Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

The beginning of the tenth booke conteyning the horrible and bloudy tyme of QVEENE MARY. (Book 10)

The Preface to the Reader.

FORASMVCH AS WE ARE come now to the tyme of Queene Mary, when as so many were put to death for the cause especially of the Masse, and the sacramente of the Altar (as they cal it) I thought it conuenient vppon the occasion geuen, in the ingresse of this fore∣sayd story, first to prefixe before, by the way of Preface, some declaration collected out of dy∣uers Writers and Authors, whereby to set foorth to the Reader the great absurditie, wicked abuse, and perillous idolatry of the popish Masse, declaring how and by whom it came in, clouted and patched vp of diuers additions, to the intent that the Reader, seeing the vayne institution thereof, and waying the true causes why it is to be explo∣ded out of all Churches, may the better thereby iudge of their death, which gaue their liues for the testimonie and the word of truth.

First, concerning the origine of this word Missa, whether it came of Missath in Hebrue. Deut. 16. or Mincha, Leuit. 6. which signifieth oblation: or whether it came of sending a∣way the Catechumeni, and persons vnwoorthy, out of the place of ministration,* 1.1 (as certayne writers suppose) or else, Ex missis donarijs & symbolis quae in offertorio propone∣bantur: that is, of gifts and oblations wont to be offred be∣fore the Communion: or whether Missa is deriued of Re∣missa, which in the former writers was vsed pro remissio∣ne: or whether Missa, pro licentia dimittendi populum, is ta∣ken of sending away the congregation by the words of the Deacon, Ite missa est: or whether Missa hath his denomina∣tion of that which the Grecians call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, dimis∣sion of the people, alluding to the story of the Hebrues, li∣censed of Pharao to depart out of captiuitie after the ea∣ting of the Pasche Lambe, as I read in an old popish booke intituled De Sacramentis Sacerdotalibus: or what tearme so∣euer it be else, either Latin, Syrian, Dutch, or French: or howsoeuer else it taketh his appellation, as there is no certaintie amongst themselues that most magnifie the Masse, so it is no matter to vs that stand against it. To my iudgemente and coniecture this latter exposition of the word seemeth more probable, both for that it is ioined with the word Ite, which signifieth departing: and also the time and order in speaking the same, agreeth well thereunto. For as the old Hebrues, after the supper of the Lamb, and not before, were set at liberty streight way, to departe out of captiuitie: so belike to declare our mysticall deliuerance by Christ, offred and slaine for vs, first goeth before the ac∣tion of the holy supper: that done, then the Priest or Dea∣con sayth, Ite missa est: meaning thereby the deliuerance and liberty which is spiritually wrought in vs, after that the body of Christ hath bene offered for vs. Or else, if Missa o∣therwise should signifie the celebration or the action of the supper, it woulde not be saide Ite, but venite, missa est, &c. Moreouer, besides other arguments, there be certayne places in Cassianus which seeme to declare, that Missa si∣gnifieth dimission of the congregation:* 1.2 as where he wri∣teth of him which commeth not in time to the howers of prayer, saying it not to be lawfull for him to enter into the oratory, Sed stantem prae foribus congregationis, missam praesto∣lari debere. i. that he ought standing without the dores, to waite for the misse of the congregation. And againe in the next Chapter following, he inferreth the same vocable Missa in like sense: Contenti, inquit somno qui nobis post vigi∣liarum missam vsque ad lucis indulgetur aduentum. i. Conten∣ted (sayeth he) with so muche sleepe as serueth vs for the misse, or breaking vp of the night vigill, vnto the comming of the day, &c.

But to let passe these coniectures, this by the way I geue to the Reader to note and vnderstande, that as thys word Missa neuer yet entred into the Church nor vsage a∣mong the Greekes: so it is to be obserued among our La∣tin interpretors,* 1.3 such as haue translated of old time the an∣cient Greeke Authours, as Eusebius, and the Tripartite history, and others: that where the Greeke Writers haue these tearmes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, to call the congregation, to conuent assemblies, and so frequent together, the old translator of Epiphanius, and other translate vppon the same Missas facere, collectas age∣re, missas celebrare, &c. wherby it is not obscure to be seene, that this word Masse in the olde time, was not onely and peculiarly applied to the action of consecration, but as wel to all Christen assemblies collected, or congregations con∣uented, according as in the Dutch language this name (Messe) signifieth any solemne frequency, or panagyrie, or gathering together of the people. But of the name inough, and too much.

To expresse now the absurditie of the saide Masse, and the irreligious application thereof, vnseemely, and peri∣lous for Christians to vse, I will bring two or three rea∣sons of the worthy seruaunt and Martyr of God, Iohn Bradford, to which many more may be also added out of others.

First the Masse, sayeth he, is a most subtile and pernici∣ous enemie against Christ, and that double wayes: name∣ly, against his Priesthode, and against his sacrifice, which he prooueth by this way. For the Priesthoode of Christe, (sayeth he) is an euerlasting Priesthoode, and such an one as can not go to another. But the Masse vtterly putteth him out of place, as though he were dead for euer: and so God were a lier, which said that Christ should be a Priest for euer: which briefly commeth vnto this Argument.

• Fes- That thing is not perpetuall, nor standeth not alone, which admitteth succession of other to do the same thing that was done before.
• ti- But the Masse Priests succeede after Christ, doing the same sacrifice (as they say) which he did before.
• no. Ergo, the Masse Priests make Christs Priesthode not to be perpetuall.

Another Argument.

• Ba- All Priests eyther be after the order of Aaron, or after the order of Melchisedech, or after the order of the A∣postles, or after that spirituall sort whereof it is writ∣ten, Vos estis spirituale sacerdotium, &c.
• ro- But our Masse Priests neither be after the order of Aaron,* 1.4 (for that is to resume that which Christ hath a∣bolished:) neither after the order of Melchisedech (for that is peculiar only to Christ:) neither after the order of the Apostles (for then should they be Ministers, not Maisters, not Priests, but Preachers: (and which of the Apostles was euer named by the title of a Priest?) Againe, neither are they after the generall sorte of the spirituall priesthoode. For after that prerogatiue, eue∣ry true Christian is a spirituall Priest as well as they, offering vp spirituall, not bodily sacrifice, as prayers, thankesgeuing, obedience, mortification of the bodie framed to the obedience of his commaundements.
• co. Ergo, our Masse Priests are no Priests (vnlesse it be after the order of the Priestes of Baal.* 1.5)

Secondlye,* 1.6 concerning the sacrifice of Christ aboue mentioned, hee reasoneth in lyke manner: whyche wee haue reduced in the waye of Argumente, as fol∣loweth:

• Da- To reiterate a thing once done, for the atteining or accomplishing of the end wherefore it was begon, de∣clareth the imperfection of the same thing before.
• ri- The Masse Priestes do reiterate the sacrifice of Christ once done for the end wherefore it was begonne (that is,* 1.7 for propitiation and remission à poena & culpa pro viuis & pro defunctis:)
• j. Ergo, Masse Priestes make the sacrifice of Christe to be vnperfect, and so are they iniurious to the sacrifice of Christ.

¶For the confirmation of the premisses, marke heere (Reader) I beseech thee, the Rubrike heere following, writ∣ten before the Masse of the fiue woundes in the Masse booke.

BOniface Bishop of Rome lay sicke, and was like to die, to whome our Lord sent the Archangell Raphael with the office of the Masse, of the fiue woundes, saying: Rise and write this office, and say it fiue times, and thou shalt be restored to thy health immediately: and what Priest so∣euer shall say this office for himselfe, or for any other that is sicke, fiue times, the person for whome it is sayde, shall obteine health and grace, and in the world to come, (if he continue in vertue) life euerlasting. And in whatsoeuer tribulation a man shall be in this life, if he procure this of∣fice to be said fiue times for him, of a Priest, without doubt he shall be deliuered. And if it be saide for the soule of the dead, anone as it shall be saide and ended fiue times, hys soule shall be rid from paines. This hearing the Byshop, he did erect himselfe vp in his bed, coniuring the Aungell, by the name of almighty God, to tell him what he was, and wherefore he came, and that he should depart without doing him harme: who aunswered, that he was Raphaell the Archangell, sent vnto him of God: and that all the pre∣misses were vndoubtedly true. Then the sayde Boniface confirmed the said office of the fiue woundes, by the Apo∣stolike authoritie.

An other Argument against the Masse, for that it is an hinderance to the true seruice of God,* 1.8 and to the godly life of men: the declaration whereof is more at large by the saide Authour set out: but briefly in fourme of Argument may thus be contracted.

Another Argument.

• Da- Whatsoeuer causeth or occasioneth a man to rest in outward seruing of God, whose seruice should be all inward in spirit and veritie, that hindreth the true ser∣uice of God.
• ti- The Masse occasioneth a man to rest in outward ser∣uing, (as in hearing, seeing, and saying Masse, which be but outward senses of a man,* 1.9 and as they say meri∣torious ex opere operato, etiam sine bono motu intētionis.)
• si. Ergo, the Masse hindreth y^e right & true seruice of God.

* 1.10Another Argument, proouing that Masse hindreth good life.

• Di- Upon the Masse riseth false hope: and false remedie is promised to wicked liuers.* 1.11 For euill men hearing Masse in the morning, vpō hope therof take more secu∣ritie in doing al day what they list. And such as haue in bibbing, brauling, tauerning, swearing, whoring, di∣cing,* 1.12 carding, committed wickednes, to them the masse is set vp, promising sufficient propitiation sacrifice, re∣medy of body and soule, for man and beast, a poena & culpa, pro viuis & mortuis: Though they neuer hearde preaching, neuer vsed praying, neuer repented, or how wicked so euer they haue bene: yet if they come to the Church, take holy bread and holy water, and heare a Masse, or finde a soule Priest vpon the remedie thereof, then they thinke themselues discharged, and good Ca∣tholicke men.
• sa- Upon what cause soeuer riseth false hope and false re∣medy is promised to wicked liuers,* 1.13 that hindreth good life.
• mis. Ergo, the Masse hindreth good life.

* 1.14Another Argument.

• Da- Where one thing is sufficient and serueth alone, there all other helpes be neadeles thereunto,* 1.15 wherein it ser∣ueth.
• ti- The Masse, as they say, hath all, serueth for all: for by it commeth pardon for sinnes,* 1.16 by it commeth deliue∣rance from Hell and Purgatory, by it commeth health for man and beast. In summa, the Masse is Mare bono∣rum, &c.
• si. Ergo, all other helpes else be needelesse: hearing of Gods word,* 1.17 faith, praying in spirit, repenting, prea∣ching, pietie, and other helps to good life, &c.

An other Argument, proouing that the Masse is diuers and contrary from the institution of Christes Supper.

• 1. CHrist ordeined his Supper to be a memoriall of his death and passion, to be preached vntill he come.
• The Masse is no memoriall thing of Christ remembred in the Sacrament: but rather they make the Sacrament to be Christ himselfe offered and sacrificed for remission of sinnes, both for the quicke and the dead.
• 2. Christ ordeined his Supper to be celebrate and recea∣ued of the congregation. And therefore Paule biddeth the Corinthians to tarry one for another. In the Masse there is no such thing, choose the people whether they will come or no, Sir Iohn is kinne to the tide, he will tarry for no man: if he haue a boy to say Amen, it is inough.
• 3. Christ receaued not but he distributed also the whole in euery part. Sir Iohn when he hath receaued all alone, he sheweth the people the empty chalice. And if he distribute to the people once a yeare, it is but in one kinde alone.
• 4. Christ ordeined the Supper to be a taking matter, an eating matter, a distributing and a remembring matter. Contrary our Masse men make it a matter not of taking, but of gazing, peeping, pixing, boxing, carying, recarying, worshipping, stouping, kneeling, knocking, with stoupe downe before, hold vp higher, I thanke God I see my maker to day, &c. Christ ordeined it a table matter. We turne it to an altar matter: he for a memorie, we for a sacri∣fice: he sate, our men stand: he in his common tongue, we in a forreigne tongue. Whereby it is manifest to appeare how diuers and repugnant the Masse is to the institution of the Lords Supper.* 1.18

Another Argument, proouing that the Masse is contrary to Gods Commaundementes.

• Item, where the first table of Gods blessed and sacred commaundements teacheth men to woorship and serue him, and to direct the meditations of their harts only vn∣to him: and that in all places, at all times, both publikely and priuately.
• The Masse booke doth point out seruice for Saincts and for creatures, by name, to be serued,* 1.19 at the least 300. dayes and yeares, as appeareth by the Calenders, Masses, Col∣lectes, martiloge, &c.
• Ergo, the doctrine and institution of the Masse booke, tendeth contrary to Gods holy commaundements.* 1.20

Another reason against the Masse.

• Item, where S. Paule in expresse woordes willeth all things to be done in an edifying tongue, the Masse is cele∣brate in a tongue forreigne, straunge, and vnknowne to the people, so that although the matter therein conteyned were holesome, and consonant to Scripture (as much as disagreeing from the same) yet for the straungenes of the tongue, it geueth but a sound, and worketh no edifying to the ignorant. Now both the tongue being strange to the eares of the people, and the matter also in the Masse con∣teined, being repugnant to Gods word, what defence can the Masse haue, but vtterly it is to be reiected?
• And for somuch therefore, as the Masse so long vsed in a forreigne language hath not hitherto come to the vnder∣standing of the simple and vulgare sort, to the intente they may themselues perceiue the matter, and be theyr owne iudges, I haue heere set foorth the chiefest parte thereof (which is the Canon) in Englishe, so as I found it in a certayne written copie, by Maister Couerdale translated, adioining withall the Rubricke and circumstaunce of the same in euery point, as is in the Masse booke conteyned.

¶The whole Canon of the Masse, with the Rubricke thereof, as it standeth in the Massebooke, after Salisbury vse. Translated word by word out of Laten into English.

AFter the Sanctus, the Priest immediately ioining hys handes together, and lifting vp his eies, beginneth these wordes: Te igitur clementissime, &c. that is to saye:* 1.21 Therefore most gratious father, thorough Iesus Christ thy sonne our Lord, we humbly beseech thee.

Let him bowe downe his body, while he sayth: And we desire

Heere the Priest standing vpright, must kisse the altar (a) 1.22 on the right hand of the sacrifice, saying: that thou accept and blesse,

Heere let the Priest make three crosses vpon the chalice and the bread, saying: these ✚ giftes these ✚ (b) 1.23 presentes: these ✚ holy and vn∣spotted sacrifices.

When the signes are made vpon the chalice, let him lift vp his hands, saying thus: Which first of al (c) 1.24 we offer vnto thee for thy holy Catho∣like Church: that thou vouchsafe to pacifie, keepe, vnite, and gouerne it, throughout the whole world: with thy ser∣uaunt our Pope N. and our Bishop N.

That is (d) 1.25 his owne Byshop only. and our King N.

And they are expressed by name.

Then let there follow. and all true beleeuers, and such as haue the Catholike and Apostolike faith in due estimation.

Heere let him pray for the liuing.

Remember Lord thy seruants & handmaides N. and N.

* 1.26In the which prayer, a rule must be obserued, for the or∣der of charitie. Fiue times let the Priests pray. * 1.27 First for himselfe. Secondly for father and mother, carnall and spi∣rituall, and for other parents. Thirdly, for speciall frends, parishioners and others. Fourthly, for all that stande by. Fifthly, for all Christen people. And heere may the Priest commend all (b) 1.28 his frends to God. But my counsayle is, that none make ouerlong tarying there partly for di∣straction of mind: partly because of immissions which may chaunce through euill Angels: And all that stand heereby round about, whose fayth and deuotion, vnto thee is knowne and manifest: for whome we offer vnto thee, or which themselues offer vnto thee, this sacrifice (c) 1.29 of prayse, for them and theirs: for the re∣demption of their soules, for the hope of their saluation, and health, and render their vowes vnto thee the eternall liuing and true God.

Communicating and worshipping the memoriall, fyrst (d) 1.30 of the glorious and euer virgin

Bowing downe a little, let him say:

Mary the mother of our God and Lord Iesu Christ, & also of thy blessed Apostles and Martyrs, Peter, Paule, Andrew, Iames, Iohn, Thomas, Phillip, Bartholo∣mew, Mathew Simon & Tadeus, Timis, Cletus, Cle∣mens, Sextus, Cornelius, Ciprianus, Laurence, Chri∣sogonus, Iohn and Paule, Cosme and Damian, and of all thy Saincts: By whose (e) 1.31 merites & praiers, graunt thou, that in all things we may be defended wyth the helpe of thy protection, through the same Christ our Lord, Amen.

Heere let the Priest behold the hoste (a) 1.32 with great vene∣ration, saying:

Therefore Lord we beseech thee, that thou being paci∣fied, wilt receaue this oblation of our bond seruice, and of all thy houshold: and order our dayes in thy peace, and commaund vs to be deliuered from eternall damnation, & to be nombred in the flocke of thine elect, through Christ our Lord, Amen.

Heere againe, let him (b) 1.33 behold the hoste, saying: Which oblacion we beseech O almighty God in all things to make.

Heere let him make (c) 1.34 three crosses vpon both, when he sayth: ✚ Blessed: ✚ appointed: ✚ ratified: reasonable and accep∣table: that vnto vs it may be.

Heere let him make a crosse vpon the bread, saying: ✚ The body.

Heere vpon the chalice.

And ✚ bloud.

Heere with hands ioined together, let him say: Of thy most dearely beloued Sonne our Lorde Iesu Christ.

Heere let the Priest lifte vp his hands, and ioyne them together, and afterward wipe his fingers, and lift vp the hoste, saying: Who (d) 1.35 the next day afore he suffered, tooke bread into his holy and reuerent hands: and his eyes beeing lift vp into heauen

Heere let him lift vp his eies.

Unto the God almighty his father.

Heere let him bowe downe, and afterward creet hym∣selfe vp a little saieng.

Rendring thanks vnto thee, he ✚ blessed, he brake.

Heere let him touch the hoste, saying: And gaue vnto his disciples, saying: (e) 1.36 take yee, and (f) 1.37 eate of this ye all (g) 1.38 for this is my body.

And these woordes must bee pronounced with one breath, and vnder one pro••acion, without making of any pause betweene. After these wordes, let hym bow hym∣selfe to the hoste, and afterwarde lyfte it vp aboue hys forehead, that it may be (h) 1.39 seene of the people: and let him reuerently lay it agayne before the chalice, in maner of a crosse made with the same, and then let him vncouer the chalice, and hold it betweene his handes, not putting hys thombe and forefinger asunder, saue only whē he blesseth, saying thus: Likewise after they had supped, he taking this excellente cup into his holy and reuerent hands, rendring thankes also vnto thee,

Heere let him bow himselfe, saying: Blessed, and gaue vnto his disciples, saying: take, and drinke of this (i) 1.40 yee all.

Heere let him lift vp the chalice a little, saying thus: For this is the cup of my bloud, of the new and euerla∣sting testament (a) 1.41 the mysterie of faith: which for you and for many, shall be shed to the remission of sinnes.

Heere let him lift the chalice to his brest, or further then his head, saying: As oft as ye doe these thinges, ye shall doe them * 1.42 in remembraunce of me.

Here let him set downe the chalice againe, and rub hys fingers ouer the chalice. Then let him lift vp his armes, and couer the chalice. Then let him lift vp his armes * 1.43 crosse wise, his fingers being ioyned together vntill these wordes: De tuis donis (that is to saye, of thine owne re∣wardes.)

Wherefore O Lord, we also thy seruauntes, and thy holye people, being mindfull aswell of the blessed passion and re∣surrection, as of the glorious ascention of the same Christ thy sonne our Lord God, do offer vnto thy excellent maie∣stie, of thine owne rewardes and giftes.

Here let there be made * 1.44 fiue crosses: Namely the three first vpon the host and cup, saying. ✚ a pure host: an holy host: ✚ an vndefiled host.

The fourth vpon the * 1.45bread onely, saying: The holy ✚ * 1.46 bread of eternall life.

The fifth vpon the cup, saying: And ✚ cup of eternal saluation. Uouchsafe thou also with a mercifull and pleasaunt countenaunce, to haue respecte hereunto, and to accept the same * 1.47 as thou diddest vouch∣safe to accept the giftes of thy righteous seruaunt Abell, and the sacrifice of our Patriarcke Abraham and the holy sacrifice, the vndefiled host, that the high Priest Melchi∣sadech did offer vnto thee.

Here let the priest with his body bowed downe, and his handes holden a crosse, say: Supplices te rogamus (we hum∣bly besecch thee) vntill these wordes, ex hac altaris participa∣tione (of this partaking of the altar. And then let him stand vp, kissing the altar on the right side of the sacrifice: and* 1.48 let him make a signe of the crosse vpon the host, and in hys owne face, when he sayth omni benedictione coelesti (with al heauenly benediction.)

We * 1.49humbly beseeche thee O almighty God commaund thou these to be brought by the hands of thy holy Aungell vnto thy high altar in the presence of thy diuine maiesty: that as many of vs as.

Here erecting vp himselfe, let him kisse the altar on the right side of the sacrifice saying: Of this participation of the altar, shall receiue thy sonnes holy.

Here let him make a signe of the crosse * 1.50 vpō the host say∣ing ✚ body.

Then vpon the cup, saying: and ✚ bloud may be replenished.

Here let him make a signe (in his owne face, saying wyth all heauēly benediction and grace thorow the same Christ our Lord. Amen.

Here let him pray for the dead.

Remember Lorde also the soules of thy seruauntes and handmaydens. N. and N. which are gone before vs with the marke of fayth, and rest in the sleepe of peace. We be∣seeche thee O Lord, that vnto them and vnto * 1.51 all suche as rest in Christ; thou wilt graunt a place of refreshing of light, and of peace, through the same Christ our Lorde. Amen.

Here let him smite once * 1.52 vpon his brest, saying: ¶Unto vs sinners also thy seruauntes, hoping of y^e mul∣titude of thy mercies, vouchsafe to geue some portion and fellowship with thy holy Apostles, and Martyrs, wyth Iohn, Stephen, Mathias, Barnabas, Ignatius, Alexan∣der, Marcellinus, Peter, Felicitas, Perpetua, Agatha Lu∣cia. Agnes, Cecilia, Anastacia: and with all thy Sayntes, within whose fellowship we beseeche thee admit vs, no•• waying our merite, but graunting vs forgeuenes, tho∣row Christ our Lord.

* 1.53here is not sayd Amen.

By whom O Lord, all these good thinges thou doest euer create.

Here let him make a signe ouer the chalice * 1.54 iij. times, saying.

Thou ✚ sanctifiest: thou quickenest: thou ✚ blessest, and ge∣uest vnto vs.

Here let him w^t••couer the chalice, and make a signe of the crosse with the host fiue times: * 1.55 first beyond the cha∣lice on euery side: secondly eauen with the chalice: third∣ly, within the chalice: fourthly, like as at the first: Fifthly before the chalice.

Thorow ✚ him: and with ✚ him: and in him, is vnto thee God father ✚ almighty▪ in the vnitie of the ✚ holy Ghost, all honour and glory.

Here let the Priest couer the chalice, and holde hys handes still vppon the altar till the pater noster be spoken saying thus.

Worlde without ende, Amen. Let vs praye. Being aduertised by holsome preceptes and taught by * 1.56Gods

institution, we are bold to say.

Heere let the Deacon take the paten, and holde it vnco∣uered on the right syde of the Priest * 1.57 hys arme beeyng stretched out an high vntill da propitius. Heere let the Priest lift vp his hands, saying: pater noster, &c. The quire must say: Sed libera nos &c.

Deliuer vs we beseeche thee O Lorde from all euill past, present, and for to come, and that * 1.58 by the intercession of the blessed, glorious, and our virgin Mary the mother of God, and thy blessed Apostles Peter and Paule and An∣drew, with all Saincts.

Heere let the Deacon commit the patten to the Priest, kissing hys hande: and let the Priest * 1.59 kisse the patten. Afterward let him put it * 1.60 to his left eye, and then to the right. After that, let him make a crosse with the paten * 1.61 a∣boue vpon his head, and so lay it downe againe into hys place, sayeng: geue peace graciously in our dayes: that we being helped through the succour of thy mercy, may both be alway free from sinne, and * 1.62 safe from all trouble.

* 1.63Heere let him vncouer the chalice, and take the body, doing reuerence, shifting it ouer in the holow roome of the chalice, holding it betweene his thombes and forefingers: and let him breake it into three partes: the first breaking, while there is sayd: Through the same our Lord Iesus Christ thy Sonne.

The second breaking.

Who with thee in the vnity of the holy Ghost, liueth and reigneth God.

Heere let him hold two peeces in his left hand, and the third peece in the right hand vpon the brinke of the chalice, sayeng this with * 1.64 open voice.

World without ende.

Let the quire answere Amen. Heere let him make three crosses * 1.65 within the chalice with the thirde parte of the hoste, saying: The peace of the Lord * 1.66 ✚ be alwayes ✚ with ✚ you.

Let the quire answere

And with thy spirite.

To saye Agnus dei, let the Deacon and subdeacon ap∣proch neere vnto the Priest, both being on the right hande, the Deacon neerer, the subdeacon farther off▪ And let them say * 1.67 priuately.

O lambe of God that takest away the sinnes of the world, haue mercy vpon vs: O lambe of God that takest away the sinnes of the world, haue mercy vpon vs: O lambe of God that takest away the sinnes of the world, graunt vs peace.

In Masses * 1.68 for the dead it is sayd thus.

O lambe of God that takest away the sinnes of the world, geue them * 1.69 rest.

With this addition in the third repetition.

Euerlasting.

Heere making a crosse, let him put downe the said third part of the hoste into the sacrament of the bloud, sayeng: This holy mingling together of the body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ * 1.70 be vnto me, and to all that re∣ceiue it, saluation of mind and body: an holesome prepara∣tion both to deserue and to receiue eternall life through the same Christ our Lord.

Afore the Paxe be geuen, let the Priest say: O Lord holy father almighty eternall God, graunt me so woorthily to take this holy body and bloud of thy Sonne our Lord Iesu Christ, that * 1.71 by this I may * 1.72 merite to receyue forgeuenesse of all my synnes, and be reple∣nished wyth thy holy spirite, and to haue thy peace: for thou art GOD alone, * 1.73 neyther is there anye other without thee, whose glorious kingdome and Em∣pyre endureth continuallye, worlde without ende. A∣men.

Heere let the Priest * 1.74 kisse the corporas on the right side, and the brinke of the chalice, and afterwarde let hym say to the Deacon.

Peace be vnto thee, and to the Church of God.

Aunswere.And with thy spirite.

On the right hand of the Priest, let the Deacon receaue the pax of him, and reach it to the subdeacon. Then to the step of the quere, let the Deacon himselfe beare the pax vn∣to the rectors of the quere. And let them bring it to the quere, eyther of them to his owne side, beginning at the eldest. But in feastes and feriall dayes * 1.75 when the quere is not gouerned, the pax is borne from the deacon vnto the quere by two of the lowest of the seconde forme, like as afore.

After the pax geuen, let the Priest say the prayers folo∣wing, priuately, before he communicate, holding the hoste (c) 1.76 with both his hands.

O God father, thou fountaine & originall of all goodnesse, who being moued with mercye, haste willed thine onely-begotten sonne for our sakes, to descende into the lower partes of the worlde, and to be incarnate: whom I (d) 1.77 vn∣worthy hold in my handes.

Here let the priest bowe (e) 1.78 him selfe to the hoost, saying I worshippe thee, I glorifie thee, I prayse thee, wyth whole intention of mind and hart: And I beseech thee that thou (f) 1.79 faile not vs thy seruauntes, but forgeue our sinnes so as with pure hart and chaste body wee may be able to serue thee (g) 1.80 the onely liuing and true God, through the same Christ our Lord. Amen.

O Lord Iesu Christ, thou sonne of y^e liuing God, who according to the will of the father, the holy Ghost working with all, hast quickened the world through thy death: De∣liuer me I beseeche thee, through this thy holy body, and this thy bloude, from all my iniquities, and from all euils. And make me alway obey thy commaundements, and ne∣uer suffer me to be seperated from thee for euermore, thou Sauiour of the worlde: Who with God▪ the father and the same holy Ghost, liuest and raignest God worlde without end. Amen.

O Lord Iesu Christ let not the sacramēt of thy body & bloud which I receiue (though vnworthy) be to my iudg∣ment and damnation: but thorow thy goodnes, let it pro∣fite to the saluation of my body and soule. Amen.

To the body let him say with humilation afore he receaue. Haile for euermore, thou most holy (a) 1.81 flesh of Christ: vn∣to mee afore all thinges and aboue all thinges the highest sweetnesse. The body of our Lord Iesu Christ be vnto me sinner, the way and life, in the ✚ name of the father and of the sonne and of the holy Ghost. Amen.

Here let him take the body, (b) 1.82 a crosse being first made with the same body afore his mouth, saying.

Haile for euermore, thou heauenly drinke: vnto me before all thinges and aboue all thinges, the highest sweetnesse. The body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ profite me sinner for a remedy euerlastyng into life eternall Amē. In the ✚ name of the Father, and of the Sonne and of the ho∣ly Ghost. Amen.

Here let him take the bloud: whiche when it is recea∣ued, let bow him selfe and say.

¶The Prayer.

I render thākes to thee O Lord holy Father almigh∣tie eternall God, whiche hast refreshed me out of the most holy body and bloud of thy Sonne our Lord Iesu Christ. And I beseech thee that this Sacrament of our saluation, whiche I vnworthy sinner haue receiued, come not to my iudgement nor condemnation after my merites, but to the profite of my body, and to the saluation of my soule into life euerlastyng. Amen.

Which prayer being said(c) 1.83 let the Priest go to the right side of the altar, with the chalice betwene his handes, his f••ngers beyng yet ioyned together as afore & let the Sub∣deacon approch neare, and poure out wine and water into the chalice. And let the Priest rence his handes (d( 1.84 least any parcels of the body or bloud be left behind in his fingers or in the chalice (e) 1.85. But whē any Priest must celebrate twise in one day, then at the first Masse hee must not receiue any ablutiō, but put it in the Sacristie, or in a cleane vessell till the end of the other Masse: and then let both the ablutions be receiued.

After the first ablution is sayd this prayer.

That we haue receaued with mouth O Lorde, let vs take with a pure mynde, and (f) 1.86 out of a temporall gift, let it be to vs a remedy euerlastyng.

Here let him (g) 1.87 wash his fingers in the holow rowme of the chalice with wyne beyng poured in by the Subdea∣con: which, when it is drunke vp, let the prayer folow.

Lord let this (h) 1.88 communion purge vs from sinne, and make vs to be partakers of the heauenly remedy.

After the receiuyng of the ablutions, let the Priest lay the chalice vpo the paten: that if ought remayne behynd, it may drop. And afterward bowyng him selfe let him say.

Let vs (a) 1.89 worship the signe of the Crosse, whereby we haue receaued the Sacrament of saluation.

Afterwarde let hym (b) 1.90 washe his handes. In the meane season, let the Deacon fold vp the corporas. When handes are washen, and the Priest returneth to the right ende of the altar (c) 1.91 let the Deacon reache the chalice to y^e Priestes mouth, that if ought of that which was poured in, doe remayne behynde (d) 1.92 he may receaue it. After that, let hym say (e) 1.93 the communion with his Ministers. Then makyng a signe of the Crosse in his owne face, lette the Priest turne hym selfe to the people: and (f) 1.94 with his ar∣mes somewhat lifted vp, and his handes ioyned together,

let him say, Dominus vobiscum: and turning him againe to the altar, let him say oremus: (let vs pray.)

Then let him say the (g) 1.95 postcommon, according to the number and order of the aforesayd prayers. Before the E∣pistle, when the last postcommon is ended, and the Priest hath made a signe of the crosse in his forehead, let him turne him agayne to the people, and say Dominus vobiscum. Then let the Deacon say Benedicamus domino. At another tyme is sayd Ite missa est. As oft as Ite missa est is sayd, it is alway sayd in turning to the people. And when Benedicamus do∣mino, or Requiescant in pace must be sayde, let it be sayde in turning to the altar. When these things are spoken, let the Priest (with his body howed downe, and his hands ioy∣ned together) in the middes before the altar, say (h) 1.96 with a still voice, this prayer.

O holy Trinitie, let the office of my (i) 1.97 bond seruice please thee, and graunt that this sacrifice which I vnwor∣thy haue offred in the eyes of thy maiesty, may be accep∣table vnto thee: and that vnto me and all them for whome I haue offred it (k) 1.98 it may auayle to obteyne remissi∣on, thou beeyng mercifull, who lyuest and reignest God, &c.

Which prayer being ended, let the Priest stand vpright, (l) 1.99 crossing himselfe in his face, saying: In nomine patris, &c. And so, (when obeysance is made) after the same order wherein they came afore to the altar at the beginning of the Masse, so hauing on their apparayle with the censor bearer, and other Ministers, let them (m) 1.100 go theyr waye agayne.

The ende of the Canon.

NOw it remayneth (as we haue promised before) to en∣treate of the partes and parcels of the Masse, decla∣ring likewise how and by whome this popish or rather a∣pish Masse became so clamperd and patched together with so many dyuers and sondry additions: whereby it may the better appeare what hath bene the continuance of the same.

First, in the beginning of this Preface it was declared before, how this word Masse was neuer vsed nor knowne in the old primatiue Church among the first Christians, nor among the Grecians. Therefore they that deduce and deriue the origine of the Masse from Sainct Iames, and Basilius, are farre deceiued. As I thinke that Sainct Iames was once Byshop at Ierusalem, so I thinke not contrary, but sometymes he ministred the Communion there in breaking of bread, and that not without the Lords prayer, and other prayers of thankes gyuing. As we now in our Communion vse like prayers, and these prayers make not the Communion to be a Masse. And like is to be sayde of Sainct Peter: who though he dyd celebrate the Communion at Rome, yet it followeth not that he sayde Masse at Rome, as some report him to do.

Neither is it hard to fetch out the origine how this er∣rour first came vp among the people,* 1.101 that Sainct Iames sayd Masse at Ierusalem, if a man consider well histories and authors which haue written. For in the history of Eu∣sebius, Egesippus thus writeth of Sainct Iames, Eum ab Apostolis primum constitutum fuisse Episcopum & liturgum, &c. vpon the which word liturgus, it is not vnlike, and di∣uers suppose this errour to come, that Sainct Iames dyd first set and institute the order of Masse. For so lightly the old translators, wheresoeuer they synde liturgia, or collecta, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they translated it Missa: whereupon, the greatest occasion of this errour riseth to make the people beleeue the Masse to be so auncient to proceede from the Apostles, and from Sainct Iames. Notwithstanding that errour as it lightly came vp, so it may be as lightly exploded. For how could Sainct Iames say Masse then at Ierusalem, or Sainct Peter at Rome, when as yet neyther the name of Masse was heard, nor the partes thereof inuented. And although Sigibertus in his Chronicles reporte, that in the Citie of Uasath, being delyuered from the siege of the H••••es, the pastor of that Churche dyd celebrate Masse with thankes geuing aboute the yeare 453. yet Sigibert in so saying is to be taken, as speaking rather after the vse and maner of his time,* 1.102 when he wrote it, then of that time when it was done. For in all the workes of Saint Augu∣stine, and of Chrisostome, and in all that age, the name of Masse is not founde, but is called eyther the Supper of the Lord, or the Lords boord, or communion, Synaxis, sa∣crifice, oblation, mistery, celebration of the Sacrament, Eu∣charistia, the misticall table, Mistagogia, coena mystica, or with some other like tearme they nominate it. The name of Masse was not yet deuised, nor the patches thereof com∣piled.* 1.103 Platina testifieth, that before Celestinus Pope, on∣ly the Epistle and Gospell were read at the Communion, which being done, the Communion ended. And Gregory sayeth,* 1.104 that the Apostles afore the ministration of the Sa∣crament, did vse only the Lords prayer, that is, the Pater noster. Let vs heare what Walafridus Strabo writeth of that matter, lib. de rebus Ecclesiastic. Capitu. 22. Quod nunc agimus multiplici orationum, lectionum, cantilenarum, & con∣secrationum officio totum hoc Apostoli, & post ipsos proximi, (vt creditur) orationibus, & commemoratione passionis domi∣nicae, sicut ipse praecepit, agebant simpliciter, &c. i. That which nowe is done in the Church with such a long circumstance of so manie orisons, lessons, or readings, songs, and consecrations: all that the Apostles, and they that nexte succeeded the Apostles (as it is thought) dyd accomplishe simply with prayer onely, and wyth the commemorati∣on of the Lords passion, &c. it followeth in the same Au∣thour. And, as the report is, like as it is in the Romane Church vpon Good Friday, where the Communion is wont to be taken without any Masse: so it was in the old time with them, &c.

Now how this Masse hath growne vp and increased since, let vs search out, by the Lords helpe, out of Authors, so much as may be found.

The Introit••.

Coelestinus Pope gaue the first Introite, as Platina and Sigibertus writeth.

The Psalme. Iudica me deus, &c.

And before the Priest do prepare himselfe to his Masse,* 1.105 first with the Psalme, Iudica me deus & decerne causam me∣am, &c. that was ordeined by the sayd Coelestinus.

☞And where they ascribe to Sainct Ambrose the two prayers which be vsed in the preparation to the Masse, and be added to the bookes of Ambrose, Erasmus iudgeth the same to be none of his, and that rightly as it seemeth, for therein is conteined errors, not else to be found in the bookes of Ambrose, both in geuing adoration to the bread in the Sacrament, and making inuocation to Sainctes, namely, to blessed Mary: as in the second prayer, where he sayth: Vt efficax haec mea sit deprecatio, beatae Mariae virginis suffragia peto, &c. i. And that this my prayer may be of effi∣cacie, I desire the suffrage and intercession of blessed Mary the virgine, &c. Whereby it may appeare, learned Ambrose not to be the authour of such an errour.

Chrysostome in the xj. homely vpon the Gospell of Math. sayth,* 1.106 that in his time (and afore his time) the vse was to sing whole psalmes, till they were entred and as∣sembled together. And so belike Coelestinus borowed thys custome of the Greekes,* 1.107 and brought it into the Laten Church as Rupertus writeth.

Gregory the great (as some write) called a Sinode at Rome, about the yeare of our Lord 594. In which Sy∣node he appointed,* 1.108 that the introite of the Masse should be taken out of some psalme.

The Confiteor.

The Confiteor Pope Damasus brought into the Masse as it is written:* 1.109 albeit peraduenture not this popish con∣fiteor, which in the latter Church hath bin vsed, stuft full of Idolatry, & inuocation of Saints, against y^e word of God.

The Kyrie eleyson.

The Kyrie eleyson ix. times to be repeated in such a tong,* 1.110 as few priests either vnderstand, or do rightly pronounce, Gregory did institute, about 600. yeares after Christ, ta∣king it out of the Greekes Church, and yet transposing it otherwise, then there was vsed. For among the Greekes this Kyrie eleyson (which they called their Letany) was song of all the people: The which Gregory ordeined to be song only of the Quere, adding thereto also Christe eleyson, which the Grecians vsed not,* 1.111 as Gregory himselfe wri∣ting to the Byshop of Siracuse, doth testifie.

Gloria in excelsis.

Next followeth Gloria in excelsis, &c. Which words were song of the Angels at the birth of our sauiour. Albeit these words also were corrupted, (as many other things were) in the Church. For where the words of the Angels himne were hominibus bona voluntas. i. to men good wil, y^e Masse sayd hominibus bonae voluntatis. i. to men of good will, &c. This himne was brought into the Masse by Pope Sym∣machus (and not by Telesphorus, as some not truely write that he ordeined three Masses on Christmas day, for in his time there was no Masse.* 1.112 An. 140.) about the yeare of our Lord 510. And after, the said himne was augmented by Hillarius Pictauiensis, with those words that follow: Lau∣damus te, &c. singing it first in his owne church, which was Anno. 340. And afterward brought into other Churches by Pope Symmachus. An. 510. as is aforesayd.

Dominus vobiscum, with the aunswere Oremus and the Collectes.

Dominus vobiscum: with the answer of y^e people, although

we haue no certayne author named by whom it came: Yet this is certayn, that it was deduced out of the Greek chur∣che into the latin: as may appeare by the Liturge of Chri∣sostome and Basilius (if the liturgie be rightly ascribed vn¦to them) also by Origene, and other auncient writers: by whom,* 1.113 it may seeme that the liturgy, or masse (as they call it) did first begin with Dominus vobiscum, and then sursum corda: after that Gratias agamus domino deo nostro and so fo∣lowing vpon the same, verè dignum & iustum est &c. To the which beginning of the Canon, other additiōs after were put vnto by others, as ye shal heare (by the Lordes grace) hereafter more at large.

* 1.114Hugo de S. victore, writeth that this prayer was taken out of the auncient salutation of Booz saluting his haruest folkes. And out of the booke of Paralip. Where the prophet saluteth Azan the king with his company about him say∣ing:* 1.115 Dominus vobiscum. Honorius writeth thus: Praesbiter cū salutatione veteris testamenti, & Episcopus cum salutatione noui testamenti salutat populum quia dignius est nouum quam vetus testamentum.* 1.116 i. As the Prieste saluteth the people with the wordes of the olde Testament. Dominus vobiscum. So the Bish. vseth the wordes of the new testament, saying: pax vobiscum. &c. Concerning the Collectes Walfr••dus writeth: that as they be diuers and vncertayne, so they were made of diuers and sondry authors,* 1.117 as euery of them thought it congrue. Hugo de S. victore affirmeth that chiefly they were made by Gelasius and Gregorius.

* 1.118Why they were called collects, W. Durandus and Micro∣logus shew the cause, for that in the city of Rome they sayd them ouer the people collected together in the station day, therfore they were called collectae.

¶The Graduall with Alleluya Tracte & Sequenties.

* 1.119The Responsorie, which is called the Graduall (beyng wont to be song at the steps going vp) with alleluya, Hono∣rius saith that Ambrose made them, but Pope Gregory or∣deined them to be receiued.

Upon festiuall dayes the Sequencies, which were wont to be song, were chiefly composed by an Abbot, called Nok∣kerus de S. Gallo,* 1.120 And by Pope Nicholas commaunded to be song in the Masse.

The graduall the people were wont to sing when the Bishop was about to go vp to the pulpit, or some higher standing, where the word of God might be the better and more sensibly heard at his mouth, reading the Epistle and the Gospell.

¶The Epistle and the Gospell.

The reading of the Epistle and the Gospell, although it was not vsed in the Apostles time:* 1.121 yet it seemeth to bee of auncient continuaunce: as Hugo sayth, Primis tempori∣bus ab Epistola Pauli, missa incipiebatur, post quam sequebatur Euangelium, sicut nunc. i. In former time, the Masse begon first with the Epistle of S. Paule: after which Epistle thē folowed the Gospell,* 1.122 as also now. &c.

Walafridus sayth: it is vncerteine who first ordered & disposed them so to be.* 1.123

Some attribute them to Hierome, some to Damasus, some to Telesphorus aforesayde. This is certayne, that Pope Anastasius ordeined to stand vp at the hearing of y^e Gospell read,* 1.124 about the yeare of our sauiour .406.

Petrus Ciruelus, writeth thus: Legimus & circa annos Christianae Salutis .500. fere, iam institutas Epistolas in officio missali. &c. About 500. yeares almoste, the Epistle sayth he, was first brought into the masse.

Honorius lib. 1. Epistolam & Euangelium Alexander Papa legi ad missam cōstituit. Hieronimus autem praesbiter lexionariū, & Euangeliarium, vt hodie habet Ecclesia, collegit. Sed Damasus Papa, vt nunc moris est, legi censuit. Alexander sayth he, ap∣poynted the Epistle, and the Gospell, to be read at Masse. The translation and the disposition of them, in that order, as they stand, Hierome the Priest collected: but Damasus would them to be read in the Churche,* 1.125 so as the vse is now

Betwixt the Epistle and the Gospell, the olde Canons of the Spanyardes did forbid any Hymne or Canticle to be songe, in the order of the Masse, which now by the Ro∣mish order is broken.

¶The Creede.

The Creede was made by the Synode of Constanti∣nople,* 1.126 but by Damasus the Pope, ordeined to be song at y^e Masse. And where some affirme that it was brought in by Pope Marcus, about the yeare of our Lord .340. to recon∣cile these two together, peraduenture thus it may be takē, that the one brought in the Creede,* 1.127 or Symbole of Nicene counsell, the other appoynted the Creede of Constantino∣ple, as is sayd.

¶The Offertory.

After this,* 1.128 oblations were wont to bee offered of the people to the Priest: and the Offertorye to be songe of the quere.

☞ Of these oblations speaketh Irenaeus. Pro diuersis sa∣crificiorum ritibus, simplex oblatio panis & vini fidelibus suffi∣ciat. &c.

In stead of the sondrye rites of sacrifices, let the simple oblation of bread and wine suffice the faythfull.* 1.129

Item, Walafrid. omnis populus intrans ecclesiam debet sa∣crificare, sicut docet ordo institutionis ecclesiasticae. i. Euerye person entring in the Church must doe sacrifice,* 1.130 as the or∣der of Ecclesiastical institution doth teach, what order this was, it is declared in ordine Romano by these wordes: po∣pulus dat oblationes suas, id est panem & vinum: primo masculi, deinde faeminae nouissimè vero sacerdotes & Diaconi offerunt, sed solum panem, & hoc ante altare. i. The people geue euerye one his oblacions, that is, bread and wine: first the men, then the women, after them Priestes and Deacons offer, but bread onely. &c.

Likewise Bucardus testifieth the same In synodo Ma∣tiscon decretum est, vt in omnibus Dominicis diebus,* 1.131 alijsque fe∣stiuitatibus oblatio ab omnibus qui ad Missam conuenerint v∣triusque sexus offeratur in Ecclesia, singulas oblationes offeren∣tes, finita missa oblationes a praesbitero accipiant. i. In y^e Sinod Matiscon it was ordeined that euerye sonday and festiuall day oblation was made of al the people which came to the masse, or liturgy, both men and women, in the church,* 1.132 eue∣ry person bringing and offering his owne oblation.

The liturgye being done, they receiue the oblations of the priest. &c.

☞ Thus ye maye see what was theyr oblations and sacrifice in the auncient time, in their liturgy. Wherof now remayneth nothing, but the name onely with the song.

This offertory some ascribe to Eutichianus about the yeare of our Lord .280. but thereof no certayne euidence appeareth.

Orate pro me fratres. &c.

Nauclerus writeth that Pope Leo broughte in that which is sayd in y^e Masse: Orate pro me fratres & sorores. &c.* 1.133

¶The Preface and the Canon.

THe Preface of the Canon from verè dignum & iustum est. &c. to per Christum Dominum nostrum is geuen to Gela∣sius. su••sum corda,* 1.134 seemeth to be borowed out of the old ma∣ner of the Greeke Church, S. Cyprian also maketh men∣tion of the same and S. Aust. de vera religione. cap 3.

☞And therfore Thomas Waldēsis iudgeth that this part of the preface cannot be attributed to Gelasius.

After Christum dominum nostrum, in the old liturgy then followed Qui predie quàm pateretur as Rhenanus suppo∣seth, but then came Pope Gelasius the first, about y^e yeare of our Lord 497. which inserted that which foloweth: Te i∣gitur clementissime. &c.

☞Whereby it is to bee noted that Polidorus Virgilius (which ascribeth Qui predie to Pope Alexander) De inuent. lib. 5. cap. 10. is deceiued.* 1.135

The like is also to be said of Panormitanus, who refer∣reth the same clause Qui pridie. &c. to the Apostles.* 1.136 lib. de ce∣lebratione Missae Cap. Cum Martha.

Furthermore note (good reader) howe this doth agree with the long Canon of Saynt Ambrose lib. 4 De sacramen∣tis. cap. 5. Dicit Sacerdos: fac nobis hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationalem, acceptabilem quod est figura corporis & sanguinis Domini nostri Iesu Christi. Qui pridie quam pateretur, in sanctis manibus suis accepit panem, respexit ad coelum ad te sancte pa∣ter omnipotens aeterne Deus, gratias agens benedixit, fregit. &c. if it be true that either Panormitanus saith, or that Gelasi∣us made Qui pridie. &c. Howe can this Canon then be fa∣thered vpon S. Ambrose? And by the same reason also hys whole booke entituled De Sacramentis may be suspected, as of diuers learned men it is.

Then came Pope Sixtus, 10. yeares after him, whiche broughte into the Canon Sanctus, Sanctus,* 1.137 thrise to be song out of the booke of Esay. And to annexe it together, ioyned also that whiche goeth before: per quem maiestatem tuam. &c.* 1.138

☞He that writeth the liturgy of Basilius, ascribeth it to his name: whether hee doth it truely or no, I will not here contend. This is to be noted, that seeing in the sayde liturgye of Basilius, the same Particle, sanctus, sanctus sā∣ctus Dominus Deus Sabaoth: pleni sunt coeli & terra gloria tua, osanna in excelsis, is song: Therfore it must needes folowe, that either Leo whiche was aboute the yeare of our Lord.

460. borowed this out of Basilius Liturgie, or els y^e same is falsly attributed to Basilius.

After this foloweth: Sanctum sacrificium immaculatam ho∣stiam, till ye come to placatus accipias, which Leo the first did make and institute.

* 1.139The wordes in the communion, Hoc quotiescunque fe∣ceritis in mei memoriam facietis, &c were put in by Pope A∣lexander. i. as Humbertus writeth: vnder Byshop Alexander martyr & papa .5. ab Apost. Petro passionem Domini inserēs Ca∣noni Missae, ait: Hoc quotiescunque feceritis. &c.

* 1.140Pope Gregory the third about the yeare of our Lord .732. put to his piece: Et eorum quorum memoria. &c.

☞This Gregory the 3. called a coūcell at Rome where in he decreed that Images shoulde not onely be had in tē∣ples, but also worshipped, and that all gaynesayers should be counted as heretickes.

Innocentius the 3. of that name affirmeth Pope Ge∣lasius,* 1.141 which was about 490. yeares after Christ, to haue made a great piece of that Canon, as he himselfe did some∣thing therein, about the yeare of our Lord .1215.

Panormitanus affirmeth that Gregory did adde to the Canon,* 1.142 this clause, Diesque nostros in pace disponas.

Briefely Gregorius in registro sayth that one Schola∣sticus made the most part of the Canon, finding also fault with the same, that in composing the Chanon, he woulde put in his owne prayers, & leaue out the Lords prayer. &c.

* 1.143☞Where is to be noted, for the reconciling of these wry∣ters together, of whom some impute the Canon to Gelasi∣us, some agayne to Scholasticus: In my coniecture it may be sayd,* 1.144 that both these be one, and so the matter is reconci∣led. The reason that moueth me is this, for so I finde In ve∣tusto quodam libro de officio missae, after these wordes, Gela∣sius Papa ex Scolastico effectus in ordine 48. fecit tractatus & hymnos.* 1.145 &c.

The eleuation and adoration.

The eleuation and adoration of the sacrament, we cā∣not find to come in by any other, then by Honorius the iij. about the yeare of our Lord 1222. which ordeined that the people then should kneele downe and worship the sacra∣ment.* 1.146

The Pater noster.

* 1.147Ioannes Diaconus writing of Gregory, sayth: Orati∣onem dominicam mox post Canonem super hostiam censuit re∣citari. i that Gregory caused the Lordes prayer to be recited immediately after the Canon vpon the host. &c.

☞Although the Apostles euer vsed the Lordes prayer at the supper of the Lord, as is sayd before: yet Gregory be∣like placed it so in that order after the Canon, and brought it in with those wordes: praeceptis salutaribus &c.

Gregorius in Reg. Dominica oratio apud Graecos ab omni populo:* 1.148 Apud nos vero a solo sacerdote cantatur. i. The Lords prayer, sayth he, amonge the Grecians was wonte to ••ee song generally of all the people: with vs it is song onelye of the priest.

Agnus.

The Agnus Pope Sergius aboute the yeare of our Lord .700. brought into the Masse,* 1.149 as witnesseth Exposit. R. ord. propter officium confractionis dominici corporis, constitu∣tum est a papa Sergio vt agnus dei decantetur. &c.

The Pax.

Innocentius ordeined the paxe to be geuen to the peo∣ple.* 1.150 Pacis ait, osculum dandum post confecta mysteria, vt constet populum ad omnia quae in mysterijs aguntur, praebuisse consen∣sum. &c.

☞Peter Martyr in his commētaryes in Iud. saith that it it was brought in by Pope Leo .2. as it is said: and yet sup∣poseth the same not to be so, saying that this was an aun∣cient custome in the Apostles time, for Christians to salute one an other with the kisse of peace. &c.

To this of Peter Martyr agreeth also Gabriell Biel. writing in these wordes:* 1.151 Porrexit in primitiua ecclesia sacer∣dos osculum pacis ministro, caeteris impartiednum, vt per hoc significaret, &c. i. In the primitiue Church, the priest gaue a kisse of peace to the minister, to be geuen by him to the peo∣ple.

The distribution and communion.

After this foloweth the comunion, where in our popish Masse and Ministers therof do much alter and degenerate from auncient antiquity, two maner of wayes.

First in that they make no communion thereof, recey∣uing onely to thēselues, cōtrary both to theyr own words: where they say after theyr receiuing: Sacramenta que sumpsi∣mus. &c. and also to the auncient examples and decrees of the Apostles and others. And where it is decreed in the E∣pistle of Anacletus. Paracta autē consecratione omnes commu∣nicent, qui noluerint Ecclesiasticis carere liminibus. Sic enim & Apostoli statuerunt, & S. Romana tenet ecclesia. &c. i. The con∣secration being done, let all communicate together, vnles they will be thrust out of the church dores. &c.

☞Here note by the way (gentle Reader) how Gratianus the writer of the Popes decrees, is ouersene,* 1.152 which in hys booke De consecrat. dist. 2. referreth this saying of Anacletus to Pope Calixtus. And likewise also Chocleus writing agaynst Musculus, followeth Gracianus in the same er∣ror.

Likewise in the Canons of the Apostles (if the Canōs were theyrs) we read: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. &c. i. All the faith¦full which resort to the Church, and tary not out the end of the seruice, and receiue not the holy communion, suche, as bringing in disorder to the Church, ought to be disseuered, &c. And agayne: Si quis episcopus, praesbiter, aut diaconus, aut quicunq́ue ex sacerdotali consortio, oblatione facta••, non cōmu∣nicauerint, causam dicito. &c.

For how can that be a communion called, which is not common but priuate to one? As Micrologus writeth: Nec enim proprie communio dici potest, nisi plures de eodem sacrifi∣cio participent. i. It can not be called a communion, except mo then one do participate of one sacrifice. &c.

And Durandus: In primitiua ecclesia omnes qui celebra∣tioni Missarum intererant, singulis diebus communicare solebāt,* 1.153 eo q́uod Apostoli omnes de calice biberunt. &c. i. In the primi∣tiue time all that were present at the ministration, were wont euery day to communicate, because that the apostles did altogether drinke of the cup. &c.

Secondly, they alter and degenerate therein from aū∣cient antiquity, in that when they communicate also wyth the people, yet they depriue them of the holy cup: which de∣prauation was not in the church before the counsel o•• Cō∣stance, about the yere of our Lord .1414. For before it was so autentikly receiued, that it was counted a sacriledge, to receiue the one without the other,* 1.154 as appeareth by the wordes of Pope Gelasius: Cōperimus quod quidam sump∣ta tantum modo corporis sacri portione. &c. the whole in eng∣lish is thus: we vnderstand that there be some, which re∣ceiuing the one part onely of the holy body,* 1.155 absteine from the cup of the sacrate bloud: who (because they be taught so to do, by what superstition I cannot tell) eyther let thē re∣ceiue the sacrament whole together, or let them absteine from the whole sacrament altogether, because the diuision of that one and whole sacrament, cannot be without great sacriledge. &c.

Hytherto also perteineth the testimony of S. Austen in these wordes: Et ibi vos estis in mensa,* 1.156 & in calice nobiscum vos estis. Simul enim hoc sumimus, simul bibimus, quia simul vi∣uimus. &c. i. There be you at the table, and at the cup there also be you with vs: for together we receiue, and together we drinke, because we liue together.

As also out of the booke of Gregory it is manifest that not onely the people receiued then in both kindes:* 1.157 but also the words were prescribed to the minister, what he should say in geuing the cup: Item sacerdos calicem dando dicat: San∣guis Domini nostri Iesu Christi custodiat te ad vitam aeternam. i. Let the priest say in geuing the cup: The bloud of our lord Iesus Christ keepe thee to euerlasting life. Amen.

Further in rēdering the cause, why it should so be done, Thomas Aquine writeth:* 1.158 Nam hoc valet ad repraesentand••m passionem Christi, in qua seorsum fuit sanguis a corpore separa∣tus. &c. Secundo, hoc est conueniens vsui huius sacramenti, vt se∣orsum exhibeatur corpus Christi fidelibus in cibum, & sanguis in potum. i. For that serueth to represent the passion of Christ, wherein his bloud was parted seuerally from the body. &c Secondly, for that is conuenient to the vse of the sacramēt, that the body shoulde seuerally be geuen to the faythfull to meat. and the bloud to drinke.

And therfore serued the office of the deacōs as we read, vt oblata a populo super altare consecranda disponant,* 1.159 & perfe∣ctis mysterijs calicem sacrosancti sanguinis Domini, fidelibus propinent i. To lay the offeringes of the people vpon the al∣tar to be halowed, and when the misteries be consecrated, to distribute the cup of the sacrate bloud of the Lord to the faythfull, &c.

But among all other testimonies to proue that the sa∣crament ought to be common to all people in both kinds, there is none more euident then the place of Hierome.* 1.160 Cae∣terum dominica caena omnibus debet esse communis, quia ille omnibus discipulis suis, qui aderant aequaliter tradidit sacramen∣ta. i. The supper of the Lord ought to be indifferently com∣men to all his disciples there present. &c.

And thus haue ye heard the Canon described, which o∣therwise is called secretum. i. the secrete of the masse, beinge so termed, because the priest was wont to read it in secrete or in scilence.* 1.161 The reason thereof Pope Innocentius .iij. declareth in his third booke, for that the holy wordes, sayth he of the Canon, shoulde not growe in contempt with the people by the dayly vse and hearing thereof. And bringeth

in an example concerning the same of certeine shepheards which in the fieldes vsing the same wordes of the Chanon vpō theyr bread and wine, the matter was turned saith he, into flesh and bloud, and they plagued therefore from hea∣uen: but with such popish tales the Church hath bene lōg replenished.

The Postcommon.

* 1.162After the Canon and communion, then followeth the Postcommon, with the collectes, which the masse booke re∣quireth alwayes to be vsed in an odde number, sometime teaching to vse but one, as in the sondayes in Lent: and sometime three: as in certen masses, from lowsonday, tyll the Ascention: but neuer to passe the number of seauen.

Ite Missa est.

Last of all commeth Ite missa est, wherby the minister dimitteth and sendeth away al the congregation there pre∣sent to theyr businesse,* 1.163 for as you hearde before, it was de∣creed in auncient time, that it was not lawefull to departe from the congregation in the time of holy ministration, be¦fore the end of the whole cōmunion. And therfore, all thin∣ges being accomplished, the minister turning to the assē∣bly, pronounceth Ite missa est.

☞Where note that vpon sondayes and festiuall dayes onely when Gloria in excelsis, was songe, Ite missa est was wont to be sayd: on the workedayes, Benedicamus Domino: sometime Requiescant in pace.

NOw concerning such trinckets as were to the foresaid Masse apperteining or circumstant, first the linnin Al∣bes and Corporasses were brought in by Pope Marcus.* 1.164 Ann. 340. if that be true whiche is thought of some, where note agayne, that in the time of this Pope, it was nothyng offensiue for euery honest Priest, to haue his owne proper wife. In the time also of this Marcus, was concilium Eli∣b••rtinum, which condemned all kindes of Images and pi∣ctures in temples.

Contrary to the whiche counsell, Pope Gregorye the thyrd, about the yeare of our Lord. 732. calling a counsel at Rome, did not onely stablish the Images before condē∣ned, but condemned the gaynesayers for Heretickes, as is aforesayd.

By Sixtus the second it was ordeined that no liturgy should be done saue onely vpon altars halowed,* 1.165 about the yeare of our Lord 260. as some suppose. But as I see no firme probation vpon the same: so haue I probable conie∣cture the same not to be true.

Some there be that shame not to say that S. Clement brought in the Albe and vestmentes,* 1.166 to the popish masse.

Item that the sacramēt of the bloud of the Lord should be cōsecrate in chalices of glasse and not of wood, as it was in time before,* 1.167 they say it was the ordinaunce of Pope Se∣uerinus.

After this came in golden chalices, and a true prouerbe with all. That once they had woodden chalices, and goldē Priestes, nowe they haue golden Chalices, and woodden Priestes.

Schenianus ordeined the ringing of bels, and burning of lampes in churches.* 1.168

Uitalianus the playing on the organes.

* 1.169Damasus by the instinct of Hierome appoynted glo∣ria patri after the psalmes.

Pelagius deuised the Memento for the dead.

* 1.170Leo brought in the Incense.

* 1.171Eutichianus as other say, brought in the Offertorye, which was then after a farre other wise then it is, or hath bene vsed now a great whyle. For what time as manye of the Heathen being greatly accustomed with offeringes▪ were conuerted vnto Christ, and could not be wel brought from theyr olde long vse of Offeringes,* 1.172 the Pope thought to beare somewhat with the weake, and permitted them to bring meares into the congregation or church, that whē the Byshoppe had blessed them, they that brought them, mighte distribute them to the poore, or take them to theyr owne vse. But afterward did Pope Gregory so helpe vp this sentence: Non apparebis in conspectu Dei tui vacuus. &c. Thou shalt not appeare in the sight of thy God empty. &c. that as he willed the people to lay theyr offeringes vppon the Aultare: so they did, and haue not yet forgotten to do•• so still.

Soule masses, and masses appplied for the dead, came in partly by Gregory, partly by Pelagius, which brought in the Memento as is sayd.* 1.173

☞Wherein note (good Reader) and marke, how these two stand together, that which our Sauiour sayth in hys Euangely, hoc facite in mei commemorationem, do this in re∣membraunce of me:* 1.174 and that which they say In quorum me∣moria Corpus Christi sumitur. &c. i. In whose commemorati∣on the bodye of Christ is taken. &c. Christ woulde it to bee done in his remembraunce, and the Pope sayth, doe it in remembraunce of the deade. &c. What can be more con∣trary.

Innocentius the third, ordeined that the Sacrament should be reserued in the Churche.* 1.175 The same brought also in auriculare confession as a lawe, about the yeare of our Lord 1215. he did also constitute that no Archbishop should enioy the pall, vnlesse he were of his owne religion: and therefore no great maruell if there be such vnity in popery.

Uigilius ordeined that the Priest should say masse ha∣uing his face toward the east.

Platina writeth how the first latin masse was song in the sixte counsell of constantinople,* 1.176 whiche was about the yeare of our Lord, 680. so that the sayd Masse was there & then first allowed and not before. And yet they (I thinke) the greek Church should haue knowne as soone the masse, if it had proceeded from Iames or Basilius, as the Latine Church did know it.

The opinion to thinke the Masse to helpe soules in Purgatory was confirmed by Pope Ioannes 19. by reasō of a dreame wherein he dreamed that he saw and heard the voyces of deuilles lamenting and bewayling,* 1.177 that soules were deliuered from them, by the saying of Masses and di∣riges. And therefore did approue and ratify the feast of all soules brought in by Odilo:* 1.178 moreouer adioined also to the same, the feast of al hallowes, about the yeare of our Lord. 1003.

Concerning lent fast, some thinke that Telesphorus, a∣bout the yeare of our Lord. 140. was the author therof.* 1.179 But that peraduenture may be as true, as that which they also attribute to him, that he ordeined three masses of one priest to be sayd on Christmas day. Or if he did ordeine that fast, yet he did ordeine it but freely to be kept:* 1.180 for so I finde a∣mong the decrees, that lent was commaunded first to bee fasted, but onely of the Clergy or church men.

Pope Leo commaunded the Sacrament to be censed.

Pope Boniface set in his foot for couerting of y^e altars.

In S. Cyprians time, it seemeth that water was then myngled with the wyne,* 1.181 whereof we read mention in his second booke of Epistles: which mixture is referred to A∣lexander the first, in the order of the Romaine Canon.

As concerning the breaking of the body in 3. partes we read also mention to be made in the same book of order, but no certaine author thereof to be named. The words of the booke be these: Tripliciter, inquit, corpus Domini intelligitur. Vnum quod resurrexit a mortuis, quod significat particula in sā∣guinem missa: Aliud quod adhuc viuit in terra significatū per par∣ticulam a sacerdote consumptam. Tertium, quod iam requiescit in Christo, quod etiam a tertia particula in altari reseruata apte figuratur. &c. i. Three wayes is the body of the Lord vnder∣standed: One which rose agayne from the dead, being sig∣nified by that part, which is let fall to the bloud in the cha∣lice. The other is, that yet is liuing in the earth, whiche the part of the priest eaten doth signify. The third is that now resteth in Christ, which also is figured by that particle, that is reserued vpon the aultar.

Dedication of churches came in by Felix the third: and that Churches might not be hallowed but by a Byshoppe an. 492.* 1.182

The canticle Gloria laus. &c. in the procession before the Masse▪ on Palmesonday, was instituted by Theodulphus bishop of Aurelia, as Sygibertus writeth, about the yeare of our Lord. 843.

Geuing of holy bread came in by this occasion, as it is to be gathered, partly out of Honorius, partly out of Duran∣dus, and other. The maner was in auncient time, that the Ministers were wont to receiue certaine meale of euerye house or family, wherewith a great loafe was made, called Panis Dominicus, able to serue in the Communion and to be distributed vnto the people, which then was wont euerye day to be present and to receiue, especially they that offered the meale:* 1.183 for whom it was wont therfore to be sayd in the Canon: Omnium circumstantium, qui tibi hoc sacrificium lau∣dis offerunt. &c. But afterward the number of the people in∣creasing, and pietye decreasing, as Durandus writeth, it was then ordeined to communicate but onely vpon son∣dayes.

At length folowed the thyrd constitution, that thrise a yeare, at least at Easter, euery man should communicate, being thus prouided, that in stead of the dayly communiō before vsed, the pax did serue. And in stead of receiuing vp∣on the Sonday, bread was hallowed and sondaylye geuen and distributed vnto the people, whyche also was called Eulogia: the constitution whereof seemeth to proceed from Pope Pius. For so wee reade in the decrees of the sayde Pope Pius: Vt de oblationibus quae offeruntur a po∣pulo, & consecrationibus supersunt,* 1.184 vel de panibus quos deferūt fideles ad ecclesiam, vel certe de suis praesbiter conuenienter

partes incisas habeat in vase nitido & conuenienti, & post Missa∣rum solennia qui communicare non fuerint parati, eulogias om∣ni die dominico, & in dieb{us} festis exinde accipiāt. That is: That the Minister shal take of the oblations offered of the peo∣ple,* 1.185 remayning of the consecration, or els of the breade, which the fayth••ull bring vnto the Church or els to take of theyr owne bread and cut it conueniently in portions in a cleane, & a conuenient vessell: so that after the solemnity of the ministration being done, they that were not prepared and ready to communicate, may receiue euery sondaye or festiuall day, Eulogies, or benedictions with the same. Hec ille.

As cōcerning holly water which they vsed to sprinckle at the Church doore, vpon them that entred in, I will not say that it spronge from the Idolatrous vse of the Gen∣tiles.

This I say as I finde in historia Sozomeni. Erat autem Romanis vetusta consuetudo vt quum limen templi transeūdū esset,* 1.186 sacerdos secundum morē ethnicum madidos quosdam oliue ramusculos manu tenens ingredientes aspergebat. &c. i. It was an olde custome among the Romains, that at the entring in at the Church doore, the priest after the vsuall maner of the Ethniks, hauing in his hand moist braūches of Oliue, did sprinckle with the same such as entred in. &c.

To the which custome this our maner of geuing of ho∣lye water is so like, that it seemeth to proceede out of the same.

In the booke of the Popes decrees, & in the distinctiōs of Gratianus, there is a certayne decree fathered vpon A∣lexander the first,* 1.187 about the yeare of our Lord. 121. Whiche decree may well seme to be a bastard decree, neither agre∣ing to such a father, nor such a time, concerning the coniu∣ring of holy water. The wordes of the decree be these: A∣quam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus, vt ea cuncti as∣persi sanctificentur, & purificentur, quod omnibus sacerdotibus faciendum esse mandamus. Nam si cinis vitule aspersus populum sanctificabat, atque mundabat, multo magis aqua sale aspersa, di∣uinisque precibus sacrata populū sanctisicat atque mundat. Et si sale asperso per Helisaeum Prophetam sterilitas aquae sanata est: quanto magis diuinis precibus sacratus sal sterilitatem rerū au∣fert humanarum, & coinquinatos sanctisicat & purgat, & caetera bona multiplicat, & insidias diaboli auertit, & a phātasmatis ver∣sutijs homines defendit? That is: We blesse water sprinckled with salt among the people, that all such as be sprinckled with the same may be sanctified and purified: which thyng we charge and commaund all priests to do, for if the ashes of the Cow, in the old law, being sprinckled among y^e peo∣ple did sanctify, and clense them, much more water sprinc∣kled with salt, and hallowed with godly prayers sanctifi∣eth and clenseth the people: and if that Heliseus the Pro∣phet by the sprinckling of salt, did heale and helpe the bar∣rennesse of the water: how much more the salt being halo∣wed by godly prayers taketh away the barrennes of hu∣mayne thinges, and sanctifieth and purgeth them that bee defiled: also multiplieth other things that be good and tur∣neth away the snares of the deuill, and defendeth mē from deceptions of phantasy. &c.

Thus ye haue heard the author and father of holly wa∣ter, which some also ascribe to Pope Sixtus which succee∣ded Alexander. But as y^e Papists do not agree in the fyrst authour or institutor of this hallowing of Elementes, so I thinke the same vntruely to be ascribed to either, but lea∣uing the probation of this to farther leasure, let vs nowe heare in our owne tongue theyr owne words, which y^e vse in this theyr coniuration.

The forme and wordes vsed of the Priest in coniuring Salt.

I coniure thee thou creature of Salte by the ✚ liuyng God,* 1.188 by the ✚ true God, by the holy God. &c. That thou mayest be made a coniured Salte, to the saluation of them that beleue: And that vnto all suche as receiue thee, thou mayest be health of soule and body: and that from out of y^e place, wherein thou shalt be sprinckled, may flie away and depart all phantasy, wickednes, or craftines of the deuils subtlety, and euery foule spirit. &c.

The forme of coniuring water.

* 1.189I coniure thee, thou creature of water in the name of ✚ God the father almighty, and in the name of Iesu Christ his sonne, our Lord, and in the vertue ✚ of the holy Ghost that thou become a coniured water to expell all power of the enemy. &c.

Who seeth not in these wordes blasphemye intollera∣ble, how that which only is due to the bloud of Christ, and promised to fayth onely in him, the same is transferred to earthly and insensate creatures, to be saluation both to bo∣dye and spirite, inwardlye to geue remission of sinnes, to geue health and remedy agaynst euils and deuils, against all phantasies, wickednesse, and all foule spirites, and to expell the power of the enemy. &c. If this be true whereto serueth the bloud of Christ, and the vertue of Christian fayth?

Therfore iudge thy selfe (gentle Reader) whether thou thinke this trompery rightly to be fathered vpon those an∣cient fathers aforenamed, or els whether it may seme more like trueth that Iohn Sleydan writeth, whose woordes in his second booke de Monarchijs are these:* 1.190 Horum decreta sunt in libris inserta conciliorum, sed ex his plaeraque tam sunt leui∣cula, tam nugatoria, tam aliena prorsus a sacris literis, vt credibi∣le sit ab alijs longo post tēpore fuisse conficta. &c. That is: The decrees of these foresaid Bishops and Martyrs be inserted in the booke of Counsels, but of these decrees many therof be so childish, so trifling, and so farre disagreeing from the holy scripture,* 1.191 that it is very like that the same were fay∣ned and counterfayted of others, long after theyr time. &c. Thus muche sayth Sleydane with moe woordes in that place. Unto whose testimony, if I might be so bolde also to adde my coniecture, I would suppose the coniuration of this foresayd water and Salte, to spring out of the same fountayne, from whence proceeded the coniuring of flow∣ers and braunches, because I see the order and manner of them both to be so like and vniforme, as may appeare.

The maner of halowing flowers and braunches.

I coniure thee, thou creature of flowers and braūches in the name of ✚ God the father almighty:* 1.192 and in the name ✚ of Iesu Christ his sonne, our Lord: and in the vertue of the holy ✚ Ghost. Therfore be thou rooted out, and displā∣ted from this creature of flowers and braunches all thou strength of the aduersary, all thou host of the deuill, and all the power of the enemy: euē euery assault of the deuils. &c.

And thus much concerning the antiquity of holy bread and holy water: wherby thou mayst partly coniecture the same not to be so olde, as Steuen Gardiner, in hys Letter agaynst mayster Ridley aboue mentioned, woulde haue, Pag. 753. being both deceiued himselfe, and also goyng a∣bout to seduce other.

Furthermore as touching the reseruing of reliques & the memoriall of sayntes brought into the masse,* 1.193 Gregory the thyrd is the author therof, who also added to the canon therof, this clause: Quorum solennitates hodie in cōspectu di∣uinae maiestatis tuae celebrantur. &c.

Finally it were to long to recite euery thing in order deuised and brought in particularly to the masse, and to y^e Church. For after that mans brayne was once set on de∣uising, it neuer coulde make an end of heaping rite vppon rite, and ceremony vpon ceremonye, till all religion was turned well nighe to superstition. Thereof commeth oyle and creame brought in by Pope Siluester not wont to be hallowed but by a byshop.* 1.194 That the corporas shuld not be of silcke, but onely of fine linnen cloth. That the Psalmes should be song on sides, the one side of the quier singing one verse the other an other with gloria patri. &c. That bap¦tisme should be ministred at no other time in the yere but onely at Easter and at whitsontide (saue onely to infantes and such as were in extreame infirmity) and that it should be requyred 40. dayes before:* 1.195 so determined by Pope Si∣ricius: and therfore was it that fontes were halowed one∣ly at these two seasons, the which hallowing they keep yet still, but the ordinaunce they haue reiecte. Item that belles also were Christened. Item, no Prieste shoulde weare a beard, or haue long hayre, so appoynted by Pope Martine the first. Item that auriculare confession shoulde be made, that the booke of decrees and decretals should be stablished and transubstauntiation confirmed, in whiche three Actes Pope Innocentius the thyrd was the chiefest doer,* 1.196 about the yeare of our Lord. 1215.* 1.197

And thus haue ye in sum the gatheringes of the masse, with the Chanon and all the appurtenaunce of the same, which, not much vnlike to the Crow of Esope being pat∣ched with the feathers of so manye byrdes, was so long a gethering, that the temple of Salomon was not so long in building, as the Popes Masse was in making. Where∣by iudge now thy selfe (good Reader) whether this Masse did proceede from Iames and other Apostles or no. And yet this was one of the principall causes for which so much turmoyle was made in the Church, with the bloudshed of so many Godly men, suffering in so many quarters of this realme: some consumed by fire, some pined away with hū∣ger, some hanged, some slayne, some racked, some tormen∣ted one way, some another: and that onely or chiefelye, for the cause of this aforesayd popish Masse, as by the reading of this story folowing, by the grace of Christ our Lord, shall appeare more at large. In whome I wyshe thee to continue in health and to per∣seuere in the trueth.

* 1.198❧The first entring of Queene Mary to the Crowne, with the al∣teration of Religion, and other perturbations happening the same time in this Realme of England.

* 1.199WHat time King Edward by long sicke∣nesse beganne to appeare more fe∣ble and weake, in the meane while during the time of this his sicke∣nesse,* 1.200 a certayne mariage was prouided, concluded and shortly also vpon the same solempnised in the moneth of May, betwene the Lord Gilford, sonne to the Duke of Northumberland,* 1.201 and the La∣dy Iane the Duke of Suffolkes daughter, whose mother being then aliue, was daughter to Mary King Henryes second sister, who first was maried to the French king, and afterward to Charles Duke of Suffolke. But to make no long tariance hereupon, the mariage being ended, and the king waxing euery day more sicke then other, where as in deede there seemed in him no hope of recouerye, it was brought to passe by the consent not onely of the Nobility, but also of all the chiefe Lawyers of the Realme, that the king by his Testament did appoynt the foresayde Ladye Iane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolke, to be inheretrice vnto the crowne of England, passing ouer his two sisters Mary and Elizabeth.

To this order subscribed all the kinges Counsell, and chiefe of the Nobility,* 1.202 the Maior and city of London, and almoste all the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers of this Real∣me, sauing onely Iustice Hales of Kent, a man both fauo∣ring true Religion, and also an vpright iudge as any hath bene noted in this Realme, who geuing his consent vnto Lady Mary, would in no case subscribe to Lady Iane. Of this man (God willing) you shall perceiue more in the se∣quele of this story. The causes layd agaynst Lady Marye, were as well for that it was feared she would mary with a Straunger, and thereby entangle the crowne: as also that she would cleane alter Religion, vsed both in king Henry her father, and also in king Edwarde her brothers dayes, & so bring in the pope, to the vtter destruction of the Real∣me, which indeed afterward came to passe, as by the course and sequele of this story may well appeare.

* 1.203Much probable matter they had thus to coniecture of her, by reason of her great stubbernnes shewed and decla∣red in her brothers dayes, as in the letters before mentio∣ned, passing betwene her and king Edward, & the Coun∣sell, may appeare. The matter being thus concluded, and after confirmed by euery mans hand, King Edwarde an Impe of so great hope, not long after this departed, by the vehemency of his sickenes, when he was sixtene yeares of age: with whom also decaid in maner the whole florishing estate and honor of the English nation.

* 1.204When king Edwarde was deade, this Iane was esta∣blished in the kingdome by the Nobles consent, and was forthwith published Queene by proclamation at London, and in other Cityes where was any great resort, and was there so taken and named. Betweene this young Damo∣sell and kyng Edwarde there was litle difference in age, though in learning & knowledge of the tongues she was not onely equall, but also superior vnto him, being instru∣cted of a Mayster right notablye learned. If her fortune had bene as good as was her bringing vppe, ioyned wyth ••inenesse of wit: vndoubtedly she might haue semed com∣parable, not onelye to the house of the Uaspasians, Sem∣p••onians, and mother of the Grachies, yea, to anye other women beside that deserued high prayse for theyr sigulart learning: but also to the vniuersity men, which haue taken many degrees of the Schooles.

In the meane time while these thinges were a wor∣king at London, Mary which had knowledge of her Bro∣thers death, writeth to the Lords of the Councell in forme as foloweth.

¶A Letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the Lordes of the Counsell, wherein shee claymeth the Crowne after the decease of king Edwarde,* 1.205

MY Lordes, we greete you well, and haue receiued sure ad∣uertisement that our dearest Brother the king our late soue∣raigne Lord, is departed to Gods mercye: whiche newes howe they be woefull vnto our hart, he onely knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submitte vs and our willes. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to witte, now after hys Maiesties departure and death, concerning the Crowne and go∣uernaunce of thys Realme of England, with the title of Fraunce, and all thinges thereto belonging, what hath bene prouided by Act of Parliament and the Testament and last will of our dea∣rest Father, besides other circumstaunces aduauncing our right, you know, the Realme, and the whole world knoweth, the Rolles and Recordes appeare by the authority of the kyng our sayde Fa∣ther, and the king our sayde brother, and the subiectes of thys Realme, so that we verily trust that there is no good true subiect, that is, can, or would pretend to be ignoraunt therof, and of our parte wee haue of our selues caused, and as God shall ayde and strength vs, shall cause our right and title in this behalfe to be published and proclaymed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth straunge, that the dying of oure sayde brother vpon Thursday at night last past, we hytherto hadde no knowledge from you thereof, yet we consider your wisedomes and prudence to be such, that hauing eftsoones amongest you de∣bated, pondered, and well wayed this present case with our e∣state, with your own estate, the common wealth, and all our ho∣nours, wee shall and may conceiue greate hope and trust with much assuraunce in your loyaltye and seruice, and therefore for the tyme interprete and take thinges not to the worst, and that ye yet will like Noble men woorke the best. Neuerthelesse wee are not ignoraunt of your consultations, to vndoe the prouisions made for our preferment, nor of the great bandes and prouisi∣ons forceable, wherewith yee bee assembled and prepared, by whom, and to what ende, God and you know, and nature can but feare some euill. But be it that some consideration politicke, or whatsoeuer thing else hath mooued you thereto, yet doubte you not my Lordes, but we can take all these your doynges in gracious part, being also right ready to remit & fullye pardon the same, with that freely to eschewe bloudshed and vengeance agaynst all those that canne or will intend the same: trusting also assuredly you will take and accept this grace and vertue in good part as appeateyneth, and that wee shall not be enforced to vse the seruice of other our true subiectes and frendes which in thys our iust and right cause, God in whom our whole affiaunce is, shall send vs. Wherefore my Lordes we require you and charge you, and euery of you, that euery of you, of your allegeance why∣che you owe to God and vs, and to none other, for our honour and the surety of our parson, onely employ your selues, & forth with vpon receit hereof, cause our right and title to the Crowne and gou••rnement of this Realme to be proclaymed in our Citty of London, and other places as to your wisedomes shall seeme good, and as to this case apperteineth, not fayling hereof as our verye trust is in you. And thus our Letter signed with our hande, shalbe your sufficient warrant in this behalfe.

Yeu••n vnder our Signet, at our Manor of Kenyngall, the ninth of Iuly••. 1553.

To this Letter of the Ladye Marye, the Lordes of the Counsell make aunswere agayne as foloweth.

¶Aunswere of the Lordes vnto the Lady Maryes Letter.

MAdame,* 3.1 we haue receiued your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your supposed title, which you iudge your self to haue to the Imperiall crowne of this Realm, & all the dominions thereunto belonging. For answere whereof, this is to aduertise you, that forasmuch as our soueraign Lady Quene Iane is after the death of our soueraign Lord Edward the sixt, a prince of most noble memorye inuested and possessed with the iuste and right title in the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme,* 3.2 not onely by good order of olde aunciente lawes of this Realme, but also by our late soueraigne Lordes Letters patentes signed with his own hand, and se••led with the greate seale of Englande in presence of the most parte of the Nobles, Counsellours, Iudges, with diuers other graue and sage personages, assenting & subscribing to the same: We must therfore as of most boūd duety and allegeance as∣sent vnto her sayde Grace, and to none other, except wee shoulde (which faythfull subiectes can not) fall into greeuous and vn∣speakeable enormities. Wherefore we can no lesse do, but for the quiet both of the realme and you also, to aduertise you, that for∣asmuch as the diuorce made betwene the king of famous memo∣ry K Henry the 8. & the Lady Katherine your mother, was neces∣sary to be had both by the euerlasting lawes of God, and also by the Ecclesiasticall lawes, & by the most part of the noble & lear∣ned

Vniuersities of Christendome, and confirmed also by the sun∣dry actes of Parliamentes remaining yet in theyr force, and ther∣by you iustly made illegitimate and vnheritable to the crown Im∣periall of this realme, and the rules and dominions, and possessi∣ons of the same:* 3.3 you will vpon iust consideration hereof, and of diuers other causes lawfull to be alledged for the same, & for the iust inheritaunce of the right line and godlye order taken by the late king our souereigne Lord king Edward the sixt, and agreed vpon by the Nobles and greatest personages aforesayd, surcease by any pretence to vexe and molest any of our soueraigne Ladye Queene Iane her subiectes from theyr true fayth and allegeance due vnto her grace: assuring you, that if you will for respect shew your selfe quiet and obedient (as you oughte) you shall finde vs all and seuerall ready to doe you any seruice that we with duety may, and be glad with your quietnes to preserue the cōmon state of this realme: wherin you may be otherwise greuous vnto vs, to your selfe, and to them. And thus we bid you most hartily well to fare,

from the Tower of London, this 9. of Iuly. 1553.

Your Ladyships frendes, shewing your selfe an obedient subiect.

• Thomas Caunterbury.
• The Marques of Winche∣ster.
• Iohn Bedford.
• Wil. Morthhampton.
• Thom. Ely Chauncellour.
• Northumberland.
• Henry Suffolke.
• Henry Arundell.
• Shrewesbury.
• Pembrooke.
• Cobham.
• R. Riche.
• Huntington.
• Darcy.
• Cheyney.
• R. Cotton.
• Iohn Gates.
• W. Peter.
• W. Cicelle.
• Iohn Cheeke.
• Iohn Mason.
• Edward North.
• R. Bowes.

All these aforesayd, except onely the Duke of Northū∣berland and syr Iohn Gates, afterward were either by es∣peciall fauor or speciall or generall pardon discharged.

After this aunswere receiued, and the mindes of the Lordes perceiued,* 3.4 Lady Mary speedeth her selfe secretlye away farre of from the City, hoping chiefly vpon the good will of the Commons, and yet perchaunce not destitute al∣together of the secret aduertisementes of some of the No∣bles. When the Counsell heard of her sodiene departure, and perceiued her stoutnesse, & that all came not to passe as they supposed, they gathered speedily a power of mē toge∣ther, appointing an army, and first assigned that the Duke of Suffolke shoulde take that enterprise in hand, & so haue the leading of the Bande.* 3.5 But afterwarde alterynge their mindes, they thought it best to sēd forth the Duke of Nor∣thumberland, with certaine other Lords and Gentlemen, and that the Duke of Suffolke shoulde keepe the Tower, where the Lord Gilford and the Lady Iane the same time were lodged.

In the which expedition y^e Gard also, albeit they were much vnwilling at the first therunto, yet notwithstanding through the vehemēt perswasions of the Lord Treasurer, M. Chomley, & other, they were induced to assist the duke, and to set forward with him.

These thinges thus agreed vpon, and the Duke nowe being set forwarde after the best array out of London, ha∣uing notwithstanding his times prescribed, and hys iour∣neys appoynted by the Counsell, to the entent he woulde not seeme to do any thing but vpon warrant, Mary in the meane while tossed with muche trauell vp and downe, to worke the surest way for her best aduauntage, withdrewe her selfe into the quarters of Northfolke and Suffolke,* 3.6 where she vnderstood the Dukes name to be had in muche hatred, for the seruice that had ben done there of late vnder king Edward,* 3.7 in subduing the rebels: and there gathering to her such aid of the commons in euery side as she might, keepeth her selfe close for a space within Fremingham Ca∣stle. To whom first of al resorted the suffolke men: who be∣ing alwayes forward in promoting the procedinges of the Gospell,* 3.8 promised her theyr ayd & helpe, so that she would not attempt the alteration of the religion which her Bro∣ther king Edward had before established by lawes and or∣ders publickely enacted and receiued by the consent of the whole Realme in that behalfe.

To make the matter short, vnto this condition she eft∣soones agreed, with suche promise made vnto them, that no innouatiō should be made of religiō,* 3.9 as that no mā would or could then haue misdoubted her. Whiche promise, if shee had as constantly kepte, as they did willingly preserue her with theyr bodyes and weapons, she had done a deed both worthy her bloud, & had also made her raygne more stable to her selfe through former tranquility. For though a man be neuer so puissant of power, yet brech of promise is an e∣uill vpholder of quietnes, feare is worser, but cruelty is y^e worst of all.

Thus Mary being garded with the power of y^e Gos∣pellers, did vanquish the Duke, and all those that came a∣gaynst her. In consideration wherof, it was (me thinks•• an heauy word that she aunswered to the suffolke men af∣terwardes, which did make supplication vnto her grace to performe her promise:* 3.10 For so muche (sayth she) as you be∣ing but mēbers, desire to rule your head you shall one day well perceiue that members must obey theyr head, and not looke to beare rule ouer the same. And not onely that, but also to cause the more terror vnto other, a certaine Gentle∣man named M. Dobbe, dwelling about Wyndam side, for the same cause, that is, for aduertising her by humble re∣quest, of her promise, was punished, beyng three sundrye times set on the pillory to be a gasing stocke vnto all men. Diuers other deliuered her books and supplications made out of the Scripture, to exhorte her to continue in the true doctrine then stablished, and for theyr good wils were sent to prison. But such is the cōditiō of mans nature (as here you see) that we are for the most part more ready alway to seeke frendship whē we stand in need of helpe,* 3.11 thē ready to requite a benefit once past & receiued. Howbeit against all this, one shoote anker we haue, which may be a sure cōfort to all miserable creatures, y^e equity & fidelity are euer per∣fect and certeinely found with the Lord aboue, though the same being shut out of the doores in this world, be not to be founde here among menne. But seeing our intent is to write a story, not to treat of office, let vs lay Suffolke men aside for a while, whose desertes for theyr redines and dili∣gence with the Queene, I will not here stand vpon. What she performed on her part, the thing it selfe, and the whole storye of this persecution doth testifye, as hereafter more playnely will appeare.

On the contrary side, the Duke of Northumberlande, hauing his warrant vnder the broade Seale, with all fur∣niture in readines, as he tooke his voyage and was nowe forward in his way, what ado ther was, what stirring on euery side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, and instructions went to and fro, what talking among the souldiers, what hartburning among y^e people, what fayre pretēses outwardly, inwardly what pri¦uy practises there were, what speeding of Ordinance day∣ly and hourely out of the Tower, what rumors and com∣ming downe of soulders from all quarters there was, a world it was to see, & a processe to declare, enough to make a whole Ilias. The greatest helpe that made for the Ladye Mary, was the short iourneis of the Duke, which by com∣mission were assigned to him before, as is aboue mentio∣ned. For the longer the Duke lingered in his voyage, the Lady Marye the more encreased in puissaunce, the hartes of the people being mightily bent vnto her. Which after the Counsell at London perceiued, and vnderstoode howe the common multitude did withdraw theyr hartes from them to stand with her,* 3.12 and that certaine Noble men begā to go the other way, they turned theyr song, and proclaymed for Queene the Lady Mary, eldest daughter to kyng Henrye the eight, and appoynted by Parliament to succeed K. Ed∣ward dying without issue.* 3.13

And so the Duke of Northumberland, being by coun∣sell and aduise sent forth agaynst her, was left destitute and forsaken alone at Cambridge, with some of his sonnes, & a few other, among whome the Earle of Huntington was one:* 3.14 who there were arrested and broughte to the Tower of London, as traytors to the Crowne, notwithstandinge that he had there proclaymed her Queene before.

Thus haue you Mary nowe made a Queene, and the sword of authority put into her hād, which, how she after∣ward did vse, we may see in sequele of this booke. There∣fore (as I say) when she had bene thus aduaūced by y^e gos∣pellers,* 3.15 & saw all in quiet by meanes y^t her enemies were conquered, sending the Duke captiue to the Tower before (which was the xxv. of Iuly) she folowed not long after, being brought vp the third day of August to Londō, with the great reioysing of many men, but with a greater feare of moe, and yet with flatterye peraduenture most great, of fayned hartes.

Thus comming vp to London, her first lodgyng shee took at the Tower,* 3.16 where as the foresaid Lady Iane with her husband the Lord Gilford, a litle before her commyng▪ were imprisoned: where they remained waiting her plea∣sure almost fiue monethes. But the Duke within a mo∣neth after his comming to the Tower, being adiudged to death, was brought forth to the scaffolde, and there behea∣ded. Albeit he hauing a promise,* 3.17 and being put in hope of pardon (yea though his head were vpon the blocke) if he would recant and heare masse, consented therto, and deni∣ed in wordes that true religion, which before time, as well

in K. Henry the 8. dayes, as in K. Edwards he had oft e∣uidently declared hymselfe both to fauour and further: ex∣hortyng also the people to returne to the Catholike fayth (as he termed it.* 3.18) Whose recantation the papistes foorth∣with did publish and set abroad, reioysing not a litle at his conuersion or rather subuersion, as then appeared.

Thus the Duke of Northumberland with Sir Iohn Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer (which Palmer on the other side confessed his fayth that he had learned in the go∣spel, and lamented that he had not lyued more Gospellike) beyng put to death: In the meane tyme Queene Marye, entring thus her raigne with the bloud of these men: be∣sides hearyng Masse her selfe in the Tower, gaue a heauy shewe and signification hereby, but especially by the so∣daine deliuering of Steuen Gardiner out of the Tower, that she was not mynded to stand to that which she so deep¦ly had promised to the Suffolke men before, concernyng the not subuertyng or alteryng the state of religion: as in very deede the surmise of the people was therein nothyng deceyued.

Besides the premisses, other things also folowed which euery day more and more discomforted the people, decla∣ring the Queene to beare no good will to the present state of religion: as, not onely the releasing of Gardiner beyng then made Lord Chauncellor of England and B. of Win∣chester, Doct. Poynet beyng put out, but also that Boner was restored to his bishoprike agayne,* 3.19 and D. Ridley dis∣placed. Itē, D. Day to the bishoprike of Chichester, Iohn Scory beyng put out. Item, D. Tonstall to the bishoprike of Duresme. Item, D. Heath to the bishoprike of Worce∣ster, and Iohn Hooper committed to the Fleete. Item, D. Uesi•• to Exceter, and Miles Couerdale put out. These things beyng marked and perceiued, great heauinesse and discomfort grew more and more to all good mens hartes: but contrary to the wicked, great reioysing. In which dis∣cord of minds, and diuersitie of affections, was now to be seene a miserable face of things in the whole commō welth of England. They that could dissemble, tooke no great care how the matter went. But such whose consciences were ioyned to truth, perceiued already coales to bee kindled, which after should be the destruction of many a true Chri∣stian man, as in deed it came to passe. In the meane while Queene Mary after these beginnings,* 3.20 remoouyng from y^e Tower to Hampton Court, caused a Parliament to bee sūmoned against the x. day of Octob. next ensuing, wherof more is to be sayd hereafter.

Ye heard before how diuers Bishops were remooued, and other placed in their roumes: amongest whome was D. Ridley B. of London, a worthy man both of fame and learnyng. This D. Ridley in tyme of Queene Iane had made a Sermon at Paules crosse, so commaunded by the Counsaile:* 3.21 declaryng there hys mynde to the people, as touching the Lady Mary, and disswading them, alledging there the incommodities and inconueniēces which might ryse by receiuyng her to be their Queene, prophesieng as it were before, that which after came to passe, y^t she would bryng in forraine power to raigne ouer them: besides the subuertyng also of Christian Religion then already esta∣blished: shewyng moreouer, that the same Mary beyng in hys Diocesse, he accordyng to his duetie, beyng then her Ordinary, had trauailed much with her to reduce her to this Religion, and notwithstandyng in all other poyntes of ciuilitie, she shewed her selfe gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned true fayth and doctrine, she shew∣ed her selfe so stiffe and obstinate, that there was no other hope of her to be conceyued, but to disturbe and ouerturne all that which with so great labours had bene confirmed and planted by her brother afore. Shortly after this Ser∣mon, Queene Mary was proclaymed, whereuppon hee speedily repairyng to Fremingham to salute the Queene, had such colde welcome there: that beyng dispoyled of all his dignities, he was sent backe vpon a lame halting horse to the Tower.

After hym preached also Maister Rogers the next son∣day,* 3.22 entreatyng very learnedly vppon the Gospell of the same day.

This so done, Queene Mary seyng all things yet not goyng so after her mynd as she desired, deuiseth wyth her Counsaile, to bring to passe that thyng by other meanes, which as yet by open lawe she could not well accom∣plish, directing forth an Inhibition by Proclama∣tion, that no man should preach or read open∣ly in churches the word of God, besides o∣ther thynges also in the same Procla∣mation Inhibited, the copye whereof here fol∣loweth.

¶An inhibition of the Queene, for preaching, Printyng, &c.

THe Queenes highnes well remembryng what great inconuenience and daungers haue growen to this her highnes Realme in tymes past,* 3.23 thorough the diuersitie of opinions in questions of religion,* 3.24 and hearyng also that now of late, sithence the beginnyng of her most gracious Raigne, the same contentions be agayne much reuiued thorough certayne false and vntrue reportes and rumors spreade by some lyght and euyll disposed personnes, hath thought good to doe to vnderstand to all her highnes most louyng subiectes, her most gracious pleasure in manner followyng.

First,* 3.25 her Maiestie beyng presented by the onely good∣nesse of God, setled in her iust possession of the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme, and other Dominions thereun∣to belongyng, cannot now hide that religion which God and the world knoweth she hath euer professed from her infancie hitherto. Which as her Maiestie is mynded to ob∣serue and maintaine for her selfe by gods grace during her tyme, so doth her highnesse much desire and would be glad the same were of all her subiectes quietly and charitably embraced.

And yet she doth signifie vnto all her maiesties louyng subiects, that of her most gracious disposition & clemency, her highnesse myndeth not to compell any her sayde sub∣iects thereunto, vnto such tyme as further order by com∣mon assent may be taken therein: forbiddyng neuertheles all her subiects of all degrees, at their peryls to mooue se∣ditions, or stirre vnquietnes in her people by interpreting the Lawes of this Realme, after their braynes and fanta∣sies, but quietly to continue for the tyme, tyll (as before is sayd) further order may be taken, and therfore willeth and straitly chargeth and commaundeth all her sayd good lo∣uyng subiects, to lyue togethers in quiet sort and Christi∣an charitie, leauyng those new found diuelish termes of Papist or heretike, and such lyke, and applying their hole care, study and trauaile to lyue in the feare of God, exerci∣sing their conuersations in such charitable & godly doyng, as their lyues may in deed expresse that great hunger and thirst of Gods glory and holy worde,* 3.26 which by rash talke & wordes many haue pretended: and in so doing they shal best please God, and lyue without daungers of the lawes, and maintaine the tranquillitie of the Realme. Wherof as her highnes shall be most glad, so if any man shall rashlye presume to make any assemblies of people, or at any pub∣like assemblies or otherwyse, shall go about to stir the peo∣ple to disorder or disquiet, shee myndeth according to her dutie, to see the same most surely reformed & punished ac∣cordyng to her highnes lawes.

And furthermore, forasmuch also as it is well knowen,* 3.27 that sedition and false rumours haue bene nourished and maintayned in this Realme by the subtletie and malice of some euill disposed persons, which take vpon them with∣out sufficient authoritie to preach & to interprete the word of God after their owne brayne in churches and other pla∣ces, both publike and priuate,* 3.28 & also by playing of Enter∣ludes, and printyng of false fond bookes, ballades, rymes, and other lewd treatises in the English tongue, concer∣nyng doctrine in matters now in question, and contro∣uersie touchyng the high poyntes and mysteries of christen religion, which bookes, ballades, rymes, and treatises,* 3.29 are chiefly by the Printers and Stationers set out to sale to her graces subiects of an euil zeale, for lucre and couetous∣nes of vile gayne. Her highnes therefore straitly chargeth and commaundeth all and euery of her sayde subiectes, of whatsoeuer state, condition or degree they be, that none of them presume from hencefoorth to preach, or by way of rea∣dyng in Churches or other publike or priuate places, ex∣cept in schooles of the Uniuersitie, to interprete or teach a∣ny scriptures or any maner poynts of doctrine concerning religion, neither also to print any bookes, matter, ballade, ryme, Enterlude, processe or treatise, nor to play any En∣terlude, except they haue her graces speciall licence in wri∣tyng for the same, vpon payne to incurre her highnesse in∣dignation and displeasure.

And her highnes also further chargeth and commaun∣deth all and euery her sayd subiectes, that none of them of their owne authoritie do presume to punish, or to ryse a∣gainst any offender in the causes abouesayde, or any other offender in words or deeds in the late rebellion▪ committed or done by the Duke of Northumberland or his compli∣ces, or to cease any of their goods, or violently to vse anye such offender by strikyng or imprisonyng, or threatenyng the same, but wholy to referre the punishment of all suche offenders vnto her highnes and publike authority, wher∣of her maiestie myndeth to see due punishment, accordyng

to the order of her highnes lawes.* 3.30

Neuertheles, as her highnesse myndeth not hereby to restraine and discourage any of her louyng subiectes, to geue from tyme to time true information against any such offenders in the causes abouesayd, vnto her grace or her Counsaile, for the punishment of euery such offender, ac∣cording to the effect of her highnes lawes prouided in that part: so her sayde highnes exhorteth and straitly chargeth her sayd subiects to obserue her commaundement & plea∣sure in euery part aforesayd, as they will auoyd her high∣nes sayd indignation and most grieuous displeasure. The seueritie and rigor whereof, as her highnes shall bee most sory to haue cause to put the same in execution: so doth she vtterly determine not to permit such vnlawfull and rebel∣lious doyngs of her subiects, wherof may ensue the daun∣ger of her royall estate to remayne vnpunished, but to see her sayd lawes touching these points, to be throughly ex∣ecuted, which extremities, she trusteth all her sayd louyng subiects will foresee, dread, and auoyde accordingly: her sayd highnes straightly charging and commaundyng all Mayors, Shiriffes, Iustices of Peace, Bailiffes, Consta∣bles, and all other publike Officers and Ministers, dili∣gently to see to the obseruyng and executyng of her sayde commaundementes and pleasure, and to apprehende all such as shall wilfully offend in this part, committyng the same to the next Gaole, there to remayne without bayle or maineprise, till vpon certificate made to her highnes or her priuy Counsaile, of their names and doyngs, and vpō examination had of their offences, some further order shall be taken for their punishment to the example of others, ac∣cording to the effect and tenour of the lawes aforesayd. Ye∣uen at our Manor of Richmond, the 18. day of August, in the 1. yeare of our most prosperous raigne.

M. Bourne preaching at Paules Crosse.

* 3.31ABout this tyme or not long before, Boner B. of Lon∣don beyng restored, appoynted M. Bourne a Canon of Paules, to preach at the Crosse, who afterward was B. of Bathe, he takyng occasion of the Gospell of the day to speake somewhat largely in iustifieng of Boner beyng thē present:* 3.32 which Boner sayd he, vpon the same text in that place, that day foure yeares had preached before, and was vppon the same most cruelly and vniustly cast into y^e most vile Dungeon of the Marshalsey, and there kept duryng the tyme of King Edward. Hys wordes sounded so euill in the eares of the hearers, that they could not keep silence but began to murmure and to stirre in such sort, that the Mayor and Aldermen with other estates thē present, fea∣red much an vprore. But the truth is, that one hurled a dagger at the preacher, but who it was, it could not then be prooued, albeit afterward it was knowen.

In fine, the sturre was such, that the Preacher pluckt in hys head, and durst no more appeare in that place. The matter of hys Sermon tended muche to the derogation and disprayse of King Edward:* 3.33 which thyng the people in no case could abyde. Then M. Bradford at the request of the Preachers brother, and other then beyng in the pul: pit, stoode foorth and spake so my••••ely, Christianly, and ef∣fectuously, that with fewe woordes he appeased all: and afterward he and M. Rogers conducted the Preacher be∣twixt them from the Pulpit to the Grammar schole doore, where they left him safe, as further in the story of Maister Bradford is declared. But shortly after they were both re∣warded with long imprisonment, and last of all, with fire in Smithfield.

By reason of this tumult at Paules Crosse, an order was taken by the Lordes of the Counsaile with the May∣or and Aldermen of London,* 3.34 that they calling the next day followyng a common counsaile of the Citie, should therby charge euery housholder to cause their children, apprenti∣ses, and other seruaunts, to keep their owne parish Chur∣ches vpon the holydays, and not to suffer them to attempt any thyng to the violatyng of the common peace. Willyng them also to signify the sayd assembly the Queenes deter∣mination vttered vnto them by her highnes the 12. of Au∣gust in the Tower. Which was, that albeit her graces cō∣science is stayed in matters of religion: yet she graciously ment not to compell or strayne other mens conscience o∣therwyse then God shal (as she trusted) put in their harts a perswasion of the truth that she is in, thorough the ope∣nyng of hys word vnto them, by godly vertuous, & lear∣ned preachers, &c.

Also it was then ordered, that euery Alderman in hys Ward, should foorthwith send for the Curates of euery pa∣rish within their liberties, and to warne them not only to forbeare to preach themselues, but also not to suffer any o∣ther to preach, or make any open or solemne readyng of scripture in their churches, vnles the sayd preachers were seuerally licensed by the Queene.

After this Sermon at Paules Crosse aforenamed, the next day after it followed, that the Queenes Gard was at the crosse with their weapons to gard the Preacher. And when men withdrew themselues from the Sermon, order was taken by the Mayor, that the Ancients of all compa∣nies should be present, least the preacher should be discou∣raged by hys small Auditorie.

August. 1553.

The 5. of August,* 3.35 an. 1553. was one William Rutler committed (by the Counsaile) to the Marshalsey, for vtte∣ryng certayne wordes agaynst Maister Bourne Prea∣cher, for hys Sermon at Paules Crosse on Sonday last before.

The 16. of August, was Humfrey Palden committed to the Counter for wordes agaynst the sayd Bournes ser∣mon at Paules crosse.

A letter to the Shiriffe of Buckingham and Bedford, for the apprehending of one Fisher person of Ammersham a preacher.* 3.36

Another letter to the B. of Norwich, not to suffer any preacher or other to preach or expound the scripture open∣ly without speciall licence from the Queene.

The same day was M. Bradford, M. Uernon and M. Beacon preachers committed to the charge of the Lieuete∣nant of the Tower.

The same day also was M. Iohn Rogers Preacher commanded to keepe himselfe prisoner in his owne house at Paules, without hauing conference with any other thē those of hys owne houshold.

The 22. of August, there was two letters directed to M. Couerdall B. of Exceter, & M. Hooper B. of Glouce∣ster, for their indelayed repayre to the Court, and there to attend the Counsailes pleasure.

The same day Fisher person of Ammersham made his appearance before the Counsaile,* 3.37 according to their letter the 16. of August, and was appointed the next day to bring in a note of hys sermon.

The 24. of August was one Iohn Meluin a Scotte and and Preacher sente to Newgate in London by the Counsaile.

The 26. of August there was a letter sent to the May∣or of Couentry and his brethren, for the apprehension of one Symonds of Worcester preacher, and then Uicare of S. Michaels in Couentry,* 3.38 and for the sendyng of hym vp to the counsaile with his examinations and other matters they could charge hym with. With a Commission to them to punish all such as had by meanes of his preachyng▪ vsed any talke against the Queenes proceedings.

The 29. of August, M. Hooper B. of Worcester made his personall appearance before the Counsaile, accordyng to their letters the 22. of August.

The 31. of August, M. Couerdall B. of Exceter, made hys appearaunce before the Counsaile, according to theyr letters the 22. of August.

September. 1553.

The 1. of September, M. Hooper and M. Couerdall appeared againe before the Counsaile, whence M. Hooper was committed to the Fleete, and M. Couerdall commā∣ded to attend the Lordes pleasure.

The 2. of September M. Hugh Saunders Uicare of S. Michaels in Couentry, was before the Counsaile for a sermon, and was commanded to appeare agayne vppon Monday next after.

The 4. of September a Letter was directed from the Counsaile to M. Hugh Latimer for his appearaunce be∣fore them.

About the 5. day of September the same yeare, Peter Martyr came to London from Oxford, where for a tyme he had bene commaunded to kepe his house, & found there the Archbishop of Canterbury, who offered to defend the doctrine of the booke of Common prayer, both by the scri∣ptures and Doctors, assisted by Peter Martyr and a fewe other, as hereafter ye shall heare. But whilest they were in hope to come to Disputations, the Archbishop and other were imprisoned, but Peter Martyr was suffered to re∣turne whence he came.

The same day there was a letter sent to the Mayor of Couentry to set Hugh Symonds at liberty if he would recant his Sermon, or els to stay hym,* 3.39 and to signify so much to the Counsaile.

The 13. of September M. Hugh Latymer appeared before the counsaile accordyng to their letter the 4. of Sep∣tember,

and was committed to the Tower close prisoner, hauing his seruant Austen to attend hym.

The same day the Archbishop of Caunterbury appea∣ryng before the Counsaile, was commaunded to ap∣peare the next day at after noone before them in the Starre chamber.

The 14. of September, the Archbishop of Caunterbu∣ry, accordyng to their former dayes commandement, made his appearaunce before the Lordes in the Starre cham∣ber. Where, they chargyng hym with treason, & spreadyng abroad of sedicious bils, to the disquieting of the estate, they committed hym from thence to the Tower of Lon∣don, there to remayne till further Iustice and order at the Queenes pleasure.

The 15. of September, there was a letter sent to M. Horne Deane of Durham, for his appearaunce before thē, and another was sent to hym the 7. of October next after, for his speedie appearance.

The 16. of September, there was letters sent to the Mayors of Douer and Rye, to suffer all French Prote∣stantes to passe out of this Realme, except suche, whose names shall be signified to them by the French Embas∣sadour.

October. 1553.

* 3.40The first day of October, Queene Mary was crow∣ned at Westminster, and the x. day of the sayd moneth of October then followyng, began the parliament with a so∣lemne Masse of the holy Ghost, after the popish maner, ce∣lebrated with great pompe in the pallaice of Westminster. To the which Masse among the other Lordes, accordyng to the maner, should come the bishops, which yet remay∣ned vndeposed, which were the Archb. of Yorke, D. Tay∣lor B. of Lincolne, Iohn Harley B. of Herford. Of the bi∣shops, D. Taylor, and M. Harley presenting themselues according to their duetie, and taking their place amongest the Lordes, after they saw the Masse begin, not abidyng the sight therof, withdrew themselues from the company: for the which cause the Bishop of Lincolne beyng exami∣ned, and protestyng his fayth, was vppon the same com∣manded to attend: who not long after at Ankerwyke by sickenesse departed. M. Harley, because he was maryed, was excluded both from the Parliament, and from hys bishoprike.

Masse beyng done, the Queene accompanied with the Estates of the Realme, was brought into the Parliament house, there according to the maner, to enter and begin the consultation.* 3.41 At which consultation or Parliament were repealed all statutes made in the tyme of king Henry the 8. for Premunire, & statutes made in K. Edward the sixtes time for administration of common praier & the sacramēts in the English tongue: & further, the attainder of the duke of Northumberland was by this Parliament confirmed. In this meane while many men were forward in the ere∣cting of aulters & masses in churches. And such as woulde sticke to the lawes made in K. Edwardes tyme, till other should be established: some of them were marked, & some presently apprehended.* 3.42 Among whom sir Iames Hales, a knight of Kent, and Iustice of the Common place was one, who notwithstandyng he had ventured hys lyfe in Queene Maries cause, in that he would not subscribe to y^e disheriting of her by the kings will, yet for that he did at a quarter Sessions geue charge vpon the statutes made in the tyme of Henry the 8. and Edward the 6. for the supre∣macie and religion,* 3.43 he was imprisoned in the Marshalsey, Counter, and Fleete, and so cruelly handled & put in feare by talke, that the Warden of the Fleete vsed to haue in hys hearyng,* 3.44 of such torments as were in preparyng for here∣tikes (or for what other cause God knoweth) y^t he sought to rid himselfe out of this life, by wounding himselfe wyth a knife: and afterward was contented to say as they wil∣led him: wherupon he was discharged, but after that hee neuer rested till he had drowned himselfe in a riuer, halfe a myle from his house in Kent. Of whom more is to be seen when you come to his story.

During the time of this parliament, the Clergie lyke∣wyse after their woonted maner,* 3.45 had a Conuocation, with a disputation also appoynted by the Queenes commaun∣dement, at Paules Churche in London the same tyme, which was about the 18. of October. In the which Con∣uocation, first M. Iohn Harpesfield Bacheler of Diuini∣tie, made a sermon ad Clerum, the 16. of October. After the sermon done, it was assigned by the bishops, that they of the Clergye house, for auoyding confusion of woordes should chuse them a Prolocutor. To the which roome and office by common assent, was named Doc. Weston Deane of Westminster, and presented to the Bishops, with an O∣ration of M. Pie Deane of Chichester,* 3.46 and also of Maister Wymbisley Archdeacon of London. Which D. Weston be∣yng chosen and brought vnto the bishops, made his gra∣tulatory Oration to the house, with the answer agayne of B. Boner.

After these things thus sped in the conuocation house, they proceeded next to the Disputation appoynted, as is abouesayd, by the Queenes Commaundement, about the matter of the sacrament. Which disputation continued sixe dayes. Wherein D. Weston was chiefe on the Popes part who behaued himselfe outragiously in tauntyng and chec∣king. In conclusion, such as disputed on the contrary part were driuen some to flee, some to deny, & some to die, thogh to the most mens iudgements that heard the disputation, they had the vpper hand, as here may appeare by y^e report of the sayd disputation, the copy whereof we thought here to annexe, as followeth.

The true report of the disputation had and begun in the Conuocation house at London, the 18 of O∣ctober. Anno. 1553.

WHere as dyuers and vncertayne rumoures bee spread a∣broad of the Disputation had in the Conuocation house,* 3.47 to the entent that all men may know the certaintie of all things therein done and sayd, as much as the memory of him that was present▪ thereat can beare away, hee hath thought good at re∣quest, throughly to describe what was sayd therein on both par∣ties of the matters argued and had in question, and of the ente∣raunce thereof.

¶Acte of the first day.

FIrst vpon Wednesday, beyng the 18. of October,* 3.48 at af∣ter noone, M. Weston the Prolocutor certified the house that it was the Queenes pleasure,* 3.49 that the company of the same house beyng learned men, assembled, should debate of matters of Religion, and constitute lawes therof, which her grace and the Parliament would ratifie. And for that (sayd he) there is a booke of late set forth, called the Cate∣chisme (which he shewed forth) bearing the name of this honorable Synode, & yet put forth without your consents as I haue learned, beyng a booke very pestiferous, and ful of heresies, and likewyse a booke of Common prayer very abominable (as it pleased hym to terme it) I thought it therfore best, first to beginne with the articles of the Cate∣chisme, concernyng the sacrament of the aultar, to confirm the naturall presence of Christ in the same, and also tran∣substantiation: Wherfore (sayd he) it shall be lawfull on Friday next ensuyng, for all men freely to speake their con∣science in these matters, that all doubts may be remooued, and they fully satisfied therein.

¶Acte of the second day.

The Friday commyng, beyng the 20. of October, whē men had thought they should haue entred Disputation of the questions proposed,* 3.50 the Prolocutor exhibited two se∣ueral bils vnto the house: the one for the naturall presence of Christ in the sacrament of the aultar, the other concer∣nyng the Catechisme, that it was not of that houses agre∣ment set forth, and that they did not agree therunto: requi∣ryng all them to subscribe to the same, as he hymselfe had done. Wherunto the whole house did immediately assent, except sixe, which were the Deane of Rochester,* 3.51 the Deane of Exceter, the Archdeacon of Winchester, the Archdeacon of Hertford, the Archdeacon of Stow, and one other. And while the rest were about to subscribe these two articles. Iohn Philpot stood vp and spake first concernyng the Ar∣ticle of the Catechisme, that he thought they were deceiued in the title of the Catechisme, in that it beareth the tytle of the Synode of London last before this, although many of them which then were present, were neuer made priuye thereof, in settyng it forth,* 3.52 for that this house had granted the authoritie to make ecclesiasticall lawes vnto certayne persons to be appoynted by the kings maiestie, & what so euer ecclesiasticall lawes they or the most part of them dyd set forth, according to a statute in that behalfe prouided, it might be well sayd to bee done in the Synode of London, although such as be of this house now, had no notice ther∣of before the promulgation. And in this poynt he thought the setter foorth therof, nothyng to haue slaundered y^e house as they by their subscription went about to perswade the world, since they had our Synodall authoritie vnto them committed, to make such spirituall lawes as they thought conuenient and necessary.

And moreouer he sayd, as concernyng the article of the naturall presence in the sacramēt, that it was against rea∣son

and order of learnyng, and also very preiudiciall to the truth, that men should be mooued to subscribe before the matte were throughly examined and discussed. But when he saw that allegation might take no place,* 3.53 being as a mā astonied at the multitude of so many learned men as there were of purpose gathered together to maintayne olde tra∣ditions more then the truth of Gods holy word, he made his request vnto the Prolocutor, that where as there were so many auncient learned men present on that side,* 3.54 as in y^e realme the like againe were not to be found in such num∣ber, & that on the other side of them that had not subscri∣bed, were not past v. or vj. both in age and learnyng far in∣ferior vnto them: therfore, that equalitie might bee had in this disputation, he desired that the Prolocutor would bee a meane vnto the Lords, that some of those that were lear∣ned, & setters forth of the same Catechisme might be broght into the house to shew their learning that mooued them to set forth the same,* 3.55 and that D. Ridley & M. Rogers, with two or three mo, might be licenced to be present at this di∣sputation, and to be associate with them.

This request was thought reasonable, and was pro∣posed vnto the Bishops, who made this aunswer: that it was not in them to call such persons vnto our house, since some of them were prisoners. But they sayd, they would be petitioners in this behalfe vnto the Counsayle, and in case any were absent that ought to bee of the house, they willed them to bee taken in vnto them if they listed. After this they mindyng to haue entred into disputation, there came a Gentleman as messenger from the Lord great ma∣ster, signifiyng vnto the Prolocutor, that the L. great mai∣ster, and the Earle of Deuonshire would be present at the disputations, and therfore he deferred the same vnto mon∣day, at one of the clocke at after noone.

¶The Acte of the third day.

Upon Monday the xiij. of October, at the time apoin∣ted,* 3.56 in the presence of many Erles, Lordes, Knights, gen∣tlemen, and diuers other of the Court and of the Citie al∣so, the Prolocutor made a Protestation, that they of the house had appoynted this disputation, not to call the truth into doubt, to the which they had alredy all subscribed, sa∣uing v. or sixe, but that those gainsayers might be resolued of their arguments in the which they stood, as it shall ap∣peare vnto you, not doubting but they will also condescēd vnto vs.

* 3.57Then he demanded of M. Haddon whether he would reason against the questions proposed, or no. To whom he made answer, that he had certified hym before in writyng, that he would not, since the request of such learned men as were demaunded to be assistent with them, would not bee graunted. M. Elmar likewyse was asked. Who made the Prolocutor the like aunswer, addyng moreouer this, that they had done too much preiudice already to the truth, to subscribe before the matter was discussed: and little or no∣thyng it might auayle to reason for the truth, since all they were now determined to the contrary. After this he de∣maunded of M. Cheyney, whome the Prolocutor sayd al∣lowed the presence with them,* 3.58 but he denyed the transub∣stantiation by the meanes of certayne authorities vppon the which he standeth, and desireth to be resolued, as you shall heare, whether he will propose his doubtes concer∣nyng Transubstantiation or no. Yea, quoth he, I would gladly my doubts to be resolued, which mooue me not to beleeue Transubstantiation.

The first is out of S. Paule to the Cor. who speakyng of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ,* 3.59 calleth it oft tymes bread after the consecration.

The second is out of Origene, who speaking of this sa∣crament sayth, that the materiall part therof goeth down to the excrements.

The third is out of Theodoretus, who making mention of the sacramentall bread and wine after the consecration, saith that they go not out of their former substance, forme, and shape. These be some of my doubts among many o∣ther, wherein I require to be answered.

Then the Prolocutor assigned D. Moreman to answer him,* 3.60 who to Saint Paule answered him thus: That the Sacrament is called by hym bread in deede, but it is thus to be vnderstood, that it is the sacrament of bread, that is, the forme of bread.

Then M. Cheyney inferred and alledged, that Hesychi∣us called the sacrament both bread and flesh.

* 3.61Yea quoth Moreman, Hesychius calleth it bread, because it was bread, & not because it is so. And passing ouer Ori∣gen, he came to Theodoretus, & sayd, that men mistooke hys authoritie, by interpreting a general into a special, as Pe∣ter Martyr hath done in y^e place of Theodoret, interpretyng 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for substance,* 3.62 which is a special signification of y^e word whereas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is a general word, as well to accidence, as to substane, and therefore I answer thus vnto Theodoret, y^t the sacramental bread and wine do not go out of their for∣mer substance, forme, and shape, that is to say, not out of their accidentall substance and shape.

After this M. Cheyney sat him downe, & by and by M. Elmar stood vp as one that could not abide to heare so fōd an answer to so graue an authoritie,* 3.63 & reasoned vpon the authoritie of Theodoret alledged before by M. Cheyney▪ & declared that Moremans aunswer to Theodoret, was no iust nor sufficient answer, but an illusion and a subtill eua∣sion contrary to Theodorets meaning. For, said he, if 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, should signify an accident in the place alledged, as it is an∣swered by M. Moreman, then were it a word superfluous set in Theodoret there, where do follow two other wordes which sufficiently do expound the accidēces of y^e bread, y^t is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signify in English, shape and forme: & so prooue out of the same author by diuers allegations,* 3.64 y^t 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Greek could not be so generally taken in that place as Moreman for a shift would haue it. But Moreman, as a man hauing no other salue for that sore, affirmed stil that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth substance, must needes signify an ac∣cidental substance properly. To whose importunity, since he could haue no other answer. Elmar as a man wearied with his importunity, gaue place.

After this stood vp Iohn Philpot and sayd,* 3.65 y^t hee could prooue that by the matter that Theodoret intreateth of in the place aboue alledged, and by the similitude whiche hee maketh to prooue his purpose, by no meanes M. More∣mans interpretation of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, might be taken for an accidē∣tall substaunce, as he for a shift would interprete it to be. For the matter which Theodoret intreateth of in y^t place,* 3.66 is against Eutiches an hereticke, whiche denied two na∣tures of substance to remayne in Christ beyng one person, and that his humanitie after the accomplishment of y^e my∣sterie of our saluation, ascendyng into heauen,* 3.67 & being ioi∣ned vnto the Diuinitie, was absorpt or swalowed vp of y^e same, so that Christ should bee no more but of one deuine substance only by his opiniō. Against which opiniō Theo∣doret writeth, and by the similitude of the sacrament proo∣ueth the contrary against the hereticke: that like as in the sacrament of the body of Christ after the consecratiō, there is the substance of Christes humanitie, with the substance of bread, remaining as it was befor, not beyng absorpt of y^e humanitie of Christ, but ioyned by the deuine operation therunto, euen so in the person of Christ being now in hea∣uen, of whom this sacrament is a representation, there bee two seueral substances, that is, his diuinitie & humanitie vnited in one hypostasie or person, which is Christ, the hu∣manitie not beyng absorpt by the coniunction of the diui∣nitie, but remaining in his former substance.

And this similitude quoth Philpot, brought in of The∣odoret to confound Eutiches, should prooue nothing at al, if the very substance of the sacramentall bread dyd not re∣mayne, as it did before. But if D. Moremans interpretati∣on might take place for transubstantiatiō, then should the heretike haue thereby a strong argument by Theodorets authoritie, so taken to maintayne his heresie,* 3.68 and to prooue hymselfe a good christen man, and he might well say thus vnto Theodoret. Like as thou Theodoret, if thou were of D. Moremans mynd, doest say, that after the consecration in the sacrament, the substaunce of the bread is absorpt or transubstantiate into the humane body of Christ com∣myng thereunto, so that in the sacrament is now but one substance of the humanitie alone, and not the substance of bread as it was before: euen likewise may I affirme and conclude by thine owne similitude, that the humanitie as∣cending vp by the power of God into heauen, & adioyned vnto the deitie, was by the might therof absorpt & turned into one substance with the deitie: so that now there re∣mayneth but one diuine substance in Christ, no more then in the sacramental signes of the Lords supper,* 3.69 after y^e con∣secration doth remayne any more then one substaunce, ac∣cordyng to your beliefe and construction.

In aunsweryng to this D. Moreman stackerd, whose defect Philpot perceiuyng, spake on this wyse. Well, M. Moreman, if you haue no answer at this present ready, I pray you deuise one, if you can conueniently, agaynst our next meetyng here agayne.* 3.70

With that his saying the Prolocutor was grieuously offended, tellyng hym that he should not bragge there, but that he should be fully answered· Then sayd Philpot, it is the thing that I only desire, to be answered directly in this behalfe, & I desire of you, & of all the house at this present▪ that I may be sufficiently answered, which I am sure you are not able to do, sauyng Theodoretus authoritie and si∣militude

vpright, as he ought to be taken. None other answer then was made to Philpots reasons, but that hee was commaunded to silence.

Then stoode vp the Deane of Rochester offeryng hym selfe to reason in the first question agaynst the natural pre∣sence,* 3.71 wishing that the scripture and the auncient Doctors in this poynt might be weyghed, beleeued, and followed. And agaynst this naturall presence he thought the saying of Christ in Saint Mathew to make sufficiently enough, if men would credite and follow scripture, who sayd there of hymselfe, that poore men wee should haue alway with vs, but hym we should not haue alwayes: which was spoken, quoth he, concernyng the naturall presence of Christes body, therefore we ought to beleeue as hee hath taught, that Christ is not naturally present on earth in the sacrament of the aultar.

To this was aunswered by the Prolocutor, that we should not haue Christ present alwayes to exercise almes deeds vpon hym,* 3.72 but vpon the poore.

But the Deane prosecuted his argument, and shewed it out of S. Austen further,* 3.73 that the same interpretation of the scripture alledged, was no sufficient aunswere, who writeth in the 50. treatise of S. Iohn on this wise, on the same sentence: When as he sayd (sayth S. Austen) me shal ye not haue always with you, he spake of the presence of his bodye. For by his maiestie,* 3.74 by his prouidence, by his vnspeakable & vn∣uisible grace, that is fulfilled which is sayd of him. Behold I am with you vntill the consummation of the world. But in the fleshe which the worde tooke vpon hym, in that which was borne of the virgin,* 3.75 in that which was apprehended of the Iewes, whiche was crucified on the Crosse, which was let down from the crosse, which was wrapped in cloutes, which was hid in the Sepulchre, which was manifested in the resurrection, you shall not haue me alwayes with you. And why? for after a bodily presence he was conuersant with his disciples fortie dayes, and they accompany∣ing him, seyng and not folowing him, he ascended & is not here, for there he sitteth at the right hand of the father, and yet here he is, because he is not departed in the presence of hys maiestie. Af∣ter another maner we haue Christ alwayes by presence of hys maiesty, but after the presence of his flesh it is rightly sayd: You shall not verily haue me alwayes with you. For the Church had hym in the presence of his flesh a few dayes, and now by fayth it apprehendeth hym and seeth hym, not with eyes.

* 3.76To this authority D. Watson tooke vpon him to aun∣swer, and sayd, he would answer S. Austen by S. Austen, and hauyng a certaine booke in hys hand of notes, he al∣ledged out of the 70. treatise vpon S. Iohn, that after that mortall condition and maner we haue not now Christ on the earth as he was heretofore before his passion.

Agaynst whose aunswer, Iohn Philpot replyed and said,* 3.77 that M. Watson had not fully answered S. Augustine by S. Augustine, as he would seeme to haue done, for that in the place aboue mentioned by M. Deane of Rochester, he doth not onely teach the mortall state of Christes body before his passion, but also the immortall condition of the same after his resurrection: in the which mortal body S. Augustine seemeth plainely to affirme, that Christ is not present vpon the earth, neither in forme visibly, neither in corporall substance inuisibly, as in few lynes after y^e place aboue alledged. S. Augustine doth more plainely declare by these wordes, saying: Now these two manners of Christes presence declared, which is by his maiestie, prouidence, & grace now present in the world, which before his ascension was pre∣sent in flesh, and beyng now placed at the right hand of the fa∣ther, is absent in the same from the world, I thinke (saith Saint Augustine) that there remayneth no other question in thys m••t••er.

Now quoth Philpot, if S. Augustine acknowledged no more presence of Christ to be now on earth, but onely his diuine presence, and touching his humanitie to bee in heauen, we ought to confesse and beleeue the same. But if we put a third presence of Christ, that is, corporally to bee present always in the sacrament of the aultar inuisibly, ac∣cording to your suppositions, whereof S. Augustine ma∣keth no mention at all in all his works: you shal seeme to iudge that which S. Augustine did neuer comprehend.

* 3.78Why, quoth Watson, S. Augustine in the place by me alledged, maketh he not mention how S. Steuen beyng in this world, saw Christ after his ascension?

It is true, said Philpot, but he saw Christ, as the scrip∣ture telleth,* 3.79 in the heauens beyng open, standyng at the right hand of God the father. Further to this Watson an∣swered not.

Then the Prolocutor went about to furnish vp an an∣swere to S. Augustine, saying, that he is not now in the world after that maner of bodily presence,* 3.80 but yet present for all that in his body.

To whom Philpot answered, that the Prolocutor dyd grate much vpon this worde Secundum, in S. Augustine,* 3.81 which signifieth after the maner, or in forme: but he doth not answer to id quod, which is that thyng or substance of Christ, in the which Christ suffred, arose, and ascended into heauen, in the which thing and substance he is in heauen, and not on earth, as S. Augustine in the place specified most clearely doth define.

To this nothing els beyng aunswered, the Deane of Rochester proceeded in the maintenance of his argument,* 3.82 and read out of a booke of Annotations, sundry authori∣ties for the confirmation therof. To the which Moreman, who was appointed to answer him, made no direct aun∣swer, but bade him make an argument,* 3.83 saying that mai∣ster Deane had recited many wordes of Doctors, but he made not one argument.

Then said the Deane, the authorities of the doctors by me rehersed, be sufficient arguments to proue mine intent, to the which my desire is to be answered of you. But still Moreman cried, make an argument to shift of the autho∣ritie, which he could not answer vnto. After this y^e Deane made this argument out of the institution of the sacramēt: Do this in remembraunce of me: and thus ye shall shew foorth the Lordes death vntill he come.

The sacrament is the remembrance of Christ: Ergo,* 3.84 the sacrament is not very Christ: for yet he is not come. For these words, Vntill he come, do plainly signify the absence of Christes bodye. Then the Prolocutor went about to shew that these wordes Vntill he come,* 3.85 did not import any absence of Christ on the earth, by other places of scripture, where, Donec, vntill, was vsed in like sense: but directly to the purpose he answered nothing.

In conclusiō, the Deane fel to questioning with More∣man, whether Christ did eate the Paschal lambe with hys disciples, or no? He answered, Yea. Further, he demanded whether he eate likewise the Sacrament with them, as he did institute it? Moreman aunswered, Yea.* 3.86 Then he asked what he did eate, and whether he eate his owne naturall body, as they imagine it to be, or no? Which when More∣man had affirmed, then said the Deane, it is a great absur∣ditie by you granted, and so he sate downe.

Against this absurditie, Philpot stood vp and argued,* 3.87 saying, he could proue it by good reason deduced out of scri∣pture, that Christ eat not his owne natural body at the in∣stitution of the sacrament, and the reason is this.

Ba- Receiuing of Christes body hath a promise of remis∣sion of sinnes with it annexed.* 3.88

ro- Christ eating the sacrament, had no promise of remis∣sion of sinne.

co. Ergo, Christ in the Sacrament did not eate his owne body.

To this reason Moreman answered,* 3.89 deniyng the for∣mer part of the argumēt, that the sacrament had a promise of remission of sinnes annexed vnto it.

Then Philpot shewed this to be the promise in the sa∣crament: Which is geuen for you, which is shed for you for the remission of sinnes. But Moreman would not acknowledge that to be any promise, so that he droue Philpot to the 6. of S. Iohn, to vouch this saying with these words: The bread which I will geue, is my flesh, which I will geue for the lyfe of the world.

Moreman aunswering nothing directly to this argu∣ment,* 3.90 Harpsfield start vp to supply that which wanted in hys behalfe, and thinking to haue answered Philpot, con∣firmed more strongly his argumēt, saying: Ye mistake the promise which is annexed to the body of Christ in the Sa∣crament: for it pertained not to Christ, but to his Disci∣ples, to whom Christ said: This is my body which is geuen for you, and not for Christ hymselfe.

You haue sayd well for me, quoth Philpot,* 3.91 for that is myne argument. The promise of the body of Christ, tooke no effect in Christ: Ergo, Christ eate not his owne body.

Then the prolocutor to shoulder out the matter, sayd: the argument was naught.* 3.92 For by the lyke argument he might go about to proue that Christ was not baptised, be∣cause the remission of sinne which is annexed vnto Bap∣tisme, tooke no effect in Christ. To the which Philpot re∣plied, that like as Christ was baptised,* 3.93 so he eate the sacra∣ment: but he tooke on hym Baptisme, not that he had any neede thereof, or that it tooke any effect in hym, but as our maister, to geue the church an example to folow him in the ministration of the sacrament, and therby to exhibite vnto vs himselfe, and not to geue himselfe to himselfe.

No more was said in this. But afterward the Prolocu∣tor demanded of Philpot, whether he would argue against the naturall presence, or no? To whom he answered, Yea, if he would heare hys Argument without interruption,

and assigne one to aunswer him, and not many, which is a confusion to the Opponēt, & specially for him that was of an ill memory. By this time y^e night was come on, wher∣fore the Prolocutor brake vp the disputatiō for that tyme, and appointed Philpot to be the first that should begin the disputation the next day after,* 3.94 concernyng the presence of Christ in the sacrament.

¶The Acte of the fourth day.

* 3.95ON the Wednesday the xxv. of Octob. Ioh. Philpot, as it was before appointed, was redy to haue entred the disputation, mynding first to haue made a certaine Orati∣on, and a true declaration in Latine of the matter of Chri∣stes presence, which was then in question. Which thing the Prolocutor perceiuyng, by and by he forbade Philpot to make any Oration or declaration of any matter, comman∣ding him also, that he should make no argument in Latin but to conclude on his arguments in English.

* 3.96Then said Philpot, this is contrary to your order takē at the beginning of this disputatiō. For then you appoin∣ted that all the arguments should be made in Latine, and thereupon I haue drawn and deuised all myne argumēts in Latine. And because you M. Prolocutor haue said here∣tofore openly in this house, that I had no learning, I had thoght to haue shewed such learning as I haue, in a briefe Oration and short declaration of the questions now in cō∣trouersie, thinking it so most conuenient also, that in case I should speake otherwise in my declaration then should stand with learnyng, or then I were able to warrant and iustifie by gods word, it might the better be refourmed by such as were learned of the house, so that the vnlerned sort beyng present, might take the lesse offence therat. But this allegation preuayled nothyng with the Prolocutor, who bade hym still forme an argument in Englishe, or els to hold hys peace.

Then sayd Philpot, You haue sore disappoynted me, thus sodenly to go from your former order: but I will ac∣complish your commandement, leauyng myne oration a∣part: and I wil come to my arguments, the which as wel as so sodaine a warnyng will serue, I will make in Eng∣lish.* 3.97 But before I bring forth any argument, I will in one word declare what maner of presence I disallow in the sa∣crament, to the intent y^e hearers may the better vnderstand to what end & effect myne arguments shal tend: not to de∣ny vtterly the presence of Christ in his Sacrament truely ministred according to his institution, but onely to deny that grosse & carnal presence which you of this house haue alredy subscribed vnto, to be in the sacrament of the aultar contrary to the true & manifest meaning of the scriptures:* 3.98 that by Transubstantiation of the sacramentall bread and wyne, Christes naturall body should by the vertue of the words pronounced by the Priest, be conteyned and inclu∣ded vnder the formes or accidences of bread & wyne. This kind of presence imagined by men, I do deny, quoth Phil∣pot, and agaynst this I wyll reason. But before he could make an end of that he would haue sayd, he was interrup∣ted of the Prolocutor, and commaunded to descend to hys argument. At whose vniust importunitie Philpot beyng offended, and thinkyng to purchase hym a remedy there∣fore,* 3.99 he fell downe vpon hys knees before the Earles and Lordes which were there present, beyng a great number: wherof some were of the Queenes counsaile, beseechyng them that he might haue libertie to prosecute hys argu∣ments without interruption of any man: the which was gently graunted hym of the Lordes. But the Prolocutor puttyng in vre a poynt of the practise of Prelates, would not condescend therunto, but still cryed: hold your peace, or els make a short argument. I am about it, quoth Phil∣pot, if you would let me alone. But first I must needes aske a question of my Respondent (who was D. Chedsey) concerning a word or twaine of your supposition, that is, of the sacrament of the aultar, what he meaneth thereby, and whether he take it as some of the ancient writers doe,* 3.100 termyng the Lordes Supper the Sacrament of the aultar partly because it is a Sacrament of that liuelye sacrifice which Christ offered for our sinnes vpon the aultar of the Crosse, and partly because that Christes body crucified for vs, was that bloudy sacrifice which the bloudsheddyng of all the beastes offered vpon the aultar in the old lawe, dyd prefigurate and signify vnto vs: in signification whereof the old writers sometime do call the Sacrament of the bo∣dy and bloud of Christ, among other names which they ascribe there vnto the sacrament of the aultar, or whether you take it otherwyse, as for the sacrament of the aultare, which is made of lime and stone, ouer the which the sacra∣ment hangeth, and to be all one with the sacrament of the Masse, as it is at this present in many places. This done, I wyll direct mine arguments according as your answer shall geue me occasion.

Then made D. Chedsey this answer,* 3.101 that in their sup∣position they tooke the sacrament of the aultar, and the sa∣crament of the Masse to be all one.

Then quoth Philpot, I wyll speake plaine English, as M. Prolocutor willeth me, and make a short resolutiō therof: that the sacrament of the aultar which ye recken to be all one with the masse, once iustly abolished, & now put in full vse agayne, is no sacrament at all, neither is Christ in any wyse present in it: and this his sayeng he offred to prooue before the whole house, if they listed to cal him ther∣unto: and likewyse offered to vouche the same before the Queenes grace, & her most honourable Counsaile, before the face of vj. of the best learned men of the house of the con∣trary opinion, and refused none. And if I shall not be able (quoth he) to maintayne by Gods word that I haue said, & confound those vj. which shall take vpon them to with∣stand me in this poynt, let me be burned with as many fa∣gots as be in London, before the court gates. This he vt∣tred with great vehemency of spirit.

At this the Prolocutor with diuers other, were very much offended, demanding of hym whether he wist what he sayd, or no? Yea, quoth Philpot, I wote well what I say, desiring no mā to be offended with his saying, for that he spake no more thē by gods word he was able to proue.* 3.102 And praysed be God, quoth he, that the Queenes grace, hath granted vs of this house (as our Prolocutor hath in∣formed vs) that wee may freely vtter our consciences in these matters of controuersie in Religion: and therfore I will speake here my conscience freely grounded vpō gods holy worde for the truth, albeit some of you here present mislike the same.

Then diuers of the house beside the Prolocutor, taun∣ted & reprehended hym for speaking so vnfaringly against the Sacrament of the Masse:* 3.103 and the Prolocutor sayd he was mad, & threatned hym that he would send hym to pri∣son, if he would not cease hys speakyng.

Philpot seeyng hymselfe thus abused,* 3.104 & not permitted with free liberty to declare his mynd, fel into an exclama∣tion, castyng his eyes vp towards the heauen, and said, O Lord what a world is this, that the truth of thy holy word may not be spoken & abidden by? and for very sorrow and heauines, the teares trickled out of hys eyes.

After this, the Prolocutor beyng moued by some that were about hym,* 3.105 was content that he should make an ar∣gument, so that he would be briefe therein. I wyll be as briefe, quoth Philpot, as I may conueniently be in vtte∣ryng all that I haue to say. And first I wil begin to groūd myne arguments vpon the authority of scriptures, wher∣upon all the buildyng of our fayth ought to be grounded: & after I shall confirme the same by ancient doctors of the church. And I take the occasion of my first argument out of the 28. of Mathew,* 3.106 of the sayeng of the angell to the th••e Maries sekyng Christ at the sepulchre, sayeng: He is risen, he is not here: and in S. Luke in the 23. chap. the angell as∣keth thē, why they sought hym that lyueth among y^e dead.* 3.107 Likewyse the scripture testifieth that Christ is risen, ascē∣ded into heauen, and sitteth on the right hand of y^e father: all the which is spoken of hys naturall body: Ergo, it is not on earth included in the sacrament.

I will confirme this yet more effectually by the sayeng of Christ, in the 16. of S. Iohn:* 3.108 I came (sayth Christ) from my father into the world, and now I leaue the world, and goe a∣way to my father. The which commyng and goyng he ment of hys naturall body. Therfore we may affirme thereby, that it is not now in the world.

But I looke here (quoth he) to be aunswered wyth a blynd distinction of visibly and inuisibly,* 3.109 that he is visibly departed in his humanitie, but inuisibly he remaineth, not withstanding in the sacrament. But that answer I preuēt my selfe, that w^t more expedition I may descend to the pith of myne arguments, whereof I haue a dosen to propose, & will proue that no such distinction ought to take away the force of that argument, by the answer which Christes dis∣ciples gaue vnto hym, speakyng these words: Nowe thou speakest plainly, and vttrest forth no Prouerbe.* 3.110 Which wordes S. Cyrill interpretyng, sayth: That Christ spake without any maner of ambiguitie, or obscure speach. And therefore I con∣clude hereby thus, that if Christ spake plainely & without parable, saying: I leaue the world now, and goe away to my father, then that obscure, darke, & inperceptible presence of Christes natural body to remayne in the sacrament vpon earth inuisibly, contrary to the playne wordes of Christ, ought not to be allowed. For nothing can be more vncer∣tain, or more parabolical & vnsensible, then so to say. Here now will I attend what you will answer, & so descend to the confirmation of all that I haue said, by anciēt writers.

Then D. Chedsey reciting his argument in such order as it was made,* 3.111 tooke vpon him to answere seuerally to e∣uery parte therefore on this wise. First to the saying of the Angell,* 3.112 That Christ is not heere: And why seeke yee the liuing a∣mong the dead? He answeared, that these sayings pertained nothing to the presence of Christes naturall body in the sa∣crament, but that they were spoken of Christes body being in the Sepulchree when the three Maries thought hym to haue bene in the graue still. And therfore the Angell sayde: Why doe yee seeke him that liueth, among the deade? And to the authoritie of the 16. of Iohn where Christ saith: Now I leaue the worlde, and goe to my Father. Hee meant that of hys As∣cension. And so likewise did Cyril, interpreating the saying of the disciples that knewe plainly that Christ would visi∣bly ascend into heauen, but that doeth not exclude the inui∣sible presence of his naturall body in the Sacrament. For S. Chrysostome wryting to the people of Antioche, doeth af∣firm the same, comparing Helias and Christ together, and Helias cloake vnto Christes flesh.* 3.113 Helias (quoth he) when he was taken vppe in the fierie chariote, leaft his cloake behinde him vnto his disciple Helisaeus. But Christe ascending into heauen, tooke his flesh with him, and left also his flesh behind him. Wher∣by we may right well gather, that Christes flesh is visibly ascended into heauen, and inuisibly abideth still in the Sa∣crament of the altare.

To this Philpot replied, and said, you haue not direct∣ly answeared to the saying of the angel: Christ is risen, and is not heere, because you haue omitted that which was y^e chie∣fest poynt of all.* 3.114 For (sayd he) I proceeded further, as thus: He is risen, ascended, and sitteth at the right hande of God the father: Ergo, he is not remaining on the earth. Neither is your answere to Cyril, by me alleaged, sufficient. But by and by I will returne to your interpretation of Cyrill, and more plainly declare the same, after that I haue first refel∣led the authority of Chrysostome, which is one of your chief Principles that you alleaged to make for your grosse car∣nall presence in the sacrament. Which being wel weied and vnderstanded, pertaineth nothing thereunto.

At that the Prolocutour startled, that one of the chiefe pillers in this point should be ouerthrowen, & therfore re∣cited the sayd authoritie in Latine first, & afterward Engli∣shed the same, wyllinge all that were present, to note that saying of Chrysostome, which he thought inuincible on their side. But I shall make it appeare, quoth Philpot, by and by to make litle for your purpose. And as he was about to declare his minde in that behalfe, the Prolocutor did inter∣rupt him as he did, almost continually. Wherwith Philpot not being content,* 3.115 said: Master Prolocutour thinketh that he is in a Sophistrie schoole, where he knoweth right well the maner is, that when the Respondent perceiueth that he is like to be inforced with an argument to the which he is not able to answer, then he doth what he can with cauilla∣tion & interruption to driue him from the same. This say∣ing of Philpot was ill taken of the Prolocutor and his ad∣herents: and the Prolocutor said, that Philpot could bring nothing to auoid that authoritie, but his owne vaine ima∣gination. Heare quoth Philpot, and afterward iudge. For I wil do in this as al other authorities wherwith you shal charge me in refelling any of my argumentes that I haue to prosecute, answearing either vnto the same by sufficient authorities of scripture, or els by some other testimonye of like authoritie to yours, & not of mine owne imagination: the which if I doe, I will it to be of no credite. And concer∣ning the saying of Chrysostom, I haue 2. wayes to beat him from your purpose, the one oute of Scripture, the other of Chrysostome him selfe, in the place here by you alleaged.

First, where hee seemeth to say, that Christe ascending, tooke hys flesh with him,* 3.116 and least also hys flesh behinde him, truth it is: for we all do confesse and beleue that Christ tooke on hym oure humane nature in the virgine Maryes wombe, and through his passyon in the same, hath vnyted vs to hys flesh, and thereby are we become one fleshe with him, so that Chrysostome might therfore right well say, that Christ ascending tooke his fleshe which hee receiued of the virgin Mary, away with him: and also left his flesh behind him, which are we that be his electe in this worlde, whych are the mēbers of Christ, and flesh of his flesh: as very apt∣ly S. Paul to the Ephes. in the 5. chap. doth testifie, saying: We are flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones. And if percase any man will reply, that he entreateth there of the Sacra∣ment, so that this interpretation can not so aptly be appli∣ed vnto him in that place,* 3.117 then will I yet interprete Chry∣sostome an other way by himselfe. For in that place a fewe lines before those woordes, whyche were heere no rather read, are these woordes: that Christe after hee Ascended in∣to heauē, lea••t vnto vs indued w^t his Sacramēts, his flesh in mysteries, that is, Sacramentally. And that mysticall flesh Christ leaueth as well to his Churche in the Sacra∣ment of Baptisme, as in the sacramentall bread and wine. And that S. Paul iustly doth witnes, saying: As many of vs as are baptised in Christ, haue put vpon vs Christ.* 3.118 And thus you maye vnderstande that S. Chrysostome maketh nothyng for your carnall and grosse presence in the Sacrament, as you wrongfully take him.

Nowe in this meane while M. Pye rounded the Pro∣locutor in the eare to put Philpot to silence and to appoint some other, mistrusting lest he would shrodely shake theyr carnal presence in cōclusion, if he held on long, seeing in the beginning he gaue one of their chiefe foundations suche a plucke. Then the Prolocutor sayde to Philpot,* 3.119 that he had reasoned sufficiently enough, & that some other shuld now supply his rowme. Wherwith he was not wel cōtent, say∣ing: Why sir, I haue a dosen Argumentes concerning this matter to be proposed, and I haue not yet scarce ouergone my first Argument: for I haue not brought in any confir∣mation therof out of any auncient wryter (whereof I haue for the same purpose manye) beinge hitherto still letted by your oft interrupting of me.

Wel, quoth y^e Prolocutor, you shal speake no more now, and I commaund you to holde your peace. You perceyue, quoth Philpot, that I haue stuffe enoughe for you, and am able to withstand your false supposition, and therefore you commaund me to silence. If you will not geue place, quoth y^e Prolocutor, I wil send you to prison. This is not,* 3.120 quoth Philpot, accordinge to youre promise made in this house, nor yet according to your brag made at Paules crosse, that men should be answeared in this disputation, to whatsoe∣uer they cā say, since you wil not suffer me of a dosen argu∣ments to prosecute one.

Then M. Pie tooke vpon him to promise that he shuld be answeared an other day. Philpot seeing he myghte not proceede in hys purpose, being therewith iustly offended, ended, saying thus: A sort of you here, which hitherto haue lurked in corners, and dissembled with God & the worlde, are nowe gathered together to suppresse the sincere truthe of Gods holy woorde, and to sette foorth euerye false deuise, which by the Catholike doctrine of the Scripture, yee are not able to maintaine.

Then stepped forth M. Elmar Chapleine to the Duke of Suffolke:* 3.121 whome M. Moreman tooke vpon him to an∣sweare. Against whō M. Elmar obiected diuers and sun∣dry authorities for the confirming of the argument he toke the day before in hand to proue, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the sentence of Theodoret brought in by M. Cheiney,* 3.122 must needes signifie substance, and not accidence. Whose reasons and approba∣tions, because they were all grounded and broughte out of the Greeke I doe passe ouer, for that they want theyr grace in English, and also their proper vnderstanding.* 3.123 But hys allegations so incombred M. Moreman, that hee desired a day to oueruiew them, for at that instant he was wythout a conuenient answeare.

Then did the Prolocutor cal M. Haddon deane of Exe∣ter, & Chaplaine to the Duke of Suffolke,* 3.124 who prosecuted Theodoretes authoritie in confirminge M. Elmars argu∣ment. To whom D. Watson tooke vpon hym to geue aun∣swer, who after long talk was so confounded, that he was not able to answer to the word Mysterium. But for as much as he seemed to doubt therein, M. Haddon tooke out of his bosome a Latine author to confirme his saying, & shewed the same to M. Watson, asking him whether he thought y^t translation to be true, or y^t the Printer were in any faulte.* 3.125 There may be a fault in the Printer, quoth Watson, for I am not remembred of this worde. Then did M. Haddon take out of his bosome a Greeke booke, wherin he shewed forth with his finger the same wordes, whiche M. Watson could not deny. His arguments further I omit to declare at large, because they were for the moste parte in Greeke, about the boulting out of the true signification of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Thē stept forth M. Perne,* 3.126 & in argument made decla∣ration of his minde against transubstātiation, & confirmed the sayings and authorities alleaged by M. Elmar & M. Haddon. To whome the Prolocutor answered, saying: I much maruel, M. Perne, that you wil say thus, for somuch as on friday last you subscribed to the contrary. Which hys saying master Elmar did mislike, saying to the Prolocutor that he was to blame so to reprehend any man,* 3.127 partlye for that this house (quoth he) is an house of free libertye for e∣uery man to speake his conscience, and partly for that you promised yester day, that notw^tstanding any man had sub∣scribed, yet he should haue free libertie to speake his mind. And for that the night did approche, and y^e time was spent, the Prolocutor geuing them praises for their learning, did yet notwythstanding conclude, that al reasoning set apart, the order of the holy churche must be receiued, & all thyngs must be ordered thereby.

The acte of the fift day.

ON Friday the 27. of Octob. D. Weston the Prolocutor did first propounde the matter, shewing that the Con∣uocation had spent 2. dayes in disputation already aboute one only doctor,* 3.128 which was Theodoret, & about one onely worde, which was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Yet were they come the 3. daye to answer al things that could be obiected, so that they would shortly put out their argumēts. So M. Haddon Deane of Exeter, desired leaue to appose M. Watson, which wyth 2. other mo, that is, Morgan & Harpsfield, was apoynted to answer.* 3.129 M. Haddon demaunded this of him, whether any substāce of bread or wine did remaine after the consecrati∣on. Then Master Watson asked of him againe, whether he thought there to be a reall presence of Christes body or no? M. Haddon saide, it was not meete nor orderlike, that hee which was appoynted to be respondent, should be oppo∣nent, & he whose duty was to obiect, shuld answer. Yet M. Watson along while would not agree to answer, but that thing first being granted him. At last an order was set, and M. Haddon had leaue to go forwarde with his argument.

Then he prooued by Theodorets words, a substance of breade and wine to remaine. For these are his wordes: The same they were before the sanctification,* 3.130 whiche they are after. M. Watson sayde, that Theodoret meant not the same sub∣stance, but the same essence. Whereupon they were driuen againe vnto the discussing of the Greeke woorde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and M. Haddon prooued it to meane a substaunce,* 3.131 bothe by the Etimologie of the word, and by the wordes of the Doctor. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (quoth he) cōmeth of the Participle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which des∣cendeth of the verbe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so commeth the Noune 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth substance.

Then M. Watson answeared that it had not that sig∣nification onely. But M. Haddon prooued y^t it must nedes so signifie in that place. Then hee asked Watson when the bread & wine became Symboles? Wherunto he answered: after the consecration and not before. Then gathered M. Haddon this reason out of hys author.

Da- The same thing, saieth Theodoret, that the bread and wine were before they were Symboles, the same they remaine still in nature and substance,* 3.132 after they are Symboles.

ti- Bread and wine they were before:

si. Therefore bread and wine they are after.

Then M. Watson fell to the deniall of the authour, and said he was a Nestorian:* 3.133 and he desired y^t he might answer to master Cheiney, whyche stoode by, for that he was more meete to dispute in the matter, because he had granted and subscribed vnto the real presence. M. Cheyney desired pa∣cience of the honorable men to heare hym, trusting that he should so open the matter, that the veritie should appeare: protesting furthermore,* 3.134 that he was no obstinate nor stub∣burne man, but would be conformable to all reason: and if they by their learning, which he acknowledged to be much more then his, could answer his reasons, then he would be ruled by them, and say as they sayd: for he would be no au∣thor of schisme, nor hold any thing cōtrary to the holy mo∣ther the church, which is Christes spouse. D. Weston liked this well, and commended him highly, saying that he was a well learned and a sober man, & well exercised in all good learning, and in the Doctors, and finallye a man meete for his knowledge to dispute in that place: I pray you heare him, quoth he. Then Master Cheiney desired such as there were present to pray 2. words with him vnto God, and to say, Vincat veritas, Lette the veritie take place, and haue the victorie:* 3.135 and all that were present cried with a loud voyce, Vincat veritas, vincat veritas.

Then sayde D. Weston to him, that it was hypocriti∣call. Men may better say (quoth he) Vincit veritas, Trueth hath gotten the victorie.* 3.136 Master Cheyny sayd againe, if he woulde geue hym leaue, he woulde bryng it to that poynte that he might wel say so.

Then he began wyth M. Watson after thys sorte: you sayd,* 3.137 that M. Haddon was vnmete to dispute, because hee graunteth not the naturall and real presence: but I say you are muche more vnmeete to aunswere, because you take a∣way the substance of the sacrament.

M. Watson said, he had subscribed to the real presence, & should not go away from that.* 3.138 So sayde Weston also, & the rest of the Priestes, in so muche that for a greate while hee could haue no leaue to say any more, till the Lordes spake, and willed that he should be heard.

Then he tolde them what hee meant by his subscribing to the reall presence, farre otherwyse then they supposed. So then he went forwarde, and prosecuted M. Haddons argument in prouing that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a substance, vsing the same reason that M. Haddon did before him: and when he had receiued the same aunswere also that was made to M. Haddon, he said it was but a le••d refuge, when they could not answer, to deny the author, & proued the author to be a catholike doctor: and that being prooued, he confirmed that was saide of the nature and substance, further. The simili∣tude of Theodorete is this, quoth he: As the token of Chri∣stes body and bloud after the inuocation of the Prieste, doe change their names, & yet continue the same substaunce, so the body of Christ after his ascension changed his name, & was called immortall, yet had it his former fashion, figure, & circumscription, and to speake at one word, the same sub∣stance of his body. Therefore said M. Cheiney,* 3.139 if in the for∣mer part of the similitude you denye the same substaunce to continue, then in y^e later parte of the similitude which agre∣eth with it, I wil deny the body of Christ after his ascensiō to haue the former nature & substance. But y^t were a great heresy: therefore it is also a great heresye to take awaye the substance of bread and wine after the sanctification.

Then was M. Watson enforced to saye, that the sub∣staunce of the bodye in the former parte of the similitude brought in by him, did signifie quantitie & other accidentes of the sacramentall tokens which be s••ene, and not the ve∣ry substance of the same: and therfore Theodoret saith, Quae videntur. &c. that is, Those things which be seene. For accor∣ding to Philosophie, the accidentes of things be seene, and not the substances.

Then M. Cheiney appealed to the honorable mē, and desired that they shoulde geue no credite to them in so say∣ing: for if they should so thinke as they woulde teache,* 3.140 after theyr Lordshippes had ridden 40. miles on horsebacke (as their busines doth sometime require) they should not be a∣ble to say at night, that they sawe their horses all y^e day, but only the colour of theyr horsses: and by hys reason Christe must go to schole & learne of Aristotle to speake. For when he saw Nathanaell vnder the fig tree, if Aristotle had stand by, he would haue said no Christe, thou sawest not him, but the colour of him. After this Watson sayde, what if it were graunted that Theodoret was on the other side? whereas they had one of that opinion, there were an hundred on the other side.

Then the Prolocutor called for M. Morgan to helpe: and sayd,* 3.141 that Theodoret did not more then he might law∣fully do. For first he graunted the truthe, and then for feare of suche as were not fully instructed in the faythe, he spake, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, couertly, and in a mysterie: and thys was lawfull for him to do, for first he graunted the trueth, and called them the body of Christ, & bloud of Christ. Then afterward he seemed to geue somwhat to the sences, and to reason, but that Theodorete is of the same minde that they were of, the words folowing, quoth he, do declare. For that which followeth is a cause of that whiche went before, and therefore he sayth: The immortalitie. &c.* 3.142 Whereby it doth ap∣peare, that he meante the diuine nature, & not the humane. Then was Morgan taken w^t misalleging of the text. For the booke had not this word (for). For the Greeke word did rather signify (truly) & not (for) so that it mighte manifestly appeare that it was the beginning of a newe matter, & not a sentence rendring a cause of that he had sayd before.

Then was it said by Watson again: suppose that Theo∣doret be wyth you, whych is one that we neuer hearde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 printed, but two or three yeres ago: Yet he is but one, and what is one against the whole consent of the church? After this M. Cheyney inferred, that not only Theodorete was of that minde, that the substance of bread and wine doe re∣maine, but diuers other also, & speciallye Irenaeus, who ma∣king mention of this sacrament, sayth thus: when the cuppe whych is mingled with wine, and the breade that is broken,* 3.143 doe receiue the worde of God, it is made the Euchariste of the bodye and bloude of Christ, by the whiche the substaunce of our flesh is nourished, and doeth consist. If the thankes geuing doe nou∣rish our body, then ther is some substance besides Christes body.

To the which reason both Watson and Morgan aun∣sweared, that Ex quibus, By the whych,* 3.144 in the sentence of Ire∣naeus, was referred to the next antecedent, that is, to the bo∣dy and bloud of Christ, and not to the wine which is in the cup, and the bread that is broken.

Master Cheiney replied,* 3.145 that it was not the bodye of Christ which norished our bodies. And let it be that Chri∣stes flesh norisheth to immortalitie, yet it doth not answere that argument, although it be true, no more then that aun∣swere which was made to my allegation out of S. Paule: The bread which we breake, &c. w^t certaine other like: where∣unto you answered, that bread was not taken there in hys proper signification, but for that it had bene: no more then the rod of Aaron which was taken for the serpent, because it had beene a serpent. After this M. Cheyney broughte in

Hesechius,* 3.146 and vsed the same reason that hee did of the cu∣stome of burning of Symboles, and hee asked them what was burnt. Master Watson sayd, we must not enquire nor aske, but if there were any faulte, impute it to Christ. Then sayde M. Cheiney, whereof came those ashes? not of a sub∣stance? or can anye substance arise of accidents?

Then was M. Harpsfield called in to see what he could say in the matter.* 3.147 Who told a faire tale of the omnipotencie of God, and of the imbecilitie and weaknesse of mans rea∣sons not able to attaine to godly things. And he sayde, that it was conuenient whatsoeuer we sawe, felt, or tasted, not to trust our sences. And he tolde a tale out of S. Cyprian, how a woman sawe the Sacrament burning in her cofer,* 3.148 and that which burned there, quoth Harpsfielde, burneth heere, and becōmeth ashes. But what that was that burnt he could not tell. But M. Cheiney continued still, and for∣ced them with this question, what it was that was burnt? It was eyther (sayde he) the substance of breade, or els the substaunce of the body of Christe, which were too much ab∣surditie to graunt. At length they answeared, that it was a miracle, wherat M. Cheiney smiled, and sayd that he could then say no more.

Then D. Weston asked of the company there, whether those menne were sufficiently answeared or no:* 3.149 Certaine Priestes cried Yea, but they were not heard at all: for the great multitude which cried No, no. Which cry was heard and noised almost to the ende of Paules. Whereat D. We∣ston being much mooued, answered bitterly, that hee asked not the iudgement of the rude multitude & vnlearned peo∣ple, but of them which were of the house. Then asked he of M. Haddon and his fellowes, whether they woulde aun∣swere them other three dayes. Haddon, Cheiney, and El∣mar, sayd No. But the Archdeacon of Winchester stoode vp and sayde, that they should not say but they should be aun∣sweared, and though all other did refuse to answer, yet he would not,* 3.150 but offered to answere them all one after ano∣ther:* 3.151 wyth whose profer the Prolocutor was not contēted, but raised on him, and sayd that he should goe to Bedlem: to whome the Archdeacon soberly made this answer: that he was more worthy to be sent thether, who vsed himselfe so ragingly in that disputation, without any indifferent e∣qualitie. Then rose D. Weston vp, and sayde:

All the company hath subscribed to our Article, sauing only these men which you see.* 3.152 What their reasons are, you haue heard. We haue answeared them 3. daies, vppon pro∣mise (as it pleased him to descāt, wythout truth, for no such promise was made) that they should answer vs againe as long, as the order of disputation doeth require, and if they be able to defend theyr doctrine, let them so doe.

Then M. Elmar stood vp & prooued how vaine a man Weston was,* 3.153 for hee affirmed that they neuer promised to dispute, but only to open & testifye to the worlde their con∣sciences: For whē they were required to subscribe, they re∣fused, and sayd that they would shewe good reasons whych mooued them that they coulde not with their consciences subscribe, as they had partly alreadye done, and were able to doe more sufficiently: therefore (quoth he) it hath bene ill called a disputation, & they were worthy to be blamed that were the authours of that name. For we meant not to dis∣pute, nor now meane not to answer, before our argumēts (quoth he) which we haue to propounde, be soluted, accor∣ding as it was appoynted: For by answearing we shoulde but incumber ourselues, and profit nothing, since the mat∣ter is already decreed vppon and determined, what soeuer we shall prooue, or dispute to the contrary.

The acte of the sixte day.

* 3.154ON Mondaye following, being the 30. of October, the Prolocutor demaunded of Iohn Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester, whether he would answere in the questions before propounded to their obiections, or no? To whome he made this answeare, that he woulde willingly so doe, if, according to theyr former determination, they would firste aunswere sufficiently to some of hys argumentes, as they had promised to do: wherof he had a dozen, not halfe of the first being yet decided: And if they woulde aunswere fully, and sufficiently but to one of his Arguments, he promised that he would answere all the obiections that they shoulde bryng.

Then the Prolocutor bade him propounde hys Argu∣ment, and it should be resolutely answered by one of them: whereunto M. Morgan was appoynted.* 3.155 Upon Wensday last (quoth he) I was inforced to silence before I had pro∣secuted halfe of mine Argument: the summe whereof was this (as was gathered by the iust context of the scripture) that the humain body of Christ was ascended into heauen, and placed on the right hand of God the father: wherefore it coulde not be situate vpon earth in the sacrament of the altare, inuisible after the imagination of man. The argu∣ment was denied by Morgan: For the profe wherof, Phil∣pot sayd, that this was it wherwith he had to confirme his first argument, if they would haue suffred him y^e other day, as now he trusted they would.

Fe- One selfe and same nature (quoth he) receiueth not in it selfe any thing that is contrary to it selfe.* 3.156

ri- But the body of Christ is an humane nature, distincte from the Deitie, and is a proper nature of it selfe.

o. Ergo, it cannot receiue any thyng that is contrarye to that nature, and that varieth from it selfe.

But bodely to be present, and bodely to be absent, to be on earth, and to be in heauen, and al at one present time, be things contrary to the nature of an humaine body, Ergo, it cannot be saide of the humaine body of Christ, that the selfe same body is both in heauen, & also in earth at one instant, either visibly or inuisibly.

Morgan denied the Maior, that is,* 3.157 the firste parte of the argument. The which Philpot vouched out of Vigilius an auncient wryter.* 3.158 But Morgan cauilled that it was no scri∣pture, and bade him prooue the same out of scripture.

Philpot sayd he could also so do, and right well deduce the same out of S. Paule, who sayeth, that Christ is like vnto vs in all poyntes, except sinne: and therefore like as one of our bodies cannot receiue in it selfe any thing contrarye to the nature of a body, as to be in Paules churche, and at West∣minster at one instant, or to be at Londō visibly, & at Lin∣coln inuisibly at one time: for that is so contrary to the na∣ture of a body,* 3.159 and of all creatures (as Didimus and Basi∣lius affirme) that an inuisible creature, as an Angell, can∣not be at one time in diuers places, wherfore he concluded, that the body of Christ might not be in moe places then in one, which is in heauen, and so consequently, not to be con∣tained in the sacrament of the altare.

To thys the Prolocutor tooke vpon him to answeare,* 3.160 saying, that it was not true that Christe was like vnto vs in all poynts, as Philpot tooke it, except sinne,* 3.161 For y^t Christ was not conceiued by the seede of man, as we be.

Whereunto Philpot againe replied, that Christes con∣ception was prophesied before by the Angel to be superna∣tural, but after he had receiued our nature by the operation of the holy Ghost in the virgins wombe, hee became in all poynts like vnto vs, except sinne.

Then Morgan inferred that thys saying of Paule dyd not plainly proue his purpose. Wel, quoth Philpot,* 3.162 I per∣ceiue that you do answere but by cauillation, yet am I not destitute of other scriptures to confirme my first argumēt,* 3.163 although you refuse the probation of so ancient and catho∣licke a doctour as Vigilius is. Sainte Peter in the sermone that he made in the thirde of the Actes, making mention of Christe, sayth these woordes, whome heauen must receiue vn∣till the consummation of all things. &c.* 3.164 Which words are spo∣ken of hys humanitie. If heauen must holde Christ, then can hee not be heere on earth in the Sacrament, as is pre∣tended.

Then Morgan laughing at this,* 3.165 and geuing no direct answer at all, Harpfield stoode vp, being one of the Bishop of Londons chaplaines, and tooke vpon him to answer to the saying of S. Peter, & demaunded of Philpot, whether he would, ex necessitate, that is, of necessitie, force Christ to any place, or no?

Philpot sayd, that he would no otherwise force Christe of necessity to any place,* 3.166 then he is taught by the wordes of the holy Ghost, which sounde thus: that Christes humaine body must abide in heauen vntill the day of iudgement, as I rehearsed out of the chapter before mentioned.

Why quoth Harpsfield, do you not knowe that Christe is God omnipotent? Yes said Philpot,* 3.167 I know that right wel, neither doubt I any thing at all of his omnipotencie. But of Christes omnipotencie what he may do, is not our question, but rather what he doeth. I knowe he may make a stone in the wall a manne, if he liste, and also that he may make moe worldes, but doeth he therefore so? It were no good consequent so to conclude: hee maye doe this, or that, therefore he doth it.

Ba- Only so much is to be beleeued of Gods omnipoten∣cie, as is in the woorde expressed.

ra- That Christes body is both in heauen and heere also really in the sacrament, is not expressed in the word.

co. Ergo, it is not to be beleeued that the body of Christe, being in heauen is heere also really in the sacrament.

Why quoth the Prolocutor, then you will putte Christ in prisone in heauen. To the which Philpot answered, doe you recken heauen to be a prisone? God graunt vs all to

come to that prisone.

After this, Harpsfield inferred that this word Oportet in S. Peter,* 3.168 which signifieth in Englishe must, did not im∣port so much as I woulde inferre of necessitie, as by other places of Scripture it may appeare, as in the first to Tim. where Paule sayeth, Oportet Episcopum esse vnius vxoris vi∣rum: A bishop must be the husband of one wife. Here quoth he, Oportet doeth not import suche a necessitie, but that hee that neuer was maried may be a Bishop.

To this Philpot saide againe, that the places were not like whych he went about to compare, and that in compa∣ring of the Scriptures wee muste not consider the naked wordes,* 3.169 but the meaning rather of the Scriptures, for y^t in the place by him alleaged,* 3.170 S. Paule doeth declare of what qualitie a Bishop ought to be. But in the other S. Peter teacheth vs the place where Christ must necessarily be vn∣til the ende of the worlde: which we ought to beleeue to be true. And this comparison of this worde Oportet, doeth no more aunswer mine argument, then if I should say of you now being here Oportet te hic esse, you must nedes be heere, which importeth such necessity for the time, that you can no otherwise be but here, & yet you would go about in words to auoide this necessitye with another Oportet, in an other sense, as this, Oportet te esse virū bonum, you must be a good man, where Oportet doeth not in very deede conclude any such necessity, but that you may be an euill man. Thus you may see that your answere is not sufficient, & as it were, no answere to mine argument.

Then the Prolocutour brought in another Oportet, to helpe this matter (if it mighte be) sayinge,* 3.171 what say you to this, Oportet haereses esse, must heresies needes be therefore because of thys word Oportet?

* 3.172Yea truely, quoth Philpotte, it cannot otherwise be, if you will adde that which followeth immediatly vpon these woordes of Paul, that is, Vt qui electi sunt, manifestentur, that is: That suche as be y^e elect of God, may be manifested and knowen.

Why, quoth the Prolocutor, the time hath bene that no heresies were.* 3.173 I knowe no suche time quoth Philpot. For since the time of Abell and Caine, heresies haue bene, and then began they.* 3.174 Then sayd the Prolocutor, wil you nowe answer Morgan an argument or two? I wil quoth Phil∣pot, if I may first be answered to my argument any thyng according to truth and learning.* 3.175 What quoth the Prolocu∣tor, you will neuer be answeared. Howe I am answeared, quoth Philpot,* 3.176 let all men that are here present, iudge: and specially such as be learned, & with what cauillations you haue dallied with me.

First to the auncient authority of Vigilius, you haue an∣swered nothing at all, but only denying it to be scripture y^t he sayth. Secondly, to the saying of S. Peter in the actes, yee haue aunsweared thus, demaunding of me whether I would keepe Christ in prison or no, let men nowe iudge if this be a sufficient answere or no.

Then stoode Morgane vp againe, and asked Philpotte whether he would be ruled by the vniuersal church,* 3.177 or no.

Yes, quoth he, if it be the true Catholicke Church. And sith you speake so much of the Churche,* 3.178 I would faine that you would declare what the church is.

The church, quoth Morgan, is diffused and dispearsed throughout the whole worlde.* 3.179 That is a diffuse definition quod Philpot, for I am yet as vncertaine as I was before what you meane by y^e church:* 3.180 but I knowledge no church, but that which is grounded and founded on Gods woord, as S. Paul sayth,* 3.181 vpon the foundation of the Apostles & Pro∣phets, and vpon the scriptures of God.

What quoth Moreman, was the Scripture before the church? yea quoth Philpot. But I will prooue nay, quoth Moreman, and I wil begin at Christes time. The Church of Christ was before any scripture wrytten. For Mathewe was the first that wrote the Gospell, about a dosen yeares after Christ, Ergo, the church was before the scripture.

To whom Philpot answering, denied this argument. Which when Moreman could not prooue, Philpot shewed that his argument was Elenchus, or a fallace, that is, a de∣ceiueable argument. For he tooke the Scripture only to be that, whych is wrytten by men in letters, wheras in ve∣ry deede,* 3.182 all Prophecie, vttered by the spirite of God, was counted to be Scripture before it was wrytten in paper & inke, for that it was wrytten in the heartes, and grauen in the mindes, yea, and inspired in the mouthes of good men, and of Christes Apostles by the spirite of Christ: As the sa∣lutation of the Angel was the scripture of Christe, and the word of God before it was written. At that Moreman cri∣ed, fie, fie, wondring that the Scripture of God shoulde be counted scripture, before it was wrytten, and affirmed that he had no knowledge that said so.

* 3.183To whom Philpot answered, that concerning know∣ledge in this behalfe, for the triall of the truth about y^e que∣stions in controuersie, he woulde wish hymselfe no worse matched then with Moreman.

At the which saying the Prolocutor was greuously of∣fended, saying, that it was arrogantly spoken of hym,* 3.184 that woulde compare with suche a worshipfull learned man as Moreman was, being himselfe a manne vnlearned,* 3.185 yea a madde man, meter to be sent to Bedlem, then to be among such a sorte of learned and graue men as there were, and a man that neuer woulde be answeared, and one that trou∣bled the whole house: and therefore he did commaund him that he shoulde come no more into the house, demaunding of the house whether they would agree thereuppon, or no. To whome a great number aunsweraed, yea. Then sayde Philpot againe, that he might thinke himselfe happye that was out of that companie.

After this, Morgan rose vp, and rounded the Prolocu∣tor in the eare.* 3.186 And then againe the Prolocutor spake to Philpot and said, least you should slaunder the house, & say that we will not suffer you to declare youre minde, we are content you shal come into the house as you haue done be∣fore, so that you be apparelled wyth a long gowne & a tip∣pette as we be, and that you shall not speake, but when I commaund you. Then quoth Philpot, I had rather be ab∣sent altogether.

Thus they reasoning to and fro, at length about the 13. of December, Q. Mary, to take vp the matter, sendeth her commaundement to Boner Byshoppe of London, that he should dissolue and breake vp the conuocation.* 3.187 The copie of which commaundement here followeth.

The precept of the Queene to Boner, Bishop of London, for the dissoluing of the fore∣sayde Conuocation.

MAria. &c. Reuerendo in Christo patri & Domino, Domino Edmundo London. Episcopo, salutem.* 3.188 Cum praesens cō••••∣catio Cleri Cantuariensis prouinciae apud Sāctum Paulum Lon∣don. iam modo tenta & instans existit, certis tamen vrgentibus causis & considerationibus nos specialiter mouentibus, de adui∣samento Consilij nostri ipsam praesentem conuocationem duxi∣mus dissoluendam: Et ideo vobis mandamus quòd eandem prae∣sentem conuocationem apud sanctum Paulum praedictum debi∣to modo asque aliqua dilatione dissoluatis. dissoluiue faciatis pro∣ut conuenit, significantes ex parte nostra vniuersis & singulis E∣piscopis, nec non Archidiaconis, Decanis, & omnibus alijs per∣sonis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque dictae Cantuariensis Prouin∣ciae quorum interest, vel interesse poterit, quod ipsi & eorum qui∣libet huic mandato nostro exequendo intendentes sint & obedi∣entes prout decet. Teste meipsa apud Westmonasterium 13. die Decembris. Anno regni nostri primo.

During the time of this disputation, the 20. day of No∣uēber, y^e Maior of Couentrie sent vp vnto y^e Lordes of the Coūsel Baldwine Clarke, I. Carelesse, Tho. Wilcockes, and Richard Estlin, for their behauiour vpon All halowe day last before. Whereupon Carelesse and Wylcocks were committed to the gatehouse, and Clarke and Astelyn to the Marshalsey.

The same day there was a letter directed to Sir Chri∣stopher Heydon, and Sir William Farmer knight, for the apprehension of Iohn Huntingdon preacher, for making a rime against D. Stokes and the sacrament. Who appea∣ring before the counsell the 3. of December next after, was vpon his humble submission and promise, to amend aswel in doctrine as liuing, againe suffered to depart.

In the daies of king Henry,* 3.189 and also of king Edward raigning after him, diuers noble men, Bishops and other, were cast into the Tower, some charged with treason as Lord courtney and the Duke of Northfolke (whose sonne Lorde Henry Earle of Surrey had bene the same time be∣headed, a worthy & ingenious gentlemen, for what cause, or by whom, I haue not hear to deale, this is certaine, that not many yeres after his death, folowed the beheading of both the L. Semers, and at last of the Duke of Northum∣berland also) some for y^e Popes supremacie,* 3.190 and suspicious letters tending to sedition, as Tonstal B. of Durham, and other for other things, all which continued there prisoners til Q. Maries comming in. Unto whome the saide Q. eft∣soones graunted their pardone, and restored them to theyr former dignities. Amongst whom also was Gardiner B. of Winchester, whom she not onely freed out of captiuitie, but also aduaunced him to be high chancelor of Englande. Furthermore to the L. Courtney she shewed such fauour,* 3.191 that shee made him Earle of Deuonshire, in so muche that there was a suspition amongst many, that she would ma∣rie him, but that prooued otherwise.

The same time Bonner also had bene prisonner in the Marshalsey, whome likewise Queene Mary deliuered, & restored to the Bishopricke of London againe, displacing Doct. Ridley, with diuers other good Bishops moe, as is aboue mentioned, as Cranmer from Canterb. the Arch∣byshoppe of Yorke likewise, Poynette from Winchester, Iohn Hooper from Worcester,* 3.192 Barlow from Bath, Har∣ley from Hereforde, Taylor from Lincolne, Ferrar from S. Dauids, Couerdale from Excester, Scorye from Chi∣chester, &c. with a great number of Archdeacons, Deanes, and briefly all suche beneficed men, which either were mar∣ried, or woulde constantly adheere to theyr profession. All which were remooued from their liuings,* 3.193 and other of the contrary secte sette in the same, as Cardinall Poole (who was then sent for) Gardiner, Heath, White, Daye, Trou∣blefield, &c.

And as touching Cranmer, of whome mention was made before,* 3.194 for so much as there was a rumor spreade of hym the same time at London, that he hadde recanted, and caused Masse to be sayde at Caunterburye, for purging of hymselfe hee published abroade a declaration of hys truthe and constancie in that behalfe, protestinge that hee neyther had so done,* 3.195 nor mineded so to doe: adding moreouer, that if it woulde so please the Queene, he wyth Peter Martyr, and certaine other whome he would chuse, would in open disputation sustaine the cause of the doctrine taught and set foorth before in the time of king Edward, againste all per∣sons whomesoeuer. But while he was in expectation to haue this disputation obtained, he with other bishops wer laid fast in the Tower, and P. Martir permitted to depart the realme, and so wen•• he to Argentine.

After this, in the moneth of Nouemb. the Archbyshop Cranmer (notwithstāding he had earnestly refused to sub∣scribe to the kings wil,* 3.196 in disheriting his sister Marye, ••l∣ledging many graue and pithy reasons for her legitimati∣on, was in Guild hall of London arraigned and attainted of treason, with the L. Iane, and three of the Duke of Nor∣thumberlandes sonnes, which at the intreatye of certayne persons were had againe to the Tower, and there kept for a time. All which notwithstanding, Cranmer beinge par∣doned of treason, stoode onely in the action and case of doc∣trine, why••h they called heresie, whereof hee was ryghte glad and ioyfull.

This being done in Nouember, the people, and espe∣cially the Churchmen, perceiuing the Queene so eagerlye set vpon her olde religion, they likewise for theyr partes, to shewe themselues no lesse forwarde to serue the Queenes appetite (as the manner is of the multitude, commonlye to frame themselues after the humour of the Prince and time present) began in their Quiers to set vp the pageants of s. Katherine,* 3.197 and of S. Nicholas, and of their processions in Latine, after all their olde solemnitie with their gaye gar∣de••iance, and gray ami••es.

And when the month of December was come, the Par∣liament brake vp, but first of all such statutes were repea∣led, which were made either of Premunire, or touched anye alteration of religion and administration of Sacramentes vnder king Edward. In the which parliament also com∣munication was mooued of the Queenes mariage, wyth king Phillip the Emperors sonne.

In this meane while Cardinal Poole being sent for by Q. Mary,* 3.198 was by the Emperour requested to staye wyth hym, to the intente (as some thinke) that hys presence in England should not be a let to the mariage which hee in∣tended betweene Philip his sonne and Q. Marye. For the making wherof, he sent a most ample Ambassade, with full power to make vp the mariage betwixt them: which tooke such successe that after they had communed of the matter a few daies, they knit vp the knot.

Anno. 1554.

The 13. of Ianuarie 1554. Doctor Crome for his prea∣ching vpon Christmas day without licence, was commit∣ted to the Fleete.

The 21. of Ianuarie, M. Thomas Wootten Esquire, was for matters of religion committed to the Fleete close prisonner.

* 3.199This mention of mariage was about the beginning of Ianuary, and was very euill takē of the people, & of many of the nobility, who for his, and for religion, conspiring a∣mong themselues, made a rebellion: whereof sir Thomas Wyate knight was one of the chief beginners: who beyng in Kent,* 3.200 said (as many els perceiued) that the Queene and the Counsel would by forraine mariage bring vppon thys Realme moste miserable seruitude, & establish popish reli∣gion. About the 25. of Ianuary newes came to London of this stur in Kent,* 3.201 and shortlye after of the D. of Suffolke, who was fled into Warwikeshier & Lecestershire: there to gather a power. The Queene therefore caused them bothe wyth the two Carewes of Deuonshire to bee proclaimed Traitors: and sent into Kent against Wyate,* 3.202 Thomas D. of Norfolke, who being aboute Rochester bridge forsaken of them that went with him, returned s••••e to London with out any more harme done vnto him, and wythoute bloud∣shed on either partie.

Furthermore to apprehende the Duke of Suffolke, be∣ing fled into Warwikeshiere, was sent the Earle of Hun∣tington in post,* 3.203 who entring the Citie of Couentrie before the Duke, disappoynted him of his purpose. Wherefore the Duke in great distresse committed himselfe to the keeping of a seruaunt of his named Underwoode in Astley Parke, who like a false traitor bewraied him. And so was brought vp to the Tower of London.

In the meane while Sir Peter Carewe hearynge of that was done, fledde into Fraunce, but the other were ta∣ken,* 3.204 and Wyat came towards London in the beginning of February. The Queene hearing of Wyates comminge, came into the Citie to the Guilde Hall, where shee made a vehement Oration against Wyate: the contentes, at least, the effect wherof here foloweth, as nere as out of her owne mouth could be penned.

The Oration of Queene Marie in the Guild Hall.

I Am come vnto you in mine own person, to tel you that,* 3.205 which already you see and know, that is, how traiterously and rebelli∣ously, a number of Kentish mē haue assembled them selues against both vs and you. Their pretence (as they sayde at the first) was for a mariage determined for vs: to the which, and to all the Articles therof ye haue bene made priuie. But sithens we haue caused cer∣taine of our priuie Counsaile to goe againe vnto them, and to de∣maunde the cause of this their rebellion, and it appeared then vn∣to our sayde Counsel,* 3.206 that the matter of the mariage seemed to be but as a Spanish cloake to couer their pretenced purpose against our religion, so that they arrogantly and traiterously demaunded to haue the gouernance of our person, the keeping of the Tower, and the placing of our Counsailers.

Nowe louing subiectes, what I am ye right well knowe, I am your Queene, to whome at my Coronation when I was wedded to the Realme, and lawes of the same (the spousall Ring wherof I haue on my finger, which neuer hetherto was, nor heereafter shall be left off) you promised your allegeaunce and obedience vnto me. And that I am the right, and true inheritour of the crowne of this Realme of England I take all Christendome to witnesse. My Father, as ye all know, possessed the same regall state, which nowe rightly is descended vnto me: and to him alwaies ye shewed your selues most faithfull and louing subiectes, and therefore I doubte not, but ye will shew your selues likewise to me, and that yee will not suffer a vile Traitour to haue the order & gouernance of our person, and to occupie our estate, especially being so vile a Tray∣tor as Wyat is. Who most certainly as he hath abused mine igno∣rant subiects, which be on his side,* 3.207 so doth he entend and purpose the destruction of you, and spoile of your goodes. And this I say to you in the woorde of a Prince, I can not tel how naturally the mother loueth the childe, for I was neuer the mother of anye, but certainely, if a Prince and gouernour maye as naturally and ear∣nestly loue her subiectes, as the Mother doeth the Childe, then as∣sure your selues, that I being your Ladie and Maistres, doe as ear∣nestly and as tenderly loue & fauour you. And I thus louing you, cannot but thinke that yee as heartely and faithfully loue me, and then I doubt not, but we shall geue these rebelles a short & spee∣dy ouerthrow.

As concerning the Mariage, ye shall vnderstand that I enter∣prised not the doing thereof without aduise, and that by the ad∣uice of all our priuie Counsell, who so considered and wayed the great commodities that might ensue thereof, that they not onely thought it very honorable, but also expediēt, both for the wealth of the Realme, and also of you our Subiects. And as touching my selfe, I assure you, I am not so bente to my will, neither so precise, nor affectionate, that either for mine own pleasure,* 3.208 I wold chuse where I lust, or that I am so desirous, as needes I would haue one. For God I thanke him, to whome bee the praise therefore, I haue hetherto liued a Virgin, and doubt nothing, but with Gods grace am able so to liue stil. But if as my progenitors haue done before, it might please God that I might leaue some fruit of my body be∣hinde me, to be your Gouernour, I trust you would not onely re∣ioyce therat, but also I know it would be to your great comforte. And certainely, if I either did thinke or knowe, that this Mariage were to the hurt of any of you my Commons, or to the empeach∣ment of any part or parcel of the royall state of this realme of En∣gland, I would neuer consent therunto, neither wold I euer mary while I liued. And in the word of a Queene I promise you, that if it shall not probably appeare to all the Nobilitie and Commons in the highe Court of Parliament, that thys Marryage shall be for

the high benefit & cōmoditie of all the whole Realme, then I wil abstaine from Mariage while I liue.

And now good Subiects, plucke vp your hearts, and like true men,* 3.209 stande fast against these rebels, both our enemies and yours, and feare them not: for I assure you I feare them nothing at all, And I will leaue with you my Lord Haward, & my Lord Treaso∣ror, who shalbe assistants with the Mayor for your defence.

¶Here is to be noted, that at the comming of Queene Mary to the Guild hall, being bruted before that shee was comming w^t harnessed men, such a feare came among them that a number of the Londiners fearing least they shoulde be there intrapped & put to death, made out of the gate be∣fore her entring in. Furthermore note, that when shee had ended her Oration (which she semed to haue perfectly con∣ned without booke) Winchester standing by her, when the Oration was done, with great admiration cried to y^e peo∣ple: O how happy are we, to whom God hath geuen such a wise and learned Prince. &c.

Two dayes after, whiche was the 3. of Februarie, the L. Cobham was committed to the Tower,* 3.210 and M. Wyat entred into Southwarke. Who, for so muche as he coulde not enter y^t way into London, returning another way by Kingstone with his army, came vp through the streetes to Ludgate, and returning thence, hee was resisted at Tem∣ple barre,* 3.211 and there yealded himself to Sir Clement Par∣son, and so was brought by him to the Courte, & with hym the residue of his armye (for before, Sir George Harpar & almost halfe of his men ran awaye from him at Kingstone bridge) were also taken,* 3.212 and aboute an 100. killed, and they that were taken were had to prisone, and a great manye of them were hanged, and he himselfe afterwarde executed at the Tower hill, and then quartered, whose heade after be∣ing set vp vpon Haihil,* 3.213 was thence stolne away, and great search made for the same. Of which story ye shal here more (the Lord willing) heereafter.

The 12. day of February was beheaded the lady Iane, to whom was sent M. Fecknam, alias Howman, from the Queene 2. dayes before her deathe,* 3.214 to commune wyth her, and to reduce her from the doctrine of Christe, to Queene Maries religion. The effect of which communication here followeth.

The communication had betweene the Ladie Iane and Fecknam.

FEcknam.

Madam, I lament your heauy case, and yet I doubt not,* 3.215 but that you beare out this sorow of youres wyth a constant and patient minde.

Iane.

You are welcome vnto me sir, if your comming be to geue Christian exhortation. And as for my heauye case (I thanke God) I do so litle lament it, that rather I accompt the same for a more manifest declaration of Gods fauor to∣warde me, then euer he shewed me at any time before: And therefore there is no cause why either you, or other, whych beare me good wil,* 3.216 should lament or be grieued wyth thys my case, being a thing so profitable for my soule health.

Feck.

I am heere come to you at this present sent from the Queene and her counsaile, to instructe you in the true doc∣trine of y^e right faith: although I haue so great confidence in you, that I shall haue (I trust) little neede to trauaile wyth you much therein.

Iane.

Forsooth I heartely thanke the Queenes highnesse, which is not vnmindful of her humble subiect: and I hope likewise that you no lesse will doe your duety therein both truely and faithfully according to that you were sent for.

Feck.

What is then required of a Christian?

Iane.

That he should beleue in God the Father, y^e Sonne, and the holy Ghost, three persons and one God.

Feck.

What? is there nothing els to be required or looked for in a Christian, but to beleeue in him?

Iane.

Yes, we must also loue him with all our heart, with all our soule, and with all our minde, and our neighbor as our selfe.

Feck.

Why? then faith iustifieth not, nor saueth not.

Iane.

Yes verely, faith (as Paule sayth) only iustifieth.

Feck.

Why? S. Paul sayeth: If I haue all faith without loue it is nothing.

Iane.

* 3.217True it is: for how cā I loue him whom I trust not? or how can I trust him whome I loue not? Faith and loue go both together, and yet loue is comprehended in faith.

Feck.

How shall we loue our neighbour?

Iane.

To loue our neighbor is to feede the hungry, to cloth the naked, and geue drinke to the thirsty, and to doe to him, as we would doe to our selues.

Feck.

Why? then it is necessary vnto saluation, to doe good workes also, and it is not sufficient only to beleeue.

Iane.

I denye that, and I affirme that faith onely saueth:* 3.218 but it is meete for a Christian, in token that hee followeth his Maister Christe, to doe good workes: yet may wee not say that they profit to our saluation. For whē we haue done all, yet we be vnprofitable seruāts, and faith only in Chri∣stes bloud saueth vs.

Feck.

How many Sacraments are there?

Iane.

Two. The one the Sacrament of Baptisme,* 3.219 and the other the Sacrament of the Lordes Supper.

Feck.

No, there are seuen.

Iane.

By what Scripture finde you that?

Feck.

Well, we will talke of that heereafter.* 3.220 But what is signified by your two Sacraments?

Iane.

By the Sacramente of Baptisme I am washed wyth water, and regenerated by the spirite, and that wa∣shing is a token to mee that I am the childe of God. The Sacrament of the Lordes Supper offered vnto mee,* 3.221 is a sure seale and testimonie that I am by the bloude of Christ, which he shedde for me on the Crosse, made partaker of the euerlasting kingdome.

Feck.

Why? what doe you receiue in that Sacrament? Doe you not receiue the very body and bloud of Christ?

Iane.

No surely, I doe not so beleeue. I thinke that at the Supper I neyther receiue flesh nor bloude,* 3.222 but bread and wine: Which bread when it is broken, and the wine when it is dronken, putteth mee in remembraunce howe that for my sinnes the body of Christ was broken, & his bloudshed on the Crosse, and with that breade and wine I receiue the benefites that come by the breaking of his body, & sheding of his bloud for our sinnes on the Crosse.

Feck.

Why? doeth not Christ speake these woordes: Take eate, this is my body? Require you any plainer words? doeth he not say it is his body?

Iane.

I graunt hee sayeth so: and so he sayth, I am the vine, I am the doore,* 3.223 but hee is neuer the more for that the dore not the vine. Doth not S. Paul say, He calleth things that are not as though they were? God forbid that I should say that I eat the very naturall body and bloud of Christ: for then eyther I should plucke away my redēption, either els there were two bodies, or two Christes. One body was tormēted on the Crosse. And if they did eate an other body, then had hee two bodies: either els if his body were eaten, than was it not broken vpon the Crosse: or if it were broken vpon the Crosse, it was not eaten of his Disciples.

Feck.

Why? is it not possible that Christe by hys power coulde make his body both to be eaten and broken, as to be borne of a woman wythout seede of man, and as to walke vppon the sea hauing a body, and other suche like myracles as he wrought by his power onely?

Iane.

Yes verely:* 3.224 if God would haue done at his Supper any myracle, he myght haue done so: but I say that then he minded no worke nor myracle, but onely to breake his bo∣dy, and shed his bloud on the Crosse for our sinnes. But I pray you to answere me to thys one question: where was Christ when he sayd: Take, eate, this is my body? Was hee not at the table when he sayde so? Hee was at that time alyue, and suffered not till the next day. What tooke he but bread? What brake he but breade? and what gaue hee but breade? Looke what he tooke, he brake: and looke what hee brake, he gaue: and looke what he gaue, they did eate: and yet all this while he himselfe was aliue, and at Supper before his di∣sciples, or else they were deceiued.

Feck.

You ground your faith vppon such authours as say and vnsay both with a breath, and not vpon the Church,* 3.225 to whom ye ought to geue credite.

Iane.

No, I grounde my faith on Gods woorde, and not vpon the Churche. For if the Churche be a good Churche,* 3.226 the faith of the Churche must be tried by Gods worde, and not Goddes woorde by the Churche, either yet my Faithe. Shall I beleeue the Churche because of antiquitye? or shal I geue credite to the Churche that taketh away from mee the halfe parte of the Lordes Supper, and will not lette a∣ny man receiue it in both kindes?* 3.227 Whych thing if they de∣nie to vs, then denie they to vs part of our saluation. And I saye that it is an euill Churche, and not the Spouse of Christ, but the Spouse of the Deuill that altereth the Lor∣des Supper, and both taketh from it, and addeth to it. To that Church (say I) God will adde plagues, and from that Church will he take their parte out of the booke of life. Doe they learne that of S. Paule, when he ministred to the Co∣rinthians in both kindes? Shall I beleeue this Churche? God forbid.

Feck.

That was done for a good intent of the Churche, to auoide an heresie that sprong on it.* 3.228

Iane.

Why? shal the church alter Gods wil & ordinance for a good intēt? How did king Saul? The Lord God defend.

With these and such like persuasions he would haue had her leaue to the Church, but it woulde not be. There were

many more things whereof they reasoned, but these were the chiefest.

After this Fecknam tooke his leaue, saying, that he was sory for her: For I am sure (quoth he) that we two shall neuer meete.

Iane.

True it is (sayd she) that we shall neuer meete, ex∣cept God turne your hart.* 3.229 For I am assured, vnlesse you repent and turne to God, you are in an euill case: and I pray God, in the bowels of his mercy, to send you his ho∣ly spirite: for he hath geuen you his great gift of vtterance, if it pleased him also to open the eyes of your hart.

¶A letter of the Lady Iane sent vnto her father.

FAther, although it hath pleased God to hasten my death by you, by whome my life should rather haue bene lengthened: yet can I so patiently take it,* 3.230 as I yeeld God more harty thankes for shortening my wofull dayes, then if all the world had bene geuen into my possession with life lengthened at my owne will. And albeit I am well assured of your impacient dolours, redoub∣led manyfold wayes, both in bewayling your owne woe, and es∣pecially (as I heare) my vnfortunate state, yet my deare father (if I may without offence reioyce in my owne mishaps) me seemes in this I may accompt my selfe blessed, that washing my handes with the innocencie of my fact, my giltles bloud may cry before the Lord, mercy to the innocent. And yet though I must needes acknowledge, that being constrayned, and, as you wot well i∣nough, continually assayed, in taking vpon me I seemed to con∣sent, and therein greeuously offended the Queene and her lawes: yet do I assuredly trust that this mine offence towards God is so much the lesse, in that being in so royall estate as I was, mine en∣forced honour being neuer with mine innocent hart. And thus good father I haue opened vnto you the state wherein I presently stand. Whose death at hand, although to you perhaps it may seme right wofull, to me there is nothing that can be more welcome, then from this vale of miserie to aspire to that heauenly throne of all ioy and pleasure with Christ our Sauiour.* 3.231 In whose stedfast fayth (if it may be lawfull for the daughter so to write to the Fa∣ther) the Lord that hetherto hath strengthened you, so continue you that at the last we may meete in heauen with the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost.

At what time her father was florishing in freedome and prosperitie in the time of King Edward, there belonged vnto him a certayne learned man, student and Graduate of the Uniuersitie of Oxford. Who then being Chaplayne to the sayd Duke, and a sincere Preacher (as he appeared) of the Gospell, according to the doctrine of that time set foorth and receiued, shortly after that the state of Religion began to alter by Queene Mary, altered also in his pro∣fession with the time, and of a Protestant, became a friend and defender of the Popes proceedings. At whose sodayne mutation and inconstant mutabilitie,* 3.232 this Christian Lady being not a little agreeued, and most of all lamenting the daungerous state of his soule, in sliding so away for feare from the way of truth, writeth her minde vnto him in a sharp and vehement letter: which as it appeareth to pro∣ceede of an earnest and zealous hart, so woulde God it might take such effect with him, as to reduce him to repen∣taunce, and to take better holde againe for the health and wealth of his owne soule. The copie of the letter is thys as followeth.

¶Another letter of the Lady Iane to M. Harding, late Chaplayne to the Duke of Suffolke her father, and then fallen from the truth of Gods most holy worde.

SO oft as I call to mynde the dreadfull and fearefull say∣ing of God: That he which layeth holde vpon the plough, and looketh backe,* 3.233 is not meete for the kingdome of heauen: and on the other side, the comfortable words of our Saui∣our Christ to all those that forsaking themselues, do folow him: I can not but maruell at thee and lament thy case: which seemedst somtime to be the liuely member of Christ, but now the deformed impe of the deuil, sometime the beu∣tifull temple of God, but now the stinking and filthy kenel of Sathan, sometime the vnspotted spouse of Christ, but now the vnshamefast paramour of Antichrist, sometyme my faythfull brother, but now a straunger and Apostata, sometime a stoute Christen souldiour, but now a coward∣ly runneaway. Yea, when I consider these things, I can not but speake to thee, and cry out vpon thee, thou seede of Sathan, and not of Iuda, whome the deuill hath decey∣ued, the world hath begiled, and the desire of life subuer∣ted, and made thee of a Christian an Infidell: wherefore hast thou taken the Testament of the Lord in thy mouth? * 3.234 Wherfore hast thou preached the law and the wil of God to others? Wherefore hast thou instructed other to be strong in Christ, when y^u thy selfe doest now so shamefully shrinke, and so horrible abuse the Testament and lawe of the Lord? When thou thy selfe preachest, not to steale, yet most abhominably stealest, not from men but from God, and committing most haynous sacriledge, robbest Christ thy Lorde of his right members thy bodye and soule, and chosest rather to liue miserably with shame to the worlde, then to dye and gloriously with honor to reigne with christ in whome euen in death is life? Why doest thou now shew thy selfe most weake, when in deede thou oughtest to bee most strong? The strength of a for•• is vnknowne before the assault: but thou yeldest thy hold before anye battrie be made.

Oh wretched and vnhappy man, what art thou but dust and ashes? and wilt thou resist thy maker that fashi∣oned thee and framed thee? Wilt thou nowe forsake hym y^t called thee from the custome gathering amōg y^e Romish Antichristians, to be an Ambassadour & messenger of hys eternall worde? Hee that first framed thee, and since thy first creation and byrth preserued thee, nourished and kept thee, yea and inspired thee with the spirit of knowledge (I cannot say of grace) shall he not now possesse thee? Darest thou deliuer vp thy selfe to an other,* 3.235 being not thine owne but his? How cāst thou hauing knowledge, or how darest thou neglect the law of the Lord, and follow the vayn tra∣ditions of men:* 3.236 and whereas thou hast bene a publicke professor of his name, become now a defacer of his glorye? Wilt thou refuse the true God, and worship the inuention of man, the golden calfe, the whore of Babilon, y^e Romish Religion, the abhominable Idoll, the most wicked masse? Wilt thou torment agayne, rent, and teare the most preci∣ous body of our Sauior Christ with thy bodily and flesh∣ly teeth? Wilt thou take vpon thee to offer vp anye sacrifice vnto God for our sinnes, considering that Christ offered vp himselfe (as Paule sayth vppon the crosse a liuely sacri∣fice once for all? Can neither the punishment of the Israe∣lites (which for their Idolatry they so oft receaued) nor the terrible threatninges of the Prophetes, nor the curses of Gods owne mouth feare thee to honour anye other God then him? Doest thou so regard him that spared not hys deare and onely sonne for thee, so diminishing, yea, vtterly extinguishing his glory that thou wilt attribute the prayse and honour due vnto him to the Idols, which haue mou∣thes and speak not, eyes and see not, eares and heare not: which shall perish with them that made them?

What sayth the Prophet Baruc,* 3.237 where hee recited the Epistle of Ieremy written to the captiue Iewes? Did hee not forwarne them that in Babilon they should see Gods of gold, siluer, wood, & stone borne vpon mens shoulders, to cast a feare before the Heathen: But be not ye afrayd of them (sayth Ieremy) nor doe as other doe? But when you see other worship thē, say you in your hartes: it is thou (O Lord) that oughtest onely to be worshipped: for as for those Gods, the Carpenter framed them and polished them, yea gilded be they, and layde ouer with siluer, and vayne thinges and cannot speake. He sheweth moreouer, the abuse of theyr deckings, howe the Priestes tooke off their ornamentes and aparel∣led their women withall: how one holdeth a scepter, an o∣ther a sworde in his hand, and yet can they iudge in no matter, nor defend themselues, much lesse anye other, from either battell or murther, nor yet from gnawing of wor∣mes, nor any other euill thing. These, & such like wordes, speaketh Ieremy vnto them, whereby he proueth them to be but vayne thinges, and no Gods. And at last he conclu∣deth thus: Confounded be they that worship them. They were warned by Ieremy, and thou as Ieremye hast war∣ned other, and art warned thy selfe by many Scriptures in many places. God sayth: he is a ielous God, which will haue all honour, glory, and worship geuen to him onely. And Christ saith in the 4. of Luke to Sathan which temp∣ted him: euen to the same Sathan, the same Belzebub, the same deuill, whiche hath preuayled agaynst thee:* 3.238 It is writ∣ten (saith he) thou shalt honor the Lord thy God, and him one∣ly shalt thou serue.

These and such like doe prohibite thee and all Christi∣ans to worship anye other God then whiche was before all worldes, and layd the foundations both of heauen and earth: and wilt thou honour a detestable Idol, inuented by Romish Popes, and the abhominable Colledge of craftye Cardinals? Christ offered himselfe vp once for al, and wilt thou offer him vp agayne dayly at thy pleasure?* 3.239 But thou wilt say, thou doest it for a good intēt. O sinck of sinne: Oh child of perdition: doest y^u dreame therein of a good intent, where thy conscience beareth thee witnes of Gods threat∣ned wrath against thee? How did Saule? who for that hee disobeyed the worde of the Lorde for a good intent was

throwne from his worldlye and temporall kingdome. Shalt thou then that doest deface Gods honour, and rob him of his right, inherite the eternall and heauenly king∣dome? Wilt thou for a good intent dishonour God, offend thy brother, and daunger thy soule, wherefore Christ hath shed his most precious bloud? Wilt thou for a good intent plucke Christ out of heauen, and make his death voyde, and deface the triumph of his crosse by offering him vp dayly? Wilt thou either for feare of death, or hope of life, de∣nie and refuse thy God, who enriched thy pouertie, healed thy infirmitie, and yeelded to thee his victory, if thou coul∣dest haue kept it? Doest y^u not consider that the threed of thy life hangeth vpon him that made thee, who can (as hys will is) eyther twine it harder to last the longer, or vn∣twine it againe to breake it the sooner? Doest thou not then remember the saying of Dauid a notable King, to teach thee a miserable wretch, in his 104. Psalme, where he sayth thus: When thou takest away thy spirit (oh Lord) from men, they die and are turned agayne to their dust:* 3.240 but when thou lettest thy breath go foorth, they shall be made, and thou shalt renue the face of the earth. Remember the saying of Christ in hys Gospell: Whosoeuer seeketh to saue his life, shall lose it: but whosoeuer will lose his life for my sake, shall finde it. And in the same place: Whosoeuer loueth father or mother aboue me, is not meete for me.* 3.241 He that will follow me, let him forsake hym∣selfe, and take vp his crosse and follow me. What crosse? the crosse of infamy and shame,* 3.242 of misery and pouerty, of af∣fliction and persecution for his names sake. Let the oft fal∣ling of those heauenly showers, pearce thy stony hart. Let the two edged sword of Gods holy word there asunder the sinowes of worldly respects,* 3.243 euen to the very marrow of thy carnall hart, that thou mayest once againe forsake thy selfe and embrace Christ. And like as good subiects will not refuse to hazard all in the defence of their earthly and tem∣poral Gouernour, so flie not like a white liuered milkesop from the standing wherein thy chiefe captaine Christ hath set thee in array of this life. Viriliter age, confortetur cor tu∣um,* 3.244 sustine dominum. Fight manfully, come life, come death: the quarell is Gods, and vndoubtedly the victory is ours.

But thou wilt say, I will not breake vnitie. What? not the vnitie of Sathan and his members? not the vnitie of darkenes,* 3.245 the agreement of Antichrist and his adherents? Nay thou deceauest thy selfe with the ••ond imagination of such an vnitie as is among the enemies of Christ. Were not the false Prophetes in an vnitie? Were not Iosephes bre••thren and Iacobs sonnes in an vnitie? Were not the Heathen, as the Amelechites, the Ph••resites and Iebu∣sites in an vnitie? Were not the Scribes and Phariseis in an vnitie? Doth not King Dauid testifie: Conuenerunt in vnum aduersus dominum? Yea theeues, murtherers, conspi∣ratours, haue their vnitie. But what vnitie? Tully sayeth of amitie: Amicitia non est, nisi inter bonos. But marke my friend, yea friend, if thou be not Gods enemie: there is no vnitie but where Christ knitteth the knot among such as be his. Yea, be well assured, that where his truth is resi∣dent, there it is verified that he himselfe sayeth: Non veni mittere pacem in terram, sed gladium, &c. but to set one against another, the sonne against the father, and the daughter a∣gainst the mother in lawe. Deceaue not thy selfe therefore with the glittering and glorious name of vnitie:* 3.246 for Anti∣christ hath this vnity, not yet in deede, but in name. The agreement of ill men is not an vnitie, but a conspiracie.

Thou hast heard some threatnings, some curses, and some admonitions out of the scripture to those that loue themselues aboue Christ. Thou hast heard also the sharpe and biting words to those that denie him for loue of lyfe:* 3.247 Sayth he not: He that denieth me before men, I will denie him before my father in heauen? And to the same effect writeth Paule Heb. 6.* 3.248 It is impossible (sayth he) that they which were once lightned, and haue tasted of the heauenly gifte, and were partakers of the holy Ghost, and haue tasted of the good word of God, if they fall and slide away, crucifyeng to themselues the sonne of God afresh, and making of him a mockingstocke, should be renued againe by repentance.* 3.249 And againe saith he: if wee shall willingly sinne after we haue receiued the knowledge of his truth, there is no oblation left for sinne, but the terrible expecta∣tion of iudgement and fire which shall deuoure the aduersaries. Thus S. Paule writeth, and this thou readest, and doest thou not quake and tremble?

Well, if these terrible and thundring threatnings can not sturre thee to cleaue vnto Christ, and forsake the world: yet let the sweete consolations and promises of the scriptures, let the example of Christ and his Apostles, holy Martyrs and Confessours encourage thee to take faster holde by Christ.* 3.250 Harken what he sayth: Blessed are you when men re∣uile you,* 3.251 and persecute you for my sake: reioyce and be glad, for great is your reward in heauen: for so persecuted they the Pro∣phetes that were before you. Heare what Esay the Prophet sayth: Feare not the cursse of men, be not afrayde of theyr blas∣phemies, for woormes and mothes shall eate them vp like cloth and wooll, but my righteousnes shall endure for euer, and my sa∣uing health from generation to generation. What art thou then (sayth he) that fearest a mortall man, the child of man which va∣deth away like the flower: and forgettest the Lord that made thee, that spread out the heauens, and laid the foundation of the earth▪ I am thy Lorde thy God, that make the sea to rage, and be still,* 3.252 whose name is the Lorde of hostes. I shall put my word in thy mouth, and defend thee with the turning of an hand. And our Sauiour Christ saith to his Disciples: They shall accuse you and bring you before Princes and Rulers for my names sake,* 3.253 and some of you they shall persecute and kill: but feare you not (saith he) nor care you not what you shall say:* 3.254 for it is the spirit of your father that speaketh within you. Euen the very hea••es of your head are all numbred. Lay vp treasure for your selues (sayth he) where no theefe commeth, nor moth corrupteth. Feare not them that kill the body, but are not able to kill the soule, but feare hym that hath power to destroy both soule and body. If ye were of the world, the world would loue his owne:* 3.255 but because ye are not of the world, but I haue chosen you out of the world, therefore the world hateth you.

Let these and suche like consolations taken out of the Scriptures, strengthen you to godward. Let not the ex∣amples of holy men and women go out of your minde, as Daniel and the rest of the prophets, of the three children, of Eleazarus that constāt father, of the vij. of the Machabies children, of Peter, Paule, Steuen, and other Apostles and holy Martyrs in the beginning of the Church: As of good Symeon Archbishop of Seloma, and Zetrophone, with infinite other vnder Sapores the King of the Persians and Indians, who contemned all torments deuised by the tyraunts for their sauiours sake. Returne, returne agayne into Christes warre,* 3.256 and as becommeth a faithfull warri∣our, put on that armour that S. Paule teacheth to be most necessary for a Christian man. And aboue all things take to you the shield of fayth, and be you prouoked by Christes own example to withstand the diuell, to forsake the world, and to become a true and faythfull member of his mysticall body, who spared not his owne body for our sinnes.

Throw downe your selfe with the feare of his threat∣ned vengeaunce for this so great and haynous an offence of Apostasie: and comfort your selfe on the other part wyth the mercy, bloud and promise of him that is ready to turne vnto you whensoeuer you turne vnto him. Disdayne not to come agayne with the lost sonne, seing you haue so wā∣dred with him. Be not ashamed to turne againe with hym from the swill of straungers, to the delicates of your most benigne and louing father, acknowledging that you haue sinned against heauen and earth. Against heauen, by stay∣ning the glorious name of God, and causing his most sin∣cere and pure word to be euill spoken of through you. A∣gainst earth, by offending so many of your weake brethren to whom you haue bene a stumbling blocke through your sodaine sliding. Be not abashed to come home againe with Mary, and weepe bitterly with Peter, not only with she∣ding the teares of your bodily eyes, but also powring out the streames of your hart, to wash away out of the sight of God the filth and mire of your offensiue fall. Be not aba∣shed to say with the Publicane,* 3.257 Lord be mercifull vnto me a sinner. Remember the horrible hystory of Iulian of olde, and the lamentable case of Spyra of late, whose case (me thinke) should be yet so greene in your remembrance, that being a thing of our time, you should feare the like incon∣uenience, seeing you are falne into the like offence.

Last of all, let the liuely remembrance of the last day be alwayes afore your eyes, remembring the terrour that suche shall bee in at that time, with the runnagates and fugitiues from Christ, which setting more by the worlde then by heauen, more by theyr lyfe, then by him that gaue them lyfe, dyd shrinke, yea, did cleane fall away from him that forsooke not them: and contrarywise, the inestimable ioyes prepared for them, that fearing no perill, nor drea∣ding death, haue manfully fought, and victoriously tri∣umphed ouer all power of darkenesse, ouer hell, deathe, and damnation, thorough theyr most redoubted Captaine Christ, who nowe stretcheth out his armes to receaue you, ready to fall vppon your necke and kysse you, and last of all to feast you with the deynties and delicates of his owne precious bloud, which vndoubtedly, if it might stand with his determinate purpose, he woulde not set to shed againe, rather then you should be lost. To whome with the Father and the holy Ghost be all honour, prayse and glory euerlasting. Amen.

Be constant, be constant, feare not for no payne, Christ hath redeemed thee, and heauen is thy gayne.

¶A Letter written by the Lady Iane in the ende of the new Testament in Greeke, the which she sent vnto her sister Lady Katherine, the night before she suffered.

I Haue heere sent you (good Sister Katherine) a booke, which al∣though it be not outwardly trimmed with gold,* 3.258 yet inwardly it is more worth then precious stones. It is the booke (deare Sister) of the law of the Lord. It is his Testament and last will which he bequeathed vnto vs wretches: which shall leade you to the path of eternall ioy: and if you with a good minde reade it, and with an earnest mind do purpose to follow it, it shall bring you to an immortall and euerlasting life. It shall teache you to liue, and learne you to die. It shall winne you more then you should haue gained by the possession of your wofull fathers landes. For, as if God had prospered him, you should haue inherited his landes: so if you apply diligently this booke, seeking to direct your lyfe after it, you shall be an inheritour of such riches, as neither the couetous shall withdrawe from you, neither theefe shall steale, neyther yet the mothes corrupt. Desire with Dauid (good Sister) to vnderstande the lawe of the Lorde your God Liue still to dye, that you (by death) may purchase eternall life.* 3.259 And trust not that the tendernesse of your age shall lengthen your life. For as soone (if God call) goeth the yong as the olde, and labour alwayes to learne to dye. Defye the world, denie the deuill, and despise the fleshe, and delite your selfe onely in the Lorde. Be penitent for your sinnes, and yet despayre not: be strong in fayth, and yet presume not, and desire with S. Paule to be dissolued and to be wyth Christ, with whome euen in death there is lyfe. Be like the good seruaunt, and euen at midnight be waking, least when death commeth and stealeth vpon you like a theefe in the night, you be wyth the euill seruaunt found sleeping, and least for lacke of oyle, you be found like the fyue foolish women: and lyke hym that had not on the wedding garment, and then yee be cast out from the marriage. Reioyce in Christ, as I do. Follow the steps of your mayster Christ, and take vp your Crosse: lay your sinnes on hys backe, and alwayes embrace hym. And as touching my death, reioyce as I do (good Sister) that I shall be deliuered of this corruption, and put on incorruption. For I am assured that I shall for losing of a mortall life, winne an immortall life: the which I pray God graunt you, and send you of his grace to liue in hys feare, and to dye in the true Christian fayth, from the which (in Gods name) I exhort you that you neuer swarue, neither for hope of life, nor for feare of death. For if ye will denie his truth to lengthen your lyfe, God will denie you, and yet shorten your dayes. And if you will cleaue vnto him, he will prolong your dayes to your comfort and his glory: to the which glory God bring me now and you heereafter when it pleaseth him to call you. Fare you well good Sister, and put your only trust in God, who only must helpe you.

*Heere followeth a certayne effectuall prayer made by the Lady Iane, in the time of her trouble.

O Lord, thou God and father of my life, heare mee poore and desolate woman,* 3.260 which flyeth vnto thee, onely in all troubles and miseries. Thou O Lord art the onely defendour and deliue∣rer of those that put their trust in thee: and therefore I beeyng defiled wyth sinne, encombred with affliction, vnquieted wyth troubles, wrapped in cares, ouerwhelmed with miseries, vexed with temptations, and greeuously tormented wyth the long im∣prisonment of this vile masse of clay my sinfull body: do come vnto thee (O mercifull Sauiour) crauing thy mercy and helpe: without the which so little hope of deliueraunce is lefte, that I may vtterly despayre of any libertie. Albeit it is expedient, that seeyng our life standeth vpon trying, we should be visited some∣tyme wyth some aduersitie, whereby we might both be tryed whether we be of thy flocke or no, and also knowe thee and our selues the better: yet thou that saydest that thou wouldest not suffer vs to be tempted aboue our power, be mercifull vnto me now a miserable wretch, I beseech thee: which with Salomon do cry vnto thee, humbly desiring thee, that I may neyther be too much puffed vp with prosperitie, neither too much pressed down wyth aduersitie: least I beeyng too full, should denie thee my GOD, or beeyng too lowe brought, should despayre and blas∣pheme thee my Lord and Sauiour. O mercifull GOD, consider my miserie best knowne vnto thee, and be thou now vnto me a strong tower of defence, I humbly require thee. Suffer me not to be tempted aboue my power, but eyther be thou a deliuerer vn∣to me out of thys great miserie, eyther else geue me grace paci∣ently to beare thy heauie hand and sharpe correction. It was thy righte hande that delyuered the people of Israell out of the handes of Pharao, which for the space of foure hundred yeares, did oppresse them, and keepe them in bondage. Let it therefore lykewyse seeme good to thy fatherly goodnes,* 3.261 to delyuer mee sorrowfull wretch (for whome thy Sonne Christ shedde hys precious bloud on the Crosse) out of thys miserable captiuity & bondage, wherein I am now. Howe long wilt thou be absent? for euer? Oh Lord hast thou forgotten to be gracious, and hast thou shut vp thy louing kindnes in displeasure? wilt thou be no more entreated? Is thy mercy cleane gone for euer, and thy promise come vtterly to an end for euermore? why doest thou make so long tarying? shall I despaire of thy mercy O God? farre be that from me. I am thy workmanship created in Christ Iesu: geue me grace therefore to tary thy leysure, and patiently to beare thy woorkes: assuredly knowing, that as thou canst, so thou wilt deliuer me when it shall please thee, nothing dou∣ting or mistrusting thy goodnes towardes me: for thou wottest better what is good for me then I do: Therefore do with me in all thinges what thou wilt: & plague me what way thou wilt. Onely in the meane time arme me I beseech thee, with thy ar∣mour, that I may stand fast, my loynes being girded about with veritie, hauing on the brest plate of righteousnes, & shod with the shoes prepared by the Gospell of peace,* 3.262 aboue all thinges taking to me the shield of fayth, wherewith I may be able to quench all the fiery dartes of the wicked, and taking the hel∣met of saluatiō & the sword of the spirit, which is thy most ho¦ly word: praying alwaies with al maner of praier & supplicatiō that I may refer my selfe wholy to thy wil, abiding thy pleasure and comforting my selfe in those troubles that it shall please thee to send me: seeing such troubles be profitable for me, and seeing I am assuredly perswaded that it can not be but well, all that thou doest. Heare me O mercifull father for his sake, whō thou wouldest shoulde be a sacrifice for my sinnes: to whome with thee and the holy Ghost be all honour and glory. Amen.

After these thinges thus declared, it remayneth nowe, comming to the end of this vertuous Lady, next to inferre the maner of her execution, with the words and behauiour of her in time of her death.

¶These are the wordes that the Lady Iane spake vpon the Scaffold at the houre of her death.

FIrst when she mounted vpon the Scaffold,* 3.263 she sayde to y^e people standing thereabout: good people I am come hether to dye, and by a lawe I am condemned to the same. The fact against the Queenes highnes was vnlaw full, and the consenting thereunto by me: but touching the pro∣curement and desire therof by me or on my behalfe, I doe wash my handes thereof in innocency before God, and the face of you, good Christian people, this day: and therewith she wrong her handes, wherein she had her booke. Then said she, I pray you all, good Christian people, to beare me witnes that I dye a true Christian woman, and that I do look to be saued by no other meane, but onely by the mer∣cy of God in the bloud of his only sonne Iesus Christ: and I confesse that when I did know the word of God, I neg∣lected y^e same, loued my selfe and the world, & therfore thys plague and punishment is happily and worthily happe∣ned vnto mee for my sinnes: and yet I thanke God of hys goodnes that hee hath thus geuen me a time and respite to repent: and now (good people) while I am aliue I praye you assist me with your prayers. And then kneeling down she turned her to Fecknam saying: shall I say this psalme? and he sayd, yea. Then sayd she the Psalme of Miserere mei Deus in English, in most deuoute maner throughout to y^e end, and then she stoode vpp and gaue her mayden Mai∣stresse Ellen her gloues and handkerchefe, and her book to Maister Bruges, and then she vntyed her gowne, and the hangman pressed vpon her to helpe her off with it, but she desiring him to let her alone, turned towardes her two Gentlewomen, who helped her of therwith, and also with her frowes past and neckerchefe, geuing to her a fayre handkerchefe to knit about her eyes.

Then the hangman kneeled downe and asked her for∣geuenesse, whom she forgaue most willingly. Thē he wil∣led her to stand vpon the straw: which doing she sawe the blocke. Then shee sayd, I pray you dispatche me quickely. Then she kneeled downe, saying: wil you take it off before I lay me downe? & the hangman sayd, no Madame. Then tyed she the kerchefe about her eyes, and feeling for y^e block she sayd: what shall I doe? where is it? where is it? One of the standers by guiding her thereunto, she layd her head downe vpon the blocke, and then stretched foorth her body and sayd: Lord into thy handes I commend my spirit, and so finished her life in the yeare of our Lord God. 1553. the 12. day of February.

¶Certayne prety verses written by the sayd Lady Iane with a pinne.

Non aliena put es homini, quae obtingere possunt. Sors hodierna mihi, tunc erit illa tibi.

Iane Dudley.

Deo iuuante, nil nocet liuor malus: Et non iuuante, nil iuuat labor grauis. Post tenebras spero lucem.

¶Certaine Epitaphes written in commenda∣tion of the worthy Lady Iane Gray.

De Iana Graia Ioan. Parkhursti Carmen.

* 3.264Miraris Ianam Graio sermone valere? Quo primum nata est tempore, Graia fuit.

In historiam Ianae. I. F.

Tu, quibus ista legas in certum est lector, ocellis: Ipse equidem siccis scribere non potui.

De Iana, D. Laurentij Humfredi decastichon.

Iana iacet saeuo non aequae vulnere mortis, Nobilis ingenio, sanguine, martyrio. Ingenium latijs ornauit foemina musis, Foemina virgineo tota dicata choro. Sanguine clara fuit, regali stirpe creata, Ipsaque Reginae nobilitata throno. Bis Graia est, pulchrè Graijs nutrita camaenis, Et prisco Graiûm sanguine creta ducum. Bis Martyr, sacrae fidei verissima testis: Atque vacans regni crimine, Iana iacet.

Thus the xij. day of February (as I sayd) was behea∣ded the Lady Iane,* 3.265 and with her also the Lord Gilford her husband, one of the Duke of Northumberlands sonnes, two innocēts in comparison of them that sate vpon them. For they did but ignorantly accept that which the others had willingly deuised, and by open Proclamation consen∣ted to take from others and geue to them.

Touching the condemnation of this Lady Iane, heere is to be noted, that the Iudge Morgan who gaue the sen∣tence of condemnation against hir,* 3.266 shortly after he had con∣demned her, fell madde, and in his rauing cried out conti∣nually to haue the Lady Iane taken away from hym, and so ended his life.

And not long after the death of the Lady Iane, vppon the xxj. of the same moneth, was Henry Duke of Suffolke her father also beheaded at the Tower Hill, the iiij. day af∣ter his condemnation: about which time also were con∣demned for this conspiracie many Gentlemen and Yeo∣men,* 3.267 whereof some were executed at London, and some in the Countrey.* 3.268 In the number of whome was also Lorde Thomas Gray, brother to the sayde Duke, being appre∣hended not long after in North Wales, and executed for the same. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton very hardly esca∣ped, as ye shall heare (the Lord willing) in another place.

The xxiiij. of the same moneth, the yeare of our Lorde 1554. Boner Bishop of London sent downe a Commis∣sion, directed to all the Curates and Pastors of his dioces, for the taking of the names of such as would not come the Lent following to auriculare confession,* 3.269 and to the recey∣uing at Easter: the copie of which monition heere follo∣weth.

¶A monition of Boner Byshop of London, sent downe to all and singular Curates of his Dioces, for the certifying of the names of such as would not come in Lent to Confes∣sion and receiuing at Easter.

EDmund by the permission of God, Byshop of London, to all Parsons,* 3.270 Vicares, Curates and Ministers of the Church, with∣in the Citie and Dioces of London, sendeth grace, peace, and mercy, in our Lorde euerlasting. For as much as by the order of the Ecclesiasticall lawes and constitutions of thys Realme, and the lawdable vsage & custome of the whole Catholicke Church, by many hundreth yeares agone, duely and deuoutly obserued and kept, all faithfull people beeing of lawfull age and discreti∣on, are bounde once in the yeare at least (except reasonable cause excuse them) to be confessed to theyr owne proper Cu∣rate, and to receaue the Sacrament of the aultar, with due prepa∣ration and deuotion: and for as much also as we be credibly en∣formed, that sundry euill disposed and vndeuout persons, geuen to sensuall pleasures and carnall appetites, following the lusts of their body, and neglecting vtterly the health of their soules, do forbeare to come to confession according to the sayd vsage,* 3.271 and to receaue the Sacrament of the aulter accordingly, geuing ther∣by pernicious and euill example to the yonger sort, to neglect and contemne the same: we minding the reformation heereof for our owne discharge,* 3.272 and desirous of good order to be kept, and good example to be geuen: do will and commaund you by ver∣tue heereof, that immediately vpon the receipt of this our com∣maundement, yee and euery ech of you within your cure and charge, do vse all your diligence and dexteritie to declare the same, straightly charging and commaunding all your parishio∣ners, being of lawfull age and discretion, to come before Easter next comming, to confession, according to the sayd ordinaunce and vsage, and with due preparation and deuotion to receiue the sayd Sacrament of the aulter, and that ye do note the names of all such as be not confessed vnto you, and do not receiue of you the sayd Sacrament, certifying vs or our Chauncellour or Com∣missary thereof before the sixt day of Aprill next ensuing the date heereof: so that we knowing thereby who did not come to con∣fession, and receyuing the Sacrament accordingly, may proceede agaynst them, as beeyng persons culpable, and transgressours of the sayd ecclesiasticall lawe and vsage: Further also certifying vs or our sayd Chauncellour or Commissary, before the day a∣foresayde, whether ye haue your aultars set vp, chalice, booke, vestiments, and all things necessary for Masse, and the admini∣stration of sacraments and sacramentals, with procession and all other diuine seruice prepared and in readines, according to the order of the Catholike Church, and the vertuous and godly ex∣ample of the Queenes Maiesties: and if ye so haue not, yee then with the Churchwardens cause the same to be prouided for, sig∣nifying by whose faulte and negligence the same want or faulte hath proceeded, and generally of the not comming of your pa∣rishioners to Church, vndue walking, talking, or vsing of them∣selues there vnreuerently in the tyme of diuine seruice, and of all other open faults and misdemeanours, not omitting thus to doo, and certifie as before, as you will answere vpon your perill for the contrarye. Geuen at London the 23. of February, in the yeare of our Lord 1554.

The next moneth following, which was the moneth of March, and the 4. day of the sayd moneth, there was a let∣ter sent from the Queene to Boner Bishop of London, with certaine Articles also annexed, to be put in speedy ex∣ecution, conteining as heere followeth.

¶Articles sent from the Queene to the Bishop of Lon∣don, by him and his officers at her commaundement to be put in speedy execution, with her letter to the sayd Byshop before prefixed.

RIght reuerend Father in God, right trusty and welbe∣loued we greete you well.* 3.273 And wheras heretofore in y^e time of the late raigne of our most dearest brother K. Ed∣ward y^e 6. whose soule god pardon, dyuers notable crimes excesses and faults, with sundrye kindes of heresies, s••••••∣ny, adultery, & other enormities haue bene committed w^tin this our Realme and other our dominions, the same con∣tinuing yet hitherto in like disorder since the beginning of our raigne, without any correction or reformation at all, & the people both of the laitie and also of the clergye, & chiefly of the clergy haue bene geuen to much insolency & vngod∣ly rule, greatly to the displeasure of almighty God, & very much to our regret & euill contentation, & to no litle slan∣der of other Christen realmes, and in a maner to the sub∣uersion & cleane defacing of this our realme, and remem∣bring our duety to almighty god, to be to foresee (as much as in vs may be) y^t all vertue and godly liuing shoulde be embraced, florish & increase, and therewith also, y^t all vice & vngodly behauiour shuld be banished and put away, or at y^e least wise (so nigh as might be) so bridled and kept vnder that godlines and honesty might haue y^e ouer hand, vnder∣standing by very credible report and publike fame, to ou•• no smal heauines and discomfort, that within your dioces as well in not exempted as exempted places, the like dis∣order and euill behauiour hath bene done & vsed, like also to continue and increase vnlesse due prouision be had and made to reforme y^e same, which earnestly in very deede we do mind & intend to the vttermost all y^e waies we can pos∣sible, trusting of Gods furtherance and helpe in y^t behalfe. For these causes, and other most iust cōsiderations vs mo∣uing, we send vnto you certayne articles of suche speciall matter, as among other thinges be most necessary now to be put in execution by you & your officers, extending to the end by vs desired, and the reformation aforesaide, wherein ye shall be charged with our speciall commaundement, by these our letters to the intent you and your officers may y^e more earnestly and boldly proceed therunto without feare of any presumption to be noted on your part, or danger to be incurred of any such our Lawes, as by our doinges of that is in the said articles conteined, might any wise greue you whatsoeuer be threatned in any such case. And therfore we straightly charge and commaund you, and your sayde officers to proceede to the execution of the said Articles, w^t∣out all tracte and delay, as ye will answere to the contra∣ry. Geuen vnder our signet, at our Palace of Westminster the 3. day of march the first yeare of our raigne.

Articles sent from the Queene vnto the Ordinary, and by him and his Officers by her commaundement to be put in execution in the whole dioces.

FIrst, that euery Byshop and his Officers, with all o∣ther hauing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction,* 3.274 shall with all speede and diligence, and all maner of waies to them pos∣sible, put in execution all such Canons and Ecclesiasticall Lawes,* 3.275 heeretofore in the time of King Henry the eyght vsed within this Realme of England, and the dominions of the same, nor being directly and expresly contrary to the lawes and statutes of this Realme.

Item, that no B. or any his Officer, or other person a∣foresayd,* 3.276 heereafter in any of their ecclesiasticall writings, in processe or other extraiuditiall actes, doe vse to put in this clause or sentence, Regia authoritate fulcitus.

Item, that no Byshop or any his officers or other per∣son aforesaid, do hereafter exact or demaund in the admis∣sion of any person to any ecclesiasticall promotion, order or office, any oth touching the primacy or succession, as of late in few yeares passed hath bene accustomed and vsed.

Item, that euery B. and his officers, with all other per∣sons aforesayd, haue a vigilant eie, and vse speciall diligēce and foresight, that no person be admitted or receiued to any ecclesiasticall function, benefice or office being a sacramen∣tary infected or defamed with any notable kinde of heresie or other great crime, and that the said B. do stay and cause to be stayed, as much as lieth in him, that benefices and Ecclesiasticall promotions do not notably decay or take hinderāce by passing, or cōfirming of vnreasonable leases.

Item, that euery Bishop and all other persons afore∣sayde,* 3.277 do diligently trauaile for the repressing of heresies and notable crimes, especially in the Cleargie, duely cor∣recting and punishing the same.

Item, that euery B. and all the other persons aforesayd, do likewise trauell for the condemning and repressing of corrupt and naughty opinions, vnlawfull bookes, bal∣lades, and other pernitious and hurtfull deuices, engen∣dring hatred amongst the people, and discord amongst the same: And the Scholemaisters, Preachers, and Teachers, do exercise and vse their offices and duties without tea∣ching, preaching, or setting foorth any euill and corrupt do∣ctrine, and that doing the contrary, they may be by the Bi∣shop and his said officers punished and remoued.

Item, that euery B. and all the other persons aforesayd, proceding summarely & with all celerity & speed,* 3.278 may and shall depriue or declare depriued and amoue, according to their learning & discretion, all such persons frō their bene∣fices & ecclesiasticall promotiōs, who cōtrary to the state of their order, & the laudable custome of the church, haue mar∣ried & vsed women as their wiues, or otherwise notably, and slaunderously disordered or abused themselues: seque∣string also, during the said proces, the fruites and profites of the said benefices and Ecclesiasticall promotions.

Item, that the said B. and all other persons aforesayd, do vse more lenity and clemency with such as haue marri∣ed, whose wiues be dead, then with other whose women do yet remayne aliue. And likewise such Priestes, as with the consents of their wiues or women openly in the pre∣sence of the B. do professe to abstaine,* 3.279 to be vsed more fa∣uourably. In which case after penaunce effectually done, the Bishop according to his discretion and wisedome, may vpon iust consideration, receiue and admit them agayne to their former administration, so it be not in the same place, appointing them such a portion to liue vpon, to be payde out of their benefice, whereof they be depriued, by discreti∣on of the said Bishop, or his Officer as he shall thinke may be spared of the said Benefice.

Item, that euery Byshop, and all other persons afore∣said,* 3.280 do foresee that they suffer not any religious man, ha∣uing solemnely professed chastitie, to continue with hys woman, or wife, but that all such persons, after depriuati∣on of their benefice or Ecclesiasticall promotion, be also di∣uorced euery one from his saide woman, and due punish∣ment otherwise taken for the offence therein.

Item, that euery Bishop and all other persons afore∣said, do take order and direction with the Parishioners of euery Benefice where Priests do want,* 3.281 to repayre to the next Parish for diuine seruice, or to appoint for a conueni∣ent time, till other better prouision may be made, one Cu∣rate to serue, Alienis vicibus, in diuers Parishes, and to al∣lot to the saide Curate for his labour some portion of the Benefice that he so serueth.

Item, that all and all maner of processions of y^e Church, be vsed,* 3.282 frequented, and continued after the old order of the Church in the latine tongue.

Item, that all such holydaies and fasting daies be obser∣ued and kept, as were obserued and kept in the latter time of king Henry the eight.

Item, that the laudable & honest ceremonies which wer wont to be vsed, frequented and obserued in the Churche,* 3.283 be also hereafter frequented, vsed and obserued.

Item that children be christened by the Priest, and con∣firmed by the Bishop, as heretofore hath bene accustomed and vsed.

Item, touching such persons as were heretofore pro∣moted to anye orders after the new sorte and fashion of or∣ders: considering they were not ordered in very deede,* 3.284 the bishop of the Dioces finding otherwise sufficiency and ha∣bilitie in those men, may supply that thing which wanted in them before, and then according to his discretion admit them to minister.

Item,* 3.285 that by the bishop of the Dioces an vniforme do∣ctrine be set foorth by Homelies, or otherwise for the good instruction & teaching of al people: And that the sayd bish. and other persons aforesaid, doe compell the parishioners to come to their seuerall Churches, and there deuoutly to heare deuine seruice, as of reason they ought.

Item, that they examine all Scholemaisters & teachers of children, & finding them suspect,* 3.286 in any wise to remoue them and place Catholicke men in theyr rowmes, with a speciall commaundement to instructe their children, so as they may be able to aunswere the priest at the masse, and so helpe the priest to masse, as hath bene accustomed.

Item, that the sayd Bishop, and all other the persons a¦foresaid, haue such regard, respect, and consideration of and for the setting forth of the premisses with all kind of vertue godly liuing, and good example, with repressing also and keping vnder of vice and vnthriftines as they and euerich of them may be seene to fauour the restitution of true Re∣ligion, and also to make an honest accompt and reckening of their office and cure, to the honor of God, our good con∣tentation, and the profite of this our Realme: and the do∣minions of the same.

A like prescript also with Articles, was sent from the said Queene Mary to the Lord Mayor of London,* 3.287 the 4. day of March, in the yeare abouesayd, which Lord Mayor vpon the same directed his commandement to the Alder∣men, euerye one seuerally in his warde, conteing as fol∣loweth.

*By the Lord Mayor.

ON the Queene our most gracious & most benigne so∣ueraigne Ladies behalfe,* 3.288 we most straightly charge & commaund you, that ye the said Aldermen, faile not perso∣nally to call before your owne person in such place within your sayde warde as to you shall seeme most conuenient & meete vpon Wednesday nexte comming, which shalbe the 7. daye of this present moneth, at 7. of the clocke in the morning of the same daye, all and euery the householders both poore and rich of your sayd warde, & then & there, o∣penly and plainely for your owne discharge and for the es∣chewing of the perils that to you might otherwise be iust∣ly imputed & layd, do not onely straitly admonish, charge, & commaund in the Queene our sayd soueraigne Ladyes name and behalfe, al and euery the sayd householders, that both in theyr own persons, and also their wiues, children, and seruantes being of the age of xij. yeares and vpwards and euery of them, do at al and euery time, and times from henceforth, and namely at the holy time of Easter now ap∣proching, honestly, quietly, obediently, and Catholickely, vse and behaue themselues like good and faithful christian people in all and euery thing and thinges touching & con∣cerning the true fayth, profession, and Religion of his Ca∣tholicke Church, both according to the lawes and precepts of almighty God, and also theyr bounden duetie of obedy∣ence towards our soueraigne Lady y^e Queene her lawes and Statutes, and her highnes most good example & gra∣cious proceeding according to the same, and according also to y^e right wholsome charitable & godly admonitiō, charge and exhortation late set forth and geuen by y^e right reuerēd father in God the bishop of London, our Diocesan and or∣dinary to all the Persons, Uicares, and Curates wythin this Dioces: but also that they and euery of them do truely without delaye aduertise you of the names & surnames of all and euery person and persons that they or any of them, can or may at any time hereafter know, perceiue, or vnder¦stand to transgresse or offend in anye poynt or Article con∣cerning the premisses, at their vttermost perilles▪ That ye immediately after such notice therof to you geuen do forth∣with aduertise vs thereof, fayle ye not thus to do with all circumspection and dilligence, as ye will aunswere to our sayd most dread soueraigne Lady the Queene, for the con∣trary at your like perill. Geuen at the Guildhall of the Ci∣tie of London, the v. day of March in the first of the raigne of our said saueraigne Lady the Queene. Blackwell.

And likewise do you geue to euery of the sayd houshol∣ders straightly in commaundemente, that they or theyr wiues depart not out of the said Citie vntill this holy time of Easter be past.

ABout the same yeare and time, when Doct. Boner set foorth this prescript or monitory, there came from the Quene another proclamation against straungers and for∣reiners within this realme. The purpose & intent of which proclamation, because it chiefly and most specially concer∣ned religion and doctrine, and the true professors thereof, I thought here to annexe the tenor and maner of the same.

*A copy of the Queenes Proclamation for the driuing out of the Realme Straungers and Forreiners.

* 3.289THE Queene our soueraigne Lady vnderstanding that a mul∣titude of euill disposed persons, being borne out of her high∣nes dominions in other sondry nations, flyeng from the obey∣saunce of the Princes and Rulers vnder whome they be borne, some for heresie, some for murther, treason, robbery, and some for other horrible crimes, be resorted into this her maiesties Realme, and heere haue made theyr demour, and yet be commoraunt and lingring, partly to eschew such conding punishment as their said horrible crimes deserue, and partly to dilate, plant, and sowe the seedes of their malicious doctrine and lewd conuersation among the good subiectes of this her said Realme, of purpose to infect her good subiectes with the like, in so much as (besides innume∣rable heresies, which diuers of the same beeing heretickes haue preached and taught within her highnes sayd Realme) it is assu∣redly knowne vnto her Maiesty,* 3.290 that not only their secret practi∣ses haue not fayled to stirre, comfort and ayde dyuers her highnes subiectes to this most vnnaturall rebellion against God and her grace, but also some other of them desist not still to practise with her people eftsoones to rebell, her Maiestie therefore hauing (as afore is sayd) knowledge and intelligence heereof, hath for reme∣die heerein determined, and most straightly chargeth and com∣maundeth, that all and euery such person or persons borne out of her highnes dominions, now commoraunt or resident within this Realme, of whatsoeuer Nation or Countrey, beeing eyther Preacher, Printer, Bookeseller, or other Artificer, or of whatso∣euer calling else, not being Denizen or Marchant knowne, vsing the trade of Marchaundize, or seruaunt to such Ambassadours as be liegers heere from the Princes and states ioyned in league with her grace, shall within 24. dayes after this Proclamation, auoyde the Realme, vpon payne of most greeuous punishment by enpri∣sonment and forfayture and confiscation of all their goodes and moueables, and also to be delyuered vnto their natu••all Princes, or Rulers, agaynst whose persons or lawes they haue offended. Geuing to all Mayors, Sheriffes, Bayliffes, Constables, and all o∣ther her ministers, officers, and good subiectes, straightly also in charge, if they knowe any such person not borne in the Queenes highnes dominion•• (〈◊〉〈◊〉 before excepted) that shall after the time and day limitted in ••his Proclamation, tarry within thys Realme, that they shall apprehende the same person or persons, and commit him or them to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, there to remayne without bayle or mayneprise, till her graces pleasure or her Counsayles be signifyed vnto them for the further ordering of the sayde per∣son or persons. And that if any of her sayde officers, after the sayd 24. dayes apprehend, take, or knowe of any such, they shall with diligence immediatly certifie her sayd Counsell thereof, to the in∣tent order may forthwith be geuē for their punishmēt according.

In the meane while, vpō the Proclamation before men∣cioned, not only y^e strangers in K. Edwards time receiued into the Realme for Religion,* 3.291 amōg whō was Pet. Mar∣tir, Iohn Alasco vncle to the King of Poleland, but many Englishmen fled, some to Freeseland, some to Cleueland, some to high Germany, where they were diuersly scatte∣red into diuers companies & congregations, at Wesell, at Frankford, Emden, Markpurgh, Strausborough, Basill, Arow, Zurich, Geneua, and other places: where by the prouidence of God they were al susteined, and there enter∣tained with greater fauour among strangers abroad,* 3.292 then they could be in their owne countrey at home, welneare to the number of 800. persons, Students, & other together.

In the saide moneth of March, the Lorde Courtney Earle of Deuonshire, whome the Queene at her first en∣tring deliuered out of the Tower, and Lady Elizabeth al∣so the Queenes Sister, were both in suspection to haue consented to Wiats conspiracie, and for the same this March were apprehended and committed to the Tower.

Touching the imprisonment of which Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney, thou shalt note heere for thy lear∣ning (good Reader) a politicke point of practise in Steuen Gardiner Bishop of Wint. not vnworthy to be considered. This Gardiner being alwayes a capitall enemie to the Lady Elizabeth, and thinking ••owe by the occasion of maister Wyate to picke out some matter against the Lorde Courtney, and so in the end, to entangle the Lady Eliza∣beth, deuised a pestilent practise of conueyance, as in the story heere following may appeare.

The story is this. The same day that Sir Tho. Wyate died,* 3.293 he desired the Lieutenant to bring him to the presence of the Lord Courtney. Who there before the Lieutenaunte and the Sheriffes, kneeling downe vpon his knees, be∣sought the Lorde Courtney to forgeue him, for that he had falsly accused both the Lady Elizabeth and him, and so be∣ing brought from thence vnto the scaffold to suffer, there openly in the hearing of all the people cleared the Lady E∣lizabeth, and the Lorde Courtney to be free and innocente from all suspition of that commotion. At which confession,* 3.294 Doctor Weston there standing by, cryed to the people, say∣ing: Beleeue him not good people, for he confessed other∣wise before vnto the Counsell.

After the execution done of Sir Thomas Wyat, which was the 11. day of Aprill, word was brought immediately to the Lord Maior Sir Thomas White, a little before din∣ner,* 3.295 how maister Wyate had cleared the Lady Elizabeth and Lorde Courtney, and the wordes also which Doctor Weston spake vnto the people, wherunto the Lord Maior aunswering: Is this true quoth he? said Weston so? In sooth I neuer tooke him otherwise but for a knaue. Upon this, the Lord Maior sitting downe to dinner (who dyned the same day at the Bridgehouse) commeth in Sir Martin Bowes with the Recorder, newly come from the Parlia∣ment house, who hearing of the Maior and Sheriffes this report of Wiats confession, both vpon the Scaffold and al∣so in the Tower, marueiled thereat, declaring how there was another tale contrary to this, told the same day in the Parliament house, which was, that Sir Thomas Wyate should desire the Lord Courtney to confesse the truth, so as he had done before.

Upon this it followed not lōg after that a certaine pren∣tice dwelling in S. Laurence lane, named Cut, as he was drinking with one Denhā a plasterer being one of Quene Maries seruaunts, amongst other talke made mentiō how Sir Thomas Wyate had cleared the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney, to be no cōsenters to his rising. Which wordes being brought to Gardiner (by what meanes I know not) incōtinent vpon the same,* 3.296 Syr Andrew Iudde was sent by the sayd Bishop to y^e Lord Maior, commaun∣ding him to bring the said prentise to the Star Chamber, which was accused of these words, that he should say that Wyat was constrained by the Counsell to accuse the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney. Which fellow when he was come to the starre Chamber, the aforesaid Gardiner letting passe other matters that were in hand, began to de∣clare to the whole multitude, how myraculously almighty God had brought the Queenes Maiesty to the Crowne, y^e whole Realme in a maner being against her, & that he had brought this to passe for this singular intent and purpose,* 3.297 that this Realme being ouerwhelmed with heresies, shee might reduce againe the same vnto the true Catholicke faith. And where she tooke the Lady Elizabeth into her fa∣uour, and loued her so tenderly, and also the Lord Court∣ney, who of long time had bene deteined in prison, and by her was set at libertie, and receiued great benefites at her hands, and notwithstanding all this, they had conspired most vnnaturally and traiterously against her with that haynous Traytour Wiate, and by the confession of Wyate (sayde he) and the letters sent to and fro may playnely ap∣peare: Yet there was some in the City of London, whiche reported that Wyat was constrained by the Counsell to accuse the Lady Elizabeth and the L. Courtney, & yet you my L. Maior (quoth he) haue not seene the same punished.

The party is heere, sayd the Lord Maior. Take hym with you (said Gardiner) and punish him according to his desert, & said further: My Lord, take heede to your charge, the Citie of London is a whirlepoole and sincke of all euill rumours, there they be bread, and from thence spread into all partes of this Realme.

There stood by the same time the Lord Shandoys,* 3.298 who being then Lieutenaunt of the Tower, and now hearing the Byshop thus speake, to sooth his tale, came in wyth these words as followeth.

My Lordes (quoth he) this is a trueth that I shall tell you, I being Lieutenant of the Tower when Wiat suffred he desired me to bring him to the Lorde Courtney, whych when I had done, he fell down vpon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confesse the truth of hym selfe, as he had done before, and to submit himselfe vnto the Queenes Maiesties mercy.

And thus much I thought of this matter to declare, to the entent that the Reader perceiuing the proceedings of

the bishop in the premisses, and comparing the same with the true testimony of Wyat himselfe, & with the testimony o•• the Sheriffes whiche were present the same time when Syr Thomas Wiat asked the Lord Courtney forgeuenes, may the better iudge of the whole case and matter for the whiche the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney were so long in trouble. Of which her Graces trouble, hereafter (God willing) more shall be said in the story of her life. In the meane time, to let this matter stay, let vs now passe fur¦ther in our history.

* 3.299NOt longe after this, Queene Mary partly fearing the Londiners by occasion of Wiats cōspiracy partly per¦ceiuing most part of the City for religions sake not great∣ly to fauour her proceedings, to theyr displeasure and hin∣deraunce sommoned a Parliament to be holdē at Oxford: as it were to gratify that Citty,* 3.300 where both the Uniuersi∣ty, Towne, and Country had shewed themselues very o∣bedient and forward, especially in restoring popish religi∣on. For this purpose great prouision was made, as wel by the Queenes officers and by the townes men and inhabi∣tantes of Oxford and the Country about.

* 3.301But the Queenes minde in short space chaunged, and the same Parliament was holden at Westminster in aprill folowing. Then the Queene, beside other thinges, propo∣sed concerning her mariage to king Philip, and resto∣ring of the Popes supremacy. As touching her maryage it was agreed vpon: but the other request could not as then be obteyned.

The same time when this Parliamēt was sommoned, she also sommoned a conuocation of bishops & of the Cler∣gy,* 3.302 writing vnto Boner (whom she had made Uicegerēt in the stead of Cranmer being in the Tower) after y^e tenor and forme of a new stile, differing from the olde stile of K. Henry, and K. Edward as foloweth.

*The stile of Q. Mary altered writing to Boner for the summoning of a Conuocation.

MAria Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, Hiberniae Regina, fidei de∣fensor.* 3.303 Reuerendo in Christo patri Edmondo London. Epis. Salutem. Licet nuper quibusdam arduis & vrgentibus negotijs nos securitatem, & defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae ac pacem & tranquilitatem &c.

Where note good Reader, concerning the altering and chaunging the Queenes stile, the latter part thereof to bee left out of her title, which is: Ecclesiae Anglicanae Hiberniae su∣premum caput, because in this present Parliament the su∣premacy being geuen away from the crowne of Englande to the Pope,* 3.304 therupon this parcell of the title was also ta∣ken away. Likewise the sayd Boner geuing his certificate vpon the same, leaueth out autoritate illustrissimae. &c. legiti∣me suffultus: which parcel also in the same Parliament was repriued and taken away the same time.

¶The dignity of Priestes extolled by Byshop Boner.

IN this foresayd conuocation, Bonor B. of Londō being Uicegerent and President as is said, made a certayne ex∣hortation or oration to the Clergy (whether it was in this conuocatiō or much about the sayd time) wherin he semeth to shew a great piece of his profound and deep learning in setting forth the most incomparable & superangelical order of Priesthood,* 3.305 as may appeare by this parcell or fragment of his foresayd Oration. Being collected and gathered by some that stoode by, whiche as it came to our handes so I thought to impart it to the Reader, both for that the Au∣thor of so worthy a worke should not passe vnknown, and partly also, for that y^e estimatiō of this blessed order should los•• nothing of his preeminence, but might be knowne in most ample perfection, so as it standeth aboue Angels and kinges, if it be true that Boner sayth.

¶A piece or fragment of the exhortation made by Boner Bishop of London, to them of the Conuocation house, copyed out by them that stood by and heard him.

Boners Oration in prayse of Priesthood.

WHerefore it is to be knowne that Priestes & Elders be worthy of all mē to be worshipped for the digni∣ty sake which they haue of God,* 3.306 as in Mat. 16. Whatsoeuer ye shall lose vpon earth. &c. And whatsoeuer you shall binde. &c. For a priest by some meanes is like Mary the Uirgin, and is shewed by three poyntes: As the blessed Uirgine by fiue wordes did conceiue Christ, as it is sayd: Luke. 1. Fiat mihi secundum verbū tuum: that is to say. Be it vnto me according to thy word:* 3.307 so the priest by 5. wordes doth make the verye body of Christe. Euen as immediately after the consent of Mary, Christ was all whole in her wombe: so immediat∣ly after the speaking of the wordes of consecration, y^e bread is transubstantiated into the very body of Christ. Second∣ly, as the Uirgin caried Christ in her armes, and layd him in an Oxe shall after his byrth: euen so the Priest after the consecration, doth lift vp the body of Christ, & placeth it, & caryeth it, and handleth it with his hands. Thyrdly, as the blessed Uirgin was sanctified before she was conceiued: so the Priest being ordeined & annoynted before he doth con∣secrate, because without orders he could cōsecrate nothing, therefore the lay man cannot do the thing, although he bee neuer so holy, and do speake the selfe same wordes of con∣secration. Therfore here is to be knowne, that the dignity of Priestes by some meanes passeth the dignity of angels,* 3.308 because there is no power geuen to any of the Aungels to make the body of Christ. Wherby the least priest may do in earth, that the greatest and highest Aungell in heauen can not do as S. Barnard sayth: O worshipful dignity of Priestes in whose hands the Sonne of God is, as in the wombe of the Vir∣gin he was incarnate. S. Augustine sayth, that Angels in the consecration of the sacred host do serue him, and the Lorde of heauen descendeth to him. Whereupon Saynt Ambrose vpon Saynt Luke sayth: Doubt thou not the Aungels to be where Christ is present vpon the Aultare. Wherefore Priestes are to be honoured before all kinges of the earth, Princes and Nobles. For a Priest is higher then a King,* 3.309 happyer then an Aungell, Maker of his Creator. Wherefore. &c.

It was declared a litle before, how Doct. Ridley was had from Fremingham to the Tower: where being in du∣raunce, and inuited to the Lieftenants table, he had certain talke or conference with Secretary Bourne M. Fecknam and other concerning the controuersies in religiō: y^t sūme whereof, as it was penned with his owne hand, hereafter ensueth.

*Here foloweth the summe and effect of the com∣munication betwene D. Ridley, and Secretary Bourne with others, at the Lieuetenauntes table in the Tower.

MAister Thomas of Bridges sayd at his brother may∣ster Lieuetenantes boorde: I pray you M. Doctours,* 3.310 for my learning tell me what an heretick is. M. Secretary Bourne sayd, I will tell you who is an hereticke: who so stubbernly & stifly maynteineth an vntruth, he is an here∣ticke.* 3.311 Ye meane syr (sayd I) an vntrueth in matters of re∣ligion, & concerning our fayth. Yea that is true sayd he: & in this we are soone agreed. Then sayd maister Fecknam, sitting at the vpper end of the table, whom they called M. Deane of Paules: I wil tell you by S. Austine who is an hereticke. Qui adulandi principibus vel lucri gratia falsas opi∣niones gignit vel sequitur, hereticus est, sayth S. Austine.* 3.312 And then he englished the same. Sir sayd I, I wene S. Austine addeth the thyrd member, which is, vel vanae gloriae causa. Ye say euen true M. Doctor, sayd he, and thus farre we did agree all three.

M. Fecknam began againe to say, who so doth not be∣leue that scripture affirmeth,* 3.313 but will obstinately maintein the contrary, he is Haereticus, as in the sacramēt of the aul∣tar: Mathew doth affirm there to be Christs body. Marke doth affirme it, Luke affirmeth it, Paule affirmeth it, and none denyeth it: therfore to hold the cōtrary it is heresy. It is the same body and flesh that was borne of the virgine: & this is confirmed by vnity, antiquity & vniuersalitye. For none before Berengarius did euer doubt of this,* 3.314 & he was an heretick, as M. doctor there knoweth full well: I do te∣stify his owne conscience sayd he.

Mary sir, saide mayster Secretary, maister Fecknam hath spoken well. These be great matters, vnitie antiqui∣tie and vniuersalitie. Do ye not thinke so maister Doctour said he to me?

Here while I strayned curtesye and pretended as no∣thinge to talke, sayd one of the Commissioners: peraduen∣ture M. Ridley doth agree with M. Fecknam, and then there needes not much debating of the matter.

Syr saide I in some thinges I doe and shall agree with him, and in some things which he hath spoken to be playne. I doe not agree with him at all. Maister sayde I, ye be (as I vnderstād) the Queenes Commissioners here and if ye haue commissiō to examine me in these matters, I shall declare vnto you playnely my faythe, if yee haue not, then I shall pray you either geue mee leaue to speake my minde freely, or els to hold my peace.

There is none here, sayde M. Secretary, that doth not fauour you: and thē euery man shewed what fauour they

bare towardes me, and howe glad they woulde be of an a∣greement.

But as I strayned to haue licence of thē in playn wor∣des to speak my minde,* 3.315 so me thought they graunted me it but vix or agrè. Well at the last I was content to take it for licenced, and so began to talke.

To M. Fecknams argumentes of the manifold affir∣matiō where no denial was,* 3.316 I answered: where is a mul∣titude of affirmations in scripture, and where is one affir∣mation, all is one concerning the trueth of the matter: for that any one of the Euangelists spake inspired by the holy ghost,* 3.317 was as true as that which is spoken of them all. It is as true that Iohn sayth of Christ: Ego sum ostium ouium. i. I am the dore of the sheepe, as if all had sayde it. For it is not in scripture as in witnes of men where the number is credited more then one, because it is vncertayne of whose spirit he doth speake. And where M. Fecknam spake of so many, affirming without any negation. &c. Syr sayd I, all they do affirme the thing which they ment. Now if ye take theyr wordes to leaue theyr meaning then do they affirme what ye take,* 3.318 but not what they ment. Syr sayde I, if in talke with you, I should so vtter my minde in words, that ye by the same do, and may playnely perceiue my meaning & could (if ye wold be captious) cauil at my words & writh them to an other sense, I would thinke ye were no gentle companion to talke with, except ye would take my words as ye did perceiue that I did meane.

Mary, quoth M. Secretary, we should els do you plain iniury and wrong.

M. Fecknam perceiuing whereunto my talke went, why (quoth he) what circumstaunces can ye shew me that should moue to thinke of any other sense, then as the wor∣des playnely say: Hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis trade∣tur. i. This is my body which shall be betrayed for you?

Syr sayd I, euen the next sentence that foloweth: vix. Hoc facite in meam commemorationem. i. Do this in my remem∣braunce.* 3.319 And also by what reason, ye say the bread is turned into Christes carnall body: By the same I may say, that is turned into his misticall body. For as that sayth of it: Hoc est corpus quod pro vobis tradetur:* 3.320 so Paule which spake by Christes spirit sayth: Vnus panis & vnum corpus multi sumus omnes, qui de vno pane participamus. i. We being many are all but one bread and one body, in as much as we are parta∣kers of one bread.

Here he calleth one bread, one loafe, sayd Mayster Se∣retary.

Yea sayd I, one loafe, one bread, all is one with me.

But what saye ye quoth maister Secretary, of the U∣niuersalitye, antiquitye, and vnity, that M. Fecknam dyd speake of?

I ensure you sayd I, I thinke them matters weighty and to be considered well.* 3.321 As for vnity, the truth is, before God, I doe beleue it and embrace it, so it be with verity, & ioyned to our head Christ, and such one as Paule, speaketh of saying: Vna fides, vnus Deus, vnum Baptisma. i. On fayth, one God,* 3.322 one Baptisme. And for antiquity I am also per∣suaded to be true that Iraeneus sayth: Quod primum verum. i. That is first is true. In our Religion Christes fayth was first truely taught by Christ himselfe, by his Apostles and by manye good men that from the beginning did succeede next vnto them: and for this controuersy of the Sacramēt I am perswaded, that those olde writers which wrote be∣fore the controuersye and the vsurping of the sea of Rome do all agree, if they be well vnderstanded in this truth.

I am glad to heare, sayd Maister Secretary, that ye do so well esteme the Doctors of the church.

* 3.323Now as for vniuersality, it may haue 2. meanings: one to vnderstand that to be vniuersall which from the begin∣ning in all ages hath bene alowed, another, to vnderstand vniuersalitye for the multitude of our age or of anye other singuler age.

No, no, sayth maister Secretary, these 3. doe alwayes agree, and where there is one, there is all the rest, and here he and I chaunged many wordes. And finally, to be shorte in this matter we did not agree.

There was none quoth mayster Fecknam, before Be∣rengarius, Wickliffe, and Hus, and now in our dayes Ca∣rolostadius, Oecolampadius. And Carolostadius sayth, Christ poynteth to his owne body and not to the Sacra∣ment, and sayd: Hoc est Corpus meum. And Melancton wri∣teth to one Micronius (Miconius sayde I) these or like wordes:* 3.324 Nullam satis grauem rationem inuenire possum, prop∣ter quam a fide maiorum in hac materia dissentiam. i. I can finde no grounded reason to cause me to dissent from the beliefe of our foreelders.

* 3.325Thus when hee had spoken at length, with manye o∣ther wordes mo: Sir sayd I, it is certain that other before these haue written of this matter. Not by the way onelye, and obiter, as doth for the most all the olde writers, but e∣uen ex professo, and theyr whole bookes intreat of it alone, as Bertram.

Bertram said the Secretary, what man was he? & whō was he, and how do ye know? &c. with many questions.

Syr quoth I, I haue read his booke: He proponeth the same which is now in controuersy, and aunswereth so dy∣rectly that no man may doubt but that he affirmeth, that y^e substance of bread remaineth still in the Sacrament, and he wrote vnto Carolus Magnus.

Mary (quoth he) marke for there is a matter. He wrote quoth he, ad Henricum, and not ad Carolum, for no Authour maketh any such mention of Bertramus.

Yes quoth I, Trithemius in Catalogo illustrium scriptorū, speaketh of him. Trithemius was but o•• late time: but he spe∣keth quoth I of them that were of antiquitye. Here, after much talke of Bertram, what authors haue ye quoth M. Secretary to make of the sacrament a figure?

Syr quoth I, ye knowe (I thinke) that Tertullian in playne wordes speaketh thus: Hoc est corpus, id est,* 3.326 figu•••• Corporis mei. i. This is my bodye, that is to say, a figure o•• my body. And Gelasius sayth playnly that Substantia panis manet. i. The substaunce of bread remayneth. And Origene sayth likewise, Quod sanctificatur secundum materiam, ingre∣ditur stomachum & vadit in secessum. i.* 3.327 That which is sanctifi∣ed, as touching the matter or substance, passeth away into the draught. This when I had englished, M. Secretarye sayd to me, you know very well as any man. &c. and here, if I woulde, I might haue bene set in a foolishe Paradise of his commendation of my learning, and quòd essem vir multae Lectionis. i. A manne of much readyng. But thys I woulde not take at his hand. He set me not vp so high, but I brought my selfe as low againe: and here was much adoe.

As for Melancton (quoth I) whō M. Fecknam spake of, I maruell that ye will alledge him, for we are more nye an agrement here in England, then the opinion of Melāc∣ton to you: for in this poynt we all agree here, that there is in the sacrament but one materiall substance: & Melanctō as I weene, sayth there are two.

Ye say trueth quoth M. Secretary: Melancthons opi∣nion is so. But I pray you, ye haue read that the sacramēt was in olde time so reuerenced, that many were then for∣bidden to be present at the ministration thereof. Catecume∣ni (quoth he) and many moe.

Truth sir (quoth I) there were called some Audientes, some Poenitentes, some Catechumeni, and some Euergumeni,* 3.328 which were commaunded to depart.

Now (quoth he) then. And howe can ye then make but a figure or a signe of the Sacrament, as that booke whyche is set forth in my Lord of Canterburyes name, I wisse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 can tell who made it, did not ye make it?* 3.329 & here was much murmuring of the rest, as though they would haue geuen me the glorye of the writing of the booke, whiche yet there was sayd of some there, to conteyne most haynous heresy that euer was.

Mayster Secretary (quoth I) that booke was made of a great learned man, and him which is able to do the like a¦gain: as for me I ensure you (be not deceiued in me) I was neuer able to do or write any such like thing, he passeth me no lesse, then the learned mayster his yong scholer.

Now, here euery man would haue his saying, which I passe ouer, not much materiall for to tell. But sir quoth I, me thinkes it is not charitably done, to beare the people in hand that any man doth so lightly esteme the sacrament, as to make of it a figure. For that [but] maketh it a bare figure without any more profit, which that book doth often deny, as appeareth to the reader most playnely.

Yes quoth he that they do.

Sir, no quoth I, of a truth: and as for me, I ensure you I make no lesse of the sacrament then thus: I say whoso∣euer receiueth the sacrament, he receiueth therewith eyther life or death.

No quoth M. Secretary, scripture sayth not so.

Sir quoth I, although not in the same soūd of words, yet it doth in the same sense, and S. Augustine sayth, in the sound of words also: for Paule sayth: The bread which we breake, is it not the partaking or felowship of the bodye of Christ? And S. Augustine, Manduca vitam, Bibe vitam, i. eate life, drinke life.

Then sayd mayster Pope, what can ye make of it whē ye say, there is not the reall body of Christ? Whiche I doe beleue. &c. & I pray God I may neuer beleue other. How can it bring (as ye say) either life or death,* 3.330 when Christes body is not there?

Syr quoth I, when you heare Gods word truely prea∣ched, if ye do beleue it and abide in it, ye shal and do receiue life withal: and if ye do not beleue it, it doth bring vnto you

death: and yet Christes body is still in heauen and not car∣nall in euery preachers mouth.

I pray you tell me quoth he, how can you aunswere to this:* 3.331 Quod pro vobis tradetur, which shall be geuen for you: was the figure of Christes body geuen for vs?

No sir quoth I, but the very body it selfe, wherof the sa¦crament is a sacramentall figure.

How say ye then quoth he, to Quod pro vobis tradetur: which shall be geuen for you.

* 3.332Forsoothe quoth I, Tertullians exposition maketh it playne, for he sayth, Corpus est figura Corporis. i. The body is a figure of the body. Nowe put to Quod pro vobis tradetur: Whiche shall bee geuen for you, and it agreeth exceedyng well.

In fayth quoth he, I would geue xl. poūd that ye were of a good opinion. For I ensure you I haue heard you, and had an affection to you.

I thanke you mayster Pope, for your hart and minde, and ye knowe quoth I, I were a very foole if I woulde in this matter dissent frō you, if that in my conscience y^e truth did not enforce me so to do. For iwise (as ye do perceiue, I trowe) it is somewhat out of my way, if I would esteeme worldly gayne.

* 3.333What say ye, quoth he, to Cyprian? Doth he not saye playnly, Panis quem dedit Dominus non effigie sed natura mu∣tatus omnipotentia verbi factus est caro? i. The Bread whiche the Lorde did deliuer, being changed, not according to the forme, but according to the nature thereof, by the omnipo∣tent word is made flesh.

True Syr, so he doth say, and I answere euen the same which once by chaunce I preached at Paules Crosse in a Sermon,* 3.334 for the which I haue bene as vniustly & as vn∣truely reported as any pore man hath bene. For there, I speaking of the sacrament, and inueying against them that estemed it no better then a piece of bread, told euē the same thing of Poenitentes, Audientes, Catecumeni, Energumeni, that I spake of before: and I bad them depart as vnworthy to heare the misterye, and then I sayd to those that be Sancti: Cyprian the Martyr shall tel you how it is that Christ cal∣leth it, saying Panis est corpus, cibus, potus, caro, &c. i. Breade is the body,* 3.335 meat, drinke, flesh, because that vnto this mate∣riall substance is geuen the property of the thing whereof it beareth the name: and this place then tooke I to vtter as the time would then suffer, that the materiall substaunce of bread doth remaine. M. Fecknam (which as is reported to me) did belie me openly in y^e same matter at Paules crosse, heard all this my talke (as red as skarlet in his face) and herein aunswered me neuer one word.

You do know wel, quoth M. Secretary, that Origenes and Tertullian were not Catholicke but erred.

* 3.336Syr quoth I, there is none of all the Doctors that are holden in all points, but are thought to haue erred in some thinges. But yet I neuer heard that it was eyther layd to Origēs charge or to Tertullian, y^t euer they were thought to haue erred in this matter of the sacrament.

What quoth M. Chomley, late chiefe Iustice, doth not christ say plainly, that it is his very flesh, & his very bloud, and we must needes eate him,* 3.337 or we can haue no life? Syr, quoth I: if you wil heare how S. Augustin expoūdeth that place, you shal perceiue that you are in a wrong boxe. And when I began to tell S. Augustines minde in his book de Doctrina Christiana: Yea, yea, quoth M. Secretary, that is true, S. Augustine doth take it figuratiuely in deed.

Forty yeares agoe quoth M. Fecknam, all were of one opinion in this matter.

Forty yeares ago (quoth I) all held that the Bishop of Rome was supreme head of the vniuersall Church.

What then? was master Fecknam beginning to say. &c. but M. Secretary tooke the tale, and sayde, that was but a positiue law.

A positiue law? quoth I, No Syr, he would not haue it so: for it is in his decrees, that he challēged it by Christes owne word.* 3.338 For his decree sayth: Nullis Synodicis constitu∣tis, ne{que} Consilijs, sed viua voce Domini praelata est Ecclesia Ro∣mana omnibus Ecclesijs in toto Mundo: dicente Domino Petro, tu es Petrus. &c. The Church of Rome was aduaunced aboue all other Churches in the world, not by any Sinodicall constitutiōs, nor yet any counsell, but by the liuely voyce of the Lord, accor∣ding as the Lord sayd to Peter: Thou art Peter. &c. And in an o∣ther place he entreateth. Tu es Cephas, id est, caput. i. Thou art Cephas, that is to say, the head.

Tush, it was not counted an article (quoth M. Secre∣tary) of our fayth.

Yes, sayd I, if ye call that an article of our fayth, which is to be beleued vnder payne of damnation. For he sayeth: Omninò definimus, declaramus, pronunciamus, omnem creatu∣ram subesse Romano pontifici, de necessitate salutis. i. We do ab∣solutely determine, declare, and pronoūce, that euery creature is subiect to the obedience of the Byshop of Rome vpon necessity of saluation.

And here whē we spake of lawes and decrees M, Ro∣ger Chomley thought himself much wrounged, y^t he could not be suffred to speake, the rest were so ready to interrupt him: and then he vp and told a long tale what lawes were of kings of England made against the Bish. of Rome, and was vehemēt to tell how they alway of the Clergy did flie to him. And here because he semed to speak of many things beside our purpose, whereof we spake before, he was aun∣swered of his owne felowes, and I let them talke.

Finally, we departed in peace,* 3.339 and Maister Secretary promised in the end, that of theyr talke there shoulde come to me no harme. And after I had made my mone for lacke of my books, he sayd they were all once geuen him: but sith I know (said he) who hath them now, write me the names of such as ye would haue and I wil speake for you the best I can.

Upon the Articles aboue mentioned,* 3.340 and Inquisiti∣tion made vpon the same, diuers Ministers were diuorced from theyr wiues. Amongest whom was one Iohn Dra∣per, and Ioane Golde his wife, in the Dioces of London, troubled and vexed for the same by Boner Bish. of Londō, who sent forth a Commission with a processe, to sequester and separate them, enioyning also penaunce to the poore woman.

Besides this Iohn Draper, diuers other also were di∣uorced the same time agaynst theyr wils, & some contented of theyr owne vnconstant accorde, to be separated of theyr wiues: as of Chichester one (who because he soone recoue∣red againe shall be here nameles) an other named Edmōd Alstone, an other Alexander Bull, amongest whome also was D. Standish, with many other: whose names toge∣ther in the end of this story of Queene Mary, we may per∣aduenture, by Gods grace in a generall Catalogue, toge∣ther comprehend.

March. 1554.

The 10. of March a letter was sēt to the Lieuetenant of the Tower to deliuer the bodyes of M. Doc. Cranmer the Archhishop of Caunterbury, M.D. Ridley, and M. Lati∣mer, to Syr Iohn Williames to be conueyed by him vnto Oxford.

The 26. of March there was a letter directed to Syr Henry Doell and one Foster to attach the bodyes D. Tai∣lor Parson of Hadley, and of Hēry Askew, and to send thē vp to the Counsell.

¶How Thomas Cranmer Archbishop, Bishop Ridley, and M. Latimer were sent downe to Oxford to dispute, with the order and maner, and all other circumstances vn∣to the sayd disputation, and also to theyr con∣demnation apperteining.

ABout the tenth of April,* 3.341 Cranmer Archbishop of Can∣terbury, Ridley B. of London, and Hugh Latimer B. also sometime of Worcester, were cōueyed as prisoners frō the Tower to Windsore: and after from thence to the U∣niuersitye of Oxford, there to dispute with the Diuines & learned men of both the Uniuersities, Oxford and Cam∣bridge, about the presence, substance and sacrifice of the sa∣crament.* 3.342 The names of the Uniuersity doctors and Gra∣duates, appoynted to dispute agaynst them were these: Of Oxford, Doctor Weston Prolocutor, D. Tresham, Doctor Cole, D. Oglethorp, D. Pie, M. Harpsfield, M. Fecknam. Of Cambridge, D. Yong Uicechauncellor, Doctor Glin, Doctor Seton, D. Watson, D. Sedgewike, D. Atkinson, &c. The Articles or questions whereupon they should dis∣pute, were these.

1 Whether the natural body of Christ be really in the sacrament after the wordes spoken by the Priest, or no?* 3.343

2 Whether in the Sacrament after the wordes of consecration, a∣ny other substance do remayne, then the substance of the bo∣dy and bloud of Christ.

3 Whether in the Masse be a sacrifice propitiatory for the sinnes of the quicke and the dead.

Touching the order and maner of al which things there done, with the notes, arguments,* 3.344 & all circumstances there vnto perteining, to deduce the matter from the beginning-leauing out nothing (as nere as we may) y^t shall seeme ne∣cessary to be added, first here is to be vnderstand that vpon saterday the 7. day of Aprill, the heads of the Colledges in Cambridge being congregate together, letters commyng downe from Steuen Gardiner L. Chauncellor, were red

with Articles therewith annexed, that should be disputed vpon at Oxford: the contentes of the which three Articles are sufficiently expressed before. Wherupon in the sayd con¦gregation of the aforesayd Uniuersity of Cambridge, there was graunted first a grace in this fourme proposed by the Seniour Proctor: Placet vobis vt instrumentum fiat, quod ho∣rum iam praelectorum articulorum doctrina sana sit & catholica, atque, cum veritate orthodoxae fidei consentiens, & vestro con∣sensu, & suffragijs comprebetur? That is: may it please you to haue an instrument made that the doctrine of these foresaid Articles may be sound and catholicke and consonant with the verity of the right meaning fayth,* 3.345 & that the same may be approued by your consent and voyces? Secondly in the sayd congregation, an other grace was geuen and graun∣ted, that Doctor Yong being the Uicechauncellor, D. Glin Doct. Atkinson,* 3.346 Doct. Scot, and M. Sedgewicke shoulde goe to Oxford to defend the sayde Articles agaynst Caun∣terbury, London, and Latimer: Also to haue letters to the Oxford men, sealed with theyr common seale: Item, an o∣ther grace graunted to M. Sedgewike, to be actuall Do∣ctor, being therupon immediately admitted. The foresayd letters being then drawne out, the third day after (whiche was the 11. day of Aprill) were read in the foresayd congre∣gation house and there sealed.

Wherupon the next day after (the 12. of the sayd month) the foresayd Doctors, with the ful grace of that vniuersity, set forward to Oxford:* 3.347 and comming thither the next daye after (being friday, the 13. of Aprill) were lodged all at the Crosse Inne, with one Wakecline, being somtime seruant to Byshop Boner.

Anon after their comming, Doct. Crooke presented thē with wine for theyr welcome:* 3.348 and shortly after, two of the Bedles came from the Uicechauncellor of Oxford, and pre¦sented the Uicechauncellour of Cambridge with a dishe of Apples, and a gallen of wine. After whome, next came M. Pye and Fecknam to welcome them. Then after consul∣tation concerning the deliuery of theyr letters and instru∣ment of grace (which was in Doctor Seton and Watsons keeping) they went all to Lincolne Colledge to Doct,* 3.349 We∣ston the Prolocutor, and to the Uicechauncellour D. Tre∣sham: and there they deliuered theyr letters, and declared what they had done touching the articles, letters, and gra∣ces. Half houre after 8. they returned to theyr Inne again: but first they concluded of a Procession, Sermon, & conuo∣cation to be had the morowe folowing, and that the Doc∣tors of Cambridge should be incorporate in the Uniuersi∣ty of Oxford, & likewise that the Doctors of Oxford should be incorporate in the Uniuersity of Cambridge. The same day the forenamed prisoners were disseuered, as was sayd afore: Doctor Ridley to Alderman Iryshes house M. La∣timer to an other, and Doctor Cranmer remayned still in Bocardo.* 3.350

On Saterday (being the 14. of Aprill) at eighte of the clocke, the foresayd Uicechauncellour of Cambridge wyth the other Doctours of the same Uniuersitye: repayred to Lincolne Colledge agayne, and found the Prolocutour a∣boue in a Chappel, with the company of the house singing Requiem Masse,* 3.351 and taryed there vntill the end. Then they consulting altogether in the Maysters lodging, about 9. of the clocke came all to the Uniuersity church called S. Ma∣ries, and there, after short consultation in a Chappell, the Uicechauncellor the Prolocutor.* 3.352 &c. of Oxford, caused the Uicechauncellor of Cambridge & the rest of the Doctours of that Uniuersity, to send for theyr skarlet robes, brought from Cambridge, saue that Doct. Seton and Watson bo∣rowed of the Oxford men. And in this time, the Regentes in the congregation house, had graūted all the Cambridge Doctors theyr graces, to be incorporate there, and so they went vp and were admitted immediately, D. Oglethorpe presenting them, and the Proctour reading the statute, and geuing them theyr othes.

That done, they came all into the Quier, and there held the conuocation of the Uniuersity. They had Masse of the holy Ghost solemnly song in pricksong,* 3.353 by the Quier men of Christes Church. But first the cause of the Conuocatiō was opened in English, partly by the Uicechauncellour, and partlye by the Prolocutour, declaring that they were sent by the Queene, and wherfore they were sent: and cau∣sed Mayster Say the Register, openly to read the Cōmis∣sion. That done, the Uicechauncellor read Cambridge let∣ters openly, and then concluded that 3. Notaries, Maister Say for the Conuocation,* 3.354 a Bedle of Cambridge for that vniuersity, and one Maister White for Oxford, shoulde te∣stifye of theyr doing: and then willed the sayd Notaryes to prouide parchment, that the whole assemblye mighte sub∣scribe to the Articles, saue those that had subscribed before in the conuocation house at London and Cambridge, and so the Uicechauncellour began first: after him the rest of the Oxford men, as many as could in the Masse time.

The Masse being done, they went in procession:* 3.355 First the Quier in theyr surplices followed the Crosse: then the first yeare Regentes and Proctours: then the Doctors of law, and theyr Bedle before them: then the Doctors of di∣uinity of both Uniuersities intermingled, the Diuinitye & arte Bedles going before them, the Uicechauncellour and the Prolocutour going together. After them Bachelers of Diuinity, Regentes, & non Regentes, in theyr aray: and last of all, the Bachelers of Law and Art. After whom folow∣ed a great company of scholers and students not graduate. And thus they proceeded through y^e street to Christs chur∣che, and there the quier sang a Psalme, and after that a col∣lect was read. This done, departed the Cōmissioners, do∣ctours, and many other to Lincolne Colledge, where they dyned with the Maior of the towne, one Alderman, foure Bedles, Mayster Say, and the Cambridge Notary. After diner they went all agayne to S. Maries Church:* 3.356 & there after a short consultation in a Chappell, all the Commissi∣oners came into the quier, and sate all on seates before the Aulter, to the number of 33. persons: And first they sent to the Maior, that he should bring in Doct. Cranmer, whiche within a while was brought to them with a great nūber of rusty bilmen.

Thus the reuerend Archb. when he was brought be∣fore the Cōmissioners,* 3.357 reuerenced them with much humi∣lity, and stoode with his staffe in his hande: who notwith∣standing hauing a stoole offred him, refused to sit. Then the Prolocutor sitting in the midst in a skarlet gowne, began with a short Preface or Oratiō, in praise of vnity, and espe∣cially in the church of Christ: declaring with all his bring∣ing vp, and taking degrees in Cābridge, and also how hee was promoted by king Henry, and had bene his coūsellor and a Catholicke man, one of the same vnity, and a mēber therof in times past: but of late yeares did separate and cut of himselfe from it, by teaching & setting forth of erronious doctrine, making euery yeare a new fayth: and therefore it pleased the Queenes grace, to send them of the Conuoca∣tion & other learned men to bring him to this vnity again, if it might be. Then shewed he him how they of the Con∣uocation house, had agreed vpon certayne articles, where∣vnto they willed him to subscribe.

The Archb. aunswered to the preface very wittily, mo∣destly, and learnedly,* 3.358 shewing that he was very glad of an vnity, forasmuch as it was Cōseruatrix omnium rerum pub∣licarum, tam Ethnicorum quam Christianorum. i. the preseruer of all common wealthes, as well of the Heathen, as of the Christi∣ans: and so he dilated the matter with one or two storyes of the Romaynes Common wealth. Whiche thing when he had done, he sayde, that he was verye gladde to come to an vnity, so that it were in Christ, and agreeable to his ho∣ly word.

When he had thus spoken his full mind, the Prolocu∣tor caused the articles to be read vnto him, and asked if he would graunt and subscribe vnto them. Then the Bishop of Canterbury did reade them ouer three or foure times & touching the first article he asked what they ment by these termes verū & naturale. i. true & natural. Doe you not meane sayth he, Corpus organicum. i. a sensible body? Some aunswe∣red, Idem quod natus est ex virgine. i. the same that was borne of the Virgine: and so confusedly, some said one thing, some an other. Then the Bishop of Canterbury denyed it vtterly,* 3.359 and when he had looked vpon the other two, he sayde they were all false and agaynst Gods holy word: And therefore would not agree he sayd, in that vnity with them. Which done,* 3.360 the Prolocutor first willing him to write his mynde of them that night, sayd moreouer that he should dispute in them, and caused a copy of the articles to be deliuered him, assigning him to answere thereunto on Monday next, and so charged the Maior with him again, to be had to Bocar∣do where he was kept before: offring moreouer vnto him, to name what books he would occupy, and he should haue them brought vnto him. The Archbishop was greatly cō∣mended of euery body for his modesty: In so much, that some Maisters of Arte were seene to weep for him, which in iudgement were contrary to him.

Then was Doctor Ridley brought in,* 3.361 who hearing y^e articles read vnto him, answered, without any delay, say∣ing: they were all false, and sayd further, that they sprange out of a bitter and sower roote. His aunsweres were sharp witty and very learned. Then did they lay to his charge a sermon that he made when he was Bishop of Rochester, wherein (they sayd) he spake with transubstantiation.* 3.362 He denyed it vtterlye, and asked whether they could bring out any that heard him, which would say and affirme with thē the same. They could bring no proofe of it at all. After that he was asked of one whether he desired not my lord Chan∣cellor that now is, to sticke to the masse, and other things?

He sayd, that my Lord would say no such things or words of him: for if he did, he reported not the truth of him.

Then he was asked whether he woulde dispute or no? He answered:* 3.363 that as long as god gaue him life, he should not onely haue his hart, but also his mouth & penne to de∣fend his truth: but he required time and bookes. They sayd he could not, and that he should dispute on Thursday, and till that time he shoulde haue bookes.* 3.364 He sayde it was not reason that he might not haue his owne bookes, and time also to looke for his disputations. Then gaue they him the articles, & ••ad him write his mind of them that night, & so did they commaunde the Maior to haue him from whence he came.

Last of all came in M. Latimer in like sort, with a ker∣chiefe,* 3.365 & 2. or 3. cappes on his head, his spectacles hanging by a stringe at his brest, and a staffe in his hande, and was set in a chayre: for so was he suffered by the Prolocutour. And after this deniall of the articles, when he had wednes∣day appoynted for disputation, he alledged age, sickenesse, disuse & lack of bookes,* 3.366 saying that he was almost as meet to dispute as to be a captayne of Calice: but he woulde (he sayd) declare his minde either by writing or by word, and would stand to all that they coulde lay vpon his backe: cō∣playning moreouer that he was permitted to haue neither pen, nor incke, nor yet any booke, but onely the new testa∣ment there in his hand,* 3.367 which he sayd, he had read ouer 7. times deliberately, & yet could not find the masse in it, nei∣ther the marowbones nor sinewes of the same. At whyche words the Commissioners were not a litle offended, & D. Weston sayd, that he woulde make him graunt, that it had both marowbones & sinewes in the new Testament. To whom M. Latimer sayd agayne: that you will neuer doe M. Doct. and so forthwith they put him to scilence, so that where he was desirous to tell what he ment by those ter∣mes, he could not be suffred: there was a very great prease and throng of people: and one of the Bedles swounded by reason therof, and was caryed into the Uestry. After this, bringing home the Prolocutor first, the Cambridge men, videlicet: ••. Yong Uicechauncellour, Seton, Glin, Atkin∣son, Scotte, Watson, Sedgewicke, went to the Crosse Inne to supper. And this was on Saterday being the 14. day of Aprill.* 3.368

On Sonday after, M. Harpsfielde preached at Saynt Maries the Uniuersity Churche, at 9. of the clocke, where were diuers of the Doctors of the Uniuersity in theyr ro∣bes and placed accordingly. After the Sermō they went all to dinner to Magdalen Colledge, & there had a great din∣ner. They supped at Lincolne Colledge with the Prolo∣cutor: whether Doct. Cranmer sent answere of his mynde vpon the Articles,* 3.369 in writing.

On Monday (being the 16. of Aprill) Mayster Say, & M. Whit•• Notaryes,* 3.370 wente aboute in the morning to the Colledges, to gette subscriptions to the Articles. And a∣bout viij. of the clocke the Prolocutour wyth all the Doc∣tours and the Uicechauncellour mette together at Exeter Colledge,* 3.371 and so they went into the schooles: and when the Uicechauncellour, the Prolocutour, and Doctours were placed, and foure appoynted to be Exceptores Argumento∣rum, set a table in the middest, and foure Notaryes sitting with them,* 3.372 D. Cranmer came to the Answerers place, the Maior and Aldermen sitting by him, and so the disputati∣on began to be set a worke by the Prolocutor with a short Praeludium. Doctor Chedsey began to argue first: and ere he left, the Prolocutour diuers times, Doctor Tresham, O∣glethorpe, Marshal Uicechauncellor, Pye, Cole, & Harps∣field did interrupt and presse him with theyr Argumentes, so that euery manne sayde somewhat, as the Prolocutour woulde suffer disorderly, sometime in Latine, sometime in Englishe, so that three houres of the time was spent, ere the Uicechancellour of Cambridge began: who also was interrupted as before. He beganne with three or foure que∣stions subtlely. Here the Bedles had prouided drinke, and offered the Aunswerer:* 3.373 but he refused with thankes. The Prolocutor offered him, if he would make water or other∣wise ease himselfe, he should. Thus the disputation conti∣nued vntill almost two of the clocke, with this applausion Audientium:* 3.374 vicit veritas. Then were all the Argumentes (written by the foure appointed) deliuered into the hand of Mayster Say, Register. And as for the prisoner, he was had away by the Maior: And the Doctors dyned together at the Uniuersity Colledge.

And thus much concerning the generall order and ma∣ner of these disputations, with such circūstaunces as there happened, and thinges there done, as well before the dis∣putations, and in the preparation therof, as also in y^e tyme of theyr disputing. Now foloweth to inferre and declare y^e Orations, Arguments, and aunsweres, vsed and brought forth in the sayd disputations on both partes.

*The Argumentes, reasons, and allegations vsed in this disputation.

ON Monday D. Weston,* 3.375 withall the residue of the Ui∣sitours, Censors, and Opponētes: repayring to y^e Di∣uinity schole, eche one enstalled themselues in theyr places. D. Cranmer with a route of rusty bils was brought thy∣ther, and set in the aunsweres place, with the Maior & Al∣dermen sitting by him. Where D. Weston Prolocutor, ap∣parelled in a skarlet gowne (after the custome of the Uni∣uersity) began the disputatiō, with this Oratiō. His wor∣des in latin as he spake them were these.

Conuenistis hodie fratres profligaturi detestandam illam hae∣resin de veritate corporis Christi in Sacramento. &c. that is:* 3.376 Ye are assembled hither (brethrē) this day, to confound the de∣testable heresy of the verity of the body of Christ in the sa∣crament. &c. At which wordes thus pronounced of y^e Pro∣locutor vnwares, diuers of the learned men there present, considering and well weying the wordes by him vttered, burst out into a great laughter as though euen in the en∣traunce of the disputations, he had bewrayed himselfe and his Religion, that termed the opinion of the verity of chri∣stes body in the Sacrament a detestable heresye. The rest of his Oration tended all to this effect, that it was not lawfull by Gods word to call these questions into cōtro∣uersy: for such as doubted of the wordes of Christ, myghte well be thought to doubte both of the trueth and power of God. Whereunto Doctor Cranmer desiring licence, aun∣swered in this wise.

We are assembled (sayth he) to discusse these doubtfull controuersies,* 3.377 and to lay them open before the eyes of the world: whereof ye thinke it vnlawfull to dispute. It is in deed no reason (saith he) that we should dispute of y^t which is determined vpon, before the trueth be tryed. But if these questions be not called in controuersy, surely mine answer then is looked for in vayne. This was the summe and effect of his answere: and this done, he prepared himselfe to dis∣putations.

Then Chedsey the first Opponent began in this wyse to dispute.* 3.378

Reuerend M. Doctor, these 3. conclusions are put forth vnto vs at this present to dispute vpon.

1 In the Sacrament of the aultar is the naturall body of Christe,* 3.379 conceiued of the Virgine Mary, and also his bloud present re∣ally vnder the formes of bread & wine, by vertue of Gods word pronounced by the priest.

2 There remayneth no substaunce of breade and wyne after the consecration, nor any other substaunc, but the substaunce of God and man.

3 The liuely sacrifice of the Church is in the Masse, propitiatory as well for the quicke as the dead.

These be the conclusions propounded, wherupon this our present controuersye doth rest. Nowe to the ende wee might not doubt how you take the same, you haue already geuen vp vnto vs your opinion therof. I terme it your o∣pinion, in that it disagreeth from the catholicke. Wherefore thus I argue.

Ched.

Your opinion differeth from the scripture.

Ergo, you are deceiued.* 3.380

Cranmer.

I deny the antecedent.

Ched.

Christ when he instituted his last supper, spake to his Disciples: Take, eate, this is my body, which shall be geuen for you.

But his true body was geuen for vs:

Ergo, his true body is in the sacrament.

☞The right forme of this Argument is thus to be fra∣med.

Da- The same which was geuē for vs, is in y^e sacrament.* 3.381

ri- But his true body was geuen for vs:

j. Ergo, his true body is in the sacrament.

Cran.

His true body is truely present to them that truelye receiue him: but spiritually.* 3.382 And so is it taken after a spiri∣tuall sort. For when he sayd: This is my body, it is all one as if he had sayde, this is the breaking of my body, this is the sheding of my bloud. As oft as you shal do this, it shal put you in remembraunce of the breaking of my body, and the sheding of my bloud: that as truely as you receiue this sa∣crament, so truly shal you receiue the benefite promised by receiuing the same worthely.

Ched.

Your opinion differeth from the church, which saith that the true body is in the sacrament.* 3.383

Ergo your opinion therin is false.

Cran.

I say and agree with the Church, that the bodye of Christ is in the sacrament effectually, because the Passion of Christ is effectuall.* 3.384

Ched.

Christ, when he spake these woordes: This is my bo∣dy, spake of the substaunce, but not of the effect.

Cran.

I graunt he spake of the substaunce, and not of the effect after a sorte: and yet it is most true that the bodye of Christ is effectually in the sacrament. But I denye that he is there truly presēt in bread,* 3.385 or that vnder the bread in his organicall body. And because it should be to tedious (hee sayd) to make discourse of the whole, he deliuered vp there his opinion therof to D. Weston writtē at large, with an∣sweres to euery one of theyr 3. propositions: which he disi¦red D. Weston,* 3.386 sitting there on high, to read openly to the people: which he promised to doe. But it was not the first promise that such Papistes haue broken.

The copye of this writing although it were not there read, yet the contentes therof here we haue drawne out as foloweth.

¶An explication of Cranmer vpon the foresayd Conclusions exhibited in writing.

CRan.

* 3.387In the assertions of the Church and of religion, trifling and new fangled nouelties of wordes, so much as may be, are to be eschewed, whereof riseth nothing but contention and brawling about wordes and we must fol∣low so much as we may, the maner of speaking of the scri∣pture.

* 3.388In the first conclusion if ye vnderstand by thys worde [really] reipsa. i. in very deede and effectuallye, so Christe by the grace and efficacy of his Passion is in deed and truely present to all his true and holy members.

But if ye vnderstand by this word [really] Corporaliter. i. Corporally,* 3.389 so that by the body of Christ is vnderstanded a natural body and organicall: so the first proposition doth vary, not onely from vsuall speach and the phrase of scrip∣ture, but also is cleane contrary to the holy word of God & christian profession: when as both the scripture doth testify by these wordes, and also the Catholicke church hath pro∣fessed from the beginning. Christ to haue left the world and to sit at the right hand of the father till he come vnto iud∣gement.

And likewise I aunswere to the second questiō: that is that it swerueth from the accustomed maner and speach of Scripture.* 3.390

The thyrd conclusion, as it is intricate and wrapped in all doubtful and ambiguous wordes,* 3.391 & diffring also much from the true speach of y^e Scripture, so as the wordes ther∣of seeme to import in open sense: it is most contumelious agaynst our onely Lord and Sauiour Christ Iesus, and a violating of his precious bloud, which vpon the aultar of the Crosse is the onely sacrifice and oblation for the sinnes of all mankinde.

Ched.

By this your interpretation which you haue made vpon the first conclusion, this I vnderstand, the bodye of Christ to be in the Sacramente onely by the way of parti∣cipation: in so much as we communicating therof: do par∣ticipate the grace of Christ: so that you meane hereby only the effect therof. But our conclusiō standeth vpon the sub∣stance, and not the efficacye onely, which shall appeare by the testimony both of Scriptures, and of all the fathers a thousand yeare after Christ.

And first to begin with the Scripture, let vs consider what is written in Math. 26. Mark. 14. Luke 22. fyrste to the Corinthiās. 11. Mathew sayth:* 3.392 As they sat at supper Iesus tooke bread. &c. In Marke there is the same sense although not the same wordes:* 3.393 who also for one part of the Sacra∣ment speaketh more playnely, Iesus taking breade. &c. After the same sense also writeth Luke. 22.* 3.394 And when Iesus had ta∣ken bread. &c. In the mouth of two or three witnesses sayth the Scripture, standeth all truth. Here we haue three wyt∣nesses together, that Christ sayd that to be his body which was geuē for many: and that to be his bloud which should be shed for many: wherby is declared the substance and not onely the efficacy alone therof.

Ergo it is not true that you say there to be, not the sub∣stance of his body, but the efficacy alone therof.

Cran.

* 3.395Thus you gather vpon mine aunswere, as though I did meane of the efficacy, and not of the substance of the body: but I meane of them both, as well of the efficacye as the substance. And for so much as all things come not rea∣dily to memory, to a man that shall speake ex tempore, ther∣fore for the more ample and fuller aunswere in the matter, this writing here I do exhibite.

* 3.396¶An explication exhibited by Cranmer.

OUr Lord and Sauior Iesus Christ, at the time of his Maundy, preparing himselfe to die for our cause, that he might redeeme vs from eternall death, to forgeue vs all our sinnes, and to cancell out the handwriting that was agaynst vs: y^t we through ingratefull obliuion should not forget his death: therfore he at y^e time of his holy supper did institute a perpetuall memory of this his death, to be cele∣brated amōg christians in bread & wine,* 3.397 according as it is sayd: Do this in remembraunce of me. And so often as you shall eat this bread & drinke this cup, you shall shew forth the Lordes death till he come. And this remembraunce or sacrament of his holy passion, that is, of his body slayne & bloud shed, he would all christians to frequent & celebrate in bread and wine, according as he sayd: Take eate: and drink ye all of this. Therfore, whosoeuer for mans tradition denyeth the cup of Christes bloud to lay men, they manifestly repugne a∣gaynst Christ, forbidding that which Christ commaundeth to be done, and be like to those Scribes and Phariseis of whom the Lord spake: Ye hipocrites, ye haue reiected the cō∣maundementes of God for your traditions.* 3.398 Well did Esaye pro∣phecy of you, saying: This people honoureth me with theyr lips, but theyr hart is farre from me.* 3.399 Without cause do they worship me, teaching the doctrines and preceptes of men.

The sacrament and misticall bread, being broken and distributed after the institution of Christ, and the mysticall wine likewise being taken and receiued be not onely sacra¦mentes of the fleshe of Christ wounded for vs, and of hys bloudshedding but also be most certaine sacraments to vs and (as a manne would say) seales of Gods promises and giftes,* 3.400 and also of that holy felowship which we haue with Christ and all his members. Moreouer they be to vs me∣morials of that heauenly food and nourishment wherwith we are nourished vnto eternall life, and the thyrste of our boyling conscience quenched, and finally wherby the harts of the faythfull be replenished with vnspeakeable ioy, and be corroborated and strengthened vnto all workes of god∣lines. We are many (sayth S. Paule) one bread and one body, all we which doe participate of one breade,* 3.401 and one cuppe▪ And Christ sayth, Eate ye, this is my body. And drinke ye this is my bloud.* 3.402 And I am the liuing breade which came downe from hea∣uen. He that eateth me, shall also liue for me.* 3.403 Not as your fathers did eate Manna in the desert and are dead: He that eateth me, shall also liue for me.

Thus therefore true bread and true wine remaynfull in the Eucharist vntill they be consumed of the faythfull to be signes & as seales vnto vs annexed vnto Gods promi∣ses making vs certayne of Gods gifts towardes vs.* 3.404 Also Christ remaineth in them, & they in Christ, which eate his flesh, & drinke his bloud, as Christ himselfe hath promised. They that eat my flesh & drinke my bloud abide in me, & I in them. Moreouer he abideth also in them which worthe∣ly receiueth the outward sacrament, neither doth he depart so soone as the sacramentes is consumed, but continually a¦bideth, feeding and nourishing vs so long as we remayne bodies of that head, & mēbers of the same. I acknowledge not here the naturall body of Christ, which is only spiritu∣all, intelligible, and vnsensible, hauing no distinctiō of mē∣bers & partes in it: but that body onely I acknowledge, & worship, which was borne of the virgin, which suffred for vs, which is visible, palpable, & hath all the forme & shape and partes of the true naturall body of man.

Christ spake not these wordes of any vncertayne sub∣stance, but of the certayne substance of bread, which he then held in his hands & shewed his disciples whē he sayd:* 3.405 Eat ye, this is my body: and likewise of the cup: when he sayd: Drinke ye, this is my bloud: meaning verely of that bread which by nature is vsuall and common with vs, which is taken of the fruit of the ground, compacted by the vniting of many graynes together made by man, & by mans hand brought to that visible shape being of a round compasse & without all sense or life, whiche nourisheth the bodye, and strengtheneth the hart of man: Of this same bread (I say) and not of any vncertaine and wandring substance the old fathers say that Christ spake these wordes: Eate ye, this is my body.* 3.406 And likewise also of the wine which is the crea∣ture and fruite of the vine pressed out of many clusters of grapes, & maketh mens hart mery, of the very same wine (I say) Christ spake, drinke ye, this is my bloud. And so the olde Doctors doe call this speaking of Christ, tropicall, fi∣guratiue, anagogicall, allegoricall, which they do interpret after this sort, that although the substance of bread & wyne doe remayne and be receiued of the faythfull, yet notwith∣standing Christ chaunged the appellation thereof, & called the bread by the name of his flesh, & the wine by the name of his bloud, non rei veritate, sed significāte misterio. i. not that it is so in verye deede, but signified in a misterye. So that wee shoulde consider, not what they bee in theyr owne na∣ture. But what they import to vs and signify, and should vnderstand the Sacrament not carnally, but spiritually, and shoulde, attend not to the visible nature of the Sacra∣ments, neither haue respect onely to the outward bread. &

cup, thinkyng to see there with our eye, no other thinges but onely bread and wyne, but that liftyng vp our mynds we should looke vp to the bloud of Christ with our fayth,* 3.407 should touche hym with our mynde, and receiue him with our inward man, and that beyng lyke Egles in this lyfe, we should flye vp into heauen in our heartes, where that Lambe is resident at the right hand of hys father,* 3.408 which taketh away the sinnes of the world, by whose stripes we are made whole, by whose passion we are filled at hys ta∣ble, and whose bloud we receiuyng out of his holy side, do lyue for euer beyng made the ghests of Christ, hauing him dwellyng in vs through the grace of his true nature, and through the vertue and efficacie of his whole passion, be∣yng no lesse assured and certified, that we are fed spiritual∣ly vnto eternall lyfe by Christes flesh crucified, and by hys bloudshed, the true food of our myndes, then that our bo∣dies be fed with meat and drinke in this lyfe: and hereof this sayd mysticall bread on the table of Christ, & the my∣sticall wyne, beyng administred and receyued after the in∣stitution of Christ, be to vs a memoriall, a pledge, a token, a sacrament,* 3.409 and a seale.

And thereof is it that Christ sayth not thus: This is my body, eate ye: but after he had biddē them eate, then he said: This is my body which shalbe geuē for you. Which is to mean, as though he should say: In eating of this bread, consider you that this bread is no common thyng, but a mysticall matter, neither do you attend that which is set before our bodily eyes, but what feedeth you within. Consider & be∣hold my body crucified for you, that eate and digest in your myndes. Chaw you vpon my passion, be fed w^t my death. This is the true meat, this is the drinke that moysteneth, wherwith you beyng truly fed, and inebriate, shall liue for euer. The bread and the wyne which be set before our eies are onely declarations of me,* 3.410 but I my selfe am the eter∣nall food. Wherfore whensoeuer at this my table you shall behold the sacraments, haue not regard so much to them, as consider ye what I promise to you by them, which is myselfe to be meat for you of eternall lyfe.

The onely oblation of Christ (wherewith he offered himselfe to God the father once to death vpon the aultar of the crosse for our redemption) was of such efficacy, y^t there is no more need of any sacrifice for the redemption of the whole world,* 3.411 but all y^e sacrifice of y^e old law he tooke away, performyng that in very deede, which they did signify and promise. Whosoeuer therfore shal fixe the hope of his salua¦tiō in any other sacrifice, he falleth frō the grace of Christ, and is contumelious against the bloud of Christ. (For) he was wounded for our transgressions, and was broken for our i∣niquities.* 3.412 All we lyke sheepe haue wandered astray. Euery man hath turned after his owne way, and the Lord hath layd all our iniquities vpon him. (For he) hath entered once for all into the holy place by the bloud, not of Goates or Calues, but by his own bloud,* 3.413 finding eternall redemption: (And) hath entered into heauen, to appeare now in the sight of God for vs, not to offer hymselfe oftentymes (for so should he haue suffred many times) but now hath he appeared once to put away sinne, through hys owne oblation. And as it is appoynted to all men once to dye, so also Christ once was offered:* 3.414 Who offering vp one oblation for sinnes, sitteth now for euer on the right hand of God. For by one oblation hath he made perfect for euer those that be sanctifi∣ed. (For) where is remission of sinnes, there is now no more ob∣lation for sinne (but this only sacrifice of Christ) whosoeuer shall seeke any other sacrifice propitiatory for sinne,* 3.415 ma∣keth the sacrifice of Christ of no validitie, force, or efficacie. For if it be sufficient to remit sinnes, what neede is there of any other? For the necessitie of another, argueth and de∣clareth this to be insufficient. Almighty God graunt that we may truly leaue to one sacrifice of Christ, and that wee to hym agayne may repay our sacrifices of thanksgeuing, of prayse, of confessing hys name, of true amendment, of repentaunce, of mercifulnes towards our neighbors, and of all other good workes of charitie.* 3.416 For by such sacrifices we shall declare our selues neither ingratefull to God, nor altogether vnworthy of this holy sacrifice of Christ. And thus you haue out of the testimonies of holy scripture, and of the ancient Doctors of the Church, the true and sincere vse of the Lordes holy supper, and the fruite of the true sa∣crifice of Christ. Which whosoeuer thorough captious or wrested interpretations, or by mens traditions, shal go a∣bout otherwise then Christ ordeined them, to alter or trā∣substantiate, he shall aunswere to Christ in the latter day, when he shal vnderstand (but then to late) that he hath no participation with the body and bloud of Christ, but that out of the supper of eternal lyfe he hath eaten and dronken eternall damnation to hymselfe.

West.

Because we will not consume and spend the tyme in waste, this your writyng which you exhibite, hereafter shall be read in hys place. In the meane season let vs now fall to the Arguments.

Ched.

The Scriptures in many places doe affirme,* 3.417 that Christ gaue hys natural body. Mat. 26. Mark. 14. Luk. 22 Ergo,* 3.418 I doe conclude that the naturall body is in the Sa∣crament.

Cran.

To your argument I aunswer: If you vnderstand by the body natural (organicum) that is, hauyng such pro∣portion and members as he had liuyng here, then I aun∣swer negatiuely.

Furthermore, concernyng the Euangelists, thus I say and graunt, that Christ tooke bread and called it hys body.

Ched.

The text of the Scripture maketh agaynst you: for the circumstaunce thereto annexed doth teach vs, not only there to be the body, but also teacheth vs what manner of body it is, and sayth: The same body which shall be geuen.

Ba- That thyng is here conteyned, that is geuen for vs.* 3.419

ro- But the substance of bread is not geuen for vs.

co. Ergo, the substance of bread is not here conteyned.* 3.420

Cran.

I vnderstand not yet what you meane by this word [conteined]: If ye meane really, then I deny your Maior.

Ched.

The Maior is the text of scripture. He that denyeth the Maior, denyeth the scripture. For the Scripture sayth: This is my body which shall be geuen for you.

Cran.

I graunt he sayd it was his body that should be ge∣uen,* 3.421 but he sayd it was not his body which is here contey∣ned: but the body (sayth he) that shall be geuen for you. As though he should say: This bread is the breaking of my body, and this cup is the sheading of my bloud. What wyll ye saye then? is the bread the breakyng, and the cup the sheddyng of the bloud really? If you so say, I deny it.

Ched▪

If you aske what is the thyng therein conteined, be∣cause his apostles should not dout what body it was that should be geuen, he sayth: This is my body which shall be ge∣uen for you, and my bloud which shall be shed for many. Ergo, here is the same substance of the body, which the day after was geuen, and the same bloud which was shed. And here I vrge the scripture, which teacheth that it was no fanta∣sticall, no fayned, no spirituall body, nor body in fayth, but the substance of the body.

Cran.

You must prooue that it is contayned: but Christ said not which is conteined. He gaue bread, and called that his body. I sticke not in the wordes of the Scripture, but in your word which is fayned and imagined of your selfe.

Ched.

When Christ tooke bread and brake it, what gaue he?

Cran.

He gaue bread. The bread sacramentally & his body spiritually, and the bread there he called hys body.

Ched.

This answer is agaynst the Scripture, which sayth that he gaue his body.

Cran.

It did signify that which he did eate.

Ched▪

They did not eate the body as the Capernaites dyd vnderstand it, but the self same body which was geuen for the sinnes of the world. Ergo, it was his body which shold be geuen, and hys bloud which should be shed.

¶In some other copies I finde this Argument to be made by Chedsey.

• Ba- The same body is in the sacrament, which was geuē for vs on the crosse.* 3.422
• ro- But bread was not geuen on the crosse for vs:
• co. Ergo, bread is not geuen in the sacrament.* 3.423

Cran.

I deny the Maior, which is, that the same naturall body is geuen in the sacrament, which was geuen on the crosse, except you vnderstand it spiritually. And after he•• denyed also the argument as vtterly naught, as he myght wel do, the Maior in y^e second figure beyng not vniuersal.

When M. Chedsey had put forth his Argument, and prose∣cuted the same, and Doct. Cranmer answered as before is shew∣ed, Doctor Oglethorpe, one of those Doctors which the Prolo∣cutor called Censores (belike to be Arbiters to order the dispu∣tations) sayd on this wyse.* 3.424

D. Ogle.

You come in stil with one euasion or starting hole to flee too. He vrgeth the scriptures, sayeng y^e Christ gaue his very bodye. You say that he gaue his body in bread. Quo modo praedicatur corpus? qualis est corpus? qualis est prae∣dicatio, pa••is est corpus.

Cranmer.

You should say, Quale corpus. I aunswer to the question: It is the same body which was borne of the vir∣gin, was crucified, ascended: but tropically, & by a figure. And so I say, Panis est corpus, is a figuratiue speache, spea∣king sacramentally, for it is a sacrament of his body.

Oglethorpe.

This word body beyng praedicatum. doth signi∣fie

substance.* 3.425

But substantia is not predicated denominatiuely:

Ergo, it is an essentiall predication, and so it is his true body, and not the figure of his body.

Cran.

Substantia may be predicated denominatiuely in an allegory or in a metaphore, or in a figuratiue locution.

Ogle.

It is not a likely thing that Christ hath lesse care for his spouse the church, then a wise housholder hath for hys family in makyng hys will or testament.

Cran.

Your reason is drawne out of the affaires of men, and not taken out of the holy scriptures.

Ogle.

But no householder maketh hys Testament after that sort.

Cran.

Yes, there are many that so do. For what matter is it so it be vnderstood and perceiued?* 3.426 I say Christ did vse fi∣guratiue speach in no place more, then in his sacraments, and specially in this his supper.

Ogle.

No man of purpose doth vse tropes in his testamēt, for if he doe, he deceyueth them that he comprehendeth in his testament: therfore Christ vseth none here.

Cran.

Yes, he may vse them well enough. You know not what tropes are.

Ogle.

The good man of the house hath a respect that hys heyres after his departure, may lyue in quiet and without brablyng.

But they cannot be in quiet if he do vse tropes:

Therfore (I say) he vseth no tropes.

Cran.

I deny your Minor.

West.

Augustine in his booke entituled, De vnitate Ecclesiae, the x. chap. hath these wordes followyng.* 3.427

Quid hoc est rogo▪ cum verba nouissima hominis morientis audiantur itur ad inferos, nemo eum dicit esse mentitum, & illi∣us non iudicatur haeres qui fortè ea contempserat. Quomodo ergo effugiemus iram dei, si vel non credentes, vel contemnétes, expulerimus verba nouissima & vnici filij Dei & domini nostri saluatoris, & ituri in coelum & inde prospecturi quis ea negligat, quis non obseruet,* 3.428 & inde venturi vt de omnibus iudicet?

That is to say.

What a thing is this I pray you? when the last words of one lying on hys death bed are heard: which is ready to go to his graue, no man sayth that he hath made a lye: and he is not accompted hys heyre, which regardeth not those words. How shal we then escape gods wrath, if either not beleuing or not regardyng, we shall reiect the last wordes both of the only sonne of God, and also of our lord and sa∣uior, both ascending into heauen, & beholding from thence who despiseth, and who obserueth them not, & so shal come from thence to iudge all men?

The argument is thus formed.

Ba- Whosoeuer sayth that the Testator lyed, is a wicked heyre.* 3.429

ba- But whosoeuer sayeth that Christ spake by figures, sayth that he did lye:

ra. Ergo, whosoeuer sayeth that Christ here spake by fi∣gures, is a wicked heyre.

Cran.

I deny the Minor. As who say it is necessary that he which vseth to speake by tropes and figures,* 3.430 should lie in so doyng.

Ogle.

Your iudgement is disagreeyng with all churches.

Cran.

Nay, I disagree with the papisticall church.

Ogle.

This you do through the ignorance of Logike.

Cran.

Nay, this you say through the ignorance of the Do∣ctours.

Weston.

I will go playnly to worke by Scriptures. What tooke he?

Cran.

Bread,

West.

What gaue he?

Cran.

Bread.

West.

What brake he?

Cran.

Bread.

West.

What did they eate?

Cran.

Bread.

West.

He gaue bread, therfore he gaue not his body.

* 3.431He gaue not his body, therfore it is not his body veri∣ly in deed and in truth.

Cran.

I deny the argument.

Cole.

This argument holdeth a disparatis. It is bread: Er∣go,* 3.432 it is not the body, and it is such an argument or reason, as cannot be dissolued.

Cran.

The lyke argument may be made. He is a rocke: Er∣go, he is not Christ.

Cole.

It is not lyke.

West.

He gaue not his body in deede: Ergo, it was not his body in deed.

Cran.

He gaue his death, his passion, and the sacrament of his passion. And in uery deede settyng the figure aside, for∣mally it is not his body.

West.

Why? then the scripture is false.* 3.433

Cran.

Nay, the scripture is most true.

West.

This sayth Chrisostome Homil. 61. ad populum Antio∣chenum▪ Necessarium est dilectissimi, mysteriorum dicere mira∣culum quid tandem sit, & quare sit datum, & quae rei vtilitas, &c.

That is to say.

Needfull it is (deare frends) to tel you what the mira∣cle of the mysteries is, and wherfore it is geuen,* 3.434 and what profite there is of the thing. We are one body and mem∣bers of his flesh, and of hys bones. We that be in the my∣sterie, let vs follow that thyng which was spoken. Wher∣fore that we may become this thyng, not only by loue, but also that we may become one with that flesh in deede, that is brought to passe by this foode which hee gaue vnto vs, mynding to shew his great good will that he hath toward vs: and therefore he mixed hymselfe with vs, and vnited his own body with vs, that we should be made all as one thyng together, as a body ioyned and annexed to the head, for this is a token of most ardent and perfect loue. And the same thyng Iob also insinuatyng, sayd of hys seruaunts, of whom he was desired aboue measure, in so much that they, shewyng their great desire toward him, sayde: who shall geue vnto vs to be filled with his fleshe? Therefore also Christ dyd the same, who, to induce vs into a greater loue toward hym, and to declare hys desire toward vs, dyd not onely geue hymselfe to be seene of them y^t would, but also to be handled and eaten, and suffered vs to fasten our teeth in hys flesh, and to be vnited together, and so to fill all our desire. Lyke Lyons therfore, as breathyng fire, let vs go from that table, beyng made terrible to the deuil, remembryng our head in our mynde, & his charitie which he shewed vnto vs. For parents many tymes geue they•• children to other to be fed, but I doe not so (sayth he) but feed you with myne owne fleshe, and set my selfe before you, desiryng to make you all iolly people, and pretending to you great hope and expectation to looke for thynges to come, who here geue my selfe to you, but much more in the world to come. I am become your brother, I tooke flesh & bloud for you. Agayne my flesh and bloud by the which I am made your kinsman, I deliuer vnto you.

Thus much out of Chrysostome. Out of which words I make this argument.

The same flesh whereby Christ is made our brother & kinsman, is geuen of Christ to vs to be eaten.* 3.435

Christ is made our brother and kinsman, by hys true, naturall, and organicall flesh:

Ergo, his true, naturall, and organicall flesh, is geuen to vs to be eaten.

Cran.

I graunt the consequence, and the consequent.* 3.436

West.

Therfore we eate it with our mouth.

Cran.

I deny it. We eate it through fayth.

West.

He gaue vs the same flesh to eate, wherby he became our brother and kinsman.

But he became our brother and kinsman by his true, naturall and organicall flesh:

Therfore he gaue his true, natural, and organical flesh to be eaten.

Cran.

I graunt he tooke and gaue the same true, naturall, and organicall flesh wherin he suffered, and yet he feedeth spiritually, and that flesh is receyued spiritually.

Weston.

He gaue vs the same fleshe which he tooke of the Uirgin:* 3.437

But he tooke not the true flesh of the Uirgine spiritu∣ally, or in a figure:

Ergo, he gaue his true naturall flesh not spiritually.

Cran.

Christ gaue to vs his owne naturall fleshe, the same wherin he suffred, but feedeth vs spiritually.* 3.438

West.

Chrysostome is against you. Homil. 83. in 26. cap. Mat. where he sayth:* 3.439 Veniat tibi in mentem quo sis honore hono∣ratus, qua mensa fruaris. Ea nam{que} re nos alimur, quā angeli▪ &c.

That is to say.

Let it come into thy remembrance with what honour thou art honored, and what table thou sittest at: for wyth the same thyng we are nourished, which the angels do be∣hold and tremble at: neither are they able to behold it w^t∣out great feare, for the brightnesse which commeth therof: and we be brought and compact into one heape or masse with hym. Being together one bodye of Christ, and one flesh w^t him. Who shal speake the powers of the Lord, and shall declare forth all his prayses? What Pastor hath euer nourished hys sheepe wyth hys owne members? Manye mothers haue put foorth their Infantes after their byrth, to other Nurses: which he would not do, but feedeth vs w^t hys owne body, & conioyneth and vniteth vs to himselfe.

Wherupon I gather this argument.

Like as Mothers nurse their children with mylke: so Christ nourished vs with his body.

But mothers do not nourish their Infants spiritually with their mylke:* 3.440

Therefore Christ doth not nourish those that bee hys, spiritually with hys bloud.

Cran.

He gaue vs the wyne for his bloud.

West.

If he gaue the wyne for his bloud (as you say) then he gaue lesse then mothers do geue.

But Chrysostome affirmeth that hee gaue more then mothers geue.

Therfore he gaue not the wyne for his bloud.

Cran.

* 3.441You peruert myne aunswer. He gaue wyne, yet the bloud is considered therin. As for example. Whē he geueth Baptisme, we consider not the water, but the holy Ghost, and remission of sinnes. We receiue with the mouth y^e Sa∣crament: but the thyng and the matter of the Sacrament we receiue by fayth.

West.

When Christ sayd, eate ye, whether ment hee by the mouth or by fayth?

Cran.

He ment that we should receiue the body by fayth, the bread by the mouth.

West.

* 3.442Nay, the body by the mouth.

Cran.

That I deny.

West.

I prooue it out of Chrysostome, writyng vpon the fifty Psalme.

* 3.443Erubescit fieri nutrix, quae facta est mater. Christus autem nō ita ipse nutritor est noster: ideo pro cibo carne propria nos pas∣cit, & pro potu suum sanguinem nobis propinauit. Item in 26. Mathaei, Homil. 83. Non enim sufficit ipsi hominem fieri, flagellis interim caedi:* 3.444 sed nos secum in vnam vt ita dicam, massam redu∣cit, neque id fide solum, sed reipsa nos corpus suum efficit?

That is to say.

She that is a mother, shameth sometyme to play the Nurse. But Christ our Nurse doth not so play with vs. Therefore in stead of meate he feedeth vs with his owne flesh, and in stead of drinke he feedeth vs with hys owne bloud. Likewise, vpon the 26. chap. of Mathew, the 83. ho∣mily, he saith: For it shal not be enough for him to become man, and in the meane whyle to be whipped: but he doth bring vs into one masse or lumpe with himself (as I may so call it) and maketh vs his body not by faith alone, but also in very deed.

Cran.

I graunt: We make one nature with Christ. But that to be done with mouth we deny.

West.

* 3.445Chrysost. 2. Cor. cap. 13. Homil. 29. hath these wordes: Non vulgarem honorem consequutum est os nostrum, accipiens corpus dominicū. i. No little honor is geuen to our mouth, receiuing the body of the Lord.

Cran.

This I say, that Christ entreth into vs both by our eares & by our eyes. With our mouth we receiue the body of Christ, and teare it with our teeth, that is to say, the Sa∣crament of the body of Christ. Wherfore I say and affirme that the vertue of the sacrament is much: & therfore Chry∣sostom many tymes speaketh of sacramēts no otherwyse,* 3.446 then of Christ hymselfe, as I could prooue, if I might haue liberty to speake, by many places of Chrysostom, where he speaketh of the sacrament of the body of Christ.

* 3.447With the which worde of the sacrament of the body, &c. D. Cole beyng highly offended, denied it to be the Sacra∣ment of the body of Christ, saue onely of the mysticall body which is the Church.

Cran.

And why should we doubt to call it the Sacrament of the body of Christ offered vpon the Crosse, seeyng both Christ and the auncient Fathers do so call it?

Cole.

How gather you that of Chrysostome?

Cran.

Chrysostome declareth hymselfe. Lib. 3. De Sacerdotio, cap. 3. O miraculum, O Dei in nos beneuolentia, qui sursum se∣det ad dextram patris, sacrificij tamen tempore hominum mani∣bus continetur, traditur{que} lambere cupientibus eum. Fit autem id nullis praestigijs, sed apertis & circumspiciētibus circumstan∣tium omnium oculis.

That is to say.

O myracle, O the good wil of God towards vs, which sitteth aboue at the right hand of the father, and is holdē in mens hands at the sacrifice tyme, & is geuen to feed vpon, to them that are desirous of him. And that is brought to passe by no subtletie or craft, but with the open and behol∣ding eyes of all the standers by.

Thus ye heare Christ is seene here in earth euery day, is touched, is torne with the teeth, y^t our tong is red wyth his bloud: which no man hauing any iudgement will say or thinke to be spoken without trope or figure,

West.

What miracle is it if it be not his body: & if he speake only of the sacrament, as though it were his body?

But harken what Chrysostome sayth:* 3.448 Homil. 34. Quod summo honore dignum est, id tibi in terra ostendo. Nam quem∣admodum in regijs non parietes, non lectus aureus, sed regium corpus in throno sedens omnium praestantissimum est: ita quo∣que in coelis regium corpus, quod nunc in terra proponitur. Non Angelos, non Archangelos, non coelos coelorum,* 3.449 sed ip∣sum horum omnium Dominum tibi ostendo. Animaduertis quonam pacto quod omnium maximum est atque praecipuum in terra, non conspicaris tantum sed tangis, neque solum tangis, sed eomedis, atq́ue eo accepto domum redis. Absterge igitur ab omni sorde animam tuam.

That is to say.

I shew foorth that thing on the earth vnto thee, which is woorthy the greatest honor. For lyke as in the pallace of kyngs, neither the walles, nor the sumptuous bed, but the body of Kings sittyng vnder the cloth of estate, and royall seat of Maiestie, is of all things els the most excellent: so is in lyke maner, the kings body in heauen, which is now set before vs on earth. I shew thee neither Angels nor ar∣changels, nor the heauen of heauens, but the very Lord & maister of all these things. Thou perceiuest after what sort thou doest not onely behold, but touchest, and not onely touchest, but eatest that which on the earth is the greatest and chiefest thyng of all other, and when thou hast receued the same, thou goest home: Wherfore clense thy soule from all vncleannesse.

Upon this, I conclude that the body of Christ is shew∣ed vs vpon the earth.

Cran.

What? vpon the earth? no man seeth Christ vppon the earth? He is seene with the eyes of our mynde,* 3.450 wyth fayth and spirit.

West.

I pray you what is it that seemeth worthy hyghest honour on the earth? It is the Sacrament or els the body of Christ.

Cran.

Chrysostome speaketh of the sacrament, and the bo∣dy of Christ is shewed forth in the Sacrament.

Weston.

Ergo, then the Sacrament is woorthy greatest honour.

Cran.

I deny the Argument.

West.

That thyng is shewed forth, and is now in the earth [ostenditur & * 3.451 est] which is worthy highest honor.

But, only the body of Christ is worthy highest honor?

Ergo, the body of Christ is now on the earth.

Cran.

I aunswer, the body of Christ to be on the earth, but so as in a Sacrament, and as the holy Ghost is in the wa∣ter of Baptisme.

West.

Chrysostome sayth [ostendo [I shew forth which no∣teth a substance to be present.

Cran.

That is to be vnderstood Sacramentally.

West.

He sayth [ostendo in terra] I shew forth on the earth,* 3.452 declaryng also the place where.

Cran.

That is to be vnderstood figuratiuely.

Weston.

He is shewed foorth, and is now on the earth, &c. as before.

Cran.

Your Maior and conclusion are all one.

Weston.

But the Maior is true: Ergo, the conclusion also is true.

That thing is on the earth, which is worthy of most high honour.

But no figure is worthy of highest honour:

Ergo, that which is on the earth is no figure.

Cran.

I aunswer, that is true Sacramentally.

¶Here Weston crieth to hym that he should answer to one part, biddyng him repeat his wordes. Which when he went about to doe, such was the noyse and crying out in the schoole, that his mylde voyce could not bee heard.* 3.453 For when he went about to declare to the people how y^e Pro∣locutor did not well english the words of Chrysostome, v∣sing for ostenditur in terra, he is shewed foorth on the earth, est in terra, he is on the earth, where as Chrysostome hath not [est] nor any such word of beyng on the earth, but only of shewyng, as the grace of the holy Ghost, in baptismo o∣stenditur, i. is shewed forth in Baptisme: and oftentymes did inculcate this word ostēditur. Then y^e Prolocutor stret∣ching foorth his hand, set on the rude people to cry out at him, filling all the schoole with hissing, clappyng of hands,* 3.454 and noyse, calling him indoctum, imperitum, impudentem, i. vnlearned, vnskilful, impudent. Which impudent and re∣prochfull wordes, this reuerend man most paciently and meekely did abyde, as one that had bene inured wyth the suffryng of such lyke reproches. And when the Prolocutor not yet satisfied with this rude and vnseemely demeanor, did vrge and call vpon him to answer the argument. Thē he bade the Notary repeat his words agayne.

Notary.

That which is worthy most high honour, here I

shew forth to thee in earth.

The body of Christ is worthy highest honor.

Ergo, he sheweth forth the body of Christ here in earth.

Cran.

That is shewed forth here on the earth which may be seene,* 3.455 which may be touched, and which may be eaten, but these things be not true of the body.

Cole.

Why should not these thyngs be true of the bodye of Christ.

Cran.

The Maior out of Chrysostome is true, meaning of the Sacrament. For in the Sacrament the true body of Christ, and not the figuratiue body is set forth.

Weston.

Shewe me somewhat in earth woorthy greatest honour.

Cran.

I cannot, but in the sacrament onely.

West.

Ergo, the Sacrament is worthy greatest honor.

Cran.

So it is.

Iudges.

Let it be written.

Cran.

I pray you let my aunswer be written likewyse: I affirme that the body of Christ is shewed forth vnto vs. It is our fayth that seeth Christ.

West.

Ostendo tibi. i. I shew it to thee, sayth Chrysostome, not to thy fayth.

Cran.

He speaketh sacramentally.

West.

Ergo, Chrysostome lyeth. For he speaking of shew∣yng, saith: Ego Chrysostomus ostendo. i. I Chrysostome doe shew. But he can shew nothing sacramentally.

Ched.

By force of argument we are brought to this poynt that the body of Christ is prooued to be on earth, not onely sacramentally, but in very deed also, by this reason, that it is worthy highest honour. The reason is indissoluble.

Cran.

I neuer heard a more vayne argument, & it is most vayne: also it hath myne answer vnto it.

Ched.

Wil you affirme that it is absurd which Chrysostom sayth, that the body of Christ is touched?

I touch the body of Christ in the Sacrament, as Tho∣mas touched Christ.* 3.456

Thomas touched Christ, and said Dominus meus, De∣us meus, my Lord, my God:

Ergo, that which he touched, was the Lord God.

¶This Argument as I receyued it out of the Notaries booke, is not formall: but rather he should conclude in the third figure thus:

Da- As Thomas touched the body of Christ, so we touch it in the sacrament.

ti- Thomas touched the body of Christ corporally:

si. Ergo, we touch the body of Christ corporally in the sa∣crament.

Cran.

* 3.457I deny your Argument. He touched not God, but him which was God. Neither is it sound doctrine to af∣firme that God is touched.

Ched.

This is because of the vnion: so that God is sayd to be touched, when Christ which is both God and man, is touched.

* 3.458Tertullian De carnis resurrectione, sayth: Videamus de pro∣pria Christiani hominis forma, quanta huic substantiae friuolae & sordidae apud deum praerogatiua sit. Etsi sufficeret illi quod nulla omnino anima salutem posset adipisci nisi dum est in carne, cre∣diderit: adeò caro salutis cardo est, de qua cum anima deo alli∣gatur, ipsa est quae efficit, vt anima alligari possit: sed & caro ab∣luitur,* 3.459 vt anima emaculetur: caro inungitur, vt anima consecre∣tur: signatur, vt anima muniatur: caro manus impositione ad∣umbratur, vt anima spiritu illuminetur, caro corpore & sangui∣ne Christi vescitur, vt anima de deo saginetur.

That is to say.

Let vs consider as concerning the proper forme of the christian man, what great prerogatiue this vaine & foule substaunce of ours hath with God. Although it were suffi∣cient to it, that no soule could euer get saluation, vnlesse it beleeue while it is in the flesh: so much the flesh auayleth to saluation, by the which flesh it commeth, that where as the soule so is linked vnto god, it is the sayd flesh that cau∣seth the soule to be linked: yet the flesh moreouer is was∣shed, that the soule may be cleansed: the flesh is annoyn∣ted that the soule may be consecrated, the flesh is signed that the soule may be defended, the fleshe is shadowed by the imposition of hands, that the soule may be illuminated with the spirit: the flesh doth eate the body and bloud of Christ, that the soule may be fed of God. Wherupon I ga∣ther this argument.

The flesh eateth the body of Christ.

Ergo, the body of Christ is eaten with the mouth.

Item Phocëus 1. ad Cor. cap. 11. vpon these words: Reus erit corporis & sanguinis,* 3.460 &c.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 3.461 * 3.462 i. Quod ait, reus corporis & sanguinis, istud declarat quod sicuti Iudas ipsum quidem tradidit, Iudaei contumeliosè in ipsum insaniebant: sic ipsum inhonorant qui sanctissimum ipsius cor∣pus impuris manibus suscipiunt, tanquam Iudaei ipsi tenent & execrabili ore recipiunt. Quòd crebro mentionem facit corpo∣ris & sanguinis Domini, manifestat quòd non sit simplex homo qui sacrificatur, sed ipse Dominus omnium factor, tanquam per haec quidem ipsos perterrefaciens.

That is to say.

Where as he sayth: Is guilty of the body and bloud: this he declareth, that like as Iudas betraied him, & the Iews were fierce and spitefull agaynst hym: so do they dishonor him which receiue his holy body with their impure hands and as the Iewes did hold him then, do now receyue hym with vnpure mouthes. And where as hee often maketh mention of the body & bloud of the Lord, he declareth that it is not simply man that is sacrificed, but euen the Lord hymself, being the maker of all things, hereby (as it were) makyng them afrayd.

Ergo, (as it is hereby gathered) the body of Christ is touched with the hands.

Cranmer.

You vouche two authors agaynst me vpon sun∣dry thyngs. First I must aunswer Tertullian, and then the other.

Ched.

They tend both to one meanyng.

Cran.

Unto Tertullian I answer (because our disputatiō is wandring and vncertayne) that he calleth that the flesh which is the Sacrament.* 3.463 For although God worke all thyngs in vs inuisibly beyond mans reach: yet they are so manifest, that they may be seene, and perceyued of euery sense. Therfore he setteth forth Baptisme, vnction, and last of all the supper of the Lord vnto vs, which he gaue to sig∣nify his operation in vs. The flesh liueth by the bread, but the soule is inwardly fed by Christ.

Weston.

Sticke to those wordes of Tertullian: Corpus ve∣scitur vt anima saginetur, id est,* 3.464 The body eateth that the soul may be fed.

Ched.

The fleshe eateth the body of Christ, that the soule may be fed therewith.

West.

Here you see two kyndes of foode: of the soule and of the body.

Ched.

He sayeth, that not onely the soule, but the fleshe is also fed.

Cran.

The soule is fed with the body of Christ, the bodye with the sacrament.

Ched.

Is the soule fed with the body of Christ, & not with the sacrament?

Cran.

Read that which followeth, and you shall perceyue that by thyngs externall,* 3.465 an operation internall is vnder∣stood. Inwardly we eat Christes body, and outwardly we eat the sacrament. So one thing is done outwardly, an o∣ther inwardly. Like as in Baptisme the external element wherby the body is washed, is one: so the internal thyng wherby the soule is clensed, is another.

Ched.

The soule is fed by that which the body eateth.

But the soule is fed by the flesh of Christ:

Ergo. the body eateth the flesh of Christ.

Cran.

We eat not one thing outwardly and inwardly. In∣wardly we eate Christes bodye: Outwardly we eate the Sacrament.

Ched.

I will repeate the Argument.

* 3.466The flesh eateth Christes body, that the soule may be fed therewith.

The soule is not fedde with the Sacrament, but with Christes body.

Ergo, the flesh eateth the body of Christ.

Cran.

The Sacrament is one thing, the matter of the Sa∣crament is another. Outwardly we receyue the Sacra∣ment: Inwardly we eate the body of Christ.

Ched.

I prooue that we receyue that outwardly wherwith the soule is fed.

The soule is fed with the body of Christ.* 3.467

Ergo, we eate the body of Christ outwardly.

The flesh eateth Christ his body,* 3.468

Ergo, the soule is fed therewith.

Cranmer.

The flesh (I say) eateth the Sacrament. It ea∣teth not Christes body.* 3.469 For Tertullian speaketh of the Sacrament: and the place hath not [inde] thereof, but [de deo] of God.

Ched.

What say ye to Phoceus saying: They which receyue the body with impure hands, are guilty of the Lordes bloude, as Iudas was.

West.

That which foloweth in Tertullian doth take away your shift, where as he sayeth: Non possunt ergo separari in mercede, quos opera coniungit. i. They cannot be separated in reward, whom one worke ioyneth together.

But manducation is the worke or labour, Ergo, &c.

¶The forme of this Argument may be thus collected.

• Di- One worke or labour ioyneth body & soule together.
• ••i- Manducation is a worke or labour:
• j. Ergo, one manducation ioyneth together both bodye and soule.

* 3.470To the Maior of which Argument, thus it may be answered: expounding the saying of Tertullian, vna ope∣ra coniungit, sed non idem operandi modus. Agayne, opera here in Tertullian, may be taken for temptations and af∣flictions.

*Cran.

Your authoritie (I suppose) is taken out of the booke, De resurrectione carnis. i. of the resurrection of the flesh: & the meaning therof is this. Tertulliā goeth about there to prooue that the flesh shall ryse agayne, because it is ioyned together in one worke with the soule. Thorough Baptisme in this world, the body is washed, and the soule is washed: the body outwardly, the soule inwardly, the worke is one. In this worke they are ioyned. And he spe∣keth of signes.

West

He speaketh of eatyng in a signe.

Ergo, the reward is in a signe.

Cran.

They are coupled in one worke, namely, in the Sa∣crament.

West.

There are two workes:

Ergo, there are two rewards.

I•• the worke be in a figure.

Ergo, the reward is in a figure.

Cran.

He speaketh not of two workes. Two workes are but one worke. And yet he saith not, quos vna opera coniun∣git. i. Whome one worke ioyneth together, but opera. i. A worke: as in Baptisme the soule and the body are ioyned in vnderstandyng.

West.

The flesh and soule shall haue one and the selfe same reward, because they haue one worke.

Cran.

Because they be ioyned together in one worke.

Tres.

For as much as the reuerend Doctors here haue im∣pugned,* 3.471 and ouerthrown your assertion & your aunswers sufficiently: I will fall to an other matter, not altogether impertinent to the purpose, and that in fewe woordes, a∣gaynst a certayne sequele of your opinion. The sequele is this: that betwene vs and Christ there is no further con∣iunction, whiles we receiue the Eucharist, then a coniunc∣tion of the mynd, or a spirituall coniunction, whereby we are vnited & knit vnto Christ thorough faith & loue. As for the presence of Christ concerning the substaunce that you vtterly deny. Wherupon in very deed you leaue but a spi∣ritual vnion and ioyning together of mind. Howbeit you would seeme to think otherwise by your subtile answers. But I will declare by manifest testimonies of the fathers, y^t this your sequele which you accompt so sure, is far wide from the truth. And I will beginne with S. Hillary, who is both an ancient and a learned author. For disputyng a∣gaynst the Arrians, octauo de Trinitate, he sayeth that this was their opinion: that the father and the sonne are con∣ioyned only through vnity of wil. Wherupon Arrius him selfe, when scripture was alledged agaynst hym, dyd (as you do now) elude the right meaning of it by his false in∣terpretations. But the catholike church hath alwayes be∣leued and euer maintayned, that Christ is one with the fa∣ther in nature, and not by consent of wil only. To y^e proofe whereof, when the Catholikes vouched this testimony of Iohn, Pater & ego vnum sumus. i. The father and I are one. The Arrians aunswered, that [vnum sumus] was to bee vnderstand by the assent of their wyls, and agreement of their mynds, not by vnity of their natures. Thus it hap∣peneth now a dais, where men do doubt of the sacrament. But Hillary goyng on, and proouing the natural coniun∣ctiō betwene the father and the sonne a fortiori,* 3.472 questioneth with his aduersaries after this maner, I demand of them now which will needes haue the vnitie of will onely, be∣twene the father and the sonne, whether Christ be now in vs truly by nature, or onely by the agreement of wyls? If (sayth he) the worde be incarnate in very deed, and we re∣ceiue at the Lordes table the word made flesh, how then is he to be thought not to dwell in vs naturally, who beyng borne man, hath both taken the nature of our flesh vppon him that is now inseparable, and hath also myngled y^e na∣ture of his owne flesh, vnto the nature of eternitie vnder the Sacrament of hys flesh, to be communicated vnto vs.* 3.473 Thus much hath Hillary. Whereupon I aske of you this question. How Christ dwelleth now in vs? accordyng to fayth, or according to nature?

Cran.

I say that Christ dwelleth derely in vs carnally and naturally,* 3.474 for that he hath taken of the Uirgin our flesh v∣pon him, and because he hath communicated hys nature vnto vs.

Tres.

Bucer contra Abrincensem,* 3.475 referreth these words onely to the Eucharist, saying: Christ doth exhibite all this vnto vs in his holy supper, & according to the holy fathers (saith he) Christ liueth therby in vs, not only by fayth and loue, as absent, but naturally, corporally, and carnally. Where∣fore he is not absent, neither are we ioyned to Christ onely by a spirituall vnion, (as you suppose) but also by a cor∣porall and carnall vnion.

Cran.

I knowe that M. Bucer was a learned man. But your fayth is in good case, which leaneth vpon Bucer.

Tres.

I do not bring Bucer as a Patron of our fayth, but because he is a man of your sort, & yet bringeth this place of Hillary for that vnion which we haue by the sacrament, and confesseth that by it we are carnally vnited to Christ, where as you thinke that we are ioined by it, only through faith and loue.

Cran.

I say that Christ was communicated vnto vs,* 3.476 not onely by fayth, but in very deed also when he was borne of the virgin. We haue fellowship with Christ, when we are vnited in the vnity of the church, when we are made fleshe of hys flesh, & bones of his bones: and so we are vnited in the communion, in baptisme, and in fayth.

Tres.

I pray you what fellowship haue we with Christ, in that he is made man? Are not the Turkes & Iewes there∣in ioyned with hym? For they are men as we are, and are ioyned with him in mans nature, in that he was born of a woman, I speake now of a more nere vnitie. We are made one with Christ by the communion in a perfect vnitie.

Cran.

* 3.477We are made so, I graunt: but we are made so al∣so by baptisme: and the vnity in baptisme is perfect.

Tres.

We are not made one by baptisme in a perfect vnity, as Hillary there speaketh, but by the communiō, by which we are carnally made one, but not likewyse by Baptisme: wherfore you vnderstand not Hillary. You shal heare his words, which are these.* 3.478 He had now declared afore the Sacra∣ment of his perfect vnion, saying: As the liuing father sent me, so do I also liue by the father. And he that eateth my flesh, shall also lyue through me. And a little after that he writeth thus: This truly is the cause of our life, that we haue Christ dwellyng by his flesh in vs that are fleshly, which also by him shal liue in such sort as he liueth by his father. Wherefore, of these words it is ma∣nifest, that we obtaine this perfect vnity by meanes of the sacrament, & that Christ by it is carnally vnited vnto vs.

Cran.

Nay Hillary in that same place doth teach,* 3.479 that it is done by baptisme: and that doctrine is not to be suffred in the Church, which teacheth, y^t we are not ioyned to Christ by Baptisme.

West.

Repeat the Argument.

Cran.

You must first make an Argument.

Tres.

It is made alreadye,* 3.480 but it shall be made agayne in this forme.

Da- As Christ liueth by his father, so they that eate Chri∣stes flesh, liue by the same flesh.

ti- But Christ liueth by the father, not only by fayth and loue, but naturally:

si. Ergo, we lyue not through the eating of Christes flesh by faith and loue onely, but naturally.

Cran.

We liue by Christ, not only by faith and loue, but e∣ternally in deed.

Tresh.

Nay * 3.481 naturally. I prooue it thus.

As Christ liueth by the Father▪ so lyue we by hys flesh eaten of vs:

But Christ liueth not by hys father onely by faith and loue, but naturally:

Therfore we do not lyue by eating of Christs flesh on∣ly by faith and loue (as you suppose) but naturally.

Cran.

The Minor is not true.

Tres.

This is the opinion of Arrius, that Christ is vnited to his father by coniunction of mynd, and not naturally.

Cran.

I say not so yet, neither do I thinke so. But I wil tel you what I like not in your Minor. You say that Christ doth not liue by his father, only by faith and loue: but I say that Christ liueth not at all by his faith.

West.

Marke and consider well this word [by faith] least a∣ny occasion of cauilling be geuen.

Tres.

Let that worde [by faith] he omitted. Neither dyd I meane that Christ liueth by his father thorough faith. Yet the strength of the Argument remayneth in force.* 3.482 For els Hillary doth not con••ute y^e Arrians, except there be a gre∣ter coniunction betwene vs & Christ, when he is eaten of vs, then only a spiritual coniunction. You do only graunt a vnion. As for a carnall or naturall vnion of the substance of flesh, by which we are ioyned more then spiritually, you do not grant. But our lord Iesus geue you a better mind, and shew you the light of his truth, that you may returne into the way of righteousnesse.

West.

We came hether to dispute, and not to pray.

Tres.

Is it not lawfull to pray for them that erre?

West.

It is not lawfull yet. But proceed.

Tres.

Agayne, I reason thus: As Christ liueth by hys fa∣ther, after the same maner do we lyue by the eating of hys flesh.

But Christ liueth not by his father onely in vnitie of will,* 3.483 but naturally:

Ergo, we do not lyue when we eate the flesh of Christ, only by fayth and vnitie of will, but naturally.

Cran.

This is my faith, and it agreeth with the scripture: Christ liueth by his father naturally,* 3.484 & maketh vs to lyue by himselfe in deede: naturally, and that not onely in the sacrament of the Eucharist, but also in Baptisme. For In∣fants, when they are baptised, do eate the flesh of Christ.

Weston.

Aunswer eyther to the whole argument, or to the partes therof. For this argument is strong and cannot be dissolued.

Cran.

This is the argument.

As Christ liueth by his father, after the same maner do we lyue by his flesh,* 3.485 beyng eaten of vs:

But Christ liueth not by his father onely in vnitie of will, but naturally:

Ergo, we eating his flesh, do not lyue only by faith and loue, but naturally.

But the Maior is false: namely, that by the same ma∣ner we liue by Christ, as he liueth by his father.

West.

* 3.486Hillary sayth: after the same manner, vpon these words: he that eateth my flesh shal lyue by me. Ergo, Christ liueth by his father, and as he liueth by his father, after the same maner we shall lyue by his fleshe. Here you see, that Hillary saith, after the same maner.

Cran.

After the same manner, doth not signifie lyke in all things, but in deed and eternally: for so do we liue by Christ, and Christ liueth by his father. For in other respects Christ li∣ueth otherwise by his father, then wee lyue by Christ.

West.

He liueth by his father naturally and eternally:

Ergo, we liue by Christ naturally, and e∣ternally.

Cran.

We do not liue naturally, but by grace if you take naturally for the manner of na∣ture. As Christ hath eternall lyfe of hys Fa∣ther, so haue we of hym.

West.

I sticke to this word naturally.

Cran.

I meane it touching the truth of na∣ture. For Christ liueth otherwise by his Fa∣ther, then we lyue by Christ.

West.

Hillary in the 8. booke De Trinitate, de∣nieth it when he sayth: he liueth therfore by his father, and as he liueth by his Father,* 3.487 after the same manner we shall lyue by his flesh.

Cran.

We shall lyue after the same maner, as concerning the nature of the flesh of Christ: for as he hath of his father the nature of eternitie, so shall we haue of him.

West.

Answer vnto the partes of the Argument.

As Christ liueth by his father, after the same manner shall we lyue by his flesh:* 3.488

But Christ doth not lyue by his father onely in vnitie of will, but naturally:

Ergo, we eating his flesh do not liue onely by faith and loue, but naturally.

Cran.

I graunt (as I said) we liue by Christ naturally: but I neuer heard that Christ liueth with his Father in v∣nitie of will onely.

West.

Because it semeth a meruaile vnto you, heare what Hillary sayth: These things are recited of vs to this ende: be∣cause the heretikes fayning an vnitie of wyll onely betweene the father and the sonne, did vse the example of our vnity with god•• as though that we beyng vnited to the sonne, and by the sonne to the father onely by obedience and wyll of religion, had no proprietie of the naturall communion by the sacrament of the body and bloud.

But answer to the argument. Christ lyueth by his fa∣ther naturally and eternally: therfore do we liue by Christ naturally and eternally.

Cran.

Cyrill and Hillary do say, that Christ is vnited to vs not onely by will, but also by nature: he doth communi∣cate to vs hys owne nature,* 3.489 and so is Christ made one with vs carnally and corporally, because he tooke our na∣ture of the Uirgine Mary. And Hillary doth not onely say that Christ is naturally in vs, but that we also are natu∣rally in him, and in the father: that is, that we are parta∣kers of their nature, which is eternitie or euerlastingnes. For as the worde receiuing our nature, did ioyne it vnto himselfe in vnitie of person, and did cōmunicate vnto that our nature, the nature of his eternitie,* 3.490 that like as he being the euerlasting word of the Father, had euerlasting life of the Father: euen so he gaue the same nature to hys flesh. Likewise also did he communicate with vs the same na∣ture of eternitie, which he and the father haue, and that we should be one with them, not onely in wil & loue, but that we should be also partakers of y^e nature of euerlasting life.

West.

Hilary where he saith: Christ cōmunicated to vs his na∣ture, he meaneth y^t, not by his natiuity, but by y^e sacrament.

Cranmer.

He hath communicated to vs his flesh by hys natiuitie.

West.

We haue communicated to him * 3.491 our flesh when he was borne.

Cran.

Nay, he communicated to vs his flesh whē he was borne, and that I will shew you out of Cyrill vppon this place: Et homo factus est.

West.

Ergo, Christ being borne gaue vs his flesh.

Cran.

In his natiuity he made vs * 3.492 partakers of his flesh.

West.

Write Sirs.

Cran.

Yea write.

Ched.

This place of Hilary is so dark, that you were com∣pelled to falsifie it in your booke, because you coulde not draw it to confirme your purpose.

If Christ haue taken verily the flesh of our body, and the man that was verely borne of the Virgin Mary is Christ, and also wee receaue vnder the true mistery the fleshe of his body, by meanes wherof we shalbe one (for the father is in Christ, and Christ in vs) how shall that be called the vnitie of will, when the naturall pro∣pertie brought to passe by the Sacrament, is the Sacrament of v∣nitie? we must not speake in the sence of man, or of the worlde in matters concerning God: neither must wee peruersly wrast anye straunge or wicked sence out of the wholesome meaning of the holy scripture, through impudent and vile contentiō. Let vs read those thinges that are written, and let vs vnderstand those thinges that wee read, and then wee shall performe the duetie of perfect fayth. For as touching that naturall and true being of Christ in vs except wee learne of him, wee speake foolishly and vngodly that thing that we doe speake: For he sayth: My flesh is meate in deede, and my bloud is drinke in deede: He that eateth my fleshe, and drinketh my bloud, abideth in me and I in him. As touching the veritie of his fleshe and bloud, there is left no place of doubt: for now, both by the testimonie of the Lord, and also by our fayth, it is verily flesh, and verily bloud.

Here you haue falsified Hillary,* 3.493 for you haue set verò sub mysterio, for verè sub mysterio, we receiue truly vnder a my∣stery. Hillary thrise reporteth verè sub mysterio, and you in∣terprete it twise verè sub mysterio, but the third tyme you haue verò for verè.

Cran.

Assuredly, I am not guilty of any deceite herein. It may be that the copy which I followed, had Sub vero my∣sterio, i. vnder a true mysterye: although touching y^e sense it differeth little. God I call to witnesse, I haue alway ha∣ted falsifieng, and if you had laisure and lust to heare false citations, I could recite vnto you vj. hundred.

West.

Here shall be shewed you two copies of Hilary, the one printed at Basill, the other at Paris.

Cran.

I suppose that D. Smiths bookes hath vero.

Weston.

Here is Doctour Smith: let him aunswere for hymselfe.

M. Smith, M. Doctor: what say you for your selfe? speake if you know it.

¶Here Doctor Smith, eyther for the truth in hys booke alledged, or els astonied with Doctor Westons ha∣sty calling, stayd to answer. For he onely put of his cappe, and kept silence.

West.

But your owne booke printed by Wolfe your owne Printer, hath vero.

Cran.

That Booke is taken from me, which easily myght

haue ended this controuersie. I am sure the booke of De∣crees hath vero.

Cole.

Now you admit the booke of Decrees, when it ma∣keth for you.* 3.494

Cran.

Touching the sence of the matter, there is little dif∣ference. The chaunge of one letter for an other, is but a small matter.

West.

No••s? Pastor (as you know) signifieth a Byshop, and Pistor signifieth a Baker, But Pastor shalbe Pistor, a Bishop shall be a Baker by this your chaunge of one letter. If verè and vero doe nothing chaunge the sence.

Cran.

Let it be so that in Pistor and Pastor one letter maketh some difference: Yet let Pistor be either a Baker or maker of bread, ye see here the change of a letter, and yet no great difference to be in the sence.

Young.

This disputation is taken in hand, that the truth myght appeare. I perceiue that I must goe an other waye to worke then I had thought.* 3.495 It is a common saying: a∣gainste hym that denyeth principles, we must not dispute. Therfore that we may agree of the principles, I demaund whether there be any other body of Christ then his instru∣mentall body.

Cran.

There is no naturall body of Christe, but his orga∣nicall body.

Young.

Againe I demande whether sence & reason ought to geue place to faith.

Cran.

They ought.

Yong.

Thirdly, whether Christ be true, in all his wordes?

Cran.

Yea, he is most true, and trueth it selfe.

Yong.

Fourthly, whether Christ at his supper mineded to doe that which he spake or no?

Cran.

Dicendo dixit, non fecit dicendo: sed fecit Discipulis Sa∣cramentum. That is: In saying he spake, but in sayinge hee made not, but made the sacrament to his disciples.

Yong.

Answer according to the truthe: whether did Christ that as God and man,* 3.496 whych he spake, when he sayde: This is my body.

Cran.

This is a sophistical cauillation: go plainly to work. There is some deceite in these questions. You seeke subtle∣nesse, leaue your craftie fetches.

Young.

I demaunde whether Christe by these woordes wrought any thing or no?

Cran.

He did institute the Sacrament.

Yong.

But answere, whether did he worke any thing?

Cran.

He did worke in instituting the Sacrament.

Yong.

Now I haue you: for before you said it was a figu∣ratiue speache.

* 3.497But a figure worketh nothing.

Ergo, it is not a figuratiue speach. A lyar ought to haue a good memorie.

Cran.

I vnderstoode your Sophistrie before. You by wor∣king vnderstande conuerting into the body of Christe: but Christ wrought the Sacrament, not in conuerting, but in instituting.

Young.

Woe be to them that make Christ a deceiuer. Did hee worke any other thyng then hee spake, or the selfe same thing?

Cran.

He wrought the sacrament, and by these wordes he signified the effect.

Fes- Yong.

A figuratiue speach is no working thing.

ti- But the speach of Christ is working:

no. Ergo, it is not figuratiue.

Cran.

It worketh by instituting, not by conuerting.

Young.

The thing signified in the sacramēt, is it not in that Sacrament?

Cran.

* 3.498It is. For the thing is ministred in a signe. He fol∣loweth the letter that taketh the thing for the signe. Augu∣stine separateth the Sacrament from the thing. The Sa∣crament (sayeth he) is one, and the thing of the Sacrament an other.

Weston.

Sticke to thys Argument.

It is a figuratiue speach.

Ergo, it worketh nothing.

Young.

But the speach of Christ is a working thing.

Ergo, it is not figuratiue.

Cran.

O howe many craftes are in this Argument? they are meere fallacies: I sayd not that the words of Christ do worke, but Christ himselfe: and he worketh by a figuratiue speache.

Weston.

If a figure worke, it maketh of bread the bodye of Christ.

Cran.

A figuratiue speach worketh not.

West.

A figuratiue speach by your owne cōfession, worketh nothing.

But the speach of Christ in the supper (as you graunt) wrought somewhat:

Ergo.

The speach of Christe in the Supper was not fi∣guratiue.

Cran.

I answer these are meere sophismes:* 3.499 the speach doth not worke, but Christ by the speache doth worke the sacra∣ment.

I looke for Scriptures at your handes: for they are the foundation of disputations.

Young.

Are not these wordes of scripture: This is my body, The word of Christ is of strength: and by the Lordes wor∣des the heauens were made. He sayd: This is my body. Ergo, he made it.

Cranmer.

He made the Sacrament: and I deny your Ar∣gument.

Young.

If he wrought nothing, nothing is left there. Hee sayde: This is my body. You say contrary to the Scriptures, it is not the body of Christ, and fall from the faith.

Cran.

You interprete the scriptures contrary to all the old wryters, and faine a straunge sense.

Yong.

Ambrose. De ijs qui initiantur sacris, cap. 9. sayeth: De totius mundi•• operibus legisti, quia ipse dixit. & facta sunt,* 3.500 ipse mandauit & creata sunt. Sermo Christi qui potuit ex nihilo face∣re quod non erat, non potest ea quae sunt in id mutare quae non erant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enim minus est nouas res dare, quam mutare naturas: Sed quid argumentis vtimur? suis vtamur exemplis, incarnatio∣nis{que} exemplo astruamus mysterij veritatem. Nunquid naturae v∣sus praecessit cum Dominus Iesus ex Maria nasceretur? Si ordi∣nem quaerimus, viro mixta foemina generare consueuit, Liquet i∣gitur quod praeter naturae ordinem virgo generauit: & hoc quod conficimus corpus ex virgine est. Quid hic quaeris naturae ordi∣nem in Christi corpore, cum praeter naturam sit ipse Dominus Ie∣sus partus ex virgine? Vera vtique caro Christi quae Crucifixa est, quae sepulta est: verè ergò illius Sacramentum est. Clamat Domi∣nus Iesus: Hoc est corpus meum. Ante benedictionem verborum coelestium alia species nominatur, post consecrationem corpus significatur. Ipse dicit sanguinem suum. Ante consecrationem a∣liud dicitur: post consecrationem sanguis nuncupatur. Et tu dicis, Amen: hoc est▪ verum est. Quod os loquitur, mens interna fatea∣tur: quod sermo sonat, affectus sentiat.

That is.

Thou hast read of the workes of all the worlde, that he spake the word and they were made: he commaunded and they were created. Can not the word of Christ which made of nothing that which was not, chaunge those things that are, into that they were not? For it is no les matter to geue newe things, then to chaunge natures. But what vse wee Argumentes? let vs vse hys owne examples, and lette vs confirme the veritie of the mysterie by example of hys in∣carnation. Did the vse of nature goe before, when the Lord Iesus was borne of Marye? If you seeke the order of na∣ture, cōception is wont to be made by a woman ioyned to a man. It is manifest therfore, that contrary to the * 3.501 order of nature, a virgin did conceiue: and this that we make, is the body of the virgin. What seekest thou heere the order of na∣ture in y^e body of Christe, when against the order of nature the Lorde Iesus was conceiued of a Uirgine? It was the true flesh of Christe whiche was crucified, and which was buried: therefore it is truely the sacrament of him. The lord Iesus himselfe crieth: This is my body. Before the blessing of the heauenly wordes, it is named another kinde: but after the consecration the body of Christ is signified. He calleth it his bloud. Before consecration, it is called an other thing: after consecration it is called bloud, and thou sayest Amen: that is, it is true, That the mouth speaketh, let the inward mind confesse: that the word soūdeth, let the hart perceiue.

The same Ambrose in his 4. booke of sacraments the 4. chap. sayth thus: Panis iste,* 3.502 panis est ante verba Sacramētorum vbi accesserit consecratio, de pane fit caro Christi. Hoc igitur a∣struamus: quomodo potest, qui panis est, corpus esse Christi con∣secratione? consecratio igitur quibus verbis est, & cuius sermo∣nibus? Domini Iesu. Nam ad reliqua omnia quae dicūtur, laus Deo defertur, oratione petitur pro populo, pro regibus, pro caeteris, vbi venitur vt conficiatur venerabile Sacramentum, iam non su∣is sermonibus Sacerdos vtitur, sed sermonibus Christi. Ergò ser∣mo Christi hoc conficit Sacramentum. Quis sermo nempe is quo facta sunt omnia. Iussit Dominus & factum est coelum: iussit Do∣minus & facta est terra: iussit Dominus & facta sunt Maria. &c. Vides ergo quam operatorius sit sermo Christi. Si ergo tanta vis est in sermone Domini, vt inciperent esse quae non erant, quan∣to magis operatorius est, vt sint quae erant & in aliud commuten∣tur.

That is to say.

This bread is breade before the wordes of the Sacra∣ments, when the consecration commeth to it,* 3.503 of bread it is made the flesh of Christ. Let vs cōfirme this therfore: how can that whyche is breade, by consecration be the bodye of Christ? by what words then is the consecration made, and by whose wordes? by the wordes of our Lorde Iesus. For touching all other things that are sayde, praise is geuen to God, prayer is made for the people, for kinges, and for the

rest. When it commeth, that the reuerent Sacrament must be made, then the Priest vseth not his own words, but the wordes of Christ: therfore the word of Christe maketh this Sacrament. What word? That word, by which all things were made, The Lorde * 3.504 commaunded, and heauen was made: the Lord commaunded and the earth was made: the Lord commanded, and the seas were made. the Lord com∣maunded, and all creatures were made. Doest thou not see then how strong in working the woorde of Christe is? If therfore, so great strength be in the Lords word, that those things shuld begin to be which were not before, how much the rather is it of strength to worke, y^t these thinges which were, shoulde be chaunged into an other thing? Ambrose sayth that the wordes are of strength to worke.

Weston.

You omit those wordes which follow, whych ma∣keth the sence of Ambrose plaine. Read them.

Young.

Coelum non erat, mare non erat, terra non erat. Sed au∣di dicentem:* 3.505 ipse dixit & facta sunt, ipse mandauit & creata sunt. Ergo tibi vt respondeam, non erat corpus Christi ante consecra∣tionem, sed post consecrationem dico tibi quòd iam * 3.506 corpus Christi est. That is. Heauen was not, the sea was not, the earth was not, but heare him that said: he spake the worde and they were made: he commaunded, and they were crea∣ted. Therfore to answer thee, it was not the body of Christ before consecration, but after the cōsecration I say to thee, that now it is the body of Christ.

Cran.

All these thinges are common. I say that God doth chiefly worke in the Sacraments.

Yong.

How doth he worke?

Cran.

By his power as he doth in Baptisme.

Yong.

Nay, by the worde he chaungeth the bread into hys body, This is the truth, acknowledge the truth, geue place to the trueth.

Cran.

O glorious wordes, you are too full of wordes.

Yong.

Nay O glorious trueth, you make no change at all.

Cran.

Not so, but I make a great chaunge, as in them that are baptised, is there not a great chaunge when the child of the bondslaue of the deuil, is made the sonne of God? So it is also in the sacrament of the supper when he receyueth vs into his protection and fauour.

Yong.

If he worke in the sacraments, he worketh in thys sacrament.

Cran.

God woorketh in his Faithfull, not in the Sacra∣ments.

West.

In the supper the words are directed to the breade: in baptisme to the spirite. He sayd not, the water is the spi∣rite, but of the bread he sayd: This is my body.

Cran.

He called the spirit a Doue: when the spirit descen∣ded in likenesse of a Doue.* 3.507

West.

He doth not call the spirit a Doue: but he sayth, that he descended as a Doue. He was seene in the likenesse of a Doue. As in Baptisme, the words are directed to him that is baptized, so in the supper the woordes are directed vnto the bread.

Cran.

Nay it is wrytten: Vpon whomesoeuer thou shalt see the spirite descending.* 3.508 Hee calleth that whych descended, the holy spirit. And Augustine calleth the doue the spirit. Heare what Augustine sayth in 1. Iohn.* 3.509 Quid voluit per columbam, id est, per spiritum sanctū, docere, qui miserat eum. That is: What meant he by the Doue, that is, by the holy Ghost? forsoothe to teach who sent him.

Yong.

He vnderstandeth of the spirit descending as a doue: the spirit is inuisible.* 3.510 If you minde to haue the truth heard let vs proceede. Heare what Ambrose saith: Vides quam ope∣ratorius sit sermo Christi. Si ergo tanta vis in sermone domini. &c. vt supra. That is: You see what a working power the word of Christe hath. Therefore if there be so great power in the Lordes woorde, that those thinges whiche were not, begin to be, howe much more of strength is it to worke that those things that were, should be chaunged into an other thing?

And in the 5. chap. Antequam consecretur, panis est: vbi au∣tem verba Christi accesserint,* 3.511 corpus est Christi. i. Before it is consecrated, it is bread: but when the words of Christ come to it, it is the body of Christ.

But hear what he sayth more: Accipite, edite, hoc est cor∣pus meum: Take yee, eate yee, this is my bodye. Ante verba Christi calix est vini & aquae plenus: vbi verba Christi operata fu∣erint, ibi sanguis efficitur, qui redemit plebem. That is.

Before the wordes of Christe, the cuppe is full of wine and water, when the words of Christ haue wrought, there is made the bloude of Christe, which redeemed the people. What can be more plaine?

Cran.

* 3.512Nay, what can be lesse to the purpose? The wordes are of strength to worke in this Sacrament, as they are in Baptisme.

Pie.

The wordes of Christ (as Amb. sayth) are of strength to worke. What do they worke? Ambrose sayeth, they make the bloud which redeemed the people.

Ergo, the naturall bloud is made.

Cran.

The Sacrament of his bloud is made. The wordes make the bloude to them that receiue it: not that the bloude is in the cuppe, but in the receiuer.

Pie.

There is made the bloud which redeemed the people.

Cran.

The bloude is made: that is, the Sacrament of the bloude, by which he redeemed the people. [Fit) it is made: that is to say [ostenditur] it is shewed forth there. And Am∣brose sayth: we receiue in a similitude. As thou hast receiued the similitude of his death, so also thou drinkest the similitude of his precious bloud.

West.

He sayth in a similitude,* 3.513 because it is ministred vnder another likenesse. And this is the argument.

* 3.514There is made the bloud which redeemed the people.

But the naturall bloud redeemed the people.

Ergo, There is the naturall bloud of Christ.

You aunswer, that wordes make it bloud to them that receiue it: not that bloude is in the cuppe, but because it is made bloud to them that receiue it. That all men maye see how falsely you would auoid the fathers, heare what Am∣brose sayth in the 6. booke and 1. chap.

Forte dicas, quomodo vera? qui similitudinem video, nō video sanguinis veritatem. Primum omnium dixi tibi de sermone Chri∣sti qui operatur, vt possit mutare & conuertere genera instituta naturae. Deinde vbi non tulerunt sermonem discipuli eius, sed au∣dientes, quod carnem suam dedit manducari, & sanguinem suum dedit bibendum, recedebant. Solus tamen Petrus dixit: Verba vi∣tae eternae habes. & ego a te quò recedam? Ne igitur plures hoc dicerent, veluti quidam esset horror cruoris, sed maneret gratia redemptionis, ideò in similitudinem quidem accipis sacramentū, sed verè naturae gratiam virtutemque consequeris.

That is to say.

Peraduenture thou wilt say, how be they true? I which see the similitude, do not see the trueth of the bloud. First of all I told thee of y^e word of Christ, which so worketh, that it can chaunge & turne kindes ordained of nature. After∣ward, when the Disciples coulde not abide the woordes of Christe, but hearing that he gaue hys flesh to eate, and hys bloud to drinke, they departed: Only Peter sayd, thou hast the wordes of eternal life: whether should I go from thee? Least therefore moe should say this thing, as though there should be a certain horror of bloud, and yet the grace of re∣demption should remaine: therfore in a similitude thou re∣ceiuest the sacrament: but in deede thou obtainest the grace and power of his nature.

Cranmer.

These wordes of themselues are plaine enough. (And he read this place againe:* 3.515 Thou receiuest the Sacrament for a similitude) But what is that he sayth: Thou receiuest for a similitude.) I thinke he vnderstandeth the sacrament to be the similitude of his bloud.

Ched.

That you may vnderstand that trueth discenteth not from trueth, to ouerthrow that which you say of that simi∣litude, heare what Ambrose sayth lib. 4. De sacrament.

Si operatus est sermo coelestis in alijs rebus, non operatur in sacramentis coelestibus?* 3.516 Ergo didicisti quod e pane corpus fiat Christi, & quod vinum & aqua in calicem mittitur. sed fit sanguis consecratione verbi coelestis. Sed forte dices, speciem sanguinis non videri. Sed habet similitudinem. Sicut enim mortis similitu∣dinem sumpsisti, ita etiam similitudinem preciosi sanguinis bi∣bis, vt nullus horror cruoris sit, & pretium tamen operetur re∣demptionis. Didicisti ergo, quia quod accipis corpus est Christ••.

That is to say.

If the heauenly word did worke in other things, doth it not worke in the heauenly sacramentes? Therefore thou hast learned, that of bread is made the body of Christe, and that wine and water is put into that cuppe: but by conse∣cration of the heauenly worde, it is made bloude. But thou wilt say peraduēture, that the likenes of bloud is not sent. But it hath a similitude.

For as thou hast receiued the similitude of hys death, so also thou drinkest the similitude of his precious bloud,* 3.517 so y^t there is no horror of bloud, & yet it worketh the price of re∣demptiō. Therfore thou hast learned, that that which thou receiuest, is the body of Christ.

Cran.

He speaketh of sacraments sacramentally. He calleth the sacraments by the names of the things: for he vseth the signes for the things signified: and therefore y^e bread is not called bread, but his body, for the excellencie and dignitie of the thyng signified by it. So doth Ambrose interpreat hym selfe when hee sayeth: In cuius typum nos calicem mysticum sanguinis ad tuitionem corporis & animae nostrae percepimus. 1. Cor. 11.

That is.

For a type or figure wherof we receiue the mystical cup of his bloud, for the safegard of our bodies and soules.

Ched.

A type? hee calleth not the bloud of Christe a type or signe: but the bloude of Buls and Goates in that respecte was a type or signe.

Cran.

This is new learning: you shall neuer read this a∣mong the fathers.

Ched.

But Ambrose sayeth so.

Cran.

He calleth the bread and the cup a type or signe of the bloud of Christ, and of his benefite.

West.

Ambrose vnderstandeth for a type of his benefit, that is, of redemption: not of the bloud of Christ, but of his pas∣sion. The cuppe is the type or signe of his death, seeing it is hys bloud.

Cran.

He sayeth most plainely, that the cuppe is the type of Christes bloud.* 3.518

Da- Ched. As Christe is truely and really incarnate, so is he truely and really in the Sacrament.

ri- But Christ is really and truely incarnate.

j. Ergo, the body of Christ is truely and really in the sa∣crament.

Cran.

* 3.519I deny the Maior.

Ched.

* 3.520I prooue the Maior out of Iustine in hys 2. Apologie: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Cran.

* 3.521This place hath ben falsified by Marcus Constantius. Iustine meant nothing els, but that the bread which nouri∣sheth vs, is called the body of Christ.

Ched.

To the Argument. As Christ is truely and natural∣ly incarnate. &c. vt supra.

Cran.

I deny your Maior.

Ched.

The woordes of Iustine are thus to bee interpreated woord for woord.

Quemadmodum per verbum Dei caro factus Iesus Christus Saluator noster,* 3.522 carnem habuit & sanguinem pro salute nostra: sic & cibum illum consecratum per sermonem precationis ab ipso institutae, quo sanguis carnesq́ue nostrae per communionem nu∣triuntur, eiusdem Iesu qui caro factus est, carnem & sanguinem esse accepimus. That is to say.

As by the worde of God Iesus Christ our sauiour, be∣ing made flesh, had both flesh and bloud for our saluation: so we are taught that the meat * 3.523 consecrated by the word of prayer, instituted of him, whereby our bloude and flesh are nourished by * 3.524 cōmunion, is the flesh and bloud of the same Iesus, which was made flesh.

Cran.

You haue translated it wel: But I deny your Maior. Thys is the sence of Iustine:* 3.525 that that breade is called the body of Christ, and yet of that sanctified meate our bodyes are nourished.

Ched.

Nay, he sayeth of that sanctified meate, bothe oure bodies and soules are nourished.

Cran.

He sayth not so: but he sayth that it nourisheth our flesh and bloud: and howe can that nourish the soule, that nourisheth the flesh and bloud?* 3.526

Cole.

It feedeth the body by the soule.

Cran.

Speake vprightly. Can that which is receiued by the soule and the spirite, be called the meat of the body?

West.

Heare then what Irenaeus sayeth: Eum calicem qui est creatura,* 3.527 suum corpus confirmauit, ex quo nostra auget corpora. Quando & mixtus c••lix. & Fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, fit Eucharistia sanguinis & corporis Christi, ex quibus augetur, & cōsistit carnis nostrae substantia This is y^e same cup which is a creature, hee confirmed to be hys body, by which hee in∣creaseth oure bodyes. When both the cuppe mixed, and the breade broken, hathe ioyned to it the woorde of God, it is made the Sacrament of the body and bloude of Christe, of whych the substaunce of our fleshe is increased, and consi∣steth.

The substance of our flesh is increased by the body and bloud of Christ:* 3.528

Ergo, our body is nourished by the body and bloude of Christ.

Cran.

I deny your Argument. He calleth it the fleshe and bloud: for the Sacrament of the body and bloud, as Tertul∣lian also sayth:* 3.529 Nutritur corpus pane Symbolico, anima corpo∣re Christi. That is, Our flesh is nourished wyth Symboli∣call or sacramentall bread, but our soule is nourished wyth the body of Christ.

West.

Looke what he sayeth more. Quomodo carnem negant capacem esse donationis Dei quae est vita aeterna, quae sanguine & corpore Christi nutritur. li. 5. post duo folia a principio.* 3.530 That is: How doe they say, that the flesh can not receiue the gift of God that is eternall life, which is nourished wyth the bloud and body of Christe? That is in the 5. booke 2. leaues from the beginning.

Cran.

The body is nourished both with the sacramēt, and with the body of Christ, with the sacrament to a temporall life: with the body of Christ to eternall life.

Ched.

I cannot but be sorie when I see such a manifest lie in your wrytings. For where you translate Iustine on this fashion: that the bread, water and wine, are not so to be ta∣ken in this sacrament, as common meates and drinks are wont to be takē of vs: but are meats chosen out peculiar∣ly for this, namely for the geuing of thankes,* 3.531 and therefore be called of the Greekes Eucharistia, that is, Thankes ge∣uinge, they are called moreouer the bloude and bodye of Christe (so haue you translated it): the wordes of Iustine are thus: Wee are taughte that the meate consecrated by the worde of prayer, by the which our flesh and bloud is nourished by Com∣munion, is the body & bloud of the same Iesus which was made fleshe.

Cran.

I did not translate it worde for worde, but onely I gaue the meaning: and I goe nothing from his meaning.* 3.532

Harps.

You remember, touching Iustine, to whom this A∣pologie was wrytten, namelye to an Heathen man. The Heathen thought that the Christians came to the Churche to worship breade. Iustine aunsweareth, that we come not to common bread, but as to. &c. as is sayd afore. Weigh the place wel, it is right worthy to be noted: Our flesh is nou∣rished: according to mutation.

Cran.

We ought not to consider the bare bread:* 3.533 but who∣soeuer commeth to the Sacrament, eateth the true body of Christe.

West.

You haue corrupted Emissenus, for in stead of cibis sa∣tiandus, that is, to be filled with meat: you haue set cibis satian∣dus spiritualibus: that is, to be filled with spirituall meates.

Cran.

I haue not corrupted it, for it is so in the Decrees.

West.

You haue corrupted an other place of Emissenus. For you haue omitted these woordes: Mirare cum reuerendum al∣tare cibis spiritualibus satiandus ascendis:* 3.534 sacrum Dei tui corpus & sanguinem fide respice, honorem mirare, merito continge. &c. That is: Maruell thou when thou commest vp to the re∣uerend altar to be filled with spiritual meats: looke in faith to the holy body and bloud of thy God: maruell at his ho∣nour: worthely touch him.

Cran.

Thys booke hath not that

West.

Also you haue falsified this place by euill translating Honora corpus Dei tui. i. Honour the bodye of thy God.* 3.535 You haue translated it: Honora eum qui est Deus tuus. i. Honoure him which is thy God. Whereas Emissenus hath not [honor him] but [honor the body of thy God.]

Cran.

I haue so translated him, and yet no les truely, then not without a weightye cause,* 3.536 for els it shoulde not haue bene wythout daunger, if I had translated it thus: Honour the body of thy God: because of certain, that according to the errour of the Anthropomorphites, dreamed that God had a body.

West.

Nay you most of all, haue brought the people into y^e errour, whyche so longe haue taught that he sitteth at the right hande of God the father: and counted me for an here∣ticke because I preached y^e God had no right hande. Then I will appose you in the very Articles of your faith.

Christ sitteth at the right hand of God the Father.* 3.537

But God the Father hath no right hand:

Ergo, Where is Christ now?

Cran.

I am not so ignoraunt a nouice in the articles of my faith, but that I vnderstand,* 3.538 that to sit at the right hand of God, doth signifie to be equall in the glory of the Father.

West.

Now then take this Argument. Whersoeuer Gods authority is, there is Christes body, But Gods authoritie is in euery place: Ergo, what letteth the body of Christ to be in euery place? Moreouer you haue also corrupted Duns.* 3.539

Cran.

That is a great offence, I promise you.

West.

For you haue omitted secundum apparentiam. i. as it appeareth. Where his wordes are these: Et si quaeras quare voluit Ecclesia eligere istum intellectum ita difficilem huius arti∣culi, cum verba Scriptura possint saluari secundum intellectum facilem & veriorem, secundum apparentiam, de hoc articulo. &c. That is: And if you demaunde why the Churche did chuse thys so harde an vnderstanding of thys Article, where as the woordes of scripture may be salued after an easie & true vnderstanding (as appeareth) of thys article, &c.

Cran.

It is not so.

West.

Also you haue set foorthe a Cathechisme in the name of the Synode of London, and yet there be 50,* 3.540 whych wit∣nessing that they were of the number of the Conuocation, neuer heard one worde of this Catechisme.

Cran.

I was ignorant of the setting too of that title: and as soone as I had knowledge therof, I did not like it. There∣fore when I complained therof to the Councel, it was an∣swered me by them, that the boke was so entituled, because it was set foorth in the time of the Conuocation.

West.

Moreouer, you haue in Duns translated in Romana Ecclesia, pro Ecclesia Catholica. i. In the Churche of Rome, for the Catholicke Church.

Cran.

Yea, but he meant the Romish Church.

West.

Moreouer you haue depraued S. Thomas, name∣ly where he hath these wordes:* 3.541 In quantum vero est sacrifici∣um, habet vim satisfactiuam: Sed in satisfactione attenditur ma∣gis affectio offerentis, quàm quantitas oblationis. Vnde Domi∣nus dicit apud Lucamde vidua quae obtulit duo aera, quòd plus omnibus misit. Quamuis ergo haec oblatio ex sui quantitate suf∣ficiet ad satisfaciendum pro omni poena: tamen fit satisfactoria il∣lis pro quibus offertur, vel etiam offerentibus secundum quanti∣tatem suae deuotionis, & non pro tota poena. That is: In as muche as it is a sacrifice, it hath the power of satisfaction: But in satisfaction the affection of the offerer is more to be waied then the quantity of the oblation. Wherfore the lord sayde in Lukes Gospell, of the widowe which offered two mites, that she cast in more thē they al. Therfore, although this oblation of the quantitie of it selfe wil suffice to satisfie for all paine, yet it is made satisfactorie to them, for whom it is offered, or to the offerers, according to the quantitie of their deuotion, and not for all the paine.

You haue thus turned it: Quod sacrificium Sacerdotis ha∣bet vim satisfactiuam. &c. That is, That the Sacrifice of the priest hath power of satisfaction. &c. And therefore in thys place you haue chopped in this word [Sacerdotis] of y^e priest, wheras in the translation of all the newe Testament, you haue not set it, but where Christ was put to death. And a∣gain, where s. Thomas hath [pro omni poena] for all paine, your booke omitteth many things there.

Thus you see brethren the truth stedfast and inuincible, you see also the craft and deceit of hereticks,* 3.542 the truth may be pressed, but it cannot be oppressed: therefore crye altoge∣ther, Vincit veritas. i. The truth ouercommeth.

This disordered disputation sometime in latine, some∣time in English, continued almost till 2. of the clock. Which being finished, and the arguments wrytten and deliuered to the handes of M. Say, the prisonner was had away by the Mayor, and the Doctors dined together at the vniuer∣sitie Colledge.

Disputation at Oxford betweene D. Smith, with his other Colleagues and Doctors, and Bishop Ridley. Aprill. 17.

* 3.543THe next day folowing which was the 17. of April, was brought forth D. Ridley to dispute, against whom was set D. Smith to be principall opponent. Touching whych D. Smith,* 3.544 for so much as mention heere happeneth of hys name, first the reader is to be aduertised what is to be at∣tributed to his iudgement in religion, which so oftentimes before hath turned and returned to and froe, grounded (as it seemeth) vpon no firme conscience of doctrine, as both by hys articles by him recanted may appeare, and also by hys owne letter sent a little before in king Edwardes dayes to the Archbishop of Caunterbury from Scotlande. Which letter I thought heere to exhibite as a certaine Preface be∣fore his own arguments, or rather as a testimonie against him selfe, whereby y^e reader may vnderstand how deuout∣ly he magnified them, and their doctrine a little before, a∣gaynst whome he nowe disputeth so busely. Reade (I be∣seeche thee, his Epistle, and iudge.

The true copie of a certaine Epistle of Doctor Rich. Smith, declaring his affection to the setting forth of Gods sincere woorde.

MOst honorable, I commend me vnto your Lordship, doing the same to vnderstand,* 4.1 that I wrote letters to your grace in Ianuarye last, and the 10. day of Februarie, declaring the causes of my sodaine & vnaduised departyng from your grace ouer the sea, and desiring your good lord∣ship of your charitye towarde them that repent of theyr ill Acts, to forgeue me your selfe all that wrōg I did towards your grace, and to obtaine in wryting the kings maiesties pardon for me in all poyntes concerning his lawes:* 4.2 vpon the receit wherof I would returne againe home, & wyth∣in halfe a yeare (at the vttermost) afterwarde wryte, de Sa∣cerdotum connubijs. &c. a Latine booke that should be a iust satisfaction for any thing that I haue wrytten agaynste the same. Reliqua què omnia dogmata vestra, tum demum libenter amplexurum, vbi Deus mentem meam, vt ea citra cōscientiae lae∣sionem agnoscam, doceamquè. I wrote not this that I want any good liuing heere, but because mine absence oute of the realme, is dishonour to the Kings highnes and Realme, and because I must needes (if I tarie heere a quarter of a yeare longer) wryte an aunsweare to your Graces booke of the Sacramente, and also a Booke of common places a∣gainst all the doctrine sette foorth by the kinges Maiestie, which I cannot do wyth good conscience. Wherefore I be∣seeche your Grace helpe me home, assoone as yee may con∣ueniently for Gods sake, and ye shal neuer I trust in God repent that facte.

Ex vrbe diui Andreae 14. Feb.

Richardus Smithaeus.

And thus much touching the forenamed Doctor Rich. Smith, being set heere (as is sayde) to dispute against By∣shop Ridly,* 4.3 who was brought now y^e next day after to the Archb. to aunswer in the diuinitie schoole. Against whome also besides D. Smith disputed, D. Weston, D. Tresham, D. Oglethorpe, D. Glin, D. Seton, D. Cole, M. Warde, M. Harpsfielde, D. Watson, M. Pye, M. Hardinge, M. Curtop, M. Fecknam. To all them hee aunsweared very learnedly. Hee made a preface to these questions, but they woulde not let him goe forth in it, but caused him to make an end of the same, and sayde it was blasphemie, and some saide he droue of the time in ambiguous things, nothing to the purpose, & so they wold not suffer him to say his mind. D. Smith coulde get nothing at his hand: in so muche that other did take his argumēts and prosecuted them. He she∣wed himselfe to be learned, & a great clearke. They coulde bring nothing, but he knew it as well as they.

The disputation beginneth.

West. Prolocutor.

Good Christen people and brethren, we haue begon this day our schoole, by Gods good speede I trust, and are entring into a controuersie, whereof no que∣stion ought to be mooued, concerning the veritie of the bo∣dy of our Lord Iesu Christ in the Eucharist. Christ is true, which sayde the wordes. The wordes are true whyche he spake, yea truth it selfe that cannot faile. Lette vs therefore pray vnto God to sende downe vnto vs his holye spirite, which is the true interpreater of his woorde: whiche maye purge away errours, and geue light that veritye may ap∣peare. Let vs also aske leaue and libertie of the Churche to permit the truth receiued, to be called this day in question, wythout any preiudice to the same. Your partes therefore shalbe to implore the assistaunce of almighty God, to pray for the prosperitie of the Queenes maiestie, and to geue vs quiet and attentiue eares. Now go to your questions.

Doct Smith.

This day (right learned M. Doctor) 3. questi∣ons are propounded, whereof no controuersy among chri∣stians ought to be mooued, to wit:

1. Whether the naturall bodye of Christ our Sauiour, conceiued of the Virgine Marie,* 4.4 and offred for mans redemption vppon the crosse, is verilye and really in the sacrament by vertue of Gods worde spoken by the Priest. &c.

2. Whether in the sacrament after the words of consecration, be any other substance. &c.

3. Whether in the Masse be a sacrifice propiciatorie. &c.

Touching the which questiōs, although you haue pub∣likely and partly professed your iudgemēt and opinion on Saterday last: yet being not satisfied with that your aun∣swere, I wil assay againe to demaund your sentence in the first question: Whether the true body of Christe, after the woords pronounced, be really in the Eucharist, or els only the figure. In which matter I stande heere nowe to heare your aunsweare.

The Preface or protestation of D. Ridley, before his disputation.

I Receiued of you the other day right worshipful M. pro∣locutor, and yee my reuerend Maisters,* 4.5 Commissioners from the Queenes maiestie, and her honorable Counsell, three propositions: whereunto ye commaunded me to pre∣pare against this day, what I thought good to aunsweare concerning the same.

Now whilest I weied w^t my selfe, how great a charge of the Lords flocke was of late committed vnto me, for the which I am certaine I must once render an accompte to my Lord God (and that howe soone, he knoweth) and that moreouer by the commaundement of the Apostle Peter, I ought to be redy alway to geue a reason of the hope y^t is in me with mekenes and reuerence, vnto euery one that shall demaund the same: besides this, cōsidering my duty to the Church of Christ,* 4.6 and to your worships being commissio∣ners by publicke authority: I determined with my selfe to obey your commaundement, and so opēly to declare vnto you my minde touching the foresayd propositions. And al∣beit plainely to confesse vnto you the trueth in these things which ye now demaund of me, I haue thought otherwyse in times past then I now do, yet (God I call to record vn∣to my soule, I lie not) I haue not altered my iudgemēt, as now it is, either by constraint of any man, or lawes, either

for the dread of any daungers of thys world, either for any hope of commodity: but onely for the loue of the truthe, re∣uealed vnto me by the grace of God (as I am vndoubted∣ly perswaded) in his holy woorde, and in the reading of the auncient Fathers.

These things I do the rather recite at this present, be∣cause it may happen to some of you hereafter, as in times past it hath done to me: I meane, if ye thinke otherwyse of the matters propoūded in these propositions, then I now doe, God may open vnto you in time to come.

But how so euer it shall be, I will in fewe woordes do that which I thinke yee all looke I shoulde doe: that is, as plainely as I can, I will declare my iudgement heerein. Howbeit of this I would yee were not ignoraunt, that I will not in deede wittingly and willingly speake in any poynt against Gods worde,* 4.7 or dissent in any one iote from the same, or from the rules of faith, and Christian religion: which rules that same most sacred word of god prescribeth to the Churche of Christe, whereunto I nowe and for euer submit my selfe, and all my doinges. And because the mat∣ter I haue now taken in hand is waightie, and yee all wel know how vnready I am to handle it accordingly, aswell for lacke of time, as also lacke of bookes: therefore heere I protest that I will publickly this daye require of you, that it may be lawfull for me concerning all mine aunsweares, explications, and confirmations, to adde or diminish what soeuer shall seeme hereafter more conuenient and mete for the purpose, through more sound iudgement, better delibe∣ration, and more exact triall of euery particular thing. Ha∣uing nowe by the way of Preface and protestation, spoken these fewe woordes, I will come to the answearinge of the propositions propounded vnto me, and so to the most brief explication and confirmation of mine answeres.

West.

Reuerend maister Doctour, concerning the lacke of bookes, there is no cause why you should complaine. What bookes soeuer you will name,* 4.8 ye shall haue them, & as con∣cerning the iudgement of your answeres to be had of your selfe wyth farther deliberation: it shall (I say) be lawfull for you vntill Sonday next to adde vnto them what you shall thinke good your selfe. My minde is that we shoulde vse short arguments, least we shuld make an infinite pro∣cesse of the thing.

Rid.

There is an other thyng besides, whyche I woulde gladly obtaine at your handes. I perceiue that you haue wryters and Notaries here present. By all likelihoode our disputations shalbe published, I beseech you for gods sake let me haue libertie to speake my minde freely, & wythout interruption, not because I haue determined to protract y^e time with a solemne Preface, but least it maye appeare that some be not satisfied. God wotte I am no Oratour, nor I haue not learned Rhetoricke to set colours on the matter.

West.

* 4.9Among this whole company, it shall be permitted you to take two for your part.

Rid.

I would chuse two, if there were any here w^t whome I were acquainted.

West.

Here are two whych M. Cranmer had yesterdaye. Take them if it please you.

Rid.

I am contente wyth them: I truste they are honest men.

The first proposition.

In the Sacrament of the aultare, by the vertue of Gods word spo∣ken of the Priest, the naturall body of Christ borne of the vir∣gine Marie,* 4.10 and his naturall bloude is really present vnder the formes of bread and wine.

The aunswere of N. Ridley.

In matters appertaining to God, we may not speake according to the sence of man:* 4.11 nor of the worlde: Therefore this proposition or cōclusion is framed after an other ma∣ner of phrase or kinde of speeche, then the Scripture vseth. Againe, it is very obscure and darke, by meanes of sundry wordes of doubtfull signification. And being taken in the sence whych the Schoolemen teache,* 4.12 and at thys time the church of Rome doth defend, it is false and erroneous, and plaine contrary to the doctrine which is according to god∣linesse.

The explication.

How farre the diuersitie and newnes of the phrase in all this first proposition, is from the phrase of the holy Scrip∣ture, and that in euery part almost, it is so plaine & euident to any that is but meanely exercised in holy wryte, that I neede not now (especially in this company of learned men) to spend any time therein, except the same shalbe required of me hereafter.

First,* 4.13 there is a doubtfull sense in these woordes [by the vertue of Gods word.] For it is doubtful what word of God this is: whether it be that which is red in the Euangelists, or in Paul, or any other. And if it be that which is in the E∣uangelists or in S. Paule, what that is. If it be in none of them, then how it may be knowen to be Gods worde, & of such vertue, y^t it should be able to worke so great a matter.

Againe, there is a doubte in these woordes [of the Priest] whether no man may be called a Priest,* 4.14 but he whych hath authoritie to make propitiatorie sacrifice for the quicke and the deade: and howe it may be prooued that thys authoritie was committed of God to any man, but to Christ alone.

It is likewise doubted,* 4.15 after what order the sacrificing Priest shall be, whether after the order of Aaron, or els af∣ter the order of Melchisedech. For as farre as I know, the holy scripture doth allow no moe.

West.

Let thys be sufficient.* 4.16

Rid.

If we lacke time at this present, there is time enough heereafter.

West.

These are but euasions or starting holes, You con∣sume the time in vaine.

Rid.

I can not start farre from you, I am captiue & bound.

West.

Fall to it my maisters.

Smith.

That whych you haue spoken, may suffice at thys present.

Rid.

Let me alone I pray you, for I haue not much to say behinde.

West.

Goe forwarde.

Rid.

Moreouer, there is ambiguitie in thys word, really, whether it be to be taken as the Logicians terme it,* 4.17 trans∣cendenter, that is, most generally (and so it may signifie any manner of thing which belongeth to the body of Christ, by any meanes: after which sort we also graunt Christes body to be really in the sacramente of the Lordes Supper, as in disputation, if occasion be geuen shall be declared) or whe∣ther it be taken to signifie the very same thing, hauing bo∣dy, life and soule, which was assumed & taken of the worde of God, into the vnitie of persone. In which sence, sith the body of Christ is really in heauen, because of the true man∣ner of his body, it may not be sayde to be here in the earth. There is yet a further doubtfulnesse in these words,* 4.18 vnder the formes of breade and wine, whether the formes be there taken to signifie the onely accidental and outward shewes of bread and wine: or there withall the substantial natures therof, which are to be seene by their qualities, and percei∣ued by exterior sences.

Now the error and falsenes of the proposition,* 4.19 after the sense of the Romish church and scholemen, may hereby ap∣peare, in that they affirm the bread to be transubstantiated and chāged into the flesh, assumed of the word of God, and that (as they say) by the vertue of the woorde, whych they haue deuised by a certaine number of woordes, and cannot be founde in any of the Euangelistes, or in Paule, and so they gather that Christes bodye is reallye contained in the sacrament of the aultar. Which position is grounded vpon the foundation of transubstantiation:* 4.20 which foundation is monsterous against reason, and destroieth the Analogie or proportion of the sacraments, and therfore this propositi∣on also, which is builded vpon thys rotten foundation, is false erroneous, and to be counted as a detestable heresy of the Sacramentaries.

West.

We lose time.

Rid.

You shall haue time inough.

West.

Fall to reasoning. You shall haue some other day for this matter.

Rid.

I haue no more to say concerning my explication. If you will geue me leaue and let me alone, I wil but speake a woord or two for my confirmation.

West.

Go to: say on.

The confirmation of the foresaid answere.

Fes- THere oughte no Doctrine to bee established in the church of God,* 4.21 which discenteth from the word of God, from the rule of faith, and draweth with it many ab∣surdities, that cannot be auoided.

ti- But this doctrine of the first proposition is such.

no. Ergo,* 4.22 it ought not to be established and maintained in the Church of God.

The Maior or first part of my argument is plaine, and the Minor or second part is prooued thus.

This doctrine maintaineth a real, corporal, and carnal presence of Christes flesh, assumed and taken of the woorde to be in the Sacrament of the Lordes Supper, & that not by vertue & grace onely, but also by the whole essence and substance of the body and flesh of Christ.* 4.23

But such a presence disagreeth from Gods word, from the rule of faith, and cannot but drawe wyth it manye ab∣surdities.

Ergo, the second part is true.

The first part of thys argument is manifest, and the se∣cond may yet further be confirmed thus.

West.

Thus you consume time, which might be better be∣stowed on other matters.* 4.24 Maister Opponent, I pray you to your arguments.

Smith.

I will heere reason with you vppon transubstan∣tiation, which you say is contrary to the rule and Analogy of faith. The contrary whereof I proue by the Scriptures and the doctors. But before I enter argumentation wyth you, I demaund first whether in the 6. chap. of Iohn, there be any mention made of the sacrament, or of the reall pre∣sence of Christ in the sacrament.

Rid.

It is againste reason that I shoulde bee impeached to prosecute that which I haue to speake in this assembly, being not so long, but that it may be comprehended in few woordes.

West.

Let him reade on.

Rid.

First of all, this presence is contrary to many places of the holy Scripture.

* 4.25Secondly, it varieth from the articles of the faith.

Thirdly, it destroyeth and taketh awaye the institution of the Lordes supper.

Fourthly, it maketh precious thinges common to pro∣phane and vngodly persones: for it casteth that whyche is holy vnto dogs, and pearles vnto swine.

Fiftly, it forceth men to maintaine many mōstruous mi∣racles without necessitie and authoritie of Gods worde.

Sixtly, it geueth occasion to the heretickes which erred concerning the two natures in Christe, to defend their he∣resies thereby.

Seuenthly, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers: it falsifieth also the Catholike Faith of the Church, whyche the Apostles taught, the martyrs confirmed, and the faith∣full (as one of the Fathers sayeth) doe retaine and keepe vntill this day. Wherefore the second parte of mine argu∣ment is true.

The probation of the antecedent or former part of this argument by the partes thereof.

THis carnall presence is contrary to the worde of God, as appeareth,* 4.26 Iohn. 16. I tell you the trueth. It is profita∣ble to you that I goe away, for if I goe not away, the comfortour shall not come vnto you. Actes 3. Whome the heauens must re∣ceaue vntill the time of restoring of all thinges which God hath-spoken.* 4.27 Math. 9. The children of the Bridegrom cannot mourne so long as the Bridegrome is with them: But nowe is the time of mourning. Iohn 16. But I will see you againe, and your heartes shall reioyce.* 4.28 Iohn 14. I will come againe and take you to my selfe. Math. 24. If they shall say vnto you, behold, here is Christ, or there is Christe, beleeue them not: for wheresoeuer the deade carcase is, thither the Eagles will resort.

* 4.29It varyeth from the articles of the faith: He ascended into heauen, and sitteth on the right hande of God the Fa∣ther. From whence (and not from any other place, sayeth S. Augustine) he shall come to iudge both the quicke and the deade.

* 4.30It destroyeth and taketh awaye the institution of the Lordes supper, which was commaunded onely to be vsed and continued vntill the Lorde himselfe shoulde come. If therefore he be nowe really present in the body of his flesh, then must the supper cease: For a remembraunce is not of a thing present, but of a thing past and absent. And there is a difference betwene remembraunce and presence, and (as one of the Fathers sayeth) A figure is in vaine where the thing figured is present.

It maketh precious things common to prophane and vngodly persons, & constraineth men to confesse many ab∣surdities.* 4.31 For it affirmeth that whoremongers and mur∣therers, yea and (as some of them hold opinion) the wicked and faithles, mise, rattes, & dogs also may receiue the verye real and corporal body of the Lord, wherin the fulnes of the spirite of light and grace dwelleth: contrary to the manifest wordes of Christ in sixe places & sentences of the sixt chap. of S. Iohn.

It confirmeth also and maintaineth that beastly kinde of crueltie of the Anthropophagi, that is, the deuourers of mans flesh: for it is a more cruel thing to deuoure a quicke man,* 4.32 then to slay him.

Pie.

He requireth time to speake blasphemies. Leaue your blasphemies.

Rid.

I had little thought to haue hadde such reprochefull woordes at your handes.

West.

All is quiet. Goe to the arguments M. Doctor.

Rid.

I haue not many moe things to say.

West.

You vtter blasphemies with a most impudent face: leaue off (I say) and get you to the argument.

Rid.

It forceth men to maintaine many monstrous myra∣cles, wythout all necessitie and authoritie of Gods worde.* 4.33 For at the comming of thys presence of the body and flesh of Christ, they thrust away the substaunce of breade, and af∣firme that the accidents remayne without any subiect, and in the stead thereof, they place Christes body wythout hys qualities and the true maner of a bodye. And if the Sacra∣ment be reserued so long vntill it mould, & wormes breede some say that the substance of bread miraculously returneth againe, and some deny it.* 4.34 Other some affirme y^t the real bo∣dy of Christ goeth downe into y^e stomacke of the receiuers, & doth there abide so long only as they shall continue to be good, but another sort hold that the body of Christ is caried into heauē, so soone as the formes of bread be brused wyth the teeth. O works of miracles: Truely & most truly I see that fulfilled in these men, whereof S. Paule prophecied. 2. Thess. 2. Because they haue not receiued the loue of the trueth, that they might be saued, God shall sende them strong delusions, that they shoulde beleeue lies, and be all damned which haue not beleeued the truth. This grosse presence hath brought foorth that fonde phantasie of concomitaunce, whereby is broken at this day and abrogated the commandement of the Lord for the distributing of the Lordes cuppe to the laitie.

It geueth occasion to heretickes to maintaine and de∣fend their errours: as to Martion, which sayd that Christ had but a phantasticall bodye: and to Eutiches which wic∣kedly confounded the two natures in Christ.

Finally, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers and the Catholicke faith of the church, which Vigilius a Martyr, and graue wryter sayeth was taught of the Apostles, con∣firmed wyth the bloude of Martyrs, and was continually maintained by the faithful, vntil his tyme. By the sayings of the fathers, I meane of Iustine, Irenee, Tertullian, Origene, Eusebius, Emisene, Athanasius, Cyrill, Epyphanius, Hierome, Chrysostome, Augustine, Vigilius, Fulgentius, Bertram, and o∣thers most auncient fathers. All those places, as I am sure I haue read, making for my purpose, so am I well assumed that I coulde shewe the same, if I myght haue the vse of mine owne bookes, whiche I will take on me to doe, euen vpon the pearill of my life, and the losse of all that I maye lose in thys world.

But now (my brethren) thinke not, because I disalow that presence which this first proposition maintaineth (as a presence which I take to be forged, phantasticall, and be∣sides the authoritie of Gods worde, pernitiously broughte into the Church by the Romanistes) that I therefore go a∣bout to take away the true presence of Christes body in his Supper rightly and duely ministred,* 4.35 whyche is grounded vpon the word of God, and made more plaine by the com∣mentaries of y^e faithfull fathers: They that thinke so of me, the Lord knoweth how far they are deceiued. And to make the same euident vnto you. I will in fewe woords declare what true presence of Christes body in the sacramēt of the Lordes supper I hold and affirme with the worde of God and the auncient fathers.

I say and confesse with the Euangelist Luke,* 4.36 and wyth the Apostle Paule, that the bread on the which thankes are geuen, is the body of Christe in the remembraunce of hym and of his death, to be set foorth perpetually of the faithfull vntill his comming.

I say and confesse the bread which we breake to be the Communion and partaking of Christes bodye, wyth the auncient and the faithfull fathers.

I say and beleeue that there is not onely a signification of Christes body sette foorth by the sacrament,* 4.37 but also that therewith is geuen to the godly and faithfull, the grace of Christes body, that is, the foode of life & immortalitye. And this I holde wyth Cyprian.

I say also with S. Augustine, that wee eate life, and wee drinke life: with Emisene, that we feele the Lorde to be pre∣sent in grace: wyth Athanasius, that wee receiue Celestiall foode, which commeth from aboue: the propertie of natural Communion, wyth Hyllarius: the nature of flesh and be∣nediction whych geueth life in breade and wine, wyth Cy∣rill: and wyth the same Cyrill, the vertue of the very flesh of Christ, life and grace of his body, the propertie of the onely begotten, that is to say, life, as he himselfe in plaine words expoundeth it.

I confesse also with Basil, that we receiue the mysticall Aduent and comming of Christ, grace, & the vertue of hys very nature: the sacrament of his very flesh, with Ambrose: the body by grace, with Epiphanius: spirituall flesh, but not that which was crucified, with Hierome: Grace flowing in∣to a sacrifice, and the grace of the spirite, with Chrysostome: grace and inuisible veritie, grace and societie of the mem∣bers of Christes body, with Augustine.

Finally, with Bertram (which was the last of all these) I confesse that Christes body is in the Sacrament in thys

respect:* 4.38 namely (as he writeth) because there is in it the spirite of Christ, that is, the power of the worde of God, which not onely feedeth the soule, but also clenseth it. Out of these I suppose it may clearely appeare vnto al mē, how farre we are frō that opinion, wherof some go about falsly to slaunder vs to the world, saying we teach that the godly and faithfull shoulde receiue nothing else at the Lordes table, but a figure of the body of Christ.

¶The second proposition.

After the consecration there remayneth no substaunce of bread and wine, neyther any other substaunce, then the substaunce of God and man.

The Aunswere.

* 4.39THE seconde conclusion is manifestly false, directly a∣gainst the word of God, the nature of the Sacramente, and the most euident testimonies of the godly Fathers: and it is the rotten foundation of the other two conclusi∣ons propounded by you,* 4.40 both of the first, and of the third. I will not therefore now tary vpon any further explicati∣on of this aunswere, being contented with that which is already added afore to the aunswer of the first proposition.

¶The first argument for the confirmation of this aunswere.

IT is very playne by the worde of God, that Christ did geue bread vnto his Disciples, and called it his body.

But the substance of bread is another maner of substāce, then is the substance of Christes body God and man:* 4.41

Therefore the conclusion is false.

The second part of mine argument is playne, and the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proued thus:

¶The second argument.

Da- That which Christ dyd take, on the which he gaue than••••s, and the which he brake, he gaue to his Dis∣ciples, and called it his body:

ri- But he toke bread, gaue thāks on bread, & brake bread:

si. Ergo, the first part is true. And it is confirmed with the authorities of the Fathers, Irene, Tertullian, Origene, Cyprian, Epipha••ius, Hierome, Augustine, Theodoret, Cirill, Rabanus, and Be••••. Whose places I will take vpon me to shew most manifest in this behalfe, if I may be suf∣fered to haue my bookes, as my request is.

Bread is the body of Christ:

Ergo, it is bread.

* 4.42A tertio adiacente ad secund••m adiacens cum verbi substan∣tiui pura copula.

¶The third Argument.

Ba- As the bread of the Lordes table is Christes naturall body, so is it his mysticall body.

ro- But it is not Christes mysticall body by transubstan∣tiation.

co. Ergo, it is not his naturall body by transubstantiatiō.

The second part of my argument is plaine, and the first is proued thus: As Christ who is the veritie, spake of the bread: This is my body which shall be betrayed for you, spea∣king there of his naturall body: euen so Paul moued with y^e same spirit of truth,* 4.43 said: We though we be many, yet are we all one bread, and one body, which be partakers of one bread.

* 4.44¶The fourth Argument.

We may no more beleeue bread to be transubstantiate into the body of Christ,* 4.45 then the wine into his bloud.

But the wine is not transubstantiate into his bloud:

Ergo, neyther is that bread therefore transubstantiate into his body.

¶The first part of this argument is manifest, & the second part is proued out of the authoritie of Gods word in Ma∣thew & Marke: I will not drinke of the fruite of the vine, &c. Now the fruite of the vine was wine, which Christ dranke and gaue to his disciplis to drinke. With this sentence a∣greeth playnely the place of Chrysostome on the xx. Chap∣ter of Mathew.* 4.46 As Ciprian doth also, affirming that there is no bloud, if wine be not in the cup.

* 4.47¶The fift Argument.

Ba- The words of Christ spoken vpon the cup and vpon the bread, haue like effect and working.

ro- But the wordes spoken vpon the cup haue not vertue to transubstantiate:

co. Ergo, it followeth that the wordes spoken vppon the bread, haue no such vertue.

The second part of the argument is proued because they shuld then transubstantiate the cup, or that which is in the cup into the new Testament: but neither of these thinges can be done, and very absurde it is to confesse the same.

¶The sixt argument.

Da- The circumstances of the scripture, the Analogie and proportion of the sacraments, and the testimony of the faithfull Fathers ought to rule vs in taking the mea∣ning of the holy scripture touching the sacrament.

ti- But the wordes of the Lords supper, y^e circumstances of the scripture, the Analogie of the sacramentes, & the saying of y^e fathers do most effectually & plainely proue a figuratiue speach in the words of the Lordes supper.

si. Ergo, a figuratiue sense and meaning is specially to be receaued in these wordes: This is my body.

The circumstances of the scripture:* 4.48 Do this in the remē∣braunce of me. As oft as ye shall eate of this bread and drynke of this cup, ye shall shewe foorth the Lordes death. Let a man proue himselfe, and so eate of this bread, and drinke of this cup. They came together to breake bread: and they continued in breaking of bread. The bread which we break &c. For we be∣ing many, are all one bread, and one body. &c.

The Analogie of the sacramentes is necessary:* 4.49 For if the sacramentes had not some similitude or likenes of the things wherof they be sacramentes, they could in no wise be sacraments. And this similitude in the sacrament of the Lords supper, is taken three maner of wayes.

1. The first consisteth in nourishing: as ye shall reade in Rabana, Cyprian, Augustine, Irenee,* 4.50 and most plainly in Isodore out of Bertram.

2. The second, in the vniting and ioyning of many into one, as Cyprian teacheth.

3. The third is a similitude of vnlike thinges, where, lyke as the bread is turned into one body: so wee, by the right vse of this sacrament, are turned through fayth into the body of Christ.

The sayinges of the Fathers declare it to be a figura∣tiue speache, as it appeareth in Origen, Tertullian,* 4.51 Chry∣sostome in opere imperfecto, Augustine, Ambrose, Basill, Gregory, Nazianzene, Hilary, and most plainely of all, in Bertram. Moreouer, the sayinges and places of all y^e Fa∣thers, whose names I haue before recited against the as∣sertion of the first propositiō, do quite ouerthrow transub∣stantiation. But of all other, most euidently and playnly, Irenee, Origen, Cyprian, Chrisostome to Cesarius the Monke, Augustine against Adamantus, Gelasius, Cyril, Epiphanius, Chrisostome agayne on the xx. of Mathew, Rabane, Damasene and Bertram.

Here right worshipfull maister Prolocutor, and ye the rest of the Commissioners, it may please you to vnderstād, that I do not leaue to these thinges onely,* 4.52 whiche I haue written in my former answeres and confirmations, but y^t I haue also for the proofe of y^t I haue spoken, whatsoeuer Bertram a man learned, of sound and vpright iudgement, and euer counted a Catholicke for these seuen hundreth yeares vntill this our age, hath written. His treatise who∣soeuer shall read and wey, considering the time of the wri∣ter, his learning, godlines of life, the allegations of y^e an∣cient fathers, and his manifolde and most grounded argu∣mentes, I cannot (doubtles) but much marueile, if he haue any feare of God at all,* 4.53 howe he can with good conscience speake against him in this matter of the Sacrament. This Bertram was the first that pulled me by the eare, and that first brought me from the common errour of the Romishe Church, and caused me to searche more diligently and ex∣actly, both the scriptures and the writinges of the olde ec∣clesiasticall Fathers in this matter. And this I protest be∣fore the face of God, who knoweth I lye not in the things I now speake.

¶The third proposition.

In the Masse is the liuely sacrifice of the Churche, propitiable and auailable for the sinnes, as well of the quicke as of the dead.* 4.54

¶The aunswere to this proposition.

I answere to this third proposition, as I did to y^e first. And moreouer I say, that being taken in such sense as the wordes seeme to import, it is not onely erroneous,* 4.55 but w^t all so much to the derogation and defacing of the death and passion of christ: that I iudge it may and ought most wor∣thely to be counted wicked and blasphemous against the most precious bloud of our Sauiour Christ.

¶The explication.

Concerning the Romish Masse whiche is vsed at this day, or the liuely sacrifice therof, propitiatory and auayla∣ble for the sinnes of the quicke and the dead,* 4.56 the holy scrip∣ture hath not so much as one sillable.

There is ambiguitie also in the name of Masse: what it

signifieth,* 4.57 and whether at this day there be any such in deed as the auncient fathers vsed: seeing that now there be nei∣ther Catechistes nor penitentes to be sent away.* 4.58

Againe touching these wordes (The liuely sacrifice of the Church) There is doubt whether they are to be vnder∣stand figuratiuely and sacramentally, for the sacrament of the liuely sacrifice (after which sort we deny it not to be in the Lords supper) or properly and without any figure: of the which maner there was but one only sacrifice, and that once offered, namely vpon the aultar of the crosse.

Moreouer, in these wordes [as well as] it may be doub∣ted whether they be spoken in mockage, as men are wont to say in sport of a foolish and ignoraunt person, that he is apt as well in conditions as in knowledge: being apt in deede in neither of them both.

* 4.59There is also a doubt in the world [Propitiable] whether it signifie heere, that which taketh away sinne, or that which may be made auayleable for the taking away of sin: that is to say, whether it is to be taken in the actiue or in the passiue signification.

Now the falsenes of the proposition, after the meaning of the Schoolemen and the Romishe Church, & impiety in that sense which the wordes seeme to import, is thys: that they leaning to the foundation and their fond trāsubstan∣tiation, would make the quick and liuely body of Christes flesh (vnited and knit to the diuinitie) to lye hid vnder the accidents,* 4.60 and outward shewes of bread and wine. Which is very false, as I haue said afore, and they building vpon this foundation, do hold that the same body is offered vnto God by the Priest in his daily massings to put away the sinnes of the quicke and the dead,* 4.61 Whereas by the Apostle to the Hebrewes it is euident, that there is but one oblati∣on, and one true and liuely sacrifice of the Church offered vpon the aultar of the crosse, which was, is, and shall be for euer the propitiation for the sinnes of the whole world: and where there is remission of the same, there is (sayth the Apostle) no more offering for sinne.

¶Arguments confirming his aunswere.

• Ce- No sacrifice ought to be done but where the Priest is meete to offer the same.* 4.62
• la- All other Priests be vnmeete to offer sacrifice propiti∣atory for sinne, saue only Christ:
• rent. Ergo, no other Priests ought to sacrifice for sinne, but Christ alone.

The second part of my argument is thus proued.

• Fe- No honour in Gods Church ought to be takē wher∣vnto a man is not called, as Aaron.
• ri- It is a great honor in Gods Church to sacrifice for sin:
• * 4.63son. Ergo, No man ought to sacrifice for sinne but onely they which are called.
• But onely Christ is called to that honour:
• Ergo, no other priest but Christ ought to sacrifice for sin. That no man is called to this degree of honour but Christ alone,* 4.64 it is euident: For there are but two onely orders of Priesthood allowed in the word of God: namely, the order of Aaron, and the order of Melchisedech. But now the or∣der of Aaron is come to an ende, by reason that it was vn∣profitable, and weake, and of the order of Melchisedech there is but one Priest alone, euen Christ the Lord, which hath a priesthoode that can not passe to any other.

Another Argument.

• Ba- That thing is in vaine and to no effect, where no ne∣cessitie is wherefore it is done.
• ro- To offer vp any more sacrifice propitiatory for the quicke and the dead, there is no necessitie: for Christ our sauiour did that fully and perfectly once for all:
• co. Ergo, to do the same in the Masse, it is in vayne.

* 4.65Another Argument.

• Fe- After that eternall redemption is found and obtained, there needeth no more dayly offering for the same:* 4.66
• ri- But Christ comming an high Bishop, &c. found and obteined for vs eternall redemption.
• o. Ergo, there needeth now no more daily oblation for the sinnes of the quicke and the dead.

Another Argument.

• Ca- All remission of sinnes commeth only by shedding of bloud.
• mes- In the Masse there is no shedding of bloud:
• tres. Ergo, in the Masse there is no remission of sinnes: and so it foloweth also that ther is no propitiatory sacrifice.

Another Argument.

• In the Masse, the passion of Christ is not in verity, but in a mistery representing the same: yea euen there where the Lords supper is duly ministred.
• But where Christ suffereth not, there is he not offered in verity:* 4.67 for the Apostle sayeth: Not that he might offer vp himselfe often times (for then must he haue suffered often times sith the beginning of the world) now where Christ is not of∣fered, there is no propitiatory sacrifice:
• Ergo, in the Masse there is no propitiatory sacrifice: For Christ appeared once in the latter end of the world, to put sin to flight by the offering vp of himselfe. And as it is appoynted to all men that they shall once dye, and then commeth the iudgement: euen so Christ was once offered to take away the sinnes of many. And vnto them that looke for him, shall he appeare agayne with∣out sinne, vnto saluation.

Another Argument.

• Da- Where there is any sacrifice that can make the com¦mers thereunto perfect, there ought men to cease from offering any mo expiatory and propitiatory sacrifices.
• ri- But in the new testament there is one onely sacrifice now already long since offered, which is able to make the commers thereto perfect for euer.
• j. Ergo, in the new testament they ought to cease from offering any more propitiatory sacrifice.

Sentences of the Scripture tending to the same ende and purpose, out of which also may be gathered o∣ther manifest arguments, for more con∣firmation thereof.

BY the which will (sayth the Apostle) we are sanctified by the offering vp of the body of Iesus Christ once for all.* 4.68 And in the same place: But this man after that he had offered one sa∣crifice for sinne, sitteth for euer at the right hand of God, &c. For with one offering hath he made perfect for euer them that are sanctifyed, and by himselfe hath he purged our sinnes.* 4.69 I beseech you to marke these wordes [by himselfe] the whiche well wayed, will without doubt cease all controuersie.

The Apostle playnely denieth any other sacrifice to re¦maine for him that treadeth vnder his feete the bloud of ••e testament by the which he was made holy. Christ wil not be crucified againe, he will not his death to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de∣rision.

He hath reconcyled vs in the body of his flesh.* 4.70 Make I be∣seech you, he sayth not, in the mistery of his body: But in the body of his flesh.

If any man sinne, we haue an aduocate with the father,* 4.71 Iesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitia••ion for our sinnes, not for ours only, but for the sinnes of the ••••ole world.

I know that all these places of the Scripture are auoy∣ded by two maner of subtile shiftes:* 4.72 the one is by the di∣stinction of the bloudy and vnbloudy sacrifice, as though our vnbloudy sacrifice of the Church were any other then the sacrifice of praise and thankesgeuing, then a comme∣moration, a shewing foorth, and a sacramētall representa∣tion of that one only bloudy sacrifice offred vp once for all.

The other is by deprauing and wrasting the sayings of the auncient Fathers vnto such a straunge kinde of sense,* 4.73 as the Fathers themselues in deede neuer ment. For what the meaning of the Fathers was, it is euidente by that which S. Augustine writeth in his Epistle to Boniface, & in the 83. chapter of his 9. booke against Faustus, the Ma∣nichee, besides many other places, likewise by Eusebius, Emisene, Cyprian, Chrysostome, Fulgentius, Bertram, and others,* 4.74 which do wholy concord and agree together in this vnity in the Lord, that the redemption once made in verity for the saluation of man, continueth in full effect for euer, and worketh without ceassing vnto the end of the world, that the sacrifice once offered can not be consumed: that the Lords death and passion is as effectuall, the ver∣tue of that bloud, once shead, as freshe at this day for the washing away of sinnes, as it was euen the same day that it flowed out of the blessed side of our sauiour: and finally, that the whole substance of our sacrifice which is frequen∣ted of the Church, in the Lords Supper,* 4.75 consisteth in prai∣ers, praise, and geuing of thankes, and in remembring and shewing foorth of that sacrifice once offered vpon the altar of the crosse: that the same might continually be had in re∣uerence by mystery, which once onely, and no more, was offered for the price of our redemption.

These are the things (right worshipfull M. Prolocutor, and ye the rest of the Commissioners) which I could pre∣sently prepare to the aunswering of your three foresayde propositions: being destitute of all helpe in this shortnes of time, sodaine warning, and want of bookes.* 4.76 Wherefore I appeale to my first protestation, most humbly desiring the helpe of the same (as much as may be) to be graunted vnto me. And because ye haue lately giuen most vniust and cruell sentence against me, I do heere appeale (so farfoorth as I may) to a more indifferent & iust censure & iudgemēt of some other superiour, competent, & lawful iudge, & that according to the approued state of the church of England. Howbeit, I confesse that I am ignoraunt what that is at

this present, through the trouble and alteration of the state of the Realme.* 4.77 But if this appeale may not be graunted to me vpon earth, then do I flye (euen as to my onely refuge and alone hauen of health) to the sentence of the eternall iudge, that is, of y^e almighty God, to whose most merciful iustice towardes his & most iust mercifulnes, I doe whol∣ly commit my selfe and all my cause, nothing at all despay∣ring of the defence of mine Aduocate and alone Sauiour, Iesus Christ, to whome, with the euerlasting Father, and the holy Spirit, the sanctifier of vs all, be now, and for e∣uer, all honour and glory, Amen.

Albeit this learned Byshop was not suffered to reade all that is aboue prefixed before the Disputations, yet because he had it then ready, and offered it vp to the Prolocutour after the Disputations & sentence pronounced: I thought heere the place not vnmeete to annexe the same together with the rest. Now let vs heare the Arguments and aun∣sweres betweene Doctour Smith and him.

¶D. Smith beginneth to oppose.

SMith.

You haue occasioned me to go otherwise to worke with you, then I had thought to haue done. Me seemed you did in your supposition abuse the testimonies of scrip∣ture concerning the Ascension of Christ, to take away hys presence in the Sacrament, as though this were a strong Argument to inforce your matter withall:

* 4.78Christ did ascend vnto heauen.

Ergo, he is not in the Sacrament.

Now therefore I will go about to disproue this reason of yours.

Christes Ascension is no let to his reall presence in the Sacrament.

Ergo, you are deceiued, whereas you do grounde youre selfe vpon those places.

Rid.

You import as though I had made a strong Argu∣ment by Christes going vp into heauen. But howsoeuer mine Argument is made,* 4.79 you collect it not rightly. For it doth not only stay vpon his Ascension, but both vpon hys Ascension, and his * 4.80 abiding there also.

Smith.

Christes going vp to heauen, and his abiding there, hinder not his reall presence in the Sacrament.

Ergo, you are deceiued.

Rid.

Of Christes reall presence there may be a double vnder∣standing, if you take the reall presence of Christ according to the reall and corporal substance which he tooke of the virgine: that presence being in heauen, cā not be on the earth also. But if you meane a reall presence, secūdum rem aliquam quae ad cor∣pus Christi pertinet. i. according to some thing that apper∣taineth to Christes body, certes the Ascension and abiding in heauen are no let at all to that presence. Wherefore Chri∣stes body after that sort is heere present to vs in the Lords supper: by grace I say as Epiphanius speaketh it.

West.

I will cut off from hencefoorth all equiuocation and doubt. For whensoeuer we speake of Christes body, wee meane that which he tooke of the Uirgin.

Rid.

Christes Ascension and abiding in heauen can not stand with this presence.

Smith.

Christ appeared corporally and really on the earth for all his Ascension and continuall abode in heauen vn∣to the day of Dome.* 4.81

Ergo, his Ascension and abiding in heauen, is no let to his reall presence in the Sacrament.

Rid.

* 4.82Maister Doctour, this Argument is nothing worth I do not so straightly tye Christ vp in heauen, that he may not come into the earth at his pleasure. For when he will, he may come downe from heauen, and be on the earth, as it liketh himselfe. Howbeit I do affirme that it is not pos∣sible for him to be both in heauen and earth at one tyme.

Smith.

Marke I pray you my Maisters, diligently that be here, what he aunswereth. First he saith, that the sitting of Christ at the right hande of his father, is a let to the reall presence of his body in the Sacrament: and then afterward he flyeth from it agayne.

Rid.

I woulde not haue you thinke that I do imagine or dreame vpon any such maner of sitting, as these men heere sit in the Schoole.

Smith.

Ergo, it is lawfull for Christ then to be heere present on the earth, when he will himselfe.

Rid.

Yea when he will, it is lawfull indeede.

Smith.

Ergo, his ascending into heauen, doth not restrayne his reall presence in the Sacrament.

Rid.

I do not gaynesay, but that it is lawfull sor hym to appeare on the earth, when he wil: but proue you y^t he wil.* 4.83

Smith.

Then your aunswere dependeth vppon the will of Christ, I perceiue, Therfore I will ioyne agayn with you in this short argument.

Christ, albeit hee doth alway abide in heauen after hys ascension, was seene really and corporally on the earth. Ergo, not withstanding his Ascen••ion and continuall sit∣ting at the right hand of the father, hee may be really and corporally in the sacrament.

Ryd.

If the Notaries should so recorde your Argument, as you haue framed it, you peraduenture woulde be asha∣med thereof hereafter.

Smith.

Christ after his Ascention was seen really and cor∣porally vpon the earth.

Ergo, notwithstanding his Ascention and abiding with his father, he may be corporally in the Sacrament.

Ryd.

I graunt the antecedent: but I deny the consequent.

Smith.

Do you graunt the antecedent?

Rid

Yea I graunt the antecedent. I am content to let you haue so muche. Because I knowe that there be certayne auncient fathers of that opinion. I am well content to let you vse that proposition as true. And I will frame the ar∣gument for you.

He was seene on earth after his Ascension, Ergo &c.

Smith.

Nay, nay, I will frame it my selfe.

Christ after his Ascension was seene really and corpo∣rally on earth, albeit he do abide in heauen continually:

Ergo, notwithstanding his Ascension and continuall aby∣ding at the right hand of the father, he may be really and corporally on the earth.

Rid.

Let vs first agree about the continuall sitting at the right hand of the father.* 4.84

Smith.

Doth he so sit at the right hand of his father, that he doth neuer forsake the same?

Rid.

Nay I do not binde Christ in heauen so straitly. I see you go about to beguile me w^t your equiuocations. Such equinocatiōs are to be distincted. If you meane by his sit∣ting in heauen, to reigne with his father, hee may be both in heauen and also in earth. But if ye vnderstande his sit∣ting to be after a corporall manner of sitting, so is hee al∣wayes permanent in heauen.* 4.85 For Christ to be corporally here on earth, when corporally he is resident in heauen, is cleane contrary to the holy scriptures, as Augustine saith: Corpus Christi est in coelo, sed veritas eius vbi{que} diffusa est. i. The body of Christ is in heauen: but his truth is dispersed in euery place.

Now if continually he abide in heauen after the maner of his corporall presence, then his perpetual abiding there, stoppeth or letteth that the same corporall presence of hym cannot be in the sacrament.

Smith.

Act. 3. We read that Christ shal sit perpetually at the right hand of God, vnto the consummacion of the worlde.

West.

I perceaue you are come here to this issue, whether the bodye of Christ may be together both in earth and in heauen. I will tell you, that Christ in very deede, is both in earth and in heauen together and at one time, both one & the same naturall Christ after the veritie and substaunce of his very body, Ergo, &c.

Rid.

I deny the Antecedent.

West.

I proue it by 2. witnesses. First by Chrisost. hom. 17. ad Hebraeos. Nōnè per singulos dies offerim{us}? Offerimus quidē,* 4.86 sed recordationē facientes mortis eius. Et vna est haec hostia, nō multae. Et quomodo vna, & non multae quae semel oblata est in sancto sanctorum: Hoc autem sacrificium exemplar est illius: id ipsum semper offerimus, nec nunc quidem alium agnum, cra∣stina alium, sed semper eundem ipsum. Proinde vnum est hoc sacrificium: alioqui hac ratione, quoniam in multis locis offer∣tur, multi Christi sunt. Nequaquam, sed vnus vbi{que} est Christus: & hic plenus existens, & illic plenus, vnum Corpus, i. Do we not offer euery day? We do so in deede: but doing it for the remembraunce of his death. And this offering is one and not many. And howe is it one, and not many whiche was offred in the holy place? This sacrifice is a paterne of that: The self same we alwaies offer: Not now as offering one Lambe to day, and an other to morowe, but alwaies one & the same Lambe. Wherfore here is but one sacrifice: for els by this meanes, seeing there be many sacrifices in many places be there many Christes? not so, but one Christ in al places, both perfect here and perfect there, one onely bo∣dy. Now thus I argue.

We offer one thing at all times.* 4.87

There is one Christ in all places, both here compleet, and there complete:

Ergo, by Chrisostome there is one body both in heauen and earth.

Rid.

I remember the place well. These thinges make no∣thing against me.* 4.88

West.

One Christ is in all places, here full and there full.

Rid.

* 4.89One Christ is in all places, but not one bodye in all places.

West.

One body sayth Chrysostome.

Rid.

But not after the maner of bodely substance he is in all places, nor by circumscription of place. For [hic] & [illic] heere and there,* 4.90 in Chrysostome do assigne no place, as Augustine sayth: Sursum est dominus, sed vbi{que} est veritas do∣mini: The Lord is aboue: But the truth of the Lord is in all places.

Weston.

You can not so escape. He sayeth not the veritie of Christ is one: but one Christ is in all places, both heere and there.

Rid.

One sacrifice is in all places, because of the vnitie of him whome the sacrifice doth signifie: not that the sacrifices be all one and the same.* 4.91

West.

Ergo, by your saying it is not Christ, but the sacrifice of Christ.

But Chrysostome sayeth, one body & one Christ is there, and not one sacrifice.

Rid.

I saye that both Christ and the sacrifice of Christ is there: Christ by spirit, grace, and veritie: the sacrifice by si∣gnification. * 4.92 Thus I graunt with Chrysostome, that there is one Host or Sacrifice, and not many: and this our Host is called one by reason of the vnitie of that one, which one onely all our Hostes do represent. That only host was neuer other,* 4.93 but that which was once offered on the aultar of the crosse, of which host all our hostes are but sacramen∣tall examples.

And where you alledge out of Chrysostome, that Christ is offered in many places at once,* 4.94 both here ful Christ, and there full Christ: I graunt it to be true, that is: that Christ is offered in many places at once, in a mystery and sacra∣mentally, and that he is full Christ in all those places, but not after the corporall substance of our flesh which he toke, but after the benediction which geueth life: and he is geuen to the godly receiuers in bread and wine as Cyrill spea∣keth. Concerning the oblation of Christ, whereof Chryso∣stome heere speaketh, he himselfe doth clearely shew what he meaneth thereby, in saying by the way of correction: We alwayes do the selfesame: howbeit by the recordation or remem∣brance of his sacrifice.

West.

The second witnes is Bernard in a Sermon that he made of the Supper of the Lord, who sayth:

Vnde hoc nobis pijssime Iesu, vt nos vermiculi, reptantes su∣per faciem terrae nos inquam qui puluis & cinis sumus,* 4.95 te praesen∣tem habere mereamur prae manibus, prae oculis, qui totus & in∣teger sedes ad dextram patris, qui etiam vnius horae momento, ab ortu solis vsque ad occasum, ab Aquilone vsque ad Austrum, praesto es, vnus in multis, idem in diuersis locis? That is to say:

How commeth this to vs, most gentle Iesu, that wee seely woormes, creeping on the face of the earth, that we (I say) which are but dust and ashes, may deserue to haue thee present in our hands, and before our eyes, who both toge∣ther full and whole doest sit at the right hand of the father, and who also in the moment of one houre, from the rising of the Sunne, to the going downe of the same, art present one, and the selfesame in many and diuers places.

Rid.

These wordes of Bernarde make for you nothing at all. But I know that Bernard was in such a time, that in this matter he may worthely be suspected.* 4.96 He hath many good and fruitefull sayings: as also in that same foresayde place by you alledged. But yet he followed in such an age, when as the doctrine of the holy supper was sore peruer∣ted. Notwithstanding yet I will so expounde him, rather then reiect him, that he shall make nothing for you at all. He sayth that we haue Christ in mysterie,* 4.97 in a sacrament, vnder a veyle or couer, but hereafter shall haue him with∣out all veyle or couer. In the meane time, heere nowe hee sayth, that the verity of Christ is euery where. The verity of Christ is both heere and there, and in all places.

West.

What do you call verity? He sayeth not the verity of Christ, but the verity of the body of Christ.

Rid.

The verity of the body of Christ is the true faith of the body of Christ:* 4.98 after that verity he is with them whiche truly beleeue vpon him.

West.

Christ is one and the same in diuers places. I vrge these words [in diuersis locis] in diuers places, and yet I am not satisfyed.

Smyth.

Christ was seene really and corporally on the earth after his ascension, and continually sitting at the right hand of the Father.

Ergo, the ascension and perpetual sitting in heauen, hin∣der nothing, but that he may be really and corporally in the Sacrament.* 4.99

Rid.

If by perpetuall sitting, you meane the residence of his body in heauen, your reason conteineth manifest con∣tradiction.

Smith.

These two haue no contradiction in them at all, both to sit continually at his Fathers right hand, and also to be sene here really in earth after his ascension. First, you wil geue me that Christ sitteth in heauen at y^e right hand of his father. For so it is written. Act. 5. Heauen must needes re∣ceyue hym vnto the tyme of the restoring of all, &c. Secondly, he was also seene of Paule heere corporally on earth: Wherfore these two do import, as ye see, no contradiction.

Rid.

What setteth, but that Christ, if it please him, and when it pleaseth him, may be in heauen and in earth, and appeare to whome he will? and yet notwithstanding you haue not yet proued, that he will so do. And though Christ continually shall be resident in heauen vnto the iudge∣ment, yet there may be some intermission, that notwyth∣standing.* 4.100 But this controuersie (as I sayd) is amongst all the auncient Doctours and Writers. And that Christ hath bene heere seene, that they graunt all: but whether then he being in earth or in heauen, that is doubtfull.

Smith.

I will proue, that he would appeare in earth.

He so would, and also did appeare heere in earth after his ascension. Ergo, &c.

Rid.

He appeared, I graunt: but how he appeared,* 4.101 whe∣ther then being in heauen or in earth, that is vncertayne. So he appeared to Steuen, being then corporally sitting in heauen. For speaking after the true maner of mans bo∣dy, when he is in heauen, he is not the same time in earth: and when he is in earth, he is not the same time corporally in heauen.

Smith.

Christ hath bene both in heauen and in earth all at one time.

Ergo, you are deceiued in denying that.

Rid.

I do not vtterly deny Christ heere to haue bene seene in earth. Of vncertayne things I speake vncertaynely.

Smith.

He was seene of Paule, as being borne before hys time, after his ascending vp to heauen. 1. Cor. 15.* 4.102

But his vision was a corporall vision:

Ergo, he was seene corporally vpon the earth after hys ascending into heauen.

Rid.

He was seene really and corporally in deede: but whe∣ther being in heauen or earth, it is a doubt. And of doubt∣full things we must iudge doubtfully. Howbeit you must proue that he was in heauen in the same time, whē he was corporally on earth.

Smith.

I would know of you, whether this vision may in∣force the resurrection of Christ?

Rid.

I accompt this a sound and firme Argument to proue the resurrection. But whether they saw him in heauen or in earth, I am in doubt: and to say the truth,* 4.103 it maketh no greate matter. Both wayes the Argumente is of lyke strength. For whether he were seene in heauen, or whether he were seene on earth, either of both maketh sufficiently for the matter. Certaine it is, he rose againe: for he coulde not haue bene seene, vnlesse he had risen againe.

Smith.

Paule sawe hym as he was heere conuersaunt on earth, and not out of heauen as you affirme.

Rid.

You runne to the beginning agayne: that you take for graunted, which you should haue proued.

Smith.

You make delayes for the nonce.

Rid.

Say not so, I pray you. Those that heare vs, be lear∣ned: they can tell both what you oppose, and what I aun∣swere well enough, I warrant you.

Tresh.

He was seene after such sort, as y^t he might be heard.

Ergo, he was corporally on the earth, or else how could he be heard?* 4.104

Rid.

He that found the meanes for Steuen to beholde him in heauen, euen hee could bring to passe well enough,* 4.105 that Paule might heare him out of heauen.

Da- Smith. As other saw him, so Paule saw him.

ti- Other did see him visibly and corporally on earth:

si. Ergo, Paule saw him visibly and corporally on earth.* 4.106

Rid.

I graunt he was sene visibly and corporally: but yet haue you not proued that he was seene in earth.* 4.107

Smith.

He was seene so of him, as of other.

But he was seene of other being on earth, and appeared visibly to them on earth:

Ergo, he was seene of Paule on earth:

Rid.

Your controuersie is about [existens in terra] that is, being on earth: if Existere, to be, be referred as vnto y^• place, I deny that Christ after that sort was on the earth. But if it be referred as to the veritie of the body, then I graunt it. Moreouer, I say that Christ was seene of men in earth after his ascension, it is certayne. For he was sene of Ste∣uen: he was seene also of Paule. But whether he descen∣ded vnto the earth, or whether he being in heauen, did re∣uele or manifest himselfe to Paule, when Paule was rapt into the third heauen, I know that some contend about it: & the Scripture, as far as I haue read or heard, doth not determine it. Wherfore we cannot but iudge vncertainly of

those things which be vncertayne.

Smith.

* 4.108Wee haue Egesippus and Linus agaynste you, whiche testifie that Christe appeared corporally on the earth to Peter after hys Ascension. Lib. 3. cap. 3. Peter o∣uercome with the requestes and mournings of the people, whiche desired him to ge•• hym out of the Citie because of Nero his lying in waite for him, began without company to conuey hymselfe away from thence: and when he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the gate, he seeth Christ come to meete him, and worshipping him, he sayd: Maister, whether walke you? Chr••st aunswered,* 4.109 I am come againe to be crucifyed. Li∣nus writing of the passion of Peter, hath the selfesame sto∣ry. Saint Ambrose hath the same likewise, and also Abdi∣as,* 4.110 scholer to the Apostles, which saw Christ before his as∣cending into heauen. With what face therefore dare you affirme it to be a thing vncertaine, which these men do ma∣nifestly witnes to haue bene done?

Rid.

I sayd before that y^e Doctors in that matter did vary.

Smith.

Do you thynke thys story is not certayne, beeyng approued by so auncient and probable authoritie?

Rid.

I do so thinke, because I take and esteeme not theyr words, for the wordes of Scripture. And though I dyd graunt you that story to be certayne, yet it maketh not a∣gainst me.

Smith.

Such things as be certayne, and approued of them, you do reiect as things vncertayne.

Rid.

The story of Linus is not of so greate authoritie: al∣though I am not ignorant that * 4.111 Eusebius so writeth al∣so in the story of the Church. And yet I accompt not these mens reports so sure as the Canonicall scriptures.* 4.112 Albeit if at any time he had to any man appeared heere on the earth after his Ascension, that doth not disprooue my say∣ing. For I goe not about to tye Christ vp in fetters (as some do vntruly report of vs) but that he may be sene vpō the earth according to his Diuine pleasure, whensoeuer it liketh him. But we affirme that it is contrary to the na∣ture of his manhoode and the true maner of his body, that he should be together and at one instant both in heauen and earth, according to his corporall substaunce. And the perpetuall sitting at the right hand of the father, may (I graunt) be taken for the stabilitie of Christes kingdome, and his continuall or euerlasting equalitie with his father in the glory of heauen.

Smith.

Now where as you boast that your faith is the ve∣ry fayth of the auncient Church: I will shew heere that is not so, but that it doth directly striue against the fayth of the old Fathers. I will bring in Chrysostome for this poynt. Hom. 2. ad populum Antiochenum. Tanquam maximam haeredi∣tatem,* 4.113 Elisaeus melotem suscepit. Etenim verè maxima fuit hae∣reditas, omni auro praetiosior: & erat duplex Helias ille: & erat sursum Helias, & deorsum Helias. Noui quòd iustum illum bea∣tum putatis, & velletis quisque esse vt ille. Quid igitur, si vobis demonstrauero quid aliud, quod illo multo maius omnes sacris m••sterijs imbuti recipimus. Helias quidem melotem discipulo reliquit: Filius autem dei ascendens suam nobis carnem dimisit. Sed Helias quidem exutus: Christus autem & nobis reliquit, & ipsam habens ascendit. That is: Eliseus receiued the man∣tell, as a right great inheritaunce. For it was in deede a right excellent inheritaunce, and more precious then any gold beside. And the same Helias was a double Helias: He was both Helias aboue, and Helias beneath. I know well you thinke that iust man to be happy, and you would gladly be euery one of you as he is, what will you then say if I shall declare to you a certayne other thing, whych all we that are indued with these holy mysteries, do re∣ceiue much more then that? Helias in deede left his man∣tell to his scholer. But the sonne of God ascending, dyd leaue heere his flesh vnto vs. Helias left it putting off the same. But Christ both left it to vs, and ascended also to heauen hauing it with him.

Rid.

* 4.114I graunt that Christ did both: that is, both tooke vp his fleshe wyth hym, ascending vp, and also did leaue the same behynde him with vs, but after a diuers manner and respect. For he tooke his flesh with him, after the true and corporall substance of his body and flesh: againe, he left the same in mysterie to the faithfull in the supper to be receiued after a spirituall communication and by grace. Neither is the same receiued in the Supper onely, but also at other times, by hearing the Gospell and by fayth. For, the [bread] which we breake, is the communication of the body of Christ: And generally: vnles ye eate the flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his bloud, ye shall haue no life in you.

Smith.

* 4.115Chrysostome in his booke de dignitate Sacerdotij. lib. 3. cap. 3. sayth: O miraculum, O Dei beneuolentiam. Qui sursum sedet, tempore sacrificij, hominum manibus continetur. Or, as other haue translated it: O miraculum, O Dei benignitatem, qui cum patre sursum sedet, in illo ipso tēpore articulo, omniū manibus pertractatur, ac seipse tradit volentibus ipsum accipere & complecti That is: O miracle, O good will of God. He that sitteth aboue, at the sacrifice time, is conteyned in the handes of men. Or els as other haue translated, thus: Oh myracle, Oh the gentlenes of God. Hee that sitteth aboue with the father, is handled with the handes of all men at the very same moment of time, and doth himselfe deliuer hymselfe to them that are desirous to take him and em∣brace him.

Rid.

He that sitteth there, is here present in mistery and by grace, and is holden of the godly, suche as communicate him, not onely sacramentally with the hand of the bodye, but much more holesomely with the hand of the hart, and by inward drinking is receaued: but by the sacramentall signification he is holden of all men.

Seton▪

Where is then the miracle if hee be onely present thorough his grace and in mistery onely?

Rid.

Yes, there is a miracle, good sir,* 4.116 Christ is not idle in his sacraments. Is not the miracle great (trow you) when bread, which is wont to susteine the body, becommeth food to the soule? He that vnderstandeth not that miracle, hee vnderstandeth not y^e force of that misterye. God graūt we may euery one of vs vnderstād his truth, & obey the same.

Smith.

Chrisostome calleth it a miracle, that Christ sitteth at the right hand of God in heauen, and at the same tyme is held in the handes of men: not that he is handled wyth the handes of men onely in a misterye, and is with them through grace. Therfore while you deny that, you are al∣together deceiued, and stray far from the truth.

Harps.

The former place of Chrisostome is not to bee let slip. Let me before I begin, aske this one question of you. Is it not a great matter that Elias left his cloke or man∣tell, and the gift of his prophecy to his Scholer?

Rid.

Yes surely, it is a great matter.

Harps.

Did not Elias then leaue great grace?

Rid.

He did so.

Harps.

But Christ left a farre greater grace then Helias: for he could not both leaue his cloke and take it with hym: Christ doth both in his flesh.

Rid.

I am well content to graunt, that Christ lefte muche greater thinges to vs, then Helius to Eliseus,* 4.117 albeit he be sayde to haue left his double spirite with him: for that the strength and grace of the body of Christ, whiche Christ as∣cending vp, here left with vs, is the onely saluation & lyfe of all men which shalbe saued: which life Christ hath here left vnto vs, to be receaued by fayth through the hearyng of y^e word, and the right administration of the sacraments. This vertue and grace Chrisostome, after the phrase and maner of Iohn the Euangelist, calleth Christes flesh.

Harps.

But Christ performed a greater matter.* 4.118 He caryed vp and left behinde. You vnderstand not the comparison. The comparison is in this, that Elias left his mantel, and carryed it not with him, Christ left his flesh behind him & caryed it with him also.

Rid.

True it is, and I my selfe did affirme no lesse before. Now where you seeme to speake many thinges, in deede you bring no new thing at all. Let there be a comparison betweene grace and grace, & then Christ gaue the far grea¦ter grace, when he did inserte or graffe vs into his fleshe.

Harps▪

If you wil geue me leaue, I will ask you this que∣stion. If Chrisostome would haue ment so, that Christ left his body in the Eucharist, what playner woordes thincke you, or more euident could he haue vsed then these?

Kid.

These things be not of so great force as they beare a great shewe outwardly. Hee might also haue vsed grosser wordes if he had listed to haue vttered his minde so grose∣ly: for he was an ••loquent man. Now he speaketh after y^e maner of other Doctors, which of misticall matters speake mistically, and of Sacramentes Sacramentally.

Harps.

The comparison lyeth in this: That which was im¦possible to Elias, is possible to Christ.

Rid.

I graunt. It was possible to Christ, which was to y^e other impossible. Helias left his cloke: Christ both left hys flesh and tooke it with him.

Harps.

Helias left behinde him, & could not take with him: Christ both left behinde him, and also tooke with hym. Ex∣cept you wil say: the comparison here made to be nothing.

Rid.

He tooke vp his flesh with him to heauen, and lefte here the communion of his flesh in earth.* 4.119

West.

You vnderstand in the first place his flesh for verye true flesh: and in the second place for grace, & communion of his flesh: and why do you not vnderstand it in y^e second place also for his true fleshe? I will make it euident, howe blockish and grosse your answere is.

Rid.

These be tauntes and reproches, not beseeming (as I thinke) the modesty of this Schole.

West.

Elias left his cloke to his disciple:* 4.120 but the sonne of God, going vp to heauen, left his fleshe. But Elias cer∣teinely left his cloke behinde, and Christ likewise his flesh,

and yet ascending, he carryed the same with him to. By which words we make this reason.

Christ left his flesh to his Disciples, and yet for all that he tooke the same vp with him:

Ergo, he is present heere with vs.

Heere Doctour Weston crying to the people, sayd vnto them: Maister Doctour aunswereth it after this fashion:

* 4.121He caried his flesh into heauen, and he left here the com∣munion of his flesh behinde. Assuredly the aunswere is to vnlearned.

Rid.

I am glad you speake in Englishe. Surely I wishe that all the whole world might vnderstand your reasons and my aunsweres. Reliquit nobis carnem suam. i. He left vs his flesh. This you vnderstande of his flesh, and I vnder∣stand the same of grace. He caried his fleshe into heauen, and left behind the communion of his flesh vnto vs.

West.

Ye Iudges, what thinke ye of this aunswere.

Iudges.

* 4.122It is ridiculous and a very fond aunswere.

Rid.

Well, I take your words paciētly for Christes cause.

West.

Weston heere citeth a place: Spargimur sanguine Chri∣sti: We are sprinkled with the bloud of Christ.

Rid.

M. Doctor, it is the same bloud, but yet spiritually receiued.* 4.123 And in deede all the Prophetes were sprinkled with y^e same bloud, but yet spiritually I say, and by grace. And whatsoeuer they be that are not sprinckled with thys bloud, they can not be partakers of y^e euerlasting saluatiō.

West.

* 4.124Here I bring Bernard vnto you againe. Euen from the West vnto the East, from the North vnto the South, there is one and the selfesame Christ in many and diuers places.

Rid.

The aunswere is soone made, that one Christe is here and in diuers places. For God according to hys Maiestie, and according to his prouidence, as S. Austen sayeth, is e∣uery where with the godly, according to his indiuisible and vnspeakeable grace.* 4.125 Or else, if we should vnderstande Bernard according to the corporall presence, how mon∣strous or huge, & giantlike a body would you then make Christes body to be, which should reach euen from North to South, from West to East.

West.

Nay, nay, you make a monstrous aunswer and vn∣learned.

Ward.

Before I come in with those reasons which I had purposed to bring against you,* 4.126 I am minded to come again to M. Doctours argument, by which you being brought into the briers, seemed to doubt of Christes presence on the earth. To y^e proofe of which matter I will bring nothyng else, then that which was agreed vpon in the Catechisme of the Synode of London, set out not long ago by you.

Rid.

Syr, I geue you to witte, before you goe any farther, that I did set out no Catechisme.

West.

* 4.127Yes, you made me subscribe to it when you were a Byshop in your ruffe.

Rid.

I compelled no man to subscribe.

Warde.

Yes by roode, you are the very author of that he∣resie.

Rid.

I put foorth no Catechisme.

Cole.

Did you neuer consent to the setting out of those things, which you allowed?

Rid.

* 4.128I graunt that I sawe the booke. But I deny that I wrote it. I perused it after it was made, and I noted ma∣ny things for it. So I consented to the booke: I was not the author of it.

Iudges.

* 4.129The Catechisme is so set foorth, as though the whole conuocation house had agreed to it. Cranmer sayd yesterday that you made it.

Rid.

I thinke surely that he would not say so.

Ward.

The Catechisme hath this clause: Si visibiliter & in terra, &c. i. If visibly on the earth, &c.

Rid.

I aunswere that those articles were set out, I both witting and consenting to them. Myne owne hand will testifie the same, and M. Cranmer put hys hand to them likewise, and gaue them to other afterward. Now, as for the place which you alledge out of it, that may easely be ex∣pounded, and without any inconuenience.

Ward.

Christ is the power and vertue of his Father.

* 4.130Ergo, he was not of so little strength, that he coulde not bring to passe whatsoeuer he would himselfe.

Rid.

I graunt.

Ward.

Christ was the wisedome of the father.

Ergo, that he spake, he spake wisely, and so as euery man might vnderstand: neither was it hys mynde to speake one thing in steede of another.

Rid.

All this I graunt.

Ward.

Christ was likewise the very truth: Ergo, he made and perfourmed in deede,* 4.131 that which he intended to make. And likely it is, that he doth neither deceiue, nor coulde be deceiued, nor yet would go about to deceiue other.

West.

Hilarius in Psalmum 118. hath these words. Vera omnia sunt, & neque ociosè, neque inutiliter constituta dei verba, sed extra omnem ambiguitatem superfluae inanitatis, ignita, & ignita vehementer, ne quid illic esse quod non perfectum ac proprium sit, existimetur. That is: All Gods wordes or sayings are true, and neither idlely placed, nor vnprofitably, but fiery, and wonderfull fiery without all doubtfulnes of superflu∣ous vanitie, that ther may be nothing thought to be there, which is not absolute and proper.

Ward.

He is the truth of the father: Ergo, he can neyther de∣ceiue, nor yet be deceyued, especially, I meane, when he spake at his latter end, and his testament.

Rid.

Christ is the very truth of the father: and I perceyue well to what scope you driue your reason.* 4.132 This is but a farre set compasse of words. If that these words of Christ: This is my body, which you meane, be rightly vnderstoode, they are most true.

Ward.

He tooke, he brake, he gaue, &c. what tooke he?

Ridley.

Bread, his body.

Ward.

What brake he?

Ridley.

Bread.

Ward.

What gaue he?

Ridley.

Bread.

Ward.

Gaue he bread made of wheate, & materiall bread?

Rid.

I know not whether he gaue bread of wheate: but he gaue true and materiall bread.

Ward.

I will proue the contrary by Scriptures.

He deliuered to them that which he had them take.* 4.133

But he had not them take materiall bread, but his owne body.

Ergo, he gaue not materiall bread, but his owne body.

Rid.

I deny the Minor.* 4.134 For he bad them take his body Sa∣cramentally in materiall bread: and after that sort it was both bread, which he bad them take, because the substaunce was bread, and it was also▪ his body, because it was the Sacrament of his body, for the sanctifying and the com∣ming to of the holy Ghost, which is alwayes assistentio those mysteries which were instituted of Christ, and law∣fully administred.

Harps.

What is he that so sayeth: By the comming vnto of the holy spirite?

Rid.

I haue Theophilact for mine author for this maner of speaking. And heere I bring him,* 4.135 that ye may vnderstand that phrase not to be mine, vpon Mathew. 26. Further∣more, the said Theophilact writing vppon these wordes: This is my body, sheweth, that the body of the Lord is bread, whih is sanctifyed on the aultar.

Ogle.

That place of Theophilact maketh openly agaynst you. For he sayth in that place, that Christ sayd not: This is a figure of my body, but my body. For sayeth he, by an vn∣speakeable operation it is transformed, although it seeme to vs to be bread.

Rid.

It is not a figure,* 4.136 that is to say non tantum est figura. i. it is not only a figure of his body.

West.

Where haue you that word [tantum] onely?

Rid.

It is not in that place, but he hath it in another & Au∣gustine doth so speake many times, & other Doctours mo.

West.

Heere Weston repeating the words of Theophilact in English, sayd: He sayth it is not a figure, and you say it is a figure.

And the same Theophilact sayth moreouer: that the cō∣uersiō or turning of the bread is made into the Lords flesh.

* 4.137 That which Christ gaue, we do geue.

But that which he gaue was not a figure of his body, but his body:

Ergo, we geue no figure, but his body.

☞As concerning the authoritie of Theophilactus, what hee thought and might haue spoken of that Author, D. Ridley dyd not then speake, nor could conueniently (as he himselfe after∣ward declared, reporting and writing with his owne hande the disputations in the prison) because of the vproares and clamours which were so great, and he of so many called vpon, that he could not aunswere as he would, and what he thought touching the au∣thoritie of Theophilactus, but aunswered simply to that, whych was brought out of that author, on this sort.

I graunt (quoth he) the bread to be conuerted and tur∣ned into the flesh of Christ, but not by transubstantiation,* 4.138 but by a Sacramentall conuersion or turning. It is trans∣formed saith Theophilactus, in the same place, by a mysti∣call benediction, and by the accession or comming of the holy Ghost vnto the flesh of Christ. He sayeth not: by ex∣pulsion or driuing away the substance of bread, and by sub∣stituting or putting in his place the corporall substaunce of Christes flesh. And where he sayth: It is not a figure of the body: we shoulde vnderstande that saying, as he himselfe doth elsewhere adde onely, that is: it is no naked or bare figure only. For Christ is present in his mysteries, neither at any time (as Cyprian sayeth) doth the diuine Maiestie absent himselfe from the diuine mysteries.

West.

You put in onely, and that is one lye. And I tell you

farther, Peter Martyr was fayne to denye the Author, be∣cause the place was so playne agaynst him.* 4.139 But marke his wordes, how he sayth: It is no figure, but his flesh.

Rid.

To take his wordes, and not his meaning, is to doe iniury to the author.

H••rd.

No other Doctour maketh more agaynst you. For the wordes in Greeke are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 4.140 which is in La∣tine, transelementatur, y^t is, turned from one elemēt into an other. And shewing the cause why it is in forme of breade, he sayth: Quoniam infirmi sumus, & horremus crudas carnes cō∣medere, maximè hominis carné: ideo panis quidem apparet, sed caro est. That is: Because wee are infirme, and abhorre to eate raw flesh, specially the flesh of man: therefore it appeareth bread, but it is flesh.

Rid.

That word hath not that strength which you seeme to geue it. You strayne it ouermuch, and yet it maketh not so much for your purpose.* 4.141 For the same Author hath in an o∣ther place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That is, We are transele∣mented, or transformed and chaunged into the body of Christ: & so by that word, in such meaning as you speake of, I could proue as well that we are transformed in deed into the ve∣ry body of Christ.

Ward.

Learned M. Doctour, thus you expound the place, Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body. i. a figure of my body.

Rid.

Although I know there be that so expound it, yet that exposition is not full to expresse the whole.

Da- Ward. My sheepe here my voyce, and folow me.

ti- But all the sheepe of Christ heare this voice:* 4.142 This is my body, without a figure:

si. Ergo, the voyce of Christ here hath no figure.

Rid.

The sheepe of Christ folow the voyce of Christ, vnles they be seduced and deceiued through ignorance.

Ward.

But the Fathers tooke this place for no figuratiue speach.

Rid.

Yet they do all number this place among figuratiue & tropicall speaches.

Ward.

Iustinus Martyr in his Seconde Apology hath thus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 4.143

Ne{que} verò haec pro pane potuue communi sumimus: Imo quemadmodum verbo Dei Iesus Christus, Seruator noster in car∣natus, habuit pro salute nostra carnem & sanguinem: ita per ora∣tionem illius verbi consecratum hoc alimentum, quo sanguis & carnes nostrae perimmutationem enutriuntur, eiusdem incarna∣ti carnem & sanguinem esse sumus edocti.

This place Cramner hath corrupted. Thus it is En∣glished.

☞For wee doe not take this for common breade and drinke, but like as Iesus Christ our Sauiour, incarnate by the word of God, had flesh and bloud for our saluation: euen so we bee taught the foode wherewith our fleshe and bloud is nourished by alteration, when it is consecrated by the prayer of his word, to be the fleshe & bloud of the same Iesus incarnate.

* 4.144Doctor Cranmer hath thus translated it: Breade, wa∣ter and wine, are not to be taken as other common meats and drinkes be, but they bee ordeined purposedly to geue thankes to GOD, and therefore bee called Eucharistia, and be called the bodye and bloud of Christ: and that it is lawfull for none to eat and drinke of them but that professe Christ, and liue according to the same: and yet the same meat and drinke is chaunged into our flesh and bloud, and nourisheth our bodyes.

Rid.

O good Mayster Doctor, goe sincerely to worke: I know that place, and I know how it is vsed.

Ward.

Warde here repeated the place agayne out of Iustine: We are taught. &c. as aboue.

Rid.

O what vnright dealing is this? I haue the selfe same place of Iustine here copyed out. You know your selfe whi∣che are skilfull of Greeke,* 4.145 howe the wordes here be remo∣ued out of the right place, and that without any iust cause.

Ward.

I stand still vpon mine argument. What say you?

Rid.

If you will that I should aunswere to Iustine, then you must hears. I haue but one tongue, I can not aun∣swere at once to you all.

West.

* 4.146 Christ gaue vs his very and true flesh to be eaten.

But he neuer gaue it to be eaten, but in his last supper, and in the sacrament of the aultar.

Ergo, there is the very true flesh of Christ.

Rid.

If you speake of the very true fleshe of Christ, after the substance of his flesh, taken in the Wombe of the Uir∣gine Mary, and not by grace and spiritually, I then do de∣ny the first part of your reason. But if you vnderstand it of the true flesh, after grace and spirituall communication, I then graunt the first part, and deny the second. For he ge∣ueth vnto vs truly his flesh, to be eaten of al that beleue in him. For he is the very & true meat of the soule, wherewith we are fed vnto euerlastinge life, according to this saying: My flesh is meat indeed. &c.

Ward.

Desiderio desideraui hoc pascha manducare vobiscum. i.* 4.147 I haue desired with my harty desire to eat this Paschall with you. What Paschall I pray you desired he to eate? If you stand in doubt, you haue Tertullian. Lib. 4. Contra Martionem•• Pro∣fessus ita{que} se concupiscentia concupiscere edere pascha suum (in∣dignum enim vt alienum concupisceret Deus) acceptum panem & distributum discipulis suum corpus illum fecit: Hoc est corpus meum, dicendo. &c. i. He therfore protesting a great desire to eat his Paschall, his owne Paschall I say (for it was not meete that he shoulde desire any other then his owne) ta∣king bread and distributing it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying: This is my body.

What say you? did he vnderstand by this Paschall the Iudaicall Lambe, or by that whiche afterward he gaue in his Supper.

Rid.

I suppose that the first he vnderstoode of the Iudaicall Passeouer, and afterward of the Eucharist.

Ward.

Nay, then Tertullian is agaynst you, which sayth.

Ba- He desired to eate his Passeouer.

ro- But the Iudaical Passeouer was not his, but straūge from Christ.* 4.148

co. Ergo, he meant not of the Iudaicall Passeouer.

Rid.

The Iudaicall Passeouer was not straunge from Christ, but his owne: insomuch as hee is the Lord of all:* 4.149 and as well the Lord of the Iudaicall Passeouer, as of his owne supper.

Ward.

What aunswere you then to Tertullian, the which sayth: He desired to eate his owne Passeouer, and not the Iuish Passeouer, which stood vpon wordes without flesh.* 4.150

Rid.

Tertullian may here dallye in sense Anagogicall. I know that Cyprian hath these wordes: Tunc instituit quidē Eucharistiam, sed vtrum{que} erat Christi. i. He began th•• to institute the holy Eucharist, but both were Christes.

Ward.

Augustine the Psalme. 96. Writing vppon these wordes: Adorate scabellum pedum eius. i. Worshipp his foote∣stoole. &c. Quaero inquit, quid sit scabellum pedum eius. Et dicit mihi Scriptura, Terra scabellum pedum meorum: Fluctuans con∣uerto me ad Christum, quia ipsum quaero hic,* 4.151 & inuenio quomo∣do sine impietate adoretur scabellum pedum eius. Suscepit enim de terra terram, quia caro de terra est, & de carne Mariae carnem accepit▪ & quia in ipsa carne hic ambulauit, & ipsam carnem no∣bis manducandam ad salutem dedit: nemo autem illam carnē mā∣ducat nisi prius adorauerit. Inuentum est, quo modo tale scabel∣lum pedum Domini adoretur, vt non solum non peccemus ado∣rādo, sed peccemus non adorando ipsum. &c. i. I aske (sayth he) what is the footstoole of his feete,* 4.152 and the Scripture telleth me: The earth is the footstoole of my feete. And so in searching therof I turne my selfe to Christ, because I seeke him here in the earth, and I find how, without impiety, the footstole of his feete may be worshipped: for he tooke earth of earth, in that he is flesh of the earth, and of the fleshe of Marye he tooke flesh, and because that in the same flesh here he wal∣ked and also he gaue the same flesh to vs, to be eaten vnto saluation. But no man eateth that fleshe excepte hee haue worshypped before. And so it is found, how such a foote∣stoole of the feet of the Lord is to be worshipped, so that, not only we sinne not in worshipping, but also do sinne in not worshipping the same.

Da- He gaue to vs his flesh to be eaten,* 4.153 y^e which he tooke of the earth, in which also here he walked. &c.

ti- But he neuer gaue his flesh to be eaten, but when hee gaue it at his Supper, saying: This is my body.

si. Ergo, in the Eucharist he gaue vs his flesh.

Rid.

You do alledge the place of Austen vpon the Psalme. 98. Where he sayth: that Christ gaue his fleshe to be eaten which he tooke of the earth, and in whiche here he walked inferring hereupon that Christ neuer gaue the same hys fleshe to be eaten, but onely in the Eucharist, I deny your Minor, for he gaue it both in the Eucharist to be eaten and also otherwise, as wel in the word, as also vpon the crosse.

Smith.

What if Augustine say, that Christ did not onelye

geue himself to vs in a figure, but gaue his own very flesh in deed and really?

Rid.

I neuer sayd that Christ gaue onely a figure of his bo¦dy. For in deed he gaue himselfe in a reall communication, that is, he gaue his flesh after a communicatiō of his flesh.

West.

Here Weston read the place of Augustine in Eng∣lish,* 4.154 and afterwardes sayd: Ye say, Christ gaue not his bo∣dy, but a figure of his body.

Rid.

I say not so, I say he gaue his own body verely. But he gaue it by a reall, effectuall, and spirituall cōmunicatiō.

☞After this, Doctour Glinne began to reason, who (notwyth∣standinge Mayster Ridley hadde alwayes taken him for his olde frend) made a very contumelious Preface agaynst him. This pre∣face Mayster Ridley therefore did the more take to hart, because it proceeded from him. Howbeit he thought that Doctour Glins minde was to serue the turne. For afterwarde hee came to the house wherein Mayster Ridley was kept, and as farre as Mayster Ridley could call ro remembraunce, before Doctor Young and Doctour Oglethorpe he desired him to pardon his wordes. The whiche Mayster Ridley did euen from the very hart, and wyshed earnestly, that God would geue, not onely to him, but vnto all o∣ther, the true and euident knowledge of Gods Euangelicall sin∣cerity, that all offences put a part, they being perfectly and fullye reconciled, might agree and meete together in the house of the heauenly father.

Glin.

I see that you elude, or shift away all scriptures and fathers,* 4.155 I will go to worke with you after an other sort.

Christ hath here his Church known in earth, of which you were once a child, although now you speake contume∣liously of the Sacramentes.

Rid.

This is a greuous contumely, that you call me a shif∣ter away of the Scriptures, and of the Doctours. As tou∣ching the Sacraments, I neuer yet spake contumeliously of them. I graunt that Christ hath here his Churche in earth: but that Church did euer receiue & acknowledge the Eucharist to be a sacrament of the body of Christ, and not the body of Christ really, but the body of Christ by grace.

Clin.

Then I aske this question, whether the Catholicke Churche hath euer or at any time bene Idolatrous?

Rid.

The Church is the piller and stay of trueth, that ne∣uer yet hath bene idolatrous in respect of y^e whole: but per∣aduenture in respect of some part therof, which sometimes may be seduced by euill Pastors and through ignoraunce.

Glin.

* 4.156 That Churche euer hath worshipped the fleshe of Christ in the Eucharist.

But the church hath neuer bene idolatrous:

Ergo it hath alwayes iudged the flesh of Christ to be in the Eucharist.

Rid.

And I also worshippe Christ in the Sacrament: but not because hee is included in the Sacrament: like as I worship Christ also in the Scriptures, not because hee is really included in them. Notwithstanding I say that the body of Christ is present in the Sacrament: but yet Sa∣cramētally and spiritually, according to his grace geuing life, and in that respect, really, that is, according to hys be∣nediction geuing life.

Furthermore I acknowledge gladly the true body of Christ to be in the Lordes Supper, in such sort as y^e church of Christ (which is the spouse of Christ, and is taught of the holy ghost, and guided by Gods word) doth acknowledge the same. But the true church of Christ doth acknowledge a presence of Christes body in the Lords Supper to be cō∣municated to the godly by grace and spiritually, as I haue often shewed, and by a Sacramental signification, but not by the corporall presence of the body of his flesh.

Glin.

* 4.157Austen contra Faustum Lib. 20. cap. 13. Non nulli propter panem & calicem, Cererem & Bacchum nos colere existimabāt. &c i. Some there were which thought vs in stead of bread and of the cup, to worship Ceres and Bacchus.

Upon this place I gather that there was an adoratiō of the sacramēt amōg the fathers. And Erasmus in an E∣pistle to the brethren of low Germany, sayth that the wor∣shipping of the sacrament was before Austen & Cyprian.

Rid.

We do handle the signes reuerently: but we worshyp the Sacrament as a Sacrament, not as a thing signified by the Sacrament.

Glin.

What is the Symbole or Sacrament?

Rid.

Bread.

Glin.

Ergo we worship bread.

Ridley.

There is a deceipte in this worde [Adoramus.] Wee worship the Symboles when reuerently we handle them.* 4.158 We worshippe Christ wheresoeuer we perceiue his bene∣fites. But we vnderstand his benefite to be greatest in the Sacrament.

Glin.

So I may fall down before the bench here, and wor: ship Christ: and if any man aske me what I doe, I may aunswre I worship Christ.

Rid.

We adore and worship Christ in the Eucharist. And if you meane the externall sacrament, I say, that also is to be worshipped as a Sacrament.

Glin.

So was the fayth of the primitiue Church.* 4.159

Rid.

Would to God we woulde all folow the fayth of that Church.

Glin.

Thinke you that Christ hath now his Church?

Rid.

I do so.

Glin.

But all the Church adoreth Christ, verely and real∣ly in the Sacrament.

Rid.

You know your selfe that the Easte Churche woulde not acknowledge transubstantiatiō,* 4.160 as it appeareth in the Councell of Florence.

Cole.

That is false. For in the same they did acknowledge transubstantiation, although they would not entreat of y^e matter, for that they had not in theyr commission so to doe.

Rid.

Nay, they would determine nothing of that matter, when the Article was propounded vnto them.

Cole.

It was not because they didde not acknowledge the same, but because they had no commission so to do.

Curtop.

Reuerend Syr, I will proue and declare, that the body of Christ is truly and really in the Eucharist: & wher¦as the holy Fathers,* 4.161 both of the West and Easte Churche haue written, both manye thinges and no lesse manifest of the same matter, yet I will bring forth onelye Chrisostome. The place is in cap. 10. Corinth. 1. Homel. 24.

* 4.162 That which is in the cup, is the same that flowed frō the side of Christ.

But true and pure bloud didde flowe from the side of Christ:

Ergo, his true and pure bloud is in the cup.

Rid.

It is his true bloud which is in the Chalice (I graūt) & the same which sprang from the side of Christ. But how? It is bloud in deede, but not after the same maner, after which maner it sprang from his side. For here is the bloud but by the way of a Sacrament.

Agayne, I say, like as the bread of the Sacrament and of thankes geuing is called the bodye of Christ geuen for vs: so the cup of the Lord is called the bloud which sprang from the side of Christ. But that Sacramentall breade is called the body, because it is the Sacrament of his body: e∣uen so likewise the cuppe is called the bloud also, whiche flowed out of Christes side, because it is in the Sacrament of that bloud which flowed out of his side, instituted of the Lord himselfe for our singuler commodity, namely for our spirituall nourishment, like as Baptisme is ordeined in water to our spirituall regeneration.

Cur.

The Sacrament of the bloud is not the bloud.

Rid.

The Sacrament of the bloud, is the bloud, and that is attributed to the Sacrament, which is spoken of the thing of the Sacrament.

Weston.

Here Weston repeateth Curtoppes argument in English.

* 4.163That which is in the Chalice, is the same which flow∣ed out of Christes side.

But there came out very bloud:

Ergo, there is very bloud in the Chalice.

Rid.

The bloud of Christ is in the Chalice in deed, but not in the reall presence, but by grace and in a Sacrament.

West.

That is very wel. Then we haue bloud in y^e chalice.

Rid.

It is true, but by grace and in a Sacrament.

Here the people hissed at him.

Rid.

O my maysters, I take this for no iudgement: I will stand to Gods iudgement.

Wat.

Good Syr, I haue determined to haue respect of the time, and to abstayne from all those thinges whiche maye hinder the entraunce of our disceptation: and therfore first I aske this question: When Christ sayd in the vi. of Iohn Qui manducat carnem meam. i. He that eateth my flesh. &c. doth he signify in those wordes the eating of his true and natu∣rall flesh, or els of the bread and Symbole?* 4.164

Rid.

I vnderstand that place of the very fleshe of Christ to be eaten, but spiritually: And farther I say, that the sacra∣ment also perteineth vnto the spirituall manducation. For without the spirit to eat the Sacrament, is to eate it vn∣profitably. For who so eateth not spiritually, he eateth hys owne condemnation.

Wat.

I aske them whether the Euchariste be a Sacra∣ment.

Rid.

The Eucharist taken for a signe or symbole, is a Sa∣crament.

Wat.

Is it instituted of God?

Rid.

It is instituted of God.

Wat.

Where?

Rid.

In the supper.

Wat.

With what wordes is it made a Sacrament?

Rid.

By the words and deedes which Christ sayd and did, and commaunded vs to say and do the same.* 4.165

Wat.

It is a thing commonly receiued of all, that the Sa∣cramentes of the new law geue grace to them that worthi∣ly receiue.

Rid.

True it is that grace is geuen by the Sacrament, but as by an instrument. The inward vertue & Christ geue the grace through the sacrament.

Wat.

What is a sacrament?

Rid.

I remember there be many definitions of a sacra∣ment in Austine: but I will take that whiche semeth most fit to this present purpose. A sacrament is a visible signe of inuisible grace.

Wat.

Ergo, grace is geuen to the receiuers.

Rid.

The society or coniunction with Christ through the holy Ghost, is grace, and by the Sacrament we are made the members of the mystical body of Christ, for that by the sacrament the part of the body is ingrafted in the head.

Wat.

But there is a difference betwene the mysticall body, and naturall body.

Rid.

There is (I graunt you) a difference, but the head of them both is one.

Wat.

*The Eucharist is a sacrament of the new testamēt, Ergo, it hath a promise of grace:

But no promise of grace is made to bread and wine:

Ergo, bread and wine be not the sacramentes of y^e new Testament.

Rid.

I graunt that grace perteineth to the Eucharist, ac∣cording to this saying: The bread which we breake is it not the communication or partaking of the body of Christ? And like as he that eateth, and he that drinketh vnworthely the sacra∣ment of the body and bloud of the Lord, eateth & drinketh his owne damnation: euen so he that eateth and drinketh worthy, eateth life, and drinketh life. I graunt also that there is no * promise made to bread and wyne. But in as much as they are sanctified and made the Sacramentes of the body & bloud of the Lord, they haue a promise of grace annexed vnto them, namely of spirituall partaking of the body of Christ to be communicated and geuen, not to the bread and wine, but to them which worthily do receiue the Sacrament.

Wat.

If the substaunce of bread and wine do remayne, thē the society betwixt Christ and vs, is promised to them that take bread and wine.

But that society is not promised to bread and wine, but to the receiuers of his fleshe and bloud. Iohn. 6. Qui man∣ducat. &c.

Ergo, the substance of bread and wyne remayneth not.

Rid.

The promise vndoubtedly is made to the flesh and the bloud, but the same be receiued in y^e sacramēt through faith.

Wat

Euery Sacrament hath a promise of grace adnexed vnto it.

But bread and wine haue not a promise of grace adnex∣ed vnto it.

Ergo, the bread and wine are not sacramentes.

Rid.

True it is, euery sacrament hath grace adnexed vnto it instrumentally. But there is diuers vnderstandyng of this word [Habet] hath. For the sacrament hath not grace in¦cluded in it: but to those that receiue it well, it is turned to grace. After that maner the water in Baptisme hath grace promised, and by that grace the holy spirite is geuen, not that grace is included in water, but that grace commeth by water.

Wat.

This promise is made to the flesh & bloud of Christ, and not to bread and wine.

Ergo, the sacrament is not bread and wyne, but the bo∣dy and bloud of Christ.

Rid.

There is no promise made to him that taketh commō bread and common wine: but to him that receiueth the san∣ctified bread, and bread of the communion, there is a large promise of grace made: neither is the promise geuen to the symboles, but to the thing of the sacrament. But the thing of the sacrament is the flesh and bloud.

Wat.

Euery sacrament of the new testament geueth grace promised of God, to those that worthely receiue it.

Rid.

This sacramēt hath a promise of grace, made to those that receiue it worthely, because grace is geuen by it, as by an instrument, not that Christ hath transfused grace into the bread and wyne.

Wat.

But this promise which is made, is not but to those that worthely receiue the flesh & bloud: not y^e bread & wine.

Rid.

That proposition of yours hath a diuers vnderstan∣ding. There is no promise made to thē that receiue cōmon bread, as it were: but to those that worthely receiue the sā∣ctified bread, there is a promise of grace made, like as Ori∣gen doth testify.

Wat.

Where is that promise made?

Rid.

The bread which he brake,* 4.166 is it not a communication of the body of Christ? [And] we being many are one bread, one body of Christ?

Wat.

What doth he meane by bread in that place?

Rid.

The bread of the Lordes table, the Communiō of the body of Christ.

Wat.

Harken what Chrysostome sayth vpō that place:* 4.167 Pa∣nis quem frangimus, nonne communicatio corporis Christi est? Quare non dixit participatio? Quia amplius quid significare vo∣luit, & multam inter haec conuenientiam ostendere. Non enim participatione tantum & acceptione, sed vnitate communica∣mus. Quemadmodum enim corpus illud vnitum est Christo, ita & nos per hūc panē vnione coniungimur. That is: The bread which we break, is it not the Communication of Christes bodye? Wherefore did he not say participation? because hee would signify some greater matter, and that he would de∣clare a great conuenience and coniunction betwixt y^e same. For we do not communicate by participation onely and re¦ceiuing, but also by conniting. For likewise as that body is connited to Christ, so also we by the same bread are con∣ioyned and vnited to him.

Rid.

Let Chrisostome haue his maner of speaking and his sentence. If it be true, I reiect it not.* 4.168 But let it not be pre∣iudiciall to me to name it true bread.

Wat.

All (saith Chrysostome) which sit together at one boord,* 4.169 do cūmunicate together of one true body. What do I call (sayth he) this cōmunicating▪ we are all the selfe same body. What doth bread signify? The body of christ. What be they that receiue it?* 4.170 The body of Christ For many are but one body. Chrysostome doth interpret this place agaynst you: All we be one bread, & one mysticall bodye, whiche doe participate together one breade of Christ.

Rid.

All we be one mysticall body,* 4.171 which do communicate of one Christ in bread, after the efficacy of regeneration or quickning.

Wat.

Of what maner of bread speaketh he?

Rid.

Of the bread of the Lordes table.

Wat.

Is that bread one?

Rid.

It is one, of the Church being one, because one bread is set forth vpō the table: and so of one bread altogether do participate which communicate at the table of the Lord.

Wat.

See how absurdly you speake. Do you say all which be from the beginning to the end of the world?

Rid.

All, I say, which at one table together haue commu∣nicated in the mysteryes, might well so do. Albeit the hea∣uenly and celestiall bread is likewise one also, whereof the Sacramentall bread is a mystery: the which being one, all we together do participate.* 4.172

Wat.

A peruerse aunswere. Which all? Meane you all chri∣stian men?

Rid.

I do distribute this word [All]: for all were wont to∣gether to communicate of one bread deuided into parts. Al (I say) which were one cōgregatiō, and which all did com∣municate together at one table.

Wat.

What? do you exclude then from the body of Christ, all them which did not communicate being present▪

Feck.

But Cyprian sayth: panis quem nulla multitudo consu∣mit. i. Bread which no multitude doth consume.* 4.173 Which cannot be vnderstanded, but onely of the body of Christ.

Rid.

Also Cyprian in this place did speake of the true body of Christ, and not of materiall bread.

Feck.

Nay, rather he did there intreat of the Sacrament in that tractation De Coena domini,* 4.174 writing vpon the Supper of the Lord.

Rid.

Trueth it is, and I graunt, hee intreateth there of the Sacrament: but also he doth admixt something there with all of the spirituall manducation.

Smith.

When the Lorde sayth: This is my bodye, he vseth no tropicall speach:

Ergo, you are deceiued.

Rid.

I deny your antecedent.* 4.175

Smith.

I bring here Augustine in Psal. 33. Conc. 1. expoun∣ding these wordes: Ferebatur in manibus suis. He was caried in his owne handes. 1. Regum.

Hoc quomodo possit fieri in homine, quis intelligat? Manibus enim suis nemo portatur, sed alienis. Quomodo intelligatur de Dauid secundum literā, non inuenimus: de Christo autē inueni∣mus. Ferebatur enim Christus in manibus suis cū diceret: Hoc est corpus meum. Ferebat enim illud corpus in manibus suis. &c. That is. How may this be vnderstāded to be done in mā? For no man is caryed in his owne handes, but in the han∣des of other. How this may be vnderstanded of Dauid af∣ter y^e letter, we do not find. Of Christ we find it. For Christ was borne in his own hands when he sayth: This is my bo∣dy: for he caried that same body in his owne handes. &c.

Augustine here did not see how this place after y^e letter

could be vnderstāded of dauid, because no man cā cary him selfe in his owne handes. Therfore saith he, this place is to be vnderstāded of Christ after the letter. For Christ caried himselfe in his owne hands in his Supper, when he gaue the Sacrament to his Disciples, saying: This is my body.

Rid.

* 4.176I deny your argument, and I explicate the same. Au∣stine could not find after his own vnderstanding, how this could be vnderstand of Dauid after the letter. Austine go∣eth here from other in this exposition, but I goe not from him. But let this exposition of Austine be graunted to you: although I know this place of scripture be otherwise red of other men, after the verity of the Hebrew text, and also otherwise to be expounded. Yet to graūt to you this expo∣sition of Austine, I say yet notwithstanding it maketh no∣thing agaynst my assertion: for Christ did beare himselfe in his owne handes, when he gaue the sacrament of his body to be eaten of his disciples.

Smith.

Ergo, it is true of Christ after the letter, that he was borne in his owne handes.

Rid.

He was borne literally, & after that letter which was spoken of Dauid: but not after the letter of these woordes Hoc est corpus meum.

I graunt that S. Austine sayth, that it is not found lite∣rally of Dauid,* 4.177 that he caryed himselfe in his own hands, and that is found of Christ. But this word [ad literam] lite∣rally, you do not well referre to that which was borne, but rather it ought to be referred to him that did beare it. S. Au∣stines meaning is this: that it is not read any where in the Bible, that this carnal Dauid, the sonne of Iesse, did beare himselfe in his handes, but of that spirituall Dauid which ouerthrew Goliah the deuill: that is, of Christ our sauior, the sonne of the virgine it may well be found literally, that he bare himselfe in his owne handes after a certayne ma∣ner,* 4.178 namely in carying y^e Sacrament of himselfe. And note that S. Austen hath these wordes [quodam modo] after a certain maner: whiche manifestly doth declare howe the Doctours meaning is to be taken.

Smith.

When then was he borne in his owne handes, and after what letter?

Rid.

He was borne in the supper sacramentally, when he sayd: This is my body.

Smith.

Euery man may beare in his own hands a * 4.179 figure of his body.

But Augustine denyeth that Dauid could cary himselfe in his handes.

Ergo, he speaketh of no figure of his body.

Rid.

It Austen could haue founde in all the Scripture that Dauid had caryed the sacramēt of his body, then he would neuer haue vsed that exposition of Christ.

Smith.

But he did beare himselfe in his owne handes:

Ergo he did not beare a figure onely.

Rid.

He didde beare himselfe, but in a Sacrament: and Austen afterward addeth [quodam modo] that is, Sacramen∣tally.

Smith.

* 4.180You vnderstand not what Austen meant when hee sayd [quodam modo:] For he ment that he did beare his ve∣ry true body in that supper, not in figure and forme of a bo∣dy, but in forme and figure of bread.

Ergo, you are holden fast, neither are ye able to escape out of his labirinth.

Doctor Weston repeated this place agayne in English. Which done, then Doct. Tresham thus began to speake, moued (as it seemed to M. Ridley) wyth great zeale, and desired that he might be in sted of Iohn Baptist in conuer∣ting the hartes of the fathers, and in reducing the sayde B. Ridley agayne to the mother church. Now at the first, not knowing the person, he thought he had bene some good old man, which had the zeale of God, although not acording to knowledge, and began to aunswere him with mansuetude and reuerence. But afterwarde hee smelled a foxe vnder a sheepes clothing.

* 4.181GOd almightye graunt that it may be fulfilled in me, that was spoken by the Prophet Malachy of Iohn Baptist, which maye turne the hartes of the Fathers to the children, and the hartes of the children to theyr fathers, that you at length may be conuer∣ted. The wise man sayth: Sonne, honour thy father and reuerence thy mother. But you dishonor your father in heauen, and pollute your mother the holy church here on earth, while ye sette not by her.

Rid,

These by wordes do pollute your schoole.

Tres.

If there were an Arrian whiche had that subtle wit that you haue,* 4.182 he might soone shift of the authority of the scriptures and fathers.

West.

Either dispute, or els hold your peace, I pray you.

Tres.

I bring a place here out of the Councell of Laterane, the which Counsell representing the vniuersall Churche, wherein were congregated 300. Bishops & 〈◊〉〈◊〉.* 4.183 Metropo∣litans, besides a great multitude of other, decreed y^e bread & wine, by the power of Gods word, was trāsubstātiate in∣to the body & bloud of y^e Lord. Therefore whosoeuer sayth contrary cannot be a childe of the church, but an hereticke.

Rid.

Good Syr, I haue heard what you haue cited out of the Councell of Laterane, and remember that there was a great multitude of Bishops and Metropolitanes, as you sayde: but yet you haue not numbred how many Abbots, Priors, and Friers were in that councell, who were to the number of 800.

One of the Scribes.

What,* 4.184 will you denye then the authori∣ty of that Counsell for the multitude of those Priors?

Rid.

No syr, not so much for that cause, as for that especial∣ly, because the doctrine of that Councell agreed not wyth the word of God as it may well appere by the actes of that Councell which was holdē vnder Innocentius the third,* 4.185 a man (if we beleue the historyes) moste pernitious to the church and common wealth of Christ.

Tres.

What, doe you not receiue the Councell of Lateran? Whereupon he with certayne other cryed, Scribite, scribite, Write, write.

Rid.

No syr, I receiue not that Councell: Scribite, & rescri∣bite: Write, and write agayne.* 4.186

Tres.

Euill men do eat the naturall body of Christ:

Ergo the true and naturall body of Christ is on the aul∣tare.

Rid.

Euill men do eate the very true and naturall bodye of Christ sacramētally, and no further, as S. Augustine saith: but good men do eat the very true body both sacramental∣ly and spiritually by grace.

Tres.

I proue the contrary by S. Austen, Lib. 5. contra Do∣natistas Cap. 8. Sicut enim Iudas, cui buccellulam Dominus tra∣didit, non malum accipiendo, sed malè accipiendo peccauit. &c. Like as Iudas, to whome the Lorde gaue the morsell did offend, not in taking a thing that was euill, but in recei∣uing it after an euil maner. &c. And a litle after, Quia aliquis non ad salutem manducat, non ideo non est corpus. i. Because some do not eate vnto saluation, it foloweth not therefore that it is not his body.* 4.187

Rid.

It is the body to them, that is, the sacrament of the bo¦dy: and Iudas tooke the sacrament of the Lord to his con∣demnation. Austen hath distincted these thinges well in an other place, where he sayth: Panem Domini, & panem Do∣minum. Mali manducant panem Domini, non panem dominum: boni autem manducant & panem Domini, & panem Dominum. That is. The bread of the Lord, the bread the Lorde. Euill men eate the breade of the Lord, but not breade the Lorde. But good men eate both the breade of the Lord and breade the Lord.

West.

Paule sayth, the body, and you say, the sacrament of the body.* 4.188

Rid.

Paule meaneth so in deed.

Wat.

You vnderstand it euill concerning the signe: for the Fathers say, that euill men doe eat him which descen∣ded from heauen.* 4.189

Rid.

They eate him indeede, but sacramentally. The Fa∣thers vse many times the sacrament, for the matter of the sacrament, and al that same place maketh agaynst you: and so here he cited the place.

West.

I bring Theophilacte, which sayth, that Iudas dyd taste the bodye of the Lord. Ostendit Dominus crudelitatem Iudae, qui cum argueretur, non intellexit, & gustauit carnem Do∣mini. &c. id est. The Lord did shewe the cruelty of Iudas, whiche, when he was rebuked, did not vnderstand, and tasted the Lordes flesh. &c.

Rid.

This phrase to Diuines is well knowne,* 4.190 and vsed of the Doctors. He tasted the flesh of the Lord Insensibiliter, In∣sensibly, that is the sacrament of the Lordes flesh.

West.

Chrysostome sayth, that the same punishmēt remai∣neth to them whiche receiue the body of the Lorde vnwor∣thily, as to them which crucified him.* 4.191

Rid.

That is, because they defile the Lordes body: for euill menne doe eate the body of Christ sacramentally,* 4.192 but good men eate both the sacrament, and the matter of the Sacra∣ment.

Wat.

You reiecte the Councell of Laterane,* 4.193 because (you say) it agreeth not with Gods worde. What say you then to the Councell of Nice? The wordes of the Councell be these:

Ne humiliter spectemus propositum panem & potum, sed ex∣altata mente fideliter credamus iacere in illa sacra mensa agnum Dei tollentem peccata mundi à sacerdotibus sacrificatum. Let vs not not looke alow by the grounde vpon the bread and the drinke set before vs, but lifting vppe our minde, let vs faithfully beleue, there vpon y^e holy table to lye the Lambe of God taking away the sinnes of the world, being sacrifi∣ced of the priestes.

Rid.

That Councell was collected out of an••ient Fathers and is to me of great authority, for it sayth: Positum esse pa∣nem in alt••ri, & exaltata mente considerandum eum qui in coelis est. i. That breade is set vpon the aultare, and hauing our mindes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp, we must consider him which is in heauen. The words of the Councell make for me.

Wat.

(Exaltata mente) with a minde exalted: That is, not as brute beastes at the racke or maunger, hauing an eye onely vpon the thing that is set before them. Agnus Dei ia∣cet in mensa: the * 4.194 Lambe of God lieth on the table, sayeth the Councell.

Rid.

The Lambe of God is in heauen, accordyng to the verity of the body: and here he is with vs in a mistery, ac∣cording to his power, not corporally.

Wat.

But the Lambe of God lyeth on the table.

Rid.

It is a figuratiue speach, for in our minde we vnder∣stand him which is in heauen.

Wat.

But he lyeth there, the Greeke word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Rid.

He lyeth, there that is, he is there present, not corpo∣rally, but he lyeth there in his operation.

Wat.

He lyeth, but his operation lyeth not.

Rid.

You thinke very grossely of the sitting or lying of the Celestiall Lambe on the Table of the Lorde. For we may not imagine any such sitting or lying on y^e table, as the rea∣son of man would iudge: but all thinges are here to be vn∣derstand spirituallye. For that heauenly Lambe is (as I confesse) on the table, but by a spirituall presence, by grace, and not after any corporall substance of his flesh taken of y^e virgin Mary.

And indeed the same Canon doth very playnly teach, that the bread which is set on the table, is materiall bread, and therefore it (the Canon I meane) commaundeth that we shoulde not creepe on the ground in our cogitation,* 4.195 to these thinges which are set before vs, as who shoulde say, what other things are they (as much as perteineth to their true substaunce) then breade and wine? but rather (sayth the Canon) lifting vp our mindes into heauen, let vs con∣sider w^t fayth the Lambe of God, which taketh awaye the sins of y^e world, sitting or lying vpon y^e table. For a lifted vp fayth sayth he seeth him, which sitteth on the right hande of God the father, after y^e true maner of a body, set by grace on the Lordes Table, and taking away the sinnes of the worlde. For I thinke you meane not so, as though the Lambe did lye there prostrate with his members spreade upon the table.

Smith.

I bring an other place out of the Councell of Nice, Nullus Apostolorum dixit,* 4.196 haec est figura corporis Christi, Nul∣lus venerabilium praesbyterorum dixit incruentum altaris sa∣crificium figuram: Ergo. &c. That is. None of the Apostles sayd, this is a figure of the body of Christ: None of the re∣uerend Elders sayd, the vnbloudy sacrifice of the aultar to be a figure.

Ergo, you are deceiued.

Rid.

This Chanon is not in the Councell of Nice. For I haue read ouer this Councell many times.

Then came in an other whom M. Ridley knew not, & sayd,* 4.197 the vniuersall church both of the Greekes & Latines of the East and of the West, haue agreed in the Councell of Florence vniformably in y^e doctrine of the sacrament, that in the Sacrament of the Aultar there is the true and reall Body.

Rid.

I denye the Greeke and the East Churche to haue a∣greed either in the Councel at Florence, or at any time els with the Romish Church in the doctrine of Transubstan∣tiation of bread into the body of Christ. For there was no∣thing in the Councell of Florence, wherein the Greekes would agree with the Romanistes: albeit hitherto I con∣fesse it was left free for euery Churche to vse, as they were wont, leuened or vnleauened bread.

Here cryed out D. Cole, & sayde, they agreed together concerning transubstantiation of breade into the bodye of Christ. M. Ridley sayd, that could not be.

* 4.198Here start vp an other vnknowne to M. Ridley, but thought to be one of the Scribes, who affirmed with him, y^t in deed there was nothing decreed cōcerning trāsubstāti¦ation, but the Councell left that, as a matter not meete nor worthy to disturbe the peace and concord of the church. To whom M. Ridley answered agayne, saying: that he sayd y^e trueth.* 4.199

Pie.

What say you to that councell, where it is sayde, that the Priest doth offer an vnbloudy sacrifice of the Bodye of Christ?

Rid.

I say, it is well sayd, if it be rightly vnderstand.

Pie.

But he offereth an vnbloudy sacrifice.

Rid.

It was called vnbloudy, and is offered after a certain maner, and in a misterye, and as a representation of that bloudy sacrifice, and he doth not lye which sayth, Christ to be offered.

West.

I with one argument will throw downe to y^e groūd your opinion, out of Chrysostome,* 4.200 Homi. 24. in. 1. ad Corinth. and I wil teach, not onely a figure or signe, or grace onely▪ but the very same body which was here conuersant in the earth, to be in the Eucharist.

We worship the selfe same body in y^e Eucharist, whiche the wise men did worship in the maunger.

But that was his naturall & reall body, not spirituall:

Ergo the reall body of Christ is in the Eucharist.

Agayne, the same Chrysostome sayth: We haue not here the Lord in the maunger, but on the aultare. Here a woman hol∣deth him not in her handes, but a priest.

Rid.

We worship I confesse, the same true Lord and Sa∣uiour of the world, which the wise men worshipped in the maunger, howbeit we do it in mystery, and in the sacramēt of the Lordes supper, and that in spiritual liberty, as sayth S. Aust Lib: 3. de doctrina Christiana: not in carnall seruitude: that is, we do not worship seruilely the signes for the thin∣ges: for that shuld be, as he also sayth, a part of a seruile in∣firmity. But we behold with the eyes of fayth, him present after grace and spiritually sette vppon the Table: and we worship him which sitteth aboue, & is worshipped o•• the Aungels, For Christ is alwaies assistant to his mysteries, as the sayd August. sayth. And the diuine maiesty, as sayth Cyprian, doth neuer absent it selfe from the diuine myste∣ries, but this assistaunce and presence of Christ, as in Bap∣tisme is wholy spirituall, and by grace, and not by any cor∣poral substaunce of the flesh: euen so is it here in the Lords supper, being rightly & according to the word of God due∣ly ministred,

West.

That which the woman did hold in her wombe, the same thing holdeth the priest.

Rid.

I graunt the prieste holdeth the same thing, but after an other maner. She did holde the natural body:* 4.201 the priest holdeth the mystery of the body.

West.

Weston repeated agayne his argumēt out of Chry∣sostome in English.

Rid.

I say that the author meant it spiritually.

West.

Weston here dissoluing the disputations, had these wordes: Videtis praefractum hominis animum, gloriosum, va∣frum, inconstantem: videtis hodie veritatis vires inconcussas, Ita que clamate: Vicit veritas: that is, Here you see, the stubborne, the glorious the crafty, the vnconstant minde of this man.* 4.202 Here you see this day, that the strength of the trueth is with our foyle. Therefore I beseech you all most earnestly to blow the note, and he beganne, and they folowed. Verity hath the victory: Veritye hath the victory.

¶The disputation had at Oxford, the 18. day of Aprill. 1554. betwene Mayster Hugh Latimer Aun∣swerer, and Mayster Smyth and other Opposers.

AFter these disputations of Byshop Ridly ended, nexte was brought out Mayster Hugh Latimer to dispute,* 4.203 vpon Wednesday, which was the eightenth day of Aprill. Which disputation beganne at eight of the clocke, in suche forme as before: but it was most in English. For mayster Latimer the answerer alleged that he was out of vse with the Latine, and vnfit for that place.* 4.204

There replyed vnto him M Smith of Orial colledge. Doctor Cartwright, mayster Harpsfield,* 4.205 and diuers other had snatches at him, and gaue him bitter tauntes. Hee es∣caped no hissinges and scornefull laughings, no more then they that went before him. He was very faynt, and desired that he might not long tary. He durst not drinke, for feare of vomiting. The disputation ended before xi. of the clock. Maister Latimer was not suffered to read, that he had (as he sayd) paynfully writtē: but it was exhibited vp,* 4.206 and the Pro••ocutor read part therof, and so proc••eded vnto the di∣sputation.

¶The Preface of Weston vnto the disputation folowing.

MEn and brethren, we are come together this day (by y^e helpe of God) to vanquish the strength of the Argu∣mentes, and dispersed opinions of aduersaryes,* 4.207 agaynst y^e truth of the reall presence of the Lordes body in the sacra∣mēt. And therfore, you father, if you haue any thing to an∣swere, I do admonish that you aunswere in short and few wordes.

Lat.

I pray you good mayster Prolocutour,* 4.208 doe not exacte that of me, which is not in me, I haue not these xx. yeares much vsed the Latine tongue.

West.

Take your ease father.

Lat.

I thanke you Syr, I am well. Let me here protest

my fayth: for I am not able to dispute, & afterwardes doe your pleasure with me.

¶The protestation of mayster Hugh Latimet, geuen vp in writing to Doctor Weston.

The conclusions whereunto I must aunswere, are these.

* 4.2091 The first is, that in the sacramēt of the Aultar, by the vertue of Gods word pronounced by the Priest, there is really present, the naturall body of Christ, conceiued of the virgin Mary, vn∣der the kindes of the appearaunces of bread and wine: and in like maner his bloud.

2 The second is, that after consecration, there remaineth no sub∣staunce of bread and wyne, nor none other substaunce, but the substance of God and man.

3 The third is, that in the Masse there is the liuely sacrifice of the church, which is propiciable, as wel for the sins of the quicke, as of the dead.

* 4.210COncerning the first conclusion, me thinketh it is sette forth with certayn new found termes, that be obscure, and doe not sound according to the speach of the scripture. Howbeit, howsoeuer I vnderstand it, this I do aunswere playnely, though not without perill: I aunswere (I say) that to the right celebration of the Lordes supper, there is no other presence of Christ required, then a spirituall pre∣sence:* 4.211 and this presence is sufficient for a Christian man, as a presence by which we abide in Christ, and Christ abi∣deth in vs, to the obteining of eternall life, if we perseuer. And this same presence may be called most fitly, a reall pre¦sence, that is, a presence not fayned, but a true and a fayth∣full presence. Which thing I here rehearse, least some Sy∣cophant or scorner should suppose me with the Anabapti∣stes, to make nothing els of the Sacrament, but a naked and a bare signe. As for that, which is fayned of many con∣cerning theyr corporall presence, I for my part take it but for a papisticall inuention, and therfore thinke it vtterly to be reiected.

Concerning the seconde conclusion, I dare be bolde to say,* 4.212 that it hath no stay or grounde in Gods word, but is a thing inuented and founde out by man: and therefore to be taken as fond and false: and I had almost sayd, as the Mo∣ther and Nourse of the other errors. It were good for my Lordes & maysters of the transubstantiation, to take heede least they conspire with y^e nestorians, for I do not see how they can auoyd it.

The third conclusion (as I do vnderstand it) seemeth subtlely to sow sedition agaynst the offering which Christ himselfe offred for vs in his own proper person,* 4.213 according to that pithy place of Paule. Hebre. 1. when he sayth: That Christ his owne selfe hath made purgation of our sinnes. And af∣terwardes: That he might (sayth he) be a mercifull and a fayth∣full Byshop, concerning those thinges which are to be done with God,* 4.214 for the taking away of our sinnes. So that the expiation or taking away of our sinnes, may be thought rather to de¦pend on this: that Christ was an offring Bishop, then that he was offered, were it not that he was offered of himselfe: and therefore it is needlesse that he should be offered of any other. I will speake nothing of the wonderfull presumpti∣on of man, to dare to attempt this thing without a mani∣fest vocation, specially in that it tendeth to the ouerthrow∣ing and making fruitlesse (if not wholy, yet partly) of the Crosse of Christ: for truely it is no base or meane thyng, to offer Christ. And therefore worthily a man may say to my Lordes and maysters the offerers: By what authority doe ye this? And who gaue you this authority? Where? when? A man can not (sayth the Baptist) take any thing, except it be geuen him frō aboue: much lesse then may any man pre∣sume to vsurp any honor, before he be therto called. Again, If any mā sin (sayth S. Ioh.) we haue (sayth he) not a masser or offerer at home,* 4.215 which can sacrifice for vs at masse: but we haue (sayth he) an aduocate Iesus Christ, which once offe∣red himselfe long ago: of which offering, the efficacy and ef∣fect is perdurable for euer, so that it is needles to haue such offerers.

What meaneth Paule, when he sayth: They that serue at the aultar, are partakers of the aultar? and so addeth: So the lord hath ordeined, that they that preach the Gospell, shall liue of the Gospell Whereas he should haue sayd: The Lord hath or∣deined, that they that sacrifice at masse, should liue of theyr sacrificing, that there might be a liuing assigned to our sa∣crificers now,* 4.216 as was before Christes comming, to the Iewish Priestes. For now they haue nothing to alleadge for theyr liuing, as they that be Preachers haue. So that it appeareth, that the sacrificing Priesthoode is chaunged by Gods ordinaunce, into a preaching Priesthoode, and the sacrificing Priesthoode shoulde cease vtterly, sauing in as much as all Christian men are sacrificing priestes.

The supper of the Lord was instituted to prouoke vs to thankes geuing, for the offering which the Lorde hym∣selfe did offer for vs,* 4.217 muche rather then that our Offciers should do there as they do. Feede (sayth Peter) as muche ••s ye may, the flock of Christ: nay rather let vs sacrifice as much as we may, for the flocke of Christ. If so be the matter be as now men make it, I can neuer wonder enough, that Pe∣ter would or could forget this office of sacrificing, which at this day is in such a price and estimation, that to feed is al∣most nothing with many. If thou cease from feeding the flocke, how shalt thou be taken? truely catholicke enough. But if thou cease from sacrificing and massing,* 4.218 howe wyll that be taken? at the leaste I warrant thee, thou shalt be called an hereticke. And whence I pray you, come these pa∣pisticall iudgementes? Except perchance they thinke a mā feedeth the flocke, in sacrificing for them: and then what needeth there any learned pastors?* 4.219 For no man is so foo∣lish, but soone may he learne to sacrifice and masse it.

Thus loe, I haue taken the more payne to write, be∣cause I refused to dispute, in consideration of my debilitye thereunto: that all men may knowe, howe that I haue so done not without great paynes, hauing not any manne to helpe me, as I haue neuer before bene debarred to haue. O sir,* 4.220 you may chaunce to liue till you come to this age and weakenes that I am of. I haue spoken in my time before 2. kinges, more then one, two or three houres together, without interruption: but nowe that I maye speake the truth (by your leaue) I could not be suffered to declare my minde before you, no, not by the space of a quarter of an houre, without snatches, reuilinges, checkes, rebukes, tauntes, such as I haue not felte the like, in such an audi∣ence, all my life long. Surely it can not be, but an heinous offence that I haue geuen. But what was it? Forsooth I had spoken of the foure marowbones of the Masse. The which kinde of speaking, I neuer read to be a sinne against the holy ghost,

I could not be alowed to shewe what I meant by my Metaphor: But sir nowe (by your fauor) I will tell your maistership what I meane.

The first is the Popish consecration: which hath bene called a Gods body making.* 4.221

The second is Transubstantiation.

The third is the Missall oblation.

The fourth adoration.

These chiefe and principall portions, partes & poyntes belonging or incident to the masse,* 4.222 and most esteemed and had in price in the same, I call y^e marowbones of the masse, which in deed you by force, might, and violence intrude in sound of wordes in some of the scripture, with racking and cramping, iniuryng, and wronging the same: but els in deede, playne out of the scripture, as I am throughly per∣swaded, although in disputation I could now nothing do, to perswade the same to others, being both vnapt to study and also to make a shew of my former study, in such readi∣nes as should be requisite to the same.

I haue heard much talke of maister Doctor Weston to and fro, in my time:* 4.223 but I neuer knew your person to my knowledge, till I came before you, as the Queenes maie∣sties Commissioner. I pray God send you so right iudge∣ment, as I perceiue you haue a great wit, great learning, with many other qualityes. God geue you grace euer wel to vse them,* 4.224 and euer to haue in remembraūce that he that dwelleth on high, looketh on the lowe things on the earth: and that there is no coūsell agaynst the Lord: and also that this world hath bene, and yet is a tottering world. And yet agayn, that though we must obey the princes, yet that hath this limitatiō, namely, in the Lord.* 4.225 For who so doth obey them agaynst the Lorde, they be most pernicious to them, and the greatest aduersaries that they haue: for they so pro∣cure Gods vengeance vpon them, if God be onely the ru∣ler of thinges.

There be some so corrupt in minde, the truth being ta∣ken from them, that they thinke gaynes to be godlinesse: Great learned men, and yet men of no learning,* 4.226 but of rai∣ling and raging about questions and strife of wordes, I call thē men of no learning, because they know not Christ, how much els so euer they know. And on this sort we are wont to call great learned clerks, being ignorant of Christ, vnlearned men: for it is nothing but playne ignoraunce,* 4.227 to knowe anye thinge without Christ: where as who so knoweth Christ, the same hath knowledge enough, al∣though in other knowledge he be to seek. The Apostle S. Paul confesseth of himselfe to the Corinthians, that he dyd know nothing, but Iesus Christ crucified. Many menne

babble many things of Christ which yet know not Christ•• but pretending Christ, do craftily colour and darken hys glory. Depart from such men, sayth the Apostle S. Paule to Timothie.

It is not out of the way to remember what S. Augu∣stine sayth. The place where, I now well remember not, except it be against the Epistles of Petilian:* 4.228 Who so euer (saith he) teacheth any thyng necessarily to be beleued, which is not contayned in the olde or new Testament, the same is ac∣cursed. Oh beware of this curse if you be wise. I am much deceyued if Basilius haue not such like words:* 4.229 What so e∣uer (saith he) is besides the holy scripture, if the same be taught as necessarily to be beleeued, that is sinne. Oh therefore take heede of this sinne.

There be some that speake many false things more pro∣bable, and more like to the truth, then to the truth it selfe. Therefore Paule geueth a watch word: Let no man (saith he) deceiue you with probabilitie and perswasions of woordes. But what meane you (saith one) by this talke so far from the matter? Well, I hope good maisters, you will suffer an old man a little to play the child, and to speake one thyng twise. Oh Lord God, you haue chaunged the most holy Communion, into a priuate action: and you deny to the Laitie the Lordes cup contrary to Christes commaunde∣ment,* 4.230 and you do blemish the annuntiation of the Lordes death till he come: for you haue chaunged the Common prayer called the diuine seruice, with the administration of the sacramentes, from the vulgar and knowen language, into a strange tongue, contrary to the wyll of the Lord re∣uealed in his word. God open the dore of your hart, to see the things you should see herein. I would as fayne obey my soueraigne as any in this realme: but in these things I can neuer do it with an vpright consciēce. God be mer∣cifull vnto vs. Amen.

Weston.

Then refuse you to dispute? Will you here then subscribe?

Lat.

No good maister, I pray you be good to an olde man. You may (if it please God) be once old, as I am: ye may come to this age, and to this debilitie.

West.

* 4.231Ye said vpon saterday last, that ye could not find the masse, nor the marybones thereof in your booke: but wee will finde a masse in that booke.

Lat.

No good M. Doctor, ye cannot.

West.

What find you then there?

Lat.

Forsooth a Communion I find there.

West.

Which Communion, * 4.232 the first or the last?

Lat.

I find no great diuersitie in them: they are one supper of the Lord, but I like the last very well.

West.

Then the first was nought belike.

Lat.

I do not wel remember wherin they differ.

West.

Then cake bread & loafe bread are all one with you. Ye call it the Supper of the Lord, but you are deceyued in that: for they had done the supper before, and therfore the Scripture sayth: Postquam coenatum est, that is, After they had supped. For ye know that S. Paul findeth fault wyth the Corrinthians, for that some of them were drunken at this supper: and ye know no man can be dronken at your Communion.

Lat.

The first was called Coena Iudaica, that is, The Iew∣ish Supper, when they did eate the Paschall Lambe toge∣ther: the other was called Coena dominica, that is, The Lordes supper.

West.

That is false, for Chrysostome denieth that. And S. Ambrose in cap. 19. prioris ad Corinthios, saith, that Mysteri∣um Eucharistiae inter coenandum datum, non est coena domini∣ca: that is, The mysterie of the sacrament, geuen as they were at supper, is not the supper of the Lord.

And Gregory Nazianzene sayth the same: Rursus Pas∣che sacra cum discipulis in coenaculo ac post coenam, dieque v∣nica ante passionem celebrat. Nos verò ea in orationis domibus, & ante coenam & post resurrectionem peragimus: that is, A∣gayne, he kept he holy feast of Passeouer with his Disci∣ples in the dinyng chamber after the supper,* 4.233 and one day before his passion. But we keepe it both in the Churches and houses of prayer, both before the supper, and also after the resurrection.

* 4.234And that first Supper was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, can you tell what that is?

Lat.

I vnderstande no Greeke. Yet I thinke it meaneth charitie.

West.

Will you haue all thing done that Christ did then? Why, then must the Priest be hanged on the morrow. And where find you I pray you, that a woman should receyue the sacrament?

Lat.

Will you geue me leaue to turne my booke? I finde it in the xi. chapter to the Corinthians. I trow these be hys wordes: Probetautem seipsum homo, &c.

I pray you good maister what Gender is homo▪

West.

Marrie the common gender.

Cole.

It is in the Greeke, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 4.235

Har.

It is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, vir.

Lat.

It is in my booke of Erasmus translation, Probet se∣ipsum homo.

Feck.

It is Probet seipsum in deed, and therfore it importeth the Masculine gender.

Latimer.

What then? I trowe when the woman touched Christ, he said: Quis tetigit me? Scio quod aliquis me tetigit: that is, Who touched me? I know that some man tou∣ched me.

Weston.

I will be at host with you anone. When Christ was at his supper, none were with hym,* 4.236 but his Apostles onely.

Ergo, he ment no woman, if you will haue this institu∣tion kept.

Lati.

In the twelue Apostles was represented the whole Church,* 4.237 in which you will graunt both men and women to bee.

West.

So thorough the whole hereticall translated Bible, ye neuer make mention of Priest,* 4.238 tyll ye come to the put∣ting of Christ to death. Where find you then that a priest or minster, (a minstrel I may cal him wel enough) should do it of necessitie?

Lat.

A minister is a more fit name for that office,* 4.239 for y^e name of a priest importeth a sacrifice.

West.

Well, remember that ye cannot finde that a woman may receiue by scripture. M. Opponent fall to it.

Smith.

Because I perceiue that this charge is layd vppon my necke, to dispute with you: to the ende that the same may go forward after a right maner and order, I wil pro∣pose three questions, so as they are put forth vnto me. And first I aske this question of you, although the same in deed ought not to be called in question: but such is the conditi∣on of the Church, that it is alwayes vexed of the wycked sort. I aske (I say) whether Christes body be really in the sacrament?

Lat.

I trust I haue obteined of M. Prolocutor, that no mā shall exact that thyng of me, which is not in me.* 4.240 And I am sory that this worshipfull audience should be deceyued of their expectation for my sake. I haue geuen vp my mynde in writing to M. Prolocutor.

Smith.

Whatsoeuer ye haue geuen vp, it shall be registred among the Acts.

Latimer.

Disputation requireth a good memory: Ast aboli∣ta est mihi memoria, My memorie is gone cleane, and mar∣uellouslye weakened, and neuer the better I wis for the pryson.

West.

How long haue ye bene in prison?

Lat.

These three quarters of this yere.

West.

And I was in prison sixe yeres.

Lat.

The more pitie Sir.

West.

How long haue you bene of this opinion?

Lat.

It is not long sir that I haue bene of this opinion.

Weston.

The tyme hath bene when you sayd Masse full de∣uoutly.

Lat.

Yea, I cry God mercy hartily for it.

West.

Where learned you this new fanglenes?* 4.241

Lat.

I haue long sought for the truth in this matter of the Sacrament, and haue not bene of this mynde past seuen yeres: and my L. of Canterbury his booke hath especially confirmed my iudgement herein. If I could remember all therein conteined, I would not feare to answer any man in this matter.

Tres.

There are in that booke sixe hundred errors.

West.

You were once a Lutheran.

Lat••.

No, I was a Papist: For I neuer could perceiue how Luther could defend his opinion without transubstantia∣tion.* 4.242 The Tigurines once did write a booke agaynst Lu∣ther, and I oft desired God that he might liue so long to make them answer.

Weston.

Luther in hys booke De priuata Missa, sayd, that the deuill reasoned with hym, and perswaded hym that the Masse was not good. Fol. 14. Contigit me, &c Wherof it may appeare, that Luther said Masse, and the deuill disswaded hym from it.

Lat.

I do not take in hand here to defend Luthers sayings or doyngs. If he were here, he would defend himself well enough I trow. I told you before that I am not meete for disputations. I pray you read myne aunswer, wherein I haue declared my fayth.

West.

Do you beleue this, as you haue written?

Lat.

Yea Sir.

West.

Then haue you no faith.

Lat.

Then would I be sory Sir.

Tres.

It is written, Iohn. 6. Except ye shall eate the fleshe of the sonne of man, and drinke his bloud, ye shall haue no lyfe in

you.* 4.243 Which when the Capernaites and many of Christes disciples heard, they said, This is a hard saieng, &c. Now that the truth may the better appeare, here I aske of you, whe∣ther Christ speaking these wordes, did meane of his fleshe to be eaten with the mouth, or of the spirituall eatyng of the same?

Lat.

I aunswer (as Augustine vnderstandeth) that Christ meant of the spirituall eating of his flesh.

Tres.

Of what flesh ment Christ, his true flesh, or no?

Lat.

Of his true flesh, spiritually to be eaten in the supper by faith, and not corporally.

Tres.

Of what flesh ment the Capernaites?

Latimer.

Of hys true fleshe also: but to bee eaten wyth the mouth.

Tresh.

They (as ye confesse) did meane his true flesh, to be taken with the mouth.* 4.244 And Christ also (as I shall prooue) did speake of the receiuyng of his flesh with the mouth.

Ergo, they both did vnderstand it of the eating of one thing, which is done by the mouth of the body.

Lat.

I say, Christ vnderstoode it not of the bodily mouth: but of the mouth of the spirit, mynd, and hart.

Tres.

I prooue the contrary: that Christ vnderstandeth it of the eatyng with the bodily mouth. For where as cu∣stome is a right good maistresse and interpreter of things,* 4.245 and where as the actes put in practise by Christ, doe cer∣tainly declare those things which he first spake: Christes deeds in his supper, where he gaue his body to bee taken with the mouth, together with the custom which hath ben euer since that tyme, of that eating which is done with the mouth, doth euidently inferre that Christ did vnderstand his words here cited of me out of the vj. of Iohn, of the ea∣tyng with the mouth.

Lat.

He gaue not his body to be receyued with the mouth, but he gaue the sacrament of hys body to be receyued with the mouth:* 4.246 he gaue the sacrament to the mouth, his body to the mynd.

Tresham.

But my reason doth conclude, that Christ spake concernyng hys fleshe to bee receyued wyth the corporall mouth: for otherwyse (which God forbid) he had bene a deceyuer, and had bene offensiue to the Capernaites and his Disciples, if hee had not meant in this point, as they thought he ment: for if he had thought as you do fayne, it had bene an easie matter for him to haue sayd: * 4.247 You shall not eate my flesh with your mouth, but the Sacrament of my flesh: that is to say, ye shall receyue with your mouth, not the thyng it selfe, but the figure of the thyng, and thus he might haue satisfied them: but so he sayd not, but con∣tinued in the truth of his words, as he was woont: Ther∣fore Christ meant the selfe same thyng that the Capernaits dyd, I meane concerning the thyng it selfe to bee receyued with the mouth: videlicet, that his true flesh is truly to be eaten with the mouth. Moreouer, for as much as you doe expound for (corpus Christi) the body of Christ (Sacramen∣tum corporis Christi) the sacrament of the body of Christ, & hereby do suppose that we obteine but a spirituall vnion, or vnion of the mynd betweene vs and Christ, playne it is that you are deceyued in this thyng, and do erre from the mynd of the Fathers: for they affirme by playne and ex∣presse wordes, that we are corporally and carnally ioyned together. And these be the wordes of Hyllarie: Si verè igi∣tur carnem corporis nostri Christus assumpsit, & verè homo il∣le, qui ex Maria natus fuit, nos quoque verè sub mysterio carnē corporis sui sumimus, & per haec vnum erimus, quia pater in eo est, & ille in nobis. Quomodo voluntatis vnitas asseritur, cum naturalis per sacramentum proprietas perfectè Sacramentum sit vnitatis? That is, Therefore if Christ dyd truely take the flesh of our body vpon hym, and the same man be Christ in deede which was borne of Mary, then we also doe re∣ceyue vnder a mysterie, the fleshe of hys body in deede, and thereby shall become one, because the father is in hym, and he in vs. How is the vnitie of wyll affirmed, when a na∣turall proprietie, by the sacrament is a perfect Sacrament of vnitie?

Thus farre hath Hyllarie. Loe here you see how ma∣nifestly these wordes confound your assertion.* 4.248 To be short I my selfe haue heard you preachyng at Greenewich, be∣fore king Henry the eight, where you did openly affirme, that no Christian man ought to doubt of the true and reall presence of Christes body in the Sacrament, for as much as he had the worde of Scripture on his side, (videlicet, Hoc est corpus meum: This is my body: wherby he might be confirmed. But now there is the same truth: the word of Scripture hath the selfe same thyng which it then had. Therfore why do you deny at this present, that whereof it was not lawfull once to doubt before when you taught it?

Lat.

Will you geue me leaue to speake?

Tres.

Speake Latine I pray you, for ye can doe it if ye li••t, promptly enough.

Lat.

I can not speake Latine so long and so largely. Mai∣ster Prolocutor hath geuen me leaue to speake English: And as for the words of Hyllarie, I thinke they make not so much for you. But he that shall answer the Doctours, had not neede to be in my case, but should haue them in a readinesse, and know their purpose. Melancthon sayth, if the Doctours had foreseene that they should haue bene so taken in this controuersie,* 4.249 they would haue written more playnely.

Smyth.

I will reduce the words of Hyllary into the forme of a Syllogisme.

Da- Such as is the vnitie of our flesh with Christes flesh, such,* 4.250 (yea greater) is the vnitie of Christ with the Father.

ti- But the vnitie of Christs flesh with ours, is true and substantiall:

si. Ergo, the vnitie of Christ with the Father is true and substantiall.

Lat.

I vnderstand you not.

Seat.

I know your learning well enough, & how su••til ye be: I will vse a few wordes with you, and that out of Cy∣prian, De coena Domini. The old Testament doth forbidde the drinking of bloud.* 4.251 The new Testament doth cōmand the drinking and tasting of bloud: but where doth it com∣maund the drinking of bloud?

Lat.

In these wordes: Bibite ex hoc omnes: that is, Drinke ye all of this.

Seat.

Then we taste true bloud.

Latimer.

We do taste true bloud, but spiritually: and this is enough.

Seat.

Nay, the olde and new Testament in this doe * 4.252 dif∣fer: for the one doth command, and the other doth forbid to drinke bloud.

Lat.

It is true as touching the matter, but not as touching the maner of the thing.

Seat.

Then there is no difference betwene the drinkyng of bloud in the new Testament, and that of the old: for they also dranke spiritually.

Latimer.

And we drinke spiritually also, but a more preci∣ous bloud.

West.

Augustine vpon the 45. Psalme, saith: Securè bibite sanguinem quē fudistis. i. Drinke boldly the bloud which ye haue poured out.

Ergo, it is bloud.

Lat.

I neuer denied it, nor neuer wyll go from it,* 4.253 but that we drinke the very bloud of Christ in deed, but spiritually, for the same S. Augustine saith: Crede & manducasti. i. Be∣leue, and thou hast eaten.

West.

Nay, Credere, non est bibere nec edere. i. To beleue, is not to drinke or eate. You will not say, I pledge you, when I say, I beleue in God. Is not (manducare) to eate, in your learnyng put for (credere) to beleeue?

Weston.

I remember my L. Chauncellor demanded M. Hooper of these questions, whether * (Edere) to eate, were (Credere) to beleeue, and (Altare) an Aultar, were Christ, in all the Scripture, &c. And he answered yea.

Then said my Lord Chauncellor: Why, then * Habe∣mus Altare de quo non licet edere. i. Wee haue an Aultare, of which it is not lawfull to eate, is as much to say, as Habemus Christum, in quo non licet credere. i. We haue a Christ, in whom we may not beleeue.

Tres.

Beleeue, and thou hast eaten, is spoken of the spiri∣tuall eatyng.

Latimer.

It is true, I doe allowe your saying: I take it so also.

Weston.

We are commaunded to drinke bloud in the new Lawe.

Ergo, it is very bloud.

Lat.

We drinke bloud, so as appertaineth to vs to drinke to our comfort, in sacramentall wyne. We drinke bloud Sa∣cramentally: he gaue vs his bloud to drinke spiritually, he went about to shew, that as certainly as we drinke wyne, so certainly we drinke his bloud spiritually.

West.

Do not you seeme to be a papist, which do bryng in new wordes, not found in the scripture? Where find you, that (Sacramentaliter) Sacramentally, in Gods booke?

Lat.

It is necessarily gathered vpon scripture.

West.

The old Testament doth forbid the tasting of bloud, but the new doth commaund it.

Lat.

It is true, not as touching the thing, but as touchyng the maner thereof.

West.

Heare ye people, this is the argument.

That which was forbidden in the olde Testament, is commaunded in the new.

To drinke bloud was forbidden in the old Testament

and commaunded in the new.

Ergo, it is very bloud that we drink•• in the new.

¶This argument, because the Maior thereof is not vniuer∣sall, is not formall, and may well be retorted agaynst West. thus.

Ce- No naturall or morall thyng forbidden materially in the old Testament,* 4.254 is commaunded in the new.

la- To drinke mans naturall bloud, is forbidden ma∣terially in the old Testament:

rent. Ergo, to drinke mans naturall bloud materially, is not commaunded in the new.

Lat.

* 4.255It is commaunded spiritually to be dronken, I grant it is bloud dronken in the new Testament, but we receyue it spiritually.

Pie.

It was not forbidden spiritually in the old law.

Latimer.

The substance of bloud is dronken, but not in one maner.

Pie.

It doth not require the same maner of drinkyng.

Lat.

It is the same thyng, not the same manner. I haue no more to say.

Weston.

* 4.256Here Weston cited the place of Chrysostome, of Iudas treason: O Iudae dementia. Ille cum Iudaeis triginta denarijs paciscebatur, vt Christum venderet, & Christus ei san∣guinem, quem vendidit, offerebat: That is, O the madnesse of Iudas. He made bargayne with the Iewes for thirtie pence to sell Christ, and Christ offred him his bloud which he sold.

Lat.

I graunt he offred to Iudas his bloud, which he sold, but in a sacrament.

Weston.

Because ye can defend your Doctors no better, ye shall see how worshipfull men ye hang vpon, and one that hath bene of your mynd,* 4.257 shall dispute with you. M. Cart∣wright, I pray you dispute.

Cart.

Reuerend father, because it is geuen me in comman∣dement to dispute with you, I will do it gladly. But first vnderstand ere we go any further, that I was in the same errour that you are in: but I am sory for it, and do con∣fesse my selfe to haue erred. I acknowledge myne offence, and I wyshe and desire God that you also may repente wyth me.

Latimer.

* 4.258Wyll you geue me leaue to tell what hath caused M. Doctour here to recant? It is poena legis, the payne of the law, which hath brought you backe, and conuerted you, and many moe: the which letteth many to confesse God. And this is a great argument, there are few here can dissolue it.

Cartwright.

That is not my cause, but I wil make you this short Argument, by which I was conuerted from myne erroures.

* 4.259If the true bodye of Christ bee not really in the Sa∣crament, all the whole Church hath erred from the Apo∣stles tyme.

But Christ would not suffer his church to erre:

Ergo, it is the true body of Christ.

Lat.

The popish Church hath erred, & doth erre. I thinke for the space of sixe or seuen hundred yeares,* 4.260 there was no mentiō made of any eating but spiritually: for before these fiue hundred yeares, the Church did euer confesse a spiri∣tuall manducation. But the Romish church begate the er∣rour of transubstantiation. My Lord of Caunterburies booke handleth that very well, and by him I could answer you, if I had hym.

Cart.

Linus and all the rest do confesse the body of Christ to be in the Sacrament: and S. Augustine also vpon the 98. Psalme, vpon this place: Adorate scabellum pedum. &c. grā∣teth it to be worshipped.

Lat.

We doe worship Christ in the heauens, & we do wor∣ship him in the Sacrament: but the massing worship is not to be vsed.

Smyth.

Doe you thinke that Cyrill was of the auncient Church?

Lat.

I do thinke so.

Smyth.

He sayth, that Christ dwelleth in vs corporally: These be Cyrils words of the mysticall benediction.

Lat.

That (* 4.261 corporally) hath another vnderstanding, then you do grossely take it.

¶Cyrill sayth, that Christ dwelleth corporally in vs, but he sayth not that Christ dwelleth corporally in y^e bread. Which dwelling of Christ in vs, is as our dwelling is al∣so in Christ, not locall or corporall, but spiritual & heauen∣ly (corporally) therfore it is to be takē here in the same sense as S. Paul saith, the fulnes of diuinitie to dwell in Christ corporally, that is, not lightly nor accidentally, but perfect∣ly and substantially, with all his vertue and power, &c. And so dwelleth Christ corporally in vs also.

Smyth.

Here Smyth repeateth these words of Cyrill: Per communionem corporis Christi, habitat in nobis Christus cor∣poraliter: That is, By the communicating of the bodye of Christ, Christ dwelleth in vs corporally.

Latimer.

The solution of this is in my Lord of Canterbu∣ries booke.

Smyth.

Cyrill was no papist, and yet these be his wordes: Christ dwelleth in vs corporally,* 4.262 but you say he dwelleth in vs spiritually.

Latimer.

I say both: that he dwelleth in vs both corporal∣ly and spiritually, accordyng to his meanyng: Spiritual∣ly by fayth, and corporally by taking our flesh vpon hym. For I remember I haue read this in my Lord of Canter∣buries booke.

Weston

For because your learnyng is let out to Ferme, and shut vp in my Lord of Caunterburies booke. I wyll recite vnto you a place of S. Ambrose, De apparatione ad Missam, where he sayth: Videmus principem sacerdotem ad nos venientem, & offerentem sanguinem, &c. That is, Wee see the chiefe Prieste commyng vnto vs, and offeryng bloud, &c.

Likewise both Augustine in the 38. Psal. and Chryso∣stome, concerning the incomprehensible nature of God,* 4.263 Tom. 3. say: Non solum homines, &c.

Lat.

I am not ashamed to acknowledge myne ignoraunce, and these testimonies are more then I can beare away.

West.

Then must you leaue some behynde you for lacke of cariage.

Latimer.

But for Chrysostome, hee hath many figuratiue speaches, and Emphaticall loquutions, in many places,* 4.264 as in that which you haue now recited: but he sayeth not, For the quicke and the dead: he taketh the celebration for the sacrifice.

West.

You shall heare Chrysostome againe, vpon the ninth chap. of the Acts: Quid dicis? Hostia in manibus sacerdotis, &c. He doth not call it a cup of wyne.

Lat.

Ye haue myne answer there with you in a paper: and yet he calleth it not, Propitiatorium sacrificium, i. A propitia∣torie sacrifice.

West.

You shal heare it to be so: and I bring another place of Chrysostome out of the same treatise: Non temerè ab A∣postolis est institutum, &c.

Weston.

He is too precious a thing for vs to offer: he offe∣reth hymselfe.

Weston.

Here in an other place of Chrysostome to the peo∣ple of Antioche,* 4.265 Homil. 69. and also to the Philippians he sayeth: There should bee a memorye and sacrifice for the dead.

Lat.

I doe say that the holy communion beareth the name of a sacrifice, because it is a sacrifice memoratiue.

West.

How say you to the sacrifice for the dead.

Lat.

I say that it needeth not, or it booteth not.

West.

Augustine in his Enchiridion, the 110. chap. sayeth: Non est negandum defunctorum animos pietate suorum viuen∣tium releuari, quum pro illis sacrificium Mediatoris offertur:* 4.266 That is, We must not deny, that the soules of the dead are relieued by the deuotion of their friends which are liuing,* 4.267 when the sacrifice of the Mediatour is offered for them. Where he prooueth the veritie of Christes body, & praying for the dead. And it is sayd, that the same Augustine sayd masse for his mother.

Lat.

But that masse was not like yours, which thing doth manifestly appeare in his writings, which are agaynst it in euery place. And Augustine is a reasonable man, he re∣quireth to be beleued no further, then he bringeth scripture for his proofe, and agreeth with Gods word.

West.

In the same place he proueth a propiciatorie sacrifice and that vpon an aulter, and no Oyster boord.* 4.268

Lat.

It is the Lords table, and no Oyster boord. It may be called an aultar, and so the doctors call it in many places: but there is no propiciatorie sacrifice, but only Christ. The doctors might be deceiued in some points, though not in all things. * I beleeue them when they say well.

Cole.

Is it not a shame for an old man to lye? You say,* 4.269 you are of the old fathers fayth, where they say well, and yet ye are not.

Lat.

I am of their faith when they say well. I referre my selfe to my L. of Caunterburies booke wholy herein.

Smyth.

Then are you not of Chrysostomes faith, nor of S. Augustines fayth.

Lat.

I haue said, when they said well, and bring scripture for them, I am of their faith, and further Augustine requi∣reth not to be beleeued.

West.

Origen. Hom. 13. vpon Leuiticus.

Latimer.

I haue but one worde to say, Panis Sacramentalis,

the Sacramentall bread, is called a Propitiation, because it is a Sacrament of the Propitiation. What is your vo∣cation?

West.

My vocation is at this tyme to dispute, otherwise I am a Priest, and my vocation is to offer.

Lat.

Where haue you that authorttie geuen you to offer?

West.

Hoc facite, Do this, for facite in that place is taken for offerte, that is, offer you.

Lat.

* 4.270Is Facere nothing but sacrificare to sacrifice? Why then no man must receiue the sacrament but priestes onely: for there may none offer but priests.

Ergo, there may none receiue but priests.

West.

Your argument is to be denied.

Lat.

* 4.271Did Christ then offer himselfe at his supper?

Pye.

Yea, he offred himselfe for the whole world.

Latimer.

Then if this worde (Facite) Do ye, signifie Sacri∣ficate, Sacrifice ye, it followeth, (as I sayd) that none but Priestes onely ought to receiue the Sacrament, to whom it is onely lawfull to sacrifice: and where find you that, I pray you?

West.

Fourty yeare agone, whether could you haue gone to haue found your doctrine?

Lat.

The more cause we haue to thanke God, that hath now sent the light into the world.

West.

* 4.272The light? Nay lite and lewd Preachers: for you could not tell what you might haue: Ye altered & changed so often your communions and altars, and all for this one end, to spoile and rob the Church.

Latimer.

These things pertayne nothyng to mee. I must not aunswere for other mens deedes, but onely for myne owne.

West.

Well, M. Latimer, this is our entent, to wyll you well, and to exhort you to come to your selfe, and remem∣ber that without Noes Arke, there is no health. Remem∣ber what they haue bene that were the beginners of your doctrine, none but a few flying Apostataes, runnyng out of Germany for feare of the fagot. Remember what they haue bene which haue set forth the same in this Realme: A sort of flyngbraines and light heads, which were neuer constant in any one thyng, as it was to be seene in the tur∣nyng of the Table, where lyke a sort of Apes, they coulde not tell which way to turne their tailes,* 4.273 looking one day West, and another day East, one that way, and an other this way. They will be lyke (they say) to the Apostles, they wyll haue no Churches. A houell is good enough for them. They come to the Communion with no reuerence. They get them a Tankard, and one sayth, I drinke, and I am thankfull:* 4.274 the more ioy of thee, sayth another. And in them was it true that Hyllary sayth: Annuas & mēstru∣as de deo fides facimus▪ id est, We make euery yere and euery month a fayth. A runnagate Scot did take away the ado∣ration or worshipping of Christ in the Sacrament: by whose procurement that heresie was put into the last Cō∣munion booke:* 4.275 so much preuayled that one mans autho∣ritie at that tyme. You neuer agreed with the Tygurines or Germaines, or with the Churche, or with your selfe. Your stubbornnesse commeth of a vayne glory, which is to no purpose: for it will do you no good when a fagot is in your beard. And we see all by your owne confession, how little cause you haue to be stubborn, for your learning is in scoffers hold. The Queenes grace is mercifull, if ye will turne.

Lat.

You shall haue no hope in me to turne, I pray for the Queene daily euen from the bottome of my hart, that she may turne from this religion.

West.

Here you all see the weakenes of heresie against the truth: he denieth all truth, and all the old fathers.

HEre all good Readers maye see how this glorious Prolocutor triumpheth: but whether he hath the vic∣torye or no, that I suppose they haue not yet, neyther heard nor seene. And geue that he had the victory, yet what great meruayle was it, disputyng as hee dyd, Non sine suo Theseo: that is, not without his tipplyng cuppe stan∣ding at his elbow all the time of his disputation, notwith∣out a priuy notyng and smilyng of them that beheld the matter, but specially at that tyme, when Doctour Ridley disputyng with one of the Opponentes, the sayd Prolo∣cutor tooke the cuppe, and holding it in hys hand, sayd to the Opponent: Vrge hoc. vrge hoc: Nam hoc facit pro no∣bis. In which wordes as he mooued no little mat∣ter of laughter to the beholders thereof:* 4.276 so I thought here also not to leaue the same vnmentioned, somwhat also to de∣light the Reader withal, af∣ter his tedious weari∣nes in reading the story therof.

¶To the Reader.

And thus hast thou (louyng Reader) the whole acti∣on and stage of this Doctourly disputation shewed foorth vnto thee, against these three woorthy Confessours and Martyrs of the Lorde, wherein thou mayest behold the disordered vsage of the Uniuersitie men, the vnmannerly manner of the Schoole, the rude tumult of the multitude, the fiercenes and interruption of the Doctors, the full pith and ground of all their argumēts, the censures of the Iud∣ges, the railyng language of the Oblocutor, with his blast of triumph in the latter ende, being both the actor, the mo∣derator, and also Iudge himselfe. And what maruell then if the courage of this victorious Conquerour, hauyng the lawe in his owne handes, to doe and say what him li••ted, would say for himself, Vicit veritas, although he sayd neuer a true word, nor made neuer a true conclusion almost in al that disputation.

It followed furthermore after disputation of these three dayes being ended, that M. Harpsfield the next day after,* 4.277 which was the xix. of Aprill, should dispute for his forme, to be made Doctor. To the which disputation the Archb. of Cant. was brought forth, and permitted among the rest to vtter an argument or two, in defence of his cause. As in sequele hereof may appeare.

*Disputation of Maister Harpesfield Bacheler of Diuinitie, aunswering for his forme to be made Doctour.

Harpesfield.

I Am not ignoraunt what a weighty matter it is, to en∣treat of the whole order and trade of the scriptures:* 4.278 and most hard it is to, in the great contention of Religion, to shew the ready way, whereby the scriptures may be best vnderstanded. For the oftē reading of them doth not bring the true vnderstanding of them. What other thing is there then? Uerily this is the redy way, not to folow our owne heads and senses, but to geue ouer our iudgement vnto the holy catholike Church, who hath had of olde yeres the truth, and alwayes deliuered the same to their posteritie: but if the often readyng of scriptures, and neuer so payne∣full comparing of places should bring the true vnderstan∣dyng, then diuers heretikes might preuaile euen agaynst whole generall Councels. The * 4.279 Iewes did greatly brag of the knowledge of the law, and of the Sauiour that they waited for. But what auailed it them? Notwithstanding, I know right well, that diuers places of the scripture doe much warne vs of the often reading of the same, and what fruit doth therby follow: as Scrutamini, &c. Search the scri∣ptures: for they do beare witnesse of me, &c. Lex Domini, &c. The law of the Lord is pure, able to turne soules. And that say∣ing of S. Paule: Omnis Scriptura, &c. All Scripture inspired from aboue, doth make that a man may bee instructed to all good workes. Howbeit, doth the lawe of the Iewes con∣uert their soules? are they by reading instructed to euery good worke? The letter of the old Testament, is the same that we haue.

The heretikes also haue euer had the same scriptures which we haue that be Catholikes. But they are serued as Tantalus that the Poetes do speake of, who in the plen∣tye of thynges to eate and drinke, is sayd to bee oppressed with hunger and thirst. The swifter that men do seeke the Scriptures without the Catholike church, the deeper they fall, and fynde hell for their labour. Saint Cyprian neuer swaruing from the Catholike Church, saith: He that doth not acknowledge the Church to bee his mother, shall not haue God to be his father. Therefore it is true Diuinitie,* 4.280 to bee wise with the Church, where Christ sayeth: Nisi manduca∣ueritis, &c. Vnlesse ye eate my fleshe, and drinke my bloud, ye haue no lyfe in you.

If he had meant of onely eating bread, and drinkyng wyne, nothyng had bene more pleasaunt to the Caper∣naites, neither would they haue forsaken hym. The fleshe profiteth nothing to them that doe so take it. For the Ca∣pernaites did imagine Christ to be geuen in such sorte as he lyued. But Christ spake high thinges: not that they should haue hym as fleshe in the market, but to consider his presence with the spirite, * vnder the formes whereby it is geuen. As there is an alteration of bodies by courses and tymes of ages, so there is no lesse * varietie in eatyng of bodies.

These things which I haue recited briefly. M. Harps∣field did with many more wordes set out: and hereupon D. Weston disputed against hym.

West.

Christes real body is not in the sacrament:

Ergo, you are deceyued.

Harps.

I deny the antecedent.

West.

Iohn the 6. Dico veritatem vobis, &c. I speake the truth vnto you: It behooueth me that I go away from you. For vnlesse I do depart, that comforter cannot come, &c.

* 4.281Upon this I will make this argument.

Christ is so gone away as he did send the holy Ghost.

But the holy Ghost did verily come into the world:

Ergo, Christ is verily gone.

Harps.

He is verily gone, and yet remaineth here.

West.

S. Augustine sayth, that these wordes: Ego ero, &c. I wyll be with you euen to the end of the world, are accompli∣shed, secundum maiestatem, According to his maiestie: But se∣cundum praesentiam carnis, non est hic, By the presence of hys flesh, he is not here. The Church hath hym not in flesh, but by beliefe.

Harps.

We must diligently weigh that there are two na∣tures in Christ: the diuine nature, & humane nature. The diuine nature is of such sort, that it cannot chuse but bee in all places. The humane nature is not such, that of force it must be in all places, althogh it be in diuers, after a diuers maner. So where that the doctors do entreat of hys pre∣sence by maiestie, they do commend the maiestie of the Di∣uine nature not to hinder vs of the * natural presence here in the sacrament.

West.

He sayth further: Me autem non semper habebitis: Ye shall not haue me alwayes with you, is to be vnderstanded in the fleshe.

Harpsfield.

The presence of the flesh is to bee considered, that he is not here as he was woont to lyue in conuersati∣on with them, to be seene, talked withall, or in such sort as a man may geue hym * any thyng: after that sort he is not present.

West.

But what say you to this of S. Augustine: Nō est hic, He is not here.

Harpesfield.

I do answer out of S. Augustine vpon Iohn, Tractatu. 25. vpon these woordes. Non videbitis me. Vado ad patrem, &c. I goe to the Father, ye shall not see me: That is, Such as I now am. Therefore I doe deny the maner of hys presence.

West.

I wil ouerthrow S. Augustine with S. Augustine: who saith this also: Quomodo quis possit tenere Christum? fi∣dem mitte & tenuisti: that is, How may a man hold Christ? send thy fayth, and thou holdest hym.

So he sheweth, that by sending our fayth, we do hold Christ.

Harpesfield.

In deed no man holdeth Christ, vnlesse he be∣leeue in him, but it is another thing to haue Christ mercy∣ful and fauourable vnto vs, and to haue him present in the Sacrament.

There s. Augustine speaketh of holding him by faith, as he is fauourable vnto vs.

West.

Nay, he speaketh there how the Fathers had him in the fleshe, and teacheth that we haue him not so in fleshe, as they had him long tyme, sayeng: Your fathers dyd holde Christ present in the flesh, do you hold him in your heart. What wordes can be more plaine? Further he sayth, He is gone, & is not here: he hath left vs, and yet hath not forsaken vs. Hic est maiestate, abijt carne: He is here in maiestie, and gone touching the fleshe.

Harps.

I doe vnderstand Augustine thus: that Christ is here in his flesh to them that receiue him worthily: to such as doe not worthily receiue him, to them he is not present in the fleshe. I iudge S. Augustine meaneth so. We haue hym, and haue hym not: we haue him in receiuyng hym worthily, otherwyse not.

West.

Nay, Tener•• carnem est tenere corticem literae: I wyll prosecute another argument. Cyrill doth say: By the maie∣stie of his diuinitie he is euer here, but the presence of hys fleshe hath he taken away.

Harpsfield.

The sense of Cyrill is thus to be vnderstanded: The most true fleshe of Christ is at the right hande of the Father. Thus the Fathers taught, and so they beleeued. Thus sayd Cyrill: Thus said Augustine, and because this is the foundation of our fayth, they did oftentymes teach it. Therefore, when they prooue this, (the body to bee in heauen,) they do not make agaynst the presence in the sa∣crament.* 4.282

So vnlesse ye can plainly shew, that the fathers do di∣rectly say, he is not in the sacrament, you make nothyng a∣gainst me: for I haue shewed why the Fathers so spake. They did teach the great difference betwene the diuine na∣ture, and the humane nature, as I haue before sayd.

Weston.

I will then prooue, that he is not in the sacrament. Uigilius against y^e heretike Eutiches, vpon these words: Me autem non semper habebitis, sayeth: The sonne of God as touching his humanitie, is gone from vs, by his diuinitie hee re∣mayneth with vs. And that same Uigilius in hys fourth booke, sayeth: Hee that is in the heauen, is not in the earth, speakyng of Christ.

Harps.

I wyll shew you the reason of these wordes. The hereticke Eutiches did beleeue that the diuine nature of Christ was fastned on the crosse, and beleeued that Christ had no naturall body. To this Uigilius sayd, that the hu∣mane nature was taken vp and ascended, which could not so haue done, vnlesse he had had a body. This he sayd not, to take away the presence in the sacrament.

For what had he to referre this sentence to the Sacra∣ment? Hee neuer dyd so much as dreame of the Sacra∣ment.

West.

Cyrill sayth: Although he be absent from vs in body, yet are we gouerned by his spirit.* 4.283

Harps.

By these wordes he gaue vs a cheerefulnesse, to a∣spire vpwards, seeking therehence our helpe. For as tou∣ching his conuersation, he is not so in the Sacrament, as one meet to be liued withall. But let hym teach vs that he is not there to feed vs: for after that sort he is there.

West.

You haue satisfied me with your answers, in doyng the same learnedly, and catholikely. But now to an other argument.

* 4.284Christ is now so absent from the earth by his body, as he was absent from heauen when he liued here.

But when he did liue bodily on earth, the same naturall body was out of heauen.

Ergo, now whilest his naturall body is in heauen, it is not in earth.

Harps.

I deny the Maior.

West.

Fulgentus ad Transimundum Regem, libro secundo, saith: Secundum humanam substantiam absens erat coelo, cum descē∣dit de coelo. These are Fulgentius wordes touchyng hys humane substaunce. He was absent from heauen, when he de∣scended from heauen, and touching the same substance, now he is in heauen, he is not on the earth: but concernyng the diuine nature, he neuer forsooke, neither heauen nor earth.

¶After these wordes, not waityng Harpsfields aun∣swer, he offered maister Cranmer to dispute: who began in this wyse.

Cranmer.

I haue heard you right learnedly and eloquently entreat of the dignitie of the scriptures, which I doe both commend, & haue maruelled thereat within my selfe. But where as you referre the true sense & iudgement of y^e scrip∣tures to the catholicke churche as iudge thereof, you are much deceued, specially for y^t vnder the name of the church you appoynt such Iudges as haue corruptly iudged, and contrary to the sense of the scriptures. I wonder likewyse why you attribute so little to the diligent readyng of the scriptures, and conferryng of places, seyng the scriptures do so much commend the same, as wel in diuers other pla∣ces, as also in those which you your selfe haue alredy alle∣ged. And as touching your opinion of these questiōs,* 4.285 it se∣meth to me, neither to haue any groūd of the word of god, nor of the Primitiue church. And to say the truth, y^e schole∣men haue spoken diuersly of them, and do not agree there∣in among themselues. Wherfore mynding here briefly to shew my iudgement also, I must desire you first to aun∣swere me to a fewe questions which I shall demaund of you. Which beyng done, we shall the better proceed in our disputation. Moreouer, I must desire you to beare also with my rudenes in the Latin tonge, which through long disuse is not now so prompt and ready with me, as it hath bene. And now all other things set apart▪ I mynd chiefly to haue regard to the truth. My first question is this: How Christes body is in the sacrament, accordyng to your mynde or determination?

Then answered a Doctor, he is there as touching hys substance, but not after the maner of his substance.* 4.286

Harpsfield.

He is there in such sort and manner, as he may be eaten.

Cran.

My next question is: Whether he hath his quantitie & qualities, forme, figure, and such like properties.

Harpsfield.

Are these your questions, sayd Maister Harps∣field? I may likewise aske you when Christ passed tho∣rough the virgines wombe, an ruperit ne••ne? When they had thus a while contended, there were diuers opinions in this matter.

All the doctors fell in a buzzing,* 4.287 incertaine what to an∣swer: some thought one way, some another, and thus ma∣ster Doctors could not agree.

Then maister Cranmer said thus: you put of questi∣ons with questions, and not with aunsweres. I aske one thyng of you, and you aunswer another. Once agayne I aske: Whether he haue those properties which he had on the earth?* 4.288

Tresh.

No, he hath not all the quantities and qualities be∣longing

to a body.

Smyth

Stay you Maister Tresham. I wyll aunswere to you Maister Doctor, with the wordes of Damascene: Transformatur panis, &c. The bread is transformed, &c. But if thou wilt enquire how, Modus impossibilis, The manner is impossible.

Then two or three other added their aunswers to this question,* 4.289 somewhat doubtfully. A great hurley burley was among them: some affirming one thyng, and some another.

Cran.

Doe you appoynt me a body, and cannot tell what maner of bodye? Either he hath not his quantitie, or els you are ignorant how to answer it.

Harps.

These are vaine questions, & it is not meet to spend the ryme on them.

West.

* 4.290Heare me a while, Lanfrancus sometyme Bishop of Caunterbury, doth answer in this wise vnto Berengari∣us vpon such like questions: Salubriter credi possunt, fideli∣ter queri non possunt: They may be well beleued, but neuer faithfully asked.

Cranmer.

If ye thinke good to aunswer it, some of you de∣clare it.

Harps.

He is there as pleaseth hym to be there.

Cranmer.

I would be best contented with that aunswere, if that your appoynting of a carnall presence had not dri∣uen me of necessitie to haue enquired for disputatiōs sake, howe you place hym there, sithence you will haue a na∣turall body.

* 4.291When agayne he was answered of diuers at one time, some denying it to be quantum, some saying it to be quanti∣tatiuum, some affirming it to haue modum quanti, some de∣nying it, some one thyng, some an other: vp start D. We∣ston, and doughtily decided (as he thought) all the matter, saying: It is Corpus quantum, sed non per modum quanti. i. It is a body (sayeth he) hauyng quantitie, but not accor∣ding to the maner of quantitie.

Whereunto M. Warde, a great Sophister, thinkyng the matter not fully answered, did largely declare and dis∣course his sentence: How learnedly and truely I cannot tell, nor I thinke he hymselfe neither, ne yet the best lear∣ned there. For it was sayd since, that farre better learned then he, layd as good eare to hym as they could, & yet could by no meanes perceyue to what ende all his talke tended. In deed he told a formall tale to cloute vp the matter.* 4.292 Hee was full of quantum & quantitatiuum. This that followeth, was as it is thought, the effect, yet others think no. How be it we wyll rehearse the summe of his wordes, as it is thought he spake them.

Warde.

We must consider (sayth he) that there are duae posi∣tiones, Two positions. The one standeth by the order of partes, with respect of the whole. The other in respect of that which conteyneth.* 4.293 Christ is in the Sacrament in re∣spect of the whole. This proposition is in one of Aristo∣tles Predicamentes, called Situs. I remember I dyd en∣treat these matters very largely, when I dyd rule and moderate the Philosophicall disputations in the publike Schooles. This position is sine modo quantitatiuo, as by an ensample: you can neuer bring heauen to a quantitie. So I conclude that he is in the Sacrament, quantum sine mo∣do quantitatiuo.

These words he amplified very largely, and so high he clymed into the heauens with Duns his ladder, and not with the scriptures, that it is to be marueled how he could come downe again without falling? To whom M. Cran∣mer said: Then thus do I make myne argument.

Cran.

* 4.294In heauen his body hath quantitie, in earth it hath none by your saying.

Ergo, he hath two bodies, the one in heauen, the other in earth.

Here some would haue answered him, that he had quā∣titie in both, and so put of the antecedent: but thus said M, Harpsfield.

Harps.

I denye your argument, though some would not haue had hym say so.

Cran.

The argument is good. It standeth vpon contradic∣tories, which is the most surest hold.

Harps.

I deny that there are contradictions.

Cran.

I thus prooue it. Habere modum quantitatiuum & non habere, sunt contradictoria.

Sed Christus in coelis, vt dicitis, habet modum quantitatiuū, in terra non habet:

Ergo, duo sunt corpora eius in quae cadunt haec contradicto∣ria: Nam in idem cadere non possunt.

West.

* 4.295I deny the Minor.

Harps.

I aunswer, that the Maior is not true. For Habere quantum, & non habere, non sunt contradictoria nisi sic conside∣rantur eiusdem ad idem, eodem modo & simpliciter.

West.

I confirme the same: for one body may haue modum quantitatiuum, and not haue:* 4.296 and idem corpus was passi∣ble and impassible, one body may haue woundes, and not woundes.

Cran.

This cannot be at one tyme.

Weston.

The ensample of the Potter doth prooue that I say: who of that that is clay now, maketh a pot or cuppe forthwith.

Cran.

But I say againe, that it is so but at diuers tymes: as one piece of meat to be rawe and sodden, cannot be at one time together. But you would haue it otherwise, that Christ should be here and in heauen at one time, & should haue modum quantitatiuum, and not haue: which cannot be but by such argument as I haue shewed you.

West.

But I say, Christes body was passible and not pas∣sible at one * 4.297 instant.

Seat.

You may aske as well other questions, how he is in heauen? whether he sit or stand, and whether he bee there as he liued here.

Cran.

You your selfe by putting a naturall presence, doe force me to question how he is here. Therfore, next I doe aske this question: Whether good and euill men do eat the body in the sacrament?

Harps.

Yea, they do so, euen as the sunne doth shine vppon kings pallaices, and on dung heapes.

Cran.

Then doe I enquire how long Christ tarieth in the eater.

Harps.

These are curious questions, vnmeet to be asked.

Cranmer.

I haue taken them out of your Schooles and Schoolemen, which you your selues doe most vse: and there also doe I learne to aske how farre he goeth into the body.

Harps.

Wee know that the bodye of Christ is receyued to nourish the whole man concernyng both body and soule: Eo vs{que} progreditur corpus quous{que} * 4.298 species.

Cran.

How long doth he abide in the body?

Seat.

S. Augustine saith, our flesh goeth into his flesh. But after he is once receiued into the stomacke, it maketh no matter for vs to know how far he doth pierce, or whether he is conueied.

¶Here M. Tresham and one M. London answered, that Christ beyng geuen there vnder such forme and quantitie as pleased him, it was not to be enquired of his tarying, or of his descending into the body.

Harps.

You were woont to lay to our charge, that we ad∣ded to the scripture: saying alwayes that we should fetch the truth out of the scripture, and now you your selfe bring questions out of the Schoolemen, which you haue disal∣lowed in vs.

Cran.

I say as I haue sayd alway, that I am constrayned to aske these Questions, because of this carnall presence, which you imagine: and yet I know right wel, that these questions be answered out of the Scriptures: As to my last question: How long he abideth in the body? &c. The scripture answereth plainly, that Christ doth so lōg dwell in his people, as they are his members. Wherupō I make this argument.

Ba- They which eate the flesh of Christ, do dwel in hym▪ and he in them.* 4.299

ro- But the wicked doe not remaine in hym, nor he in them:

co. Ergo, the wicked do not eate his flesh, nor drinke his bloud.

Harps.

I will answer vnto you, as S. Augustine saith▪* 4.300 not that how so euer a man do eate, he eateth the body: but he that eateth after a certaine maner.

Cran.

I cannot tel what maner ye appoint, but I am sure that euill men do not eate the flesh and drinke the bloud of Christ, as Christ speaketh in the sixt of Iohn.

Harps.

In the sixt of Iohn, some things are to be referred to the godly, and some to the vngodly.

Cranmer.

Whatsoeuer he doth entreat there of eating, doth pertayne vnto good men.

Harps.

If you do meane onely of the worde of eating, it is true: if concerning the thing, it is not so: And if your mea∣ning be of that which is conteined vnder the word of ••a∣ting, it may be so taken, I graunt.* 4.301

Cran.

Now to the Argument, He that eateth my fleshe, and drinketh my bloud, dwelleth in mee, and I in hym. Doth not this prooue sufficiently, that euill men doe not eate that the good doe?

Tresh.

You must adde, Qui manducat dignè: He that eateth woorthily.

Cran.

I speake of the same manner of eatyng, that Christ speaketh of.

Weston.

Augustinus ad fratres in Eremo, Sermon. 28. Est c••••∣dan••

manducandi modus. i. There is a certaine manner of ea∣ting. Augustine speaketh of two maners of eating: the one of them that eat worthely, the other that eat vnworthely.

Harps.

All thinges in the 6. of Iohn are not to be referred to the Sacrament,* 4.302 but to the receiuing of Christe by faith. The Fathers doe agree that there is not entreatie made of the supper of the Lorde, before they come vnto, Panis quem dabo vobis, caro mea est. &c.

Cran.

There is entreatinge of Manna both before & after.

Harps.

I wil apply an other answer. This argument hath a kinde of poysone in it, which must be thus bitten away, that Manna and this Sacrament be not both one. Manna hath not his efficacie of him selfe, but of God.

Cran.

But they that did take Manna worthily, had fruite therby:* 4.303 and so by your assertion, he that doth eat the flesh of Christ worthily, hath his fruite by that.

Therfore the like doth folow of them both: and so there should be no difference betwene Manna & thys sacrament by your reason.

Harps.

When it is sayde, that they which did eate Manna, are dead, it is to be vnderstand, that they did want the * ver∣tue of Manna.

*If M. Harpsfield do meane of bodily life, they which eate the Sacrament doe die, as well as they which did eate the Manna. If he meane of spiritual life, neither be they all damned that did eat Manna, nor all saued that do eate the Sacrament. Wherefore the truth is, that neither the eating of Manna bringeth death, nor the eating of the Sacrament bringeth saluation: but only the spirituall beleeuing vppon Christes bodely passion, which onely iustifieth both them and vs. And therefore as the effect is spirituall, whych Christ speaketh of in this chapter: so is the cause of that effecte spi∣rituall whereof hee meaneth, which is our spirituall beleeuing in him, and not our bodely eating of him.

Cran.

They then which doe eate either of them worthely, doe liue.

Harps.

They doe lyue whiche doe eate Manna worthely, not by Manna, but by the power of God geuen by it. The other which doe eate this Sacrament, do liue by the same.

Cran.

Christe did not entreate of the cause, but the effecte which folowed: he doth not speake of the cause whereof the effect proceedeth.

Harps.

I do say the effects are diuers, life and death, which do folow the worthy, and the vnworthy eating therof.

Cran.

Sithens you will needes haue an addition to it, we must vse both in Manna & in this Sacrament, indifferent∣ly, either worthily or vnworthily.

Christ spake absolutely of Manna, and of the Supper, so that after that absolute speaking of the Supper, wicked men can in no wise eate the fleshe of Christe, and drinke his bloud.

* 4.304Further Augustine vpon Iohn, Tractatu 26. vppon these wordes, Qui manducat, &c. sayth: There is no suche respecte in common meates, as in the Lords body. For who that eateth other meates, hath still hunger, and needeth to be satisfied daily: but hee that doth eate the flesh of Christ, and drinketh his bloud, doth liue for euer. But you know wicked men not to doe so.

Ergo, wicked men doe not receiue.

Harps.

S. Augustine meaneth, that hee who eateth Christes flesh. &c. after a certaine manner, should liue for euer. Wic∣ked men doe eate, but not after that maner.

Cran.

Ca- Onely they which participate Christ, be of the mysticall body.* 4.305

me- But the euill men are not of the mysticall body:

stres. Therefore they doe not participate Christ.

Weston.

* 4.306Your wonderfull gentle behaueour and modesty (good master D. Cranmer) is woorthy muche commenda∣tion: and that I may not depriue you of your right & iuste deseruing, I geue you most hearty thankes in myne owne name, and in the name of all my brethren. At which saying all the Doctors gently put off theyr cappes. Then M. We∣ston did oppose the Respondent on this wise.

West.

* 4.307Tertullian doth cal the sacrament the signe and figure of the Lorde.

S. Augustine ad Dardanum sayeth: Non dubitauit Domi∣nus dicere, hoc est corpus meum, cum daret signum corporis. i. The Lorde did not sticke to say, this is my body, when hee gaue a signe of his body.

Besides this, he geueth rules howe to vnderstand the scriptures, saying: If the Scriptures seeme to commaund some heynous thing,* 4.308 then it is figuratiue, as by example: Manducare carnem & bibere sanguinem, est tropicus sermo. i. To eate the flesh and drinke the bloud, is a tropicall speache.

Harps.

* 4.309Tertullian did wryte in that place against Martion an heretique, who denied Christ to haue a true body, and said, he had onely a fantasticall body. He went aboute to shewe that we had Christ both in heauē and in earth: and though we haue the true bodye in the Sacrament, yet hee woulde not goe about so to confounde him, as to say, that Christe was truely in the Sacrament: For that heretique woulde haue thereat rather marueiled, then beleeued it. Therefore hee shewed him, that it was the figure of Christe: and a fi∣gure can not be, but of a thing that is, or hath bene extant.

To the texte of Augustine: the Churche hathe neuer taught the contrarye.* 4.310 There is an outwarde thing in the Sacrament, which sometimes hath sundry names. For it maye be called a Figure in this declaration: That Bodye which is in the sacrament, is a figure of Christ dwelling in heauen.

To the thirde: That whych is brought by Augustine for example, about the vnderstanding of the Scriptures,* 4.311 is thus to be vnderstanded, as tending to a generall manner of eating: so Manducare carnem, & bibere sanguinem. i. To eate the flesh, and drinke the bloude, may be a figuratiue speache to exclude Anthropophagiam. i. The eating of mans flesh, the which is, when we eate mans flesh cutte into morsels, as we eate common meate: so as we neither haue nor eat Christ in the Sacrament.

West.

I vnderstand your short & learned answeare,* 4.312 which doth sufficiently content me. But nowe to the second que∣stion, which is of transubstantiation.

The scripture calleth it bread.

Ergo, it is bread.

Harps.

In the name of breade all is signified whyche wee doe eate.

West.

Theodoretus an ancient wryter,* 4.313 in his firste Dia∣logue, sayth, that Christ changed not the nature, but called it his body.

Harps.

He doeth there speake de Symbolo, which is, Externa species sacramenti. i. The outwarde forme of the Sacrament.* 4.314 Hee meaneth that, that doth tarie in his owne nature. Moreo∣uer, as it was reported, hee brought for his answere Augu∣stinum in sententijs Prosperi.

West.

Theodorete also in hys seconde Dialogue of these kindes of breade and wine sayeth: Nec naturam egrediuntur,* 4.315 manent etiam in sua substantia. i. They goe not oute of their owne nature, but they tarie in their owne substaunce.

Harps.

They are vnderstanded to be of the same substance wherein they are * 4.316 turned.

West.

But what say you by this? Manent in priori substan∣tia: They remaine in their former substance.

Harps.

Symbola manent: The outward signes doe tarie.

West.

But what is meant here by this word, Symbolum?

Harps.

The outwarde fourme or shape onely of the Na∣ture.

West.

Then you can not call them a substance.

Harps.

Yes Syr, euery thing hath a certaine substaunce in hys kinde.

West.

That is true, but accidentes are not substaunces in theyr kinde.

Harpsfielde.

Sunt quid in suo genere. Of thys they conten∣ded much.

West.

Chrysostome ad Caesarium Monachum sayeth,* 4.317 Sicut an∣tequam consecratur, panis est: sic postquam consecratur, liberatus est ab appellatione panis, donatusque est appellatione corporis Domini, cum natura remanet: That is. Like as before it is consecrated, it is breade: so after it is consecrated, it is deli∣uered from the name of breade, and is endued with y^e name of the Lordes body, where as the nature doth remaine.

Harps.

Where reade you this place, I pray you?* 4.318

West.

Here in Peter Martyr I finde it: I haue hys Booke in my hand.

Harps.

The authour shall be of more credite, before that I make so much of him, as to frame an answere vnto it.

Weston.

In deede I knowe not well where he findeth it. But Gelasius sayeth,* 4.319 that the nature of breade and wine doe tarrie.

Harps.

What is that Gelasius?

West.

A Bishop of Rome.

Harps.

Then he allowed the Masse.

West.

Yea, and oftentimes sayde it: and Purgatorie he al∣so allowed, and so prayer for the deade, reliques, and inuo∣cation to saintes.

Harps.

Belyke then hee meant nothing against Transub∣stantiation.

West.

It doeth appeare so in deede.* 4.320 But Origene vppon Math. the 15. Chapter saith, that the material breade doeth tarrye, and is conueyed into the priuie, and is eaten of wormes.

Harps.

Tushe, tushe, thys place appertaineth vnto holye breade.

West.

What, doth it appertaine to holy bread?

Harps.

Yea, vnto holy breade.

West.

By what meanes can you shewe how this myracu∣lous worke bringeth Christ into the sacrament.

Harps.

By the scriptures I prooue that, which sayeth: Hoc est corpus meum. This is my body.

West.

It doeth reioyce all vs not a little, that you haue so well maintained the sound doctrine of the sacrament of the Altare, wherein you haue faithfully cleaued to the Catho∣like Church, as an onely stay of our religion: by the whych meanes you haue prooued your selfe meete to be authorised further towardes the practising of the scripture.

And heere I doe openly witnesse, that I doe throughly consente wyth you, and haue for disputations sake onely, brought these argumēts against you, which you haue right learnedly satisfied: and nowe all things being done, after our forme and maner, we wil end this disputation, saying: In oppositum est sacra theologia. In oppositum est. &c.

¶Thus haue ye heard in these foresaide disputations, about the holy supper of the Lorde, the reasons and argu∣ments of the Doctors, the answeres and resolutions of the Bishops, and the triumphe of the Prolocutor, triumphing before the victorie, w^t Vicit veritas, who rather in my minde shoulde haue exclaimed, vicit potestas: As it happeneth al∣waies, Vbi pars maior vincit meliorem. For els if potestas had not helped the Prolocutor more then veritas, there had ben a small victoria. But so it is where iudgements be partiall, and parties be addicted, there all thinges turne to victorie, though it be neuer so meane and simple, as in this disputa∣tion might well appeare.

For first of the Opponents part, neither was there al∣most any argument in true moode & figure rightly framed: neither could the answearers be permitted to say for them selues: and if they answeared any thing, it was condemned before they began to speake. Againe, such disturbaunce and confusion, more like a conspiration then anye disputation, without al forme and order, was in the schooles during the time of their answering, that neither could the answearers haue place to vtter their minds, neither would the Oppo∣nents be satisfied with any reasons. Cōcerning the which disturbaunce of that misruled disputation, you shall heare what M. Ridley himselfe reporteth by his owne descrip∣tion, in maner as foloweth.

The reporte and narration of M. Ridley concer∣ning the misordered disputation had against him and his felow prisoners at Oxford.

* 4.321I Neuer yet sithence I was borne saw, or heard any thing done or handled more vainely, or tumultuously, then the disputation which was with mee in the Schooles at Ox∣forde. Yea verely, I coulde neuer haue thought that it had ben possible to haue founde amongest men recounted to be of knowledge and learning in thys Realme, any so brasen faced and shamelesse, so disorderly and vainely, to behaue themselues, more like to Stageplayers in Enterludes, to set forth a Pageant, then to be graue Diuines in Schooles to dispute. The Sorbonical clamours (which at Paris I haue seene in time past when Popery most raigned) might be worthely thought (in cōparison of this thrasonical oftē∣tation) to haue had muche modestie. And no greate mar∣uaile, seeing they which should haue beene Moderatours, and Ouerseers of others, and whych shoulde haue geuen good ensample in woordes and grauitie: they themselues, aboue all other gaue worste ensample, and did (as it were) blow the trompe to the rest, to raile, rore, rage, and cry out. By reason wherof (good christen reader) manifestly it may appeare, that they neuer sought for any truth or verity, but onely for the glory of the worlde, and their owne bragging victorie.* 4.322 But least by the innumerable railings & reproch∣ful taūts, wherwith I was baited on euery side, our cause, yea rather Gods cause & his churches, should be euill spo∣ken off, and slandered to the world through false reportes, and vntrue ensamples geuen out of oure disputation, and so the veritie might sustaine some damage, I thought it no les then my duety to wryte mine answeres: to the intent y^t who so euer is desirous to know the truth thereof, may by this perceiue, as well those things which were chiefly ob∣iected, as summarily that which was answered of me vnto euery of them. How be it (good Reader), I confesse this to be most true, that it is vnpossible to set foorth either all that was (God knoweth) tumultuously and confusedly obiec∣ted of their partes being so many, speaking many times all together so thicke that one coulde not well heare an other, either all that was answeared on my behalfe, to thē so son∣dry and diuers Opponents.

Moreouer, a great parte of the time appoynted for the disputations, was vainly cōsumed in opprobrious checks and reuiling tauntes, with hissing and clapping of hands, and that in the English tongue,* 4.323 to procure the peoples fa∣uour wythall. All which things, when I with great grief of heart did beholde, protesting openly, that suche excessiue and outragious disorder, was vnseemely for those schooles and men of learning and grauitie, and that they which wer the doers and stirrers of suche things, did nothing else but bewray the slendernesse of theyr cause, and theyr owne va∣nities: I was so farre off by thys my humble complaynt from doing any good at all, that I was enforced to heare suche rebukes, checkes, and tauntes for my labour, as no persone of any honestie wythout blushing coulde abide to heare the like spoken of a moste vile varlet, against a moste wretched Russian.

At the firste beginning of the Disputation, when I should haue confirmed mine answeare to the firste propo∣sition in fewe wordes,* 4.324 and that (after the maner and lawe of Schooles) afore I coulde make an ende of my firste pro∣bation, which was not very long, euen the Doctors them∣selues cried oute, hee speaketh plasphemies, hee speaketh blasphemies. And when I on my knees besoughte them, and that heartily, that they woulde vouchsafe to heare me to the ende, (whereat the Prolocutour being mooued, cry∣ed out on hie, Let him reade it, let him reade it) yet when I began to reade it agayne, there followed immediately such showting, such a noyse and tumult, and confusion of voy∣ces, crying, blasphemies, blasphemies, as I to my remem∣braunce neuer hearde, or read the like, excepte it be that one whych was in the Actes of the Apostles, stirred vp of De∣metrius the siluer Smith, and other of hys occupatiō, cry∣ing out against Paule, Greate is Diana of the Ephesians, great is Diana of the Ephesians: and except it be a certaine disputation whych the Arrians had against the Orthodox∣es, and suche as were of godlye iudgemente in Aphryca, where it is sayde, that suche as the President and rulers of the Disputation were, suche was the ende of the disputati∣ons. All were in a hurly burly, and so great were the sclan∣ders which the Arrians cast out, that nothing could quiet∣ly be heard. This wryteth Uictor in the second booke of his Hystorie.

The which cries and tumultes of them agaynst mee so preuailed, that wild I, nild I,* 4.325 I was enforced to leaue of y^e reading of my probations, although they were short. If a∣ny man doubt of the truth hereof, let the same aske any one that was there, and not vtterly peruerted in Poperie, and I am assured hee will say, I speake the least. But to com∣plaine of these things further, I will cease.

And further speaking of thys disputation, hee conclu∣deth with these wordes: And thus was ended thys moste glorious disputation of the most holy Fathers, sacrificers, Doctours, and Maisters, which fought most manfully (as yee may see) for theyr god and goodes, for theyr faith and fe∣licitie, for theyr countrey and kitchin, for theyr beautye and belly, with triumphant applauses and fauour of the whole Uniuersitie.

After the disputation of maister Latimer ended, whych was the 18. day of April, the Friday following whych was the 20. day of the sayde moneth, the Commissioners sate in saint Maries Church, as they did the Saterday before, and Doctor Weston vsed particularly disswasions wyth euery of them, and woulde not suffer them to answeare in anye wise, but directly and peremptorily, (as his woordes w••re) to say whether they woulde subscribe, or no. And firste to the Bishop of Canterbury he said he was ouercome in dis∣putations: whome the Byshop aunsweared,* 4.326 that where as Doctour Weston sayde, he had answeared and opposed, and could neither mainteine his own errors, nor impugne the veritie, all that he said, was false. For he was not suffe∣red to Oppose as he woulde, nor could answere as he was required, vnles he would haue brauled with them, so thick theyr reasons came one after an other. Euer foure or fiue did interrupt him, that he coulde not speake. Maister Rid∣ley and M. Latimer were asked, what they would do, they sayde, they would stande to that they had sayd. Then were they all called together, and sentence read ouer them, that they were no members of the Church. And therefore they, theyr fautors and patrones were condemned as heretiks: and in reading of it, they were asked, whether they would turne or no, & they bade them read on in the name of God, for they were not minded to turne. So were they condem∣ned all three.

After which sentence of condemnation being awarded against them, they aunsweared againe euery one in theyr turne, in maner and effect of words, as foloweth, the arch∣bishop first beginning thus.

The Archbishop of Caunterburie.

From this your iudgement and sentence, I appeale to

the iust iudgement of God almighty, trusting to be present wyth him in heauen, for whose presence in the altare, I am thus condemned.

Doctour Ridley.

Although I be not of your companye, yet doubte not I but my name is wrytten in an other place, whether thys sentence wil sende vs sooner, then we shoulde by the course of nature haue come.

Doctour Ridley.

I thanke God most hartily, that he hath prolonged my life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kinde of death.

Doctor Westons answere vnto Latimer.

If you goe to heauen in thys faith, then will I neuer come thither,* 5.1 as I am thus perswaded.

After the sentence pronounced, they were separated one from the other, videlicet, the Archbishop was retourned to Bocardo, D. Ridley was caried to the sheriffes house, ma∣ster Latimer to the Bailiffes.

On Saterday following, they had a Masse with a ge∣nerall procession and great solemnitie. Doctor Cranmer was caused to beholde the Procession oute of Bocardo, Doctour Ridley out of the Sheriffes house. Latimer also being brought to see it, from the Bayliffes house, thoughte that he should haue gone to burning, and spake to one Au∣gustine Cooper a Catchpoll, to make a quicke fire. But when he came to Karfox, and sawe the matter, he ranne as fast as his olde bones would carrie him, to one Spensers shop, and would not looke towardes it. Last of all, D. We∣ston caried the sacrament, and foure doctors caried the Ca∣napie ouer him.

Immediately after the sentence was geuen, D. Ridley wryteth to the Prolocutor, in maner, as foloweth.

Doctor Ridley to the Prolocutor.

* 5.2MAister Prolocutor, you remember, I am sure, howe you pro∣mised me openly in the schooles, after my protestation, that I should see howe my answeares were there taken and wrytten of the Notaries whom ye appoynted, (me fateor neminem recusare) to wryte what should be sayd, and to haue had licence for to haue added vnto them, or to haue altered them, as vpon more delibe∣ration should haue seemed me best.* 5.3 Ye graūted me also at the de∣liuery of my aunswere vnto your first proposition, a copie of the same: these promises are not performed. If your sodaine departure be any part of the cause therof, yet I pray you remember that they may be perfourmed: for performaunce of promise is to be looked for at a righteous Iudges handes. Nowe I send you here my aun∣sweres in wryting, to your second and third propositions, & doe desire and require earnestly a copie of the same, & I shal by Gods grace procure the paines of the wryter to be paid for and satisfied accordingly. Maister Prolocutor, in the time of my aunswearing in the Scholes, when I would haue cōfirmed my sayings with au∣thorities and reasons, ye said then openly, that I should haue time and place to say and bring whatsoeuer I could an other time, and the same your saying was then there confirmed of other of the Commissioners: yea, and (I dare say) the audience also thoughte then that I shoulde haue had an other daye, to haue broughte and sayde what I coulde for the declaration and confirmation of mine assertions. Nowe that this was not done, but so sodainly sentence geuen before the cause was perfectly heard, I canne not but mar∣uaile. &c.

On Monday next ensuing, after these things done and past, being the xxiij. of the sayde moneth of Aprill, D. We∣ston Prolocutor tooke his iourney vp to London,* 5.4 with the letters certificatorie from y^e vniuersitie vnto the Queene, by whome the Archb. of Cant. directed his letters suppli∣catorie vnto the Counsaile. The whych letters after the Prolocutor had receiued, & had caried them wel neare halfe way to London, by the way he opened the same, and seeing the contentes thereof, sente them backe againe, refusing to carie them. &c. Likewise Bishoppe Ridley, hearing of the Prolocutors going to London, writeth to him his letters, wherin he desireth him to cary his answers vp to certaine Bishops in London, the forme of which letters, first of D. Ridley, then of the Archb. and lastly an other letter of D. Ridley to the Archbishop, here in order foloweth.

A letter of B. Ridley to the Prolocutor.

MAister Prolocutour, I desire you, and in Gods name require you, that you truely bring forth and shew al mine answers, wrytten and subscribed with mine owne hande, vnto the higher house of the Conuocation, and specially to my L. Chauncelor, my Lordes of Duresme, Ely, Worcester, Norwich, and Chichester, and also to shewe and exhibite this my wryting vnto them, whyche in these fewe lines heere I wryte vnto you: and that I did make thys request vnto you by this my wryting, know ye that I did take wit∣nesse of them by whome I did send you this wryting, and also of those whiche were then with them present, videlicet, the two Bai∣liffes of Oxforde, and of master Irishe Alderman, then there called to be a witnesse.

By me Nicholas Ridley 23. of April, An. 1554.

The copie of the Archb. of Canterb. letters to the Counsaile, sent by Doctour Weston, who refused to deliuer them.

IN right humble wise sheweth vnto your honourable Lordships, Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterburie,* 5.5 beseeching the same to be a meanes for mee vnto the Queenes highnesse for her mercy and pardon. Some of you knowe by what meanes I was broughte and trained vnto the will of oure late soueraigne Lorde king Edwarde the sixte, and what I spake against the same, where∣in I referre me to the reportes of your honoures and woorships. Furthermore, this is to signifie vnto your Lordshippes, that vpon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last past, were open disputati∣ons heere in Oxforde against me, maister Ridley, and maister La∣timer, in three matters concerning the Sacrament: First of the re∣all presence, secondly of Transubstātiation, & thirdly of the sacri∣fice of the Masse: vpon Monday against me, vpon Tuesday against Doctour Ridley, and vppon Wednesday against maister Latimer. Howe the other two were ordered, I knowe not, for we were se∣perated▪ so that none of vs knoweth what the other sayd, nor how they were ordered. But as concerning my selfe I can report. Do∣ctour Chadsey was appoynted to dispute against me, but the dis∣putation was so confused, that I neuer knewe the like, euery man bringing foorth what him liked▪ without order, and such hast was made,* 5.6 that no aunsweare coulde be suffered to be taken fully to a∣ny argument, before an other brought a newe argument: and in suche waightie matters the disputation must needes be ended in one day, which can scantly well be ended in three moneths. And when we had answeared them, they woulde not appoynte vs one day to bring foorth our proofes, that they might answeare vs, be∣ing required by me thereunto, whereas I my selfe haue more to say, then can be well discussed, as I suppose in twentie dayes. The meanes to resolue the truth, had bene to haue suffered vs to aun∣sweare fully to all that they coulde say, and then they again to an∣sweare vs fully to all that we can say. But why they woulde not answeare vs, what other cause can there be, but that either they feared their matter, that they were not able to answere vs, or else for some consideration they made such hast, not to seke the truth, but to condemne vs, that it must be done in poast haste before the matters coulde be throughly heard: for in all haste we were all 3. condemned of heresie. Thus much I thought good to signifie vnto your Lordshippes, that you may knowe the indifferent handlinge of matters, leauing the iudgement thereof vnto your wisedomes.* 5.7 And I beseeche your Lordships to remember me a poore prison∣ner vnto the Queenes Maiestie, and I shall pray as I doe daily, vn∣to God for the long preseruation of your good Lordshippes in all godlinesse and felicitie. April. 23.

Doctour Ridley to the Archbishop of Caunterburie.

I Wishe ye might haue seene these mine answeares before I had deliuered them, y^t yee myght haue corrected them.* 6.1 But I truste in the substaunce of the matter wee doe agree fully, both led by one spirite of truth, and both walking af∣ter one rule of Gods woorde. It is reported that Sergeant Morgane,* 6.2 the chiefe Iustice of the Common place is gone madde. It is sayde also that Iustice Hales hath recanted, peruerted by D. Moreman. Item, that M. Rogers, D. Crome, and M. Bradforde shall be had to Cambridge, and there be disputed with, as we were here, and that the Doc∣tours of Oxforde shall goe likewise thither,* 6.3 as Cambridge men came hither. When ye haue red mine answeares, sende thē againe to Austen, except ye wil put any thing to them. I trust the day of oure deliuerie out of all miseries, and of our entrance into perpetuall rest, and vnto perpetuall ioye and felicitie draweth me: the Lorde strengthe vs wyth hys mighty spirite of grace. If you haue not to wryte with, you must make your man your frende. And this bearer deser∣ueth to be rewarded, so he may and will doe you pleasure. My man is trustie, but it greeueth both him and mee, that when I sende hym with any thing to you, your man will not let him come vp to see you, as he maye to M. Latimer, and yours to me. I haue a promise to see how my answers were wrytten in the schooles, but as yet I cannot come by it. Praye for me. I pray for you, and so shall I for you. The Lord haue mercy of his church, and lighten the eyes of the magistrates, that Gods extreme plagues light not on this realme of England.

Turne, or burne.

These disputations being thus discoursed and ended, which were at Oxforde in the moneth of April, as is afore∣sayd: nowe let vs returne againe to the prosecuting of our story, touching other things likewise y^t happened in other parties of the realme, in this tumultuous time of Queene Marie. And because thinges that happened in that time, were so many and diuers, that it is hard to keepe a perfecte order in reciting them all: to the entent therefore to inserte things leaft out before, or els to prosecute the same more at full, we haue thought heere a litle to interrupt the order of time (albeit not muche) returning againe to the moneth of Iulie the yeare before, videlicet. 1553. In the which moneth of Iuly I shewed before howe the Duke of Northumber∣land was apprehended by the Gard, and brought to Lon∣don by the Earle of Arundell and other Lordes and Gen∣tlemen appoynted for that purpose on S. Iames day, be∣ing the 25. day of Iuly, and so to the tower, where they re∣mained. These be the names of them which were commit∣ted to the Tower with the Duke.

First the Earle of Warwike, the Earle of Huntington, Lord Ambrose,* 6.4 and Lord Henry Dudley, Lord Hastings, who was deliuered againe y^e same night, sir Iohn Gates, sir Henry Gates, sir Andrew Dudley, sir Thom. Palmer, and D. Sandes Chancelour of Cambridge.

The 26. day the Lorde Marques of Northampton, the B. of London, Lord Robert Dudly, and sir Richard Cor∣bet were brought and committed to the Tower.

The 27. day the Lorde chiefe Iustice of Englande, and the Lord Mountacute chiefe Iustice of the common place, were committed to the Tower.

Uppon the Friday being the 28. of Iulye, the Duke of Suffolke, and Sir Iohn Cheeke were committed to the Tower.

The 30. of Iulye, the Lorde Russell was committed to the Sheriffe of Londons custodie.

The 31. day the Earle of Rutlande was committed to the Fleete.

* 6.5Uppon the monday the last of Iuly, the Duke of Suf∣folke was deliuered out of the Tower againe.

Upon thursday the 3. of August, the Queene entred in∣to the citie of London at Algate, & so to the Tower, where shee remained seuen daies, and then remooued to Rich∣mond.

Uppon friday the fourth day, doct. Day was deliuered out of the Fleete.

Upon saterday the 5. day, the Lorde Feries was com∣mitted to the tower, and the same daye D. Boner was de∣liuered out of the Marshalsey. The same day at nyght D. Co••kes was committed to the Marshalsey, and one M. Edward Underhill to Newgate. Also the same day doctor Tons•••••• and Ste. Gardiner were deliuered out of the To∣wer▪ and Gardiner receiued into the Quenes priuie coun∣saile, and made Lord Chancelor.

Uppon Sunday the 7. day, Henry Dudley captaine of the Garde at Guynes,* 6.6 whych before had beene sente to the French king by his cosin the Duke of Northumberlande, after the dispatch of his ambassage with the French kinge, returned to Guines, & so was taken, and this day brought to the Tower.

Uppon mondaye the seuenth day of August, Dirige in Latine was songe wythin the Tower, by all the Kynges Chappel, and the bishop of Winchester was chief minister, wherat was present the Queene, and the most parte of the Counsaile.

Uppon Tuesday the viij. day of August, the kings bo∣dy was brought to Westminster, and there buryed, where D. Day Bishop of Chichester preached. The same daye a Masse of Requiem was songe within the tower, by the By∣shop of Winchester, who had on his Miter, & did al things as in times past was done, at whyche Masse the Queene was present.

Upon thursday the Duke of Northfolke came foorth of the Tower,* 6.7 with whom the Duches of Somerset was al∣so deliuered this thursday.

Uppon sonday the 11. of August, Doctor Bourne prea∣ched at Paules Crosse, of the whych sermone reade before, pag. 1339.

In the weeke folowing, commaundement was geuen throughout the citie, that no Prentises should come to the sermon, nor weare any knife or dagger.

Uppon the wednesday, being the xvi. daye of August, M. Bradford, M. Beacon, and M. Ueron, were commit∣ted to the Tower: with whom also M. Sampson shoulde haue bene committed,* 6.8 and was sought for the same time in M. Elsinges house in Fleetestreete (where M. Bradforde was taken) and because he was not founde, the Byshop of Winchester fumed like a prelate with the messenger.

Upon the Fridaye being the 18. of August, the Duke of Northumberland, the marques of Northampton, and the Earle of Warwicke were arrayned at Westminster, and there y^e same day condemned, the Duke of Northfolke that day being the high Iudge.

Upon saterday the 19. of August, sir Andrew Dudley, sir Iohn Gates, sir Henrye Gates, and sir Thomas Pal∣mer were araigned at Westminster, & condemned the same day, the L. Marques of Winchester being hie Iudge.

Upō which day, a letter was sent vnto sir Henry Tir∣rel, Anthony Browne, and Edmonde Browne Esquiers, praying them to committe to warde all suche as shall con∣temne the Queenes order of religion, or shall keepe them selues from church, there to remaine vntill they be confor∣mable, and to signifie their names to the counsaile.

Upon Sonday the 20. of August,* 6.9 Doctour Watson the Byshoppe of Winchesters Chaplaine Preached at Paules Crosse, at whose Sermone was presente the Marques of Winchester, the Earle of Bedford, the Earle of Penbroke, the Lord Rich, and two hundreth of the Garde wyth their Halbardes, lest the people would haue made any sturre a∣gainst the Preacher.

Uppon Monday the 21. of August, the Duke of Nor∣thumberlande, the Marques of Northampton, Syr An∣drewe Dudley, Syr Iohn Gates, and Syr Thomas Pal∣mer hearde a Masse wythin the Tower, and after Masse they all fiue receaued the Sacramente in one kinde onely, as in the Popishe time was vsed. On the whiche day also Queene Mary set forth a Proclamation, signifying to the people that she could not hide any longer the religiō which she from her infancy had professed. &c. inhibiting in the said Proclamation Printing & Preaching, the tenour wherof, read before pag. 1334.

Uppon the Tuesday, being the 22. of August, the Duke of Northumberlande, Syr Iohn Gates, and Syr Tho∣mas Palmer, were beheaded at the Tower hil, as before is sayd, pag. 1338.* 6.10 The same day certaine noble personnages heard Masse wythin the Tower, and likewise after masse, receaued the Sacrament in one kinde.

Uppon Sonday the 27. day of August, Doctour Ched∣sey Preached at Paules Crosse, and the same daye the By∣shop of Canterbury, Syr Thomas Smith, and the deane of Paules were cited to appeare the weeke following be∣fore the Queenes Commissioners, in the Bishops Consi∣storie within Paules.

In this meane time it was noysed abroade by running rumours falsely and craftely deuised, eyther to stablish the credite of the Masse, or els to brynge Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury out of credite, that he to currye fauour with Queene Mary, should promise to say Dirige Masse after the old custome, for king Edward, and that he had already sayd Masse at Caunterburie, &c. Wherefore to stoppe the noyse and slaunder of those rumours, the sayde Thomas Archb. of Caunter. the 7. day of September sette foorth a letter, which was also printed, in purgation of him selfe, the copie of which letter heere ensueth.

A purgation of Thomas, Archbishoppe of Caunterburie, against certaine sclaunders falsely raised vpon him.

AS the deuill, Christes auncient aduersarie, is a lier and the fa∣ther of lies,* 6.11 euen so hath he stirred vp his seruaunts and mem∣bers, to persecute Christ and his true worde and religion with ly∣ing: which hee ceasseth not to doe most earnestly at this present time. For where as the Prince of famous memorie kinge Henrie the eighte seeing the greate abuses of the Latine Masse, reformed some things therein in his life time, and after our late soueraigne Lord king Edward the 6. tooke the same whole away for the ma∣nifolde and great errours and abuses of the same, and restored in the place therof Christes holy Supper according to Christes own institution, and as the Apostles vsed the same in the primatiue Church: the deuill goeth about nowe by lying to ouerthrow the Lordes holy Supper againe, and to restore his Latine satisfactorie Masse, a thing of his owne inuention and deuise. And to bringe the same more easilye to passe, some haue abused the name of mee Thomas Archb. of Canterburie, bruting abroad that I haue set vp the Masse again at Canterburie, & that I offred to say Masse at the buriall of our late soueraign prince K. Ed. 6. & that I offred also to say Masse before the Queenes highnesse and at Paules Churche, and I wot not where. And although I haue bene well exercised these xx▪ yeres to suffer and beare euill reports and lyes, and haue not bene much greued thereat, but haue borne all things quietly, yet when vntrue reports & lyes turne to the hinderance of Gods truth, they are in no wise to be suffered. Wherefore these bee to signifie vnto the world, that it was not I that dyd set vp the Masse at Caunterbury, but it was a false flatteryng, lying, and dissem∣bling

monke,* 6.12 which caused Masse to be set vp there without mine aduise or Counsell: Reddat illi Dominus in die illo. And as for of∣fering my selfe to say Masse before the Queenes highnesse or in any other place, I neuer did it, as her grace well knoweth. But if her grace will geue me leaue,* 6.13 I shalbe ready to prooue, against all that will saye the contrary, that all that is contained in the holy Communion set out by the most innocent and godly Prince king Edward the 6. in his high court of Parliament, is conformable to that order which our Sauiour Christ did both obserue and com∣maund to be obserued, & which his Apostles & primatiue church vsed many yeares, whereas the Masse in many things not onely hath no foundation of Christe, his Apostles, nor the primatiue Church, but is manifestly contrary to the same, and cōtaineth ma∣ny horrible abuses in it. And although many, either vnlearned or malitious, do report that M. Peter Martyr is vnlearned, yet if the Queene•• highnes wil graunt thereunto, I with the sayde M. Peter Martyr, and other 4. or 5. whiche I shall chuse, will by Gods grace take vppon vs to defende, not onely the common praiers of the Church, the ministration of the Sacraments, and other rites & ce∣remonies: but also al the doctrine and religion set out by our said soueraigne Lord king Edward the 6. to be more pure and accor∣ding to Gods worde, then any other that hath bene vsed in Eng∣land these 1000. yeares: so that Gods word may be iudge, & that the reasons and proufes of both parties may be sette out in wry∣ting, to the intent, as well that all the worlde maye examine and iudge thereon, as that no man shall start backe from his wrytinge. And where they boast of the faith that hath bene in the Churche these 1500. yeres, we will ioyne with them in this poynt, and that the same doctrine and vsage, is to be followed, whiche was in the Church .1500. yeres past, and we shall prooue that the order of the Churche, let out at this present in this Realme by Acte of Parla∣ment, is the same that was vsed in the Church .1500. yeres past, & so shall they be neuer able to prooue theirs.

The same Thursday beinge the 7. of Septemb. Lorde Mountacute chiefe Iustice, and Lorde chiefe Baron were deliuered out of the Tower.

The 13. of September the reuerende father M. Hughe Latimer was committed to the Tower.

The 14. of Septemb. the bishop of Caunterburye was committed to the Tower.

The 26. of September, one Maister Graye of Cam∣bridge called before hym one M. Garth, for that he would not suffer a boy of Peter house to helpe hym saye Masse in Penbroke hal, which was before any law was established for that behalfe.

The Queene came to the Tower of London vpon the Thursday being the 28. of September,* 6.14 and vpon the Sa∣terday following, shee rode from the Tower thorough the Citie of London, where were made many Pageants to re∣ceiue her, and so was triumphantly brought to Westmin∣ster to White hall.

Uppon the Sonday being the first day of October, the Queenes highnesse went from White hall to Westminster Abbey, accompanied wyth the most part of the Nobility of this Realme, namelye these: The Duke of Norfolke, the Earle of Arundell, the Earle of Shrewsburie, the Mar∣ques of Winchester, the Earls of Darby, Bedford, Worce∣ster, Cumberland, Westmerland, Oxford, Sussex, Deuon∣shire, Penbroke, the Lord Dacres of the North, Lord Fer∣ris, Lorde Cobham, Lord Aburgeiny, Lord Wentwoorth, Lord Scroupe, Lord Rich, Lord Uaus, Lorde Hawarde, Lord Conias, Lord Morley, Lorde Paget, and the Lorde Willowbye, with many other Nobles, and all the Embas∣sadours of diuers countreys, the Maior of London wyth all the Aldermen. Also out of the Abbey to receiue her com∣ming, came three siluer Crosses, and to the number of four score or neare vppon,* 6.15 of singing men, all in very rich & gor∣geous coapes. Amongest whom were the Deane of West∣minster, and diuers of her Chaplaines, which bare euerye one some ensigne in their handes, and after them followed 10. Byshops mytred all, and their Croyser staues in theyr handes, and rich Copes vpon them euery one. And in this order they returned frō Westminster hal, before the Quene to the Abbey, where she was crowned by Steuen Gardi∣ner Bishop of Winchester, and Lorde Chancellor of Eng∣land. At the time of the Coronation Doctour Day Bishop of Chichester made a sermon to the Queenes maiestie, and to the rest of the nobilitie.

Also there was a generall Pardon proclaimed wythin the Abbey at the sayd time of her Coronation, out of which Proclamation all the prisonners of the Tower and of the Flete were excepted, and 62. more. Wherof M. Whitchurch and M. Grafton were two.

The thirde of October, the Uicechauncellour of Cam∣bridge did chalenge one M. Pierson, for that hee ministred still the Communion in his owne Parish, and did receyue straungers of other Parishes to the same, and woulde not say masse. Whereupon within 2. dayes after, he was cleane discharged from farther ministring in his Cure.

Uppon the Wedensday following,* 6.16 the Archb. of Yorke was committed to the Tower.

Uppon Thursdaye being the 5. of October. 1553. the Queene road to the Parliament in her roabes, and all the nobilitie with her, and when they were set in the Parlia∣ment house, the Bishop of Winchester made to them a so∣lemne Oration, and Sergeant Pollarde was chosen spea∣ker of the Parliament. The same day the Bishops of Lin∣colne, Harford, and Westchester, were discharged from the Parliament and Conuocation.

Also the 10. daye of October, the Earle of Huntington was deliuered out of the Tower.

Upon the Sonday after, being the 15. of Oct. M. Lau∣rence Saunders preached at Alhallowes in Breadstreete in y^e morning: where he declared the abhomination of the masse, with diuers other matters very notably and godly. Wherof more shalbe heard (by the Lordes leaue) heereafter when we come to his story. In which his doing, as he she∣wed himselfe to be Gods faithful minister, so is he sure not to be defrauded of gods faithful promise, who sayth: Omnis qui confitebitur me coram hominibus, confitebor & ego illum coram patre meo qui est in coelis. Math. 10. But about noone of the same day he was sent for by the bishop of London, and from thence committed to the Marshalsee.

Upon the Sonday folowing, being the 20. of October, Doctor Weston preached at Paules Crosse.* 6.17 Who in the be∣ginning of his Sermone willed the people to praye for the soules departed on this wise: You shall pray for all them y^t be departed, that be neither in heauē, nor hell, but in a place not yet sufficiently purged to come to heauē, that they may be releued by your deuout prayers. He named the Lordes table an oyster board. He saide that the Catechisme in La∣tin, lately sette out, was abhominable heresie, & likened the setters out of the same Catechisme to Iulianus Apostata, and the booke for a Dialogue set out by the sayd Iulianus Aposta∣ta, wherein Christ and Pilate were the speakers:* 6.18 with ma∣ny other things. Which Sermon with al the poynts ther∣of, maister Couerdall the same time learnedly confuted by wryting, which remaineth yet in my handes to be seene.

In the weeke following, began the disputations in the conuocation house in Paules Churche, whereof sufficient hath bene before declared, pag. 1342.

The 26. day of October, the Uicechauncellour of Cam∣bridge went to Clarehall, and in the presence of Doctoure Walker, displaced Doctour Madewe, and placed Maister Swynborne in the Maistership there, by force of the Lorde Chauncellours letters, for that he was (as they termed it,) Vxoratus, that is, maried.

The 28. day of October,* 6.19 the Papistes in the kings col∣ledge in Cambridge (not tarying the making of any lawe, but of their blinde zeale) had their whole seruice againe in the Latin tong, contrary to the law then in force.

The last of October, the Uicechauncelloure of Cam∣bridge, did sharpely reprooue and threaten one M. Thrac∣kold, for that he challenged the sayd Uicechauncellor, who had suffered maister Bouell (contrary to the statutes then in force) quietly wythout punishment to depart, notwith∣standing that he refused to sweare to the supremacie of the Queene, and the abrogation of the bishop of Rome.

The third day of Nouember,* 6.20 the Uicechauncellor sent for the Curate of the rounde Parish in Cambridge, com∣maunding hym not to minister any more in the English toung, saying: he would haue one vniforme order of seruice throughoute the Towne, and that in Latine, wyth Masse, which was established the xij. day of this moneth.

The 6. day of Nouember, M. Pollarde preached at S. Michaels, and in his Sermon approoued Purgatorie.

The 28. day of Nouember, the Archdeacons Officiall visited in Hynton, where hee gaue in charge to present all suche as did disturbe the Queenes proceedings, in letting the Latine seruice, the setting vp of their altars, and saying of Masse, or any parte thereof: whereby it was easie to see how these good fellowes ment to proceede, hauing the law once on their side, that thus readely against a manifest law would attempt the punishment of any man.

The 15. day of December,* 6.21 there was two Proclamati∣ons at London: the one for the repealing of certaine actes made by kynge Edwarde, and for the setting vppe of the Masse, for the 20. day of December then next folowing: the other was, that no man should interrupt any of those that would say Masse.

The Parliament beginning aboute the v. daye of Oc∣tober, continued till the fifth of December. In the whyche Parliament were dissolued as well all Statutes made of Fremunire, in the time of King Henrie viij. &c. as also other

lawes and statutes concerning religion and administrati∣on of Sacraments decreed vnder king Edwarde the 6. as is partly aboue touched. In the which Parliament moreo∣uer was appoynted the 20. day of December next ensuing the same yeare .1553. that all the olde forme and manner of Church seruice, vsed in the last yere of king Henry, should now againe be restored.

On Newyeares euen being the last of December, the Lorde Marques of Northampton was deliuered oute of the Tower.

About this time a Priest at Caunterbury sayde Masse on the one day,* 6.22 & the next day after he came into the pulpit and desired all the people to forgeue him, for he said he had betraied Christe, but not as Iudas did, but as Peter did, and there made a long Sermon against the Masse.

The day after Newyeares day, being the seconde daye of Ianuary, in the yeare of our Lord. 1554. foure Ambassa∣dours came into London from the Emperour, and were honorably receiued. Their names were these. Le Countie de Egmont, Le Countie de Lalen, Mounsieur Corire, Le Chauncellour Nigre.

About this time a great number of newe Byshoppes, Deanes. &c. were chosen, more then were made at one time since the Conquest. Theyr names are these.

• ...D. Holyman B. of Bristow.
• ...D. Coates B. of Westche∣ster.* 6.23
• ...D. Hopton Byshop of Nor∣wiche.
• ...D. Bourne B. of Bathe.
• ...D. White B. of Lyncolne.
• ...D Mores B. of Rochester.
• ...D. Morgan Bishop of S. Da∣uies.
• ...D. Poole B. of S. Asse.
• ...D. Brookes Bish. of Gloce∣ster.
• ...D. Moreman, coadiutour to the Byshop of Exceter, & after his decease Byshop of Exceter.
• ...D. Glin B. of Bangor.
• ...Maister Fecknam Deane of Paules.
• ...D. Rainoldes Deane of Bri∣stow, with others.

The 12. day of Ianuarie, the Uicechancellour of Cam∣bridge called a congregation generall, wherein amongste other things, he shewed that the Quene would haue there a Masse of the holy Ghost vppon the 18. day of Februarie then next following, for that it was her birthe day, whyche was fulfilled the day appoynted, and that very solemnely.

Upon the Saterday being the 13. of Ianuarie Doctour Crome was committed to the Fleete. Also vpon the Son∣day following, one M. Addington was committed to the Tower.* 6.24 Also this same Sonday knowledge was giuen in the Court openly by the B. of Winchester, that the marry∣age betweene the Queenes maiestie & the king of Spaine was concluded, and the day following, being monday and the 15. of Ianuary,* 6.25 the Maior, with the Aldermen and cer∣taine Commoners were at the Court, and there they were commanded by the Lord Chauncellor to prepare the Citie ready to receiue the said king of Spaine, who declared vn∣to them what a Catholicke, mighty, prudent & wise prince the said king is, with many other commendations of him.

Upon the Saterday folowing, being the 20. of Ian. the Court of the first fruites and tenthes was dissolued.

Upon the Thursday at night, following the 25. day of Ianuarie, the Lorde Marques of Northampton was a∣gaine committed to the Tower, and sir Edward Warnar with him. Who were brought to the Tower by the Maior.

Uppon the Saterdaye followinge, being the 26. of Ia∣nuary, Iustice Hales was committed to the Marshalsee, and the same day maister Rogers was cōmitted to New∣gate.* 6.26 Upon this Saterday, Sonday, and Monday folow∣ing the Londiners prepared a number of souldiors (by the Queenes commaundement) to goe into Kent against the Commons: whereof were chiefe Captaines the Duke of Northfolke, the Earle of Wormewood, sir Harry Iernyn∣gham, sir George Haward, and 10. other captaines. Which soldiors when they came to Rochester bridge, where they should haue set vpon their enemies, most of them (as it is sayde) lefte theyr owne Captaines, and came wholy to the Kentishmen, and so the foresaid Captaines returned to the Court, both void of men and victory, leauing behind them both 6. peeces of ordinance, and treasure.

Aboute the latter ende of Ianuarie, the Duke of Suf∣folke with his brethren departed from his house at Shene, and tooke hys voyage into Leycester shyre. After whome was sent the Earle of Huntington to take hym and bring hym to London, who proclaimed the said Duke traytor by the way as he r••ade.

And thus passing to the moneth of Februarie, heere is to be noted by the way of story, that vpon the 15. day of the sayd moneth being Thursday, there was seene wythin the Citie of London, aboute 9. of the clocke in the forenoone, straunge sightes.* 6.27 There was seene two Sunnes both shi∣ning at once, the one a good prety way distaunt from the o∣ther. At the same time was also seene a Rainebowe tur∣ned contrary, and a great deale higher then hath bene ac∣customed. The common standinge of the Raynebowe is thus

[illustration] arc

but thys stoode thus

[illustration] arc

with the heade downward, and the feete as it were vpwarde. Both these sightes were sene, as wel at Westminster, in Cheapeside, on the South∣side of Paules, as in very many other places, and that by a great number of honest men. Also certaine Aldermen went out of the Guild Hall to beholde the sight.

As touching the rising of master Wyate, with Syr W. Cobham and others in Kent, and there comming to Lon∣don in the moneth of Februarie: also of the Queenes com∣ming to the Guilde Hall, and her Oration there made: and after of the taking of the said Wyat and his company: like∣wise of the apprehension of the Duke of Suffolke with his brother Lord Iohn Gray: and the next day after of behea∣ding of Lord Gildford and Lady Iane, which was the 12. day of February, and how the day before, which was 11. of the sayd moneth, Lord William Haward and sir Edwarde Hastings, were sent for the Ladie Elizabeth: and how the same Sonday, Syr Harrye Iseley, M. Culpeper,* 6.28 and M. Winter were committed to the Tower, the B. of Winche∣ster, the same daye being the 11. of Februarie, preaching be∣fore the Queene, and perswading her to vse no mercy to∣warde these Kentishmen, but seuere execution, all whyche was in the moneth of February: because most of these mat∣ters haue bene briefly touched before, or els may be founde in other Chronicles, I wil cease to make any further story of them: hauing somwhat notwithstanding to declare tou∣ching the rainment and death of the Duke of Suffolke.

Uppon Saterday, beinge the 17. day of Februarye, the Duke of Suffolke was arraigned at Westminster, and the same day condemned to die by his Peres, the Earle Arun∣del was chiefe Iudge for this day.* 6.29

Uppon the Sonday following, which was the 18. day of the sayd moneth, Sessions was kept in London, whych hath not before bene sene to be kept vpon the Sonday.

Upon the monday the 19. of Februarie, the Lord Cob∣hams 3. sonnes, and 4. other men were arraigned at West∣minster: of whiche sonnes the youngest was condemned, whose name is Thomas, and the other two came not at the barre, and the other 4. were condemned.

Upon the Tuesday being the 20. of February,* 6.30 the Lord Iohn Gray was araigned at Westminster, and there con∣demned the same day, and other 3. men, whereof one was named Nailer.

Upon the Wedensday the 21. of Februarie, the L. Tho∣mas Gray, and sir Iames Croft were broughte throughe London to the Tower with a number of horsemen.* 6.31

Upon the Thursday being the 22. of Februarie, syr Ni∣cholas Throgmorton was committed to the Tower.

Uppon the Friday being the 23. of Februarie. 1554. the Duke of Suffolke was beheaded at the Tower hil, the or∣der of whose death heere followeth.

The godly ende and death of the Duke of Suf∣folke beheaded at Tower hil. An. 1554. Febr. 23.

ON Friday the 23. of February. 1554. about 9. of y^e clocke in the fore noone, the Lorde Henrie Gray duke of Suf∣folke, was broughte foorth of the Tower of London vn∣to the Scaffolde on the Tower hill,* 6.32 wyth a greate compa∣ny, &c. and in his comming thither, there accompanied him Doctor Weston as his Ghostly father, notwythstanding, as it should seeme, against the will of the sayde Duke. For when the Duke went vp to the Scaffolde, the sayd Weston being on his left hand, preased to goe vp wyth hym. The Duke with his hand put him downe againe of the staires: and Weston taking holde of the Duke, forced hym downe likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the Duke againe put him downe.

Then Weston sayde that it was the Queenes plea∣sure he shoulde so doe. Wherewyth the Duke casting hys handes abroade, ascended vppe the Scaffolde, and paused a pretie while after. And then he sayde: Maisters I haue of∣fended the Queene, and her lawes, and thereby am iustly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient, and I praye God that thys my death may be an ensample to all men,* 6.33 beseeching you all to beare mee witnesse, that I die in the faithe of Christe, trusting to bee saued by his bloude onely, and by no other trumperie, the whych died for me, and for all them that truely repent, and stedfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that when you see my breathe departe frō me, you wil pray to God that he may receiue my soule. And then he desired all men to forgeue him, saying that the Queene had forgeuen him.

Then M. Weston declared with a loude voyce that the Queenes Maiestie had forgiuen him. With that, diuers of the standers by said with meetely good and audible voice: such forgiuenes God send thee, meaning Doctor Weston. Then the Duke kneeled downe vpon his knees, and sayd the Psalme Miserere mei Deus, vnto the end, holding vp his hands, and looking vp to heauen. And when he had ended the Psalme,* 6.34 he sayd: In manus tuas Domine commendo spiri∣tum meum, &c. Then he arose and stoode vp, and deliuered his cap and his skarffe vnto the executioner.

Then the sayd executioner kneeled downe and asked the Duke forgiuenes. And the Duke sayd, God forgiue thee & I do, & when thou doest thine office, I pray thee do it wel, and bring me out of this world quickly,* 6.35 and God haue mercy to thee. Then stood there a man and sayd, my Lord, how shal I do for the money that you do owe me? And the Duke sayd, alas good felow, I pray thee trouble mee not now, but go thy way to my officers. Then he knit a ker∣cher about his face, and kneeled downe and said, Our father which art in heauen, &c. vnto the ende. And then he saide, Christ haue mercy vpon me,* 6.36 and layd downe his head on the blocke, and the executioner tooke the Axe, and at the first chop stroke off his head, and held it vp to y^e people, &c.

The same day a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the Citie with their halters about theyr neckes. They were in * 6.37 number about two hundreth.

Upon the Saterday the 24. of February. Syr William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the maister of the horse to be kept. This Syr William was at this time one of the Lady Elizabeths Gentlemen.

Upon the Sonday beeing 25. of February, Syr Iohn Rogers was committed to the Tower.

In this weeke, all suche Priestes within the Dioces of London as were married, were diuorced from theyr li∣uings, and commaunded to bring in their wiues within a fortnight, that they might likewise be diuorced from them. This the Byshop did of his owne power.

Upon the Tuesday in the same weeke, being the 27. of February,* 6.38 certayne Gentlemen of Kent were sente into Kent to be executed there. Their names were these, the two Mantels, two Kneuets, and Bret: with these, Mai∣ster Rudston also and certayne other were condemned, and should haue bene executed, but they had their pardon.

As touching the foresayde Maister Mantell the elder, heere by the way is to be noted, that as he was lead to ex∣ecution, and at his first casting vnder the Gallowes, the rope brake. Then they woulde haue had him recanted the trueth, and receiued the sacrament of the aultar (as they tearme it) and then they sayd he should haue the Queenes pardon: but Maister Mantell like a worthy Gentleman, refused their serpentine counsell, and chose rather to dye, then to haue lyfe for dishonouring of God.

Moreouer, as touching the sayid M. Mantell, for that he was reported falsely to haue fallen from the constancie of his profession, to cleare himselfe thereof, and to reproue the sinister surmise of his recantation, he wrote this briefe Apologie in purgation of himselfe: the copie whereof you shall heare.

¶The Apologie of M. Mantell the elder.

PErceiuing that already certayne false reports are raysed of me concerning my aunsweres in the behalfe of my beliefe,* 7.1 whiles I was prisoner in the Tower of London, and considering how sore a matter it is to be an occasion of offence to any of those little ones that beleeue in Christ:* 7.2 •• haue thought it the duty of a Chri∣stian man as neare as I can (with the truth) to take away thys offence. It pleased the Queenes Maiesty to send vnto me M. Doct. Bourne,* 7.3 vnto whome at the first meeting I acknowledged my fayth in all points to agree with the foure Creedes, that is, the common Creede, the Creede of Nicene, Quicunque vult, and Te Deum laudamus.

Further, as concerning confession and penaunce, I declared that I could be contente to shewe vnto anye learned Minister of Christes Church, any thing that troubled my conscience, and of such a mā I would most willingly heare absolution pronounced.

Touching the Sacrament of the aulter (as he termed it) I sayd that I beleeued Christ to be there present as the holy Ghost ment when these words were written:* 7.4 Hoc est corpus meum.

Further, when this would not satisfye, I desired him to consider that I was a condemned man to dye by a law, and that it was more mee••e for me to seeke a readines and preparation to death. And in so much as I dissented not from him in any article of the Chri∣stian fayth necessary to saluation, I desired him for Gods sake no more to trouble me with such matters, as whiche to beleeue is neyther saluation, nor not to beleeue, damnation. He aunswered, that if I dissented but in the least matter frō the catholick Church, my soule was in great daunger, therefore much more in thys great matter, alleadging this text: Qui offenderit in minimo, fa∣ctus est reus omnium. He that offendeth in the least of these, is gilty of them all. Yea (quoth I) Verum est,* 7.5 ex hisce mandatis i. It is true, of these commaundementes of God. To this I desired him to consider, that it was not my matter, neither was I able in these matters to keepe disputation, nor minded so to doe, and therefore to take these few wordes for a full aunswere, that I not onely in the matter of the sacrament, but also in all other matters of Religion,* 7.6 Beleeue as the holy Catholicke Church of Christ (grounded vpon the Prophetes and Apostles) beleeueth. But vppon this worde Church we agreed not, for I tooke ex∣ceptionat the Antichristian Popish Church.

Then fell we in talke of the Masse, wherein wee agreed not:* 7.7 for I, both for the occasion of Idolatry, and also the cleare sub∣uersion of Christes institution, thought it nought, and he è cō∣tra vppon certaine considerations supposed it good. I founde fault that it was accounted a Sacrifice propiciatory for sinne, and at certaine other applications of it. But he sayde that it was not a propiciatory sacrifice for sinne (for the death of Christ onely was the Sacrifice) and this but a commemoration of the same. Then I: if ye thinke so, certaine blasphemous collectes left out, I could be content (were it not for offending my poore brethren that beleeue in Christ, which know not so muche) to heare your Masse. See (quoth he) howe vayne glory toucheth you. Not so sir (quoth I) I am not now I thanke God, in case to be vayne glorious.

Then I found further faulte with it, that it was not a com∣munion. Yes (sayth he) one Priest saying Masse here,* 7.8 and an o∣ther there, and the third in an other place &c. is a communion. This agreeth scarcely with these words of Paule (sayd I): Non in melius, sed in deterius conuenitis i. Ye come not after a better maner, but after a worse. Yea,* 7.9 and it is a communion to (said he) when they come together. Now draweth on the time (quoth hee) that I must depart from you to the Court, to saye Masse before the Queene, and must signifie vnto her in what case I finde you, and me thinke I finde you sore seduced. Then I sayd, I pray you report the best, for I trust you finde me not obstinate. What shall I say are ye content to heare Masse,* 7.10 and to receaue the sacrament in the Masse? I beseeche you, sayd I, signifie vnto her Maiestie, that I am neither obstinate, nor stub∣burne, for time and perswasion may altar me, but as yet my cō∣science is such, that I can neither heare Masse, nor receaue the sacrament after that sort, Thus after certaine requestes made to the Queenes Maiestie concerning other matters, he departed.

The next daye hee came to me agayne and brought with him S. Cyprians woorkes, for so I had required him to doe the day before, because I woulde see his sermon De mortalitate. He had in thys booke turned in and interlyned certaine places both concerning the Church and the sacrament which he wil∣led me to read. I read as much as my time would serue, and at his next cōming I sayd that I was wholy of Cyp••ians mynd, in the matter of the Sacrament. Doctour Weston and Doctour Mallet came after to me, whome I aunswered muche after that sorte as I did the other. Doctour Weston brought in the place of Ciprian, Panis iste non effigie sed natura mutatus. &c. I asked of him how natura was taken in the Conuocation house in the disputation, vpon the place of Theodoret.

To be short Doctour Bourne came often vnto me, and I al∣wayes sayde vnto him that I was not minded nor able to dis∣pute in matters of Religiō, but I beleued as the holy Catholick Church of Christ, grounded vpon the Prophetes and Apostles doth beleue, and namely in the matter of the Sacrament, as the holy fathers Cyprian and Augustine do write and beleued, and this aunswere and none other they had of me in effecte, what wordes soeuer haue bene spread abroad of me that I should be conformable to all thinges &c. The trueth is,* 7.11 I neither heard Masse nor receaued the sacrament during the time of my im∣prisonment.

One time he willed me to be confessed. I sayd I am content. We kneeled downe to pray together in a windowe. I beganne without Benedicite, desiring him not to looke at my hand for any superstitious particular enumeration of my sinnes There∣with he was called away to the Coūcell, & ego liberatus Thus muche I beare onely for my life, as God knoweth. If in this I haue offended any Christian, from the bottome of my hart I aske them forgeuenes. I trust God hath forgeuen me, who kno∣weth that I durst neuer deny him before men, least he shoulde deny me before his heauenly father.

Thus haue I left behinde me written with myne own hand the effect of all the talke, especially of the worst that euer I graunted vnto, to the vttermost I can remember, as (God kno∣weth) all the whole communication I haue not written, for it were both to long and to foolish so to doe. Now I beseche the liuing God which hath receiued me to his mercy and brought to passe that I dye steadfast and vndefiled in his trueth, at vtter defiaunce and detestation of all Papisticall and Antichristian doctrine, I beseech him (I say) to keepe and defend al his chosen for his names sake, from the tyranny of the Byshop of Rome

that Antichrist,* 7.12 and from the assault of all his satellites. Gods in∣dignation is knowne: he will trie and proue who be his. Amend your liues. Deny not Christ before men, least he deny you before his heauenly father. Feare not to lose your liues for him, for yee shall fynde them agayne. God hold his mercifull hand ouer thys Realme, and auert the plagues imminent, from the same. God saue the Queene, and send her knowledge in his truth. Amen, pray, pray, pray ye Christians, and comfort your selues with the Scriptures.

Written the 2. of March. an. 1554.

by me Walter Mantell prisoner, whom both God and the world hath forgeuen his offences. Amen.

And thus much concerning the purgation of Mayster Walter Mantell, who if he had cōsented vnto the Queene, what time she sent Doctour Bourne vnto him, to deny his fayth, it is not otherwise to be thought, but he had had his pardon, and escaped with life.

Upon the Saterday being the iij. of March, sir Gawen Carew,* 7.13 and maister Gibbes were brought through Lon∣don to the Tower with a company of horsemen.

In Lōdon the vij. day of March, euery housholder was commaunded to appeare before the Alderman of their ward, and there were commaunded, that they, their wiues and seruaunts should prepare themselues to shrift, and re∣ceiue the Sacrament at Easter, and that neither they, nor any of them should depart out of the Citie, vntill Easter was past.

* 7.14Upon the Sonday following, being the xviij. daye of March, the Lady Elizabeth, of whom mention was made before, the Queenes Sister, was brought to the Tower.

Upon Easter euen, being the xxiiij. of March, the Lorde Marques of Northampton, the Lord Cobham, and Sir William Cobham were deliuered out of the Tower.

The xxv. day (being Easter day) in the morning, at S. Pancrase in Cheape, the Crucifixe with the Pixe were ta∣ken out of the Sepulchre,* 7.15 before the Priest rose to the re∣surrection: so that when after his accustomed maner he put his hande into the Sepulchre, and sayde very deuoutely: Surrexit non est hic, he found his words true, for he was not there in deede. Whereupon being halfe dismayed, they con∣sulted amongst themselues whom they thought to be like∣liest to do this thing. In which debatement they remem∣bred one Marsh, which a little before had bene put from that personage, because he was married, to whose charge they layde it.* 7.16 But when they coulde not proue it, beeing brought before the Maior, they then burdened him to haue kept company with his wife, since that they were by com∣maundement diuorsed. Whereto he aunswered, that hee thought the Queene had done him wrong to take from him both his liuing and his wife: which words were then noted, and taken very greeuously, and he and his wife were both committed to seuerall Counters, notwithstan∣ding that he had bene very sicke.

The viij. of Aprill, there was a Cat hanged vpon a gal∣lowes at the Crosse in Cheape,* 7.17 apparelled like a Priest, ready to say Masse, with a shauen crowne. Her two fore∣feete were tyed ouer her head, with a rounde paper lyke a wafer cake put betweene them: whereon arose great euil will against the Citie of London. For the Queene and the Byshops were very angry withall: and therefore the same after noone, there was a Proclamation, that who soeuer could bring foorth the partie that did hang vp the Cat, should haue xx. nobles, which reward was afterwardes increased to xx. markes, but none could, or would earne it.

As touching the first occasion of setting vp this Gal∣lowes in Cheapeside,* 7.18 heere is to be vnderstand, that after the Sermon of the Byshop of Winchester (aboue mentio∣ned) made before the Queene for the straite execution of Wyats souldiours, immediately vppon the same the xiij. of February, were set vp a great number of Gallowes in diuers places of the Citie, namely two in Chepeside, one at Leaden hall, one at Billynges gate, one at S. Magnus Church, one in Smithfield, one in Fleetestreete, foure in Southwarke, one at Allgate, one at Byshops gate, one at Aldersgate, one at Newgate, one at Ludgate, one at Saint Iames parcke corner, one at Cripplegate: all which Gib∣bets & gallowes to y^e number of xx. there remained for ter∣rour of other, frō the xiij. of February, till the iiij. of Iune, & then at the cōming in of King Philip were taken downe.

The xj. day of Aprill, was Syr Thomas Wyat behea∣ded and quartered at the Tower hill, where hee vttered these woordes,* 7.19 touching the Lady Elizabeth, and the Earle of Deuonshyre. Concerning (sayd he) what I haue sayd of other in my examination, to charge any other as partakers of my doings, I accuse neyther my Lady Eli∣zabeths grace, nor my Lord of Deuonshyre. I can not ac∣cuse them, neyther am I able to say, that, to my know∣ledge, they knew any thing of my rising. And when Doc∣tour Weston tolde him, that his confession was otherwise before the Counsell, he aunswered: that which I said then, I sayd: but that which I say now, is true.

Uppon the Tuesday beeing the xvij. of Aprill, Syr Iames Croft, and Maister Winter,* 7.20 were brought to the Guild hall, with whom also the same time, and to the same place was brought sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and there arraigned of treason, for that he was suspected to be of the conspiracie with the Duke of Suffolke & the rest, agaynst y^e Queene, where he so learnedly and wisely behaued him selfe (as well in clearing his owne case, as also in opening such lawes of the Realme as were then alledged agaynst him) that the Quest which was charged with his matter, could not in conscience, but finde him not gilty:* 7.21 for y^t which the said xij. persons of the Quest, being also substantiall mē of the Citie, were bounde in the summe of 500. poundes a peece, to appeare before y^e Queenes Counsell at a day ap∣pointed, there to answere such things as should be laid a∣gainst thē for his acquiting. Which Quest appeared accor∣dingly before the Counsell in the Starre chamber vppon Wednesday, being the xxv. of Aprill, and S. Markes daye.* 7.22 From whēce, after certaine questioning, they were cōmit∣ted to prison, Emanuell Lucar, & maister Whetstone were committed to the Tower, and the other ten to the Fleete.

As concerning the condemnation of Thomas Archby∣shop of Cant. of Doctour Ridley, and M. Latymer, which was the xx. of this moneth of Aprill, & also of their dispu∣tations, because we haue sayd enough before, it shall not neede now to bestow any further rehearsall thereof.

The Friday next following, after the condemnation of them, the xxvij. of Aprill, Lord Thomas Gray,* 7.23 the late Duke of Suffolkes brother, was beheaded at Tower hil.

Upon the Saterday, beeing the xxviij. of Aprill, Syr Iames Croft, and Maister Winter were agayne brought to the Guild hall, where Sir Iames Croft was arraig∣ned and condemned, and because the day was farre spent, Maister Winter was not arraigned.

Upon the Thursday, being the xvij. of May, William Thomas was arraigned at the Guild Hall,* 7.24 and there the same day condemned, who the next day after, was hanged, drawne, and quartered. His accusation was, for cōspiring the Queenes death: which how true it was, I haue not to say. This is certaine, that he made a right godly ende, and wrote many fruitefull exhortations, Letters and Sonets in the prison before his death.

In the moneth of May it was so giuen out, and bruit∣ted abroad,* 7.25 that a solemne disputation should be holden at Cambridge (as ye heard before in Maister Ridleys letter page. 1396) betwene M. Bradford, M. Saunders, mayster Rogers, and other of that side, and the Doctours of both the Uniuersities on the other side, like as had bene in Ox∣ford before, as you haue heard. Whereupon y^e godly Prea∣chers which were in prison hauing word therof, albeit they were destitute of their bookes, neither were ignorant of the purpose of the aduersaries, and how y^e cause was preiudi∣cate before, also how the disputations were cōfusedly hād∣led at Oxford: neuerthelesse they thought not to refuse the offer of disputatiō, so that they might be quietly and indif∣ferently heard, and therefore wisely pondering the matter with themselues, by a publicke consent, directed out of pri∣son a declaration of their minde by writing, the vij. day of May. Wherein first as touching the disputation, although they knew that they should do no good, wheras all things were so predetermined before, yet neuertheles, they would not deny to dispute,* 7.26 so that the disputation might be either before the Queene, or before the Counsaile, or before the Parlamēt houses, or else if they might dispute by writing: for else if the matter were brought to the Doctours hand∣ling in their owne scholes, they haue sufficient proofe (they sayd) by the experience of Oxford, what little good will be done at Cambridge: and so cōsequently declaring the faith and doctrine of their Religion, and exhorting the people withall to submit themselues with all patience and humi∣litie, either to the will or punishmēt of the higher powers, they appealed in the end from them to be theyr Iudges in this behalfe, and so ende their protestation, the copie and contents whereof I thought not vnfit here to be inserted.

*A copie of a certayne declaration drawne and sent out of prison by Mayster Bradford, Mayster Saunders, and dyuers other godly Preachers, concerning theyr disputation,* 7.27 and doctrine of their Reli∣gion, as followeth.

BEcause we heare that it is determined of the magistrats and such as be in authoritie, especially of the Clergye, to send vs speedely out of the prisons of the kings Bench, the

Fleet, the Marshalsey, and Newgate, where presently we are, and of long time some of vs hath ben, not as rebelles, traytors, seditious persons, theeues, or transgressours of any lawes of this realme, inhibitions, Proclamations, or commaundements of the Queenes highnes, or of any of y^e Councels (Gods name be praysed therfore) but alonely for the conscience we haue to God and his most holy word & truth, vpon most certayne knowledge: because we say, we heare that it is determined, we shal be sent to one of the v∣niuersities of Cambridge, or Oxford, there to dispute with such as are appointed in that behalfe:* 7.28 in that wee purpose not to dispute otherwise then by writing, except it may be before the Queenes highnes and her Counsell, or before y^e Parlament houses, and therfore perchaunce it will be bru∣ted abroad, that we are not able to mayntaine by the truth of Gods word, and the consent of the true and Catholicke Church of Christ, the doctrine we haue generally and seue∣rally taught, and some of vs hath writtē & set forth (wher∣through the godly and simple may be offended & somwhat weakened:) we haue thought it our bounden dutie, now whilest we may, by writing to publish and notifie the cau∣ses why we will not dispute otherwise then is abouesayd, to preuent the offences which might come thereby.

First, because it is euidently knowne vnto the whole world,* 7.29 that the determinations of both the Uniuersities in matters of Religion, especially wherin we should dispute, are directly against Gods word, yea against their own de∣terminations in the time of our late soueraigne Lord and most godly Prince, King Edward: and further it is kno∣wen they be our open enemies, and haue already condem∣ned our causes, before any disputation had of the same.

Secondly, because the Prelates and clergie do not seeke either vs or the verity, but our destruction and their glory. For if they had sought vs (as charity requireth) thē would they haue called vs forth hereaboutes before theyr lawes were so made, that franckly and without perill we might haue spoken our consciences. Againe, if they had sought for the veritie, they woulde not haue concluded of contro∣uersies,* 7.30 tofore they had bene disputed: so that it easely ap∣peareth that they seeke their owne glory and our destruc∣tion, and not vs and the veritie: and therefore we haue good cause to refuse disputation, as a thing which shall not further preuaile, then to the setting forth of their glory, and the suppression of the veritie.

Thirdly, because the Censors and Iudges (as we heare who they be) are manifest enemies to the truth, and that which worse is, obstinate enemies, before whome pearles are not to be cast,* 7.31 by the commaundements of our Sauior Iesus Christ, and by his owne example. That they be such their doings of late at Oxford, and in the Conuocation house in October last past, do most euidently declare.

Fourthly, because some of vs haue bene in prison these 8. or 9. monethes, where we haue had no bookes, no paper, no penne, no inke, or conuenient place for study, we thinke we should do euill thus sodainly to descend into disputa∣tion with them, which may alledge as they list, the fathers and their testimonies,* 7.32 bicause our memories haue not that which we haue read so readily, as to reproue, when they shall report and wrest the authors to their purpose, or to bring forth that we may haue there for our aduantage.

Fiftly, because in disputation we shall not be permitted to prosecute our Argumentes,* 7.33 but be stopped when we would speake, one saying thus, another that, the third his mind,* 7.34 &c. As was done to the godly learned fathers, espe∣cially D. Ridley at Oxford, who could not be permitted to declare his minde and meaning of the propositions, & had oftentimes halfe a dosen at once speaking against hym: al∣wayes letting him to prosecute his argument, and to aun∣swere accordingly: we will not speake of the hissing, scof∣fing, and taunting, which wonderfully then was vsed. If on this sorte and much worse they handled these fathers, much more will they be shameles bold with vs if we shuld enter into disputation with them.

Sixtly, because the Notaries that shall receiue & write the disputations, shal be of their appointment, and such as either do not or dare not fauour y^e truth, and therefore must write eyther to please them, or else they themselues (the Censours and Iudges we meane) at their pleasure wyll put to and take from,* 7.35 that which is writtē by y^e Notaries, who can not,* 7.36 nor must not haue in their custody that which they write, longer then the disputation indureth, as their doings at Oxford declareth. No copy nor scroule could a∣nye man haue by their good will. For the Censors and Iudges will haue all deliuered into their hands: Yea, if a∣ny man was sene there to write (as the report is) the same man was sent for, and his writings taken from him: so must the disputation serue only for the glory, not of God, but of the enemies of his truth.

For these causes we all thinke it so necessary not to dis∣pute with them, as if we did dispute we shuld do that whi∣che they desire & purposely seek, to promote the kingdome of Antichrist, and to suppresse (as much as may be) y^e truth. We will not speake of the offence that might come to the godly, whē they shuld heare, by the report of our enemies, our aunsweres and arguments framed (you may be sure) for their fantasies, to the sclaundering of the veritie.

Therfore we publish, and by this writing notifie vnto the whole congregation and church of England,* 7.37 that for these aforesaid causes we will not dispute with thē, other∣wise then with the penne, vnlesse it be before the Queenes highnes and her Councell, or before the houses of the par∣liament, as is aboue sayd. If they will write,* 7.38 we will aun∣swere, & by writing confirm and proue out of the infallible veritie, euen the very word of God, and by the testimonye of y^e good and most auncient fathers in Christes Churche, this our fayth and euery peece thereof, which hereafter we in a summe do write and send abroad purposely, that oure good brethren and sisterne in the Lord may knowe it: and to seale vp y^e same,* 7.39 we are ready through Gods helpe and grace to geue our liues to y^e halter of fire, or otherwise as God shall appoynt, humbly requiring, & in the bowels of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, beseeching all that feare God, to behaue themselues as obedient subiects to the Queenes highnes and the superiour powers, which are ordeyned of god vnder her, rather after our exāple to geue their heads to the blocke, then in any poynt to rebell or once to mutter agaynst the Lordes annoynted: we meane our soueraigne Lady Queene Mary, into whose hart we beseech the Lord of mercye plentifully to doure the wisedome and grace of his holy spirite, now and for euer. Amen.

First we confesse and beleue all the Canonicall bookes of the old Testament,* 7.40 and al the bookes of the new Testa∣ment, to be the very true word of God, and to be written by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, and are therfore to be heard accordingly, as the Iudge in all controuersies and matters of religion.

Secondly,* 7.41 we confesse and beleue the Catholick church whiche is the spouse of Christ, as a most obedient and lo∣uing wife, to embrace and follow the doctrin of these books in all matters of religion, and therefore is shee to be heard accordingly: so that those which will not heare this church thus following and obeying the word of her husband, we accompt as heretickes and schismatickes, accordyng to this saying: If he will not heare the Church, let him be vnto thee as a Heathen.

Thirdly, we beleue and confesse all the Articles of faith & doctrine set forth in the Simbole of the Apostles,* 7.42 whiche we commonly cal the Creede, and in the Symboles of the Councels of Nice, kept. An. dom. 324. of Constantinople An. dom. 384. of Ephesus kept An. dom. 432. of Calcedon, kept An. dom. 454. of Toletum, the first and fourth. Also the Symboles of Athanasius, Irenaeus, Tertullian, & of Dama∣sus, which was about the yeare of our Lorde. 376. we con∣fesse and beleue (we saye) the Doctrine of the Symboles generally and particularly: so that who soeuer doth other∣wise, we hold the same to erre from the truth.

Fourthly, we beleue and confesse concerning iustifica∣tion,* 7.43 that as it commeth onely from Gods mercy through Christ, so it is perceaued and had of none whiche be of yeares of discretion, otherwise then by fayth onely: which fayth is not an opinion, but a certaine perswasiō wrought by the holy Ghost in the minde and hart of man,* 7.44 where through as y^e minde is illumined, so the hart is soupled to submitte it selfe to the will of God vnfaynedly, & so shew∣eth forth an inherēt righteousnes,* 7.45 which is to be discerned in the Article of iustification, from the righteousnes which God endueth vs withall iustifying vs, although insepera∣bly they goe together. And this we do not for curiositie or contention sake, but for conscience sake, that it might be quyet, whiche it can neuer be, if we confounde without di∣stinction, forgeuenes of sinnes, and Christes Iustice im∣puted to vs, with regeneratiō and inherent righteousnes. By this wee disalowe Papisticall doctrine of free will, of woorkes of supererogation, of merites, of the necessitie of auricular confession, and satisfaction to Godwardes.* 7.46

Fiftly, we confesse and beleue concerning the exteriour seruice of God, that it ought to be according to the word of God, and therfore in the congregation al thinges publike ought to be done in such a tongue as may be most to edifie & not in Latin, where the people vnderstād not the same.

Sixtly, we confesse and beleue that God onely by christ Iesus is to be prayed vnto and called vpon,* 7.47 & therfore we disalow inuocation or prayer to Saints departed this life.

Seuenthly, we confesse and beleeue, that as a man de∣parteth this life, so shall he be iudged in the last day gene∣rally, & in the meane season is entred either into the state of

the blessed for euer,* 7.48 or damned for euer, and therefore is ei∣ther past all helpe, or else needes no helpe of any in this life. By reason whereof we affirme Purgatory, Masses of Sca∣la coeli, Trentals, and suche Suffrages as the Popishe Church doth obtrude as necessary,* 7.49 to be the doctrine of Antichrist.

Eightly, we confesse and beleeue the Sacramentes of Christ, which be Baptisme and the Lordes Supper, that they ought to be ministred according to the institution of Christ, concerning the substantiall partes of them: and that they be no longer Sacraments, then they be had in vse, and vsed to the end for the which they were instituted.

* 7.50And heere we playnly confesse that the mutilation of the Lords Supper, and the subtraction of the one kinde from the lay people, is Antichristian.

And so is the doctrine of transubstantiation of the Sa∣cramentall bread and wyne after the words of consecrati∣on, as they be called.

Item, the adoration of the Sacrament, with honor due vnto God: the reseruation and carying about of the same.

Item, the Masse to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quicke and dead, or a worke that pleaseth God.

All these we confesse and beleeue to be Antichristes do∣ctrine: as is the inhibition in Mariage as vnlawfull to a∣ny state. And we doubt not by Gods grace, but we shal be able to prooue all our confessions heere to be most true by the veritie of Gods word, and consente of the Catholicke Churche, which followeth and hath followed the gouer∣naunce of Gods spirit, and the iudgement of his word.

And this thorough the Lordes helpe we will do, eyther in disputation by word before the Queenes hyghnesse and her Counsayle, eyther before the Parliament houses, of whome we doubt not but to be indifferently heard, eyther with our pennes, whensoeuer we shall be thereto by them that haue authoritie required and commaunded.

In the meane season, as obedient Subiectes wee shall behaue our selues towardes all that be in authoritie, and not cease to pray to God for them, that he woulde gouerne them all, generally and particularly with the spirite of wisedome & grace. And so we hartily desire, & humbly pray all men to do,* 7.51 in no point consenting to any kinde of rebel∣lion or sedition against our soueraigne Lady the Queenes highnes: but where they can not obey, but they must diso∣bey God, there to submit themselues with all patience and humilitie to suffer as the will and pleasures of the higher powers shall adiudge: as we are ready thorough the good∣nes of the Lord to suffer whatsoeuer they shall adiudge vs vnto, rather then we will cōsent to any doctrine contrary to this which we heere confesse, vnlesse we shall be iustly conuinced therof, either by writing or by word, before such Iudges as the Queenes hyghnes and her Counsell,* 7.52 or the Parlamēt houses shall appoint: For the Uniuersities and Clergy haue condemned our causes already by the bigger, but not by the better part, without all disputation of the same: and therefore most iustly we may, & do appeale from them to be our Iudges in this behalfe, except it may be in writing, that to al men the matter may appeare. The Lord of mercy endue vs all with the spirit of his truth and grace of perseuerance therein vnto the end. Amen.

The 8. of May, Anno Dom. 1554.

• ...Robert Menauen, aliâs
• ...Robert Ferrar.
• ...Rowland Taylor.
• ...* 7.53Iohn Philpot.
• ...Iohn Bradford.
• ...Iohn. Wigorne and Glouc. Episcopus, aliâs
• ...Iohn Hooper.
• ...Edward Crome.
• ...Iohn Rogers.
• ...Laurence Saunders.
• ...Edmund Laurence.
• ...I. P.
• ...T. M.

☞To these things abouesayd, do I Myles Couerdale late of Exon, consent and agree with these my afflicted bree∣thren being prisoners with mine owne hand.

And thus much concerning this present declaration sub∣scribed by these preachers, which was on the viij. day of May.

Furthermore, the xix. day of the sayd moneth, the Lady Elizabeth,* 7.54 Sister to the Queene, was brought out of the Tower, and committed to the custody of Syr Iohn Wil∣liams, after Lord Williams of Tame, of whom, her high∣nes was gently and curteously entreated: who afterward was had to Woodstocke, and there committed to the kee∣ping of Sir Henry Benifield Knight of Oxeborough in Northfolke:* 7.55 who on the other side, both forgetting her e∣state, and his owne duty, (as it is reported) shewed hym∣selfe more hard & straight vnto her, then either cause was geuen of her part, or reason of his owne part would haue led him,* 7.56 if either grace or wisedome in him might haue sene before, what daunger afterward might haue ensued there∣of. Whereof we haue to entreate more at large (the Lorde willing) hereafter in the story & life of Queene Elizabeth.

Upon the Friday following, being the xx. of Iuly, and S. Margarets day, the prince of Spaine lāded at South∣hampton. The Prince him selfe was the first that landed: who immediately as he set foote vppon the land, drew out his sword, and caried it naked in his hād a good prety way.* 7.57

Then met him without the Towne a little the Maior of Southampton, with certayne Commoners, who deliue∣red the keyes of the Towne vnto the Prince, who remo∣ued his sword (naked as it was) out of his right hand, into his left hand, and so receiued the keyes of the Maior with∣out any word speaking, or countenaunce of thankefulnes, and after a while deliuered the keyes to the Maior againe. At the Towne gate met hym the Earle of Arundell and Lord Williams, and so he was brought to his lodging.

Upon the Wednesday following, being S. Iames day,* 7.58 and the xxv. of Iuly, Philip Prince of Spayne, & Mary Queene of England, were maryed together solemnely in the Cathedrall Church at Winchester, by the Byshop of Winchester, in the presence of a great number of noble men of both the Realmes. At the time of this mariage the Em∣perours Embassadour being present, opēly pronounced, y^t in cōsideration of that Mariage, the Emperour had graū∣ted & giuen vnto his sonne, the Kingdome of Naples, &c.

Whereupon the first daye of August following, there was a Proclamation, that from that tyme foorth, the style of all maner of writings should be altered,* 7.59 and this follo∣wing should be vsed.

☞ Philip and Mary by the grace of God, Kyng and Queene of England, Fraunce, Naples, Ierusalem, and Ireland, defenders of the Fayth, Princes of Spayne and Cicill, Archdukes, of Austrich, Dukes of Millaine, Burgundie, and Brabant, Counties of Has∣purge, Flaunders and Tyroll.

Of this Mariage, as the Papistes chiefly seemed to be very glad, so diuers of them after diuers studyes, to shew forth their inward affections, some made Interludes and Pagentes, some drewe foorth Genealogies, deriuing his petigrue from Edwarde the third and Iohn of Gaunte, some made Uerses. Amongst all other, Mayster Whyte, then Byshop of Lincolne (his Poeticall vayne beeyng drunken with ioye of the Mariage) spued out certayne Uerses: the copy whereof we haue heere inserted.

¶Philippi & Mariae Genealogia, qua ambo Principes ex Iohanne de Gandauo, Edwardi tertij, Angliae, Franciae∣que Regis filio descendisse ostenduntur, Whito Lincolniense Authore.

ILle parens regum Gandaua ex vrbe Iohannes Somersetensem comitem profert Iohannem. Somersetensis venit hoc patre dux Iohannes, Qui Margaretam Richemundi habuit Comitissam. Haec dedit Henricum, qui regni septimus huius Henrico octauo solium regale reliquit. Hoc patre propitio, & fausto quasi sydere nata Iure tenes sacram▪ teneasque Maria coronam.

¶Verses of M. White Byshop of Lincolne, concerning the Marriage of Philip and Mary.

NVbat vt angla anglo, regina Maria Philippo, Inque suum fontem regia stirps redeat, Noluit humani generis daemon vetus hostis, Sed Deus Anglorum prouida spes voluit. Nollet Scotus inops, timidusque ad praelia Gallus, Caesar, & Italia, & Flandria tota volet. Noluit Haereticus (stirps Caiphae) pontificum grex, Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit. Octo vxorati Patres in daemone nollent: Quinque Cathenati pro pietate, volent. Noluit Iohannes D••dley Northumbrius vrsus, Sed fidum regni Consilium voluit. Noluit aetatis nostrae Catelina Viatus, Sed proceres & plebs & pia turba volet. Nollet Graius dux, & Cantia terra rebellans: Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus. Clarior effectus repetat sua limina sanguis, Cum sit Philippo iuncta Maria viro.

¶Aunswere by the reuerend Byshop of Norwich to the Byshop of Lyncolne.

EXterno nubat Maria vt regina Philippo, Vt sint pulsa suis sceptra Britanna locis: Vult Daemon generis nostri antiquissimus hostis, Anglorum non vult anchora sola Deus. Nolunt hoc Galli, nolunt Scoti armipotentes, Vult Caesar, Flandrus, vult Italus Golias.

Vult grex Pontificum, stirps Caypha, turba bicornis, * 7.60Non vult sanctorum sed pia turba patrum. Nolunt octo, quibus sunt vincla iugalia curae, Quinque cathenati Daemonis arte volunt. Hoc neque tu prorsus Dudlaee animose volebas: Inuitum regni Consilium voluit. Dedecus hoc non vult fortissimus ille Viatus, Inuitus populus, sic proceresque volent. Vos vultis, quoniam semper mala cuncta voletis: Non vul•• Graius Dux, nec pia turba volet. Quot tulit Hispanus rex ergò commoda secum, Reginae socias cum dedit ille manus?

¶Another aunswere by the sayd Author.

HIspano nubat Maria vt regina Philippo, Extirpetur stirps vt quoque Nobilium: Vult pater id vester disturbans omnia Daemon, Non vult Anglorum sed pater Altitonans. Non vult bellipotens Gallus, non vult Scotus acer, Vult Caesar, Flandrus, Papicolaeque volunt. Grex mitratorum vult, Cayphae ipsa propago: Non vult sanctorum sed pius ordo patrum. Nolunt octo, pios qui iure colunt hymenaeos, Quinque cathenati pro impietate volunt. Dudlaeus minimè voluit Northumbrius Heros: Cui sua perchara est patria, nemo volet. Libertatis amans non vult bonus ille Viatus, Non proceres, non plebs, nec pia turba volet. Vos vultis, pietas qui vultis vt exulet omnis, Non Graius, sed nec Cantia turba volet. Ergò magis clarus quî fit (rogo) sanguis auitus, Quando iugalis sit iunctus vterque thoro?

¶Other Verses aunswering to Byshop White, made by I. C.

QVamlibet Anglorum stirps ementita Philippo, Et Maria Hispana de genetrice fuit: Vt tamen Hispano, confusi sanguinis Angla Nuberet in gentis dedecus atque patris, Noluit Anglorum priscae virtutis amator, Sed Deus in nostram perniciem voluit. Noluit in nostram, nisi conspirata, salutem Turba: quid ad nos si gens inimica volet? Pontifices fati, quasi Cayphas, omina dantes Nolebant: at grex cacolucos voluit. Elegere pij connubia talia nolle: Velle quidem demens haeresis illa fuit. Consilium multo praestantius octo mariti, Quinque cathenatis ob malefacta, dabant. Noluit hos iungi thalamos Northumbrius heros. O consultores, qui voluere, malos. Noluit haud aequo confligens marte Viatus, Solaque quae voluit, turba Papalis erat. Nolebat Graius, neque terra Britanna volebat: Nos, quoniam Dominus sic voluit, tulimus. Sed tulimus pariter fata infoelicia, quando Infoelix Maria est nupta Philippe tibi.

*Other verses aunswering likewise.

NVbat vt Hispano Regina Maria Philippo Dic age Whyte mihi, quos voluisse vides? Noluit aut voluit quid inanis turba, refert nil, Velle & nolle Dei est: quid volet ille, refert. Hoc quoniam voluit (inquis) Dominus, voluistis: Quid voluit, quoniam nescis inepte, scias. Scilicet hoc voluit, vates vt vanus & augur, Et mendax Whitus pseudopropheta foret. Regi non regi nupsit, non nupserat, Angla est, Nō Angla est, grauida est, nō grauida est, grauius est. Parturit atque parit, sic vos voluistis ouantes, Nil tamen illa parit: hoc voluit Dominus. Duxerat ad paucos menses, mox deserit idem: Sponsa est, mox vidua est: hoc voluit Dominus. Irrita frustrentur semper sic vota malorum, Perniciem patriae qui voluere suae. Sit nomen Domini benedictum.

* 7.61After the consummation of which mariage, they both re∣moued frō Winchester to sondry other places, and by easy iourneyes came to Windsore Castle, where he was stalled in the order of the Garter, vppon Sonday, being the xij. of August. At which tyme an Herald tooke downe the armes of England at Windsore, and in the place of them woulde haue set the armes of Spaine, but he was commaunded to set them vp againe by certayne Lordes. From thence, they both remoued to Richmond,* 7.62 and frō thence by water came to London, and landed at y^e Bishop of Winchesters house through which they passed both into Southwark parke, & so to Southwarke house called Suffolk place, where they lay that night being the 18. of August.

And y^e next day, being Saterday, and the xix. of August the king and Queenes maiesties rode from Suffolk place (accompanied with a great number,* 7.63 as wel of noble men as gentlemen) through the City of London to White Hall and at Londō bridge as he entred at the draw bridge, was a vayne great spectacle set vp,* 7.64 two Images representyng 2. Gyantes, one named Corineus, and the other Gogma∣goge holding betweene them certain Latin verses, which for the vayne ostentation of flattery, I ouerpasse.

And as they passed ouer the bridge, there was a num∣ber of ordinaunce shot at the Tower, such as by old mens report the like hath not bene heard or seene these hundreth yeares.

From London Bridge they passed to the Conduit in Gracious streete whiche was finely painted, and among other thinges, the ix. worthies, whereof king Henry the 8. was one. He was paynted in harnesse hauing in one hand a sworde, and in the other hand a booke, wherupon was written Verbum Dei,* 7.65 deliuering the same booke (as it were) to his sonne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edward, who was paynted in a corner by him.

But hereupon was no small matter made, for the Bi∣shop of winchester Lord Chauncellour, sēt for the painter and not onely called him knaue for paynting a booke in K. Henries hand, and specially for writing therupon Verbum Dei, but also rancke Traytour and Uillaine, saying to hym that he should rather haue put the book into the Queenes hand (who was also paynted there) for that she had refor∣med the church and religion,* 7.66 with other things according to the pure and sincere word of God in deede.

The Paynter answered and sayd, that if he had knowē that that had bene the matter wherfore his Lordship sent for him, he coulde haue remedied it, and not haue troubled his Lordship.* 7.67

The bishop answered & said, that it was the Queenes maiesties will and commaundement that he shoulde send for him: and so commaunding him to wype out the booke and Verbum Dei too: he sent him home. So the Paynter de∣parted, but fearing least he should leaue some parte eyther of the booke, or of Verbum Dei, in king Henries hand: hee wiped away a piece of his fingers withall.

Here I passe ouer and cut of other gaudes & Pageantes of pastime shewed vnto him in passing through London, with the flattering verses set vp in Latine, wherein were blased out in one place the fiue philips, as the fiue wor∣thies of the worlde, Philip of Macedonia Philip y^e Empe∣ror, Philippus Audax, Philippus Bonus, Philip Prince of Spayne and king of England.

In an other Poetry K. Philip was resembled by an I∣mage representing Orpheus,* 7.68 and all Englishe people re∣sembled to brute & sauage beastes following after Orphe∣us harpe, and daunsing after king Philips pipe. Not that I reprehend the arte of the Latine verses, which was fine and cunning, but that I passe ouer y^e matter, hauing other grauer thinges in hand, and therefore passe ouer also the sight at Paules church side of him that came downe vpon a rope tyed to the batilmentes with his head before, ney∣ther staying himselfe with hand or foote: which shortly af∣ter cost him his life.

But one thing by the way I cannot let passe touchyng the young florishing Roode newly set vp agaynst this pre∣sent tim•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 welcome king Phillip into Paules Churche. The setting vp of which Roode was this, and may make as good a Pageant as the best.

An 2. Mariae Boner in his royaltie, and all his Preben∣daries about him in Paules Quiere, the Roode layde a long vpon the pauement,* 7.69 and also all the doores of Paules being shut, the Bishop with other, sayde and song diuers prayers by the Rood: that being done they annoynted the Roode with oyle in diuers places, and after the annoyn∣ting crept vnto it and kissed it.

After that they tooke the sayd Roode and weyed hym vppe and set him in his olde accustomed place,* 7.70 and all the while they were doing thereof, the whole Quiere sang Te Deum, and when that was ended, they rang the Belles, not only for ioy, but also for the notable and great fact they had done therein.

Not long after this, a mery fellow came into Paules and spyed the Roode with Mary and Iohn new set vppe whereto (among a great sorte of people) he made low cur∣tesie and sayd: sir, your Maistership is welcome to towne.* 7.71 I had thought to haue talked further with your Maister∣ship, but that ye be here clothed in the Queenes colours. I

hope yee bee but a sommers byrd, in that ye be dressed in white and greene, &c.

The Prince thus being in the Church of Paules, after Doctour Harpesfield had finished his Oration in Latine, set forwarde through Fleetestreete, and so came to White hall, where he with the Queene remayned four dayes af∣ter, and from thence remoued vnto Richmond.

After this, all the Lords had leaue to departe into theyr countreies, with straite commaundement to bring all their harnesse and artillery into the Tower of London with all speede. Now remained there no English Lord at the court but the Byshop of Winchester. From Richmond they re∣moued to Hampton Court, where the hall doore within the Court was continually shut, so that no man might en∣ter, vnlesse his arrand were first knowne: which seemed straunge to English men that had not bene vsed thereto.

About the eight day of September, Byshop Bouer be∣gan his visitation,* 7.72 who charged vj. men in euery parish to inquire (according to their othes) and to present before him the day after S. Mathewes day, being the xxij. of Sep∣tember, all such persons as either had or should offend in any of his Articles, which he had set forth to the number of 37. Of the whiche visitation of Boner, I haue somewhat more largely to entreate, after that first I shall ouerpasse a few other things folowing in course of this present story.

The xvij. day of September, was a Proclamation in London,* 7.73 that all Uacabonds and master••es men, as well straungers as Englishmen, should depart the Citie with∣in fiue dayes: & straitly charging all Inholders, Uictual∣lers, Tauerners, and Alehousekeepers, with all other that sell victuals, that they (after the said fiue dayes) should not sell any meate, drinke, or any kind of victuall to any Ser∣uingman whatsoeuer, vnlesse he brought a testimoniall from his Maister to declare whose seruaunt he was, and were in continuall houshold with his sayd Mayster, vpon payne to runne in daunger of the law if they offend herein.

Uppon the Sonday following, beeyng the xxx. daye of September,* 7.74 the Bishop of Winchester Lord Chauncellour of England preached at Paules Crosse, at whose Sermon were present all the Coūsell that were at the Court,* 7.75 name∣lye the Marques of Winchester, the Earle of Arundell, Lord North, Sir Anthony Browne, Maister Rochester, Maister Walgraue, Maister Englefild, Lord Fitzwaters, and Secretary Peter, & the Bishop of London, Duresme, & Ely, which iij. sate vnder the Bishops armes. The Gos∣pell wherof he made his Sermon is writtē in the xxij. cha. of Math. Where the Phariseis came vnto Christ, & amōgst them one asked Christ which was the greatest commaun∣dement. Christ aunswered: Thou shalt loue thy Lorde God with all thy hart, &c. and thy neighbour as thy selfe, in these two is comprehended the Lawe and the Prophetes.

After his long declaration of these wordes, speaking ve∣ry much of loue and charitie, at the last he had occasion vp∣on S. Iames his wordes, to speake of the true teachers, and of the false teachers, saying, that all the Preachers al∣most in King Edwards tyme, preached nothing but vo∣luptuousnesse,* 7.76 and filthy and blasphemous lyes, affirming their doctrine to be that false doctrine whereof S. Iames speaketh: saying, that it was full of peruerse zeale, earthly, full of discord and discensiō, that the preachers aforenamed would report nothing truly, & that they taught that it was lawfull for a man to put awaye his wyfe for adultery, and marry another,* 7.77 and that if a man vowed to day, he might breake it to morrowe at hys pleasure, wyth many other thyngs which I omit. And when he spoke of the Sacra∣ment, he sayd that all the Church from the beginning haue cōfessed Christes natural body to be in heauen, & here to be in the Sacramēt, and so concluded that matter: & then wil∣led al men to say with Iosephs brethren: Peccauimus in fra∣trem. We haue all sinned against our brother, and so (sayd he) haue I to. Then he declared what a noble King & Queene we haue, saying that if he should go about to shew that the King came hether for no necessitie or neede, & what he had brought w^t him, it should be superfluous, seing it is euidēt∣ly known that he hath x. times as much as we are in hope & possession of, affirming him to be as wise, sober, gentle & temperate a Prince as euer was in Englād, and if it were not so proued, then to take him for a false liar for his so say∣ing: Exhorting all men to make much of him, & to wynne him whylest we had him, and so should we also winne all such as he hath brought with him, and so made an ende.

Upon the Tuesday following, being the seconde day of October, xx. carts came from Westminster laden (as it was noysed) with gold and siluer, and certain of the Gard with them through the Citie to the Tower, and there it was re∣ceiued in by a Spanyard, who was the Kings Treasu∣rer, and had custody of it within the Tower. It was mat∣ted about with mattes, and mayled in little bundels about two foote long, and almost halfe a foote thicke, and euery cart were sixe of those bundels. What it was in deede God knoweth, for it is to vs vncertayne.

Aboute the same time, or a little before, vppon Corpus Christi day, the processiō being made in Smithfield,* 7.78 where after the manner the Priest with his boxe went vnder the Canapy, by chaunce there came by the way a certaine sim∣ple man, named Iohn Streate, a ioyner of Colemā streete, who hauing some hast in his busines,* 7.79 and finding no other way to passe through, by chaunce went vnder the Canapy by the Priest. The Priest seeing the man so to presume to come vnto the Canapy, being belike afraid, and worse fea∣red then hurt, for feare let his Pixe fall downe.* 7.80 The poore man being straight wayes apprehended, was had to the Counter, the Priest accusing him vnto the Counsayle, as though he had come to slay him, whē as y^e poore man (as he himselfe hath since declared vnto vs) had no such thought euer in his mind. Then from the Counter he was had vn∣to Newgate, where he was cast into the Dongeon,* 7.81 there chayned to a post, where he was cruelly & miserably hand∣led & so extremely dealt withall, that being but simple be∣fore, he was now feared out of his wit altogether, and so vpon the same had to Bedlem. Wherupon the briefe Chro∣nicle of London in this poynt is not to be credited,* 7.82 which vntruely reported that he fayned himselfe in Newgate to be mad: which thing, we in writing of this history by due inquisition of the partie, haue found to be contrary.

About the v. day of October,* 7.83 and within a fortnight fo∣lowing, were diuers as well housholders as seruaunts & prentises apprehended and taken, and committed to son∣dry prisons, for the hauing and selling of certaine bookes which were sent into England by the Preachers that fled into Germany and other Countreys, which bookes nip∣ped a great number so neare,* 7.84 that within one fortnight there were little lesse then threescore imprisoned for thys matter: among whome, was M. Browne a Goldsmith, Mayster Sparke a Draper, Randall Tirer a Stationer, M. Beston a Marchaunt, with many other.

Upon the Sonday being the xiiij. daye of October, the old Byshop of Duresme preached in the shroudes.* 7.85

Upon S. Lukes day following, being the xviij. of Oc∣tober, the Kyngs Maiesty came from Westminster to Paules Church along the Streetes, accompanied with a great number of Noble men, and there he was receyued vnder a Canapy at the West dore, and so came into the Chauncell where he heard Masse (which a Spanishe By∣shop and his owne Chappell soong) and that done, he re∣turned to Westminster to dyner agayne.

Upon the Friday being the xxvj. of October,* 7.86 certayne men, whereof I spake before, which were of Mayster Throgmortons quest, being in number viij. for the other foure were deliuered out of prison, for that they submitted themselues and sayd they had offended, like weakelyngs, not considering truth to be truth but of force for feare sayd so: these viij. men I say (whereof Maister Emanuell Lu∣cas, and M. Whetstone were chiefe) were called before the Counsaile in the Starre chamber: where they all affirmed that they had done all thyngs in that matter according to theyr knowledge and with good consciences, euen as they shoulde aunswere before God at the daye of iudgemente. Where maister Lucas sayde openly before all the Lordes, that they had done in the matter lyke honest men and true and faythfull subiects, and therfore they humbly besought the Lord Chauncellor and the other Lordes, to be meanes to the King and Queenes Maiesties, that they might be discharged and set at liberty, & sayd that they were all con∣tented humbly to submit themselues to their maiesties, sa∣uing and reseruing theyr trueth, consciences and honesty. Some of the Lordes sayde that they were worthy to pay a thousand poundes a peece, and other some sayd that May∣ster Lucas and Maister Whetstone were worthy to pay a thousand markes a peece, and the rest fiue hundreth poūds a peece. In conclusion, sentence was geuen by the Lorde Chauncellour, that they should pay a thousand Markes a peece, and that they should go to prison againe, & there re∣mayne till further order were taken for their punishment.

Upon the Tuesday being the xxx. of October, the Lorde Iohn Gray was deliuered out of the Tower and set at liberty.

Upon Sonday the fourth of Nouember, fyue Priestes dyd penaunce at Paules Crosse, which were contente to put away their wiues, and take vpon them agayne to mi∣nister. Euery of them had a Taper in his hand, and a rod, wherewith the Preacher did disple them.

Upon Wednesday the vij. of Nouember, the Lord Pa∣get & Syr Edward Hastings Maister of the horse, were sent as Ambassadours, I knowe not whither, but as it was adiudged, to Cardinall Poole, who lay all the sommer

before at Bruxelles,* 7.87 and it was thought: they were sent to accompany and conducte him into England, where at that time he was nominated and appoynted Byshoppe of Caunterbury.

Upon the Friday folowing the 9. of Nouember May∣ster Barlow late Byshop of Bathe, and M. Cardmaker were brought before the counsell in the Starre Chamber,* 7.88 where a••ter communication they were commaūded to the Fleete.

Upon the Saterday being the tenth of Nouember, the Sheriffes of London had commaūdement to take an inuē¦tory of euery one of theyr goods which were of M. Throg∣mortons quest,* 7.89 & to seale vp theyr doores, which was done the same day. M. Whetstone, maister Lucas, and Mayster Kyteley, were iudged to pay 2000. pounds a piece and the rest 1000. Markes a piece, to be payd within one fortnight after. From this payment were exempted those 4. whiche confessed a fault and submitted themselues whose names are these, M. Loe, M. Poynter, M. Beswicke, and M. Cater.

Mention was made a little before of the visitation of Ed. Boner bishop of Londō,* 7.90 whiche began (as is sayd) a∣bout the moneth of September: for the better preparation whereof were set forth certayne Articles to the number of 37. Which articles partly for the tediousnes of them, partly for that maister Bale in a certayne treatise hath sufficient∣ly paynted out the same in theyr coulours, partly also, be∣cause I will not infect this booke with them, I slippe them ouer, proceeding in the progresse of this bishop in his visi∣tation in the Countye of Essex. Who passing through the sayde Countye of Essex being attended with diuers wor∣shipfull of the shyre (for so they were commaunded) ariued at Sterford in Hertfordshyre where hee rested certayne dayes,* 7.91 solacing himselfe after that paynefull peregrination with no small feasting and banqueting with his atten∣dants aforesayd, at the house of one Persons his Nephew whose wife he commonly called his fayre Niece (and fayre she was in deede) he tooke there great pleasure to heare her play vpō the Uirginals (wherin she excelled) in so much y^t euery dinner (sitting by his sweete side) she rose and play∣ed three seuerall times at his request of his good and spiri∣tuall deuotiō towards her. These certeine daies thus pas∣sed in this bishoplike fashion, he proceded in his popish vi¦sitation towards Hadham his owne house and parish, not past two myles from Sterford,* 7.92 being there most solemnly rang out, as in all other places wheras he passed. At lēgth drawing nere vnto Hadham, when he heard no bels there ••••••••ring in honor of his holines, he grew into some choler & the nearer he approched the hotter was his fit, & the qui∣eter the bels were, the vnquieter was his moode. Thus rode he on chafing and fuming with himselfe.* 7.93 What mea∣neth (sayth he) that knaue the Clarke, that he ringeth not, and the parson that he meeteth me not? with sundry other furious words of fiery element. There this patient prelate comming to the towne, alighted, calling for the key of the Church, which was then all vnready, for that (as they thē pretended) he had preuēted his time by two houres, wher∣vpon he grew frō coler to plaine melancholy, so as no man willingly would deale with him to qualify the raging hu∣mor so farre incorporated in his brest. At last the Church-doore being opened, the Byshop entred, and finding no sa∣crament hanged vp, nor roode lost decked after the Popysh precept (which hade commaunded about the same tyme a well fauoured Roode, and of able stature vniuersally in all Churches to be set vp) curtalled his small deuotions, and fell from al coler and melancholy to flat madnes in the vp∣permost degree, swearing and raging with an huntynge ••the or two, and by no beggers, that in his owne Churche where he hoped to haue sene best order, he foūd most disor∣der (to his honors most heauy discomfort, as he sayde) cal∣ling the Parsō (whose name was Doctor Bricket) knaue,* 7.94 and hereticke. Who there humbled himselfe and yelded as it were, to his fault, saying he was sory his Lordship was come before that he and his parish looked for him: and ther¦fore could not do theyr dueties to receiue him accordingly: & as for those thinges lacking, he trusted, a short time here∣after should cōpasse that, which hitherto he could not bring about. Therefore if it pleased his Lordship to come to hys poore house (where his dynner was prepared) he woulde satisfy him in those thinges, which his Lordship thought amisse. Yet thys so reasonable an aunsweare, nothyng could satisfy nor asswage his passion vnreasonable. For the Catholicke Prelate vtterly defied him and his chere, com∣maunding him out of his sighte saying:* 7.95 (as hys by worde was) before God thou art a knaue, auant hereticke, and therwithal, whether thrusting or striking at him, so it was that with his hand he gaue syr Thomas Iosselin Knight (who was then amongest the rest, & stood next the bishop) a good flewe•• vpon the vpper part of the neck, euen vnder his eare (as some say which stood by) but as he himself said he hit him full vpon the eare:* 7.96 wherat he was somewhat a∣stonied at the sodennes of the quarrell for that time. At last, he spake and said, what meaneth your Lordship? haue you bene trayned in Will Somers scole, to strike him who stā∣deth next you? The Bishop still in rage either heard not, or would not heare.

Then M. Fecknam Deane of Paules seing the bishop stil in this bitter rage, said: O M. Iosselin, you must beare with my lord:* 7.97 for truly his long imprisonment in the mar∣shalsey, and the misusing of him there hath altered hym, y^t in these passions he is not ruler of himselfe, nor it booteth a∣ny man to geue him counsell vntill his heat be past, & then assure your selfe M. Iosselin my lord will be sory for those abuses that now he cānot see in himselfe. Wherunto he me∣rily replied and sayd: so it seemeth Maister Fecknam,* 7.98 for now that he is come forth of the marshalsey, he is ready to go to Bedlem. At which mery conciepte some laughed and moe smiled because the nayle was so truely hitte vpon the head. The Bishop nothing abashed at his own folly, gaue a deafe eare, as no maruell it was that hee shamed little to strike a straunger, which spared not the burning of so ma∣ny good men.

After this worthy combate thus finished and atchiued, this marshiall Prelate presently taketh him to his horse a∣gayne (notwithstanding he was minded to tary at Hadhā 3. or 4. daies, and so had made prouisiō in his owne house) and leauing his dinner rode that night with a small com∣pany of his householde to Ware (where he was not looked for 3. dayes after) to the great wonder of all the countrey why he so preuented his day afore stalled.

At this hasty posting away of this Bishop, his whole trayne of attendants there left him. Also his Doctors and chaplaines (a few excepted) taryed behind, and dined at D. Brickets as merily as he rode towards Ware all chasing∣ly: which diner was prepared for the bishop himself. Now whether the Bishoppe were offended at those solemnities which he wanted and was accustomed to be saluted with∣all in other places where he iornied, ioyning to y^t his great God was not exalted aboue ground ouer y^e aultar, nor his blocke almighty set seemely in the roode lost to entertayne straungers,* 7.99 and therupō took occasion to quarrell with D. Bricket (whose religion percase he somewhat suspected) I haue not perfectly to say, but so it was supposed of diuers the cause therof to rise, which draue the bishop so hastily frō such a dinner. Testified by such as there and thē were pre∣sent, Rich. K. &c.

¶A story of a Roode set vp in Lankashyre.

In this Uisitation of Bishop Boner aboue mentioned, ye see how the bishop tooke on for not setting vp the Roode and ringing the bels at Hadham.* 7.100 Ye heard also of the pre∣cept, which commaūded in euery parish a Rood to be erec∣ted both well fauoured and of an hab••e stature. By the oc∣casion whereof, it commeth in mind (and not out of place) to storye likewise what happened in a certayne Towne in Lankashyre nere to Lancaster called Cockram, where the Parishioners & Churchwardens hauing the same time a like charge for the erecting of a rood in theyr parish church had made theyr bargayn and were at a price with one that could cunningly karue & paynt such idols, for the framyng of theyr Roode: who according to his promise,* 7.101 made them one, & set it vp in theyr Church. This done, he demaunded his mony. But they misliking his workemanship, refused to pay him, whereupon he arrested them, and the matter was brought before the Maior of Dancaster, who was a very meet man for such a purpose, and an olde fauourer of the Gospell, which is rare in that country. Then the kar∣uer began to declare how they had couenaunted with him for the making of a Rood, with the appurtenaunces ready karued and set vp in theyr Churche, which he according to his promise had done and nowe demaunding his money they refused to pay him. Is this true, quoth the Maior to the Wardens? Yea Syr, sayd they. And why do ye not pay the poore man his due, quoth he? And it please you May∣ster Maior (quoth they) because the Roode wee had before was a welfauored man, and he promised to make vs such an other: but this that he hath set vs vp now, is y^e worst fa∣uored thing that euer you set your eies on, gaping & grin∣ning in such sort that none of our Children dare once looke him in the face or come nere him.* 7.102 The maior thinking that it was good enough for y^e purpose if it had bene worsse, my maisters (quoth he) howsoeuer the rood like you, the poore mans labor hath bene neuer the lesse, and it is pity that he

should haue any hinderaunce or losse thereby.* 7.103 Therfore I will tell you what you shal do: Pay him the mony ye pro∣mised him, and goe your wayes home and looke on it, & if it will not serue for a God, make no more a doe: but clap a payre of hornes on his head, and so will he make an excel∣lent deuill. This the Parishioners tooke well aworth, the poore man had his mony, and diuers laughed well therat: but so did not the babilonish Priestes.

* 7.104This Maior aboue mentioned continued a Protestant almost fifty yeares, & was the onely releuer of M. Marsh the Martyr (whole story foloweth hereafter) with meate, drinke, and lodging while he laye in Lancaster Castle the space of iij. quarters of a yeare, before he was had to Che∣ster to be burned. &c.

About this time or the moneth next before, which was October, there came a precept or mandate from Boner bi∣shop of London, to all Parsons and Curates within hys Dioces, for the abolishing of such scriptures & wrytinges as had bene paynted vpon Churche walles before, in king Edwardes dayes. The copy of which precept or mandate here we thought good to expresse, that the world might see the wicked proceedinges of theyr impious zeale, or rather theyr malicious rage agaynst the Lord and his word, & a∣gaynst the edyfying of Christian people: whereby it might appeare by this blotting out of these Scriptures, not only how blasphemously they spake agaynst the holy Scrip∣tures of God, but also howe studiously they sought by all maner of meanes, to keepe the people still in ignoraunce.

¶A Mandate of Boner Byshop of London, to abo∣lish the Scriptures and writings paynted vpon the Church Walles.

EDmund by Gods permission bishop of London, to all & eue∣ry Parsons,* 7.105 Vicars, Clarkes, and lettered, within the parishe of Hadham, or within the precinct of our dioces of London wherso∣euer being, sendeth greeting, grace, & benediction. Because some children of iniquity, geuen vp to carnall desires and noueltyes, haue by many wayes enterprised to banish the auncient maner & order of the Church and to bring in and establish sectes and here∣sies: taking from thence the picture of Christ, and many thinges besides instituted and obserued of auncient time laudably in the same, placing in the roome therof suche thinges, as in such a place it behoued them not to do: & also haue procured as a stay to their heresies (as they thought) certayne scriptures wrongly applied,* 7.106 to be paynted vpon the Churche walles, all which persons tende chiefly to this end, that they might vphold the liberty of the flesh & mariage of priestes, and destroy as much as lay in them, the re∣uerend sacramēt of the aultar and might extinguish and enaruate holydayes, fasting dayes, and other laudable discipline of the Ca∣tholicke church,* 7.107 opening a window to all vices, and vtterly clo∣sing vp the way vnto vertue: Wherefore we being mooued with a christian zeale, iudging that the premises are not to be longer suf∣fered do for discharge of our duety, cōmit vnto you ioyntly & se∣uerally, & by the tenor hereof do straight••y charge and cōmaund you, that at the receit hereof, with all speed conuenient, you doe warne, or cause to be warned, first, secōd, & third time, & perem∣ptorily, all and singuler Churchwardens and Parishioners who∣soeuer within your foresayd Dioces of London, wheresoeuer a∣ny such Scriptures or payntings haue bene attempted, that they abolish and extinguishe such maner of Scriptures, so that by no meanes they bee either readde or seene, and therein to proceede moreouer as they shall see good and laudable in this behalfe. And if after the sayd monition, the sayd Churchwardens and Parishio∣ners shall be founde remisse and negligent, or culpable, then you ioyntly and seuerally shall see the foresayd Scriptures to be rased abolished and extinguished forthwith: citing al and singuler those Churchwardens and Parishioners (whome we also for the same do cite here by the tenour hereof) that all and singuler the sayde Churchwardens and Parishyoners being slacke and negligent, or culpable therein, shall appeare before vs our Vicar generall and principall officiall, or our Commissary speciall in our Cathedrall Church of S. Paule at Londō, in the Consistory there, at the houre appoynted for the same, the sixt day next after theyr citation if it be a court day, or els at the next court day after ensuing▪ whereas either we or our Officiall or Commissary shall sit: there to say and alledge for themselues some reasonable cause: if they haue or cā¦tell of any, why they ought not to be excommunicated, and o∣therwise punished for theyr such negligence, slackenesse, & fault, to say and to alledge, and further to do and receiue, as law & rea¦son requireth. And what you haue done in the premises, do you certify vs, or our Vicar, principall Officiall, and such our Com∣missary, diligently and duely in all thinges, and through all thin∣ges, or let him among you thus certify vs, which hath taken vpon him to execute this Mandate: In witnes whereof we haue set our seales to these presentes. Dated in the byshops pallace at London the 25. daye of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lorde 1454. and of our translation the 16▪

About this time the L. Chauncellour sent M. Christo∣pherson vnto the vniuersity of Cābridge with these 3. Ar∣ticles, which he enioyned them to obserue.* 7.108

The first, that euery scholer should weare his apparell according to his degree in the scholes.

The second was touching the pronūciation of y^e Greek tongue.

The third, that euery Preacher there should declare the whole stile of the king and Queene in theyr sermons.

In this vniuersity of Cambridge, and also of Oxford, by reason of the bringing of these thinges, and especiallye for the alteration of religion, many good wits and learned men departed the Uniuersities: of whō, some of theyr own accord gaue ouer, some were thrust out of their felowships some were miserably handled: in so much that in Cābridge in the Colledge of Saint Iohn, there were 24. places void together, in whose roomes were taken in 24. other which neither in vertue nor in religiō semed to answere to them before. And no lesse miserable, was the state of Oxforde,* 7.109 by reason of the time, and the straight dealing of the visitours that for setting forward theyr Papisticall procedinges, had no regard or respect to the forwardnes of good wittes, and the maynteinaunce of good letters beginning then more & more to florish in that Uniuersity.

And for so much as we haue entred into the mention of Oxford, we may not passe ouer in silēce the famous exhor∣tation of D. Tresham who supplying the roome of y^e Sub∣deane in Christes Church,* 7.110 after he had called all the Stu∣dentes of the Colledge together, with great Eloquence & art persuasory, began to commend the dignity of the masse vnto them, declaring that there was stuffe in Scripture e∣nough to proue the masse good. Then to allure them to the catholick seruice of the Church, he vsed these reasons decla∣ring that there were a goodly cōpany of Copes,* 7.111 that were appoynted to Windsore, but he had foūd the Queene so gra¦cious vnto him, that they should come to Christes church. Now if they like honest men, would come to Church, they should weare them on holydayes. And besides all this, he would get them the Lady Bell of Bampton, & that should make the sweetest ring in all England. And as for an holy watersprinckle, he had already the fayrest that was with∣in the realme, Wherfore he thought that no man would be so mad to forgo these commodityes. &c.

Which thinges I rehearse, that it may appeare what want of descretion is in the fathers of popery, & into what idle follies such men do fall. Whome I beseech the Lord if it be his pleasure, to reduce to a better truth, & to opē theyr eyes to see theyr owne blindnes.

To proceed now further in the course & race of our sto∣ry where as we left, being before in the moneth of Nouē∣ber it foloweth more that in the * 7.112 xij. day of the same month of Nouember being Monday, beganne the Parliament holden at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both the king and Queene rode in theyr Parliament robes hauing 2. swords borne before them. The Earle of Penbroke bare his sword, & the Earle of Westmerland bare the Queenes. They had ij. cappes of maynteinaunce borne before them: whereof the Earle of Arundell bare one, and the Earle o•• Shrewsbury the other.

Cardinall Poole landed at Douer vpon the Wednesday being the xxi. day of Nouember, on which day one Act pas∣sed in the parliamēt for his restitution in bloud, vtterly re∣pealing as false & most slaunderous that Act made against him in king Henry the eightes tyme, and on the next day being Thursday and the xxij. of Nouember, the King and the Queene both came to the Parliament house to geue theyr royall assent & to establish this Act agaynst his com∣ming.* 7.113

Upon the Saterday being the xxiiij. of Nouember, the sayd Cardinal came by water to London, & so to Lambeth house which was ready prepared agaynst his comming.

Upon the Wednesday folowing being the 28. of No∣uember, there was generall procession in Paules for ioy y^t the Quene was conceiued and quick with child, as it was declared in a letter sent from the counsell to the Byshop of London. The same day at this procession was present ten Bishops with al the Prebendaries of Paules, and also the Lord Maior with the Aldermen, and a greate number of Commons of the City in theyr best aray. The Copy of the Coūcels letter here foloweth, ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

*A Copy of a letter sent from the Counsell vnto Ed∣mund Boner Byshop of London, concerning Queene Mary conceiued with Childe.

AFter our harty commendations vnto your good Lordshippe whereas it hath pleased almighty God amongest other his in∣finite

benefites of late most graciouslye poured vpon vs and thys whole Realme, to extend his benediction vpon the Queenes ma∣iesty in such sort, as she is conceiued and * 8.1 quicke of childe. Wher¦by (her maiesty being our natural liege Lady, queene & vndoub∣ted inheritor of this imperiall crowne) good hope of certayn suc∣cession in the crowne is geuen vnto vs, & consequētly the great calamities, which (for want of such succession might otherwise haue fallen vpon vs, & our posterity) shall by Gods grace be well auoyded, if we thankefully acknowledge this benefite of almigh∣ty God, endeuoring our selues with earnest repentance to thanke honor and serue him as we be most bounden: These be not onely to aduertise you of these good newes, to be by you published in all places within your Dioces, but also to pray and require you, that both your selfe do geue God thankes with vs for this his es∣pecial grace, and also geue order that thankes may be openly ge∣uen by singing of Te Deum in all the churches within your sayde Dioces: and that likewise all priestes and other Ecclesiasticall mi∣nisters, in theyr Masses and other diuine seruices, may continual∣ly pray to almighty God, so to extend his holy hand ouer his ma∣iesty, the kinges highnes and this whole Realme, as this thing be∣ing by his omnipotent power graciously thus begon may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the glory of his name. Whereunto, albeit we doubt not, ye woulde of your selfe haue had special regard without these our letters yet for the earnest desire we haue to haue this thing done out of hand, & di∣ligently continued, we haue also written these our letters, to put you in remembraunce: and so bid your Lordshippe most hartily well to fare.

From Westminster the 27. of Nouember 1554.

Your assured louing frendes.

• S. Winton. Chancel.
• Arundell.
• F. Shrewesbury.
• Edward Darby,
• Henry Sussex.
• Iohn Bathon.
• R Rich.
• Thomas Warthom.
• Iohn Huddilstone.
• R. Southwell.

Also the same day in the afternoone, Cardinall Poole came to the Parliament house,* 8.2 which at that present was kept in the great Chamber of the Court at Whitehall: for that the Queene was then sicke, and could not go abroad: where as (the King and Queenes Maiesties sittyng vn∣der y^e cloth of Estate, & the Cardinall sitting on theyr right hand, with all the other Estates of the Parliament being present) the Byshop of Winchester being Lord Chauncel∣lor, began in this maner.

¶The wordes of Winchester for recei∣uing of the Cardinall.

MY Lordes of the vpper house, & you my Maisters of the ne∣ther house, here is present the right reuerend father in God my Lord Cardinall Poole come frō the apostolicke Sea of Rome.* 8.3 As Ambassador to the king and Queenes Maiesties, vpon one of the weightiest causes that euer happened in this Realme, & whi∣che perteineth to the glory of God, and your vniuersall benefite. The which Ambassage theyr Maiesties pleasure is to be signified vnto you all by his owne mouth, trusting that you will receiue and accept it in as beneuolent and thankefull wise, as their high∣nesses haue done, and that you will geue an attent and inclinable eare vnto him.

When the Lord Chauncellor had thus ended his talke, the Cardinall taking the time then offered, began hys O∣ration, wherin he declared the causes of his comming, and what were his desires and requestes. In the which meane time, the Court gate was kept shut vntill he had made an end of his Oration. The tenour and wordes wherof here foloweth.

¶The tenour of Cardinall Pooles Oration. made in the Parliament house.

* 8.4MY Lordes all, and you that are the Commons of thys present Parliament assembled, which in effecte is no∣thing els but the state and body of the whole realm, as the cause of my repayre hither hath bene most wisely & graue∣ly declared by my Lord Chancellor, so before that I enter to the particularities of my Commission, I haue some∣what touching my selfe, and to geue most humble and har∣ty thankes to the king and Queenes Maiesties, and after them to you all, which of a man exiled and banished from this Cōmon wealth, hath restored me to be a mēber of the lame, & of a man hauing no place, neither here, or els wher within this Realme, haue admitted me in place, where to speake and to be heard. This I protest vnto you all, that though I was exiled my natiue coūtry without iust cause as God knoweth, yet the ingratitude could not pull from me the affection and desire that I had to profite & doe you good. If the offer of my seruice might haue bene receiued, it was neuer to seek, and where that could not be taken, you neuer fayled of my prayer, nor neuer shall.

But leauing the rehearsall thereof, and comming more neare to the matter of my Commission, I signify vnto you all that my principall trauell is, for the restitution of thys noble realme to the auncient nobility, and to declare vnto you, that the Sea Apostolicke from whence I come, hath a speciall * 8.5 respect to this realme aboue all other, & not with∣out cause seing that God himselfe, as it were by prouidēce hath geuen this realme, prerogatiue of Nobility aboue o∣ther, which to make more playne vnto you, it is to be con∣sidered that this Iland, first of all Ilandes receyued the light of Christes religion. For as stories testifye,* 8.6 it was prima prouinciarum quae amplexa est fidem Christi.

For the Britaines being first inhabitauntes of thys Realme (notwithstanding the subiection of Emperours and heathen Princes) did receiue Christes fayth from the Apostolicke Sea vniuersally, and not in partes as other Countryes nor by one and one, as Clockes increase theyr houres by distinction of times, but altogether at once, as it were in a moment. But after that theyr ill merites or for∣getfulnes of God had deserued expulsion, and that Straū∣gers being Infidels had possessed this land, yet God of his goodnes not leauing where he once loued, so illuminated the hartes of the Saxons being Heathen menne, that they forsooke the darckenes of heathen errors and embraced the light of Christes religion. So that within small space, ido∣latry and Heathen superstition was vtterly abandoned in this Iland.

This was a great prerogatiue of Nobilitye, whereof though the benefite therof be to be ascribed to God, yet the meane occasion of the same came frō the * 8.7 church of Rome. In the faith of which Church, we haue euer since continu∣ed and consented with the rest of the world in vnity of reli∣gion. And to shew further the feruent deuotion of the inha∣bitantes of this Iland towards the Church of Rome, we read that diuers princes in the Saxons time w^t great tra∣uel & expenses went personally to Rome, as Offa & Adul∣phus which thought it not enough to shew themselues o∣bedient to the said Sea, vnlesse that in theyr owne persons they had gone to that same place from whence they had re∣ceiued so great a grace and benefite.

In this time of Carolus Magnus who first founded the Uniuersity of Paris, he sent into England for Alcuinus a great learned man, which first broughte learning to that Uniuersity, Wherby it seemeth that the greatest part of the world set the light of the religion from England.

Adrian the fourth being an Englishmā, cōuerted Nor∣way from infidelity, which Adrian afterwards, vpō great affection and loue that he bare to this Realme, being hys natiue coūtry, gaue to Henry the second king of England the righte and segniory of the dominion of Ireland, which perteyned to the Sea of Rome.

I will not rehearse the manifolde benefites that thys Realme hath receiued frō the Apostolicke Sea, nor how ready y^e same hath bene to releiue vs in all our necessities.* 8.8 Nor I will not rehearse the manifold miseryes & calami∣ties that this realme hath suffered by swaruing from that vnity. And euen as in this realme, so in all other coūtries which refusing the vnity of the Catholick sayth haue folo∣wed fantastical doctrine, the like plagues haue happened. Let Asia and the Empyre of Greece be a spectacle vnto the world who by sweruing from the vnity of the Churche of Rome are brought into captiuity & subiectiō of the Turk.* 8.9 All stories be full of like examples. And to come vnto the latter time, looke vpon our neighbours of Germany, who by swaruing from this vnity, are miserably afflicted with diuersity of sectes and diuided in factions.

What shall I rehearse vnto you the tumultes & effusiō of bloud, y^t hath happened there of late dayes? Or trouble you with the rehearsall of those plagues that haue happe∣ned since this innouation of religion, where you haue felt the bitternes, and I haue heard the report? Of all whiche matters I can say no more, but such was the misery of the time. And see how far forth this fury went. For those that liue vnder the * 8.10 Turk, may freely liue after theyr consciēce, and so was it not lawfull here.

If men examine well vpon what grounds these inno∣uations began: they shall wel finde that the roo•• of this as of many other mischiefes, was auarice, and that the lust & carnall affection of one man confounded al lawes both di∣uine and humaine. And notwithstanding all these deuises and policies practised within this realme against y^e church of Rome, they needed not to haue lost you, but that they thought rather as frendes to reconcile you, then as ene∣mies to infest you. For they wanted not great offers of the most mighty Potentates in all Europe to haue ayded the Church in that quarrell. Then marke the sequell: There

semed by these chaūges to rise a great face of riches & gayn which in proofe came to great misery and lacke. See how God then can confound the wisedome of the wise, & turne vniust pollicy to meere folly, & that thing that seemed to be done for reliefe, was cause of playne ruine & decay. Yet see that goodnes of God, which at no time fayled vs, but most beningly offred his grace, when it was of our partes least sought, and worse deserued.

And when all light of true religion seemed vtterly ex∣tinct, as the churches defaced, the aultars ouerthrown, the Ministers corrupted: euen like as in a lampe the light be∣ing couered, yet it is not quenched, euen so in a few remai∣ned the confession of Christes fayth, namely in the brest of the Queenes excellency, of whom to speake without adu∣lation, the saying of the prophet may be verefied: Ecce quasi derelicta.

And see how miraculously God of his goodnes preser∣ued her highnes, contrary to the expectatiō of man, y^t whē numbers conspired against her, and pollicies were deuised to disherite her, and armed power prepared to destroy her yet she being a virgine helpeles, naked and vnarmed, pre∣uayled, & had the victory of tyrants, which is not to be as∣cribed to any * 8.11 pollicy of man, but to y^e almighty great good∣nes and prouidēce of God, to whom the honor is to be ge∣uen. And therefore it may be sayd, Da gloriam Deo. For in mans iudgement, on her graces part, was nothing in ap∣pearaunce, but despayre.

And yet for all these practises and deuises of ill menne here you see her Grace established in her estate being your lawfull Queene and Gouernesse, borne among you, whō God hath appointed to raigne ouer you for the restitution of true religion, and extirpation of all errours and sectes. And to confirme her grace the more strongly in this enter∣prise, loe how the prouidēce of God hath ioyned her in ma∣riage with a Prince of like religion, who being a King of great might, armor & force, yet vseth towards you neither armor nor force, but seeketh you by the way of loue and a∣mity: in which respect great cause you haue to geue thākes to almighty God, that hath sent you such a catholicke Go∣uernesse. It shall be therefore your part agayne to loue, o∣bey and serue them.

And as it was a singuler fauor of God to conioyne thē in mariage, so it is not to be doubted but that he shall send them * 8.12 issue, for the comfort & surety of this commō wealth. Of all Princes in Europe, the Emperour hath trauayled most in the cause of Religion, as it appeareth by his actes in germany: yet happely by some secret iudgement of god, he hath not atchiued the end. With whom in my iourny hi∣therwardes I had conferēce touching my legation, wher∣of whē he had vnderstanding, he shewed great appearance of most earnest ioy & gladnesse, saying that it reioyced him no lesse of y^e recōcilemēt of this realme vnto christiā vnity, thē that his sonne was placed by mariage in y^e kingdome, and most glad he was of al, that the occasion therof should come by me, being an English man borne, which is, (as it were) to call home our selues.* 8.13 I can well compare hym to Dauid, which though he were a man elect of God, yet for that he was contaminate with bloud and warre, he could not build the temple of Ierusalē, but left the finishing ther¦of to Salomon, whiche was Rex pacificus. So may it bee thought that the appeasing of controuersies of religion in christianity, is not appoynted to this Emperor, but rather to his sonne, who shall performe the building that his Fa∣ther hath begonne. Which church can not be perfectly buil∣ded, without vniuersally in all Realmes we adhere to one head,* 8.14 and doe acknowledge him to be the Uicare of God, and to haue power frō aboue. For al power is of God, ac∣cording to the saying, Non est potestas nisi a Deo. And there∣fore I consider that all power, beyng in God, yet for the conseruation of quiet & godly life in the world, he hath de∣riued that power frō aboue into two partes here in earth: whiche is into the power Imperiall and Ecclesiasticall. And these two powers, as they be seuerall and distinct, so haue they two seuerell effectes and operations. For secular Princes to whome the temporall sword is committed, be ministers of god to execute vengeance vpon transgressors and euill liuers, and to preserue the wel doers and Inno∣centes from iniury and violence. Which power is represē∣ted in these two most excellent persōs, the king & Queenes Maiesties here present, who haue this power committed vnto them immediately from God, without any superior in that behalfe.

The other power is of ministratiō, which is the pow∣er of the keies,* 8.15 and order in the ecclesiasticall state, which is by the authority of gods word, & examples of the apostles, and of all old holy fathers from Christ hitherto, attributed and geuen to the Apostolick sea of Rome by speciall prero∣gatiue. From which sea I am here deputed Legate & Em∣bassador, hauing full and ample cōmissiō from thence, and haue the keyes committed to my handes. I confesse to you that I haue the keyes, not as mine owne keies,* 8.16 but as the keyes of him that sent me: and yet cannot opē, not for wat of power in me to geue, but for certain impedimēts in you to receiue, which must be taken away before my commissi∣on can take effect. This I protest before you, my Commis∣sion is not of preiudice to any persō. I come not to destroy but to build, I come to reconcile, not to condemne, I come not to compell, but to call agayne, I am not come to call a∣ny thing in question already done, but my Commission is of grace and clemency, to such as will receiue it. For tou∣ching al matters that be past, they shalbe as things cast in∣to the sea of forgetfulnes.

But the meane whereby you shall receiue this benefit, is to reuoke and repeal those lawes and statutes,* 8.17 which be impediments, blocks, and barres to the executiō of my cō∣mission. For like as I my selfe had neither place nor voyce to speake here among you, but was in all respectes a bani∣shed man, till suche time as ye had repealed those lawes, that lay in my way: euen so cannot you receiue the benefite and grace offred from the apostolick sea, vntill the abroga∣tion of such lawes, wherby you haue disioined and disseue∣red your selues from the vnity of Christes Church.

It remayneth therefore, that you like true christians & prouident men for the weale of your soules & bodyes, pon∣der what is to be done in this so weighty a cause, and so to frame your actes and procedings, as they may tend first to the glory of God, and next to the conseruation of your cō∣mon wealth, surety and quietnes.

The next day after, the 3. Estates assembled agayne in the great chamber of the Court at Westminster: where the king and queenes maiesties, and the Cardinall being pre∣sent, they did exhibite (sitting all on theyr knees) a supplica¦tion to theyr highnesses, the tenor wherof ensueth.

*The Copy of the supplication and submission exhi∣bited to the king and Queenes maiesties, by the Lordes and Commons of the Parliament.

WE the Lordes spirituall, and temporall, and the commōs of this present parliament, assembled,* 8.18 representing the whole body of the realme of England, and dominions of the same, in our own names particularly, and also of the sayd body vniuersally in this supplicatiō directed to your maiestyes, with most hūble sute, that it may by your gracious intercession and meane be exhibi∣ted to the most reuerend father in God, the Lord Cardinall Poole Legate, sent specially hither from our most holy father Pope Iuli∣us the third, and the Sea Apostolick of Rome, do declare our sel∣ues very sorye and repentaunt for the schisme and disobedience committed in this realme and the dominions of the same, against the sayd sea Apostolicke, either by making, agreing, or executing any lawes, ordinaunces,* 8.19 or commaundementes agaynst the su∣premacye of the sayde sea, or otherwise doing or speaking, that might impugne the same: Offring our selues & promising by this our supplication, that for a token and knowledge of our sayd re∣pentance, we be, and shalbe alway ready, vnder and with the au∣thorities of your Maiesties, to the vttermost of our power, to doe that shalbe in vs, for the abrogation and repealing of the sayd la∣wes and ordinaunces in this present parliament, as well for our selues, as for the whole body, whom we represent.

Whereupon we most humbly beseech your maiesties, as per∣sons vndefiled in the offence of his body towardes the sayde Sea, which neuerthelesse God by his prouidence hath made subiecte to your maiesties so to set forth this our moste humble sute,* 8.20 that we may obteine from the sea Apostolicke, by the sayd most reue∣rent father, as wel particularly as vniuersally, Absolution, release and discharge from all daunger of such Censures, and sentences, as by the lawes of the church we be fallen in, and that we may, as children repentant, be receiued into the bosome & vnity of Chri∣stes church, so as this noble Realme, with all the members therof, may in vnity and perfect obedience to the Sea Apostolicke, and Popes for the time being, serue GOD and your Maiesties to the furtheraunce and aduancement of his Honour and Glorye. A∣men.

The Supplication being read, the king and Queene deliuered the same vnto the Cardinall, who (perceiuing y^e effect thereof to aunswere his expectation) did receiue the same most gladly from theyr Maiesties: and after he had in fewe wordes geuen thankes to God, and declared what great cause he had to reioyce aboue all others, that his cō∣ming from Rome into England had takē most happy suc∣cesse: He by the Popes authority, did geue them this abso∣lution folowing.

¶An absolution pronounced by Cardinall Poole, to the whole Parliament of England, in the pre∣sence of the King and Queene.

OUr Lord Iesus Christ which with his most precious bloud hath redemed and washed vs frō all our sinnes and iniquities,* 8.21 that he might purchase vnto himselfe a glo¦rious spouse without spot or wrinckle, & whō the Father hath appoynted head ouer all his church: he by his mer∣cy absolue you. And we by apostolick authority geuen vn∣to vs by the most holy lord Pope Iulius the 3. his Uice∣gerent in earth) do absolue & deliuer you, and euery of you with the whole Realme and the Dominions therof, from all Heresy and Schisme, and from all and euerye iudge∣ment, Censures, and paynes, for that cause incurred: & al∣so we do restore you agayn, vnto the vnity of our Mother the holy Church: as in our Letters more playnely it shall appeare: In the name of the father, of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost.

When all this was done they went into the Chappell, and there singing Te Deum, with great solemnity, declared the ioy and gladnesse that for this reconciliation was pre∣tended.

The reporte of thys was with great speede sent vnto Rome, as well by the king and Cardinals Letters, which hereafter folow: as also otherwise. Wherupō the pope cau∣sed there at Rome processions to be made, and thankes to be geuē to God with great ioy, for the conuersion of Eng∣land to his Churche: and therefore praysing the Cardi∣nals diligence, and the deuotion of the king and queen, on Christmas euen, by his Buls he set forth a generall pardō to all such as did truely reioyce for the same.

¶A copy of king Philips Letter, written with his owne hand to Pope Iulius, touching the restoring of the Realme of England.

MOst holy Father, I wrote yesterday vnto Don Iohn Mauri∣que,* 8.22 that he shoulde declare by worde of mouth, or els write to your holynes, in what good state the matter of religion stoode in this Realme, and of the submission to your holinesse, as to the chiefe. As this day, which is the feast of S. Andrew, late in the eue¦ning, we haue done God that seruice (to whose onely goodnesse we must impute it, and to your holynes, who haue taken so great payne to gayne these soules) that this realme with full & generall consent of all them that represent the state, being very penitēt for that was past and well bent to that they come to doe, submitted themselues to youe holynes, & to that holy Sea, whom at the re∣quest of the Queene and me, your Legate did absolue. And foras∣much as the sayd Don Iohn shall signify vnto your holinesse, all that passed in this matter, I will write no more therof, but onely that the Queene & I, as most faythful & deuout children of your holynes, haue receiued the greatest ioy and comfort hereof, that may be expressed with tong: Considering that besides the seruice done to God hereby, it hath chaunced in the time of your holy∣nes, to place as it were in the lappe of the holy Catholicke chur∣che, such a kingdome as this is. And therfore I thinke I cannot be thankefull enough for that is done this day. And I trust in hym, that your holynesse shall alway vnderstand, that the holy sea hath not had a more obedient sonne then I, not more desirous to pre∣serue and encrease the authority of the same. God guid and pro∣sper the most holy personage of your holinesse as I desire.

From London the xxx. of Nouember. 1554.

Your holines most humble Sonne the king. &c.

¶Here foloweth likewise the Cardinals letter to the sayd Pope concerning the same matter.

THose things which I wrote vnto your holines of late, of that hope,* 9.1 which I trusted would come to passe, that in short space this realme would be reduced to the vnity of the church, & obedience of the Apostolick sea, though I did write them not without great cause: yet neuerthelesse, I could not be voyd of all feare, not onely for that difficulty, which the mindes of our countreymen did shew, beyng so long alienated from the sea Apostolicke, and for the old ha∣tred which they had borne so many yeares to that name: but much more I feared, least the first entry into the cause it self shuld be put of by some other by matter or conuenti∣on comming betwixt.

For the auoyding wherof, I made great meanes to the king and Queene, which litle needed, for their own godly forwardnes, and earnest desire to bring the thing to passe, farre surmounted my great and earnest expectation. This day in the euening being S. Andrewes day, (who fyrst brought his brother Peter to Christ) it is come to passe by the prouidence of God, that this Realme is reclaymed to geue due obedience to Peters seat and your holynesse, by whose meanes it may be cōioyned to Christ the head, & his body, which is the Church. The thing was done and con∣cluded in Parliament (the king and queene being present) with such full consent & great reioysing, that incontinently after I had made my Oration, and geuen the Benediction with a great ioy, and shout, there was diuers times sayde, Amen, Amen: which doth euidently declare, that that holy seed, although it hath bene long oppressed, yet was not vt∣terly quenched in them: which chiefly was declared in the * 9.2 Nobility. Returning home to my house, these thinges I wrote vnto your holynes vpon the sodaine reioysing that I had of so weighty a matter, so luckely brought to passe by the diuine prouidence, thinking to haue sent my letters by the kings post, who? as it was sayd) should haue departed shortly: but afterwardes, chaunging my purpose, when I had determined to send one of mine owne men, I thought good to adde this much to my Letters, for the more ample gratulation and reioysing at that good chaūce: which thing as it was right great gladnes to me, through the euent of the same (being it selfe very great, and so holy, so profitable to the whole Church, so healthsome to this my Countrey, which brought me forth, so honorable to y^e same (which re∣ceiued me) so likewise I tooke no lesse reioysing of y^e Prin∣ces themselues, through whose vertue and godlinesse the matter did take successe and perfection. Of how many, and how great things may the Church (which is the spouse of Christ, & our mother) make her accompt through those her children? Oh notable zeale of godlines,* 9.3 Oh auncient fayth which vndoubtedly doth so manifestly appeare in thē both that who so seeth them, muste needes (whether he wyll or no) say the same which the Prophette spake of, of the firste children of the Church: Isti sunt semen, cui benedixit Domi∣nus. Haec plantatio Domini ad gloriandum. That is. These are the seede which the Lord hath blessed. This is the Lordes planting to glory in. How holily did your holines with al your authority and earnest affection fauour this mariage, which truly semeth to expresse a great similitude of y^e high∣est king, which being heyre of the world, was sēt down by his father from the Regall seat,* 9.4 to be Spouse and Sonne of the Uirgine, & by this meanes to comfort all mankind: for euen so this king himselfe, the greatest heyre of all men which are in the earth, leauing his fathers kingdoms that are most great, is come into his litle kingdome, and is be∣come both the spouse, and sonne of this Uirgine (for he so behaueth himselfe as though he were a sonne, whereas in deed he is an husbande) that he might (as he hath in effect already performed) shew himselfe an ayder & helper to re∣cōcile this people to christ, & his body, which is the church.* 9.5 Which things seing they are so, what may not our mother the Churche her selfe looke for at his handes that hath broughte this to passe, to conuerte the hartes of the Fa∣thers towardes theyr Sonnes, and the vnbeleuers to the wisedome of the righteous, which vertue truely doth wō∣derfully shine in him. But the Queene, which at that time when your holines sent my Legate vnto her, did rise vp as a rodde of incēce springing out of the trees of mirre, and as Frankincence our in the desert, she I say, whiche a litle before was forsakē of all men, how wonderfully doth she now shine? what a sauour of myrre & frankincēce doth she geue forth vnto her people? which (as y^e Prophet saith, of the mother of Christ) brought forth before she laboured, before she was deliuered brought forth a man childe,* 9.6 who euer heard of such a thing? and who hath seene the lyke of this? shal y^e earth bring forth in one day, or shal a whole na∣tiō be brought forth together? But she hath now brought forth a whole nation before the time of that deliuery, wher¦of we are in most great hope.

How great cause is geuen to vs to reioyce? How great cause haue we to geue thankes to Gods mercy, your holi∣nes and the Emperors maiesty, which haue bene causers of so happy and so godlye a mariage, by whiche we beyng reconciled, are ioyned to God the father, to Christ & to the Church? of the which, although I cannot comprehend in wordes the ioy that I haue taken, yet I can not keepe si∣lence of it. And to this my reioysing, this also was ioyned (which whē I had perceiued by the letters of the reuerend Archb. of Cousane, your holynes Nuncio, with the Empe∣rours maiestye, brought me maruelous great gladnes) y^t your said holynes began to restore to y^e aūciēt bewty, those thinges which in the Church of Rome through the cor∣ruptiō of times were deformed, which truely whē it shalbe finished, thē in deede may we wel cry out with y^e Prophet,* 9.7 and speake vnto your holynes with these wordes. Exue te stola luctus & vexationis & indue te decore, qui a deo tibi est in gloria sempiterna: nominabitur enim tibi nomen tuum a deo sempiternū, pax iustitiae, & honor pietatis. Tum autē dicetur, cir∣cumspice

& vide collectos filios tuos ab oriente sole us{que} in oc∣cidēt••m, verbo sancto gaudentem. That is: Put of the stoole of sorow and vexation and put on comlinesse, whiche thou hast of God in euerlasting glory. For thy name shall be named of God e∣uerlasting, peace of righteousnes, and honor of godlines: & then it shall be sayd: looke about and see thy sonnes gathered together from the sonne rising to the going downe of the same, reioysing in the holy worde. There is nothing truely (to speake of thy children gathered together in the West, which prepare thē∣selues to meet theyr mother) which they had rather see, thē her apparelled (that I may vse the wordes of the prophet) in that garment of righteousnes, wherwith God adorned her in times past. This one thing remayneth, that your ho¦lines ioy, and the ioy of all the vniuersall Church maye be perfited, which together with vs her vnworthy children, ceaseth not to pray to God for it. The almighty God pre∣serue your holines long to continue in health, for the pro∣fite of his church.

Frō London the last of Nouember. 1554.

Your most humble seruaunt Re∣ginald Poole Cardinall.

* 9.8Upon the Sonday folowing, being the 2. of December the Byshop of Wynchester Lorde Chauncellour of Eng∣land preached at Paules Crosse, at whiche Sermon was present the King and Cardinall Poole.* 9.9 Hee tooke for hys Theame this parte of the Epistle of S. Paule to the Ro∣maynes the 13. chap. This also we know the season (brethren) that we should now awake out of sleep, for now is our saluation nearer, then when we beleued &c.

Some notes whereof as they came to my hands faith∣fully gathered (as it appeareth by sundry copyes) I haue here thought good to set forth.

* 9.10First, he shewed how the saying of S. Paul was veri∣fied vpon the gentiles, who had a long time slept in darke ignorance not knowing god: therfore S. Paul (quoth he) to stir vp theyr heauy dulnesse, willed them to wake out of theyr long sleepe, because theyr saluation was nearer then when they beleued. In amplifying this matter, & compa∣ring our times with theyrs: he took occasiō to declare what difference the Iewish Sacramentes had, from those of the Christians, wherein he vsed these wordes:

Euen as the Sacramentes of the Iewes did declare Christ to come, so doth our sacraments declare Christ to be already come: but Christ to come, and Christ to be come is not al one. For now that he is come, the Iewes sacramēts be done away, and ours only remayne, which declare y^t he is already come, & is nearer vs then he was to the fathers of the old law: for they had him but in signes, but we haue him in the Sacrament of the aultar, euen his very bodye. Wherefore nowe also it is time that we awake out of our sleepe, who haue slept, or rather dreamed these xx. yeares past, as shall more easely appere by declaring at large some of the propertyes and effectes of a sleepe or dreame. And first, as men intending to sleep, do separate themselues frō company, and desire to be alone: euen so haue we seperated our selues from the sea Apostolick of Rome, and haue bene alone,* 9.11 no Realme in Christendome like vs.

Secondly, as in sleep men dreame sometime of killing, sometime of maiming, sometime of drowning, or burning sometime of such beastlinesse as I will not name, but wyll spare your eares: so haue we in this our sleepe, not onely dreamed of beastlines but we haue done it in deede. For in this our sleepe, hath not one brother destroyed an other? Hath not halfe our money bene wiped away at one tyme? And agayn those that would defend their conscience, were slayne: and others also otherwise troubled, besides infinite other thinges: which you all know as well as I: whereof I report me to your owne consciences.

Farther in a mans sleepe all his senses are stopped, so y^t he can neither see, smell, nor heare, euen so wheras the ce∣remonies of the church were instituted to moue and stirre vp our senses, they being taken away, were not our senses (as ye would say) stopped and we fast a sleepe? Moreouer whē a man would gladly sleepe, he will put forth the can∣dle least peraduenture it may let his sleepe, & awake hym: So of late all such writers as did holde any thing with the Apostolick Sea were condemned,* 9.12 and forbiddē to be read and Images (whiche were * 9.13 lay mens bookes) were cast downe and broken.

The sleep hath continued with vs these xx. yeares, and we all that while without a head. For when King Henry did first take vpon him to be head of the church, it was thē no Church at all. After whose death, King Edward (ha∣uing ouer him Gouernors and Protectours which ruled as them listed) coulde not be head of the Churche but was onely a shadow or signe of a head: and at length it came to passe, that we had no head at all, no, not so much as our 2. Archbishops. For on the one side, the Queene being a wo∣man could not be head of the Church,* 9.14 and on the other side they both were conuicted of one crime & so deposed. Thus while wee desired to haue a supreame head among vs, it came to passe that we had no head at all. When the tumult was in the North, in the time of king Henry the ••. (I am sure) the king was determined to haue geuen ouer the su∣premacy agayne to the Pope: but the houre was not then come, and therefore it went not forward, least some would haue sayd, that he did it for feare.

After this M. Kneuet, and I were sent Ambassadors vnto the Emperor to desire him that he would be a meane betwene the popes holines and the king, to bring the king to the obedience of the sea of Rome: but the time was ney∣ther yet come. For it might haue bene sayd, that it had bene done for a ciuill pollicy. Agayne, in the beginning of Kyng Edwardes raigne, the matter was mooued, but the tyme was not yet: for it would haue bene sayd that the king (be∣ing but a child) had bene bought and solde. Neither in the beginning of the Queenes raigne was the houre come. For it would haue bene sayd that it was done in a tyme of weaknes Likewise when the king first came, if it had bene done, they might haue sayd it had bene by force & violence. But now euen now, * 9.15hora est, the houre is come, when no thing can be obiected, but that it is the mere mercy and pro¦uidence of God. Nowe hath the Popes holynesse, Pope Iulius the 3. sent vnto vs this most reuerend father,* 9.16 Car∣dinall Poole, an Ambassadour from his side. What to doe? not to reuēge the iniuries done by vs agaynst his holines: sed benedicere maledicētibus, to geue his benedictiō to those which defamed and persecuted him.

And that we may be the more meete to receiue the sayd benedictiō, I shall desire you that we may alway acknow∣ledge our selues offēders agaynst his holines.* 9.17 I do not ex∣clude my selfe forth of the number. I will flere cum flentibus, & gaudere cum gaudentibus, that is: weep with them that weep and reioyce with them which reioyce. And I shall desire you that we may deferre the matter no longer, for now hora est the houre is come. The King and the Queenes Maiesties haue already restored our holy Father the Pope to his su∣premacy and the three estates assembled in the Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme haue also sub∣mitted themselues to his holines, and his successors * 9.18 for e∣uer. Wherefore let not vs any longer stay. And euen as S. Paule sayd to the Corinthians, that he was theyr father, so may the Pope saye that he is our Father: for we receiued our doctrine first from Rome, therefore he may challenge vs as his owne. We haue all cause to reioyce, for hys ho∣lynesse hath sent hither, and preuēted vs before we sought him: such care hath he for vs. Therefore let vs say: Haec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exultemus & laetemur in ea, Reioyce in this day which is of the Lordes working: that suche a noble man of byrth is come, yea suche a holye Father (I meane my Lord Cardinall Poole) which can speake vnto vs, as vnto brethren, and not as vnto straungers: who hath a long time bene absent. And let vs now awake, whi∣che so long haue slept, and in our sleepe haue done so much naughtines agaynst the Sacramentes of Christ, denying the blessed Sacrament of the Aultar, and pulled downe the * 9.19aultars which thing Luther himselfe would not doe, but rather reproued them that did, examining them of theyr be¦liefe in Christ.

This was the summe of this Sermon before his pray∣ers, wherein he prayed, first for the Pope, Pope Iulius the 3. withall his Colledge of Cardinals, the B. of Londō with the rest of that order: then for the king and Queene & the nobility of this Realme, and last for the commons of the same, with the soules departed, lying in the paynes of Purgatory. This ended (the time being late) they beganne in Paules to ring to theyr Euening song, wherby the pre∣cher could not be well heard, whiche caused him to make a short end of this clerkly Sermon.

About this very time a Poste or Messenger was sent frō the whole Parliament to the Pope, to desire him to cō∣firme and establish the sale of Abbey landes and Chauntry landes: For the Lordes and the Parliament would graūt nothing in the Popes behalfe before theyr purchases were fully confirmed.

Upon the Thursday folowing, being the 6. day of de∣cember, and S. Nicholas day,* 9.20 all the whole Conuocation both Bishops and other: were sent for to Lambeth to the Cardinall,* 9.21 who the same day forgaue them all theyr per••u∣rations, schismes, and heresies, and they all there kneeled downe and receiued his absolution, and after an exhorta∣tion and gratulation for theyr conuersion to the catholicke church made by the Cardinall, they departed.

Upon the Wednesday being the 12. of December, fiue of the 8. menne (which lay in the Fleete, that were of M. Throgmortons quest) were discharged and set at libertye

vpon their fine payed, which was ccxx.li. a piece, and the other ••oure put vp a Supplication, therein declaring, that their goods did not amount to the summe that they were appointed to pay, and so vpon that declaration paying lx.li. a piece,* 9.22 they were deliuered out of prison vpon S. Tho∣mas day before Christmas, beyng the xxi. of December.

Upon the Saterday followyng, beyng the xxij. of De∣cember, all the whole Parliament had strait commaunde∣ment, that none of them should depart into their countrey this Christmas, nor before the Parliament were ended. Which commandement was wonderful contrary to their expectations. For as well many of the Lords, as also ma∣ny of the inferior sort had sent for their horse, and had them brought hither.

* 9.23Upon the Friday following, being the 28. of Decem∣ber, and Childermas day, the Prince of Piedmont came to the court at Westminster.

Anno. 1555.

* 9.24Upon Newyeares day at night folowing, certain ho∣nest men and women of the Citie, to the number of xxx. & a minister with them named M. Rose, were taken as they were in a house in Bow Churchyard at the Communion, and the same night they were al committed to prison. And on the Thursday following, being the 3. day of Ianuary, M. Rose was before the B. of Winchester beyng L. Chan∣cellor, and from thence the same day he was committed to the Tower, after certaine communication had betweene the Bishop and him.

* 9.25The same day the Act of the supremacie past in the par∣lament. Also the same day at night was a great tumult be∣twene Spaniards & English men at Westminster, wher∣of was like to haue ensued great mischief through a Spa∣nish Frier, which got into the Church and rong Alarum. The occasion was about two whores which were in the cloister of Westminster with a sort of Spaniards,* 9.26 whereof whilest some playd the knaues with them, other some dyd keepe the entry of the Cloister with Dags in harneis. In the meane tyme certaine of the Deanes men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at them and hurt some of them. By and by the noyse of this doyng came into the streetes, so that the whole towne was vp al∣most, but neuer a stroke was striken. Notwithstandyng, the noise of this doyng with the Deanes men, and also the ringing of the Alarum made much ado, and a great num∣ber also to be sore afrayd.

Ye heard a little before the Councels letter sent to B. Boner, signifiyng the good newes of Queene Mary to be not onely conceyued, but also quicke with childe, which was in the moneth of Nouember, the xxviij. day. Of this child great talke began at this tyme to ryse in euery mans mouth, with busy preparation, and much ado, especially a∣mongst such as semed in England to cary Spanish hartes in English bodies. In number of whom here is not to be forgotten, nor defrauded of his condigne commendatiō for his woorthy affection toward his Prince and her issue, one sir Rich. Southwel, who being the same tyme in the par∣lament house when as the Lordes were occupied in other affaires & matters of importance, sodainly starting vp, for fulnes of ioy, brast out in these words folowing: Tush my Maisters (quoth he) what talke ye of these matters? I would haue you take some order for our yong maister that is now comming into the world apace,* 9.27 lest he find vs vn∣prouided, &c. By the which words both of him, and also by the foresaid letters of the counsaile, and the common talke abroad, it may appeare what an assured opinion was thē conceiued in mens heds of Queene Mary, to be conceiued and quicke with child. In so much that at the same tyme, and in the same Parliament: there was eftsoones a bill ex∣hibited, and an Act made vpon the same, the words wher∣of for the more euidence, I thought here to exemplificate, as vnder followeth.

¶The wordes of the Acte.

ALbeit we the Lordes spirituall and temporal, & the commons in this present parliament assembled,* 9.28 haue firme hope & con∣fidence in the goodnes of almighty God, that like as he hath hi∣therto miraculously preserued the Queenes maiesty from many great imminent perils and daungers: euen so he will of his infi∣nite goodnes, geue her highnes strength, the rather by our conti∣nuall prayers to passe well the danger of deliuerance of chylde,* 9.29 wherwith it hath pleased him (to al our great comforts) to blesse her: Yet forasmuch as all things of this world be vncertaine, and hauing before our eyes the dolorous experience of this incon∣stant gouernment during the tyme of the raigne of the late king Edward the 6. do plainly see the manifold inconueniences, great dangers and perils that may ensue to this whole realme, if fore∣sight be not vsed to preuent all euill chances if they should hap∣pen: For the eschewyng hereof, we the Lordes spirituall & tem∣porall, and the commons in this present Parliament assembled, for and in consideration of a most speciall trust and confidence, thot we haue and repose in the kings maiesty,* 9.30 for and cōcerning the politike gouernment, order, and administration of this realm in the tyme of the yong yeres of the issue or issues of her maiesties body to bee borne, if it should please God to call the Queenes highnes out of this present lyfe, during the tender yeares of such issue or issues (which God forbid) according to such order and maner, as hereafter in this present Acte his highnes most graci∣ous pleasure is, should be declared and set forth, haue made our humble sute by the assent of the Queenes highnes, that his maie∣stie would vouchsafe to accept and take vppon hym the rule, or∣der, education, and gouernment of the sayd issue or issues to bee borne, as is aforesayd, vpon which our sute beyng of his said ma∣iestie most graciously accepted, it hath pleased his highnesse not onely to declare, that like as for the most part his maiesty verely trusteth that almighty God (who hath hitherto preserued the Queenes maiesty) to geue this realme so good an hope of cer∣tayne succession in the bloud royall of the same realme, will assist her highnes with his graces and benedictions, to see the fruite of her body well brought forrh,* 9.31 lyue and able to gouerne (whereof neither all this realme, ne all the world besides, should or coulde receiue more comfort then his maiesty should and would) yet if such chaunce should happen, hys maiesty at our humble desires is pleased and contented, not onely to accept and take vpō him the cure and charge of the education, rule, order, and gouernmēt of such issues as of this most happy Mariage, shall be borne be∣tweene the Queenes highnes and him: but also during the time of such gouernment, would by all wayes and meanes, study, tra∣uaile, and employ hymselfe to aduance the weale both publike & priuate, of this realme and dominions thereunto belonging, ac∣cording to the sayd trust in his maiestye reposed, with no lesse good will and affection, then if his highnesse had bene naturally borne amongst vs. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the King and the Quenes most excellent maiesties, by the assent of the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and the commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, &c. as it is to be seene in the Acte more at large ratified and confirmed at the same Parliament, to the same entent and purpose.

¶Thus much out of the Acte and statute I thought to rehearse, to the entent the Reader may vnderstand, not so much how Parliaments may sometimes be deceiued (as by this childe of Queene Mary may appeare) as rather what cause we Englishmen haue to render most earnest thanks vnto almighty god, who so mercifully against the opinion, expectatiō, and working of our aduersaries, hath helped & deliuered vs in this case, which otherwise might haue opened such a window to the Spaniardes to haue entred and replenished this land, that peraduēture by this tyme Englishmen should haue enioyed no great quiet in their owne countrey: the Lord therefore make vs perpe∣tually myndfull of his benefits, Amen.

Thus we see then, how man doth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth him. For all this great labour, proui¦sion, and order taken in the Parliament house for their yōg maister long looked for, commyng so surely into the world in the end appeared neither yong maister, nor young mai∣stresse, that any man yet to this day can heare of.

Furthermore, as the labour of the lay sort was herein deluded:* 9.32 so no lesse ridiculous it was to behold what litle effect the prayers of the Popes Churchmen had wyth al∣mighty God, who trauailed no lesse with their processions Masses, and Collects, for the happy deliueraunce of thys yong maister to come, as here followeth to be seene.

¶A prayer made by D. Weston Deane of West∣minster, daily to be sayd for the Queenes deliueraunce.

O Most righteous Lord God, which for the offence of the first woman, hast threatened vnto all women a common, sharpe,* 9.33 and ineuitable malediction, and hast enioyned them that they should conceiue in sinne, and beyng conceiued, should be sub∣iect to many and grieuous tormentes, and finally be deliuered with the danger and ieopardy of their lyfe: We beseech thee, for thine exceeding great goodnes and bottomlesse mercy, to mitti∣gate the straightnes of that law. Asswage thine anger for a while and cherish in the bosome of thy fauour and mercye, our most gracious Queene Mary, beyng now at the poynt of her deliue∣rance. So helpe her, that without danger of her lyfe, she may o∣uercome the sorow, and in due season bring forth a chyld, in bo∣dy beautifull and comely, in mynd noble and valiant. So that af∣terward she forgetting the trouble, may with ioy, laude & prayse

the bountifulnesse of thy mercy,* 9.34 and together with vs, praise and blesse both thee and thy holy name, world withouten ende. This (Oh Lord) we desire thee, we beseeche thee, and most hartily craue of thee. Heare vs oh Lord, and graunt vs our petition: Let not the enemies of thy faith, and of thy Church say: Where is theyr God?

¶A solemne prayer made for king Phillip and Queene Maries childe, that it may be a male chylde, welfauou∣red and wittie, &c.

* 9.35O Most mighty Lord God, which regardest the prayer of the humble, and despisest not their request, bowe downe from thine high habitation of the heauens, the eies of thy mercy, vnto vs wretched sinners, bowing y^e knees of our hartes, and with many and deepe sighes bewayling oure sinnes & offences, humbly with eyes intent, & hands displayed, praying & beseeching thee, with the shield of thy protection, to defend Mary thy seruant, and our Queene, who hath none other helper but thee, and whom through thy grace thou hast willed to be conceiued with chyld: and at the time of her trauaile graciously with the helpe of thy right hand deliuer her, and from all danger with the child in her conceiued, mercifully preserue.

It hath seemed good in thy sight mercifull Father, by thy seruaunt Mary, to worke these wōders, that is to say: in her hands to vanquish and ouerthrow the stout enemy & to deliuer vs thy people out of the hands of * 9.36 heretikes, Infidels, enemies to thee, and to the crosse of thy beloued sonne Iesus Christ, that of thy seruaunt thou mightest speake in farre countreys. Therefore for these wonderfull workes which thou doest to thy seruaunts, thou art mag∣nified Lord God for euer, and we thy people blesse thee the God of heauen, which hast wrought vpon vs this great mercy, and hast excluded from vs the heretike, the enemy of truth, the persecuter of thy church. We know, we know that we haue grieuously (Lord) sinned, that we haue bene deceiued by vanitie, and that we haue forsaken thee our God. Our iniquities be multiplied on our head, and our sinnes be increased vp to heauen, and we our selues haue offended, and our princes & our priests for these our sinnes haue deserued an hypocrite to our prince, our sinnes haue deserued a Tyrant to our Gouernour, that should bryng our lyfe to bitternes. We be not worthy to haue so gentle and mercifull a Queene, so godly a ruler, & finally so ver∣tuous a prince: at the very beginning of whose raigne, a new light as it were of Gods religion, seemed to vs for to spring & rise.* 9.37 The Iews did blesse y^e widow Iudith with one voice, saying: Thou art the glory of Ierusalem, thou art the ioy of Israell, thou art the honor of our people, for that thou hast loued chastity, and thou shalt be blessed for euer.

And we the English people with one agreeable con∣sent do cry:* 9.38 Thou Mary art the glory of England, our ioy, the honour of thy people, for that thou hast embraced chastitie: thine heart is strengthened, for the hand of our Lord hath comforted thee, and therfore thou shalt be bles∣sed for euer. But bow downe, O most mercifull Father, thine eare, and open thine eyes, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession. Thou knowest Lord, that a∣gainst Phillip, not by humane, but by thy ordinaunce our king, and against thy seruaunt Mary by thy prouidence our Queene, the restorers and maintainers of thy Testa∣ment & of the faith & most constāt defenders of thy church? thou knowest I say, that against these our two gouernors (the enimies of thy holy * 9.39 Testament, & of the Church thy spouse) be most ranke Rebels and spitefull murmurers, walking after their lustes, whose mouth speaketh wordes of pride, to the end they may set vp the kingdome of here∣tikes & schismatikes. By the power of their handes they would * 9.40 chaunge thy promises, and destroy thine inheri∣taunce, and stop and shut vp the mouthes of them y^t praise thee, and extinguish the glory of thy catholike Church and aultar.

It is manifest and plaine, how many contentiōs how many conspiracies and seditions, how great wars, what tumults, how many, & how great troublesome vexations, how many heresies & schismes (for these be the most ready deuises, and euident tokens of heretickes) for our sinnes do hang ouer vs, if thy seruant be taken from this life: for we acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his dwellyng place in the midst of his people, to y^e intent to deliuer vs out of y^e hands of our enemies. Turne therfore thy countenance vnto vs, shew vnto vs, O Lord, thy face. Punish vs for our sinnes according to thy will & pleasure, onely now deliuer vs. We bowing the knees of our hart, beseech thee that thou wilt not reserue vnto vs punishment for euer, & we shall prayse thee, all the days of our life. Heare our cry, and the praier of thy people, & open to them the treasure of thy mercy, thy gracious sauour, the spring of liuely water. Thou that hast begon, make in the hand of the seruaunt a perfect worke. Suffer not, we pray thee, the * 9.41 faythlesse rebels to say of thy seruaunt and her Counsellours, that they haue deuised matters which they cannot performe. And graunt vnto thy seruant an happy and an easie trauail. For it is not impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy iustice, nor vnwoonted to thy mercy.

It is well knowen vnto vs, how maruelously thou diddest worke in Sara of the age of xc. yeares, and in Eli∣zabeth the barren, and also far striken in age: for thy coun∣sel is not in the power of men. Thou Lord that art y^e sear∣cher of harts & thoughts, thou knowest that thy seruāt ne∣uer lusted after man, neuer gaue her selfe to wanton cōpa∣ny, nor made her selfe pertaker w^t them that walk in light∣nes: but she consented to take an husband with thy feare, & not with her lust. Thou knowest that thy seruaunt tooke an husband, not for carnal pleasure, but only for the desire & loue of posteritie, wherein thy name might be blessed for euer and euer. Geue therfore vnto thy seruaunts, Phillip our king, and Mary our Queene, a male issue, which may sit in the seat of thy kingdome. Geue vnto our Queene thy seruant, a little infant in fashion and body, comely & beau∣tifull, in pregnant wit notable and excellent.

Graunt the same to be in obedience like * 9.42 Abraham, in hospitalitie like Loth, in chastitie and brotherly loue, lyke Ioseph, in meekenes & myldnes like Moses, in strength & valiantnes like Sampson. Let him be found faythful as Dauid after thy hart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Salomon. Let him be like Iob, a simple and an vpright man, fearing God & eschewyng euill. Let hym fi∣nally be garnished with the comelynes of all vertuous cō∣ditions, and in the same let him waxe old and lyue, that he may see his childrens children to the third & fourth gene∣ration. And geue vnto our soueraigne Lord and Lady. K. Phillip and Queene Mary, thy blessing and long life vpō earth. And graunt that of thē may come kings & Queenes which may stedfastly continue in faith, loue, and holynesse. And blessed be their seed of our God, that all nations may know, thou art only God in all the earth, which art blessed for euer and euer, Amen.

¶Another prayer for Queene Mary, and her conceiued chyld.

O Almighty father, which diddest sanctifie the blessed Virgine and mother of Mary in her conception, and in the byrth of Christ our sauiour (thy onely sonne:) also by thy omnipotent power didst safely deliuer the prophet Ionas out of the Whales belly: Defend O Lord, we beseech thee,* 9.43 thy seruaunt Mary our Queene, with child conceyued, and so visite her in and with thy godly gift of health, that not onely the child thy creature within her conteined, may ioyfully come from her into this worlde, and receyue the blessed Sacraments of Baptisme and Confirmation, enioying therwith dayly encrease of all princely and gracious gifts both of body & soule, but that also she, the mother, thorowe thy speciall grace and mercy, may in tyme of her trauaile auoyde all excessiue dolour and payne, and abide perfect and sure from all perill and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, tho∣rough Christ our Lord, Amen.

It followeth now further in processe of the story, that vpon the Tuesday, being the x. of Ianuary, xix. of the low∣er house of the Parliament, with the Speaker,* 9.44 came to the White Hall to the kyng, and there offred him the gouern∣ment of the realme, and of the Issue, if the Queene should faile, which was confirmed by act of Parliament, within ten dayes after.

Upon Wednesday folowing,* 9.45 beyng the xxvi. of Ianu∣ary, the Parliament was cleane dissolued. In this Parli∣ament, among other things, the bishop of Rome was e∣stablished, and all such lawes as were made against hym since the xx. yeare of K. Henry the 8. were repealed, & also cardinall Poole, bish. Pates,* 9.46 Lilly & other were restored to their bloud. Also there was an acte made for speakyng of words: that whosoeuer should speake any thyng agaynst the king or Queene, or that might mooue any sedition or rebellion, at the first tyme to haue one of his eares cut of▪ or to forfeit an C. markes: and at the second tyme to haue both his eares cut off, or els to forfeit an C. pounds, & who so euer should write, cipher, or print any of the premisses, to haue their right hand cut off.* 9.47

Also in this Parliament, three statutes were reuiued for triall of heresie: one made in the fift yere of Richard the 2. an other in the 2. yeare of Henry the 4. and the third, in the 2. yeare of Henry the 5. Also the doyng of M. Rose and the other that were with him, was communed of in this Parliament, and vpon that occasion an acte was made,

that certaine euill prayers should be treason agaynst the Queenes highnes. The prayers of these men were thus: God turne the hart of Queene Mary from Idolatrie, or els shor∣ten her dayes. Wherof read the statute, Ann. 1. & 2. Reg. Phil. & Mariae. Cap. 9.

As touching the taking of M. Rose & his felows, word was brought therof to M. Hooper being thē in the Fleete. Whereupon the said M. Hooper sendeth aunswer againe, with a letter also of consolation sent to the sayd prisoners: the copie wherof I thought here not to ouerpasse.

¶The aunswer of M. Hooper to a letter sent vnto him concerning certaine prisoners ta∣ken in Bowe churchyard.

* 9.48THe grace of God be with you. Amen. I perceiue by your let∣ter, how that vpon Newyeres day at night, there were taken a godly company of Christians, whilest they were praying. I doe reioyce in that men can be so well occupied in this perilous time, and flee vnto God for remedy by prayer, as well for theyr owne lackes and necessities, as also charitably to pray for them that persecute them. So doth the worde of God commaund all men to pray charitably for them that hate them, and not to reuile any Magistrate with wordes, or to meane him euill by force or vio∣lence. They also may reioyce that in well doyng, they were ta∣ken to the prison. Wherfore I haue thought it good to send them this little writing of consolation: praying God to send them pa∣cience, charitie & constancie in the truth of his most holy word. Thus fare you well, and pray God to send his true word into this Realme againe amongest vs, which the vngodly Bishops haue now banished. Ianua. 4. ann. 1555.

¶A letter of consolation sent from M. Hooper to the godly brethren taken in Bow churchyard, in prayer, and layd in the Counter in Breadstreat.

THe grace, fauor, consolation, and ayd of the holy ghost, be with you now and euer, So be it.

Dearely beloued in the Lord, euer sithens your impri∣sonment,* 9.49 I haue bene maruelously mooued with great af∣fections and passions, as well of myrth and gladnes, as of heauines & sorrow. Of gladnes in this, that I perceyued how ye be bent & geuen to prayer and inuocation of gods helpe in these darke & wicked proceedings of men agaynst Gods glory. I haue bene sory to perceiue the malice and wickednes of men to be so cruel, diuelish, & tyrannicall, to persecute the people of God for seruyng of God, saying & hearing of the holy Psalmes, and the word of eternall life. These cruell doings do declare, that the Papistes Church is more bloudy and tyrannicall, then euer was the sword of the Ethnikes and Gentiles.

When I heard of your taking, and what ye were doing wherfore, and by whom ye were takē, I remembred how the Christians in the Primatiue Church were vsed by the crueltie of vnchristened heathens, in the tyme of Traiane the Emperour about 77. yeares after Christes ascension into heauen:* 9.50 and how the Christians were persecuted ve∣ry sore, as though they had bene traytors and moouers of sedition. Wherupon the gentle Emperor Traiane requi∣red to know the true cause of Christian mens trouble. A great learned man called Plinius, wrote vnto him & said, it was because the Christians said certaine psalmes before day,* 9.51 vnto one called Christ, whō they worshipped for god. When Traiane the Emperour vnderstood it was for no∣thyng but for conscience & religion, he caused by hys com∣maundements euery where, that no man should be perse∣cuted for seruing of God. But the Pope & his church hath cast you into prison, beyng taken euen doyng the worke of God, and one of the excellents workes that is required of Christian men: that is, to wit, whiles ye were in praier, & not in such wicked & superstitious prayers as the papists vse, but in the same prayer that Christ hath taught you to pray. And in his name onely ye gaue God thanks for that ye haue receiued, and for his sake ye asked for such thyngs as ye want. O glad may ye be that euer ye were borne, to be apprehended whilest ye were so vertuously occupied. Blessed be they that suffer for righteousnesse sake. For if God had suffred them that tooke your bodies, then to haue taken your life also, now had ye bene following the Lamb in perpetual ioyes, away from the company and assembly of wicked men. But the Lord would not haue you sodain∣ly so to depart, but reserueth you, gloriously to speake and maintaine his truth to the world.

Be ye not careful what ye shall say, for God will go out & in with you, and will be present in your harts, & in your mouthes to speake his wisedome, although it seemeth foo∣lishnes to the world. He that hath begun this good worke in you, continue you in the same vnto the end: & pray vn∣to him, that ye may feare him only, that hath power to kill both body & soule, and to cast them into hel fire. Be of good comfort. All the haires of your hed are numbred, and there is not one of them can perish,* 9.52 except your heauenly father suffer it to perish. Now ye be in the field & placed in y^e fore∣front of Christs battel. Doubtles, it is a singuler fauour of God, & a special loue of him towards you, to geue you this foreward & preeminence, & a signe that he trusteth you be∣fore others of his people.* 9.53 Wherfore (deare brethren and si∣sters) continually fight this fight of the Lord. Your cause is most iust and godly, ye stand for the true Christ (who is after the flesh in heauen) & for his true religion and honor, which is amply, fully, sufficiently and abundantly contey∣ned in the holy Testament, sealed with Christes owne bloud. How much be ye bound to God, to put you in trust with so holy and iust a cause.

Remember what lookers vpon you haue, to see & be∣hold you in your sight, God & all his Angels, who be rea∣dy alway to take you vp into heauen, if ye be slaine in his fight. Also you haue standing at your backes all the mul∣titude of the faithfull, who shal take courage, strength,* 9.54 and desire to follow such noble & valiant Christians as you be. Be not afraid of your aduersaries: for he that is in you, is stronger then he that is in them. Shrinke not although it be payne to you, your paynes be not now so great, as here after your ioyes shall be. Read the comfortable chapiters to the Romans. 8.10.15. Heb. 11.12.* 9.55 And vpon your knees thanke God that euer ye were accompted worthy to suffer any thing for his names sake. Read the 2. chap. of s. Lukes gospell, & there you shal see how the shepeherds that wat∣ched vpon their sheep all night, as soone as they heard that Christ was borne at Bethlem,* 9.56 by and by they went to see him. They did not reason nor debate with thēselues, who should keepe the Wolfe from the sheep in the meane time, but did as they were commanded, & committed their sheep vnto him, whose pleasure they obeyed. So let vs do now we be called, commit all other thinges to him that calleth vs. He will take heed that all things shall be well. He wil helpe the husband, he will comfort the wyfe, he will guide the seruaunts, he will keepe the house,* 9.57 he will preserue the goods: yea, rather then it should be vndone, he will wash the dishes, and rocke the cradle. Cast therfore all your care vpon God, for he careth for you.

Besides this, you may perceiue by your imprisonment that your aduersaries weapons against you, be nothyng but flesh, bloud, and tyrannie. For if they were able,* 9.58 they would maintaine their wicked religion by Gods worde: but for lacke of that, they would violently compell such as they cannot by holy Scripture perswade, because the holy word of God, and all Christes doyngs be contrary vnto them. I pray you pray for me, & I will pray for you. And although we be asunder after the world, yet in Christ (I trust) for euer ioyning in the spirite, and so shall meete in the pallace of the heauenly ioyes, after this short and tran∣sitorie lyfe is ended. Gods peace be with you. Amen. The 14, of Ianuary. 1554.

Upon the Friday after this following, being the 18. of Ianuary, all the Counsaile went vnto the Tower, & there the same day discharged and set at libertie all the prisoners of the Tower, or the most part of them, namely,* 9.59 the late duke of Northumberlands sonnes, Ambrose. Robert, and Henry, sir Andrew Dudley, sir Iohn Rogers, sir Iames Crofts, sir Nich. Throgmorton, sir Nicholas Arnall, sir George Harper, sir Edw. Warner, sir W. Sentlow, sir Gawen Carew, M. Gybbes, Cuthbert Uaughan, wyth many other.

Upon the Tuesday folowing,* 9.60 being the xxij. of Ianu∣ary, all the preachers that were in prison were called be∣fore the B. of Wincher, L. Chancellour and certain other, at the bishops house at S. Mary Oueries. From whence (after communication beyng asked whether they would conuert and enioy the Queenes pardon, or els stande to that they had taught: they all aunswered that they would stand to that they had taught) they were cōmitted to strai∣ter prison then before they were, with charge that none should speake with them.

Amongst the which number of prisoners, one Iames George the same tyme died in prison,* 9.61 being there in bands for religion & righteousnes sake: who therfore was exem∣pted to be buried in the popish churchyard, and was buri∣ed in the field.

Upon the Wednesday folowing beyng the 23. of Ia∣nuary, all the bishops with all the rest of the Conuocation house were before the cardinal at Lambeth,* 9.62 where he wil∣led them to repaire euery man where his cure and charge lay, exhorting them to intreat the people and their flocke with all gentlenes, and to endeuour themselues to winne the people rather by gentlenes then by extremity & rigor,

and so let them depart.

Upon the Friday following, being the 25. of Ianuary & the day of the Conuersion of S. Paule, there was gene∣rall and solemne procession through London to geue God thanks for their conuersion to y^e catholike church:* 9.63 Wherin (to set out their glorious pompe) there were fourescore & ten crosses, 160. priests and clerkes, who had euery one of them copes vpon their backs, singing very lustely. There followed also for the better estimation of the sight, 8. Bi∣shops, and last of all came Boner the B. of London, cary∣ing the popish pixe vnder a Canapy.

Besides, there was also present the Maior, Aldermen, and all the liuery of euery occupation. Moreouer, the king also himselfe, and the Cardinall came to Paules Churche the same day. From whence after Masse they returned to Westminster againe. As the king was entred the Church at the steps goyng vp to the Quiere, all the Gentlemen that of late were set at libertie out of the Tower, kneeled before the king and offred vnto him themselues and their seruices.

After the procession there was also commaundement giuen to make Bonefires at night. Whereupon did rise a∣mong the people a doubtful talke why all this was done. Some sayd it was that the Queene, beyng then (as they said) with child, might haue a safe deliuery. Others thoght that it was for ioy that the realme was ioyned agayne to the sea of Rome, which opinion of both, seemed most true.

Upon the Monday folowing being the 28. of Ianua∣ry,* 9.64 the B. of Winchester and the other bishops, had Com∣mission from the cardinall to sit vpon, and order according to the lawes, all such preachers and heretikes (as they ter∣med them) as were in prison, and according to this Com∣mission, the same day the B. of Winchester and the other bishops with certaine of the counsail, sate in S. Mary O∣ueries church, and called before them these three, M. Hoo∣per, M. Rogers, and M. Cardmaker, who were brought thether by the shriues, from whence after communication, they were committed to prison till the next day, but Card∣maker this day submitted himselfe vnto them.

* 9.65Upon the Tuesday beyng the 29. of Ianuary, Hooper, Rogers, D. Taylor, and Bradford were brought before them, where sentence of excommunication and iudgement ecclesiasticall was pronounced vpon M. Hooper, and M. Rogers by the Bish. of Winchester, who sate as Iudge in Caiphas seat, who droue them out of the church according to their law and order. D. Taylor and Bradford were cō∣mitted to prison till the next day.

Upon the Wednesday being the 30. of Ianuary, Doct. Taylor, D. Crome, M. Bradford, M. Saunders, and D. Ferrar sometyme B. of S. Dauids,* 9.66 were before the sayd bishops, where iij. of them, that is to say, D. Taylor, M. Sanders, and M. Bradford were likewise excommunica∣ted, & sentence pronounced vpon them, & so committed to the Shiriffes. D. Crome desired two months respite, and it was granted him, & M. Ferrar was againe committed to prison till another tyme. All these men shewed thēselues to be learned (as in deed they were no lesse) but what auai∣leth either learning, reason or truth it self, where will bea∣reth rule.

After the examination and condemnation of these good men and preachers aboue recited, Commissions and In∣quisitours were sent abrode likewise into all partes of the realme: by reason wherof a great number of most godly & true christians (out of all the quarters of the realme, but e∣specially Kent, Essex, Northfolke, and Suffolke) were ap∣prehended, brought vp to London, and cast in prison, and afterward (most of them) either consumed cruelly by fire, or els thorough euill handlyng died in the prisons, & were buried on dunghils abroad in the fields, or in some backe∣side of the prison. Of all which matters, cōcerning the tra∣gicall handling of these blessed Martyrs and witnesses of Iesus Christ, of all the bloudy persecution of this tyme, now followeth (the Lord so grantyng) seuerally and more particularly in this next booke in order to be declared: af∣ter that I shall first recite a generall supplication, giuen vp in the name of the preachers aforesayd lying in prison, vn∣to the King and Queene, during the tyme of the Parlia∣ment, as followeth.

¶Vnto the King and Queenes most excellent Ma∣iesties, and to their most honourable and high Court of Parliament.

IN most humble and lamentable wise complain vnto your Ma∣iesties, and to your high court of Parliament,* 9.67 your poore deso∣late & obedient subiects, H. F. T. B. P. R. S. &c. That where as your said subiects liuing vnder the lawes of God and of this realme in the days of the late most noble king Edward 6. did in all things shew themselues true, faithfull and diligent subiects, accord••ng to their vocation, as well in the sincere ministring of Gods holy word, as in due obedience to the higher powers, & in the dayly practise of such vertues and good demeanor, as the lawes of God at all tymes, and the statutes of the realme did then allow: Your sayd subiects neuerthelesse, contrary to all lawes of iustice, equi∣tie and right, are in very extreme maner, not onely cast into pri∣son (where they haue remained now these 15. or 16. months) but their liuings also, their houses and possessions,* 9.68 their goodes and bookes taken from them, and they slandered to be most hainous heretikes, their enemies themselues being both witnesses, accu∣sers, and Iudges, belying, slandering, and misreportyng your said subiectes at their pleasure, whereas your sayd subiectes beyng straightly kept in prison, cannot yet be suffred to come forth and make aunswer accordingly.

In consideration whereof, it may please your most excellent Maiesties, and this your high court of Parliament, graciously to tender the present calamitie of your sayd poore subiects, and to call them before your presence, graunting them liberty, either by mouth or writing in the playne English tong, to aunswer before you or before indifferent Arbiters to be appointed by your Ma∣iesties vnto such articles of controuersie in religion as their sayd aduersaries haue already condemned them of,* 9.69 as of hainous he∣resies: Prouided, that all things may be done with such modera∣tion & quiet behauior, as becommeth subiectes and children of peace, & that your said subiects may haue the free vse of all their owne bookes and conference together among themselues.

Which thing beyng granted, your said subiects doubt not but it shall plainly appeare that your sayd subiects are true and faith∣ful christians, & neither heretikes, neither teachers of heresie, nor cut of from the true catholike vniuersal church of Christ: Yea, that rather their aduersaries themselues be vnto your Maiesties, as were the charmers of Egypt vnto Pharao Sedechias & his ad∣herents, vnto the king of Israel,* 9.70 and Bariesu to the Proconsul Ser∣gius Paulus. And if your said subiects be not able by the testimo∣nie of Christ, his prophets, Apostles, & godly fathers of his church to prooue, that the doctrine of the church, homilies, and seruice taught and set forth in the tyme of our late most godly prince and king, Edward the 6. is the true doctrine of Christes Catholicke church, and most agreeable to the articles of the christian fayth: your sayd subiects offer themselues then to the most heauy pu∣nishment, that it shall please your maiesties to appoynt.

Wherfore for the tender mercy of God in Christ (which you looke for at the day of iudgement) your sayd poore subiectes in bonds, most humbly beseech your most excellent maiesties, and this your high court of Parliament, beningly and graciously to heare and graunt this their petition, tendyng so greatly to the glory of God, to the edifiyng of his church, to the honor of your maiesties, to the commendation and maintenāce of iustice, right, and equitie, both before God and man. And your sayd subiectes according to their bounden duety, shall not cease to pray vnto almighty God, for the gracious preseruation of your most excel∣lent maiesties long to endure.

❧The ende of the tenth Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Isidorus libr. 6. Etym. Hugo in specu∣lo eccles. Tertull. contra Marc. lib. 3. Cypria. de bono patient.
• * 1.2

  Cassianus de canonicis oratio∣nibus. lib. 3. c. 7. Vigils were cal∣led in the olde tyme the assem∣blies of the con∣gregation in the night, in com∣mon prayer and fasting.
• * 1.3

  Socra, Eccl. hist. l. 2. c. 13 Epiph. trip. hist. li. 4. c. 13. Sozom. li. ••. cap. 32.. Epiph. trip. hist l. 3. c. 1•• Socrat. l. 3. cap. 9. Epiph. trip. hist. l. 6. c. 23. Socrat. l. 5. cap. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Epiph. trip. hist. li. 7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 13. & apud scipsos mi••••sarum cel••••brare sol••••ni••. &c. Item col∣lectas 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. quod Socrates grece. li. 5. cap. 22. in∣quit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The masse a double enem•• against Chri•••• The Masse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iurious to th•• Priesthood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ. Maior.
• * 1.4

  Minor.
• * 1.5

  Conclusi••
• * 1.6

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iniurious the sacrifi•••• or death 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ. Maior.
• * 1.7

  Minor. Conclusi••••
• * 1.8

  The Masse is an hinde∣rance to the true seruise of God, and to the God∣ly life of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Maior.
• * 1.9

  Minor.
• * 1.10

  Conclusio.
• * 1.11

  Maior.
• * 1.12

  The Masse ••••••dereth ••ood lyfe.
• * 1.13

  Minor.
• * 1.14

  Conclusio.
• * 1.15

  Maior.
• * 1.16

  Minor.
• * 1.17

  Conclusio.
• * 1.18

  The doctrine•• of the Massebook••, cōtrary to God•• commaunde∣mentes. Maior.
• * 1.19

  Minor.
• * 1.20

  Conclusio.
• * 1.21

  The Rubrick.
• (a) 1.22

  And why not on the left hand aswell? or why any such kissing at all?
• (b) 1.23

  Precious no doubt & princy∣pall: or els arte thou to presūp∣tuous, that hast already offered it vp for thy sinnes & for the saluation of o∣thers.
• (c) 1.24

  Who gaue you that cōmis∣sion? will you offer bread and wine for the Church of Christ, who of very loue hath offred vp him∣selfe for it alrea∣dy? Ephes. 5.
• (d) 1.25

  Charitye would pray for others also.
• * 1.26

  Anno 1552.
• * 1.27

  So did not the Lord teach his disciples to pray. Mat. 6. Luke. 11.
• (b) 1.28

  And why not his enemies also? Math. 5.
• (c) 1.29

  Why make ye then a satis∣factory sacrifice of it?
• (d) 1.30

  If ye hadde the Lordes mat∣ter in hand ye would do it in remembrance of him.
• (e) 1.31

  Thus the merites & pray∣ers of Christ are defaced.
• (a) 1.32

  And why? for within a litle whyle, he loo∣keth to haue it his God.
• (b) 1.33

  That must he doe with a sower & frow∣ning coūtenance, it be follow the cautels of the Masse.
• (c) 1.34

  Yea three at the least: for this geere must be coniured as well as other thing••: least when they thinke Christ to be naturally present, the de∣uill be there, & take vp the lod∣ging before.
• (d) 1.35

  The Scrip∣ture saith: Ea nocte the same nighte.
• (e) 1.36

  He s••ith not let one of you take and eate it himselfe alone.
• (f) 1.37

  He saith not hang it vp, keepe it, worship it. &c.
• (g) 1.38

  Enim haue they put in of theyr owne and lefte out quod pro vobis datur.
• (h) 1.39

  Yf it were the true Sacra∣mentall bread of the body of the Lord it should be takē & eaten and not lifte vp to be gased vpō.
• (i) 1.40

  Why takest thou it then a∣lone? Or why should not the lay people then drincke of the cup also? Be not they the Lordes disciples? scho∣lers of his hea∣uenly schoole?
• (a) 1.41

  These words (misterium fidei) haue ye here added declaring the cup to be but a misticall repre∣••••ntation of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 blood.
• * 1.42

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.43

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.44

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.45

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.46

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.47

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.48

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.49

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.50

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.51

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.52

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.53

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.54

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.55

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.57

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.58

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.59

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.60

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.61

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.62

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.63

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.64

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.65

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.66

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.67

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.68

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.69

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.70

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.72

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.73

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• * 1.74

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.75

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• (c) 1.76

  ••or falling.
• (d) 1.77

  Holde him fast Whyle ye haue him in your handes, lest he flye from you as lyke he wil, if ye mocke with him to much.
• (e) 1.78

  Why not•• if it be his maker.
• (f) 1.79

  If it fa••••e, your kitchen wil be the colder.
• (g) 1.80

  Note that the priest spea∣keth all this to the host: whereby it is e¦uident how horribly they a∣buse Gods crea∣tures.
• (a) 1.81

  that neuer was borne of our Ladye.
• (b) 1.82

  Benedicite a gods name.
• (c) 1.83

  Here be such tricks, as S. Peter and Paule neuer wrote of.
• (d( 1.84

  A daunge∣rous matter I tell you.
• (e) 1.85

  Magno co∣natu magnas nu∣gas agunt.
• (f) 1.86

  De munere temporali note well these wordes.
• (g) 1.87

  A tokē that he hath had some corrupte matter in hand.
• (h) 1.88

  What? dare ye cal it a Com∣munion; D. Weston will be angry then.
• (a) 1.89

  What it is, that these Ido∣laters will not worship?

  Very signes and tokens will no•• they sticke at.
• (b) 1.90

  He had neede I trow that hath da••∣bed such a mud∣dy wall.
• (c) 1.91

  Is the priest then to proud to take it vp him∣selfe?
• (d) 1.92

  For the pore Deacon is not worthy to re∣ceiue it.
• (e) 1.93

  By this is meant, these few wordes that are spoken nexte before the last collect.
• (f) 1.94

  Oh, what a Visour of holy∣nes is here?
• (g) 1.95

  That is the last collect.
• (h) 1.96

  And why not with a loud voyce, if it be good.

  Because it is not the Maslemon∣gers profession, to edifie the people.
• (i) 1.97

  Bond seruice is as ••it a name for the popishe Masse, as can be. For not onely custome, but euill will also doth much, if maister money helpe not.
• (k) 1.98

  what the Masse? in the Deuils name, for what intent then dyed Christ?
• (l) 1.99

  That face hath much cros∣sing.
• (m) 1.100

  Walke on as ye came: ye haue leaue to be trudging.
• * 1.101

  Ex Eusebio. lib. 2. How it com∣meth that S. Iames is thou∣ght to be the first setter vp of the masse.
• * 1.102

  Si••••bertus in Chronico.
• * 1.103

  Platina.
• * 1.104

  Gregor in Regist. lib. 7. cap. 63.
• * 1.105

  Platina. Sigibertus in vita Ser••¦gij. Sigibertus.
• * 1.106

  Chrisost. ••om. 11. in Mat.
• * 1.107

  Rupertus Tuitiensis. i. ••. de diui ••ffic. ca. 21.
• * 1.108

  Chro. chro▪ ••asci. temp.
• * 1.109

  Confiteor brought in by Pope Damasus.
• * 1.110

  Gregorius ••oanni epis∣••opo Sira∣••••sa. lib. 7. Epist. 63.
• * 1.111

  Valafridus cap. 22.
• * 1.112

  Hugo de S. Victor.
• * 1.113

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.114

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.115

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.116

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.117

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.118

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.119

  ••onorius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. cap. ••••.
• * 1.120

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.121

  ••ugo de S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.122

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.123

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.124

  〈…〉〈…〉 ••onorius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 summa. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1. cap. 88.
• * 1.125

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ibid.
• * 1.126

  Honor.
• * 1.127

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.128

  Ex Rabano lib. 1. cap. 33. De institu. Cleric.
• * 1.129

  Ireneus lib. 4. cap. 18.
• * 1.130

  Walafrid. in ex∣positione ordinis Rom.
• * 1.131

  Burchardus. lib. 5. cap. 32.
• * 1.132

  Ex concil. Matis∣con. cap. 50.
• * 1.133

  Nauclerus. lib. ••▪ genera••. 5.
• * 1.134

  Ex vetusto quodam libro de officio misse. Cyprianus de o∣ratione domini∣ca.

  August. Tho. Waldensis. B. Rhenanus in Tertul. De coro. militis.
• * 1.135

  Polidorus Ver∣gilius contrari∣ed.
• * 1.136

  Panormitanus deceaued.
• * 1.137

  Rupertus.
• * 1.138

  Ex pont. Damas. Liturgia Basilij.
• * 1.139

  Humbertus E∣pisc. contra li∣bellum Nicete, Monachi.
• * 1.140

  Ex Actis Ro. pontif.
• * 1.141

  Innocent. 3.
• * 1.142

  Panor. de cele∣bratione misse.
• * 1.143

  Autor•• reconci∣led.
• * 1.144

  Ex vetusto libro de officio misse.
• * 1.145

  Gelasius & Scholasticus both one.
• * 1.146

  Ex Actis Roma. p••nt.
• * 1.147

  〈…〉〈…〉 Diaco∣nus i•• vita Gre∣gor••••.
• * 1.148

  Gregorius lib. 9. Reg. ad Ioan. Syra.
• * 1.149

  Exposit. Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.150

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 decretis In∣••••••entij PP. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••.
• * 1.151

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Biel. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••ect. 81.
• * 1.152

  Anaclet•••• Epist▪ 1. De cons••••crat. 〈…〉〈…〉 Cocleu•• cōtra M••••••culum, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 officio misse. Gratian•••• & Cochl•••• taken in vntruth. Cano. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cap. 9. Cano. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cap. 8. Microlo•••••• de ecclesi••astica. ob∣seruat.
• * 1.153

  Guliel. Durand. Ration. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 4 cap. 53.
• * 1.154

  Gelasius Ioan. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maiorico•• episc.
• * 1.155

  De cons••∣crat. Dist. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cōperimu••
• * 1.156

  August. sermone ferie 2. pasche.
• * 1.157

  Ex libro sacramen∣torum Gr••••gorij.
• * 1.158

  Thomas. parte. que 76. A••t.
• * 1.159

  Amb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de omni Diuini•• officijs.
• * 1.160

  Hieroni∣mus in e∣pist. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 11. Conuen••••entibus.
• * 1.161

  Innocen•••••••• De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 altaris 〈…〉〈…〉 cap. 1.
• * 1.162

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.163

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.164

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.165

  Hallowing of Altars.
• * 1.166

  Vestments Albes.
• * 1.167

  Chalices of ••asse.
• * 1.168

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.169

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.170

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.171

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.172

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.173

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.174

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.175

  Reseruation of the Sacrament. Auricular con∣fession. A policy for v∣nity in popery.
• * 1.176

  The first Latin Masse songe at Constantinople. A Coniecture probable that the Romane masse is of no great antiquitye.
• * 1.177

  The feast of all soules.
• * 1.178

  The feast of all hallowes.
• * 1.179

  Lent fast.
• * 1.180

  3. Masses on Christmas day: Censing of the Sacrament. Couering of the Altars.
• * 1.181

  Cyprianus. li. 2. epist. 3. Ex libro ordinis Rom. officij. The breaking of the host in 3. Ex Rom. ordine. de officio Misse.
• * 1.182

  Dedication of Churches,
• * 1.183

  Honorius in gē∣ma lib. 1. cap. 66. Guliel· Durand in Ration. lib. 4. cap. 53.
• * 1.184

  Holy bread.
• * 1.185

  Ex sanctionibus Ecclesiasticis. Class. 3. decre∣ta pij. pape
• * 1.186

  Zozom. lib 6. cap. 6. Theodoritus. lib. 3. cap 16.
• * 1.187

  Ex lib. concilio∣rum. De conscra. dist. 3. c. Aquam.
• * 1.188

  Salt coniured.
• * 1.189

  Water coniured.
• * 1.190

  Ioan 〈◊〉〈◊〉 danu••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de 4. ••••••narch.
• * 1.191

  Many 〈…〉〈…〉 impute•• the old•• the•••• which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 none o•• theirs.
• * 1.192

  Floures braunch hallow••
• * 1.193

  Ex Acti•• Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gregori••••
• * 1.194

  Oyle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 creame. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 onel•• linnen.
• * 1.195

  Autor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Concili•••• Tomo. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hallow of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at Easte•••• Whitso••••tide. Christ i•• of bell•• Ex pon•• cali 〈…〉〈…〉. No bea••••
• * 1.196

  Transu••••stantiat••••
• * 1.197

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.198

  Anno 1549.
• * 1.199

  Anno 1553.
• * 1.200

  The reigne of Queene Mary.
• * 1.201

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••tweene the Lor•• Gilfo••d and the Lady ••ane.
• * 1.202

  Syr Iames Hales stan∣deth with Queene Mary.
• * 1.203

  Two things feared in Queene Mary.
• * 1.204

  Queene Iane pro∣cla••med at ••ondon. Comparisō ••••tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king ••dward & ••oung Lady 〈◊〉〈◊〉. This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Lady Iane was M. Elmer.
• * 1.205

  Lady Mar∣yes letter sent to the Coun••ayle, wherein shee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Crowne.
• * 3.1

  A letter of the Counsaile aun∣sw••ring agayne to the Lady Mary.
• * 3.2

  Lady Iane in∣uested in posses∣sion of the crowne by king Edwards will and assent of the whole coūsaile.
• * 3.3

  Lady Mary re∣counted illegiti∣mate.
• * 3.4

  Lady Mary kee∣peth her selfe from the Citty of London.
• * 3.5

  The Duke of Northumber∣land sent forth agaynst Lady Mary.
• * 3.6

  Pollicie of the Lady Mary.
• * 3.7

  The Lady Ma∣ry taketh Fre∣mingham castle.
• * 3.8

  The Suffolk mē gather to the Lady Maryes side.
• * 3.9

  The Lady Mary promiseth faith∣fully that she would not alter religion.

  Breach of pro∣mise in Queene Mary.
• * 3.10

  Q Marie•• aunswere the Surfol•• men, and one M. Dobbe•• ••••∣nished.
• * 3.11

  Perfite f••d••••litie shut out of the dores, yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in heauen.
• * 3.12

  Queene Mary pro∣claymed at London.
• * 3.13

  The Duke of Northu••••berland o∣uerthrown▪
• * 3.14

  The Duke of Northū••berland brought to the Tower as a Tray∣tour.
• * 3.15

  Queene Mary com∣meth vp to London.
• * 3.16

  The Lady Iane and th•• Lord Gil∣ford pri••o∣ners in the Tower.
• * 3.17

  The Duke of Northu••••berlād con∣demned to dye.
• * 3.18

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.19

  The t••••e preaching ••••shop▪ ••••spla••ed.
• * 3.20

  A Parlia∣ment Sum∣moned.
• * 3.21

  Bishop Ridley preacheth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Queene Maryes 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 3.22

  M. Rogers preacheth.
• * 3.23

  August. 18.
• * 3.24

  An inhibition of the Queene for preaching and printing.
• * 3.25

  Q. Mary begin∣neth to set forth her popish reli∣gion. Religion here grounded vppon the Queenes will.
• * 3.26

  Terme•• of Pa∣pist and Here∣ticke forbidden.
• * 3.27

  False surmise a∣gainst true prea∣chers, Printers and players.
• * 3.28

  Here was the head of Win∣chester.
• * 3.29

  Preachyng, Printyng, Rea∣dyng and play∣ing of Enter∣ludes, restray∣ned.
• * 3.30

  Anno 1553.
• * 3.31

  M. Bournes Ser∣mon at Paules crosse August. 13.
• * 3.32

  No maruell if Boner were so foule fallen a∣way in such a vyle dungeon in the Marshal∣sey.
• * 3.33

  M. Iohn Brad∣ford appeaseth the people.
• * 3.34

  Bradford, and Rogers garded the preacher.
• * 3.35

  5. of Au•• an. 1553.
• * 3.36

  Fisher.
• * 3.37

  Fisher.
• * 3.38

  Symons.
• * 3.39

  Simons.
• * 3.40

  October 1. Queene Mary crowned. October. 10. The Parlia∣ment be∣ginneth with a Masse. Two Bi∣shops withdrew themselues from the sighe of the Masse. M. Harley Bishop of Her••ford put out of his Bisho∣pricke.
• * 3.41

  Statutes of Premunire and other repealed. Altars and Masses e∣rected.
• * 3.42

  Syr Iames Hales Knight.
• * 3.43

  The trou∣ble of Iudge Hales.
• * 3.44

  A subtile pollecy.
• * 3.45

  A conuo∣cation be∣gonne.
• * 3.46

  Orations of M. Pye and M. Wimsley, of Doct. Wes••on & of B. Boner. in the conuoca∣tion house.
• * 3.47

  A disputation of Religion in Paules Church in London the 18. of October.
• * 3.48

  October. 18.
• * 3.49

  D. Weston Pro∣locutor agaynst the booke of Catechisme set forth in king Edwardes time.
• * 3.50

  October. 20. Two▪ billes ex∣hibited in the Conuocation house by the prolocutor.
• * 3.51

  M Phillips. M. Haddon. M. Philpot. M. Cheyney M. Elmar. and one other refused to sub∣scribe to the billes.
• * 3.52

  The booke of the Catechisme defended by M. Iohn Philpot.
• * 3.53

  Agaynst the ar∣ticle of naturall presence.
• * 3.54

  M. Philpots re∣quest to the Prolocutor.
• * 3.55

  Request to haue Doct. Ridley & M. Rogers at the disputation. Aunswere of the Bishops vnto the request.
• * 3.56

  The third Sessiō. October. 23.
• * 3.57

  M. Haddon and M Elmar refus•• to aunswere, ex∣cept their re∣quest were graunted.
• * 3.58

  M. Cheyny the Archdeacon of Herford now B. of Glocester.
• * 3.59

  M. Cheynyes doubtes about transubstantiati∣on.
• * 3.60

  Moremans aun∣swere to S. Paule.
• * 3.61

  M. Cheyny re∣plyeth to More∣mans aunswere.
• * 3.62

  Moremans aūswere to Theodore••tus.
• * 3.63

  M Elmar argueth a••gaynst D. Moremans aunswere▪
• * 3.64

  Moremans shift is ou••••throwen.
• * 3.65

  Philpots replicatio•• to More∣mans shif••▪
• * 3.66

  The place of Theod••••ret opene••
• * 3.67

  The argu••ment of Theodore•• a simili.
• * 3.68

  The plac•• of Theod••••ret falsely taken of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Papistes.
• * 3.69

  The fals•• expositio•• of D. Mo••••••man vpo•• Theodo••••••tus, ouer••throwe••▪
• * 3.70

  Weston 〈◊〉〈◊〉 offende•• Philpot•• replyca•••• aunswer•• by com∣maundin•• him to si∣lence.
• * 3.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.72

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.73

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.74

  August. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tract. ••••.
• * 3.75

  A notable authority 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Saint Augusty••••.
• * 3.76

  Watsons aunswere to Saint Au∣gustine. August in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tract. ••70.
• * 3.77

  Philpot a∣gainst Wat∣son.
• * 3.78

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.79

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.80

  ••. Weston.
• * 3.81

  Philpot reply∣eth to Weston.
• * 3.82

  The Deane of Rochester.
• * 3.83

  Moreman.
• * 3.84

  Argument.
• * 3.85

  Weston answe∣reth to the Ar∣gument.

  Donec in Scrip∣ture.

  M. Deanes questions.
• * 3.86

  Moreman affir∣meth that Christ did eate his owne body.
• * 3.87

  Philpot.
• * 3.88

  Argument.
• * 3.89

  Moreman deni∣eth the Sacra∣men to haue a promise of re∣mission of sinnes annexed vnto it. Philpot.
• * 3.90

  Harpesfield af∣firmeth that which his fel∣low denyed.
• * 3.91

  Philpot.
• * 3.92

  Weston also is contrary to Moreman.
• * 3.93

  M. Philpots ar∣gument not so∣luted.
• * 3.94

  The conuocatiō continued to the next day.
• * 3.95

  M. Philpot not s••ffered by the Prolocutor to make his decla∣ration.
• * 3.96

  D. Weston con∣trary to his owne wordes.
• * 3.97

  The presence of Christ in the Sacrament dis∣tincted.

  The true presēce of Christ in the Sacrament not denyed.
• * 3.98

  The grosse pre∣sence of the Pa∣pistes denyed.
• * 3.99

  Philpot craueth of the Lordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prosecute his ar∣gumentes with∣out interruptiō. Philpot agayne interrupted by the Prolocutor.
• * 3.100

  Altar diuersly taken.
• * 3.101

  Chadsey.
• * 3.102

  Philpots offer in the Conuocati•••• house.
• * 3.103

  The Prolo∣cutor thre••∣neth Phil••pot.
• * 3.104

  Argument a loco tro∣pico carce∣ris.
• * 3.105

  Philpot permitted to make •• briefe arg••••ment.
• * 3.106

  Math. 28▪ Luke. 13.
• * 3.107

  Argument of M. Philpot.
• * 3.108

  Iohn. 16.
• * 3.109

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distinctio•• of the P••••pistes. Visibly. Inuisibly
• * 3.110

  Cyrill••••
• * 3.111

  Anno 1554.
• * 3.112

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.113

  Chrisost. ••d populum Antioch.
• * 3.114

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.115

  Philpot a∣••aine inter∣••upted by the Prolo∣cutor.
• * 3.116

  The Place ••f Chri∣••ostome of Christ ta∣••ing vp his ••••esh and leauing hys 〈◊〉〈◊〉, aun∣swered to by Philpot. How christ left his flesh ••••••inde him. Ephes. 5.
• * 3.117

  Chriso∣stome ex∣pounded by Chriso∣stome.
• * 3.118

  Gal. 3.
• * 3.119

  Weston.
• * 3.120

  A good soluti∣on for all his ar∣gumentes.
• * 3.121

  M. Elmar againe steppeth forth.
• * 3.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 3.123

  Moreman desi∣reth a day to i∣magine some crafty shift.
• * 3.124

  Watson confoū∣ded by M. Had∣don.
• * 3.125

  M. Watson for a bare shift put∣teth the fault in the Printer.
• * 3.126

  M. Pearne a∣gaynst transub∣stantiation.
• * 3.127

  D. Weston prai∣seth their lear∣ning to flatter them, but he an∣swereth not their argu∣mentes.
• * 3.128

  October 27.
• * 3.129

  M. Haddon Deane of Exce∣ter disputeth a∣gainst M. Wat∣son, Morgan and Harpsfield.
• * 3.130

  The wordes of Theodoretus al∣leaged.
• * 3.131

  A popish di∣stinction be∣tweene substāce and essence.
• * 3.132

  Argument of M. Haddon.
• * 3.133

  Watson is driuē to a shamefull shift, to deny the author when he cannot aunswer.
• * 3.134

  M. Cheyney.
• * 3.135

  M. Cheynyes prayer.
• * 3.136

  Weston.
• * 3.137

  M. Cheny and Watson dispu∣teth.
• * 3.138

  M. Haddon cha∣lenged for sub∣scribing to the reall presence.
• * 3.139

  The argu••ment of Theodore renued by M. Chey••▪
• * 3.140

  M. Chey•••• appealed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Lord••
• * 3.141

  Morgan is called for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 helpe at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pinche.
• * 3.142

  Morgan is taken with false allea••ging of th•• texte.
• * 3.143

  Irenaeus. Lib. 5. con∣tra Valen••••um.
• * 3.144

  Watson▪
• * 3.145

  M. Cheyn••••
• * 3.146

  Anno 1553.
• * 3.147

  Harpesfield calle•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to helpe wat∣son.
• * 3.148

  Here is goodly 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were out of the Le∣gends of ••yes.
• * 3.149

  West•••• woulde know whe∣ther they were suffi∣ciently an∣swered, when he and his had answered no argu∣ment.
• * 3.150

  M. Philpot.
• * 3.151

  Marke We∣ston•• impu∣dencie.
• * 3.152

  A strong ar∣gument of Weston. Where he is not able to answere he would out face.
• * 3.153

  M. Elmers reason why they would not answer.
• * 3.154

  The 6. Acte or Session.
• * 3.155

  Philpot.
• * 3.156

  Argument.
• * 3.157

  Morgan.
• * 3.158

  Here is a new euasion inuen∣ted by Morgan who dare not plainely deny Vigilius autho∣ritie, but vnder a colour.
• * 3.159

  One body can not be at once in diuers places.
• * 3.160

  Weston.
• * 3.161

  Christ after his incarnation, was in al poynts like man, sinne onely except▪
• * 3.162

  Morgan.
• * 3.163

  Philpot.
• * 3.164

  Actes. 3.
• * 3.165

  Harpsfield step∣peth in.
• * 3.166

  Philpot.
• * 3.167

  Harpsfield▪
• * 3.168

  If Weston charge them for prisoning christ in heauen, how may they charge the papistes for prisoning Christ in a boxe.
• * 3.169

  M. Philpot.
• * 3.170

  Oportet how it is taken diuersly in Scripture.
• * 3.171

  Weston.
• * 3.172

  Philpot.
• * 3.173

  Weston.
• * 3.174

  Philpot.
• * 3.175

  Weston.
• * 3.176

  Philpot.
• * 3.177

  Morgan.
• * 3.178

  Philpot.
• * 3.179

  Morgan.
• * 3.180

  Philpot.
• * 3.181

  Moreman. Whether the Church was before the Scripture.
• * 3.182

  Scripture consi∣steth not onely in letters but is that which is inspired in the hartes of good men by the ho∣ly Ghost.
• * 3.183

  Philpot.
• * 3.184

  Weston.
• * 3.185

  Weston ray••eth a∣gainst Ph••••••pot, to be madde 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.186

  Philpot commau••••ded to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in a long gowne and a ••ippet or els to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no more to the conuo••cation.
• * 3.187

  Decemb••••
• * 3.188

  Q. Mary breaketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Conuo∣cation.
• * 3.189

  This Lord Courtney was sonne to the M••••••ques of Ex••••ceter.
• * 3.190

  Steuē Gar••diner By∣shop of Winchester made Lor•• Chauncel∣lor of Eng∣land.
• * 3.191

  The Lord Courtney made Earl of Deuon∣shyre.
• * 3.192

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.193

  〈…〉〈…〉 intru∣••••d by Q. ••••ry.
• * 3.194

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.195

  〈…〉〈…〉 Peter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of their 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a¦gaynst all men.
• * 3.196

  D. Cran∣mer with the Lady 〈◊〉〈◊〉 arr••••g∣••••d of trea∣son in the Guildhall. Archbishop Cranmer quit of trea∣son.
• * 3.197

  Going a∣bout of S. Katherin, and S. Ni∣cholas.
• * 3.198

  Cardinall Poole se••t 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.199

  ••••riage be∣••••eene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.200

  Ann. 1454.
• * 3.201

  ••••nuary 25.
• * 3.202

  The Duke of No••folke se•••• agaynst M. Wyat.
• * 3.203

  The Duke of Suffolke appre∣hended.
• * 3.204

  Queene Mary commeth into the Guildhall.
• * 3.205

  Queene Maryes Oration to the Londoners.
• * 3.206

  Demaundes pretended to be sent from M. Wyat and hys company to Queene Mary.
• * 3.207

  How he pre∣tended the spoyle of theyr goodes it appea∣reth in that he comming to Southwa••ke, did hurt neither man, woman, nor childe, ney∣ther in body no•• in a penny of their goodes.
• * 3.208

  Q. Mary excu∣seth her mary∣age.
• * 3.209

  The promise of Queene Mary touching her Maryage.
• * 3.210

  February 3. M. Wyat in southwarke.
• * 3.211

  M. Wyat came to Ludgate.
• * 3.212

  M. Wyat appre∣hended at Tem∣plebar.
• * 3.213

  M. Wyat execu∣ted.
• * 3.214

  February 12.
• * 3.215

  Talke betweene the Lady Iane and Fecknam.
• * 3.216

  Lady Iane com∣fortably taketh her trouble.
• * 3.217

  Faith onely iu∣stifieth.
• * 3.218

  Good 〈…〉〈…〉 in a 〈…〉〈…〉 they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 profite to saluatio••
• * 3.219

  2. Sacra••mente••.
• * 3.220

  The Sac••••••ment of Baptism what it ••••••••nifieth.
• * 3.221

  The Sac••••••ment of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what signifiet••
• * 3.222

  What 〈◊〉〈◊〉 receaue with th•• sacrame••••
• * 3.223

  Rom. 4.
• * 3.224

  Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 power to turne the bread into his body▪ no argument to proue that he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so.
• * 3.225

  Feckna•• goeth from the word 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the churc••
• * 3.226

  Fayth to grounde•• vppon the word and not vpon the church
• * 3.227

  A note 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the false 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Church
• * 3.228

  Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not to be altered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 good ••••∣tentes.
• * 3.229

  The wordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spoken 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.230

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ianes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent to her fa∣ther.
• * 3.231

  This Pa∣renthesis includeth with a prai∣er, a priuy admonition to her father that he fall not from his religion▪
• * 3.232

  February.
• * 3.233

  Luke 9. A sharpe letter or ex∣hortation of the ••ady Iane to M. Harding.
• * 3.234

  This man a little before K. Edward dyed, was heard o∣penly in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in London to ex∣hort the people with great vehe∣mency after thys so••te: that if trouble came, they shoulde neuer shrinke from the true doctrine of the Gospell whiche they had receiued, but should take it rather for a tryall sent of God to proue them whe∣ther they would a∣bide by it or no All which to be true, they can testify that heard him, and be yet aliue: who also foreseeing the plague to come were then muche confirmed by hys wordes.
• * 3.235

  Anno. 1554.
• * 3.236

  Februarye.
• * 3.237

  Baruch. 6.
• * 3.238

  Math. ••.
• * 3.239

  Good inten••.
• * 3.240

  Psal. 104.
• * 3.241

  Math. 10.
• * 3.242

  Math. 16.
• * 3.243

  The crosse for Christes sake.
• * 3.244

  Psal. 26.
• * 3.245

  Antichrist also hath his vnitie, which is not to be kept.
• * 3.246

  The agreements of euill men is no vnitie but a conspiracie.
• * 3.247

  Math. 10.
• * 3.248

  Heb. 6.
• * 3.249

  Rom. 10.
• * 3.250

  Math. 5.
• * 3.251

  Esa. 51.
• * 3.252

  Math. 10.
• * 3.253

  Luke 12.
• * 3.254

  Math. 10.
• * 3.255

  Iohn. 15.
• * 3.256

  Ephes. 6.
• * 3.257

  Luke. 1••.
• * 3.258

  〈…〉〈…〉 of the ••••dy Iane the ••ady 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.259

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 liue to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liue.
• * 3.260

  A prayer of the Lady Iane.
• * 3.261

  Psal. ••••.
• * 3.262

  Ephes. 6.
• * 3.263

  The word•••• and behauiour of the Lady Ian•• vppon the Scaf∣fold.
• * 3.264

  Graia being her surname signifi∣eth in Latina Grecyan.
• * 3.265

  February. 12. Lady Iane and L. Gylforde Dudley behea∣ded.
• * 3.266

  A wonderfull example vpon Morgan the Iudge who gaue sentence a∣gaynst the Lady Iane.
• * 3.267

  February 21.
• * 3.268

  Henry D. of Suffolke behea∣ded.

  L. Thomas Gray apprehen∣ded and execu∣ted.
• * 3.269

  February. 24.
• * 3.270

  A monition of Boner B. of London to all ministers of his Dioces.
• * 3.271

  Comming to confession.
• * 3.272

  Receiuing the sacrament of the aultar.
• * 3.273

  A letter o•• Q. Mary 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B. Boner. Causes de••clared. March. 3.
• * 3.274

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.275

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.276

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.277

  For puni∣shing ••e∣••esies, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they call them.
• * 3.278

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.279

  Prouision 〈◊〉〈◊〉 priestes which re∣••••unce their 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.280

  Maried Priestes ••••uorced ••••th from ••ife and ••enefice.
• * 3.281

  Prouision 〈◊〉〈◊〉 want of Priestes.
• * 3.282

  〈…〉〈…〉 Latin. ••olydayes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fasting ••••yes▪
• * 3.283

  Ceremonies re∣stored.
• * 3.284

  Orders.
• * 3.285

  Comming to diuine seruice.
• * 3.286

  Prouision for Catholick•• scholemaisters.
• * 3.287

  March. 4.
• * 3.288

  A prescript of the Lord Mayor to the Alder∣men.
• * 3.289

  Q. Maryes pro∣clamation for driuing out of straungers.
• * 3.290

  Causes layd a∣gaynst straun∣gers.
• * 3.291

  Pet. Martir and Iohannes Alas∣co, banished the realme.
• * 3.292

  Englishmen fled out of the realm for religion.

  The number of English exiles well neare 800. persons.

  March 15. Lady Elizabeth and Lord Courtney vpon suspicion of Syr Thom. Wyats rising commit∣ted to the Tower.
• * 3.293

  A poynt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 practise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ste. Gar••••••ner agayn•••• the Lady ••••lizabeth.
• * 3.294

  D. Westo•• against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lady Eli••••••beth.
• * 3.295

  The Lor•• Mayors iudgeme•••• of D. We••ston.
• * 3.296

  Cut pre••••tise in L••••••dō brou•••••• before 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gardine••▪
• * 3.297

  Ste. Gard••••ners tale 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the starr•• chamber ••••gaynst th•• Lady Eli••••••beth.
• * 3.298

  The Lor•• Shandoy•• false repo•••• in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chamber, ••••gaynst La•••• Elizabeth and Lord Courtne••▪
• * 3.299

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.300

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.301

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.302

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.303

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.304

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.305

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 spea¦••••••h for the ••••nour of ••riesthood.
• * 3.306

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.307

  Priestes com∣pared to the virgin Mary in three pointes.
• * 3.308

  Priesthood cō∣pared & prefer∣red before the state of Angels.
• * 3.309

  Blasphemy▪
• * 3.310

  Sir Tho. Abrid∣ges.
• * 3.311

  Who is an here∣ticke.
• * 3.312

  An hereticke defined by S. Austen.
• * 3.313

  Fecknam pro∣uoking M. Ridley.
• * 3.314

  Vnitie, Anti∣quitie, Vniuer¦salitie.
• * 3.315

  Anno 1154. Aprill.
• * 3.316

  B. Ridley aun∣swe••ing to Fecknam.
• * 3.317

  Truth in Scrip∣ture goeth not by number of af∣fi••mation where one is sufficient.
• * 3.318

  Words in Scrip∣ture must be ta∣ken with theyr meaning.
• * 3.319

  Hoc est corpus meū expoūded.
• * 3.320

  Reasons why these wordes ought to be ta∣kē not literally.
• * 3.321

  Vnitye with ve∣rity to be al∣lowed.
• * 3.322

  Antiquitie.
• * 3.323

  Vniuersalitye hath a double vnderstanding.
• * 3.324

  Melancton ad Myconium.
• * 3.325

  The doctrine of the Sacrament not new.
• * 3.326

  Docto•• that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sac••••••ment b•• figure.
• * 3.327

  Tertul••••nus. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 3.328

  Catec••••••meni 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other•• out at 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 3.329

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ca••••••chism••
• * 3.330

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.331

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.332

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.333

  ••••prian.
• * 3.334

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ridley ••••lsely de∣••arted for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Serm••n 〈…〉〈…〉 Paules.
• * 3.335

  The place of Saint Cyprian ••xpounded.
• * 3.336

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Doctors 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pointes.
• * 3.337

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.338

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.339

  B. Ridleys bookes geuen a∣way.
• * 3.340

  Ministers diuor∣ced from their wiues.
• * 3.341

  Aprill. 10. D. Cranmer, D. Ridley, & M. Latimer sent downe to Ox∣ford to dispute
• * 3.342

  The Vniuersitie Doctors ap∣pointed to dis∣pute against the Archb and his fellowes.
• * 3.343

  Three questiōs.
• * 3.344

  L••tters sent downe from Steph. Gardiner to Cambridge.
• * 3.345

  A grace for Ar∣ticles.
• * 3.346

  A grace for the Cambridge Doctours to dispute agaynst Cranmer, Rid∣ley & Latimer.
• * 3.347

  The comming of the Cam∣bridge men to Oxford.
• * 3.348

  Their welcom∣ming to Ox∣ford.
• * 3.349

  The Cambridge Doctors repayre to D. Weston.
• * 3.350

  The three pri∣soners Cranmer, Ridley, & Lati∣mer disseuered.
• * 3.351

  Consultation.
• * 3.352

  The Doctors in theyr scarlet robes.
• * 3.353

  Masse in pike∣sance, in pricke∣song I would say.

  The causes of their assembly declared.
• * 3.354

  Cambridge let∣ters read.

  Three Notaryes assigned.

  Subscribing to the articles.
• * 3.355

  Process•••••• in Oxfor•••• The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sole•••• process••o••
• * 3.356

  An other consultati•••• of the D••••••tours and Priestes.
• * 3.357

  Archbish•••• Cranme•• brought ••••••fore the Doctours high Pri•••••• at S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Church. The reu••••rend h••••••litie & b••••hauiou•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 3.358

  The aun••swere of Archb. to D. West••••
• * 3.359

  The art denyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.360

  Scarbou••rough 〈…〉〈…〉 to Cran•••••• to dispu••••••
• * 3.361

  D. Rid•••••• brought Answe•• Bish. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.362

  B. Rid•••••• falsely ••••••ported his 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.363

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.364

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.365

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.366

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.367

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈…〉〈…〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, read 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in his ••••••testation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Prolo∣••••••or.
• * 3.368

  ••••rill. 15.
• * 3.369

  ••••rill. 16.
• * 3.370

  ••••scriptiō.
• * 3.371

  ••xcepto∣•••••• Argu∣••••••torum.
• * 3.372

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.373

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Archb. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.374

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.375

  Aprill. 16.
• * 3.376

  D. Weston spea∣keth truer th••n he wille.
• * 3.377

  D. Cranmers aunswere to the preface.
• * 3.378

  D. Chadsey.
• * 3.379

  Articles.
• * 3.380

  Argument.
• * 3.381

  Argument.
• * 3.382

  Aunswere. How Christes body is present in his Sacramēt
• * 3.383

  Argument of the authority of the Church.
• * 3.384

  Aunswere.
• * 3.385

  Christes body effectually, not substantially in the Sacrament.
• * 3.386

  Papistes false of promise.
• * 3.387

  The contents of Cranmers ex∣plication geuen vp in writing.
• * 3.388

  How Christ is really present
• * 3.389

  Organicall is called that which is a per∣fect body, hauing all the members and partes com∣plete belonging vnto the same.
• * 3.390

  Answere to the 2. Conclusion.
• * 3.391

  Answere to the 3. Conclusion. The 3. Conclu∣sion contume∣lious agaynst Christ.
• * 3.392

  Math. 26.
• * 3.393

  Math. 14.
• * 3.394

  Luke. 22.
• * 3.395

  Substance and efficacie both graunted in the Sacrament.
• * 3.396

  An other expli∣cation for aun∣swere exhibited in writing, by the Archb.
• * 3.397

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cause 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wa•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.398

  Math. 2••
• * 3.399

  Luke. 7.
• * 3.400

  Sacram•••••• seales 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gods p••••••mises.
• * 3.401

  1. Cor. 11▪
• * 3.402

  Math. 2
• * 3.403

  Iohn. 6.
• * 3.404

  Bread 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wine re∣mayne in the E••••charist, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be seale vs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 promis••••
• * 3.405

  Christ•• worde•• spoken of an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 certaine substāc•• of a 〈…〉〈…〉 bread, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which had in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hande••
• * 3.406

  How docto•••• doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speach•••• Chris•••• Tropi•••••• Figura•••••••• Anago••••••call. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bread 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 name 〈◊〉〈◊〉 body.
• * 3.407

  Ann. 1454. ••pri••l.
• * 3.408

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣•••••••• to 〈…〉〈…〉 what it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ature, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wha•• it 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.409

  The Sacra∣ment is a ••••moriall, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pledge, a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a ••••crament, 〈…〉〈…〉▪ ••hat is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.410

  What the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ody of Christ doth ••o our s••••les.
• * 3.411

  The sacri∣••••ce of Christes 〈…〉〈…〉 all.
• * 3.412

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 53.
• * 3.413

  Heb. 9.
• * 3.414

  Heb. 17.
• * 3.415

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sacrifice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.416

  Christ 〈…〉〈…〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉, we 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.417

  Argument.
• * 3.418

  Auns••••••••▪
• * 3.419

  Argum••••••.
• * 3.420

  Aunswere. This wo••d (c••∣teyned) distin∣guished.
• * 3.421

  The body of Christ contey∣ned not really but sacramen∣tally.

  Christ sayth not, this is my body which is here contey∣ned, but this is my body which shall be geuen for you·
• * 3.422

  Argument.
• * 3.423

  Aunswere.
• * 3.424

  D. Oglethorp breaketh Prisci∣ans ••ead & spea¦keth false latin. Cranmer aun∣swereth to O∣glethorpe.

  Doct. Cranmer might haue foūd fault with this argument as well as with his latin being made in no moode or figure.
• * 3.425

  Anno. 1554. Aprill.
• * 3.426

  Tropes may be vsed in mens testaments, why not?
• * 3.427

  A place of Au∣gustine recited by the Prolo∣cutor.
• * 3.428

  August. de vni∣tate Ecclesie.
• * 3.429

  Argument.
• * 3.430

  Aunswere.
• * 3.431

  Argument.
• * 3.432

  Disparata, is a Schoole terme, meaning diuers substances being so sondred in nature, that one can neuer be sayd to be the other.
• * 3.433

  The Sacr••••ment setti•••• the figure aside for∣mally 〈…〉〈…〉 Christes body.
• * 3.434

  Chrysost. hom. 61.
• * 3.435

  D. Weston argument without true form•• or figure.
• * 3.436

  D. Weston argument denyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eate the true body 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ: Ergo we eate it wit•• our mouth▪ A figure•••• Argumen••▪
• * 3.437

  Fallax a dicto secu••••dum qu••d ad simpli••citer.
• * 3.438

  Aunswer••▪
• * 3.439

  Chrisost▪ alleaged D. Westo•• Hom. 83.26. cap. Mat.
• * 3.440

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.441

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.442

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.443

  ••hrysost. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by D. Weston.
• * 3.444

  Chrysost. in ••sal. 50. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Hom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 26. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Mat.
• * 3.445

  Chrysost. ••••leaged by ••. Weston. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 29. Epist. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 13.
• * 3.446

  ••words Chrysost. ••••unded.
• * 3.447

  ••. Cole 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••••••••ament 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Sa∣••••ament of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 body of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Sa∣••••••ment of congre∣••••tion, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••rysost. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cran∣••••••. ••••••••sost. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. de 〈…〉〈…〉. 3.
• * 3.448

  Chrysostome alleaged by D. Weston.
• * 3.449

  Chrysost. Hom. 24.
• * 3.450

  How the body of Christ is shewed vs vpon the earth.
• * 3.451

  This word [est] is not in Chry∣sostome.

  This argument of Weston stan∣ding onely vpon affirmatiues in the secōd figure, hath no perfect forme in Logick.
• * 3.452

  Cranmer aun∣swereth to the place of Chry∣sostome how Chryst is shew∣ed forth on the earth, not bodi∣ly but in a Sa∣crament, that is Sacramentally & figuratiuely.
• * 3.453

  Westō falsifieth the wordes of Chrysostome.
• * 3.454

  Vnreuerend wordes vsed in the Schoole a∣gaynst Doctor Cranmer.
• * 3.455

  The body of Christ is shew∣ed forth to vs here in earth di∣uers wayes: as in reading of the Scriptures, som∣tymes in hearing Sermons, & also in Sacramentes, and yet neither the Scriptures nor Sermōs, nor Sacraments are to be worshiped.
• * 3.456

  The argument of Chedsey is not formall.
• * 3.457

  God cannot be touched.
• * 3.458

  Tertull. De re∣surrectione car∣nis.
• * 3.459

  Quod symbo∣lorum est, rei attribuitur.
• * 3.460

  Argument.
• * 3.461

  Phoceu•• Cor. cap.
• * 3.462

  Phoceu•• leaged b•• Chelsey
• * 3.463

  Aunswere to Tertul••••anus.
• * 3.464

  D. West•••• vrgeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with the wordes o•• Tertullia••▪
• * 3.465

  Inwardly we eate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 body: ou••••wardely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacrame••••
• * 3.466

  The for•••• of this ar••gument 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which h•• repeatet•• stood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the four•••• of this ••••nexion ••••swereth none of three 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Sillo∣gis••••es.
• * 3.467

  Conse∣quence.
• * 3.468

  Conse∣quence.
• * 3.469

  Aunswe••••
• * 3.470

  〈…〉〈…〉. For as 〈…〉〈…〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ma•• be 〈…〉〈…〉 our 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eateth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 outward ••span.

  Answere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tertulli∣•••• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 3.471

  D. Tresham disputeth.
• * 3.472

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.473

  Coniunction betweene Christ and vs.
• * 3.474

  Aunswere to Hillary.
• * 3.475

  Bucer cont•••• Abrince••se•• alleaged by Tre••ham.
• * 3.476

  Christ commu∣nicated & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to vs by byrth▪ by vnity of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Church, by the communi••••, by Baptisme, by fayth.
• * 3.477

  We are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Christ by ••••••munion 〈…〉〈…〉 are by Baptisme.
• * 3.478

  Obiection of Hillary.
• * 3.479

  Answere to the place of Hillary.
• * 3.480

  Argument.
• * 3.481

  The Papistes by this one word [naturally] con∣found themselues. For if the naturall body of christ were eaten and went na∣turally into our bo∣dyes, then should it follow, that the na∣ture o•• his body being immaculate, & now also immor∣tall, our bodyes v∣nited in nature to his pure & immor∣tall body, naturally should neuer sinne nor dye. Wherefore it remayneth that the natu••all vni••••ng to Christes body commeth not by the bodely eating of the Sacrament vnto our body, but to our soule, & so shall redounde at length vnto our bodyes.
• * 3.482

  If that vnion of the substance of flesh should be graunted vnto our bodies then should our bo∣dies neuer dye nor see corrupti∣on.
• * 3.483

  The same argu∣ment againe re∣peated.
• * 3.484

  Aunswere.
• * 3.485

  The Archb. re∣peateth the ar∣gument.
• * 3.486

  Christ not after his manhood but af∣ter his diuine nature liueth naturally by his father, which diuine nature of his worketh also in his manhoode an immortality: So our spirite and soule re∣ceauing the naturall bodye of Christ in the misteries, by fayth do receaue also the nature of his body, that is, his pu∣renes, iustificatiō, & lyfe, the operation wherof redounding likewise vnto our bodyes, doth make the same also capa∣ble of the same glory and immortality. And thus it is true, that as Christ liueth naturallye by his father, so we liue na∣turally by the bodye of Christ eaten in the misteryes, hauing respecte both to the manhood of him and of vs. For as the fleshe of Christ, in respecte of bare fleshe, liueth not naturally by the fa∣ther, but for that it is ioyned to his di∣uinity: So our flesh liueth not naturally by Christs body eaten in the Sacramēt (for then euery wicked man eating the Sacramēt should liue naturally by hym) but for that our flesh is ioyned to the spirite and soule, whiche truely eateth the bodye of Christe by fayth: and so onely the bodyes of the faythfull doe lyue by eating the bodye of Christe naturally, in particypatyng the na∣turall propertyes of the bodye of Christe.
• * 3.487

  Naturall ex∣pounded.
• * 3.488

  The argument the third tyme repeated.
• * 3.489

  Ex ex••••••plari 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cranmer descripto••
• * 3.490

  Naturall•• expound•••• that is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bodyes to participat•• the natur•• & propert•• of Christ holy & i••••mortall b••••dy.
• * 3.491

  Then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ a sinfull flesh.
• * 3.492

  That is▪ made vs partakers the prope••••ties, life, i••••nocencye, resurrectio•• of his bod•• D Chad•••• agayne d••••••puteth. Hillar. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Trinitate.
• * 3.493

  Thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was their talke in Englishe Seing M▪ Cranme•• had twy•••• veré & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 once ver•• they had cause to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greeued, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that they were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a knot in rushe.
• * 3.494

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.495

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.496

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Yonges ••••ophisticall 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.497

  〈…〉〈…〉 spea∣••••••g of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hath 〈◊〉〈◊〉 perfect 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.498

  ••••were D. yonge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Saint 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.499

  The figuratiue speach worketh not, but Christ by the figuratiue speach worketh the Sacrament.
• * 3.500

  Ambros. De ij. qui initiantur, &c. cap. 9.
• * 3.501

  As Christ Ie∣sus was concea∣ued agaynst the order of nature: so in the institu∣ting of this Sa∣crament the or∣der of nature is not ot be sought.
• * 3.502

  Ambrosius lib. De Sacramentis cap. 4.
• * 3.503

  The wordes of Ambrose in Englishe.
• * 3.504

  But the Lord Iesus here vsed not such words of commaūding in the sacrament as in creatiō: for we read not, fiat, hoc corpus meū as we read, fiat lux. &.
• * 3.505

  Ambros. de Sacr. cap. 5.
• * 3.506

  Alloiosis rerū & symbolorū.
• * 3.507

  As the Doue is called the spirit: so the bread is called the body.
• * 3.508

  Iohn. 1.
• * 3.509

  August. in. Iohn. cap. 1.
• * 3.510

  Ambrose againe repeated, de Sa∣crament. cap. 4.
• * 3.511

  Idem. cap. 5.
• * 3.512

  Aunswere to Ambrose.
• * 3.513

  Marke D. Wes•• expound to eate similitu••••
• * 3.514

  If this logism•••• in the 〈…〉〈…〉 stand•••• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appear then i•• false, be••cause it ••••••cludeth firmat•••••• Ambr. •• cap. 1. d••••crament Opera•••• Mutare Conuer••
• * 3.515

  Aunsw•••••• to Amb••••
• * 3.516

  Ambros. sacram. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.517

  Note th•• Ambrose sayth: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 drinke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christe•• bloud. Answer•• the plac•• Ambros•• Sacram•••••• be called the nam•••• the thing•• Ambros•• 1. Cor. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.518

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.519

  ••••gument.
• * 3.520

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.521

  ••••nswere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the place Iustinus.
• * 3.522

  Mutatio∣nem.
• * 3.523

  Of than∣kes geuing.
• * 3.524

  Mutation.
• * 3.525

  Aunswere.
• * 3.526

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I. Bloud and flesh.
• * 3.527

  Irenaeus.
• * 3.528

  Argument.
• * 3.529

  ••••••naeus ••••••wered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tertul.
• * 3.530

  ••••••naeus 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5.
• * 3.531

  Note that the Archb. here did not translate the words of Iustine, but onely gather the effect of his meaning.
• * 3.532

  Cranmer pur∣geth himselfe.
• * 3.533

  In eating the sa∣crament no bread is consi∣dered but onely the true body of Christ.
• * 3.534

  De consecra. Dist. 2. Quia.
• * 3.535

  Cranmer char∣ged with false translating.
• * 3.536

  Cranmer pur∣geth himselfe.
• * 3.537

  Argument.
• * 3.538

  The right hand of God what it signifieth.
• * 3.539

  Cranmer char∣ged with mis∣trāslating Duns.
• * 3.540

  D. Cranmer chalenged for setting forth the Catechisme in the name of the Conuocation. D. Cranmer purgeth him∣selfe concerning the Catechisme
• * 3.541

  D. Cranmer charged with mistranslating. Tho. Aquinas.
• * 3.542

  Weston trium∣pheth before the victory.
• * 3.543

  Aprill. 17.
• * 3.544

  D. Smith sent to dispute agaynst B. Ridley.
• * 4.1

  A letter of D. Smith to Doct. Cranner Arch∣bishop of Cant.
• * 4.2

  D. Smith pur∣posing to write for the mariage of Priestes.
• * 4.3

  Disputer•• against D. Ridley.
• * 4.4

  The ques••••••ons.
• * 4.5

  The prote••station of B. Ridley.
• * 4.6

  What m••••ued Doct. Ridley to alter his iudgeme•••• from the Church of Rome.
• * 4.7

  ••. Ridley submitteth himselfe to the Church of Christ.
• * 4.8

  The pro∣mise was not ••ept.
• * 4.9

  Two No∣taries per∣mitted to Doct. Ridly. These 2. Notaries were M. I••ell, some∣time bishop of Salisbury 〈◊〉〈◊〉 M. Gil∣bert Moun∣son.
• * 4.10

  The first proposition.
• * 4.11

  D. Ridleys aunswere to the first proposition.
• * 4.12

  The propo∣sition put foorth in 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.13

  The first doubt·
• * 4.14

  2. Doubt in the word priest.
• * 4.15

  3. Doubt in the word sacrificing.
• * 4.16

  D. Weston in∣terrupteth him in his explicati∣on.
• * 4.17

  4. Doubt in the word really.
• * 4.18

  5. Doubt in the words of formes of bread & wine.
• * 4.19

  The propositi∣on erroneous af∣ter the sense of the Romishe Church.

  Transubstantia∣tion not foun∣ded in scripture.
• * 4.20

  The Analogie of the sacramēts is the similitude and likenes whiche they haue with the thinges they re∣present.
• * 4.21

  Confirmation of his aunswere.
• * 4.22

  Argument.
• * 4.23

  The reall pre∣sence of Christes body disagreeth from the scrip∣tures.
• * 4.24

  D. Weston a∣gayne interrup∣ted D. Ridley.
• * 4.25

  7. Inconuenien∣ces come of the reall peesence.
• * 4.26

  The 7. incon∣ueniences decla∣red by partes.
• * 4.27

  The first incon∣uenience.
• * 4.28

  The reall pre∣sence against the scripture.
• * 4.29

  2. The real pre∣sence agaynst the Articles of the fayth.
• * 4.30

  3. It destroyeth the institution of the Lordes supper.
• * 4.31

  4. It propha∣neth thinges holy and preci∣ous, & gendreth absurdities.
• * 4.32

  Anthropopha∣gi, are a kinde of brutishe peo∣ple that feed on mans flesh.
• * 4.33

  5. It main∣tayneth monstrous myracles without ••••••cessiti••.
• * 4.34

  All the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that folo••••eth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 read, be∣cause the prolocut•••• made post hast to the argument. By this de••uise of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 comitance the Papist•• imagine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much to receaued vnder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kinde as both. 6. It geue•• occasion to heretickes. 7. It falsifi••eth the sa••••inges of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 old doctor.
• * 4.35

  The true presence of Christes b••••dy in the Supper no•• denyed.
• * 4.36

  The fayth confession of D. Rid∣ley in affi••••ming the true presēt in the Sa∣crament.
• * 4.37

  The grace of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and immortal geuen with the Sacrament to the ••••ythfull Life eaten. A••••gust.

  The Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 grace Emisse. Celestiall foode receaued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The property naturall com∣munion rece••••ued Hilar.

  The vertue o•• Christes flesh Cyrill.

  The misticall ••••uent of Chri•••• Basill.

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 Ambros.

  The body by grace 〈…〉〈…〉 but not that which 〈…〉〈…〉 Hierom▪ Grace 〈…〉〈…〉 a sacrifice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Chrisost. Grace 〈…〉〈…〉 ver••ty The power of Gods 〈…〉〈…〉 Bertram.
• * 4.38

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.39

  ••••swere to 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.40

  The ••. pro∣••••sition of transubstan∣tation de∣••ye.
• * 4.41

  Confirm▪ thou 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his answere.
• * 4.42

  The rule of Logicke is this A proposi∣tione de ter∣tio adiacen∣te ad cam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est de secundo, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 verbo 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 4.43

  The Maior 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.44

  •• Cor. 10.
• * 4.45

  The argu∣ment hol∣deth a de∣structione 〈…〉〈…〉. Math. 26. Marke. 14.
• * 4.46

  Chrisostōe. Cyprian.
• * 4.47

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 argu∣ment hol∣••eth after 〈◊〉〈◊〉 same 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.48

  The circumstan∣ces and wordes of scripture.
• * 4.49

  The Analogie of the sacra∣mentes.
• * 4.50

  Analogie or si∣militude in the sacrament, three maner of waies.
• * 4.51

  The sayinges of the fathers for the figuratiue speach.
• * 4.52

  Commendation of Bertram.
• * 4.53

  D. Ridley first brought to the knowledge of the sacrament by Bertram.
• * 4.54

  The third pro∣position tou∣ching propicia∣tory Masse.
• * 4.55

  Aunsweres to the third pro∣sition.
• * 4.56

  Explication of the same.
• * 4.57

  Anno. 1554.
• * 4.58

  Doubtes in the third propositi∣on.

  In the primitiue Churche the newly instru∣cted in the fayth and the vnwor∣thy were sent a∣way from the Communion. The third doubt.
• * 4.59

  The 4. doubt.
• * 4.60

  The falsenes of the third propo∣sition reproued.
• * 4.61

  But one sacrifice in the scripture.
• * 4.62

  The first argu∣ment. Heb. 5.
• * 4.63

  Argument.
• * 4.64

  Heb. 7
• * 4.65

  Heb. 9.
• * 4.66

  Ab vna causa veritatis ad pro∣positionem ha∣bentem illam causam, valet consequentia.
• * 4.67

  Heb▪ ••.
• * 4.68

  Heb. 10.
• * 4.69

  [By ••••m∣self••]
• * 4.70

  Coloss. 1••
• * 4.71

  1. Ioan. ••.
• * 4.72

  The popis•• distinction betweene bloudy and vnbloudy sacrifice.
• * 4.73

  The papist•• maintayne their sacri∣fice propiti••atory, by th•• old Docto•• falsly wra∣sted.
• * 4.74

  Doctors making a∣gainst the propitiator•• sacrifice of the masse.
• * 4.75

  The whol•• substance 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our sacrific•• wherein it consisteth.
• * 4.76

  B. Ridley appealeth from the vniust sen∣tence of his aduersaries to some o∣ther superi∣our compe∣tent iudge.
• * 4.77

  ••. Ridley 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ppealeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ighty 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.78

  Smithes ar∣gument.
• * 4.79

  Aunswere.
• * 4.80

  The veritie of M. Ridleyes answere tou∣ching the reall being of Christ in earth to be restrained by his ascending and abiding in heauen, standeth vpon a necessitie, whiche we call [Necessitas consequentiae] by thys demonstration:

  Da- Euery naturall body must necessarily be contayned in his pecular and cer∣taine place.

  ••i•• Christes body is a naturall body:

  ••. Ergo, Christes body not to be in one certaine place at once contayned, it is impossible according to the rule: Om∣ne, propositiones de impossibili & de neces••e equipollent dicto dissimiliter se habenti, & modō similiter.
• * 4.81

  Argument▪
• * 4.82

  Aunswere.
• * 4.83

  Christes abo••e in heauen is no let for him to appeare on earth when he will, but whe∣ther he wil, that must be proued. Againe it is one thing to appeare on earth, an o∣ther still in the Sacrament, and to be present the same time with his body in heauen, whē he is bodely present in earth
• * 4.84

  Christes conti∣nuall sitting in heauen expen∣ded.
• * 4.85

  Christ cannot be both corpo∣rally here, and corporally also in heauen at one tyme.
• * 4.86

  Chrisost Hom. 17. ad Hebraeos.
• * 4.87

  Argument.
• * 4.88

  Aunswere.
• * 4.89

  One Christ but not one body, nor after on bo∣dely substance in all places.
• * 4.90

  Aunswere to Chrysost.
• * 4.91

  One Christ and one sacrifice in all places, and how: to wit, christ by veritie the sacrifice by, signification.
• * 4.92

  Ex libro Rid∣lei ipsius manu descripto.
• * 4.93

  Sacrifice why it is called one.
• * 4.94

  How one christ is offered in ma∣ny places at once.
• * 4.95

  Bernard.
• * 4.96

  The time of Ber¦nard considered.
• * 4.97

  Bernard rather expounded then reiected.
• * 4.98

  What is the ve∣rity of the body of Christ.
• * 4.99

  To be resident & not resident, import contra∣diction.
• * 4.100

  To be he•••• & not her•• importeth contradict••••on in res∣pect of so••••dry 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.101

  Christes appearing on the earth som••••time, take•• not away his residē•• in heauen▪ How 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appeared earth.
• * 4.102

  This argu••ment hold••eth rather ratione m••••teriae, th•• ratione fo••••mae.
• * 4.103

  Whether Paule sa•••• Christ in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 heauen o•• in earth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is one to proue his resurrecti•••• Petitio Principi••▪
• * 4.104

  Argument▪
• * 4.105

  Aunswere▪
• * 4.106

  Argumen••▪
• * 4.107

  Aunswere▪
• * 4.108

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.109

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.110

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.111

  Th•••• ••d∣dition is ta∣ken out of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of B. Ri••••leys owne writ••••g.
• * 4.112

  The credite of Linus story.
• * 4.113

  Chrysost. alleaged ••om 2. ad populū Antioch.
• * 4.114

  Here at this aunswere great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of taun∣ting, spite∣full 〈…〉〈…〉 vpon this good Bi∣shop.
• * 4.115

  Chrysost. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Sacerdo∣tij. lib. 3. cap. 3.
• * 4.116

  The miracle in the Sacrament wherein it con∣sisteth.
• * 4.117

  How Christ tooke vp his bo∣dy, and left it with vs. The phrase of Chrysost consi∣dered.
• * 4.118

  Comparison be∣tweene Elias mantell, and Christes fleshe. Elias tooke his mantell, & left neither mantel, nor Sacrament▪ of his mantell behind him. Christ tooke his fleshe and left a Sacramēt of his fleshe, which was more then Elias did: & yet the sayd Elias after∣ward cast down his mantell.
• * 4.119

  Harpsfield aun∣swered.
• * 4.120

  Quam sit ••tu∣pida & crassa re∣sponsio tua.
• * 4.121

  D. Weston spea∣king to the au∣diēce in English.
• * 4.122

  But where were these Iudges in K. Edwardes tyme.
• * 4.123

  How ye are sprinckled with Christes bloud.
• * 4.124

  This he repea∣ted in Englishe to the people also.

  Aunswere to Bernard.
• * 4.125

  The Papistss make Christ to haue a monste∣rous body.
• * 4.126

  Here they re∣turne agayne to Latin.

  B. Ridley falsly charged to set forth the Cate∣chisme.
• * 4.127

  D. Weston in K. Edwards dayes subscribed.
• * 4.128

  Of this Cate∣chisme read be∣fore pag. 1357.
• * 4.129

  The Iudges geue an vntrue verdite: for D. Cranmer mea∣ning by the Counsell, spake no word of Ridley.
• * 4.130

  A possibili ad esse non valet consequentia.
• * 4.131

  Argument of the wisedome & truth of Christ. Hillar. in Psal. 118.
• * 4.132

  Aunswer•• to Master Wardes ar••gument.
• * 4.133

  This argu∣ment is no•• formall in the 2. figur••
• * 4.134

  Aunswere••
• * 4.135

  Theophi∣lact. in Math. 26.
• * 4.136

  The word of Theo∣phil. (he sayd not this is a fi∣gure of my body) aun••swered.
• * 4.137

  This ar∣gument is without perfect mode and forme, ha∣uing the Minor ne∣gatiue in the 2. fi∣gure.
• * 4.138

  Conuersio•• after what sorte in th•• Sacrament••
• * 4.139

  Anno 1554. Aprill
• * 4.140

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.141

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.142

  Argument in the 3. fi∣gure.
• * 4.143

  Iu••tinus Martyr. A∣polog. 2.
• * 4.144

  D. Cran∣mer ch••r∣ged with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a place of ••ustine Read his aunswere to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be∣fore pag. 13••9.
• * 4.145

  Sumptum exe••pl••••i 〈…〉〈…〉 descrip∣to.
• * 4.146

  In this argu∣ment if the Mi∣nor be a nega∣tiue, the forme is false: if it be affirmatiue a••∣quipollenter. The Maior is to be denyed.
• * 4.147

  Tertull contra Martion. lib. 4.
• * 4.148

  Argument.
• * 4.149

  Aunswere.
• * 4.150

  Anagogicall sense is that which hath a high and misti∣call vnderstan∣ding that lyeth abstruse & pro∣found vnder the externall letter.
• * 4.151

  August. in Psal. 98.
• * 4.152

  Esay. 66.
• * 4.153

  If the Minor of this argument (as is sayd be∣fore) be equi¦pollent to affir∣matiue, then it commeth next to the Mode Datisi.

  How Christ gaue his flesh to be eaten and when.
• * 4.154

  Christ gaue himselfe not only in a figure, but in deede by a reall and ef∣fectuall com∣munication of his fleshe.

  D. Glinne dis∣puteth.

  D. Glinne B. Ridleys old frend desireth him of Pardon. B Ridley for geueth D. Glin.
• * 4.155

  B. Ridley pur∣geth himselfe against D. Glin.
• * 4.156

  This argumēt hauing the Mi∣nor a negatiue neyther is for∣mable in the 3. figure, neyther doth it conclude rightly but should conclude thus: Ergo to worship the flesh of Christ in the Eucharist is no Idolatry. Sumptum ab autographo Ridlei manu de∣scripto.
• * 4.157

  August. contra Faustum lib. 20. cap. 13.
• * 4.158

  ••quiuocation of this word w••rship, dis∣tincted.
• * 4.159

  We wor∣ship Chri•••• in the Eu∣charist: but we worship not the Eu••charist for Christ.
• * 4.160

  This Coū∣cell of Flo∣rence was but of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeares in the tyme 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Coun••cell of 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.161

  Chrisost. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 10. Cor. 1. Hom. 24.
• * 4.162

  The Ma∣ior should be thus: Whatsoe∣uer did flow from the side of Christ is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the cup. &c. or els the argument being in the 2 figur•• is affirma∣tiue and false.
• * 4.163

  This ar∣gument concludeth not directly and being in the 2. figure affir∣matiue it is not formall
• * 4.164

  Spirituall eating of the flesh of Christ.
• * 4.165

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣•••••••• geue grace 〈…〉〈…〉 in∣••••••mentes. ••••crament 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be 〈…〉〈…〉 Sacra∣•••••••• of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Testa∣•••••••• hath a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 promise 〈…〉〈…〉, bread 〈◊〉〈◊〉 witness 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣••••••t of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Testa∣••e••t. No pro∣••••se made 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bread & 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as ••••ey be 〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wine, but as they be sanctified & made sacra∣mēts of the Lords body and bloud, they are not now called bread n••r wine, haue a promise annexed to them, or rather (to say the 〈◊〉〈◊〉) an∣••exed to the recea∣••ers of the••. Argument. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a pro∣••••se of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 annex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not ab∣••••••utely but 〈…〉〈…〉 are not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in ••••crament•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 came 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them. 〈…〉〈…〉 not 〈…〉〈…〉, but 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣••••nt. ••••••raments 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.166

  1. Cor. 11.
• * 4.167

  Chrisost. in 1. Cor cap. 10.
• * 4.168

  Aunswere to Chrisostome.
• * 4.169

  In 1. Cor. cap. 10.
• * 4.170

  Bread signifieth the body after Chrisostome.
• * 4.171

  One bread, one misticall body.
• * 4.172

  Watson cauil∣leth about this word all.
• * 4.173

  Cyprianus de Coena Domini.
• * 4.174

  M. Fecknam•• reason.
• * 4.175

  August. in Psal. 33. Concio. 1.
• * 4.176

  The place of Augustine aun∣swered.
• * 4.177

  The place of Austen how Christ was ca∣ryed in his handes ad literā i. litterally.
• * 4.178

  Ferebatur, quo∣dam modo in manibus suis. Aug. i. Christ was borne in his owne handes sacramentally.
• * 4.179

  A figure he may beare but not a sacrament.
• * 4.180

  Quodam modo.
• * 4.181

  D. Tresham prayeth for con∣uerting Ridley.
• * 4.182

  The decree of Latera••e Coū∣cell alleaged for transubstātiatiō.
• * 4.183

  Of thi•• Counc•••••• read 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.184

  One o•• Scribes 〈…〉〈…〉 B. Ridl••••
• * 4.185

  Of thi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.186

  B. Rid•••••• reiecte•• the Co••••••cell of terane. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 do eate 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very tru•• body of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ b•• sacramēt••••ly and sp••••ritually. August. 5. contra Donatist cap. 8.
• * 4.187

  Manduca•• panem D••••mini. & ••••••nem Do••••••num▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.188

  This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spoke in Englishe••
• * 4.189

  The olde Doctors vse many tymes th•• Sacrame•••• for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of th•• Sacrame•••• Theophi••lact. allea••ged.
• * 4.190

  Aunswe••••
• * 4.191

  Chrisost▪ alleaged▪
• * 4.192

  Chrisost▪ expound••••
• * 4.193

  The Cou••••cell of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 alleaged.
• * 4.194

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.195

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.196

  An other place of Nicene Coun••ell alleaged.
• * 4.197

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.198

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.199

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.200

  Sacrifice called vnbloudy is no∣thing els but a representation of the bloudy Sacrifice of Christ.

  Weston playeth Golyah with Dauid.

  This argument after the dispo∣sition & termes, as it standeth, i•• not formall.
• * 4.201

  The same thing but the maner diuers.
• * 4.202

  D. Weston bloweth vp the triumph.
• * 4.203

  M. Hugh Lati∣mer disputeth.
• * 4.204

  Aprill. 18.
• * 4.205

  M. Smith of O∣riall Colledge Opponent to M. Latimer.
• * 4.206

  M. Latimers writings could not be read.
• * 4.207

  Westōs preface.
• * 4.208

  M. Latimer re∣quireth to dis∣pute in the En∣glish tongue.
• * 4.209

  The three con∣clusions.
• * 4.210

  The aunsweres of M. Latimer geuen vp in writing concer∣ning the questi∣ons aforesaid.
• * 4.211

  The presence of Christ in the sa∣crament, how it is a reall pre∣sence.
• * 4.212

  Answere to the 2. conclusion.
• * 4.213

  Answere to the 3. conclusion.
• * 4.214

  Heb. 1. The taking a∣way of sinnes depēdeth rather in the person of the offerer then in the thing of∣fered, but that he that was the offerer was of∣fered himselfe.
• * 4.215

  1. Iohn. 2.
• * 4.216

  The sacrificing Priesthoode chaunged into a Preaching Priesthood.
• * 4.217

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cause 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Supper 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o••••deyned.
• * 4.218

  Sacrifie•••• taketh a∣way pre••∣ching.
• * 4.219

  Prepost∣rous iud••∣ment of ••••¦piste••.
• * 4.220

  M. Lati•••••• found 〈◊〉〈◊〉 audience with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Princ•••• then wi•••• rusticall 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.221

  The 4. M••∣rybones the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by M. Lati∣mer 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.222

  Con••ec••••∣tion. Transub••∣t••ation. Oblatio••. Adorati••••
• * 4.223

  The iud••∣ment of Latimer D. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.224

  Pride of Westo•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tou∣ched.
• * 4.225

  Obedie•••••• to Princ•• hath 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 4.226

  Knowle•••••• withou•• Christ, mere ig••••••raunce.
• * 4.227

  Many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be which vnder p••••∣tense of Christ, darken 〈◊〉〈◊〉 glory o•• Christ.
• * 4.228

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.229

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.230

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈…〉〈…〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••ords Sup∣••er.
• * 4.231

  But God saw it good that Westō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 c••me to his age.
• * 4.232

  By this first and se∣cond co••∣••union, he ••eaneth the two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••blicke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set forth in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ed∣wards daies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 begin∣••••ng, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 end of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 reigne. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Weston 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, of the ••ords Sup∣per.

  〈…〉〈…〉 Do∣••••nica ••hrisost. in Cor. cap.
• * 4.233

  ••reg Na∣••••••zenus.
• * 4.234

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 1. 〈…〉〈…〉 ••eastes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wont 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be geuen the 〈…〉〈…〉 in his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.235

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 1. Cor. 11.
• * 4.236

  Argument.
• * 4.237

  The Apostles represented the whole Church.
• * 4.238

  Weston scorneth the name of Minister.
• * 4.239

  The name of Minister more fit thē the name of Priest.
• * 4.240

  M. Latimer mo∣destly maketh himselfe vnable to dispute.
• * 4.241

  Then they hist and clapt their handes at him. M. Latimer con∣firmed by Doct. Crāmers booke.
• * 4.242

  The zeale of M. Latymer some∣tymes in Popery agaynst the Ty∣gurines.

  In that booke the deuill doth not dissuade him so much from saying Masse, as to bring him to desperation for saying Masse, such temptatiōs many times happen to good men.
• * 4.243

  Here Tresham b••gan to dispute in Latin.
• * 4.244

  D. Treshams argument with∣out forme or mode, conclu∣ding affirma∣tiuely in the 2. figure.
• * 4.245

  D Tresham fly∣eth to Custome.
• * 4.246

  The Sacrament geuen to the mouth the body to sayth.
• * 4.247

  And what doth Christ els meane by these words where he sayth▪ My words be spirite & lyfe: the flesh pro••••∣teth nothing.
• * 4.248

  M. Latimer charged to preach the con∣trary doctrine before the king at Grenewich.
• * 4.249

  Melancto iudgemen•• of the o••d Doctours
• * 4.250

  Argumen••••
• * 4.251

  D. Seton reasoneth against M▪ Latimer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of S. Cy∣prian.
• * 4.252

  By that rea∣son the ne•• & old testa∣mēt should not differ, but should be contra•••• one frō the other, which can••not be tru•• in naturall or morall precepts.
• * 4.253

  Edere in some place is taken fo•• credere: b•• that in all places it is so taken 〈◊〉〈◊〉 foloweth not.

  This place of the He∣brewes a∣luded to the old Sacri∣fice of the Iewes, who in the sea of propiti••∣tion the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 day, vsed cary the flesh of the sacrifice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be bur∣ned on an Altar wi••••••out, becau•••• none of the which ser∣ued in the Tabernac•••• should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thereof: o••••ly the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was cary by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priest into the holy place.
• * 4.254

  Westons 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.255

  ••••nswere.
• * 4.256

  Chrysost.
• * 4.257

  ••. Cart∣••ryght ••rged to 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Cartwright returning to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 olde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agayne.
• * 4.258

  Argumen∣••••m a poena ••••gis Durū 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.259

  Argum. a 〈…〉〈…〉, ad & ••fficile.
• * 4.260

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 mentiō 〈…〉〈…〉 eating, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spiritu∣ally in the Church for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 space of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. yeares.
• * 4.261

  ••yrillus in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Lib. cap. 13.
• * 4.262

  The immodest behauiour of this Iacke sco••∣ner to be noted.
• * 4.263

  August. in Psal. 31. Chrisost De incomprehensi∣bili Dei nat••••a.
• * 4.264

  Chrisost. full of figuratiue speaches and Emphaticall lo∣quutions.

  Chrisost. in Act. cap. 9
• * 4.265

  Chrisost. ad po∣pulum Antioch. Hom. 69
• * 4.266

  August Enche∣rid. cap. 110.
• * 4.267

  August. falsly belyed to say Masse for his Mother.
• * 4.268

  The blasphe∣mous mouth of D. Weston, cal∣ling the Lordes table an Oyster bord.
• * 4.269

  Doctores le∣gen••i sunt cum venia.
• * 4.270

  Facere, for sacri∣ficare, with D. Weston.
• * 4.271

  If Christ offered himselfe at the Supper, and the next day vpon the Crosse, then was Christ twise offered.
• * 4.272

  Westōs rayling.
• * 4.273

  D. Westons Apes haue tayles.
• * 4.274

  Blasphemous lyes of D. Westō sitting in Ca∣thedra pestilen∣tiae.
• * 4.275

  Who be these or where be they M. Oblo∣cutor, that will be lyke the A∣po••tles that will haue no Chur∣ches that be runnagates. out of Germany that get them tancardes? that make monthly faythes? that worship not Christ in all his Sacramentes? Speake truth mā and shame the deuill.
• * 4.276

  Vrge hoc quoth Weston, with his berepot.
• * 4.277

  Aprill. 19▪
• * 4.278

  Aprill. 1. The iudge∣ment of M. Harpsfiel•• for the be•••• way to v••••derstād 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scripture▪ If Master Harpsfiel•• had wille vs to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our sences to the hol•• ghost he had sayd much bet∣ter.
• * 4.279

  No, but those Iewes, sticking so much to th•• old custo•••• and face of theyr Church, & not seeking for know∣ledge, by ignorance the Scrip∣tures wer•• deceiued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so be you.
• * 4.280

  Vnder th•• formes th•••• is, vnder th•• properties of bread 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wine & so all this is true.

  In the ma••teriall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 body there is no varie••tye: for to eate mans flesh eyth•••• vnder acci••dences or not accidē••ces both is agaynst th•• Scripture 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agaynst na••ture.
• * 4.281

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.282

  〈…〉〈…〉 how then doth the ••ame body remaine still vn∣lesse eyther ye make him to haue 2. bo••yes: or eis make 2. contradictoryes true in one pro∣position.
• * 4.283

  Cyrillus. The body of Christ is here to feede our bel∣lyes, but not to be liued withal.
• * 4.284

  The argument holdeth a pro∣portione.
• * 4.285

  The opinion of M. Harpsfield reproued, re∣ferring the sence of the Scripture rather to the iudgemēt of the Church then to the diligent reading & con∣ferring of places.
• * 4.286

  Christ present in the Sacramēt in substance, but not after the maner of sub∣stance.
• * 4.287

  The Rabines could not agree among them∣selues.
• * 4.288

  Christes body without hi•• properties in the Sacrament.
• * 4.289

  The Doctours in a doubt.
• * 4.290

  Lanf••ancus con∣tra Berengariū.
• * 4.291

  The Papistes would haue Christes body in the Sacramēt, but they cannot tell how.
• * 4.292

  M. Ward in the misty cloudes of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.293

  Aristotle must helpe to tell vs how Christ is in the Sacrament. Christ sine mo∣do quantitatiuo in the Sacramēt.
• * 4.294

  D. Cranmers argument.
• * 4.295

  Aristotle. 4. Metaph. Impossibile est idem simul esse & non esse.
• * 4.296

  Passib•••• impass•••••••• canno•• together one 〈…〉〈…〉 Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 passible not 〈…〉〈…〉 by the word That 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for you
• * 4.297

  That mayne yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Harps 〈…〉〈…〉 little 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where sayd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 receaue•• not w••••••thely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 present 1401.
• * 4.298

  Sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vsque 〈◊〉〈◊〉 anima•• Ergo, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ 〈…〉〈…〉 & main. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neede haue 〈…〉〈…〉 wou•••• they 〈…〉〈…〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 any 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 4.299

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.300

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.301

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.302

  The ••. chap. of Iohn is to be referred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the supper, partly to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 after the papistes.
• * 4.303

  Comparisō betweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & ea∣ting the bo∣dy of christ.
• * 4.304

  August. in Iohn, tract. 26.
• * 4.305

  Argument in the 2. fi∣gure and 2. ••ode.
• * 4.306

  Doct. Cran∣mer com∣mended for his modesty.
• * 4.307

  Tertull. 〈…〉〈…〉 August. ad Dardan.
• * 4.308

  August. de ••octrina Christiana.
• * 4.309

  Aunswere to Tertull.
• * 4.310

  Aunswere to August.
• * 4.311

  Aunswere to August. De doctrin•• Christian.
• * 4.312

  The 2. question.
• * 4.313

  Theodoretus Dial. 1.
• * 4.314

  A single sole aunswere to Theodoretus.
• * 4.315

  Theodoretus Dial. 2.
• * 4.316

  And how are they turned if they remayne in Priori substātia. Simbolum quid.
• * 4.317

  Chrisost. ad Caesarium Mo∣nachum.
• * 4.318

  D. Weston com∣pyleth his argu∣mentes out of Pet. Martyrs story.
• * 4.319

  Gelasius.
• * 4.320

  Origenes in Mat. cap 15.
• * 4.321

  B. Ridleyes re∣port of the mis∣order of this disputation.
• * 4.322

  No veritie but glory sought for in this disputati∣on.
• * 4.323

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.324

  D. Ridley could not be suffered to read for hindered protec∣tion.
• * 4.325

  They 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Aprill, 14▪
• * 4.326

  D. Cramner Bishop Rid∣ley and M. Latimer▪ condemne▪
• * 5.1

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.2

  D. Ridleyes letter to the prolocutor.
• * 5.3

  Papistes haue small conscience in perfor∣ming pro∣mises.
• * 5.4

  Aprill. 13.
• * 5.5

  The Archb. writeth to the Counsell.
• * 5.6

  The Archb. not suffered to aun∣swere fully to any argument.
• * 5.7

  Hast made in condemning the Archb. and hys fellowes.
• * 6.1

  B. Ridley wri∣teth to the arch∣bishop.
• * 6.2

  This Iustice Morgan gaue sentence against Lady Iane.
• * 6.3

  Disputation in Cambridge in∣tended.
• * 6.4

  The names of them that were committed to the Tower with the Duke of Northumber∣land.
• * 6.5

  The Duke of Suffolke deliue∣red out of the Tower.
• * 6.6

  Boner set at li∣bertie.
• * 6.7

  King Edwardes body buryed.
• * 6.8

  M Bradford with others committed to the Tower.
• * 6.9

  D. Wats•••• preache•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Paules Crosse.
• * 6.10

  Execution at the Tow••er hill.
• * 6.11

  The archbi∣shop of Canterbury purgeth himselfe a∣gaynst false rumours.
• * 6.12

  Ann. 1454. Aprill.
• * 6.13

  〈…〉〈…〉 murtherer of Gods people.

  Of whose hor••ible and ye shal 〈…〉〈…〉 also the life of Cranmer.
• * 6.14

  Amongest these Pa∣geantes stood a cer∣taine man vpon the top of the Eagle vpon Paules stee∣ple with a flagge in his hand.
• * 6.15

  Q. Mary crowned. Doctor sayes Ser∣mon. Generall pardon at the Queens Coronatiō. ••xempted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Pardon.
• * 6.16

  Q. Mary rideth to the Parlia∣ment house Sergeant Pol∣lard speaker in the Parliament. The Earle of Huntington de∣liuered out of the Tower. M. Saunders for preaching a∣gaynst the Masse committed to the Marshalsey.
• * 6.17

  D. Westons po∣pish Sermon at Paules.
• * 6.18

  Westons ser∣mon confuted by M. Couer∣dalle.
• * 6.19

  Running before the law:
• * 6.20

  The Queenes proceedinges maintained in Cambridge be∣fore the law.
• * 6.21

  K. Edwardes Actes repealed.
• * 6.22

  A priest of Can∣terbury repen∣ting his saying Masse.
• * 6.23

  New Bishops made.
• * 6.24

  D. Crome com∣mitted to the Fleete.
• * 6.25

  The mariage of Q. Mary.
• * 6.26

  Iustice Hales committed to the Marshalsey. M. Rogers com∣mitted to New∣gate.
• * 6.27

  Straunge sightes seene before the comming in of king Phil∣lip, and ••o••••uersion of Religion.
• * 6.28

  The Lady Elizabeth sent for. The bysho•• of Winch••••ster prea∣cheth.
• * 6.29

  The Duke of Suffolke arraigned.
• * 6.30

  The Lord Iohn Gra•• arraygned.
• * 6.31

  Sir Nicho∣las Throg∣morton committed to the Tower.
• * 6.32

  The order and maner of the Duke of Suffolkes death.

  D. Weston the Duke Ghostly ••••∣ther, agai•••••• the Duke•• will.

  Weston 〈◊〉〈◊〉 back by the Dukes 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The word of the Du•••• to the peo∣ple.
• * 6.33

  The godly fayth and confession of the Du•••• at his dea••••.
• * 6.34

  The Duke 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.35

  The Duke 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.36

  The end of the Duke of Sufolke.
• * 6.37

  The num∣ber of these are 240. which with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pas∣sed through 〈◊〉〈◊〉 citty to W••stminster and had their par∣don.

  Priestes di∣uorced.
• * 6.38

  Gentlemen sent into Kent to be executed. M. Rudston with certain others par∣doned.
• * 7.1

  Math. 20.
• * 7.2

  The beliefe of M. Man∣tell the el∣der.
• * 7.3

  D. Bourne sent to M. Mantell.
• * 7.4

  M. Mantell opposed in the Sacra∣ment.
• * 7.5

  Math. 5. Iacob 2.
• * 7.6

  The Church.
• * 7.7

  D. Bourne and M. Mantell dis∣agree in the Masse.
• * 7.8

  Bourne maketh the Masse a communion.
• * 7.9

  1. Cor. 11.
• * 7.10

  Mantell neither obstinate nor stubborne.
• * 7.11

  M. Mantell cō∣stant in his reli∣gion,
• * 7.12

  Anno. 1554. Aprill.
• * 7.13

  March 3. Sir Gawen Ca∣rew and M. Gibbes, brought to the Tower. March 7.
• * 7.14

  March. 18. Lady Elizabeth brought to the Tower. March 24.
• * 7.15

  March. 25. The Pixe risen out of the Se∣pulchre from all the watchmē at S. Pancrase Church.
• * 7.16

  M. Marsh bur∣thened with suspicion and with his mari∣age.
• * 7.17

  Aprill. 8. A Cat hanged with a shauen crowne, vpon the gallowes in Chepeside.
• * 7.18

  The number and occasion of gallowes set vp in the Citty of London.
• * 7.19

  M. Wiats words touching the Lady Eliza∣beth.
• * 7.20

  Aprill. 17. Sir Iames Croft. M. Winter Sir Nicho••las Throg∣morton.
• * 7.21

  The Que•••••• troubled 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sir Nicho••las Throg∣morton.
• * 7.22

  Aprill. 25.
• * 7.23

  L. Thomas Gray behe••••ded. Aprill. 27. Aprill. 28.
• * 7.24

  W. Thomas condemne•• May. 17.
• * 7.25

  A certaine disputation intended to be had at Cambridge.
• * 7.26

  The prea∣chers in pr••••son refuse not to dis∣pute before indifferent Iudges.
• * 7.27

  A declarati••on of the godly prea∣chers writ∣ten and sen•• abroad out of prison.
• * 7.28

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a pre••en••ed 〈…〉〈…〉 at Cambridge.
• * 7.29

  The causes wh•• they 〈…〉〈…〉 o∣therwise dispute the•• before indifferent Iudges.

  The matter of the dis∣putation is against Gods word. The second cause.
• * 7.30

  In the dis∣putation neither cha∣ritie nor ve∣ritie sought for.
• * 7.31

  The third cause. The Iudges of the dis∣putation professed e∣nemies a∣gainst the truth.

  The 4. cause.
• * 7.32

  Want of boo••es ne∣cessa•••• for disputation.
• * 7.33

  The 5. cause.
• * 7.34

  Example of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 disputa∣tion at Ox∣ford.
• * 7.35

  The 6. cause.
• * 7.36

  Notaries 〈◊〉〈◊〉 indiffe∣••••nt.
• * 7.37

  Exceptions ta∣ken aga••nst the aduersaries.
• * 7.38

  Conditions as∣signed how they would dis∣pute.
• * 7.39

  Exhortation to obedience.
• * 7.40

  The confession and fayth of the prisoned Prea∣chers.
• * 7.41

  The Catholicke Church.
• * 7.42

  The Creede▪
• * 7.43

  Iustification by fayth onely in Christ.
• * 7.44

  What fayth is.
• * 7.45

  Righteousnes in man, righte∣ousnes without man.

  The doctrine of free iustification defended for no curiositie, but for quiet of con∣science.
• * 7.46

  Seruice in the vulgar tongue.
• * 7.47

  Inuocation to God alone. Purgatory and Masses suffraga∣tory, denied.
• * 7.48

  An. no 1554. May.
• * 7.49

  Two sacra∣mentes.
• * 7.50

  The supper to be ministred in both kindes. Against tran∣substantiation. Agaynst Ado∣ration of the sa∣crament.

  The masse to be no propitiatory sacrifice.

  Inhibition of Priestes mari∣age Antichristi∣an.
• * 7.51

  Exhortation a∣gaynst rebelliō.
• * 7.52

  The bigger part agaynst the bet∣ter.

  Appeale from the Vniuersitie Doctors as not indifferent iud∣ges.
• * 7.53

  The names of the prisoned preachers sub∣scribing to this declaration.
• * 7.54

  May. 19. Lady Elizabeth. Sir Iohn Willi∣ams.
• * 7.55

  Sir Henry Be∣nefield.
• * 7.56

  Iuly 20. K. Phillip arri∣ueth at South∣ampton.
• * 7.57

  King Phil∣lip caryeth his sword naked com∣ming into England. The keyes of South∣ampton de∣liuered to K. Phillip.
• * 7.58

  Iuly. 25. Mariage be••tweene K. Phillip an•• Q. Mary.
• * 7.59

  August. 1.
• * 7.60

  Ann. ••••54. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 7.61

  ••. Phillip ••••mmeth to ••indsore. The Armed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 down 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of
• * 7.62

  Spayne set vp. K. Phillip com∣meth to Lon∣don.
• * 7.63

  August. 19.
• * 7.64

  Vayne pageants of London.
• * 7.65

  Winchester can∣not abide the booke called Verbum Dei.
• * 7.66

  The paynter sent for to the B. of Winche∣ster.
• * 7.67

  The paynters aunswere.
• * 7.68

  V. Phillips.
• * 7.69

  The erecting vp of the Roode at Paules.
• * 7.70

  B. Boners God the Roode of Paules set vp with ••e Deum.
• * 7.71

  Salutation to the Roode of Paules.
• * 7.72

  Septemb. 3.
• * 7.73

  Septemb. 17.
• * 7.74

  Septemb. 30.
• * 7.75

  The B. of Win∣chester prea∣cheth.
• * 7.76

  A blasphemous mouth agaynst the true prea∣chers of Gods word.
• * 7.77

  The church ne∣uer confes∣sed the naturall body of Christ so to be in the Sacrament, that the substaunce of bread was ta∣ken away before the time of pope Innocent the 3. anno. 1215: Winchester preacheth in commendation of king Phillip.
• * 7.78

  Ioh. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 7.79

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 7.80

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 let the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fall for feare.
• * 7.81

  Ioh. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 innoce•••• cast in the Dunge••••▪
• * 7.82

  Ioh. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 falsly rep••••••ted of.
• * 7.83

  October▪
• * 7.84

  Men pris••••ned for bookes.
• * 7.85

  October. ••4
• * 7.86

  October 26. The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Throgm••••tons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 October Nouemb•••• Nouemb••••
• * 7.87

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.88

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.89

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.90

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.91

  B. Boners behauiour at Sterford.
• * 7.92

  Boner be∣hauiour at Hadham.
• * 7.93

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.94

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.95

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.96

  Syr Thomas Iosselyn stroken of Boner.
• * 7.97

  Fecknam excu∣seth B. Boner by the Marshalsey.
• * 7.98

  Syr Tho. Iosse∣lyns Apotheg∣ma touching B. Boner.
• * 7.99

  B. Boner driu•• from a good dinner.
• * 7.100

  A story of a Roode set vp in Lankeishire.
• * 7.101

  The men of Cockram not pleased with theyr Roode.
• * 7.102

  The Roode of Cockram dri∣uing the childrē out of the Church.
• * 7.103

  Anno 1554. Nouember.
• * 7.104

  The Maior of Dancaster a good man.
• * 7.105

  The Scriptures paynted on Church walles rased out.
• * 7.106

  Note well these causes reader, why the Scrip∣tures should be rased out.
• * 7.107

  Scriptures open a window to vices with Bo∣ner.
• * 7.108

  M. Chri••stophers•••• sent to C••••••bridge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gardiner iniunction
• * 7.109

  In Cam∣bridge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 34. place•• voyde at one tyme one Col∣ledge.
• * 7.110

  A Popish exhortati•••• of Doct. Tresham.
• * 7.111

  The great reasons o•• D. Tresh••••
• * 7.112

  Where note that the Prince of Queen Maryes Statutes doth erre his supp••••tation, which saith, that this Parl••••ment beg•••• the 11. of this mon•••••• which da•• was then Sonday.
• * 7.113

  Cardinal Poole ar••••ueth in England Ex Statu•••• an. 1. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Regis P••••lip & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 8. Nouemb•••• 28.
• * 8.1

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 8.2

  Cardinall Poole com∣meth to the Parlament.
• * 8.3

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 words 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Card∣••••all Poole.
• * 8.4

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉

  ••••rdinall ••••oles O. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Parlia∣ment house.
• * 8.5

  More for the vauntage that was hoped by it then for any great loue.
• * 8.6

  England of all Ilandes, recea∣ued first the faith of Christ.
• * 8.7

  That the fayth of the Britaines came first from Rome, neyther doth it stand with the circū∣staunce of our storyes: neyther if it so did yet that faith and doctrine of the Romanistes was not such then as it is now. Read before.

  Of this Offa read before. Of Alcuinus read before.
• * 8.8

  Nay, rather what riches and treasures the Sea of Rome hath suckt out of England it is in∣credible.
• * 8.9

  The cause of their subiectō to the Turke can∣not be proued to come by swar∣uing from the vnitie of the church of Rome for they were neuer fully ioy∣ned vnto it. And as tou∣ching the sub∣iection of Asia and Grecia to the Turkes, read in the story of the Turkes be∣fore.
• * 8.10

  And why thē do ye more cru∣ell then the Turke persecute other for their conscience.
• * 8.11

  What policy is this, to make promise to get strength and to breake it as the Queene did?
• * 8.12

  The Cardinall here appeareth to be a false pro∣phet.
• * 8.13

  Charles the Emperour cō∣par••d to Dauid.
• * 8.14

  Two powers in earth: Ecclesi∣asticall and Im∣periall.
• * 8.15

  The power of the keyes clarke∣ly declared.
• * 8.16

  The Po•••• keyes sen•• by the C••••••dinall.
• * 8.17

  The Po•••• keyes can••not wo•••• in Engla•••• before th•• locke of good law be chaūg
• * 8.18

  The supp••••••catiō & ••••••••mission o•• the Lo•••• and Com••mons, to the king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Queenes maiesties.
• * 8.19

  O great s••••row and deepe re¦pentaunc••
• * 8.20

  The Pop•• absolutio•• cānot 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but by in••tercessio•• of kinge Queene▪ The supp••••••cation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp by the king and Queene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Ca••••••••nall.
• * 8.21

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 8.22

  Nouember. 30.

  K. Phillips letter to the Pope, tran∣••uted out of Spanish into Eng∣lish.
• * 9.1

  The Cardi∣nals letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 of ••ngland to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sea.
• * 9.2

  The Popes au∣thority as much w••lcome to the Nobilitie of England, as w••••ter into the shippe.
• * 9.3

  Oh dissimulatiō of a fl••ttering Cardinall.
• * 9.4

  What simili∣tude is betwixt light and darck∣nes, 2. Cor. 6.
• * 9.5

  Cardinal Pool•• flattereth the king.
• * 9.6

  Scripture well applyed▪
• * 9.7

  The Scripture speaking of Sion and Ierusalem, vnaptly applyed to the Pope.
• * 9.8

  December 2.
• * 9.9

  A Sermon of Steuen Gardi∣ner preached at Paules Crosse.
• * 9.10

  A dreaming Sermō of the B. of Winchester.
• * 9.11

  〈…〉〈…〉 very 〈…〉〈…〉 (as it 〈◊〉〈◊〉) in ghostly dreames.
• * 9.12

  Who putteth out the candell 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gods word & forbid the Scriptures that should geue vs light?
• * 9.13

  They forbid lay mens bookes but you forbid the booke of God.
• * 9.14

  Then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ 〈…〉〈…〉 head at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to geue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to his Church vnlesse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also be clapt on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Churche•• shoulder••
• * 9.15

  Imo po••••stas tene∣brarum.
• * 9.16

  Ste. Gar••••••ner claw••eth the Cardinal••
• * 9.17

  Note ho•• the mea∣ning of S•• Paules wordes is here appl••••ed.
• * 9.18

  For eue•• Winchest•••• a false P••••••phet. S. Paule though 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was the f••••ther of m••••ny Chur••ches in Christ Ie•••••• yet was h•• neuer so arragant 〈◊〉〈◊〉 take vpon him to be supreme head of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 church 〈◊〉〈◊〉 left that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Chri•••• & laboure to bring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnder him▪
• * 9.19

  So Ezech••••as pulled downe th•• hill Alt•••• which M••••nasses afte••••ward did vp: and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we com∣mend th•• doings o•• Ezechias disproue the facte 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other▪
• * 9.20

  Decemb.
• * 9.21

  The Ch••••••ter of Paules ••••••solued by the Car••••••nall. Decemb•••• 12.
• * 9.22

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.23

  December. ••8.
• * 9.24

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.25

  The acte of supremacy passed in the Parla∣ment.
• * 9.26

  A styrre be∣tweene the Spanyardes and English men at Westmin∣ster
• * 9.27

  The wordes of Sir Rich. Southwell ••n the Par∣liament house for his yong master.
• * 9.28

  Ex s••at. ••n. 1. & 2. Phil. & Mar. cap. 10.
• * 9.29

  The iudge∣ment of the 〈…〉〈…〉 in God 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 9.30

  Order taken by Parliament for Q. Maries child.
• * 9.31

  Trust disapoyn∣ted.
• * 9.32

  The Prayers of the Papistes of what litle effect they are with God.
• * 9.33

  A prayer for Queene Mary and her childe, turned out of Latin into En∣glishe.
• * 9.34

  Anno 1554. Ianuary.
• * 9.35

  A deuout pray∣er made by the Catholickes for Q Mary being great & quicke with childe.
• * 9.36

  The Papistes call the Prote∣stantes hereticks and enemies to the crosse of Christ, euen as Achab called Elias the distur∣ber of ••sraell, when he was onely the di∣sturber himselfe.
• * 9.37

  Q. Mary com∣pared of the Pa∣pistes to Q. Iudith.
• * 9.38

  Make how for∣getting his pray∣er, he falleth to the praysing of Q Mary.
• * 9.39

  The Testamēt setteth vp onely the glory of Christ.
• * 9.40

  If the chaun∣ging of Gods promises, de∣stroying his in∣heritance, stop∣ping the mouthes of Gods people, if contentions, warres, and schismes, be to∣kens of here∣tickes, who so great heretickes as the papists be?
• * 9.41

  Cry 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lowder 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priest•• 〈…〉〈…〉 your God a sleepe. The Lord•• gaue a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to S••••ra 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Eli••zabeth so did he no•• to Q Ma••••▪
• * 9.42

  It is not best such one to be graunted vnto you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being lyke Abraham••▪ Ioseph, Moses and Salomon h•• may chaū•••• to smel o•• your cor∣rupt doc∣trine▪ and detest yo•• bloudy ty∣ranny. &c.
• * 9.43

  An other prayer for the same.
• * 9.44

  Ianuary. 1••
• * 9.45

  Ianuary. ••••
• * 9.46

  The Pope supremacy establishe•• by Parla∣ment. Matters cō••cluded in the Parla••ment.
• * 9.47

  Three sta∣tutes a∣gaynst he∣retickes re••uiued.
• * 9.48

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 aun∣••••re to a 〈…〉〈…〉 sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him.
• * 9.49

  A letter of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hooper 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of most ••eauenly ••onsolatiō.
• * 9.50

  Of this per∣secution, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before.
• * 9.51

  The Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then Traians the Hea∣•••••• Em∣perour.
• * 9.52

  Math. 10. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 12.
• * 9.53

  The first onset of this persecu∣tion geuen in Bowchurch∣yarde.
• * 9.54

  1. Iohn 4.
• * 9.55

  Comfort taken out of Scrip∣tures.
• * 9.56

  True obedience putteth no doubtes.
• * 9.57

  All carefulnes to be cast vpon the Lorde.
• * 9.58

  All the strēgth of the Popes re∣ligiō standeth in outward force.
• * 9.59

  Ianuary. 18. Gentlemen de∣liuered out of the Tower by the Queens pardon.
• * 9.60

  Ianuary. 22. ••he Preachers called before the B. of Win∣chester at S. Mary Oueryes.
• * 9.61

  Iames George dyed in prison, and was buryed in the fieldes.
• * 9.62

  Ianuary. 25.
• * 9.63

  Ianuary. 25. Gener••ll pro∣cession for ioy of the Realmes cō∣uersion.
• * 9.64

  Ianuary. 28. Commission from the Cardi∣nall to sit vpon the persecuted Preachers for religion.
• * 9.65

  Ianuary. 29. M. Hooper and M. Rogers con∣demned.
• * 9.66

  Ianuary. 30. D. Ferrar, D. Taylor▪ and M. Saunders con∣demned.
• * 9.67

  A suppl••c••••tion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 persecute preachers the king Queene
• * 9.68

  The long inprisonm•••••• of the Christian Preachers Vnorderly proceeding of the ad∣uersaryes a••gainst Go•••• people.
• * 9.69

  Request of the Prea∣chers to stand to th•• triall of their doc∣trine befo•••• indifferen•• Iudges.
• * 9.70

  Actes. 1••.