sightes at Rome.
• * 11.8

  Cutbert Simson. Hugh Foxe.
• * 11.9

  His aun∣sweres to the articles▪
• * 11.10

  Anno 1558. March.
• * 11.11

  An other appearance of Iohn Rough be∣fore the Bi∣shop.
• * 11.12

  Ioh. Rough condemned and degra∣ded by Bo∣ner.
• * 11.13

  A note of Maister Rough.
• * 11.14

  ••. Boner plucked of halfe the ••eard of Ioh. Rough
• * 11.15

  An other note con∣cerning Iohn Rough.
• * 11.16

  A letter of Iohn Rough.
• * 11.17

  Anno 1557. March.
• * 11.18

  The story and examination of Margaret Mea∣ring, Martyr.
• * 11.19

  Her aunsweres to the articles.
• * 11.20

  Margaret Mea∣ring apprehen∣ded by Cluney.
• * 11.21

  Sentence against Margaret Mea∣ring.
• * 11.22

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Iohn Rough and Margaret Mearing i•• Smithfield. Anno. 1557. December. A note of Margaret Mearing.
• * 11.23

  Margaret Mearing relieueth M. Rough in prison.
• * 11.24

  The ta••ing of Margaret Mearing Martyr.
• * 11.25

  Anno. 1558. The story & cruell handling of Cutbert Simson. Deacon and Martyr. March. 28.
• * 11.26

  The visions sent to Gods Saintes concerning their afflic∣tion••▪
• * 11.27

  Anno 1557. Iune.
• * 11.28

  A letter of Cutbert Simson, to certayne of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 11.29

  A note of Cut∣bert Simson.
• * 11.30

  The patience of Cutbert Sim∣son.
• * 11.31

  Anno 1557. March.
• * 11.32

  A vision of Cutbert Sim∣son.
• * 11.33

  What Credite is to be geuen to visions, & how fa••re.
• * 11.34

  Articles seue∣rally ministred to Cutbert Simson.
• * 11.35

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 11.36

  Seuen S••∣cramente••.
• * 11.37

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the A••l∣tar.
• * 11.38

  Vsing of Engli••he Seruice.
• * 11.39

  His aun∣swere to the article••▪
• * 12.1

  A letter of Cutbert Sim••on to his wyfe.
• * 12.2

  Hugh Foxe, Iohn Deue∣nishe, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 12.3

  G••••nerall a••ticles▪ obiected to them all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 toge∣ther.
• * 12.4

  Their aun∣••weres ge∣nerall to the articles.
• * 12.5

  The Mar∣••••••dome of Cutbert Simson, Hugh Foxe, Iohn Deue∣nishe, in Smithfield. Anno. 1558. March. ••••.
• * 12.6

  Aprill. 9. William Nicoll Martyr.
• * 12.7

  The Martyr∣dome of Willi∣am Nicoll at Herefordwest in Wales.
• * 12.8

  William Nicoll a simple soule.
• * 12.9

  Anno 1558. Maye.
• * 12.10

  May. 19. The story and Martyrdome of W. Seaman, Tho. Carman, and Thomas Hudson.
• * 12.11

  William Sea∣man.
• * 12.12

  Syr Iohn Tyr∣rell Knight.
• * 12.13

  Robert Baul∣ding.
• * 12.14

  Iames Clarke, persecutours.
• * 12.15

  A light out of the element.
• * 12.16

  Gods punish∣ment vpon a persecutour.
• * 12.17

  Seamā brought to Bishop Hop∣ton, and by him condemned. Seamans wyfe and his three young children, were persecuted also by Syr Iohn Tyrrell.
• * 12.18

  Thomas Car∣man Martyr.
• * 12.19

  Carman con∣demned.
• * 12.20

  Thomas Hudsō, Martyr.
• * 12.21

  Hudson lear∣neth to reade Englishe.
• * 12.22

  Hudson flyeth from Papistry.
• * 12.23

  Berry the Commissa∣ry, a perse∣cutour.
• * 12.24

  Hudson waxeth bolde in the truth.
• * 12.25

  Iohn Crouch be∣wrayeth Thomas Hudson to the Con∣stables.
• * 12.26

  The taking of Thomas Hudson.
• * 12.27

  Talke be∣tweene Berry and Hudson.
• * 12.28

  Sacrament of the Aul∣tar.
• * 12.29

  The Masse.
• * 12.30

  Richard Cliffar.
• * 12.31

  Seaman, Carman, and Hudsō, condemned at Nor∣wiche.
• * 12.32

  Thomas Hudson commeth ••••om vnder the chayne to praye.
• * 12.33

  〈…〉〈…〉 to haue the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Christ.
• * 12.34

  Hudson 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.35

  The Mar∣tyrdome of William Seaman, Thomas Carman, & Thomas Hudson, at Norwiche. Anno 1558. Maye. 19.
• * 12.36

  Berry stri∣peth a pore man wher∣••pon he dy∣ed.
• * 12.37

  Berry stri∣••eth a pore w••man whereupon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dyed.
• * 12.38

  Iohn Nor∣gate a Con∣fessour.
• * 12.39

  The rage of Berry.
• * 12.40

  Berry maketh a feast, whereat is one of his Con∣cubines.
• * 12.41

  Gods punish∣ment, and terri∣ble end of Berry.
• * 12.42

  Berryes goodes consumeth as wax agaynst the fire.
• * 12.43

  Gods punish∣ment vpō Dun∣ning Chauncel∣lour of Nor∣wiche.
• * 12.44

  Iane Seaman also persecuted by Syr Iohn Tyrrell.
• * 12.45

  The duety of a good wyfe.
• * 12.46

  Simondes the Commissarye, would not let mother Seaman be buryed in the Churchyearde.
• * 12.47

  Mother Benet a Confessour.
• * 12.48

  Syr Iohn Tyr∣rell and Maister Simondes would not suf∣fer mother Ben∣net, to be bury∣ed in the Churchyearde.
• * 12.49

  The charitable almoses of mo∣ther Seaman, to be noted.
• * 12.50

  Iune.
• * 12.51

  Maye. 26. Two men and one woman Martyrs.
• * 12.52

  Martyrs.
• * 12.53

  The Martyr∣dom of William Harries, Ri∣chard Day, and Christian Ge∣orge, at Col∣chester.
• * 12.54

  Richard George and his wyfe prisoners, deli∣uered by Quene Elizabeth.
• * 12.55

  A Proclamation by the King and Queene.
• * 12.56

  Iune. 27.22. men taken. ••3. Martyrs burned.
• * 12.57

  King Con••stable of Is••ington.
• * 12.58

  Syr Roger Cholmley, and Recor∣der of Lon∣don, perse∣cutours. 22. sent to Newgate.
• * 12.59

  Confesso••••••
• * 12.60

  Persecuted Christians.
• * 12.61

  Iune. 27. 7. Martyrs burned in Smithfield.
• * 12.62

  Martyrs.
• * 12.63

  Anno 1558. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.64

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.65

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.66

  An oth to ende a strife lawfull but to begin••e a strife it is vn∣lawfull.
• * 12.67

  The condemna∣tion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ea••••land.
• * 12.68

  The wordes of Eastland to the Bishop at his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his con••emnation. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Iohn Holidaye. The word 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iohn ••ol••••aye.
• * 12.69

  The condemna∣tion of Henry Ponde.
• * 12.70

  The condemna∣tion of Iohn Floyd.
• * 12.71

  The condemna∣tion of Robert Southam, Ma∣thew Ricarby, and Roger Hol∣land.
• * 12.72

  The Martyr∣dome of Henry Ponde, Ray∣nold Eastland, Robert Sou∣tham, Mathew Ricarby, Iohn Floyd, Iohn Holyday, Roger Holland, in Smithfield. Anno. 1558. Iune. 27.
• * 12.73

  The first exami∣nation of Roger Holland.
• * 12.74

  A godly example of a mayde, setting more by the soule of a Chri∣sten brother then by her money.
• * 12.75

  Roger Holland brought to the loue of the Gospell
• * 12.76

  Roger Holland conuerteth his Parents to the Gos∣pell.
• * 12.77

  Roger Hol∣land repay∣eth the mayde her money a∣gayne, and maryeth her.

  Hollandes childe Christened in his house▪
• * 12.78

  Roger Holland brought to Newgate.
• * 12.79

  Roger Holland w••lled to s••••mit him∣••••••••e to the Bi••hop.
• * 12.80

  Roger Hol∣land first a great Pa∣pist.
• * 12.81

  The wic∣kednes of Roger Hol∣land before he was cal∣led to the Gospell.
• * 12.82

  At these examinati∣ons diuers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Roger Hollandes frendes & ••insfolke being men of worship, were pre∣sent both of Lankeshire a••d Che∣s••ire.
• * 12.83

  The Masse how olde it is.
• * 12.84

  Latine Seruice.
• * 12.85

  The Greeke Church diffe∣ring from the latine.
• * 12.86

  The 2. exami∣nation of Roger Holland.
• * 12.87

  Psal. 91.
• * 12.88

  The last exami∣nation of Roger Holland.
• * 12.89

  The Rhetoricall perswasions of B. Boner.
• * 12.90

  The Papistes how they take 〈…〉〈…〉 of Scripture, and leaue out an o∣ther.
• * 12.91

  The pre∣sence in the Sacrament.
• * 12.92

  Sentence read against Roger Hol∣land.
• * 12.93

  Roger Holland prophesi∣eth of shortening the tyme of B. Boners cruelty.
• * 12.94

  The last that su••tred in Smith∣fielde.
• * 12.95

  The cruell dayes shor∣tened for the elect sake.
• * 12.96

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Roger Hol∣land with sixe other in Smith∣fielde.
• * 12.97

  Anno 1557. Iuly.
• * 12.98

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 14. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Martyrs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at ••ra••••••ord.
• * 12.99

  Martyrs.
• * 12.100

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 to the ••••••icles.
• * 12.101

  The sixe Mar∣tyrs brought a∣gayne before Darbyshire.
• * 12.102

  Syr Edward Hastinges and Syr Thomas Cornwales at the condemna∣tion of these Martyrs.
• * 12.103

  The Martyr∣dome of Robert Milles, Stephen Cotton, Robert Dynes, Stephen Wight, Iohn Sla••e, Wi••liam Pikes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B••a••∣f••rd. An. 1558. Iuly 14.
• * 12.104

  Anno 1558. Iuly.
• * 12.105

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.106

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.107

  T••e story 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Thomas Hin••haw. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 12.108

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.109

  Hin••haw 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ••••••ham and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 let in the stockes w••th bread and water.
• * 12.110

  H••nshaw ••eaten with Rods. The boy wa•• behol∣ding to By∣shop Bo∣ner•• graund p••••nch.
• * 12.111

  Articles 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.112

  Thomas Hinshaw deliuered to Maister Pugson his Maister.
• * 12.113

  The story o•• Iohn ••••lles Capper.
• * 12.114

  Iohn Milles with Thomas Hinshaw layd in the stockes at Fulham.
• * 12.115

  Hinshaw and Milles beaten of Boner.
• * 12.116

  Iohn Milles de∣nyeth to sub∣scribe to B. Bo∣ners articles.
• * 12.117

  An old coniu∣ring Priest.
• * 12.118

  The vnsau••ry reasons or talke of Bishop Boner going about to perswade Iohn Milles.

  Boners iudge∣ment, that we should trust more to men, then to the Scriptures of God.
• * 12.119

  This simili∣tude holdeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 12.120

  Ras•••• and pre∣sumptuous iudgement of Boner.
• * 12.121

  B Boners wishe in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God Sainctes. The occasion & maner of deli∣uering Iohn Milles.
• * 12.122

  Milles wyfe in∣tre••teth for her husband.
• * 12.123

  Anno 1557. Iuly.
• * 12.124

  Robert Rousse kins••man to Iohn Milles.
• * 12.125

  The condition putte to Iohn Milles to laye. In nomine Pa••ri•• &c.
• * 12.126

  Iohn Milles sent home with his wyfe.
• * 12.127

  Iuly. 10. The story and Martyrdome of Richard Yeo∣man Minister.
• * 12.128

  Richard Yeomā 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Kent.
• * 12.129

  Richard Yeo∣man set in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by M. Moile of Kent. Richard Yeomā returneth agayn to Hadley.
• * 12.130

  Pa••son Newall a wicked perse∣cutour.
• * 12.131

  Yeoman taken by Parson Newall.
• * 12.132

  This Iohn Dale dyed in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 G••ile, as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before men∣tioned.
• * 12.133

  The wordes of Iohn Dale to Parson Newall and his Curate.
• * 12.134

  Iohn Dale sette in the Cage by Parson Newall.
• * 12.135

  Syr Henry Doyle en∣treated for Gods Sainctes, but could not be heard.
• * 12.136

  The king∣dome of Locustes.
• * 12.137

  Yeoman & Iohn Dale sent to Bury Gaile.
• * 12.138

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Richard Yeoman, Minister, at Norwich. Anno. 1558. Iuly. 10.
• * 12.139

  Anno 1558. Iuly.
• * 12.140

  Commen∣dat••on of Iohn Dale.
• * 12.141

  Yeoman re∣••••••ned to Norwich.
• * 12.142

  The chiefe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ob∣••ected to Richard Yeoman.
• * 12.143

  The story of I••••n Al∣cocke.
• * 12.144

  Parson Newal in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣ga••nst Iohn 〈…〉〈…〉 Pro∣cession.
• * 12.145

  Robert 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an 〈…〉〈…〉 Constable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hadley
• * 12.146

  Alcocke brought to P••rson Newall.
• * 12.147

  Parson Newall ca••ieth vp Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to London.
• * 12.148

  Iohn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dyed at New∣gate.
• * 12.149

  Iohn Alcocke buryed of the Papistes in a dunghill.
• * 12.150

  Iuly. 29. The story of Thomas Ben∣bridge, Martyr.
• * 12.151

  W. Benbridge examined be¦fore the B. of Winchester.
• * 12.152

  Articles oppo∣sed agaynst W. Benbridge. Aunswere.
• * 12.153

  The reall pre∣sence.
• * 12.154

  Aunswere.
• * 12.155

  Confirmation.
• * 12.156

  Aunswere.
• * 12.157

  Aunswere. Penaunce no Sacrament.
• * 12.158

  Aunswere.
• * 12.159

  Aunswere.
• * 12.160

  Head of the Church.
• * 12.161

  Aunswere.
• * 12.162

  Aunswere. Purgatory.
• * 12.163

  Aunswere.
• * 12.164

  Aunswere. Matrimony no Sacrament.
• * 12.165

  M. Luther.
• * 12.166

  W. Benbridge condemned.
• * 12.167

  W. Benbridge brought to the stake.
• * 12.168

  D Seaton for∣biddeth to pray for him.
• * 12.169

  Maister Ben∣bridge recanted at the stake.
• * 12.170

  Syr Richard Pecksall.
• * 12.171

  M. Benbridge repenteth his recantation.
• * 12.172

  The Martyr∣dome of Tho∣mas Benbridge. Anno. 1558. Iuly 19.
• * 12.173

  The story of 4. Martyrs in Suffolke.
• * 12.174

  Martyrs.
• * 12.175

  Syr Edward Walgraue persecutour.
• * 12.176

  Examinatiō of Iohn Cooke.
• * 12.177

  Examinatiō of Robert Milles.
• * 12.178

  Examinatiō of Alexan∣der Lane.
• * 12.179

  Anno 1558. Nouem.
• * 12.180

  Examinati∣•••••• I••mes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.181

  Nouemb. 4. M. Noone a persecu∣••••••r.

  Gouch and Alice Dry∣•••••• taken at Grousbo∣rough.

  G••uch and Alice Dry∣•••••• caryed to Melton Ga••le. Q Mary called Iesa∣bell.

  Alice Dry∣•••••• ••ares 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Q. Mary to Ie∣••••••ell.
• * 12.182

  Alexander Gouch.
• * 12.183

  Gouch and Alice Dry∣uer caryed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••pswich.
• * 12.184

  D. Spenser after the death of D. D••nning who dyed sodenly in Lincolne∣••••ire, was Chauncel∣l••••r vnder B••••hop Hopton.
• * 12.185

  Sacrament of the Aul∣tar.
• * 12.186

  A farre Pr••est put to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.187

  No Sacrament of the Aultar to be found in Gods booke.
• * 12.188

  D. Gascoyne persecutour. What a Sacra∣ment is.
• * 12.189

  D. Gascoynes Oration little to purpose.
• * 12.190

  Talke betweene Alyce Dryuer & D. Gascoyne.
• * 12.191

  If Christ had but one body, & that body was eaten vp ouer night, what bo∣dy then was crucified the next day? Luce. 22. 1. Cor. 11.
• * 12.192

  Gascoynes mouth stopped.
• * 12.193

  The Chauncel∣lour when he could not aun∣swere her with reason, sendeth her to prison.
• * 12.194

  An other exa∣mination of A∣lice Dryuer be∣fore D. Spenser, and Gascoyne.
• * 12.195

  Spenser vp with his Sacrament of the Aultar agayne.
• * 12.196

  Gascoyne agayn t••keth ••he m••t∣ter in hand. Thr••••e Chur∣ches.
• * 12.197

  Gascoyne little acquainted with th•• new Testa∣mens.
• * 12.198

  The Papistes put to silence by a simple wo∣man.
• * 12.199

  Alice Driuer brought vp at her fathers plough.
• * 12.200

  Spencer readeth sentence agaynst Alice Driuer.
• * 12.201

  The articles whereupon Gouch was con∣demned.

  The Martyr∣dome of Gouch and ••lice Dry∣uer at Ipswich. A••no. 15••8▪ Nouember. 4.
• * 12.202

  Gouch & Alice Dryuer brought to the stake.
• * 12.203

  The Martyrs not suffered to pray.
• * 12.204

  Bate a ray∣ling perse∣secut••u••. Example of God•• iu••g∣ment vpon persecutors.
• * 12.205

  The Mar∣tyrdome of 3. good men at Bury.
• * 12.206

  Syr Clemēt Higham persecutor.
• * 12.207

  The story of a poore woman bur••ed at ••xcestor i•• Queene Marye•• tyme.
• * 12.208

  Her de∣parting from her husband & returning agayne.
• * 12.209

  The poore woman sent vp to Excestor. D. Trou∣bleuile B. of Excestor, Blackstone persecutors.
• * 12.210

  Talke be∣tweene the woman & the Bishop.
• * 12.211

  The wyfe renouncing her husband for Christes sake.
• * 12.212

  The Sacra∣ment of the Altar made an Idoll.
• * 12.213

  ••easons ••••ewing why the Sacrament of the Lordes body is not to be wor∣shipped.
• * 12.214

  The wyfe perse∣cuted by hus∣band and chil∣dren.
• * 12.215

  Talke betweene The woman and the Priestes a∣bout the Sacra∣ment.
• * 12.216

  Talke betweene the woman and a Fryer.
• * 12.217

  False doctrine of the Papistes re∣prooued.
• * 12.218

  The reuolting of one Daniell a minister, from the Gospell to Popery in Q. Maryes tyme
• * 12.219

  William & Iohn Kede, two godly brethren.
• * 12.220

  The con∣••••••ncy of woman 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wayes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.221

  Gregory Basset a rayling Pa∣pist▪
• * 12.222

  The con∣stant pa••i∣ence of this woman and Martyr to be noted.
• * 12.223

  The woman brought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make Bishops prison to the Guild Hall.

  Exhortati∣ons to haue her recant. The con∣stant stan∣ding of this woman. Blasphemy of the By∣shop.

  How God reueled his truth vnto her.
• * 12.224

  Iudgement geuen a∣gaynst this good wo∣man.

  Shee than∣keth God for her iudgement 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.225

  The womā deliuered to the Shrieffe and led to the place of execution.
• * 12.226

  The patient Martyr∣dome of a poore wo∣man at Ex∣eter, being the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wyfe.
• * 12.227

  The story of three Martyrs which suf∣fered at Bristow.
• * 12.228

  Martyrs.
• * 12.229

  Richard Sharpe Martyr. M. Dalby Chauncellour of Bristow, persecutour.
• * 12.230

  Richard Sharpe condemned.
• * 12.231

  Thomas Hale, Martyr.
• * 12.232

  The Martyr∣dom of Richard Sharpe, and Thomas Hale at Bristow. Anno. 1557. May 7▪
• * 12.233

  Thomas Benion Martyr.
• * 12.234

  The Martyr∣dome of Tho∣mas Benion at Bristow. Anno. 1557. August. 27.
• * 12.235

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 10.
• * 12.236

  Martyrs.
• * 12.237

  ••. Last Martyrs that were bur∣ned in Queene Maryes tyme.
• * 12.238

  Their articles why they were condemned.
• * 12.239

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.240

  Sentence of condemna∣tion pro∣nounced by Iohn Corn∣ford against the Papists.
• * 12.241

  The cruell dealing of M. Harps∣field the Archdeacon of Canter∣bury.
• * 12.242

  The Mar∣tyrdome of 3. men and 2. women at Canter∣bury.

  Anno 1558. Nouem. 10.
• * 12.243

  Ioell. 2.
• * 12.244

  A note of Alice Snoth.
• * 12.245

  Hereby B. Boner may see, that the Martyrs dy∣ed in the same fayth wherein they were baptised by their Godfathers and God∣mothers.
• * 12.246

  The story of Iohn Hunt, and Richard White.
• * 12.247

  Examinati∣on of Ri∣chard White.
• * 12.248

  The Mayor of Marlbo∣rough per∣secutor.
• * 12.249

  The Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 12.250

  The name of Sacramentes no•• found in the Scriptures.
• * 12.251

  How the Pa∣pistes play with Scriptures, as the deuill did when he tempted Christ.
• * 12.252

  Whites opinion of the Sacramēt.
• * 12.253

  Double recea∣uing of the Sa∣crament, exter∣nall and inter∣nall.
• * 12.254

  A Popishe Pa∣radoxe Christes body both in heauen and in earth at one tyme.
• * 12.255

  How S. Paule saw Christ. Supra Psal. 54
• * 12.256

  B. Brookes lea∣ueth the Scrip∣ture & proueth the Sacrament by other matter.
• * 12.257

  The trembling and shaking of Blackston at the examination of Richard White.
• * 12.258

  Condemnation of Iohn Hunt & Richard White.
• * 12.259

  The Christen zeale of M. Clifford.
• * 12.260

  Example of Christian pietye in a Shrieffe to be noted.
• * 12.261

  A note to be ob∣serued concer∣ning the Papists dealinges.
• * 12.262

  The Papistes charged with manifest dissimu∣mulation.
• * 12.263

  Burning without a sufficient Writt••.
• * 12.264

  Rich. White now Vicar of Mal∣brough in Wilshire.
• * 12.265

  M. Mi••hell vnder She∣riffe b••••∣neth the writte.
• * 12.266

  Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kinges 〈…〉〈…〉 the death 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D. Geffrey Chauncel∣lour of Sa∣lisbury.
• * 12.267

  The story of Iohn Fetty, and Mar∣tyrdome o•• his child••.
• * 12.268

  Gods dread¦full hand vpon a wife seeking the destruction of her hus∣band.
• * 12.269

  The wyfe persecuting her hus∣band.
• * 12.270

  Iohn Fetty agayne ap∣prehended. The strayte handling of Iohn Fetty by Syr Iohn Mordant▪ Richard Smith dead in prison through cruell hand¦ling.
• * 12.271

  The cruell handling and scour∣g•••••• of Iohn Fet∣tyes childe.
• * 12.272

  The mise∣rable tyr∣ranny of the Papists in scour∣ging a 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.273

  The childe all bloudy brought to his father in prison. Cluny ca∣ryeth the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agayne to the By∣shops hou••e.
• * 12.274

  The wordes betweene Boner and Iohn Fetty.
• * 12.275

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.276

  Boners Crucifixe.
• * 12.277

  B. Boner compared to Cay∣phas.
• * 12.278

  B. Boner for feare of the law in murdering a childe, deliuered the father out of prison.

  The Martyr∣dome of a childe scourged to death in Boners house.
• * 12.279

  The story of Nicholas Bur∣ton Martyr in Spayne.
• * 12.280

  Nicholas Burtō Londoner.
• * 12.281

  Nich. Burton layd in prison, they hauing no cause to charge him with.
• * 12.282

  Nich. Burton caryed to Ciuil••▪
• * 12.283

  Nich. Burton brought to iudgement after a disguised ma∣ner.
• * 12.284

  Nich. Burton with an other Englishman of Southampton condemned.
• * 12.285

  Anno 1558. Nouember.
• * 12.286

  The trouble of Iohn Frontō Citizen of Bri∣stow, in Spaine.
• * 12.287

  Note the rauening extortion of these Inqui∣sitours.
• * 12.288

  The vyle proceding•••• of the In∣quisitors of Spayne.
• * 12.289

  Iohn Fron∣ton impri∣soned by the Spanish Inquisitors for asking his owne goodes.
• * 12.290

  Anno 1558.
• * 12.291

  I••hn Fron∣ton iudged 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an here∣tike for not reding to Aue Maria, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scrip∣••••re hath. 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ma••chaunt 〈…〉〈…〉 of his goodes.
• * 12.292

  An other ••••••lishe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burnt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spayne. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 afore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 907.
• * 12.293

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Baker 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••urgate 〈…〉〈…〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.294

  Marke Burges burnt in Lushborne.
• * 12.295

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.296

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.297

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.298

  The scourging of Richard Wil∣mot and Tho. Fayrefaxe.
• * 12.299

  D. Crome•• Sermon.
• * 12.300

  D Cromes re∣cantation.
• * 12.301

  D. Crome cau∣sed to recant the second tyme.
• * 12.302

  Richard Wil∣mot Prentise in Bow lane.
• * 12.303

  Lewes one of the Garde, a Welchman a Popishe perse∣cutour.
• * 12.304

  Wilmot defen∣deth D. Crome•• Sermon.
• * 12.305

  The Lord Cromwell wrongfully ac∣cused.
• * 12.306

  The doinges of the Lord Crom∣well defended.
• * 12.307

  The common reason of the Papistes, why the Scriptures s••ould not be in Englishe.
• * 12.308

  Gods truth go∣eth not alwayes by tytle & fame of great lear∣ning.
• * 12.309

  Learned men how farre they are to be credi∣ted.
• * 12.310

  Wilmot com∣playned of to his Mayster.
• * 12.311

  M. Daubnies seruaunt, called Thomas Fayre∣faxe, taketh Wilmots part. Wilmot and Thomas Fayre∣faxe sent for to the Lord Mayor.
• * 12.312

  Rich. Wil∣mot and Thomas Fayrefaxe examined before the Lord May∣or and M. Cholmley.
• * 12.313

  S. Paules doctrine made here∣sie with the Papistes.
• * 12.314

  Wilmot & Fayrefaxe committed to prison
• * 12.315

  Sute made b•• the com¦pany of Drapers for Richard Wilmot and Thomas Fayrefaxe.
• * 12.316

  M. Brooke Ma••ster of t••e compa∣•••• of Dra∣pers.
• * 12.317

  ••••ch. Wil∣••••t and ••••••mas ••••••refaxe ••••••urged in Drapers 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.318

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.319

  The scour∣•••••••• of ••••••mas Gr••ene. The Master promoteth the ser∣••••••nt.
• * 12.320

  Thomas Greene put in the stockes.
• * 12.321

  Thomas Greene examined before Doctour Story.
• * 12.322

  D. Story scoffe•••• at Christes ser∣uauntes.
• * 12.323

  An other exa∣mination of Tho. Greene be¦fore D. Story.
• * 12.324

  Mistres Story sheweth her charitable hart.
• * 12.325

  Greene agayne examined before Doctour Story.
• * 12.326

  Greene xami∣ned of his belief.
• * 12.327

  D. Stories blas∣phemous scof¦fing in matter•• of our fayth.
• * 12.328

  The Masse.
• * 12.329

  Greene sent a∣gayne to the Colehouse.
• * 12.330

  The strayte hand¦ling of Greene in prison.
• * 12.331

  Talke betweene Thomas Greene and B. Boner.
• * 12.332

  Two prisoners brought to B. Boners Salt∣house.
• * 12.333

  Cruelty shew∣ed vpon priso∣ners for singing Psalmes.
• * 12.334

  Thomas Greene brought before D. Storye and the Commissio∣ners.
• * 12.335

  This woman was one Youngs wyfe.
• * 12.336

  Thomas Greene examined before M. Hussey.
• * 12.337

  Dixon in B••••chin Lane.
• * 12.338

  Iohn Bean•• Prentise with M. Tottle.
• * 12.339

  Thomas Greene ad∣iudged to be whipped. Thomas Greene brought to the Gray Fryers.
• * 12.340

  Thomas Greene a∣gayne ap∣peareth be∣fore D. Sto∣ry and two gentlem••n.
• * 12.341

  The scourg∣ing of Tho. Greene be∣fore Doct. Story.
• * 12.342

  〈…〉〈…〉 his brother.
• * 12.343

  Stephen Cotton twise bea∣t••n by By∣shop Bo∣ner.
• * 12.344

  Iames Har∣•••••• scour∣ged.
• * 12.345

  ••eade be∣fore pag. 1804.
• * 12.346

  Iames Har∣ris repen∣teth his comming to the Popish Church. The cause of Iames Harris ••courging.
• * 12.347

  The scour∣ging of Robert Williams.
• * 12.348

  B. Boner causeth certayne boyes to be beaten.
• * 12.349

  Boners pityfull hart.
• * 12.350

  Boners▪ deuoute Or••••ons.
• * 12.351

  A poore begger whipt at Salis∣bury, for not re∣ceiuing with the Papistes at Ea∣ster.
• * 12.352

  Actes. 5.
• * 12.353

  A treatise of Gods mercy and prouidence in preseruing good men & women, in the tyme of this persecution.
• * 12.354

  The deliuerance of W. Liuing, his wyfe and of Iohn Lithall.
• * 12.355

  Deane Consta∣ble, George Hancocke Bea∣dle, persecutors.
• * 12.356

  Talke betweene Darbyshire and W Liuing, Priest.
• * 12.357

  Cluny playeth the theefe.
• * 12.358

  Note the couetous dealing of these Pa∣pistes.
• * 12.359

  W. Liuing layd in the Lollardes tower.
• * 12.360

  William Liuing de∣liuered.
• * 12.361

  Talke be∣tweene Darbyshire & Liuinge•• wyfe.
• * 12.362

  Liuinges wyfe com∣maunded to the Lol∣lardes Tower.
• * 12.363

  Dale a Promotor.
• * 12.364

  Marke the hope of the Papistes.
• * 12.365

  The Con∣stable of S. Brides surety for Iulian Li∣uing.
• * 12.366

  Liuing and his wyfe deliuered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the death of Q. Mary.
• * 12.367

  Ioh. Lithall brought to examinatiō by Iohn Auales.
• * 12.368

  Lithall brought be∣fore D. Darbyshire Chauncel∣lour.
• * 12.369

  Talke be∣tweene Li∣thall and the Chaun∣cellour.
• * 12.370

  Iustification ••y f••yth 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.371

  Lithall denyeth to kneele before the Roode.
• * 12.372

  Lithals neigh∣bours make sute for him.
• * 12.373

  S. Iames ex∣pounded.
• * 12.374

  Esay. 65.
• * 12.375

  Actes. 16.
• * 12.376

  Heb. ••••.
• * 12.377

  Lithall refuseth to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in ••onde. Apoc. 13.
• * 12.378

  Math. 18.
• * 12.379

  His neighbours 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into bonde for him.
• * 12.380

  Edward Grew, and Appline his vvyfe.
• * 12.381

  M. Browne of Suffolke.
• * 12.382

  Robert Blome∣field, persecutor.
• * 12.383

  Edward Goul∣ding vnder Sh••••••ffe. Syr Thomas Corn 〈◊〉〈◊〉 high Shrieffe.
• * 12.384

  M. Browne persecu•••••••• and taken.
• * 12.385

  M. Browne deliuered.
• * 12.386

  Example of Gods pu∣nishment, vpon a parsecutor.
• * 12.387

  The first ex∣amination of El••za••beth Yoūg.
• * 12.388

  Elizabeth Young re∣fuseth to go to masse.
• * 12.389

  Elizabeth Young de∣nyeth to sweare and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.390

  The 2. ex∣amination of Eliza∣be••h Yoūg.
• * 12.391

  Elizabeth Young for bringing o∣uer bookes.
• * 12.392

  D. Martyn ••••reatneth her with the racke.
• * 12.393

  Elizabeth Young charged for speaking agaynst the Queene.
• * 12.394

  Elizabeth Yoūg and her husband deliuered by D. Martyn.
• * 12.395

  Elyzabeth Yoūg commaunded to close prison, to haue one day bread, an other day water.
• * 12.396

  The 3. examina∣tion of Eliza∣beth Young.
• * 12.397

  D. Martyn see∣keth to know how many gen∣tlemen were fled ouer the Sea.
• * 12.398

  Elizabeth Yoūg againe threatned with the racke.
• * 12.399

  Shee agayne re∣fuseth to sweare to accuse other.
• * 12.400

  Elizabeth Yoūg commaunded a∣gayne to the Clinke.
• * 12.401

  The 4 exami∣nation of Eliza∣beth Young.
• * 12.402

  D. Martyn pre∣senteth her to the Commissi∣ners.
• * 12.403

  The booke cal∣led Antichrist.
• * 12.404

  Elizabeth Young a great while in the Clinke.
• * 12.405

  Elizabeth Young refuseth to sweare and why.
• * 12.406

  Elizabeth Young thought to be no womā.
• * 12.407

  Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 12.408

  The confession and fayth of Eli∣zabeth Young.
• * 12.409

  The Sacrament to be receaued in spirite and fayth.
• * 12.410

  Cholmley cannot a∣byde spirite and fayth.

  Institution of the Sa∣crament by Christ one∣ly once for all.
• * 12.411

  Confession of Cholm∣leys fayth.
• * 12.412

  Elizabeth Young ca∣ryed into the stock∣house.
• * 12.413

  The 5 exa∣mination of Elizabeth Young.
• * 12.414

  Elizabeth Young of∣fereth a∣gayne to declare her beliefe.
• * 12.415

  Really, Corporally, Substantial∣ly.
• * 12.416

  Fayth com∣meth of God: Ergo, no vntruth ought to be beleued. Christ is fleshe of our fleshe, but not in our fleshe. Iohn. 6.
• * 12.417

  This man dare not ex∣pound•• the Scripture, yet he dare ••••dge vpon heresie.

  The Papists dare not assure them selues to haue the holy Ghost. The Caper∣naites faith. The place of Iohn. cap. 6. expounded how Chri∣stes fleshe is meate.
• * 12.418

  Christes flesh is flesh in our flesh, say the Pa∣pistes.
• * 12.419

  Christes fleshe is meate for our soule, by the Christians.
• * 12.420

  In the Sa∣crament ministred & receaued according to Christes institu∣tion, we receaue Christ.
• * 12.421

  One question solued by an o∣ther.
• * 12.422

  The Sacrament a witnes both of Christes death and of his com∣ming agayne.
• * 12.423

  Christes body occupyeth but one place at once.
• * 12.424

  The 6 examina∣tion of Eliza∣beth Young.
• * 12.425

  The fleshly rea∣son of the Pa∣pistes.
• * 12.426

  Name of Sacra∣mentes geuen by the Church.
• * 12.427

  Two Sacra∣mentes. Wedlocke.
• * 12.428

  Priestes mari∣age.
• * 12.429

  Praying for the dead.
• * 12.430

  Purgatory.
• * 12.431

  Oblation for the dead.
• * 12.432

  The holy Com∣munion blas∣phemed.
• * 12.433

  So many Mar∣tyrs haue beene sl••y••e, and yet the Papistes bragge, as though none will come forth to aunswere them.
• * 12.434

  Fysher B. of Rochester.
• * 12.435

  Nothing to be receaued to sal∣ua••ion but onely that which is found or foun∣ded in Scripture.
• * 12.436

  But we read not that Christ did draw them into pri••ons and con∣demned them to be burnt that would not c••me.

  Eliz••beth Yoūg deemed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 here∣tick because shee beleeueth all thinges written and agreeable to the Scripture & nothing els.
• * 12.437

  Elizabeth Young had to the Stockhouse, and then to the Lollardes Tower.
• * 12.438

  The 7. examina∣tion of Eliza∣beth Young.
• * 12.439

  Two Sa∣cramente••.
• * 12.440

  Head of the Church▪
• * 12.441

  Byshop of Rome.
• * 12.442

  From the Byshop of Rome and all his de∣testable e∣normities.
• * 12.443

  Elizabeth Young re∣fuseth to go to Masse.
• * 12.444

  Elizabeth Young set∣teth her hand to her examinati∣on.
• * 12.445

  The 8. exa∣mination of Elizabeth Young.
• * 12.446

  The Deane made sute for El••za∣beth Yoūg.
• * 12.447

  Story.
• * 12.448

  The beliefe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pa∣p••••••es fol∣loweth the multitude. True belief dependeth not vpon men, but vpon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Gods word.
• * 12.449

  Elizabeth Young com¦mitted to the Deane.
• * 12.450

  The 9▪ exa∣mi••ation of ••lizabeth Young.
• * 12.451

  Talke be∣tweene the Deane and Elizabeth Young a∣••••ut recea∣uing the Sacrament▪
• * 12.452

  Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••b∣sent from his Sa∣cramentes.
• * 12.453

  Two women suretyes for Eli∣zabeth Young.
• * 12.454

  Elizabeth Yoūg vpon suretyes deliuered.
• * 12.455

  Elizabeth Law∣son, Confessour.
• * 12.456

  Robert Kitrich, Tho. Elas, per∣secutours.
• * 12.457

  Syr Iohn Sylli∣arde Sh••r••ffe.
• * 12.458

  Elizabeth Law∣son in prison two yeares and three quarters.

  Elizabeth Law∣son sory that shee was not burned.

  Elizabeth Law∣son bayled vpon suretyes in Q. Elizabethes tyme.
• * 12.459

  Elizabeth Law∣son preserued from persecution ended her lyfe in peace.
• * 12.460

  Elizabeth Law∣son troubled with the falling sicknes, after her persecution ne∣uer felte it more.
• * 12.461

  Tho. Christen∣mas, W. Wattes.
• * 12.462

  Gods proui∣dence vpō Tho. Ch••istenmas & W. Wattes.
• * 12.463

  W. Wattes an other tyme deli∣uered by the Lordes proui∣dence.
• * 12.464

  W. Wattes apprehen∣ded and brought before the Byshop.
• * 12.465

  An other notable ex∣ample of the Lordes prouidence.
• * 12.466

  W. Wattes deliuered out of his enemyes handes.
• * 12.467

  W. Wattes sought for agayne.
• * 12.468

  W. Wattes wyfe set in the stockes.
• * 12.469

  Gods pro∣uidence in deliuering M. Iohn Glouer. Read be∣fore pag. 1709. An other narrow es∣cape of M. Iohn Glo∣uer.

  Read be∣fore pag. 1714.
• * 12.470

  The escape of a godly man called Dabney.
• * 12.471

  Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wor∣king in the deliuerance of Dabney.
• * 12.472

  Alexander ••imshurst a Minister, deliuered by Gods pr••uidence from his enymies.
• * 12.473

  Wymshurst taken by Robin Caly.
• * 12.474

  Wymshurst ta••••eth with Doct. Chadsey.
• * 12.475

  D. Chadsey asure friend at neede.
• * 12.476

  Wymshurst brought to D. Story & D. Cooke, Commissi∣oners.
• * 12.477

  Wimshurst commaun∣ded to prison.
• * 12.478

  Good coū∣se••l sent of God.
• * 12.479

  A way made by Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Alexander Wimshurst to escape.
• * 12.480

  Bosoms wyfe.
• * 12.481

  The behauiour of Bosoms wyfe in the Church.
• * 12.482

  Bosoms wyfe summoned to appeare at Kingstone.
• * 12.483

  Bosoms wyfe through Gods helpe escapeth.
• * 12.484

  The Lady Anne Kneuet.
• * 12.485

  Lady Kneuet threatned by the Byshop.
• * 12.486

  The great age of the Lady Kneuet.
• * 12.487

  Lady Elizabeth Vane a great re∣lieuer of Gods people.
• * 12.488

  Iohn Dauis a childe vnder the age of 12. yeares cast to be burned ••or the 6. articles and yet by Gods prouidence preserued.
• * 12.489

  〈…〉〈…〉 before, and to whom he wrote a letter, p••g. 1••93. Syr Iohn Gilford a troubler of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ro∣bertes.
• * 12.490

  Syr Iohn Gilford stopped of his purpose, by Gods working.
• * 12.491

  Mistres Anne Lacy.
• * 12.492

  Crosman•• wyfe. Barbour of Tibnam Constable, persecutor. Example of Gods grati∣ous proui∣dence.
• * 12.493

  The story of a congre∣gation at Stoke in Suffolke.
• * 12.494

  Confessors.
• * 12.495

  Cotes Pa∣rishe Priest it Stoke.
• * 12.496

  Iohn Steyre and Iohn Foxe 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.497

  The chri∣stian con∣stancye of Elizabeth Foxe.

  The effecte of Christian prayer.

  Iohn Foxe recouered agayne to the truth by prayer.
• * 12.498

  The womē of Stoke summoned by the By∣shop.
• * 12.499

  How the women of Stoke esca∣ped.
• * 12.500

  The preser∣uation of the congre∣gation at London.
• * 12.501

  The con∣gregation at M. Car∣dens house.
• * 12.502

  The con∣gregation agayne de∣liuered.
• * 12.503

  The congrega∣tion agayne de∣liuered.

  The congregati∣on in a shippe at Billinsgate.
• * 12.504

  The congregati∣on in a shippe betwixt Rat∣cliffe and Red∣riffe.
• * 12.505

  The congregati∣on in a Couper•• house in Pud∣ding lane.
• * 12.506

  The congregati∣on in a house in Thamis streete
• * 12.507

  An other nota∣ble example of Gods mercyfull prouidence.
• * 12.508

  The Ministers of this congregati∣on.
• * 12.509

  A story of May∣ster Bentham.
• * 12.510

  The Queenes proclamation, no man to pray for the Martyrs, nor to speake vnto them.
• * 12.511

  The congrega∣tion embracing the Martyrs contrary to the Proclamation.
• * 12.512

  M. Bentham Minister of the congregation.
• * 12.513

  Master Ben∣tham speaketh and prayeth for the Martyrs without daun∣ger.
• * 12.514

  An other deli∣uery of Master Bentham out of great perill.
• * 12.515

  Master Ben∣tham forced a∣gaynst his will to sit in the Crowners quest.
• * 12.516

  Master Ben∣tham refuseth to sweare vpon a Popishe Pri∣mer.
• * 12.517

  Meanes wrought wher∣by Master Ben∣th••m escaped.
• * 12.518

  English men at Calice preser∣ued.
• * 12.519

  Iohn Thorpe & his wyfe.
• * 12.520

  A story of Ed∣ward Benet, now dwelling in S. Brides Parishe.
• * 12.521

  Edward Benet 25. weekes in the Coun∣ter, for bringing a new Testa∣ment to Tyn••le, which af∣ter dyed in prison, and was buryed on a doung∣hill.

  D. Storyes wordes to Edward Benet. Edward Benet brought to Bonet and examined.
• * 12.522

  How Ed∣ward Benet escaped out of the By∣shops house.
• * 12.523

  An other escape of Edward Benet
• * 12.524

  8. Of the 24. taken at Islington, escaped and how good warning sent of God.
• * 12.525

  The story 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ieffrey Hurst dwelling in the towne of Shaker∣ley in the Parish 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.526

  Ieffrey Hurst bro∣ther to George Marsh the Martyr.
• * 12.527

  Ieffrey Hurst lea∣ueth wyfe, children, & house for persecuti∣on.
• * 12.528

  Preachers vsing to Ieffrey Hurstes house and to Preach. M. Tho∣mas Lelond Iustice of peace at Morlese in Lancashire, a cruell persecutor.
• * 12.529

  Ieff••ey Hurst con∣ueyed vnder a D••fat. Mistres S••akerlay Hurstes Landlady.
• * 12.530

  M. Lelond entreth to search Hurstes house. Rafe Par∣kinson a Popishe persecuting Priest.

  The Papists follow false Prophesies, of the Gos∣pell to come againe after 4. Monethes and more. The new Testament of Tyndalls translation made here∣sie.

  Searche made for Hurst and his sister Alice. The olde mother threatned to goe to Lancaster Castle.
• * 12.531

  Hurstes mother and brother bound in a 100. pound for his forth comming.
• * 12.532

  Master Lelonde maker.
• * 12.533

  Talke betweene Ieffrey Hurst and the Iustice.
• * 12.534

  Ieffrey Hurst denyeth to come to Masse.
• * 12.535

  Examination after Masse.
• * 12.536

  Ieffrey Hurst & Alice his sister, let go vnder suertyes.
• * 12.537

  Ieffrey Hurst by the death of Q. Mary, released.
• * 12.538

  Ieffrey Hurst in Queene Eliza∣bethes tyme put in authoritye to see the procee∣ding of Religi∣on.
• * 12.539

  Thomas Lelond the Popishe Iustice, would not come to the Church in Queene Eliza∣bethes tyme, & yet continued Iustice still. A Catholicke father of the Popishe church.
• * 12.540

  Note a Catho∣licke knaue of a Popish Iustice.
• * 12.541

  The trouble and escape of Henry Browne out of his enemyes handes.
• * 12.542

  Glaues wyfe maintayner of Popery▪ and a persecutour.
• * 12.543

  Iustice Lelond writeth to the Constables to apprehende Henry Browne.
• * 12.544

  Henry Browne troubled for bur∣ning of Beades in Queene Eli∣zabethes tyme.
• * 12.545

  Like Maister lyke men.
• * 12.546

  A lamentable thing when such Iustices beare rule ouer Christian con∣gregations.
• * 12.547

  Henry Browne vnder suertyes dismissed for a tyme.
• * 12.548

  The punishment of Gods stroke vpon an obsti∣nate persecutor.
• * 12.549

  Examination of William Wood.
• * 12.550

  W. Wood char∣ged for not com∣ming to church.
• * 12.551

  .3 causes why William Wood durst not receiue the Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 12.552

  Ezech. 5. William Woods question propounded to the Doctours.
• * 12.553

  The natu∣rall quanti∣tye of Chri••t not in the Sa∣crament.
• * 12.554

  The Pa∣pistes could not agree in their owne doctrine.
• * 12.555

  W Wood deliuered, as was S. Paule by the conten∣tion of the Phariseys and Sadu∣ces.
• * 12.556

  The Story of Simon Grineus. Ex Com∣mentariis Phil. Me∣lanct. in cap. 10. Daniell.
• * 12.557

  Iohn Faber Bishop of Vienna per∣secutour. Obsequi∣um amicos, Veritas o∣dium parit.
• * 12.558

  Faber gent∣ly admoni∣shed of Grinaeus for his Sermon.
• * 12.559

  Godly warning sēt by an old man to Grinaeus.
• * 12.560

  Grinaeus, accused, and pursued.
• * 12.561

  Grinaeus warned to flye▪ esca∣peth.

  Gods mer∣cyfull pro∣uidence in defeating the cruell purpose of persecutors.
• * 12.562

  The olde hatred of Stephen Gardiner Byshop of Winchester agaynst the Duchesse of Suffolke.
• * 12.563

  M. ••ich. Bertie husband to the D••chesse, atta∣ched by the By∣shop of Wyn∣chester.
• * 12.564

  M. Bert••e ap∣peareth before B. Gardiner.
• * 12.565

  Talke betweene B. Gardiner and M. Bertie
• * 12.566

  The deuotion of B. Gardiner to good Friday.
• * 12.567

  M. Bertie atta∣ched for debt of 4000. poundes due to the Queene.
• * 12.568

  Kette Captayn•• of the rebells in Northfolke in K. Edwardes tyme.
• * 12.569

  A Dogge clo∣thed in a Rochet vnder the name of B. Gardiner.
• * 12.570

  It is mery with Lambe••, when wolues be tyed vp.
• * 12.571

  Purgation of the Lady Duchesse for not comming to Masse.
• * 12.572

  Religion goeth not by age, but by truth.
• * 12.573

  M. Bertye relea∣sed from his band of appea∣ring.
• * 12.574

  Wayes practised how to conuey the Duchesse o∣uer the Seas with the Qu••enes licence.

  M. Bertye deui∣seth cause to passe ouer into Flaunders.
• * 12.575

  M Bertye li∣censed by the Queene to passe the Seas.
• * 12.576

  Preparation made how to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Du∣••hesse ouer the ••eas.
• * 12.577

  M. Cranwell a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 friend to Ma••ster Bertye.
• * 12.578

  The Du∣chesse with her compa∣ny depar∣teth the realme.
• * 12.579

  The ma••er of the Du∣chesse ••••••∣ing out of her house.
• * 12.580

  The Du∣chesse with her compa∣ny taketh Barge.
• * 12.581

  Pursute af∣ter the Du∣chesse.
• * 12.582

  The Du∣chesse re∣tayned in M. Goslings house by Leigh, vn∣der the name of his daughter.
• * 12.583

  The hard aduenture of the Du∣chesse vpon the Seas.
• * 12.584

  The Du∣chesse lan∣ded in Bra∣bant.

  M. Bertye with the Duchesse his wyfe ariued at Santon. The free towne of Wesell in Cleueland.
• * 12.585

  A prote••∣tion procu∣red for the Duchesse, of the Ma∣gistrates of Wesell.
• * 12.586

  M. Bertye and the Duchesse in daunger of taking by the B. of Arras at Santon. An other escape of the Du∣chesse and her hus∣band.

  The hard distresse of the Du∣chesse by e∣uill wether.
• * 12.587

  The hard intertain∣ment of M. Bertye and the Du∣chesse of their en∣tring into Wesell.
• * 12.588

  Gods pro∣uidence in tyme of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.589

  The mee∣ting of W. Perusell & the Du∣ch••sse of Wesell.
• * 12.590

  The Citi∣zens of wesell ad∣monished by their Preacher of their hard∣nes toward straungers.
• * 12.591

  A friendly part of Syr Iohn Ma∣son to∣wardes the Duchesse. A trayne layd for the Duchesse by the Lord Paget and the Duke of Bruns∣wicke.
• * 12.592

  M. Bertye and the Duchesse remoue to Wi∣neheim vnder the Palsgraue••
• * 12.593

  The helping hand of the Lord agayne in their necessitye. Ioann. Alasco a meanes to the king of Poole, for the Duchesse of Suffolke.
• * 12.594

  The Duchesse inuited into Pooleland by the kinges let∣ters.

  M. Barlow a messenger from the Duchesse to the king of Poole.

  The Pallatine of Vilua a great friend to the Duchesse.
• * 12.595

  The Duchesse taketh her iour∣ney toward Pooleland. The troubles happening to the Duchesse in her iourny to Pooleland.
• * 12.596

  M. Bertye with the Duchesse honourably in∣tertayned of the king of Poole.
• * 12.597

  A story of Tho∣mas Horton, Minister.
• * 12.598

  The story of Thomas Sprat & William Por∣rege.
• * 12.599

  M. Brent Iustice in Kent, a perse∣cutour.
• * 12.600

  The two Bla∣chendens in Kent, persecu∣tours.
• * 12.601

  Thomas Sprat almost taken in the way by the Iustice.
• * 12.602

  Thomas Sprat called of the Iustice but would not come.
• * 12.603

  God alwayes stronger then the deuill.
• * 12.604

  Thomas Sprat got∣teth ouer the hedge from his persecuto••••.
• * 12.605

  William Porrege escapeth.
• * 12.606

  The Lord disposing the way of his ser∣uauntes.
• * 12.607

  Thomas Sprat deli∣uered by Gods helpe from his ad∣uersaryes.
• * 12.608

  The trou∣bles of Iohn Cornet, & how he was deliue∣red.
• * 12.609

  Yackesley Parson of Rough∣hedge, per∣secutour. The mother agaynst her own sonne.
• * 12.610

  Cornet whipped out of the towne, and so bani∣shed.
• * 12.611

  Thomas Bryce pre∣serued.
• * 12.612

  God blyn∣ded the eyes of them which ••••ught for Thomas Bryce, that they could not see him.
• * 12.613

  An other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Thomas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and his brother.
• * 12.614

  Thomas & Iohn Bryce 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Gods good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.615

  The trou∣ble and de∣liueraunce of Ger∣trude Crokchay.
• * 12.616

  This Doct. Mallet is now Deane o•• Lincolne.
• * 12.617

  An other trouble of the sayde Gertrude in Dutchland.
• * 12.618

  Cruelty in ••••aunder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 secret∣ly agaynst the Chri∣stians.
• * 12.619

  Gertrude retur∣neth into Eng∣land.
• * 12.620

  A story of Wil∣liam Mauldon.
• * 12.621

  W. Mauldon, accused and scourged for true religion.
• * 12.622

  The Prophesis of M. Mauldon in K. Henryes tyme, for the fall of Masse and Sacrament of the Aultar.
• * 12.623

  Robert Horneby through Gods working pre∣serued.
• * 12.624

  Mistres Sandes, now Lady Bart∣let, preserued from persecuti∣on.
• * 12.625

  The story of Thomas Rose yet liuing.
• * 12.626

  Three offered to haue their liues saued to accuse Tho. Rose, but would not.
• * 12.627

  Thomas Rose arested by a Ser∣geant at Armes.
• * 12.628

  The cruel hand∣ling of Thomas Rose by the Pa∣pistes.
• * 12.629

  Thomas Rose set at libertye by Doctour Cran∣mers meanes.
• * 12.630

  Tho. Rose Chaplaine to the Lord Cromwell.
• * 12.631

  The migh∣ty proui∣dence of God in preseruing Tho. Rose from his enemyes.
• * 12.632

  Tho. Rose agayne de∣liuered.
• * 12.633

  Tho. Rose apprehen∣ded.
• * 12.634

  The 1. exa∣mination of Tho. Rose.
• * 12.635

  Tho. Rose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Winchester,
• * 12.636

  Tho. Rose 〈…〉〈…〉 Winchesters sclaunder.
• * 12.637

  Tho Rose committed to the Tower.
• * 12.638

  The 2. exa∣mination of Tho. Rose before the B. of Win∣chester.
• * 12.639

  How Thomas Rose submitteth himselfe.
• * 12.640

  The 3. examina∣tion of Thomas Rose.
• * 12.641

  Auricular con∣fession.
• * 12.642

  Nothing but scripture to be admitted for the regiment of the soule.
• * 12.643

  Transubstantia∣tion and Reall presence agaynst the Scriptures & the auncient fathers of the primitiue Church.
• * 12.644

  The Pa∣pistes af∣firme the reall body of Christ to be in the Sacrament but they know not how.
• * 12.645

  The last ap∣pearaunce of Thomas Rose be∣fore the Bishop.
• * 12.646

  Actes. 2.
• * 12.647

  How Christ is present in the Sacra∣ment.
• * 12.648

  P••pist•••• ••r••estes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a∣broad lyes.
• * 13.1

  The blessed pr••tection of almighty God in preseruing the Lady Eliza∣beth in her ma∣nifold daungers and troubles.
• * 13.2

  The troubles of Lady ••lizabeth in Queene Ma∣rye•• tyme.
• * 13.3

  The history of the Lady Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.4

  Syr Richard S••••thwell, Syr Edward Ha∣stinges, and Syr Thomas Corn∣walles sent to fetch vp Lady Elizabeth, with whom also af∣terward was sent the Lord Willi••m Ha∣ward▪ &c.
• * 13.5

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the knights.
• * 13.6

  A straye Commissi∣on from the Queene to bring the Lady Eliza∣beth either quicke, or dead.
• * 13.7

  The gentle∣nes of Q. Mary to send her horselitter to bring her sister to trouble.
• * 13.8

  Lady Eliza∣beth taketh her iourney toward the Queene.
• * 13.9

  Lady Eli∣zabeth brought vp to London.
• * 13.10

  Syr Willi∣am Sentlow committed to the Tower.
• * 13.11

  Lady Eliza∣beth char∣ged with Syr Tho∣mas Wyats conspiracye. Lady Eli∣zabeth ch••rged with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Peter Ca∣r••w. Lady Eli∣zabeth threatned to goe to the Tower.
• * 13.12

  Lady Eli∣zabeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Lordes▪
• * 13.13

  Lady Eliza∣bethes se••∣u••untes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from her.

  The Queenes m••n, and wayting wom••n at∣tendant vpon Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.14

  The hard dealing of a certayne Lord with the Lady Elizabeth. The Earle of Sussex gentle to the Lady Elizabeth. Lady Eliza∣beth wri∣teth to the Queene but it would not serue.
• * 13.15

  Lady Elizabeth sent to the Tower.
• * 13.16

  The wordes of Lady Elizabeth ent••ing the Tower.
• * 13.17

  The Christian prayer of Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.18

  The Lord of Sussex speaketh for Lady Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.19

  The Bishop of Winchester ••∣nemye to Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.20

  Lady Elizabeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the B. of Winche∣ster.
• * 13.21

  The friendly speach of the ••a••le of Arun∣dell to the La∣dy Elizabeth.
• * 13.22

  Syr Iames A∣croft examined touchi••g the Lady Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.23

  These were not the offi••er•• of the ••ower, but such as went in white & greene.
• * 13.24

  Lady Eliza∣beth 〈…〉〈…〉 the Tower.
• * 13.25

  Displeasure be∣t••een•• the 〈…〉〈…〉 and Lady Eliza∣bethes men.
• * 13.26

  Lady Eliza∣be••hes way∣ringmen in the Tower.
• * 13.27

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.28

  Lady Eli∣zabeth ••••∣nyed the l••∣bertye 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Tower.
• * 13.29

  Liberty graunted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lady Eli∣zabeth to wal•••• in a little gar∣den.
• * 13.30

  Suspicious heades.
• * 13.31

  A young childe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for bringing flowers to the Lady E••izabeth.
• * 13.32

  The Con∣••••••ble of the Tower dis∣charged of his office. Syr Henry Benifield with his company, placed a∣bout the Lady Eli∣zabeth. Lady Eli∣zabeth in great feare and doubt of lyfe.
• * 13.33

  Lady Eli∣zabeth in doubt of Syr Henry Benifield.
• * 13.34

  Lady Eli∣zabeth re∣moued from the Tower to Wood∣stocke. Lady Eli∣zabeth ••e∣cluded frō her ser∣u••untes. Lady Eli∣zabeth in di••payre of her selfe.
• * 13.35

  Lady Eli∣zabethes V••her tal∣keth with the Lord of Tame.
• * 13.36

  The gentle ha••t of the Lord of Tame to Lady El••zabeth.
• * 13.37

  Tanquam ouis. •• Like a sheepe to the slaughter.
• * 13.38

  Lady Elizabeth honourably re∣ceaued and be∣loued of the people.
• * 13.39

  The gentle en∣tertaynement of Lady Elizabeth at the Lord of Tames house.
• * 13.40

  M. Benefield grudging at the gentle enter∣taynement of Lady Elizabeth. The rude and vngentle manly behauiour of Syr Henry Be∣nifield.
• * 13.41

  Lady Elizabeth commeth to Woodstocke.
• * 13.42

  The strayte watch kept at woodstoc••e.
• * 13.43

  A mery story concerning the s••r••yte keeping of the Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.44

  The straytenes of Syr Henry Benifield merely noted.
• * 13.45

  Lady Elizabeth with much ado, suffered to write to the Queene.
• * 13.46

  The cruell dea∣ling of Syr Hen∣ry Benifield to the Lady Eliza∣beth reprooued.
• * 13.47

  The letters of the Lady Eliza∣beth sent to the Queene.
• * 13.48

  D. Owen and D. Wendye, Q. Maryes Phisici∣ons, sent to the Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.49

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.50

  Lady Eli∣zabeth re∣quested to submit her selfe to the Queene.
• * 13.51

  Counsell of the Papistes to mary the Lady Eli∣zabeth to a Spanyard. Wicked counsell geuen of the Lord Paget a∣gaynst the Lady Eli∣zabeth. Spanyardes more fauo∣rable to Lady Eli∣zabeth then some Eng∣lish men.
• * 13.52

  Lady Eli∣zabeth in daunger of fire.
• * 13.53

  Lady Eli∣zabeth in daunger of killing.
• * 13.54

  An other conspiracye of murder agaynst Lady Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.55

  Lady Eli∣zabeth preserued by the Lordes pro∣uidence from exe∣cution in the Tower. Winchesters platforme ouerthro∣wen.

  Whereof read before pag. 1787.
• * 13.56

  Verses written by Lady Eli∣zabeth in the glasse Window.
• * 13.57

  Lady Eli∣zabeth not suffered to come to the Lord of Tames house.
• * 13.58

  Lady Eli∣zabeth wisheth her selfe to be a milke∣mayde.
• * 13.59

  Lady Eliza∣beth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Wood∣stocke to Hampton Courte.
• * 13.60

  Lord Willi∣am Haward gentle and hnourable to Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.61

  Lady Elizabeth requested by Winchester to submit her selfe to the Queenes mercy.

  Lady Elizabeth standeth to be tryed by the lawe.
• * 13.62

  Talke agayne betweene Winchester and Lady Elizabeth. Lady Elizabeth denyeth to con∣fesse any fault done to the Queene.
• * 13.63

  Lady Elizabeth sent for to the Queene.
• * 13.64

  Lady Elizabeth brought to the Queenes bed chamber.
• * 13.65

  Talke betwene the Queene and Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.66

  Small comforte at the Queene•• hand toward her sister.
• * 13.67

  King Phillip thought to be a friend to Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.68

  Lady Elizabeth by Gods proui∣den•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at li∣be••••ye. Syr Henry Be∣nifield dischar∣ged.
• * 13.69

  Mistres Ashley sent to the Fleete.

  ••. Gentlewomē of ••••dy Eliza∣b••the▪ sent to the ••ower. 〈…〉〈…〉 won∣d••rfull wor∣king of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proui∣dence 〈…〉〈…〉 of Lady Eliza∣beth.

  Lady Elizabeth d••liuere•• by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ste∣phen Gardiner.
• * 13.70

  How the Lord here beganne to worke for Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.71

  A note of a story 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 o•• the Papistes toward Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.72

  Robert Farrer 〈…〉〈…〉 to Lady ••liza∣beth.
• * 13.73

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.74

  Robert Farrer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agaynst Lady Elizabeth.
• * 13.75

  The pa••te of a good trusty ser∣uaunt▪
• * 13.76

  Robert Farrer•• com∣playned of to the Cō∣missioners, but 〈…〉〈…〉 was ••ad.
• * 13.77

  How Bysh. Boner and D. Story beare with him that rayled a∣gaynst La∣dy Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.78

  Note the vngodly lyfe of these Ca∣tholicke••▪
• * 13.79

  Lady Eliza∣beth pro∣clamed Queene the same day that Quene Mary dyed.
• * 13.80

  The Lord make Eng∣land thank∣full to him for his g••eat benen••es.
• * 13.81

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 17. Q Mary 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Q Eliza∣beth begin∣neth her 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The maner of Q. Ma∣ryes death.
• * 13.82

  Q. Mary 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ought 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the losse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Calice.
• * 13.83

  More Eng∣•••••••• bloud 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Q Maryes 〈◊〉〈◊〉, then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was in 〈…〉〈…〉 her.
• * 13.84

  The raygne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Queene ••ary now 〈…〉〈…〉 it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to her r••••lme to her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in al 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 13.85

  Q Mary 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had 〈…〉〈…〉 any 〈…〉〈…〉 about.
• * 13.86

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.87

  Comparison betweene the raigne of Q. Mary and Queene Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.88

  Gamaliels rea∣son. Actes. 5.
• * 13.89

  Q. Mary pros∣pered so long as she went not a∣gainst the Lord.
• * 13.90

  Q. Maryes pro∣mise to the Gospellers broken.
• * 13.91

  The ship called the great Harry burned.
• * 13.92

  Q. Maryes ma∣ryage with a straunger.

  Q Mary disap∣poynted of her purpose in Crowning king Phillip.

  Q. Mary stop∣ped of her will in restoring Ab∣bey landes,
• * 13.93

  The victory of K. Edward. 6. in Scotland.
• * 13.94

  The ill lucke of Q. Mary in lo∣sing of Calice.
• * 13.95

  The 11. king of the Conquest got Calice, and the 11. agayne after him lost it
• * 13.96

  The ill lucke of Queene Mary in her childe∣byrth.
• * 13.97

  Q Mary left desolate of king Phillip her husband.
• * 13.98

  The ill lucke of Q Mary with her husband.
• * 13.99

  The finall ende and death of Q. Mary.
• * 13.100

  Q. Mary rayg∣ne•••• 5. yeares & 5. monethes▪ The shortnes of Queene Maryes raigne noted.
• * 13.101

  An admonition 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christian rulers.
• * 13.102

  A treatise of Gods seuere punishment a∣agaynst c••••ell p••••secutors, and enemyes to his 〈…〉〈…〉 De 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 13.
• * 13.103

  The death of Stephen Gardi∣ner read before pag 1786.
• * 13.104

  〈…〉〈…〉 S. Dauids.
• * 13.105

  A note of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.106

  Iustice Morgan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  D Dunning 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chaun∣cel••our, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wi•••• so∣daine ••••ath.
• * 13.107

  The so∣dayne death of Berr••y a Cōmissary in North∣folke.
• * 13.108

  Gods stroke vpon D. Thornton Byshop or Suffragan of Douer.
• * 13.109

  An other 〈…〉〈…〉 he had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Car••inall•• bless••••••••.
• * 13.110

  The Iudge∣ment of God vpon Grim∣wood.
• * 13.111

  A terrible example of Gods se∣uere pu∣nishment vpon one Nightin∣gall Parson of Crondall in Kent.
• * 13.112

  D. Geffrey Chauncel∣lour of Sa∣lisbury.
• * 13.113

  M. Wood∣••••••fe a cruell Sheriffe, plagued.
• * 13.114

  Read before pag. ••624. The betrayer of George Ea∣gles, plagued.
• * 13.115

  Gods punish∣ment vpon M. Swingheld and other which be∣wrayed one Angels wyfe.
• * 13.116

  A story of Bur∣ton Bayliffe of Crowland, how he was plagued for setting vp Masse.
• * 13.117

  Burton earnest in se••••ing vp the Masse.
• * 13.118

  The stinking death of a Po∣pish Massemon∣ger.
• * 13.119

  Of the Martyr∣dome of Iames Abbes, read be∣fore, pag. 1683.
• * 13.120

  A story to be noted of all ray∣ling persecu∣tours.
• * 13.121

  The Shrieffes seruaunt vyly rayling agaynst Iames Abbes.
• * 13.122

  A fearefull ex∣ample of Gods righteous iudg∣ment against the Sheriffes ser∣uaunt rayling agaynst Iames Abbes.
• * 13.123

  Example how Popery bring∣eth to despera∣tion.
• * 13.124

  Clarke hanged himselfe.
• * 13.125

  The sodaine death of Tro∣ling Smith. Dale the Pro∣motor eaten with lyee. Coxe the Pro∣motor sodainely dyed.
• * 13.126

  Alexander the cruell keeper of Newgate, dyed a rotten death.
• * 13.127

  The sodaine death of Iames Alexanders sonne.
• * 13.128

  Iohn Peter Alexanders sonne in lawe, rotted away.
• * 13.129

  Iustice Le∣lond per••e∣cutour p••a∣gued. Robert Baulding persecutor.
• * 13.130

  Beard the Promotor. Robert Blomfield persecutor. The iudge∣ment of God vpon Iohn Roc••••∣wood Lady Honor, and George Bradway persecutors in Calice. Richard Long drowned himselfe. The iust punishmēt of God vpō Syr Rafe Ellerker persecutor. The sodaine death of D. Foxford. Pau••er a persecutor hanged himselfe.
• * 13.131

  The stin∣king end of Stephen Gardiner proueth Popery and not the Gospell to be the doc∣trine of des∣peraration. Gods iust stroke vpon Iohn Fisher B. of Ro∣chester, and Syr Thomas More.
• * 13.132

  2. Mach. 3.
• * 13.133

  Of Valeria∣nus read be∣fore pag. 74.
• * 13.134

  Bishops that dyed before Q. Mary.
• * 13.135

  Byshops t••••t dyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Q. Mary.
• * 13.136

  Note that B. Tonstall i•• Q Ma∣ryes tyme was no great blou∣dy persecu∣tour.

  For Maister Russell a Preacher was before him, and D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Chauncel∣lour would haue had him exami∣mined more particular∣ly.

  The Bishop stayed him, saying: he∣therto we haue had a good report among our neighbours: I pray you bring not this mans bloud vpon my head. A note of D. Weston.
• * 13.137

  D. Weston out of fa∣uour with the Papists.
• * 13.138

  D. Weston taken in adultry D. Weston appe••led to Rome.
• * 13.139

  The death of Doctour Weston.
• * 13.140

  Catholicke Bishops af∣ter Q. Ma∣r••es death depriued & imprisoned.
• * 13.141

  Note that some of these Bishops afterward through the goodnes of Q. Elizabeth were dispersed and suffered to be kept in their friendes houses.
• * 13.142

  A note of Doct. Chadsey. 34. Articles of D. Chadsey. D. Chadsey subscribed to the reformed religion in King Edwardes time.
• * 13.143

  D. Chadsey mutable and inconstant in his religion.
• * 13.144

  The egernes of D. Chadsey in punishing the poore Martyrs.
• * 13.145

  Wil. Mauldon Prentise with M. Hugh Ap∣parry at Grene∣wich.
• * 13.146

  A terrible ex∣ample of Gods iudgement to be noted of all such as be con∣temners and mockers of God and his worde.
• * 13.147

  Gods punish∣m••n•• vpon a young 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 12 yeares 〈◊〉〈◊〉, blasphe∣ming the Ma∣iesty of God.
• * 13.148

  Bl••sphemy pu∣nished.
• * 13.149

  A l••sson to children and young gyrles.
• * 13.150

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.151

  A le••••••n to all Athe∣nites, Epi∣cures, and Infide••••••.
• * 13.152

  A lesson to all blas∣phemers & swearers.
• * 13.153

  Leuar of Abingdon, a blasphe∣mer of Gods Mar∣tyrs, pla∣gued.
• * 13.154

  Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Canter¦bury.
• * 13.155

  Fryer Champbell plagued. Gods iudg∣ment vpon Haruy a persecuting Cōmissary. Gods iust plague vpon Wil∣liam Swal∣low.
• * 13.156

  Gods iust plague vpō Richard Potto.
• * 13.157

  Richard Denton burned in his owne house. Fettyes wyfe stric∣ken with madnes.
• * 13.158

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.159

  Two Pa∣pistes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Col∣••••••ge in O••ford 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.160

  A story of a Courtyer o••e of the Garde▪ which hap∣pened An. 1563.
• * 13.161

  Admoniti∣o•• to Cour∣tiers.
• * 13.162

  An exam∣ple of Christo∣pher Lan∣de••dale, one of the Garde, for all Cour∣••••ers to looke vpon.
• * 13.163

  Landesdale a feaster of the rich, and vnmercifull to the pore.
• * 13.164

  Poore La∣zaru•• lying by the rich mans doore.
• * 13.165

  Yet the ••ic••e glutton was better, for he suffered Laza∣rus to lye at his gates.
• * 13.166

  The death of poore Lazarus in the ditch.
• * 13.167

  The end of this vnmercifull 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the ditch.
• * 13.168

  The image of the rich glutton and poore La∣zarus.
• * 13.169

  Math. 5.
• * 13.170

  1. Iohn. 3.
• * 13.171

  A warning to gentlemen.
• * 13.172

  A fearefull ex∣ample of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.173

  Gentle exhor∣tatiō neglected.
• * 13.174

  The terrible ende of a swea∣rer.
• * 13.175

  The miserable ende of Henry Smith a Lawier of the midle Temple after he was peruer∣ted from the Gospell.
• * 13.176

  Note what leude company doth in corrup∣ting good natures.
• * 13.177

  M. Smithes Images and Agnus dei.
• * 13.178

  Henry Smith a Lawyer hanged himselfe in his chamber, & af∣ter what maner.
• * 13.179

  One Williams a Lawyer, and a rayler agaynst the Gospell, fell madde.
• * 13.180

  Of the mi∣serable end of this Twyford, read before pag. 1258.
• * 13.181

  Declaratiō of foreine examples.
• * 13.182

  Hofmeister sodainely stricken with death going to Ratisbone.
• * 13.183

  What in∣conueni∣ence com∣meth by th•• Popes des∣perate doc∣trine.
• * 13.184

  The misera∣ble ende of Guarlacus reader in Louane.
• * 13.185

  The story of Arnol∣dus Bome∣lius student a•• Louane.
• * 13.186

  Note what euill in∣struction & company doth.
• * 13.187

  An horrible example of Arnoldus Bomelius which kil∣led himselfe with his owne dag∣ger.
• * 13.188

  Admonitiō to our Lo∣uanians.
• * 13.189

  Iacobus La∣tomus of Louane.
• * 13.190

  Iacobus La∣tomus an ••∣nemy to the Gospell, brought to madnes and desperati∣on.
• * 13.191

  The terrible wordes of La∣tomus in his desperation.
• * 13.192

  Gods will in his word to accept our fayth onely for iustification.
• * 13.193

  Obedience to Gods will re∣warded.
• * 13.194

  Disobedience to God•• will punished.
• * 13.195

  The chiefe fountayne of all mischiefe in the world.
• * 13.196

  A Fryer of Munster stricke with lightning.
• * 13.197

  A Taylours ser∣uaunt in Lipsia.
• * 13.198

  Gods punish∣ment vpon a certaine Popish gentleman vn∣named.
• * 13.199

  Sadoletus Car∣dinall.
• * 13.200

  The Commen∣dator of S. An∣tony plagued.
• * 13.201

  Abbot of Cari∣locus sodainely dead.
• * 13.202

  Dauid Beaton Archbyshop of Scotland perse∣cutour, slayne in hi•• owne Castle.
• * 13.203

  Ex Ioan Slei∣dano▪ lib. 23.
• * 13.204

  The terrible iudgement of God vpon Car∣dinall Crescen∣tius, President of the Counsell of Trident. An. 1552.
• * 13.205

  The wretched end of Cardi∣nall Crescenti∣us President of the Counsell of Trent.
• * 13.206

  Two aduoute∣rous Byshops of Trident Coun∣sell, iustly slaine in adultery.
• * 13.207

  D. Eckius the P••pes stout Champion·
• * 13.208

  The end of Martyn Luther compared to the end of Eckius.
• * 13.209

  The maner of Iohn Eckius death. Eckius last wordes. Eckius dyeth dreaming of his Guilden••.
• * 13.210

  Ex appen∣dice Hist. Ioan. Ca∣rionis.
• * 13.211

  Gods iudg∣ment vpon one Iohn Vander Warfe. Shoulted of Antwarpe, a persecu∣tour.
• * 13.212

  Shilpad a kinde of Shelfishe fashioned like a Tode, with a hard and a broad shell vpon his backe. Our Ladies druncken feast.
• * 13.213

  Fraunces Fraet the Printer and witnes hereof a good man & Martyr.
• * 13.214

  Bartholo∣meus Cas∣saneus pla∣gued. Minerius plagued of God.
• * 13.215

  A Iudge with 3. per∣secutours plagued by Gods iudg∣ment.

  The terri∣ble venge∣aunce of God vpon Iohn de Roma a terrible persecutor. Read be∣fore pag. 216.
• * 13.216

  The Lord of Reuest plagued.
• * 13.217

  Iohn Mar∣tin plagued.
• * 13.218

  Erasm: in Epistola Apologeti∣ca. De vtili. Coloquio••.
• * 13.219

  Gods pu∣nishment vpon a no∣ble gentle∣man in going a pilgrimage.
• * 13.220

  Admoniti∣on.
• * 13.221

  False deuo∣tion a pery∣lous thing.
• * 13.222

  Agaynst I∣dolatrous pilgrimage.
• * 13.223

  A wonder∣full exam∣ple of Gods ••udgment at Gaunt. Anno. 1565.
• * 13.224

  Three cau∣se•• why Saintes are not to be prayed vn∣to.
• * 13.225

  Purgatory denyed.
• * 13.226

  The iudgement of God vpon Giles Brakel∣man the bo∣rough Maister.
• * 13.227

  William de Weuer Martyr, burnt at Gaunt. Anno. 1565. An other terri∣ble example of Gods iudgment agaynst Syr Garret Trieste gentleman and then Alderman of Gaunt, a per∣secutour. Anno. 1566.
• * 13.228

  An other exam∣ple of Gods iudgement vpō Marten de Pe∣ster one of the principall Se∣cretaryes of Gaunt. Anno. 1566.

  These men of Gaunt are wit∣nesses hereof.
• * 13.229

  A story of a tame deuil con∣••••••ed in an Ab∣bey in Sueuia.
• * 13.230

  A sub••ill deuise of the Monkes to fray away their gestes.
• * 13.231

  The punishmēt of God vpon a Monke that would counter∣feite the deuill. Ex Gaspare Bruschio in Chronologia Monasteriorum Germaniae. Read afore pag. 890.
• * 13.232

  The doinges of Henry 2. French king agaynst the Lutherans, neuer prospered with him.
• * 13.233

  This truce was betweene the French king, & the Emperour, which the Pope caused to be broken.
• * 13.234

  The cruell pur∣pose of the Duke of Guise disappointed.
• * 13.235

  The wicked vowe of the Constable of Fraunce defea∣ted.

  Lord Ponchet Archbishop of Tours.

  The maruelous iudgement of God vpon a burning perse∣cutour.

  Gods fearefull hand vpon Ca∣stellanus perse∣cutour.
• * 13.236

  Legate Du Prat the first begin∣ner of persecu∣tion agaynst the faythfull horri∣bly plagued.
• * 13.237

  Iohn Ruse com∣ming from accu∣sing the fayth∣full, was terri∣bly stricken with Gods hand.
• * 13.238

  The wicked end of Claude de Asses a wicked persecutour.
• * 13.239

  Peter Lyset author of the burning chamber, plagued. The mighty hand of God vpon Iohn Morin a greeuous persecutor. Iohn An∣drew Booke bynder, plagued. The terrible vengeance of God vpō Iohn de Roma a terrible persecutor. Iohn Mine∣rius a cruell persecutour plagued of God.

  The French king by sundry sortes of troubles warned of God.
• * 13.240

  Riches and Pride of the Clergy, the fountayne of all euills.
• * 13.241

  The pure∣nes of the primatiue church how long it con∣tinued and whereby. The false Donation of Constan∣tine.
• * 13.242

  Exhortati∣on to the king to seise vpon the temporali∣tye•• of the Clergye. The ryches of the Popes Clergye how they ought to b•• employed.
• * 13.243

  The mali∣cious and lying slaun∣ders of the Papists to bring the true Gos∣pellers in hatred with Princes.
• * 13.244

  Constan∣tine confir∣med in his kingdome the more, by receauing the Gospel▪ Examples of England and Ger∣many, how Princes lose no honour by the gos∣pell.

  The Popes religion more noy∣some to the state of Princes, then the doctrine of the Luthe∣rans.

  Wholesome remedy shewed a∣gaynst the Popes pryde.

  A blynde shift of the Papistes to stop Princes from calling generall Councels. The con∣trarietyes in the Popes Councells, enough for their dis∣proofe.
• * 13.245

  Prophesie agaynst the French king.
• * 13.246

  The story and end of Henry. 2. the French king, that would not be warned.
• * 13.247

  What commeth to kinges that refu••e good counsell.
• * 13.248

  Henry. ••. French king wholy set to persecute the Church o•• Christ.
• * 13.249

  Gods mighty power agaynst his enemyes.
• * 13.250

  Henry. 2. the French king for•• set agaynst the poore Prote∣stantes.
• * 13.251

  Henry. 2. the French king in his triumph iusteth agaynst Montgommery.
• * 13.252

  Montgommery agaynst his will commaun∣ded to iuste a∣gaynst the king.
• * 13.253

  Henry 2. the French king stricken and killed in his owne iusting.
• * 13.254

  The deuelishe perswasion of the Cardinall of Loraine at the death of the French king.
• * 13.255

  Certayne gen∣tlemen execu∣ted at Amboyse for standing a∣gainst the house of Guyse.
• * 13.256

  The Lordes pu∣nishment vpon the Chauncel∣lour Oliuier for his sentence ge∣uen agaynst certayne gen∣tlemen Prote∣stantes.

  The death of Fraunces. 2. french king af∣ter he began to withstande the course of the Gospell.

  How the Lord worketh for his Gospell.
• * 13.257

  The wordes of king Fraunces at his death.
• * 13.258

  The terrible stroke of Gods reuenge vpon Carol. 9. the French king.
• * 13.259

  The death of Charles the Emperour.
• * 13.260

  An Epitaphe vpon Charles Emperour, Henry .2. French king, and Fraunces his sonne.
• * 13.261

  The sodaine death of President Minard.
• * 13.262

  The pu∣nishment of God vpon the king of Nauarre after he had reuolted from the Gospell to Popery.
• * 13.263

  The Duke of Guyse sl••ine be∣fore Orle∣ance.

  The Con∣stable be∣fore Paris. The Mar∣shall of S. Andrew before Dre∣ux.
• * 13.264

  The story of one Dray∣ner other∣wise called Iustice nine holes.
• * 13.265

  A malitious practise to intrappe a good man.
• * 13.266

  Drayner conuict of falsehood.
• * 13.267

  A lamenta∣ble history of Iohn Whiteman snowmaker.
• * 13.268

  Iohn Whit∣man coulde not suffer the abho∣minable I∣dolatry of the Papists. Iohn Whit∣man appre∣hended. Iohn Whit∣mā brought ••efore the ••udges.
• * 13.269

  Sentence geuen a∣gaynst Iohn Whitman.
• * 13.270

  The Martyr∣dome and death of Iohn Whit∣man.
• * 13.271

  Iohn. 16.
• * 13.272

  3. Argumentes agaynst the Papistes. Gods worde. Bloud of Mar∣tyrs.

  Gods punish∣ment.

  The plagues of God, set against pretensed anti∣quitye.
• * 13.273

  Henry .2. the French king and king Fraūces his sonne stricken, the one in the eyes, the other with an impo∣stume in the eare.
• * 13.274

  Stephen Gar∣diner.
• * 13.275

  Queene Mary.
• * 13.276

  Constable of Fraunce.
• * 13.277

  King of Nauar. Henry Smith. D. Shaxton. The end of Gardiner. Iohn de Roma. Twyford. Bayliffe of Crowland. Suffragan of Douer. D. Dunning. D. Geffray. Berrye. Poacher Arch∣bishop. Crescentius Cardinall. Rockwood. Latomus. Guarlacus. Eckius. Thornton. Pattyer. Longe. Bomelius all professours of Popery.
• * 13.278

  Esay. 50.
• * 13.279

  Page 199.
• * 13.280

  A secrete note of Papiste•• which haue beene great cryers out of Priestes mary∣age, and them∣selues after ta∣ken in open a∣dultery.
• * 13.281

  Comparison betweene the ende of Popishe persecutours & the Gospellers.
• * 13.282

  The godly ende of the Gospellers to be noted.
• * 13.283

  The blessed end of King Edward .6. The pati∣ent end of the Duke of Somer∣set the kings vncle.
• * 13.284

  The quiet and ioyfull end of the Martyrs.
• * 13.285

  Two spe∣ciall notes of the ••iue Church of Christ. Outward affliction peace of conscience▪ 2. Tim. 3. 1. Cor. 1.
• * 13.286

  The wret∣ched end of Papistes geue testi∣mony a∣gaynst their owne doc∣trine.

  Admoniti∣on to perse∣cutours which yet remayne a∣liue.

  The end and death of Edmund Boner.
• * 13.287

  God ma∣keth the persecutors of his peo∣ple com∣monly to be their owne per∣secutours.
• * 13.288

  Saul mur∣derer of himselfe.
• * 13.289

  Achitophel murderer of himselfe Iudas mur∣derer of himselfe. Senacherib murdered of his owne sonnes.

  Herode and Antiochus murdered by lyce.

  Pilate mur∣derer of himselfe. Nero mur∣derer of himselfe.
• * 13.290

  Dioclesia∣nus and Maximini∣anus Em∣perours de∣posed them selues.
• * 13.291

  Maximinus eaten vp with lyce.
• * 13.292

  Maxentius and king Pharao both drow∣ned in their owne har∣nesse. Achaz. Achab. Iesabell. Manasses. Ioachim. Sedechias punished of God for the••r perse¦cutions.
• * 13.293

  The mur∣dering mo∣ther church with her bloudy children ad∣monished. Esay 1.
• * 13.294

  Esay. 1.
• * 13.295

  What the lawes of this Realme could say agaynst the persecutours in Queene Ma••les tyme.
• * 13.296

  The nature of the Church is not to persecute with bloud. In that the per∣secutours of the Church be suf∣fered of the Church to liue it is to their confusion.
• * 13.297

  Syr Henry Bo∣nifield forgiuen.
• * 13.298

  Nouember. 18.
• * 13.299

  Doctor Weston.
• * 13.300

  Great benefites and treasures do nothing profit, where the vse of them cannot be inioy∣ed.
• * 13.301

  Felicitye not in hauing but in vsing.
• * 13.302

  Wicked practises of most cruell Tyrantes.
• * 13.303

  Cruelty of late dayes, farre exceeding al crueltyes committed by the aun∣cyent and famous ty∣rauntes in tyme past.
• * 13.304

  Tyrantes & euill gouer∣nours be the plague of God.
• * 13.305

  God wor∣keth all thinges to his owne glory.
• * 13.306

  Affliction tryeth men whether they be good or euill.
• * 13.307

  God plen∣teously poureth his benefites vpon vs, not for our sakes, but of his infinite mercy, and for his glo∣ryes sake.
• * 13.308

  Wonderfull is the mer∣cy of God in deliue∣ring this Realme from the tyranny of the Pa∣pistes.
• * 13.309

  The Papistes buildings stand so long onely as they be propt vp with rope, sword, & fagot.
• * 13.310

  Burgesses vn∣lawfully disor∣derly and vio∣lently thrust out of the Par∣liament house in Queene Ma∣ryes dayes.
• * 13.311

  The third Par∣liament in Quueene Ma∣ryes dayes, not orderly and formally called and therefore of none effecte.
• * 13.312

  A ioyfull day.
• * 13.313

  God preserueth the innocent, & maketh frus∣trate the mali∣cious purposes of the wicked.
• * 13.314

  An apt simili∣tude.
• * 13.315

  Three thinges which pre∣serue the good estate of a Realme or c••mmon wealth.
• * 13.316

  Charges not to be weyed, where Gods glory is to be fur∣thered.
• * 13.317

  The 1. proposi∣tion.
• * 13.318

  Two partes of the proposition.
• * 13.319

  The first part of the proposition.
• * 13.320

  The Argument or probation.
• * 13.321

  The Maior proued.
• * 13.322

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.323

  An other argument o•• probati∣on.
• * 13.324

  An other argument.
• * 13.325

  The fourth argument or probati∣on.
• * 13.326

  Ambros. Per hos e∣nim imple∣tur confir∣matio pre∣cis, qui res∣pondent Amen. The fyfte argument.
• * 13.327

  The sixte argument.
• * 13.328

  Obiection dissolued.
• * 13.329

  The 7. rea∣son.
• * 13.330

  The 8. rea∣son.
• * 13.331

  The 9. rea∣son.
• * 13.332

  The 10. reason.
• * 13.333

  The 11. reason or probation.
• * 13.334

  The 12. reas••n or probation.
• * 13.335

  The second part of the first propo∣sition.
• * 13.336

  Iustinus. Apol. 2. The first argument out of Iu∣stine Mar∣tyr.
• * 13.337

  The second argument 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ba∣sil.
• * 13.338

  Basilius. Epist 63.
• * 13.339

  Ambrosius. An other argu∣ment of Saint Ambrose.
• * 13.340

  Ambrose.
• * 13.341

  Ambrose.
• * 13.342

  Ambrose.
• * 13.343

  Ambrose.
• * 13.344

  Hieronimus.
• * 13.345

  Basil. ho. 4. hex∣am.
• * 13.346

  Chrisostome in i. ad Cor. cap. 14.
• * 13.347

  Idemeodem lo∣co, in illa verba si ingrediatur infidelis, aut indoctus.
• * 13.348

  An other argu∣ment out of Chrisostome.
• * 13.349

  Dionisius.
• * 13.350

  Ciprianus ser. 6. de or. domi∣nica.
• * 13.351

  Aug. in Psal. 18.
• * 13.352

  Aug. de magist.
• * 13.353

  Nouel. const. ••13.
• * 13.354

  The second dayes talke.
• * 13.355

  Bishopspes cōmitted to the Tower.
• * 13.356

  Boner cast in the Mar∣shalsey.
• * 13.357

  D. Storyes im∣pudent word•• in the Parlia∣ment.
• * 13.358

  The wordes of D. Story 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Par••iam••nt house.
• * 13.359

  This Martyr burnt at Vx∣bridge was M. Denley.